•(’■vVj :•?'. {*Vt>:’v'A*vV*Vv'A(V-'’'v Y;''<'r'\‘>''‘^'’!'.>'^ :'U(^7’’^;Vi;';l)':!r/lVr'':':!i lr'iU‘-'’''i;’.-;:':: ':W;iii';Vtf-i!';i&'‘:j'!: >[f'l • :®.1/---- 'HjfiM ii i'-ii , .,.i'Ut'.;L:-i: ;!,l;;f.;:;.!y: 'V'J' Oi.ij! LjHV!-v>-iKrrf.-® : ’ir ■/■A •:> ’it.’iiyj.-vAw ■'/.'■.•'-’i‘''.vV'V.v iii!'. j;f;; ;.-7®;; wvv-;f';,4i7;;>7 4;p;y.t^^ Sliiiilliii 'ife. asss^fffi! ..ViVVW:' :iiii rif'ii ;fei 1 ^r.j lU,!' m' XlW-'i liliiiaSiiiiii^^ i'<'. !■(:’: illiliili^^ ‘iiiti) I"- B’W.-.., '.» fUN 27 191g UtyisioB 1DS436 cWSS decttot THE HISTORY OF INDIA. VOL. IV.— PART II. MOGHUL EMPIRE— AURANGZEB. •SaUant^nc BALLANTYNE, HANSON AND CO. EDINBURGH AND LONDON ViimntBEocka IWyASonXidi THE ISTOEI OF INDl FROM THE EARLIEST AGES. BY J. TALBOYS IVHEELEK, SECRETARY TO THE CHIEF COMMISSIONER OF BRITISH BURMA ; LATE ASSISTANT SECRETARY TO THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA IN THE FOREIGN DEPARTMENT. AUTHOR OF THE “GEOGRAPHY OF HERODOTUS,” ETC. ETC. VOL. IV.— PART 11. MOGHUL EMPIRE— AURANGZEB. LONDON : TEUBNEE & CO., LUDGATE HILL. MDCCCLXXXI. {The right of 'Translation is reservcd.'\ '1 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library 1 '■t https://archive.org/details/historyofindiafr42whee PREFACE. The present publication (Vol. IV. Part ii.) completes the fourth volume of the History of India. At the same time it completes the history of Hindu and j Muhammadan rule which preceded the establishment ! of British rule. The portion thus brought to a close f may be described as both ancient and modern. It Ij begins with the earliest dawn of Sanskrit legend, and ends with the downfall of the Moghul Empire, about the middle of the eighteenth century. Vol. I. deals with the Vedic hymns and the Sanskrit epic known as the Mahd Bhdrata ; Vol. II. with the Sanskrit epic of the Eamdyana and the Laws and Institutions of Manu; Vol. III. with the history of India during the Hindu, Buddhist, and Brahmanic periods. These three volumes cover a period which can only be imperfectly mapped out by chronology, as they deal with a re- mote antiquity, whilst overlapping much of modern times. Vol. IV. is more definite. It comjD rises the history of Muhammadan rule in India, from the Arab conquests in the eighth century down to the eve of British conquest in the eighteenth ; a period of a h VI PREFACE. thousand years, corresponding to the interval in Eng- lish history between the later wars of the Heptarchy and the accession of George the Third. Muhammadan rule in India is an important era in the history of the world, inasmuch as it intervenes between the idolatry of Hindus and the professed Christianity of Englishmen. The annals of early Muhammadan conquest are, perhaps, of comparatively minor importance, Arabs, Turks, and Afghans were mostly bent on plundering temples and breaking down idols, but they could not crush out the old mytho- logical worship of the Hindus, or establish the reli- gion of the Koran as the dominant faith of the o masses. Kingdoms were created by the sword and maintained by the sword ; but there was no cohesion between the Muhammadan rulers and the Hindu population to ensure the permanence of Muhammadan dominion. The Moghul Empire, which was established in India during the sixteenth century, was based upon a totally different policy. Akbar, the contemporary of Queen Elizabeth, was the real founder of the empire. Al- though a Muhammadan in name, and for some years a Muhammadan by profession, he introduced a new system of religious toleration and equality of creeds, which was unknown to previous Muhp,mmadan princes, and, indeed, was repugnant to the fundamental prin- ciples of the Muhammadan religion. Akbar trampled on the exclusiveness of the Koran, threw off the eccle- siastical domination of the Ulamd, raised Hindus as well as Muhammadans to the highest offices in the PREFACE. Vll state, and, finally, affected to be not only a temporal sovereign, but an incarnation of deity. Right or wrong, the policy of Abkar secured for a while the cohesion, and, consequently, the permanence, of the Moghul Empire, and maintained it intact through the reigns of his two immediate successors, Jehangir and Shah Jehan. The history of Muhammadan rule in India, from the early Arab conquests in Scinde down to the end of the reign of Shah Jehan, has already been treated in Part I. of the present volume. Part II., which is now submitted to the public, deals with the violent reaction of bigotry and intolerance which character- ised the reign of Aurangzeb, the son and successor of Shah Jehan. Aurangzeb professed to be a Sunni Muhammadan of the strictest type. He gained the throne by hypocrisy and murder, and then lavished the strength and treasures of the empire in the hope- less attempt to crush out idolatry and heterodoxy, and to establish the religion of the Koran as the dominant faith of the people of India. Then followed popular tumults, Rajpfit revolts, and Mahratta up- risings, which sapped the vitality of the Moghul Empire, and rendered it an easy prey to internal enemies and foreign invaders. The present half of the fourth volume is thus devoted to the reign of Aurangzeb, under whom the Moghul Empire reached its zenith, and the reigns of his successors, under whom the empire declined and fell. It covers an entire century, beginning with the accession of Aurangzeb in 1658, the year of the death VI 11 PREFACE. of Oliver Cromwell, and ending just before the rise of British dominion in India in the early years of George III. It thus deals with a period of j^eculiar interest to English readers ; — namely, the old com- mercial era, when India was still governed by its native princes, whilst the late East India Company \vas exclusively occupied with its trading transac- tions at Madras, Calcutta, and Bombay, and had not as yet begun to aspire after territorial aggrandise- ment or political power. The reign of Aurangzeb is not generally familiar to English readers. Previous Moghul sovereigns had been anxious to hand down the story of their lives to future generations, but Aurangzeb was induced to issue an edict strictly forbidding his subjects from writing the annals of his reign. The reasons for this strange prohibition are explained in the accompany- ing History ; ^ but the consequence has been that the materials furnished by Muhammadan writers for deal- in(T with the reign of Aurangzeb are meagre and unsatisfactory. Fortunately the deficiency has been supplied in some measure by the old records of the Madras Government, and Catrou’s History of the Moghul Empire, which was based upon the contem- porary memoirs of Manouchi, the Venetian j^hysician, who resided for nearly fifty years in India, and was for a long time in the service of the Moghul. The Madras records were investigated by the author in 1860-61 under the instructions of Sir Charles Tre- 1 See Chap. vii. page 361. PREFACE. IX veljan, who was at that time Governor.^ The memoirs of Manouchi have been already described in the Pre- face to Part I. ; but it may be added, on the authority of the Madras records, that during the latter years of the reign of Aurangzeb, Manouchi took up his abode at Madras, where he was much respected by the English, and employed on more than one occasion in presenting petitions to the Moghul in behalf of the East India Company’s servants at Fort St. George.^ There is one other feature in the present half volume to which attention may be drawn. The ninth chapter, which deals with the state of civilisa- tion in the Moghul Empire, mainly consists of the evidence of European travellers who sojourned in India at different intervals in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Some account of these travel- lers will be found in the chapter in question. It will suffice, in the present place, to mention the names of Terry, Della Valle, Tavernier, Thevenot, Fryer, Hamilton, and Karstens Niebuhr, as amongst the most competent and trustworthy eyewitnesses of the condition of the people of India, in addition to those who have been already brought under review in Part I. of the present volume. The remaining portion of the present History will ^ The results of these investigations were published at Madras in 1861-62, in three volumes, small 4to, under the title of “Madras in the Olden Time, Compiled from Official Records.” * The author is indebted to his publisher, Mr. N. Triibner, for a copy of Father Catrou’s History of the Reign of Aurangzeb, but the original memoirs, written in Portuguese, which Manouchi sent to Europe in the beginning of the last century, have not as yet been discovered. X PREFACE. comprise that of British India, and will deal with the rise and growth of British power, and progress of British administration and legislation, from the earliest settlements of the late East India Company- in India down to our own time.^ With AM, Essex, December 1880. ^ In Part I. of the present volume the author expressed the opinion that the Vedic Aryans might possibly prove to have been Moghuls; and as this hypothesis has met with some opposition, he would take this opportunity of furnishing additional grounds for arriving at such a conclusion. During a residence in Burma he found that the Burmese, who are unquestionably Moghuls, still cherish the traditions and worship of the Vedic gods. They are Buddhists ; but on the first day of every new year they celebrate the descent of Indra. In their popular songs they implore Indra and the other Vedic gods, especially Brahma, to help them in their troubles. At Mandalay he found that the King of Burma entertained Brdhmans at his court ; that on state occasions these Brdhmans chanted hymns which resembled Vedic hymns. Subsequently he found that the Moghul Khans in Upper Asia, in the neighbourhood of the Altai mountains, presented wine and food in Vedic fashion to fire, air, water, and ghosts ; that their priests, like Brdhmans, were skilled in astronomy, foretold eclipses, and cast nativities ; that they had dirty saints, like Hindu yogis, who performed miracles by virtue of their sanctity and penances. Pursuing these inquiries, he found that Sir Henry Rawlinson had discovered that the language of the ancient Scythians was Aryan, and he deemed it possible that the Moghuls, who are descendants of aneient Scythians, were Aryans likewise. It was on these data that he pro- nounced it likely that the Moghuls and the Vedic Aryans had a common origin. Father Rubruquis states in his Travels amongst the Tartars in the thirteenth century that the Moghuls regarded themselves as a sovereign tribe. Possibly they may have been descendants from the royal Scythians described by Hero- dotus. It is equally possible that they may have been originally an Aryan colony, who had established a supremacy over a Turanian or non-Aryan people. It is certain that the two races of Turks and Moghuls have been in antagonism from a very remote period ; they have waged perpetual war against each other. The Turks are the so-called Children of the Moon, and to this day they carry the crescent on their standard. The Moghuls are the so- called Children of the Sun, and to this day they carry a peacock on their standard. A peacock of gold and jewels blazed over the throne of the Moghul Emperor Shah Jehan, and a peacock is still the standard of the Moghul kings of Burma. CONTENTS. CHAPTER VII. MOGHUL EMPIRE; AURANGZEB, A.D. 1658 TO 1707. — FIRST PERIOD: AURANGZEB AT DELHI, A.D. 1658 TO 1664. PAGE Terrors of Aurangzeb ..... 321 Sherif of Mecca ..... 322 Aurangzeb Padishah . . . . . ib. Temporising policy ..... ib. Leanings towards Hinduism .... 323 Leanings towards the Koran ... ib. Edict against mustachios ..... 324 Musicians suppressed .... 32.5 Dancing-girls suppressed ..... ib. Muhammadan saints ..... ib. Rebel Santons . . . . . .326 Punishment of Santons .... ib. Ruin of Shiah grandees . . . . . ib. Spy system ...... 327 Boasted reforms ...... ib. Dealings with Shah Jehan . . . . 328 Spite against a tutor . . . . . ib. The tutor’s audience ..... 329 Aurangzeb’s lecture . . . . . ib. Useless learning ..... ib. True knowledge ...... ib. Condemnation ..... 330 Secret malice ...... ib. B.alkh embassy ..... 331 The Dekhan . . . . . . ib. Geography ...... ib. Muhammadan Dekhan . . . . . ib. Bijdpur and Golkonda . . . . 332 XU CONTENTS. Rise of Mahrattas The Konkan .... Origin of Sivaji Character of Sivaji Treachery and assassination Aurangzeb’s alliance with Sivaji Amir Jumla Shaista Khan and Jaswant Singh Broken faith Coronation-day Mahratta revenge Moghul panic Rajput connivance Mahratta atrocities Aurangzeb’s sickness Ambition of Royshan Rai_^Begum Seraglio intrigues Shah Alam, the crown prince Jai Singh Rajpiit caution Grandees overawed Aurangzeb’s recovery Public audience . Aurangzeb’s suspicions of his sister . Counteraction Aurangzeb’s daughters Seraglio scandals . Marriage of Aurangzeb’s daughters . Poison .... Fakhr-u-Nis4 . . . Preparations for Kashmir Renewed terrors of Aurangzeb Persian embassy . Contemplated parricide Remonstrances Sore straits . . . . Alarm at Agra Sinister designs Death of Shah Jehan Grave suspicions Funeral at Agra . 332 ib. 333 ib. 334 ib. 335 ib. ib. 336 ib. ib. 337 ib. 338 ib. ib. 339 ib. ib. 340 ib. ib. 341 ib. ib. 342 ib. 343 344 ib. ib. 345 ib. ib. 346 ib. ib. 347 ib. ib. CONTENTS. Xlll SECOND PERIOD ; AURANGZEB AT KASHMIR, DELHI, AND KABUL, A.D. 1665 TO 1680. PAGE Ambitious dreams .... . 348 European settlements .... ib. Privileged traders and interlopers 349 European piracy .... ib. Moghul marine ..... ib. Attempt and failure .... 350 Assam expedition .... ib. Chinese frontier .... ib. Moghul disasters ..... . 351 Retreat to Bengal , . ib. Aurangzeb’s satisfaction .... ib. Persian threatenings .... ib. Moghul embassy to Persia . 352 Aurangzeb’s wrath .... 353 Death of Shah Abbas .... ib. Mahratta affairs .... ib. Sivaji outwitted ..... ib. Deception ..... . 354 Treachery ..... ib. Sivaji at Delhi .... . ib. Aurangzeb’s guile ..... ib. Sivaji’s mortification .... 355 Sivaji’s audience ..... ib. Wrath of the Mahratta ib. Self-control of Aurangzeb . 356 Sivaji entrapped . . . ° . ib. The escape ..... ib. Disgust of Aurangzeb 357 New schemes ..... . ib. Sham rebellion .... ib. Sinister objects ..... ib. Sham treachery .... 358 More artifice ib. Success ..... ib. Rebel agreement ..... ib. Mahratta suspicion .... 359 Sham proclamations .... ib. Sivaji’s discovery .... ib. Moghul foiled ..... ib. XIV CONTENTS. PAGE Plot explodes ...... 360 Shah Alam disarmed ..... ib. Dekhan entanglement . . . . . ib. Aurangzeb prohibits history : reasons . . 361 Afghan affairs . . . . . .362 Moghul invasion of K4bul .... ib. Afghan strategy . . . . . ib. Attack in the Khaibar .... ib. Moghul disaster ...... 363 Changes at Peshawar ..... ib. Tranquillity ...... ib. Mission from Mecca ..... 364 The Christian sultana . . . . . ib. Aurangzeb’s favourite ..... ib. F^tes in the seraglio ..... 365 Mishap of the favourite .... ib. Convivial ladies . . . ... . ib. Hindu risings ...... 366 Aurancjzeb’s magic . . . . . ib. Rebellion of the Afghans .... ib. Another Shah Shuja . . . . .367 Aurangzeb takes the field .... ib. Absence of details . . . . . ib. Treachery ...... 368 Festivities at Peshawar ..... ib. Massacre of Afghans ..... ib. Perfidy of Aurangzeb . . . . .369 Afghans paralysed ..... ib. Sivaji’s successes ...... ib. European affairs ..... ib. Bombay embassy to Sivaji . . . .370 Coronation of Sivaji ..... ib. Mahratta frontier . . . . . ib. Frj^er’s visit ...... 371 Desolation ...... ib. Sivaji at Madras ..... ib. Sivaji’s return . . . . . . ib. Last exploits of Sivaji , . ' . . 372 CONTENTS. XV THIRD PERIOD : AURANGZEB’S RELIGIOUS WARS, A.D. 1680 TO 1707. PAGE Changes in Aurangzeb . . . . .372 Destruction of idols and pagodas . . . 373 Jezya levied ...... ib. Hindu appeal quashed . . . . 374 Submission to the Jezya . . . . . ib. Jaipur pays Jezya ..... ib. Jodhpur redeems Jezya . . . . . ib. Aurangzeb threatens Udaipur . . . 375 The Eana’s defiance . . . . . ib. Moghul preparations ..... ib. Aravulli mountains . . . . .376 Four Moghul armies ..... ib. Azam Shah ...... ib. Aurangzeb’s disaster ..... ib. Rajput clemency . . . . . .377 Moghul spite ...... ib. Wasted strength ...... ib. Disaffection of Akbar . . . . . 378 Eajpfit plot ...... ib. The astrologer ..... ib. Warnings ...... ib. Awakening of Aurangzeb .... ib. Artifice ....... 379 Rajputs disappear ..... ib. Akbar’s flight ...... ib. The escape ...... 380 Game of craft ...... ib. Humiliating peace with the Eana ... ib. Moghul magnificence ..... 381 Imperial camp ..... ib. Order of march ...... ib. The Emperor ..... . 382 Camp followers . . . . , . . ib. Pavilions ...... ib. Policy of life in camp . . . . . ib. Fruitless Mahratta wars .... 383 Mahratta resistance . . . . . ib. Mahratta plots ..... 384 Aurangzeb’s plots ..... ib. XVI CONTENTS. PAGE Moghul mission to Goa . 384 Portuguese affairs 385 Akbar’s shipbuilding . , . ib. Portuguese disasters . 386 Moghul treachery ib. Two-faced policy ib. Sham wars . 387 Golkonda .... ib. BljApur .... ib. Intrigues of sultanas . 388 Intrigues of Aurangzeb’s three sons ib. Imprisonment of Shah Alam . ib. Treacherous capture of Golkonda ib. Last Mahratta wars 389 Sambhaji a victim ib. Death of Aurangzeb . 390 Character and policy ib. CHAPTER VIII. MOGHUL EMPIRE: DECLINE AND FALL, A.D. 1707 TO 1761. Bahadur Shah, 1707-12 392 The Christian sultana ib. Raj piits “ forgiven” . ib. The Sikhs . 393 Nanuk Guru . ib. Sikh brotherhoods ib. Tugh Bahadur ib. Guru Govind . 394 Moghul capital at Lahore ib. Shiahs repressed . ib. Jehandar Shah, 1712 . ib. Vices of the new Emperor . 395 Scandal ib. Insolence of Zahra ib. Paramount authority of the Vizier 396 Shiah revolt in Bengal ib. Murder of the Vizier . ib. Farrukh Siyar, 1712-20 . . 397 Breach with the two Sayyids . ib. CONTENTS. XVll PAGE War against Jodhpur .... . 397 Submission of Jodhpur ib. Enforced peace ..... . 398 Sayyids discover treachery , . ib. Eupture and reconciliation . ib. Kajpiit marriage .... 399 More treachery ..... . ib. Emperor warned .... . ib. DAdd Khan and the Mahrattas ib. Defeat and death of Ddud Khan ib. Emperor mortified .... . 400 Sunnis and Slilahs .... . ib. Shiah outbreak at Delhi .... . 401 Death of Guru Govind ib. Massacre of Sikhs under Bandu Guru . 402 Fall of Amir Jumla .... ib. English mission at Delhi .... . 403 Alarms at Delhi .... ib. Mahratta ravages ..... . 404 The crash ..... ib. Mahratta night at Delhi .... ib. Farrukh Siyar deposed ib. Puppet Emperors ..... . 