Cibrarjp of trhe t: h«olo0ical ^tminavy 
 
 PRINCETON . NEW JERSEY 
 PRESENTED BY 
 
 Robert Carter 
 1840 
 
 BX 9418 .BA 1836 c.2 
 B'eze, Thaeodore de, 1519 
 
 1605. 
 The life of John Calvin 
 
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 JOHN CALVI N. rx 
 
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 By THEODORE BEZA 
 
 TRANSLATED 
 
 BY FRANCIS SIBSON, A. B. 
 
 OF TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN. 
 
 WITH COPIOUS NOTES, 
 
 BY AN 
 
 AMERICAN EDITOR. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 J. WHETHAM, 22 SOUTH FOURTH STREET. 
 
 1836. 
 

 Entered according to the Act of Congress in the year 1836, by Joseph Whetham, 
 in the office of the Clerk of the District Court for the Eastern District of Penn- 
 sylvania. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA ; 
 
 WM. S. MARTIEN, 
 
 PRINTER. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. 
 
 The history of the life of Calvin, and of the times in 
 which he lived, should be familiar to every protestant, and 
 especially to those who venerate the man, and admire the 
 theological system which he so ably defended. The odium 
 which some would unjustly c-a? t upon his name and memory, 
 should excite us to cherish both with increased attachment. 
 The pious and candid among his co temporaries, and among 
 his immediate successors in life, appreciated his worth, and 
 delighted to honour him. The good loved hi» — the wicked 
 hated, because they feared him. He was the Hercules of 
 the Reformation, a distinguished and commanding leader 
 among the hosts of the Lord, a briUiant ornament of his age, 
 and of the church of Christ. 
 
 Violent opposition to religious opinions, is easily trans- 
 ferred to those who hold them, or are distinguished by an 
 able defence of them. So it has fared with Calvin, and, for 
 the most part, with those who are called by his name ; at 
 whose charge the weightiest accusations are not unfrequently 
 laid by those who are at war with the doctrinal sentiments, 
 and therefore, the character of this great Reformer. But the 
 ablest defence which either can receive, is a fair exposition 
 of both. It has therefore been thought desirable to furnish 
 such an exposition, in a form, and at a price, suited to the 
 habits and the means of all. Calvin's Commentary on the 
 Epistle to the Romans has just been published with this 
 view. And the account of this great and good man*s life, 
 contained in the following pages, which it was judged would 
 be acceptable to the American churches, is noW^ given to 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 them, as a compamon to his Commentary. With regard to 
 his Commentary, it should in justice be observed, that his 
 brevity and comparative silence on some points now much 
 disputed, are explained by the fact, that those doctrines 
 which were called in question, and most discussed at the 
 time he wrote, naturally claimed his special attention, and 
 loudly called for a more particular exposition and elaborate 
 defence. This remark will apply with justice to all his 
 theological writings. 
 
 The author of the life now presented to the public, was 
 Calvin's cotemporary, and colleague at Geneva. According 
 to his own statement, he relates what came under his own 
 observation. He doubtless gathered much from Calvin him- 
 self, and from his immediate family and friends. This cir- 
 cumstance is adapted to inspire the reader with confidence 
 in his statements, and to impart to their perusal additional 
 pleasure. 
 
 It was judged that the notes now appended to the work, 
 would add somewhat of interest, if not value, to the present 
 edition. And it is hoped, that it will find an appropriate 
 place in the libraries of such Sunday Schools, at least, as are 
 connected with Presbyterian churches, and in the library of 
 every Presbyterian family. 
 
 The Translator's notes are designated by the contraction 
 Tr. The American Editor found it impracticable to place 
 all his notes in the body of the work, and has, therefore, put 
 a few of them, in consequence of their length, at the end of 
 the life ; and referred to them by letters of the alphabet, as 
 they occur. 
 
 The work and the reader are commended to the favour 
 and blessing of that God, whom Calvin delighted to serve on 
 earth, and to whose praise and glory he now sings the new 
 song of redeeming love. 
 
 Philadelphia, Feb. 17, 1836. 
 
THE LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 JOHN CALVIN. 
 
 John Calvin, Cauvin, or Chauvin, was born at Noyon, a 
 celebrated city in Picardy, or the country adjoining, on the 
 10th of July, 1509.* His father, Gerard Calvin, and liis 
 mother, Jeanne Franc, were in respectable circumstances, 
 and of virtuous unblemished character.! His father possess- 
 ed a considerable share of judgment, and of skill in giving 
 advice, and was therefore beloved by many of the nobility in 
 
 * The Romanists cast many reflections on Calvin, for changing 
 his name from Cauvin, as it is in the dialect of Picardy, his native 
 province, or Chauvin, as it is in French. Calvin, foreseeing the 
 dissentions that would arise on the spread of the Reformed 
 doctrines, with the provident spirit of a great genius, prepared 
 his learned and elaborate Commentary on Seneca's Epistle de 
 dementia, in order to impress on the mind of Francis, the king, 
 the mild and moderating principles of clemency. As this work 
 was written in Latin, the author, of course, latinized his name, by 
 writing it Calvinus, instead of Chauvin. And in this he did no 
 more than was done by Erasmus, Luther, Melancthon, and by 
 almost every author of any distinction at that period. Calvin, 
 having become thus known by his Latin name, very prudently re- 
 tained it through Ufe, in order that there might be no mistake as 
 to the authorship of his other works. 
 
 f According to the Encyclopaedia Britannica, Calvin's father 
 was a cooper by trade. 
 
 1 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 that part of the country; on which account his son, though 
 at the expense of the father, received a very liberal educa- 
 tion with the children of the Mommors, a family of the first 
 rank in that place. He afterwards accompanied them to 
 Paris for the purpose of prosecuting his studies, where he 
 had for his tutor, in the College de la Marche, Mathurin 
 Cordier, distinguished for learning and strict integrity. He 
 had always been esteemed in a great number of the schools 
 of France as an excellent teacher of youth, and died at Ge- 
 neva, September 8th, 1564, (the same year with Calvin,) 
 aged 85, in the discharge of his professional duties as in- 
 structor of the youth of that city. (I.) 
 
 Calvin was removed from the College de la Marche to 
 that of Montaigu, and had for his tutor a Spaniard of no 
 small attainments in learning, who cultivated with so much 
 success the talents of his pupil, naturally very acute, as to 
 advance him from the grammar class, in consequence of sur- 
 passing his schoolfellows in this branch of education, to the 
 study of logic, and of other, as they are termed, liberal arts. 
 His father had from the beginning destined Calvin for the 
 study of divinity, which he considered to be congenial with 
 the bent of his son's inclination, because even in his tender 
 years he was in a surprising manner devoted to religion, and 
 a stern reprover of all the vices of his companions. Some 
 Catholics, whose testimony cannot be doubted, acquainted 
 me with this fact many years after Calvin had attained great 
 celebrity. 
 
 His father, therefore, as he had destined his son for divi- 
 nity, obtained from the Bishop of Noyon a benefice in the 
 Cathedral church, as it is termed, of that city, and afterwards 
 the parochial cure of the village Pont I'Eveque, the birth- 
 place of Gerard Calvin the father, from whence he had sub- 
 sequently removed to the neighbouring city of Noyon. It 
 is certain that John Calvin delivered some sermons at Pont 
 I'Eveque to the people before he left France, or received 
 under the papal hierarchy orders in any other way than by 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. d 
 
 tonsure.^ This plan was interrupted by a change in the 
 mind of both, for the father thought the law opened a surer 
 road to riches and honours,! and the son, being instnicted in 
 
 * The Tonsure in the Romish Church may be received after the 
 age of seven years. It is the first part of the ceremony of ordina- 
 tion. The candidate presents himself in a black cassock before 
 the Bishop, with a surplice on his right arm, and a lighted taper 
 in his hand. He kneels, and the Bishop, standing covered with 
 his mitre, repeats a prayer and several verses from the Scripture. 
 The Bishop then sitting, cuts five different parcels of hair from the 
 head of the candidate, who repeats these words — The Lord is my 
 inheritance. Putting off his mitre, the Bishop then says a prayer 
 over the person tonsured — an anthem is sung by the choir; then 
 a prayer, in the middle of which the Bishop puts the surplice on 
 the candidate for orders, and says, may the Lord clothe thee with 
 thy new name. The ceremony is closed by the candidate's pre- 
 senting the wax taper to the Bishop, who gives him his blessing. 
 Dr. Kurd's Rites and Cerem. p. 282. 
 
 t Calvin, in his Epistle prefatory to his Commentaries on the 
 Psalms, gives the following account of the change of mind here 
 spoken of : 
 
 " As David was raised from the sheepfold to the highest dignity 
 of government, so God has dignified me, derived from an obscure 
 and humble origin, with the high and honourable ofiice of Minis- 
 ter and Preacher of the Gospel. My father had destined me, from 
 my childhood, for theology. But, observing how extensively the 
 science of the law enriched its professors, he suddenly changed his 
 purpose, and recalled me from the study of philosophy to that of 
 jurisprudence. In this I obeyed the will of my father, and endea- 
 voured to give faithful attention. God, however, with the reins 
 of his secret Providence, eventually turned my course m a diffe- 
 rent direction. At my first entrance on that study, I was indeed 
 too pertinaciously addicted to the superstitions of the Papacy, to 
 be easily drawn out of such deep mire ; and my mind too firmly 
 rooted in those habits, to yield with docility to a change in my 
 studies so entire and unexpected. At length, however, having 
 experienced some taste of the pure doctrines, I was inflamed w ith 
 such zeal to progress farther, that, although I did not reject ray 
 
4 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 the pure religion by one of his relations, Robert d' Olivet, to 
 whom the French church is indebted for a translation of the 
 Bible from Hebrew, printed at Neuchatel, devoted himself 
 to the study of the Holy Scriptures, and becoming disgusted 
 with the superstitions of the church of Rome, began to de- 
 tach himself from every sacred office in her communion. (H.) 
 / Calvin went therefore to Orleans for the purpose of pro- 
 ' secuting his studies in civil law, which was taught by Peter 
 de I'Etoile, the most distinguished of all the French civilians; 
 and his progress in a short time was so surprising that, as 
 he frequently supplied the chairs of the professors them- 
 selves, he was esteemed a teacher rather than a scholar. 
 The degree of Doctor, free of expense, was offered him 
 when on the point of leaving, with the unanimous and most 
 flattering testimony of all the professors to his merits, and 
 his claims upon the University. In the midst of his other 
 labours, he made so great a progress in the study of the 
 Scriptures, which he at the same time diligently prosecuted, 
 that all those who were zealous to be instructed in the re- 
 formed religion, frequently applied to him for information, 
 and were struck with deep admiration of the extent of his 
 erudition, and of the ardour of his pursuits. Some of his 
 surviving associates and fellow-students assert, that he was 
 accustomed at this period of his life, after taking a very fru- 
 gal supper, to pursue his lucubrations till midnight, and em- 
 ploy his morning hours in bed, reviewing, and as it were, 
 digesting the studies of the preceding night; nor did he 
 easily allow any interruption to this train of meditation. 
 These long-continued watchings assisted him indeed in at- 
 taining solid erudition, and improving an excellent memory, 
 but there is every reason for thinking that in return he con- 
 other studies, yet I pursued them only in a cold and indifferent 
 manner. One year had not elapsed, before all those, who were 
 desirous of the knowledge of the purer doctrines, flocked to me 
 for instruction, while as yet I was myself a mere beginner in that 
 school. " 
 
LIFEOFCALVIN. O 
 
 traded a weakness of the digestive organs, productive of 
 various diseases, and finally even of an untimely death. 
 
 Calvin determined to attend the lectures of Andrew Alciat, 
 the first civilian without doubt of the age, who in conse- 
 quence of accepting an invitation from Italy to the University 
 of Bourges, settled there, and much increased its celebrity 
 by his talents. During his residence at this city, Calvin 
 formed an intimate friendship, on account of his religion and 
 learning, with Melchior Wolmar, a native of Rothweil in 
 Germany, and at that time public professor of Greek in Bour- 
 ges. It affords me very great pleasure to speak of this dis- 
 tinguished scholar, because he was my sole preceptor from 
 childhood to mature age ; nor can I ever sufficiently praise 
 his learning, piety, and other virtues, but especially his ad- 
 mirable skill in the instruction of youth. By his advice and 
 assistance, Calvin attained anacquaintance with Greek litera- 
 ture, and was desirous to acknowledge the remembrance of 
 his obligation to all future ages, by dedicating to Wolmar his 
 Commentaries on the 2d Epistle to the Corinthians. While 
 Calvin pursued his professional studies he never neglected 
 the Holy Scriptures, and occasionally preached at Ligniers, a 
 small town in the Province of Berri, in the presence, and 
 with the approbation of the head of that department. (III.) 
 
 ^The intelligence of the sudden death of his father recalled 
 Calvin from Bourges to his native country. Not long after 
 he removed from Noyon to Paris, and in his twenty-fourth 
 year published his excellent Commentary on Seneca's Epis- X 
 tie concerning Clemency.* Calvin was certainly very much 
 delighted with this very serious author, whose sentiments 
 evidently harmonized with his own moral character. (IV.) 
 
 * Bayle, in his Dictionary, says that Beza is mistaken as to the 
 age of Calvin when he published his Commentary on Seneca's 
 Epistle. Bayle says the Epistle Dedicatory is dated from Paris, 
 April 4th 1532, and therefore, that Calvin was but twenty-three, 
 and not twenty-four years old, as Beza states. 
 
 1* 
 
D LIFEOFCALVIN. 
 
 Calvin, during the few months he was at Paris, became 
 acquainted with all the zealous supporters of the reformed 
 religion ; and we have frequently heard him afterwards 
 praise, among the rest, Steven de la Forge, a distinguished 
 merchant, subsequently burned for the name of Christ, on 
 account of his remarkable piety. He has also eulogized this 
 martyr in his treatise against the libertines. Calvin, from that 
 time, abandoning all other studies, devoted himself to the ser- 
 vice of God, to the very great satisfaction of all those pious 
 characters, who then held their meetings privately in Paris. 
 
 Not long after this an opportunity presented itself for the 
 display of his strenuous efforts in the cause of the reformed 
 religion. Nicholas Cop, son of William Cop, physician to 
 the king, and a citizen of Basle, was at that time appointed 
 in the usual manner, rector of the University of Paris. Cal- 
 vin prepared for him an oration to be delivered according to 
 custom, on the 1st of November, when the Roman Catholics 
 celebrated the feast of All Saints ; and in this he discussed 
 the subject of religion with greater purity and more boldness, 
 than the hierarchy had before experienced. This excited the 
 displeasure of the Sorbonne, and the parliament was so much 
 offended as to cite the rector to appear. At first the rector 
 prepared, with his officers, to attend the summons, but be- 
 ing admonished by friends, as he was on his way, to avoid 
 his adversaries, he returned home, left the kingdom, and re- 
 tired to Basle. A party proceeded to Calvin's lodgings in 
 the College de Fortret, but happily not finding him at home, 
 they seized among his papers a considerable number of let- 
 ters from his friends, and the lives of several of them were 
 thus exposed to very imminent danger.* Such was the se- 
 
 * Maimbourg, in his History of Calvinism, p. 58, states that 
 "the Lieutenant Morin, went well accompanied to Cardinal le 
 Moine's College, where Calvin lodged, to sieze him : but coming 
 into his chamber, they found he had escaped out at the window by 
 the help of his sheets, which were left tied to it." On this Bayle 
 remarks that *' if this account were true, (which appears to be 
 
LIFEOF CALVIN. 7 
 
 verity of the judges against the church of Christ at that pe- 
 riod, and the violence of John Morin was peculiarly striking, 
 whose name is yet distinguished for uncommon cruelty. 
 The queen of Navarre, only sister of Francis 1st, a princess 
 of extraordinary talents, afforded the reformer, on this occa- 
 sion, marked protection, and the Lord dispelled the storm by 
 her intercession. She invited Calvin to her court, received 
 him with great honour, and gave him an audience. (V.) 
 
 Calvin left Paris, went to Saintonge, and assisted one of 
 his friends, at whose request he composed some short Chris- 
 tian exhortations, which were presented to certain parishes 
 to be read as homilies, that the people might gradually be en- 
 ticed to a zeal in the investigation of the truth.* About this 
 time he came to Nerac in Gascony, on a visit to James le , 
 Fevre, of Estaples, now far advanced in years, who had been 
 defended by the same queen of Navarre, when in danger of 
 his life from the vain and foolish doctors of the Sorbonne, for 
 his having introduced great improvements in mathematics 
 and other branches of philosophy in the University of Paris, 
 after a long and very violent opposition, and for his assisting 
 to rout out the scholastic theology. She had also provided 
 for him in Nerac a town within her jurisdiction. The good 
 old man received and saw young Calvin with great kind- ■ 
 ness, and predicted that he would become a distinguished in- * 
 strument in restoring the kingdom of heaven in France. (VI.) 
 
 Not long after Calvin returned to Paris, as if called there 
 
 founded on Papyrius Masso's Life of Calvin, p. 414,) Baza would be 
 a very ill historian ; for he says only that Calvin happened to be 
 then abroad, quo forte domi non reperto. Varilla's account is the 
 same with Maimbourg's, and he accompanies it with abundance 
 of circumstances." 
 
 * The name of this friend of Calvin, was Lewis du Tillet. He 
 was a brother to John du Tillet, Register of the Parliament of 
 Paris, and also to another Du Tillet, Bishop of Meaux. Bayle — 
 Drelincourfs Defence of Calvin- p. 40. 
 
8 LI F E OF CALY IN. 
 
 by the hand of God himself; for the impious Servetus was 
 even then disseminating his heretical poison against the sa- 
 cred Trinity in that city. He professed to desire nothing 
 more earnestly than to have an opportunity for entering into 
 discussion with Calvin, who waited long for Servetus, the 
 place and time for an interview having b^en appointed, with 
 great danger to his own life, since he was at that time under 
 the necessity of being concealed on account of the incensed 
 rage of his adversaries. Calvin was disappointed in his ex- 
 pectations of meeting Servetus, who wanted courage to endure 
 even the sight of his opponent. 
 
 The year 1534 was distinguished by many horrid cruelties 
 inflicted upon the reformers. Gerard de Rousel, Doctor of 
 the Sorbonne, affording at that time great assistance to the 
 study of religion, and Couraut, of the order of St. Augustin, 
 who, having been for two years under the patronage of the 
 queen of Navarre, promoted very much the cause of the gos- 
 pel in Paris, were not only dragged out of their pulpits, but 
 thrown into prison. The indignation of the infatuated Francis 
 1st, was so much enraged on account of certain papers against 
 the mass dispersed through the city, and affixed to his cham- 
 ber door, that having appointed a public procession, he walk- 
 ed uncovered before it, bearing a lighted torch, as if in ex- 
 piation of the crime, accompanied by his three sons. He 
 ordered eight martyrs to be burned alive in four principal 
 quarters of the city, and declared with a solemn oath that he 
 would not spare his own children, if by any chance infected 
 with these, as he called them, most execrable heresies. (VH.) 
 
 Calvin, beholding with grief such a spectacle of woe, deter- 
 mined to leave France, after he had first published at Orleans 
 an excellent little work, intitled " Psychopannychia," against 
 an error which commenced in the earliest ages of the church, 
 and was again revived by those who taught that the soul 
 sleeps when in a state of separation from the body. 
 
 With an intention of leaving France, he went by way of 
 Lorraine towards Basle, with the young gentleman at whose 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN 
 
 9 
 
 house, as already stated, he resided at Saintonge. Near 
 Metz he was plundered by a servant, who saddled one of the 
 strongest horses, and fled with so much speed that he eould 
 not be apprehended, after he had perfidiously robbed his 
 masters of all things necessary for their journey, and reduced 
 them to great difficulties. The other servant, however, lent 
 them ten crowns, which enabled them to proceed with con- 
 siderable inconvenience to Strasburgh, and thence to Basle 
 He formed an intimate friendship in this city with Simon 
 Grinee, and Wolfgang Capito, men of the greatest celebrity, 
 and devoted himself to the study of the Hebrew language. 
 Though very desirous to do his utmost that he might remain 
 in obscurity, as appears from one of Bucer's letters to Calvin 
 the following year, he was under the necessity of publishing 
 what he called the Institutes of the Christian Religion, and 
 the rudiment of much the largest of his works. For when 
 tlje Gerra^an princes, who had supported the gospel, and 
 whose friendship he then courted, were indignant at Francis 
 1st, for the murder of his Protestant subjects, the only wise 
 remedy proposed by Bellay-Lange, which he resolved to 
 adopt, was his declaration that he had merely punished the 
 Anabaptists, who boast only in their own spirit as the divine 
 word, and despise all magistrates. Calvin, feeling indignant 
 at the calumny with which the new religion was branded 
 seized this opportunity for publishing what I consider an in- 
 comparable work.* He prefixed also an admirable preface 
 
 * Calvin, in his preface to his Commentary on the Psalms, thus 
 states his reason for publishing his Institutes. 
 
 " While I lived unknown and secluded at Basil, the burning of 
 many pious men in France excited, throughout Germany, severe 
 indignation. In order to remove these resentments, wicked and 
 false pamphlets were dispersed, in which it was asserted, that 
 those, who were thus cruelly burnt, were only Anabaptists, and 
 some turbulent persons who, by their perverse conceits, were at- 
 tempting to overthrow not only religion, but the whole order of 
 
 ^y 
 
10 
 
 LIFE OF CALVIN, 
 
 to the king himself, and if he could from any circumstance 
 have been induced to read it, I am either very much mistaken 
 
 civil government. Perceiving that, by this artifice, the crafty 
 courtiers of Francis designed to cover the crime of shedding inno- 
 cent blood, and to cast a false reproach on those holy martyrs, and 
 also from that time to secure to themselves, under this pretence, 
 the privilege of persecuting the Reformers, even to death, without 
 the hazard of exciting the resentment or compassion of any on ac- 
 count of their sufferings, I determined that my silence could not 
 be excused from perfidy ; and that it was my duty to oppose those 
 proceedings with all my power. 
 
 The reasons for my publishing the Institutes were : — First, 
 that I might vindicate, from unjust reproaches, those brethren 
 whose death was precious in the sight of the Lord. Secondly, be- 
 cause similar punishments threatened many defenceless and op- 
 pressed persons, for whom I was anxious to excite, at least, some 
 compassion and solicitude among foreign nations. This work was 
 not then so full and laborious as it now is, sed breve duntaxat Eh- 
 chiridion tunc in lucem prodiit, but a short Manual only was then 
 published, having solely in view, to testify the faith of those whom 
 I saw wickedly put to death, by the impious and perfidious cour- 
 tiers of the king. Besides, that I by no means sought to increase 
 my own fame, is evident from my immediate departure from Basil, 
 when as yet no one in that city knew me to be the author. This 
 I continued to conceal, as it was my determined purpose to be un- 
 known, until I was retained at Geneva, not so much by counsel 
 and intreaty, as by the formidable and solemn injunction of Wil- 
 liam Farel, which arrested me, not otherwise than if God from 
 Heaven had laid his powerful hand upon me." 
 
 Calvin embraced this opportunity to show that the doctrines of 
 the Reformation were not those taught and held by the Anabap- 
 tists ; and also, that it was not against these fanatics alone that the 
 persecution of Francis was directed. 
 
 Although most of the editions of this work have the date August 
 1, 1536. Yet Bayle, who examined the matter carefully, says, 
 with Dupin, that the first edition was published at Basil, August 
 1, 1535. Calvin's own statement accords with this date. And it 
 appears that the custom of booksellers was, to put the date of the 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 11 
 
 or a great wound would, even at that period, have been in- 
 flicted on the whore of Babylon. For the king differed in 
 many respects from his successors ; he was a very acute judge 
 of the situation of affairs, possessed an excellent talent in de- 
 tecting the truth, was a patron of learned men, and his incli- 
 nation did not lead him to hate persons of the reformed reli- 
 gion. But neither his own sins, nor the sins of his people, 
 which were even then menaced with the speedy arrival of 
 God's indignation, allowed him to hear, much less to read, this 
 work. 
 
 After completing his Institutes, and faithfully performing 
 the duties he owed his native country, he felt a desire to pay, 
 as if at a distance, his respects to Italy, and to visit Renee, 
 the Duchess of Ferrara, and daughter of Louis r2th king of 
 France, whose piety was at that time very much praised. 
 He therefore, waited upon her, and at the same time so con- 
 firmed her in a sincere zeal for religion, to the utmost of his 
 abilities according to the existing state of affairs, that she 
 continued ever after to entertain a sincere affection for him 
 during his life ; and now also, as his survivor, exhibits strik- 
 ing marks of her gratitude after his death. (VIII.) 
 
 From Italy, whose territories he entered, to use his own 
 
 next year to a work printed off toward the end of August. The 
 first edition was but a rough sketch or outline of what the author 
 afterwards produced. The second edition appeared in 1536, at 
 Strasburgh, in folio, and was both larger and more correct than 
 the first. The third edition was printed at the same place, in 1543, 
 and was still more complete. A fourth edition also came out at 
 Strasburgh, with considerable improvements. A fifth edition in 
 4to was published at Geneva, in 1550, corrected in many places, 
 and having two indexes. In 1558, both the Latin and French 
 editions received the author's last revision. Since that period, 
 the work has gone through a vast number of editions, and has been 
 translated into almost all the modern languages; a circumstance 
 which alone is sufficient to demonsrate its real excellence. 
 
12 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 language, only that he might leave them, Calvin returned to 
 France, where he settled all his affairs, and brought along 
 with him Anthony Calvin, his only surviving brother. His 
 intention was to return to Basle or Strasburgh, but the wars 
 compelled him to make his route through Dauphiny and Sa- 
 voy, all other countries having been completely closed against 
 his passage. This was the cause of his coming without his 
 own intention to Geneva, where, as future events proved, he 
 was conducted by a divine hand. For the gospel had a short 
 time before been wonderfully introduced into that city by the 
 joint exertions of two very distinguished characters, William 
 Farel, a gentleman of Dauphiny, educated, not in a monas- 
 tery, as was reported by some, but in the academy of James 
 Fabre, of Estaples, and Peter Viret, of Orb, in the Territory 
 of Berne, and Friburgh, whose labours were afterwards most 
 abundantly blessed of the Lord. Calvin, passing through 
 Geneva, visited these good men as a matter of course, on 
 which occasion Farel, with his usual heroic spirit, after urg- 
 ing him at some length to continue, and share their labours 
 at Geneva without going farther, thus addressed Calvin, 
 when he manifested no disposition to comply with the pro- 
 posal : "I denounce unto you, in the name of Almighty 
 God, that if, under the pretext of prosecuting your studies, 
 you refuse to labour with us in this work of the Lord, the 
 Lord will curse you, as seeking yourself rather than Christ." 
 Calvin, terrified by this dreadful denunciation, surrendered 
 himself to the disposal of the Presbytery* and magistrates, by 
 
 * Here we find that a Presbytery existed in Geneva, before 
 Calvin went there ; yet it is asserted by some violent advocates of 
 prelacy, that Presbyterianism originated with Calvin. But it is a 
 fact that Presbyterianism was introduced into Geneva, long before 
 Calvin ever saw that city, and when he was not more than nine- 
 teen years of age. Dr. Heylin, in his History of Presbyterianism, 
 p. 4 — 9, and who was a very zealous and high-toned Episcopalian, 
 says that after the religious system of Berne had been altered, two 
 men exceedingly studious of the Reformation, namely, Viret and 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 13 
 
 whose votes, and the consent of the people, he was chosen 
 not only preacher, which at first he had refused, but also ap- 
 pointed professor of divinity, which office he accepted in the 
 month of August, 1536.* 
 
 Fare], laboured to effect the same changes in Geneva, which they 
 did, after the expulsion of the Bishop of Geneva; and that Calvin, 
 when he came to Geneva, heartily approved of what they had 
 done. 
 
 Calvin, in his letter to Cardinal Sadolet, says, that the religious 
 system of Geneva had been instituted, audits ecclesiastical govern- 
 ment reformed, before he was called thither. But what had been 
 done by Farel and Viret, he heartily approved, and strove, by all 
 means in his power, to preserve and establish. 
 
 It is equally clear, from the above statement of Beza, that the 
 settlement of a minister was considered as a proper act of the 
 Presbytery. 
 
 * It may be presumed that when Beza wrote the account of Cal- 
 vin's entering on the ministerial office, he did not even dream 
 that any one, either from ignorance or effrontery, would call in 
 question or deny Calvin's ordination. But what Beza did not proba- 
 bly even dream of, two doctors in America, after about two centuries 
 and a half, have called in question, and it seems denied. Dr. Learn- 
 ing may be excused for not construing the Latin of Beza ; but Dr. 
 Bowden, unless by choosing to lose himself in his own prejudices, 
 he has passed beyond the limits of common testimony, and escaped 
 out of the entire dominion of argument, may be requested to read 
 in the original Latin, Beza's Life of Calvin, Anno 1536. Let him 
 examine also Calvin's Preface to his Commentary on the Psalms, 
 and his answer to Sadolet, a short extract from which shall be here 
 given in a fair translation. — " When I was called to Geneva, the 
 reformed religion was already established, and the order of the 
 Church corrected. I not only approved by my voice of those things ./ 
 which had been done by Farel and Viret, but as much as I was 
 able, I laboured to preserve and confirm that cause in which I was 
 by necessity united with them. I could have easily forgiven you any 
 personal injury, out of respect to your office and literature; but when 
 I see my ministry, which I doubt not was founded and sanctioned by 
 
 2 
 
14 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 This year is also distinguished by a closer alliance be- 
 tween Geneva and Berne, and bv the accession of Lausanne 
 
 the vocationof God, wounded through my side, it would be perfidy 
 and not patience, if I should remain silent and dissemble in such a 
 case. / discharged first the office of Professor and afterwards 
 that of Pastor in that Church. And I contend that I accepted of 
 that charge having the authority of a lawful vocation. With how 
 great fidelity and reverential fear I performed my duty, 1 have no 
 occasion now to testify in detail. I will not arrogate to myself 
 any peculiar discernment, erudition, prudence, address or even 
 diligence. I am, however conscious, before Christ my judge, and 
 all his Angels, that I walked in that church with the sincerity 
 which is becoming in the work of the Lord. On this point, all 
 good men will give me the most luminous testimony. Since then 
 this ministry has been established by the Lord, if I should silently 
 suffer it to be slandered and abused by you, who would not repro- 
 bate such silence as a prevarication % Every one sees, that I am 
 now pledged by the high responsibility of m?/ office, and that I can- 
 not escape the obligation which binds me to defend myself against 
 your criminations, unless I deliberately, and with open perfidy, 
 abandon and betray the work which the Lord has committed to my 
 charge. But though I am, at present, freed from the pastoral 
 charge of the Genevese church, still this is no reason why I should 
 not embrace it with paternal affection, since God once put me in 
 authority over it, and bound me to it in a perpetual covenant." 
 Cardinal Sadolet did not deny Calvin's ordination. Opuscula Cal- 
 vini, p. 105. Bellarmin, another Cardinal, who was twenty-two 
 years of age when Calvin deceased, says that none hut the Popes 
 could create Bishops and Presbyters — and that neither Luther 
 nor ZuiNGLius, nor Calvin were Bishops, hut only Presbyters — 
 sed tantum Presbyteri. It may be faidy left with the doctor to 
 determine the question, how Calvin could be a Presbyter without 
 ordination. 
 
 Francis Junius, in his animadversions upon Bellarmin, says 
 that Luther and Zuinglius received ordination in the Romish 
 Church — that Calvin ivas ordained by those who preceded him — 
 qui antecesserunt, eumque ordinaverunt. — Farel and Couraut, who 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 15 
 
 to Christ, where a free disputation was held against the 
 Catholics, which Calvin also attended. Calvin then pub- 
 lished a certain formulary of doctrine suited to the state of 
 the church of Geneva, which was only just emerging from 
 the corruptions of popery. He added also a catechism, not, 
 as it is now, distinguished into questions and answers, but 
 much shorter, comprising the chief articles of religion. 
 Afterwards he endeavoured in conjunction with Farel and 
 Couraut, to settle the state of the church in Geneva, the 
 greater part of his colleagues, from timidity, avoiding all dis- 
 turbance, while some even secretly opposed the work of the 
 Lord, which Calvin beheld with deep concern. He induced 
 the citizens to convene an assembly of the whole people, for 
 the purpose of openly abjuring popery, and of swearing to 
 the Christian doctrine and discipline included in a few 
 articles. 
 
 Many refused to do this in a city not yet completely libe- 
 rated from the artifices of the Duke of Savoy, and from the 
 yoke of Antichrist, and where various factions still continued 
 to rage. On the 20th July, however, in the year 1537, the 
 Lord granted that the senate and people of Geneva, openly 
 preceded by a public scribe, should swear to the articles 
 
 received ordination in the Romish Church, preceded Calvin at 
 Geneva ; and Beza states, that they were colleagues with Calvin 
 in the church in that city. The letter of Bucer to Calvin, dated 
 Strasburg, November 1, 1536, is unanswerable testimony, that 
 Calvin was at this time a minister of the church of Geneva, or 
 Bucer would not have spoken of his ministry, nor called him my 
 brother and fellow minister. This designates the time before 
 which Calvin must have received ordination and the charge of that 
 church. — For other proofs of Calvin's ordination, see the able and 
 elegant letters of Dr. Miller, vol. 2, Continuation of letters con- 
 cerning the constitution and order of the Christian ministry, 
 addressed to the members of the Presbyterian churches in the city 
 of New York, 1809. Lett. 7, p. ^Q.—Waterman. 
 
16 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 both of the doctrine and discipline of the Christian religion. 
 But Satan, exasperated by such proceedings, and expecting 
 that he should be able, under the pretext of religion, to ac- 
 complish what he had in an infinite variety of ways attempt- 
 ed, by means of foreign enemies, without effect, excited the 
 Anabaptists in the first place to oppose them, and afterwards 
 Peter Caroli, whose character and conduct will be examined 
 in the sequel, who were not only prepared to disturb, but 
 also entirely to destroy, and to subvert the work of the Lord, 
 either because what had now been effected very much dis- 
 pleased Satan, or else he anticipated the results which fol- 
 lowed. But as the event itself proved, the Lord had pre- 
 vented his schemes, for Calvin and his colleagues summoned 
 the Anabaptists to a public and free disputation, and confuted 
 them on the 18th of March, in the year 1537, from the 
 word of God alone, in so forcible a manner, and with such 
 uncommon success, that from this time they almost entirely 
 disappeared in the church of Geneva. Peter Caroli, the 
 other disturber of the church, excited greater and more long- 
 continued disturbances, the principal of which I will here 
 merely state, since the whole history of the controversy 
 may be fully collected from one of Calvin's letters to Grinee. 
 The Sorbonne, which had nurtured this excessively impu- 
 dent person, afterwards expelled him as a heretic, though 
 his conduct had not merited such treatment at her hands. 
 He first came to Geneva, then to Lausanne, and afterwards 
 to Neuchatel, the spirit of Satan always so accompanying 
 him that in every place he left the impressions of certain 
 marks of his mean and base conduct. 
 
 On finding himself convicted by the Protestants, he passed 
 over to the Catholics, and afterwards deserting them, again 
 joined the reformers, as Farel clearly describes his arts in a 
 long letter written to Calvin. At last he openly began to 
 accuse every one distinguished for excellence of character, 
 but particularly charged Farel, Calvin, and Viret, as if they 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 17 
 
 entertained false notions concerning the sacred Trinity. A 
 very full synod was held at Berne to consider the truth of 
 the accusation, by which Peter Caroli was proved guilty of 
 calumny ; he afterwards gradually deserted the Protestants, 
 and went to Metz, having been suborned for the purpose of 
 impeding the work of the Lord begun with so much success 
 in that city by Farel. After this he wrote a letter, in which 
 he openly attacked the reformed, that the hungry dog, hav- 
 ing excited undoubted hopes of his apostacy, might gain a 
 living. He was however sent back to Rome to make a 
 public confession of his conduct to the beast itself, where, 
 being treated with contempt, and suffering both from poverty 
 and a loathsome disease, he was received with difficulty into 
 a hospital, and the wages of sin — death, was paid him even 
 by the son of sin. Such was the end of this unhappy 
 person. 
 
 In the mean time Calvin published two very elegant let- 
 ters in the year 1537, because he observed many in France 
 to be well acquainted indeed with divine truth in their 
 minds, who still indulged their own corrupt feelings, under 
 the pretence of its being sufficient to worship Christ in the 
 heart while they attended mass ; one was directed to Nicho- 
 las Cheminus, of Orleans, concerning the necessity of avoid- 
 ing idolatry, whose friendship and hospitality he had very 
 much enjoyed at Orleans, and who was afterwards appointed 
 to a civil office in the Province of la Maine. Another related 
 to the popish priesthood, written to Gerard Rousel, already 
 mentioned, who, after the tumult at Paris, was first present- 
 ed with an abbacy, and then a bishopric, and afterwards, so 
 far from pursuing the even tenor of his Christian course, 
 gradually undermined, as domestic chaplain, the faith of the 
 Queen of Navarre. 
 
 But violent domestic seditions were raised against Calvin 
 
 whilst engaged in these labours. The gospel, as we have 
 
 already stated, had been received into the city, and popery 
 
 abjured. But many disgraceful crimes still continued to 
 
 2* 
 
18 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 reign among various persons in a city, which had been for 
 so many years under the power of monks, and of a profligate 
 clergy ; and ancient quarrels, which commenced during the 
 wars with the Duke of Savoy, were still fostered among 
 some of the principal families. He first endeavoured, with- 
 out effecting any thing, to remove these disorders by gentle 
 admonition, afterwards by severely reproving the stubborn 
 and refractory. The evil increased so much that the city 
 was divided by the seditious conduct of private individuals 
 into various factions, and a considerable number altogether 
 refused to join that body of the people who had abjured 
 popery. At last aff'airs came to such a height, that Farel, 
 Calvin, and Couraut, (who, as we have already stated, after 
 boldly defending the truth at Paris, was brought by Calvin 
 first to Basle, and afterwards to Geneva, when he himself 
 was settled there,) openly testified that they could not pro- 
 y perly administer the Lord's Supper to citizens who lived in 
 such a state of discord^ and were so utterly averse to all 
 church discipline. To this also was added another evil, the 
 disagreement of the church of Geneva with that of Berne 
 in certain rites. The churches of Geneva not only used 
 common bread, but had removed all baptismal fonts, as they 
 are called, considering them unnecessary for performing the 
 office of baptism, and had abolished all festivals except Sun- 
 day. The synod of Lausanne, compelled by the people of 
 Berne, had decided that Geneva should be requested to re- 
 store the use of unleavened bread, the baptismal fonts, and 
 the festivals. The college of the ministers of Geneva consi- 
 dered it right that an audience should be afforded , and on 
 this account another synorl was convened at Zurich. Those 
 who had been elected syndics at that time, for this highest 
 office in Geneva is appointed annually, embracing this as a 
 favourable opportunity, became the leaders of the seditious 
 and factious part of the city, and assembled the people. 
 They brought aff'airs to such a state, that while Calvin and 
 the rest of his colleagues, who held the same views, offered 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 19 
 
 in vain to assign a reason for their conduct, these three 
 faithful servants of God, in consequence of the more virtuous 
 party being outvoted, were ordered to leave the city within 
 two days for refusing to administer the Lord's Supper. 
 When Calvin was informed of the decree of banishment, he 
 said, " Certainly, had I been in the service of men, this 
 would have been a bad reward ; but it is well that I have 
 served Him, who never fails to repay his servants whatever 
 he has once promised."* 
 
 Who would not have thought that such measures were 
 calculated to bring certain destruction to the church at Ge- 
 neva? The event, however, on the other hand, showed that 
 it was done by Divine Providence, partly with a view to 
 qualify Calvin, by the various experience he acquired as a 
 faithful servant in other scenes of usefulness, for engaging in 
 still nobler labours, and partly to purge the church of Ge- 
 neva from much of its corruption, while the leaders in the 
 sedition were overthrown by their own violence. So won- 
 derful does the Lord manifest himself in all his works, but 
 especially in the government of his Church. The truth of 
 these remarks was proved by the final result of this transac- 
 tion. But these three servants of Christ, obeying at that 
 time the edict, while all good men mourned on account of 
 their banishment, proceeded first to Zurich, where a synod 
 being convened of some of the Swiss churches, means were 
 used according to its decree, by the intercession of the go- 
 vernment of Berne, to try to influence the minds of the 
 governors and people of Geneva. This attempt was of no 
 avail, and Calvin went first to Basle, and next to Strasburg, 
 where with the sanction of the senate of that city he was 
 appointed professor of divinity, with a liberal stipend, by 
 Bucer, Capito, Hedio, Niger, and the rest of their colleagues, 
 
 * Calvin, according to Spon, had borne his own expenses with- 
 out receiving any salary. — TV. 
 
20 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 men of the highest eminence, who then illuminated, as so 
 many shining gems, the established church of that place. 
 He not only taught divinity there with the greatest applause 
 of all good men, but with the consent of the senate planted 
 also a French church, and introduced swch discipline as he 
 approved. Satan, thus disappointed in his expectation, be- 
 held Calvin welcomed by another city, on his expulsion 
 from the church of Geneva, where in a short time a new 
 church was formed. In the mean while Satan, using every 
 exertion to subvert entirely the church erected at Geneva, 
 which had been shaken to its very foundation, found in a 
 short time some idle characters, who, for the purpose of 
 concealing the great iniquity of the decree under the pretext 
 of religion, determined that unleavened bread should be sub- 
 stituted for common, formerly used at the Lord's table, 
 with a view to afford an opportunity for fomenting new dis- 
 sensions. And the great enemy of the Church would have 
 succeeded in this plan, had not Calvin seriously admonished 
 some good men, so displeased with the change as to consider 
 it their duty to refrain from taking the Lord's Supper, not 
 to contend about a subject in itself indifferent. The use of 
 unleavened bread commenced in the manner now stated, nor 
 did Calvin on his future restoration think it worth while to 
 make any opposition to the practice, though he did not 
 attempt to conceal his approval of the use of common bread. 
 Another still more dangerous evil commenced in the year 
 1539, and was at the same time extinguished by Calvin's 
 diligence. James Sadolet, Bishop of Carpentras, a man of 
 great eloquence, which he chiefly abused to suppress the 
 light of the truth, and who had been presented with a cardi- 
 nal's hat, with a view to enable a character, whose moral 
 -conduct was in other respects regular, to decorate a false re- 
 ligion in the best possible colours. He, observing the op- 
 portunity then offered, and thinking he would easily lead 
 away a flock deprived of such distinguished pastors, adduc- 
 
LIFEOFCALVIN. 21 
 
 ing also as an excuse his vicinity to Geneva, for Carpentras 
 is a city in Dauphiny, which joins on Savoy, sent letters ad- 
 dressed to his dearly beloved brethren, as he termed them, 
 the magistracy, council, and people of Geneva, in which he 
 omitted nothing that might be useful in recalling them to the 
 bosom of Rome, that great harlot. There was no person at 
 Geneva able to answer this work, and it would in all proba- 
 bility, if not written in a foreign language, have been pro- 
 ductive of great mischief to that city in its present circum- 
 stances. But when Calvin read this letter at Strasburg, he 
 forgot all the injuries he had received, and immediately an- 
 swered it with so much truth and eloquence, that Sadolet 
 forthwith gave up the whole business as desperate. But Cal- 
 vin did not permit so long a period to elapse before he mani- 
 fested the due affection which he felt as a pastor for his flock 
 at Geneva, who were at that time suffering among their fel- 
 low citizens in a very severe manner for the common cause 
 of religion. The excellent letters which he wrote at Stras- 
 burg, both in the year of his expulsion and the following, 
 exhibit striking marks of his affection, in which his whole 
 object is, in an especial manner, to exhort them to repent- 
 ance before God, to forbearance towards the wicked, to con- 
 cord and peace with their pastors, and prayer and supplica- 
 tion to the Head of the Church. He thus prepares them for 
 the renewed expectation of the splendid shining forth of that 
 much desired pleasant light from the midst of the most hor- 
 rible darkness, and the event wonderfully proved the truth of 
 his prediction. He then published, in a much more enlarg- 
 ed form, his " Christian Institutions," his " Commentaries 
 upon the Epistle to the Romans," dedicated to his most af- 
 fectionate friend Simon Grinee, as also a golden Treatise 
 " on the Lord's Supper," for the use of his French congre- 
 gation at Strasburg, translated afterwards into Latin by Ga- 
 lar. He handled the subject of the Lord's Supper with so 
 much skill and erudition, that it may in a very great mea- 
 sure be considered the means of affording, by the divine bles- 
 
22 LIFEOFCALVIN. 
 
 sing, decisive answers to a great variety of most unhappy 
 controversies, in which men of the highest attainments in 
 learning and virtue justly acquiesced. 
 
 He had great success in reclaiming many Anabaptists ; 
 their principal leaders were Paul Volse, to whom Erasmus 
 had dedicated his " Manual of the Christian Soldier," after- 
 wards a pastor in the church of Strasburg, and John Storder, 
 of Liege, who subsequently fell a victim to the plague ; and 
 Calvin married, by the advice of Bucer, his widow, Idolette 
 de Bure, distinguished for virtue and gravity.* 
 
 ■*= As the Reformers married to prove their conversion from the 
 Papists, the latter reproached them, as if they warred against 
 Rome, for the same reasons that the Grecians warred against Troy. 
 " Our adversaries," says Calvin, " pretend that we wage a sort of 
 Trojan war for a woman. To say nothing of others at present, 
 they must allow myself at least to be free from this charge. Since 
 I am more particularly able, in my own case, to refute this scurri- 
 lous reflection. For notwithstanding, I was at liberty to have mar- 
 ried under the tyranny of the Pope, I voluntarily led a single life 
 for many years." Calvin was full thirty years old when he mar- 
 ried Idolette de Bure. She was an Anabaptist, whom he was the 
 means of converting. He married her at Strasburg, in 1540. 
 Before this, Calvin wrote to Farel thus, " Concerning my mar- 
 riage, I now speak more openly. You know very well what quali- 
 fications, I always expected in a wife. I am not of that passionate 
 race of lovers, who, when once captivated with the external form, 
 embrace also with eagerness, the moral defects it may cover. 
 The person who would delight me with her beauty, must be chasle, 
 frugal, patient, and afford me some hope that she will be solicitous 
 for my personal health and prosperity." — Strasburg, May 29, 1539. 
 
 This lady whom Calvin married had children by her former hus- 
 band, and also brought Calvin a son, who died before his father. 
 This son was Calvin's only child, and he died in 1545. Calvin at 
 the close of a letter to Viret, dated August 19th of that year, says, 
 " The Lord has certainly inflicted a heavy and severe wound on 
 us, by the death of our little son, but He is our Father, and knows 
 what is expedient for his children." 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN 
 
 23 
 
 Such were the studies and employments of Calvin at Stras- 
 burg till the year 1541, when conferences, appointed by 
 Charles the 5lh, were held first at Worms, and afterwards at 
 Ratisbon, for effecting a pacification between the Catholics 
 and Protestants. (See note A.) Calvin was present, by the ap- 
 pointment of the ministers of Strasburg, and was of no small 
 use to the churches in general, particularly to those in his own 
 country. Philip Melancthon and Caspar Cruciger, of happy 
 memory, were in a peculiar manner delighted with him ; the 
 former often honoured Calvin with the distinctive appellation 
 of '* the divine," and the latter, after holding a private con- 
 ference with him on the subject of the Lord's Supper, ex- 
 pressly approved of his views. 
 
 The time had now arrived when the Lord determined to 
 have pity on his church at Geneva. One of the four syndics, 
 by whose means the decree for banishing the faithful minis- 
 ters had been passed, being accused of sedition in conducting 
 the affairs of the state, was precipitated, in consequence of 
 his corpulency, when he was endeavouring to escape through 
 a window, and his body was so bruised that he died of his 
 wounds a few days after the accident. Another was beheaded 
 for murder. The other two, accused of having betrayed the 
 interests of the city in an embassy, fled from their country, 
 and were condemned to perpetual exile. 
 
 On the expulsion of such offscum from the city, Geneva 
 began to demand its own Farel and Calvin. And when no 
 hopes of recovering Farel from Neuchatel remained, the citi- 
 zens directed their attention in the most earnest manner to 
 .Calvin, and sent a deputation, uniting also the intercession 
 of Zurich, to Strasburg, that they might obtain the consent of 
 its citizens for his removal. The people of Strasburg were 
 very reluctant to part with Calvin, and though his own at- 
 tachment to the people of Geneva had not been changed, in 
 consequence of the insults offered him by men of the basest 
 characters, yet he disliked all disturbance, and plainly re- 
 fused to return, because he saw the Lord had blessed his 
 
24 LIFEOFCALVIN. 
 
 ministry in the church at Strasburg. Bucer and his colleagues 
 testified their very great unwillingness to part with him. The 
 people of Geneva persisting to demand Calvin,* Bucer at 
 last thought it right to grant their requests for a limited time; 
 he could not, however, persuade Calvin to yield, until he de- 
 nounced the severe judgment of Heaven against him, and 
 pressed upon him the consideration of the example of Jonah. 
 But since these things occurred at the time when Calvin and 
 Bucer were engaged by a decree to go to the conferences at 
 Ratisbon, his departure was deferred, and the Geneveseonly 
 obtained leave from the inhabitants of Berne to allow Peter 
 Viret to go from Lausanne to Geneva. Calvin returned to 
 the city with more readiness when he found A^iret ap- 
 pointed his colleague, whose assistance and counsel would 
 be of great use to him in restoring the church. Tlius, after 
 the lapse of a few months, Calvin returned to Geneva on the 
 
 * James Bernard, one of the ministers of Geneva, wrote a letter 
 to Calvin, which he received while on his way to the Diet of Ra- 
 tisbon, from which the following is an extract : 
 
 " The next day, the Council of two hundred convened and called 
 for Calvin. The following day, a general meeting assembled. All 
 exclaimed, we demand the return of Calvin, the honest man, the 
 learned minister of Christ. When I heard this 1 praised God, who 
 had done what was marvellous in our eyes, in making the stone 
 which the builders rejected become the head of the corner. Come 
 then, my venerable father in Christ. All sigh after you. Your 
 estimation in the hearts of this people will be testified by their af- 
 fectionate reception of you. You will find me not an opposer, ac- 
 cording to the representations of some, (may God forgive them,) 
 but a faithful and sincere friend, devoted to your wishes in the 
 Lord. Come then to Geneva, to a people renovated, by the grace 
 of God, through the labours of Viret ; and may the Lord hasten 
 your return to our church, whose blood he will require at your 
 hands, for he has set you a watchman unto the house of our Israel. 
 Farewell. BERNARD. 
 
 Geneva, February 6, 1541. 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 25 
 
 13th of September, 1541 ; all the people, and particularly 
 the senate highly congratulating themselves on the occasion, 
 and acknowledging, in an impressive manner, the signal 
 kindness and favour of God to their city. Nor did Geneva 
 rest until the temporary grant of his services, made by Stras- 
 burg, was changed into a permanent surrender. Strasburg 
 conceded their request, but insisted on his retaining the privi- 
 leges of a citizen, and the annual stipend of what they de- 
 nominate the prebend. Calvin gladly accepted the former 
 mark of respect, but could never be induced to receive the 
 latter, since the care of riches occupied his mind the least of 
 any thing.* Calvin on being restored to the church at their 
 earnest request, failed not, on his in^tauraticn, in consequence 
 of observing the city to require such restraints, to testify how 
 impossible it was for him duly to discharge his ministerial 
 functions, unless together with Christian doctrine, the Pres- 
 byterian plan of church government was established by the 
 state, as well as a regular ecclesiastical discipline.! 
 
 On this occasion, therefore, as we shall detail more at 
 length in another part of our narrative, laws were passed 
 consistent with the word of God, and acceptable to the citi- 
 
 * That Calvin was not greedy of gain, is the testimony of friends 
 and foes. This would abundantly appear from a perusal of his will. 
 But in addition it may be stated that he publicly renounced all 
 fellowship with the Romish church, by resigning on the 4th of 
 May, 1534, the benefices of the Chapel of La Gesine, and the Rec- 
 tory of Point r Eveque. By a covert conduct, he might still have 
 enjoyed the annual emolument of these livings under the Papacy. 
 In throwing himself, therefore, poor and unpatronized, upon the 
 hand of his Divine JVIaster, he demonstrated the firmness of his 
 principles, and the purity of his motives. 
 
 t When Calvin came back, in 1541, from Strasburg to Geneva, 
 in consequence of the Council's revocation of their own sentence 
 of exile, he thus addressed his auditory : — 
 
 " If you desire to have me for your pastor, correct the disorder 
 3 
 
26 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 zens, for the choice of elders, and for establishing the whole 
 plan of Presbyterian discipline which Satan afterwards en- 
 deavoured without effect, by wonderful contrivances, to dis- 
 annul. Calvin also wrote a catechism in French and Latin, 
 
 of your lives. If you have with sincerity recalled me from my 
 exile, banish the crimes and debaucheries which prevail among 
 you. I certainly cannot behold, without the most painful displea- 
 sure, within your walls, discipline trodden under foot, and crimes 
 committed with impunity. I cannot possibly live in a place so 
 grossly immoral. Vicious souls are too filthy to receive the 
 purity of the Gospel, and the spiritual warship which I preach to 
 you. A life stained with sin is too contrary to Jesus Christ to be 
 tolerated. 1 consider the principal enemies of the Gospel to be, 
 not the pontiff of Rome, nor heretics, nor seducers, nor tyrants, but 
 such bad Christians ; because the former exert their rage out of 
 the church, while drunkenness, luxury, perjury, blasphemy, im- 
 purity, adultery, and other abominable vices overthrow my doc- 
 trine, and expose it defenceless to the rage of our enemies. Rome 
 does not constitute the principal object of my fears. Still less am 
 I apprehensive from the almost infinite multitude of monks. The 
 gates of hell, the principalities and powers of evil spirits, disturb 
 me not at all. I tremble on account of other enemies, more dan- 
 gerous ; and I dread abundantly more those carnal covetousnesses, 
 those debaucheries of the tavern, of the brothel, and of gaming ; 
 those infamous remains of ancient superstition, those mortal pests, 
 the disgrace of your town, and the shame of the reformed name. 
 Of what importance is it to have driven away the wolves from 
 the fold, if the pest ravage the flock 1 Of what use is a dead faith 
 without good works? Of what importance is even truth itself, 
 where a wicked life belies it, and actions make words blush ? 
 Either command me to abandon a second time your town, and let 
 me go and soften the bitterness of my afflictions in a new exile, 
 or let the severity of the laws reign in the church. Re-establish 
 there the pure discipline. Remove from within your walls, and 
 from the frontiers of your state, the pest of your vices, and 
 condemn them to a perpetual banishment." Mackenzie, pp. 
 163, &c. 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 27 
 
 differing very little from his first, but much more copious, and 
 divided into questions and answers. We may justly terra 
 this an admirable work which has received the approbation 
 of very many foreign nations, and been translated in a very 
 elegant style into the modern languages of Germany, Eng- 
 land, Scotland, Holland, and Spain, into Hebrew by Imma- 
 nuel Tremellius, a converted Jew, and into Greek by Henry 
 Stephens. 
 
 The following statement of facts will enable us to form a 
 judgment of his ordinary labours. In every fortnight he 
 preached one whole week ; thrice every week he delivered 
 lectures ; on the Thursdays he presided in the meetings of 
 the Presbytery ; on the Fridays he collated and expounded 
 the Holy Scriptures to what we term the congregation. He 
 was engaged in illustrating many of the sacred books by 
 commentaries of very uncommon learning ; on some occa- 
 sions he was employed in answering the adversaries of re- 
 ligion, and at other times wrote to correspondents from every 
 part of Europe concerning subjects of great importance. 
 Every attentive reader of his numerous productions will be 
 astonished to find one weak little man able to accomplish so 
 many and such great labours.* 
 
 * The London Christian Observer, in the review of Mackenzie's 
 life of Calvin, has remarked that Calvin was "a model of industry 
 unwearied by toil ; of perseverance undaunted by the opposition of 
 an enemy, or disheartened by the timidity or languor of wavering 
 and inefficient friends. With far greater fidelity than the author, 
 (Johnson,) whose well-known language we adopt, could he assert, 
 that his almost incredible labours were pursued ' with little assist- 
 ance of the learned, and without any patronage of the great; not 
 in the soft obscurities of retirement, or under the shelter of aca- 
 demic bowers, but amidst inconvenience and distraction, in sick- 
 ness and in sorrow' — An exile from his native soil, and living in 
 an age when the mingled storms of controversy and persecution 
 beat against the Church, he had his ' gloom of solitude ;' a gloom 
 darkened by the deepest shades of public and spiritual calamity. 
 
He experienced much advantage from the assistance of 
 Farel and Viret, who in return received greater from him. 
 And the close intercourse and friendship of these two men, 
 which excited as much envy in the wicked as it gave plea- 
 sure to all pious minds, afforded him wonderful delight. It 
 was a most plesant sight to behold and hear these three dis- 
 tinguished persons in the church co-operating with so much 
 zeal in the work of the Lord, and flourishing in such a variety 
 of gifts. Farel excelled in boldness and grandeur of mind. 
 The thunders of his preaching none could hear without 
 trembling, nor feel his most ardent prayers without the soul 
 being elevated almost to heaven itself. Viret so excelled in a 
 sweet persuasive eloquence, that his hearers were compelled 
 to hang upon his lips. Calvin filled the minds of his hearers 
 with as many most weighty sentiments as he uttered words. 
 Hence I have often thought that a preacher would in some 
 measure appear perfect; who wa*s formed by the united ex- 
 cellencies of all three. 
 
 To return to Calvin, — he was exercised not only with 
 these public, but with domestic and many other foreign cares. 
 For the Lord so blessed his ministry that he had visitors 
 
 ' without were fightings, within were fears.," — Ch. Observer 1817, 
 p. 444-5. 
 
 It may be well to observe in this place, as exhibiting another de- 
 partment of Calvin's labour, as well as another object of his solici- 
 tude, that the instruction of youth, was, in his estimation, an object 
 of primary interest to the welfare of civil society, and the cause of 
 religion. He therefore, revised and enlarged the Catechism which 
 he first published in 1537. This judicious and popular w^ork was 
 composed afler the order of his Institutes, embracing doctrines, 
 duties, and the means of grace. He published it in French and in 
 Latin. It was noticed with unparalleled applause, and soon 
 translated into many languages, as Beza states. — And the Assem* 
 bly of Divines at Westminster, in 1643, made it the model of the 
 Catechism which is so justly esteemed among all the Presbyteriaii 
 churches. 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 29 
 
 from every quarter to solicit his counsel in matters of reli- 
 gion, as an oracle of the Christian world ; and so numerous 
 were his hearers, that we have seen an Italian, English, and 
 even Spanish church at Geneva, which seemed not suffici- 
 ently large to contain so many strangers. 
 
 Although his friendship was much cultivated in Geneva 
 by the good, while he was regarded with terror by the 
 wicked, and affairs were in the best state of arrangement, 
 yet many opponents were still raised up to keep him actively 
 employed. We will unfold his contests separately, that 
 posterity may be presented with a singular example of forti- 
 tude, which is calculated to excite their most strenuous imi- 
 tation. 
 
 To resume his history, — on his return to the city, keeping 
 in mind that sentence of our Saviour, " Seek ye first the 
 kingdom of God, and all other things will be added unto 
 you." (Matt. vi. 33,) he considered nothing so important as 
 to prescribe laws of ecclesiastical polity consistent with the 
 word of God, and sanctioned by the consent of the senate, 
 from which neither citizens nor ministers would be allowed 
 afterwards to depart. And this, which had been so much 
 approved before, gradually excited the dislike of some of the 
 common people, and of the chief citizens, who had indeed 
 put off the pope, and put on Christ, but only in name. 
 Some also of those ministers, who had remained on the ex- 
 pulsion of their pious brethren, (the most influential how- 
 ever, after being accused of profligate conduct, deserted their 
 station in disgrace,) although convicted by the testimony of 
 their conscience, they wanted courage to make an open re- 
 sistance, still continued to pursue a system of secret opposi- 
 tion, and did not easily permit themselves to be forced to 
 adopt the established discipline. Nor did they want a pre- 
 text for this their wicked conduct, namely, the example of 
 other churches, which had not adopted excommunication. 
 Some also cried out, that the tyranny of popery was thus 
 recalled. But these difficulties were overcome by the con- 
 
30 LIFEOFCALVIN. 
 
 stancy and remarkable moderation of Calvin, who proved 
 that we ought to seek for the reason of ecclesiastical disci- 
 pline, as well as of doctrine, from the Scriptures, and ad- 
 duced in his support the opinions of the most learned men 
 of that age, iEcolampadius, Zwinglius, Zuichius, Melanc- 
 thon, Bucer, Capito, and Myconius, to whose writings he 
 appealed. Nor did he assert that those churches ought to 
 be therefore condemned as unchristian, which had not pro- 
 ceeded to the same extent, nor those shepherds to be opposed 
 to their Lord, who considered the same curb and restraint 
 not to be wanted by their own flocks. 
 
 Finally, he proved the difference between popish tyranny 
 and the yoke of the Saviour, and thus easily succeeded in 
 inducing the people to receive, with unanimous consent, the 
 same laws of ecclesiastical polity yet used by the church of 
 Geneva, and which were written, read, and approved by the 
 suff'rages of the people on the 20th of November. 
 
 Although Calvin had thus made a successful commence- 
 ment, yet he knew that such plans could not in reality be 
 carried into effect without difficulty; and, on this account, 
 was very desirous to have Viret, whom the people of Berne 
 had allowed only for a certain period, and Farel, who had 
 been received on his expulsion from Geneva at Neuchatel, 
 to be appointed his perpetual colleagues. In this attempt he 
 was unsuccessful, for Viret returned soon after to Lausanne, 
 and Farel remained at Neuchatel, so that he enjoyed almost 
 the whole praise of restoring the church by his own unas- 
 sisted eff'orts. 
 
 Many things occupied Calvin the ensuing year; for to 
 omit various domestic aff'airs which pressed upon his atten- 
 tion, the inflamed fury of the foreign enemies of the gospel 
 banished numbers from France and Italy to Geneva, a 
 neighbouring and now distinguished city. Calvin's zeal in 
 comforting and refreshing those refugees by every kind of 
 dutiful solicitude is very surprising. I omit mentioning the 
 consolation, which he afforded to those who were placed in 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 31 
 
 the yawning jaws of the lion, by the various letters which 
 he wrote them under their trials. 
 
 Another very great and two-fold evil occurred this year ; 
 namely, dearness of provision, and famine, its general at- 
 tendant. It was even then a custom at Geneva to have a 
 separate hospital out of the city for such as suffered from the 
 plague. Since the attendance of a constant and active pastor 
 was required, most of them dreaded the danger of contagion, 
 and three only offered themselves — Calvin, Sebastian Cas- 
 tellio,* (of whom we shall mention more circumstances in 
 
 * " Ubi quum Pastoris constantis et seduli opera requireretur. 
 Beza has used the word Pastor in a manner too loose for a histo- 
 rian, and has misled some learned writers, who, from this expnes- 
 sion, have concluded that Sebastian Castalio was a Pastor of 
 the Church. But this is not the fact. Castalio was never in the 
 ministry. Calvin first patronized him by introducing him as a 
 teacher of the languages in the Divinity school at Strasburg, 
 about 1540 or 1541. After Calvin returned to Geneva, he invited 
 Castalio to take the charge of the grammar school in this city. 
 He soon discovered his obscene taste and heretical opinions. 
 Castalio was excluded by the Senate from Geneva in 1544. The 
 following is a part of the certificate which Castalio states was 
 given him at that time, written by Calvin : " We testify, in a 
 brief manner, that he so conducted himself with us that by our 
 united consent he was already designed for the pastoral office. 
 Lest, therefore, any one should suspect, that it was for some other 
 reason that Sebastian went away from us, we would give this 
 testimony wherever he shall come : — he left of his own accord 
 the mastership of the school. In that employment he so conducted 
 himself, that we judge him worthy of the holy ministry; and to 
 this he would have been received had it not been for some spots 
 on his life, and some profane opinions which he advanced against 
 the articles of our faith. These were the only reasons which 
 prevented." This is full evidence that Castalio was never in the 
 Ministry, and of course not deposed from it, as Spon and others 
 have asserted. Calvin's conduct in this instance appears candid 
 and dignified towards Castalio, who did not cease, in a covert and 
 
32 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 the following part of this narrative,) and Peter Blanchet. 
 The lot, for this was the method of their appointment, fell 
 on Castellio, who changed his mind, and impudently re- 
 fused to undertake the burthen. The senate would not allow 
 the lots to be taken a second time, contrary to Calvin's in- 
 clination, and Blanchet himself, therefore, undertook the 
 whole charge. Other weighty affairs also occurred at that 
 time : for the controversy concerning the Lord's Supper en- 
 gaged the attention of Peter Tossanus, pastor of Montbel- 
 liard; and some at Basle, Myconius opposing without 
 effect, were desirous to overturn the foundations of church 
 discipline, which had scarcely yet been firmly laid, and held 
 two conferences with Calvin. Farel had been invited to 
 preach at Metz, with great success, but very much hindrance 
 was given to the work of the Lord, partly by the apostate 
 P. Caroli already mentioned. The various labours in which 
 Calvin was thus involved by writing, admonishing, and ex- 
 horting, and by other methods of affording assistance, are 
 
 hypocritical way, to injure and involve him in difficulties, by aid- 
 ing the factious at Geneva. Castalio spent his time subsequently 
 at Basil, where he instructed in the languages. He died poor and 
 unpatronized, December 29, 1563, aged 48. Bayle Art. Cast." — 
 Waterman. 
 
 The name of Castalio deserves a remark. He once addressed 
 Calvin as follows : 
 
 " When I was at Lyons, before I went to you at Strasburg, 
 some one, by mistake, called me Castalio instead of Castellio. I 
 was pleased with it, remembering the fountain Castalius conse- 
 crated to the Muses: this made me in love with that false name. 
 I preferred it before that of my family, and adorned myself with 
 it at the beginning of a book." In his defence, he says, " throw- 
 ing off this Greek vanity, and meeting with an opportunity, which 
 I had long wished for, of making the change, I desire that I may 
 be again called by my paternal name, Castellio." Bayle An. 
 Cast. 
 
LIFEOPCALVIN. 33 
 
 clearly proved by the great number of his published letters, 
 and the testimony of many survivors. 
 
 But the Sorbonne, increasing in boldness, supported by 
 P. Liser, first president of the parliament of Paris, whose 
 memory is universally detested, had the courage to attempt 
 a measure, which, to the astonishment of every one, was 
 endured by the bishops, and even by the pope. These last, 
 being constantly employed, like robbers, in dividing the 
 wealth of the church among themselves, voluntarily resigned 
 their own proper duties of distributing the word of life to 
 such of their brethren as they denominated good doctors, 
 provided these last suffered themselves to be treated like 
 dogs, which gnaw the bones that their masters, after repeated 
 nibbling, have left. The Sorbonne had the audacity, unsup- 
 ported either by human or divine authority, to prescribe 
 such articles of Christian faith, as both by their falsehood, 
 and their very trifling character, so commonly to be met 
 with among this body of divines, deservedly lessened their 
 authority in the opinion of all those, who were not wholly 
 devoid of judgment. Some had subscribed these articles 
 through fear, and others from ignorance, on which account 
 Calvin answered them in such a manner as to refute, with 
 great learning and by solid reasoning, the errors Uiey con- 
 tained, and he exposed their folly by a beautiful vein of 
 irony, to the amusing derision of all men of common dis- 
 cernment. 
 
 The following year experienced equally destructive ra- 
 vages from the dearness of provisions, and from the plague 
 which infested Savoy. Calvin was constantly employed in 
 strenthening his own flock at Geneva, and in boldly repress- 
 ing the enemies of the church abroad, particularly by pub- 
 lishing four books on free will, dedicated to Melancthon, in 
 answer to Albert Pighius, a Dutchman, and the most skilled 
 sophist of the age, who had selected Calvin as an adversary, 
 expecting that he would obtain a cardinal's hat as the reward 
 of the distinguished victory he hoped to gain. He was, 
 
34 
 
 LIFE OF CALVIN, 
 
 however, disappointed in his expectations, and reaped, what 
 the enemies of the truth justly deserve, the contempt of all 
 learned and sensible men, while he was deceived by Satan 
 himself.* Melancthon testified by his letters the esteem in 
 which he held these works of Calvin, and we considered it 
 right to publish their correspondence, that posterity may 
 have a certain and clear testimony against the calumniators 
 of such distinguished men. A letter written this same year 
 to the church of Montbelliard affords a sufficient answer to 
 such as complain of his too great severity in the exercise of 
 ecclesiastical discipline. 
 
 Calvin in the following year, 1544, stated his opinion con- 
 cerning the plan which the church of Neuchatel should adopt 
 in their ecclesiastical censures. Sebastian Castellio, in Ge- 
 
 * Pyghius was a Dutch divine, and was remarkable for his ex- 
 treme ugliness, and dissonant voice. But he was reputed the 
 greatest sophist of his time. The pope rewarded him with the 
 provostship of St. John, at Utrecht, for defending his bull to the 
 General Council in 1538. The Cardinals Sadolet and Cervinus 
 were his patrons. The former assured him that he would recom- 
 mend him to the pope and cardinals. The latter wrote to him on 
 the 27th October, 1542, in these words: " As to your debts, were 
 it in my power to pay them, you should be in no distress : and 
 although his holiness, at present, is put to vast charges on many 
 accounts, I will not fail to represent your services and wants, and 
 to assist you as much as I can." 
 
 Pyghius was a Pelagian, and was stigmatized as such by several 
 learned Catholics; and particularly by a Jansenist, who said he 
 was full of Pelagian errors on the subject of original sin ; and that 
 he spoke against Divine predestination, and the doctrine of effica- 
 cious and free grace, with great indiscretion and ignorance. 
 
 Some say that the reading of Calvin's works made Pyghius he- 
 retical with respect to the merit of good works, and the justifica- 
 tion of sinners. Others affirm that Pyghius examined the works 
 of Calvin with so great a desire of refuting them, that he ran into 
 the extreme of Pelagius. 
 
L I F E O F C A L V I N . 35 
 
 neva, whose fickleness we have already noticed, concealing 
 under an apparent modesty a foolish kind of ambition, and 
 evidently belonging to that class of men, which the Greeks 
 call self-opinionative, became irritated with Calvin because 
 he disapproved of his conceits in a French version of the 
 New Testament ; who carried his indignation to such a 
 height, that not satisfied with maintaining some erroneous 
 opinions, he even ordered, in a public manner, the Song of 
 Solomon to be erased from the canon, as an impure and ob- 
 scene song, and reviled Avith very violent reproaches the 
 ministers of Geneva by whom he was opposed. They 
 justly thought that it was not their duty patiently to endure 
 such conduct, and summoned him before the senate, where, 
 after a very patient hearing, on the last day of May, and a 
 calm examination of the charges brought against him, he was 
 condemned for calumny, and ordered to leave the city. He 
 afterwards settled in Basle, and his conduct there will be 
 considered in another part of our narrative. 
 
 Charles 5th, in the year 1543, advancing with all his 
 strength against Francis 1st, had taken care to secure for the 
 two great religious parties in Germany the enjoyment of 
 equal rights, until the meeting of a council which he pro- 
 mised to convene. Pope Paul III., feeling very indignant 
 at such a proceeding, published a very grave admonition to 
 Charles for his having thus placed the heretics on a level 
 with the Catholics, and for putting his scythe into a crop 
 which belonged to another. Charles returned what he con- 
 sidered a fair answer. Calvin repressed the audacity of the 
 pontiff for the severity with which he had attacked in these 
 letters the truth of the gospel, and the moral conduct of the 
 reformers. 
 
 Calvin embraced the opportunity offered him by the diet 
 assembled at Spiers, for publishing a book on the necessity 
 of reforming the church, which in my opmion, is one of the 
 most nervous, powerful treatises published in our age on that 
 
36 
 
 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 subject. Calvin, the same year, so refuted, in two books, 
 both the anabaptists and libertines, who had revived the most 
 monstrous heresies of antiquity, that I think no attentive 
 reader, unless designedly and knowingly, could have been 
 deceived, or, if he had formerly been in an error, would not 
 voluntarily have returned to the right way. The book pub- 
 lished against the libertines very much displeased the Queen 
 of Navarre, because, which is almost incredible, she had 
 been so infatuated by the two principal leaders of this horri- 
 ble sect, Quintin and Pocquet, whom ("alvin had expressly 
 attacked, as to consider them, though she did not adopt their 
 mysterious views, good men, on which account she thought 
 herself in some measure deeply wounded through their sides. 
 Calvin, on learning this, answered her with uncommon 
 moderation, mindful of her dignity, and of the several kind- 
 nesses which this queen had conferred upon the church of 
 Christ ; he blamed her too great imprudence in an ingenuous 
 and discreet manner with great address, becoming a cou- 
 rageous servant of God, for barkening to such men, while he 
 asserted at the same time the authority of his own ministry. 
 His writings produced the effect of confining the followers of 
 this horrid sect of the libertines, which had begun to spread 
 in France, within the boundaries of Holland, and of the adja- 
 cent countries. 
 
 After he had terminated so many labours in 1544, he was 
 again involved, in the following year, in new disputes of a 
 still more serious kind. For as if a pestilence inflicted by 
 God himself was not sufficient to waste the city and the whole 
 neighbourhood, some of the very lowest classes, whose as- 
 sistance was required by the rich in cleansing their houses 
 and healing the sick, were induced by avarice to form a shock- 
 ing conspiracy, for the purpose of infecting the posts and 
 thresholds of their doors, and of every thing in their road, 
 with an ointment that conveyed the disease and communicated 
 this dreadful scourge. They also, by a terrible oath, mutually 
 
LIFEOFCALVIN. 37 
 
 taken in the most solemn manner, bound themselvs as slaves 
 to Satan should they ever be found to betray their accom- 
 plices, though the rack itself were used to extort confession. 
 A considerable number of them were detected both in the 
 city and adjoining country, and received a punishment me- 
 rited by their enormous crimes. The reproach is incredi- 
 ble which Satan, by this artifice, raised against Calvin and 
 the city of Geneva, as if the prince of darkness plainly reign- 
 ed in that city where he was most violently opposed. 
 
 This year was disgraced by a massacre of unparalleled cru- 
 elty, occasioned by an edict which the parliament of Aix 
 issued against the Waldenses of Merindol and Cabrier, and 
 the whole of that tract of country ; it was not confined to one 
 or two sufferers, but extended to the whole people without 
 distinction of age or sex, and the villages were consumed in 
 one common conflagration. These evils pressed more hea- 
 vily on Calvin, who afforded solace and succour to the few 
 refugees that fled to Geneva, because he had on a former oc- 
 casion used means, by sending letters and supplying pastors, 
 to have them purely instructed in the gospel, and by his in- 
 tercession with the German princes and the Swiss states, had 
 preserved them from impending danger. 
 
 The unhappy controversy respecting the Supper of our 
 Lord was at this time again renewed, Osiander, a proud 
 man and of a strange disposition, stirred up the flame of dis- 
 cord, which seemed to be extinguished, and Calvin used 
 every exertion in his power to terminate it, as appears by 
 his letters written to Melancthon, and published under my 
 inspection. But Osiander's want of moderation prevented 
 him from listening to the sound advice of these two great 
 men, by whom he is denominated Pericles. 
 
 In the mean time many excellent characters fell victims to 
 the plague which raged in the city. But Calvin thundered 
 with all his power from the pulpit against the vices of some, 
 and particularly against fornication, which the scourge of the 
 plague could not terminate. The good supported him, but 
 
38 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 the efforts of the pious were weakened by a few demagogues, 
 until, as will be stated in its proper place, they voluntarily 
 plunged themselves in irretrievable ruin. These evils were 
 increased by the unseasonable disputes concerning the right 
 of the city ; nor could faithful pastors in other parts of Eu- 
 rope endure to see church property, taken from the Roman 
 hierarchy, improperly managed in many places. Clamours 
 and complaints were at that time very frequent on this sub- 
 ject, and much labour devoted to it both in writing and 
 speaking, but generally without effect. Calvin, indeed, openly 
 professed that he was by no means a friend to so many sacri- 
 ligious proceedings, which he knew must finally meet with 
 a most severe divine scourge, but acknowledged the just judg- 
 ment of the Lord God because he would not allow revenues, 
 acquired formerly by priests in so base a manner, to be 
 brought into the treasuries of the church. 
 
 Calvin felt deep concern this year, both from a domestic 
 and foreign cause. A Genevese of the name of Troillet, 
 young, indeed, but artful, after having counterfeited for some 
 time the hermit in France, had returned to Geneva. Calvin, 
 distinguished above most m.en for liis sagacious penetration 
 into character, developed this person, who concealed him- 
 self in the commencement under the appearance of piety. 
 Calvin first admonished him mildly, but afterwards rebuked 
 him more freely, when his conduct in the congregation was 
 distinguished by insolence and ambition. He did not bear 
 such reproof properly, and endeavoured to secure the aid and 
 zealous favour of such as were generally condemned by Cal- 
 vin on account of their vices. On the death of one of the 
 pastors, Troillet openly endeavoured, with the assistance of 
 his friends, to canvass for the ofHce of a minister of the gos- 
 pel, when the appointment of a successor was under consi- 
 deration. In short, the senate interposed its authority, and 
 ordered him to be preferred. Calvin and his colleagues op- 
 posed the measure, proving how much such a system of can- 
 vassing was contrary to the word of God, and obtained, with 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 39 
 
 the approbation of the senate, the enforcement of the written 
 laws of the church. 
 
 There were also at that time in France certain persons, 
 who, having renounced the protestant religion at the com- 
 mencement, through fear of persecution, had begim after- 
 wards so far to flatter themselves as to deny there was any 
 sin in being present with their bodies only at the celebration of 
 the mass, provided they embraced the true religion in their 
 hearts. Calvin, whom they blamed for the excess of his se- 
 verity, plainly refuted, by his clear and elegant writings, this 
 very pernicious error, which the fathers had long ago con- 
 demned. He annexed also the opinions of the most learned 
 reformers, Philip Melancthon, Peter Martyr,* Bucer, and 
 the church of Zurich, and so far restrained the progress of 
 this error, that the Nicodemites, which name they had ac- 
 
 '*= Bucer, in a letter to Calvin, dated Strasburg, October 28, 1542, 
 says: "Our literary school is well supplied; a man has arrived 
 here from Italy, learned in Greek, Hebrew and Latin, happily 
 versed in the scriptures, 44 years of age, with good talents and a 
 penetrating genius ; his name is Peter Martyr. He was Presi- 
 dent of the Canons of Lucca in Lombardy. 
 
 Martyr continued at Strasburg, until, at the invitation of Cran- 
 mer in the King's name, he went over to England, in November 
 1547. In 1549, he was appointed divinity Professor at Oxford, by 
 Edward VI. He married at Strasburg a nun who, like himself, 
 had escaped from the superstitions of a convent. She died during 
 his residence at Oxford. On the accession of Queen Mary in 1553, 
 after Martyr returned to Strasburg, during the Marian persecution, 
 the bones of his wife were dug up by the virulent Papists, and 
 buried in a dung hill. Martyr was, for the seven last years of his 
 life, Professor at Zurich. He was at the Convention atPoissy, in 
 1561, with Theodore Beza, and died soon after his return in 1562, 
 aged 63. He was learned, zealous, sincere and humble. He wrote 
 Commentaries on the Scriptures, and against the Papists, and on 
 the Lord's Supper, in reply to Gardner, Bishop of Winchester 
 Burnet, vol. 2, p. 50. 
 
40 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 quired by adducing the example of this most holy person as 
 a pretext for their false sentiments, he fell into bad repute in 
 the church. 
 
 The year 1546 was not less stormy than the past. For it 
 was necessary to fortify the minds of the people against the 
 frequent accounts circulated concerning the designs of Charles 
 5th in opposition to religion, and against the fraudulent 
 schemes of the pope, who was reported to employ a number 
 of emissaries as incendiaries. The state of the city itself 
 also particularly excited his commisseration, for the petulance 
 of the wicked, so far from suffering itself to be subdued by 
 so many scourges, became still more insolent, and at last 
 broke through all restraints. For Ami Perrin, a very auda- 
 cious and ambitious character, denominated on this account 
 by Calvin, in his letters, the mock Caesar, had succeeded, by 
 the suffrages of the people, in obtaining the nomination of 
 captain-general, and some time before had become leader of 
 the opposers of order. This man imagining, as was the fact, 
 that neither he nor his accomplices could succeed, while the 
 laws were maintained with vigour, and Calvin in particular 
 continued to thunder against their wanton and disorderly con- 
 duct, began openly to discover this year what he and his as- 
 sociates had long projected. He continued silent for a while, 
 when he had been punished and crushed by the authority of 
 the senate, merely with a view to disclose afterwards his 
 wickedness in a more open manner. For, a short period 
 having elapsed, one of the senators, secretly instigated, as is 
 supposed, by two ministers addicted to wine, who had good 
 reason, as well as others, to dread the severity of the laws, 
 accused Calvin of false doctrine before a considerably large 
 assembly. Calvin continued unmoved by such attacks. This 
 senator was tried, condemned, branded with infamy by his 
 own body, the two false pastors were conjointly suspended 
 from their office, and the taverns deprived of their license. 
 Such was the result of the machinations of the wicked, who 
 were completely disappointed. 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 41 
 
 The general conftagralion which had been smothered this 
 year, burst forth in 1547, which was the most calamitous 
 period during that age. The churches in Germany were re- 
 duced to the greatest extremity, her princes and cities either 
 surrendered to the emperor, or were taken by force, and a 
 work, which had been raised by the unwearied labours of so 
 many years, seemed to be overthrown in one moment. Many 
 considered those happy, who had been rescued by a timely 
 death from such dreadful tumults. Who, then, can picture 
 the anguish that wrung the pious breast of Calvin in those 
 public calamities by which so many churches were over- 
 whelmed ? When the churches enjoyed the most profound 
 peace, our reformer felt as ardent an affection for the most 
 distant, as if the weight of them all rested on his own shoul- 
 ders. What pungency of grief must he at that time have felt, 
 when he beheld those illustrious characters, Melancthon, 
 Bucer, Martyr, his dearest friends, exposed to such imminent 
 danger, as to be placed on the very brink of death ! His 
 writings, however, testify, and the fact itself proved, that 
 Calvin overcame these storms with the greatest fortitude. 
 Though persecuted in a very severe manner by the wicked 
 at Geneva, he did not move a step from the high station of 
 constancy and integrity which he had taken. 
 
 To return to Calvin's domestic disputes, — when his whole 
 time was employed in proving that the gospel he preached 
 was not a mere speculative doctrine, but consisted in a pious 
 Christian life, he necessarily incurred the enmity of those, 
 who had proclaimed war not only against all piety and virtue, 
 but even against their very country. Perrin, as already stated, 
 sliii continued their leader, for his own condition and the state 
 of his associates were so bad, that it was evident they must 
 make the most desperate efforts ; and the abandoned openly 
 declared it was necessary for the cognizance of all questions 
 under discussion, that they should be removed from the pres- 
 bytery to the senate. The presbytery, on the other hand, 
 
 insisted that the laws established concerning church discipline 
 
 4* 
 
42 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 were agreeable to the word of God, and they implored the aid 
 of the senate to prevent the church from receiving any in- 
 jury. The senate determined it necessary to ratify the laws 
 of the church, and confirmed them accordingly. After Per- 
 rin had exposed himself to very great danger by his own 
 audacious conduct, the whole affair was settled by expelling 
 him from the senate, depriving him of his captaincy, and re- 
 ducing him to a mere private station. Though all these 
 transactions were carried on before the magistrates, yet it is 
 impossible to state how much trouble they occasioned Calvin. 
 On one occasion there was great danger of blood being shed 
 in the court itself, where the council of two hundred was 
 assembled, by the swords of the contending parties. Calvin 
 coming up with his colleagues, at the risk of his own life, 
 since the faction of the wicked was chiefly aimed against 
 him, quelled the riot. He still persisted to hold up to detes- 
 tation, in the most solemn manner, their criminal conduct, 
 and to rebuke them in the strongest terms according to their 
 deserts.* Nor was his denunciation of God's judgment 
 
 * To allay the increasing evils, this council of two hundred were 
 convoked to meet on the 16th day of September, 1547. On the 
 preceeding day, Calvin informed his colleagues, that tumults 
 would probably be excited by the factious, and that it- was his in- 
 tention to be present at the meeting. Accordingly, Calvin ac- 
 companied by his colleagues, proceeded to the Council house, but 
 arrived before the appointed time. Seeing many persons walking 
 about the door, they retired through an adjoining gate, and were 
 unnoticed. They had not been long in this retreat, before they 
 heard loud and confused clamours, which instantly increased with 
 all the signs of sedition. Calvin ran to the place, and though the 
 aspect of things was terrible, he advanced into the midst of the 
 violent and noisy crowd. His presence struck them with asto- 
 nishment ; his friends pressed around him as a defence ; he raised 
 his voice, and solemnly declared, that he came to oppose his body 
 to their swords, and if they were determined to shed any blood, he 
 exhorted them to begin with his. The heat of the sedition abated. 
 
LIFEOFCALVIN. 43 
 
 vain, since a certain person was then apprehended for writ- 
 ing a libel, and fixing it to the pulpit, in which he produced 
 many base charges against the ministers, and declared, in a 
 written document, that Calvin himself ought to be cast into 
 the Rhone. He was summoned to trial, convicted in an un- 
 expected manner of a great variety of other blasphemous 
 proceedings, and beheaded. After his death a paper was 
 found professedly written with his own hand against Moses, 
 and consequently Christ, and his impious conduct left no 
 doubt of his having also infected some others. 
 
 Calvin wrote, this year, in the midst of all these conten- 
 tions, his " Antidote against the seven Sessions of the Coun- 
 cil of Trent." He also sent an epistle to the church of 
 Rouen, fortifying them against the artifices of a certain Fran- 
 ciscan preacher, who was disseminating the poison' of the 
 errors of Carpocrates, that were renewed by the libertines. 
 
 The following year, 1548, the disorders of the factious 
 again broke forth in Geneva by the device of Satan, who 
 made Farel and Viret instrumental to this result ; a fact scarce- 
 ly credible, because they were most desirous to cure all the 
 evils. These ministers came to Geneva in the beginning of 
 the year, and addressed the senate in a very solemn manner 
 
 On entering the Senate chamber, he found a more violent con- 
 test. He pressed between the parties, when they were upon the 
 point of drawing their swords for mutual slaughter, in the very 
 sanctuary of Justice- Like an angel of peace, he arrested the fury 
 of the faction, and having brought the assembly to their seats, he 
 addressed them in a continued and impressive oration. He pointed 
 out to the seditious their crimes, and the public evils which must 
 inevitably follow upon indulging in such immoralities and factions; 
 and denounced upon them the judgments of God, if they should per- 
 sist in such iniquity. The effects of this address were so deely felt by 
 the seditious themselves, that they commended him for his inter- 
 position, which had arrested their bloody attack upon the senate. 
 —See Calvin's letter to Viret, dated, Sept. llth, 1547. 
 
44 LIPEOFCALVIN. 
 
 on the necessity of healing their contentions, since Calvin 
 only demanded reformation of manners. Perrin, with his 
 associates, that he might recover his former situation, pre- 
 tended to agree to whatever was proposed. Every thing 
 now appeared to be amicably arranged, but the result after- 
 wards showed that he had only imposed upon the pious. 
 On Perrin's restoration, the wickedness of the abandoned 
 citizens went to such a height, that they openly used certain 
 breastplates, cut in the form of a cross, as a mark for dis- 
 tinguishing each other ; some called their dogs Calvin, others 
 transformed Calvin into Cain ; a considerable number declared 
 they refrained, in consequence of their hatred of Calvin, from 
 the Lord's Supper. Our reformer and his colleagues rebuked 
 all this conduct with much boldness, summoned them to the 
 senate," and the innocence of the pious was easily victorious. 
 An amnesty was finally again ratified on the 18th of Decem- 
 ber by a solemn oath. The event proved that Perrin had 
 been dissembling in the whole of his late conduct, and the 
 only object he had in view was to rise to the syndicate, for 
 the purpose of more completely opening to himself and his 
 associates a still more certain access to these ofinices, which 
 might enable them to involve all in one common ruin. 
 
 Calvin was not diverted from his labours by these disputes, 
 but he illustrated six epistles of St. Paul, by very learned 
 commentaries, as if he had enjoyed the utmost leisure. He 
 refuted what was termed the "Interim," that was published 
 with a view to ruin the German churches, by a work written 
 with great force, which pointed out the true method for re- 
 storing the church. He exposed, in a very elegant paper, the 
 falsehood and vanity of judicial astrology, of which many at 
 that time entertained a high opinion. Having received an 
 obliging letter from Brentius, banished to Basle, he consoled 
 him with much tenderness and friendship, and T wish Bren- 
 tius had not broken the bonds of this union. He then also 
 candidly exhorted Bucer, when banished to England, to 
 speak and write his opinion more openly concerning the 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 45 
 
 Lord's Supper, and comforted him in a friendly manner. 
 At the same time he took great pains to give advice, by let- 
 ter, to the Duke of Somerset, protector of England, who 
 afterwards very unjustly suffered an ignominious death; and 
 had Calvin's plans been followed, the church of England 
 would in all probability have escaped many storms. (IX.) 
 
 The church of Geneva wonderfully increased in the midst 
 of these disputes, and this grieved Satan and bad men to a 
 very great degree. Calvin's zeal on the other hand was very 
 much increased, by entertaining, in the kindest manner, those 
 who were banished from their country on account of religion. 
 The faction of the seditious, though not entirely extinguish- 
 ed, was much subdued the following year, and afforded him 
 more leisure for attending to the distresses of the suffering 
 protestants. He required, indeed, a cessation from such dis- 
 putes, for he now sustained a very severe domestic affliction 
 in the loss of his wife, who was distinguished by a most ex- 
 cellent and choice character.* He endured his trial on this 
 
 * The companion of Calvin, who had for about nine years cher- 
 ished him in the most affectionate manner, was removed by death 
 in March, 1549. She was comely in her person,* amiable in her 
 manners, and devoutly humble in her religious duties ; and her 
 death was to Calvin, amidst his labours and infirmities, an irrepara- 
 ble loss. His strong and habitual faith, however, enabled him to 
 submit, with exemplary calmness and constancy, to this chastising 
 stroke from the hand of divine sovereignty. On this interesting 
 occasion, he shall speak for himself. 
 
 " Calvin to Farel. 
 
 " The report of the death of my wife has doubtless reached you 
 before this. I use every exertion in my power not to be entirely 
 overcome with heaviness of heart. My friends, who are about 
 me, omit nothing that can afford any alleviation to the depression 
 of my mind. When your brother left us, we almost despaired of 
 
 * Bayle. 
 
46 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 occasion with such constancy as to leave a singular example 
 of fortitude to the whole church in a similar dispensation of 
 Providence. (X.) 
 
 her life. On Tuesday, all the brethren being present, we united 
 in prayer. Pouppinus then, in the name of the rest, exhorted her 
 to faith and patience. In a few words, (for she was very feeble,) 
 she gave evidence of the stale of her mind. After this I added an 
 exhortation, such as I thought suitable to the occasion. As she 
 had not mentioned her children, I was apprehensive that from deli- 
 cacy she might cherish in her mind an anxiety more painful than 
 her disease ; and 1 declared before the brethren, that I would take 
 the same care of them as if they were my own. She answered, 
 / have already commended them to the Lord. When I observed 
 that this did not lessen my obligation of duty to them, she answer- 
 ed immmediately, If the Lord takes them under his protection, I 
 know they will he entrusted to your care. The elevation of her 
 mind was so great that she appeared to be raised above this world. 
 On the day when she gave up her soul to the Lord, our brother 
 Borgonius, a little before 6 o'clock, opened to her the consolations 
 of the Gospel, during which she frequently exclaimed, so that we 
 all perceived that her affections were on things above. The words 
 she uttered were, O glorious resurrection ! — God of Abraham, 
 and of all our Jathers ! — The faithful have, for so many ages, 
 
 hoped in thee, and not one has been disappointed / will also 
 
 hope. These short sentences she rather ejaculated, than pro- 
 nounced with a continued voice. She did not catch them from 
 others. But by these few words she manifested the thoughts 
 which exercised her mind, and the meditations which she cherished 
 in her own heart. At 6 o'clock I was compelled to leave home. 
 After seven they shifted her position, and she immediately began 
 to fail. Perceiving her voice beginning to falter, she said. Let 
 us pray — Let us pray — Pray for me, all of you. — At this time I 
 entered the house. She was unable to speak, but gave signs of an 
 agitated mind. 1 said a few things concerning the grace of Christ, 
 the hope of eternal life, our domestic intercourse and fellowship, 
 and our departure from this society and union. I retired to pray. 
 She was attentive to the instruction, and heard the prayers with 
 
LIFEOP CALVIN. 47 
 
 The churches of Saxony not being agreed respecting ihe 
 nature and use of indifferent things, Calvin was this year 
 
 a sound mind. Before 8 o'clock she breathed her last so placidly, 
 that those present could not distinguish the moment which closed 
 her life. I now suppress the sorrow of my heart, and give myself 
 no remission from my official duties. But the Lord still exercises 
 me with other troubles. Farewell, dear and faithful brother. May 
 the Lord Jesus strengthen you by his spirit, and me also in this 
 so great calamity, which would inevitably have overpowered 
 me unless from heaven he had stretched forth his hand, whose 
 office it is to raise the fallen, to strengthen the weak, and to 
 refresh the weary. Salute all the brethren and your whole 
 family. " Yours, 
 
 JOHN CALVIN. 
 « Geneva, April 11, 1549." 
 
 " Calvin to Viret. 
 
 " Although the death of my wife is a very severe affliction, yet 
 I repress, as much as I am able, the sorrow of my heart. My 
 friends also afford every anxious assistance, yet with all our ex- 
 ertions we effect less, in assuaging my grief than I could wish ; 
 but still the consolation which I do obtain I cannot express. You 
 know the tenderness of my mind, or rather with what effeminacy 
 I yield under trials ; so that without the exercise of much mode- 
 ration, I could not have supported the pressure of my sorrow. 
 Certainly it is no common occasion of grief I am deprived 
 of a most amiable partner, who, whatever might have occurred 
 of extreme endurance, would have been my willing compa- 
 nion, not only in exile and poverty, but even in death. While 
 she lived she was indeed the faithful helper of my ministry, 
 and on no account did I ever experience from her any inter- 
 ruption. 
 
 " For your friendly consolation I return you my sincere thanks. 
 Farewell, my dear and faithful brother. May the Lord Jesus 
 watch over and direct you and your wife. To her and the breth- 
 ren express my best salutation. " Yours, 
 
 JOHN CALVIN. 
 « April 7, 1549." 
 
48 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 'consulted and gave his opinion frankly on the subject; he 
 also admonished Melancthon of his duty, who was unjustly 
 accused by some of too much gentleness in his views on this 
 question, as Calvin afterwards more fully discovered. 
 
 It was not then known what spirit actuated the evil-genius 
 of Flaccius, and the whole tribe of his followers, by which 
 they afterwards caused such disturbances, and to this day so 
 subvert the work of the Lord, that they could not have done 
 it more audaciously and furiously had they been hired to it 
 by the gold of the Roman pontiff. But the Lord, while this 
 wound was inflicted upon the German churches, granted a 
 contrary blessing to the Swiss ; for Farel and Calvin made a 
 visit to Zurich, that, as certain persons considered the latter 
 in some measure to favour consubstantiation, all protestants 
 might be entirely satisfied concerning the unanimous agree- 
 ment of all the Helvetic churches in this important article. 
 It was not difficult to unite good men devoted to the truth. 
 An harmony was drawn up with the unanimous approbation 
 of all the Swiss and Orison churches, which had the effect of 
 still more closely uniting Bullinger with Calvin, and the 
 church of Zurich with that of Geneva, to which we still ad- 
 here, and hope by the blessing of God to do so to the end. 
 The conclusion of this year was productive of happiness to 
 the church, when it is contrasted with the preceding ; and I 
 state this with greater pleasure, because I was now first in- 
 troduced into the sacred ofl[ice on the call of the church of 
 Lausanne, and at Calvin's instigation. 
 
 About this time Calvin wrote two letters, abounding with 
 profound erudition to Lelius Socinus, of Sienna, who died at 
 Zurich after a long-continued residence. 
 
 These letters evidendy prove the scepticism of Socinus, 
 which was not fully known until many years had elapsed, 
 and death itself had closed his labours. He visited the 
 various churches, and deceived even the most learned, and 
 among the rest particularly Melancthon, Calvin, and Came- 
 rarius, who bears in his life of Melancthon a very honoura- 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 49 
 
 ble testimony to his character, which he does not deserve. 
 It is ascertained beyond doubt, that he was afterwards in a 
 great measure the author of the confused Bellian controversy, 
 and a favourer of the wild opinions of Servetus, Castellio, 
 and Ochinus, an account of which we shall give in its proper 
 place. His commentary also upon the celebrated first chap- 
 ter of John is yet extant, in which he has much surpassed 
 the impiety of all the heretics, who ever corrupted that very 
 divine passage. 
 
 The year 1550 was remarkable for its tranquillity with re- 
 spect to the church. The consistory resolved that the minis- 
 ters should not confine their instructions to public preaching, 
 which was neglected by some, and heard with very little 
 advantage by others, but at stated seasons should visit every 
 family from house to house, attended by an elder, and a de- 
 curion of each ward, to explain the Christian doctrines to 
 the common people, and require from every one a brief ac- 
 count of their faith. These private visits were of great use 
 to the church, and it is scarcely credible how much fruit was 
 produced by this plan of instruction. 
 
 The consistory gave directions that the celebration of the 
 birth of Christ should be deferred to the following day, and 
 that no festival should be observed as holy, excepting the 
 seventh, which is called the Lord's day. This proceeding 
 gave offience to many, and for the purpose of reproaching 
 Calvin, there were some who circulated an unfounded report 
 of his abrogating the Sabbath itself: though this subject was 
 discussed before the people, and the decree passed without 
 the request or even the knowledge of the ministers, yet 
 Calvin di . not think it worth his while to excite any dispute. 
 In consequence of many being offended with such changes, 
 Calvin embraced this opportunity for writing a '* Treatise 
 on Scandal," dedicated to his old and very faithful friend, 
 Laurence of Normandy. (See note B.) 
 
 The disputes in 1551 fully compensated for the tranquil- 
 lity of the two preceding years. The death of Bucer, much 
 5 
 
50 LIFEOFCALVIN. 
 
 beloved by Calvin, and of James Vadian, consul of St. Gal, 
 a person of singular piety and erudition, deeply afflicted the 
 whole church, and especially our reformer.* The wicked- 
 
 * Martin Bucer, Professor of Theology in the University of 
 Cambridge, closed his learned and useful career, February 28, 
 1551. As he had been highly respected by Edward VI. his re- 
 mains were interred with distinguished funeral honours. See Bur- 
 net, vol. 2, p. 155. 
 
 In the Marian persecution, the tomb of Bucer was demolished, 
 and his body burnt ; but the tomb was afterwards rebuilt by order 
 of Queen Elizabeth. 
 
 The death of Bucer occurred at the critical moment when the 
 Liturgy of the English Church was undergoing a reform. The 
 loss of his influence in that work, and the close of along and mo^t 
 confidential intimacy and correspondence, so deeply affected Cal- 
 vin, that in his letter to Farel, he forbore dwelling on the painful 
 subject ; and says, " When I reflect with myself, how great a loss 
 the Church of God has sustained in the death of this man, it cannot 
 be but that I should be tortured with fresh sorrow. His influence 
 was great in England. And from his writings, I cannot but in- 
 dulge the hope, that posterity will be benefitted in a still more ex- 
 tensive degree. It may be added, that the Church appears to be 
 deprived of faithful teachers." Calvin proceeds to mention in the 
 same letter, the death of his friend, James Vadian, consul of St. 
 Gal, a civil magistrate valuable for his learning and piety, the 
 weight of whose influence was very great in the civil and reli- 
 gious concerns of the Helvetians. See Calvin's letter to Fare], 
 dated June 15, 1551, and to Viret, dated May 10, 1551. 
 
 Bucer was born 1491, at Schelestadt, in the province of Alsace. 
 He entered the order of Dominicans at the age of seven years. In 
 1521, he had a conference with Luther. Having previously pe- 
 rused the writings of Erasmus and of Luther, he was prepared to 
 unite with the German Reformers. He settled at Strasburg, and 
 officiated there both as Minister and Theological Professor for 20 
 years ; and, with Capito, was the chief instrument of the early 
 reformation in that city. When the troubles about the Interim 
 arose, he gladly accepted the invitation of Cranmer, and went to 
 England, 1549. 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 51 
 
 ness of the factious burst forth with greater violence, in pro- 
 portion to the length of time it had been smothered : they 
 openly asserted that the right of citizenship ought not to be 
 granted to strangers, who took refuge in Geneva ; and not 
 content v/ith this, they mocked and jostled Calvin on his re- 
 turn from preaching beyond the Rhone. 
 
 Raymond, his colleague, passing over the bridge across the 
 Rhone by night, nearly fell headlong into it, in consequence 
 of the factious secretly removing one of the piles. They 
 excited a considerable tumult at the church of St. Gervais, 
 assigning as a pretext, that the minister had refused to give 
 the name Balthazar, which had been expressly prohibited by 
 laws made on sufficient grounds, to a child whom they had 
 brought for baptism. Calvin, not being able to remedy these 
 evils, bore them with Christian resignation, fortitude, and 
 invincible patience. But another new evil attacked the 
 church of Geneva at this time. Jerome Bolsec, late a Car- 
 melite monk at Paris, was the occasion of this confusion ; 
 who, having laid aside the habit a few years before, retained 
 the spirit and character of a monk. He fled from Paris, and 
 was banished from the court of the Duchess de Ferrara, who 
 had been deceived by him, and having been made physician 
 in the space of three days, paid a visit to Geneva. Being 
 held in no repute among learned physicians, he aimed to 
 establish his credit as a divine, by beginning to prate some- 
 thing privately concerning the falsehood and absurdity of 
 predestination, and afterwards in the church. Calvin at first 
 was content with refuting him, and used mild remonstrance, 
 but afterwards, by private conversation, our reformer endea- 
 voured to correct his errors. But Bolsec, whether excited 
 by monastic ambition, or goaded on by the seditious, who 
 had been seeking for some one to attack Calvin, on the 16th 
 of October, when the preacher was explaining in the church 
 the following passage : " He that is of God heareth God's 
 words ; ye therefore hear them not because ye are not of 
 God," (John viii. 47,) openly dared to support free will, and 
 
52 LIFEOFCALVIN. 
 
 the foreknowledge of works, for the purpose of subverting 
 the decree of eternal predestination, which is superior in or- 
 der to all causes. He attacked the true doctrine with con- 
 tumelious language, and a purely seditious arrogance ; and 
 he is thought to have done this with greater boldness, because 
 he considered Calvin to be absent, as Bolsec did not happen 
 to behold him in his usual place. He was indeed absent at 
 the commencement of the sermon, but as he came in after 
 the preacher had proceeded with his subject, he had remained 
 behind some of the rest of the congregation. When the dis- 
 course of the monk was finished, Calvin suddenly appeared, 
 and though he evidently spoke without premeditation, dis- 
 played on this occasion, as much as on any other, his great 
 talents in controversy. Calvin indeed confuted his opponent 
 with so much force, adduced so many passages from Scrip- 
 ture, so many quotations in particular from St. Augustin, and, 
 finally, so many, and such weighty arguments, that all, ex- 
 cept the monk himself, with his shameless front, blushed 
 exceedingly for the daring assailant. He was seized by a 
 magistrate in the congregation, who was empowered for that 
 purpose, dismissed the assembly, and committed to prison as 
 a seditious offender. In short, the cause was discussed in 
 various disputations ; the senate requested the judgment of 
 the Swiss churches, expelled him from the city, after being 
 publicly condemned for sedition and downright Pelagianism, 
 and threatened to inflict corporal punishment, if they should 
 again apprehend him either in tlie city or its territory. Bol- 
 sec retired into a neighbouring city, where he caused many 
 and great disturbances ; and having been twice driven from 
 the Canton of Berne, he went first to Paris, and then to Or- 
 leans, canvassing for the charge of the ministry among the 
 French churches, which he expected would continue tran- 
 quil, affecting, by strange arts, repentance for his conduct, 
 and expressing, of his own accord, a desire to be reconciled 
 with the church of Geneva. When he appeared as if really 
 prepared thus to act, the persecution of the protestant 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 53 
 
 churches, contrary to his expectations, alarmed him, and, 
 resuming the study of medicine, he openly forsook the pro- 
 testants, and returned to the popish profession, having aban- 
 doned also his wife to the canons of Autun, and became a 
 gross railer against the truth, which practice he still con- 
 tinues in that city. But the College of Ministers at Geneva, 
 in a public meeting, asserted the true doctrine of predestina- 
 tion, and approved the statement afterwards given of it by 
 Calvin in a treatise published on that subject. Satan, by 
 these disputes, was the occasion of so much light being 
 thrown upon this article of our faith, involved before in very 
 great obscurity, that it has been made clear and evident to 
 all but the friends of contention. 
 
 In the following year it appeared more certain what such 
 a flame the impure Bolsec had raised, although condemned 
 by the common judgment of so many churches. For the 
 difficulty of a question, which had not yet been sufficiently 
 explained by the greater part of the ancients, and the discus- 
 sion of which had not always ended in the same conclusion, 
 excited in a peculiar manner inquisitive minds to investigate 
 this important point. The factious also considered this to be 
 an excellent opportunity for effecting the complete subver- 
 sion of all order, if Calvin could only be expelled. It is im- 
 possible to state the various disputes which followed, not 
 only in the city, but in every quarter, as if the trumpet was 
 sounded by Satan himself. For though the ministers of the 
 principal churches beautifully harmonized, there were, how- 
 ever, some of the neighbouring churches of Berne, which 
 threatened to enter into controversy with Calvin, as if he 
 made God the author of sin, evidently forgetting that Calvin 
 had long ago professedly refuted this very destructive opi- 
 nion, in his treatise against the libertines. At Basle also the 
 good and simple man, CasteUio, the greatest part of whose 
 conduct was marked by secrecy, supported Pelagianism with 
 considerable openness. Even Melancthon himself had com- 
 menced writing on these subjects in such a manner, that not- 
 
 5* 
 
54 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 withstanding he had expressly before this period subscribed 
 to Calvin's book against Pighius, yet some thought he pointed 
 to the ministers of Geneva, as if they were introducing a stoi- 
 cal fate. I wholly omit mentioning the catholics, who now 
 again repeated the same calumnies, which had been a thou- 
 sand times refuted. These circumstances necessarily dis- 
 tressed Calvin's mind with much greater keenness, because, 
 occasionally during that period, the power of error had been 
 so great, that in some parts public authority seemed to inter- 
 pose for preventing the ministers to declare the truth. 
 
 Nor was this a controversy finished in a few years : but, 
 first of all, the good hermit, Troillet, already mentioned, 
 came forth this very year to enter the field of controversy 
 with Calvin, who some time before, after being rejected as 
 an unsuccessful candidate for the ministry, had become a law- 
 yer, and the patron of the factious. This cause was discussed 
 on both sides before the senate with considerable warmth. 
 Calvin defended his doctrine by the sole authority of truth, 
 while his opponent conducted the discussion, supported by 
 the impudence and the favour of the abandoned. The truth 
 was victorious ; and the writings of Calvin, which is a strik- 
 ing fact, were even recognised as orthodox and pious by the 
 sufi'rages of his opponents. 
 
 We must not conceal the repentance of this Troillet some 
 few years after, who, on his death -bed, sent for Calvin, with 
 great earnestness, as a witness, to inform him that he could 
 not die with peace of conscience, unless he was reconciled 
 to him before he departed. He confessed in ^hat an unwor- 
 thy manner he had carried on his attack against Calvin, who 
 not only paid him every attention, but with the greatest kind- 
 ness raised and comforted his drooping spirit, and confirmed 
 his faith until his dying hour. 
 
 But the year 1553, the wickedness of the seditious has- 
 tening to a close, was so very turbulent, that both church and 
 state were brought into extreme danger. They made so great 
 a progress by threats and clamour, the virtuous part of the 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 55 
 
 society enjoying no liberty in consequence of the great num- 
 ber of the seditious, as to disannul the ancient edicts for elect- 
 ing and appointing senators, which, by the kind favour of 
 God, afforded an argument for the virtuous, to adopt after- 
 wards such an improvement in their councils, as secured 
 more oompletely their own rights. They expelled some from 
 the senate, deprived all foreign refugees of their arms, under 
 the pretence of fear, and allowed them only the use of swords 
 when they went into the country. Every thing seemed to be 
 in a state of preparation for accomplishing the plans of the 
 seditious, since all was subject to their power. 
 
 Satan then presented another occasion for exciting distur- 
 bance. For that real enemy of the sacred Trinity, or rather 
 of all true deity, a;id therefore a monster formed from all 
 kinds of the most absurd and impious heresies which had 
 formally taken possession of the human mind, Michael Ser- 
 vetus, after wandering as a physician for some years in va- 
 rious parts of Europe, under the feigned name of Villano- 
 vanus, disseminated his blasphemies at Vienne, in a thick 
 volume. ArnoUet, of Lyons, was printer, and William Gue- 
 ret, corrector, as it is termed, of the press, who was long ago 
 devoted to the seditious at Geneva, and a few months before 
 left that city for Lyons, to avoid the punishment to which he 
 was exposed, on account of fornication and other crimes. 
 Servetus, after publishing this work, abounding with blas- 
 phemies, on account of which he had been imprisoned at Vi- 
 enne, whence, by contrivances, with which I am wholly un- 
 acquainted, he afterwards escaped, now came, under unfa- 
 vourable auspices, to Geneva, with an intention of going to 
 some more distant place, if the providence of God had not so 
 arranged that he was cast into prison by one of the magis- 
 trates ; who was informed of his being in that city by Calvin, 
 who recognized him soon after his arrival, having been, well 
 acquainted with Servetus long before. A book was published, 
 where a very full account may be met with of the controver- 
 sies then discussed, and of the importance of the subjects ex- 
 
 / 
 
56 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 amined. The result of the whole was, that this ruined char- 
 acter, in whose ear it was thought one of the seditious, being 
 assessor with the praetor, whispered advice calculated to har- 
 den the mind of the prisoner in his sins, was betrayed by his 
 own vain confidence, and condemned for impiety and an in- 
 finite number of blasphemies, according to the sentence even 
 of all the Swiss churches. This unhappy person was burned 
 alive, without manifesting the least mark of repentance, on 
 the 27th of October. [See note C] 
 
 Farel was so broken down with disease this year, that he 
 was left by Calvin, who had come to visit him at Neuchatel, 
 apparently in dying circumstances. He was, however, af- 
 terwards restored, contrary to all expectations, and continu- 
 ed to comfort and refresh the church. This year was hidier- 
 to evidently spent by us in an alternation of hope and fear, 
 but the grief we experienced was followed by the feelings of 
 joy. 
 
 For while the proceedings were going on in the case of 
 Servetus, Bertelier, one of the factious, a man of the most 
 abandoned impudence, who had been forbidden the Lord's 
 table by the presbytery on account of his many crimes, en- 
 tered the senate, and petitioned them to authorize the abro- 
 gation of his sentence. Had this request been granted, all 
 the bonds of church discipline would undoubtedly have been 
 broken, and all church order immediately dissolved. Cal- 
 vin, therefore, with great earnestness and boldness, in the 
 name of the presbytery, opposed it, and proved that the 
 magistrate ought to be the avenger, not destroyer of the sa- 
 cred laws, and he neglected nothing which so momentous a 
 dispute required. The false clamours of those, who assert- 
 ed that the presbytery, in some cases, usurped the power of 
 the magistrates, triumphed ; and a resolution was passed, on 
 the question being brought before the grand council of two 
 hundred, that the final decision, on all cases of excom.muni- 
 cation, should be vested in the senate, with a power to ab- 
 solve such as they thought fit. Agreeable to this decision, 
 
L 1 F E O P CALVIN. 57 
 
 Bertelier secretly obtained letters abrogating his sentence, 
 and confirmed bj the seal of the state, from the senate, 
 which did not at that time direct its attention to the careful 
 investigation of this subject. Perrin, and his faction, expect- 
 ed that Calvin would either disobey the orders of the senate, 
 and thus sink under popular tumult, or, if he obeyed them, 
 all the authority of the presbytery, and with it all the power- 
 ful restraints upon the wicked, v/ould, without difficulty, be 
 afterwards broken for ever. But Calvin, having received 
 notice of this resolution only two days before the adminis- 
 tration of the supper, as usual, in September, uttered, during 
 the sermon, with uplifted hands, and in a solemn tone, many 
 severe denunciations against the profaners of mysteries, 
 whose sacred character he described ; and " for my own 
 part," said he, (after the example of Chrysostom,) " I will 
 rather suffer myself to be slain, than allow this hand to 
 stretch forth the sacred things of the Lord to those -.ho are 
 lawfully condemned as despisers of God." This voice, won- 
 derful to state, produced such an effect, even upon his un- 
 bridled enemies, that Perrin immediately gave secret orders 
 to Bertelier, not to present himself at the table, and the sacred 
 mysteries were celebrated with a surprisingly profound si- 
 lence, and under a solemn awe, as if the Deity himself had 
 been visible among them. But, after dinner, in the course 
 of his explaining that remarkable passage in the Acts of the 
 Apostles, w^here Paul bids farewell to the church of Ephe- 
 sus, Calvin protested that he was not the man who either 
 himself knew anything about resisting magistrates, or taught 
 others to do so, and exhorted, at considerable length, the 
 people to persevere in the doctrine which they had heard. 
 And in conclusion, as if it was the last sermon he would 
 preach at Geneva, he said, " Since affairs are in such a state, 
 permit me also, brethren, ^to apply to you the language of 
 the apostle, I commend you to God and to the word of his 
 grace." These words struck his abandoned enemies dumb, 
 in a surprising manner, and the good were more seriously 
 
58 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 confirmed and admonished of their duty. Calvin, the next 
 day, accompanied by his colleagues and the presbytery, de- 
 liberately demanded of the senate, and the council of two 
 hundred, that their case should be determined by the people 
 themselves, since the law, whose abrogation was then under 
 consideration, had been made by the people. 
 
 The opinions of these two ruling bodies were changed 
 after such observations, and it was resolved that the decree 
 of the two hundred should be suspended, the four reformed 
 states of Switzerland consulted, and no alteration in the mean 
 time should take place in the existing laws. Thus the storm 
 being broken rather than quelled, the leaders of the faction 
 endeavoured, from the occurrence of particular circumstances 
 to make it fall upon the head of Farel, which, contrary to all 
 expectation, had been averted from that of Calvin. For Fa- 
 rel, who had suffered so severely from a violent disease in 
 the month of March, visited Geneva as soon as the restora- 
 tion of his health allowed. In his sermon, relying on the 
 justice of the cause, on his age, and former influence, he re- 
 proved with great keenness, the supporters of faction. They 
 complained loudly that Farel had done them a serious injury, 
 and on his return to Neuchatel they procured letters from the 
 senate to the government of that state, for the purpose of al- 
 lowing Farel to be summoned to Geneva, and to answer for 
 himself on the day appointed. Farel came, and was exposed 
 to considerable danger from the factious who cried out, 
 that he ought to be thrown into the Rhone for his conduct. 
 A prudent, discreet, courageous young man, in the first place, 
 frequently warned Perrin to use every exertion that the com- 
 mon father, as it were, of the city, might not suffer any in- 
 jury. He was afterwards joined by one of his companions, 
 another young man of integrity, who advised such as were 
 friends of good order what measures they ought to adopt. 
 The concourse of a great part of the city took place when 
 Farel seated himself in the court. His accusers, astonished 
 at this circumstance, and being now anxious for their own 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 59 
 
 personal safety, earnestly entreated for the acquittal of Farel, 
 after an audience had been given him. Thus nearly the 
 whole of the year was spent against the wicked, in contend- 
 ing either for good doctrine, or wholesome discipline. The 
 result was every where prosperous, if we except the wound, 
 which not only England, but all Christian churches, suffered 
 in the death of the most pious King Edward the 6th, who 
 was cut off in the flower of youth.* 
 
 * This excellent prince was the son of Henry VIII. and Jane 
 Seymour, who was delivered of him at Hampton Court, October 
 12, 1537, but not without the cesarean operation, of which she 
 died in a few days after. During this young king's last illness, a 
 few hours before his death, with his eyes closed, and judging that 
 no one heard him, he offered up the following prayer. 
 
 " Lord God, deliver me out of this miserable and wretched life, 
 and take me among thy chosen. Howbeit, not my will, but thine 
 be done. Lord 1 commit my spirit to thee. O Lord, thou know- 
 est how happy it were for me to be with thee ; yet for thy chosen's 
 sake, send me hfe and health, that I may truly serve thee. O 
 my Lord God, bless thy people, and save thy inheritance. O Lord 
 God, save thy chosen people of England. O my Lord God, de- 
 fend this realm from papistry, and maintain thy true religion, that 
 I and my people may praise thy holy name, for thy Son Jesus 
 Christ his sake." His last words were, " I am faint, Lord have 
 mercy upon me, and take my spirit." Thus died this blessed 
 king — this young Josias, July 6, 1553, aged 17. 
 
 Mr. Brr-uicrd, the martyr, said of this excellent prince, that he 
 judged him to be the holiest and godliest man in the realm of 
 England. 
 
 In the beginning of his reign, Charles I. emperor of Germany and 
 king of Spain, requested that leave might be given to Lady Mary 
 (afterwards Queen Mary) to have mass said in her house. Bish- 
 ops Cranmer and Ridley were sent by the Council to entreat the 
 the young king on this behalf. They plead for it as a matter of 
 state policy. But the young king answered them from Scripture 
 with such gravity and force, that they could not reply. They 
 
60 
 
 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 Calvin was so intent upon his studies during this year, as 
 to publish his excellent commentaries on John. We may 
 here declare, and I heartily wish it were without cause con- 
 cerning Servetus, what the ancient fathers of the church, 
 taught by experience, wrote of these two monsters, Paul of 
 Samosata, and Arius of Alexandria, that they commenced 
 conflagrations, which afterwards set on fire nearly all the 
 churches of the Christian world. Servetus was justly 
 punished at Geneva, not as a sectary, but as a monster, made 
 up of nothing but impiety and horrid blasphemies, with 
 which, by his speeches and writings, for the space of thirty 
 years, he had infected both heaven and earth. Even now it 
 is impossible to state how much he has increased the rage of 
 Satan, since the flame, raised by him, first seized upon Po- 
 land then Transylvania and Hungary, and would to God it 
 had not extended even farther. Servetus may justly be con- 
 sidered as having uttered a prediction, with a spirit evidently 
 Satanic, when he selected the following sentence, with 
 the same feelings of conscience that dictated all his other 
 writings, as a frontispiece to his book, which is true, if 
 the particle with, not against, be used: " Great war took 
 place in heaven, Michael and his angels fighting with the 
 dragon." 
 
 however pressed their suit, but the king told them to be satisfied, and 
 said that he was resolved rather to lose his life, and all that he had, 
 than agree to that which he knew with certainty to be against the 
 truth. Notwithstanding all this, the bishops continued their inter- 
 cessions, when the king burst into tears, through tenderness, love, 
 and zeal for the truth ; which the bishops no sooner observed than 
 they wept also and withdrew. On their return to the Council, they 
 met Mr. Cheek, who had a great share in the king's education. 
 Cranmer took him by the hand, and said "Ah, Mr. Cheek, you 
 may be glad all the days of your life, that you have such a scholar ; 
 for he hath more divinity in his little finger, than we have in our 
 whole bodies." 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 61 
 
 The ashes of this unhappy man were scarcely cold, when 
 the question was discussed concerning the punishment of 
 heretics. Some thought it right to restrain within due 
 bounds, but not to punish heretics with death ; others deter- 
 mined to leave them to the judgment of God, from a con- 
 viction that the word of truth is not sufficiently clear on 
 heresy, and_ that, according to the practice of the academi- 
 cians, different sentiments may be entertained by both sides 
 concerning all the articles of religion : even some good men 
 supported this opinion, fearing lest, by adopting contrary 
 sentiments, they should appear to inflame the cruelty of 
 tyrants against the pious. The principal supporters of this 
 sentiment were Castellio and Lelius Socinus, the former in 
 a more secret manner, the latter with greater boldness. 
 Socinus, in his preface for perverting the Holy Bible, has 
 evidently studied to destroy the manifest authority of the 
 divine word, and has expressly stated in his notes to the 
 First Epistle to the Corinthians, for the purpose of with- 
 drawing our attention from the written word as imperfect, 
 that Paul had taught some of his perfect disciples, with 
 whom I am wholly unacquainted, a certain more profound 
 system of divinity than what he has delivered to us in the 
 Scriptures. 
 
 Calvin, in the beginning of 1554, published a copious re- 
 futation of the doctrine of Servetus, which was subscribed 
 by all his colleagues, and assigned reasons why, and to what 
 extent, after proper legal investigation, heretics ought to be 
 punished by the magistrates. This refutation was answered 
 in the name of one Martin Bellius, who was Castellio himself, 
 though he afterwards denied it on oath, in a confused work, 
 formed out of extracts from the corrupted writings of pious 
 doctors, and from the manuscripts of certain unknown fana- 
 tics. They forged the name of the city where, they falsely 
 pretended, this confused treatise had been published, and in- 
 serted it in the preface. I afterwards returned an answer to 
 this work, which contained not only the error already men- 
 
 6 
 
62 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 tioned, but many blasphemies, with a view to free Calvin 
 from the troublesome interruption he would have experienc- 
 ed in the prosecution of works of greater importance, espe- 
 cially in writing his very learned commentaries on Genesis, 
 and also in his unwearied labours for warding off other dan- 
 gers, hereafter to be stated, by which the church was threaten- 
 ed. For the factious persisted in their innovations ; and 
 though, on the 2d of February, an amnesty was again ratified 
 in the presence of the senate with a solemn promise, yet 
 they daily increased in wickedness. Calvin continued to be 
 very much occupied, while he laboured by his usual reproofs 
 to recall the abandoned to habits of virtue, and to confirm the 
 good against the vile conduct of the wicked : for they had 
 advanced to such a dreadful height of vice, as to parody the 
 word of God itself in obscene songs, and to knock down, and 
 sometimes even to plunder, foreigners, whom they met in 
 the evening. They called in also the private and special 
 assistance of Bolsee, Castellio, and certain other characters, 
 who forsooth displayed great anxiety about the truth, for the 
 purpose of renewing the controversy concerning predestina- 
 tion. They were not satisfied with disseminating that 
 famous anonymous work, replete with calumny, in which 
 Calvin, the faithful servant of God, was reviled in a very sur- 
 prising manner ; but Castellio sent another Latin work to be 
 published secretly at Paris, which I afterwards answered, 
 and Calvin himself refuted some foolish absurdities of the 
 same argument comprehended in certain articles. 
 
 Calvin was at this time occupied with the care of the nu- 
 merous strangers, who had been obliged to quit England, 
 some of whom had retired to Vezel, others to Embden, and 
 the rest to Franckfort, who all frequently solicited his advice. 
 He was much distressed by the audacity of certain pastors, 
 belonging to the French church at Strasburg, formerly found- 
 ed by him, who were supported by the secret favour and as- 
 sistance of some of their colleagues. 
 
 The great labours in which Calvin was engaged this year, 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 63 
 
 for the interest of various churches, appear from his nu- 
 merous letters, by which he induced many princes to em- 
 brace the gospel, and confirmed with very great advantage, 
 many of his brethren, either exposed to the most imminent 
 danger of their li^es, or confined in chains. 
 
 We have already spoken of the published harmony of the 
 doctrine of the sacraments among all the Swiss and Grison 
 churches, which afforded great joy to the learned and good 
 of all denominations. This harmony displeased the spirit of 
 error, with whose power we are already well acquainted. 
 He easily got one Joachim Westphal to stir up the covered 
 embers, who having sounded the tocsin, was supported by 
 Heshusius, then minister of the word of God, and now made 
 a bishop, of whom we shall afterwards give a more full ac- 
 count. Calvin published, at that time, an explanation of 
 this harmony, which, in proportion as it excited the furious 
 indignation of these writers, proved more highly useful to all 
 the lovers of truth, 
 
 The following year, by the wonderful kindness of God, 
 produced a desired rest for the church and state of Geneva 
 from its domestic contentions. The factious ruined them- 
 selves in consequence of the timely detection of a dreadful 
 conspiracy, by the petulance and audacity of certain drunk- 
 ards concerned in it ; some of them were condemned to a 
 capital punishment, and others left their native country. 
 And although they harassed the city for a considerable space 
 of time afterwards, yet all shared at last a shameful death; 
 and in this way exhibited a singular example'of the late, but 
 jusf judgment of God. The republic was thus freed from 
 these pests of society ; and God conferred another blessing 
 by the answer of the four Swiss states, which was returned 
 a short time before this event, whose opinion the senate had 
 determined to take the preceding year, as already stated, 
 concerning the discipline of the church of Geneva. All the 
 edicts of church government, contrary to the expectation of 
 
64 LIFE OP CALVIN. 
 
 the factions, were ratified, and confirmed by the unanimous 
 suffrages of the citizens. 
 
 Calvin was not left without occasion for strenuous exer- 
 tions, as in foreign affairs he took great pains in promoting 
 the establishment of the churches in Poland, according to 
 the will of the king. The dreadful tempest excited on the 
 change of government in England, hurried away to heaven, 
 along with innumerable others in that country, those three 
 bishops and martyrs of unrivalled piety — Hooper, Ridley, 
 and Latimer, and at length the great Cranmer, Archbishop 
 of Canterbury. Calvin was very much employed in com- 
 forting his French brethren in bonds, and especially the 
 five martyrs of most distinguished bravery, who were burned 
 in the most cruel manner at Cambray. 
 
 But the ashes of Servetus began again to spring up afresh 
 at home, whose blasphemies were favoured by Matthew 
 Gribaldo, an eminent lawyer, who had accidently come to 
 Geneva, as Fargias, a village in the neighbourhood of that 
 city, belonged to him. Calvin, on being introduced to him 
 by certain Italians, among whom he had been a teacher at 
 Padua, refused to give him the right hand of fellowship, un- 
 less they were agreed about the first article of Christian 
 faith, the sacred Trinity, and the divinity of Christ. Such 
 conduct left no room for exhortations or arguments, and he 
 in reality experienced afterwards, what Calvin even then 
 predicted, that the dreadful judgment of God was impending 
 over him for his obstinate impiety. He first escaped from 
 Tubingen, were he had been introduced by the kindness of 
 Virgerius ; and was afterwards taken at Berne, where he 
 renounced his heresies, in order to escape the dangers by 
 which he was threatened. He afterwards returned to his 
 former principles, and became the supporter and guest of 
 Gentilis, to whose conduct we shall on another occasion 
 revert. He at last died of the plague, by which he was sud- 
 denly seized, and thus escaped the punishment prepared for 
 him. 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 65 
 
 Another circumstance prevented Calvin from experiencing 
 uninterrupted joy this year. A faction arose of a few neigh- 
 bouring ministers, who were of their own accord opposed to 
 Calvin, and under the influence of Bolsec. These persons, 
 though of infamous characters, thinking to acquire reputation 
 by attacking so illustrious an adversary, accused him, in 
 scurrilous language, of making God the author of sin, be- 
 cause he taught that nothing is exempted from the eternal 
 providence and appointment of God. Calvin despised at 
 first these calumnies to which we have already alluded, but 
 compelled at last by their railings, solicited permission to 
 repair to Berne, accompanied by envoys from the republic, 
 to maintain the cause of truth before the inhabitants of that 
 city. After advocating his cause, Castellio was banished 
 with infamy from the territory of Berne, and Bolsec was also 
 ordered to depart ; nor did they think it then necessary to 
 draw up any definite articles on the subject discussed, since 
 the Lord himself took his own plans for supporting the in- 
 terests of his church. Calvin would otherwise have appeared 
 to have gained his object by authority or favour, which was 
 subsequently supported by the voluntary confession of his 
 opponent. For all these calumnies soon afterwards vanished 
 into smoke, and Andrew Zebedee, Calvin's bitterest accuser 
 on this occasion, retracted bis errors on his death-bed, after 
 Calvin's decease, having sent for the principal citizens of 
 Newburgh, four miles distance from Geneva. He manifested 
 his perfect detestation of his former conduct, by ordering all 
 his own papers to be burned before his eyes, which was cer- 
 tainly a better decision than if these orders had been issued 
 by a thousand decrees of the senate. (XI.) 
 
 In the following year, Calvin, in consequence of his im- 
 prudence, was attacked with a tertian fever when preaching 
 and obliged, contrary to his inclination, to leave the pulpit. 
 This circumstance gave rise to many false* reports, which 
 were so acceptable to the Roman Catholics, that a solemn 
 procession was held at Noyon, his native city, and the canons 
 
 6* 
 
66 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 returned public thanks to their idols for the death of our re- 
 former.* But the prayers of the pious prevailed, and Calvin 
 was so far from falling a victim to the disease, that he seem- 
 ed, as it were, to be renewed in strength, and commenced an 
 unusually long journey to Franckfort, where he had been 
 invited for the purpose of terminating the disputes of the 
 French Church. 
 
 Calvin, on his return from Franckfort, though something 
 impaired in his health, did not remit his daily labours, hav- 
 ing published, the following year, his remarkably learned 
 Commentaries on the Psalms, accompanied with a very va- 
 luable preface. Part of this year, which was very turbulent, 
 and distinguished for tumults, excited by some factious mi- 
 nisters, and by the very great price of wheat, Calvin devoted 
 to the defence of the truth against Joachim Westphal. After 
 Calvin had answered Westphal, in consequence of his con- 
 tinually prating on this subject, I engaged in the controversy 
 myself with a success, by the grace of God, that leaves me 
 no cause to repent of the part I took in this question. Then 
 also the calumnies of Castellio against the eternal providence 
 of God, which he had circulated without affixing his name 
 to the work, were refuted by us both. 
 
 The news of the very dreadful persecution of the protest- 
 ants, which particularly began in Paris, where the congrega- 
 tion in James' street was seized, assembled for celebrating 
 the Lord's Supper, deeply, and in an especial manner affect- 
 ed Calvin. Nearly eighty of them were seized, (the rest 
 escaping by means of the darkness of the night,) and dragged 
 to prison about break of day, with mucli reproachful and 
 contumelious language, though several ladies were observed 
 among them of the first quality. The courtiers, and circum- 
 stances of the times, had awakened the king's anger against 
 
 *The Edinburgh EncyclopaBdia says, this event occurred in 
 1551. So also says Bayle. 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 67 
 
 the protestants, for this affliction took place soon after the 
 news had arrived of the defeat of the French at St. Quintin, 
 and their assemblies were held at night, not being permitted 
 to meet in the day. These old and stale calumnies, formerly- 
 invented against the first Christians, were again revived by 
 Demochares, a doctor of the Sorbonne, pretending that all 
 the disasters of the state were to be attributed to protestants 
 alone. They procured also false witnesses to prove that the 
 putting out of the lights was followed by prostitution, which 
 many were credulous enough to believe. 
 
 Twenty-one of them were condemned to the flames, and, 
 as only seven were executed at a time, this spectacle was 
 exhibited at three different periods, to make the example 
 more dreadful. The first who entered the flames was a lady 
 of rank, whose constancy, and that of other six, particularly 
 of the two last of the young men who suflered, was truly 
 admirable. 
 
 This storm was in a great measure assuaged, by detecting 
 the calumny of the doctors of the Sorbonne, though even 
 this did not silence them, by the mother herself appearing 
 before the judges to prove the chastity of her captive daugh- 
 ters. An excellent treatise was likewise published by a very 
 learned pastor, residing for some months in that neigh- 
 bourhood, who easily refuted all the falsehoods in circula- 
 tion ; and the earnest intercession of an embasy from the 
 German princes, procured by Calvin's exertions with the 
 utmost speed, assisted to allay this storm of dreadful perse- 
 cution. The following year shone forth with great happi- 
 ness upon the state of Geneva, by a perpetual alliance be- 
 tween the inhabitants of Geneva and Berne, contrary to the 
 expectation of such as had been banished from the first city. 
 Several unpleasant occurrences from other quarters dimi- 
 nished this happiness, besides the last abortive efforts of the 
 exiles, which I shall wholly pass over. 
 
 The persecution abroad was rekindled in France, and the 
 most mischievous and terrible heresy of the Tritheists, re- 
 
68 
 
 LIFE OF C ALV IN 
 
 vived from the ashes of Servetus, by Valentine Gentilis, a 
 native of Cosenza. 
 
 For the purpose of affording assistance to those suffering 
 from persecution, an embassy was sent to the princes of 
 Germany, with letters from Calvin, to demand their inter- 
 cession in the calamities of the church, which they depicted 
 with great feeling. Calvin in the mean time strengthened 
 the hands of the persecuted, by keeping up a constant cor- 
 respondence with them. 
 
 I will give a brief statement of the whole proceedings with 
 GentiUs, and an account of the death of this monster. For 
 the whole of this history is faithfully related in part by Cal- 
 vin himself, from the public acts, and partly by Benedict 
 Aretius, minister at Berne, having added a refutation of the 
 blasphemies uttered by this heretic. All these treatises, and 
 some others pertaining to the same subject, were published 
 in this city in the 1567th year of our Lord. 
 
 Shortly after the death of Servetus, Gentilis, possessed of 
 a sagacious, but vacillating and sophistical understanding, 
 meeting, some time after the punishment of Servetus, with 
 his work, and its refutation by Calvin, easily perceived that 
 neither the phantasms nor ideas of Servetus to colour the 
 heresy of Paul of Samosata, nor the confusion of the persons 
 with the essence introduced by Sabellius, nor the fictitious 
 deity of Christ, taught by the impure Arius, could be recon- 
 ciled with the word of God. Perceiving also that the views 
 given us in Scripture, with regard to three distinct persons 
 in one essence, are above our comprehension, he did not, as 
 is usual with such characters, submit himself to the wisdom 
 of God, but was satisfied with the truth of such opinions as 
 were agreeable to human reason. He attributed the mo- 
 narchy and supreme authority to the person of the Father 
 alone,, whom lie would liave to be the only sovereign God. 
 He began openly to avow the doctrine of essentiation, name- 
 ly, the propagation of essence, and as there were three per- 
 sons, so there must be three numerically distinct essences, 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 69 
 
 that is to say, three Gods, eternal, ahuighty, and immense. 
 To maintain this heresy, he perverted, with matchless im- 
 pudence, the Scriptures, and the council of Nice, for he 
 wholly renounced the Athanasian Creed, and wrested the 
 more ancient writers of the Church, Ignatius, Tertullian, 
 Irenaeus, and Lactantius, to support his opinions. For he 
 not only rejected all the orthodox divines, followers of the 
 Nicene council, but treated them with scorn, as guilty of 
 impiety. This blasphemy was the forerunner of others con- 
 cerning the hypostatic union. 
 
 At first he proposed his opinions privately among a few, 
 and particularly to John Paul Alciat, a military officer, from 
 Milan, and George Blandrata, a physician of Salusses, pro- 
 fessing only to consider it as a subject for discussion. But 
 the Presbytery of the Italian church at Geneva, having been 
 informed of this circumstance, convened an extraordinary as- 
 sembly, at which, in the hearing of a certain number of sena- 
 tors chosen for the occasion, and of all the ministers and el- 
 ders, the reasons adduced in support of that doctrine were 
 patiently considered by Calvin, and refuted from the word 
 of God. This conference induced all the Italians to sign the 
 orthodox faith, with the exception of six, who shortly after- 
 wards, being examined separately, subscribed it with their 
 hands, but not, as the event proved, with their hearts. Gen- 
 tilis, returning to his former habits and dispositions, was 
 found again disseminating the same blasphemous opinions ; 
 he used no dissimulation on his arrest, and had as long and 
 as frequent an audience granted him as he desired. At last, 
 as if vanquished, for he could answer Calvin by nothing but 
 obstinacy, he feigned an incredible repentance, a copy of 
 which is yet extant, signed by his own hand. To be brief, he 
 openly renounced his opinions in the streets, and was dis- 
 missed, after taking an oath that he would not leave the city. 
 But, regardless of this obligation, he soon after fled to Gri- 
 baldo in Savoy, and was some time after followed by Alciat 
 and Blandrata. These two last retired to Transylvania and 
 
70 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 the adjoining countries, where they destroyed the faith by 
 disseminating their heretical opinions. 
 
 Gentilis, the judgment of God even then hanging over him, 
 continued with Gribaldo, since they both despised their other 
 associates for want of learning and skill, and prepared a 
 work against Athanasius and Calvin. From Savoy he went 
 to Lyons, where he had it printed, and dedicated the preface 
 to the prefect of Gez, who was wholly unacquainted with 
 their crimes. He was afterwards, I know not how, arrest- 
 ed at Lyons, when, on acquainting them with his. writing 
 against Calvin, he was dismissed, as one who had deserved 
 well of the catholic church. From thence he went to Mo- 
 ravia to visit Blandrata, Alciat, and others, in no respects 
 better than himself. When he could not agre, '^^^'<h them, 
 because the greater part had forsaken Tritheisn. "^nd em- 
 braced the doctrines of Paul of Samosata, he returned to Sa- 
 voy to his friend Gribaldo, as if Christ, by his own hand, 
 were dragging him to punishment. But another plague had 
 taken off this pest of the church. By this time also we were 
 deprived of Calvin. After this, either from madness, or be- 
 cause he trusted none could overcome him in argument since 
 Calvin's death, he went immediately to the prefect of Gez, 
 whose indignation he had justly merited. On recognising 
 Gentilis, the prefect sent him to Berne, by the just judg- 
 ment of God, to plead his cause, in consequence of the for- 
 mer change of his opinions, when he was convicted of per- 
 juries and manifest wickedness. Every effort having af- 
 terwards been used to restore him to the right path, with- 
 out success, he was beheaded, and justly punished accord- 
 ing to his numerous crimes. Such was the issue of this 
 affair. 
 
 And even now there are not wanting many excellent ad- 
 vocates of Christianity, both catholics and ubiquitarians, 
 who dare calumniate Calvin as the author of these blasphe- 
 mies, nay, as one who had opened a door to Atheism and 
 Mahometanism. These men, sunk in ignorance, were al- 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 71 
 
 together unacquainted with the fact, that Calvin was the 
 first, and almost the only person in our time, who with so 
 much labour proved the falsehood and error of these blas- 
 phemies. 
 
 The cardinal, at Paris, by whose direction the king 
 transacted all the affairs of state, endeavoured to remove 
 trials for heresy from the ordinary judges and laymen, to 
 the triumvirate of cardinals. The parliament of Paris op- 
 posing this plan, more by divine interference than any hu- 
 man exertions, on the ground of the cardinal pleading his own, 
 not Christ's cause, he abandoned the whole of his intended 
 wicked scheme. 
 
 This last year was the commencement of a still greater 
 source of grief to us, for Calvin was seized with a quartan 
 fever in the month of October, and the result of our expe- 
 rience has too strongly confirmed the prognostic sentiments 
 of our physicians, that this disease is fatal to men of ad- 
 vanced life. For though the duration of this disorder was 
 only for eight months, it reduced his body, thin and worn 
 out with labours and constant exertions, to a state of de- 
 bility from which he never afterwards completely recovered. 
 By the advice of his physicians, and at the request of his 
 friends, that he should at length pay some regard to his 
 health, he necessarily omitted his public sermons and lec- 
 tures in divinity. He still however continued to devote day 
 and night to the dictating and writing of various letters to 
 different parts of Europe, and very frequently uttered the 
 following sentence : " How unpleasant to me is an idle 
 life !" though even then such of us as enjoyed a good state 
 of health, might justly be regarded idlers when compared with 
 him. A clear proof of this is afforded by his publishing 
 the last edition of his " Institutes of the Christian Religion," 
 both in the Latin and French languages. He this year 
 published rather entirely new Commentaries upon Isaiah, 
 than a revision of his former labours on that prophet, as they 
 had been given to the world by Galar, who took them down 
 
72 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 in writing from the lips of Calvin when lecturing on that part 
 of Scripture. 
 
 The following year was distinguished by the peace of 
 Chateau Cambresis, and the alliance concluded between 
 two of the most powerful kings of Europe, Ferdinand of 
 Spain, and Henry II. of France. The republic of Geneva 
 would, perhaps, have been destroyed this year, had not the 
 plans of the papists, who abused the unsuspecting dispo- 
 sition of Henry, been providentially prevented. Henry 
 undoubtedly enacted the most severe laws against the pro- 
 testants, and imprisoned some of the senators, who contend- 
 ed only for mildness in religious affairs, until a general 
 council should be convened. The first step proposed to be 
 taken for the destruction of Geneva was the restoring of the 
 territory of Savoy to its former governor the duke. Cal- 
 vin, though feeble in body, steadily continued his labours 
 in Geneva, confirmed the churches most severely afflicted 
 by such a trial, together with all the brethren, and never 
 ceased during this eventful period, to solicit aid from the 
 Lord with unremitted and importunate supplications. But, 
 behold ! in the midst of this terror, whose powerful in- 
 fluence extended in all directions, both near and remote, 
 the king of France, in preparing for the celebration of the 
 nuptials which confirmed the peace, received a mortal 
 wound in a tournament, inflicted by the hand of the pre- 
 fect of the royal guards, to whom the king had a short 
 time before given orders to arrest those senators who plead- 
 ed for mild treatment in religious transactions. The fol- 
 lowing conduct of Cardinal Lorrain showed his wish to ap- 
 pear desirous to expiate the untimely fate of king Henry, by 
 causing Annes du Bourge to undergo the most unjust death 
 on the 21st of December, a counsellor of the most extensive 
 learning, a senator of the most unshaken integrity, and of the 
 most distinguished holiness, who at last suflfered as a martyr 
 for Christ. 
 
 Geneva, however, by the peculiar favour of God, during 
 
LIFEOFCALVIN. 73 
 
 that very period, — a circumstance almost beyond the bounds 
 of credibility, as if the Lord had again repeatedly caused a 
 most shining light to arise from the midst of the thickest 
 darkness, — was inspired with such confidence, that in the very 
 year, and almost moment, when those powerful princes were 
 conspiring for its destruction, the inhabitants, encouraged by 
 Calvin, erected splendid buildings for a public seminary. 
 Eight masters for youth, and several public professors of 
 Hebrew and Greek, philosophy and divinity, adorned this 
 college.* It was dedicated in a solemn manner, before a full 
 assembly of the people, in the first church of that city, to 
 the most high and holy God, where the laws which related 
 to the object of this most useful and pious institution, and its 
 
 * Geneva, though formerly an imperial city, had for some years 
 been under the immediate government of the bishop, who had the 
 title of prince of the town and adjacent country. The Dukes of 
 Savoy had long contended with the bishop of Geneva, for the 
 government of that city. The form of its internal constitution 
 was purely republican. The people annually elected four syndics, 
 twenty-five senators, and a council of two hundred, for the man- 
 agement of their affairs. 
 
 The citizens, who were attached to the popular form of their 
 government, had always been firm in their opposition to those who 
 supported the Episcopal or ducal prerogatives. 
 
 The bishop and the duke dropped their contending claims, and 
 from policy, united their strength against the common enemy — the 
 people and the reformation. The bishop having offended both 
 the duke and the people, made a precipitate retreat from Geneva. 
 The duke was defeated by the citizens, and they extended their 
 Authority over the neighbouring castles, and eventually establish- 
 ed their independence on the republican basis. This free and in- 
 dependent city progressed under the benign influence of the re- 
 formed doctrines, to a degree of consideration, wealth, and in- 
 fluence, which was for a long period of momentous import to the 
 civil and religious concerns of Europe. — Dupin, 16 Cent. p. 179. 
 Rob. Ch. v. vol. 3. p. 117. Rees' Cyclop. Art. Geneva. 
 
 7 
 
74 LIFEOFCALVIN. 
 
 perpetual confirmation, were for the first time read and pub- 
 lished. 
 
 In the following year Calvin was inviduously accused by 
 some, of having excited certain leaders against Francis 2d, 
 heir of the kingdom of France, in the disastrous tumults 
 which took place between the papists and protestants at 
 Amboise. Calvin, however, I know for a certainty, had 
 never been made acquainted with this insurrection, and he 
 always openly disapproved, in conversation, as well as by 
 letters sent to his friends, of such violent attempts on the 
 part of the reformed. 
 
 Francis Stancarus, of Mantua, as if Italy was doomed to 
 be ruinous to the religious prosperity of Poland, began this 
 year to propagate the opinion, that " Christ was Mediator 
 only according to the flesh," and to accuse all those of 
 Arianism who said, *' Christ was Mediator in his divine na- 
 ture," as if the supporters of this doctrine made the Son in- 
 ferior to the Father. Melancthon, Peter Martyr, and others, 
 refuted, with much solidity of reasoning, this opinion, and 
 calumnious view of Christ's mediatorial character. On the 
 application of the Poles, Calvin also at that time exposed in 
 a very brief but nervous manner, the fallacy of that error. 
 He at the same time foresaw on this occasion, what after- 
 wards actually happened, that some inexperienced writers 
 on this controversy, if they were not very circumspect, 
 would, from a zeal to refute Stancarus, be in danger of vin- 
 dicating the heresy of the Tritheists, and he expressly 
 guarded them against Blandrata, and his followers, who had 
 adopted this view. He was desirous to induce them to main- 
 tain the belief that Christ was Mediator in both natures, with- 
 out multiplying his divinity. This advice, however, had no 
 effect on such as were determined on ruin. 
 
 At this time also the Christian brethren, commonly called 
 Waldenses of Bohemia, proposed certain questions to Calvin 
 by two of their number sent to visit him. He satisfied their 
 scruples, as was meet and right, in a kind manner, and ex- 
 
LIFEOFCALVIN. 75 
 
 horted them to enter into a close union with the other 
 churches. At the same time many of the French reformers, , 
 after the death of Queen Mary, took refuge to England, re- 
 lying upon the striking piety and humanity of her most 
 serene highness Queen Elizabeth. The emigrants, with the 
 consent of Edmund Grindal, Bishop of London, requested a 
 minister should be sent from Geneva, for the purpose of esta- 
 blishing a French church there ; and Nicholas Gallar was 
 appointed to go to London for that purpose. 
 
 At the conclusion of the year 1560, Francis Second, 
 king of France, died very suddenly, and at the very mo- 
 ment when in the midst of general despair, the protestants 
 of that kingdom looked only to God for help. 
 
 Scarcely had Charles the 9th, yet a child, commenced 
 his reign, when letters written in his name, were brought to 
 Geneva by a herald, in which he complained, that persons, 
 sent from that city, were exciting disturbances in his king- 
 dom. He requested their immediate recall, stating that he 
 would not pass over such a very just ground for revenge, if 
 they refused to comply. Calvin, summoned by the senate, 
 in his own name, and that of his colleagues, returned as 
 answer, that at the request of the French churches, they had 
 advised and exhorted men of tried faith, and unimpeachable 
 life and conversation, and on whose qualifications for such a 
 purpose they relied, to be in readiness to assist their country, 
 when soliciting the aid of their own people in the sacred 
 cause of establishing a pure church. In undertaking this 
 measure, they had not intended to excite disturbances in the 
 state, but to teach the gospel of peace ; and they were pre- 
 pared, if any other accusation were alleged against them, to 
 answer their opponents in the presence of the king himself. 
 This business proceeded no further. Calvin and myself 
 answered this year a work written by Tileman Heshusius, 
 a most light and unreasonable author. Calvin afterwards 
 refuted the blasphemies then published at Lyons by Valen- 
 tine Gentilis, against the creed of St. Athanasius. Calvin 
 
76 
 
 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 in the dedication of his Lectures on the prophet Daniel to 
 the French churches, declares, as in a prophetic voice, that 
 tempestuous and severe trials were hanging over their heads. 
 At this very time a conference between the Romish prelates 
 and the reformed ministers was held at Poissy, when Beza, 
 in this august assembly of the realm, presented to king 
 Charles 9th the confession of faith approved by the French 
 churches, and many promised themselves the speedy subver- 
 sion of popery. During this session Francis Baldwin, after- 
 wards denominated Changeling, because he had altered his 
 religious sentiments at least three, if not four times, and 
 who before the last melancholy disaster that befel the French 
 churches on the 24th of August, 1572, as appeared from 
 the testimony of men of the greatest virtue and piety, was 
 very desirous even then to be united with the protestants, 
 and letters to this effect, written by the good Baldwin him- 
 self, were produced at the synod. He, being suborned by 
 Cardinal Lorrain, and reconciled to the King of Navarre by 
 base intrigues, offered a book to sale in the palace, published 
 either by himself, or more probably by Cassander, who as- 
 sumed the name, pious and moderate, which was worse than 
 the Interim of Charles the 5th, because, under the mask of 
 moderation, it defended all the corruptions of popery. Cal- 
 vin, being informed by Beza of this circumstance, published 
 a refutation of this work, to which soon after, some additions 
 were made, that disclosed to every one the character and in- 
 tention of Baldwin- This answer of Calvin, and another by 
 Beza, excited the indignation of the lawyer, who continued, 
 during the remainder of his life, to attack Calvin in the most 
 vile manner. He died, and at the same time ceased railing, 
 in the year 1574, equally odious to God, to papists, and 
 protestants, who had been so frequently deceived by him, 
 in the act either of carrying on a certain law-suit in Paris, or 
 pining away with envy, when he saw another person chosen 
 in preference to himself, for the purpose of accompanying 
 Henry the 3d on his journey into Poland. In the year 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 77 
 
 1562, the French churches not only enjoyed peace, but tole- 
 ration, sanctioned on certain terms by the royal edict itself. 
 The King of Navarre was afterwards, by the artifices of the 
 papists, suborned, when the Duke of Guise sounded the 
 trumpet, perpetrated the horrid massacre at Vassy, and com- 
 menced, under such auspices, that civil war which continued 
 during twelve years to involve wretched France in the hor- 
 rors of one general conflagration. Language can convey no 
 idea of the number and extent of cares on account of the 
 afflictions of the church, which grieved Calvin's mind, whose 
 bodily infirmities were likewise so much increased, that it 
 might even then be easily foreseen he was hastily advancing 
 to a better state of existence. He still, however, continued 
 to comfort and encourage such as suffered under affliction, 
 and to preach, and deliver lectures on divinity. Calvin, this 
 year, in the name of the Prince of Conde, and of all the 
 pious, presented a very beautiful confession of faith to the 
 states of the empire, then assembled at Franckfort, as an 
 answer to the calumnies which had been circulated in Ger- 
 many, concerning the reformers. 
 
 It affords us satisfaction to mention, in this place, a cir- 
 cumstance that deserves to be stated. On the 19th of De- 
 cember, which was the Sabbath, the north wind having been 
 unusually high for two days, Calvin (although confined to 
 bed by the gout) said, in the hearing of a number of friends, 
 '* I know not indeed what it means ; I thought I heard last 
 night a very loud sound of drums used in war, and I could 
 not divest myself of the opinion that it was a reality. I en- 
 treat you let us pray, for some event of very great moment 
 is undoubtedly taking place." On this very day the battle 
 at Dreux, distinguished for its great cruelty, was fought, the 
 news of which reached Geneva a few days after. 
 
 In the following year, 1563, his bodily infirmities became 
 so severe and complicated, that it is indeed incredible that 
 such a brave and noble soul could have been any longer 
 
 confined in a body of so much weakness, exhausted by so 
 
 . 7* 
 
78 LIFEOFCALVIN. 
 
 many labours, and worn down at last by such a variety of 
 diseases. Yet when his body was even in such a state of 
 debility, he could not be induced to spare himself. Nay, if 
 at any period he relinquished his public duties, which he 
 always did very much against his inclination, he still con- 
 tinued, in his own house, to give advice to such as consulted 
 him, or, unfatigued himself, wearied his amanuensis by dic- 
 tating to him. His two very serious Exhortations to the 
 Polonese against the blasphemous enemies of the holy Tri- 
 nity, his full answers, both oral and written, to the deputies 
 of the synod of Lyons, his Commentaries on the four Books 
 of Moses, written first in Latin, and translated by himself 
 into French, and his Commentary on Joshua, his last under- 
 taking, which he commenced this year, and finished on his 
 death-bed, afford ample testimony to the truth of this asser- 
 tion. 
 