405 Muhammad Shah, 1720-48 ib. Troubled times ..... ib. Mahratta inroads .... 406 The Peishwas ..... ib. Eise of Nadir Shah .... 407 Invasion of Nadir Shah, 1738-39 ib. Court rivalries .... ib. Malicious treason ..... ib. Massacres at Delhi .... 408 Sack and desolation .... ib. Anarchy ..... 409 DisalFection in the provinces ib. Ahmad Shah Abdali, the Afghan ib. Conclusion ..... . 410 SUPPLEMENT : HINDU ANNALS. No Hindu history in Moghul annals . 410 Unsatisfactory character of Hindu histories . 411 XVlll CONTENTS. PAGE Fabulous origin of Hindu dynasties . . .411 Antagonism between Brahmans and Jains . . 412 Evidences of the antagonism in the Eiimhyana . . ib. Both religions associated with the dogma of the metemp- sychosis ...... 413 Character of Edvana as a Jain or Buddhist . . ib. Antagonism expressed in Hindu legends . . 414 Modern Hindu annals . . . . . ib. Annals of the Naiks of Madura . . . 415 CHAPTEE IX. MOGHUL EMPIRE: CIVILISATION, A.D. 1600 TO 1764. Want of information respecting the people of India . 416 Evidence of European travellers ... ib. Terry, 1615-18 ...... 417 Abundance of provisions .... ib. Trade and manufactures . . . .418 Indian annoyances ..... ib. Civility of the people . . . . . ib. Journey from Surat to Mandu . . . 419 Settlement of a dispute . . . . ib. Eash Englishman . . . . . 420 Hill robbers ; trustworthy guards . . . ib. Faithfulness of servants . . . . 421 Power of the Great Moghul . . . . ib. Absence of written laws .... 422 Diversities in capital punishments . . . ib. Frequent transfers of Viceroys . . . ib. Kotwals and Kdzls . . . . . ib. Pietro Della Valle, 1623-25 .... 423 Surat : Dutch and English factories ; hatred of the Por- tuguese ...... ib. Signora Mariuccia . . . . . 424 Politeness of Moghul custom-house officers . . ib. Dutch marriages ..... 425 Adventures of Donna Lucia, the Catholic captive . ib. Eeligious toleration of Jehanglr . . . 426 Native servants and slaves . . . . ib. Curiosity of Della Valle as regards the Hindus . ib. Worship of Parvati in the form of a tree . . . 427 CONTENTS. xix PAGE Forms of worship . . . . . .427 Chapel for healing barren women . . . 428 Rebellion of Shah Jehan at Agra . . . . ib. Della Valle at Cambay .... ib. Hospital for birds and mice . . . .429 Hospital for goats, sheep, and cows ... ib. Cow-killing prohibited by the Moghuls . . . ib. Hindu Yogis ...... ib. Sack and outrage at Agra by Shah Jehan . . 430 Proposed voyage to Goa .... 431 Story of Galal, the converted Mussulman . . ib. Description of the island of Goa ... ib. City of Goa ; numerous churches and priests . . 432 Native population ..... 433 Poverty and pride of the Portuguese . . . ib. Significant squeamishness .... ib. Learned Jesuit missionaries .... 434 Procession of the Holy Sacrament ... ib. Fleet courier from Madrid overland . . . ib. Proclamation of Saint Teresa by the barefooted Carmelites 435 Feast of Saint John the Baptist; performances of the Kanarese Christians . . . . 436 Canonisation of Ignatius and Xavier celebrated by the Jesuits ...... ib. Procession of our Lord’s Passion . . . 437 Multitude of processions and priests at Goa . . ib. Objections of Della Valle . . . . 438 Low tone of Christianity at Goa . . . . ib. Embassy from Goa to the Raja of Kanara . . ib. History of Southern India . . . .439 Three Hindu empires : Telinga, Tamil, and Kanarese ib. Conversion of provinces into kingdoms and Naiks into Rajas . . . . . . ib. Successful wars of Venk-tapa Naik of Kanara . 440 Interference of war with the pepper trade . . ib. Coasting voyage off Bijdpur territory . . . 441 Want of seamen ; Malabar pirates . . . ib. Portuguese fort at Onore .... ib. Scandal at Onore ...... ib. Story of Venk-tapa Naik and his Muhammadan mistress 442 Venk-tapa Naik perplexed at the Portuguese ambassador ib. XX CONTENTS. PACE Story of Garsopa and the Queen of Pepper . . 443 Journey over the Ghdts .... ib. Muhammadan commandant .... 444 Temple of Hanuman, the monkey godj division of offerings ib. Pilgrimage of Hanuman to the coast of Coromandel . ib. Hindu female saint ..... 445 Visit of the Muhammadan commandant . . . ib. Hindu boj's learning arithmetic ... ib. Muhammadam mosque in Hindu territory . . 446 Temple of Varuua ..... ib. Ancient diadems, Egyptian and Eoman Catholic . ib. Procession at the temple of Varuna . . . 447 Ceremonial before the idol . . . . ib. Ikkeri, the capital of Kanara .... 448 Public audience at the palace of Venk-tapa . . ib. The conference ..... 449 Singing and dancing in honour of Gauri . . . ib. Swinging festival ; chariots of the gods ; Jangamas . 450 Extraordinary performances of a dancing-girl . . ib. Succession in the female line .... ib. Procession of a widow preparatory to burning . . 451 Great temple of Aghoresvara at Ikkeri . . ib. Grand procession of Brahmans and dancing-girls . .452 Celebration of the new moon .... ib. Della Valle’s remarks on Hindu worship . . . 453 Procession and dancing at the ordination of a Jangama ib. Kissing the feet of the Jangamas . . . 454 Dancing-girls visit the Portuguese ambassador . ib. Dismissal of the embassy . . . . .455 Conviction of Galal, the converted Mussulman . ib. End of Galal 456 Difficulties of travellers in Hindu countries . . ib. Portuguese port of Mangalore .... 457 Della Valle’s meeting with the Queen of Olaza . ib. Description of a Hindu queen . . . . ib. Conference between the Hindu queen and the Eoman gentleman ..... 458 Story of the Queen of Olaza . . . . ib. Marriage with the Eaja of Banghel ... ib. Wars between the Queen and the Eaja ; interference of the Portuguese and Venk-tapa Kaik . ■ . 459 CONTENTS. XXI PAGE Reputed poisoning .... 459 Della Valle’s visit to the palace ib. Muhammadan sovereigns .... 460 Della Valle refuses to trade in jewels or horses . ib. Misses the Queen of Olaza 461 Visits the “ King of the Yogis ” , ib. Description of the king .... 462 Visits the Zamorin of Calicut . ib. City and bazar ..... ib. Population of Malabar, Hindu and Muhammadan 463 Troubles of the Zamorin .... ib. Della Valle at the Zamorin’s palace . 464 Fruitless negotiations .... ib. Nairs of Malabar . . . 465 Customs of Malabar Rajas ib. Moghul outrage on the English ib. Tavernier, 1641-68 .... 466 Routes from Persia to India . ib. Extensive travels within the limits of India ib. Comfortable travelling ; riding on oxen 467 Coaches drawn by oxen .... ib. Palanquins ..... 468 Guards of armed soldiers .... ib. Moghul roads superior to Hindu roads 469 Provisions ..... ib. Fortified towns .... 470 Foot-posts ..... ib. Land carriage ..... ib. Caravans of oxen ..... ib. Manaris ; four tribes of oxen-drivers . 471 Caste marks of the four tribes ib. Religion of the klanaris 472 Worship of the serpent .... ib. Caravans of waggons .... ib. Poverty of Tavernier’s details 473 Thevenot, 1666 . . . . ib. Custom-house at Surat .... 474 Journey to Guzerat; reported cannibals ib. AVandering Kolies .... ib. Hindu pagoda turned into a mosque . • 475 Gratiates or Grassias .... ib. c XXll CONTENTS. PARE Charuns; their sacred character . . . .475 Thevenot disdains to engage a Charun . . 476 Eaja of the Gratiates . . . . . ib. Administration of justice .... ib. Two Nawabs of Surat . . . . .477 Civil justice administered by the Nawab of the town ib. Criminal justice by the Kotwal . . . . ib. Capital sentences reserved by Aurangzeb . . 478 Protection of the city . . . . . ib. Kotwal held responsible for all robberies . . ib. The Foujdar of the district . . . . ib. Plunder of Surat by Sivaji in 1664 ... ib. Sivaji’s visit to Delhi, 1666 . . . . 479 Wild beasts and Thugs .... ib. Malabar country : the Nair aristocracy . . . ib. Aversion of the Nairs to Poleas . . . . 480 Degradation of Poleas . . . . . ib. Fryer, 1673-81 ..... ib. Voyage to Madras and Masulipatam . . .481 English factory at Masulipatam . ' . . ib. Native boatmen ...... ib. English-speaking natives .... ib. Hindu kingdoms south of the Kistna ; conquests of the Sultan of Golkonda ..... 482 French capture St. Thom4 .... ib. French make war on the Sultan . . . . ib. Landing at Masulipatam .... 483 Fortress and town . . . . . ib. Streets, houses, public buildings, and bazars . . ib. Inhabitants ...... ib. Muhammadan ascendancy established over the Hindus during caste quarrels . . . . 484 Keigning Sultan of Golkonda . . . . ib. Army of Golkonda . . . . . 485 hluhammadan oppression of Hindus . . . ib. Persian grandees ..... ib. Festivals and marriage processions . . . ib. Muhammadan life ; seclusion of the women . . 486 Hindu life ; freedom of the women . . . ib. Hindu arithmetic ; local art of painting calicoes . ib. Timidity of the people ; alarm at the English . . 487 CONTENTS. xxiii PAGE Public executions ...... 487 Religious toleration under the Sultans of Golkonda . 488 Voyage to Madras . . . . . ib. Ancient fishing village .... ib. : Fort St. George : White-town and Black-town . . 489 Rent and revenue of Madras .... ib. I Vicissitudes at Madras ..... 490 I Difiiculties of Sir William Langhorn, Governor of Madras ib. Dr. Fryer lands in a Mussula boat . . . 491 Description of Fort St. George . . . . ib. Extensive powers of Sir William Langhorn . . 492 English and Portuguese population of Fort St. George . ib. Description of Black-town . . . . 493 Native population ; thirty thousand Hindus to forty Muhammadans . . . . . ib. Surrounding country ..... ib. Groves of betel ...... ib. Policy of the Sultan of Golkonda . . . 494 Hindu worship at Madras . . . . ib. Bombay harbour ..... 495 I Weakness of Bombay under the Portuguese . . ib. English fortifications ..... ib. Unhealthiness of Bombay .... 496 i Visit to Surat ...... ib. Christians insulted by Muhammadan beggars . . ib. Muhammadan merchants ; their houses and courtesies ib. i Hindu Banians ; affected poverty . . . 497 Muhammadan Fakirs . . . . . ib. Vagabond lives of the Fakirs .... 498 Grandeur of the Nawab of Surat; defied by the Fakirs . ib. Oppressions of the Nawab and his soldiery . . ib. 'i General fear of the Mahrattas .... 499 1 Army of the Nawab of Surat .... ib. ' Moghul shipping ...... ib. k Timidity of the Moghuls at sea ... ib. } Moghul Viceroy of Guzerat ; troubled by Kolis, Mah- j rattas, and Rajputs ..... 500 Bigotry of Aurangzeb ..... ib. I Return to Bombay ..... 501 Dr. Fryer attends the Nawab of Joonere; the public audience ...... ib. XXIV CONTENTS. TAGF, Weak defences against Sivaji 502 Visit to the Nawab’s harem . ib. Unexpected disclosures ib. Cause of the long Mahratta wars 503 Brahman convert .... ib. Indian armies . . . . . ib. Desolations of Moghuls and Mahrattas 504 Karwar ; Mahratta oppression ib. Voyage to Goa .... ib. Inquisition, torture, burning, and branding 505 Goa and the Portuguese inhabitants ib. The clergy . . . . . 506 Kanarese inhabitants ib. Goa ladies, jewels, and dress . ib. Manners and occupation . ib. Manchet, wax, arrack, and punch 507 Telegraphs .... ib. Old Goa . . . . . ib. Mahratta neighbours 508 Pilgrimage to Gokurn . . . . ib. Sights at Gokurn; absence of all annals . ib. Life of the Brahmans at Gokurn 509 India in 1676 .... ib. Bijdpur and Golkonda . ib. Sivaji the Mahratta 510 India in 1679-81 . . . . ib. India, 1680 .... 511 Captain Hamilton, 1688-1723 . ib. Sinde ; dangerous brigands ib. Defeat of the brigands by Hamilton and his sailors . ib. Triumph at Tatta; strange favours granted by the Nawab 512 Guzerat ; robbers and pirates of Beyt . 513 Rajput mercenaries hired as guards . . ib. Story of a Yogi buried alive 514 Stories of Moghul India . ib. Hindu financial administration , ib. Hindus and English . 515 Dekhan and Carnatic unexplored . ib. Fertility and cheapness of Bengal ib. Cheapness of poultry and meat . ib. Climate of Bengal 516 contents. XXV PAGE Numberless canals and islands . . . .516 Character of the Bengalis . . . . 517 Cotton and silk . . . . . . ib. Niebuhr’s description of Bombay, 176.3 . . 518 Climate of Bombay ..... ib. Island and city . . . . . 519 Government and people ..... ib. Description of Surat, 1764 .... ib. Hospital for sick and maimed animals . . . 520 An Oriental garden ..... ib. Comparative merits of Moghul and Hindu rule . .521 CHAPTER X. PROVINCIAL HISTORY: BENGAL, A. I). 1700 TO 1756. Importance of the history of Bengal . . .522 Moghul rule in Bengal .... ib. Religious persecutions of Aurangzeb . . .523 Viceroyalty of Azim . . . . . 524 Rise of Mir Jafir Khan, Dewan of Bengal . . ib. Distinction between the Viceroy and the Dewan . ib. Plot of the Viceroy to murder the Dewan . . 525 Murshed Kuli Khan, Nawab and Dewan . . il>. Cruel oppression of the Zemindars . . .526 Praises of Murshed Kuli Khan by Muhammadan historians ib. Mausoleum built at the expense of Hindu pagodas . 527 Daughter of Murshed Kuli Khan deserts her husband, Shuja Khan ...... 528 Death of Murshed Kuli Khan, 1725 . . . ib. Shuja Khan, Nawab of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, 1 725-39 fb. Two Muhammadan favourites; Haji Ahmad and Ali Vardi Khan ....... 529 Two Hindu ministers; Alam Chand and Jagat Seit . ib. Indolent administration ..... 530 Ali Vardi Khan, Deputy Nawab of Behar . . ib. Wrath of Sarfar4z Khan, son of Shuja Khan . . 531 Ambitious designs of the two Muhammadan brothers ib. Destruction of Hindu Rajas in Behar by the Afghan contingent ..... ib. Obstinate bravery of the Chukwar Raja . . .532 XXVI CONTENTS. PAGE Submission of the new Raja . . . .532 Shameless treachery of Ali Vardi Khan, 1735 . ib. Destruction of the city of the Chukwars . . . 533 Murder of the Afghan commandant ... ib. Intrigues at Delhi . . . . . 534 Suspicious death of Shuja Khan, 1739 . . ib. Praises of Sliuja Khan ..... ib. Peculiar money-presents .... 535 Sarfarhz Khan, Nawab of Bengal and Orissa, 1739-42 ; his arrogance ...... ib. Unpardonable affront to Jagat Seit . . . 536 Intrigues and conspiracies . . . . ib. Fortune favours the conspirators . . . 537 Secret rebellion at Patna ..... ib. Solemn swearing-in of officers .... ib. Sikliguli pass fi'oni Behar into Bengal . . .538 An empty treasury ..... ib. Services of Omichund, the Patna banker . . . ib. Sham battle; death of Sarfardz Khan . . 539 Alivardi Khan enthroned at Murshedabad . . 540 Faith in Mustafa Khan, the Afghan general . . ib. Establishes his authority in Bengal . . . ib. Acquires Orissa . . . . . 541 Oriental oppression . . . . . ib. Revolution at Cuttack .... 542 Alarm of Ali Vardi Khan ; difficulty with the Afghans . ib. Perilous captivity ..... ib. Escape of Ali Vardi Khan’s son-in-law . . . 543 Settlement of Orissa ..... ib. Wrath of Mustafa Khan . . . . . ib. Mahratta invasion . . . . . 544 Mahrattas’ demand of ten lakhs rejected . . . ib. Mahrattas demand a hundred lakhs ... ib. Afghans appeased ; Mahrattas blockade Murshedabad . 545 Mahratta devastations ..... ib. Agony of Bengal ...... 546 Ali Vardi Khan takes the field ... ib. Fruitless campaign . . . . . ib. Treacherous massacre of Mahratta officers . . ib. Revenge and retreat of the Mahrattas . . .547 Invasion of the Bhonsla and Peishwa ... ib. CONTENTS. XXVll PAGE Dissensions between the Mahratta leaders . . 547 Final settlement of chout, 1750 . . . ib. Troubles with the Afghans .... 548 Death of Ali Vardi Khan, 1756 . . . ib. Domestic life of Ali Vardi Khan .... ib. APPENDIX I. THE SHAH NaMEH OF FIIIDXJSI . . . 551 APPENDIX II. HINDU ANNALS COMPILED FROM THE MACKENZIE MANUSCRIPTS. PAGE I. Early conflicts between Jains and Brdhmans . 556 II. Bel4l empire of Karnata .... 561 III. The Telinga country . . . . .564 IV. Empire of Vi jay anagar .... 567 V. Naiks of Madura ..... 569 HISTORY OF INDIA. I j CHAPTER VIL MOGHUL empire: aurangzeb, a.d. 1658 TO 1707. First Period: Aurangzeb at Delhi, 1658-64. Aurangzeb had achieved tlie object of his ambitiou. chap, vh. By craft, hypocrisy, and bloodshed, he had gained the ^ empire of Hindustan. His three brothers had perished in the fratricidal war. His eldest sou had suffered death as a jiunishment for rebellion. His father, Shah Jehan, was still alive, imprisoned in the fortress at Agra. The vision of Shah Jehan at Agra was a con- stant terror to Aurangzeb ; it poisoned his pleasures and paralysed his ambition ; it was the skeleton that haunted the palace at Delhi. Aurangzeb was in constant alarm lest Rajputs or Shiahs should release Shah Jehan, and restore him to the throne of the Moghuls.^ ^ The state of affairs described in the text refers to the period when Aurangzeb had overcome all his rivals. It follows on the preceding chapter. In 1668 Aurangzeb had ascended the throne; he had not destroyed all his rivals until two or three years afterwards. Throughout the following pages the name of “ Aurungzeb ” has been altered to “Aurangzeb,” and that of “ Rajpoot ” to “Rajput,” to suit modern ortho- graphy. 21 322 HISTOKY OF INDIA. CHAP. VII. Slierif of Mecca. Aurangzeb PadN shah. Temporising policy. Aurangzeb ascended the throne at Delhi in 1G58. He did not take the title of Emperor until two years afterwards. The chief Kdzi of the empire refused to acknowledge him as the rightful sovereign, seeing that Shah Jehan was still alive. The Sherif of Mecca, the great spiritual authority throughout the world of Islam, told the Mecca pilgrims that he knew of no sovereign of Hindustan except Shah Jehan. Aurangzeb sent an embassy to Mecca with a large sum of money to de- corate the tomb of Muhammad. The Sherif was in- exorable ; he refused to receive the envoys or accept the money ; the envoys were compelled to carry back the money to Aurangzeb." The difficulty as regards the chief Kdzi was sur- mounted. A council of Mullahs was assembled at Delhi; the chief Kdzi was deposed, and a more com- pliant divine was apjiointed in his room.^ In October 1660 Aurangzeb Avas proclaimed. Padishah from the pulpit, and the Khutba was read and money coined in his name. Henceforth he was the acknowledged Emperor of Hindustan.^ Aurangzeb had made his religion a stepping-stone to the throne. He professed to be a strict Sunni, whilst his predecessors, if anything, were lax Shiahs. By so doing, he won the support of all orthodox Mu- " Manouchi through. Father Catron. It is stated by Catrou that Au- rangzeb did not take the title of Padishah until after the death of Shah Jehan. This is contradicted by the united authority of Khafi Khan and Tavernier. 3 It will be seen hereafter that the new chief Kazi was anything but a strict Muhammadan. His daily indulgence in wine was the gossip of the court. ^ Khafi Khan says that Aurangzeb ascended the throne at Delhi in 1658, and was not proclaimed Padishah till the second year of the reign. The Mussulman historian ignores the refusal of the chief Kdzi to acknowdedge Aurangzeb. The real facts are revealed by Tavernier. See Indian Travels, Book ii., chap. 6. MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 323 Lamniaclans of the Sunui sect. But after his acces- chap. vn. sion he was compelled to dissemble for a while. Many of the grandees were Persian Shiahs. Then again the Hindiis were afraid that Auraiigzeb would destroy their idol - worship. Meantime there was much carping against Aurang^zeb for the slaughter of his brothers and imprisonment of his father. Accordingly, he found it necessary to proceed warily.® Aurangzeb drew the Hindu Kaias to his court at Leanings Delhi by giving them a magnificent entertainment, Hinduism, which lasted nine days. It was a round of elephant fights, pompous processions, and displays of fireworks. Tlie Hindu Rajas paid their court to their new sove- reign ; presented him wuth gifts ; and congratulated him on his accession. At these audiences Aurangzeb made a show of oflcring sacrifices. He threw pepper on a burning brazier, and as the smoke arose, he lifted up his eyes to heaven and uttered his prayers. By this breach of the Koran he thought to quiet the Hindu Rajas.® The Muhammadans took the alarm ; they com- Leanings towjinU the jilained of this idolatrous superstition. Aurangzeb amused them with a series of ordinances, which en- forced the laws of the Koran at the expense of Chris- tians and Shiahs. He issued an edict against the use of wine. All Muhammadans convicted of drinking wine were deprived of a hand or foot. Christians were allowed to drink wine on their own premises, ® The principal authorities for the history of the reign of Aurangzeb, from his accession in 1658 to his journey to Kashmir in 1664, are Bernier, the French physician, and Manouohi, the Venetian physician. Khafi Khan sup- plies some useful data, but his information is imperfect. Other authorities ■will be cited. ^ Manouchi through Father Catrou. Manouchi adds that the people be- lieved that Aurangzeb was a magician ; that the burning pepper 'was a sacri- fice to the demon from ■whom he acquired supernatural powers. 324 HISTORY OF IIS’DIA. CHAP. vir. Edict npainst mustacliios. but were forbidden to sell it ; and all who broke the law were imprisoned and bastinadoed. But no edict could su|)press intoxication, and the use of wine was universal. Aurangzeb liimself remarked that there were only two men in the empire who abstained from wine, the chief Kdzi and himself Even there he was deceived. Every morning the court physician carried a flagon of wine to the chief Kdzf, and the pair emptied it together.^ Even the Kotwal of Delhi, the police magistrate Avho carried out the ordinances of Aurangzeb, was a notorious toper; but he Avas none the less zealous on that account in punishing drunkards. The people of Hindustan had always been accustomed to strong drinks. When wine Avas prohibited they took to bhang — a drug which produced a far more dangerous intoxication.® Aurangzeb issued another edict of a more Avhimsical nature. The Sufis of Persia were accustomed to wear long mustachios after the fashion set by the Prophet Ali.® Aurangzeb pretended that the long mustachios interfered Avith the right pronunciation of the name of Allah, and prevented the sound from ascending to Heaven. He appointed special officers to measure the mustachios of passers-by. Men ran about Avith scissors to clip them to the orthodox standard. Dignitaries and princes covered their faces Avith their hands to save their mustachios.^® Aurangzeb next abolished music and singing. Offi- ^ The morning time, after the Emperor left the Jarokha window, was the only part of the day when the Moghul courtiers could drink in safety. The animal combats at noon, the durbar in the afternoon, and the evening assembly, might have brought an offending noble within close proximity to the Emperor, and discovery and punishment would have been the result. ® Manouchi through Catrou. ® Olearius’s Travels, English translation. Book vi. Manouchi through Catrou. MOGHUL EMPIRE : AUEANGZEB. 325 cers were empowered to enter any dwelling-lionse chap, vh. where music was heard and turn out the musicians and burn their instruments. The object was to sup- press all satirical songs. Multitudes of musicians were reduced to beggary ; heaps of musical instruments were destroyed. Music could only be performed in secret, and on such occasions Aurangzeb was severely handled in the songs. Aurangzeb also abolished dancing. The dancing- Dancing-giris girls lived together in bands, occupied mansions as large as palaces, and formed the scandalous class of Hindustan. Shah Jehan had delighted in their per- formances. Aurangzeb ordered them to be all mar- ried or banished from his dominions. Probably he wanted to assert his superior morality. Many were dispersed; some married ; others continued in the secret practice of their old trade.^® Aurangzeb, notwithstanding his zeal for Islam, had Mulianiraadan ^ ® ^ . eaiuts. a spite against the Santons. These men claimed to be descendants of the family of the Prophet. They professed to lead lives of austerity and celibacy ; they were reverenced as saints ; they were carried in ex- pensive palanquins, or rode on costly horses, accompa- nied by disciples and followers. The people prostrated themselves before a Santon; they assailed him with , Manouclii through Catrou. He adds, that the musicians made a strange appeal to Aurangzeb ; that one Friday morning, as the Emperor was going to mosque, he saw a vast crowd of mourners marching in file behind a bier, and ' filling the air with screams and lamentations. He asked what it all meant, j He was told that they were going to bury “ Music ; ” their mother had been executed, and they were weeping over their loss. “Bury her deep,” he j cried ; “ she must never rise again.” The story is confirmed by Khali Khan. 1 See a curious description of one of these houses in vol. iii., chap. 6. ■ Marriage is a strange punishment for a dancing-girl. Tavernier tells the story of a Shah of Persia who ordered a dancing-girl to be married as a I punishment for having boxed the ears of one of her companions within his Majesty’s hearing. Persian Travels, Book iii., chap. 17. 326 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. VIT. Rebel Santong. Punishment of Cantons. Ruin of Shfali 1,'randees. petitions and prayers ; Le affected to grant all that was wanted with a complaisant smile or a wave of the hand. Wealthy petitioners went to his house, and secretly prayed to him for everything ambition or passion could suggest. AVomen specially went in crowds, and caused endless scandal. Twelve Santons had committed a crime which Auraugzeb never forgave. They had promised the empire to his eldest brother, Dara. The people of Delhi had been so deceived by this prophecy that they had helped Dara against Aurangzeb. The Emperor resolved to punish the Santons without alarming the Muhammadans. He ordered the twelve men to be brought before him. He told them that their false prophecy convinced him that they were not descended from the Prophet. He gave them three days for fasting and prayer; at the end of that time they must prove their claim by working a miracle. The Santons confessed that the people gave them credit for more sanctity than they possessed. But Aurangzeb was not to be turned from his purpose. The three days passed away; the Santons were utterly unable to impose a miracle on Aurangzeb. They could expect no mercy. The Emperor reviled them for their deceit and hypocrisy. He ordered some of the Avorst to be imprisoned in a strong fortress, telling them that nothinsr but a miracle could deliver them. The re- o mainder were banished his dominions.^^ Aurangzeb next worked the ruin of the Persian grandees. Akbar had warmly Avelcomed all exiles from Persia, placed them in high commands,^® and Manouchi through. Catrou. Bernier states that the Moghuls chose none but men with fair complexions for the higher commands. MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB, 327 assigned them hereditary estates out of the crown chap. vii. landsd® Aurangzeb liated them because they were Shiahs. He resolved to resume their lands. At first he examined the titles, and only resumed the land when there was an informality in the grant. Subse- quently he resumed the remainder on the score of religion. “ The Persians,” he said, “ are united to us by the Koran ; they have separated themselves from us by their errors about the succession to the Khalifat ; it is therefore only right that they should be separated from us altogether.” Accordingly the Persians were deprived of their lands and sent to Kashmir. They were forced to live on such pensions as were assigned them. Aurangzeb brought his spy establishment to per- Spy system, fection. Under Moglml rule news-writers were maintained in every township to report all that occurred. Under previous Emperors the news- writers were often in collusion with the local officers. But Aurangzeb kept a constant watch. His knowledge was so perfect of all that was going on, that many believed he acquired it by supernatural agencies.^^ Aurangzeb was proud of his reforms. He boasted poastej reforms, of them in letters to his fatlier. The captive sove- reign wrote an indignant reply ; it was circulated among the grandees, and caused the Emperor much Manouchi, through Catrou, insists, like all other contemporary writers, that the Moghuls were the sole lords of the soil. He adds, that the grant of hereditary lands to the Persian immigrants was altogether exceptional. Manouchi, through Catrou, tells the story of a soldier who had lost a horse for which he was responsible to his captain. Accordingly he disguised himself as a fakir, buried the horse, and took up his abode over the grave, pretending that it was the tomb of some holy saint. In this manner he sub- sisted on the alms of passers-by. Aurangzeb discovered the deception and executed the false fakir. The story has no historical significance. It is told in other quarters withou any reference to Aurangzeb. Its authenticity is doubtful. 328 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. VII. Dealings with Shall Jehau. Spite against a tutor. uneasiness, MaLdhat Khan, the Moghul governor of Kdbul, rebuked Aurangzeb for his ill-treatment of his father. The Emperor swallowed the affront for awhile, but never forgot it. He removed Mahdbat Khan from Kdbul to prevent his intriguing wdth the Shah of Persia. He posted Mahdbat Khan to the government of Guzerat, where he would be under more immediate control.^® Aurangzeb seems to have been scared by the rebuke which he received from Mahabat Khan. At any rate, he changed his tone towards his father. He softened the rigour of his father’s captivity, and sent him presents from Delhi. Shah Jehan was alarmed at this unexpected kindness, and suspected that some evil was brewing. At last Aurangzeb demanded the jewels that his father had taken with him into his captivity. Shah Jehan saw at once the reasons for his son’s kindness ; he threatened to break up the jewels with a pestle and mortar, Aurangzeb never repeated the request, but appointed a eunuch to keep a watchful eye on the jewels,^® Another incident heljis to bring out the character of Aurangzeb. AVhen a boy he had been educated by a tutor named Malik Salih. He had a boy’s grudge Father Catrou professes to give the substance of Mahdbat Khan’s letter to Aurangzeb. In this letter Mabftbat Khan admits the foibles of Shah Jehan, bis love of pleasure, and scandalous excesses. “AVben,” be writes, “Shah Jehan sat upon the throne to administer justice, few carried their complaints to him, because he was peaceful himself and inspired peace in the minds of others. When you, sire, take your seat, the tribunal resounds with a thousand discordant voices, because your rule is so severe that evil natures are filled with a desire for vengeance.” This letter does not appear to be authentic. It is not written in the style in which a Moghul grandee would address a Padishah. Manouchi through Catrou. Tavernier tells the same story, but with different details. He says that Begum Sahib saved the jewels, as she wanted them for herself. Indian Travels, Book ii., chap. 7. MOGHUL EMPIRE : AUEAHGZEB. 329 against tliis man. He tlionglit the tutor showed chap, vii, more favour to Dara and Murad than to himself ; he also suspected that Malik Salih had set Shah Jehan against him. Malik Salih had been living for many years at riie tutor’s , , , EUdifllCtJ. Kdbul on a pension which he received from the Moghul court. When Aurangzeb came to the throne this pension Avas stopped. The old tutor was uncon- scious of any ill-AAdll on the part of his former pupil. He thought there AA^as some mistake ; he Avent to Delhi to freshen up the memory of Auraugzeb as regards his services. He was three months at Delhi before hn obtained an audience. At last a day Avas fixed. All the learned men at the court, and all the tutors of the imperial household, Avere present in the audience hall. To the utter surprise of the tutor, he Avas treated by Aurangzeb to the folloAving lecture : — “Princes must have tutors just as infants must Aurangzeb's lecture. have Avet-nurses. People know how to choose a AA^et- nurse ; they pick out a strong-bodied Avoman, and all goes well. They do not knoAv hoAV to choose a tutor ; they often take a man Avho is more learned than Avise, who burdens the memory, and never forms the mind. “ When I Avas a boy, I AAns taught the language of Useless learning, the Koran ; my mind Avas wearied Avith the rules of Arabic grammar ; no one turned my heart to virtue by setting before me the examples of great men or the victories of my illustrious ancestors. I learnt a little of Hindustan, its toAvns, provinces, and revenues, but that Avas all. “ Surely there Avere other nations with Avhom I True knowledge, ought to have been acquainted. AYhy was I not taught the manners, customs, and interests of Persia ? Why AA^as I not told the history of my Tartar fore- 330 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. VII. Condemnation. Secret malice. fathers ? Their descendants occupy all the thrones of Asia. Why was I not taught something of Africa, where the Ottomans have established their dominion ? Or of Europe, which sipi plies me with eminent Firingiz? Why was I told that the Emperor of France was a Eaja of the second class ; that Holland was a great empire ; that England was larger than France ? Why was I not shown a map of China, where Tartar princes like myself have concjuered a Avise and industrious people ? “ Such studies would have been worthy of a prince destined to become master of Hindustan I My youth should have been occupied with the stratagems of Avar, the arts of policy, the different Avays of attacking or defending strongholds. From you I ought to have learned the art of governing provinces. These Avere your duties ; did you ever fulfil them ? Had I re- ceived any benefit from you, I Avould have shoAvn my gratitude. As it is, I can only dismiss you as the most worthless of my servants, Avho has done me more injury than all the others, and Avhose face I never Avish to see again.” The speech of Aurangzeb had been carefully pre- pared ; it was soon promulgated throughout the em- pire. Flatterers applauded it to the skies. Wiser men saAV the malignant spirit Avhich dictated it. Malik Salih had probably taught Aurangzeb to the best of his ability. No one but a European tutor could have taught him much more. Not even a European tutor could have taught' him the arts of government and war. Aurangzeb is said to have revenged another old O O Manouclii through Catrou. Bernier has preserved some imperfect reports of the same speech. Khafi Khan had no knowledge of it. MOGHUL EMPIRE ! AURANGZEB. 331 injury. When a young man he had been sent with chap. vn. an army to conquer Balkh.^^ He had been defeated, Baikh embassy, humiliated, and subjected to severe privations. When he had established himself on the throne of Hindustan, the Sultan of Balkli sent an embassy with presents to congratulate him on his accession. The Sultan Avas afraid lest Aurangzeb should march against him with the whole force of the Moghul empire. Aurangzel) had no stomach for another expedition against Balkh, but he is charged with having resented his defeat on the Tartar ambassadors.^^ Whilst Aurangzeb Avas carrying out his reforms in Tim Dikuan. Hindustan, he Avas not unmindful of the Dekhan. For many years he had been Viceroy in the Dekhan. He had given his name to the city of Aurangabad. Before the fratricidal war the Dekhan had been the principal sjdiere of his ambition. The Dekhan is the central zone of India lying be- Qeoa:rai-by. tAveen Hindustan and the Peninsula. On the nortli it is bounded by the river Nerbudda ; on the south, by the river Kistna. East and Avest it is bounded by the sea. The Muhammadan Dekhan Avas the square mass of Muhammadan tableland in the centre of the zone. On the Avest was the mountain territory of the Koukan to the back of Bombay. On the east were the hills and jungles of Balkh, the, ancient Bactria, is a famous region, but little known to modern geography. It lies ensconced between the Himalayas and river Oxus. It was there that Alexander the Great lost his heart to Roxana, the fair maiden of Bactria. In modern times it has been a bone of contention between Afghanistan and Bokhara. It never belonged to the Moghul Em- perors of Hindustan. Manouchi through Catrou. Bernier denies the fact that the Balkh envoys were insulted. The matter is of no consequence. There was also a sham embassy from the King of Abyssinia. It is described at considerable length by Manouchi and Bernier, but the event is devoid of historical interest or significance. 