 On the 6th of February, 1564, the beginning of his eter- 
 nal happiness, and of our greatest and most long-continued 
 grief, he delivered his last sermon with difficulty, in conse- 
 quence of asthmatic oppression. From this period he taught 
 no more in public, except that he was carried at different 
 times, until the last day of March, to the meeting of the con- 
 gregation, and addressed them in a few words. His diseases, 
 contracted by incredible labours of mind and body, were 
 various and complicated, as he states himself, in a letter 
 written to his physicians at Montpelier. He was naturally 
 of a spare and feeble frame, tending to consumption ; during 
 sleep he seemed almost awake, and spent a great part of the 
 year in preaching, teaching, and dictating. For at least ten 
 years he never dined, and the only food he took was at sup- 
 per, so that it is astonishing how he could so long escape 
 consumption. He frequently suffered from megrim, which 
 he cured only by fasting, so as occasionally to refrain from 
 food for thirty-six hours. But by overstraining his voice, 
 and, as was discovered too late, by an immoderate use of 
 aloes, he suffered from hemorrhoids, which degenerated into 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 79 
 
 ulcers, and five years before his death he was occasionally 
 attacked by a spitting of blood. Gout in the right leg, fre- 
 quently returning pains of colic, and stone, which he had 
 only felt a few months before his death, followed the remo- 
 valof the quartan fever. The physicians neglected no reme- 
 dies, and he observed the directions of his medical attend- 
 ants with a strictness which none could surpass. In other 
 respects, where the labours of the mind were concerned, he 
 was so very careless of his health, that the most excruciating 
 pains of the megrim never interrupted his preaching. Though 
 tormented by so many diseases, no one ever heard him utter 
 a word unbecoming a man of bravery, much less a Christian. 
 Only lifting up his eyes to heaven, he used to say, " How 
 long, O Lord !" for even in health he often had this sentence 
 on his lips, when he spoke of the calamities of his brethren, 
 with whose sufferings he was both day and night more 
 afflicted than with any of his own. When admonished and 
 entreated by us to forbear, at least in his sickness, from the 
 labour of dictating, or at least of writing, " What, then," he 
 said, " would you have my Lord find me idle when he 
 Cometh?" 
 
 On the 10th of March, we, his brother ministers, on pay- 
 ing our visit together as usual, found him dressed, and sit- 
 ting at the little table, where he was accustomed to write or 
 study. On seeing us, he sat silent, resting his forehead on 
 his hand for some length of time, as he frequently did when 
 engaged in study and meditation ; and then, with a voice 
 occasionally interrupted, but a kind and cheerful countenance, 
 he said, " I return you, dearest brethren, my most hearty 
 thanks for all your solicitude on my account, and hope in a 
 fortnight I shall be present, for the last time, at your con- 
 sistory," (which was established for discipline of morals,) 
 "fori think that the Lord will then manifest his pleasure 
 with respect to me, and take me to himself." He did attend 
 the consistory on the 24th of March, as usual, and when the 
 business was finished in a peaceable manner, he observed. 
 
80 LIFEOFCALVIN. 
 
 that he felt some further continuance was granted him by 
 the Lord. He then took up a French New Testament, read 
 to us himself some of the marginal annotations, and request- 
 ed the opinion of his brethren, since he had undertaken to 
 correct them. He was worse on the following day, having 
 been fatigued with the labours of the preceding ; but on the 
 27th he was carried to the door of the senate house, and 
 being supported by two of his attendants, walked into the 
 hall, and after proposing a new rector of the school to the 
 senate, he uncovered his head, and returned them thanks for 
 the favours already conferred upon him, and particularly for 
 their attention in his last illness. " For," he said, " I think 
 I have entered this house for the last time." Having utter- 
 ed these words with difficulty, and a faltering voice, he took 
 his last farewell of the senate, overwhelmed with sorrow, 
 and bathed in tears. On the 2d of April, which was Easter 
 day, although suffering from great debility, he was carried 
 to church in a chair, was present with the whole congrega- 
 tion, received the Lord's Supper from my hand, and joined 
 in singing the hymn, with a trembling voice, but with ma- 
 nifest expressions of joy shining forth from his dying coun- 
 tenance. On the 25th of April he made his will in the fol- 
 lowing manner : 
 
 THE WILL or JOHN CALVIN. 
 
 In the name of the Lord. — Amen. In the year 1564, and 
 25th day of April, I, Peter Chenalat, citizen and notary of 
 Geneva, do witness and declare, that I was sent for by that 
 excellent character, John Calvin, minister of the word of God 
 in this church of Geneva, and enrolled citizen of the same, 
 who, being indisposed in body, but sound in mind, said he 
 was desirous to make his testament, and to express the judg- 
 ment of his last will ; and requested me to take it down, and 
 write what he should dictate and declare by word of mouth ; 
 which I profess I immediately did, and wrote down word by 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 81 
 
 word as he pronounced and dictated, without omission or ad- 
 dition, in the following form, dictated by him : 
 
 In the name of the Lord.— Amen. I, John Calvin, mini- 
 ster of the word of God in the church of Geneva, finding 
 myself so much oppressed and afflicted v/ith various diseases, 
 that I think the Lord God has determined speedily to remove 
 me out of this world, have ordered to be made and written, 
 my testament, and declaration of my last will, in form and 
 manner following : First, I give thanks to God, that taking 
 compassion on me whom he had created, and placed in this 
 world, he not only delivered me by his power out of the 
 deep darkness of idolatry, into which I was plunged, that he 
 might bring me into the light of his gospel, and make me 
 a partaker of the doctrine of salvation, of which I was most 
 unworthy ; that with the same goodness and mercy he has 
 graciously and kindly borne with my multiplied transgres- 
 sions and sins, for which I deserved to be rejected and cut 
 off by him ; and has also exercised towards me such great 
 compassion and clemency, that he has condescended to use 
 my labour in preaching and publishing the truth of his gos- 
 pel. I also testify and declare, that it is my full intention to 
 pass the remainder of my life in the same faith and religion, 
 which he has delivered to me by his gospel; having no" 
 other defence or refuge of salvation than his gratuitous adop- 
 tion, on which alone my safety depends. I also embrace 
 with my whole heart the mercy which he exercises towards 
 me for the sake of Jesus Christ, atoning for my crimes by 
 the merits of his death and passion, that in this way satis- 
 faction may be made for all my transgressions and offences, 
 and the remembrance of them blotted out. I farther testify 
 and declare that, as a suppliant, I humbly implore of him to 
 grant me to be so washed and purified by the blood of that 
 sovereign Redeemer, shed for the sins of the human race, 
 that I may be permitted to stand before his tribunal in the 
 image of the Redeemer himself. I likewise declare, that ac- 
 cording to the measure of grace and mercy which God has 
 
82 LIFEOFCALVIN. 
 
 vouchsafed me, I have diligently made it my endeavour, both 
 in my sermons, writings, and commentaries, purely and un* 
 corruptly to preach his word, and faithfully to interpret his 
 sacred Scriptures. I testify and declare, that in all the con- 
 troversies and disputes, which I have conducted with the 
 enemies of the gospel, I have made use of no craftiness, nor 
 corrupt and sophistical arts, but have been engaged in defend- 
 ing the truth with candour and sincerity. 
 
 But, alas ! ray study, and my zeal, if they deserve the 
 name, have been so remiss and languid, that I confess innu- 
 merable things have been wanting in me to discharge the 
 duties of my office in an excellent manner ; and unless the 
 infinite bounty of God had been present, all my study would 
 have been vain and transient. I also acknowledge that unless 
 the same goodness had accompanied me, the endowments of 
 mind bestowed upon me by God, must have made me more 
 and more chargeable with guilt and inactivity before his tri- 
 bunal. And on these grounds I witness and declare, that I 
 hope for no other refuge of salvation than this alone, — that 
 since God is a Father of mercy, he will show himself a 
 Father to me, who confess myself a miserable sinner. Fur- 
 ther, I will, after my departure out of this life, that my body 
 be committed to the earth in that manner, and with those 
 funeral rites, which are usual in this city and church, until 
 the day of the blessed resurrection shall come. As for the 
 small patrimony which God has bestowed upon me, and 
 which I have determined to dispose of in this will, I ap- 
 point Anthony Calvin, my very dearly beloved brother, my 
 heir, but only as a mark of respect. Let him take charge 
 of, and keep as his own, my silver goblet, which was given 
 me as a present by Mr. Varanne : and I desire he will be 
 content with it. As for the residue of my property, I com- 
 mit it to his care with this request, that he restore it to his 
 children at his death. I bequeath also to the school for boys, 
 ten golden crowns, to be given by my brother and legal heir, 
 and to poor strangers the same sum. Also to Jane, daughter 
 
LIPEOF CALVIN. 83 
 
 of Charles Costans and of my half-sister by the paternal side, 
 the sum of ten crowns. Furthermore, I wish my heir to 
 give, on his death, to Samuel and John, sons of my said 
 brother, my nephews, out of my estate, each forty crowns, 
 after his death ; and to my nieces Ann, Susan, and Dorothy, 
 each thirty golden crowns. To my nephew David, as a 
 proof of his light and trifling conduct, I bequeath only twenty- 
 five golden crowns. 
 
 This is the sum of all the patrimony and property which 
 God hath given me, as far as I am able to ascertain, in books, 
 moveables, my whole household furniture, and all other 
 goods and chattels. Should it however prove more, I desire 
 it may be equally distributed between my nephews and 
 nieces aforesaid, not excluding my nephew David, should he, 
 by the favour of God, return to a useful manner of life. 
 
 Should it however exceed the sum already written, I do 
 not think it will be attended with much difficulty, especially 
 after paying my just debts, which I have given in charge to 
 my said brother, on whose fidelity and kindness I confide. 
 On this account I appoint him executor of this my last testa- 
 ment with Laurence de Normandie, a character of tried 
 worth, giving them full power and authority, without a more 
 exact command and order of court, to make an inventory of 
 my goods. I give them also power to sell my moveables, 
 that from the money thus procured they may fulfil the condi- 
 tions of my above-written will, which I have set forth and 
 declared this 25th of April, in the year of our Lord 1564. 
 
 JOHN CALVIN. 
 
 When 1, Peter Chenalat, the above-mentioned notary, had 
 written this last will, the same John Calvin immediately 
 confirmed it by his usual subscription and hand-writing. 
 On the following day, April 26th, 1564, the same tried 
 character, John Calvin, commanded me to be called, together 
 with Theodore Beza, Raymond Chauvet, Michael Cops, 
 Louis Enoch, Nicholas CoUadon, James de Bordes, minis- 
 
84 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 ters and preachers of the word of God in this church of Ge- 
 neva, and also the excellent Henry Scringer, professor of 
 arts, all citizens of Geneva, and in their presence he hath 
 declared and testified that he dictated to me this his will in 
 the words and form above written. He ordered me also to 
 recite it in their hearing, who had been called for that pur- 
 pose, which I profess to have done, with a loud voice, and 
 in an articulate manner. After thus reading it aloud, he tes- 
 tified and declared it to be his last will and testament, and 
 desired it to be ratified and confirmed. As a testimony and 
 corroboration of this, he requested them all to witness the 
 same will with their hands. This was immediately done by 
 them on the day and year above written, at Geneva, in the 
 street called the Canons, in the house of the said testator. 
 In proof and witness of this I have written and subscribed 
 with my own hand, and sealed with the common seal of our 
 supreme magistrate, the will above mentioned. 
 
 P. Chenalat. 
 
 Having made this will, Calvin sent to inform the four 
 syndics, and all the senators, that he wished once more be- 
 fore he departed this life, to address them in the senate-room, 
 whither he hoped to be carried the following day. The se- 
 nators answered, they would rather come to him, and re- 
 quested him to have a regard to his health. The next day 
 they all repaired from the senate-room to the house of Cal- 
 vin. After mutual salutations, and an apology on his part, 
 because they had waited on him, when it was his duty to 
 have visited them, he commenced by stating "that he had 
 for some time desired to have this interview, but deferred it 
 until he felt more certainly assured of his dissolution." He 
 then said, " I return you my warmest thanks, honoured 
 Lords, for conferring such great honours on me, who had 
 done nothing to merit them, and for manifesting such for- 
 bearance towards my numerous infirmities, which I always 
 considered the strongest proof of your uncommon kindness. 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN 
 
 85 
 
 Though in the discharge of my ministerial duty I have been 
 engaged in various disputes, and have endured numerous in- 
 sults, a necessary part of the trials even of the best charac- 
 ters, yet I know and acknowledge that none of these have 
 befallen me from any fault of yours. I earnestly entreat 
 you also, if I have not performed my duty in any instance as 
 I ought, to ascribe it rather to want of ability, than to want 
 of will to serve you. For I can testify with sincerity, that I 
 have felt a deep and lively interest in the welfare of your re- 
 public ; and, if I have not fully discharged all the duties of 
 my station, I have certainly exerted myself to the utmost in 
 promoting the public welfare. 
 
 " Were I not to acknowledge that the Lord has sometimes 
 on his part condescended to grant that my services have not 
 been altogether without advantage to you, I should justly 
 deserve to be charged with dissimulation. But I again ear- 
 nestly entreat your pardon for having performed so little 
 either in my private or public capacity, in comparison with 
 what I ought to have done. I certainly grant with the great- 
 est readiness, that I am very much indebted to you on ac- 
 count of your patience in enduring that vehemence of mine, 
 which has sometimes been immoderate. I trust God him- 
 self has pardoned all these my sins.* 
 
 * Here is the humble and candid confession of a Christian. Cal- 
 vin was a man of ardent feelings, and they may at times have be- 
 trayed him into angry and hasty expressions. And " amidst the 
 incessant and violent attacks which he received, and the uninter- 
 rupted warfare which he had to carry on with the advocates 'of 
 error, he must have been more than mortal, if he had never spoken 
 hastily or harshly. But a few incidental actions, contrary to a 
 man's general conduct, do not constitute character: and after every 
 thing of this kind which can be mustered, it will still be true that 
 characteristically Calvin was not a traducer or calumniator, but 
 the possessor of a meek spirit, a governed tongue, and a guarded 
 pen. He must, on the whole, be ranked not only among the great- 
 est but the best of men." — Rees' New Encyclop. Am. Ed. 
 
 Middleton quotes Toplady as saying that " Calvin has been tax- 
 8 
 
86 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 *' Touching the doctrine you have heard from me, I tes- 
 tify that I have not taught the word of God intrusted to me 
 in a rash and uncertain manner, but with purity and sincerity. 
 Had I acted otherwise, I should have been as fully assured 
 of God's anger, already impending over my head, as I now 
 feel confident that my labours in teaching have not been dis- 
 pleasing to him. And I testify this before God, and in your 
 
 ed with fierceness and bigotry. But his ineekness and benevo- 
 lence were as eminent as the malice of his traducers is shame- 
 less. I shall give one single instance of his modesty and gentle- 
 ness. While he was a very young man, disputes ran high be- 
 tween Luther and some other Reformers, concerning the manner 
 of Christ's presence in the holy sacrament. Luther, whose tem- 
 per was naturally warm and rough, heaped many hard names on 
 the divines who differed from him on the article of consubstantia- 
 tion , and, among the rest, Calvin came in for his dividend of 
 abuse. Being informed of the harsh appellations he received 
 he meekly replied in a letter to BuUinger, " It is a frequent say- 
 ing with me, that if Luther should even call me a devil, I hold 
 him notwithstanding in such veneration, that I shall always own 
 him to be an illustrious servant of God; who, though he abounds 
 in extraordinary virtues, is not without considerable imperfec- 
 tions." 
 
 This letter to Bullinger, which was written to allay the exas- 
 perated feelings of those whom Luther had provoked by his aspe- 
 rity, is as follows. " I hear that Luther has at length burst forth, 
 with atrocious invectives, not only against you, but against us 
 all. Now I scarcely dare beg of you and your colleagues to be 
 silent, because it is not just that the innocent should be thus 
 abused, and not be allowed to defend themselves ; and besides, it 
 is difficult to determine whether it is expedient. I wish you to re- 
 call these things to your mind : how great a man Luther is, and 
 with how great gifts he excels; also with what fortitude and con- 
 stancy of mind, with what efficacy of learning, he hath hitherto 
 laboured and watched to destroy the kingdom of Antichrist, and to 
 propagate, at the same time, the doctrine of salvation. I of ten 
 say, if he shovM call me a devil, I hold him in such honour ^ that 1 
 
LIFEOFCALVIN. 87 
 
 presence, so much the more willingly, because I cannot 
 doubt that Satan, after his usual manner, will raise up wick- 
 
 would acknowledge him, an eminent servant of God* But as he 
 is endowed with great virtues, so he labors under great failings. 
 I wish he had studied more effectually to restrain his impetuosity 
 of temper, which breaks forth in every direction ; that he had 
 always turned his vehemence, which is so natural to him, against 
 the enemies of the truth, and not equally brandished it against the 
 servants of God ; and that he had given more diligent labour to 
 search out his own faults. He has been surrounded by too many 
 flatterers, seeing he is also too mucli inclined by nature to indulge 
 himself. It is our duty to reprehend what is evil in him, in such 
 a manner as to yield very much to his excellent qualities. Con- 
 sider, I beseech you, with your colleagues, in the first place, that 
 you have to deal with a chief servant of Christ, to whom we are 
 all much indebted. And then, that by contending, you will effect 
 nothing, but a pleasure to the impious, who will triumph not so 
 much over us as over the gospel. For reviling one another, they 
 will give us more than full credit. But when we preach Christ 
 with one consent and one mouth, they pervert this union, to dimin- 
 ish our faith, by which they disclose, more than they would, the im- 
 portance of our united labours. I wish you to examine and reflect 
 upon these things, rather than dwell on what Luther has merited 
 by his intemperate language. Lest that befall us, therefore, which 
 Paul denounces, that by biting and devouring one another we 
 should be consumed; however he may have provoked us, we must 
 rather abstain from the contest, than increase the wound, to the 
 common injury of the church." 
 
 This letter fully shows that Calvin's disposition was tender and 
 affectionate, and that his temper, perhaps naturally irritable, was 
 under the restraint of a Christian spirit. 
 
 * Luther, in his asperity against the Zuinglians, BuUinger, and others, 
 !iad used harsh language ; and Calvin, who was anxious to prevent the 
 controversy, states his own feelings, supposing Luther should call him 
 a devil, &c., to allay the resentment of Bullinger and the other pastors 
 of Zurich. 
 
88 LIFE OFCALVIN. 
 
 ed, vain, light-minded, ambitious men, to corrupt the sound 
 doctrine which you have heard from me as the servant of God." 
 Then passing, to those immense benefits which they had 
 received from the Lord, he said, " I am the person who can 
 best testify from how many and great dangers the hand of 
 the Lord hath dehvered you. You see, moreover, in what 
 circumstances you are placed. Whether in prosperity or 
 adversity, keep this truth, I beseech you, constantly before 
 your eyes, — that it is God alone who can give stability to 
 ^ kingdoms and states, and on this account it is his pleasure to 
 be worshipped by mortal men. Remember it was the testi- 
 mony of the illustrious David, that he fell when he enjoyed 
 profound peace ; from which he never would have arisen, 
 had not the Lord, with singular favour, stretched out his own 
 hand to his relief. What then may the lot be of such little 
 ■weak mortals, when this prince, distinguished for power 
 and fortitude, experienced such a fall ! It requires, therefore, 
 great humility of mind, that you may walk with care and 
 great fear of God, relying on his defence alone. You will 
 thus be assured of the continuance of the same protection 
 which you have hitherto so often in reality experienced, and 
 may proceed with stability under his aid, even when your 
 safety and security may, as it were, hang suspended from a 
 slender thread. If your affairs are prosperous, be careful, I 
 request you, not to exalt yourselves, like the profane, but 
 rather, with deep submission of mind, return thanks to God 
 for all your blessings. If your affairs are adverse, and death, 
 therefore, surrounds you on all sides, still trust in him who 
 raises up even the dead. Nay, consider on such an occa- 
 sion with the greatest earnestness, that God is in this man- 
 ner awakening you from sloth, that you may learn more 
 fully to look to him alone with entire confidence. 
 
 *' If you would preserve this republic in security, see to 
 it with unremitting care, that the sacred seat of authority, in 
 which God hath placed you, be not defiled with the pollu- 
 tion of sin ; for he is the only sovereign God, King of kings, 
 
LIFEOFCALVIN. 89 
 
 and Lord of all lords, who will honour those that honour him ; 
 but, on the other hand, will cast down, and cover with dis- 
 grace, those by whom he is despised. Worship him, there- 
 fore, according to his precepts, and let your minds be more 
 and more intensely directed to the obeying of his will, for 
 we are always at a very great distance from the performance 
 of our duty. I know the temper and manner of you all, 
 and am aware of your needing exhortation. There is none, 
 even of those who excel, without many imperfections ; and 
 let each in this case examine himself with care, and ask of 
 the Lord the supply of his known deficiencies. 
 
 " We see what vices reign in the greatest number of the 
 assemblies convened in the world. Some, cold and indiffer- 
 ent to the public interest, pursue with eagerness their own 
 private emoluments ; others, are only intent upon the gratifi- 
 cation of their own passions ; some make a bad use of the 
 distinguished talents bestowed upon them by God ; while 
 others are vain-glorious, and confidently demand that the 
 rest of their fellow-counsellors should sanction their opi- 
 nions. 
 
 *' I admonish the aged not to envy such young persons 
 as they find to be endowed by God with particular gifts ; 
 and I warn younger persons to conduct themselves with 
 modesty, and to avoid all presumption. Let there be no in- 
 terruption of one another in the performance of your duties. 
 Shun animosities, and all that acrimony which has diverted 
 so many from a proper line of conduct in the discharge of 
 their oflace. You will avoid these evils, if each of you con- 
 fines himself within his proper sphere, and all perform with 
 fidelity the part intrusted to them by the state. In civil trials, 
 I beseech you to avoid all favour, or enmity ; use no crooked 
 arts to pervert justice ; let none, by any plausible address 
 of his own, prevent the laws from having their due effect ; 
 nor depart from equity and goodness. If the evil passions 
 excite temptation in any one, let him resist them with firm- 
 ness, and look to Him by whom he has been placed on the 
 
90 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 seat of judgment, and ask the same God for the guidance of 
 his Holy Spirit. 
 
 " Finally, I beseech you to pardon all my infirmities, 
 which I acknowledge and confess before God, and his angels^ 
 and in your presence also, my honourable lords." 
 
 Having finished his discourse, he offered up a prayer to 
 the almighty and most merciful God, to shower down upon 
 them, in still greater abundance, his best gifts, and by his 
 Holy Spirit to direct all their consultations to the welfare of 
 the whole republic. He then gave his right hand to each 
 separately, and bade them adieu. All the senators departed 
 in tears, manifesting deep sorrow, as if it was their last inter- 
 view with a common father. 
 
 Calvin addressed all of us ministers under the jurisdiction 
 of Geneva, who were assembled in his chamber, and at his 
 request, on the 28th of April, in the following terms : — 
 " Stand fast, my brethren, after my decease, in the work 
 Avhich you have begun, and be not discouraged, for the 
 Lord will preserve this church and republic against the 
 threats of its enemies. Let all divisions be removed far 
 from you, and embrace one another with mutual charity. 
 Consider on all occasions what you owe to the church in 
 which the Lord hath stationed you, and let nothing draw 
 you from it. It will indeed be easy for such as are wearied 
 of their flocks to find means for escaping from their duty by 
 intrigue, but they will learn by experience that the Lord can- 
 not be deceived. 
 
 " On my first arrival in this city the gospel was indeed 
 preached, but every thing was in the greatest confusion, as 
 if Christianity consisted in nothing else than the overturning 
 of images. Not a few wicked men arose in the church, 
 from whom I suflered many great indignities ; but the Lord 
 our God himself so strengthened me, and banished all fear 
 even from my mind, who am by no means distinguished for 
 natural courage (I state the real fact,) that I was enabled to 
 resist all their attempts. I returned hither from Strasburg, 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 91 
 
 in obedience to a call, against my inclination ; because I 
 thought it would not be productive of any advantage. I knew 
 not what the Lord had determined, and my situation was full 
 of very many, and very great difficulties. But proceeding in 
 this work, 1 perceived at length that the Lord had in reality 
 blessed my labours. Do you, therefore, brethren, persist in 
 your vocation ; preserve the established order ; use at the 
 same time every exertion to retain the people in obedience 
 to the doctrine delivered, for there are yet among you some 
 wicked and stubborn characters. Affairs, as you see, are 
 not now in an unsettled state, on which account you will be 
 more criminal before God, if they are subverted by your in- 
 activity. I declare my brethren, that I have lived united 
 with you in the strictest bonds of true and sincere affection, 
 and I now take my leave of you with the same feelings. If 
 you have at any time found me too peevish under my 
 disease, I entreat your forgiveness, and I return you my 
 warmest thanks, because during my confinement you have 
 discharged the burden of the duties assigned me." 
 
 After this address he reached out his right hand to each 
 of us,^and we then took leave of him with hearts overwhelmed 
 with sorrow and grief, and eyes flowing with tears. 
 
 On the 2d of May, having been informed by Farel, in a let- 
 ter, that he was determined, though now eighty years old, and 
 in a state of health rendered infirm by age, to come and see him 
 from Neuchatel, for Viret's residence was at a yet greater 
 distance, he thus answered him in Latin : — 
 
 "Farewell, my best and most faithful brother! and since 
 God is pleased you should survive me in this world, live 
 mindful of our friendship, which has been of service to the 
 church of God, and whose fruits we shall enjoy in heaven. 
 Do not expose yourself to fatigue on my account. I respire 
 with difficulty, and continually expect to draw my last 
 breath. It is sufficient happiness for me that I live and 
 die in Christ, who is gain to his people in life and death. 
 Again farewell, with the brethren. — Geneva, 2d May, 1564." 
 
92 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 The good old man, however, came to Geneva, and after 
 they had enjoyed an interview with each other, he returned 
 the next day to Neuchatel. 
 
 Calvin spent the remainder of his days, until death, in al- 
 most constant prayer. His voice indeed was interrupted by 
 the difficulty of respiration ; but his eyes, which retained 
 their brilliancy to the last, uplifted to heaven, and his serene 
 countenance, were certain proofs of the fervour of his devo- 
 tion, and of his trust and confidence in God. He often in 
 his prayers repeated the words of David, " Lord, I opened 
 not my mouth, because thou didst it ;" and at times those of 
 Hezekiah, " I did mourn like a dove." Once also I heard 
 j him say, "Thou, Lord, bruisest me, but I am abundantly 
 satisfied, since it is thy hand." His doors must have stood 
 open day and night, if all had been admitted, who from sen- 
 timents of duty were desirous to see him ; but as he could 
 not, from difficulty in speaking, direct his discourse to them, 
 he requested they would rather pray for him, than be solici- 
 tous about paying their visits. Often, also, though I always 
 found him glad to receive me, he was very scrupulous re- 
 specting the least interruptions thus given to the duties of my 
 office, so sparing was he of the time which he knew ought 
 to be spent in the service of the church ; and his conscien- 
 tious feelings, lest he should give the smallest trouble to his 
 friends, exceeded the bounds of moderation. Such was the 
 manner of comforting both himself and friends until the 19th 
 of May, when we ministers were accustomed to meet relative 
 to the censure of morals, and to take a friendly meal together 
 two days before Whitsuntide, and the celebration of the Lord's 
 Supper. He expressed a wish that the common supper should 
 on this day be prepared at his house, and rallying his little 
 strength that remained, w^as carried from his bed to the ad- 
 joining chamber, when he said, " I come to see you, my 
 brethren, for the last time, never more to sit down with you 
 at table." Such was the commencement of one of the most 
 melancholy repasts we ever took. He then offered up a 
 
LIFE OF CALVIN. 93 
 
 prayer, took a small portion of food, and discoursed with us 
 at supper in as cheerful a manner as his weakness permitted. 
 Before supper was fully finished, he ordered himself to be 
 carried back to the adjoining chamber, and addressing the 
 company with a distinctly smiling countenance, said, " This 
 intervening wall will not prevent me from being present with /"^ 
 you in spirit, though absent in body." His prediction was 
 fulfilled, for from this day he always lay in an horizontal 
 posture, his small body, except his countenance, which was 
 very little changed, being so much emaciated, that breath 
 only remained. On the 27th of May, tlie day of his death, 
 he appeared stronger, and spoke with less difficulty; but this 
 was the last efibrt of nature, for about eight o'clock in the 
 evening, certain symptoms of dissolution suddenly manifested 
 themselves. When one of his domestics brought one of the 
 brethren, and me, who had only just left him, this intelligence, 
 I returned immediately with all speed, and found he had died 
 in so very tranquil a manner, that without his feet and hands 
 being in any respect discomposed, or his breathing increased, 
 his senses, judgment, and in some measure his voice, re- 
 maining entire to his very last gasp, he appeared more to re- 
 semble one in a state of sleep than death.* 
 
 Thus this splendid light of the reformation was taken from 
 us with the setting sun. During that night, and the follow- / 
 ing day, great lamentation prevailed throughout the city, for 
 the republic regretted the want of one of its wisest citizens, 
 the church deplored the death of its faithful pastor, the col- 
 lege sorrowed for such an incomparable professor, and all 
 grieved for the loss of a common parent and comforter be- 
 stowed upon them by God himself. Many of the citizens 
 
 * Francis Junius, in his animadversions upon Bellarmin, says 
 that he was at Geneva when Calvin closed his life ; but that he 
 never saw, heard, knew, thought, or even dreamed of the blas- 
 phemies and curses which the papists said he uttered at his 
 Heath. 
 
94 LIFEOF CALVIN. 
 
 were desirous to see him after he was dead, and could with 
 difficulty be tcrrn from his remains. Some strangers, also, 
 who had come from a distance with a view to see and hear 
 him, among whom was the very distinguished English am- 
 bassador to the French court, M^ere very desirous to see only 
 the body of the deceased. At first, indeed, they were ad- 
 mitted ; but afterwards, because the curiosity was excessive, 
 and it was necessary to silence the calumnies of enemies, 
 his friends considered the best plan would be to close the 
 coffin next morning, being the Lord's Day ; his corpse, as 
 usual, having been wrapped in a linen cloth. At two o'clock 
 in the afternoon on Sunday, his body was carried to the com- 
 mon burying-place, called Plein Palais, without extraordinary 
 pomp. His funeral, however, was attended by the members 
 of the senate, the pastors, all the professors of the college, 
 and a great proportion of the citizens. The abundance of tears 
 shed on this occasion affijrded the strongest evidence of the 
 sense which they entertained of their loss. According to his 
 own directions, no hillock, no monument was erected to his 
 memory, on which account I wrote the following epitaph : — 
 
 , Why in this humble and unnoticed tomb 
 5 Is Calvin laid — the dread of falling Rome, 
 
 Mourn'd by the good, and by the wicked fear'd, 
 
 By all who knew his excellence revered; 
 
 From whom ev'n virtue's self might virtue learn. 
 
 And young and old its value may discern 1 
 
 'Twas modesty, his constant friend on earth, 
 
 That laid this stone, unsculptured with a name ; 
 
 Oh ! happy turf, enrich'd with Calvin's worth, 
 
 More lasting far than marble is thy fame ! 
 
 He lived fifty-four years, ten months, and seventeen days, 
 and spent half of this time in the sacred ministry of the gos- 
 pel. His stature was of the middle size ; his complexion 
 dark and pale ; his eyes brilliant even till death, expressed 
 the acuteness of his understanding. His dress, neither highly 
 ornamented nor slovenly, was well suited to his singular mo- 
 
LIFE OP CALVIN. 95 
 
 desty ; his victuals were so moderate that they were very far 
 removed from the pride of luxury, or the littleness of parsi- 
 mony ; his diet was very sparing, since during many years 
 he took only one meal a day, assigning the weakness^ of his 
 stomach as the cause. He lived nearly without sleep. His 
 power of memory was almost incredible ; so that he could 
 immediately recognise, after the lapse of many years, any 
 whom he had only once seen ; and though he had been fre- 
 quently interrupted for many hours while in the act of dictat- 
 ing, he would, without being reminded, forthwith resume the 
 thread of his subject ; and never forget, though overpowered 
 by an infinite multiplicity of business, such things as it was 
 important for him in his ministerial character to know. His 
 judgment was so sound and exact on all subjects, that his 
 decisions seemed almost oracular; nor do I remember an 
 instance of any error being committed by those who followed 
 his advice. 
 
 He despised an artificial eloquence, and was sparing in his 
 words, but an accomplished writer ; and no theologian, until 
 the present time^ it may be said, without disparaging any, 
 hath written with greater purity, gravity, and judgment than 
 Calvin, though none either in our own age, or that of our 
 fathers, has written so much as our author. By close study, 
 during his youth, by uncommon accuracy of judgment, con- 
 firmed by the practice of dictating to an amanuensis, he was 
 always able to speak with propriety and gravity, and his 
 language in conversation differed very little from his written 
 compositions. The consistency and uniformity of his doc- 
 trine from first to last, are scarcely to be paralleled in any 
 divine of the present time. With respect to his manners, 
 though he was naturally grave, yet, in the intercourse of so- 
 cial life, no one was distinguished by more suavity. He 
 exercised great prudence and forbearance towards all such in- 
 firmities in others, as are consistant with integrity, so that 
 he did not overawe, or raise the blush in his weak brethren, 
 by unseasonable or too severe reproof, nor cherish their vices 
 
96 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 by connivance or adulation. He was as severe and indig- 
 nant an enemy of flattery and dissimulation, and of every 
 kind of wickedness, especially where religion was concerned, 
 as he was a keen and ardent friend of truth, simplicity, and 
 candour. He was naturally of an irritable temperament, and 
 this fault was augmented by the excessive laboriousness of 
 his life. But the Spirit of the Lord had so taught him to 
 moderate his anger, that he was never heard to utter a word 
 unbecoming a good man, or which went beyond the bounds 
 of virtue ; nor did he ever speak with rashness, unless his 
 mind was roused when treating on the subject of religion, or 
 when engaged with obstinate characters. 
 
 No attentive reader of the lives of those men who, even in 
 profane history, displayed more than usual attachment to 
 any kind of heroism, will be astonished to find so many ex- 
 cellent qualities and splendid virtues, both of a domestic and 
 public nature, to have called forth such a host of enemies. 
 Nor will any one be surprised that such a most undaunted 
 defender of sound doctrine, and so steady a follower of purity 
 of life, should have experienced such violent opposition from 
 the enemies of true religion and morality. But he will con- 
 sider this fact chiefly to be worthy of his astonishment, that 
 one man alone, like some Christian Hercules, could have 
 been sufficient for subduing so many monsters by the use of 
 that most powerful club, the word of God. Calvin achieved 
 as many triumphs as Satan raised up enemies to oppose him, 
 for it is certain he had none, among the great crowd of his 
 adversaries, but such as had proclaimed war both against 
 piety and virtue. Those enemies brand Calvin as a heretic, 
 but Christ suffered under the same reproach, and that even 
 from the priests themselves. He was expelled, they say, 
 from Geneva ; true, but he was solicited to return. What 
 happened to the apostles ? What to Athanasius ? What to 
 Chrysostom ? Many other charges are brought against him 
 by another class of enemies, but what are they? He is 
 charged with ambition, yea, with aspiring at a new Popedom ; 
 
LIFEOFCALVIN. 97 
 
 — an extraordinary accusation against a man, who preferred 
 this kind of life, this republic, this church, which I may 
 truly call the very seat and abode of poverty, to all other 
 honours. They say again that he coveted wealth. Yet all 
 his worldly goods, including his library, which brought a 
 high price, scarcely amounted to three hundred crowns ; so 
 that he might very justly, as well as very elegantly, in order 
 to refute this calumny of unparalleled impudence, use the 
 foUowmg words : " If I fail in my lifetime to persuade some 
 people that I am not a lover of money, my death will con- 
 vince them of the contrary." The senate can certainly tes- 
 tify to the smallness of his stipend, and so far was he from 
 being dissatisfied with what they gave him, as positively to 
 refuse an advance when offered. Some object against him, 
 that his brother, Anthony Calvin, divorced his former wife 
 for adultery, when she was discovered. What would they 
 have said had he continued to live with her? If the disho- 
 nour of an unchaste female is brought against him, what 
 shall become of the family of Jacob, of David, nay, of the 
 Son of God himself, who expressly marked out a devil, as 
 one of his own disciples ? His numerous labours answer 
 the charge of his delighting in luxury and indulgence. Some 
 are not ashamed, both in their speeches and writings, to ac- 
 cuse him of reigning in the church and state at Geneva, 
 where he had, as it were, elevated himself to a high tribunal. 
 
 ^ Claudius Sponse, of the Sorbonne, the rhapsodist, dared to 
 accuse him, in a very malevolent book, of introducing some 
 living man, wholly unknown, instead of a dead one, whom 
 he pretended to raise to life in the presence of the whole 
 people, which is as disgraceful a falsehood, as if he had said 
 
 ' that he was Pope of Rome. What accusation will not some 
 dare to bring against him ? But such false statements re- 
 quire no refutation ; and neither those who were acquainted 
 with so distinguished a person during his life, nor the judi- 
 cious in future ages, who shall form their opinion of his cha- 
 
 9 
 
98 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 racter from his writings, will pay the least regard to such 
 gross and unfounded calumnies. 
 
 These are the principal events in the life and death of 
 Calvin, which have come under ray own immediate observa- 
 tion during the last sixteen years. I feel myself justly war- 
 ranted to declare, that in him was presented to all men, one 
 of the most beautiful and illustrious examples of the pious 
 life and triumphant death of a real Christian ; and as it is 
 easy for malevolence to calumniate his character, so the 
 most exalted virtue will find it difficult to imitate his con- 
 duct. 
 
THE 
 
 CHARACTER OF CALVIN 
 
 BY THE TRANSLATOR. 
 
 Few writers or divines, in any age, have been more 
 exposed to the calumnies of their enemies, or less flat- 
 tered by their friends, than John Calvin. His genius, 
 his talents, his learning, his unwearied labour, his per- 
 severing activity, and his striking disinterestedness, secured 
 for him no small share in the reformation. His system of 
 church government, which originated in a great measure from 
 the peculiar circumstances of aff*airs in Geneva, and was ex- 
 tended to France, Scotland, Holland, &c., gave him a more 
 extended influence, and undisputed power, than he would 
 otherwise have obtained, and contributed also to make him 
 an object of hatred to the Roman hierarchy. 
 
 A deep and well founded conviction that he has long la- 
 boured in my own country under a heavy load of unmerited 
 obloquy induces me to draw a few outlines of his character. 
 In doing this, I have been guided by all the authentic docu- 
 ments which I could command, without paying any regard 
 to the statements either of his friends or foes. 
 
 Timidity, nay, even pusillanimity was one of the most 
 striking features in the natural character of Calvin. He 
 wanted courage, as a man, to face and encounter the com- 
 monest danger, while, as a Christian, he was prepared to 
 
100 CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 
 
 meet the violent assaults of the most powerful emperors and 
 monarchs, and to smile, with the most composed compla- 
 cency, at the grim countenance of the king of terrors in his 
 most horrid forms. He placed no confidence in himself, 
 but depended upon the protection, and guidance, and strength 
 of the arm of Omnipotence. He knew that his own power 
 was nothing; but, relying upon the promises of unchanging 
 Truth and infinite Love, no dominion, however great — no 
 opposition, however violent — made him shrink from his 
 Christian duty, or in any instance either to deny or recant 
 the truth. He rested safe and secure under the panoply of 
 the Lord of Hosts, whether threatened by the blasts of the 
 pope and his minions, or attacked in Geneva by the vilest and 
 most unprincipled of men. His religious and moral courage 
 — the gift of the Holy Spirit — in which he was not surpassed 
 by Luther himself, never forsook him ; and he was equally 
 intrepid in exposing what he considered the errors or impro- 
 per compliances of the most distinguished leaders in the re- 
 formation, as he was unflinching in his opposition to every 
 kind of heresy, and every heresiarch whose views diminish- 
 ed the simplicity, undermined the truth, or obscured the 
 glory of the gospel. Our reformer, in carrying on his own 
 unceasing combat with Anti-christ, used no armour but wjiat 
 he took from the impregnable tower of divine truth, and 
 gloried in no strength, but the love, the righteousness, the 
 grace, and regenerating influences of the Most High. 
 
 Calvin from his earliest years, was unweared in the pur- 
 suit of knowledge, and from the first moment that the book 
 of God was opened to his mind by the Spirit of truth, to the 
 last thread of his existence, no labour, however great — no 
 study, however arduous — no meditation, however intense, 
 retarded him in his glorious career of doing all in his power 
 for extending the kingdom of heaven. His most violent and 
 implacable enemies have never dared to deny him this praise, 
 and even Voltaire holds him up to the admiration and imita- 
 tion of mankind for his almost unparalleled industry, and his 
 
CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 101 
 
 admirable disinterestedness.* If all his published and un- 
 published works were translated, they would form at least 
 seventy octavo volumes, which were prepared in the midst 
 of constant preaching and lecturing, of unceasing care for the 
 church of God, continued controversies with the opponents 
 of the gospel, arduous struggles for preserving the doctrines 
 and discipline of the church of Geneva, frequent trials from 
 his enemies, and repeated indisposition, during the short 
 period of thirty-one years. He lived and laboured ever 
 mindful of the coming of his Saviour ; and was distinguished 
 by study, contemplation, watchfulness, thanksgiving, and 
 prayer. 
 
 Calvin's labours were incessant. He delivered more than 
 300 sermons and lectures every year; and his correspon- 
 dence, commentaries, controversial writings, and admoni- 
 tions, Slc, would form annually, during the period of thirty 
 one years, between two and three volumes octavo. The 
 following extract from a letter to Farel, written in 1539, 
 
 * Middleton says there are many among the Roman Catholics, 
 who would do justice to Calvin, if they durst speak their thoughts. 
 Guy Patin has taught us to make this judgment; for he observes 
 that Joseph Scaliger said that Calvin was the greatest wit the world 
 had seen, since the Apostles. He acknowledged that no man ever 
 understood ecclesiastical history like Calvin, who at the age of 
 twenty-two, was the most learned man in Europe. And he tells 
 us that John de Monluc, bishop of Valence, used to say that Calvin 
 was the greatest divine in the world. Patin caused the life of 
 Calvin, written by Papyrius Masso, to be made public. This life 
 has done a great deal of mischief to the copies of Bolsec ; for who 
 can read it without laughing at those who accuse this minister of 
 loving good wine and cheerful company 1 The papists, at last, 
 have been obliged to acknowledge the falsity of these infamous 
 calumnies published against the morals of Calvin. Their best 
 pens have been contented to say, that though he was free from 
 corporeal vices, he was not so from spiritual ones, such as slander, 
 passion, avarice and pride. — 2 Middleton, 57, 58. 
 
 9* 
 
102 CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 
 
 when he published his Commentary on Romans, gives us a 
 clear view of the active character and persevering labours of 
 our reformer. " When the messenger called for my book, I 
 had twenty sheets to revise — to preach — to read to the con- 
 gregation — to write four letters — to attend to some contro- 
 versies — and to return answers to more than ten persons who 
 interrupted me in the midst of my labours for advice." If 
 Protestant divines, in the nineteenth century, exhibited the 
 same perseverance and alacrity in business which distinguish- 
 ed the great luminaries of the reformation, we should not 
 hear of complaints about the increase of the Roman Catho- 
 lics. The hierarchy of the church of Rome, both in Eng- 
 land, in Ireland, and Scotland, can only be overcome by out- 
 preaching, out-praying, and out-living them. 
 
 There is no part of the conduct of the reformers more 
 worthy of imitation than their admirable disinterestedness. 
 The following passage from a letter of Calvin to Farel, writ- 
 ten in 1539, proves under how great a pressure of poverty 
 his Commentary to the Romans was written. " The Wal- 
 densian brethren are indebted to me for a crown, one part 
 of which I lent them, and the other I paid to their messen- 
 ger, who came with my brother to bring the letter from So- 
 nerius. I requested them to give it you as a partial payment 
 of my debt. I will return you the rest when I am able. 
 INIy present condition is so very poor, that 1 have not one 
 penny. It is singular, although my expenses are so great, 
 that I must still live upon my own money unless I would 
 burden my brethren. It is not easy for me to take that care 
 of my health which you so affectionately recommended." 
 Had the ministers of the gospel in all ages displayed the same 
 disinterestedness of conduct which marked Calvin, who left 
 only three hundred crowns, even scandal itself could nsver 
 have accused the clergy of avarice. Had all our acrhbishops 
 and bishops exhibited the same spirit of love which distin- 
 guished the late bishop of Durham, who expended between 
 two and three hundred thousand pounds in religious and be- 
 
CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 103 
 
 nevolent purposes, and in giving money even for the build- 
 ing of Dissenting places of worship, no true Christian could 
 have complained on account of the large annual stipends 
 which the English bishops receive. Let the Dissenting minis- 
 ters imitate the conduct of John Wesley, who spent more 
 than twenty thousand pounds in promoting the interests of 
 rehgion and philanthropy, and died nearly as poor as Cal- 
 vin ; and the constant example of disinterested conduct, 
 which the clergy of all denominations would then exhibit 
 could not fail to increase the liberal character of the laymen. 
 
 His learning was uncommonly accurate, and so extensive ^ 
 that Scaliger considered him the profoundest scholar since: 
 the days of the apostles. No man has made less parade and 
 show of his knowledge, or been more assiduous in rendering 
 it subservient to the great purpose of religion. The defence, 
 illustration, and explanation of the Scriptures formed the 
 great leading object of his life ; and his writings will ever 
 remain a monument of his Z€al and ardour in the cause of 
 God and truth. Although he knew how to appreciate every 
 kind and every department of literature and science, yet he 
 was fully convinced that the treasury of the divine word, 
 which had for so many centuries been concealed from the 
 world by a tyrannical hierarchy, could only he unlocked by 
 the most patient research, and extensive acquaintance with 
 all the stores of ancient and modern knowledge.* 
 
 Few ir.cn seem to have possessed a stronger or more re- 
 tentive memory, both for words and things, than this great lu- 
 minary of the reformation. Close attention, clearness of think- 
 ing, order, frequent repetition, uncommon pleasure, and deep 
 interest, in the great object of his pursuit, gave him an accu- 
 racy, extent, and quickness of retentive faculties rarely sur- 
 passed. He laid up all his varied stores of learning in well- 
 
 * Which gives a light to every age. 
 Which gives, but borrows none. 
 
104 CHARACTER OP CALVIN. 
 
 arranged compartments, and was enabled to take them out 
 for every requisite purpose with great facility and correct- 
 ness. 
 
 His judgment, logical sagacity, and accuracy were in no 
 respect inferior to his memory ; and few writers surpassed 
 him in perceiving the various bearings of the subject which 
 he investigated. He is indebted to this faculty for his un- 
 common power of generalisation and success in making 
 systems, and giving well-digested and clear catechetical in- 
 structions, which he highly valued as containing the true seeds 
 of doctrine. All his writings are intended to cast light upon 
 each other, and few authors of any age have exhibited 
 greater uniformity, and consistency of sentiment — one of the 
 surest marks of a sound judgment — than our reformer. 
 Strong expressions occasionally occur, as in all controversial 
 writers ; but by carefully weighing and comparing them 
 with each other, their harshness will be found to be much 
 diminished. The scope, drift, relation, and connexion of a 
 passage rarely escape the minuteness, clearness, and com- 
 pleteness of his discriminative powers. 
 
 His imagination is greatly inferior to the other faculties 
 of his mind ; and he very rarely indulges in the fascinations 
 of this delightful and uncommon talent. When he suffers 
 himself to be hurried off by any sudden sallies of this fre- 
 quently wayward power, he invariably keeps it under the 
 steady curb and unceasing restraint of judgment. 
 
 His affections were warm and ardent. As a brother, friend, 
 husband, father, and minister of the word of God, he dis- 
 played strong and steady attachment. He carried his brother 
 Anthony to Geneva, and manifested towards him and his 
 family the greateat and steadiest love. After the death of 
 his friend Caurault, he says, in a letter to Farel, "I am so 
 overwhelmed that I can put no limits to my sorrow. My 
 daily occupations have no power to retain my mind from 
 recurring to the event, and revolving constantly the impressive 
 thought. The distressing impulses of the day are followed 
 
CHARACTER OP CALVIN. 105 
 
 by the more torturing anguish of the night. I am not only- 
 troubled with dreams, to which I am inured by habit, but I 
 am greatly enfeebled by those restless watchings which are 
 extremely injurious to my health."* Calvin thus writes to 
 Viret on the death of his wife : " I repress, as much as I am 
 able, the sorrow of my heart. With all the exertions of my 
 friends, I effect less in assuaging my grief than I could wish ; 
 but I cannot express the consolations which I experience. 
 You know the tenderness of my mind, or rather with what 
 effeminacy T yield under trials ; so that without the exercise 
 of much moderation I could not have supported the pressure 
 of my sorrow." His unceasing efforts for the spiritual im- 
 provement of his church, both at Strasburgh and Geneva, 
 leave no doubt of the warmth of his attachment. His friends 
 also invariably manifested their strong love to Calvin, and 
 this affords an undoubted evidence of mutual and reciprocal 
 feelings. The tears of the magistrates and the ministers of 
 Geneva, when he was on his death-bed, supply the clearest 
 and most undoubted proof that he had a warm and a feeUng 
 heart. 
 
 How, it may be asked, did Calvin comfort himself under 
 his wounded affections ? He knew and felt that his light 
 afflictions, which were but for a moment, were working out 
 for him a far more abundant, even an eternal weight of glory. 
 The following extracts from his letters prove that he relied 
 on no comfort but that of his gracious Saviour. 
 
 " The Lord," he writes to Farel, " has spared us to sur- 
 vive Caurault. Let us be diligent to follow his example ;t 
 
 * Our Reformer thus writes on the death of Bucer, " 1 feel my 
 heart to be almost torn asunder, when I reflect on the very great 
 loss which the church has sustained on the death of Bucer, and on 
 the advantages that England would have derived from his labours 
 had he been spared to assist in carrying on the Reformation in that 
 kingdom. — Tr. 
 
 t " They mourn the dead, who live as they desired."— Young. 
 
106 CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 
 
 and watchful to tread in the path of increasing light, till we 
 shall have finished our course. Let no difficulties dismay 
 us, or any weight of earthly sufferings impede our progress 
 towards that rest, into which we trust he is received. AVith- 
 out the hope of this glory to cheer us in our way, we shall be 
 overcome with difficulties, and driven to despair. But as 
 the truth of the Lord remains firm and unshaken, so let us 
 abide in the hope of our calling, until the hidden kingdom of 
 God be made manifest." After the death of his wife, he 
 writes to Farel: "I now suppress the sorrow of my heart, 
 and give myself no remission from my official duties.* May 
 the Lord Jesus strengthen me in this so great calamity, 
 which would inevitably have overpowered me unless he had 
 stretched forth his hand from heaven, whose office it is to 
 raise the fallen, to strengthen the weak, and to refresh the 
 weary." 
 
 Viret, in his answer to Calvin on the death of his wife, 
 thus writes : — " I admire the influence of that divine Spirit 
 which operates in you, and proves himself by his fruits 
 worthy of the name of the true Comforter. Justly may I 
 acknowledge the power of that Spirit in you, since you bear 
 with so composed a mind those domestic misfortunes, which 
 must intimately affect, with the greatest possible severity, 
 your heart, that was always so readily involved in the calam- 
 ities of others, and so accustomed to feel them, as if they 
 were your own. Your example inspires others with new 
 strength, since you can draw consolation from your own 
 trials, and conduct yourself in all the duties of your office, at 
 a time when your sorrows are recent, and have the keenest 
 edge to wound and destroy your constancy, with as much 
 readiness and ease as when all was well.t May the ex- 
 
 * The Rev. Andrew Fuller commenced writing his excellent 
 treatise, "Calvinism and Socinianism compared," as a means of 
 solacing his grief for the loss of a beloved partner.— Tr. 
 
 t The steady performance of our various duties, domestic, social. 
 
CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 107 
 
 uberant grace of divine goodness, from which proceed all 
 those other gifts, that the Lord hath so richly bestowed upon 
 you, supply your own mind with the resolution to bear this 
 cross." His feelings for the church of Geneva when he was 
 most unjustly banished by them, show the ardour of his at- 
 tachment to the church of God, which had once been intrust- 
 ed to his care. In a letter to Viret, he says, ** My thoughts 
 relative to the arduous office of governing the church, dis- 
 turb and perp^x my mind with various anxieties; but their 
 influence will%ot prevent me from doing every thing which 
 I judge best for its welfare. Nothing is more conformable 
 to my wishes and desires than to give up my life in the dis- 
 charge of my duty. I entreated our friends with tears, that, 
 omitting all consideration of me, they should consult, in the 
 presence of God, what would be most beneficial to the church 
 of Geneva." 
 
 Calvin thus writes on this subject in the Preface to his 
 Commentary on the Psalms. " The obligation and respon- 
 sibility of my office determined me to restore myself to the 
 flock from which I had been violently separated ; and the 
 best of Beings is my witness with what deep sorrow, abun- 
 dance of tears, and extreme anxiety, I entered upon my 
 office." 
 
 To what was Calvin indebted for all the courage, learning, 
 industry, and success, which he possessed ? To a deep and( 
 settled piety. After leaving the darkness and superstitions 
 of popery, he gave up his undivided attention to the sacred 
 records of the divine will. Nor did he study them for the 
 purpose of confirming his mind in preconceived opinions, 
 but of discovering the counsels, the plans, the truths of infi- 
 nite wisdom. His great design was to follow the Lamb of 
 
 professional, and Christian, is one of the most powerful and cer- 
 tain means, with the joy and consolation of the Spirit of God, 
 to enable us to bear up under any bereavements. — Tr. 
 
108 CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 
 
 God whithersoever he went. Hence, by the iUumination of 
 the divine Spirit, that confidence and full assurance of faith, 
 which he so strongly insists on and so beautifully describes. 
 Hence that noble heroism, with which he pursued the on- 
 ward tenor of his course, in breaking down the barriers of 
 popery, and building up the exalted and stately pillars of 
 the reformation. He knew the power of the divine word, 
 that it was able to bring down all high thoughts in subjec- 
 tion to the dominion of Christ, and to overcome all principa- 
 lities and powers. Hence his numerous commentaries, and 
 his unwearied expositions, both by lectures and by preach- 
 ing, of the word of God. To this, and this alone, was he 
 indebted for the confidence with which he met all his ene- 
 mies and all his trials ; with which he faced all the com- 
 bined artifice and violence of the Roman Catholics, and the 
 various sects and heresies rising out of the bosom of the 
 reformation itself. 
 
 Calvin, on his death-bed, looked back, with a self-approv- 
 ing conscience, to the labours in which he had been en- 
 gaged ; and though he condemns himself for displaying too 
 great violence of temper on certain occasions, never once 
 complains of self-accusation on account of the death of Ser- 
 vetus, or of any other part of his arduous labours in opposing 
 Castellio, or others. Conscience has two great offices to 
 perform, and in one capacity it acts as an accuser and d^ judge, 
 in the other as a director and a guide. The improper use 
 of this guide of our thoughts and actions has been the occa- 
 sion and the cause of more suffering, and persecution, and 
 misery, than almost all other causes put together. To this 
 we must trace the error and the sin of the disciples John 
 and James, when they wished to call down fire from heaven, 
 and our beloved Saviour told them that they knew not what 
 spirit they were of. To this we must attribute the persecu- 
 tion of pagan and papal Rome ; and the first reformers them- 
 selves derived from this extensive source of error, of sin, 
 and of crime, the persecuting principles by which they were 
 
CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 109 
 
 all influenced. Although Calvin had escaped from the deep 
 abyss of popish darkness, he still continued to be enthralled 
 and awfully deluded by the horrid principle of persecution 
 which he placed in the hands of the civil magistrate, as the 
 church of Rome vested it in their ruinous, ignorant, and cor- 
 rupt hierarchy. Had the church of Geneva been separated 
 from the state, Calvin would never have thought of placing j 
 in the hands of the clergy of that city the power of punish- 
 ing the blasphemy of Servetus as a capital crime, since sim- 
 ple excommunication was the extreme punishment, which 
 the consistory could inflict. Our reformer was so thoroughly 
 convinced of the power of the magistrates extending to blas- 
 phemy against God, that he declares the apostles themselves, 
 had the government under which they lived been Christian, 
 would have abetted and sanctioned persecution. The true 
 followers of the meek and lowly Jesus must be compelled 
 to shed tears over this pernicious and altogether ruthless 
 principle, which was adopted and maintained by all the 
 great leaders of the reformation. Nay, the very same per- 
 secution has been continued in England until the other day, 
 when Taylor and Carlile were liberated from prison. May 
 no Briton ever again have cause to lament over this anti- 
 christian conduct on the part of a government, which is pro- 
 fessedly in league and alliance with the ecclesiastical esta- 
 blishment of the country. The great and peculiar glory of 
 Christianity is love to God and love to man, founded on the 
 principle of faith in a dying, risen, and interceding Saviour, 
 who will finally come in the character of a Judge to separate 
 the goats from the sheep, and to assign to each their portion 
 in endless happiness or misery. It does not confide in the 
 arm of man, in the power of emperors or of kings for suc- 
 cess, but looks up with unbounded confidence to the Lord of 
 Sabaoth for final victory and triumph. 
 
 Calvin was not influenced by any feelings of private re- 
 venge, or of personal malevolence against Servetus, as many, 
 
 contrary to all the evidence of the truth of history and biogra- 
 10 
 
110 CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 
 
 phy, have asserted. He was anxious to remove all heretical 
 opinions, and to watch over the purity of the faith of the 
 church at Geneva, as well as of all the protestant churches. 
 This was one cause of his bringing Servetus to trial, and his 
 desire to convince him of the error of his opinions, and to 
 convert him to the belief of the truth as it is in Jesus, was 
 another. All the Swiss Protestant churches concurred with 
 that of Geneva in sanctioning the punishment of the Spanish 
 physician. Calvin was desirous that his punishment should 
 have been less ignominious, and not burning, but the magis- 
 trates of Geneva opposed this measure. 
 
 ]t is unfair, uncandid, and ungenerous, to lay the whole 
 weight of persecution, as many Englishmen do, upon the 
 shoulders of Calvin.* Lambert and Askew were burnt in 
 the reign of Henry VHI.; Vane Pare and Joan of Arc, by 
 Edward VI., at the instigation and urgent solicitation of 
 Archbishop Cranmer, a pattern of humility, meekness, arid 
 charity, at Smithfield, London, three years before Servetus 
 suffered at the Champel of Geneva. Two Anabaptists were 
 capitally punished under Elizabeth, and sixty Roman Ca- 
 tholics : Legate and Wightman, two Arians, under James L 
 Cold must be the heart that does not feel, and tearless the 
 
 * The following extract from a letter of the mild Melancthon 
 to Calvin, proves what his opinions were concerning persecution. 
 "I have read your .clear refutation of the 4iorrid blasphemies of 
 Servetus, and I thank the Son of God who awarded you a crown 
 of victory in this combat. The church owes you a debt of grati- 
 tude even at the present moment, and will owe it to the latest 
 posterity. I perfectly assent to your opinion. Your magistrates 
 did right in punishing, after a regular trial, this blasphemer." In 
 this very letter Melancthon speaks of Calvin " as a lover of truth, 
 and as having a mind free from hatred and other unreasonable 
 passions." Melancthon, in a letter to Bullinger, writes, "I won- 
 der at those who disapprove of the severity of the sentence of the 
 Genevese senate against Servetus, for they were perfectly right, 
 since he could never cease blaspheming." — Tr. 
 
CHARACTER OF CALVIN. Ill 
 
 eyes that do not sympathize with all the victims of persecu- 
 tion under Charles I. and II. 
 
 The distinction which Servetus has attained for his vari- 
 ous writings, particularly as the discoverer of the pulmonic 
 circulation of the blood before our illustrious Harvey, has 
 contributed to make his trial and punishment more conspicu- 
 ous, while those who suffered in England have been little no- 
 ticed in consequence of their ignorance and want of celebrity. 
 Our reformer has been calumniated without mercy and jus- 
 tice, and with all the rancour of malevolence and fury, by 
 many of our anonymous compilers of Biographical Dictiona- 
 ries. Even Dr. Lempriere, in his Universal Biography, 
 makes the most unfounded assertion, contrary to all the 
 authentic evidence of history, that two long hours elapsed 
 while Servetus was burning at the stake. Is such conduct 
 worthy of the generosity for which my countrymen are so 
 justly renowned ? 
 
 What has Calvin done to merit such treatment from any 
 of the natives of the British Isles, or of Ireland herself? We 
 are indebted for all our psalmody in the church of England 
 to Calvin, who fostered with paternal care the English ex- 
 iles under the persecution of queen Mary ; and these refu- 
 gees annexed the Psalms, versified and set to music, to a 
 translation of the Scriptures in the English language, made 
 chiefly by Coverdale, Goodman, Knox, Gibbs, Sampson, 
 Cole, and Whittingham. This version of the Psalms soon 
 superseded the Te Deum. Benedicite, Magnificat, Nunc 
 DimittiSf which had been retained until that time in the 
 church of England from that of Rome. Had Calvin done 
 nothing else for us than this, he deserved at least to have re- 
 ceived fair treatment at our hands. 
 
 Not satisfied with this, Calvin used every effort in his 
 power, by correspondence with Peter Martyr, Bucer, Fa- 
 gius, Cranmer, Sir William Cecil, Sir John Cheke, the Lord 
 Protector of England, and others, to have the liturgy of that 
 church improved. He dedicated also his Commentary on 
 
112 C H A K A C r E R O F C A L V I N . 
 
 Isaiah, ajul the Canonical Epistles, to Edward the Sixth, 
 who is justly compared with kinir Josiah ; and he points out 
 to him the great viiliie and importance of the Scriptures, as 
 the only certain means lor subverting the kijigdom of Anti- 
 christ. He dedicates dso one edition of his Commentaries 
 on Isaiah to Elizabeth. In his letter to the Protector, ho 
 strongly approves of a liiiirgy. since it would establish a 
 more certain agreement of all the churches among them- 
 selves, check tiie instability and levity of innovators, and de- 
 tect the introduction of new opinions by an immediate appeal 
 to such a standard. He objects against prayers for the dead, 
 the use of chrism, and extreme unction. " Religion," he 
 writes, "cannot be restored to its purity wlule the spurious 
 and counterfeit Christianity of popery, that sink of pollution, 
 is only partially drawn otf, and a frightful form of the reli- 
 gion of Jesus is embraced for the pure and original faith." 
 In the concluding part of this letter he points out the neces- 
 sity of maintaining the honour oi' God in punishing fornica- 
 tion, adultery, cui*sing, and drunkenness. 
 
 Does not C^ilvin merit the praise of every true-hearted 
 Englishman, for recommending such reformation to the uncle 
 oi' king Edwiu-d ■ Nay, is it not high time that something 
 more etlectual be at present done by the state, in checking 
 drunkenness, if it ti\kes any interest either in the religious 
 or moral improvemeiit of our country ? In some parts of the 
 kingdom, there is a public-house or tavern for a population 
 of one hundi-ed inhabitants ; and, if we allow one for every 
 three hundred, the places as receptacles tor drinking will 
 amount to seventy thousand, which is more than three times 
 the number of all the clergymen belo?igingto the Established 
 church in Great Britain and Ireland. Have we a right to 
 consider that government as paying the least regard to the 
 morals or religion of a country, which sanctions and licenses 
 such a disproportionate and unnecessary number of abodes 
 for the drunkard, or the licentious ? Surely it is high time 
 that somethinir else be done for our native land, than the con- 
 
CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 113 
 
 tinued following up of a system, which raises so large a por- 
 tion of the taxes of the country, by encouraging drunkenness, 
 which destroys the health, the morals, the religion of the 
 country, and is more effectual in destroying domestic com- 
 fort and happiness, than all other schemes of demoralization 
 combined. How many families are there among us, which 
 can produce some husband, brother, or son, who have fallen 
 martyrs to this most degrading and brutalizing of all vices. 
 When will a reformed parliament be able to say that the fol- 
 lowing line of Cowper cannot be applied to them, — 
 
 " Ye all can swallow, and they ask no more."* 
 
 Calvin's uncommon care for all the Protestant churches in 
 Europe, merits the highest praise. His various letters, dedi- 
 cations, exhortations, written to every nation of any eminence, 
 where the true principles of the gospel had been introduced, 
 afford a lasting proof of his ardour and zeal in promoting 
 genuine Christianity. 
 
 His letters to John Knox, the Scotch reformer, prove his 
 earnest zeal for the spiritual welfare of that part of the king- 
 dom ; and I am sure none, who has had the happiness, 
 which I have experienced, of residing in that land of kind- 
 ness, hospitality, education, morality, and religion, can en- 
 tertain a moment's doubt of the great advantages which 
 Scotland has derived from the reformer of Geneva. It is, 
 however, not a little singular, that no distinguished author 
 in that kingdom, with whose writings I am acquainted, has 
 done any thing of importance, either in vindicating the cha- 
 racter of Calvin from the unjust aspersions of his calumnia- 
 tors, or in translating any of his writings. They have been 
 
 * It is truly gratifying to learn that the duke of Wellington is 
 
 doing his utmost to destroy its ravages among our soldiers. Should 
 
 he, in any measure, conquer this horrid vice, he will be a greater 
 
 benefactor to his country, than even by his glorious achievements 
 
 at Waterloo.— Tr. 
 
 10* 
 
114 CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 
 
 more desirous to impress his own character on themselves 
 and their countrymen, than to exhibit to future ages a full 
 and graphic delineation of every lineament and feature which 
 distinguish this luminary of the reformation. I trust the 
 time is not distant when one of the ablest biographers of the 
 age — whose kindness I must ever cherish with the most 
 grateful feelings — to whom Knox and Melville stand indebted 
 for such a just, impartial, and correct view of all their la- 
 bours, studies, and attachment to the gospel and their coun- 
 try — will be equally successful in doing complete justice 
 to their great master and leader in the cause of truth and 
 righteousness. 
 
 It yet remains for Scotland to rise as one man, and to de- 
 mand from a reformed parliament the same freedom in the 
 electing of the ambassadors of the Most High, which has 
 been lately granted them in the appointment of their county 
 and city members. Religion never will, and never can 
 flourish in its full extent, until the whole united empire shall 
 feel a deeper interest in the appointment of ministers of the 
 gospel, than in the choice of any civil officer, however high 
 or powerful. It may be doubted whether even a tenth part 
 of all the archbishops, bishops, deans, priests, deacons, and 
 ministers of the word of^God, in every part of the kingdom, 
 are elected by the people. Surely then religion cannot be 
 made a personal consideration, while so large a part of the in- 
 habitants appear to rest satisfied with such spiritual guides, 
 directors, and comforters, as the caprice, or interest, or party 
 feelings of the government, or of other patrons, shall appoint. 
 This state of things must be altered, if we ever expect to be- 
 hold a lasting and soul-stirring change in the religious cha- 
 racter and views of the whole empire. All the Churchmen 
 and Dissenters in the United Kingdom should use every ex- 
 ertion to inspire their hearers with a deep sense of the im- 
 portance and actual necessity of selecting .on all occasions 
 their own spiritual instructors. 
 
 Ireland herself bears ample testimony, in the province of 
 
CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 115 
 
 Ulster, to the advantages which she has derived from the in- 
 dustry, manufactures, education, and religion, introduced into 
 that country by the followers of Calvin ; and we hope the 
 time is not far distant when the wrongs of that oppressed na- 
 tion will be redressed, and the glorious principles of unadul- 
 terated Christianity produce their genuine effect, and seat her 
 side by side with her two sisters, England and Scotland. 
 
 Nor is Calvin entitled to receive common justice at the 
 hands of Britons, merely on account of his labours for promo- 
 ting our greatest blessings, by advancing the cause of reli- 
 gion. Hume — whose opinion was not in danger of being 
 warped by any love to Christianity — has clearly proved, in 
 his reign of Elizabeth, that we are chiefly indebted for our 
 liberties to the stand which the Dissenters, who were gene- 
 rally Calvinists, made against the arbitrary measures of that 
 illustrious queen. The friends of slavery are entitled to do 
 their utmost against John Calvin; but no lover of freedom — 
 no true Briton — no genuine Irishman — no real patriot, can or 
 dare lay his hand on his heart, and say he has cause to with- 
 hold from our reformer his merited share of praise. 
 
 Louis the Eleventh wished his son to know merely one 
 sentence, " that dissimulation is a necessary ingredient in 
 the character of a monarch, without which he cannot rule." 
 Politicians alone know to what extent this principle has in- 
 fluenced their councils. All divines, however, if they wish 
 to have the least claim for that title, ought to adopt Calvin's 
 device, ^^ promptly and sincerely.^ ^* To these two princi- 
 
 * He exhibited both these characters in the trial of Servetus. 
 Promptness induced him to have this heresiarch arrested on a 
 Sunday ; Calvin's calumniators and revilers have falsely stated, 
 when Servetus was at church. Our reformer maintained with all 
 the leading pillars of the reformation, contrary to the character, 
 and principles, and Spirit of the Lamb of God, the Saviour of sin- 
 ners, that blasphemy ought to be punished by the civil magistrate, 
 and, as a freeman of Geneva, considered himself bound to impeach 
 
116 CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 
 
 pies guided by the light of the gospel, and the piety and 
 boldness it inspired, we may trace all that perseverance, all 
 that heroism and magnanimity with which he assailed the 
 strong holds of popery, and dared to point out to the greatest 
 
 Servetus. Sincerity, and an earnestness of zeal to prevent the 
 spread of erroneous principles, led him, therefore, to have Serve- 
 tus arrested and tried by the magistrates, but Calvin never uttered 
 a word concerning his punishment. Sufficient time was granted 
 the Spanish physician for carrying on his trial, but, contrary to 
 the voice of humanity and of justice, no advocate was allowed by 
 the senate of Geneva, and his jail exhibited a mass of squalid filth, 
 which Howard alone could have assisted to remove; for he is the 
 only Christian, since the days of the apostles, who seems to have 
 fully entered into the glorious practice of visiting the prisoner in 
 his abodes of the deepest wretchedness and destitution. Servetus, 
 on his trial condemned by the natural standing court of his own 
 conscience, and declared guilty by its verdict, acknowledged his 
 hypocrisy in attending mass when at Vienne, although he at that 
 time considered the pope to be Anti-christ. The torments of the 
 flames, with all their horrors, the entreaties and admonitions of 
 Calvin, whose pardon Servetus begged only two hours before his 
 death, never induced him to think he was in an error ; but he died 
 in the same sincere conviction of the truth of his opinions, as he 
 had lived. Had all the reformers attended mass, like Servetus, 
 the Roman hierarchy would never have been shaken ; and had the 
 first reformers understood the nature, enlarged the dimensions, 
 and beheld the real deformities, and monstrous stings of persecu- 
 tion, they would never have been disgraced, or become a stumb- 
 ling-block to others, by the seeming goodness of this principle 
 which Christ utterly loathes. May the writer and readers of this 
 note be enabled to understand that heavenly wisdom of divine 
 love, which is pure, peaceable, gentle, easy to be entreated, full 
 of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypocrisy ; 
 and to practise its dictates with promptness and sincerity, guided 
 by the voice of a truly enlightened, and, in every respect, Chris- 
 tian conscience. — Tr. 
 
CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 11*7 
 
 potentates of Europe, the conduct which they ought to pur- 
 sue. 
 
 Weak, timid, pusillanimous, and effeminate as Calvin 
 was by nature, when guided by the Spirit of God, no dan- 
 ger dismayed him, no enemy arrested his progress. Our 
 reformer manifested the greatest candour and sincerity to the 
 meek and gentle Melancthon, when he freely admonished 
 him of his too accommodating character, from a fear of being 
 accused of harshness by the enemies of the gospel. In writ- 
 ing to Melancthon, Calvin says, " The trepidation of a gene- 
 ral, or leader of an army, is more ignominious than the flight 
 of common soldiers. All will condemn your wavering as in- 
 sufferable. Give, therefore, a steady example of invincible 
 constancy. The servants of (>hrist should pay no more re- 
 gard to their reputations than their lives. I do not suppose 
 you are eager, like ambitious men, for popular applause. I, 
 however, ingenuously open my mind to you, lest that truly 
 divine magnanimity* with which, otherwise, you are richly 
 endowed, should be impeded in its operations. I would 
 sooner die a thousand deaths with you, than see you survive 
 the doctrine which you illustrate and deliver. Be solicitous- 
 ly watchful, lest impious cavillers take the opportunity of 
 assailing the gospel from your flexible disposition," He 
 displays the same sincerity when speaking of his own temper, 
 which was constitutionally susceptible of quick emotions, and 
 frankly acknowledges that he had not succeeded in his strug- 
 gles to conquer his impatience and irritability. " My exer- 
 tions," he says, " have not been entirely useless, although 
 I have not been able to conquer the ferocious animal." 
 Calvin never lost sight of the future advancement and 
 prosperity of the church of God, which his commentaries, 
 
 * Every reader of Melancthon's Letter to Henry the Eighth 
 must feel thoroughly convinced that his heroic feelings were en- 
 tirely Christian. — Tr. 
 
118 CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 
 
 controversies, admonitions and other labours, were calculated 
 to promote with the quickest promptness, and the frankest 
 sincerity. 
 
 Calvin's opinions on all the principal subjects of evangelical 
 truth, and the leading controversies of that period, were the 
 same with those which were entertained by Luther, and the 
 most distinguished leaders in the reformation. Even Me- 
 lancthon writes, in a letter to Calvin, speaking of predestina- 
 tion : " I know that these remarks agree with your opinions; 
 but mine, since they are less refined, are better adapted to 
 common use." In another part of the same letter Melanc- 
 thon says, " In beautifying the great and essential doctrines 
 of the Son of God, I wish you to exercise your eloquence, 
 since it is able to confirm your friends, to terrify your ene- 
 mies, and assist such as maybe saved. For whose eloquence 
 in reasoning is more nervous and splendid ?" Were not 
 Bucer and Peter Martyr employed in carrying on the refor- 
 mation in England ? Are not thpir opinions the same, on 
 all contested points, with Calvin's ? Why then should the 
 Arminians of Holland and Great Britain, labour to cast the 
 whole blame upon Calvin ? Did not Archbishop Usher, 
 Bishop Hall, the judicious Hooker, entertain the same theo- 
 logical creed ? (See note D.) It is surely high time that 
 these able champions of the same opinions should bear some 
 part of the blame, if they deserve censure, with our weak 
 and emaciated reformer. Theological hatred, tlie most viru- 
 lent and deadly of all, has been long dealt out without mea- 
 sure, or justice, or truth, against the Genevese reformer in 
 England, a nation justly distinguished for generosity; but 
 the time, it may be hoped, is not far distant, when new 
 Horsleys will be raised up to break in pieces the arrows of 
 calumny, and to make all the followers of the Prince of 
 peace and truth ashamed to join the ranks of the infidels, in 
 using the poisoned weapons of shameless detraction for the 
 purpose of vilifying the character of one of the most holy — 
 
CHARACTER OP CALVIN. 119 
 
 the most undaunted — the most laborious, and the most disin- 
 terested followers of a crucified Redeemer.* 
 
 '^ Whoever is at all versed in the history of the foreign Prc- 
 testant Churches, cannot be ignorant of the great abilities, piety, 
 and learning, which ornamented great numbers of their divines, 
 and particularly in the French Protestant Church. But what said 
 the judicious Hooker, a man who may justly be considered as 
 having well weighed every assertion which he made 1 Speaking 
 of this very Calvin, he writes, ' whom, for my own part, I think 
 incomparably the wisest man that ever the French Church did 
 enjoy since the hour it enjoyed him. His bringing up was in the 
 study of the civil law. Divine knowledge he gathered not by 
 hearing or reading so much as by teaching others. For though 
 thousands were debtors to him, as touching knowledge in that 
 kind, yet he to none but only to God, the author of that most bless- 
 ed fountain, the Book of Life, and of the admirable dexterity of 
 wit, together with the helps of other learning which were his 
 guides.' (Pref to Hook. Ecclesiastical Polity.) Such an opinion, 
 so delivered, and by such a man, surely deserves some attention 
 from those who consider Calvin as a vile utterer of blasphemy ar.d 
 nonsense. Once more let the venerable author of the Ecclesias- 
 tical Polity bear his testimony. ' We should be injurious to vir- 
 tue itself, if we did derogate from them whom their industry hath 
 made great. Two things of principal moment there are which 
 have deservedly procured him honour throughout the world ; the 
 one, his exceeding pains in composing the Institutions of the Chris- 
 tian Religion ; the other, his no less industrious travails for expc- 
 sition of Holy Scripture according unto the same institutions.'' 
 (Ibid.) Surely the venerators of Hooker must feel some portion 
 of esteem for him whom Hooker thus venerated, and expressly 
 calls 'a worthy vessel of God's glory.' 
 
 Few names stand higher, or in more deserved pre-eminence 
 amongst the wise and pious members of the English Church, than 
 that of Bishop Andrews ; his testimony to the memory of Calvin 
 is, that ' he was an illustrious person, and never to be mentioned 
 without a preface of the highest honour.' 
 