332 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. VII. and Gulkuuda. Ri«e of I^laiii'attas. The Konkan. Gondwana, 'wliicli at tliis period were out of tlie pale of history. The Muhammadan Dekhan was the causeway which ran from Hindustan towards the Peninsula ; it was hounded on one side by mountains, and on the other side by jungles; it was the great highway by which, at different intervals, the conquerors of Hindustan have marched towards the south to plunder the Hindu Rajas of the Peninsula. The Moghul province of the Dekhan occupied the northern half of this causeway. The southern half was occupied by the Muhammadan kingdoms of Bfjhpur and Golkonda. These two kingdoms blocked up the advance of the Moghuls into the Peninsula. For many years Aurangzeb was bent on the conquest of Bijdpur and Golkonda. The two Sultans were Muhammadans, but Aurangzeb detested their creed. They were more or less Shiahs, and the Persian element prevailed in both kingdoms. To make matters worse, the two courts were Hinduised by the employment of Hindu officials. Aurangzeb’s early schemes of conquest were thwarted by his father, Shah Jehan. Meantime a cloud was rising in the western Ghhts. The Mahrattas of the Kon- kan were becoming troublesome. Sivaji, the Mahratta chief, was becoming the terror of the Dekhan. He was already a thorn in the side of Bfjdpur ; he was doomed to become a thorn in the side of the Moghul. The Konkan has always had a history of its own. In ancient times it was a seat of civilisation. Roman merchants traded at its ports ; Brahman sages founded This easterly region is shrouded in a mist of legend. It was a terra incognita to Aurangzeb. In the present day it is known by the name of Nagpore and the Central Provinces. Until the administration of Sir Richard Temple in the Central Provinces, it was almost a blank in the map of India. MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 333 temples and liermitages in tlie secluded mountains, cpup. th. Subsequently tlie ports swarmed with pirates, whilst the mountains were the strongholds of bandits. Nominally the Konkan was a province of Bijhpur ; practically the Konkan was ruled by a line of chief- ! tains, more or less independent, who were known as Mahrattas. The forefathers of Sivaji were the illegi- ! timate offspring of some Kajput Eaja ; tljey were counted among the vassals of the Sultan of Bfjapur. Sivaji himself acknowledged the superiority of Bfja- pur, but lived in rude independence in his mountain fortresses. Sivaji was the type of a Hindu freebooter — a happy mixture of superstition and audacity. He was strict in the worship of Hindii gods, and reverential towards Brahmans ; he was gifted wdth the intelligence, en- j terprise, and restless energy of the bandit. Outlaw as he was, he had a tinge of Rajput blood. He treated women with respect ; he never insulted the religion of the Koran. But he wanted the pride, the bearing, the sense, of honour, which make up the true Rajput. He was a rude mountaineer, who could neither read nor write. He was short and active, wdth long arms and sharp eyes; he was cunning, faithless, treacherous, without shame or scruples of any kind. He had some genius for organisation ; plundered on a regular system ; planned expeditions into the plains which returned at intervals to the fortresses in the hills. He spared villages and districts on being paid a cer- tain blackmail, which amounted to about one- fourth of the land revenue, and was known as cJioutJi. He Origin of Sivaji. Character of Sivaji. Khafi. Khan hated the Mahrattas, but does justice to their good traits in the character of Sivaji. 334 HISTORY OF INDIA, CHAP, vir. Treachery nnd ass.issiuatiou. Aurangzeb’s aUUnce with Sivaji. main tain ed a strict discipline amongst liis bands of marauders. The proceedings of Sivaji and liis Mahrattas caused much ti’ouble at Bijdpur, At last the Sultan sent a large army to suppress Sivaji. The Bijdpur general held the Mahrattas in contempt, Sivaji played a game of artifice. He feigned to be in a panic of fear ; begged forgiveness ; promised obedience for tlie future ; prayed for a private interview to make his submission, receive orders, and arrange about pay. The Bijdpur general was deceived, and consented to a lonely meet- ing. The details vary in different narratives. All agree that Sivaji carried a secret weapon ringed to his fingers, with steel hooks or spurs, known as tigers’ claws. The Alahratta prostrated himself before the Mussulman ; he rose up and stood in a respectful posture ; he then drove the tigers’ claws to the ]\Iussulman’s heart. The general fell dead. The Bijdpur army was seized with panic. The Mahrattas fell upon the invaders, routed them in all directions, and returned to their fortresses with the booty. This exploit was noised abroad throughout the Dekhan. Aurangzeb saw that Sivaji would prove a useful ally in the event of a war with Bijdpur, He was already beginning the war against his brothers which led to his obtainiim the throne: and in the O ^ event of defeat he might find a refuge with Sivaji in the strongholds of the Konkan. He made friends with Sivaji, concluded a treaty, and ceded territory. The alliance reveals the utter hypocrisy of Auraugzeb. He was playing the part of a pious Muhammadan, a devout penitent, vowing to spend the rest of his life in tears and prayers at the tomb of the Prophet. At the same time he was planning a rebellion against his MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURAXGZEB. 335 I i I I father and a war against his brothers, and providing oiiap. vn. against defeat by securing a refuge with a Hindu brigand who worshipped idols. The fratricidal war broke out. In course of time Amf.- jumu. Aurangzeb became Emperor of Hindustan. He had overcome all his brothers, but he could not leave Delhi whilst his father was a prisoner at Agra. His old friend and supporter, Amir Jumla, had restored quiet in Bengal. Amir Jumla wanted to return to the Dekhan, to conquer Bijdpur and Golkonda, and stamp out Sivaji. But Aurangzeb was jealous of Amir Jumla; he suspected that Amir Jumla wanted to found an independent kingdom in the Dekhan. Accordingly he sent Amir Jumla on a hopeless expedi- tion against Assam, with orders to conquer the whole country as far as the Chinese frontier. Aurangzeb appointed his uncle, Shaista Khan, to be Shaista Klian _ ° _ ami .lasnauC Viceroy of the Dekhan. He disregarded his treaty with Sivaji, and told Shaista Khan to suppress the Mah- rattas and their Raja. He ordered Jaawant Singh, Raja of Jodhpur, to join Shaista Khan with his Raj- put auxiliaries. He thus got rid of a dangerous man. Jaswant Singh Avas not loyal to Aurangzeb. He was strongly suspected of seeking to restore Shah Jehan to the Moghul throne. It was, therefore, a stroke of policy to send Jaswant Singh into the Dekhan to fight against the Mahrattas under the eye of Shaista Khan. Sivaji soon saw that Aurangzeb had broken faith Broken faitii. with him ; but breaches of faith were common enough in India. Sivaji did not take the field against the Moghuls. He permitted Shaista Khan to advance and capture the Mahratta fortress at Poona. The rains were about to begin. Shaista Khan built a 336 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. VII. Coronation-day. Mahratta re- Vcuye. ^loghul panic. pavilion of wood at the foot of the fortress, for the accommodation of himself and his seraoiio during the O O monsoon."^ The coronation-day of the Emjieror was always kept as a festival throughout the Moghul empire. AVhen the anniversary came round in 1663, Shaista Khan gave a great feast to his officers. Every three hours there was a symphony of musical instruments. Some men unknown told the band to make a special noise at twelve o’clock at night, in order to do honour to the festival. Wine was not spared at the coronation feast. At midnight there was a deafening uproar of trumpets and kettledrums. When it was over, shrieks and screams were heard from the seraglio. A band of armed men had broken into the seraglio and made their way into the bancpietting hall, followed by women and eunuchs. Shaista Khan was too drunk to comprehend what was going on. His son drew his sword and rushed upon the intruders, but received a stroke which severed his head from his shoulders. The intruders rushed upon Shaista Khan. The women saw that his life was in danger, and put out the lights. Friends and foes mingled in horrible disorder ; random strokes fell on women and eunuchs. Shaista Khan lost a finger, but escaped from the 2 iavilion and fled uj) the hill to the fortress of Poona. Meanwhile there was a jianic in the Moghul camp. Sivaji and his Mahrattas were jflundering the tents and cutting down the flying soldiery. Havoc and confusion reigned supreme. Next morning Jaswant Singh went to make his Jlanouchi through Catrou. MOGHUL EMPIEE : AURANGZEB. 337 apologies to Sliaista Khan. The Moghul general was not to be hoodwinked by the Eajpdt. “ I thought,” he said, “that the Maharaja was in his Majesty’s service when this evil befell me,” Shaista Khan was assured in his own mind that Jaswant Singh was privy to the whole affair.^® AuraiiQ'zeb was enraged at the news. He recalled Shaista Khan, and sent him to govern Bengal in the j room of Amir Jumla. Early in 1664 there was worse I news of the Mahrattas. They had poured down the I mountains to the sea and plundered the Moghul port at Surat. The English at Surat saved their factory 1 by a brave resistance. One Englishman was taken I prisoner, and carried off to the tent of Sivaji outside ' the town. The Mahratta Eaja was at home ; he was ordering heads and arms to be chopped off from un- j fortunate wretches who were suspected of concealing their hoards.^^ Such were the public acts of the illustrious founder of the Mahratta empire. The narrative of the Mahratta attack on Shaista Khan and hia camp is given on the authority of Manouchi through Catrou. A different story is told by Khafi Khan. Shaista Khan is said to have taken up his quarters l‘ in the town of Poona, in a house which had been built by Sivaji and occupied by Sivaji. The Mahrattas got into the town by joining a marriage procession. They made their way into the house through the cook-room. They sub- sequently made their escape, and were seen in the distance climbing a hill ' fortress by the light of torches. I This story is evidently the handiwork of some Mahratta Brahman. Khafi Khan probably picked it up during his travels in the Mahratta country. It 1 is not credible that a Moghul noblemau, with a large seraglio, accustomed to J every luxury, should have taken up his quarters in a Mahratta house. Manouchi’s account is far more simple and intelligible. He probably drew it up by the light of letters received from the seat of war. Manouchi, how- ever, says nothing about the connivance of Jaswant Singh ; that is given on the authority of Khafi Khan. It is easy to understand Jaswant Singh being concerned in an attack like that described in the text. It is difficult to understand how he could be concerned in a burglarious attack through a cook- room, like that described by Khafi Khan. English records at Surat, quoted by Grant Duff. 22 CHAP. vir. Rnjput couui- vauce. Mahratta atroci- ties. 338 HISTORY OF INDIA, CHAT?. VII. Aurangzeb’s sickness. Ambition of Roy- shau llai Begnm. Seraglio intrigues. Tlie year 1664 is a turning-point in tlie reign of Aurangzeb, His liealtli broke down ; lie sank into a debility wbicli rendered him unconscious of all around liim. His sister, Eoyslian Rai Begum, took entire charge of his chamber. The Tartar women kept con- stant guard over the door with swords and bows. So much secrecy was observed, that many believed that the Emperor was dead ; not even the ladies of the seraglio knew whether Aurangzeb was dead or alive. Royshan Rai Begum had laboured hard for Aur- auffzeb during the reign of Shah Jehan. It was mainly by her help that he gained the throne. After his accession she had become sole mistress of the seraglio. She resolved to provide for her own aggran- disement in the event of his death. The eldest son of Aurangzeb was nineteen years of age, born of a Rajput Sultana ; he is best known by his title of Shah Alam. The second son was a pretty boy of six, born of a Muhammadan Sultana ; he is best known by the name of Azam Shah. Royshan Rai Begum resolved to set aside the eldest son, and place the second son, Azam Shah, upon the throne. She hoped by these means to rule the empire through a long minority. She addressed a hundred letters in favour of Azam Shah to the different Rajas, Viceroys, and governors of the empire. She took the signet of the empire from the finger of Aurangzeb, and stamped every letter with the seal. Some suspicion of what was going on reached the ears of the ladies of the seraglio. The mother of the eldest sou, Shah Alam, was a Rajput princess, but she was first Sultana. She had married Aurangzeb when he was young, and had been allowed to burn incense before her idols in his seraglio ; and she still possessed MOGHUL EiMPIEE ; AUEANGZEB. 339 much influeuce over Aurano^zeb. She resolved to find chap. vn. out whether the Emperor was still living. She bribed the Tartar women, and gained admittance to the sick- room. She saw that Aurangzeb was still alive, but unconscious of her presence. At that moment Eoy- shan Eai Begum caught sight of the intruder, rushed on her like a fury, tore her face till it bled, and forced her out of the room.^® The first Sultana was bitterly mortified. She wrote si. nil Alnin. the ^ CrovN u Eriuce. to her son an account of all that had occurred. This Prince, as already said, is best known by his title of Shah Alam, or “King of the World.” He had a palace and establishment of his own. He began to take measures for defeating the designs of his aunt in favour of Azam Shah. At this time Jai Singh, Eaja of Jaipur, was at Delhi. Jai smgh. At such a crisis the Eajput might have decided the fate of the empire. Shah Alam went to him and told him that Aurangzeb was dead; that he himself claimed the empire as his birthright ; that he did not mean to cement the throne by the murder of his brothers ; and that he was even willing to restore Shah Jehau. Jai Singh commended his intentions, deprecated the re- storation of Shah Jehan, promised his supjaort, but would not commit himself to any line of action until he knew for certain that Aurangzeb was dead. Shah Alam prostrated himself before the Eaja, and took his leave with the same salutations as were customary to the Emperor. Jai Singh was far too wary to risk the wrath of Rajimt cauuo... Aurangzeb. He spared no pains to learn the truth. He distributed thousands of ruj)ees amongst the Manouchi through Catrou. 340 HISTORY OF HS'DIA, CHAP. Yii. eunuchs of the palace. At last he had positive news that Aurangzeb was very ill but still alive. He re- fused to meddle with the claims of Shah Alam. (Jrnndees over- It was straime that throughout this period there iiwed. ^ were no attempts at an outbreak. Wild hopes were excited at Agra that Aurangzeb might die and Shah Jehan be restored to the throne of the Moghuls. Couriers were constantly going to Delhi for news, and as constantly returning with no news whatever. Every one was in mortal fear of Aurangzeb. The grandees at Delhi and Agra looked at each other, but too" said nothing. Not a man dared to talk about the death of the Emperor or whisper a word about Shah Alam or Shah Jehan. Aumngzeb's At length Aurangzeli began to recover. He was restored to consciousness, took an interest in public affairs, and managed to show himself to the Eaja of Jaipur and a few of the grandees. Suddenly he missed his signet ring. He accepted the excuses of his sister that it had fallen from his finger ; but his suspicions were excited, and he resolved on discover- ing the truth at some more seasonable opportunity. Public au.uence. Aftci* a wlfilc Auraiigzcb was able to take his seat upon the throne at a public audience. He had given orders that every one should be admitted, however simple their degree ; and that all should approach him in the order of their rank. All the people of Delhi flocked to the palace to make their saiJms. He edified all present by his expressions of Jiiety. ^ His sickness had been a warning from Heaven that he was only mortal ; his recovery was a blessing from the Almighty. As a mark of gratitude he relieved Mu- hammadans from certain imposts which were still levied from Hindus. This was the first public iudi- MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 341 cation of the policy of intolerance wliicli was to bear chap. tii. such bitter fruit hereafter. Auranczeb sfrew more and more suspicious of his Aurangzebs o O J- suspicions of sister, Eoyshan Eai Begum. The ladies and eunuchs saw that she was under a cloud ; they had long hated her for her pride and ill-nature, and they were ready to repeat any story against her. Aurangzeb was told that his sister had taken the signet ring from his huger only to ensure the succession of the boy Azam Shah to the throne of the Moghuls ; that she would have aroused the empire to arms but for the universal fear which he had inspired as Emperor ; that she had kept his illness so secret, that no one knew whether he was alive or dead ; that she had insulted and assaulted the first Sultana for venturing to enter his sick-room. Aurangzeb was alarmed at these expressions of coimtemction. ambition. He kneAV that his sister would shrink from nothinof to vain her ends. He showed his dis- o o pleasure whilst hiding his fears. He increased the dignity of the first Sultana ; gave her a new title, and lauded her for her patience under affliction. Such trifles are nothing in ordinary life, but they stir up the fiercest passions in the confined air of the ser- aglio. Eoyshan Eai Begum was so mortified that she , begged to be allowed to leave the seraglio and live in a separate palace. Aurangzeb refused the request Avithout betraying his feelings. He pretended that her presence was necessary for the superintendence of the education of his younger daughters. MeanAvhile the eldest daughter of Aurangzeb began Aurnnpwti’s ® O O (laughters. to play a part in the seraglio. ■ The daughters of the Moghul emperors had a strange destiny. Those born of Eainut mothers were sometimes given in 342 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. VII. Semprlio scaudals. Marriage of Aiirangzeb’a daughters. marriage to Eajpiit princes.