 Of the high opinion entertained of Calvin by Archbishop Cran- 
 
120 CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 
 
 Calvin's great excellence as a commentator consists in his 
 giving, first, a concise, clear, full, and minute view of the 
 
 mer and his associates in the English Reformation, there cannot 
 be a higher proof, than that he expressly wrote to him, intimating 
 his desire 'that learned and godly men, who excel others in learn- 
 ing and judgment, might meet to handle all the heads of ecclesias- 
 tical doctrine, and agree not only as to things themselves, but also 
 as to words and forms of speaking.' He then entreats Calvin, 
 that he and Melancthon and Bullinger would deliberate among 
 themselves how such a synod might be assembled. The Archbi- 
 shop also expressly writes to Calvin, admonishing him, that he 
 could not do any thing more profitable than to write often to the 
 king. It is an additional argument of the deference paid to his 
 opinions, that the liturgy underwent an entire alteration in com- 
 pliance with the objections which Calvin made to it as it pre- 
 viously stood. Bishop Hooper so highly valued Calvin, that he 
 wrote to him from prison, addressing him by the title of Vir prees- 
 tantissime ; earnestly begging the prayers of his Church, and sub- 
 scribing himself luce pietatis studiosissimus. Many more proofs 
 might be given of the high veneration with which he was treated 
 by his cotemporaries. Whoever examines into the sermons, 
 writings, &c. of English divines, in the reign of Elizabeth and 
 James the First, will continually meet with the epithets of honour 
 with which his name is mentioned : the ' learned,' the ' wise,' 
 the ' judicious,' the ' pious' Calvin, are expressions every where 
 to be found in the remains of those times. It is well known, that 
 his Institutes were read and studied in the universities by every 
 student in divinity, for a considerable portion of a century ; nay, 
 that by a convocation held at Oxford, that book was recommended 
 to the general study of the nation. So far was the Church of 
 England and her chief divines from countenancing that unbecom- 
 ing and absurd treatment, with which the name of this eminent 
 Protestant is now so frequently dishonoured, that it would be no 
 difficult matter to prove, that there is not, perhaps, a parallel in- 
 stance on record, of any single individual being equally and so 
 unequivocally venerated for the union of wisdom and piety, both 
 in England and by a large body of the foreign churches, as John 
 
CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 121 
 
 scope, drift, and connexion of the whole passage he is ex- 
 plaining, with the accuracy and precision of uncommon' 
 logical sagacity and acuteness. He then, in the second place, 
 generally analyzes the sense of each word, and points out 
 its appropriate meaning in the sentence where it occurs. He 
 uses, without any display, his immense stores of learning, 
 for the purpose of illustrating what is dark, enlightening 
 what is obscure, and confirming what is doubtful. His great 
 object is to get to the pith of the subject under his conside- 
 ration, and to break the shell, that he may give his readers 
 
 Calvin. Nothing but ignorance of the ecclesiastical records of 
 those times, or resolute prejudice, could cast a cloak of conceal- 
 ment over this fact; it has been evidenced by the combined testi- 
 mony both of enemies and friends to his system of doctrmes. 
 
 As one more additional, and no inconsiderable proof, that the 
 name and authority of Calvin was highly esteemed by the gover- 
 nors of the English Church at a former period, we find, from 
 Bishop Overal's Convocation Book, containing the Acts and Ca- 
 nons which were passed by the Convocation first called, A. D. 
 1603, Imo. Jac. and continued by adjournments and prorogations 
 to 1610, that the name of Calvin is formally mentioned in the pre- 
 amble to the eighth canon of the second book, thus — " The Car- 
 dinal (Bellarmine) is so far driven by a worthy man, and some 
 others of our side," &c. In the margin the reference is made to 
 Calvin's Institutes. The deliberate introduction of the name and 
 its epithet into the acts of a convocation of the Church of England, 
 appears to be well worthy of notice in our present inquiry.* From 
 such data, though they will leave every man to a liberty of con- 
 science as to his approbation of Calvin's system, yet it certainly 
 does not leave him at liberty to consign his memory to oppro- 
 brium and obloquy, without incurring the imputation of presump- 
 tion, pride, or ignorance. 
 
 * Witness also the exalted testimonies given of him by Bishop 
 Bilson, Bishop Morton, Bishop Stillingfleet, Dr. Hoyle, who wrote under 
 the patronage of Archbishop Usher, and many others cited by Dr. John 
 Edwards, in his Veritas redux. 
 
 11 
 
122 CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 
 
 the kernel. He approaches the only record in which Infi- 
 nite Truth addresses lost mankind, with all the feelings of 
 sacred awe, but without superstitious dread ; and his sole 
 aim is to discover, by every possible means in his power, 
 what was the mind of the Spirit, without labouring to make 
 the Scriptures bend to his own prejudices, or to support his 
 preconceived opinions. His Harmonies of the Law and 
 Writings of Moses, and of the Gospel, display the accuracy 
 and extent of his research, which is only surpassed by the 
 correctness of his judgment. His views of Christian mora- 
 lity, in his various commentaries, are distinguished by a 
 holy simplicity, which scorns to fritter away the principles 
 of eternal wisdom, or to accommodate the unerring maxims 
 of the gospel to the manners, customs, or practices of the 
 world. The great aim of Calvin, in his numerous exposi- 
 tions, was to dispel the clouds of popish darkness by the 
 glorious light and splendour of the word of the Most High. 
 
 None of the reformers understood the advantages of edu- 
 cation more clearly than Calvin; and the establishment of 
 an excellent seminary in Geneva, both for human and divine 
 learning, was one of the last actions of his life. Even now, 
 when Geneva has generally deserted the standards of the 
 original reformers, and joined those of Arius or Socinus, her 
 sons rejoice in the great triumph achieved by the wisdom of 
 Calvin over the power of Napoleon, who, on conquering 
 Geneva, wanted courage to make any change in the system 
 of education, which had been planted more than 200 years 
 before Bonaparte was born, by this distinguished friend of 
 genuine Christianity, and of a truly scriptural education.* 
 
 Beza has left nothing to be added to his account of Cal- 
 vin's death. Our reformer's unshaken confidence in his 
 Redeemer, care for the prosperity of the state of Geneva, 
 
 * The Life of Calvin, by the Rev. Mr. Scott, is written with 
 much judgment and impartiality. 
 
CHARACTER OF CALVIN. 123 
 
 and the interests of religion in that city, afford a noble and 
 unanswerable testimony to the piety and integrity of his life. 
 May it be the constant prayer and labour of every Christian 
 so to live that he may die the death of Calvin, and reposing 
 with unshaken confidence in the promises of his Immanuel, 
 triumph with unutterable joy in the prospects of that happi- 
 ness which is prepared in the mansions of eternal peace and 
 harmony, for all that love the appearing of the King of 
 glory. 
 
NOTES 
 
 LIFE OF CALVIN 
 
 BY THE TRANSLATOR. 
 
 Note I. 
 
 Mathurin Cordier, Cordery, or Corderius, was distin- 
 guished for his piety, learning, and probity. Few men, in 
 any age, were more successful or indefatigable teachers than 
 lie was ; and he invariably laboured to combine true religion 
 and morality with the improvement of the understanding. 
 He was born 1479, and died at Geneva, September 8, 1564. 
 He studied divinity for some time at Paris, about 1528 ; and 
 was indebted, under Providence, to Robert Stephens, for a 
 complete emancipation from the errors and superstitions of 
 Popery. He spent upwards of fifty years in teaching, at 
 Paris, Nevers, Bourdeaux, Geneva, whence he was banished 
 the same year with Calvin, at Neuchatel, Lausanne, where 
 they wished to have placed him at the head of the college ; 
 but the inhabitants of Neuchatel, where he then taught, would 
 not part with him. He concluded his laborious career of 
 teaching in Geneva, and taught the sixth form till within 
 three or four days of his death, aged eighty-five. He taught 
 according to the monitorial system, and educated six hundred 
 boys with more order and silence than are observed by most 
 teachers who have only thirty or forty. The reformers dis- 
 played an indefatigable zeal for promoting education, and 
 
 11* 
 
126 translator's notes to 
 
 never failed to make it serve as an handmaid to religion. 
 What an awful declension has taken place in this respect 
 among the Protestants of the nineteenth century ! Some- 
 thing is doing, and has already been done for the religious 
 education of the lower classes, while the middling and the 
 higher are frequently altogether neglected in this most impor- 
 tant branch of instruction. We trust the time is not distant 
 when every good classical school will pay so much atten- 
 tion to the Old and New Testament, even in some of the 
 higher departments of biblical criticisms, as to compel all our 
 colleges to assume a more distinguished stand in one of the 
 most important branches of literature. What a disgrace that 
 Britain should be so much surpassed by Germany in this 
 truly useful study ! Shall we not be roused by our American 
 descendants ?* 
 
 Calvin, in 1550, dedicated to Cordier his Commentary on 
 the first epistle to the Thessalonians, and acknowledged him- 
 Bclf indebted to this admirable Latin grammarian for all his 
 future skill in that language. " I take this opportunity," he 
 writes, "to testify to posterity, that, if they derive any bene- 
 fit from my writings, they must, in a great measure, acknow- 
 ledge it to have flowed from your instructions." The sys- 
 tem of education in the High School of Edinburgh, which 
 has been adopted with so much success nearly all over Scot- 
 land, appears very much to resemble in its general arrange- 
 ment what was followed by Cordier. 
 
 His colloquies, long continued even in Britain, the first 
 stepping-stone in the ascent to the temple of learning ; and 
 Dr. Reynolds recommends them, as useful in assisting to 
 enable the classical scholars to speak Latin, in which we 
 have been so much surpassed by our continental neighbours. 
 
 * Professor Stuart's Critical Remarks on the Epistles to the Ro- 
 mans and the Hebrews are truly valuable. — Tr. 
 
 Dr. Hodge's Commentary on the Romans, is invaluable, as a 
 masterly and orthodox exposition of the sacred text. — Am. Ed. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 127 
 
 I look back with delight to the time when I began the 
 study of Cordery under one of the most affectionate of tutors 
 and friends, the Rev. Mr. Hair of Torpenhow, Cumberland, 
 whose attainments, as a sound classical scholar, were of no 
 ordinary character. I spent four years of very great happi- 
 ness under his truly parental roof. A striking humility, and 
 the most unassuming manners, distinguished every part of 
 his conduct. Gentleness was his chief means for conveying 
 knowledge, and the plan of severity never once entered his 
 mind. He was curate of the present bishop of Bath and 
 Wells, who afterwards promoted him to Hayton. Mr. Hair 
 was much beloved by his parishioners, in spite of the collec- 
 tion of tithes, which have contributed more than any other 
 cause to secularise our clergy, to create discord between 
 them and their flocks, to paralyze the exertions of the far- 
 mers and the peasantry — " their country's pride" — to aug- 
 ment the number, add to the influence, and strengthen the 
 power of the dissenters. From Bishop Hall, to whom I was 
 introduced by my instructor in English, the Rev. Mr. Par- 
 sable, in consequence of the bishop being a school-fellow 
 with Mr. Hair, and of his high opinion of Mr. Parsable, T 
 experienced at Dublin all the attention, watchfulness, and 
 care of a parent. I enjoyed the use of his library, and he di- 
 rected my studies. Few men displayed a greater sense of 
 principle, or a stronger hatred and abhorrence of party ; and 
 by opposing the union of Ireland with England, though a 
 native of Great Britain, he was prevented for some time from 
 becoming either provost or bishop. I was placed by him un- 
 der Dr. Davenport, one of the kindest and best of tutors, in 
 a college distinguished for the liberality, kindness, and gen- 
 erosity, that characterise the whole Irish nation ; and I must 
 ever remember, with much pleasure, the interest he took in 
 promoting my studies. My oldest brother, my friend, my 
 guide, and my teacher, was the cause of advising one of the 
 best and tenderest of mothers, to whose uncommon affection 
 I am indebted under Providence for all the blessings I now 
 
128 translator's notes to 
 
 enjoy, to place me under the Rev. Mr. Hair. My dearest 
 mother and the Rev. Mr. Parsable alone survive of all these 
 kind friends, relations, and instructors ; and may the Saviour 
 of sinners long continue her to me as a comfort, and fit her 
 for the enjoyment of that kingdom, where there is neither 
 sin, nor sorrow, nor woe. 
 
 My first tutor in English, the Rev. Mr. Parsable, acted 
 towards me on all occasions with the greatest friendship, and 
 I am happy to have this opportunity of testifying my deep 
 gratitude for his instructions. His sole aim through life has 
 been the promotion of useful knowledge, and of kindliness of 
 feeling in every situation which he has filled. May he be 
 preserved in the enjoyment of undiminished health, to pro- 
 mote the happiness of his parishioners, until the Master of 
 the harvest shall translate him from his present labours to 
 reap the glories of an endless and all-perfect immortality. 
 
 Note H. 
 
 Robert d'Olivet, a relation of Calvin, was born at Noyon; 
 and published at Neuchatel, in 1535, the first French Bible 
 ever printed in Switzerland, and translated from the Hebrew 
 and Greek, in consequence of the decree of the synod of the 
 churches in the valleys of Piedmont. He was banished from 
 Geneva, where he was tutor in a gentleman's family, in con- 
 sequence of his defending the Lutherans against the attack of 
 a Dominican friar, and withdrew to Neuchatel. He died at 
 Ferrara, having, it is supposed, been poisoned at Rome, on 
 account of his activity as a reformer and translator of the 
 Scriptures, in 1536 or 1538. Calvin wrote, in French, at 
 Neuchatel, 1536, the preface to the Old Testament, addressed 
 to all the emperors, kings, princes, and nations, subject to 
 the dominion of Christ. He wrote also the preface to the 
 New. We behold, in the Life of Robert d'Olivet, of Calvin, 
 of Cordicr, and of Robert Stephens, how powerful an influ- 
 ence the translation of the Scriptures, printing, classical lite- 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 129 
 
 rature, and education had on each other in advancing the 
 cause of the reformation. 
 
 Note III. 
 
 Few men have displayed their sense of gratitude in their 
 dedications more than Calvin. He dedicates his Commen- 
 tary on the first of Thessalonians to Cordier, because he had 
 been his instructor in Latin ; his second epistle to the Co- 
 rinthians to Wolmar, as his Greek tutor ; the epistle to the 
 Romans to Grynee, as his director and adviser in the method 
 of writing commentaries ; and the second of Thessalonians 
 to his physician Textor, who had paid the greatest attention 
 to his wife's health, and his own, without fee or reward. 
 None can doubt Calvin's gratitude, after stating these facts ; 
 and he displays the utmost candour in bearing testimony to 
 their assistance. 
 
 Wolmar was a native of Switzerland. He was an excel- 
 lent Greek scholar, and Calvin and Beza were indebted to 
 him for their knowledge of this language. He taught Latin 
 and Greek at Bourges. Tubingen enjoyed his labours in 
 Greek and civil law for more than twenty years. He wrote 
 commentaries on the first two books of Homer's Iliad, and 
 an elegant preface to Chalcondyla's Greek grammar. He 
 was an excellent teacher, and much beloved by his pupils. 
 He died at Eisenach, 1561, aged sixty-four, of a paralytic 
 affection ; and his wife Margaret, who had been married to 
 him twenty-seven years, died of grief the same day, and they 
 were both buried in the same tomb. He was distinguished 
 by his munificence to the poor, and uncommon modesty. 
 
 Note IV. 
 
 Calvin, April 4, 1532, published his Commentary on 
 Seneca's Epistle on Clemency, when he was only twenty- 
 two years and nine months old. The perverse, and amusingly 
 
130 translator's notes to 
 
 erroneous statements made by Varillas concerning this work 
 are so numerous and altogether unfounded that we need 
 not wonder at Bayle, when he says, they are calculated to 
 make a person think of renouncing for ever the study of 
 history. 
 
 Note V. 
 
 Margaret de Valois, queen of Navarre, distinguished for 
 learning, piety, and a firm attachment to the reformation, 
 was born 1495, and died much esteemed, at Castle Odos, 
 December 2, 1549. She was of great use in affording pro- 
 tection to John le Comte, James le Fevre, to a relation of 
 Melancthon, and many other reformers ; as also in writing 
 religious tracts, and counteracting in some measure the ad- 
 vice given to her brother, Francis I., king of France, by his 
 chancellor and counsellors against the friends of the reforma- 
 tion. Though she did not agree with the principles of Po- 
 quet, Quintin, and Copin, leaders of the Libertines in Hai- 
 nault and at Lisle, yet she was displeased with Calvin for at- 
 tacking them, as she had received them into her household. 
 Our reformer's letter, written to her on this occasion, is dis- 
 tinguished by a truly Christian boldness and independence, 
 which is combined with due respect for the rank and piety 
 of the queen. " Who would excuse me," he writes, " if, 
 when I hear the truth of God assailed, I should remain si- 
 lent ? I do not believe you expect me to prevaricate in the 
 defence of the gospel committed to my ministry for the pur- 
 pose of pleasing yourself. May the Lord protect you by 
 his shield, and direct you by his Spirit to pursue his voca- 
 tion, even unto death, with a sincere zeal and prudence." 
 
 Note VL 
 
 James le Fevre, of Estaples in Picardy, was of small 
 stature and low extraction, but distinguished for genius and 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 131 
 
 learning. He received his education at Paris, and was use- 
 ful in assisting to put an end to the barbarism of the schools. 
 He took the degree of doctor in divinity. Briconnet, bishop 
 of Meaux, patronized him ; but he was compelled to go to 
 Blois and Guienne to escape persecution, and finally to 
 Nerac, where he died, 1537. 
 
 Le Fevre clearly discerned the certain approach of the re- 
 formation, though he wanted courage to join its standard. 
 " How shall I stand," he observed to the queen of Navarre, 
 " before the bar of God ! I who have preached the gospel 
 of his Son to so many, who have followed my doctrine, have 
 met a thousand torments, nay death itself, with constancy — 
 while I, their teacher, fled — fled from persecution, and have 
 lived to the age of 101, although death, even in its most ap- 
 palling horrors, ought never to have excited even a shudder 
 in my frame. Yet feeling and knowing this, I privately with- 
 drew myself, and basely deserted the post assigned me by 
 the Lord of glory." When the queen and her friends com- 
 forted the weeping patriarch by assurances of the forgive- 
 ness of his Saviour, who was prepared to bury in oblivion 
 all his unfaithfulness ; " Nothing," he added, " remains for 
 me but to depart to God, as soon as I have made my will ; 
 nor ought I to delay ; for I think God has called me. I ap- 
 point you my heir ; I bequeath all my books to your chap- 
 lain ; my clothes to the poor ; and I commend the rest to 
 God." " What," said the queen, smiling, " shall I get by 
 being your heir?" '* The oflice," he said, "of distribu- 
 tion to the poor." " Be it so," replied the queen ; " and, I 
 declare, this inheritance is more pleasing to me than if my 
 brother, the king of France, had nominated me to all his 
 possessions." The countenance of the old man brightened, 
 and he said, " Now, O queen, I require some rest ; may you 
 be all happy ! meanwhile, farewell." He lay down on a 
 couch, and fell into a gende dose. One of the party, after 
 a little time, went to awake him, but his spirit had de- 
 parted. 
 
NOTES TO 
 
 Note VII. 
 
 Gerard, and Arnold Roussel, of Picardy, William Farel of 
 Dauphiny, James le Fevre, first preached the doctrines of the 
 reformation in France, under the patronage of the Bishop of 
 Meaux, in 1523, where the first Protestant church was 
 established. They ordained Peter le Clerk over a con- 
 gregation in Meaux amounting to 400. He was whipped, 
 branded, and banished by the Roman Catholics, and, after 
 preaching at Metz, was burnt. The other four ministers 
 were banished. 
 
 Note VIII. 
 
 The Princess Renee, daughter of Lewis, was distinguished 
 for her steady and cordial attachment^ to the reformation. 
 She returned from Italy to France in 1560, after the death of 
 her husband, the Duke of Ferrara, in 1559 ; and she openly 
 professed the reformed doctrines at Montagris, where she 
 died in 1575. She afforded protection to oppressed Protes- 
 tants with noble heroism and perseverance against the perse- 
 cution and superstition of the church of Rome.* 
 
 Note IX. 
 
 Paul Fagius, in a letter to Calvin, from Cambridge, in 
 1550, thus writes : — " Few parishes in England have proper 
 pastors, and most of them are sold to noblemen. Some 
 clergymen hold three, four, or more parishes without doing 
 ministerial duty, and substitute such as are unable to read 
 English, and who, at heart, are mere papists. In some pa- 
 rishes no sermons have been preached for many years. The 
 
 * See Dr. M'Crie's excellent History of the Progress and Sup- 
 pression of the Reformation in Italy. — Tr. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 133 
 
 greater part of the fellows of colleges are violent papists, or 
 dissolute Epicureans, who endeavour to entice the youth to 
 their own systems. The Government refers the case of the 
 church to the bishops, who declare they can make no altera- 
 tion unless authorised by the public law of the kingdom. 
 Any interpretations of the most luminous passages of the 
 word of God are given, which either prudence or pride may 
 suggest. Admonish the Duke of Somerset concerning the 
 pillaging and betraying of the churches in this kingdom, that 
 his majesty the king, whose proficiency in science and litera- 
 ture is astonishing, and who exerts all his power for restor- 
 ing the truth as it is in Jesus, may hasten the reformation." 
 Calvin was indefatigable in doing his utmost to rouse Arch- 
 bishop Cranmer to appoint effective and evangelical minis- 
 ters, to prevent the open sale of livings, to introduce proper 
 discipline, and to publish a clear and luminous confession 
 concerning the various controversies. " To speak freely," 
 our reformer writes, *' I much fear, and this fear constantly 
 recurs to my mind, that so many autumns will be passed in 
 delaying, that the cold of a perpetual winter will succeed." 
 How melancholy is it to reflect that the church of England, 
 after the lapse of nearly three centuries, still continues in a 
 state which requires the adoption of many of the reforms 
 alluded to by Calvin. The affairs of the church are post- 
 poned from year to year ; and while great efforts are making 
 to introduce improvements into the state, nothing, or less 
 than nothing, is attempted for placing the cause of the reli- 
 gion of Jesus upon a sure and lasting basis. How few cler- 
 gymen visit their parishioners from house to house for the 
 purpose of knowing the actual state of those intrusted to their 
 care ! How few bishops visit every parish in their diocess 
 for the purpose of making themselves personally acquainted 
 with the character and exertions of the pastors over whom 
 they are appointed ! What heart-burnings are caused by the 
 collection of tithes ! How few parishes have the advantage 
 of electing their own clergymen ! And shall it be said that it 
 
 12 
 
134 translator's notes to 
 
 is of more importance to have the power of appointing a re- 
 presentative for parliament, than to be enabled to choose their 
 own shepherd to lead them in the way of everlasting life ? 
 In what state is the religious education of the whole commu- 
 nity ? How many thousands, and- tens of thousands, never 
 enter the church from year to year I How many in the coun- 
 try are either totally indifferent about religion, or deists, or 
 in a state of doubt and uncertainty ! The division between 
 the church and the dissenters is not diminishing ; and how 
 is it possible for a religion of love to flourish where feuds, 
 opposition, jealousy, or rooted dislike exist? Men may talk 
 about Christianity until the earth itself shall be burned up, 
 but it never can — it never will prosper in any country, among 
 any people, unless true, disinterested love unite all classes — 
 all denominations — all parties, in the bonds of Christian affec- 
 tion. Love, the new commandment, which our beloved Re- 
 deemer left as a legacy to his disciples, must either abound 
 among us, or we are as sounding brass, or tinkling cymbal. 
 
 At a period like the present, when the most gigantic strides 
 are making to communicate useful knowledge to all classes 
 of the community, it is the bounden duty of every child of 
 God to leave no means untried by which the doctrines of the 
 gospel may be extensively disseminated in all their fulness, 
 and all their glory. The history of all states connected with 
 the church clearly establishes one important fact — that 
 affairs, which relate to the gospel of Christ, are never attend- 
 ed to, until the interests of the commonwealth have been first 
 CDnsulted. No great hopes, therefore, ought ever to be en- 
 tertained of much good accruing to the church from the inter- 
 ference of the state, since the prosperity of the former 
 will, in all human probability, always be postponed to that 
 of the latter. Governments forget that the God of Israel is 
 he, who giveth strength and power unto his people : blessed 
 be God. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 135 
 
 Note X. 
 
 Calvin in a letter to Farel, says of himself, " that he was 
 not of that passionate race of lovers, who, when once capti- 
 vated with an external form, eagerly embrace also the moral 
 defects that it conceals. I expect chastity, frugality, patience, 
 and solicitude for my personal health and prosperity, in that 
 lady who delights me with her beauty." The Rev. Mr. 
 Robinson of Cambridge, in his Ecclesiastical Researches, 
 attacks Calvin for marrying an Anabaptist without ever mak- 
 ing the slightest allusion to her own conversion, or that of her 
 husband. This is merely one specimen of the numerous 
 false statements concerning Calvin, with which this uncandid 
 and unfair historian has thought fit to delude his English 
 readers. ■• Calvin had one child, who died in 1545, and he 
 could not be more than five years old. Calvin, at the close 
 of a letter to Viret, consoles himself on this occasion in the 
 following manner: — "The Lord has inflicted a heavy and 
 severe wound on us by the death of our little son ; but he is 
 our Father, and knows what is expedient for his children." 
 Mrs. Calvin ejaculated on her dying bed the following expres- 
 sions: — "O glorious resurrection ! God of Abraham, and of 
 all our fathers ! not one of the faithful, who have hoped in 
 thee for so many ages, has been disappointed : I will also 
 hope." 
 
 Note XI 
 
 Beza's remark, that Zebedee's confession of his error 
 was a better decision than if a thousand decrees of the senate 
 had issued these orders, proves how desirous even the advo- 
 
 * Yet Robinson adopts as a motto — " Let every thing said or 
 written against truth be unsaid and unwritten." — Tr. 
 
136 translator's notes to 
 
 cates for persecution are to secure a triumph to their cause 
 without having recourse to such an irrational and shocking 
 system. Even the most inveterate disciples of the church 
 of Rome are not now disposed to go all lengths in advocat- 
 ing the Inquisition, and other horrid methods of cruelty, by 
 which Anti-christ has for so long a period kept his slaves 
 under the most dreadful thraldom. 
 
 " Almost every page of ecclesiastical history is polluted 
 with the blood of men sacrificed on the altars of bigotry and 
 intolerance. That is deemed heresy, in every age and coun- 
 try, which is opposite to the doctrines of the established 
 chruch. We have at present oppugners of the doctrines of 
 the establishment ; and though they are not burned for their 
 belief, yet they are by some spoken of with disrespect, and 
 tolerated with reluctance. Notwithstanding this, the present 
 church of England we are confident, had she the power, 
 would be as far from treading in the sanguinary footsteps of 
 the former church of England, as the British Legislature 
 would be now from granting her that authority of doing it, . 
 which was so superstitiously conceded to her in an age of 
 ignorance, and ecclesiastical domination."* The period is 
 fast arriving when every thing like intolerance on religious 
 subjects will be banished from our shores, and the great 
 principles of immutable truth be supported, not by the iron 
 arm of power, but the invicible evidence of reason, religion, 
 and love. Party names and distinctions, whether arising 
 from establishments or other causes, will be merged in the 
 glorious appellation of Christian, and the doctrines of the 
 cross be supported and extended, as they were in the first 
 ages of the gospel, by the wisdom, industry, piety, sobriety, 
 purity, and holiness of its professors. 
 
 The crimes of nations and of ages will it is to be hoped, 
 henceforth be viewed in the glass presented to us by the 
 
 Bishop Watson. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 137 
 
 Friend of sinners, and no attempts be made to gloss over the 
 transgressions even of the-best of men, by apologies derived 
 from the ignorance, or superstition of the period in which 
 they lived. Future ages, no doubt, will look back with 
 wonder on the infidelity, immorality, drunkenness,! and 
 Sabbath-breaking of this boasted nineteenth century, in this 
 boasted land of liberty. It is high time for all Christians to 
 do their utmost among us, to stem the torrent of irreligion 
 and iniquity that is sweeping over our land, and unite in the 
 great cause of promoting genuine Christianity by a spirit of 
 harmony and of concord, which would paralyze all the 
 efforts of its vilest enemies. 
 
 An interested selfishness, with which all parties look merely 
 to themselves, is one of the worst and most lamentable symp- 
 toms of the present times, since it proves that the cause of 
 Jesus is forgotten, and some paltry worldly objects of the 
 most fleeting nature, preferred to the glory of the Lamb of 
 God, who taketh away the sins of the world. The same 
 noble disinterestedness, which made Paul support himself as 
 a tent-maker, must resume its dominion among us, if we ever 
 expect to hear infidels and atheists, who now blazon forth 
 their own shame even in our courts of justice, cry out, " See 
 how these Christians love." By showing our faith by our 
 works, the blasphemy of unbelievers would cease, and the 
 powers of a future and coming world resume that authority 
 and influence, which neither scepticism nor infidelity would 
 be able to gainsay or resist. 
 
 t The whole amount of spirit and wine-merchants, taverns, inns, 
 beer-shops, &c., in London consisting of 1,500,000 inhabitants, is 
 nearly 6000, while the places of worship do not much exceed 600. 
 Can government be said to do its utmost for religion under such 
 circumstances, when the active operations of the ministers of the 
 gospel, compared with those of the venders of wine, spirits, ale, 
 &c., can only be as one to tenl — Tr. 
 
 12* 
 
ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. 
 
 The following notes are thrown together in a separate form, 
 because their length rendered it impracticable to place them 
 at the bottom of the pages on which they respectively 
 occur. 
 
 Note A. 
 
 When Calvin returned from the Diet of Worms, he wrote 
 to Farel the following account of the matter : 
 
 " We have at length returned home, after an absence of 
 almost three months. Our delay was occasioned by our ad- 
 versaries, who constantly were devising new artifices to de- 
 lude us by spinning out the time. When the Emperor 
 was said to be approaching, we supposed that they would 
 have a good pretext for their own justification. For during 
 the whole period they had eluded any conference by the 
 most impudent shufflings ; and why did they not pretend 
 that they could have no consultation, since the Emperor 
 was now going to Ratisbon to hold the Diet?* But when 
 
 * The Conference at Worms was appointed to be opened on the 
 28th of October, 1540. From this time, nothing was eflfected till 
 
140 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 all were preparing to depart, they unexpectedly gave us an 
 opportunity for a conference. They were perhaps appre- 
 hensive, that they could not escape the accusation of disho- 
 nesty, if they did not commence, at least in appearance, 
 when we had submitted to all their obtrusive conditions. 
 For they had spent a whole month in proposing absurdities 
 for our admission, expecting that by our refusal, they should 
 have an ostensible reason for accusing us with having pre- 
 vented the conference. By our patience, we frustrated all 
 their expectations, by yielding to every condition which did 
 not materially affect injuriously the cause of truth. At length 
 the colloquy was opened. Eckius, being chosen by our ad- 
 versaries for their advocate, commenced with a speech of 
 two hours. Melancthon answered more concisely. After 
 dinner, Eckius again proceeded boisterously. On the fol- 
 lowing day, Philip answered him with great moderation. 
 Eckius spoke again after dinner. The judges then pro- 
 nounced, that they had disputed long enough about that arti- 
 cle.* To the injustice of this sentence we objected, that it 
 was intolerable that our adversaries should both open and 
 close the debate. But Granville persisted in his sentence 
 with the inflexible obstinacy of an Areopagite. Permission 
 was obtained for our advocate to speak again, on condition, 
 however, that our adversaries should close the dispute. On 
 the following day, Philip closed his argument, and Eckius, 
 with more moderation than usual, ended the debate. I will 
 not attempt to describe the monkish fastidiosity, the great 
 audacity, insolence, and impudence, with which this osten- 
 
 the 13th of January, 1541. On this day, they agreed upon a col- 
 loquy. This was afler the Emperor, by Granville, his prime 
 minister, had published his determination to hold a Diet at Ratis- 
 bon, in March. 
 
 * The dispute commenced upon the doctrine of original sin. 
 Eckius and Melancthon were the only collocutors appointed. On 
 the third day, Granville dismissed the conference. — Dupin. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 141 
 
 tatious man vociferated. Imagine to yourself a barbarous 
 sophist, exulting foolishly among his illiterate companions, 
 and you will have the half of Eckius. Granville hav- 
 ing assembled the Diet, -read the Emperor's letter by which 
 it was dissolved; and the promise was given, that he would 
 examine the unfinished business at Ratisbon." 
 
 Calvin also attended the Diet at Ratisbon, and from that 
 place thus writes to Farel concerning the meeting : 
 
 " Many most splendid embassies have arrived from foreign 
 nations. Cardinal Contarinus, the legate of the Pope, on 
 his entering the town, scattered over us so many signs of 
 the cross, that his arm, I apprehend, did not recover in two 
 days from the painful labour. The bishop of Modena was 
 sent as a special Nuncio- Contarinus would have us submit 
 without bloodshed, and labours by all means to complete the 
 business without having recourse to arms. The Nuncio is 
 for bloodshed, and has nothing but war in his mouth. Both 
 agree in cutting off all hopes of amicable discussion. The 
 Venitian ambassador is a man of great pomp and parade. 
 The English, besides the resident minister, have sent the 
 bishop of Winchester with a splendid retinue, a man too 
 maliciously cunning. The ambassadors of Portugal, and 
 several others, I omit to name. The king of France has 
 sent Velius, an importunate blockhead. In mentioning the 
 princes, I passed over all the dregs of the order of Pfaci, 
 excepting John Pfaf, elector of Mentz. The bishops assem- 
 bled in gieat numbers, — the bishops of Ratisbon, Augsburg, 
 Spires, Bremen, Saltzburg, Brescia, Worms, Bamberg, Hil- 
 desheim, and some others. It would be in vain to con- 
 jecture what will be the result of this Diet." 
 
 " The confederates are desirous of having an audience ; 
 and if they can hope for no confidence or lasting peace, until 
 there is an agreement in religious matters, and the Churches 
 established in order, they will urge the imperial Chamber to 
 consider this subject with care and attention. They are 
 anxious that all dissensions should be ended without tumult, 
 
142 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 and detesting war as the certain ruin of this country, they 
 show themselves the decided enemies of all violent measures. 
 
 *' Our opponents are divided into three parties. The first 
 are for proclaiming war, and openly raved because it was 
 not commenced the first day. Of this class, the leaders are 
 the elector of Mentz, the Bavarian dukes, Henry of Bruns- 
 wick, and his brother the bishop of Bremen. The second 
 class wish to consult the good of their country, whose ruin 
 or devastation they foresee will be the calamitous effect of 
 war, and they of course exert all their powers to effect a 
 peace of any kind without a settlement of reUgion. The 
 third would willingly admit a tolerable correction of eccle- 
 siastical doctrine and discipline, but being either deficient in 
 the knowledge of the truth, or in fortitude to avow them- 
 selves abettors of these opinions, they go forward apparently 
 seeking only the public tranquillity. Among this class 
 are the bishop of Cologne and the bishop of Augsburg 
 among the Ecclesiastics ; both of the brothers of the Pala- 
 tine, Otho, their grandson, and perhaps the duke of Cleves, 
 among the princes. Those are the small number who are 
 endeavouring to excite tumults, and being opposed by all 
 the good, they cannot effect their wishes. The mind of the 
 Emperor is entirely inclined to peace, and to obtain it he 
 will contend with all his strength, putting off his care for the 
 cause of religion to some future time. The confederates 
 will not easily yield to this, but pei^ist in demanding the 
 reformation of the Church. We hope to effect something. 
 
 " The Pope's legate, with his usual solemnity, entreats 
 us not to determine on violent measures ; but violent mea- 
 sures, in his view, are any discussions about religion, or any 
 consultation concerning the reformation of the Church, held 
 without the authority of his master. They openly profess 
 to encourage the Diet which we ask, and still secredy op- 
 pose its appointment by great promises and high threats. 
 Contarinus professes to wish that we might be subdued 
 without bloodshed; but if this cannot be done, and the Em- 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 143 
 
 peror will have recourse to arms, they are prepared to fur- 
 nish him with large sums of money. While, at the same 
 time, if lie yields to any measure disagreeable to the Romish 
 tyrant, they threaten him with those thunders with which 
 they are accustomed to shake the whole earth. The state 
 of things in Italy makes the Emperor anxious for his power. 
 If he can, he will therefore take refuge there, in order, with- 
 out meddling with religion, to place Germany in a more 
 composed state, by a temporary peace, or a truce for a few 
 years. In this he will be opposed. Thus you see that 
 affairs are in such obscurity, that there is no place for pro- 
 bable conjecture. In these perplexities, let us invoke the 
 name of the Lord, and beseech him to govern, by his wis- 
 dom, this great and weighty cause, so deeply interesting to 
 his glory and the safety of his Church ; and to manifest, in 
 this crisis, that nothing is more precious in his sight, than 
 that celestial wisdom which he has revealed to us in the 
 Gospel, and those souls which he has redeemed by the 
 sacred blood of his Son. In proportion as all things are un- 
 certain, we must stir up our minds with the more assiduous 
 zeal in our supplications. Casting our views over the whole 
 progress of our affairs, we find that the Lord has governed 
 events in a wonderful manner, without the aid or the counsels 
 of men ; and made them prosperous beyond all our most 
 sanguine hopes. In these difficulties, let us rest entirely on 
 that wisdom and power which he has so often displayed in 
 our protection." 
 
 In another letter to Farel, he thus writes : 
 
 " Our advocates passed from the subject of original sin, 
 without difficulty. The disputation on free will followed, 
 and was amicably settled, according to the opinion of Au- 
 gustine. This harmony was somewhat interrupted by the 
 contention about the meritorious cause of justification. At 
 length, a formula was presented ; and, after passing through 
 various corrections on both sides, it was admitted. It will 
 doubtless surprise you, that our adversaries made conces- 
 
144 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 sions so extensively favourable to our cause. I enclose a 
 copy of the formula. The confederates have retained the 
 principal doctrines of divine truth, and nothing was admitted 
 into this formula contradictory to the Scriptures. You will, 
 without question, desire a more full explanation, and in this 
 respect we shall be perfectly agreed. But a moment's re- 
 flection, upon the characters of the persons with whom we 
 have to transact this business, will convince you, that we 
 have effected much beyond our expectations. In the defini- 
 tion of the Church, the advocates were agreed ;* but an ex- 
 tensive and unyielding controversy arose about the govern- 
 ment ; and the article, by mutual consent, was omitted. On 
 the sacraments, they had some warm contention ; but when 
 ours admitted, that the ceremonies were a medium, they 
 proceeded to the Supper. This was an insurmountable rock. 
 Changing the bread and wine into the real body and blood 
 of Christ, replacing the host, carrying it about, and other 
 superstitious practices, were rejected. This was considered, 
 by the Romish advocates, as an insuflerable step. Bucer, 
 my colleague, being wholly bent on unity, was incensed 
 that these controverted questions were moved so prematurely. 
 Melancthon was inclined to the opinion, that all hope of 
 pacification should be cut off, about things so entirely cor- 
 rupt. Our advocates, having assembled us for consultation, 
 demanded our individual opinions. We were unanimous, in 
 our judgment, that transubstantiation was a mere fiction ; that 
 laying up the host was superstitious ; and that the worship 
 paid to it was idolatry, or at least very pernicious, as it was 
 not warranted by the word of God. I was requested to give 
 my opinion in Latin, and although I understood not the 
 
 * The advocates to manage the business in the Diet, appointed 
 by the Emperor, were for the Catholics, Julius Pflugius, John 
 Eckius, and John Grophar — for the confederates, Philip Melanc- 
 thon, Martin Bucer, and John Pistorius. Dupin, 16th cent, book 
 2, p. 162. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 145 
 
 opinions of the others, I freely, and without fear of giving 
 offence, condemned the doctrine of the local presence, and 
 declared that the worshipping of the host was intolerable. 
 Believe me, in such cases, determined and resolute minds 
 have a very great influence in establishing the opinions of 
 others. Cease not to pray to God to support us with the 
 spirit of fortitude. Melancthon drew up a writing, Avhich 
 being presented to Granville, was rejected with abusive lan- 
 guage, which our three advocates announced to us. If, at the 
 very commencement of the discussion, we have to encounter 
 such difficulties, what an accumulation of them still remains 
 to interrupt our progress, through the examination of the 
 private mass, the sacrifice and communication of the cup ? 
 What obstacles will lie across our way when we come to the 
 open profession of the real presence ? What tumults will 
 then be raised?" 
 
 In another letter to Farel, he thus writes : 
 
 " The messenger having delayed his departure a day 
 longer than I expected, I write again, to mention some 
 things which have taken place, and which may be interesting 
 to you. Granville, although he had destroyed by his answer 
 all hope of agreement, when he heard of the apoplexy of 
 Eckius, whose importunity he perhaps supposed had pre- 
 vented the agreement, commanded that Pistorius should 
 also be excluded, and that the other four should proceed in 
 their consultations without witnesses. As far as I could 
 understand, our advocates might have easily accomplished 
 the business, if we would have been contented to be half 
 Christians. Philip and Bucer framed an ambiguous and de- 
 ceptive confession concerning transubstantiation, endeavour- 
 ing, as far as possible, to satisfy their adversaries, without 
 yielding any thing. I am not pleased with this method of 
 proceeding. They however have a motive which guides 
 them. They indulge the hope that the things will manifest 
 themselves, whenever there shall be an opening for the true 
 doctrines. They prefer to pass over present difficulties, re- 
 13 
 
146 APPITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 crnnllcss of the consequences of that llexiblc mode of expres- 
 sion. But in my opinion, this will be very injurious to tlie 
 cause. I am pei*suaded, however, that they have the best 
 interests of religion at heart, and are extremely anxious to 
 advance the kingdom of Christ. Our advocates are decided 
 and prompt to every thing ; but in their intercourse with our 
 opponents they are too temporizing. It grieves me, that 
 Bucer is exciting against himself the displeasure of so many 
 persons. Being conscious of his own integrity, he expects 
 more security from it than circumstances will warrant. We 
 should not be so satistied with our purity of conscience as to 
 tlirow off all regard to the opinions of our brethren.'' 
 
 Note B. 
 
 Perhaps no man has ever been more slandered and calum- 
 niated by the enemies of truth, nor more respected and vene- 
 rated by its friends, than John Calvin. Not only have the 
 doctrines which he taught, been grossly misrepresented and 
 shamefully caricatured, but his life has been charged with 
 the grossest immoralities. To disparage or to praise the il- 
 lustrious dead, is generally a matter of fashion, and second- 
 hand retailing, M'ith those who are the most extravagant in 
 either. Hence there are to be found those who bestow un- 
 bounded applause upon the Iliad or ^Eneid, without ever 
 having seen either ; as well as those who lavish with a most 
 unsparing hand, upon the Geneva Reformer and his doctrines, 
 the stereotyped calumnies of his enemies, without a know- 
 ledge of the character of either. This persecuting spirit dis- 
 covered itself even while Calvin was yet alive, and in self- 
 defence he published a tract entitled " Calumniir Nebulonis 
 cujusdam ad versus docirinam Calvini de occulta Dei Provi- 
 dentia et ad eas ejusdem Calvini Responsio." While his 
 enemies were charging him with persecuting Servetus, they 
 seemed not to be aware that they were also persecuting him, 
 and endeavourmg to destroy what he valued far more than 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 147 
 
 life, namely his character and uRefulness. It is not unfre- 
 quently the case, that those who raise the cry of persecution 
 in order to excite public sympathy in behalf of any individ- 
 ual, at the same time seem not to know that they may be 
 cruelly persecuting the very individuals on whom they la- 
 bour to bring public odium. So it was with the calumniators 
 of Calvin. 
 
 It is a striking fact that this eminent Reformer, to use the 
 language of the Christian Observer, has borne the blame of 
 many an erroneous opinion, both doctrinal and practical, 
 which he spent his life in opposing ; and of which no confu- 
 tation could be found, in the whole circuit of theology, more 
 masterly than his own scriptural commentaries. The Chris- 
 tian Observer proceeds to remark thus : " It should be observ- 
 ed in common justice to Calvin, that his very highest no- 
 tions of absolute decrees are by his own representations, as 
 entirely practical in their results as any opinion gathered 
 from the decalogue ; that he himself would be the last man 
 to defend the religion of a licentious predestinarian ; nay, 
 that he would utterly deny any such character to be possessed 
 of a particle of genuine faith ; but, on the contrary, would 
 view him as a practical atheist, whose speculations about 
 grace were only a species of more elaborate blasphemy. 
 
 " Consistently with the fundamental principle of the Re- 
 formation, Calvin went directly to the Bible, and not by the 
 circuitous route of councils and fathers ; although he frequent-' 
 ly refers to them with much veneration, and has indeed con- 
 structed the work before us* in the order of the Apostle's 
 Creed, considering it to be a brief corapend of Christianity, 
 of high antiquity, though not of inspired origin. He seems 
 to have been perfectly aware (as we have been lately and 
 truly reminded) that the introduction of the fathers into the 
 ranks of controversy, as decisive authorities, was as impoli- 
 tic as the obsolete practice of bringing elephants into battle ; 
 
 * His instituteg. 
 
148 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 such allies being, in the contingencies of an engagement, 
 dangerous alike to both armies.* 
 
 " Liberated, however, as he was, from ecclesiastical fetters, 
 yet well knowing the dangers resulting from independence, 
 there was, to a serious mind, a third consideration, which if 
 duly regarded, would certainly restore the equilibrium when 
 disturbed by the other causes ; namely, that having no ac- 
 credited church to lean upon on the one hand ; and, on the 
 other, being at the disposal of an individual not to be trusted, 
 (for every religious man is suspicious of himself,) the only 
 resource was the volume of inspiration ; and this resource 
 was happily a safe and effectual one. To this infallible 
 guide, therefore, he resorted ; and, if he misunderstood, dark- 
 ened, or perverted what he found in the Bible, he uniformly 
 says, there is my doctrine, and here is its authority ; than 
 which nothing can be a more simple and Christian method 
 of proceeding. It is referring the objector from the deduc- 
 tion to the principle ; and inviting him to examine, not only 
 the process of the reasoner's logic, but the truth of the pre- 
 mises with which he sets out, and of the conclusions at 
 which he arrives. How different is this appeal to the com- 
 mon standard of the Christian world, from the Jides carbo- 
 naria^ of such papists, or papal protestants, as grope in vo- 
 luntary darkness amidst the noonday blaze of revelation !" 
 
 Chambers, in his Dictionary, represents one tenet of Cal- 
 vinism to be that God gives to man " a necessitating grace 
 which takes away the freedom of the will." And yet to re- 
 pel this slander was one object which Calvin had in view, in 
 
 *See particularly his Dedication. 
 
 t A Catholic collier was once asked, " What do you believe V* 
 What the church believes. "And what does the church believe'?' 
 What I believe. " And what do you both believe?" Why we 
 both believe the same thing. Hence the expression fides carbona- 
 ria. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 149 
 
 writing his " Book of Scandals." It had been also charged 
 against Calvin, that his views of the divine sovereignty 
 made God the author of sin. " To check the growth of 
 these errors," says Waterman in his life of Calvin, "and to 
 vindicate the cause of Christ and the Reformation from re- 
 proach, Calvin published, June 1, 1544, his Instructions 
 against the errors and fanaticism of the Anabaptists and 
 Libertines.^ In his arguments against the latter, he points 
 out, with great clearness, the nature of the divine sovereignty, 
 its absolute exercise over man, a fallen, depraved, but still 
 a moral and accountable being. He exposes, with a strong 
 hand, the absolute falsity of the libertine position, that God, 
 as the cause of all things, is the eflicient cause of evil, or au- 
 thor of sin. He rejects these assertions as blasphemous, 
 while he maintains the scriptural doctrine of the absolute 
 sovereignty of God. Calvin discriminated clearly the limits 
 which bounded the human intellect on that subject, and 
 wisely stopped short of that duplex labyrinthus, double 
 labyrinth, as he calls it,t which lies beyond the light of reve- 
 lation. Neither Augustine, Calvin:}: nor Edwards,§ who 
 
 * Opuscula p. 356 et 374. 
 
 fin argumento Genesis. Vol. 1, ejus operum. 
 I Passages might be multiplied, from the writings of Calvin, to show 
 that he totally rejected the impious dogma — That God is the author, 
 or the efficient cause of sin — a single passage in which he quotes 
 Augustme, may here be appropriate — Men are the work of God, 
 says Augustine, as they are men ; but they are in subjection to the 
 devil, as they are sinners, until they are delivered from that state 
 by Christ. "Therefore," adds Calvin," the good are of God ; the 
 wicked, a seipsis, from themselves." Opuscula Calvini, page 126 
 — see also in his tracts, in p. 627 — 629 — " Nego Deum esse mali 
 authorera." Cal. in Acts ii. 23. " Neque tamen malorum author 
 sit Deus." Cal. Lib. de praedestinat. et passim. 
 
 § President Edwards says — I utterly deny God to be the author 
 of sin; rejecting such an imputation on the Most High, as what is 
 
 13* 
 
150 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 thought and wrote much concerning the sovereignty of God, 
 will probably ever be surpassed in intellect, in acquisitions 
 or distinct apprehensions in the science of morals, or the 
 doctrines of religion. They neither ventured themselves, 
 nor have they given license to others, but have left many 
 warning counsels to prevent even their attempts to intrude 
 into the secret things which belong to God."* 
 
 Jortin, in his second dissertation, is guilty of a similar 
 misrepresentation of Calvinism. The learning of so distin- 
 guished a divine forbids us to ascribe to ignorance, what 
 seems to have arisen from a less pardonable failure. He says, 
 " they (the Calvinists) held a Synod at Dort, and established 
 their Calvinistical decrees by cruel insolence and oppres- 
 sion." And a little after, in the following anecdote, he tells 
 us what this Calvinism was: "Two of their (Calvinistic) 
 divines, elated with victory, insulted a poor fellow who was 
 a Remonstrant, and said, what are you thinking on, with 
 that grave and woeful face ? I was thinking, gentlemen, said 
 he, of a controverted question, who was the author of sin ? 
 Adam shifted it off from himself, and laid it to his wife ; she 
 laid it to the serpent ; the serpent who was then young and 
 
 infinitely to he abhorred ; and deny any such thing to be the con- 
 sequence of what I have laid down. — Freedom of the will, Part 
 IV. Sec. IX. II. 
 
 *It may be modestly suggested, whether some have not re- 
 proached the writings of Angustine, Calvin and Edwards, who 
 still never read them, the sum total of whose knowledge of the 
 works of these great men is picked up from mutilated scraps, se- 
 lected for the sole purpose of prejudicing the minds of common 
 readers against them; and whether others professedly, and doubt- 
 less in some instances, real friends to religion, have not been 
 prompted by a desire for distinction, to make the world believe, 
 that they could see farther and clearer on those speculative points, 
 than Calvin ; and thus plunging, with metaphysical enthusiasm, into 
 the darkness of that double labyrinth which will bewilder many 
 unweary minds into scepticism and infidelity. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 151 
 
 bashful, had not a word to say for himself; but afterwards 
 growing older and more audacious, he went to the Synod of 
 Dort, and there had the assurance to charge it upon God." 
 
 Jortin proceeds to state that in England, almost all per- 
 sons of any note for learning and abilities, have bid adieu to 
 Calvinism, have side'd with the Remonstrants, and have left 
 the fatalists to follow their own opinions,* and to rejoice 
 (since they can rejoice) in a religious system, consisting of 
 human creatures without liberty, doctrmes without sense, 
 faith without reason, and a God without mercy. " This sys- 
 tem," continues Jortin, " so far as it relates to the eternal mi- 
 sery of infants for the fault of Adam, is the very fable of the 
 wolf and the lamb." This fable we need not repeat, as it is 
 familiar to all the readers of jEsop. 
 
 Jortin then quotes Bernard, a father and a saint of the 
 twelfth century, as saying " Nothing burns in hell but our 
 own wills," and remarks that he is highly to be commended 
 for being the father of so good an aphorism, which is worth 
 half his writings, and all his miracles. Now, in all this can 
 be seen a continued misrepresentation of Calvinism ; and 
 just such as Calvin himself has again and again refuted, and 
 branded as calumny. 
 
 It were well if all who undertake to refute or to ridicule 
 Calvinism, would listen to the advice of bishop Horsley. In 
 his primary charge to the clergy of the diocess of St. Asaph, 
 he says, *' Take especial care, before you aim your shafts at 
 Calvinism, that you know what is Calvinism, and what is 
 not ; that in the mass of doctrine which of late it is become 
 the fashion to abuse, under the name of Calvinism, you can 
 distinguish with certainty between that part of it which is no- 
 thing better than Calvinism, and that which belongs to our 
 common Christianity, and the general faith of the Reformed 
 churches ; lest, when you fall foul of Calvinism, you should 
 unwarily attack something more sacred, and of higher ori- 
 
 * Jortin, more than once, calls Augustine a fatalist. 
 
152 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 gin. I must say," adds that able prelate, " that I have found 
 great want of this discrimination in some late controversial 
 writings on the side of the church (of England), as they 
 were meant to be, against the Methodists ; the authors of 
 which have acquired much applause and reputation, but 
 with so little real knowledge of their subject, that give me 
 the principles upon which these writers argue, and I will 
 undertake to convict, I will not say Arminians only, and 
 archbishop Laud, but upon these principles, I will under- 
 take to convict the fathers of the Council of Trent of Cal- 
 vinism. So closely is a great part of that which is now ig- 
 norantly called Calvinism, interwoven with the very rudi- 
 ments of Christianity." 
 
 The life of Calvin was also charged with immoralities. 
 But this was done principally by the famous Bolsec, of whom 
 Beza gives some account. After he had been banished from 
 Geneva, through the influence of Calvin and Farel, for sedi- 
 tion and Pelagianism, he wrote a life of Calvin, with a view 
 to destroy the reputation of that great and good man. 
 
 The great Dr. Moulin observes, that not one of Calvin's 
 innumerable enemies ever carped at the purity of his life, 
 but this profligate physician, whom Calvin had procured to 
 be banished from Geneva, for his wickedness and impieties. 
 The reproach of such a man, says Middleton, was an honour 
 to Calvin, and especially upon such an account, for as Mil- 
 ton truly says, 
 
 " Of some to be dispraised, is no small praise." 
 
 The calumnies of Bolsec, however, were reiterated by 
 other enemies, and are sometimes, even in this age, raked 
 from the filth where truth has long since consigned them. 
 
 " One of the greatest uses," says Middleton, " which may 
 be drawn from reading, is to learn the weaknesses of the 
 heart of man, and the ill effects of prejudices in points of re- 
 ligion. No less a person than the great cardinal Richelieu, 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 153 
 
 has produced an accusation against Calvin, on the credit of 
 Bertelier, than which none was ever worse contrived, and 
 worse proved; though it has been adopted, and conveyed 
 from book to book. Bertelier pretended, that the republic of 
 Geneva had sent him to Noyon, with orders to make an exact 
 inquiry there into Calvin's life and character; and that he 
 found Calvin had been convicted of sodomy ; but that, at the 
 bishop's request, the punishment of fire was commuted into 
 that of being branded with the Flower-de-luce. He boasted 
 to have an act, signed by a notary, which certified the truth 
 of the process and condemnation. Bolsec affirms, that he 
 had seen this act ; and this is the ground of that horrid accu- 
 sation. Neither Bertelier, nor Bolsec, are to be credited. If 
 Berteher's act had not been suppositious, there would have 
 been at Noyon, authentic and public testimonies of the trial 
 and punishment in question; and they would have been 
 published as soon as the Romish religion began to suflTer by 
 Calvin's means. Bertelier had no party against him in Ge- 
 neva more inexorable than Calvin, who held him in abhor- 
 rence, on account of his vices. Bertelier was accused of 
 sedition and conspiracy against the state and church: but he 
 ran away, and, not appearing to answer for himself, was 
 condemned, as being attainted and convicted of those crimes, 
 to lose his head, by a sentence pronounced against him, the 
 sixth of August, 1555. No envoy or deputy was ever sent 
 from Geneva on public business, who was not in a higher 
 station than that of Bertelier ; besides, there were some con- 
 siderable persons at Noyon, who retired to Geneva, as well 
 as Calvin : by whose means it was very easy to receive all 
 the information which could have been desired, without go- 
 ing farther. If what Bertelier said was true, he would have 
 liad his paper when he fled from Geneva : but it is plain he 
 had not the commission he boasted of, after that time. But 
 can any one believe, that, before the year 1555, when those 
 who were called heretics durst not show themselves for fear 
 of being burnt, a deputy from Geneva should go boldly to 
 
154 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 Noyon, to inform himself of Calvin's life ? Who will believe, 
 that if Bertelier had an authentic act of Calvin's infamy in 
 1554, he would have kept it so close, that the public should 
 have no knowledge of it before 1557 ? Was it not a piece 
 which the clergy of France would have bought for its weight 
 in gold ? * But why (says Bayle), do I lose time in confut- 
 ing such a ridiculous romance ? Nothing surprises me more, 
 than to see so great a person as cardinal de Richelieu, depend 
 on this piece of Bertelier ; and allege as his principal reason, 
 that the republic of Geneva did not undertake to show the 
 falsehood of this piece.' The truth is, this cardinal made 
 all imaginable inquiry into the pretended proceedings against 
 Calvin at Noyon, and that he discovered nothing; yet he 
 maintained the affirmative on the credit of Jerom Bolsec, 
 whose testimony is of no weight in things which are laid to 
 Calvin's charge. Bolsec would have been altogether buried 
 in oblivion, if he had not been taken notice of by the monks 
 and missionaries for writing some satirical books against the 
 Reformation. He was convicted of sedition and Pelagianisra, 
 at Geneva, in 1551, and banished the territory of the republic. 
 He was also banished from Bern: after which he went to 
 France, where he assisted in persecuting the protestants, and 
 even prostituted his wife to the canons of Autun. He was 
 an infamous man, who forsook his order, had been banished 
 thrice, and changed his religion four times ; and who, after 
 having aspersed the dead and the living, died in despair. 
 Varillas thought Bolsec a discredited author : Maimbourg re- 
 jected the infamy that was thrown upon Calvin : and Flori- 
 mond de Remond owns, they have defamed him horribly. 
 Papyrius Masso spoke very ill of Calvin, but would not ven- 
 ture to mention the story of the Flower-de-luce : and he 
 called those, mean wretched scribblers, who reproached that 
 minister with lewdness. It is not strange that cardinal de 
 Richelieu, in one of the best books of controversy that has 
 been published on the part of the church of Rome, should be 
 less scrupulous and nice than Remond, Masso, and Romuald ; 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 155 
 
 and that he should give out, as a true matter of fact, the story 
 of Bolsec, which began then to be laid aside by the missiona- 
 ries ? Richelieu intended to have reconciled both religions 
 in France, but was prevented by death ; and there was not 
 one story which people did not believe, when it defamed 
 him or cardinal Mazarin." 
 
 Calvin's political opinions have also been questioned, and 
 variously represented, as might suit the purposes of those 
 who sought to bring him into disrepute. 
 
 Dr. Kenny, dean of Achonry, in his " Principles and 
 Practices of pretended Reformers," labours to prove that 
 Calvin was a sanguinary democrat, and the avowed cham- 
 pion of political principles, which are subversive of social 
 order, and of legitimate government. What Dr. Kenny con- 
 siders *' a legitimate government" would be questioned by 
 the American people, as well as by Calvin. The question 
 of Calvin's political principles has been ably discussed by 
 bishop Horsley. The subject was taken up by that learned 
 prelate in the appendix to a sermon preached before the 
 House of Lords, on the 30th of January, 1793. He was 
 constrained to acknowledge that Calvin was unquestionably 
 a republican in theory. He says that Calvin frequently de- 
 clared his opinion, that the republican form, or an aristo- 
 cracy reduced nearly to the level of a republic, was of all 
 the best calculated in general to answer the ends of govern- 
 ment. So wedded indeed was he to this notion, that he en- 
 deavoured to fashion the government of all the protestant 
 churches upon republican principles. Calvin affirms, with 
 his usual wisdom, that the advantages of one government 
 over another, depend very much upon circumstances ; that 
 the circumstances of different countries, require different 
 forms. And this is stricdy true, for until a nation is prepared 
 to appreciate the advantages of a republican form, and to use 
 civil liberty, without abusing it, such a form can not be said 
 to be the best for them, under such circumstances. Calvin's 
 
156 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 political views may be fairly collected from his Commenta- 
 ries on the Prophecy of Daniel. 
 
 It ought to be remarked, however, that Calvin always 
 enjoined obedience to the powers that be ; in as much as 
 governments are ordained of God. And so taught the apostle 
 Paul. Rom. xiii. 1 — 3. Titus iii. 1. 
 
 Note C. 
 
 The Case of Servetus. 
 
 Robertson, in his History of Charles V. remarks that " in 
 passing judgment on the characters of men, we ought to try 
 them by the principles and maxims of their own age, and not 
 by those of another ; for, although virtue and vice are at all 
 times the same, manners and customs vary continually." 
 Although we are by no means disposed to justify Calvin in 
 the part he took in the unhappy affair of Servetus, yet there 
 are facts connected with that transaction, which must be 
 known, in order to form an impartial and just decision of its 
 true character, and of the conduct of those who were the 
 principal actors in the tragic scene. The enemies of Calvin- 
 ism have united with the opposers of all evangelical religion, 
 in selecting this event in the history of the Geneva Reformer, 
 as the topic of vituperative harangue. While the opposers 
 of Calvinism dwell, even to tediousness, upon this subject, 
 as an argument against the distinctive doctrines of the Re- 
 formation ; the enemies of all godliness use it as an argument 
 against religion, and especially against the ever memorable 
 Reformation. Some point it out as the " first fruits of the Re- 
 formation," and others as resulting naturally from the adop- 
 tion of the peculiar tenets of that Reformer. Roscoe, in his 
 life and pontificate of Leo X., denominates it the *' first 
 fruits of the Reformation ;" but persecution certainly existed 
 before the occurrence of that melancholy event. Thirty-six 
 years at least elapsed between the commencement of the Re- 
 formation and the death of Servetus. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 157 
 
 The zeal of some men is warmly enlisted against persecu- 
 tion on account of heresy or religion, while they themselves 
 indulge the bitterest spirit of persecution against religion 
 itself. This spirit is as active and powerful in men of no 
 principle, as in the most ferocious bigots. No praise is due, 
 therefore, to those who are exempt from the charge of open 
 persecution, only because they are destitute of all religious 
 principle. There are persons who, though little disposed to 
 persecute on account, or rather in favour of religion, yet are 
 ready enough to do so when the gratification of avarice, of a 
 revengeful spirit, or of any other passion is concerned. In- 
 deed, the apparent complacency with which some dwell upon 
 this disgraceful event, seems to warrant the suspicion that 
 it is as satisfactory to them, in as much as it furnishes occa- 
 sion to heap abuse and obloquy upon Calvin, as they repre- 
 sent it to have been to that Reformer himself. It is a com- 
 pliment unwittingly paid to the Reformation and to religion, 
 that such an event seems as necessary to the enemies of both 
 in sustaining their opposition, as Calvin misjudged it to be 
 to the honour of both. But as explanatory of that spirit of per- 
 secution which to some extent, is justly chargeable upon the 
 Reformers, it should be recollected that they only partici- 
 pated in a common error, an error belonging rather to the age 
 in which they lived, than to the persecutors themselves. The 
 rights of conscience and of private opinion were not then as 
 well understood as at this day. These rights had been lost 
 in the darkness which for ages had gathered and thickened 
 around the human mind, and had been formally denied by 
 the corrupt church from which the Reformers had emerged. 
 In the midst of the papacy they had been born, in her lap 
 they had been nursed, and from her breasts they had imbibed 
 the poison. But from what quarter did that light issue 
 which has since enabled us to understand, to appreciate and 
 to defend these rights ? Not from the papal throne, for they 
 are denied in her infallible and unalterable creed, and the ex- 
 ercise of them denied, even to this day, to all who are sub- 
 14 
 
158 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 ject to its influence and control. That light sprang from the 
 Reformation ; for wherever that Reformation now obtains, 
 these rights are understood and exercised. We appeal to 
 facts, let them decide the question. 
 
 Let the number of individuals who suffered in protestant 
 and popish persecutions be compared. Let the persecutions 
 under the five years reign of queen Mary alone, be com- 
 pared with all the protestant persecutions put together. 
 
 With respect to the wound which is designed to be inflict- 
 ed through the sides of the reformer, upon the Reformation 
 and upon Christianity itself, it is enough to observe that the 
 truth and nature of pure religion, have never depended upon 
 the character of its professors. Pure religion speaks for 
 itself, and it needs only to be known, in order to be admired 
 and loved. 
 
 Let us therefore, with calm, impartial, and unprejudiced 
 minds, examine and weigh the facts connected with this 
 case. The Biblical Repertory says, Michael Servetus was 
 born at Villa Nueva, in Arragon, in 1509. He called him- 
 self Ville Neuve, or Villanovanus, from this place, but is 
 said to have declared himself a native of Tudelle, in Navarre. 
 At the age of fourteen, he is reported to have understood 
 Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and to have been imbued with 
 the knowledge of Philosophy, Mathematics, and Scholastic 
 Theology. M. Simon, however, says : *' it is evident by 
 this author's books, that it cost him a great deal of trouble 
 to write in Latin ;" and Servetus himself, in the second edi- 
 tion of a book, says, " Quod autem ita barbarus, confusus et 
 incorrectus prior liber proderit, imperitiae meae, et typogra- 
 phi incuriae adscribendum est." At the age of fifteen he 
 went to Italy in the suite of Charles V., whom he saw 
 crowned at Bologna. Just at this time the seeds of anti-trini- 
 tarian doctrine began to germinate in Italy. The Socini and 
 their fellows were then rising. It is believed that Servetus, 
 under these influences, adopted his peculiar tenets. The 
 late learned Dr. M'Crie expresses his belief, that the anti- 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 159 
 
 trinitarian opinions, which spread there so widely, were in- 
 troduced into Italy by means of his writings.* 
 
 From Italy he went to Germany, and thence to Switzer- 
 land ; and, at Basle, held a conference with Oecolampadius, 
 with whom he disputed about the Trinity, in 1530. He 
 then repaired to Strasburg, and conferred with Capito, and 
 with Bucer. The latter was so far overcome with indigna- 
 tion at the impieties of Servetus, as to say from the pulpit, 
 that he deserved to be put to death. Such was the error and 
 blindness even of one who was surnamed the Moderate Re- 
 former ; an error and blindness caught from his Romish edu- 
 cation. Before he left Basle, Servetus had prepared a book 
 in which he attacked the orthodox faith, respecting the 
 Trinity. This he left there in the hands of Conrad Rouss, 
 a bookseller, who sent it to Hagenau, as it was a dangerous 
 business to print it. The author followed his manuscript, 
 and published it at the last named place, in 1531. He pub- 
 lished a second, of like contents, in 1532. The former of 
 these was entitled " De Trinitatis Erroribus Libri Septem, 
 per Michaelem Servetum, alias Reves, ab Arragonia Hispa- 
 num." Scarcely a copy is known to be extant. Mosheim 
 says that both this and the dialogues are " barbaro dicendi 
 genere conscripti." 
 
 The second work was entitled " Dialogorum de Trinitate 
 Libri duo. De Justitia Regni Christi, Capitula Quatuor, per 
 Michaelem Servetum, &;c." In this he retracts all that he 
 had said in the preceding; not as being false, but imperfectly, 
 and carelessly, and ignorantly written.! These works were 
 so largely circulated, especially in Italy, that, as late as 1539, 
 Melancthon felt himself bound to write a caveat against them 
 to the senate of Venice. Servetus passed his time in Germany 
 until 1533, but then, finding himself without adherents, and 
 
 * Ref. in Italy, p. 151. 
 
 t Non quia falsa sunt, sed quia imperfecta, et tanquam a parvulo 
 parvulis scripta. Niceron. Mem. des Hommes 111. ii. 235. 
 
rS8 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 ject to its influence and control. That light sprang from the 
 Reformation ; for wherever that Reformation now obtains, 
 these rights are understood and exercised. We appeal to 
 facts, let them decide the question. 
 
 Let the number of individuals who suffered in protestant 
 and popish persecutions be compared. Let the persecutions 
 under the five years reign of queen Mary alone, be com- 
 pared with all the protestant persecutions put together. 
 
 With respect to the wound which is designed to be inflict- 
 ed through the sides of the reformer, upon the Reformation 
 and upon Christianity itself, it is enough to observe that the 
 truth and nature of pure religion, have never depended upon 
 the character of its professors. Pure religion speaks for 
 itself, and it needs only to be known, in order to be admired 
 and loved. 
 
 Let us therefore, with calm, impartial, and unprejudiced 
 minds, examine and weigh the facts connected with this 
 case. The Biblical Repertory says, Michael Servetus was 
 born at Villa Nueva, in Arragon, in 1509. He called him- 
 self Ville Neuve, or Villanovanus, from this place, but is 
 said to have declared himself a native of Tudelle, in Navarre. 
 At the age of fourteen, he is reported to have understood 
 Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and to have been imbued witli 
 the knowledge of Philosophy, Mathematics, and Scholastic 
 Theology. M. Simon, however, says : " it is evident by 
 this author's books, that it cost him a great deal of trouble 
 to write in Latin ;" and Servetus himself, in the second edi- 
 tion of a book, says, " Quod autem ita barbarus, confusus et 
 incorrectus prior liber proderit, imperitiae meae, et typogra- 
 phi incuriae adscribendum est." At the age of fifteen he 
 went to Italy in the suite of Charles V., whom he saw 
 crowned at Bologna. Just at this time the seeds of anti-trini- 
 tarian doctrine began to germinate in Italy. The Socini and 
 their fellows were then rising. It is believed that Servetus, 
 under these influences, adopted his peculiar tenets. The 
 late learned Dr. M'Crie expresses his belief, that the anti- 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 159 
 
 trinitarian opinions, which spread there so widely, were in- 
 troduced into Italy by means of his writings.* 
 
 From Italy he went to Germany, and thence to Switzer- 
 land ; and, at Basle, held a conference with Oecolarapadius, 
 with whom he disputed about the Trinity, in 1530. He 
 then repaired to Strasburg, and conferred with Capito, and 
 with Bucer. The latter was so far overcome with indigna- 
 tion at the impieties of Servetus, as to say from the pulpit, 
 that he deserved to be put to death. Such was the error and 
 blindness even of one who was surnamed the Moderate Re- 
 former ; an error and blindness caught from his Romish edu- 
 cation. Before he left Basle, Servetus had prepared a book 
 in which he attacked the orthodox faith, respecting the 
 Trinity. This he left there in the hands of Conrad Rouss, 
 a bookseller, who sent it to Hagenau, as it was a dangerous 
 business to print it. The author followed his manuscript, 
 and pubUshed it at the last named place, in 1531. He pub- 
 lished a second, of like contents, in 1532. The former of 
 these was entitled "De Trinitatis Erroribus Libri Septem, 
 per Michaelem Servetum, alias Reves, ab Arragonia Hispa- 
 num." Scarcely a copy is known to be extant. Mosheim 
 says that both this and the dialogues are " barbaro dicendi 
 genere conscripti." 
 
 The second work was entitled " Dialogorum de Trinitate 
 Libri duo. De Justitia Regni Christi, Capitula Quatuor, per 
 Michaelem Servetum, &;c." In this he retracts all that he 
 had said in the preceding; not as being false, but imperfectly, 
 and carelessly, and ignorantly written.! These works were 
 60 largely circulated, especially in Italy, that, as late as 1539, 
 Melancthon felt himself bound to write a caveat against them 
 to the senate of Venice. Servetus passed his time in Germany 
 until 1533, but then, finding himself without adherents, and 
 
 * Ref. in Italy, p. 151. 
 
 t Non quia falsa sunt, sed quia imperfecta, et tanquam a parvulo 
 parvulis scripta. Niceron. Mem. des Hommes III. ii. 235. 
 
1^0 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 awkwardly situated, from his ignorance of the language, and 
 particularly desirous of studying mathematics and medicine, 
 lie went to France. Here he sought notoriety both as a 
 scholar and an author. He studied medicine at Paris, under 
 the instruction of Sylvinus and Fern el, and was graduated 
 Master of Arts and Doctor of Physic by the university. 
 Beza relates that, in this city, as early as in 1534, Calvin 
 opposed his doctrines.* After taking his degrees, Servetus 
 professed mathematics in the Lombard college. During this 
 period, he was preparing an edition of Ptolemy's Geography, 
 and several medical works ; being, meanwhile, in warm con- 
 tests with the medical faculty. We next find him at Lyons, 
 with Frellon, a publisher, whom he served as corrector of 
 the press. After various excursions, he settled at Charlieu, 
 and there practised medicine. Bolsec, the noted enemy and 
 slanderer of Calvin, and who wrote a memoir for the mere 
 purpose of blasting his character, accounts thus for Serve- 
 tus' leaving his settlement : " This Servetus was arrogant 
 and insolent, as those have affirmed who knew him at Char- 
 lieu, where he lodged with la Riviere, about the year 1540, 
 but was forced to leave that place on account of his extrava- 
 gancies. "t From Charlieu he returned to Lyons. Here he 
 fell in with Peter Palmer, archbishop of Vienne, followed 
 him to his see, and enjoyed a harbour in his palace. While 
 at Vienne, he worked at a revised edition of Pagnin's Bible, 
 which he furnished with notes, abounding in crudity and 
 pravity of doctrine. By the intervention of the printer, 
 Frellon, he opened a correspondence with Calvin. The man- 
 ner in which Servetus conducted himself in this, may be 
 seen in the published letters. :{: Calvin chose to break oif all 
 communication with a man who treated him with perpetual 
 
 * Beza Hist, des Ecc. Ref. T. 19.— Vit. Calv. 
 t Vie de Calv. p. 9, ed. 1664, apud Chauffpie. 
 I Opuscul. rain. p. 517, ed. 1667. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 161 
 
 arrogance, and, from this time, Servetus never ceased to vi- 
 tuperate and oppose the Reformer. 
 
 Servetus wrote a third book against the orthodox faith, 
 and after several ineffectual attempts elsewhere, had it print- 
 ed at Vienne, in 1553. This was his famous Restitution of 
 Christianity. Attempts have been made to show that it was 
 Calvin who caused information to be lodged against Serve- 
 tus, with the ecclesiastical authorities. After a careful exa- 
 mination of the authorities, and a full citation of all the wit- 
 nesses on both sides, M. Chauffpie pronounces the charge 
 to be wholly without proof. If it were true, it could show 
 no more, than that Calvin did what no good citizen of that 
 generation would have denied to be a praiseworthy act. 
 That Calvin communicated the evidence on which this pro- 
 cess was founded, he expressly denies. And this denial 
 must be credited, for, as he says, it is utterly against every 
 presumption that he could correspond with Cardinal Tournon, 
 pne of the chief persecutors of ihe Protestants; and, accord- 
 ingly, his virulent foes, Maimbourg and Bolsec, never hint 
 such a charge.* It is agreed, however, that process was in- 
 stituted, and the issue was a sentence " that there was not as 
 yet sufficient evidence for an imprisonment." On a second 
 examination, the Inquisition seized his person, by a finesse; 
 and by a finesse, quite as allowable, Servetus escaped from 
 them, June 17, 1553, and betook himself to the Lyonnois. 
 The process went on in his absence, and, according to the 
 usual course of popish trials, resulted in condemnation, and 
 sentence that he should be burned alive in a slow fire. This 
 was executed on his effigy and five bales of his books. The 
 unfortunate author, after thus flying from Vienne, wandered 
 in places where historians cannot trace him. If Calvin is to 
 be credited, four months elapsed before he arrived at Gene- 
 va ; where he was arrested, tried, condemned, and executed. 
 
 * Senebier. I. 205. Calv, Op. viii. 517. 
 14* 
 
162 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 There is great diversity of statement in the different accounts, 
 as to the length of time he remained at large, and the manner 
 of his being apprehended. According to the most unfavour- 
 able report, he was discovered at divine worship, on the 
 Lord's day, and his presence was made known to the magis- 
 tracy by Calvin himself. That this was done, if done at all, 
 from personal enmity rather than mistaken zeal for a code 
 of laws against heresy which all the world then approved, 
 is only asserted, can never be proved, is by no means proba- 
 ble, and will be rejected by impartial history as the conjec- 
 ture of prejudice. Such writers as Gibbon and Roscoe 
 have vented much bitter recrimination on this pretended mo- 
 tive. We may ask, with a late eminent historian : " Is it not 
 with justice that it has been surmised, that philosophers who, 
 not only iniquitously resolve to try men of the sixteenth 
 century by rules and principles scarcely admitted before the 
 eighteenth, but greedily receive every calumny or insinua- 
 tion that 'false witnesses' can utter against them, and in- 
 dulge in the most extravagant invectives in setting forth their 
 misdeeds, had they themselves happened to live three centu- 
 ries back, would not have been content to smite only with 
 the tongue or the pen, but would eagerly have grasped the 
 sword or the torch?"* 
 
 We have conducted this brief narrative thus far, without 
 any account of the opinions charged against this unhappy 
 fugitive. As we approach the critical and final act of the sad 
 drama, it becomes proper to state, calmly and from the best 
 sources, the nature of those tenets which rendered him ob- 
 noxious to the laws. And let no one undertake to discuss 
 this subject, who is so ignorant of history, as not to know, 
 ihat in that day, and throughout Christendom, heresy, espe- 
 cially when joined with blasphemy, was a capital crime. In 
 the noonday of civil and religious freedom, a child may de- 
 tect the fallacy of the argument, that heresy, which slays the 
 
 * Scott's Continuation of Milner, vol. iii. 437. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. loJ 
 
 soul, should have as dire a penalty as murder, which slays 
 only the body. But the Roman Catholic, the Protestant, and 
 the Socinian, of the sixteenth century, assented to this argu- 
 ment.* 
 
 According to the standard of the times, Servetus was a 
 heretic. The following sketch of his published opinions is 
 very far below their enormity; for details are purposely 
 omitted. The authorities may be seen at great length in the 
 life of Servetus, by M. Chauffpie. 
 