^'’ But a certain number, never exceeding three or four, were treated as prin- cesses of the imperial blood, and Avere supposed to lead lives of celibacy. Sjiotless purity in single Avomen is by no means an uncommon virtue ; it is to be seen amongst Asiatic widows as Aveil as in European spinsters ; but amidst the surroundings of a seraglio it is often a mere question of bolts and bars. The scandalous lives of the tAvo dauo-liters of Shah O Jehan, the sisters of Aurangzeb, have already been noticed. The elder, knoAAm as Begum Sahib, accom- panied her father in his captivity at Agra, The younger, Royshan Rai Begum, had become the mis- tress of the seraglio of her brother Aurangzeb. But ambition could not quench her amorous fire. The porters and eunuchs Avere all at her mercy. Her amours were the talk of the eunuchs ; and when it was knoAvn that she had proAmked the displeasure of Aurangzeb, the talk soon reached the imjierial ears. Little is knoAvn of the daughters of Aurangzeb, but that little is very significant. Two of them were born of the Muhammadan Sultana, AA^ho had given liirth to Azam Shah ; they were married to state prisoners — one to a son of Dara and the other to a son of Murad.^® hlanouchi tells the story of the marriage. The mother bribed a fakir. Every Friday morning Some doubts on this point were expressed in a previous chapter. They have since been removed by the evidence of Catrou, based on the authority of Manouchi. It is distinctly stated that a daughter of Shah Jehan by a Rajptit mother was given in marriage to Jaswant Singh, the Raja of Jodhpur. This is not stated as an isolated fact, but as being in accordance with usage. The fact accounts for the professed loyalty of Jaswant Singh towards his father- in-law, Shah Jehan. The usage has been naturallj' ignored by orthodox Muhammadan historians. It had apparently ceased to be a usage in the reign of Aurangzeb. Elliot’s History, vol. vii., p. 197. Manouchi through Catrou. M03HUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB, 343 wlien Aurangzeb was goiDg to tlie mosque, the fakir chap. vn. called upon him to give his daughters in marriage. Aurangzeb spoke to the fakir ; pleaded the ill conse- quences of such marriages, and urged that they were contrary to the fundamental law of the Mohguls,®^ The fakir replied that Muhammad, the Apostle of God, had given his daughter in marriage to the Prophet Ali, although he must have foreseen the terrible schism which would follow. Aurangzeb was convinced by this argument, and consented to the marriage of his daughters.®^ Fakhr-u-Nisd., the eldest daughter of Aurangzeb, was a more ambitious princess.^ She remained single in the seraglio, and sought to supplant her aunt. For some time she is said to have shared in her aunt’s gallan- tries. Then she quarrelled with her aunt. She helped to enlighten her father about his sister’s irregularities. There was a private massacre of the aunt’s lovers. According to Manouchi, they were put to death in a variety of ways, without any form of justice.®'* Royshan, Rai Begum disappeared for ever from the scene. It was said that she was poisoned.®® No traces are to be found of this so-called fundamental law of the Moghuls. There is reason for believing that it was a modern invention. The truth seems to be that there were grave difficulties in the way of securing husbands for such princesses. No Amir would willingly have married a daughter of the Emperor ; she would have interfered with all his pleasures, ruled his other ladies with a rod of iron, and made him her slave for life. There is no reason to doubt the authenticity of the story. There is, however, reason to believe that the fakir who acted a part was prompted by Aurangzeb himself. Father Catrou dwells somewhat warmly on the consola- tions Tvhich the captive princes derived from their union with the most beau- tiful princesses at court. This is rather suggestive in a monk. Fakhr-u-Nisd is the name given by Catrou. She is named Zebu Nisd Begum by Mussulman historians. See Elliot’s History, vol. vii. , p. 196. Manouchi says that one was poisoned, another killed by a venomous ser- pent, some were trampled to death by elephants, and some were cut down by the sword. Manouchi through Catrou. There is some doubt about the exact date of 344 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAr. Til. Fakhr-u-Ni&ii. Preparations for Ivaahmfr. Renewed terrors ol Aurangzeb. Faklir-u-Nisd. took her aunt’s place in tke seraglio. Henceforth she exercised an ascendancy over her father that was felt and known. She was worshipped as the dominant star of the Moghul.^® She was born in 1639, consequently in 1664 she was twenty-five years of age.^^ Aurangzeb was still very far from well. The heat of Hindustan and scorchiim air of Delhi were against him. His daughter wanted him to go to the cool heights of Kashmir. She pressed the matter all the more warmly because she was eager to leave the seraglio, to travel through the provinces, to show the world the favour in which she stood with the Emperor, and the superb equipage in which she was to travel. The court physicians also recommended the Emperor to go to Kashmir. At last he gave his consent. The 6th of December 1664 was fixed for the departure.^® All Delhi was filled with preparations for the jour- ney of the Emjieror. At this period Aurangzeb fell the death of this princess. It would appear from Manouchi that she died before the Emperor’s journey to Kashmir. Bernier however describes Royshau Rai Begum going on the journey mounted on a stupendous Pegu elephant. It is impossible to reconcile such contradictions. Royshan Rai Begum may have perished during the journey, or the princess seen by Bernier may not have been Royshan Rai Begum, but some other lady, perhaps Fakhr-u-Nisa. It is certain that Bernier must have kept at a considerable distance from the seraglio. Manouchi through Catrou. Elliot’s History, vol. vii. , p. 196. This princess, under the name of Zebu Nisd, is praised as a poet by Sluhammadan writers. She is said to have become thoroughly proficient in the Koran. Catrou says that the 6th of December “ sixteen hundred and sixty ” was the day of departure. This is a mistake, the word “four” has perhaps dropped out. Bernier not only says 1664, but dates his subsequent letters 1664 and 1665 ; and Bernier himself accompanied the expedition to Kashmir. The preceding dates are all fixed from Mahratta records and English records at Surat quoted by Grant DufiP. Sivaji surprised Shaista Khan in 1663, plundered Surat in January 1664. Amir Jumla returned from Assam in 1663, died in 1664; the news reached Aurangzeb at Kashmir. MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 345 under the suspicion of a crime which long tarnished chap. vh. his memory. He was afraid to go to Kashmir whilst his father was alive at Agra, He appointed a governor of Agra on whom he could rely ; he ordered a large army to encamp at Agra ; still he was a prey to dismal fears, and sank into a melancholy which alarmed all around him. At this crisis ambassadors arrived from Persia with Persian menacing letters from the Shah. Aurangzeb tried to hide his uneasiness by a show of courtesy. Shah Abbas the Second, was a Siifi and a Shiah ; his sympathies were with Shah Jehan, who was also a Shiah, and he hated Aurangzeb as a bigoted Sunni. He demanded O O the liberation of Shah Jehan, Aurangzeb was in sore straits. The Sherif of Alecca contemplated ^ ^ parricide. refused to acknowledge him ; the Shah of Persia threatened him ; he risked his life if he remained at t . Delhi ; he risked his throne if he went to Kashmir. The death of Shah Jehan would remove all his trou- bles ; but for a long time he shrank from the odium of parricide. At last he worked himself into the belief eak about it. Bernier accompanied Aurangzeh to Kashmir in the full belief that Shah Jehan was alive at Agra. Khafi Khan says that Shah Jehan died in January 1666. Tavernier, w'ho was in the Dekhau at the time, says that he heard of his death at the end of 1666. It will be seen hereafter that the Sh.ah of Persia was suspicious of the crime very shortly after the death of Shah Jehan. MOGHUL EMPIKE : AURANGZEB. 349 side tlie Moghul empire. Bombay bordered on the chap. vn. Hindh kingdom of Sivaji, the Mahratta ; Madras bordered on the Muhammadan kiugdom of the Sul- tan of Golkonda ; the Portuguese settlement at Goa, the largest European colony in India, bordered on the Muhammadan kiugdom of the Sultan of Bijdpur. In those days the regular European trade in the East Privileged ^ -L traders and was carried on by Portugal under the name of the king, and by England and Holland under the name of their respective East India Companies. But there was a large irregular trade carried on by European adven- turers on their private account, without any sanction of king or charter. They were called interlopers and pirates. Their hand was against every man, and every man’s hand was against them. At Kashmir Aurangzeb heard that one of the im- European piracy, perial ships that carried pilgrims to Mecca had been captured by a European pirate. This was no uncom- mon disaster in the seventeenth century. No Asiatics can withstand Europeans on the high seas ; and ships loaded with Muhammadan pilgrims and much treasure would be regarded as fair prize by so-called Christian j)irates. Unfortunately some of the pilgrims were ladies belonging to the imperial seraglio ; and it was reported that they had been rudely handled by their European captors. Aurangzeb was much exasperated at the insult. He vogimi munne, resolved to build a fleet for the suppression of piracy. His vizier warned him that he had no sailors, no pilots, no marines ; that one ship manned with Europeans would rout twenty ships manned by Moghuls ; that if he employed Europeans, they might slip away with ships and cargoes, and there would be no one to follow them. But Aurangzeb was bitten with a mania for 350 IIISTOKY OF INDIA. CHAP. vir. Attempt and failure. Assam expedi- tion. Chinese frontier. building ships on European principles. He resolved that Ills subjects should be taught and trained on the European system. An Italian jeweller, named Ortensio Bronzoni, suc- ceeded in building two ships. They were ornamented after Moghul taste, manned with Europeans, and launched on the lake of Kashmir. On a certain day the two ships engaged in a mock combat before the palace windows. The Emperor looked on with all his ladies. He saw the ease and dexterity with which the ships were handled. He felt that no amount of teaching would impart the same quickness, nerve, and energy to his subjects. Accordingly he aban- doned the design. By this time Aurangzeb’s scheme for conquering China came to an untimely end. At first Amfr Jumla encountered little difficulty in invading Assam. He was supported by a Portuguese flotilla on the Brahma- putra river. He captured the frontier fortress of Azo. He plundered the tombs of the Assam Eajas, and found much treasure.^^ Pie then advanced twenty da3's’ march through Assam to the Chinese frontier. Pdiere were some difficulties in passing over the mountains, but the valley beyond was an enchanting- region. The climate was pleasant, and there was abundance of grain and fruit. The capital of Assam was named Ghergong.^^ It was situated on a declivity near the Chinese frontier, and was enriched by the The tombs of the Assam Rajas at Azo were subterranean vaults. The Rajas were not burnt after the Hindu fashion, but were buried with all their treasures, and also with their favourite wives and concubines, after the manner of the ancient Scythians. See Khafi Khan in Elliot’s History, vol. vii. ; also Tavernier’s Indian Travels, Book iii., chap. 17. The ruins of Ghergong were ou the Dikho river, which falls into the Brahmaputra river from the south. In the present day the Dikho river is a very long distance from the Chinese frontier. MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 351 trade of Chiu a. Tlie Mogliuls captured and sacked the city. Amir Jumla reported that he was about to invade China. Aurangzeb saw himself already in possession of China. ! From this point there was nothing but disaster. The provisions of the city were consumed. The rains ! began with unusual violence ; the rivers overflowed i their banks ; the whole country round Ghergong was a deluge. The Aloghuls suflered horrible privations. Pestilence followed the famine. Every day numbers of corpses were thrown from the ramparts upon the surrounding waters. : After some months the waters subsided. The inva- sion of China was out of the question. Amir Jumla ij beat a retreat to Bengal. The way was strewed witli corpses. The plains were intersected with canals which had been filled during the rains. The moun- ! tains were blocked uj) by bands of Assamese with poisoned arrows to their bows. Amir Jumla was smitten Avitli mortal disease. The Portuguese flotilla carried the remains of the army to Bengal. Amir I Jumla died shortly afterwards. On his death-bed he sent the largest diamond in India as a present to the Emperor.^'^ I Aurangzeb was mortified at the loss of his army, but consoled by the death of Amfr Jumla. He had long suspected Amfr Jumla of sinister designs ; and he rejoiced at knowing that he was out of the way. Aurangzeb was forced to give his attention to Per- sian affairs. Shah Abbas the Second Avas a warlike This diamond was probably the Koh-i-Nor, now in the possession of her Majesty. It was carried off by Nadir Shah at the sack of Delhi in 1738-39. It subsequently fell into the hands of the Amirs of K^ibuh Ilunjit Singh forced Shah Shuja to give it up. The English took possession of it after the conquest of the Punjab. CHAP. YIT. Moghul disasters. Ketreat to Beu- gal. Aurangzeb’s Sutijjfactiou. Persian threateuings. 352 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP vir. Moglml embassy to Persia. prince, and Aurangzeb was afraid of liim. The Shah suspected that the journey of the Moghul Emperor to Kashmir was a blind for makins; some attack on Persian territory.^^ Accordingly, the Shah began to mass troops in Kandahar. Aurangzeb hoped to quiet down these hostile demonstrations by sending an em- bassy with j)resents to Shah Abbas. The embassy of Aurangzeb to the Shah of Persia must have made some stir at the time. The old rivalry between Persia and the Moghul was intensified by the religious antagonism between the Shiah and the Sunni. The Moghul ambassador was treated with a studied rudeness and contempt, which showed that the Shah was bent on war. The ambassador had pre- pared a long speech of compliments and flatteries to be delivered at the first audience. Shah Abbas re- ceived him on horseback, and rode away the moment he began his speech. When the presents were de- livered, the Shah contemptuously distributed them amongst his officers. At other audiences the Shah descanted on the hypocrisy of Aurangzeb ; openly charged him with jiarricide ; laughed at his title of “Conqueror of the World,” which was engraved on the Moghul coins. At the final audience, the beard of the ambassador was set on fire by a page ; and the ambassador was dismissed with a challenge to Au- rano'zeb to come out and fight the Shah in Kdbul.^^ At this period Kdbiil belonged nominally to the Moghul, -whilst Kanda- har was Persian territory. Shah Abbas probably suspected Aurangzeb of some design on Kandahar. Manouchi, through Catron, gives the best narrative of this embassy. His account is confirmed by Theveuot and Tavernier, Khafi Khan says nothing about it. Thevenot says that on one occasion the ambassador refused to take wine, but was induced to smoke a pipe (Travels, Part ii. , chap. 11). Tavernier was under the impression that Shah Jehan was still alive, but MOGHUL EMPIRE : AUEANGZEB. 353 By tins time Anrangzeb Lad returned from KasL- chap, vn, mir to Delhi. He was in no mood for smiling on the Aurangzeb’s ambassador, for he had been deeply mortified by the outturn of Mahratta affairs. He received the ambas- sador with bitter reproaches. “ Why had he per- mitted the loss of his beard % Why had he not i avenged the insult by stabbing the Shah to the heart?” The ambassador was doomed; ho was exe- cuted the same day ; he was bitten by a snake whose I venom always killed. Shah Abbas kept his word. He took the field with pmhi of simh I sixty thousand of the finest cavalry of Asia. Au- rangzeb assembled fresh armies round Delhi. He I warned the tributary Eajas to be ready with their j respective armies at the first summons. He treated the challenge of Shah Abbas with contempt, but dis- played so much personal cowardice as to excite strange j murmurs. He certainly was in extreme peril, but I his good fortune did not fail him. Suddenly Shah I Abbas died of a disorder of his throat, brought on or aggravated by excessive drinking. It will now be necessary to revert to the progress Mahratta affairs of Mahratta affairs. In 1663 Sivaji had committed the onslaught on Aurangzeb’s uncle, Shaista Khaii. I In 1664 he had plundered Surat. I In 1664, before Aurangzeb left Dellu for KashmiT, Sivaji outwitted, he had sent a large army against Sivaji. It comprised a Muhammadan force under a Muhammadan general, and a Rajput force under Jai Singh of Jaipur. The details of the operations that followed are of no reports that Shah Abbas charged Aurangzeb with parricide. Tavernier confirms the statement that the ambassador lost his beard, but says it was shaved off (Travels in India, Book ii., chap. 7). Manouchi through Catron. Tavernier shows that Shah Abbas died in 1666. This helps to clear up the chronology. 23 354 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. TII. Deception. Treachery. Sivaji at Dellii. Aurangzeb^3 guile. interest ; but Jai Sindi was told to negotiate with Sivaji, to induce him to make his submission to the ]\[oghul, and to offer him the post of Viceroy of the Dekhan under the Moghul. Aurangzeb had calculated that Sivaji would rely on the good faith of the Raj- put when he would refuse to believe the word of a ]\Iuhammadan. For himself, Aurangzeb trusted no one. He would not allow Jai Singh to leave Delhi without leaving his eldest son as hostage for his O O fidelity. Aurangzeb judged correctly. Jai Singh was deceived by the Moghul, and Sivaji was deceived by the Rajpiit. Sivaji never for a moment doubted his fitness for the post of Viceroy of the Dekhan ; he was dazzled by the prospect of being Viceroy under the Moghul. He soon agreed to go to Delhi with his eldest son, Sam- bhaji ; to tender his submission to Aurangzeb ; to re- ceive investiture of the exalted command. There was treachery all round, excepting in the heart of Jai Singh. The Muhammadan general knew the trickery of Aurangzeb, whereas the Rajput be- lieved that Aurangzeb was in earnest in his offers to Sivaji. The Muhammadan wanted to assassinate Sivaji in order to win the favour of the Emperor. Jai Singh refused to listen to any such proposal. But his belief was shaken in the good faith of Aurangzeb ; and he wrote to his son at Delhi to keep an eye on the safety of Sivaji. The Mahratta reached Delhi swelling with pride. He knew that he v^as feared. Indeed, he might well imagine that Aurangzeb had need of his services in the expected conquest of Bijdpur and Golkonda. Aurangzeb had very different intentions. He had ensnared the “mountain rat” only to humble him and MOGHUL EMPIRE : AUEANGZEB, 355 destroy liim; to avenge the onslaught on Shaista Khan and plunder of Surat. Sivaji expected to be petted as a welcome guest. He found himself neglected and held in contemjit. No one greeted him on his arrival ; he was only told to remain in his teiits near the gate of the palace. All inquiries respecting an audience were put off with evasions and excuses. After a weary delay, a day was fixed for the audience. All who were conversant with the Moghul court were conscious that unusual preparations were being made to overawe the Mahratta. The audience was held in the splendid hall of the Dewan-i-Khas, with its massive columns of white marble picked out with birds and flowers in precious stones. Aurangzeb himself de- parted from his usual custom. Instead of appearing in simple attire on an ordinaiy throne, he entered the hall in a blaze of jewels, and took his seat on the peacock throne of Shah Jehan. The great hall was crowded with grandees. They were ranged according to their rank on three succes- sive platforms. The first platform was covered with gold, the second with silver, the third with marble. Sivaji was admitted to the golden platform, but directed to take the lowest place. He knew that he was not ranked as Viceroy of the Dekhan. He could not master his anger. He openly charged Aurangzeb with a breach of faith. He turned to the grandees above him, and called them cowards and women ; he had defeated them in battle, but here they were placed above him. He then left the platform, and stalked out of the palace. He had bearded the lion in his den, and was reckless of the consequences. it is difficult to realise the effect of this sudden out- ciiAP. vir. Sivaji’s raortifi- cutiuu. Sivaji’s audience. Wrath of the Mahratta. 356 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. A’ll. Self-control of Auraiigzeb. Sivnji Tlie escape. burst of wrath upon the assembled courtiers. There had been one or two outbreaks of Rajputs at the palace durino; the reign of Shah Jehan ; but the bold defiance of the great Moghul by a rude Mahratta from the mountains was beyond all experience. Every one ex- pected’ that Sivaji would be beheaded. Every eye ■was turned upon Aurangzeb. The Emperor had lis- tened to the Mahratta with perfect tranquillity. A malicious smile lighted up his face when the grandees were charged with cowardice, but that was all. De- ceit was habitual to Aurangzeb. He could hide his rage with smiles, or veil his joy with sadness and tears. Little could be learned by those who watched his countenance of what was going on within. Aurangzeb had still a part to play. He sent his mini- ster to pacify Sivaji. The angry Mahratta was told that newcomers were never placed in the first rank ; that though he was to be appointed Viceroy of the Dekhan, he had not been invested; that justice would be done to his merits hereafter. Sivaji feigned to be satisfied, but ■was soon subjected to more trickery. A guard was placed over him under pretence of shielding him from the wrath of the ofifended grandees. He was requested to remain in his tents until a palace could be prepared for him. A palace was indeed prej)ared, not for entertaining Sivaji, but for murdering him. The plot was dis- covered by the son of Jai Singh. The escape of Sivaji from Delhi is told with a variety of romantic details. He and his son are said to have been carried out of Delhi in a couple of empty fruit hampers, and to have reached their mountain homes in the disguise of re- ligious mendicants. The mode of escape is of no con- sequence to history. The English merchants on the MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB, 357 Malabar coast observed, iu a letter dated Septem- chap, vii. ber 1666: “If it be true that Sivaji hath escaped, Aurangzeb will quickly bear it to his sorrow.” Aurauffzeb must liave been exceedingly wroth at Disg».st of ^ ^ Aurangzeb. the escape of his prey. He devised new schemes for entrapping the “ mountain rat,” but the difficulties had multiplied. Sivaji was armed against every ar- tifice. Never again would he believe the word of Moghul or Rajput; never again would he trust to oaths, whether sworn on the Koran or on Ganges water. Nevertheless the Emperor preferred stratagem to New schemes, war, or only declared war in order to conceal a strata- gem. He sent another army into the Bekhan under tlie command of his eldest sou, Shah Alam. It com- prised a Muhammadan force under a Muhammadan ]iamed Biler Khan, and a Rajput force under Jai Singh of Jaipur. But the Prince Imperial, Shah Alam, was generalissimo. Shah Alam was to raise a sham rebellion against Sham rebellion, his father ; to invite the co-operation of Sivaj i ; to en- snare him in his toils in order to destroy him. Such a rebellion was in strict accordance with Moghul pre- cedents. The eldest son of every Emperor from Akbar downwards had rebelled against his father. There was no reason to doubt that Sivaji would eagerly join in such a rebellion against the Emperor Aurangzeb. Aurangzeb had other results to work out by this Sinister objects, sham rebellion. He wanted to know how far the army was disaffected, and to take measures accord- ingly, He had a third object of the utmost impor- tance, but that will appear in the sequel. ManoucLi through Catrou. Grant Duff’s “History of the Mahrattas. ” The letter quoted in the text fixes an approximate date. 358 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. vir. Sham treachery. More artifice. Success. Rebel agreement. About 1GG7 the army of tlie Mogliul moved into the Dekhan. Shah Alam fixed his lieadqnarters at Aurangabad. It was soon evident that there was treachery in the air. Shah Alam remained inactive at Aurangabad; he forbade all raids on Sivaji's terri- tories. To make matters worse, Sivaji Avas ravaging the Dekhan up to the neighbourhood of Aurangabad. Reports soon reached Delhi that Shah Alam Avas afraid of Sivaji; that he Avas cooling the ardour of the soldiers by delays, and Avasting the time of the officers by festiAuties. Auraugzeb feigned to those around him to be much concerned at these rumours. He Avrote letters to the generals in the Dekhan, begging them to Avatch the conduct of Shah Alam; to report his movements, but obey him in all things. At the same time he authorised Shah Alam to begin negotia- tions Avith Sivaji.^® Shah Alam sent an officer to Sivaji to explain that he Avas about to rebel. The coming revolt Avas noised abroad. Shah Alam sounded his officers; they all, Avith one exception, agreed to join him in the rebellion. The Rajputs AAmre especially enthusiastic; they all kncAV that Shah Alam’s mother Avas a Rajput. The one exception Avas Diler Khan, avIio commanded the IMuhammadan army. He susjiected artifice and ran off’ to Delhi.'® Shah Alam dreAV up an agreement committing all his officers to the rebellion; all signed it excepting Manouchi, wbo relates all these details through Catrou, was evidently on the spot and in the confidence of Shah Alam. He says, what may be readily believed, that Shah Alam was so suspicious of his father, Aurangzeb, that he would not open up negotiations with Sivaji until he received a written authority from the Emperor. Manouchi says that Diler Khan was the man of all others whom Aurangzeb desired to catch tripping; and that the Emperor had Diler Khan specially in his eye when he concocted the sham rebellion. MOGHUL EMPIEE : AUEANGZEB. 359 Diler Khan. One copy was sent to Aurangzeh and another to Sivaji. The Mahratta had become preternaturally suspicious since his escape from Delhi. He readily signed the agreement to support the rebellion ; he applauded the resolution of Shah Alam to the skies ; but he did not move ; he waited for circumstances ; he bided his time. Shah Alam played his part to perfection. He led the army some marches towards Delhi. He issued proclamations that he was going to dethrone his father and take possession of the empire ; he promised governments to his generals, increased pay to his I officers, remissions of tribute and abolition of imposts to the people at large. Sivaji had his spies at the camp of Shah Alam as well as at the court of Delhi. He heard that envoys from the Emperor had ordered Shah Alam not to cross the river Chambal. He also heard that Shah Alam had dismissed the envoys with contempt, and was pushing on towards the river. So far the Prince Imperial seemed to be in earnest. But suspicious news came from Delhi. The Emperor expressed anger but showed no uneasiness. This was enough for Sivaji; he made up his mind not to leave the Konkan. He pressed Shah Alam to go on to Delhi ; for himself, he would stay in the Dekhan, maintain order, and keep a retreat open for Shah Alam in the event of any disaster. Shah Alam was foiled. He begged Sivaji to join him ; he said he wanted Sivaji to command the army in the room of Diler Khan. The Mahratta refused the bait ; he had been caught once by the offer of the viceroyalty of the Dekhan. He replied by flattery CHAP. VII. Mahratta suspiciou. Sham pro- clamations. Sivaji’s dibcuvery. Moghul foiled. 360 HISTORY OF INDIA, CHAP. VII. Plot exjilodes. Shah Alnra dibarmod. Dekiian entan- glement. and comiilimeuts ; lie began to see the Land of Au- rangzeb in the game of rebellion. There was no further hope of catching Sivaji, The farce was played out on the bank of the Chambal, Preparations were in progress for crossing the river. An envoy from the Emperor rode up to Shah Alam, seized the bridle of his horse, and ordered him in the Emperor’s name to return to Aurangabad. Shah Alam pretended to faint; he changed colour; he said he would return to Aurangabad. The rebels were in dismay. They might have torn the Prince to pieces, but there was no union among them ; each man sus- pected his fellows. To crown all, an army of twenty thousand fresh troops suddenly appeared under the command of Diler Khan, Eesistance was in vain. All the rebel officers were punished by death or exile ; all the rebel soldiers were drafted to other districts to serve under other generals. Aurangzeb had failed to entrap Sivaji, but he had effected an object of greater importance than the capture of the Mahratta. Every Moghul Emjieror of Hindustan had sufiered from the rebellion or usurpa- tion of his eldest son. Aurangzeb had already put his eldest son to death for rebellion. Shah Alam succeeded as heir-apparent ; henceforth he was crip- pled and disarmed. He could never rebel against his father. Not a Moghul or Eajput would trust him. He had betrayed them once ; he never had an oppor- tunity of betraying them again. The further progress of affairs in the Dekhan is for a while an entangled web. There is a jungle of ob- solete details, but no history. Treachery underlies the whole, but the clue is obscure. There was some sort of peace or understanding between the Moghuls and MOGHUL EMPIRE : AUEANGZEB. 361 the Malirattas ; some large concessions were made to chap, yii. Sivaji. To all appearance Sivaji was bribing Mogliul and Eajpiit generals to leave him alone, while he pur- sued a predatory career in the Dekhan and Peninsula. In 1668 , after Aurangzeb had been ten years on Aurangzeb pro- the throne, he issued an edict prohibiting his subjects reasons, from writing the history of his reign. This prohibi- tion is another mystery in the life of Aurangzeb. A religious reason was assigned ; men were to set their hearts on heavenly things, and not on things of this world. All this, coming from the lips of Aurangzeb, was mere flummery. Every Moghul sovereign took a special interest in the history of his own reign ; he sought to exaggerate what was good, and extenu- ate what was evil. All the so-called memoirs of Moghuls, from Timur to Jehaugir, bear marks of being garbled. But the reign of Aurangzeb could not be glossed over. He was strongly suspected of the murder of his father, of having shown the white feather to Shah Abbas, of having concluded a dis- graceful peace with the Mahratta Eaja. Such may have been the secret reasons which induced Aurang- zeb to prohibit history. He had already abolished music in order to suppress satirical songs, and it is easy to believe that he abolished history for a like purpose. The edict was certainly obeyed. Khali Khan confesses that after the tenth year of the reign he relies for his facts chiefly on memory and hearsay. Henceforth the chief authorities for the history of the reign of Aurangzeb are the memoirs of Manouchi as told by Catrou, and the English records as preserved in the Madras Presidency.®" The English records are invaluable as fixing dates. So, too, are many of the Mahratta records quoted by Grant Duff. This is all the more im- 362 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. TII. Afghan affaii's. Mophul invaston of Kabul. Afghan strategy. Attark in the Khaihar. The current of history now reverts to the North- West, Khbul was nominally a Moghul province, hut the Afghans were most refractory subjects. The Moghul governor of Kabul resided at Peshawar ; he was cut off from Kabul by the Khaibar Pass, and yet he was supposed to keep the Afghans of Kabul in their allegiance to the Moghul. During the advance of the Persian army under Shah Abbas, the Afghans had been especially turbulent, and were probably ready to side with Persia. After the death of the Shah, Amin Khan, son of the deceased Amir Jumla, was appointed governor of Khbul. He employed the army which had been raised to repel Persia to engage in an expedition to punish the Afghans. He left Peshawar, pushed through the Khaibar Pass, and entered the plain of Kabul. The Afghans retreated to the mountains, and Amin Khan could not follow them. In his con- tempt for the Afghans, he had brought the ladies of his seraglio Avith him, mounted on elephants. Fail- ing to bring the Afghans to an engagement, and run- ning short of provisions, he resolved on returning to Peshawar. The Afghans saw that the Moghuls were at their mercy. Whilst Amin Khan was vainly trying to penetrate their mountain defiles, they had gone off by secret tracks to cut off his retreat through the Khaibar. The Khaibar Pass is a valley enclosed by sharply pointed rocks. The Afghans concealed themselves portant as Catrou has made some mistakes in the chronology. Mr. Elphin- stone also furnishes important dates from Muhammadan authorities, which serve to clear up serious difficulties. The author owes his first introduction to the records of the Madras Presidency to Sir Charles Trevelyan, the Gover- nor of Madras, in 1860. MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 363 LeLincl the heights, and suffered the Moghuls to enter chap, yii. the valley. Suddenly, as night was coming on, they rushed down the sides, sword in hand, uttering the most horrible cries. Amin Khan employed a holy Santon, who was reverenced by both parties, to arrange a peace. The Afghans were so blind with rage that they beheaded the Santon.®^ There was no Avay of escape for the Moghuls. The Afghans were cutting their way to the elephants. Amin Khan slid down his elephant, leaving his secretary in the howdah. He cut down an Afghan, assumed his dress and arms,"and got off in the darkness and confusion. Amin Khan saved nothing but his life. His secre- Moghul Jisaster. tary was cut to pieces ; his army was massacred ; his treasures were rifled ; his chief wife was slaughtered ; his mother, sister, and daughter were carried away captive. The daughter was doomed to a hard fate. She had been betrothed to Akbar, third son of Au- rangzeb. She was recovered from the Afghans, but deemed unworthy to become the bride of Akbar. Aurangzeb showed his marked displeasure. He riianpos at recalled Amm Khan ; he sent Mahdbat Khan to govern Kdbul. The new governor had known the Afghans of old. He remained quiet at Peshawar, and for some time there was a lull in Afghan affairs. All this while Hindustan was tranquil. Palace life Tianquillity. at Delhi was undisturbed by Afghans or Mahrattas. Aurangzeb was easy in his mind. No reference has been made to modern geography. The description of the Khaibar is given in the language of Manouchi as reported by Catrou. It shows that Mapouchi was well acquainted with all the details of the expedition. It will be remembered that Aurangzeb had not dared to execute the SantoDS who had joined Dara. The Afghans must have been driven frantic by the prospect of revenge before they could have ventured on murdering a Santon. 