 Such is the jumble of inconsistent crudities in the works 
 of this writer, that it is impossible to refer his tenets to any 
 existing title in the nomenclature of error. He was not a 
 cool speculator, but a hasty enthusiast. At the same time 
 he was furiously opposed to many of the doctrines always 
 regarded as fundamental in the church of Christ. It was 
 not the favourite dogmas of Calvin, as some ignorantly or 
 maliciously assert, which this heretic made it his business to 
 impugn. It was not predestination, special grace, perse- 
 verance, or any of the tenets for which the reformed churches 
 peculiarly contended, which were assaulted in his works. 
 His shafts were aimed at more vital parts, the very nature of 
 God, the Trinity, the Incarnation, and similar foundations 
 of our holy faith. He was at once a Pantheist, an Anti-tri- 
 nitarian, and a Materialist.! 
 
 Not content with philosophizing about the personalty of 
 God, he maintained that God is the Universe, and that the 
 Universe is God. According to him, God is the infinite 
 
 * Socinus procured the death of Francis David, because the 
 latter denied that Christ should be worshipped. See the whole 
 account in Chauffpie, note BB. also Bi. Brit. vol. iv. p. 66. Mur- 
 dock's Mosheim, Vol. iii. 269, n. (30). 275. And Servetus himself 
 shows what was the opinion of the age, in his request of August 
 22d, 1553, in which he acknowledges, as we shall see, that here- 
 tics might be banished. Chauffp. ubi supra. 
 
 t Guerike. Handb. d. allgemeiner Kirchengeschichte. II. p. 959. 
 
164 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 ocean of substance — the essence of all things. Not only the 
 devil is in God, as also depraved spirits — but hell is no other 
 thing but God himself. As God is the principle and end of 
 all things, so they return at last to him ; and in going into 
 eternal fire, demons shall go to God himself.* 
 
 But it was the doctrine of the Holy Trinity that he set 
 himself chiefly to impugn. In his first book he was more 
 cautious than in those which followed ; the doctrine of the 
 earliest was nearer to Sabellianism than to any thing else. 
 We have the authority of the ministers of Zurich, for saying 
 that he often called the Trinity of the orthodox, " a triple 
 monster, a three-headed Cerberus, imaginary gods, and, 
 finally, visionary and three-headed devils ;" that he reviled 
 Athanasius and Augustin, as " Trinitarians, that is, Jlthe- 
 2S/s."t To enlarge upon his other errors and heresies, re- 
 specting the creation, the immortality of the soul, regenera- 
 tion, &c., would be unnecessary. Our object is not to detail 
 the vagaries of an enthusiast, whose works indicate a perver- 
 sion of mind almost amounting to insanity. Still less is it 
 our wish so to represent his pestiferous errors as to convey 
 the idea that it was right to visit them with secular penalties 
 and a cruel death. We reject the opinion, nor is it a merit 
 in any one to do so at this time, when all reasonable Chris- 
 tians do the same. But we only mean to show that the ten- 
 ets of Servetus were such, as might naturally lead even good 
 men, in the twilight of religious liberty, to recognise the duty 
 
 * Some of his own expressions are : Ignis ille ab seterno paratus 
 est ipsemetDeusqui est ignis. Si hoc bene intellexissetOrigenes, 
 non dixisset dgemones salvandos, eoquod essent ad suum princi- 
 pium redituri ; redibunt quidem, et euntes in ignem ad ipsumet 
 Deum ibunt. ChaufFpie, note W. 
 
 X For the propositions in full, see Natalis Alexandri Hist. Ecc. 
 ix. 163, ed. Lucca, fol. 1734. Calvin. Tract. Theol. p. 590. sqq. 
 Also consult Epist. Philippi Melancthonis, p. 152, 708, 710, fol. 
 liond. 1642. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 165 
 
 of surrendering him to the secular arm. That Calvin so 
 thought, is not surprising, as we have the fullest evidence to 
 make it probable that any one of the prominent men of the 
 age, whether churchman or layman, whether Romanist or 
 Protestant, would have held the same opinion. 
 
 Accordingly, as soon as Calvin discovered that Servetus 
 was in the city, he used means to have him apprehended. 
 The words of Calvin are: "He thought perhaps to pass 
 through this city. Why he came hither is not known, but 
 seeing that he was recognised, I thought it right that he 
 should be detained."* It was necessary that the prosecutor 
 should be personally held in durance while the process was 
 pending, and Calvin used the intervention of Nicholas de la 
 Fontaine, a student belonging to his household. Great re- 
 proach has been cast on the reformer for this step, as if it had 
 been his intention to shun the appearance of being active in 
 the affair. But he declares most fully the contrary: *'I de- 
 clare frankly, that since, according to the law and custom of 
 the city, none can be imprisoned for any crime without an 
 accuser, or prior information, I have made it so, that a party 
 should be found to accuse him ; not denying but the action 
 laid against him was drawn by my advice, in order to com- 
 mence the process."! 
 
 In our account of the trial we follow Chauffpie, in whose 
 impartial statement are found abundant extracts, and refer- 
 ences to authentic documents, of which most are beyond the 
 reach of American students, and therefore need not be ex- 
 pressly cited. Servetus first appeared, August 14th, 1553. 
 La Fontaine adduced in evidence the printed books, and a 
 manuscript, which was owned by the author, though it had 
 been several years lying in the hands of Calvin. On the 15th, 
 the examination upon the same articles proceeded. On the 
 
 * Calvin to Farel, Oct. 27, 1553. 
 t Declaratorie, p. 11, apud Chaoiffpie. 
 
166 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 17th, La Fontaine and a certain German named Calladon, 
 who was now associated with him in the prosecution, pro- 
 duced letters from Oecolampadius and passages from Melanc- 
 thon, showing that Servetus had been condemned in Ger- 
 many, They likewise cited further passages of a heretical 
 character. On the 2ist, he appeared again; and after the 
 course of the ordinary investigations had proceeded, he con- 
 ferred or disputedwith Calvin on certain questions respecting 
 the Trinity. This conference, liowever it may have been mis- 
 represented, was not contrary to the prisoner's interest : in- 
 deed it should seem that his abetters complained that there 
 was not sufficient license allowed for frequent disputations. 
 The judges then ordered that the books which Servetus re- 
 quired for his answer should be bought at his expense, and 
 that he should retain those which Calvin had cited. On the 
 22d, Servetus sent a letter to the syndics and council, enter- 
 ing a plea to their jurisdiction — maintaining that it was un- 
 christian to institute a capital prosecution for religious opi- 
 nion — declaring that the ancient doctrine allowed merely the 
 banishment even of such as Arius himself — and praying that 
 he might have an advocate. The reader, while he weeps 
 over the prejudice which could disregard pleas so reasonable, 
 will remember that even in England, long since the reforma- 
 tion, prisoners have been denied counsel to plead their cause 
 before a jury in any felony, whether it be capital, within the 
 benefit of clergy, or a case of petty larceny.* On the 28th, 
 new articles of accusation were brought forward, and among 
 other offences, he was charged with the anabaptist error 
 about the power of the magistrate. During these protracted 
 investigations, he persisted in avowing his tenets, and his 
 determination to avow them, unless he should be convinced. 
 Even when charged with his indecent railings and dreadful 
 blasphemies, he made no excuse; 'I confess,' said he, *I 
 
 * Blackstone, vol. iv. p. 355, note 8. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 167 
 
 have written so ; and when you shall teach me otherwise, I 
 will not only embrace it, but will kiss the ground you walk 
 on.' In the mean time, information had most unnecessarily 
 and ungenerously been sent to Vienne, of the arrest of Ser- 
 vetus. On the last day of August, an officer from that city 
 appeared before the council of Geneva, with a copy of their 
 sentence, and a request that the prisoner should be remanded 
 to them. It was left to his choice, and as was most natural, 
 he rejected the harsh proposal, and pathetically besought that ' 
 he might be judged by the magistrates of Geneva. 
 
 Hitherto, we find nothing in the conduct of Calvin incon- 
 sistent with the standard of belief and feeling at that day. It 
 is melancholy to observe how this important circumstance is 
 overlooked by those who, from a hasty induction of mistaken 
 facts, attribute to personal malice the whole of his conduct. 
 Let it never be forgotten, that the proceeding of a democrati- 
 cal city and a judicial council is one thing, and the ministe- 
 rial and subordinate act of their pastor and teacher, another 
 thing. And even though the latter might willingly appear in 
 the case as prosecutor, witness, or expounder of theological 
 opinions, we are not to charge him with every enormity of 
 the syndics and council ; especially as it is matter of history, 
 that the faction which was at that juncture dominant in the 
 council of Geneva, was opposed to the Reformer.* Plainly 
 
 * Even at the time Calvin complained that he was made respon- 
 sible for every thing : " Quicquid a senatu nostro actum est, mihi 
 passim ascribitur." The statement of the text will be confirmed 
 by reference to Scott, vol. iii. p. 432, 439, 442, and Waterman's 
 Calvin, p. 124. In the Encyclopaedia Americana, Art. "Calvin," 
 the compiler of a hasty and disingenuous sketch, without citing a 
 single authority, pretends to give certain acts of the common- 
 wealth, " to prove," forsooth, " the blind and fanatical zeal which 
 he [Calvin] Imd infused into the magistracy of Geneva." As if 
 the penal statutes against heresy had not been for ages a part of 
 their code ! See Chauffpie, notes S. and Z., and la Chapelle, 
 Bib. Raisonn. vol. ii. p. 139, 141. 
 
168 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 unjust is it then to repeat, for the tliousandth time, that we 
 are at liberty to consider every act of that body as emanating 
 from Calvin. This charge of vicious and vindictive interfe- 
 rence has been repelled by several impartial historians. 
 " Calvin," says M. la Roche, " never came into the court 
 but when he was commanded, and there he did nothing but 
 by the order of his master. Upon every emergency, it seems, 
 they had recourse to divines ; to consult with them, to con- 
 fer with prisoners, to direct interrogations, to make extracts, 
 examine answers, and many other things of this kind. I be- 
 lieve, in the station this pastor of Geneva was in, they were 
 afraid of transgressing, if they did any thing without him — 
 but why represent him as an impertinent hypocrite, who in- 
 truded himself by his office in this affair; or as an impla- 
 cable enemy, who earnestly solicited Servetus' death ?"t 
 And here it is but fair to let the defamed Reformer speak a 
 word for himself. The extract is from his French works as 
 cited by la Chapelle : " I will not deny but that he was made 
 prisoner upon my application. But after he was convicted 
 of his heresies, every one knows that T did not in the least 
 insist that he should be punished with death. And as to the 
 truth of what I say, not only all good men will bear me wit- 
 ness, but I defy all malicious men to say it is not so. The 
 proceeding has shown with what intention I did it. For 
 when I, and my brethren, I mean all the ministers of the 
 gospel, were called, it was not owing to us that he had not 
 full liberty given him, of conferring and treating of the arti- 
 cles wherein he has erred, in an amicable manner with us." 
 It was on the first day of September that the judges again 
 availed themselves of Calvin's aid in procuring an extract of 
 offensive propositions, in the very words of Servetus. These 
 were thirty-eight in number. They were put into the 
 author's hands, that he might answer, explain, or retract. 
 He wrote a reply ; and this, in its turn, was answered by 
 
 * Chauffpie, note U. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 169 
 
 Calvin. The answer of Calvin was likewise delivered to 
 Servetus, who made notes upon it. The reader who would 
 pursue the subject into its lesser windings, may find all these 
 documents among Calvin's Opuscula. A consultation of 
 these will do more to show the virulence and headstrong 
 fury of Servetus, than any second-hand statement. About a 
 fortnight was spent in these proceedings. On the 15th, 
 Servetus petitioned that his cause might be referred to the 
 Council of Two Hundred ; in which body, it should be ob- 
 served, the sovereignty of the commonwealth resided. " It 
 is believed," says the cautious ChaufTpie, " that this request 
 was suggested to him by Calvin's enemies, who contributed 
 as much, and even more than he, to Servetus' destruction. 
 Believing himself well supported, he observed no measures 
 with Calvin or his judges. If he had had the least modesty 
 or discretion, I doubt not but he might have brought himself 
 off; but flattering himself with a triumph over Calvin, by the 
 credit of the party which opposed this reformer, he was the 
 victim of his pride -and prejudice. This is the only way of 
 explaining his constant conduct at Geneva ; in all respects 
 so different from his behaviour at Vienne." 
 
 The hopes of Servetus from the city faction must have 
 been strong, as we find him, on the 22d of September, peti- 
 tioning that Calvin should be punished as a calumniator. On 
 the 10th of October, he made a new request, from which it 
 appears that his situation in the prison was very miserable. 
 
 It is common to charge the persecution of Servetus upon 
 Calvin alone, and the undiscriminating compilers of our bio- 
 graphical dictionaries, without adducing an authority, dog- 
 matically declare that the reformer of Geneva acted out his 
 mere personal hatred. It is glaringly false. It is not for us 
 to say, how much false fire mingled with the zeal of Calvin; 
 but we are well informed that not only he, but all protestant 
 Europe, looked upon it as the common cause of truth. From 
 what has been already said, it is plain that the case was not 
 precipitately issued. And at the point of time which our 
 
 15 
 
170 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 sketch has reached, the magistrates of Geneva determined to 
 consult the Swiss Cantons. For this purpose they sent to 
 them the " Restitution of Christianity," with Calvin's papers 
 and the prisoner's answers ; and requested the opinion of the 
 Swiss theologians upon the subject. The unanimous reply 
 was, that the magistrates of Geneva ought to restrain Serve- 
 tus, and to prevent the spread of his errors. 
 
 Painful as the conclusion is, it cannot be evaded, that the 
 judgment of John Calvin was simply the judgment of all the 
 Helvetic Christians ; too nearly allied, alas ! to the popish 
 errors from which they had half escaped, but palliated by the 
 circuitistances. M. d'Alwoerden,* the great authority of 
 Mr. Roscoe, in his hasty and petulent censures, pretends 
 that Calvin kept back from the press all these letters except 
 the one from Zurich. But the letters are happily extant to 
 give triumphant refutation to the slander ; and whoever reads 
 them will conclude with La Chapelle, that " all the churches 
 of Switzerland agreed to punish Servetus capitally, since they 
 all concurred in testifying their utmost abhorrence of his 
 heresies, and requiring that this outrage should not be left 
 unpunished."! Beza was, therefore, not falsifying, when he 
 wrote that the issue was ' ex omnium enim Helveticarum 
 ecclesiarum sententia.' The prisoner himself showed a de- 
 gree of confidence in these authorities, by the appeal which 
 he is known to have made to the churches of Zurich, Schaff- 
 hausen, Berne, and Basle. 
 
 What were the replies of the Swiss magistrates to this re- 
 ference from Geneva? Those of Zurich used these terms: 
 " In confidence that you will not suffer the wicked intention 
 
 * " Historia Michelis Serveti." Helmstadt, 1727. This work 
 was written under the superintendence of Dr. Mosheim. Every 
 reader of Maclaine's notes has learned to be on his guard against 
 this learned man, whenever the question lies between the Luther- 
 ans and the Reformers. 
 
 t Bibl. Raison. t. 2. p. 173. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 171 
 
 of your said prisoner to go farther, which is entirely con- 
 trary to the Christian religion, and gives great scandal and 
 insult."* And the ministers still more decisively: "The 
 holy providence of God has now offered an occasion for 
 cleaning you from the suspicion (i. e. of fostering heresy) of 
 this evil ; that is, if you shall be vigilant, and diligently take 
 heed that the contagion of this poison spread no farther. 
 Which we doubt not your excellencies will effect."! The 
 magistrates of Schaffhausen, referred the question to their 
 ministers, and sent the reply of the latter, which ends thus : 
 *' Nor do we doubt, but that of your remarkable wisdom, you 
 will repress the attempts of this man, lest his blasphemies 
 eat, as doth a canker, still more extensively, into Christ's 
 members. For to set aside his ravings by long argumenta- 
 tion — what would it be, but to rave with a madman.":}: The 
 magistrates of Basle, proceeding in the same way, replied 
 by their ministers : " But if he persevere incurably in the 
 perverseness which he has conceived, let him, in pursuance 
 of your duty and of the authority granted you by the Lord, 
 be so coerced, that he may no longer be able to molest the 
 Church of Christ, and lest the last things be worse than the 
 first. "§ The magistrates of Berne wrote : " We beg of you, 
 
 * Chauff. note Y. and, as there cited, Bi. Angl. t. 2. p. 163. 
 
 t Malta ergo fide et diligentia contra hunc opus esse judicamus, 
 praesertim cum eccIesisB nostrae apud exteros male audiant, quasi 
 hsereticas sint ethaereticis foveant. Obtulit vero in prsesenti sancta 
 Dei Providentia occasionem repurgandi vos, simul ac nos a pravi 
 mali hujus suspicione : si videlicet vigilantes fueritis, diligenterque 
 caveritis ne veneni hujus contagio, per hunc serpat latius. Id quod 
 facturos A. V. nil dubitamus. Inter. Ep. Calv. 
 
 X Neque dubitamus quin vos pro insigni prudentia vestra ipsius 
 conatus repressuri sitis, ne blasphemias ipsius tanquam cancer 
 latius depascantur Christi membra. Nam longis rationibus aver- 
 tere ipsius deliramenti; quid aliud esset quam cum insaniente in- 
 saniri 1 — ib. 
 
 ^ Verum si insanabilis in concepta semet perversitate perst et, 
 
172 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 not doubting but you are thereto also inclined, that you will 
 take proper measures that sects and heresies as these are, or 
 such like, be not sown in the Church of Jesus Christ, our 
 only Saviour."* 
 
 Such was the unanimous answer of the Swiss magistrates; 
 and we think the fact worthy of repetition, as being very 
 important in its bearing on the whole affair, that Servetus, 
 after a protracted examination and defence before the senate, 
 and after the consistory, or ministerial body, had laboured to 
 confute and reclaim him, appealed to the Swiss Churches ; 
 and this, before the said consistory had given their official 
 opinion, as to the question whether the positions, which the 
 Senate considered as proved, amounted to heresy and blas- 
 phemy .t 
 
 On the 26th of October, sentence was pronounced, by 
 which Servetus was condemned to be burned alive. — Bib. 
 Rep. vol. 8, p. 87, 
 
 The sentence is as follows : — ' 
 
 " TTie Judgment of the Syndics and Senators, pronounced 
 upon Michael Servetus. 
 
 " We, Syndics, Judges of criminal causes in this city, hav- 
 ing witnessed the process made and instituted against you, on 
 the part of our Lieutenant, in the aforesaid causes, instituted 
 against you, Michael, of Villeneuve, in the kingdom of Ar- 
 ragon, in Spain, in which your voluntary confessions in our 
 hands, made and often reiterated, and the books before us 
 produced, plainly show, that you, Servetus, have published 
 false and heretical doctrines ; and also, despising all remon- 
 
 sic pro officio vestro potestateque a Domino concessa coerceatur, 
 ne dare incommodum queat ecclesiee Christi, neve fiant novissima 
 primis deteriorari. — ib. 
 
 * Bi. Ang. in Chauff. u. supra. 
 
 t Waterman's Life of Calvin, 117. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 173 
 
 strances and corrections, have, with a perverse inclination, 
 sown and divulged them in a book published against God 
 the Father, the Son and Holy Spirit ; in sum against all the 
 true foundations of the Christian religion, and have thereby 
 tried to introduce trouble and schism into the Church of 
 God, by which many souls may have been ruined and lost — 
 things horrible, frightful, scandalous, and infectious ; and 
 have not been ashamed to set yourself in array against the 
 divine Majesty and the holy Trinity; but rather have obsti- 
 nately employed yourself in infecting the world with your 
 heresies and offensive poison ; a case and crime of heresy 
 grievous and detestable, and deserving corporal punishment. 
 For these and other just'reasons moving us, and being de- 
 sirous to purge the Church of God from such infection, and 
 to cut off from it so rotten a member, having had good coun- 
 sel from others, and having invoked the name of God, that 
 we may make a right judgment ; sitting upon the tribunal of 
 our predecessors, having God and the holy Scriptures before 
 our eyes, saying, in the name of the Father, of the Son and 
 of the Holy Spirit, by that definite sentence which we here 
 give by this writing — you, Michael Servetus, are condemned 
 to be bound and led to the Champel,* and there fastened to 
 a stake, and burned alive with the book written with your 
 hand and printed, until your body shall be reduced to ashes, 
 and your days thus finished as an example to others, whd 
 might commit the same things; and we command you, our 
 Lieutenant, to put this our sentence into execution. — Read 
 by the Chief Syndic, De Arlord."t 
 
 * The Champel was a small eminence, about a quarter of a mile 
 from the walls of Geneva. 
 
 t Life of Servetus, London edit. 1774. 
 15* 
 
174 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 Extracts from the refutation of the errors of Michael Serve- 
 tus, draivn up by Calvin, with the assistance of the other 
 Ministers of the Genevese Republic. 
 
 In this work the propositions in proof of the heresy and 
 blasphemy of Servetus are stated, his answers and the reply 
 to them, &c. &c. &;c. And the question discussed. Whether 
 it is lawful for Christian magistrates to punish heretics ? 
 The affirmative is maintained by Calvin, and subscribed by 
 all the ministers,* as follows : 
 
 John Calvin, Michael Cope, 
 
 Abel Pouppinus, John Pyrery, 
 
 James Bernard, John de St. Andrew, 
 
 Nicholas Galasius, John Baldwin, 
 
 Francis Borgonius, John Faber, 
 Nicholas Little, John Macarius, 
 
 Raymond Calvet, Nicholas Colladonius. 
 
 Matthew Malesian, 
 
 The Repertory proceeds : — Calvin informs us, that Ser- 
 vetus, two hours before his death, sent for him, and asked 
 his forgiveness. Calvin reminded him " with all mildness, 
 that sixteen years before he had endeavoured, even at the 
 risk of his own life, to reclaim him, and that it had not been 
 through his fault that Servetus had not by repentance been 
 restored to the friendship of all religious persons." He also 
 endeavoured to have the mode of execution changed to one 
 less barbarous.! Chateillon (otherwise called Castellio and 
 Castalio) a declared enemy of Calvin, accused him of having 
 smiled when the heretic passed the window from which he 
 was looking. There is no other alleged proof of this unlikely 
 
 * See TractatusTheologici Calvini, p. 511— 597. 
 t Ep. Cal. Farello. 71. Opusc. viii. 511. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 175 
 
 Story. M. La Roche, who elsewhere deals harshly with 
 Calvin, treats this as a wretched calumny. Servetus was 
 accompanied to the stake by Farel, and so far maintained his 
 characteristic obstinacy, that he would scarcely allow Farel 
 to ask the prayers of the people. Thus miserably perished 
 this unfortunate and wicked man, by a cruel death, on the 
 twenty-seventh day of October, 1 553. 
 
 During the whole trial, the contumacy and recklessness of 
 the prisoner were remarkable. Especially did he seem to 
 make it his aim to irritate and sting his great opponent, Cal- 
 vin. In the notes, already mentioned, which Servetus ap- 
 pended to Calvin's confutation of his arguments, he endea- 
 vours to goad the latter by every name of insult which could 
 be foisted in. Cain, and Simon Magus, and murderer, are 
 ordinary terms, and, in the course of a few hundred lines, we 
 have counted instances of the lie direct, Mentiris, to the 
 number of forty-six.* Yet the replies of Calvin are compa- 
 ratively mild. He deals with his opponent as if he scarcely 
 thought him balanced in mind. And when sentence was 
 pronounced, it is notorious that he used his influence with 
 the judge to procure a mitigation of the punishment, but 
 without effect.— Bib. Rep. Vol. 8, pp. 76—88. 
 
 Mackenzie, in his Life of Calvin, says " It has been 
 confidently pretended, and boldly asserted, that Calvin had, 
 through life, nourished an implacable hatred against Servetus, 
 and that the Genevese theologian had employed all his efforts 
 to satiate it in the blood of the unhappy Spaniard; that le 
 denounced him to the magistrates of Vienne, and occasioned 
 
 * As a specimen of his petulence, the Latin reader may take 
 the following phrases : — Jam pudet toties respondere bestialitati 
 hominis — Ridiculus mus — Impudentissime — Monstrum horren- 
 dum — Tu teipsum non intelligis — Sycophanta imperitissime — Tu 
 plusquam pessimus — Ignoras miser — Abuser futilis et impudens 
 Deliras — O nebulonem excoecatissimum — Sceleratus — Simon Ma- 
 gus — Mentiris imo ab seteino. — Tract. Theol. p. 592, sqq. 
 
176 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 him to be arrested on the day after his arrival at Geneva. 
 Things advanced with an air of confidence are readily be- 
 lieved, and it is scarcely suspected that they may be false. 
 Bolsec, however, the mortal enemy of Calvin, who wrote 
 the life of that illustrious man merely to blast his memory, 
 and who was contemporary with the facts which he relates ; 
 and Maimbourg, equally known by his partialities and his 
 falsehoods, have never dared to advance those things which 
 modern historians have not been ashamed to risk. Bolsec 
 says, that Servetus quitted Lyons to establish himself at 
 Charlieu, because his * pride, his insolence, and the danger 
 of his projects, made him equally feared and hated.' He 
 adds, that Servetus returned to Lyons ; that he entered into a 
 correspondence with Calvin ; that he communicated to him 
 his ideas ; that Calvin combated them with force, and that 
 Servetus persisted in them with obstinacy ; that he sent his 
 work entitled Restitutio Christianismi, which he printed at 
 that time ; and that Calvin indignant, declined all acquain- 
 tance with him.* 
 
 But Calvin, it is said, abused the confidence of Servetus ; 
 he sent to Vienne the letters which he had received from 
 him, to which he added his work entitled Restitutio Chris- 
 tianismi, of which Servetus had made him a present. This 
 accusation is mysterious: is it to be believed that Calvin, 
 whose name was execrated in all Catholic countries, could 
 
 *' Restitutio Christianismi, hoc est totius ecclesiag apostolicae 
 ad sua limina voeatio : in integrum restituta cognitione Dei, fidei 
 Christianae, justificationis nostrse, Regenerationis, Baptismi, et 
 CoenBe Domini manducationis; restitute denique nobis regno coelesti, 
 Babylonis impia captivitate solute, et anti-christo cum suis penitus 
 destructe.' — This book is extremely scarce ; all the copies were 
 burned at Vienne and Frankfort: it has been long doubted whether 
 there were any remaining; but it appears certain that Doctor 
 Mead possessed a copy, which found its way into the library of 
 the Duke de la Valiere. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 177 
 
 expect from their magistrates any attentions to his complaints 
 or any regard to his letters ? 
 
 The extreme improbability of the correspondence here 
 alluded to, may be inferred from the character of the indivi- 
 dual to whom Calvin is said to have applied. All historians 
 agree in representing Cardinal Tournon to us as the scourge 
 of heresy. He caused the severest edicts to be published 
 against the innovators. He established at Paris a fiery court 
 [Chambre Ardente,) which was properly an inquisition, and 
 ordered all the tribunals of the kingdom to prosecute the new 
 errors as crimes against the state. The fury of his zeal 
 transported him so far, that he caused all the heretics to be 
 burned who had the misfortune to fall into his hands. Be- 
 hold tlie man they want to make a correspondent of Calvin 
 by letters! Whatever wickedness they would load him 
 with, they must suppose him a perfect blockhead to attempt 
 such a correspondence, by a criminal accusation of his ene- 
 my, as it would appear by the loud fits of laughter they 
 make the cardinal fall into, upon receiving this letter. 
 
 But, supposing that this reformer had been capable of 
 such extravagant folly, how can we imagine that the cardinal 
 * this scourge of heresy,' would have satisfied himself with 
 laughing at this affair ? That he made himself merry with 
 the accuser, needs not surprise us ; but that he neglected to 
 prosecute such a heretic as Servetus we cannot so easily be 
 persuaded of. Thus Calvin himself gives no other reason 
 in answer to the calumny we are refuting, as we shall see 
 by his own words, than that the calumny came originally 
 from Servetus ; and that Bolsec knew nothing of the matter, 
 but from uncertain reports. " I have no occasion," says Cal- 
 vin, " to insist longer to answer such a frivolous calumny, 
 which falls to the ground, when I shall have said, in one 
 word, that there is nothing in it. It is four years since Ser- 
 vetus forged this fable upon me, and made the report travel 
 from Venice to Padua, where they made use of it according 
 to their fancy. I don't dispute, however, whether it was 
 
178 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 by deliberate malice he had forged such lies to bring the 
 hatred of many upon me, or whether fear made him suspi- 
 cious : only I demand how it could happen, that since the 
 time I discovered him, he has lived three years in the sight 
 of his enemies, without being disquieted, or speaking one 
 word about it to him ; certainly either those who complain 
 of me must confess, that it has been falsely invented, or that 
 their martyr, Servetus, has had more favour from the papists 
 than I. If this had been objected to me with justice, and that 
 I had published it in order to have him punished by any per- 
 son whatsoever, I would not have denied it, and I don't 
 think it could have turned to my dishonour." This I am 
 confident is sufficient to satisfy reasonable men : above all, 
 if we add to it, what Calvin had said immediately before the 
 passage I have dted : — " A report flies about that I had en- 
 deavoured to have had Servetus apprehended in a popish 
 country, viz. atVienne; upon which a great many say, that 
 I have not behaved discreetly in exposing him to the mortal 
 enemies of the] faith, as if I had thrown him in the jaws of 
 wolves; but I pray you, from whence so suddenly this pri- 
 vate dealing with the pope's satellites ? It is very credita- 
 ble, indeed, that we should correspond together by letters, 
 and that those who agree with me, as well as Belial agrees 
 with Jesus Christ, should enter into a plot with such a mor- 
 tal enemy, as with their own companion." 
 
 But supposing Calvin could have been capable of such 
 an absurdity, is it to be imagined that he could have kept 
 silence during seven years ; that he would not have persecut- 
 ed him sooner ; that he would have sent to the places]where 
 Servetus resided, the letters which he had received, and the 
 work which he possessed ? It is evident, however, that Calvin 
 had corresponded with Servetus seven years ; and the fa- 
 mous letter of Calvin, which Uttembogaert saw in the library 
 of the king of France, shows that Calvin was then perfectly 
 acquainted with his character, and that he had seen his fa- 
 mous work: — " Servetus lately wrote to me, and accompa- 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN, 179 
 
 nied his letter with a large volume of his extravagant opi- 
 nions, with a hectoring boast, that I should see extraordinary 
 and unheard-of things, if I were willing that he should come 
 hither ; but I was unwilling to give my promise ; for if he 
 should come, I shall use my authority in such a manner as 
 not to suffer him to depart alive." This letter is dated in 
 February, 1546 ; Calvin evidently refers to the work entitled 
 Restitutio Christianismi ; he plainly discovers his judg- 
 ment of it, and of the punishment which bethought its author 
 deserved ; but it is equally evident that he was very far from 
 engaging him to come to Geneva, and that he had forewarned 
 him of what he might expect to meet with, if he should have 
 the temerity to appear in that city. It is therefore evident, 
 that if Calvin endeavoured to keep Servetus from Geneva to 
 induce him to avoid the punishment with which he threaten- 
 ed him, he could not possibly think of inflicting it upon him 
 elsewhere, which would have been attended with considera- 
 ble difficulty, if not absolutely impossible. 
 
 But what end could Calvin's letters to the magistrates of 
 Vienne have answered 1 Calvin was assured that Servetus 
 was known to be the author of the work entitled Restitutio 
 Christianismi, since it bore the name of Villanovanus. 
 Servetus was well known by this name : it was, therefore, 
 useless for Calvin to send them intelligence which was pub- 
 lic : neither was it more necessary for him to inform them 
 what that book contained ; a single perusal evinced it. It 
 would have been absurd in Calvin to send them a copy of the 
 work, since it had been printed in France, under their own 
 eyes ; so that it is difficult to imagine the possibility of the 
 conduct of Calvin in this affair being what his enemies have 
 represented it. 
 
 Farther ; the sentence pronounced at Vienne against Ser- 
 vetus, takes no notice of any interposition on the part of Cal- 
 vin : it condemns Servetus for his printed work, on the re- 
 port of the Doctors in Theology consulted on the occasion ; 
 on the ground of the errors contained in that work ; and 
 
180 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 finally, on the confessions of that unhappy man. It is true 
 that the magistrates of Vienne, having learned that Servetus 
 corresponded with Calvin, demanded his letters with all the 
 writings relating to him ; but the demand was made to the 
 Council of Geneva, who complied with their request. From 
 these circumstances it appears that Calvin had no share in 
 sending the letters of Servetus, and that they had no influ- 
 ence upon the decision of Vienne, as no mention is made of 
 them." 
 
 It is a little remarkable that Romanists in this country, fre- 
 quently allude to the death of Servetus, as an indelible stain 
 upon the character of Calvin and of the Reformation, when 
 this unhappy man was sentenced to be burned alive by their 
 own infallible church ; and had he not escaped from prison, 
 would certainly have been executed, on the same day that his 
 effigy and books were consumed. Servetus fled from the jaws 
 of Romish tyranny, and came to Geneva, although he had been 
 forewarned by Calvin not to appear in that city. Nor could 
 Servetus have been ignorant of the laws of that republic, 
 enacted against heretics by the emperor Frederick II. when 
 it was under the imperial jurisdiction, and which were still 
 in force. 
 
 The Socinians too, are clamorous in their denunciations of 
 Calvin and of his doctrinal tenets, on the ground of his hav- 
 ing burnt Servetus, who advocated their principal errors. 
 But on the testimony of one of their own creed, they are as 
 really chargeable with the spirit of deadly persecution as Cal- 
 vinists. Not that either are justly so chargeable ; but if 
 the conduct of Calvin must be made to operate to the dis- 
 advantage of Calvinists, the conduct of Faustus Socinus must 
 affect in the same manner and degree, the character and cause 
 of Socinians. Mr. Lindsey, in his Apology, p. 153 — 156, 
 acknowledges, that Faustus Socinus himself was not free 
 from persecution, in the case of Francis Davides, superin- 
 tendent of the Unitarian churches in Transylvania. Davides 
 had disputed with Socinus on the invocation of Christ, and 
 
THE LIFE OP CALVIN. 181 
 
 ** died in prison, in consequence of his opinion, and some 
 offence taken at his supposed indiscreet propagation of it 
 from the pulpit. I wish I could say," adds Mr. Lindsey, 
 "that Socinus, or his friend Blandrata, had done all in their 
 power to prevent his commitment, or procure his release af- 
 terwards." The difference between Socinus and Davides 
 was very slight. They both held Christ to be a mere man. 
 The former, however, was for praying to him ; which the 
 latter, with much greater consistency, disapproved. Con- 
 sidering this, the persecution to which Socinus was acces- 
 sary, was as great as that of Calvin ; and there is no reason 
 to think, but that, if Davides had differed as much from So- 
 cinus as Servetus did from Calvin, and if the civil magis- 
 trates had been for burning him, Socinus would have con- 
 curred with them. To this might be added, that the conduct 
 of Socinus was marked with disingenidty ; in that he con- 
 sidered the opinion of Davides in no very heinous point of 
 light ; but was afraid of increasing the odium under which 
 he and his party already lay, among other Christian churches. 
 That divines and historians, who are members of the 
 Church of England, should reproach Calvin about burning 
 Servetus, even if the fact were so, is strange, when without 
 reverting back to the burning. of Lambert and Askew, in the 
 reign of Henry VIII. to Van Pare and Joan of Kent, in that 
 of Edward VI. (who, when he discovered some reluctance 
 to sign the death warrant of the latter, was entreated and be- 
 sought by Cranmer to do so) or of the two Anabaptists in 
 that of Elizabeth ; they may read, as late as 1612, under 
 James 1., of the burning of Legate and Wightman for the 
 Arian heresy. And if they follow down the details of their 
 history, during the reign of Charles L and archbishop Laud, 
 and read the petition of Alexander Leighton, or his sentence 
 and punishment, they will find causes enough for the chills 
 of grief, and tears of sympathy, from persecutions, not only 
 for heresy, but for non-conformity to the Common Prayer 
 Book of the Episcopal Church. 
 16 
 
182 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 Mackenzie proceeds to observe, that " the principal accu- 
 sations exhibited against Servetus were, first, his having 
 asserted in his Ptolemee, that the Bible celebrated improperly 
 the fertility of the land of Canaan, whilst it was unfruitful 
 and barren. Secondly, his having called one God in three 
 persons, a Cerberus, a three-headed monster. Thirdly, his 
 having taught that God was all, and that all was God. Ser- 
 vetus did not deny the truth of the principal accusations, but 
 whilst in prison called the Trinity a Cerberus, a three-head- 
 ed monster; he also grossly insulted Calvin, and was so 
 fearful that death would be the punishment of heresy at Ge- 
 neva, as well as at other places, that he presented a petition 
 on the 22d of August, in which he defended the cause of 
 ignorance, and urged the necessity of toleration : the procu- 
 reur-general replied to him in about eight days, and no doubt 
 did it very ill. Servetus was condemned upon extracts from 
 his books, He Trinitatis Erroribus, and In Ftolemceum 
 Comment ariiis ; from the edition of the Bible which he had 
 published in 1552 ; from his hook Restitutio Christianisimi; 
 and from a letter which he had written to Abel Paupin, a 
 minister of Geneva. 
 
 " The enemies of Calvin exulted in this affair, and, for 
 once, with the appearance of reason: but tlieir efforts injured 
 the cause of Servetus ; they endeavoured to bring him before 
 the Council of Two Hundred, in which, however, they did 
 not succeed. 
 
 *' The Council of Vienne claimed Servetus, who, being 
 left at liberty to return to his ancient judges, preferred the 
 chance of a more favourable judgment at Geneva, to the 
 certainty of suffering the capital punishment pronounced 
 against him at Vienne, where he had been condemned to be 
 burned. 
 
 " To the Council of Geneva, justice ought to be done with 
 respect to this transaction, though we may blame the princi- 
 ples of its jurisprudence : they neglected nothing to discover 
 the truth ; they multiplied their interrogatories ; they em- 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 183 
 
 ployed all possible means to make Servetus retract ; and, as 
 they experienced the inutility of these measures, they wrote 
 to the reformed Swiss cantons for their advice. Is it credi- 
 ble? they were unanimous in exhorting the council to 
 punish the wicked man, and to put it out of his j^ower to 
 increase heresy. If Calvin may be supposed to have influ- 
 enced the Council of Geneva, shall he domineer at his plea- 
 sure over four councils of four different states, and all the 
 persons who were consulted by them in forming their judg- 
 ments ? Shall the fury imputed to him render so many ma- 
 gistrates cruel, whom he had never known? It must be 
 confessed, that the intolerant spirit of the age dictated the 
 sentence of Servetus at Geneva ; but, it is not equally evi- 
 dent that Calvin was the author of that atrocity, and that he 
 laboured with ardour to accomplish it." 
 
 Some who labour to fix upon Calvin every thing which 
 the senate did, assert that his influence was powerful with 
 that body, and that to liis influence must be attributed the 
 death of Servetus. But how did it happen that his influence 
 was not sufficiently great, to induce the syndics to commute 
 the punishment they inflicted, nor to mitigate its severity, 
 although he laboured long and hard to effect it ? 
 
 The syndics and senate of Geneva were annually elected. 
 In 1553, Perrin was one of the syndics; and Bertelier, who 
 is said by Beza to have excited Servetus personally to abuse 
 Calvin, when before the senate as a witness, was clerk of 
 the lower court, and had been about six months before the 
 trial of Servetus excommunicated. The majority of the 
 senate, at this very time, were under the influence of the 
 Perrin and Bertelier faction, as abundantly appears from 
 their proceedings in other matters, particularly when in 
 August and September of this year, they voted, in the face 
 of Calvin and the consistory, that Bertelier should be admit- 
 ted to the Lord's Supper. It may be asked where, and in 
 what respect, Calvin had any influence over the senate that 
 f'ondemned Servetus ? It must be admitted, that the senate 
 
186 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 wicked to produce whatever they know. But how far I pro- 
 ceeded is not of so much consequence, as that I ought to 
 refute in this public work, the calumny invented to asperse 
 me by turbulent, foolish or malicious men and drunkards." 
 Tractatus Theologici Calvini, p. 511. 
 
 Extract 2. 
 
 As Servetus was sentenced to be burnt by the papists at 
 Vienne, the enemies of Calvin took occasion to accuse him 
 of being the cause of his apprehension in that city. " Nothing 
 was less becoming me, say they, than that I should expose 
 Servetus to the professed enemies of Christ, as to huge 
 beasts. For they affirm, that it was by my means, that he 
 was taken at Vienne, in the province of Lyonnois. But 
 whence this my so sudden familiarity with the inquisitors of 
 the pope ? Whence this great influence with them ? Is it 
 credible, that letters should pass freely to and from those, 
 who are as much at variance as Christ and Belial ? It is use- 
 less to spend words in refuting this calumny, which is broken 
 to pieces and falls by a simple denial. — If indeed what they 
 falsely object to me, was a fact, I do not see any reason why 
 I should deny it ; since I do not dissemble, that it was by 
 my means, that he was seized in this city, and required to 
 defend his cause. Let malevolent and slanderous men object 
 what they please, I offer myself beforehand, and freely con- 
 fess, (for according to the laws of this city the man could not 
 be justly treated otherwise,) that the accuser proceeded at 
 my request ; that the formula was dictated by my advice ; 
 by which some entrance was made upon the cause. But 
 what my design then was, is evident from the progress of 
 the action. When my colleagues and myself were summoned^ 
 it was by no means our fault that he did not confer peaceably 
 and freely with us concerning his dogmatisms. We in fact 
 proceeded as in chains to give the reason of our faith, and 
 informed him that we were prepared to answer his objec- 
 
THE LIFE OP CALVIN. 187 
 
 tions. It was then that, with swollen cheeks, he poured 
 forth upon me such reproaches, as made the judges them- 
 selves ashamed and grieved for him. — I avoided all railing at 
 him. ^nd had he been in any manner curable, he would 
 have been in no danger of any weightier punishment. But he 
 was so entirely destitute of moderation, that, filled with 
 boasting and ferocity, he petulantly rejected with scorn all 
 wholesome and useful advice. But the execrable and absurd 
 blasphemies which he uttered, during the conversation, may 
 perhaps, be related elsewhere, with more propriety. This 
 only for the present will I declare, that I was not so invete- 
 rate against him, but that he might have redeemed his life, 
 by mere m,oderation, if he had not been destitute of reason. I 
 know not what I shall say, unless that he was so seized with 
 this fatal madness, that he threw himself headlong into ruin. 
 Eight days after, I was again summoned ; and the opportu- 
 nity was again given him of a free conference with us. He 
 formed an excuse, that he was prevented by his grief and 
 anxiety. But whatever books he requested I freely lent him, 
 partly from my own library, and partly from others. It is 
 therefore a probable suspicion, that he was encouraged from 
 some others, with a vain confidence, which destroyed him. 
 —I trust that my moderation will be evident to all good men, 
 unless indeed it should seem to be efl^eminacy. But, as if he 
 had taken new draughts of a poisonous humour, he proceed- 
 ed to insert, in all the books he could obtain of mine, his in- 
 sulting reproaches, so that he left no page free from his puru- 
 lent vomiting. Concerning this, at that time, I thought it 
 best to be silent, and my intimate friends know that I was 
 entirely unruffled by his ungenerous insults." 
 
 Tractatus Theologici Calvini, p. 517. y 
 
188 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 Extract 3. 
 
 " By mutilating the word of God in a foul manner, he 
 manifestly proved that all religion was equal to him, only 
 provided that he could indulge himself after his own petu- 
 lancy. Moreover, we entertain such a judgment of that man, 
 who held only one object professedly, that he took no plea- 
 sure in reviling any traditions concerning religion, unless he 
 could, through their obscurity, erase from the memories of 
 men all belief of the Godhead. While his arrogance called 
 up all the most violent heresies, yet he added and mixed up 
 with them a certain rashness of intemperate zeal. The life 
 of Servetus was too dissolute, to lead any one to suppose, 
 that he was driven by mere error to disturb the church. He 
 had indeed never hesitated to subscribe to the substance of 
 the grossest superstition ; but with this great liberality, he 
 had never given much care to present himself as a worshipper 
 of God. When he was therefore asked in prison, by the 
 judges, from what reason he was so zealous concerning all 
 innovations in religion ? he was speechless. Nor had he any 
 thing to say, unless that he took the liberty to be bold in sa- 
 cred things, as if to trifle with God. In his trial he evinced 
 his impiety in the most evident manner. He declared all 
 creatures were of the personal substance of God, and that all 
 things were full of Gods ; for in this manner he did not blush 
 deliberately to speak and write. We were wounded with in- 
 dignation and asked him, miserable man ! What ? If any 
 one trampling on this pavement should say, that he trampled 
 on your God, would you not be ashamed at so great an ab- 
 surdity ? He said, I do not doubt but that this bench, and 
 whatever you see, is the substance of God. When it was 
 objected, then the devil will be substantially God ; he burst 
 into a deriding laugh, and said, do you doubt this ? This is 
 my general principle — All things spring from the stock of 
 God, and all nature is the substantial Spirit of God. — The 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 189 
 
 volume of Ptolomy's Geography was introduced ; in the pre- 
 face to which, Servetus had admonished his readers, that the 
 scripture account of the great fruitfulness of the land of Judea, 
 was mere boasting; as the testimony of travellers proved it 
 to be uncultivated, barren, and destitute of every pleasant 
 thing. He first said that this was written by another. So bold 
 a cavil was promptly refuted, and by this means he was de- 
 monstrated to be a public imposter. Reduced to this strait, 
 he defended it as correctly written. He was asked if he 
 was vain enough to suppose any authority was superior 
 to Moses. He said others had written besides Moses. 
 — It was replied, certainly, and they all agree with Moses, 
 who was the most ancient. How great is the crime of the 
 man who would deceive posterity by falsehood ? Who was 
 it that said, it was a land that flowed with milk and honey ? 
 And it was added, that the land was now a testimony of the 
 righteous judgment of God, formerly threatened against the 
 Jews, as is described in Psalm cvii. 33, 34. The senate and 
 many other distinguished persons witnessed, that when he 
 was convicted of impiety against the Scriptures, he slily 
 rubbed his face and said, there was no evil in all this ; and 
 though convicted he made no acknowledgement. Intrusted 
 by the printer of the Bible in Latin, at Lyons, with revising 
 the proof-sheets, he cheated the printer out of 500 francs, 
 adding his polluted notes, (fee. He perverted most wickedly 
 the 53d chapter of Isaiah, stating that the sufferings described 
 — were the mournings for Cyrus, who had died to take away 
 the sins of the people. — I omit that when Servetus pretended 
 to have the suffrage of Nicholas Lyranus,* (in favour of his 
 false glosses upon Isaiah) the book was brought ; and though 
 convicted of falsehood, he did not blush. It was a common 
 thing with him, boldly to quote from books he had never 
 seen. Of this he gave a specimen laughable enough in 
 Justin Martyr. He magnificently boasted, that Martyr, in 
 
 * One of the most celebrated commentators of the 14th century. 
 
190 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 his Golden Age^ had not mentioned the fables of the Trinity 
 and persons. I immediately ordered the volume to be brought, 
 and pointed out with my finger certain places, in which that 
 holy man had as openly asserted our faith, as if he had 
 written at our request. But he could no more read the 
 Greek language than a boy learning his A, B, C. Finding 
 himself basely caught, he peevishly asked for the Latin trans- 
 lation to be handed him. How happens this, said I, since 
 there is no Latin translation extant, and you cannot read 
 Greek, that you should yet pretend yourself to have read so 
 familiarly the works of Justin ? Whence then did you ob- 
 tain those testimonies which you indulge yourself in quoting 
 so liberally ? He, as he was accustomed, with a brazen 
 front, passed quickly to another subject, without the least 
 sign of shame. — But that wicked and hardened men may not 
 boast of this frantic man as a martyr, on account of his ob- 
 duracy, in his death there appeared such a brutal stupidity, 
 as justifies the opinion, that he never acted at all seriously in 
 religion. After the sentence of death was pronounced upon 
 him, at one time he stood like a person astonished, at another 
 he gave deep sighs, and at others he shrieked like one af- 
 frighted by apparitions ; and this increased upon him till he 
 continually cried out, in the manner of the Spaniards, 
 mercy ! mercy ! When he was brought to the place of 
 punishment, our brother and minister, Farel, with difficulty 
 extorted from him, by earnest exhortation, his consent that 
 the assembly should unite with him in prayer. And truly, 
 I do not see by what principle he should consent to have 
 those do this, concerning whom he had written with his 
 own hand, that they were ruled by a diabolical faith ; that 
 they had no Church, no God, and that because they bap- 
 tized infants, they denied Christ himself. — But Farel ex- 
 horted the people to supplicate for him, and expressly, that 
 the Lord would have mercy on this man, and would lead 
 him back from his execrable errors, to a right mind, that 
 he might not perish. In the mean time, although he gave 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 191 
 
 no signs of repentance, he did not even attempt a word in 
 the defence of his opinions. What, I ask, does this mean, 
 that when placed under the hand of the executioner, and 
 having obstinately refused to invoke the eternal So7i of God, 
 he did not, for he had the liberty, offer some defence at least ? 
 — ^I think it is quite evident, that as long as he thought he 
 could sport himself with impunity, he conducted himself 
 with far too much audaciousness ; but when the punishment 
 due to his crimes was inflicted, he fell into despair. — But 
 more than enough has been said concerning the man, other 
 things shall be placed in their order, in the descriptions of 
 his dogmatisms, where the reader may determine whether 
 the man himself, or the error, is indifferent and sufferable, or 
 a vast and deep ocean of impieties, which weaken our whole 
 faith, and indeed in a great measure entirely destroy its 
 foundation. I do not propose to lay open the whole mass 
 of confused mixtures, for I perceive this would be. to plunge 
 into thickets of briars and thorns, and wander in endless laby- 
 rinths. It will be most useful to pursue the same compendious 
 course, which we followed in the examination of the cause 
 itself, that the nature of the doctrines being noted under dis- 
 tinct heads, the readers may perceive what monstrous 
 things, no less detestable than multiform, are contained in 
 his books. How various and continued was the verbal dis- 
 pute, and then after this, he repeated that complaint, that it 
 was improper to conduct the trial about religion in the 
 prison; which I answered it was true, and that I had from the 
 beginning declared that nothing would be more grateful to 
 me than that the points should be discussed in the house of 
 worship, in the presence of all the people. Nor was there 
 any reason why I should avoid the light and presence of the 
 assembly, where the cause most worthy of approbation 
 would be watched by candid hearers. After all this, how- 
 ever, HE APPEALED TO OTHER CHURCHES, IIU provocaret ad 
 alias ecclesias. This condition was also freely agreed to by 
 me. Upon this our senate, desirous to put an end to his 
 
192 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 prevarications, decreed that the propositions which I had 
 selected from Servetus' books should be copied and given to 
 him. By the same decree of the senate, he was permitted 
 to retract any thing which he should perceive that he had 
 unjustly written ; and if he found any thing unfairly per- 
 verted by me, he might refute it ; — if he thought any of his 
 opinions unjustly condemned, he might defend them from the 
 word of God. And that there might be no needless delay, I 
 transcribed every article to a word. He had as much time 
 as he pleased to make out his answer to the propositions, 
 while to U3 there was allowed no more than two days. And 
 besides all this, as he expected that it would make his cause 
 more plausible, if he made the closing defence, he again re- 
 quested in writing, that this might be granted him, and he 
 obtained this privilege also. But although he well under- 
 stood, that the question to be decided was de capite suo, con- 
 cerning his life, and that the neighbouring churches were to 
 be consulted, on whose answer would depend the weighty 
 previous sentence,* yet how he continued to cavil, the rea- 
 ders will see, whom I would inform, lest there should be any 
 suspicion, that there is not a single thing put down by me, 
 in these propositions and replies, which was not lawfully 
 sealed and entered on the public records." 
 
 Tractatus Theologici Calvini, p. 522, 523. 
 Tiie following extracts from letters, written by several 
 eminent reformers, show that they concurred in opinion 
 with Calvin on the subject of punishing heretics ; and that 
 they approved of his conduct in relation to Servetus : — 
 
 BULLINGER TO CaLVIN. 
 
 '' In all places there are good men who are of opinion, that 
 impious and blasphemous heretics are not only to be admo- 
 
 * Whether the accusations were proved, and if proved, whether 
 he was guilty of blasphemy. 
 
THE LIFE OP CALVIN. 193 
 
 nished and imprisoned, but also capite esse mulctandos, to 
 be punished ivith death. Be not therefore discouraged that 
 you have undertaken this labour. The Lord will assist your 
 holy endeavours and studies. I know that you have not a 
 cruel disposition, nor do you approve of any cruelty. And 
 who does not know that there are proper limits to be fixed 
 to this subject? I do not see how it was possible to have 
 spared Servetus, that most obstinate man, the very hydra of 
 heresy. 
 
 "Zurich, June 12, 1554." 
 
 Melancthon to Calvin. 
 
 *' Reverend and dear brother, I have read your book, in 
 which you have clearly refuted the horrid blasphemies of 
 Servetus ; and 1 give thanks to the Son of God, who was the 
 ^^ajSfVT'j??, the awarder of your crown of victory^ in this 
 your combat. To you also the church owes gratitude at the 
 present moment, and will owe it to the latest posterity. I 
 perfectly assent to your opinion. I affirm also that your ma- 
 gistrates did right in punishing, after a regular trial, this 
 blasphemous man. 
 
 *• Oct. 14, 1554." 
 
 Melancthon to Bullinger. 
 
 ♦' Reverend and dear brother, I have read your answer to 
 the blasphemies of Servetus ; and I approve of your piety 
 and opinions. I judge also that the Genevese senate did per- 
 fectly right, to put an end to this obstinate man, who could 
 never cease blaspheming. And I wonder at those who dis- 
 approve of this severity. 
 
 "August 20." 
 
 Peter Martyr to Calvin. 
 
 *'I would not have you be retired in this extremity. It 
 bitterly grieves me and all good men, that against the truth 
 and your name, they spread such foolish and false things, 
 
 17 
 
194 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 about the eternal election of God, and the punishment of 
 heretics with death. — But it is well, in what they write they 
 dare not mention his (Servetus') name. As often as we are 
 asked about this, both Zanchius and I defend your side of the 
 question and the truth, in public and private, with all our 
 strength. 
 
 " Strasburg, May 9." 
 
 The following letter of Servetus, written while in prison, 
 and addressed to the lords, syndics, and senators of Geneva, 
 expresses his views on the subject of capitally punishing 
 heretics and blasphemers for their opinion. 
 
 *♦ My greatly honoured lords, I am detained under a crim- 
 inal accusation, on account of John Calvin, who has falsely 
 accused me ; saying that I had written : — 
 
 *' First, that all souls were mortal. 
 
 " Secondly, that Jesus Christ took from the Virgin Mary, 
 only a fourth part of his body. 
 
 '* These are horrible, and execrable things. Among all 
 other heresies, and all other crimes, there is none so great, 
 as to make the soul mortal. In all others, there is some 
 hope of salvation, but in this there is none. Whoever says 
 it, does not believe, that there exists either God, or justice, 
 or resurrection, or Jesus Christ, or holy Scripture, or any 
 thing ; but all at death, man and beast, are both the same 
 thing. If I had said that, not only said but written and pub- 
 lished it, to infect the world, / shoidd condemn myself to 
 death. Therefore, my lords, I demand that my false accuser 
 be punished poena talionis, and be detained prisoner as 1 
 am, until the cause is determined by my death or his, or by 
 some other punishment. For this I inscribe myself against 
 him on the said poena talionis ; and am contented to die, if 
 he is not convicted as well of this as of other things, which I 
 shall allege against him. I demand justice of you, my lords, 
 justice, justice, justice. — Done in your prison at Geneva, this 
 22d of September, 1553. 
 
 " MICHAEL SERVETUS, in his own behalf." 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 195 
 
 It is a fact that Erasmus did maintain in his Epistle* 
 against som.e, (that is the reformers at Basil,) who falsely 
 call themselves Evangelists, that there were certain cases in 
 which they might lawfully be punished capitally, as blas- 
 phemers and seditious persons. Quid autem vetat, inquit, 
 ne Frinceps haereticos turbantes publicam iranquillitatem e 
 medio tollat Pi No one of the Reformers ever contended 
 for a power in the civil magistracy more extensive than this 
 for which Erasmus pleads. The duplicity of Erasmus 
 should not be dignified by the term of toleration. For with 
 all his wit and learning, and he had much of both, he was of 
 a temporizing and vafrous mind, who did in his way much 
 of the work of a reformer, and still lived and died profess- 
 edly a papist. 
 
 Beza wrote a tract De Hasreticis a civili Magistratu puni- 
 endis. In this work is an extensive illustration of the views 
 and opinions of the ancient fathers and early reformers of 
 the Christian church, relative to the right and duty of the 
 civil magistracy to punish heretics. At pages 94 and 148, 
 the opinion of Luther is given, and his words expressly 
 quoted, to prove that he maintained, that heretics were to be 
 restrained and punished by the civil magistracy. In the 
 same work it also appears, that this was the opinion of Me- 
 lancthon, of Urbanus Regius, of the Saxon church, of Bren- 
 tius, of Erasmus, of Bucer, of Capito, of BuUinger, of Mus- 
 eulus, and of the Genevese church. To these distinguished 
 reformers, the names of almost all others might be added, to 
 prove that Calvin's opinion on that subject was only the 
 opinion of all other learned and pious men of that period. 
 It is also to be noticed, that Melancthon, Bullinger, Peter 
 Martyr, Hemmingius, Farel, Beza, Bishop Hall and others 
 approved expressly, and in writing, of the conduct of Calvin, 
 
 '^ Rees' Cyclopaedia, Art. Eras, and Bayle. 
 
 t Beza de Heereticis a magistratu puniendis. Tract. Theol. p. 95. 
 
196 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 and also of the final sentence of the senate of Geneva, in 
 punishing capitally the man, who called the triune unity of 
 God a three headed Cerberus, and a triple bodied monster. 
 
 For more than fifty years after the death of Calvin, no in- 
 stance could be found of any respectable writer, who cen- 
 sured him respecting the execution of Servetus. On the 
 publication of Calvin's Epistles by Theodore Beza, in 1575, 
 Jerome Bolsec took offence at the account which had been 
 given of his conduct and opinions in some of those letters. 
 Bolsec, at that time having turned back to the papists, wrote 
 a Life of Calvin for the sole purpose of blasting his name. 
 But however destitute of principle, and prompted by revenge 
 to invent the most daring falsehoods, he no where, it is 
 asserted, accused Calvin of personal hatred towards Servetus, 
 or cast any blame upon him for what he did in advising the 
 prosecution against him. 
 
 Maimbourg, a Jesuit, wrote a History of Calvinism, in 
 which, with all his popish partialities and misrepresentations, 
 he says nothing on that subject. 
 
 Dupin, another papist, in his Ecclesiastical History, does 
 not even name Servetus in his life of Calvin, and but barely 
 mentions him among the Socinian heretics. 
 
 Bayle, who was of no religious denomination, in his Life 
 of Calvin, does not even name Servetus, nor cast any re- 
 proach upon that reformer in his voluminous notes. 
 
 " The pious and excellent bishop Hall solemnly pro- 
 nounced, that in that transaction, relative to Servetus, Calvin 
 did well approve himself to God's church." — See his Chris- 
 tian Moderation, b. 2, sect. 14, quoted in Dr. Miller's Con- 
 tin, of Lett. p. 327. Heylin, although strongly attached to 
 Episcopacy, and to archbishop Laud, in his history of the 
 Presbyterians, says much, with his usual unauthorised as- 
 perity, against Calvin ; yet he never reproaches him as to the 
 matter of Servetus, whom he only names as a Socinian. 
 
 Bishop Burnet, in his history of the Reformation of the 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 197 
 
 English Church, has passed in silence the story of Servetus, 
 and always named Calvin with respect. 
 
 Without increasing this list with the names of Francis Ju- 
 nius, James Arminius, Davila, Strype, and a vast number of 
 other historians and divines of different theological senti- 
 ments, it may be asked, on what principle it was, that those 
 writers passed with approbation, or without notice, such 
 atrocious cruelty and personal malevolence in Calvin, as Mr. 
 Roscoe and others within a century back, have boldly 
 charged upon him in the affair of Servetus ? Were the di- 
 vines and historians at the close of the 16th, and through 
 the 17th century, more ignorant of the facts and circumstances 
 which attended that business, than those divines or histo- 
 rians who, in the 18th century, have so pointedly selected, 
 and so invidiously impugned Calvin, as pre-eminently pos- 
 sessing, and furiously exercising the spirit of persecution for 
 the sake of opinions ? This it is presumed will not be as- 
 serted by any one competent to judge of that question. 
 
 The Biblical Repertory again says :— 
 
 We have, from the outset, conceded the cardinal fact, 
 namely, that Calvin was instrumental in bringing Servetus 
 to trial for heresy, and thus, if you please, to execution. But 
 we shall ever maintain, that it is grossly unjust, without the 
 shadow of proof, to charge this act to motives which are not 
 charged in a multitude of similar instances. It was scarcely 
 so much the fault of the man as of the age. At this time of 
 day, a protestant can scarcely picture to himself the horrid 
 image raised in the mind of our forefathers by the name 
 heretic. A heretic was then, as M. la Chapelle well says, 
 " a monster of horror, an emissary of hell, an enemy of God 
 and man ; this is the notion of common people among the 
 papists to this day. Judge, then, how they would talk of a 
 heretic, when heretics were almost as rare in Europe as the 
 phoenix in Egypt. Did they consult the canon or the civil 
 law, or theological standards ? Heretics were excommuni- 
 cated persons, poisoners of mankind, public pests, guilty of 
 17* 
 
198 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 high treason against both human and divine governments, a 
 treason capital in the first degree." These principles were 
 assumed as self-evident, in parliaments, and courts of princes, 
 by popes and republics. In the Reformation a sun .had arisen 
 on the world, but the mists and fogs of a long night still 
 mantled the horizon. The doctrine of persecution was a 
 papal innovation which lingered after theological errors had 
 been dispersed. It was found in the laws of the empire, and 
 in the fathers of the church, whose authority had scarcely 
 yet been shaken. Hence, we can pity, even more than we 
 blame, the inconsistency of the protestants, who, escaping 
 from persecution, became persecutors in their turn. 
 
 To every calm inquirer into the history of religious liberty, 
 the injustice of singling out this case will appear most glaring. 
 It is Calvin's tenets which exasperate the minds of his ca- 
 lumniators ; else Servetus had lain in oblivion, along with 
 Joan Bocher and George Van Parre. The great standing 
 charge against Calvin is one which it is hard to answer, 
 simply because it is without any proof. It is, that the Re- 
 former was actuated by long-cherished resentment and pri- 
 vate hate. M. Chauffpie has the candour to admit, that even 
 if this could be proved, it would be a question whether he 
 did not take advantage of the rigor of laws which he believed 
 to be just. But it cannot be proved. " It is," as Mr. Scott 
 observes, " unsupported, and even contrary to evidence, 
 and is requisite to the solution of none of the phenomena of 
 the case." 
 
 The case might be safely left at this point; but we will go 
 farther, and evince by authentic records, that the instance 
 was not singular. One might suppose from the angry zeal 
 with which it has been blazoned as the sinister blot on the 
 escutcheon of Calvinism, that this act of intolerance stands 
 isolated, flaming forth with the horrors of a beacon on a hill. 
 It is not so ; all who have the smallest pretensions to histo- 
 rical erudition know that it is not so. There are noted ex- 
 amples of heretics being punished in difTerent protestant 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 199 
 
 States. " Let persecution, " we exclaim with M. Chauffpie, 
 ** be blamed, and let the execution of Servetus be condemned, 
 we subscribe to the whole ; but let us not make it peculiar 
 in Calvin, to have been under the prejudices of his age." 
 
 More than sixty years after Calvin's death, we find the 
 same judgment taking effect at Geneva, in the case of Nicho- 
 las Antony, who was burned for heresy, in 1632, in spite of 
 the remonstrances of the ministers, who desired the execu- 
 tion to be suspended. Again, in 1652, by virtue of the same 
 ecclesiastical code, though not on the same charge, one 
 Chauderon was hanged for witchcraft. And we are only re- 
 peating the words of the liberal Chauffpie, Mr. Gibbon's 
 " best" authority, when we say : " How many vexations 
 have the Presbyterians suffered in England under the reign 
 of James I., Charles I., and Charles II. I find, under the 
 reign of the first, Neal, bishop of Winchester, caused to be 
 hanged one Wightman, a dogmatizer of that time ; and that 
 King, bishop of London, condemned one Legat to be burnt 
 for heresy ; who was executed in Smithfield. And Peter 
 Gunter, of Prussia, a farrier by trade, was beheaded at Lu- 
 beck, in the month of October, 1687, by the consent of two 
 Universities, because he would not own the divinity of Jesus 
 Christ."* 
 
 It is surprising that certain writers of the Episcopal de- 
 nomination should have the eft^ontery, as they have some- 
 times had, to charge the death of Servetus on presbytery. 
 This event has by some of them been attributed to the " gen- 
 tle sway of presbytery." This is very weak argument, and 
 very desperate policy, not to dwell on its dishonesty. The 
 nobler minds among prelatists have seen that common jus- 
 tice and the good faith of history alike repudiate the base in- 
 sinuation; that the common cause of protestantism is wounded 
 by it ; and that this sort of argument, even if it should avail 
 
 Chauff. Servetus, note BB. 
 
200 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 to tarnish presbytery, would overwhelm prelacy with con- 
 tempt.* We reject it, and our cause needs it not. In the 
 noted and prominent case of Cranmer, we scornfully reject 
 it. The meanness of charging one good man with the sole 
 offence, when all the age were in like condemnation, we 
 shall condemn wherever we find it. And it is only as a speci- 
 men of impotent malice that we cite the following observation 
 of a Mr. Le Bas, the compiler of a life of Cranmer ; an ob- 
 servation written as if to divert attention from the case of 
 George Van Parre, which he had just related : " Every one 
 knows that Servetus was burned, not merely as a heretic, but 
 as a blasphemer ; that the distinction might be suffi- 
 cient to satisfy a man like Calvin may not be very surpris- 
 ing ; for what is known of his vehement temper would almost 
 justify the suspicion, that had he lived in the age of St. Do- 
 minic, he might have sat most conscientiously in the chair 
 of the Inquisition."! As if most studiously to cut off the 
 wretched Calvin from all benefit of the plea he had just made 
 for the archbishop. That plea, we acknowledge as valid and 
 judicious. But we lament the ignoble prejudice which ap- 
 pended a gratuitous and false insinuation, against the man 
 whom that very archbishop delighted to honour. Melan- 
 choly, indeed, but true it is, that Cranmer was concerned, at 
 least as much as Calvin ever was, in bringing to the stake 
 not one blaspheming heretic, but not less than four persons, 
 of whom two were simple women. This is recorded by 
 such Episcopal historians as Strype, and Burnet, and Fox. 
 
 * If we except the case of Luther, perhaps the earliest tolera- 
 tion that was practised after popery had introduced the reign of 
 persecution, was settled upon the basis of doctrines decidedly Cal- 
 vinistic. We mean the decree of Berne, in November, 1534. — 
 Scott, iii. p. 245. 
 
 f In Bas' Life of Cranmer, vol. i. p. 272. Harper's stereotype 
 edition. See also a no less uncalled for taunt in Hallam's Const. 
 History of England, vol. i. p. 131. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN, 201 
 
 He did it in his ignorance, and we may well weep over the 
 story ; but let no one who affects to weep, wipe away his 
 tears to eject contumely upon a brother reformer, found in 
 the same offence. 
 
 It was Cranmer, who "procured the death" such are the 
 very words — of Joan Bocher and George Van Parre ; and 
 who when the pious Edward VI. with tears hesitated to sign 
 the death-warrants, added his own persuasions.* Even Mr. 
 Le Bas says, with regard ta Joan Bocher : " That he fully 
 acquiesced in the proceeding, can hardly be doubted, if we 
 are to credit the story so confidently told by his ardent ad- 
 mirer Fox, and not contradicted by any contemporary writer ; 
 namely, that all the importunity of the council could not pre- 
 vail on Edward to set his hand to the warrant — that Cran- 
 mer, upon this, was desired to persuade him — that, even 
 then, the merciful nature of that princely boy held out long 
 against the application — and that, when at last he yielded, 
 he declared before God, that the guilt should rest on the head 
 of his advisers."! 
 
 That the case is different in many of our popular historical 
 works, and in the articles of biographical dictionaries, 
 patched up from these by mere compilers, will surprise no 
 one who recollects that, in our day, history has too often 
 fallen into the hands of sceptics. Roscoe makes it his espe- 
 cial care to vilify the reformers ; we may safely leave his 
 allegations to the triumphant answer of Mr. Waterman.^ 
 Gibbon, as we need scarcely say, found it to suit the pur- 
 pose of his life to degrade the memory of a leading Christian. 
 But, be it noted, that the authority chiefly relied on in the 
 preceding details, and from whose truly cautious statements 
 we have not seen occasion to vary in a single instance, is 
 Chauffpie, the continuator of Bayle's Dictionary ; whose 
 
 * Burnet's Hist. Ref. vol. ii. 112. Gilpin's Lives of Reformers, 
 ii. 99. 
 t Le Bas' Cranmer, vol. i. p. 270. X Life of Calvin, p. 122. 
 
202 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 narrative Gibbon prononnces " the best accounf^ he had seen 
 of the transaction. 
 
 Other writers, affected by no predilections in favour of 
 presbytery, have had the patience to study, and the honesty 
 to adjudicate, this perplexing case, with different results. 
 Among these we name the late Samuel Taylor Cole- 
 ridge ; an independent thinker, a laborious reader of authori- 
 ties, and a professed enemy of Calvinism. His opinion is as 
 follows : 
 
 *' What ground is there for throwing the odium of Serve- 
 tus' death upon Calvin alone ? — Why, the mild Melancthon 
 ■wrote to Calvin* expressly to testify his concurrence in the 
 act, and, no doubt, he spoke the sense of the German reform- 
 ers ; the Swiss churches advised the punishment in formal 
 letters, and I think there are letters from the English divines, 
 approving Calvin's conduct I Before a man deals out the 
 slang of the day, about the great leaders of the Reformation, 
 he should learn to throw himself back to the age of the Re- 
 formation, when the two parties in the church were eagerly 
 on the watch to fasten the charge of heresy on the other. 
 Besides, if ever a poor fanatic thrust himself into the fire, it 
 was Michael Servetus. He was a rabid enthusiast, and did 
 every thing he could in the way of insult and ribaldry to 
 provoke the feeling of the Christian church. He called the 
 Trinity triceps monstrum et Cerberum quendam tripartitum, 
 and so on."t 
 
 This is sensible and just; and what might be expected 
 from a philosopher and a scholar. For such a one, no de- 
 clamation without proof, will be sufficient. But the careless, 
 the prejudiced, and the wicked, and especially those who 
 hate the doctrine of special grace, and Calvin as its trium- 
 phant modern defender, will still avoid a laborious investiga- 
 
 * Here is given the sentence cited above, 
 t Table Talk, p. 143. See also a fair discussion of the case in 
 Sir David Brewster's Encyclopaedia, Art. " Calvin." 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 203 
 
 tion, and repeat in wilful ignorance the refuted slanders of 
 their predecessors. This rooted enmity to the theological 
 system called Calvinism, is the true source of the unjust in- 
 vective against the Reformer's conduct in this affair. If not, 
 why are the similar and even worse offences of other great 
 men, altogether omitted, or, if not omitted, mentioned with 
 every phrase of extenuation ? It is Calvinism, it is the doc- 
 trine of Paul and of Augustin which has caused this peculiar 
 exacerbation of zeal. And, after all, many seem to be igno- 
 rant of the history of this hateful scheme of opinions. It is 
 acknowledged by Mr. John Scott, himself an Episcopalian, 
 in the work already named, that Luther, Melancthon, and 
 Zwingle, (at an earlier period of their lives, at least) held the 
 doctrines of election and predestination, which have subse- 
 quently been denominated Calvinistic. " Nor did those high 
 doctrines," says he, " originate with these persons. They 
 held them in common with eminent writers who had preceded 
 them, and were members of the Roman Catholic church ; and 
 they would, I apprehend, have been able to support some of 
 their boldest positions by the authority of St. Augustine himself. 
 Why, then, is all the odium of these obnoxious doctrines to 
 be accumulated upon the devoted head of Calvin, who had 
 never been heard in public life, even at the latest period re- 
 ferred to?"* 
 
 It is our confident expectation, that in proportion to the 
 increase of biblical study, and the culture of mental philoso- 
 phy among good men, there will be a return to these very 
 doctrines ; and that the works of Calvin (as we already see 
 in Germany) will rise again in the estimation of the church ; 
 and that his character will be pondered, as one of the noblest 
 models of the theologian, the expositor, and the reformer. 
 When this day shall come, the calumnies of his foes will 
 find their due level. And though no man will ever vindicate 
 
 Page 230. 
 
204 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 his opinion or his practice, in this instance, any more than 
 the exploded whimseys of the astrologer or the alchymist, 
 pious Christians will accord to him the praise of bishop An- 
 drews, that "he was an illustrious person, and never to be 
 mentioned without a preface of the highest honour." Mean- 
 while, let the enemies of the reformer's memory ponder the 
 testimony of Arminius himself. In a letter, only two days 
 before his death, he says : *' After the holy Scriptures, I ex- 
 hort the students to read the Commentaries of Calvin : 
 
 for I tell them he is incomparable in the interpretation of 
 Scripture ; and that his Commentaries ought to be held in 
 greater estimation than all that is delivered to us in the 
 writings of the ancient Christian fathers : so that, in a certain 
 eminent spirit of prophecy, I give the pre-eminence to him 
 beyond most others, indeed, beyond them all."* 
 
 In closing this article, we are happy to be able to say that 
 two elaborate memoirs of Calvin may soon be expected. One 
 is understood to be preparing by Mr. Henry, pastor of a 
 church in Berlin ; and great pains have been taken to gain 
 information from unpublished manuscripts and other docu- 
 ments existing at Geneva. The other biography is that 
 which was left by the late lamented Dr. M'Crie, and which 
 will be made ready for the press by one of his sons. From 
 the biographer of Knox and Melvill, every thing which the 
 case admits may be expected. — Bib. Rep. vol. 8, pp.89, 96. 
 
 Note D. 
 
 One of the most interesting circumstances attending the 
 Reformation, was the striking uniformity of doctrinal senti- 
 ment among the reformers. This uniformity is evident from 
 an inspection of their respective Confessions of Faith, and of 
 
 * Christian Observer for 1827, p. 622. — " Declaration of Armi- 
 nius." Ibid. 1807, p. 179. Scott's Milner, iii. 496. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 205 
 
 the writings of their most distinguished divines. Their ge- 
 neral uniformity of opinion on the subject of church govern- 
 ment and ecclesiastical discipline, was scarcely less remark- 
 able. Uniformity on the latter point, however, was not 
 entire. In England, from motives of policy, a form of 
 government was introduced, more nearly allied to that 
 from which they had separated, than that adopted by the 
 rest of the reformers. But even in England, the Episcopal 
 mode was not maintained on such grounds as would unchurch 
 those who differed from them in theory and practice on the 
 subject of church government. This abundantly appears 
 from the fact, that the leaders of the reformation in England, 
 fraternized with the reformers on the continent, owned them 
 as a church, applied to them for counsel and assistance, and 
 asked their co-operation in furthering the common cause in 
 which they were engaged. These marks of approbation and 
 brotherly affection, were received by n5ne more frequently 
 than by John Calvin ; as may be gathered from the interest- 
 ing and full correspondence between him and Cranmer, the 
 duke of Somerset, and the rest of the English reformers. 
 
 It is worthy of notice, that during the time of archbishop 
 Laud, a sudden, though not unaccountable change took place 
 in the minds of many of the clergy, as to the meaning of 
 several of their doctrinal articles. Prior to the time of Laud, 
 they were almost uniformly received in a Calvinistic sense. 
 During that period, also, the name and writings of Calvin 
 had great weight in the English church ; but since the time 
 of Laud, an an ti-( Calvinistic sense has not only been put upon 
 those articles, but contended for by many as the only admis- 
 sible sense in which they can be honestly adopted. With 
 this change, as we might naturally expect, their respect and 
 veneration for the name and opinions of Calvin, have given 
 place to strong disapprobation, if not contempt. This feeling 
 has led many writers in the Episcopal church, to say many 
 hard things of Calvin, and to endeavour to cast obloquy upon 
 the name and memory of the man to whom their own church 
 
 18 
 
206 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 is indebted for much of its purity, and protestant character. 
 To say the least, it is gross ingratitude, thus to treat the 
 memory of so great a benefactor. But while some of the 
 writers alluded to, are actuated by hatred, and influenced by 
 rancorous feelings, engendered and embittered by the spirit 
 of controversy, it is doubtless true, that others of them are 
 utterly ignorant of the doctrinal sentiments of those lumina- 
 ries of the English church, whom, from education, they are 
 accustomed to venerate, and of the high estimation in which 
 they held Calvin and his writings. It may, therefore, be a 
 service to such, if they are willing " to come to the light," 
 and allow justice to the memory of Calvin, to glance at the 
 history of theological opinion, as it existed among the Eng- 
 lish reformers and their successors, down to the time of 
 Laud. But the limits of a note will not permit us to extend 
 the inquiry so far as we could wish ; we shall, therefore, 
 confine our remarks to the period immediately succeeding 
 the Reformation. 
 
 Although many who subscribe the articles of the English 
 church cannot adopt the doctrinal sentiments of Calvin, it is 
 nevertheless true, that Calvin approved of those articles as 
 doctrinally correct. This point has been fully established by 
 the Editors of the London Christian Observer. See their vo- 
 lumes for the years 1803, 1804, 1820. As to the censure which 
 Calvin passed upon the liturgy of the English church, "/n An- 
 glicand Liturgid multas video tolerabiles ineptias,^^ it should 
 be observed that the design and extent of this censure appear 
 to have been misunderstood by several writers, who have 
 supposed the doctrines expressed or implied in the liturgy 
 to be its object, whereas nothing can be more evident than 
 the contrary. It belongs exclusively to the rites and cere- 
 monies of the English Church. This might be collected 
 from the words themselves. It was not the disposition of 
 that reformer to tolerate doctrinal errors, or to treat them as 
 trifling or frivolous things ; but in matters of form he was 
 less rigid. " In things of an indifferent nature," he says, " I 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 207 
 
 am easy and flexible, yet I do not always think it expedient 
 to comply with the morose temper of those men, who will 
 give up nothing to which they have been accustomed. In the 
 English liturgy, such as you describe it, I see that there 
 were many tolerable fooleries: multas video fuisse tolerabiles 
 ineptias." The letter from which this passage is extracted, 
 is addressed to certain English protestants at Frankfort, who 
 had been driven from their country by the bigotry of queen 
 Mary. In this letter Calvin censures them for suffering dis- 
 sensions about forms and ceremonies to prevent their union 
 in one body. His expostulation seems to have produced a 
 good effect, for in a second letter, dated about five months 
 later, he congratulates them upon their reconciliation. The 
 points about which they had differed, he again mentions as 
 useless and frivolous ceremonies, frivolis et inutilibus cere- 
 moniis, and particularly specifies the use of tapers, crosses, 
 and other superstitions of that kind. 
 
 The ceremonies prescribed in the first liturgy of Edward 
 VI. viz : the mixing of water with the wine in the eucharist, 
 the crossing in the consecration of the elements, the exorcism 
 practised at baptism, the anointing and threefold immersion 
 of the infant, and extreme unction administered to the sick, 
 must have appeared to Calvin frivolous, and deserving of the 
 name of fooleries. 
 
 It cannot now be determined, with certainty, which of the 
 liturgies of Edward was intended, the only description being 
 liturgia qualem describitis, the liturgy as you describe it •, 
 and the ceremonies of tapers and crosses seeming rather to 
 refer to the first than the second liturgy. However, as the 
 date of the letter is posterior by about four years to the second 
 liturgy, that may possibly have been the object of Calvin's 
 censure, on account of some ceremonies still retained ; for, 
 even after the review and reformation of the liturgy, many 
 things remained which offended the admirers of the naked 
 simplicity of presbyterian worship; such as the cross in bap- 
 tism, the bowing at the name of Jesus, the kneeling at the 
 
208 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 Lord's Supper, the observation of fasts and festivals, and the 
 use of the surplice. The last of these upon another occasion, 
 this reformer mentions in the following terms, the use of the 
 linen vest together with many fooleries, linese vestis usum 
 cum multis ineptiis. 
 
 Whether we understand the words of Calvin as relating to 
 the first liturgy or the second, in either case it is evident, that 
 the object of his censure is not the doctrines of the church, 
 but some of her ceremonies, which he thought frivolous. For 
 their present simplicity she is in part indebted to his remon- 
 strances in the reign of Edward. This assertion rests upon 
 the best authority, the confession of a learned and ingenious 
 adversary, Heylin, who, in his History of Presbyterianism, 
 b. V. ch. vi., says, " the first liturgy was discontinued, and 
 the second superinduced upon it, to give satisfaction unto 
 Calvin's cavils, the curiosities of some and the mistakes of 
 others of his friends and followers." 
 
 The only part of the first liturgy to which Calvin objected, 
 on account of doctrinal error, is the passage in the commu- 
 nion service, at the end of the prayer for the whole state of 
 Christ's church, " We commend to thy mercy, O Lord, all 
 other thy servants which are departed from us with the sign 
 of faith, and now rest in the sleep of peace ; grant unto them, 
 we beseech thee, thy mercy and everlasting peace." Prayer 
 for the departed was judged by him to be unscriptural. Hence, 
 in his letter to the duke of Somerset, he objected to this pas- 
 sage, and such was the deference paid to his authority, that 
 in the second liturgy of Edward, the last clause of the prayer 
 for the whole state of Christ's church was altered to its pre-~ 
 sent form. The other points which he specified in that letter 
 are the chrism and extreme unction, both of which were evi- 
 dently ceremonial, the former being invented as a type of the 
 Holy Ghost in baptism, the latter being a rite introduced in 
 imitation of the practice of the apostles, and which ought to 
 have ceased, together with the gift of miraculous powers. 
 
 On the whole, there appears to be no ground for the as- 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 209 
 
 sertion, that Calvin could say nothing better of the liturgy 
 than muUas video tolerabiles ineptias. These words have 
 been proved to relate merely to certain forms and ceremonies 
 which he censured as useless and frivolous ; at the same 
 time approving cordially the doctrine of the liturgy, with the 
 single exception of one passage in the communion service, 
 which in compliance with his wishes, was corrected. 
 
 It is also well known, that Calvin's two most intimate 
 friends and followers, Peter Martyr and Martin Bucer, who 
 were invited to England by Cranmer, for the furtherance of 
 the reformation, approved the doctrines of the Liturgy. 
 
 Bucer revised the Liturgy of the English church in 1550, 
 at the request of Cranmer. The first step towards a refor- 
 mation of the service of the church in England was under 
 Henry VIIL in 1536. Alexander Aless, a Scotchman, who 
 resided sometime in Germany, had imbibed the Lutheran 
 sentiments. He was at this time with Cranmer at Lambeth. 
 Lord Cromwell introduced him to the Convocation, and de- 
 sired him to give his opinion about the Sacraments. He 
 maintained that Christ instituted only two. Baptism and the 
 Lord's Supper. In this Convocation, they agreed to five 
 articles of faith, and five concerning the ceremonies of the 
 church. These were printed and published with the sanc- 
 tion of Henry. 
 
 On the accession of Edward VI. in 1547, the Liturgy of 
 the church was new modelled from the several popish mis- 
 sals or mass-books, as of Sarum, Bangor, York, Hereford, 
 and Lincoln. Thus reformed, it was published and sanc- 
 tioned by Edward, in November, 1548. In 1550, the com- 
 mon prayer-book was brought to another revision. Bucer 
 was now professor at Cambridge ; and at Cranmer's request, 
 Alexander Aless at this time translated the Liturgy of 1548 
 into Latin, for the use of Bucer. In the works of Bucer, the 
 translation of Aless is published with the censures of Bucer, 
 which are numerous, and which Burnet says were afterwards 
 
 18* 
 
210 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 mostly adopted. Bucer finished liis corrections January 5, 
 1551, and died February 28. 
 
 The capitation to these is as follows : " Hie Corrections of 
 Martin Bucer upon the Liturgy, or the order of the Church 
 and the Ministry in the Kingdom of England ; written at 
 the request of Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury y 
 Opera Buceri, p. 456. 
 
 Dr. Heylin, in labouring with much petulance to fix an 
 odium upon Calvin, has highly complimented him, by relat- 
 ing some things which others of his church are anxious to 
 deny. He says, " That Calvin having taken order with 
 Martin Bucer, on his first coming into England, to give him 
 some account of the English Liturgy; he had no sooner 
 satisfied himself in the sight thereof, but he makes presently 
 his exceptions and demurs upon it"* — and " presently writes 
 back to Bucer, whom he requires to be instant with the 
 Lord Protector, that all such rites as savoured of supersti- 
 tion might be taken away." " He had his agents in the 
 court, the city, the universities, the country, and the convo- 
 cation,'''' " Let it suffice, that by the eagerness of their soli- 
 citations, more than for any thing which could be faulted in 
 the book itself, it was brought under a review, (1550,) and 
 thereby altered to a further distance than it had before, from 
 the rituals of the church of Romey Heylin Hist. Presb. 
 p. 11 and 12. 
 
 Peter Martyr and John Alasco were of the number com- 
 missioned to revise and embody a system of ecclesiastical 
 laws for the English church in 1552-. Burnet, Vol. 2, Anno 
 
 * Calvin was not alone in his exceptions against the Liturgy, 
 for Cranmer " Fatebatur multa detracta oportere superflua, et ar- 
 dentibus votis cupiebat ea in melius correcta." — Cranmer con- 
 fessed that there were many superfluous things in the Book, that 
 ought to be taken out, and earnestly wished that it might have 
 some further amendment. Pierce's Vindic. p. 12, 13, quoted by 
 Neal, Vol. 1. Quarto Ed. Appendix, p. 895. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 211 
 
 1552. In 1551, the articles of faith in the English church 
 were prepared. Bucer was for beginning with the doctrines 
 before the ceremonies, but Cranmer judged it expedient to 
 delay these till the Liturgy should be settled. In what me- 
 thod they proceeded in compiling the articles, Burnet says, 
 is not certain. He supposes that Cranmer and Ridley first 
 framed them, and that they were then sent to others to pro- 
 pose amendments. The doctrines of faith were comprised 
 in forty-two articles, and published with the Liturgy in 1552, 
 and established by the king. They were again revised and 
 reduced with some alterations to the present number, thirty- 
 nine, in the reign of queen Elizabeth, in 1562. Burnet, Vol. 
 2, p. 158, and Collection, p. 190. 
 
 Calvin's offer of assistance, as some have called it, who 
 would represent him as officious in the matter, appears from 
 one of his letters to Cranmer, to have been at the request and 
 instigation of the archbishop, who constantly kept up a 
 friendly communication with him on all points connected 
 with the Reformation. Strype, in his Life of Cranmer, 
 says, on page 407, that " he (Cranmer) sent his letters to 
 BuUinger, Calvin, and Melancthon, disclosing his pious de- 
 sign to them, (viz. respecting a book of articles,) and requir- 
 ing their counsel and furtherance." And on page 409, com- 
 mences a chapter, giving an account of Calvin's correspon- 
 dence with the archbishop on the subject; from which it 
 appears, that though Calvin blamed Cranmer for not having 
 made more progress in the Reformation, yet Cranmer, not- 
 withstanding, " kept up a great esteem and value for him." 
 p. 411. 
 
 The Rev. Elijah Waterman, the author of a valuable Life 
 of Calvin,* in a letter addressed to William S. Johnson, 
 
 * The American editor would take this opportunity to acknow- 
 ledge his indebtedness to this author, for much of the matter of his 
 notes. 
 
212 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 LL. D., and inserted as an appendix to his translation 
 of Calvin's Catechism, has satisfactorily shown that the 
 Catechism commonly called Dr. Alexander Nowell's which 
 was sanctioned in the convocation of Bishops and Clergy, in 
 1562, and published in 1570 " as a standing summary of the 
 doctrines of the English church," is in substance the Cate- 
 chism of Calvin enlarged. The following extract from that 
 letter, gives a concise account of the three Catechisms of the 
 English church, the only ones that have ever been sanctioned 
 in convocations of the Bishops and Clergy. 
 
 1. The Catechism of Edward VI. 
 
 The reformation commenced in the English church, in 
 1547, and Cranmer set forth the Homilies, 12 in number. 
 In 1548, the Liturgy was compiled, by the care of arch- 
 bishop Cranmer, Somerset, Ridley, and Peter Martyr, and 
 passed the house of Lords, January 15lh, 1549. This Jirst 
 Liturgy contained no Catechism of doctrinal instruction. 
 In 1548, Calvin, in his letter to Somerset, the Protector, re- 
 commends, That a summary of doctrines and a Catechism 
 for the use of children be published. " It becomes you," 
 he says, " to be fully persuaded, that the Church of God, 
 cannot be built up without a Catechism.'''' The Protector 
 himself translated this letter from the original French, and it 
 was published in 1550.* The same year, the Articles of 
 Faith were " set about," and completed in 1552. "As for 
 the Catechism," Dr. Burnet says, " it was printed with a 
 preface in the king's name, bearing date the 24th of May, 
 1553, about seven weeks before his death : In which he sets 
 
 * See Waterman's Life of Calvin, p. 336, and 333, where Calvin 
 gives his approbation to the Homilies, the Apostles' Creed, Lord's 
 Prayer, and Ten Commandments, as set forth by Cranmer, and 
 published by Somerset, 1547. Burnet, vol. 2. p. 25. — And Wood's 
 Athen. Oxon. vol. 1. fol. p. 72. A copy of the Protector's trans- 
 lation is in Harvard library, first ed. 1550. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 213 
 
 forth that it was drawn by a pious and learned man, sup- 
 posed to be bishop Poynet, and was given to be revised by 
 some bishops and learned men."* Rector Strype, in his 
 Annals, vol. 2. p. 368, is quite confident that king Edward's 
 Catechism was written by Alexander Nowell. But his 
 proof is not of much weight ; as it is more probable that 
 Nowell followed Poynet in compiling his, in 1561.t And 
 this will better account for the "verbatim" resemblance be- 
 tween some of the questions and answers in those two 
 works. 
 
 2. The catechism commonly called Dr. No well's. 
 
 In Strype's life of archbishop Parker, fol. p. 301, we have 
 an account of Nowell's Catechism. It was proposed, 1561, 
 to be in Latin for the use of schools, that youth might be in- 
 structed in sound principles of religion, especially those of 
 the gentry, and such as were designed for divinity. In 
 1562, Nowell laid one before the synod, of which he was 
 prolocutor. In the upper house, it was committed to four 
 bishops,:j: and after being corrected by them, it passed the 
 review of both houses, and had their full approbation.^ 
 Nowell then sent the Catechism to secretary Cecil, who 
 returned it after about a year, with certain notes of some 
 learned men upon it, which Nowell adopted. " So carefully,''^ 
 says the rector of Leyton, " and exactly was itrevieived and 
 corrected, to make it a standing summary, of the doc- 
 trines OF THIS CHURCH." As Cecil, to whom it was first 
 dedicated, did not direct its publication, it rested in Nowell's 
 
 * Hist. Reform, vol. 3. p. 214. fol. 
 
 t King Edward's Catechism appears to be published at large in 
 the first vol. of the Christian Observer. 
 
 I Dr. Heylin says that bishops Jewel, Bentham, Alley, and Da- 
 vis, were the four who reviewed Nowell's Catechism, February 
 25, 1562. Hist. Reform, p. 332. 
 
 \ See Burnet, vol. 3. p. 303. And archbishop Wake's state of 
 the church, fol. p. 602. 
 
214 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 hands, five or six years, till archbishop Parker obtained the 
 secretary's consent that it might be published, and if he 
 pleased it might be dedicated to the bishops. Accordingly, 
 " It was printed by Reynold Wolf, the 16th of the calends 
 of July (that is the 16th of June) 1570, and was dedicated 
 unto the bishops because it was offered them seven years be- 
 fore in convocation^ and allowed by them all, as above 
 said.^^ 
 
 '' This Catechism," adds the diligent and impartial 
 Strype, " was printed again in the year 1572, and in Greek 
 and Latin 157.'i, and so from time to time had many impres- 
 sions, and was used a long time in all schools, even to our 
 days," (that is, of Charles II.) " and pity it is, it is now so 
 disused J' ^ 
 
 3. The Shorter Catechism. 
 
 On the same page, yiz. 301, Strype says, " There wanted 
 now nothing, but a shorter Catechism, for the use of the 
 younger sort of scholars : which the dean, (Nowell,) in his 
 epistle to the bishops, promised to draw up, contracting 
 this larger one. And thus the church was furnished by 
 the archbishop's furtherance and care, with this good and 
 useful work." 
 
 Numerous writers in the Episcopal church in England, 
 and among them some of the dignitaries of the church, have 
 laboured to prove that the English reformers were hostile to- 
 wards Calvin, and that their Confession of Faith and Cate- 
 chisms, were opposed to his theological works and opinions. 
 That no such opposition existed, says Waterman in his let- 
 ter to Mr. Johnson, but that an entire harmony prevailed 
 between those venerable reformers, and that pre-eminent 
 minister of Christ, is beyond question evinced from the Ca- 
 techism itself, which runs parallel with his, and scarcely 
 varies from it, except in a more diffusive illustration of the 
 doctrinal points. It is an incontrovertible fact, that at that 
 very time, and for about fifty years after, to the arch-prelacy 
 of William Laud, the Institutes of Calvin were publicly read 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 215 
 
 and studied in both Universities^ by every student in divi- 
 nity. And the Pope, in his Bull, excommunicating and de- 
 posing the queen, in 1569, alleges against her this offensive 
 charge, " that she received herself and enjoined upon her 
 subjects, the impious sacraments and institutes according to 
 Calvin." Every historical fact that has fallen under my 
 observation, enforces upon my mind the conviction, that the 
 doctrinal system of Calvin, in 1562, and in 1570, was cor- 
 dially received by the bishops of the English church. In 
 proof of this, not to rest on the circumstance, that archbishop 
 Parker presented to the University of Cambridge the Jnsti' 
 tutes, Commentaries, and other writings of Calvin, I may 
 adduce the following paragraph of the xvii. Article of Faith, 
 as being very closely copied from Calvin's Institutes : " Fur- 
 thermore, we must receive God's promises in such wise, as 
 they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture ; and in 
 our doings, that will of God is to be followed, which we 
 have expressly declared unto us in the word of God."* — 
 For this fact and the references, I am indebted to the Chris- 
 tian Observer, from which very candid and evangelical 
 work, I beg leave to give the following statement :t That Dr. 
 Randolph, bishop of Oxford, a few years before, republished 
 " The whole of king Edward's Catechism, the declaration 
 of doctrines in Jewell's Apology, and the Catechism com- 
 monly called Dr. Nowell's, in a collection of tracts for the 
 use of students in divinity." The learned editors of the 
 Observer then say, that they shall republish these " three 
 works, which will most clearly define the sense of the 
 
 CHURCH, IN ALL MATTERS NECESSARY TO SALVATION ; and by 
 
 which sense we wish our own sentiments to be inferred.''^ 
 
 It will, 1 apprehend, be conceded, without the least re- 
 striction, that bishop Jewell was the most learned and influ- 
 
 * Cal. Instit Lib. 3, chap. 24. \. 5, et Lib. 1, chap. 87. \. 5, and 
 Christian Observer, vol. 3, p. 433. 
 t Christian Obser. vol. 1. p. 9, 10, for 1802. 
 
216 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 ential divine among the dignitaries of his day ; and that iiis 
 writings were the standard of orthodoxy in the English 
 church. He was the scholar and companion of Peter Mar- 
 tyr. In his exile he drank long and deep, at the theological 
 fountains of Switzerland, Germany, and Geneva ; and Law- 
 rence Humphrey, in his life of this great man, states as an 
 instance of his uncommon powers of memory, " That he 
 kneiv Calvin's Institutes as well as he knew his own fin- 
 gers; quas, tanquam digitos suos probe noverat ;"* and, that 
 he very much recommended that work to his friends. Bi- 
 shop Jewell himself gives the most decided testimony of his 
 very high estimation of Calvin, in his defence of his 
 Apology, against the papist Harding, who called him a dis- 
 ciple of Calvin. Jewell does not deny the charge, but says, 
 " Touching Mr. Calvin, it is a great wrong untruly to report 
 so great a father, and so worthy an ornament of the church 
 of God. If you had ever known the order of the church of 
 Geneva, and had seen four thousand people or more, receiv- 
 ing the holy mysteries together at one communion, ye 
 would not, without your great shame and want of modesty, 
 thus untruly have published to the world, that by Mr. Cal- 
 vin's doctrine the sacraments of Christ are superfluous."! 
 
 To bring the evidence on this part of the subject to a close, 
 I will quote from Humphrey's Life of Jewell, what I consi- 
 der as conclusive testimony, to prove the agreement on the 
 essential doctrines of the gospel, among all the reformed and 
 protestant churches. For the sake of brevity, I will omit 
 the Latin and give it in a translation. — "In 1562, was pub- 
 lished the Apology of the English church, which was ap- 
 proved by the consent and authority of the queen, published 
 by the counsel of all the bishops and other clergy, as it was 
 
 * Vita Jewelli, p. 236, ed. 1573. 
 
 t Jewell's defence of his Apology, published 1564. See Chris- 
 tian Observer, vol. 3, p. 629. 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 217 
 
 also composed and written by the author, as the public con- 
 fession of the catholic and Christian faith of the English 
 CHURCH, in which is taught our agreeirLiit with the Ger- 
 man, Helvetic, French,* Scotch, Genevese, and other 
 pure churches."! 
 
 Now, that which consummates this argument, is the fact, 
 that JewelVs Apology^ the Thirty-nine Articles, and NoiveWs 
 Catechism, were all passed and sanctioned by the same 
 venerable convocation, in 1562. They were all designed 
 alike to support one cause, and to establish and perpetuate 
 the same doctrines ; and of course they must be in agreement 
 among themselves. Bishop JewelVs Apology was designed 
 as the defensive armour of the church, against the calumnies 
 of the papists ; the Articles, to preserve lier internal union 
 in doctrines and worship ; and the Catechism, to im*bue the 
 minds of youths, with pure principles, which was by no 
 means the least important concern of the reformers. 
 
 That Calvinistic sentiments were held by the clergy dur- 
 ing the reign of Edward VL there can be no doubt. Mo- 
 sheim says, " that after the death of Henry (VHI.) the uni- 
 versities, the schools, and the churches, became the oracles 
 of Calvinism ; and that when it was proposed, in Edward 
 the Sixth's reign, to give a fixed and stable turn to the doc- 
 trine and discipline of the church, Geneva was acknowledged 
 as a sister church, and the theological system there estab- 
 lished by Calvin was adopted, and rendered the public rule 
 of faith in England." That the doctrines of the church of 
 England were deemed, by many of the reformers themselves, 
 to be not at variance with Calvin's Institutes might easily be 
 shown. A remarkable testimony to this effect will be found 
 in Fox's detail of the examination of the martjT Philpot, the 
 
 * Calvin drew up the confession of the French churches — Vide 
 •Harm. Confess. Catal. Confess. 
 t Vita Jewelli, p. 177. 
 
 19 
 
218 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 first protestant archdeacon of Winchester, in the reign of 
 Edward VI. « Which of you all," said he to his popish 
 judges, "is able to answer Calvin's Institutions, who is mi- 
 nister of Geneva?" " I am sure you blaspheme that godly 
 man and that godly church, where he is minister, as it is your 
 church's condition, when you cannot answer men by learn- 
 ing, to oppress them with blasphemies and false reports : for 
 in the matter of predestination he (Calvin) is in no other 
 opinion than all the doctors of the church be, agreeing with 
 the Scriptures." On another examination, he said, " I allow 
 the church of Geneva and the doctrine of the same ; for it is 
 zmaj cathoUca, et apostolica, and doth follow the doctrine 
 which the apostles did preach : mid the doctrine taught and 
 preached in king EdwarcVs days ivas also according to the 
 same.''^ (Fox, Volume III. see Philpot's Examinations.) 
 
 Bradford wrote a treatise on the doctrine of election, prov- 
 ing its truth from the first chapter of Paul's Epistle to the 
 Ephesians. This work was approved by Cranmer, Ridley, 
 and Latimer, as appears from the following extract from 
 Strype's Life of Cranmer, p. 350 : 
 
 " One thing there now fell out which caused some distur- 
 bance among the prisoners. Many of them that were under 
 restraint for the profession of the gospel were such as held 
 free-will, tending to the derogation of God's grace, and re- 
 fused the doctrines of absolute predestination and original 
 sin." — *' Divers of them were in the King's Bench, where 
 Bradford and many other gospellers were." — " Bradford was 
 apprehensive that they might now do great harm in the 
 church, and therefore wrote a letter to Cranmer, Ridley, and 
 Latimer, the three chief heads of the reformed (though op- 
 pressed) church in England, to take some cognizance of this 
 matter, and to consult with them in remedying it. And with 
 him joined bishop Ferrar, Rowland Taylor, and John Phil- 
 pot. Upon this occasion, Ridley wrote a treatise of God^s 
 election and predestination. And Bradford wrote another upon 
 the same subject, and sent it to those three fathers, in Oxford, 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 219 
 
 for their approbation : and their's being obtained, the rest 
 of the eminent ministers in and about London were ready 
 to sign it alsoJ'^ 
 
 The notes to the Bible, to which archbishop Parker wrote 
 a preface, are highly Calvinistic. These notes, as we are 
 informed by Strype, in his Life of Archbishop Parker, p. 
 400, were drawn up by the bishops, but chiefly by the arch- 
 bishops. As a specimen of these notes, we insert that on 
 Ezekiel xviii. 23. " Have I any desire that the wicked 
 should die, saith the Lord God V The note is as follows : 
 *' Hee speaketh this to commend God's mercie to poor sin- 
 ners, who rather is ready to pardon than to punish, as his 
 long suffering declareth. Albeit God in his eternal counsel 
 appointed the death and damnation of the reprobate, yet the 
 end of his counsel was not their death only, but chiefly his 
 own glory." In the same volume was inserted, under the 
 same authority, viz. that of the bishops and archbishops of 
 the church of England, the well known Calvinistic Cate- 
 chism, entitled, *' Certain Questions and Answers touching 
 the doctrine of Predestination, the use of God's Word and 
 Sacraments." Li this Catechism, not only the doctrine 
 of election, but that of reprobation also, is plainly and expli- 
 citly aflirmed and defended. 
 
 The divines deputed by king James, to attend the synod 
 of Dort, were bishops Hall, Davenant, and Ward, who were 
 all eminent and decided Calvinists. King James himself, held 
 the same theological opinions, and strongly disapproved of 
 Arminius and his sentiments. That the divines above named, 
 were Calvinists, is evident from the fact, that they individu- 
 ally and collectively subscribed to all the acts of that synod, 
 in condemnation of the Arminians. King James, in his de- 
 claration against Vorstius, calls Arminius, " that enemy of 
 God;" "who was the first in our age that infected Leyden 
 with heresy," And, speaking of " seditious and heretical 
 preachers," he adds, " our principal meaning was of Armi- 
 nius, who though himself were lately dead, yet had he left 
 
220 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 too many of his disciples behind him." *' It was our hard 
 hap not to hear of this Arrainius before he was dead, and 
 that all the reformed churches of Germany had with open 
 mouth complained of him." King James' Works, (p. 350, 
 354, 355.) In a meditation upon the Lord's prayer, king 
 James says, " the first article of the apostles' creed teaches 
 us, that God is Almighty, however Vorstius and the Armi- 
 nians think to rob him of his eternal decree and secret will, 
 making many things to be done in this world whether he 
 will or not." (Works, 581.) It is remarkable, that the synod 
 of Dort was expressly assembled at the persuasion of king 
 James : and even Dr. Heylin admits that the king " had la- 
 boured to condemn those, viz. (the Arminian) opinions at 
 the synod of Dort." — Life of Laud, p. 120. 
 
 The archbishops Whitgift, Hutton, and Parker, were all 
 Calvinists, and approved of the Lambeth articles. The pre- 
 destinarian controversy, which led to the composition of those 
 articles, began at Cambridge in the year 1595 ; certain indi- 
 viduals of name in the university having about that period 
 publicly denied some of the doctrines usually denominated 
 Calvinistic. For the purpose of allaying the ferment thus 
 excited, the heads of colleges deputed Dr. Whitaker and Dr. 
 Tyndal to wait upon the archbishop at Lambeth, there to 
 confer upon the subject with his Grace, and other learned 
 and eminent men. At this conference the Lambeth Articles 
 were drawn up and approved ; and a copy of them was soon 
 after sent to Cambridge by the archbishop, with a letter and 
 private directions to teach the doctrine contained in them, in- 
 that university. 
 
 The reader will find, (in Fuller's Church History, book 
 ix. p. 229,) in the account of the Lambeth Articles, the fol- 
 lowing sentence : — " Now also began some opinions about 
 predestination, free-will, perseverance, <fcc. much to trouble 
 both the schools and pulpit ; whereupon archbishop Whit- 
 gift, out of his Christian care to propagate the truth, and 
 suppress the opposite errors, caused a solemn meeting of 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 221 
 
 many grave and learned divines at Lambeth ; where (besides 
 the archbishop,) Richard Bancroft, bishop of London, Rich- 
 ard Vaughan, bishop elect of Bangor, Humphrey Tyndall, 
 dean of Ely, Dr. Whitaker, queen's professor in Cambridge, 
 and others, were assembled. These, after a serious debate 
 and mature deliberation, resolved at last on the now follow- 
 ing Articles." 
 
 "1. God from eternity hath predestinated certain men 
 unto life : certain men he hath reprobated unto death. 
 
 *' 2. The moving or efficient cause of predestination unto 
 life, is not the foresight of faith, or of perseverance, or of 
 good works, or of any thing that is in the persons predesti- 
 nated, but only the good-will and pleasure of God. 
 
 "3. There is a predetermined and certain number of the 
 predestinate, which can neither be augmented nor dimin- 
 ished. 
 
 ** 4. They who are not predestinated to salvation, shall 
 necessarily be damned for their sins. 
 
 " 5. A true, living, and justifying faith, and the Spirit of 
 God justifying, is not extinguished, faileth not, vanisheth 
 not away in the elect, either finally or totally. 
 
 " 6. A man truly faithful, that is, such a one as is endued 
 with justifying faith, is certain, with the full assurance of 
 faith, of the remission of his sins and his everlasting salva- 
 tion by Christ. 
 
 '* 7. Saving grace is not given, is not communicate4» is 
 not granted to all men, by which they may be saved if they 
 will. 
 
 " 8. No man can come unto Christ unless it be given 
 unto him, and unless the Father draw him : all men are not 
 drawn by the Father, that they may come to the Son. 
 
 " 9. It is not in the will or power of every one to be 
 saved." 
 
 With respect to the principles contained in these Articles, 
 we are assured by Whitgift that they were generally recog- 
 nised : — " 1 know them," says he, '< to be sound doctrines, 
 19* 
 
222 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 and uniformly professed in tliis chnrch of England, and agree- 
 able to the Articles of Religion established by auiliority : and 
 therefore I thought it meet that Barer should in more humble 
 sort confess his ignorance and error ; and that none should 
 be sutVered to teach any contrary doctrine to the foresaid 
 propositions agreed upon." So just are the observations of 
 bishop Ilorsley, '• Any one may hold all the theological opi- 
 nions of Calvin, hard and extravagant as some of them may 
 seem, and yet be a sound member of the church of England 
 
 and Ireland" " Her discipline has been submitted to, it 
 
 has in former times been most ably and zealously defended, 
 by tlie highest supralapsarian Calvinists. Such was the great 
 Usher ; such was "Whitgift ; such were many more burning 
 and shining lights of our church in her early days, when 
 she shook oil the papal tyranny, long since gone to the rest- 
 ing place of tlie spirits of the just.'' 
 
 Indeed, it must be considered as a little extraordinary, that 
 any person acquainted with the history of tliose times, should 
 mistake the real nature of the question between the Estab- 
 lished church and the Puritanical party : it was not a ques- 
 tion of doctrine, but of discipline. 
 
 Archbishops Grindall, Bancroft, and Abbott were also 
 strict Calvinists. The doctrinal sentiments of Thomas Ful- 
 ler, the church historian, are expressed in a brief compass 
 in his Church History, lib. ix. p. 23*2. He cordially ap- 
 proved of the Lambeth Articles, and considers them as wit- 
 nesses of *• the general and received doctrines of England in 
 that age about the forenamed controversies." Hutton, arch- 
 bishop of York, mentions the Puritans of his time, who were 
 Calvinistic, as agreeing with ilie English church in doctrine, 
 though they differed as to ceremonies and accidents. And 
 tliose of king Charles' time, so far resembled them as gene- 
 rally to approve of such articles as are stricdy doctrinal. 
 And die sense which tliey affixed to tlie articles was Calvin- 
 istic, according the notions which had usually prevailed till 
 Charles' davs, both in and out of the estabhshment, Bax- 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 223 
 
 ter furnishes many proofs of this fact, so far as it respects 
 Presbyterians. Life of Baxter, pp. 213 — 223, &c. 
 
 At what period, then, did the members of the church of 
 England generally change their opinions on the subject of 
 doctrinal Calvinism? It is intimated by Mosheim, that the 
 change took place soon after the Synod of Dort : and this 
 change he informs us, which was entirely in favour of Ar- 
 minianism, was principally eflected by the counsels and in- 
 fluence of William Laud, archbishop of Canterbury.* '• As 
 the church of England had not yet abandoned the Calvinis- 
 tical doctrines of predestination and grace, he (James) also 
 adhered to them for some time, and gave his theological re- 
 presentatives in the Synod of Dordrecht, an order to join in 
 the condemnation of the sentiments of Arminius, in relation 
 to these deep and intricate points. Abbot, archbishop of 
 Canterbury, a man of remarkable gravity, and of eminent 
 zeal both for civil and religious liberty, whose lenity towards 
 their ancestors, the Puritans still celebrate in the highest 
 strains, used his utmost endeavours to confirm the king in 
 the principles of Calvinism, to which he himself was tho- 
 roughly attached. But scarcely had the British divines re- 
 turned from Dordrecht, and given an account of the laws 
 that had been enacted, and the doctrines that had been 
 established by that famous assembly, than the king and the 
 greatest part of the Episcopal clergy discovered, in the 
 strongest terms, tlieir dislike of the proceedings, and judged 
 the sentiments of Arminius, relating to the divine decrees, 
 preferable to those of Geneva and of Calvin. This sialden 
 change in the theological opinions of the court and clergy, 
 was certainly owing to a variety of reasons," tfcc.t Here, 
 then, we have Laud described as the first anli-Calvinistic 
 archbishop ; and the time distinctly marked when the change 
 of sentiment took place generally in the church of England. 
 
 * Cent. xvi. sect. II. part ii. \ Cent. xvii. sect. II. part ii. 
 
224 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO 
 
 From this period, the Institutes of Calvin, which had till 
 then been so highly appreciated both in England and on the 
 continent, began to be less valued, less read, and less known. 
 Bayle states, from Schultingius, " that as soon as this work of 
 Calvin was published at Strasburg, about the year 1545, Ber- 
 nard Cincius, bishop of Aquila, carried a copy of it to cardinal 
 Marcellus Cervin, legate of the pope at the court of the em- 
 peror; and that these two able men judged it to be a more 
 dangerous book than all the other writings of the Lutherans.''^ 
 Schultingius was a papist, and canon of Cologne. He un- 
 dertook to confute the Institutes of Calvin. " This work 
 was considered," he says, " as the principal fortress of the 
 protestants." He proceeds to give an account of the nu- 
 merous editions through which it had passed; besides its 
 abridgments and translations into different languages. He 
 says, that in England they almost gave Calvin's Institutes 
 the preference to the Bible ; that the bishops ordered all the 
 ministers utpene ad verhum has ediscant, — that they should 
 learn them almost to a word; — and ut turn Anglice exactis- 
 sime versi, in singulis Ecclesiis a parochis legendi appen- 
 dantur, — that being most exactly turned into English^ they 
 should be kept in all the churches for public use; — that they 
 were also studied in both the Universities ; — that in Scotland 
 the young students in divinity began by reading these Insti- 
 tutes ; — that at Heidelburg, Geneva, Herborne, and in all 
 the Calvinistical Universities, these Institutes were publicly 
 taught by the professors ; — that in Holland, ministers, civi- 
 lians, and the common people studied this work with great 
 diligence, even the coachman and the sailor nocturna verset 
 manu, versetque diurna ; — that esteeming it as a pearl of 
 great price, they had it bound and gilt in the most elegant 
 manner. This work, Schultingius asserts, was appealed to 
 as a standard, on all theological questions. Such is the ac- 
 count given of the authority of Calvin's Institutes by a pro- 
 fessed papist, who lifted up his mighty arm to destroy this 
 
THE LIFE OF CALVIN 
 
 225 
 
 principal fortress of the Protestants, in four large folio vo- 
 lumes, published at Cologne, in the year 1602.* 
 
 The animosity enkindled by the Arminian controversy, 
 supported by the half papist and persecuting archbishop 
 Laud, changed the state of things in respect to the authority 
 of Calvin's Institutes in England. Francis Cheynell, in his 
 Sermon to the Commons, March 25, 1646, p. 42, says: 
 " The old statutes did recommend Calvin's Institutions to 
 tutors, as a fit book to be expounded to their scholars. But 
 that good statute was omitted in the book of new statutes ; 
 because there are so many precious truths in Calvin's Insti- 
 tutions contrary to the piety of those ti'mes\ in which the new 
 statutes loere enacted. We begin to see with one eye, and 
 hope that we shall in due time recover the other." 
 
 From the time of Laud, then, we may date that opposition 
 which has so long prevailed in England against Calvin and 
 his writings ; and which has led to many of those unchris- 
 tian and disingenuous misrepresentations which were de- 
 signed to blast the one, and suppress the influence of the 
 other. The unhallowed aspersions, which have been circu- 
 lated by the dominant class of Arrainians in that country re- 
 specting Calvin, have been with some persons in this, of 
 bigoted and feverish minds, a sufl[icient argument for re- 
 proaching him, and all those who are denominated from his 
 name, with cherishing an intolerant spirit in matters of reli- 
 gion. 
 
 The inquisitorial mania of archbishop Laud, still so far 
 
 * See Bayle, Art. Schultingius. 
 
 f When Laud was archbishop of Canterbury, he was charged 
 with popish inclinations. A lady who had turned papist, being 
 asked by the archbishop the cause of her changing her religion, 
 tartly replied, My Lord, it was because / ever hated a crowd. He 
 requested her to explain. / perceived, said she, that your Lord' 
 ship and many others were making for Rome with all speed, and 
 to prevent a press, I went before you. — Bayle. 
 
226 ADDITIONAL NOTES, &C. 
 
 prevails among the dignitaries of the English church, as to 
 render it somewhat indispensable, on public occasions, for 
 the preacher who would prove his orthodoxy, and secure his 
 popularity, to speak directly or indirectly of "the impious 
 dogmas of Calvin." 
 
 The Rev. and pious John Newton, of the church of Eng- 
 land, who was a Calvinist, thus writes to a friend, under 
 date Nov. 17, 1775: "My divinity is unfashionable enough at 
 present, but it was not so always ; you will find few books 
 written from the era of the Reformation, till a little before 
 Laud's time, that set forth any other. There were few pul- 
 pits till after the restoration, from which any other was 
 heard. A lamentable change has indeed since taken place ; 
 but God has not left himself without witnesses." 
 
 If the reader wishes to pursue this inquiry farther, he may 
 consult Toplady's History of Calvinism in the church of 
 England. 
 
CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 The reader will be able to learn much of the character 
 and spirit of Calvin, from the following selection from his 
 correspondence. 
 
 LETTER I.— BUCER TO CALVIN. 
 
 Grace and peace be multiplied to you, my much esteemed 
 brother, and fellow -labourer in the Lord. We have entreated 
 the illustrious and truly noble Maurus Museus, personally 
 at Basil, and now by letters, to obtain your consent to assist 
 us in our controversial disputes on religious subjects. We 
 must acknowledge, as it appears to us, that the Lord has 
 destined you to be eminently useful to his churches, and will 
 extensively bless your ministry. We are anxious that both 
 we ourselves, our churches, and those who are preparing for 
 the ministry with us or elsewhere, should be in harmony 
 with your sentiments on every point of theology. You must 
 be sensible, how extensively injurious it will be to the cause 
 of the churches, if a difference of opinion is entertained, 
 even on minor points, among the principal'pastors. If we 
 are faithful to ourselves, the Lord, I trust, will put it in our 
 power to promote unanimity of opinion among the ministers 
 and churches, especially if we can have your doctrines illus- 
 trated and enforced by yourself. 
 
 We will cheerfully meet you, in any place you will ap- 
 point, for the purpose of a conference upon the whole admin- 
 
228 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 istration of evangelical doctrines, preserving the highest re- 
 spect for the truth of Christ, and a becoming regard for you 
 in the Lord. This age has so advanced in the practice of 
 calumniating whatever is judiciously said, or correctly writ- 
 ten, and of judging with the most rigid severity whatever is 
 of an opposite character, that it becomes us to use every 
 means to render our ministry as influential, as its importance 
 is dignified. We are under the strongest obligations, to 
 bring all our exertions into unison, both to secure our writ- 
 ings and discourses from any unmerited reproach ; and to 
 exhibit the beauty of holiness in that simplicity of language 
 which is adapted to the capacities of the very children in the 
 church of Christ. You are sensible, my respected brother, 
 and fellow-labourer in the Lord, how highly the apostle 
 Paul estimated the meetings and conferences of holy men, 
 as tending to promote knowledge and purity ; how cheer- 
 fully he travelled over land and sea to animate those believ- 
 ers, whom he knew to be anxious for the edification of the 
 church, to be frequent in their society. Appoint, therefore, 
 a place, either at Basil, Bern, or even at Geneva, if the du- 
 ties of your ofiice confine you, that we may religiously con- 
 fer upon subjects, which, although clearly apprehended by 
 you, to our tardy understandings, require a more extensive 
 illustration. The wise are debtors to the unwise, that they 
 also may understand. It would aflford us much pleasure, 
 did our ecclesiastical duties, which we cannot neglect, allow 
 us, even uninvited and transiently, to visit the Swiss churches. 
 I cannot well express how much it grieves me not to have 
 known and conversed with you, when you were here. 
 Capito, however, communicates every thing to me. I know 
 not what evil spirit made him so forgetful as not to introduce 
 you to me, which omission he now very much regrets. 
 Farewell, most learned and holy man. 
 Strasburg, November 1, 1536. 
 
OP CALVIN. 229- 
 
 LETTER II.— CALVIN TO PETER CAROLI. 
 
 Grace and peace to you from the Lord, who can inspire 
 both you and us with a good understanding and a right 
 heart. Since your situation is such, we should have prefer- 
 red to have you presented yourself in person, to treat in our 
 presence concerning a reconciliation, rather than that you 
 should attempt this by a letter. You vehemently labour to 
 prove, that you did not excite disturbances in the church 
 without just cause ; as if there could be some good reason for 
 exciting those disturbances. Grant that you were not treated 
 in that manner, by the brethren, which you ought to have 
 been. Would this indeed furnish you with a right to raise 
 such a tumult? Will you say, that it was the Spirit of 
 God that influenced you to declare war upon us all ? I do 
 not say this to upraid you ; I wish I was permitted to be 
 wholly silent. But while you connect all those with Satan, 
 who did not, at least according to your opinion, treat you 
 with sufficient equity, you certainly suppose them to be 
 very stupid, if you imagine that this business can be passed 
 over in silence. You still glory in this, that you have 
 attempted nothing against the gospel even at Metz. But by 
 what method will you prove this to us ? If any one carries 
 on a warfare with a profound servant of Christ, and instead 
 of aiding, obstructs, in every possible manner, the kingdom 
 of Christ, would it not be strange if you should declare such 
 a man to stand on the side of the gospel ? Look, I beseech 
 you, again and again, to the end of your course. We hold 
 a ministry in no manner separated from Christ. If you 
 doubt this, we still have the certain and confident testimony 
 of our conscience. You may flatter yourself as you will ; 
 you will at last find, that it is hard kicking against the pricks. 
 In the mean time, how are you able to injure us ? You will 
 call us heretics. Where ? Among those, for instance, who 
 
 20 
 
^230 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 hold you as a heretic, and at this very moment expose your 
 falsehoods. Among the pious and the learned, I fear no in- 
 jury from your reproaches. They see all these things iji 
 that light, in which I would have you receive them, and call 
 them to mind before that God whose presence you begin to 
 acknowledge. And I beseech you, do not meditate your de- 
 fence by the condemnation of that injustice in others, for 
 which you want not only a foundation, but even a pretext. 
 If you still persevere in this way, I shall be satisfied. I 
 would not, by any means, have you cast away all hope and 
 courage. For if you will exhibit to us the true and sub- 
 stantial index of a right mind, we are sincerely prepared to 
 have you return immediately into our favour, and have all 
 things buried, forgiven, and erased wholly from the memory. 
 I wish you were able, Caroli, to inspect my breast; for 
 there is nothing I more desire, tha*n that you should in the 
 first place be reconciled to God, that a lasting union might 
 be formed between us. But, believe me, you will never ac- 
 ceptably serve the Lord, unless you lay aside your haughti- 
 ness and bitterness of tongue. If you have then a mind to 
 return into favour with us, we are prepared to embrace you, 
 and to render you every office of kindness in our power. 
 But we are not able to enter into that compact which you 
 demand ; for how shall we at this time promise you a 
 church ? In the first place, you know, that churches are not 
 at our disposal ; besides, with what conscience should we 
 promise that to you, before it is evident, that we agree in 
 doctrine. You do not dissemble but that as yet you differ 
 from us ; and yet you would have us designate a place for 
 you as a teacher. Weigh, yourself, the extreme impropriety 
 of this. Were we to be so obsequious to you, you would 
 correctly judge us to be something more than stupid. But 
 to conclude, I beseech you to examine thoroughly the whole 
 cause, by yourself, with a composed and sedate mind, and 
 weigh this letter in the scales of candid and impartial judg- 
 ment. You certainly know, that it is the highest wisdom to 
 
OF CALVIN. 231 
 
 turn from the evil course into which you have entered. If 
 you will make the experiment, no office of friendship shall 
 be wanting to you, when restored, from me, and Farel 
 seriously promises the same for himself. You will remem- 
 ber, that the charity which you so severely demand of others, 
 must be shown, in some measure, towards others. If I 
 seem to be somewhat too severe, think what your letter de- 
 serves. I mention this only to profit you ; what I have 
 written, is for the purpose of calling up your sins to your 
 remembrance. Farewell, my brother in the Lord, if you 
 suffer yourself to be esteemed and to hold the place of a bro- 
 ther. The Lord Jesus Christ guide you by the spirit of 
 counsel and prudence, that from those dangerous rocks, 
 against which you have broken, and that tempestuous sea, 
 on which you are tossed, you may be received safe into the 
 haven of rest. Your sincere friend, 
 
 JOHN CALVIN. 
 
 Strasburg, August 10, 1540. 
 
 P. S. Farel bids you to be in health, and wishes that you 
 may be sincerely converted to the Lord, and so may you be 
 prepared to return to our friendship and fraternal union, as 
 we ourselves are prepared to embrace you. 
 
 LETTER III— CALVIN TO FAREL. 
 
 To preclude your further anxiety for my long expected 
 letter, I shall forward it fresh from my pen, without waiting 
 for the arrival of Michael. I will pass at present my con- 
 ference with Melancthon ; and state the progress of affairs 
 since my last. The unjust conditions, boldly advanced by 
 the ambassador of the emperor, had well nigh terminated in 
 the assumption of arms to settle the controversy. He pro- 
 posed that our brethren should separate from the Sacramen- 
 
232 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 tarians.* You will be aware, that this is the artifice of 
 Satan, who cherishes on this occasion the former animosities 
 which he sowed ; while at the same time new offences, like 
 flaming torches, are kindled up to excite still greater conten- 
 tion. Our German brethren, however, while they refuse to 
 acknowledge the Sacramentarians, are desirous of a union 
 with the Helvetic churches. The emperor eventually relin- 
 quished this point, which he had laboured to establish as the 
 means of effecting a truce. I earnestly wish, that these 
 things may be useful to the churches ; but in looking them 
 over in their effects, they promise, in my opinion, nothing 
 beneficial. The elector of Saxony clearly apprehends this, 
 and though supposed to be habitually of a dilatory tempera- 
 ment, he is now fixed in the opinion, that we are under the 
 necessity of hazarding the consequences of war. The land- 
 grave, beyond all expectation, dissuades from warlike mea- 
 sures ; and although he consents to yield to his aUies, if they 
 shall judge it expedient, yet his influence has operated ex- 
 tensively in abating the ardour of those who reposed a con- 
 fidence in his constitutional promptitude. The prospect now 
 looks favourable for an approaching truce, in which every 
 attention will be given to those objects that may be condu- 
 cive to unanimity of opinion. The adversaries,! intent to 
 frustrate our purpose in uniting the churches, meditate only 
 measures which may bring about the war. The elector of 
 Saxony will go from the assembly to visit the duke of 
 Cleves, whose sister he married. If the elector can draw 
 the duke over to the cause of religion, it will be a great be- 
 nefit to the church of Christ. He is the most powerful 
 
 * These were the followers of Zuinglius, of the church of Zu- 
 rich, between whom and the followers of Luther there was a wide 
 difference of opinion, about the manner of the presence of Christ 
 in the sacrament. 
 
 t These were the Pope's agents, as appears from Seckendorf, 
 vol. 2, anno 1539. 
 
OF CALVIN. 233 
 
 among the princes of Lower Germany; and is not exceeded 
 in extent of dominion, nor surpassed in superiority of juris- 
 diction, by any but Ferdinand himself. 
 
 When Bucer last wrote me, nothing had been determined 
 concerning the embassy to the king of France, for the safety 
 of the brethren, and the support of the cause of religion. 
 The subject will be discussed and arranged, when other 
 matters shall have been determined, as they will then be 
 enabled to state their request to the king with more fulness 
 and force of argument. 
 
 My conference with Melancthon embraced a great variety 
 of subjects. Having previously written him concerning the 
 agreement, I urged the necessity of obtaining the opinion of 
 the best men, upon a matter of so much importance. I for- 
 warded to him a few articles, in which I had concisely 
 summed up the doctrines of truth. To these he consented 
 without controversy, but stated that some in that quarter 
 demanded something more full and explicit, and with such 
 obstinacy and overbearingness that he was, for some time, 
 in danger of being considered as having wholly departed 
 from their opinions. Although he did not suppose that an 
 established agreement would continue long, he still wished 
 that this union, whatever it might be, should be cherished, 
 until the Lord should draw us on both sides into the unity 
 of his trutli. Doubt not. but that Melancthon is wholly in 
 opinion with us. 
 
 It would be tedious to detail our conversations on a diver- 
 sity of subjects ; but they will afford us an agreeable topic 
 at some future interview. When we entered on the subject 
 of discipline, he mourned, as we all of us do, about that un- 
 liappy state of the church, which we are all allowed to de- 
 plore, rather than correct. You must not suppose that you 
 alone labour under the painful burden of ineffectual disci- 
 pline. Every day new examples are occurring, which 
 should excite us all to the most vigorous exertions, to obtain 
 20* 
 
234 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 the desired remedy for these evils. A minister of integrity 
 and learning was lately ejected from Ulm, with the severest 
 reproach, because he would not indulge them in their vices. 
 He was dismissed with a very honourable recommendation 
 from all his colleagues, and especially from Frechthus. 
 When this was reported at Augsburg, it excited the most 
 unpleasant sensations. These things have a tendency to 
 encourage the licentious to consider it as a matter of sport, 
 to interrupt the pastors in their ministerial duties, and to 
 drive them into exile. Nor can this evil be remedied, as 
 neither the people nor the princes distinguish between the 
 brotherly discipline of Christ, and the tyranny of the pope. 
 
 lUis the opinion of Melancthon, that we must yield, in a 
 due degree, to the adverse winds of this tempestuous season; 
 and without despairing of eventual success, cast our eyes 
 forward to some favourable moment, when our enemies may 
 be less powerful, and we more able to introduce the jemedy 
 for these internal evils. Capito is strongly impressed with 
 the belief that the church is ruined, unless God shall supply 
 some speedy succours, and good men become united in her 
 defence. Despairing of doing any good, he has a desire for 
 death as a release from his unprofitable labours. But if our 
 vocation is of the Lord, of which we are confident, he will 
 bless and succeed us through all the difficulties that may be 
 thrown in our way. Let us attempt all remedies, and if 
 they fail, still let us persist in our calling to the last breath. 
 
 The Waldensian brethren are indebted to me for a crown, 
 one part of which I lent tliem, and the other I paid to their 
 messenger, who came with my brother to bring the letter 
 from Sonerius. I requested them to pay it to you, as it 
 will partly pay you my debt, the rest I will pay when I can. 
 Such is my condition now, that I have not a penny. It is 
 singular, although my expenses are so great, that I must 
 still live upon my own money unless I would burden my 
 brethren. It is not easy for me to take that care of my 
 
OF CALVIN. 235 
 
 health which you recommend so affectionately. Farewell, 
 beloved brother. The Lord give you strength and support 
 in all your troubles. JOHN CALVIN. 
 
 Frankfort, March, 1539. 
 
 LETTER IV.— CALVIN TO FAREL. 
 
 The day after I received your letter, the last but one, I set 
 out for Frankfort. I omitted to answer it, as my journey 
 was entirely unexpected. Bucer having informed me that 
 he could accomplish nothing concerning the cause of the 
 brethren, I immediately started for that place, lest their 
 safety should be neglected among the crowd of business to 
 be transacted. I was also anxious to confer with Melancthon 
 on religion, and the discipline of the church. The entreaties 
 of Capito and others furnished additional motives, as did 
 also the pleasure I anticipated in the society of Sturmius 
 and other good men who were to accompany me. As 
 to the advice in answer to the questions of Sonerius, I so- 
 lemnly declare, that I recommended no other union to the 
 brethren, than what is exhibited in the example of Christ, 
 who did not hesitate to partake of the mysteries of God with 
 the Jews, notwithstanding their deplorable impiety. They 
 weighed my advice with caution, and were dissatisfied, that 
 I made a difference between the minister and the people. Of 
 the dispenser of the ordinance, faith and prudence were re- 
 quired ; of the people, that each one examine himself, and 
 prove his own faith. But this will be easily explained when 
 we have an opportunity of conversing on the subject. The 
 evident judgments of God against those noxious spirits, who 
 disturb the peace of the church, afford me some pleasure 
 mingled with my grief, for I see that these scourges were 
 not altogether unmerited. It is however desirable, that a 
 gracious Providence would, by some means, free his churches 
 from such polluted members. You say very correctly, 
 
236 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 that their consciousness of guilt is accompanied with an 
 anxiety to have every thing buried in the deepest obscurity, 
 lest their own personal baseness should be detected. Per- 
 plexed with the subterfuges of the wicked, we must labour 
 to the extent of our power, and leave the event to the infi- 
 nitely wise management of God. I should be gratified in 
 obliterating from the memory all those evils, which cannot 
 be remedied without injury to the cause. But it would be 
 injurious to hide, in the bowels of the church, those bitter 
 animosities, hatreds, and doctrinal differences, whose viru- 
 lence would thus be nourished, till ultimately the body 
 would be covered with infectious ulcers. Evils of this kind 
 must be remedied, when lenient measures fail, with a rea- 
 sonable severity. But when the circumstances will admit, 
 a middle way should be pursued, to restore the dignity of 
 the ministry, to bring back the health of the church, to call 
 into exercise forbearance for small offences, and leave no 
 necessity for intermeddling anew with evils concealed or 
 suppressed. The irritation of some wounds is increased 
 by applications, and their cure only effected by quietness 
 and neglect. We find this to be the state of things at 
 Frankfort. 
 
 From the house of Saxony, the elector, his brother, and 
 his grandson Maurice, are present, attended by four hundred 
 horsemen. The landgrave was accompanied by the same 
 number. The duke of Lunenburg arrived with less pomp. 
 Others are present whose names I do not remember. The 
 other confederates, the king of Denmark and the duke of 
 Prussia, and some others, sent ambassadors. This is not 
 strange, as it would be hazardous for them to leave their 
 own dominions, at so great a distance, in the present con- 
 fused and perilous state of affairs. All were displeased, that 
 the duke of Wirtemburg, at the distance of only two days' 
 travel, should prefer his hunting and other diverting sports, 
 to consulting for the safety of his country, and perhaps of 
 his head. He apologized indeed by others, that he was not 
 
OF CALVIN, 
 
 237 
 
 afraid to entrust the whole care to those whom he knew to 
 be greatly interested in the issue of the business. Men of 
 the first distinction were delegates from the cities. 
 
 In the first session, war was decreed by a unanimous suf- 
 frage of the assembly. At this time, two electors, the count 
 palatine, and Joachim of Brandenburg, with the Spanish am- 
 bassador, Vesalis, the bishop of Lunden, came into the con- 
 vention. The first opened the mandate of the emperor, 
 which authorized them to make peace, or agree upon a truce 
 with us, on such conditions as they should judge best. With 
 laboured harangues, and accumulated arguments, they en- 
 deavoured to persuade us to yield to terms of pacification. 
 The point which they urged most strenuously, and on which 
 they felt our influence most sensibly, was, that the Grand 
 Turk would prosecute his warlike measures with more vi- 
 gour, in proportion as he saw Germany distracted with in- 
 testine wars : that having possessed himself of Wallachia, he 
 held by treaty from the Poles, the right of a free passage 
 through their dominions, and of course he was now threaten- 
 ing the territories of the emperor with invasion. They 
 moved us to draw up the conditions of a peace ; and if this 
 could not be effected, they were anxious that a truce should 
 be established. We made no question of their sincerity andp 
 good faith. For Joachim was favourable to the cause of the 
 gospel, and the palatine was by no means unfriendly to its 
 success. But as our confidence did not repose with ease on 
 the mandates of Vesalis the Spaniard, we preferred that the 
 affair should be arranged by the electors, who exercised the 
 supreme authority in the empire. This was opposed by the 
 elector of Saxony, who, for various reasons, entertained an 
 implacable aversion to the elector of Mentz, and who, being 
 uncle to Joachim, dared not consent to an assembly from 
 which his relative was excluded. Our advocates, therefore, 
 after stating the injuries they had received, and the causes 
 which had forced them, unwillingly, into a war, proposed the 
 conditions of peace. These conditions asserted the right of 
 
238 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 government over their own churches, the authority of ap- 
 pointing their own ministers, and of securing to those who 
 united with them the privileges of their league. After these 
 articles were presented, we left Frankfort. Bucer has since 
 informed me, that the two imperial electors granted us some- 
 thing more than tlie Spaniard was willing to sanction. The 
 reason of this arose- from the necessity the emperor was 
 under, of courting the assistance of the papists against the 
 Turks, as well as ours ; so he endeavoured to please both 
 parties without giving offence to either. At the close, he 
 required that, when the present state of affairs should be 
 changed, the learned and pious, who were disposed for union, 
 should assemble and agree upon the articles of religion which 
 were now in controversy; and that the whole business should 
 then be referred to a Diet of the empire, in which all the 
 controversies of the several branches of the German reformed 
 churches should be closed. This ambassador proposed, for 
 the arrangement of these matters, a truce for one year. Our 
 members are not satisfied with the shortness of the time, nor 
 the uncertainty of the issue. Every thing thus remains in 
 suspense ; and unless the emperor makes further proposals, 
 the continuance of war seems inevitable. 
 , The petition from Henry VIII. requested that an ambas- 
 sador, accompanied by Philip Melancthon, should be sent 
 to assist in the more secure and correct establishment of the 
 English church. The princes had no hesitation about send- 
 ing an ambassador; but were unwilling to send Melancthon, 
 suspecting that he was too yielding and irresolute. He is, 
 however, neither ignorant nor dissembling in the opinions 
 which he forms ; and he even solemnly afhrmed to me that 
 their fears were unfounded. 
 
 I believe I know him perfectly; and I should as confi- 
 dently trust him as Bucer, when he has to manage with men 
 who wish to secure to themselves ample room for the indul- 
 gence of their vices. Bucer is so zealous in spreading the 
 gospel, that, contented with conformity to the principal 
 
OF CALVIN. 239 
 
 points, he too carelessly gives up those smaller ones, which 
 may have an extensive influence in their consequences. 
 Henry himself is, in fact, but half instructed. He prohibits 
 the marriage of bishops and priests, under the severe penalty 
 of being deprived of the power and privileges of their office; 
 retains the daily masses ; would preserve the seven sacra- 
 ments ; and thus have a gospel multilated and dismembered, 
 and a church filled with many vanities. He moreover mani- 
 fests the established mark of a weak head, by refusing the 
 translation of the Scriptures into the vulgar tongue, and pro- 
 ceeding to prohibit, by a new edict, the reading of them by 
 the common people. And to put the matter beyond a ques- 
 tion, that he is not in jest, he has, to the grief of all the pious, 
 lately caused an honest and learned man to be burnt at the 
 stake for denying the real presence of the flesh of Christ in 
 the sacramental bread. 
 
 The princes of the empire, though generally incensed 
 with such cruelties, will not relinquish the embassy, 
 out of regard to the cause of religion, and its progress 
 and security in that kingdom. The death of the son of 
 prince George, who had been confined on account of insa- 
 nity, took place while the Convention was sitting at Frank- 
 fort. His successor will doubtless be Maurice, whom I 
 named among the confederates ; and of course the possessions 
 of George will be soon added to support the little flock of 
 Christ. So uncertain are the events which may chano-e ex- 
 tensively the present face of aflfairs. Our confidence is in 
 God, and our duty is to pray fervently, that he would grant 
 a favourable issue to the present confused and perplexed 
 state of things. My success in the cause of the brethren, 
 and the subjects of my conference with PhiUp, you will 
 learn more miniUely from Michael. My letter is unfinished, 
 but the messenger will not tarry. Farewell, beloved bro- 
 ther. Salute Thomas and all the brethren from me. (Japito 
 and Sturmius salute you. Yours, &c. 
 
 JOHN CALVIN. 
 
 March 16, 1533. 
 
240 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 LiJTTER v.— CALVIN TO VIRET. 
 
 When your letters were handed me, I was prepared for 
 my journey, and in the course of my life I do not remember 
 one more tumultuous. I now catch a moment at Ulm, to 
 answer you in a brief and confused manner. A traveller in 
 a tavern has not much time to meditate, and properly arrange 
 what he writes. Your letter, if I correctly remember, is 
 divided into two parts — In the first, you would prove that 
 the church at Geneva should not be abandoned. In the se- 
 cond, you contend that 1 ought to hasten my return, lest 
 satan should take advantage of my dilatoriness, and throw 
 some impediment in the way. To this I answer, as I have 
 always done, that there is no place on earth, I so much 
 dread as Geneva ; not because I bear any hatred to them, 
 but because I see so many difficulties in my way, which I 
 am very far from being able to surmount. When I call to 
 mind the events of times past, I cannot help shuddering at 
 the thought of being obliged to throw myself afresh into the 
 midst of those former contentions. If my business was to 
 be with the church only, my mind would be more easy ; at 
 least I should feel less dread. But you must understand 
 much more than I can write. Take in a word, that I know, 
 by various channels, that he, who can most injure me, bears 
 still an implacable hatred against me. When I consider the 
 numerous ways which lie open to him for doing evil, how 
 many instruments are prepared for exciting the flames of 
 contention, and how many occasions will present themselves 
 to him, against which I can by no foresight provide, I am 
 wholly disheartened. Many other things in that city give 
 me no small anxiety. As I progress in experience, I am 
 more sensible of the arduous office of governing a church. I 
 am not, however, unwilling or unprepared, as far as I un- 
 derstand my ability, to aff"ord any assistance to that unhappy 
 church. These thoughts disturb and perplex my mind with 
 
OF CALVIN. 241 
 
 delaying anxieties ; but their influence will not prevent me 
 from doing every thing which I may judge to be for its wel- 
 fare. Farel is my witness, that I have never uttered a word 
 against their calling me to return ; I only entreated him that 
 he would not, by officiousness, lose a second time that 
 church already in ruins. I have given sufficient proof, that 
 nothing is more conformable to my wishes, than to give up 
 ray life in discharge of my duty. I do not dissemble when 
 I say this. When the Genevese ambassadors came to 
 Worms, I entreated our friends with tears, that, omitting all 
 consideration of me, they should consult, in the presence of 
 God, what would be most beneficial to the church which 
 implored their assistance. When we came to the house, 
 although no one urged this question, I did not cease to im- 
 portune them with my prayers, to consider seriously upon 
 this subject ; and they were not wanting in their duty. As 
 we suspected, they almost immediately decreed, that I should 
 be united with Bucer. But I declare to you, as I did to 
 Farel, that this was not fairly settled ; for it was determined 
 before we returned from the Convention of Worms, by the 
 influence of those who least consulted the good of Geneva. 
 If you consult me, I see no reason why I should be sent on 
 this mission to Ratisbon ; but being appointed, I could not 
 refuse, unless I wished to hear myself every where abused. 
 When I received your letters, I was not at liberty to delibe- 
 rate. I have stated the fact as my excuse. You have now 
 an answer to both your inquiries. I never have, I never 
 can refuse to go to Geneva ; and I promise you that my re- 
 solution shall not be changed, unless some more powerful 
 obstacle closes up the way. I am charged with the care of 
 that church ; and I know not how it is, but 1 feel myself 
 more inclined to take the government of it, if indeed the cir- 
 cumstances demand it as my duty. It is agreed, that after 
 our return from Ratisbon, I should go to Geneva with Bucer. 
 We will then consult what will be most expedient, under 
 21 
 
242 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 the existing circumstances, for the re-establishraent of a pas- 
 tor, and the renovation of the whole church. The decision 
 will have more influence, and the operation will be more 
 effectual, as we shall have present those from whom we have 
 most to fear afterwards. When the business is once settled, 
 they will be bound by their own judgment, and prevented 
 from exclaiming against its operation ; and also from excit- 
 ing others to disturb the established order. In the mean 
 time, my brother, I entreat you for Christ's sake, to be of 
 good courage. The more uncertain our continuance is in 
 this life, the less we should be troubled about the delay of 
 those events which we earnestly desire. There are many 
 things I know, which must cause you trouble and anxiety ; 
 but consider that these are trials appointed of the Lord, to 
 support you till his coming. The day before I received 
 your letters, I wrote to the senate of Geneva, excusing my 
 delay in coming to them ; and I doubt not but my excuse 
 has been accepted. Farewell, my beloved brother. Salute, 
 in my name, all who are devoted to the truth. May the 
 Spirit of the Lord strengthen you for all good works. 
 Ulm, March 1, 154L 
 
 LETTER VI.^CALVIN TO FAREL. 
 
 I am retained here as you wished ; which may God grant 
 to be for his glory. Viret still continues with me, nor will I 
 suffer him by any means to be torn from me. It is your 
 duty, and that of all the brethren, to afford me assistance, 
 unless you wish me to be tormented and miserable, without 
 doing any good to the cause. I reported the labours of my 
 office to the senate, and assured them of the impossibility of 
 settling the church on any permanent foundation, unless a 
 system of discipline was adopted, such as is prescribed by 
 the word of God, and was observed by the ancient church. 
 
OF CALVIN. 243 
 
 I treated upon certain points, which might sufficiently ex- 
 plain my wishes. And without entering upon the whole 
 ground, I requested them to appoint some members who 
 might confer with us on the subject. They chose a com- 
 mittee of six. Articles concerning the whole polity of the 
 church will be drawn up, which we shall lay before the 
 senate. Our three colleagues pretend that they will consent 
 to whatever Viret and myself shall judge expedient. Some- 
 thing will be effected. We are anxious to hear how matters 
 progress in your church. We hope, through the authority 
 of the Bernese and the Biellese, that the commotions are at 
 least allayed, if not terminated. When fighting against the 
 devil, under the banner of Christ, He who armed and directed 
 you to the battle, will give you the victory. But a good 
 cause requires a good defender; take heed, therefore, and 
 give diligence, that those qualifications may be found in you 
 which command the approbation of good men. We do not 
 exhort you to preserve a pure and undefiled conscience ; of 
 this we do not doubt. But this we desire, that you would 
 be as accommodating to the people as your duty will allow. 
 There are, you know, two kinds of popularity. The one is, 
 when we obtain approbation, by our ambition and desire of ^ 
 pleasing ; the other, when by moderation and equity, we i 
 entice the minds of others to yield themselves to us with a j 
 pleasant docility. Pardon us, if we use too much freedom 
 with you, on this point, we perceive that you do not fully 
 satisfy the virtuous. If in nothing else, you transgress in 
 this, that you do not satisfy those to whom the Lord has 
 made you a debtor. You know how much we respect, how 
 much we love you. This love and this respect impel us 
 to censure you with this exact and rigid severity. We 
 ardently desire, that those excellent gifts, which the Lord 
 has bestowed upon you, may not be sullied by a single 
 blemish, which may afford a handle to the carpings of 
 malevolence, to injure your influence. I have written 
 
244 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 these things by the advice of Viret, and for this reason have 
 used the plural number. Farewell, dearest and excellent 
 brother. 
 
 Geneva, 16th Sept. 1541. 
 
 LETTER VII.— CALVIN TO FAREL. 
 
 I was prepared to detail to you at large the state of our 
 affairs ; but when I was informed that our good father Ca- 
 pito, of saci'ed memory, was taken from us, and that Bucer 
 was sick with the plague, my mind v/as so shocked that I 
 can now only weep. You know it was always resolved, that 
 if I returned to Geneva, you should return with me; that 
 our united ministry might be restored. Your troubles, at 
 that time, prevented you from leaving Neufchatel. It is now, 
 however, the interest of our common ministry, and of the 
 whole church, that you should come to this city. You must 
 do it, if for no other reason but to fulfil your promise to me. 
 Your pretext for declining, that you was banished by the 
 people and could not be recalled by the senate, displeases 
 me. You call that seditious faction of abandoned men, the 
 people ; and is it not enough that the people themselves, by 
 their decree, pronounced your banishment unjust? It is 
 certain, that most of those who banished you have either 
 suffered an ignominious death, or have fled from the city ; 
 and the rest are either ashamed to say any thing, or openly 
 confess their fault. Was not that a decree of the people, by 
 which they unanimously confessed our innocence? It was 
 my intention on entering the city, to have asserted that we 
 were innocent ; and although I do not excel in oratory, to 
 have defended our cause. But when the people came to 
 meet me, condemning themselves, and confessing their fault, 
 I perceived that it would be useless, ungenerous, and inhu- 
 man, as I should only be insulting our prostrate enemies, 
 condemned of God, of men, and of their own conscience. 
 
OF CALVIN. 245 
 
 Will you continue to urge your scruples about the people's 
 recall, when you are told, that when they decreed, that those 
 who were banished should be recalled, the question was put 
 in this form, Do you not confess that injustice was done to 
 Farel and his associates ? AVill you require more than this, 
 that the people condemn themselves, and acquit you ? It 
 was added, Will ye, that Farel and his associates, &c. 1 
 Shall I not ascribe (forgive me, ray brother, if I err) your 
 scrupulous difficulties to moroseness, rather than sound 
 judgment ? I know your sincerity — how little you regard 
 yourself; but others, less acquainted with you, may suspect 
 your motives, and make a handle of it for detraction. I do 
 not pretend, that the church has made satisfaction, propor^ 
 tioned to its offence. But if you saw how tender every thing 
 is here, you would yourself agree to press this matter no 
 farther at present. I entreat you, my Farel, to yield to the 
 counsel of those who are prudently solicitous for the honour 
 of your ministry. Give up, if not to our judgment, at least 
 to the entreaties of your friends. Farewell, best and beloved 
 brother. 
 
 Geneva, Nov. 29, 1541. 
 
 LETTER VIII.— CALVIN TO FAREL. 
 
 The numerous deaths, which have occurred this year 
 among my pious friends, I hope will instruct me in the emp- 
 tiness of this present life ; and impress me, in the midst of 
 my sorrow, with holy meditations concerning my own mor- 
 tality. Poralis, the first syndic of this city, has departed to 
 be with the Lord. His death, as was to be expected, is 
 severely felt, and deeply lamented by us. His dying testi- 
 mony was a source of consolation, while the very circum- 
 stance of his piety increased our grief; as we felt his loss to 
 be, on that account, a more extensive deprivation. The day 
 after he fell sick, Viret and myself were with him, and he 
 21* 
 
246 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 informed us that he was in danger of Josing his life ; for the 
 disease with which he was afflicted was fatal to his family. 
 We conversed on a variety of subjects, in which he inte- 
 rested himself with as much familiarity as if in usual health. 
 The two following days, his complaint increased, but in no 
 period of his life, had he discovered more strength of mind, 
 or greater powers of eloquence, than at this time, while he 
 addressed those who visited him with some excellent exhor- 
 tations, adapted to the character and circumstances of each 
 individual. He now appeared to be much better, and we 
 entertained hopes of his recovery. But after three days, the 
 disease renewed its severity, and he was evidently in great 
 danger ; but as his body was oppressed, his mind grew more 
 enlarged and animated. I pass the intermediate time, to the 
 day on which he died. Viret and myself visited him about 
 nine o'clock in the morning, I said a few things concerning 
 the cross, the grace of Christ, and the hope of eternal life, 
 for we would not fatigue him with a long discourse. He 
 answered, that he knew how to accept the messenger of God 
 in a proper manner, and of what importance the ministry of 
 Christ was in contirming the consciences of believers. He 
 then discoursed upon the ministry and its use so powerfully, 
 that we were both struck with astonishment, and as often as 
 I reflect upon it, I am still confounded ; for he appeared to 
 be delivering some of our discourses improved by his own 
 deep and long meditations. He concluded by saying, that 
 he believed the remission of sins, of which we assured him 
 from the promise of Christ, with as much confidence as 
 though an angel should appear to him from heaven. He 
 then enlarged upon the harmony of the members of the 
 church, which he commended with the highest eulogy; testi- 
 fying that his best consolations, in the warfare of death, 
 were drawn from his being established so fully in that unity. 
 He had, a little time before, called for some of our col- 
 leagues, with whom he became reconciled, lest by persisting 
 in this disagreement, others might make a bad use of his ex- 
 
OF CALVIN. 247 
 
 ample. He observed to us, "As the welfare of the church 
 obliges you to bear with them as brethren, why should I not, 
 for the same reason, acknowledge them as pastors ?" He 
 admonished them with seriousness, and called up to their 
 remembrance the sins of which they had been guilty. But 
 I come to his last words. Turning to those who were pre- 
 sent, he exhorted them, that they should hold in high esti- 
 mation the communion of the church, and advised those who 
 were still addicted to superstitious ceremonies and festivals, 
 to lay aside their obstinacy, and unite with us in the worship 
 of God ; for we saw better, and judged more perfectly than 
 they could in these matters. He confessed, that he himself 
 had been obstinate in these things, but at last his eyes were 
 opened to see the baneful effects of contention. After this, 
 he summed up his faith in a short, solemn, and clear confes- 
 sion. He then exhorted Viret and myself to constancy in 
 all the parts of our official duty, and, as in a prophetic vision, 
 he spoke of our future difficulties. Concerning the interests 
 of the republic, his counsel was judiciously directed to what- 
 ever related to its prosperity. He urged the most diligent 
 attention to be given, to effect a reconciliation with the allied 
 cities'; and that the clamours of some turbulent people should 
 not discourage us in our efforts. After addressing a few 
 words to him, we prayed with him and retired. About two 
 in the afternoon, my wife visited him, when he exhorted her 
 to be of good courage, whatever might happen, and to con- 
 sider that she was led to this city not rashly, but by the 
 wonderful wisdom of God, to assist in spreading the gospel. 
 He soon after said, that his voice began to fail him; that 
 however that might fail him, he should retain in his mind, 
 and die in the confession of faith that he had made. He re- 
 cited the song of Simeon, and applied it to himself, saying, 
 "I have seen and embraced thy salvation ;" and then com- 
 posed himself to rest. From this time he was deprived of 
 his voice, but continued to indicate by signs, that he had lost 
 nothing of the vigour of his mind. About four in the after- 
 
248 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 noon, I went with the syndics to visit him. As he some- 
 times attempted to speak, and was unable, I requested him 
 not to fatigue himself, adding that we were abundantly 
 satisfied with his confession. I then began to speak as well 
 as I could. He heard with a composed and tranquil mind. 
 We had scarcely left him, when he rendered up his pious 
 soul to the Lord Jesus Christ. This narration will be 
 scarcely credible to you, when you consider the nature of 
 the man ; but remember that he was endowed entirely with 
 a new spirit. 
 