364 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. VII. Mission from Mecca. The Christian Suliauu. Aurangzel/s favourite. About this time the Slierif of Mecca began to repent that he had refused Aurangzeb’s money. Now that Shah Jehan w^as dead, there certainly Avas no objection to his accepting Aurangzeb’s donation. He sent a pre- sent of holy relics to Aurangzeb, such as the top of the broom that was used to sweep the tomb of the Prophet, and other small matters. The relics were taken to Delhi by a pious Imdm. Aurangzeb received them with every mark of respect ; he overwhelmed the ambassador with honours ; he never referred to the money. At last the Imdm broke the matter to one of the ministers ; he was told that the money had all been spent on works of mercy. He was comjielled to return empty-handed to Mecca. A new story came from the seraglio. Aurangzeb was fascinated by a fair-complexioued Christian lady, named Udipuri. She was a native of Georgia. When a child she had been brought to India by a slave dealer, and bought by Dara, the eldest brother of Aurangzeb. She grew up to be so exceedingly beau- tiful that she became a great favourite Avith Dara. Probably she was one of the secret causes that led Dara to declare himself a Christian. When Dara was put to death, Aurangzeb demanded the tAvo favourite ladies of his elder brother ; he piously remarked that he was bound by the Koran to marry his brother’s widows. One lady AA^as a Eajput ; she took poison rather than obey the sum- mons. Udipuri was more complaisant, she surren- dered at discretion, and became the favourite of Aurangzeb. The Sultanas AAmre accustomed to give magnificent There was another story, that she seamed her face with a diamond. All gossip at Moghul courts is of this vague and contradictory character. MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 365 fetes to each other in the halls and gardens of the seraglio. They vied with each other in the splendour of these fetes. Aurangzeb was always present ; conse- quently they vied with each other in their dresses and adornments. But Udipuri always carried away the palm ; Aurangzeb was infatuated with her. The other ladies grew bitterly jealous and plotted her ruin. As Udipuri was a Christian, she was allowed to drink wine ; occasionally she abused the privilege. One day there was a grand fete, but Udipuri was absent. Aurangzeb called for his favourite ; he was told tliat she was indisposed. He saw a malicious smile on the faces of the ladies ; he hastened to her apartment, and found her far from sober. He was inclined to wrath, but her beauty disarmed him ; he was more angry with the Sultanas who had forced him to see her in such a plight. He ordered that no more wine should be brought into the seraglio, but continued to show his jmeference for Udipuri. Indulgence in wine was the vice of Muhammadan seraglios. Mussulman ladies are said to have urged that, as they were to be kept out of paradise, they were not bound to refrain from wine. Begum Sahib revealed the extent of feminine intoxication to her brother Aurangzeb. She gave an entertainment to the wives and daughters of grandees and divines; she plied them with wine and then admitted the Emperor. Next day there was an edict issued forbidding all women from drinking wine.®^ Manoiichi through Catrou. The court scandals related by the Venetian physician in the seventeenth century are in harmony -with all the ancient traditions of India, Rajpdt and Moghul. There are pictures of such convi- vialities in Ferguson’s ‘ Tree and Serpent Worship.” There is a story in the Rdrndyana of Sitd amusing her husband Rdma by her intoxication. Biihler has preserved a similar scene in the introduction to his Life of Vikramaditya. CHAP. TII, Fetes in the seraglio. Mishap of the favourite. Convivial ladies. 3G6 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. vir. Hindu risings. Anrangzeb's mugic. Rebellion of the Atglians. Amidst these revellings the city of Delhi was some- times thrown into a great fear. Aurangzeb was hated by the Hindus. More than once, when the army was absent at the frontier, the city was threatened by a mob of Hindu fanatics. On one occasion the zealots were headed by an old woman who played the part of sorceress. She inspired her followers with a belief in her supernatural powers ; she called on them to dethrone the Emperor as the enemy of the gods. They marched on towards Delhi in a religious fer- vour. A large body of horsemen tried to stop them, but were dispersed by the fanatics. Auraugzeb brought another form of superstition into play. He had long impressed the people of Hindu- stan with the belief that he was a magician ; he confirmed that belief by his sacrifices of pepper. He raised another body of horsemen, and armed them with texts and magic devices fastened to their banners and horses’ manes. The power of the sorceress was broken ; the fanatics were cut to pieces. Henceforth the people believed that Aurangzeb was the greatest magician in Hindustan.®® About 1672 there was an outbreak in Kabul which threatened to swamp the empire. Shuja, the second brother of Auraugzeb, was supposed to have been killed in Arakan. Suddenly a man professing to be Shuja appeared in Kabul ; he told stories of Avild adventure and hairbreadth escapes ; he gained the liubruqais in the thirteenth century describes the drinking bouts of the Moghuls and their wives in the steppes of Tartary. Clavijo, the Spanish ambassador to Samarkand at the beginning of the fifteenth century, saw some hard drinking amongst the ladies at the court of Timtir. Manouchi through Catrou. A similar story is told by Khafi Khan. The fanatics were called Mondihs and Satndmis. They were distinguished by depriving themselves of all hair, even to their eyelashes and eyebrows. MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 3G7 ears of tlie Afghans, and was soon at the head of a chap. vti. large army. To this day it is a mystery whether the man w^as Shuja or an impostor. Mahdbat Khan, governor of Kdhul, believed him to be really Shuja. He made no attempt to suppress the outbreak ; he refused to interfere between Aurangzeb and his brother. The rebellion grew into a national movement. The Anotlier Shah ^ . , 1 . Shuja. Afghans accepted Shuja as their Sultan. They in- dulged in dreams of the restoration of Afghan dominion in Hindustan. Their ancestors had been defeated by Baber and conquered by Akbar. They resolved to avenge the wrongs of their fathers ; to reimpose the Afghan yoke from the Kdbul river to the mouths of the Ganges. The Moghul empire was evidently in sore peril. Aurangzeb The army of the Dekhan was brought up and dis- patched to the north-west. All the available forces of the empire were hurried off to the banks of the Indus. So imminent was the danger, that Aurangzeb took the field in person. He left his seraglio behind ; he had neither palanquin nor elephant ; he appeared on horse- back, lance in hand, in the first rank of the army. The war lasted for more than two years, but little Absence of is known of the details. The river Indus was crossed in the old fashion on wooden rafts supported by inflated ox-skins. Mahdbat Khan was sent back to Delhi, and died on the wmy ; it was said that he was poisoned at the instance of Aurangzeb. Nothing was apparently effected in Kdbul. The Moghul army was harassed day and night by constant attacks of Afghans. Shuja, or his representative, was secure in the recesses of the mountains. At last treachery was tried, and treachery on a 368 HISTORY OF INDIA. rii AP. A’li. Treiicl»ery. Festivities at Pesl:a\var. Massncre of AfgbuDS. gigantic scale. Anrangzeb left Kdbul and returned to Delhi. One Kasim Khan -was appointed governor of Kdbul. He sought to lull the Afghans into a sense of security. He won them over by an affectation of friendship. He abolished all taxes ; probably he had found it impossible to collect them. He showed none of the haughtiness and severity of former governors ; he mingled freely in Afghan assemblies without fol- lowers, and often without arms. He wanted the Afghans to give up Shuja, but found he was treading on dangerous ground. The Afghans were enchanted with Kasim Khan, but they would not betray Shuja. Perhaps the greatest festival in Muhammadan households is the circumcision of the eldest son. Kasim Khan prepared to celebrate the event in his own family with public rejoicings. Games and ex- hibitions were to be held in the great square of Peshawar. There were to bo elephant fights, horse races, and palanquin races. The festival was to be accompanied by a great feast in the square. All the Afghan grandees were invited to Peshawar ; they came without fear or suspicion. Shuja was invited, but sent an excuse. The exhibitions were brought to an end and the feast began. It was held on a large platform, covered in with an awning on the roof and sides. Suddenly, in the midst of the feast, Kasim Khan gashed his hand in cutting a melon ; he asked leave to retire ; his leaving the assembly was a signal for massacre. Bodies of musketeers had been posted in houses overlooking the platform. They poured volleys of musketry on the Afghan guests. There was no way of escape. Armed squadrons filled up every avenue. The massacre spread weeping and MOGHUL EMPIKE : AURANGZEB. 369 wailiug tlirongliout Kdbul. Sliuja fled away, and chap. vii. i was heard of no more. I Anrangzeb vehemently condemned the perfidy. Perfidy of Aur- ! He called Kasim Khan to Delhi ; he degraded him to : the second rank of grandees ; shortly afterwards he raised him to the first dignities of the empire. No one can doubt that the massacre of the Afghans was the joint work of Anrangzeb and Kasim Khan.“ I Afghan affairs gave no further trouble. The people Asians para- ! wmre paralysed by the massacre. Nothing more is 1 told of them throuHiout the reimi of Aurans^zeb. I O C) o j The current of history reverts to the Dekhan. Sivaji's suc- ! AVhilst the Afehans had been threateninsf the gates of the empire, the expeditions and exploits of Sivaji were the terror and wonder of the Dekiian. The I Mahratta prince levied cliout on the territories of the Moghul as well as on those of the Sultan of Bfjdpur. He levied open war on the Sultan of Bfjhpur, to whom his fathers had been vassals. He extended Ids kingdom of the Konkan, and prepared to assert himself in, the eyes of the world as an independent sovereign. The year 1674 is a standpoint in Mahratta history. European The English at Bombay were making the acquaint- ance of Sivaji at the very time he wms preparing to be installed as Maharaja. The Europeans in India were in a transition state. Charles the Second was revelling at Whitehall ; the Portuguese were labouring to keep up a show of magnificence at Goa ; whilst wealth, trade, and power were passing into the hands of the Dutch. The English were settling down in Manouchi through Catrou. Mussulman writers are silent about the massacre, and only allude to the wiirs against the Afghans. 24 370 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. VII. T^ombay embass to Sivaji. Coronation of Sivaji. Malirattik fron- tier. tlieir forts at Madras and Bombay, and struggling to keep up a few exposed factories in Bengal. A Mr. Oxenden was governor of Bombay. Ten years before he had been agent at Surat, and suc- ceeded in keeping the Mahrattas out of the English factory. Since then Sivaji had become a great man. Oxenden wanted to open a trade through Sivaji’s territories into Bijdpur. Accordingly he went on an embass}^ to Sivaji, and was an eye-witness of the coronation.” The Maharaja was installed on the throne of the Konkan in Moghul and Bajput fashion. Brahmans performed their preliminary ceremonies. The new Maharaja made jjilgrimages to pagodas. At last, on the day appointed, Sivaji took his seat upon the throne. He received o-ifts and congratulations from all present. He was surrounded by the insignia of sovereignty borne aloft on lances — the golden fish- heads, the scales of justice, and other well-known symbols. He was solemnly weighed against heaps of gold and silver, which were afterwards distributed amongst the Brahmans. In 1675 another eye-witness describes the state of the frontier between the Mahrattas and the Moghuls. The bone of contention between the two was the fortress of Joonere, about sixty miles to the eastward of Bombay. Sivaji was born at Joonere, but the Moghuls held possession of the fortress.®® A Hr. Fryer went from Bombay to attend the Early Records of British India ; a History of the English Settlements in India, as told in the Government Records, the works of old travellers, &c. By the author of the present history. The book will be occasionally cited throughout the remainder of the volume. Joonere is in the district of Poona. MOGHUL EMPICE : AURAXGZPB. 371 Mogliul governor of Joonere. He saw the lines of chap, tit, natural fortresses opposed to each other ; he heard Fiyei-s visit, the shouts of the watchmen on the heights above him. He describes the Mahrattas as a ragged lot, Avith their hair covering their ears. The Moo-huls O O were more decent and respectable, and carried their AAmajDoiis in lietter fashion. The country Avas a desolation. The Moghuls de- Desolation, stroyed everything, drove aAvay cattle, carried Avomen and children into slavery, and burnt down the jungle to drive out fugitives. The Mahrattas were just as destructive. The cultivators ploughed the lands, but Sivnji carried oil’ the harvest. The people AA^ere half- starved Avretches, living on grass, and herding in kennels. They Avere greedy for money, but had no provisions to sell. The people of the towns Avere better oft', but in constant alarm. In 1677 Sivaji AAms encamped near Madras. He sivaji at i-adras. had marched an army from the neighbourhood of Bombay to the neighbourhood of Madras. He had passed through the territories of the Sultan of Gol- konda. He conquered the Hindu Eajas between Golkonda and Madura. The English at Madras sent him a present of cordials and medicines. Nothing is knoAvn of his conquests beyond the fact that he respected the zenanas of the Rajas, Avhilst his son Sambhaji violated them by his lawless irregularities.®® Aurangzeb Avas at Delhi. He thought to conquer sivaji’sretmn. the Konkan Avhilst Sivaji Avas aAvay in the south. But Sivaji aa^ forewarned. He left his southern ® Early Records of British ludia. Fryer stumbled on strange acquaint- ances ; a dirty fakir, who could only be kept quiet by strong drink ; and an apostate Dutchman, who had turned Mussulman in order to marry two wives. Grant Duff, and Early Records of British India. 372 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. Vll. Last exploits of Siviyi. Changes in Aai'iiugzeb, kingdom in the charge of liis second son, Earn Eaja, and hastened hack to the Konkan before the Moghul army reached the Dekhan. Shah Alam commanded the Moghul army of the Dekhan. He could do nothing: as:ainst the Mahrattas. He could neither climb the precipices of the Western Ghdts nor force his way through the defiles. If he made the attempt, his troops were cut off by ambus- cades or repulsed by inferior numbers. Meanwhile Sivaji and the Mahrattas ravaged the country like Cossacks up to the very gates of Aurangabad. The Moghuls liked the Dekhan, because they could squeeze money and supplies out of the Sultans of Bljdpur and Golkonda ; but they were constantly harassed by the Mahrattas. At a time when the Moghul army was beginning to mutiny for want of pay, Sivaji cut off a convoy of treasure on its way to the Moghul camp. It was Sivaji’s last exploit. He died about 1680.®^ Third Period ; Aurangzeh's Religious Wars. 1680-1707. The death of Sivaji was accompanied by a marked change in the life and policy of Aurangzeb. He aban- doned all show of toleration towards Hindus ; he was bent on dethroning Hindu gods and suppressing Hindi! wmrship ; he resolved that faith in God and the Prophet should be the only religion of the Moghul empire.®^ Manouchi says that Sivaji died in 1679. Grant Duff says April 1680. Fryer says June 1680. Manouchi through Catrou represents Aurangzeb as a persecutor of Chris- tians. His reasons for thinking so are open to question. Aurangzeb allowed MOGHUL EMUIEE : AUEANGZEB. 0 K O 01 6 Aurangzeb began the work of persecution with the cnAP. vii. destruction of idols and pagodas. A great pagoda near Delhi was burnt to the ground. The magnifi- cent temple at Mathura, whose gilded domes could be seen from Agra, was converted into a mosque. Vice- roys and governors were commanded to destroy idols and pagodas in like manner throughout the empire. Large numbers of Yogis, Saniasis, and other Hindu penitents, were driven out of Hindustan. The great Hindu festivals were strictly forbidden. All servants of the Moghul government who refused to become Muhammadans were deprived of their posts. So far the people of India seem to have submitted to their fate. Aurangzeb issued another edict, which Jczjaievied. nearly drove them to revolt. He ordered the Jezya to be levied, the old poll-tax on infidels. This tribute had been exacted from all who refused to accept the Koran since the days of the Prophet, and the Arab Khalifs who succeeded him. It had been exacted from Hindus by the early Muhammadan conquerors of Hindustan. Akbar abolished it as being inconsist- ent with his policy of toleration. It Avas revived by Aurangzeb as the crowning act of the Sunni revival.®^ Christians to make wine and drink it ; he only prohibited them from selling wine to Muhammadans. Again, he allowed the Christian fathers to show a bare crucifix, but would not allow them to exhibit pictures and images in their churches. This was tolerably accommodating, seeing that wine and idol- worship are an abomination to Muhammadans ; it could scarcely be called persecution. There is one story of martyrdom. A certain Father Hyacinth ran away from Goa, turned Muhammadan, and married several wives. Subsequently he wanted to turn back to Christianity. Probably his wives informed against him. At any rate, he was arrested by the Muhammadan authorities. He was deaf to all threats and blind to all temptations. Apostasy is punished by death according to Muhammadan law. After a reference to the Emperor, Father Hyacinth was beheaded at Aurangabad. Mauouchi through Catrou. 374 HISTORY OF INDIA, CHAP, vii. The Hindus detested the Jezya ; they appealed to Aurangzeb in vain. One Friday they blocked up the M^ay to the moscpie. Aurangzeb ordered the elephants to trample doAvn the mob. Many were killed, but still the Hindiis complained. At last they yielded to their destiny and paid the Jezya.®'^ Submission to The collection of Jezya by Auranozeb is one of tlieJezja. •' •' _ ° _ the most remarkable phenomena in Indian history. It was a property-tax of the most oflensive kind, exacted from all who refused to become Mussulmans. It AA^as even levied on the English and Dutch inmates of the factories at Hughli ; l)ut they Avere alloAved to commute the demand l»y making a yearly present of Persian horses to the NaAvab.