 We are now deeply occupied in choosing new colleagues; 
 and our trouble is increased, as those whom we suppose fit 
 for the place, upon trial, disappoint our expectations. We 
 will inform you of our progress, as your advice may be use- 
 ful to us. Farewell. 
 
 June 16, 1542. 
 
 LETTER VIII.— CALVIN TO THE MEMBERS OF THE 
 CHURCH OF MONTBELLIARD. 
 
 (abridged.) 
 
 Your two brethren having stated to me the points of 
 doubt or controversy which exist among you, I will simply 
 and briefly expose to you what I should do, were I in your 
 situation- That those persons, who wish to partake of the 
 Lord's Supper, should present themselves to the minister for 
 a previous examination, is a matter so clear to me, that I 
 think every one should do it of choice, as a means of sup- 
 porting the purity and discipline of the church. But to 
 avoid all difficulty, some limits should be prescribed, and the 
 method of proceeding defined. 1. Let it be in a degree a 
 private examination, to teach the ignorant in a familiar way. 
 2. Let it be an opportunity for advising and reproving those 
 who are wanting in their duty. 3. Let the minister endea- 
 
OF CALVIN. 
 
 249 
 
 vour to strengthen the weak in faith, and encourage those 
 who are of a tender conscience. Concerning the Supper, it 
 is my opinion, that we should adopt the custom of adminis- 
 tering it to the sick, when circumstances will admit it to be 
 done with propriety; and also to criminals under sentence of 
 death, when they request it, and are sufficiently qualified ; 
 but by this rule, that it be a true communion, — that is, that 
 the bread be broken in a meeting of believers. It would be 
 improper to celebrate the Supper in an ordinary meeting, 
 merely at the request of one person. Do not indulge a too 
 frequent use of it in this way, lest those should pretend a 
 necessity for it, who are able to come into the public assem- 
 bly. To permit midwives to baptize is an impious and 
 sacrilegious profanation of baptism. Therefore, I think 
 that this practice ought not only to be resisted, but if the 
 prince should urge the point to extremes, you ought to re- 
 sist even unto death, rather than consent to sanction this 
 intolerable superstition. In burials of the dead, I would 
 wish this to be observed, that the body, instead of being 
 carried to the place of worship, be conveyed directly to 
 the place of burial ; and that the exhortation should there be 
 given to all the attendants of the funeral. As to the ringing 
 of the bell,* I would not advise you to be very tenacious in 
 your opposition, if the prince cannot be persuaded to abolish 
 it, as it is not worth contending about. I would not have 
 you oppose every festival, but insist on the abolition of 
 those which carry the most decided marks of superstition, 
 without any tendency to edification. In this manner you 
 will have a plausible reason for your objections. I wish you 
 
 * Mabillon says, it was an ancient custom to ring the bells for 
 persons about to expire, to advertise the people to pray for them ; 
 whence was derived the passing-bells, the use of which was con- 
 nected with other superstitions; as was the bell at the festivals, 
 masses, &c. See Rees' Cyclopsedia, Art. Bell and Funeral. 
 
250 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 not to show yourself obstinate and morose ; for when the 
 prince sees your moderation, he will be more inclined to 
 yield in some measure, if he finds that you do not oppose 
 them all nor without reason. I entirely agree with you, as 
 to the danger of varying from those forms which are com- 
 monly used in our churches ; but as we have not yet arrived 
 to that perfection, which we anticipate, and towards which 
 we hope we are advancing, you need not hesitate to admit 
 some of those rites, which you can neither wholly appro- 
 bate, nor totally abolish. Yours, 
 
 JOHN CALVIN. 
 Geneva, October 7, 1543. 
 
 LETTER IX.— CALVIN TO THE MINISTERS OF NEUF- 
 CHATEL. 
 
 The love of God, the peace of Christ and the fellowship 
 of the Holy Spirit be multiplied unto you always, brethren 
 beloved in the Lord. 
 
 When our brother Enard brought your Articles, concern- 
 ing the administration of discipline among ministers, and 
 also the objections of a certain brother to those articles, there 
 was no one of us who did not judge, that an answer ought 
 to be given to each with all readiness. But as we were not 
 all present, we deferred it to this day's meeting. The busi- 
 ness being proposed, we all agreed, with one consent, to the 
 following answer: When ministers have occasion for any 
 special discipline among themselves, the inquiry is not to be, 
 after what manner we jnay live, without established rules in 
 the Church ; but that management and order are to be pur- 
 sued, which are adapted to retain us in our office, and to 
 serve for edification. The affairs of men are never so well 
 established, as that any thing is found perfect. To this 
 point, however, we ought always to aim, that with one con- 
 
OP CALVIN. 251 
 
 sent, and by united exertions, we may promote, as much as 
 possible, the design for which the Church was instituted. 
 
 In this state of infirmity, it cannot be but that some 
 things will be wanting in us, concerning which it is useful 
 and proper that we should be admonished. In some minis- 
 ters, particular faults are to be corrected : others are to be 
 warned before hand, when we see them in danger, lest they 
 fall into imprudences : some are to be excited to greater zeal : 
 others must be checked in their impetuosity : and concern- 
 ing others, we must make inquiry, when any unfavourable 
 and yet doubtful report about them goes abroad. Again, it 
 is asked, "Whether, in general, it is necessary, that the 
 individual delinquent should be admonished privately by 
 each of the other ministers ? Or whether it may sometimes 
 be expedient, that a deliberation be held among them, and 
 the admonition be given by the whole meeting?" It often 
 happens, that we ought to be admonished by a number to- 
 gether, about that concerning which no individual can with 
 propriety admonish us. Exempli gratia, as it was just 
 stated, a rumour is raised, or some complaints spread about 
 some brother : the neighbours know it. It cannot be met 
 with a better remedy, than that the ministers, having con- 
 sulted among themselves, advise or admonish him concern- 
 ing whom the reports or complaints are made. If he is un- 
 justly criminated, they will thus provide, that the reports 
 spread no further ; but if true, he ought not to be admonish- 
 ed by one only, but to be corrected by the meeting of his 
 brethren. Take another example : there shall be some- 
 thing in a brother, which shall displease some others, either 
 of the common members, or of his colleagues. Here the 
 question is changed : whether that which is a deficiency is 
 to be treated as a fault, and corrected ? In this case, the 
 principal points being compared, a judgment must be 
 formed. Cases of this kind are daily occurring. To these 
 the provincial Synods had some respect, which were for- 
 merly held twice a year. In those synods, when they en- 
 
252 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 tered on the consideration of doctrine, then the complaints 
 were heard concerning the faults of any one, and the order 
 of discipline was exercised towards the individual. Your 
 institution, therefore, such as you have described, we judge 
 to be sacred and lawful. It is certainly with propriety, that 
 we approve of that order and discipline in your Church, 
 which we ourselves have used as good and salutary. Only 
 let us first use (in our Censura Morum) equity and candour ; 
 and also prudence and moderation. When we require can- 
 dour and equity, we understand this, that no one shall labour, 
 with a malignant mind, to throw spots on the character of 
 his brother. By prudence and; moderation we understand, 
 that no one shall make known a secret fault, by which any 
 disgrace may be affixed upon his brother; neither shall 
 things of small consequence, levicula, be exaggerated, with 
 i.mmoderate severity. If at any time it should happen, that 
 those things are made public, from the moroseness or offi- 
 ciousness of ^brethren, which ought to be kept secret ; or if 
 from a censorious disposition in any one, private faults are 
 published ; those reporters or informers should by no means 
 be heart! ; "\ ut they should be severely repressed and dis- 
 countenanced. That the procedure may be safe in those 
 difficulties, which arise in the administration of discipline, it 
 is useful that a previous discourse be faithfully delivered, 
 concerning those things which are to be strictly observed, 
 by all those who would not turn the salubrious medicine of 
 discipline into poison. We should immediately and con- 
 stantly from the beginning admonish them, that if there are 
 any secret grudges, they should be openly acknowledged : 
 that when one brother is offended with another, it is his duty 
 to expostulate with him, before he proceeds to charge him 
 with a crime, so that he may not confound those two dis- 
 tinct duties. These precautions in discipline, as much as 
 possible, are to be taken at the threshhold, so that the door 
 of contention may be closed, lest any creep in craftily; and 
 if they should peradventure overreach, in this way, their 
 
OF CALVIN. 253 
 
 progress must be stopped. The discipline of the church is 
 not only of divine authority, but we find, by experience, that 
 it is necessary, and by no means to be neglected or omitted. 
 Moreover, we beseech that brother in the Lord, who has 
 hitherto dissented from you, as to your order of discipline, 
 that he contend no further in his pertinacious objections. 
 He should remember, among other things, what Paul re- 
 quires in a pastor, and this is not to be accounted the last, 
 that he be not av9a8t}?, that is, that he be not self-ivillecL 
 This also is one of the special virtues of a good pastor, that 
 he so abhor, with his whole heart, contentions, as never to 
 differ from his brethren, unless in cases of the most impe- 
 rious necessity. Take care also, lest those who hear this 
 observation of ours should suspect him of being zealous of 
 strife, or of opposing your articles from his hatred of disci- 
 pline ; for we would by no means load him with this re- 
 proach, or attach to him at all the disposition of being self- 
 willed. We speak these things, therefore, with the utmost 
 simplicity, because we desire to consult his honour and 
 benefit. As much as appertains to his objections, by which he 
 has endeavoured to overthrow your articles of discipline, we 
 shall only say, with his permission, that when he calls the 
 brotherly correction an act of charity, from the exercise of 
 which no one is to be excluded, he appears to us not to 
 have noticed that which in the first place was necessary to 
 be known, that there are many kinds of brotherly correction. 
 We will omit others, and observe only this about which is 
 the controversy, as this has its proper and distinct conside- 
 ration. It is one article of ecclesiastical polity. It should 
 not, therefore, be confounded with that general correction of 
 morals, which is indifferently committed to all. We do not, 
 therefore, concede to him, that it is a simple and common 
 act of charity or love ; forasmuch as there is a judicial board, 
 instituted for the purpose of order and discipline, which has 
 the edification of the church alone for its object. Neque 
 etiam concedimus neminem ah ejus obligatione eximi. Nor 
 22 
 
254 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 do ive concede, that any one is deprived of his privilege, or 
 exempted from his obligation. Although this manner of 
 speaking is ambiguous, as it may be taken passively or 
 actively, yet in either way, we deny that all are bound by 
 this article, which is specially designed for ministers. For 
 as those laws, which respect the order of holding the Senate, 
 do not bind the common people ; so it is agreed, that we 
 observe among ourselves the discipline to which ministers 
 alone are subject. 
 
 What the objector has included in the same proposition, 
 " That brotherly correction is supported by the precept of 
 God ;" if he understands, that any correction of that kind is 
 contained expressly in the word of God, this we by no 
 means concede to him. Substantiam ecclesiasticse disciplinse 
 exprimit disertis verbis scriptura : forma autem ejus exer- 
 cendse quoniamd Lomiyio prxscripta 7ionest,dministris con- 
 stitui debet pro edifcatione. The scriptures express the sub- 
 stance of ecclesiastical discipline in plain words; but the form 
 of exercising it, since it is not prescribed by the Lord, ought 
 to be determined by the ministers for edification. For which 
 reason we also deny, that the emendation of delinquents is 
 only to be regarded in disciplinary proceedings, for respect 
 is, at the same time, to be had to public order and common 
 edification. On this subject we may take an example from 
 the Scriptures : When Paul came to Jerusalem, he was ad- 
 vised by James and the Elders, as he had been evilly report- 
 ed among the Jews, that he should purify himself in like 
 manner and together with them. Now it is not to be doubt- 
 ed, but that a deliberation among the Elders preceded this 
 advice ; and that this consultation was held, Paul not being 
 present. But why was this? Because, indeed, the question 
 concerned not Paul merely, but the general interest and 
 common edification of the Church. In like manner, when 
 the brethren reprehended Peter, because he had turned to 
 the Gentiles, we do not read that any thing was said to him 
 privately by any individual ; because the matter was pub- 
 
OF CALVIN. 255 
 
 licly known to many, it was. proper, therefore, that the El- 
 ders should admonish him among themselves. And although 
 Peter was unjustly accused in this case, we do not, however, 
 read, that the Elders erred in the manner of their dealing 
 with him ; the error was only in the cause itself; for they 
 pursued the usual and ordinary method of discipline. 
 
 The precept of Christ, which we have in Matthew xviii., 
 we receive concerning secret faults, according to the express 
 meaning of the words. Therefore, if a brother offend in 
 any thing, you knowing it, and there being no other wit- 
 ness, Christ commands you to go to him in private ; al- 
 though he does not forbid but that you should do the same 
 in a case where there are others who equally know the facts 
 with yourself. This should be done, as though* you were 
 ignorant that others knew it ; and on the ground that you 
 do not think it expedient to accuse him in the presence of 
 other persons. Christ adds, if you effect nothing in this 
 way, take with you two or three witnesses. This, in our 
 judgment, is not to be understood of the witnesses of the 
 fault, but of the admonition ; that by this means it may have 
 more weight. This, however, has nothing to do with the point 
 of pre venting the exercise of discipline, about which the con- 
 troversy now is. Besides it is not now debated, whether secret 
 faults are to be publicly exposed ; but our inquiry is, what 
 those things are which only beget some small offence, or 
 which are not much removed from occasioning offence. Of 
 this kind we have an example in the reprehension of Peter. 
 For neither did Paul refuse witnesses, that he might admonish 
 Peter privately, but he did it before the Church. Nor yet 
 was the matter known to all ; but because danger threatened, 
 he would be before-hand and prevent it. 
 
 The fifth proposition of the objector, we cannot receive 
 without exception ; for it declares, " that we are proceeding 
 correctly, even when we admonish a Presbyter privately who 
 is labouring under a notorious sin." But Paul, in the text 
 where he forbids an accusation to be received against Elders, 
 
256 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 unless before proper witnesses, would on the other hand have 
 peccantes PresbyterioSj offending Presbyters admonished be- 
 fore all, that others also might fear. If it is sometimes a duty 
 to admonish offenders publicly, even Presbyters, for whom a 
 greater respect is to be had, and it obtains for an example, it 
 certainly cannot be correctly and prudently done, that any 
 one should abstain from such reprehension. What shall we 
 say more? We judge that we have given all the counsel, 
 which the time allows, or the case requires. But these two 
 things are to be always regarded, the first, that offenders be 
 not discouraged, through too much severity : and the other, 
 that offences be not connived at by us. We wonder why 
 that brother added the sixth proposition, for it is sufficiently 
 evident frbm the term Church, in the words of Christ, that 
 he properly designated that Church of which he himself was 
 a member, and whose obstinacy he had denounced. But 
 here two things are to be observed ; First, that when the ob- 
 stinacy of a stubborn offender is published before one Church, 
 and he contemptuously leaves that Church and migrates to 
 another, he shall be denounced in this also. The ancient 
 Canons determine this, when they prohibit a stranger to be 
 received to communion, unless he shall produce a testimony. 
 For where is the communion of the Church, if when con- 
 demned by one he is received by another ? Where is the 
 discipline, if he who despises one Church may migrate to 
 another, and carry such pride with him with impunity ? 
 The other point to be observed is, that those whom we es- 
 teem to be Ministers of one Church qui in iinum collegimn 
 adunati, who are united in one association, should constitute 
 one body. Quorsum enim Decanus, quorsum alia omnia, 
 nisi tanquam unius corporis membra inter nos coalescamus ? 
 For what purpose is a Leader, or Moderator, for what pur- 
 pose all other things, unless, as members of one body, we 
 are united among ourselves ? 
 
 We trust that the author of the propositions will receive 
 in good part what we have written in sincerity. It is the 
 
OF CALVIN. 257 
 
 duty of us all, not only to yield to the truth, but to receive it 
 willingly, with extended hands, when it comes in our way. 
 Farewell, dear brethren in the Lord. May the Lord multi- 
 ply unto you daily the spirit of wisdom and prudence, for 
 the edification of his Church, and may he render your minis- 
 try extensively fruitful. 
 
 JOHN CALVIN, 
 in the name of all the brethren. 
 Geneva, from our meeting, Nov. 7, 1544. 
 
 LETTER X.— CALVIN TO THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE. 
 
 I have received a letter from a certain person, which he 
 says was written by him at your request. By this letter I 
 perceive, that you do not approve of the book which I pub- 
 lished against the Libertines. It would grieve me extremely 
 to occasion you sorrow, unless it might tend to your salva- 
 tion. That sorroiv is not to be repented of, as says the apostle,! 
 the cause of which ought to lead any one to repentance. How- 
 ever, I can hardly conceive, why this book has excited so 
 much dissatisfaction. He who wrote tome says the cause of 
 the offence was, that the book was written against you and 
 your household. As it respects you, I never even thought of 
 attacking your name, or of diminishing that respect which all 
 pious persons owe you ; not to mention the royal dignity to 
 which the Lord has raised you, the illustrious family from 
 which you descended, and finally the summit of supreme no- 
 bility, which renders you conspicuous in the world. All 
 who know me are witnesses, how much I am a stranger to 
 that incivility, that would despise earthly powers and prin- 
 cipalities, and whatever else appertains to civil government. 
 I am by no means ignorant of those qualifications with which 
 God has endowed you ; and how extensively he has used 
 your labours in the defence of his kingdom. These things 
 afford me a substantial reason for respecting you and defend- 
 
 22* 
 
258 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 ing your name. I wish you to persuade yourself, that those 
 persons, who are endeavouring to excite your resentment 
 against me, are neither influenced by a regard for you, nor 
 any personal hatred to me ; but are in this way taking 
 the opportunity to withdraw you from the sincere love which 
 you have manifested towards the Church of God ; and thus 
 to alienate your affections by degrees from the solicitude 
 with which you have hitherto worshipped Christ our Lord, 
 and protected his members. As to your household, I do 
 not suppose you can imagine your house to be more digni- 
 fied than that of the Lord Jesus Christ, in whose family 
 there was one who deserved the name of a devil ; a servant 
 who sat at his own table, and was raised to the honour 
 of being appointed one of the ambassadors of tlie Son 
 of God. I was not, however, so inconsiderate as to desig- 
 nate your house, at the time when I expressed the truth on 
 that subject, as in the presence of God, nor did I even hint 
 that those whom I mentioned pertained, in any respect, to 
 your family. It may now be inquired, whether from mo- 
 tives of mere self-gratificalion, I treated of those persons in 
 my discourse ; or whether I was influenced by weighty and 
 just reasons, and as from mere necessity, to notice them as I 
 did ? When you possess the whole truth of this matter, I am 
 persuaded, that you will judge me not only excusable, but 
 that my candour deserves your commendation. Concerning 
 this sect, I am decidedly of the opinion, that there is nothing 
 among men more pernicious and abominable. It is a burn- 
 ing torch, by which all things will be immediately enkin- 
 dled and consumed. It is a most powerful contagion, by 
 which every thing will be infected, unless some remedy is 
 at once applied to arrest its progress. Now as I am called 
 of God to this office, my conscience impels me to resist this 
 pressing evil with all my strength. Besides, I am called 
 upon daily, by many pious persons, who have not ceased to 
 implore my assistance, complaining that almost all the Neth- 
 erlands were beset with that evil ; and saying that I should 
 
OF CALVIN. 259 
 
 at least exert myself to apply a remedy. Notwithstanding 
 these excitements, I restrained myself a whole year, hoping 
 that tlie evil would sicken, and silently die away of itself. — 
 If any one objects, that it would have been sufficient for me 
 to write against their opinions, and spare their persons, I 
 have a reasonable excuse. When I understood how much 
 hurt Anthony Poquet was doing in Artois, Hainault and the 
 neighbourhood, and from persons worthy of full credit ; and 
 when I was personally knowing that Quintin was wholly en- 
 gaged in winning over the simple and the credulous to that 
 irrational sect, and that these men were incessantly labour- 
 ing to destroy the true doctrine, to plunge wretched souls 
 into perdition, and to carry a contempt of God through the 
 whole earth; I put the question to you for decision, whether 
 I could honestly have concealed these men ? A dog, if any- 
 one attacks his master, will at least attempt to frighten him 
 by barking. Who would excuse me, if, when I hear the 
 truth of God assailed, I should suffer my mouth to remain 
 closed ? I do not believe that you expect me, in order to 
 please you, to prevaricate in the defence of the gospel, 
 which is committed to me. Do not, then, I beseech you, 
 take it amiss, if in the discharge of my duty, being com- 
 pelled by the fear of God, I have not spared one of your 
 household, since I have offered nothing which might in 
 the least affect your reputation. What the author of the 
 letter says in your name, that such servants as I am will not 
 be very acceptable to you, I judge the same of myself, and 
 acknowledge that I cannot be of any great service to you ; 
 for neither have 1 the ability, nor you the occasion of my 
 personal assistance. But yet a partiality of mind towards 
 you is not wanting, nor will I, while I live, by the grace of 
 God, be otherwise affected towards you. Should you even 
 be averse to my respect, that will not change my disposition 
 or affection towards you. As to other things, every one 
 who knows me can testify how far my disposition is from 
 seeking access to princes, and from being excited by a love 
 
260 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 of such honours. Perhaps, if I had sought them, I should 
 not have succeeded in obtaining them. I have reason to 
 thank God, that my mind is wholly free from that desire. — 
 I am abundantly satisfied, that \ am in the service of that 
 Divine Master, who has admitted and retained me in his fa- 
 mily, and entrusted me with that office, which with him is 
 of so much weight, however it may be accounted vile and 
 despicable in the eyes of men. I should be the most un- 
 grateful of all mortals, if I did not prefer this my condition 
 to all the honours and riches of the world. As to the incon- 
 stancy of which you accuse me, 1 assure you, confidently, 
 that you have been imposed upon. I have, indeed, never 
 been brought to this trial, that any one should demand of me 
 a confession of my faith. Should it be demanded of me, I 
 have no such confidence in myself that I dare boast ; but T 
 am confident, that as God formerly supported me, so that I 
 did not fear to defend his word, in the name of another^^ 
 even at the hazard of my life, so in like manner he will reach 
 out the hand of protection to me, whenever his name may 
 be glorified by my confession. By divine favour, I have been 
 so consistent with myself, that no one can accuse me of a di- 
 rect or indirect denial or recantation of the truth, which I 
 have supported. And what is still more than that, it was 
 always in my view an awful madness, which could induce 
 any one to deny Christ, to preserve his life or estate ; and 
 such were my feelings on that occasion, when I was in France, 
 as I am able to prove by appropriate witnesses. That it may 
 appear more evident that those, who have endeavoured to 
 injure me in your estimation, have basely abused your 
 generous disposition, T will name to you, as a witness, Cle- 
 
 * This undoubtedly refers to the sermon which Cop, the Rector 
 of the University of Paris, preached on All Saints' day, which it 
 is said Calvin composed in part at least. It was the danger to 
 which Calvin was then exposed, that brought him first acquainted 
 with the Queen. 
 
OF CALVIN. 261 
 
 racus, from whom you may most certainly ascertain the ex- 
 treme falsehood of the -calumny, which has been invented 
 against me, and which is insufferable, as by it the name of 
 God may be blasphemed. In myself, I am indeed nothing ; 
 but since God has been pleased to use me as an instrument 
 in building up his Church, I see, as well as others, how in- 
 jurious would be the consequences of that reproach, if credit-/ 
 ed against me, and how it would prevail to the disgrace or 
 the gospel. Blessed be the Lord, who has not permitted 
 satan to contend against me to that degree, but that he has 
 supported me in my infirmity ; and never suffered me to be 
 arraigned for the utmost trial of my faith, nor proved my 
 integrity by chains. I would wish your pardon for the 
 shortness of my letter, and a certain perturbation which af- 
 fects me ; for as soon as I received your letter I immediately 
 began this answer, that I might, to your satisfaction, remove 
 the offence ; and induce you to continue your protection and 
 benevolence towards the pious, according to your former 
 munificence. May the Lord Jesus Christ protect you by 
 his shield, and direct you by his Spirit, to pursue his voca- 
 tion, even unto death, with a sincere zeal and prudence. 
 Your most humble and devoted servant, 
 
 JOHN CALVIN. 
 April 20, 1545. 
 
 LETTER XI.— CALVIN TO MELANCTHON, 
 
 WISHES HEALTH. 
 
 I will briefly mention for what reason this noble and pious 
 youth has undertaken, at my request, this visit to you. I 
 published a small book in the vulgar tongue, in which I 
 reproved the hypocrisy of those who, although enlightened 
 by the true gospel, still continued to attend the service of 
 the Papists, which they know to be full of sacrilege and 
 
262 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 anathema. You would wish me, perhaps, to moderate 
 somethmg of this precise severity. But what just occasion 
 I had for this you will be able to judge, when you have 
 weighed and well considered the subject. Perceiving that 
 many complained of my severity, especially those who ap- 
 peared to grow wise in their own opinion, in proportion as 
 they took more diligent care to preserve their lives ; I com- 
 posed an Apology, which wounded their sensibility more 
 painfully than the former treatise. Many, who^esteem re- 
 ligion only as they do philosophy, affect severely to despise 
 my reproof. All those, however, who seriously fear God, 
 have at least advanced so far in knowledge, as to begin to 
 be dissatisfied with themselves. But as the question appears 
 to them perplexed, they still hang in doubt until they shall 
 be confirmed by your authority, and that of Luther. I ap- 
 prehend that they consult you, because they hope that your 
 opinion will be more agreeable to their wishes. But what- 
 ever may be their intentions, as I am persuaded, that from 
 your singular prudence and sincerity, you will faithfully 
 give them salutary counsel, I readily, according to their re- 
 quest, engaged to send a man to you on this business. But 
 as I considered it to be a matter of consequence, that you 
 should know my opinion, and the reasons which induced me 
 to embrace it, I immediately translated the two books into 
 the Latin tongue. And although I may appear to have 
 done this improperly, yet I ask you, by our mutual friend- 
 ship, not to refuse the trouble of reading them. Your judg- 
 ment, as it ought to be, is of such weight with me, that it 
 would give me great unhappiness to undertake to defend 
 that on this subject which you could by no means approve. 
 I know, indeed, that from your great moderation, you allow 
 many things to others, which you would not permit to your- 
 self. We must, however, inquire, what is lawful for us ? 
 lest we loosen where the Lord binds. I do not ask you to 
 agree with me ; that would be too great effrontery ; or to 
 depart, on my account, from the free and plain exposition of 
 
OF CALVIN. 263 
 
 your opinion. All I ask is, that you would not neglect the 
 perusal of the books. Indeed, I wish that we so entirely 
 agreed, that there should not be even the appearance of a 
 disagreement in a single word. It is your duty to precede 
 me, rather than have any regard to what might meet my ap- 
 probation. You see how familiarly I address you, nor am I 
 at all anxious lest it should exceed the limits of friendship ; | 
 for I well understand how much freedom is permitted me, 
 from your singular good will towards me. I apprehend there 
 will be somewhat more difficulty in treating with Luther. 
 As far as I learn from reports, and the letters of some of my 
 friends, the mind of that man, being as yet scarcely pacified, 
 will be fretted by the most trifling cause. On this account, 
 the letter which I have written to him the messenger will 
 show to you ; so that, after perusing it, you can regulate the 
 whole business according to your own prudence. You will 
 provide, therefore, that nothing is attempted rashly, and 
 without due consideration, that may have an unfavourable 
 termination ; which I am confident you will faithfully accom- 
 plish, by your uncommon address. 
 
 I have not been able as yet fully to ascertain what contro- 
 versies are agitated among you in Germany, nor what has 
 been their issue ; excepting that an atrocious libel has been 
 published, which, like a fire-brand, will enkindle fresh 
 flames, unless the Lord, on the other hand, restrain their 
 minds, already, as you know, beyond measure heated. But 
 for what, and why are these controversies excited ? When 
 I consider how ill-timed these intestine controversies are, I 
 am almost lifeless with grief. A merchant of Nuremberg, 
 passing through this city, lately showed me an apology of 
 Osiander, which greatly mortified me for his sake. For 
 what purpose could it answer, to abuse the Zuinglians, with 
 foul language, at every third line ; to treat with so much in- 
 humanity Zuinglius himself; and not, indeed, even to spare 
 that holy servant of God, (Ecolampadius, whose meekness I 
 wish he would half imitate ? Osiander would, in that case. 
 
264 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 be far higher in my estimation. I do not, by any means, 
 ask him to suffer in silence his reputation to be traduced 
 with impunity. I only wish he would abstain from re- 
 proaching those men, whose memory ought to be honoured 
 by every pious person. While I am displeased with the 
 petulance of the writer, by whose mournful ditties he com- 
 plains that he has been defamed ; I lament his want of mo- 
 deration, discernment, and discretion. How great is the 
 pleasure which we are affording to the papists, as if we 
 were devoting our labours to their cause ! But I shall un- 
 reasonably increase your sorrow, by the recital of evils 
 which you cannot remedy. Let us mourn then, since it he- 
 comes us to be afflicted with the troubles of the church ; but 
 let us still sustain ourselves with this hope, that although 
 we are oppressed and tossed by these m,ighty waters, we 
 shall not be overwhelmed. 
 
 All the brethren in France have their minds much elevated 
 in the strong expectation of a council. There is no doubt 
 but that the king himself, at least in the beginning, had a 
 desire and determination to convoke one. For cardinal 
 Tournon, on his return from the emperor, persuaded Francis 
 that Charles had the same intention. At the same time, he 
 advised the king, in the name of the emperor, to send for 
 two or three of you to meet him ; hoping that by flattery, or 
 by some other means, he might extort from you separately, 
 what he could not obtain from you in a council. The em- 
 peror promised that he would pursue the same course. This 
 was their object, that you being bound by previous declara- 
 tions to them, would be less able to vindicate the cause, 
 when you should come to serious disputation in the assem- 
 bly. Having despaired of conquering us, by an open and 
 correct management of the cause, they see no shorter and 
 surer method of succeeding, than by keeping the princes in 
 fear of punishment ; that they may hold their libertj^ as if 
 conquered and bound, in subserviency to their purposes. 
 As this advice pleased the king, Castellanus refused to allow 
 
OF CALVIN. 265 
 
 the French divines to dispute with you, unless they should 
 be first well instructed and prepared. You were men accus- 
 tomed to this kind of battle, and could not be so easily over- 
 come. They must take care lest the king be betrayed 
 through the ignorance of his divines, and expose his whole 
 kingdom to ridicule. The ambition of the king gave the 
 preference to this advice. Twelve were elected to dispute 
 at Melun, on the various controverted points, and were or- 
 dered to refer their decisions to the king. They promised, 
 under oath, to keep the transactions in silence. But I cer- 
 tainly know, though they be silent, that they aim entirely at 
 suppressing the truth ; and however they dissemble, as 
 though they were seeking some kind of reformation, it is un- 
 questionably a fact, that they are agitating this one point 
 alone : How the light of the true doctrine may be buried, 
 and their own tyranny established. I am persuaded that the 
 advice of cardinal Tournon was providentially frustrated; 
 lest some of our brethren, unguarded and unsuspecting, 
 should be ensnared. You remember that the same artifices 
 were made use of against you by Bellai. But if we turn unto 
 the Lord, all their assaults and machinations will be vain. 
 Farewell, most excellent man and respected friend. May 
 the Lord be always present with you, and long preserve you 
 in health for his church. Yours, 
 
 JOHN CALVIN. 
 January 18, 1545. 
 
 [The following letter is on the same general subject with 
 a part of the preceding ; and is therefore here inserted in 
 connection with that.] 
 
 CALVIN TO MELANCTHON. 
 
 I wish that my sympathy in your grief, while it distresses 
 me, might in some measure relieve you. If the fact is as 
 the brethren of Zurich say, they certainly had a just cause 
 
 23 
 
266 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 for writing. With what rashness your Pericles (Osiander,) 
 continues to thunder 1 Especially as his cause is only the 
 worse for it. We all owe much to him, I confess ; and 1 
 should be willing to have him possess the chief magistracy, 
 if he only knew how to govern himself. We must, how- 
 ever, always take heed, in the church, how much deference 
 we pay to men. The work is done, when any one has more 
 power than all the rest ; especially, if this one has nothing 
 to check him in making all possible experiments. In the 
 present deranged state of things, we perceive how difficult 
 it is to quiet the disturbances. If we all, however, exercised 
 that disposition which ought to guide us, some remedy per- 
 haps might be found. We are certainly transmitting to pos- 
 terity a pernicious example, by consenting to abandon our 
 liberty, rather than to disquiet the mind of one man with 
 some trifling mortification. His passions are vehement, and 
 he is subject to violent paroxysms. He also boasts of this 
 vehemency, in proportion as we all indulge him, and suffer 
 every thing from him. If this example of insolent domina- 
 tion manifests itself, at the very opening of the reformation 
 of the church, what will shortly take place, when things 
 shall have fallen into a still worse condition 1 Let us weep, 
 therefore, for the calamity of the church ; let us not suppress 
 our grief in our own breasts ; but venture at length to give 
 our lamentations a free circulation. What if you were, by 
 the permission of God, reduced to the extreme necessity of 
 having extorted from you, a fuller confession concerning this 
 subject? I acknowledge, indeed, that what you teach is 
 perfectly true ; and that, by your mild manner of teaching, 
 you have endeavoured hitherto to recall others from conten- 
 tion ; and I commend your prudence and moderation. But 
 while you avoid this subject, (consubstantiation,) as some 
 dangerous rock, lest you incur the displeasure of some, you 
 leave many in suspense and perplexity, who require of you 
 something more decisive, in which they may acquiesce. It 
 is, however, a dishonour to us, as I remember to have said 
 
OF CALVIN. 267 
 
 to you before, that we do not consigiiare, ratify^ at least 
 with ink, that doctrine, which so many pious persons have 
 delivered to us, testatmn, sealed with their own blood. 
 Perhaps God will now open to you the way for a full and 
 firm explanation of your mind, on this subject; that those 
 who depend on your authority, whom you know to be very 
 many, may no longer remain in doubt. I do not say this 
 so much to awaken as to console you. For unless I hoped 
 that something of this kind wonld arise from this turbulent 
 and overbearing insurrection, I should be affected with a 
 grief much more severe. However, we must quietly wait 
 for such a termination as the Lord will please to grant. In 
 the mean time, let us preserve our course with unyielding 
 resolution. 
 
 I give you many thanks for your answer, and also for the 
 singular kindness with which you have treated Claudius, as 
 he informs me. From your kind and generous reception of 
 my friends, I am enabled to form an opinion of your dispo- 
 sition towards me. I give sincere thanks to God, that on 
 the chief heads of that question, (as stated in the preceding 
 letter,) concerning which we were consulted, our opinions 
 have so entirely agreed. For although there is a very small 
 difTerence about some particulars, yet as to the substance of 
 the matter, we perfectly coincide, 
 
 JOHN CALVIN. 
 
 June 28, 1445. 
 
 LETTER XIII— X CALVIN TO THE PROTECTOR OF 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 Although God has endowed you, most noble Lord, for 
 your station, with the fortitude, prudence and other virtues, 
 which the magnitude of the office demands ; yet as you ac- 
 knowledge me to be a servant of his Son, whom you account 
 yourself to prefer before all things else, I have pursuaded 
 
268 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 myself that you would receive it kindly, that I should write 
 to you in his name. I propose to myself nothing more, than 
 that you should continue to advance his glory, by pursuing 
 the work you have begun, until you have brought his king- 
 dom to the most desirable state, of which it is capable on 
 earth. In perusing this letter you will perceive, that I have 
 produced nothing of my own, but have transcribed from the 
 Scriptures whatever you have here for your benefit. When 
 I consider the singular greatness to which you are rai-sed, I 
 am fully sensible, with how much difficulty, my littleness 
 will find access to you. But as you do not despise the doc- 
 trine of that Master to whom I am devoted, and as you con- 
 sider it a distinguished privilege to be in the number of his 
 disciples, I need not apologize in many words, believing 
 that you are sufficiently prepared to receive whatever mani- 
 festly comes from him. We certainly have reason to thank 
 God our Father, that he has been pleased to use your labours, 
 in so great a work, as that of restoring his pure and sincere 
 worship in the kingdom of England ; in causing that the 
 doctrine of salvation, chiefly by your means, should be pub- 
 licly and faithfully announced to all, who will deign to open 
 their ears; in strengthening you, with so great resolution 
 and constancy, to persevere undismayed, through so many 
 difficulties and insults ; and that he has hitherto assisted you 
 with his powerful hand, followed with his blessing and pros- 
 pered your counsels and labours. These are so many argu- 
 ments with the pious for glorifying his holy name. But 
 seeing that the adversary is perpetually exciting fresh oppo- 
 sition, and that the matter itself is of the most peculiar and 
 difficult undertaking, to allure men, who are by nature ad- 
 dicted to falsehood, to a peaceable submission to the truth of 
 God ; and also that there are other causes which delay this 
 progress, especially those deep-rooted superstitions of Anti- 
 christ, which are with extreme labour overcome in the minds 
 of many ; it appeared to me, that you personally needed to 
 be confirmed by pious exhortations in this so arduous under- 
 
OF CALVIN. 269 
 
 taking; and I doubt not but you have found yourself the 
 benefit of this from experience. I shall on this account be 
 more free and full in my observations. As I hope that my 
 advice will answer your wishes, so I conclude that you will 
 take, in good part, my exhortation ; and although it should 
 be unnecessary, yet that the zeal and solicitude which 
 prompted me in this business will meet with your approba- 
 tion. Moreover, the present perilous situation of affairs, 
 which you yourself acknowledge, furnishes a still stronger 
 reason, why my endeavours should be still more acceptable 
 to you. Wherefore, I intreat you, most noble Lord, to 
 attend patiently to the few remarks which I have determined 
 to submit to your consideration. I hope that, in return for 
 your attention to them, they will afford you that assistance, 
 which will enable you more vigorously to pursue the holy 
 work, for the completion of which God is pleased to use you 
 as an instrument. I doubt not but that those great tumults, 
 which have occurred for some time past, have given you 
 much trouble and anxiety, especially since many took 
 offence, who were provoked in a great measure by the 
 reformation of religion. It cannot be, I say, but that the 
 observation of these things must excite in you various emo- 
 tions, whether you reflect on your own apprehensions about 
 them, or turn your attention to the clamours of the wicked, 
 or the consternation of the good. This rumour spread to so 
 great a distance deeply affected me, until I understood that 
 assistance from the Lord began to be manifested. But since 
 that fire is not yet extinguished, and it is an easy matter for 
 the adversary again to rekindle it, place before your eyes the 
 memorable example of the pious king Hezekiah, which we 
 have so expressly related to us in the Scriptures. Having 
 abolished the superstitions from Judea, and established the 
 pure worship of God according to his law, he was suddenly 
 overtaken with so oppressive a war, that he was considered 
 by many as lost and ruined beyond recovery. Thus the 
 Scriptures appositely bring those things together, that while 
 23* 
 
270 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 he was wholly engaged in restoring the true worship of God 
 to its phice, the issue of liis hibour was in appearance most un- 
 favourable to him. He evidently had every reason to hope, that 
 while he was so heartily engaged in building up God's king- 
 dom, he should secure the most perfect tranquillity of his 
 own. All pious princes and governors of provinces, should 
 apply this example to themselves, that they may proceed 
 more courageously in abolishing all idolatry, and in procuring 
 lawfully the true worship of God, as their duty demands ; 
 and moreover that they may understand that their faith is to 
 be subjected to similar trials through many temptations. Thus 
 the Lord permits, indeed thus he wills, both to manifest 
 their constancy, and prepare them to raise their eyes above 
 tliis world. In the mean time, the adversary will thrust 
 himself in the way ; and though unable openly to destroy 
 the true doctrine, he will not cease to plot its ruin by sophis- 
 try and cunning. To this purpose is the admonition of 
 James, that while we observe the endurance of Job, we 
 should consider the end of the Lord. In the same manner 
 terminated the trid of the pious king liezekiah, with whom 
 the Lord was present, and in his gieatest straits gave him, 
 on that account, a far more signal victory. Wherefore, 
 since his hand is not shortened, nor his support of the truth 
 less near his heart than in former ages, you must not despair 
 of his aid, by whatever tempests you may be tossed. 
 
 That the greater part of men resist the gospel, and direct 
 all their exertions to prevent its progress, should be no mat- 
 ter of surprise. Such, indeed, has been the unceasing in- 
 gratitude of the world, that they turn their backs upon God 
 when he calls them, and kick against him when lie purposes 
 to put his yoke upon them. Men, by nature, are enslaved 
 to hypocrisy, and cannot bear to be brought to the light of 
 the gospel, which would reveal their pollution and guilt; 
 nor to be rescued from the darkness of their superstitions, 
 under the shade of which tliey sleep in quiet repose. It is 
 not a new thing for mankind to make opposition, when the 
 
OF CALVIN 
 
 271 
 
 attempt is made to bring them back to the obedience and 
 worship of God. We should not, therefore, be negligent or 
 timid in the discharge of our duty. For when they have 
 gone to the extremes of disorder, and have exhausted their 
 rage, they are confounded at once, and necessarily fall by 
 their own extravagance. As it respects God, surely all 
 these ragings and foamings of men are held by him in deri- 
 sion, as it is expressed in the second Psalm. 'I'herefore, 
 winking at their outrages, he will be silent, as if he treated 
 the matter with indifference ; but at length they will be 
 repressed by his power. Armed with the same power, we 
 shall sustain, by his invincible protection, all the efforts of 
 Satan against us ; and we shall, in the end, perceive, in every 
 deed, that the gospel, as a messenger of peace, brings recon- 
 cihation with God, and tends to establish peace among men, 
 as the Lord testifies by Isaiah. When the kingdom of Christ 
 shall be established by his instruction, it shall come to pass, 
 that they shall beat their sivords into jdout^h-shares^ and 
 their spears into pruning- hooks. Is. ii. 4. In the mean time, 
 although seditions and tumults, excited against the gospel, 
 arise fiom the wickedness and obstinacy of men, yet it be- 
 comes us to look to ourselves, and conclude, that God is 
 thus punishing us for our own sins, although it is evident, 
 that he uses as instruments those who are the very servants 
 of satan. It is an old objection, that the gospel was the 
 cause of all those evils which afflict the human race. And 
 indeed it is evident from history, that from the time in which 
 the Christian religion began to be spread through the world, 
 there was scarcely a corner which was not afflicted with ex- 
 treme evils. The constant commotions of wars arose like 
 some conflagration, by which all things were consumed ; 
 floods prevailing on the one hand, and on the other pes- 
 tilence and famine ; here the end of government, and 
 there the inversion of all order, as if the world, absolutely 
 conspiring against itself, was broken to pieces and dissolved. 
 The same has happened in this age, since the gospel began 
 
272 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 to come forth from the darkness with which it was covered. 
 The face of things exhibited a miserable appearance ; com- 
 plaints were every where circulated, that we were born in 
 a most unhappy period ; and there were few who did not 
 faint under so great a pressure of difficulties. But while 
 we feel these wounds, we ought to advert to the hand that 
 inflicts them, and to the cause of their infliction ; what this 
 is, is by no means obscure, nor difficult to be perceived. It 
 is certain, that the word of God, by which we are led in the 
 way of salvation, is an incomparable treasure. Let us then 
 examine it ourselves, with as much reverence as it is offered 
 to us by its author, and it will be received by us. When 
 that is accounted vile with us, which with him is of great 
 moment, who will not acknowledge, that it is perfectly just 
 with him, to punish in return our ingratitude ? Let us hear 
 the declaration of Christ, Luke xii. 47. That servant which 
 knew his LorcTs will and did it not, shall be beaten with 
 many stripes. Since therefore we are so negligent in obey- 
 ing the will of God, the knowledge of which is an hundred 
 fold more abundant with us than in former ages, it should 
 not appear strange, that his indignation should be more 
 vehemently enkindled against us, who of all men are the 
 most inexcusable. And since we do not labour to have the 
 good seed grow and be fruitful, it is just that briars and 
 thorns should be cherished among us by the artifice of the 
 adversary, by the prickings of which we may be vexed. 
 And lastly, as we do not render to the Creator that which is 
 justly due to him from us, it is right that we should expe- 
 rience the obstinacy of men against ourselves. 
 
 But to address myself to you more immediately. Most 
 noble Lord, there are, as I understand, two sorts of seditious 
 persons, who have risen up against the King, and the 
 government of the kingdom. Some, who are passionate 
 and hasty, would introduce af attav, confusion, every where 
 under the name of the gospel ; and others have become so 
 hardened in the superstitions of Antichrist, that they cannot 
 
OF CALVIN 
 
 273 
 
 endure their removal. Both of these classes deserve to be 
 restrained by the civil power, which God has committed to 
 your hands ; since they rise up not only against the king, 
 but against God himself, who has placed the king on the 
 throne, and appointed you the protector of his person and 
 majesty. Your first and main object must be to provide, 
 as far as may be, that those who have some relish for the 
 gospel, and have determined to devote themselves to it, may 
 receive it with humility and reverence of mind, renouncing 
 their own wills, and, as their duty requires, giving up them- 
 selves entirely to God. For thus it becomes them to con- 
 sider, that the Lord, by these emergencies would awaken 
 them, that they may profit more seriously by his word than 
 they have hitherto done. Those fanatics, who would wish 
 to change the world into a licentious freedom, are expressly 
 raised up by satan, that through them the gospel may be 
 reproached; as if it were the cause of rebellion against 
 rulers, and introduced into the world unrestrained licentious- 
 ness. It is the duty of the pious to mourn the pernicious 
 labours of these wicked men, and patiently implore of the 
 Lord, that he would send that light, which will sooner or 
 later most certainly dissipate this darkness. The Papists, 
 while they labour to defend the filthiness and abominations 
 of their Romish idols, betray more and more their open 
 hatred of the benefits of Christ and all his commandments, 
 which extremely afflicts those who have a particle of pure 
 zeal remaining. Wherefore, let the pious acknowledge, 
 that these things are appointed of God, as so many scourges 
 to chastise them, because they do not bring forth the legiti- 
 mate fruits of the gospel. Let the principal and only expe- 
 dient, applied to quiet these commotions, be the true con- 
 formity to the image of Christ in those who have professed 
 his name ; and so let them testify, that pure Christianity 
 abhors all confusion of every kind. Let them prove, by 
 their uniform modesty and temperance, that they are govern- 
 ed by the word of God, so that they may by no means be 
 
274 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 accounted lawless and unruly. Thus will their righteous 
 and holy life shut the mouths of the impious. The Lord, 
 being appeased, will remove the rod of correction, and in- 
 stead of the punishment which he inflicts on the despisers of 
 bis word, he will follow the repentance of his people with 
 the most assured blessing. It becomes the nobility and 
 magistrates especially to be first in giving this example, and 
 foremost in submitting, with fear and reverence, to the yoke 
 of Christ, the Son of God and supreme Lord of all. These, 
 I say, must exhibit the sincere faith and obedience of body 
 and of soul, that He may in return repress the pride and rage 
 of those, who unjustly magnify themselves against their 
 rulers. It is the highest concern of the princes of this age, 
 to govern their subjects in such a manner, as to prove that 
 they are themselves in subjection to Christ, and to give all 
 diligence, that his authority may extend itself over all, from 
 the highest to the lowest. Wherefore, I ask of you, most 
 noble Lord, through Christ himself, and that singular aflfec- 
 tion with which you embrace the kingdom of your nephew, 
 which is exhibited in a luminous manner, in all your conduct, 
 to exercise all your combined influence and vigilance, that 
 the truth of God may be preached with the fullest authority 
 and efficacy ; and that fruits worthy of the celestial seed may 
 be produced. That this may be effected, withhold not your 
 hand from pursuing the full and entire reformation of the 
 Church, which you have begun. 
 
 That you may more easily apprehend my thoughts, I will 
 reduce the whole to three heads : — First, concerning the true 
 method of correctly teaching the people. Second, concern- 
 ing the extirpation of those abuses which have hitherto been 
 retained. Third, concerning the correction of vices most 
 perfectly, and endeavouring to prevent the growth of scan- 
 dals and luxury, on account of which the name of the Lord 
 is blasphemed. As it respects the first head, there is no oc- 
 casion that I should dwell long upon the detail of doctrines. 
 Concerning these there is much reason that I should give 
 
OF CALVIN 
 
 275 
 
 thanks to God, by whom you are so illuminated in the know- 
 ledge of the pure doctrines, that you take care that these 
 should be publicly taught. You are not, I say, to be taught 
 by me, the faith of Christians, and the doctrines which are 
 maintained by them ; since the true faith has been restored 
 and published by you in a meeting of the church. But if 
 any one would have a summary of the worship of God, it 
 may be reduced to this — That we have one God, the go- 
 vernor of our consciences: for the direction of these we 
 must make use of this law alone for the rule of devotion, lest 
 we bring to his worship any of the vain traditions of men : 
 he must moreover be worshipped by all, according to his 
 own nature, with the whole mind and heart. But since 
 there is nothing in us except a miserable corruption, which 
 occupies both our senses and affections, we must acknow 
 ledge the entire abyss of iniquity, and dread it when acknow- 
 ledged. In this manner, having obtained a true knowledge 
 of our state, as being in ourselves broken, wounded, lost, de- 
 prived of all dignity and wisdom, and finally of any power 
 to do good, we must at last flee to the Lord Jesus Christ, 
 the only fountain of all blessings, to partake of whatever he 
 offers, and principally that incomparable treasure of his 
 death and passion, by which method alone we may become 
 entirely reconciled to God the Father. Purified by the 
 sprinkling of his blood, we shall be assured that none of 
 those stains will remain in us, which would cover us with 
 shame before his celestial throne. We shall be persuaded 
 of the efficacy of his perpetual sacrifice, by which we have 
 sealed to us the gratuitous remission of sins, and on which 
 we must fasten as the refuge and anchor of salvation. Being 
 sanctified by his Spirit, we shall be consecrated in obedience 
 to the righteousness of God ; and confirmed by his grace, we 
 shall come off more than conquerors over satan, the world, 
 and the flesh. Being members of his body, we shall not 
 doubt but that God will number us in the family of his 
 children ; and we shall address him with entire confidence 
 
276 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 by the legitimate and endearing name of Father. This is the 
 design of the true doctrine, which is ever to be preserved 
 and heard by all in the church of God, that all may sincerely 
 aim at this mark ; and that each individual gradually with- 
 drawing himself from the world, may raise himself to Christ 
 his head, who is in heaven, by perseverance, prayer, morals 
 and habits. 
 
 But as the Lord has been pleased to spread so abundantly 
 about you his most precious light, which had so long been 
 buried under the darkness of Antichrist, I will add but a 
 few words more. What I have said only pertains to the 
 form of teaching, in order that the proper method of instruct- 
 ing the people may be followed. For example, they must 
 be pricked to the quick, that each one may be sensible of 
 the words of the apostle, the ivord of God is quick and 
 powerful, and sharper than any two edged sword, pierc- 
 ing even to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit, 
 and of the joints and marrow ; and is a discerner of the 
 thoughts and intents of the heart. Heb. iv. 12. This, I say, 
 I inculcate more expressly, because I fear that there are but 
 few lively preachers in the kingdom ; and that the greater 
 part have recourse, in recitalionis modum, to the method of 
 reading. I perceive also some cause of that scarcity among 
 you ; and as you have not in your power, sound and well 
 qualified pastors, that defect must be supplied in its proper 
 manner. You must also beware of unstable and rash men, 
 who, in a change of things, are carried far beyond all 
 bounds, and prate forth their own dreams for the word of 
 God. Nothing of this kind should hinder the establishment 
 of the institution of Christ for preaching the gospel. The 
 instituted preaching must not be dead, but animated, and 
 effectual for instruction, exhortation, and reproof, as the apos- 
 tle testifies to Timothy, 2 Tim. iii. so that if an unbeliever 
 enter the meeting of the faithful, it should affect him in such 
 a manner that, pierced by the hearing of the word, he may 
 give glory to God, as the same apostle elsewhere shows, 1 
 
OF CALVIN. 277 
 
 Cor. xiv. You cannot fee ignorant of what this apostle 
 teaches concerning the power and energy which those should 
 possess, who are desirous to approve themselves, as sound 
 and well qualified ministers of the word. He would have 
 them free from those ornaments, and that species of elo- 
 quence, by which men display themselves, for admiration, 
 in the theatre. In their discourses, the power of the Spirit 
 should so lucidly manifest itself, as to act powerfully on the 
 minds of the audience. No precaution should be used, to 
 prevent that Spirit from maintaining its liberty and constant 
 vigour in the ministry of those whom the Lord has endowed 
 with his gifts, for the edification of his church. It is indeed 
 necessary to watch over those unstable and wandering 
 minds, who would take too much liberty to themselves. 
 The door must be shut against curious innovations. The 
 only means to be used for this purpose, is to have a sum- 
 mary of doctrine received by all, which they may follow in 
 preaching. To the observance of this, all bishops and clergy 
 should be bound by oath, that no one might be admitted to 
 the ecclesiastical office, unless he promises to keep inviolate 
 the unity of doctrine. Let there, besides, be published a 
 plain formula or Catechism, for the use of children, and 
 those who may be more ignorant among the people. Thus 
 the truth will be rendered more familiar to them ; and at the 
 same time they will learn to distinguish it from impostures 
 and corruptions, which are so apt to creep in by little and 
 little upon the ignorant and careless. It becomes you to be 
 fully persuaded, that the church of God cannot be without a 
 Catechism ; for therein the true seed of doctrine is to be con- 
 tained, from which at length the pure and seasonable harvest 
 will be matured, and from this the seed may be multiplied 
 abundantly. Wherefore, if you expect to build an edifice of 
 this kind, which shall stand long, and be safe from destruc- 
 tion, give all care that each child should be instructed in the 
 faith, by the Catechism published for that purpose ; that 
 they may learn briefly, and as their capacities will admit, in 
 
 24 
 
278 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 what consists true Christianity. The usefulness of the Ca* 
 techism will not be confined merely to the instruction of 
 children. The consequence will also be, that the people, 
 being taught by it, will be better prepared to profit by the 
 ordinary preaching of the word ; and also if any one puflfed 
 up, should introduce any new opinions, he may be detected 
 by an immediate appeal to the rule of the Catechism. As to 
 the formula of prayers and ecclesiastical ceremonies, I very 
 much approve, that a proper one should exist, from which 
 the pastors should not be permitted to vary, in the exercise of 
 their office ; and which might consult the simplicity and ig- 
 norance of some persons, and also establish a more certain 
 agreement of all the churches among themselves. This 
 would, moreover, put a check upon the instability and levity 
 of those persons who might attempt innovations, and it would 
 have the same tendency as I have before shown the Cate- 
 chism would have. Thus ought to be established a Catechism, 
 the administration of the sacraments, and the public formula 
 of prayers. But the expediency of this polity in the church 
 must not tend to prevent or diminish, in any manner, the 
 original energy of preaching the gospel. As to this, it i§ 
 the more incumbent upon you, to provide proper and zealous 
 preachers, who may penetrate the recesses of the heart by 
 the sound of the word of the gospel. For there is danger, 
 that the fruit of the Reformation now begim will be greatly 
 diminished, unless attended with the most efficacious and 
 zealous preaching of the word. It is not in vain said of 
 Christ, He shall smite the earth with the rod of his mouth, 
 and with the breccth of Ms lips shall he slay the wicked. Is, 
 xi. 4. This is doubtless the true means by which he con- 
 quers us, when by the power of his word he destroys and 
 casts out whatever in us is repugnant to his glory. Hence 
 the gospel is called the kingdom of God. Wherefore, 
 though the edicts and civil establishments of Christian 
 princes are of great weight, in promoting and confirming the 
 authority of Christianity, yet God has determined, in an ap- 
 
OF C A L V i N . 279 
 
 propriate manner, to exert his special power, by the spiritual 
 sword of his word, which he has committed to tlie pastors 
 to be handled in the church. 
 
 I proceed to the second head, concerning the abolishing 
 and rooting out entirely of the abuses and corruptions, intro- 
 duced by satan, in former ages, into the church of God. It 
 is evident, that the Christianity of papacy is spurious and 
 counterfeit; and will be condemned in the judgment of God 
 at the last day, as it is so manifestly repugnant to his word. 
 If it is your intention to withdraw the people from this gulph 
 you must follow the example of the apostle. In treating 
 of the restoration of the Lord's Supper to its proper use, he 
 enjoins them to be united in removing those additions which 
 had crept in among them: I have received, he says, of the 
 Lord, that which, also, J delivered unto you. 1 Cor. xi. 23. 
 Hence we may deduce this general principle, that when we 
 enter upon a lawful reformation, which may be acceptable to 
 God, we must adhere to his pure and uncorrupted word ; 
 for all those mixtures, engendered in the human mind, which 
 remain, will be so many manifest pollutions, tending to with- 
 draw men from the right use of those things which God has 
 instituted for their salvation. Religion cannot be said to be 
 restored to its purity, while this sink of pollution is only 
 partially drawn off, and a frightful form of Christianity is 
 embraced for the pure and original faith. I speak thus defi- 
 nitely, as I understand that many think far otherwise ; that 
 abuses must be tolerated and untouched, while they would 
 only direct the grossest corruptions to be removed. In op- 
 position to this, experience teaches, that the human mind is 
 a soil fertile in false inventions, and that when sowed even 
 with the smallest grain, as if all its powers combined, it 
 yields an immense increase. The method which the Scrip- 
 ture points out is far different. David, speaking of idols, said, 
 / will not even take up their names into my lips, Psal. xvi. 
 4, that he might show how odious they were to him. When 
 we reflect how grievously we have sinned against God in this 
 
280 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 manner, by remaining in ignorance, we ought to be the more 
 deeply impressed, with the necessity of removing our stand- 
 ing as far as possible from all the fermentations of satan. 
 What else were all those ceremonies, but so many allure- 
 ments to entice and ensnare the miserable souls of men in evil, 
 as if they were established for this very purpose? When we 
 speak concerning caution, men must certainly be admonished, 
 lest they dash against those rocks which the sins of their 
 past life have, in this respect, disclosed to them. Who does 
 not see, unless wholly hardened, that nothing can be obtain- 
 ed by this unhappy caution ? Whatever of this nature is 
 left untouched will operate like a strong leaven, to confirm 
 them more resolutely in the evil, and serve as an interposing 
 veil, to prevent the reception of the proposed doctrines, ac- 
 cording to their purity and importance. I confess readily, 
 that there should be moderation ; and that extremes in re- 
 forming ceremonies would not be useful. Nor is too much 
 simplicity to be adopted, as the order of worship is to be ac- 
 commodated to the benefit and capacity of the people. But 
 I am not less decided in affirming, that strict attention is to 
 be given, lest, under this pretext of expediency, any of the 
 inventions of satan or antichrist should be tolerated. Those 
 expressions of Scripture, in the history of many of the Kings 
 of Judah, are here in point. That ivhen they took away the 
 idols, they did not cut them off ivholly by the roots. They 
 were condemned because they did not altogether destroy 
 those high places, which we should call chapels, dedicated 
 to their foolish devotions. 
 
 Since, therefore, most noble lord, God has conducted you 
 thus far, endeavour, I beseech you, to deserve the name of 
 the reformer of his true church ; and to render this age, 
 under the king, your nephew, correspondent to the age of 
 the most pious Josiah. Take heed to have every thing in 
 religion established in its proper place, so that the king may 
 have no other solicitude but to preserve the well regulated 
 order. I will produce one example of those corruptions 
 
OF CALVIN. 281 
 
 which, like leaven, will, in some measure, sour the whole 
 service of the Lord's Supper. I understand that with you, 
 in the celebration of the Eucharist, prayers for the dead are 
 recited. I am not however sufficiently informed, that this is 
 designed as an approbation of the Popish purgatory. Nor 
 am I ignorant, that the ancient custom of making mention of 
 the dead, to declare the communion of all believers in one 
 body, may be adduced as a vindication of it. But this in- 
 vincible argument remains, that the Supper of the Lord is 
 so wholly an ordinance that it is a crime to pollute it by any 
 additions of men. Besides, when we call upon God, we are 
 not to indulge our own passions, but to follow the rule of the 
 Apostle, that the word of God be our foundation. Rom. x. 
 But that commemoration of the dead, which embraces a 
 veneration or commendation of them, does not correctly an- 
 swer to the true and legitimate institution of prayer ; and is 
 therefore an assmnentum, addition, which should not be al- 
 lowed at the Lord's Supper. There are some other things 
 perhaps not equally to be condemned, but of such a nature as 
 cannot be excused, as the Chrism, and the ceremony of 
 Unction.'^ The Chrism is indeed the frivolous invention of 
 
 * Chrism — Oil consecrated by the bishop, and used in the Ro- 
 mish church in the administration of baptism, confirmation, ordi- 
 nation, and extreme unction. This last is called, in that church, 
 a sacrament; and the oil is applied to the eyes, ears, nostrils, 
 mouth, hands, feet, &c. of persons supposed to be near death. — 
 When the oil is applied to those parts, this prayer is used. " By 
 this holy unction, and his own most pious mercy, may the Al- 
 mighty God forgive thee whatever sins thou hast committed, by 
 the eyes, by the hearing, smelling, tasting, &c. «&c." It is not 
 considered so essential to salvation as baptism, and is not adminis- 
 tered to children who are not capable of actual sin. Lexici Theo- 
 logici novi, &c. p. 1756 and 1757. By this, the spiritual infirmi- 
 ties and actual sins are supposed to be taken away, as original sin 
 is by baptism. 
 
 24* 
 
282 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 those who, through ignorance, were not contented with the 
 institutions of the Lord, and who persuaded themselves, that 
 the Holy Spirit mustb^ represented in baptism by the use of 
 oil, as if the sign of water was not sufficient for that pur- 
 pose. Extreme Unction emanated from the inconsiderate 
 zeal of those who were desirous of emulating the Apostles, 
 although not endowed with the gift, which they possessed. 
 When the Apostles made use of oil, in healing the sick, it 
 was for the purpose of testifying the miracle of the cure by 
 that visible sign. But when the gift of miraculous powers 
 ceased, the use of that external anointing should also have 
 been laid aside. All those things should be abolished at once, 
 that nothing might be imposed on the church of God, which 
 is not conformable to his word, and which would not apper- 
 tain to its edification. But so it is, the weak must be indulged, 
 that they may be confirmed by degrees, and advanced to more 
 excellent things. However, the work of reformation is not 
 to be delayed, to satisfy the foolish in things which may 
 please their fancy, unless supported by other substantial rea- 
 sons. I know that many have been prevented from proceed- 
 ing farther in this work from these considerations ; that they 
 feared a greater change would not be borne ; and that re- 
 spect must be had to the progress which others had made, 
 with whom peace was to be cherished by passing over many 
 things. This should certainly have an influence in the af- 
 fairs of this life, in which we are permitted to give up our 
 own rights, so far as the desire and love of peace demand. 
 But the rule will not hold as to the discipline of the Church, 
 which is spiritual, and in which nothing is lawful thai is not 
 according to the word of God. It is not at the pleasure of 
 any mortal, to conform things, in this business, to gratify 
 some and favour others, in opposition to the will of God. 
 Nothing is more displeasing to him, than that human pru- 
 dence should presume to oppose its calculations, either to 
 moderate, abolish or retract any thing in religion, different 
 from what his sovereign pleasure demands. Unless then we 
 
OF CALVIN. 283 
 
 are willing to displease him, we must shut our eyes at once 
 against all the desires of the flesh. And as to the dangers, 
 which may appear to threaten us, we must labour to avoid 
 them as much as in us lies, in that way only which is law- 
 ful and right. The promise of the Lord is, that he will be 
 present with us, while we press forward in the right path. 
 This one thing remains, that we strenuously discharge our 
 duties, and commit the event to him. The only reason why 
 the wise men of this world are so often frustrated in their 
 expectations is, that the Lord departs from them, inasmuch 
 as they distrust his aid, and turn themselves to those artful 
 means which God does not approve. If we would have the 
 power of God to protect us, let us uprightly follow what he 
 commands ; and especially we must lay down this funda- 
 mental principle, that the reformation of the church is the 
 peculiar work of his hands ; and that men, in all their en- 
 deavours, should give themselves up to be governed entirely 
 by him. And what is of more consideration is, that the 
 Lord commonly, both in reforming and preserving his church, 
 works in a manner, which attracts admiration by wholly sur- 
 passing all human apprehension. He will therefore, on no 
 account, permit the work of the reformation of the church 
 to be conducted after the model of our understandings, or 
 that what is heavenly should be composed after the form of 
 the wisdom of this world. I would not, however, exclude 
 that upright prudence, the use of which is of great import- 
 ance in this business, lest improper methods be adopted, and 
 the preponderance be too great on the one hand or the other, 
 even while we all might wish to benefit the cause. But I 
 would have religious concerns directed by the prudence of 
 the spirit, and not of the flesh ; that we should inquire at 
 the mouth of the Lord, pray that our understandings may be 
 guided by his commands, and that he alone would lead and 
 direct us in all things. In doing this, we shall easily destroy 
 the various temptations which might delay us in the midst 
 of our course. 
 
284 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 Therefore, most noble lord, as you have happily entered 
 upon the entire restoration of the Christian religion, in the 
 kingdom of England, not depending on your own strength, 
 but on the powerful hand of God, who has hitherto strength- 
 ened and wonderfully established you, so determine to pro- 
 ceed with the same confidence. And certainly, since the 
 Lord supports, by his providence, so many kingdoms which 
 oppose him, he will much more regard those which are root- 
 ed in him, and desire with all their efforts to take him for 
 their supreme Lord. 
 
 I proceed to the third head, concerning suppressing vices 
 and preventing scandals. I doubt not, but that you have 
 correct laws and commendable regulations, adapted to pre- 
 serve the people in good morals. But the great atafia, con- 
 fusion, which I observe in the world, compels me to address 
 you on this subject also ; that you may apply yourself to 
 such measures as may hold the community in subjection to 
 good and honourable discipline. In the first place, you 
 should maintain the honour of God, in punishing those 
 crimes, the prosecution of which, with men, is usually ac- 
 counted unnecessary. For, while theft, murder and robbery 
 are most severely punished, because they tend to injure men, 
 fornication, adultery, drunkenness and blasphemies of the 
 name of God, are justified as things allowable, or not de- 
 serving great severity. But God has pronounced far other- 
 wise concerning these things. He shows how precious his 
 name is in his sight, while it is cast out and trodden under 
 foot with men. Nor can it be, that he will permit such hor- 
 rid wickedness to go longer unpunished. We learn from the 
 Scripture, that for a single reproach against God, of the pro- 
 fane kings Benhadad and Sennacherib, a dreadful judgment 
 from him almost wholly overwhelmed both them and their 
 armies. As it respects adultery, what a shame it is, that we, 
 who bear the name of Christians, should be far more indif- 
 ferent in punishing it than the Pagans themselves ; and that 
 crimes of this kind should be passed over with a jest. Is 
 
OF CALVIN 
 
 285 
 
 the sacred union of marriage, the living image of our most 
 holy union with the Son of God, to be thus trifled with and 
 polluted with impunity ? Shall the most indissoluble of all 
 human contracts be so perfidiously violated ? Besides, forni- 
 cation, if we regard the Apostle, is to be accounted as sacri- 
 lege, since our bodies, which are the temples of God, being 
 thus manifestly polluted, are most basely cut off from the 
 Spirit of God, and from Christ himself. Hence he adds, 
 that fornicators and drunkards do not belong to the kingdom 
 of God ; and expressly interdicts believers from all commerce 
 with them. From this it follows, that such persons ought by 
 no means to be tolerated in the church of God. If these 
 evils are wholly passed over, they will draw down the di- 
 vine scourge, with which the whole earth is shaken; for 
 when it is so, that men pardon one another such enormous 
 crimes, they summon against- themselves the vindictive hand 
 of God. If you wish, my lord, to avert the wrath of God, 
 I beseech you to give the most attentive care, on your part, 
 to suppress the commission of these sins ; and to cause that 
 those who profess Christianity may express and demonstrate 
 the integrity of their profession, by a course of life corres- 
 pondent to their holy vocation. For, as the doctrine is like 
 the soul to animate the church, so discipline and the correc- 
 tion of vices ought to hold the place of those nerves, which 
 cherish and preserve the body pure and vigorous. The 
 bishops and curates should be especially attentive, lest the 
 Lord's Supper be polluted, by the admission of those who 
 are in ill repute on account of their scandalous lives. But 
 it is above all your duty, since God has raised you to your 
 station, for the purpose of taking care, that all the subjects, 
 each one in his place and calling, apply their labours, and 
 fulfil their respective duties, that the established order may 
 be legitimately preserved. 
 
 I will not, my lord, extend the prolixity of my letter, by 
 excuses, nor by asking your pardon for the freedom with 
 which I have opened to you the sentiments of my heart. 
 
286 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 Your prudence will discern the sincerity of my intentions, 
 and your knowledge of the Scriptures will enable you, with 
 facility, to ascertain the source from which I have drawn the 
 preceding advice. I have no apprehension that you will be 
 disgusted, or account me too importunate, for having shown, 
 as clearly as my slender capacity would allow, my affection- 
 ate desire that you may extensively glorify the name of God. 
 For this I supplicate him daily, and entreat him, that he 
 would enrich you with his accumulated gifts ; confirm you 
 by his Holy Spirit with true and invincible constancy ; pro- 
 tect and support you against all adversaries ; cover you and 
 yours with his shield ; and so prosper your administration, 
 that the king may have reason to celebrate his praise for 
 having provided, in his tender years, so able a protector of 
 himself and his kingdom. I close my letter, most humbly 
 wishing you health and prosperity. 
 
 Your Excellency's most devoted, 
 
 JOHN CALVIN. 
 Geneva, October 22, 1548. 
 
 LETTER XIV.— CALVIN TO MELANCTHON. 
 It was a saying of the ancient satirists, Si natura negat, 
 facit indignatio versurrif If nature refuses, sorrow will 
 make verses. It turns out far otherwise with me. My present 
 grief is so far from giving me animation, that it almost 
 makes me speechless. Not only the power of utterance fails 
 me, in expressing the feelings of my mind, but I am oppress- 
 ed, and almost silenced by the consideration of the subject 
 concerning which I am about to write. You must then ima- 
 gine me rather to sigh than to speak. How greatly the ad- 
 versaries of Christ rejoice at your controversy with the Mag- 
 deburgenses,* is too evident from their mockery and sneers. 
 
 * Matthias Flacius Illyricus left Wittemberg, and went to Mag- 
 
OF CALVIN. 287 
 
 Those writers certainly afford a foul and detestable spectacle 
 to God, and his angels, and to the whole church. In this 
 business, my Philip, even if you were without fault, it would 
 be the duty of your prudence and equity, to devise some re- 
 medy to heal the evil, or at least to afford some relief for 
 mitigating its severity. But pardon me, if I do not wholly 
 exculpate you from blame. From this you may be able to 
 conjecture, how severe judgments others pass upon you, and 
 what unfavourable and scandalous observations they make 
 about you. Permit me, therefore, my Philip, to perform the 
 duty of a true friend, in freely admonishing you ; and if I 
 deal with you somewhat more sharply, do not impute it to 
 a diminution of my former respect and affection for you. 
 Although that will not be strange or unusual to you, I am, 
 however, more apt to offend by a rustic simplicity, than to 
 use adulation in favour of any man. I have experienced 
 that nothing is more acceptable to you than ingenuousness, 
 and therefore I labour under less anxiety, lest you should 
 take it ill, even if any thing should justly displease you, in 
 my reproof. I wish, indeed, that all your conduct, without 
 exception, could be approved of by me and others. But I 
 accuse you now to your face, that I may not be obliged 
 to assent to the declarations of those who condemn you in 
 your absence. This is the sum of your defence, Modo re- 
 tineatur doctrinas puritas, de rebus externis non essepertina- 
 citer dimicandum. Only let the purity of doctrine be pre- 
 served, and we will not pertinaciously contend about exter- 
 nal forms. Now, if what is every where asserted for fact is 
 true, you extend neictral and indifferent things much too 
 far- You know that the worship of God is corrupted a thou- 
 
 deburg, in April, 1549, where he began writing against the Wit- 
 temberg Divines, (Melancthon, &c.) This was the first introduc- . 
 tion to that religious war, which opened the door for many evils, 
 the termination of which, says Bucholtzer, in 1610, we have not 
 yet seen. Bucholtzer Chronologia, anno 1549. 
 
288 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 sand ways among the papists. We have removed the most 
 intolerable corruptions. Now, the impious, that they may 
 finish their triumph over the subjected gospel, command 
 them to be restored. If any one refuses to admit them, will 
 you ascribe it to obstinacy? It is well known how far this 
 would be from your moderation. If you have yielded too 
 much fo? accommodation, you cannot be surprised if many 
 impute it to you for a fault. Besides, some of those things, 
 which you account indifferent, are manifestly oj)posed to the 
 word of God. Perhaps others urge some things with too 
 much precision ; and, as is usual in controversies, represent 
 others as odious, in which there is not so much evil. But, 
 if I understand any thing of divine truth, you have yielded 
 too much to the papists ; both because you have loosened 
 those things which the Lord has bound by his word, and 
 because you have given them an opportunity perversely to 
 insult the gospel. When circumcision was still allowable, 
 do you see Paul, because some malicious and cunning men 
 had laid snares for the liberty of the pious, obstinately deny- 
 ing that that ceremony was given to them of God ? Does 
 he not, therefore, boast that he had not yielded to them, even 
 for an hour, that the truth of the gospel might remain entire 
 with the Gentiles? Gal. ii. 4, 5. Our adversaries do not, 
 at this day, trouble us about circumcision; but, lest they 
 should leave us any thing sound, they endeavour to infect, 
 with their polluted leaven, all the doctrines and exercises of 
 religion. You say that the Magdeburgenses contend only 
 concerning the linen robe. To what this might tend, I do 
 not know, for the use of the linen robe, with many foolish 
 ceremonies, has been, I conceive, retained hitherto, both 
 among yourselves and among them. But it is true that aU 
 honest and religious persons complain, that you have coun- 
 tenanced those gross corruptions, which evidently tend to 
 vitiate the purity of the doctrines, and to weaken the stability 
 of the church. As, perhaps, you have forgotten what I for- 
 merly said to you, I will now recall it to your mmdy That 
 
OP CALVIN. 289 
 
 ink is too clear to us, if ive hesitate to testify those things 
 by our hand-writing, which so many martyrs, from the 
 commo7i fiock, daily seal with their blood. I said, indeed, 
 the same, when we appeared to be much farther from these 
 assaults. Since, then, the Lord has drawn us out on the 
 field of battle, it becomes us to contend the more courage- 
 ously. Your station, you know, is diJETerent from that of 
 most others. The trepidation of a general, or the leader of 
 an army, is more ignominious than even the flight of com- 
 mon soldiers. All will condemn the wavering of so great a 
 man as you are, as insuff"erable. Give, therefore, in future, 
 a steady example of invincible constancy. By yielding a lit- 
 tle, you have excited more complaints and lamentations than 
 the open desertion of an hundred, in an inferior station, 
 would have produced. Although I am firmly persuaded, 
 that you would never be compelled, by the fear of death, to 
 turn aside in the least from an upright course ; yet I suspect 
 that possibly another kind of fear might exercise your mind. 
 For I know how much you dread the impeachment of barba- 
 rous harshness. But you should remember, that the ser- 
 vants of Christ should never regard their reputation more 
 than their lives. We are not better than Paul, who proceeded 
 quietly through reproach and dishonour. It is, indeed, 
 severe and painful to be judged as obstinate and tempestuous 
 men, who would wreck the whole world, rather than conde- 
 scend to some moderation. Your ears should long since 
 have become seasoned to these reproaches. You are not so 
 unknown to me, nor am I so unjust to you, as to suppose 
 that you are eager, like ambitious men, for popular applause. 
 I doubt not, however, but that you are sometimes discou- 
 raged by reflections like these ; — What! — Is it the part of a 
 prudent and considerate man, to divide the church on ac- 
 count of some minute and almost frivolous things ? May 
 not peace be redeemed by some indifferent inconvenience ? 
 What madness it is, so to defend every thing to the utmost, 
 as to neglect the substance of the whole gospel! When 
 
 25 
 
290 CORHESiPONDENCE 
 
 these and such like arguments were formerly made use of 
 by artful men, I thought with myself, that you were more 
 influenced by them than was right ; and I now ingenuously 
 open my mind to you, lest that truly divine magnanimity, 
 with which, otherwise, you are richly endowed, should be 
 impeded in its operation. The reason of this my earnest- 
 ness is well known to you ; that I would sooner die a hun- 
 dred times with you, than see you survive the doctrine which 
 you preach. I do not say this, apprehending any danger, 
 lest the truth of God, made known by your ministry, should 
 ever perish, or because 1 distrust, in any manner, your per- 
 severance ; but because you will never be solicitous enough 
 in your watchfulness, lest the impious artfully take that op- 
 portunity of cavilling at the gospel, which they will seize 
 from your flexible disposition. Pardon me for unloading 
 into your bosom these miserable although unavailing sighs. 
 Farewell, most distinguished man, always sincerely respect- 
 ed by me. May the Lord continue to guide you by his Spirit, 
 to support you by his grace, and defend you by his shield. 
 Salute my friends, if there should be any with you. You 
 have many here, who respectfully salute you ; for many, for 
 the sake of avoiding idolatry, have fled from France into 
 voluntary exile in this city. JOHN CALVIN. 
 
 LETTER XV.— CALVIN TO BUCER, 
 
 WISHES HEALTH. 
 
 Although your letter contained a mixture of good and bad 
 news, it however gave me great satisfaction. I wish I could, 
 in some measure at least, alleviate the sorrow of your mind, 
 and those cares wilh which I perceive you are distressed. 
 We all beseech you, again and again, not to wear yourself 
 out without advantage. It is not, indeed, consistent with 
 your piety, nor becoming, nor at all wished by us, that you 
 
OF CALVIN. 291 
 
 should be cheerful and joyous, while there are such great 
 and multiplied causes for mourning. You ought, however, 
 as much as possible, to preserve yourself for the Lord and 
 the church. You Jiave, indeed, run a long race ; but you 
 know not how much still remains to you. Perhaps I, who 
 have advanced but a small distance from the goal, am nearer 
 the end of my race. The direction and termination of our 
 course are in the hand of God. That I may be still more ac- 
 tive, amidst the dangers which threaten me on every hand, I 
 make use of the numerous deaths, which are daily taking 
 place before my eyes. In England, you are exercised with 
 battles, while in this city we cherish dilatory fears. I hope, 
 however, that your internal commotions are settled, as report 
 says, that you have a truce with the French. I wish the con- 
 ditions of a lasting peace could be established ; for we see 
 the fencing master, who is exciting the two kingdoms against 
 each other, laughing in idleness, and watching the fortune of 
 both, that he may attack the victor, with all his strength, and 
 spoil the conquered without labour or bloodshed ; thus tri- 
 umphing over both, he will seize them as his prey. But con- 
 sidering the corrupt counsels which govern France, I despair 
 of this peace. They fear the emperor beyond measure ; but 
 while they proudly despise others, they are not aware of his 
 cunning. The Lord is surely, by this blindness, punishing 
 their atrocious cruelty against the pious, which, as I under- 
 stand, daily increases. I wish, as impiety gathers strength, 
 and waxes more violent in France, that the English, by a 
 rival spirit of emulation, would contend for the substance and 
 purity of Christianity, until they see every thing established 
 among them according to the perfect rule of Christ. 
 
 I have, as you wished, and as the present state of aflfairs 
 required, endeavoured to exhort the Lord Protector. It 
 will be your duty to insist, by all means, if you can obtain 
 an audience, which I am persuaded you may, that the cere- 
 monies which savour in the least of superstition should be 
 abolished from the public service. This I expressly recom- 
 
292 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 mend to you, that you may free yourself from that reproach, 
 with which you know many have unjustly loaded you; for 
 the adviser of public measures is always considered as their 
 author, or at least approver. This suspicion is so strongly 
 fixed in the mind of some, that you will not easily erase it 
 with your utmost exertions. Some maliciously calumniate 
 you, without any cause. This is an evil in some measure 
 without remedy, and you will not be able wholly to escape 
 its influence. Care must be taken to give no cause of suspi- 
 cion to the ignorant, nor any pretext for calumny to the wick- 
 ed. I regret very much, that N is so troublesome to 
 
 you without cause. I could wish him to learn some humani- 
 ty. I more easily pardon him, as he appears to be carried 
 away, not so much by his perverseness, as by a blind im- 
 pulse to be observed. You cannot conceive how atrociously 
 he abuses us and our innocent and absent friends. He in- 
 veighed especially against Viret, who was undeservedly op- 
 pressed by the iniquity of some, and the perfidy of others. 
 He violently pursued him, as he would the most abandoned 
 betrayer of the church. He would certainly accustom him- 
 self to mildness, if he observed the noxious intemperance of 
 his too fervid zeal and immoderate austerity. This indigni- 
 ty you must receive, with other evils, with your accustomed 
 equanimity. The church of Zurich would not approve his 
 cause. On this subject, I disagree with you, as you think we 
 injure our adversaries. You suppose that they never so 
 grossly blundered, as to imagine that the body of Christ was 
 extended every where. But you forget what Brentius among 
 others has written, that Christ, when he lay in the manger, 
 was glorious in heaven, etiam secundum corpus, even bodily. 
 That I may speak more openly, you know that the doctrine 
 of the Papists is more modest and sober, than that of Ams- 
 dorf^ and his followers, who were as infatuated as the priest- 
 
 Nicholas Amsdorf died in 1541. He was a rigid adherent of 
 
OF CALVIN. 293 
 
 ess of Apollo. You know how inhumanly Melancthon was 
 treated, because he maintained some moderation. These de- 
 liriums necessarily drew with them idolatry. For what pur- 
 pose is the sacrament of Luther to be adored, unless that an 
 idol might be erected in the church of God ? I have earnest- 
 ly desired, that all these things might be buried. I have con- 
 stantly insisted also, with the greatest firmness among our 
 neighbours,* that they should abstain from all invectives. To 
 satisfy them I have not hesitated to condemn all those er- 
 rors, without calling them by name, to which I could by no 
 means give my assent. Concerning the word place, you 
 certainly appear to argue with too much subtilty. The ob 
 scurity more severely offends others, which they say you art- 
 fully and designedly used. I am confident, however, that 
 in this respect they err. But I do not see why you so dili- 
 gently avoid what we teach, since Christ is said to have 
 ascended into heaven; by which expression we understand 
 distances of places to be expressed. We do not dispute 
 whether there is a place in celestial glory, but whether the 
 body of Christ is in this ivorld. Since this question is 
 clearly determined by the Scriptures, I do not hesitate to 
 embrace it for an article of my faith. And yet, as you will 
 find it in our book, it was granted to the moroseness of some, 
 not without opposition ; for I had tempered the expressions 
 otherwise. As this formula which we had used contained 
 nothing but what I thought was true, religion did not require 
 that it should be given up for others. You piously and pru- 
 dently wish, that the eff"ect of the sacraments, and what God 
 confers through them, should be explained more clearly and 
 
 Luther, and extravagantly asserted, that good works were an im- 
 pediment to salvation^ He was distinguished for his opposition to 
 the Papists, and his controversy with Melancthon, who laboured 
 to check this violent man, and to set the truth about good works 
 in a proper light. Rees' Cyclopedia. 
 * The Helvetic churches, Zurich, &c. 
 25* 
 
294 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 copiously than many will endure. The fault does not lie 
 with me, that some things were not more distinctly illus- 
 trated. Let us lament and still submit to those things which 
 we are not permitted to correct. You will have inclosed in 
 this letter, a copy of the writing which they remitted to me. 
 The two points which you feared they would reject, they 
 willingly embraced. If others had followed the mildness of 
 Bullinger, I should have easily obtained every thing I 
 wished. It is well, however, that we agree in the truth, 
 and hold unitedly the chief doctrines of religion. If you had 
 accommodated your Theses a little only in two points, you 
 would have rendered them most appropriate. You should 
 have stated distinctly, that Christ is bodily separated from 
 us who are in this world, by the distance of places : You 
 should have rejected decidedly all the inventions, by which 
 the minds of men are hitherto drawn into superstition; 
 and expressly vindicated the glory of the Holy Spirit and 
 of Christ, so that their efficacy should not be transferred to 
 the ministers, or the elements. 
 
 The commencement of the conference, for establishing the 
 union of opinion, presented nothing but despair. The light 
 suddenly shone forth. The most eminent members, on 
 their part, were desirous to communicate with other churches. 
 
 AVe cheerfully consented. The dissension of N must 
 
 be borne with an equal mind. Farel will write you a co- 
 pious letter. Viret does not presume to write. You cannot 
 conceive how unjustly he is treated. He salutes you most 
 affectionately, and begs you to excuse him. My colleagues 
 salute you with respect. There is nothing new here, except 
 that Zurich and Bern have cut off all hopes of a league with 
 France. Farewell, most beloved man, and my much re- 
 spected father in the Lord, 
 
OF CALVIN. 295 
 
 LETTER XVI.— THOMAS CRANMER TO CALVIN, 
 
 SALUTEM PRECATUR. 
 
 As nothing tends more to separate the churches of God 
 than heresies and diflferences about the doctrines of rehgion, 
 so nothing more effectually unites them, and fortilEies more 
 powerfully the fold of Christ, than the uncorrupted doctrine 
 of the gospel, andunion in received opinions. I have often 
 wished, and now wish, that those learned and pious men, 
 who excel others in erudition and judgment, would assemble 
 in some convenient place, where holding a mutual consulta- 
 tion, and comparing their opinions, they might discuss all 
 the heads of ecclesiastical doctrine, and agree not only con- 
 cerning the things themselves, but the forms of expression, 
 and deliver to posterity some work, with the weight of their 
 authority. Our adversaries are now holding their council at 
 Trent, that they may establish their errors. And shall we 
 neglect to call together a pious synod, that we may be able 
 to refute their errors, and to purify and propagate the true 
 doctrines ? They, as I hear, are making decrees rts^t ttji 
 a^to%at^sia.^j about the worship of the bread. We ought 
 therefore to make every effort, not only to fortify others 
 against this idolatry, but that we also ourselves might agree 
 on the doctrine of this sacrament. How much the dissen- 
 sions and variety of opinions, about this sacrament of union, 
 weaken the church of God, cannot escape your prudence. 
 Although these differences may, in some places, be removed, 
 yet I wish an agreement in this doctrine, not only about the 
 things themselves, but also about the words and forms of 
 expression. You have my ardent wishes, concerning which 
 I have written to Melancthon and Bullinger, and I beg you 
 to deliberate among yourselves, in what manner this synod 
 can most conveniently be assembled. Farewell, 
 
 Your most beloved brother in Christ, 
 
 THOMAS, of Canterbury. 
 
 Lambeth, March 20, 1552. 
 
296 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 LETTER XVIL— CALVIN TO CRANMER, ARCHBISHOP OF 
 CANTERBURY, wishes health. 
 
 Illustrious Sir, — You prudently judge, that in this confused 
 state of the church, no remedy more appropriate can be 
 applied, than that pious and resolute men, exercised in the 
 school of God, should meet among themselves, and publicly 
 profess their agreement in the doctrines of religion. We see 
 by how many arts satan is endeavouring to destroy the light 
 of the gospel, which has arisen by the wonderful goodness 
 of God, and is extending its beams in every direction. The 
 mercenary parasites of the pope do not cease their railing, 
 to prevent the preaching of the pure word of Christ. Licen- 
 tiousness so much prevails, and impiety has so increased, 
 that religion is but a little removed from public mockery. 
 Those who are not the professed enemies of the gospel are 
 even now affected by that lascivious impudence, which will 
 shortly, unless counteracted, produce among us the most 
 shameful confusion. It is not merely among the ignorant 
 class of men, that this feverish and foolish curiosity and im- 
 moderate impudence reign; but what is more shameful, it is 
 much too prevalent among the order of pastors. It is too 
 well known, with what delusive madness Osiander deceives 
 himself, and fascinates some otliers. The Lord, indeed, as 
 he has done from the beginning of the world, can wonder- 
 fully, in ways unknown to us, preserve the unity of the true 
 faith, and prevent its destruction from the dissensions of 
 men. It is his will however, that those whom he has ap- 
 pointed to watch should by no means sleep ; as he has de- 
 termined, by the labours of his ministering servants, to purge 
 the pure doctrine in the church, from all corruptions, and to 
 transmit it unblemished to posterity. It is especially your 
 duty, most accomplished Prelate, as you sit more elevated 
 in the watch-tower, to continue your exertions for effecting 
 this object. I do not say this, to stimulate you afresh ; as 
 
OF CALVIN. 
 
 297 
 
 you have already, of your own accord, preceded others, and 
 voluntarily exhorted them to follow your steps. I would 
 only confirm you in this auspicious and disftinguished labour 
 by my congratulation. We have heard of the delightful 
 success of the gospel in England. I doubt not, but you 
 have experienced the same trials, which Paul met with in 
 his time : that the door being opened for the pure doctrine, 
 many adversaries suddenly rise up against its reception. I 
 know you have among you many advocates, capable of 
 refuting the falsehoods of the adversary ; but still, the wick- 
 edness of those, who exert all their arts to make disturbance, 
 proves that the most intense sedulity of the good will neither 
 be too ardent nor superfluous. I know moreover, that your 
 purpose is not confined to England alone ; but, at the same 
 moment, you consult the benefit of all the world. The gene- 
 rous disposition and uncommon piety of his Majesty, the 
 king, are justly to be admired, as he is pleased to favour this 
 holy purpose of holding such a council, and offers a place 
 for its session in his kingdom. I wish it might be effected, 
 that learned and stable men, from the principal churches, 
 might assemble in some place, and, after discussing with 
 care each article of faith, deliver to posterity, from their 
 general opinion of them all, the clear doctrines of the Scrip- 
 tures. It is to be numbered among the evils of our day, that 
 the churches are so divided one from another, that there rs 
 scarcely any friendly intercourse strengthened between us ; 
 much less does that holy communion of the members of 
 Christ flourish, which all profess with the mouth, but few 
 sincerely regard in the heart. But if the principal teachers 
 conduct themselves more coldly than they ought, it is prin- 
 cipally the fault of the princes who, involved in their secular 
 concerns, neglect the prosperity and purity of the church ; 
 or each one, contented with his own security, is indifferent 
 to the welfare of others. Thus it comes to pass, that the 
 members being divided; the body of the church lies disabled. 
 Respecting myself, if it should appear that I could render 
 
298 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 any service, I should with pleasure cross ten seas, if neces- 
 sary, to accomplish that object. Even if the benefit of the 
 kingdom of England only was to be consulted, it would fur- 
 nish a reason sufficiently powerful with me. But as in the 
 council proposed, the object is to obtain the firm and united 
 agreement of learned men to the sound rule of Scripture, by 
 which churches now divided may be united with each 
 other, I think it would be a crime in me to spare any labour 
 or trouble to effect it. But I expect my slender ability to 
 accomplish this will furnish me with sufficient excuse. If I 
 aid that object by my prayers, which will be undertaken by 
 others, I shall discharge my part of the business. Melanc- 
 thon is so far from me, that our letters cannot be exchanged 
 in a short time. Bullinger has perhaps answered you before 
 this. I wish my ability was equal to the ardency of my de- 
 sires. But what I at first declined, as unable to accomplish, 
 I perceive the very necessity of the business now compels 
 me to attempt. I not only exhort you, but I conjure you, 
 to proceed, until something shall be effected, if not every 
 thing you could wish. Farewell, most accomplished Pre- 
 late, sincerely respected by me. May the Lord go on to 
 
 guide you by his Spirit, and bless your holy labours. 
 
 Geneva. 
 
 LETTER XVIII— CALVIN TO CRANMER, ARCHBISHOP OF 
 CANTERBURY, salutem digit. 
 
 Since we can by no means expect at this time, what we 
 so much desired, that the principal doctors, from those 
 churches which have embraced the pure doctrines of the 
 gospel, should assemble, and from the word of God publish 
 a definite and luminous confession concerning all the points 
 now controverted ; 1 very much approve. Reverend Sir, of 
 your design, that the English should maturely determine 
 their religion among themselves ; that the minds of the peo- 
 
OF CALVIN. 299 
 
 pie may no longer remain in suspense about unsettled doc- 
 trines, or rites less determined than they ought to be. It is 
 especially your business, and that of all those who have the 
 government in their hands, to unite your exertions to effect 
 this object. You see what your station requires, and more 
 imperiously demands of you, in return for the office which 
 you hold by his favour. The chief authority is in your 
 hand, confirmed both by the greatness of the honour, and 
 the long established opinion concerning your prudence and 
 integrity. The eyes of the better part are turned upon you, 
 that they may follow your motions, or grow torpid under 
 the pretext of your negligence. I wish they had followed 
 you as a leader more than three years since, and avoided the 
 present numerous contests for removing gross superstitions. 
 I confess indeed, that since the time the gospel has seriously 
 flourished in England, the acquisitions have been great. 
 But if you consider how much remains to be done, and how 
 much delay there has been in many things, you will hasten 
 to the goal, as if a great part of your course was yet to be 
 finished. I do not give you this admonition to assiduity in 
 the work, lest you should indulge yourself as though it was 
 accomplished ; but to speak freely, I greatly fear, and this 
 fear is constantly recurring to my mind, that so many au- 
 tumns will be past in delaying, that the cold of a perpetual 
 winter will succeed. The more you advance in years, the 
 more vigorously you ought to excite yourself to action ; lest 
 leaving the world in this confused state of things, great 
 anxiety should distress you from a consciousness of negli- 
 gence. I call it a confused state of things / for the external 
 superstitions have been so imperfectly corrected, that the 
 innumerable remaining suckers unremittingly germinate. 
 Indeed I hear that of the corruptions of popery such a mass 
 remains, as not only to obscure, but almost destroy the pure 
 and genuine worship of God. At the same time, the spirit 
 of all ecclesiastical discipline is breathless, at least the 
 preaching of the gospel does not flourish as it ought. Sound 
 
300 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 religion certainly will never prevail, until the churches are 
 better provided with qualified pastors, who may seriously 
 discharge the office of teachers. That this may not take 
 place, satan opposes his secret arts. But I understand that 
 one manifest obstacle is, that the revenues of the church are 
 exposed for pillage. This is truly an intolerable evil. Be- 
 sides this waste, which is too gross, another evil, not much 
 lighter, is that idle fellows are fed upon the public income of 
 the church, that they may chant their vespers in an unknown 
 tongue. I say nothing more, as it is more than absurd, that 
 you should be an approver of these reproaches which are in 
 open opposition to the legitimate order of the church. I 
 doubt not but these things often occur to your mind, and are 
 suggested to you by that best and most excellent man, Peter 
 Martyr, whose advice it gives me pleasure to hear that you 
 use. The many arduous difficulties, with which you have 
 to struggle, appeared to me a sufficient reason for my ex- 
 hortation. Farewell, excellent" prelate. May the Lord long 
 preserve you safe ; enrich you more and more with the spirit 
 of prudence and fortitude, and bless all your labours. Amen. 
 
 LETTER XIX.— CALVIN TO MELANCTHON. 
 
 Nothing could be more agreeable to me at this time than 
 the reception of your letter of the month before last. To 
 my great labours, which sufficiently perplex me, there is 
 scarce a day which does not add some fresh cause for grief 
 or anxiety. I should soon faint under the load of evils, 
 with which I am oppressed, if the Lord was not pleased to 
 alleviate their severity by his remedies ; among which this 
 is not a small one, in my estimation, that I know you are in 
 usual health, as much so as your age and delicate constitu- 
 tion will admit ; and that your letter has convinced me, that 
 your love for me is not at all diminished. I have been told, 
 
OF CALVIN. 301 
 
 that you were so, much offended at some of my too free 
 admonitions, which however ought to have produced a very 
 different effect, that you tore my letter to pieces before 
 several witnesses. The person who related this was not 
 indeed worthy of much credit; but as it appeared to be 
 confirmed by various signs for a long time, I was at length 
 constrained to suspect that some part of it might be true. 
 From your letter I have now learned most fully, that our 
 union still remains unimpaired ; which certainly ought to be 
 forever sacred and inviolable, as its origin was from a simi- 
 lar affection for piety. It is our highest interest, that the 
 friendship which God has consecrated, by the tokens of 
 his authority, should be cherished with confidence and con- 
 stancy even until death ; as in this friendship the church is 
 deeply concerned. You see how many eyes are turned 
 upon us. The wicked will captiously seize from our dif- 
 ferences a handle for their reproaches; and the weak among 
 us will be disturbed even by our most trivial opposition. 
 It is of consequence also, that posterity should have no 
 grounds to suspect that there was any incipient discord be- 
 tween us. It would be extremely absurd, after having been 
 compelled to separate from all the world, that we should, at 
 the very threshhold, break away from each other. I know 
 and freely confess, that I am far from being equal to you ; 
 still I am not ignorant of the elevation to which God has 
 raised me among his people ; and there is no reason that I 
 should dissemble with you my opinion, that our friendship 
 cannot be violated without a great injury to the church. 
 Even if we had no other reason, estimate from your own 
 sensibility, how distressing it would be to me, to be cut off 
 from the man whom I affectionately love and revere ; and 
 whom God has rendered conspicuous to his whole church, 
 by magnificently adorning him with singular gifts, and ap- 
 pointing him prime minister for the management of the 
 chief concerns of his kingdom. It is certainly a wonderful 
 and uncommon stupidity, that we should despise so easily 
 26 
 
302 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 that sacred tinion between us, which would become the 
 celestial angels to bear to each other on earth. In the mean 
 time, the adversary continues to prepare on every hand the 
 causes of discord. From our negligence, he takes occasion 
 to accumulate his materials ; and will soon provide his iji- 
 struments for enkindling and fanning the fires. 
 
 I will relate what has taken place in this church, to the 
 great grief of all the pious. A year has already elapsed 
 since we have been troubled with these contests. Some 
 unprincipled men raised a controversy with us concerning 
 the gratuitous election of God, and the miserable servitude 
 of the human will ; and for exciting a public tumult, they 
 found nothing more plausible, in their opposition to us, than 
 the pretext of your name. When they had ascertained, 
 that we were promptly prepared to refute whatever spe- 
 cious devices they threw out, they invented this artifice, by 
 which they expected to overpower us, unless we would 
 publicly separate from you. But we observed such mode- 
 ration, that they wholly failed in extorting from us what 
 they had so artfully pursued. My colleagues then with 
 me declared, that we adhered to the same scope in doc- 
 trines, as that by which you were guided. Not a word 
 was dropped in the whole dispute, but what was justly 
 respectful, and tended to establish confidence in you. It 
 was, however, the fact, that I was severely pained with the 
 silent thought that after our death, corrupt men will be fur- 
 nished with occasion of troubling the church, as often as 
 they please, while they bring into controversy the opposite 
 opinion of those, who should, for the sake of example, have 
 professed one and the same thing, in the same words. 
 
 That Osiander has withdrawn himself from us, or rather, 
 by a violent assault, made his escape, is neither a matter of 
 surprise nor much regret. You long since experienced, that 
 he was one of those wild animals which can never be tamed. 
 From the day I first saw him, I always considered him as 
 disgraceful to the cause; and I detested him as a man of 
 
OF CALVIN 
 
 303 
 
 profane disposition and corrupt morals. Whenever he 
 wished to praise sweet and generous wine, he had these 
 words in his mouth — " I am who I am" — or — '* This is 
 the Son of the living God" — which betrayed a manifest 
 mockery of God. Hence I have often been more asto- 
 nished, that even your general moderation should cherish 
 such a brutal man : especially I was so when I read in a 
 preface of yours that passage where you praise him ex- 
 travagantly, even after the specimen he gave us of his 
 insanity at Worms. But let him go; he ought to be 
 most perfectly cut off from us.* There are some others 
 whom I should prefer to have retained. But I will omit 
 all these things. It is no small grief to me, that our 
 method of teaching is manifestly observed to be too dis- 
 cordant. I am not ignorant, that if we yield to human au- 
 thority, it would be more reasonable for me to accede to 
 you, than for you to conform to my opinion. But we are 
 not to be guided by human authority ; nor is this even to 
 be wished from the pious ministers of Christ. We are 
 bound, on all hand, to seek conformity to the pure truth of 
 God. Now I candidly confess, that religion prevents me 
 from acceding to you on this point of doctrine ; as you ap- 
 pear to me to dispute too metaphysically concerning the 
 freedom of the will : and in treating of election, you have 
 no object, but to accommodate yourself to the common ap- 
 prehension of mankind. For it cannot be attributed to an 
 oversight, that a man of your acuteness, caution, and 
 
 * Mosheim states, that arrogance and singularity were the prin- 
 cipal lines in Osiander's character. Melancthon, in his letter to 
 Calvin, calls him a Gorgon, who had dangling vipers for hair, and 
 petrified others by his aspect. He treated Melancthon with the 
 grossest language of satire and illiberality. Melancthon's letter to 
 Calvin is dated Oct. 1, 1552. Osiander died Oct. 17, but Calvin had 
 not heard of his death when he wrote the above letter in November. 
 
304 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 thorough knowledge of the Scriptures, should confound the 
 election of God, with those promises which are common to 
 all — qux sunt universse. Nothing is more evident, than 
 that the preaching of the word is promiscuously common to 
 all persons ; but that the Spirit of faith is given by special 
 privilege to the elect alone. The promises are common to 
 all without exception. How then does it come to pass, 
 that their efficacy does not equally manifest itself in all? 
 Truly, because God does not reveal his arm to all. Nor 
 does this point require proof with those who are tolerably 
 versed in the Scriptures, since the promises offer the grace 
 of Christ equally to all, and God invites, by an outward call, 
 whosoever will, to salvation ; yet faith is a special gift, ft 
 appears to me that this whole question, although embarassed 
 and intricate, is clearly explained in a work I have lately 
 published.* The question is so plain, that no one of sound 
 understanding will believe, that your disagreement is from 
 the conviction of your own mind. At the same time, it in- 
 creases my anxiety and sorrow, because I know that on this 
 point you almost entirely differ from yourself. For I hear, 
 when you received the formula of our union with the church 
 of Zurich, taking a pen you erased the sentence, which cau- 
 tiously and soberly distinguishes the elect from the repro- 
 bate. This was totally different from your usual moderation, 
 not to say more. I do not, therefore, ask you to make even 
 the attempt to read my treatise, as I apprehend it would be 
 useless. I wish we might have an interview to converse on 
 these things. I know your candour, frankness, and mode- 
 ration ; and your piety is manifested to the world and to 
 angels. I trust, therefore, that this whole matter would be 
 easily explained between us. If an opportunity should offer, 
 I should be highly gratified in visiting you. But if what you 
 
 * Calvin's Treatise, concerning the eternal election of God was 
 published in 1551. See Tract. Theol. Cal. p. 593. 
 
OF CALVIN. 305 
 
 fear should happen,* it will be a great consolation to me, in 
 this wretched and mournful state of affairs, to see and em- 
 brace you before our departure from this world. 
 
 We are far from enjoying that tranquillity which you sup- 
 pose. In this city, there are many labours, difficulties, and 
 tumults. Our enemies are in sight, from whom new dangers 
 threaten us. We are only five hours' journey from Burgundy. 
 One may come in less than an hour from the French do- 
 minions to the gates of Geneva. But as nothing is more 
 happy than to fight under the standard of Christ, these diffi- 
 culties must not deter you from visiting us. In the mean 
 time, you will do me a favour, by informing me of your 
 situation, and the general condition of your church. Fare- 
 well, illustrious man, and sincerely respected brother. May 
 the Lord protect you with his shield, direct you with his 
 Spirit, and bless your holy labours. My colleagues and 
 many pious and discreet men respectfully salute you. Yours, 
 
 JOHN CALVIN. 
 Geneva, Nov. 29, 1552. 
 
 LETTER XX,— CALVIN TO SIR JOHN CHEKE. 
 
 I have hitherto deferred writing to you, most excellent 
 Sir, lest I should appear to seek something for which I had 
 no inclination. Most of the friendships of the world are 
 specious, and influenced by ambition and vanity. Few 
 cherish sincerity ; and few deserve our confidence, whose 
 probity has not been tried. I have already often ventured to 
 write to the king, to whom I have, with other servants of 
 Christ, found access, by your care, under providence. For 
 having hitherto omitted to write to you, I have a ready ex- 
 cuse. I apprehend that those, at whose request I wrote to 
 
 * Calvin here alludes to an apprehension which Melancthon had 
 
 of being driven into exile. 
 
 26* 
 
306 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 him, would imagine that I had not sufficient confidence in 
 them, if I entrusted the delivery of my letter^ to others ; be- 
 sides, there was no such familiarity between us, as would 
 warrant me in giving you that trouble. If I have erred in 
 this, you will be pleased to impute it to my modesty, rather 
 than my negligence. I have long since been induced to 
 esteem you highly, from the fame of your eminent piety and 
 distinguished learning. This one circumstance is sufficient 
 to conciliate to you the minds of all good men, that while 
 England has a king of the most amiable disposition, you 
 have, by your labour, formed him to such a maturity of vir- 
 tue, beyond his age, that he has extended his hand to the 
 troubled and most afflicted church, in these unhappy times. 
 Surely the Lord, in dignifying you with this honour, has not 
 only bound those to you who reap the immediate fruit of 
 your labours, but all those who desire the church of God to 
 be restored, or the remnants of it to be collected. In testi- 
 fying the esteem for you, which I have silently cherished 
 with myself, I am persuaded that I shall not render you an 
 unpleasant service. In the splendour of your fortune, you 
 have no occasion for my personal assistance; and, being 
 contented with my humble condition, I would not, for my 
 own sake, lay any additional burden upon you ; but I would 
 have a mutual good will cherished between us in this tran- 
 sitory life, until we shall enjoy substantial blessedness in 
 heaven. In the mean time, let us labour to adorn, and, as 
 much as in us lies, to extend and support the kingdom of 
 Christ. We see the numerous, open and infectious enemies, 
 whose fury is daily increased and inflamed. And of the 
 number of those, who have given their names to the gospel, 
 how few labour with integrity to maintain the glory of God ? 
 How much coldness, or rather how much slothfulness, pre- 
 vails among most of the chief niien ; and finally, how great 
 is the stupidity of the world ? Your willing exertions re- 
 quire no foreign excitements, and I trust you will take in 
 good part those things I have suggested, as proper for each 
 
OF CALVIN. 307 
 
 one assiduously to apply to himself. But this I expressly 
 ask of you, that if at any time you shall judge, that his ma^ 
 jesty the king may be excited by my expostulations, you 
 will be pleased to advise and give counsel as the case may 
 require. Farewell, most excellent and highly respected man. 
 May the Lord guide you by his power, &:c. 
 
 JOHN CALVIN. 
 Geneva, February 13, 1553. 
 
 LETTER XXL— CALVIN TO MELANCTHON, 
 
 SALUTExM DIGIT. 
 
 Your letter, my dear sir, gave me great satisfaction, not 
 only because every thing that comes from you is dear to me, 
 but because from it I understand, that the affection with 
 which you embraced me, at our first acquaintance, still re- 
 mains fixed in your heart. And especially, as you commend, 
 with a sufficient eulogy, my endeavours to expunge the im- 
 pious heresy of Servetus. From this letter 1 learn also, that 
 you were not offended by the plainness and freedom of my 
 admonitions. I wish, however, that you had treated more 
 fully on the subject on which I wrote. I will not importu- 
 nately urge you ; but as far as you can with peace, I exhort 
 you, again and again, to examine, at least with yourself, 
 those things about which I wrote you. For, in this way, I 
 trust you will endeavour, that some more definite form of 
 teaching, concerning the gratuitous election of believers, 
 than heretofore, may be agreed upon between us. About 
 the ivorship of the bread, I have long since known the secret 
 opinion of your mind, which you do not dissemble in your 
 letter. But your too great tardiness displeases me, by which 
 you not only cherish, but augment the madness of those 
 whom you see pursuing daily, with such petulance, the de- 
 struction of the whole church. It may not seem easy to 
 you to restrain those violent men, yet I think it would be a 
 
308 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 light matter, if you would boldly attempt it. You know 
 that our duties do not depend upon the hope of success, but 
 in the most desperate cases we must do precisely what God 
 requires of us. Your excuse does not appear a sufficient one 
 to me, that those malevolent men would, from your appear- 
 ing openly in the cause, take the probable means of over- 
 whelming you. For what can the servants of Christ accom- 
 plish, unless they disregard hatred ; pass by with indiffe- 
 rence unfavourable reports, casting off the fear of dangers, 
 and whatever obstacles the adversary may throw in their 
 path ; and overcome by invincible constancy ? It is certain, 
 should they even become violently mad against you, nothing 
 awaits you more severe from them, than that you should be 
 compelled to leave that place. This, in my opinion, you 
 ought, for many reasons, to wish for. But as extremities of 
 every kind are to be feared, it is your duty to resolve at 
 once, what you owe to Christ ; lest in suppressing an inge- 
 nuous profession of the truth, you afford unprincipled men, by 
 your silence, a patronage for its destruction. In order to 
 restrain their violence, I have again summed up, in a short 
 compendium, the chief points of doctrine. All the Helvetic 
 churches have subscribed it. The church of Zurich ap- 
 proved of it most decidedly. I now anxiously expect your 
 opinion, and I wish very much to know what the divines 
 of Germany may think or say of it. But if those who 
 traduce us with such hostility do not desist from their disor- 
 derly conduct, we will endeavour to make the world hear 
 our complaints. Farewell, most excellent man, always re- 
 spected by me above others. May the Lord govern you 
 with his Spirit, protect you with his hand, and sustain you 
 with strength ; and may he hold us in a holy union until he 
 brings us together in his heavenly kingdom. 
 
 JOHN CALVIN. 
 March 5, 1555. 
 
OF CALVIN. 
 
 309 
 
 LETTER XXIL— CALVIN TO MARTYR, salutkm dicit. 
 
 What I promised to write, concerning the secret commu- 
 nication which we have with Christ, I shall not perform so 
 fully as you expected. Although the subject is of great im- 
 portance, yet I think it may be sufficiently defined between 
 you and myself in a few words. Of that communication 
 which the Son of God hath with our nature, by assuming 
 our flesh that be might become our brother, I shall say no- 
 thing. But I shall treat of that which emanates from his 
 divine power, and communicates life to us, so that we are 
 made to grow together into one body with him. At the 
 same time that we receive Christ by faith, as he offers him- 
 self in the gospel, we are made truly members of him, and 
 life flows unto us from him as a capite, from the head. In 
 no other way does he reconcile us to God, by the sacrifice 
 of his death, but as he is ours, and we are one with him. 
 So I interpret the passage of Paul, where he says, the faith- 
 ful are called into his xowmviav, fellowship. 1 Cor. i. 9. 
 Nor does the word fellowship, or partnership, appear to me 
 sufficiendy to express his mind. He would designate that 
 sacred oneness by which the Son of God would engraft us 
 into his body, that he might make us partakers of his fulness. 
 We so draw life from his flesh and blood, that we may, with 
 propriety, call them our food. How that is done, I confess, 
 is very far above the comprehension of ray understanding. 
 I rather humbly admire, than labour to comprehend this | 
 mystery. But this I confess, that by the divine power of 
 the Spirit, life is poured from heaven upon the earth. For 
 the flesh of Christ does not give life of itself, nor would its 
 efficacy reach us, but by the incomprehensible operation, of 
 the Spirit. It is the work of the Spirit, that Christ dwells 
 in us, supports and nourishes us, and performs all the func- 
 tions of a head. I preclude in this way all approach to the 
 gross inventions about the intermixture of substances. It is 
 
310 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 sufficient for me, that while the body of Christ remains in 
 celestial glory, life flows from him to us, as the root trans- 
 mits the nourishment to the branches. Many of the ancient 
 fathers, especially Hilary and Cyril, I perceive, were carried 
 away much too far. I do not so exactly follow their hyper- 
 boles, but that I will always ingenuously oppose myself to 
 their authority, when it is made to patronize error. While 
 they contend that Christ is consubstantial, ofioovaoovj with 
 the Father, because it is written, / and the father are one; 
 the Arians retort, what is presently added, that they also 
 may be one in us. Thus are they taken in their own igno- 
 rance, and they have recourse to this miserable subterfuge, 
 that we are of the same essence with Christ. This being 
 confessed, they were of necessity involved in many other 
 absurdities. But that these new fabricators may not produce 
 against us the authority of the fathers, it will be sufficient 
 for me to say that I do subscribe to them, that I may not 
 willingly draw them into the controversy. 
 
 I now come to the second communication, which I con- 
 sider as the effect and fruit of the former. For after Christ, 
 by the internal operation of the Spirit, has subdued and 
 united us to himself in his body, he continues to us a second 
 operation of the Spirit, by which he enriches us with his 
 gifts. If, therefore, we are strong in hope and patience, if 
 we soberly and temperately abstain from the enticements of 
 this world, if we earnestly endeavour to conquer the lusts of 
 the flesh, if our zeal for righteousness and piety strengthens, 
 if we are delighted and elevated with the meditation of a 
 future life ; this, I say, proceeds from that second communi- 
 cation, by which Christ, who does not idly dwell in us, 
 proves the efficacy of his Spirit in manifest gifts. Nor is it 
 absurd that Christ, when we are united to his body, should 
 communicate to us his Spirit, by whose secret operation he 
 was first made ours; since the Scripture often attributes 
 both these effects to his agency. But although the faithful 
 come to this communion at" the very time of their vocation ; 
 
OF CALVlN. 311 
 
 yet in as much as the life of Christ increases in them, he 
 daily offers himself to be enjoyed by them. This is the 
 communication which they receive in the Lord's Supper. I 
 should explain this more fully to any one, whom I wished 
 to instruct ; but to you I have summed it up briefly, merely 
 that you might see that we are of the same opinion. Fare- 
 well, most distinguished man, always respected by me in 
 the Lord. Salute Sturmius, Zanchus and other friends affec- 
 tionately. May the Lord always guard you, guide you by 
 his Spirit, and follow you with his blessing. 
 
 JOHN CALVIN. 
 
 Geneva, August 8, 1555. 
 
 LETTER XXIII.— CALVIN TO MELANCTHON. 
 
 Most distinguished man, — You indeed observe, with cor- 
 rectness and sagacity, that the only object of our adversaries 
 is to exhibit themselves to the public. But, however, I 
 hope, and it is credible, that their expectation will be greatly 
 disappointed. Should they still bear off the applause of the 
 whole world, we must be more anxiously diligent to seek 
 the approbation of our heavenly Judge, under whose eyes 
 we contend. What ? Will the holy assembly of angels, 
 who excite us by their presence, and point out the way of 
 strenuous exertion by their example, permit us to be sloth- 
 ful, or move with a delaying step ? What the whole com- 
 pany of the holy fathers ? Will they not stimulate us to 
 exertion? What, moreover, the church of God, now in the 
 world ? When we know that she is fighting for us by her 
 prayers, and is animated by our example, will her assistance 
 avail nothing with us ? Let these be my spectators, I will be 
 contented with their approbation. Though the whole world 
 should hiss me, my courage shall not fail. Far be it from 
 me to envy these flashy and boisterous men the glory of a 
 laurel, in some obscure corner, for a short time. I am not 
 ignorant of what the world applaud as praise-worthy, or 
 
312 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 condemn as odious. But it is the whole of my concern, to 
 follow the rule prescribed by my Master. Nor do I doubt 
 but that this ingenuousness will, on the whole, be more 
 pleasing to the pious and faithful, than that soft and comply- 
 ing method of instruction, which argues an empty mind. 
 The obligation which you acknowledge yourself under to 
 God and his church, I beseech you to discharge with all 
 diligence. I do not insist upon this, for the purpose of free- 
 ing myself, and loading you with a great part of their hatred. 
 By no means. I would rather, if it could be, from my love 
 and respect for you, receive on my own shoulders whatever 
 load may already oppress you. It is your duty to consider, 
 although 1 did not admonish you, that you will with diffi- 
 culty discharge that obligation, unless you promptly deli- 
 ver from hesitation those pious men, who are looking up to 
 you for instruction. Moreover, if that proud and blustering 
 man, on the banks of the Danube, does not arouse you to 
 exertion, all will justly accuse you of sloth and indifference. 
 Farewell, most excellent and sincerely respected man. May 
 Christ, the faithful Shepherd of his people, be always present, 
 guide and defend you. Amen. Salute Camerarius, and 
 other friends at Wiltemberg, in my name. 
 
 JOHN CALVIN. 
 
 Geneva, August 22, 1555. 
 
 LETTER XXIV.— CALVIN TO BULLINGER, S. D. 
 
 It is known that unfavourable rumours are industriously 
 propagated about us, by the artifice of those, who wish to 
 screen themselves by rendering us every where odious. On 
 this account, you will render us a favour, if you will take 
 care, that an abridgment of what I now write be stated to 
 your most illustrious senate. And also, if it will not be too 
 much trouble, I wish that you would send this part of my 
 letter to our brethren, the ministers of the church of Schaff- 
 hausen, that they may, among their people, exculpate this 
 
OP CALVIN. 313 
 
 city from unfounded calumnies. The whole affair stands 
 thus : — 
 
 In the senate were two men, wicked and malicious to the 
 highest pitch of impudence. They were both of them poor 
 and hungry. One is called Perrin, the other Vandellius. 
 The former, being captain-general of the city, had, by pro- 
 posing impunity to all crimes, conciliated to himself the very 
 refuse of the wicked. When any crimes were committed 
 by the obstinate, the lewd, and the dissolute, he immediately 
 patronized them, that the penalty of the laws should not be 
 enforced. The other was his faithful coadjutor in all these 
 things. They bound to. their purpose a part of the senate 
 by their flatteries. They afFrightened into submission to 
 them some sordid creatures, who could not hold their office 
 but by their favour. Their family connections espoused 
 their cause, merely on account of their relationship. In this 
 manner, their power in the upper senate had grown so 
 strong, that scarce any dared lo resist their inclinations. In 
 fact, for several years, the legal decisions have been entirely 
 in their power; and their scandalous breaches of justice 
 have been abundantly manifest. The city not only saw this, 
 but, by their means, we were evilly reported among our 
 neighbours, and among foreigners. Very many openly op- 
 posed them, as they were often vexed and torn to pieces by 
 their atrocious improbities. If any one, however, who de- 
 spised their power, exposed their crimes, they were prompt 
 to take their revenge. They readily passed over whatever 
 was said by their equals. By the continuance of these things, 
 many contracted habits of servitude to their measures. All 
 the edicts lay dead upon the records. No one who was 
 favoured by these men had any thing to fear from the laws, 
 or from siiame. The judges and the prefect of the city were 
 annually chosen entirely by their will. Their outrage was, 
 however, at length carried to such an excess, that the people 
 themselves, after having elected, by their suffrages, I know 
 not what refuse, the very basest dregs, became alarmed at 
 
 27 
 
314 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 their own disgrace. This was confessed by all on the last 
 year, that if the election had been given up to the enemies of 
 the city, they could not have called into office, from the mob 
 itself, men more disgraceful. But now, as formerly, if the 
 upper senate transgress their will, the council of two hun- 
 dred are in the habit of bringing relief to their crimes and 
 corruptions. For these men contrived to throw into this 
 body many of the lowest characters ; some of whom were 
 turbulent and blustering young men, and others were base 
 and dissolute in their manners. And lest their power should 
 fail them, disregarding the order of the number, they forcibly 
 introduced into the multitude, all those persons whom they 
 supposed to be devoted to their interest. This licentiousness 
 at length became so extensive, that certain persons obtruded 
 themselves into the senate, without any election by that body. 
 This was the faction who, seeing the judicatory of the church 
 opposed to them, and their unbridled impunity in all crimes 
 exposed, excited a contest with us concerning excommuni- 
 cation, that they might destroy the last remains of discipline. 
 They desisted not from turning every thing upside down, 
 till with great difficulty we obtained, that at least advice 
 should be asked of the Helvetic churches. But as your an- 
 swer destroyed the hopes and purposes of the wicked, our 
 condition was, from that circumstance, a little more quiet. 
 Still, however, they were watching for new opportunities, and 
 having dismissed all shame, they attempted to break down all 
 restraints. But, as, it was troublesome to us to be in continual 
 agitation, we ventured to importune them to determine some- 
 thing that might be depended upon as an established order 
 of things. In this thing the Lord wonderfully frustrated 
 their purposes. For in the promiscuous suffrages of the mul- 
 titude, we had the majority. Soon after this, the assembly 
 was held for the election of Syndics, at which a most unex- 
 pected change of public opinion appeared. At this time, 
 the wicked became openly outrageous, for they saw them- 
 selves once more reduced to order. They now rashly un- 
 
OF CALVIN. 315 
 
 dertook and attempted many things, to destroy the govern- 
 ment. We were satisfied barely to restrain or defeat their 
 exertions without tumult. But as it was no secret, that 
 they were anxious, beyond measure, for a revolution, the 
 senate determined to oppose the best defence against their 
 licentious rage. Of the French, who had resided here for 
 a long time, w^hose probity was well known, a number, 
 perhaps about fifty, were admitted to the right of citizen- 
 ship. The faction perceived how much stronger this addi- 
 tion would render the hands of the good. They deter- 
 mined, therefore, to leave no stone unturned, to defeat this 
 counsel. The business was discussed among themselves in 
 the streets, and the wine shops, and also in the houses of 
 some individuals. When they had drawn over certain per- 
 sons to their purpose, they began to rise not only in com- 
 plaints, but in open threats. By secret collusion, the pre- 
 fect of the city was induced, with a large but base and 
 shameless train, to enter the council-room, and denounce 
 the senate if they proceeded. A great part of this mob 
 was made up of sailors, fishermen, kitchen servants, butch- 
 ers, vagrants, and persons of such like condition ; as if the 
 city could not defend its rights without such patriots. The 
 senate answered, in a dignified manner, that they had at- 
 tempted no innovation; but had proceeded in the order 
 sanctioned by the most ancient usage of the city ; that it 
 was an insufierable indignity, to endeavour to destroy the 
 ancient customs, to force from the order of citizens those 
 who had for a long time honourably dwelt among them, 
 and finally, to attempt to wrest from the senate the authority 
 which had, from the remotest antiquity, been committed to 
 their hands. But as the senate thought best to proceed 
 without violence, they off'ered pardon, for this time, to the 
 public conspirators. They however severely reproved the 
 prefect, for using his influence in behalf of so abandoned 
 men, in so unjust a cause. The senate, at the same time, 
 decreed to convoke the council of two hundred. When 
 
316 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 they were assembled, the authority of the upper senate was 
 sanctioned; and it was determined, that they might hence- 
 forward admit as citizens such of the French residents as 
 they should judge proper. But before the lower senate 
 had decreed this last clause, the violent fury of these fel- 
 lows burst forth in such a manner as to prove, that they 
 were determined to cast themselves headlong, into all ex- 
 tremities, as in a desperate case. It was now the city was 
 almost brought to a general slaughter, in a nocturnal tumult. 
 The day before that on which it happened, a dinner, free of 
 expense, was given to many of those unprincipled men. 
 The leaders, however, feasted in a different place. Van- 
 dellius bore the expense of the dinner, and Perrin of the 
 supper. Their runners were flying about in all directions. 
 Many unfavourable omens were observed. The steady in- 
 habitants were, not without cause, concerned for them- 
 selves. It is the custom in this city, after the watches are 
 stationed at the gates, that the captain of the watch goes 
 the round to examine the sentries. Each senator performs 
 this office in his turn. The watch of this night being sta- 
 tioned in the centre of the city, they heard an outcry at a 
 small distance. In that quarter, behind the merchants' shops, 
 some one being struck with a stone, cried out that he was 
 killed. The watch ran together instantly to discharge their 
 duty. Two brothers encountered them, who were of the 
 company of Perrin and Vandellius ; men of the lowest 
 class, being butchers, who had supped on free cost at the 
 same table. From this circumstance it became evident, 
 that this outcry was made by agreement, otherwise two 
 men only would not have dared to attack the watch who 
 were armed. They both indeed confessed this to be the 
 fact, to the judges, and to many others, and to me also in 
 private. But yet, when they were taken to punishment, 
 they denied that this outcry was made as the signal for a 
 mob. They were however convicted, by so many proofs, 
 that their impudence was of no avail. They did not at all 
 
OF CALVIN. 317 
 
 deny, that on the same day, between the dinner and supper, 
 they accompanied Perrin, of their own accord, to a neigh- 
 bouring village ; that while they were on their way there, 
 mention was made of five hundred armed men, who were 
 to be called from some other place, to guard the city ; that 
 when the same subject was introduced at the afternoon's 
 xepast, Perrin, when the mechanics came in, repressed the 
 conversation, commanding silence, schwick, schwick, in 
 German ; and that as this village was without the jurisdic- 
 tion of Geneva, he said that an asylum and support were 
 there prepared for any who should commit any capital crime 
 in the city. 
 
 Upon the apprehension of those two men, (the tumult in- 
 creasing) one of the Syndics, who lived near the place, ap- 
 peared with lighted torches, and the staff which was the 
 badge of his office. The reverence of this people was 
 always so great for this sacred staff, that by its appearance 
 the greatest mobs were dispersed, and when slaughter was 
 threatened, the violence was restrained by its influence. 
 One of these brothers, with a drawn sword, encountered 
 the Syndic. The Syndic, relying on the badge of his 
 authority, seized him, that he might commit him to prison. 
 Many of the factious flew to his assistance. Every light 
 was extinquished. They declared, that they would not 
 suffer their good companion to be carried to prison. Perrin 
 came at this moment. He at first dissembled attempts to 
 pacify them, and seized the staff of the Syndic, whispering 
 in his ear, it is mine and not yours. The Syndic, though 
 a man of small stature, would not give it up, but struggled 
 boldly, and with all his strength. While these things were 
 going on, a clamour was raised in every direction, through 
 all the streets of the city, as it would seem, in a moment ; 
 the French are in arms — the city is betrayed by treachery-^ 
 the house of the senator, the prefect of the watch is filled 
 with armed men, — It was thus these emissaries tumultu- 
 ously assembled those whom they knew to be on their side, 
 27* 
 
318 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 Perrin, as soon as he believed his band sufficiently strong, 
 began to vociferate, the Synidical staff is ours-— for I hold 
 it. This was not answered by a single testimony of ap- 
 plause, although he was surrounded by the conspirators. 
 Thus it is evident, that they were restrained by some provi- 
 dential influence. Confounded with shame, and equally 
 terrified, Perrin by degrees recovered himself. But falling 
 upon another Syndic, a kinsman of his by marriage, he 
 forcibly seized his staff. He complained that the rights of 
 the city were violated in the attack made upon him, and 
 called for assistance. As the mob had the superiority in 
 arms, no one raised a finger, or moved a step, at the Syn- 
 dic's complaint. But a certain reverence again prevented 
 the vilest from applauding this act of Perrin. At length, 
 forced by fear, he privately returned the staff. At this 
 time, many of the conspirators were in arms. One voice 
 resounded every where — the French must be killed — they 
 have betrayed the city. But the Lord watched over these 
 unhappy exiles, and so held them in sleep that they heard 
 none of these horrid outcries ; or so supported them that 
 they did not fear the threatened danger. None of them left 
 their houses. And thus, by the interposition of God, the 
 purpose of the wicked was defeated, as no one offered him- 
 self to the combat. For they had determined, as was after- 
 wards well known, if any attacked them, to defend them- 
 selves ; that some being slain, they would proceed in battle 
 array against others, as if the sedition had been raised 
 by us. They not only threatened those who had taken 
 up their residence here, but they exclaimed, that their 
 patrons also should be slain, and that punishment should 
 be inflicted upon the senate. In this affair, you may see 
 the clemency of our senate, who, when the authors of this 
 nefarious uproar were apprehended and convicted, not only 
 spared their lives, but abstained even from moderate chas- 
 tisements, so that they were not indeed corrected by whip- 
 ping. The Syndics, having ordered the senate to be con- 
 
OF CALVIN. 319 
 
 voked, ran quickly from one part of the city to the other. 
 The Nvicked, however, relying upon their multitude, not 
 only to elude and despise their authority, but also to 
 abuse them with insults, left very small hopes of a re- 
 medy. However, by divine interference, beyond all our 
 expectations, the violence of the tempest began to moderate 
 by degrees. The next day it was decreed, that inquiry 
 should be made concerning the public violence. The Syn- 
 dics took up three days in examining the witnesses. That 
 no one should say, he was pressed to a false testimony, 
 they assembled the council of two hundred ; and while the 
 testimonies were recited, the conspirators themselves sat 
 among the judges. As it appeared that any one was con- 
 cerned in the crime, or laboured under unfavourable suspi- 
 cions, he was ordered to leave the senate room, as he could 
 not with integrity give his opinion. But Perrin, seeing his 
 wickedness would be detected, with three others, made his 
 escape by flight. The lower senate, justly exasperated at 
 the indignity of this outrage upon good order, decreed that 
 the crime of this conspiracy ought to be severely punished. 
 They exhorted the upper senate, who have the power of 
 passing sentence, strenuously to exact exemplary punish- 
 ment. The fugitives were summoned by the principal 
 sheriff, and then by a public crier, according to custom; 
 and this was done by the sound of trumpet for fifteen days. 
 By their letters, they declared that they would not appear, 
 unless the public faith was pledged for their security. But 
 it would have been very absurd, to absolve, by a law as 
 privileged persons, those criminals who ought to defend their 
 cause in chains. On the appointed day, five were con- 
 demned. But before the judges pronounced sentence, they 
 recited, in a public assembly, the crimes of those whom 
 they were obliged to hold convicted, since they refused, 
 when summoned, to appear and defend their innocence 
 upon trial. Then they produced the confession of those, 
 who were punished, and who are still in prison. It is very 
 
320 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 evident, that they are too dangerous and too wicked, to be 
 permitted to escape by any subterfuge. Yet they are 
 shameless enough to persist in spreading opprobrious re- 
 ports ; that they are oppressed by unjust hatred ; that they 
 defended the rights of the city against the French; and 
 that the senate was devoted to the French. As if the coun- 
 cil of two hundred, by whose previous judgment they were 
 sentenced, were not the people. As if they were driven 
 from the city by force of arras. As if the people, believing 
 them to be the patrons of their liberties, would quietly per- 
 mit them to be oppressed with such severe injuries. But so 
 true is it, on the other hand, that by their flight, all the 
 tumults were composed ; the cloudy and tempestuous atmos- 
 phere, which they had drawn over the city, was dispersed ; 
 the laws resumed their force, and tranquillity was restored to 
 the people. Those persons who came to entreat for them, 
 at their request, saw most evidently, that the city was no 
 longer divided by discord, nor disturbed by contentions; and 
 that the punishment decreed against them was approved by 
 the deliberate opinion of all. Possessed of the most con- 
 summate impudence, they not only extenuate the crimes 
 which they have admitted, but with futile cavils, boast that 
 those crimes were made up out of nothing. It is by no 
 means difficult to confute these assertions. They declare 
 it is not probable, that when they had a large mob under 
 their power, they should rush to arms without a strong 
 guard. As if it was a rare and unfrequent example, that 
 the wicked are blinded, and thrown headlong by their 
 madness. And certainly, whatever they may pretend, it 
 was manifest madness that drove one in a back yard, to 
 knock down a man with the stroke of a stone, from whence 
 the outcry began. The same infatuation also induced the 
 two brothers to make an attack upon the watch, who were 
 armed with drawn swords. And, moreover, that they should 
 petulantly contemn and mock the authority of the syndics, to 
 disobey whom was always a capital crime, is an evident 
 
OF CALVIN. 321 
 
 proof, not merely of sudden fury, but of audaciousness be- 
 fore conceived, and among themselves long determined upon. 
 Whence originated this unanimous outcry among them all, 
 that the city was betrayed by the French, unless they had 
 conspired together for this very purpose? Unless they had, 
 by special agreement, given out this watch-word, how could 
 it be that in the most distant parts of the city, this outcry, 
 made up of nothing, should be joined in at the same mo- 
 ment ? How came it to pass, that the wife of that same 
 Vandellius ran to the doors of all those whom she supposed 
 to be of their party, accusing the French of treason? But 
 this is what one of Perrin's followers confessed, who was 
 more intimate with him than any one else, that those two 
 leaders of sedition, four or five days before, conversed about 
 it between themselves. " Why," said Perrin, *' do we re- 
 main idle, when we shall shortly be punished for our cow- 
 ardice ? It is now three years since the enemies have con- 
 spired together to effect our ruin. They placed me first on 
 the list. W^e must, therefore, be hand in hand with them. 
 A specious pretext is now offered us. We will say that it 
 is not for the interest of the republic to grant to so many 
 rights of citizenship. We shall obtain nothing from the up- 
 per senate or the two hundred. We will appeal to the peO' 
 pie, Ad populum provocabimus. The multitude will unite 
 with us against the will of the syndics. We will suborn the 
 men of our party, to raise a tumult. There will be no diffi- 
 culty in taking ofT our enemies ; only let us be daring, and 
 the victory is ours." This intimate of Perrin, who is al- 
 most the very shadow of the man, repeated this testimony 
 four times. 
 
 Let those men deny that they were justly condemned, who 
 proposed to butcher in the midst of the assembly of the peo- 
 ple, and in the holy place, two of the syndics, some of the 
 senators, and some of the most worthy and innocent of the 
 citizens. I say nothing of myself, as they take it for granted 
 
322 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 that I am their enemy. What Perrin said, about my con- 
 spiring their ruin, is not worthy of an answer. 
 
 The senate have not as yet pronounced sentence against 
 VandeUius. But his guilty conscience has driven him from 
 the city. From these facts it will^ be manifest, that in this 
 great tumult, the same moderation has been regarded, as is 
 usual in the most quiet state of affairs ; and that nothing 
 has been done against those wicked men, either artfully or 
 without due consideration. If you were here, you would 
 say, that our senate have proceeded with too much forbear- 
 ance and remissness. But it is better to err on this side 
 than on the other, lest any one absurdly complain, that it 
 was cruel, and done in the heat of passion. God grant that 
 the remembrance of so great a deliverance may awaken us to 
 unremitting gratitude, and bind us with diligent assiduity 
 to the duties of our office. When I began to write this let- 
 ter, I had no expectation of its being carried by our brother 
 Othoman. For although he had spoken of his journey, he 
 was then uncertain whether he should go directly to Zurich, 
 and I had determined to procure another messenger. It hap- 
 pens Avell, and affords me much pleasure, as he will be able 
 to explain more fully any circumstance which I may have 
 expressed with too much obscurity, from endeavouring to be 
 concise. You have twice exhorted me to patience in my sta- 
 tion ; but I think I have borne very patiently so many indig- 
 nities, and passed them in silence, that while I restrained my 
 passions, I appeared to be wanting in resolution. I wish 
 by my silence, and apparent indifference, I could have paci- 
 fied those who do not cease to hate me, nor to rage against 
 all our good citizens. But although they are the more en- 
 raged on account of my moderation, I am* determined to pur- 
 sue one steady course. I am happy to hear that N 
 
 has obtained an office in which he may be useful. May 
 the Lord grant him grace to discharge its duties with faith- 
 fulness. Salute, in my name, your fellow ministers, your 
 wife and family. Farewell, illustrious man and respected 
 
OF CALVIN. 323 
 
 brother. May the Lord continue to direct you by his Spirit, 
 and bless your labours. Yours, 
 
 JOHN CALVIN. 
 Geneva, June 15, 1555. 
 
 LETTER XXV.— JOHN CALVIN TO SIR WILLIAM CECIL, 
 
 SECRETARY TO TlfE QUEEN OF ENGLAND. 
 
 For writing to you familiarly, most accomplished man, I 
 shall not make a long apology, although I am personally un- 
 known to you. Relying on the testimony of some pious per- 
 sons, who have declared to me your generosity of heart, I 
 trust that you will be disposed to receive my letter with plea- 
 sure ; especially when you shall discover from the perusal 
 my intention in writing. Since the awful darkness which 
 had almost stupified the minds of pious men is dispersed, 
 and the clear light has suddenly shone forth beyond all hope, 
 it is reported that you, possessing distinguished favour with 
 her majesty the queen, have endeavoured diligently to re- 
 move the profligate superstitions of Popery, which had ac- 
 cumulated through four years in England,"^ so that the sin- 
 cere doctrines of the gospel, and the pure and entire worship 
 of God, again flourish. I have now therefore to exhort you 
 freely and openly to commence your warfare for Christ. 
 This one thing however remains, that what you do, you 
 should proceed to do with the greatest activity and most in- 
 vincible constancy. Your holy labours should neither be 
 
 * This period embraces the persecuting reign of queen Mary, 
 who succeeded Edward VI. October, 1553, and died November, 
 1558. Cecil was first promoted by the duke of Somerset, and be- 
 came a distinguished lawyer ; and by his moderate and temporiz- 
 ing conduct, during Mary's bloody reign, he escaped punishment, 
 and continued in England, till, on the accession of Elizabeth, he 
 was made secretary of state. 
 
324 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 broken by any troubles, difficulties, contests or terrors, nor 
 even in the least degree retarded. I doubt not, indeed, but 
 that obstacles sometimes encounter you ; and that dangers 
 rise full before your eyes, which would dishearten the most 
 resolute, unless God should sustain them by the most won- 
 derful power of his Spirit. This is the cause, for the defence 
 of which it is not lawful for us to decline the most arduous 
 labours. During the time that the public place of execution 
 was appropriated for burning the children of God, you your- 
 self remained silent among others. At least then, since 
 greater liberty is restored by the singular and incredible fa- 
 vour of God, it becomes you to take courage ; and if you 
 was, during that period, too timid, you may now compensate 
 that loss by the ardour of your zeal. I know very well that 
 a preposterous haste is injurious; and that many retard their 
 progress by an inconsiderate and precipitate zeal, with which 
 they would leap in a moment to the end of their race. But 
 on the other hand, it is faithfully to be considered, that to 
 maintain the whole truth and pure devotion of the gospel, is 
 the work which God assigns us, and which must not be 
 slothfully undertaken. From the present state of things, you 
 are better able to judge, what steps are proper to be pursued, 
 and what degree of moderation is to be exercised. But you 
 will remember, that all delay, with however specious colours 
 it may be covered, ought to excite your suspicion. One fear, 
 I conjecture, is from popular tumults, since among the no- 
 bles there are many who would kindle up the fire of sedition ; 
 and if the English become tumultuous among themselves, 
 their neighbours are at hand, who anxiously watch for what- 
 ever opportunity may offer for their purpose. But as her 
 most serene majesty has been wonderfully raised to the 
 throne, by the hand of God, she cannot otherwise prove her 
 gratitude, than by shaking off all delays by her prompt alac- 
 rity, and surmounting all impediments by her magnanimity. 
 Since it can hardly be otherwise, but that, in the present tur- 
 bulent and confused state of things, her attention should be 
 
OF CALVIN. 325 
 
 suspended among important affairs, her mind perplexed and 
 sometimes wavering ; I have ventured to exhort her, that, 
 having entered the right course, she should persevere with 
 constancy. Whether I have done this prudently or not, let 
 others judge. If, by your endeavours, my admonition pro- 
 duces the desired effect, I shall not repent of having given 
 her that counsel. Consider also, most illustrious sir, that 
 God has placed you in that degree of favour and dignity 
 which you hold, that you might be wholly attentive to this 
 concern, and stretch every nerve to the accomplishment of 
 this work. And lest slothfulness by any means creep upon 
 you, let it now and then come into your mind of what great 
 moment are these two things : First, in what manner that 
 religion, which was miserably fallen away ; that doctrine of 
 salvation, which was adulterated by abominable falsehoods ; 
 that worship of God, which was polluted with defilements, 
 may recover their lustre, and the Church be cleansed from 
 this abomination? Secondly, how the children of God 
 among you may be free to invoke his name in sincerity ; 
 and how those who are dispersed may be again collected ? 
 Farewell, most excellent man, sincerely respected by me. 
 May the Lord guide you by his Spirit, protect and enrich 
 you with all good gifts. JOHN CALVIN. 
 
 Geneva, January 29, 1559. 
 
 LETTER XXVI— CALVIN TO OLEVIANUS * 
 
 As it may perhaps be of some assistance to you, I will 
 
 * Gaspar Olevianus, of Treves, first studied jurisprudence ; but 
 in attempting to save from drowning some rash young men, who 
 had upset their boat, he fell into extreme danger, and made a vow, 
 that if God would deliver him, he would, if called to it, preach the 
 gospel. He escaped, and began first to read the Commentaries 
 of Calvin ; he then went to Geneva, and studied theology under 
 
 28 
 
326 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 give you a summary of our mode of government in this 
 church. 
 
 1. The ministers are chosen from our college. A passage 
 of Scripture is given them, by the interpretation of which 
 they exhibit a specimen of their abilities ; then an examina- 
 tion is held upon the principal heads of doctrine ; after this 
 they preach before us, as though they were in the presence 
 of the people. Two senators are also present. If their quali- 
 fieations are approved, we present them to the senate with 
 the testimony. It is in the power of this body not to admit 
 them, if they judge them to be unqualified. If they are re- 
 ceived, (as they have been always hitherto,) their names are 
 published coram populo, in presence of the people; and any 
 one who knows any thing against them is at liberty to ob- 
 ject to them within eight days. Those who are approved 
 by the tacit suffrages of all, we recommend to God and to 
 the church. 
 
 2. We baptize infants only at public meetings ; because 
 it is absurd that this solemn reception of them by the church, 
 should have only a few witnesses. The parents, unless some- 
 thing prevents, are directed to be present, that they may an- 
 swer in the covenant together with the fdej us soribus, sure- 
 ties,* No one, however, is admitted as a surety, unless of 
 the same religious profession with us. Excommunicated 
 persons are also prohibited this honour. 
 
 3. No one is admitted to the holy supper of Christ, be- 
 
 the instruction of that eminent divine. In 1560, he was professor 
 at Heidleberg, in the University of Wisdom, from which place he 
 wrote to Calvin for the laws of the Genevese Consistory. The 
 above letter is the answer of Calvin. Olevianus died minister of 
 Herborn in Germany, 1587, aged 57. Melehior Adams, in Vita 
 Oleviani, p. 596. 
 
 * St. Augustine, who died A. D. 430, says that this custom was 
 adopted in the church, on account of infant slaves presented by 
 their masters ; of infants whose parents were dead ; and of those 
 
OF CALVIN. 327 
 
 fore making a public profession of his faith. For this pur- 
 pose, we have annually four examinations, at which the 
 youth are interrogated, and the proficiency of each one is 
 known. For although at the catechism on each Lord's day, 
 they begin before to give some testimony, yet it is not law- 
 ful for them to come to the holy table, until it is known, by 
 the opinion of the minister, that they have made some tolera- 
 ble proficiency in the principal doctrines of religion. As it 
 respects those who are older, we repeat annually the inspec- 
 tion of each family. We distribute among ourselves the 
 different parts of the city, so that we can examine in order 
 every ward. The minister is accompanied by one of the 
 church elders. At this time the new inhabitants are exami- 
 ned. Those who have been once received, at the Supper^ 
 are omitted ; except that we examine whether their families 
 are in peace and good order; whether they have contentions 
 with their neighbours ; whether they are given to intempe- 
 rance ; and whether they are indifferent and slothful in at- 
 tending public worship. 
 
 4. For the discipline of morals, this method is observed ; 
 twelve church elders are annually chosen ; two from the 
 upper senate ; the other ten from the council of two hun- 
 dred, either natives or naturalized citizens. Those who 
 
 whom their parents abandoned. In all ordinary cases, parents an- 
 swered for their children. Wall's Hist. Bap. vol. i. In the re- 
 formed churches, as there was no commandment from God for 
 sureties at baptism, they made no rule to bind parents to have 
 them, except in cases where one or both parents were Papists, or 
 when children of Saracens, or of the gypsies, were offered. So 
 also it was required, that a mother, or a woman, in presenting a 
 child, should have a surety, to secure the religious education of 
 the child. The Presbyterian and Congregational churches now 
 consider the church, which receives a child, to be the surety, to- 
 gether with the parent or presenting person, for the religious 
 education of the child. See Quick's Synod, vol. i. p. 45. 
 
328 CORRESPONDENCE, dcc. 
 
 honestly and faithfully perform their duty are not removed 
 from office, unless when occupied by other concerns of the 
 republic. After the election, before they take their seats, 
 their names are published to the people, that if any one 
 should know them to be unworthy, he may declare it in 
 season. 
 
 5. No one is summoned to the ecclesiastical tribunal, un- 
 less by the general opinion of all the board ; therefore each 
 one is asked, whether he has any thing to offer ? No one 
 is summoned, unless he has refused compliance with private 
 admonitions, or brought scandal on the church by an evil 
 example. For instance, blasphemers, drunkards, fornicators, 
 strikers, quarrellers, dancers, who lead in balls, and such 
 like, are called before the Censura Morum. Those who com- 
 mit lighter offences are dismissed with the correction of mild 
 reproof. Greater sins are reproved with sharper severity ; 
 for the minister excludes them, at least for a short time, from 
 the Supper, until, upon their asking forgiveness, they are re- 
 conciled to the church. If any one obstinately despises the 
 authority of the church, unless he desist from his stubborn- 
 ness before a year is past, he is thrown into exile by the se- 
 nate for a year. If any one proves more perverse, the senate 
 takes up the cause and inflicts the punishment. Those who, 
 for the sake of redeeming their lives from the papists, hav^e 
 abjured the doctrines of the gospel, or attended mass, are or- 
 dered to appear before the church. The minister from the 
 pulpit sets forth the matter. Then the excommunicated per- 
 son falls on his knees, and humbly implores forgiveness. — 
 Such is the procedure of the consistory, that it in no way 
 interferes with the course of civil jurisdiction. And that the 
 people may not complain of any unreasonable rigour, the 
 ministers are not only subject to the same punishments, but 
 if they commit any thing worthy of excommunication, they 
 are also at the same time deposed. JOHN CALVIN. 
 
 Geneva, November 5, 1560. 
 
CATALOGUE 
 
 OF 
 
 JOHN CALVIN'S WRITINGS. 
 
 Commentaries in Latin and French. 
 
 Commentaries on Genesis. 
 
 On the other Four Books of Moses, in the form of a Harmony. 
 
 On Joshua. 
 
 On the Psalms. 
 
 On Isaiah. 
 
 On Jeremiah. 
 
 On the twenty first Chapters of Ezekiel. 
 
 On Daniel. 
 
 On the twelve minor Prophets. 
 
 On the three Evangelists, in the form of a Harmony. 
 
 On John. 
 
 On the Acts of the Apostles. 
 
 On the Epistles of Paul. 
 
 On the Epistle to the Hebrews. 
 
 On the Canonical Epistles of Peter, John, James, and Jude. 
 
 Published Sermons, which were taken down when delivered. 
 
 Three Homilies concerning the Sacrifice of Abraham. 
 Sermons on Deuteronomy. 
 Sermons on Samuel. 
 Sermons on Job. 
 Sermons on the Decalogue. 
 Sermons on the 119th Psalm. 
 Sermons on Hezekiah's Song. 
 Sermons on the last eight Chapters of Daniel. 
 Sermons on the beginning of the Harmony of the three Gospels. 
 Sermons on the 10th and 11th Chapters of the 1st Corinthians. 
 Sermons on the Galatians. 
 Sermons on the Ephesians. 
 Sermons on the Epistles to Timothy and Titus. 
 Sermons on Ihe Birth, Passion, Death, Resurrection, and Ascen- 
 sion of Jesus Christ. 
 Four Sermons treating on subjects very useful for our times. 
 29 
 
330 
 
 Sermons on the Providence of God and Eternal Election, made to 
 the congregation. 
 
 Sermon on a passage in the Epistle to the Galatians, and an ex- 
 planation of the last article of the Lord's Prayer, made to the 
 congregation. 
 
 Sermons which have not been printed. 
 
 Sermons on Genesis. 
 
 Sermons on the first 18 Chapters of the 1st of Kings. 
 Sermons on many of the Psalms. 
 Sermons on Isaiah. 
 Sermons on Jeremiah. 
 Sermons on Ezekiel. 
 
 Sermons on seven of the minor Prophets. 
 Sermons on the Harmony of the three Evangelists. 
 Sermons on the Acts of the Apostles. 
 Sermons on the two Epistles to the Corinthians. 
 Sermons on the two Epistles to the Thessalonians. 
 Sermons on some Chapters of the Epistle to the Hebrews. 
 A short explanation of the Book of Joshua, made to the congre- 
 gation. 
 Lectures on the Psalms, from the 37th to the last. 
 
 Catalogue of other printed works. 
 
 Commentaries on Seneca, concerning Clemency, in Latin. 
 Congratulation to the Rev. Mr. Gabriel Saconay, Precentor of the 
 
 Church at Lyon — French. 
 Answer to a certain Dutchman. — French. 
 Answer to Anthony Cathalan. — French. 
 
 The following Works are written in Latin and French. 
 
 The Institutes of Religion. 
 
 Psychopannychia, a Treatise against the error of those who be- 
 lieve the Soul sleeps from Death until the Resurrection. 
 
 Two Letters, one on attending Mass, and the other on the Duty 
 of a Christian. 
 
 Answer to Cardinal Sadolet's Letter. 
 
 Treatise on the Lord's Supper. 
 
 Song of Victory, sung to Jesus Christ. 
 
 Catechism. 
 
 Form of administering the Sacraments, public Prayer, Form of 
 Marriage. 
 
 An Answer to Pighius. 
 
 Remarks on the fatherly Admonitions of Paul III. to the Empe- 
 ror Charles V. 
 
 Antidote against the Articles of the Sorbonne. 
 
Calvin's ^,7ri tings. 331 
 
 On the Necessity of Reforming the Church. 
 
 On the Errors of the Anabaptists and Libertines. 
 
 On the Reliques of Saints. 
 
 On avoiding Superstitions. 
 
 Answer to the Nicode mites. 
 
 Antidote against the Council of Trent. 
 
 The true way of securing the Peace of the Church, and its Re- 
 formation, in Answer to the Interim. 
 
 An Exhortation against Judicial Astrology. 
 
 Harmony of the Sacraments. 
 
 Treatise on Scandals. 
 
 On the Eternal Predestination and Providence of God. 
 
 Defence of the Trinity against Servetus. 
 
 Three Exhortations to Westphal. 
 
 Against Heshusius and Stancar. 
 
 Against Valentin Gentilis. 
 
 An Answer to the Calumnies of Castellio. 
 
 A brief Answer to other Calumnies of Castellio. 
 
 Answer to a Changeling Mediator, 
 
 Answer to Baldwin. 
 
 Exhortation to the faithful in Poland. 
 
 A Letter for strengthening this Exhortation. 
 
 Confession of Faith in the French Reformed Churches, various 
 Letters, Answers, Exhortations, Advices, in one volume, folio. 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 POPES AND SOVEREIGNS OF FRANCE, ENGLAND 
 AND GERMANY, 
 
 DURING THE LIFE OF CALVIN. 
 
 POPES. 
 
 Julius II. died March, 1513. 
 
 Leo X. created March, 1513, December, 1521. 
 
 Adrian VL January, 1522, October, 1523. 
 
 Clement VIL December, 1523, October, 1534. 
 
 Paul III. October, 1534, November, 1549. 
 
 Julius III. February, 1550, April, 1555. 
 
 Marcellus IL April, 1555, May, 1555. 
 
 Paul IV. June, 1555, September, 1559. 
 
 Pius rv. January, 1559, December, 1565. 
 
332 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 KINGS OF FRANCE. 
 
 Lewis XII. died 1515. 
 
 Francis I. crowned 1515, 1547. 
 
 Henry II. 1547, 1559. 
 
 Francis II. 1559, 1560. 
 
 Charles IX. 1560, 1574. 
 
 KINGS AND QUEENS OF ENGLAND. 
 
 Henry VIII. crowned 1509, died January, 1547. 
 
 Edward VI. February, 1547, July, 1553. 
 
 Mary, October, 1553, November, 1558. 
 
 Elizabeth, January, 1559, March, 1603. 
 
 EMPERORS OF GERMANY. 
 
 Maximilian, died 1515. 
 
 Charles V. of Spain, crowned 1519, resigned 1556. 
 
 Ferdinand I. succeeded him, and died 1564. 
 
 PRINCIPAL REFORMERS, 
 
 COTEMPOR ARIES WITH CALVIN. 
 
 Ulrick Zuinglius, died 1531. 
 
 John QEcolampadius, 1531. 
 
 Martin Luther, 1546. 
 
 Philip Melancthon, 1560. 
 
 Wolfgang Capito, 1541. 
 
 Martin Bucer, - - . .... I55I. 
 
 Henry Bullinger, 1575. 
 
 Thomas Cran-mer, 1556. 
 
 William Farel, 1565. 
 
 Peter Viret, 1571. 
 
 John Alasco, 1560. 
 
 Jerome Zanchius, 1590. 
 
 Peter Martyr, 1562. 
 
 Theodore Beza, 1605. 
 
 John Knox, 1572. 
 
 THE END. 
 
Princeton Theological Seminary-Speer Library 
 
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