®^ Jaipur pays Aurangzeb Avas resoHed that the subjects of Eojput Eajas should pay the Jezya. Jai Singh of Jaipur was dead ; he had been deceAed by the sham rebellion of Shah Alam, and aauxs said to have been poisoned. His eldest son Avas a hostage at Delhi, The kingdom of Jaipur Avas thus oj)en to the Moghul officers, and the Jezya was paid. Jodhpur redeems JasAvant Singh of Jodhpur Avas also dead. His AAudoAv Avas regent of Marwar. She Avas the daughter of Shah Jehan by a Eajpiit princess. She had been brought up in the palace, and taught by her mother to Avorship Hindu gods. She refused to allow the Moghul officers to levy the Jezya Avithin her dominions. She was threatened Avith AA^ar; her heart misgaAm her; she AA^as Khafi Khan, translated by Dowson. Stewart, in his History of Bengal, says that the Jezya was per thou- sand on all property. The sick, lame, and blind were excused. Christians paid an additional duty of per cent, on their trade. Manouchi through Catrou says that merchants paid 13J rupees ; artisans, 6^ rupees ; and poor people, 3^ rupees. MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 375 allowed to redeem tlie Jezya by the concession of the chap. vii. district of Mirta. There was no one left to resist the Jezya but the Am-anprzeb threatens Eana of Udaipur. He alone bore the brunt of the ^Jaipur, storm. Aurangzeb sent him the most arrogant de- mands. The Eana was to allow cows to be killed within his dominions ; to throw down the pagodas or suffer them to be turned into mosques ; to ad- minister justice according to the Koran ; and above all, to require his subjects to pay Jezya or turn Muhammadans. The Eana was at bay. He had no alternative but Ti.e Ri.nas to renounce his relip-ion or fiqht on until the bitter end. He resolved to abandon his cities and terri- tories in the plains ; to retire with all his subjects into the Aravulli mountains ; to defend their lives and liberties behind the precij)ices and defiles of the Ara- vulli raime acjainst the whole mio;ht of the Moghul. o o o o Aurangzeb was exceedingly angry. He resolved Mopimi preparu to wreak his vengeance on the Eana ; to crush the petty Eajput who dared defy his power. His pre- parations were on a stupendous scale. It was the old story of Moghuls against Greeks ; the hordes of High Asia against the Hellas of India. It seemed as if Aurangzeb projected the subjugation of a jiotent sovereign rather than of a refractory Eaja, whose terri- tory was a mere speck on the surface of the empire. His sons were summoned from their governments at the extremities of his dominions. Shah Alam com- manded the army of the Uekhan ; Azam Shah the army of Bengal ; Akbar the army of Multan. The fourth son was too young to command an army, but still he accompanied his father in the war against Udaipur. 37G HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. VII. Ai’avulli mouu- talus. F'»ur Mogliul armies. Azam Shuh, Aurangzeb's dis- aster. The Aravulli chain of mountains begins a little to the south of Ajnhr, and runs towards the south-west past the city of Udaipur at the foot of its eastern slopes. The western side is formed by a mountain wall wliich overlooks the sandy plain of Jodhpur or Marwar. On this side there is but one opening that can be called a jiass ; the openiug is opposite the village of Ganerao. The eastern side is broken into defiles, which overlook the fertile territory of Udai- pur, the garden of Eajputana. Each of the four armies of the Moghuls had its place of rendezvous. Shah Alam, coming uj) from the Dek- han, marched past Ahmadabad towards the western wall. He entered the mountains at the pass opposite Ganerao. He made his way up the bed of the Gumti river, and then turned south towards the great lake in front of the Eana’s summer palace at Kankroli. There he halted. The road was partially blocked up by the lake and palace. If Shah Alam had gone far- ther, he would have imperilled the communications in his real’.®® Azam Shah, coming up from Bengal, seems to have got to the south of Udaipur, or else to the westward of the Aravulli range. He could do nothing but pound hopelessly against the mountain wall. There was not a pass open to any one, save Bhils and goats, from the city of Udaipur to the pass at Ganerao. Aurangzeb was joined by his son Akbar at Ajmir. He then advanced south towards the city of Udaijiur, on the eastern side of the range. Not a soul inter- rupted his progress to the capital of the Rana. He A glance at sheet 49 of the Topographical Survey Maps of India will indicate Shah Alam’s position and the general character of the Aravulli MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 377 tried to enter a defile which seemed to reach to the Marwar side. Suddenly he found himself entrapped. Before and behind the way was blocked by ramparts of trees, impassable for horses or elephants. On either side the KajpiUs lined the defiles. To make matters worse, the beautiful Udipurf was surprised in another defile, and carried ofi* prisoner by the Eajputs. For a whole day Aurangzeb and his army were starving in the defiles. The Eana still respected the Moohul. He ordered the trees to be removed, and thus released the invaders. He delivered up Udi- purf to the Emperor. He begged Aurangzeb to abandon his claim for Jezya ; above all, to spare the sacred cows, who had been left behind to pasture in the plains. Aurangzeb despised the clemency of the Eana. He left his son Akbar in command; he beat a retreat to Ajmfr ; before he went, he ordered the slaughter of the cows.®’' For years the strength of the Moghuls Avas frittered away before the AraAudli mountains. Aurangzeb lay in slothful ease at Ajmfr. He exhorted his sons to pierce the defiles and capture the Eana. Each one sent back his excuses, or declared he Avas starving out the Eajputs. No one ventured to enter the defiles. All this time the Eana AAms sending out messengers to arouse the princes of Eajputana to turn against their common enemy. MeanAvhile a dangerous plot Avas breAviug. Akbar, The foregoing narrative has been drawn up on the authority of Manouchi through Catrou ; also on the native authorities, translated by Tod in his great work on Rajasthan. There are some discrepancies between the two, but nothing of any moment. CHAP. TIT. Rnjiuit cleiueiicy. Moyliul spite. Vastudstrenglli. 378 HISTORY OF INDIA, CHAP. AHI. Disaffection of Akbar. Rajput plot. Tlie astrologer. Warnings. Awakening of Aurangzeb. tlie third sou of Auraugzeb, was a rebel at heart. He occupied a position nearer to Ajmir than either of his brothers. He knew that Aurangzeb had denuded his army to strengthen his sons ; that the Emjieror had, in fact, only a small force at Ajmir. At this crisis the widow of Jaswant Siiigli of Mar- war sent secret messengers to Akbar in the joint names of herself and the Raiia. She exhorted him to rebel against his father ; to seize Auraugzeb at Ajmir ; to mount the throne and take possession of the em23ire. She jiromised to send fifty thousand Rajpdts to su^i- port him ; she declared that every worshiiiiier of the Hindu gods would join him the moment he began his march to Ajmir, Akbar closed with the offer at once. In due course he was joined by the fifty thousand Eajjwits. Suc- cess was a certainty. In an evil hour he consulted his astrologer. There was a delay in making the calculations. A spy revealed the plot to Shah Alain. The throne of the Moghuls was in sore jieril. Shah Alain saw that his own birthright Avas in danger. Possibly he Avas mortified by the thought that but for the sham rebellion he might have headed the 2 jlot. He sent off full jiarticulars to Aurangzeb. He offered to march at once on Ajmfr for the jirotection of his father against the rebel Akbar, The Emperor believed nobody. He Avas rudely Avakeued to the fact that his force Avas very small. He suspected Shah Alam of a design to seize him and dethrone him, just as he himself had dethroned and imjirisoned his father, Shah Jehan, He wrote back that Shah Alam was altogether mistaken about Akbar ; that Shah Alam Avas not to leave his jiost until fur- ther orders. Shortly afterwards, Auraugzeb received MOGHUL EMPIEE : AURAKGZEB. 379 letters from Akbar’s camp, revealing tlie whole plot ; one of the letters came from Akbar’s astrologer. Akbar was on his march to Aj nnr with fifty thousand Rajput auxiliaries. Fortunately Shah Alam had not waited for his father’s orders. He was only one day’s march behind Akbar. The Emperor sent a secret messenger to order the astrologer to delay Akbar. Accordingly, Shah Alam got to Ajimr three hours before Akbar. The chances of battle were very doubtful. The Rajput auxiliaries rendered Akbar very formidable. Night was coming on; the battle was to be fought at early morning. Aurangzeb heard from his spies that the Rajputs were to form the first line of Ak bar's army. He wrote a feigned letter to Akbar, which was to fall into the hands of the Rajput general. In this letter he rejoiced over the destruction of idolatry and massacre of the Rajputs ; reminded Akbar to place the Rajputs in the front, so that they might bo slaughtered from before and behind ; not a Raj2)ut was to escaj^e ; the massacre was to be a sacrifice to God and the Prophet. This letter fell, as was intended, into the hands of the Rajput general. He at once concluded that Akbar was playing the same game of sham rebellion that had been played by Shall Alam. He thanked the gods for opening his eyes in time. Before morning the Rajput auxiliaries were in full march for Mar war. Akbar woke in the morning to find that his Raj- puts had fled to Marwar, and that his Muhammadans were deserting to the Emperor. The astrologer had gone off to Ajmir. One faithful adherent made a desperate attempt to assassinate Aurangzeb, but was cut to pieces at the entrance to the tent. Akbar fled CHAP. VII. Artifice. Rajputs disappear. Akbur’s flight. 380 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. vir. The escape. Game of craft. TIumiliating jK'ace with the Rana. to Marwar in despair. There lie learned how the Raj- puts had been gulled by the feigned letter. Shah Alam was sent with an army to arrest Akbar and bring him to Ajnhr in silver chains. The Rajphts, however, helped Akbar on his way through wilds and jungles. Suddenly they were all surrounded by the army of Shah Alam. Akbar was entrapped, but he was so far safe that Shah Alam could not get at him. Then followed a game of craft between the two brothers. Shah Alam promised pardon and reconcilia- tion ; he implored his brother to rely on the mercy of Aurangzeb. Akbar replied that he was anxious to throw himself at the feet of his father ; but the Raj- puts were clamouring for pay; he was a prisoner in the hands of the Rajputs. Shah Alam Avas taken in ; he advanced the money. Akbar paid part to the Rajputs and told them Shah Alam AA^as in the jjlot. The Rajputs Avere so cheered that they broke through the army of Shah Alam ; and Akbar escaped from one mountain to another until he found a refuge amongst the Mahrattas of the Konkan. For four years the Rana stood out against Aurang- zeb. The Moghuls Avere humiliated in the eyes of all Rajputana. The rebellion and flight of Akbar made matters worse. The Emperor was forced to leave the Rajput and fly at the Mahratta; to Avithdraw from the heart of Hindustan in order to assail the Konkan in the Western Ghats. It was humiliating to leaA^e the idolaters of Udaipur to Avorship their gods in peace in order to fight against the mountain-rats of the Konkan. The shame was covered up in the old Moghul fashion. The Rana Avas supposed to sue for peace ; the demand for Jezya was dropped. The Rana was left in the possession of his kingdom Avithout having yielded a MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 381 point or ceded a foot of territory. Henceforth An- chap. th. rangzeb was devoted to the concpiest of the Dekhan ; nothing more was said about Eajputana. Aurano;zeb concealed his disgrace from the public Aropimi ^ ^ ^ ^ uiaguiiicence. eye by a show of pomp and magnificence which was remembered for generations. He had opened out the secret hoards of his fathers to establish the supremacy of the Koran.®® He moved from Hindustan to the Dekhan with the splendour and parade of a Darius or a Xerxes. Honour and royalty were wanting, but there was no lack of gorgeous colouring or cloth of gold. The memory of tbe magnificence of Aurangzeb outlived the dissolution of the empire.®® The pomp of the camp of Jehangir has been told in impeviai camp, the story of his reign. That of Aurangzeb is told by Manouchi and the Mahratta records ; it appears to have been on a grander scale, especially as regards artillery. The imperial army seems to have moved in three divisions. Omitting a cloud of details, the order of march may be gathered from the following outline. A body of pioneers walked in front with spades and order of march, hods to clear the way ; then followed a vanguard of heavy cannon ; the imperial treasures, with wealth of gold and jewels ; the account-books and records of the Gold rupees or moliurs were very plentiful in India at this period. There was a fall in gold and a corresponding rise in silver. Unfortunately the data are very imperfect. It is said that the European mints in India made large profits by the change of value. Nothing is more singular than the effect of splendour, however hollow, on the Oriental imagination. Not many years ago it was discovered that Lord Ellenborough was still remembered as the greatest but one of all the Gover- nors-Qeneral by all the old native servants of Government-House at Calcutta, because on state occasions he ordered every candle to be lighted. The one exception was, of course, the Governor-General of the time, who happened to be Lord Lawrence. Grant Duff’s History of the Mahrattas, vol. i., chap. 10. Manouchi through Catron. 382 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAV. A’tr. The Emperor. Camp followers. Pavilions. policy of life iu camp. onipire on elephants and earts ; camels loaded with drinking water from the Gaiiges ; provisions in abun- dance ; cooks by hundreds ; wardrobes of dresses and decorations ; masses of horsemen, which formed the bulk of the Moghul army. The approach of the Emperor was heralded by in- cense ; smoking cauldrons of perfumes were carried Ijefore him on the backs of camels. Aurangzeb ap- peared on an elephant, or on horseback, or in a rich palanquin. On either side were the imperial guards on horseback. After him came the ladies of tlie seraglio in glittering howdahs veiled with the finest gauze. Flocks of other women appeared on horseback, shrouded in long cloaks from head to foot. Light artillery drawn on wooden rafts brouglit up the rear of the imperial household. Lastly came the motley host of infantry, camp fol- lowers, sutlers, servants of all descriptions, with spare horses, tents, and liaggage. AVherever the Emperor halted there was a city of tents and pavilions as large and populous as Delhi. Every encampment was a vast square. In the centre were the pavilions of the Emperor, also forming a square ; they were moving palaces, with courts, halls, and chambers as magnificent as the solid buildings on the banks of the Jumna. Every approach was guarded by rows of cannon. The secret of this life in camp transpired in after years. Aurangzeb had resolved never more to dwell Avithin palace walls or quit the command of his army. He was warned by the fate of his father, Shah Jehan, never to return to Delhi. He was warned by the rebellion of Akbar never more to trust a son Avith a force superior to his own. He Avas adAuxnced in years. MOGHUL EMPIRE : AUKANGZEB. 383 but he lived for another quarter of a century. He chap, yu. spent the remainder of his days in camp, wander- ing to and fro after the manner of his Moghul ancestors. The news of the Emperor’s march was soon noised Fmitiess _ JIaliratta war.s. abroad throughout the Dekban ; the wonders of his camp and army were the theme of every tongue. But the war against the Mahrattas was as fruitless as that against the Rajputs. Sambhaji, the elder son of Sivaji, was Maharaja of the Mahrattas. Whilst Au- rangzeb was tryiug to crush the Rana, Sambhaji had consolidated his power. He was bold and unscrupu- lous, like his father Sivaji; but the Mahrattas were incensed against him on account of the licentiousness of his amours. ' Sambhai i had received Akbar with every kindness. Aiainatta ^ ^ resistance. j He was prepared to defend the Prince against the ! Emperor. He played ofi' the old Mahratta tactics ; repulsed every attempt of the Moghuls to pierce the defiles; and broke out at intervals upon tlie plains, ravaging villages, cutting off supplies, and returning by secret ways to his mountain fortresses. He poisoned , the tanks near the Moghul camp. Aurangzeb and his 1 household escaped because they drank the Ganges water ; but multitudes of men and horses perished i from drinking poisoned water. \ Khafi Khan tells a homely story of Mahratta life, which brings out the I contrast between Sivaji and his degenerate son. Sivaji had dug a well near his door and set up a bench. It was his custom to sit upon this bench, and talk to the women who came to draw water as he would have talked to his I mother and sisters. Sambhaji sat on the same bench, but when the women ' came, he dragged them to the seat and treated them rudely. So the Ryots of I that place went out of the Mahratta country, and dwelt in the lands of the Portuguese. Elliot’s History, edited by Dowson, vol. vii. Manouchi through Catrou. The later Mahratta practice of poisoning I tanks is mentioned in the Madras records. It was never charged against I Sivaji. I 384 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. VII. ^lahratta ploU. Aurangzeb’s plots. Mo?hul mission to Lioa. All tills while the Mahrattas were jilottiug against their Maharaja ; they were bent on revenging the shame he had brought on many of their houses. The conspirators invited Akbar to become their Maharaja. Akbar rashly assented ; then lie was afraid of being- entrapped, and revealed the whole plot to Sambhaji. From that day there was a firm friendship between Sambhaji and Akbar, Meanwhile every conspirator against the life of Sambhaji was taken by surprise and put out of the way, Aurangzeb learned all these plots and counterplots from his spies. He laid another plot of his own. The old tutor of Akbar wms disguised as a fakir, and sent to the Moghul prince with offers of pardon. Akbar was to revive the conspiracy against Sambhaji ; to bribe the Mahratta generals to admit a Moghul force into their capital. Akbar listened with feigned acquiescence, but told everything to Sambhaji. Both agreed to deceive Aurangzeb. Akbar accepted his father’s forgiveness ; fixed the day for the Moghul advance ; and obtained a large sum for bribing the IMahratta generals. M^hen the day came, the Moghuls were surrounded by the Mahrattas and slaughtered like cattle. Akbar emjiloyed the money to secure an escape to Persia. The rage of the baffled Emperor may be imagined. The Mahrattas and his rebel sou Avere alike beyond his reach. At this crisis he planned another scheme. He resolved to make an alliance with the Portuguese Viceroy of Goa. He sent an envoy to Goa to persuade the Viceroy to attack the Mahrattas by sea, blockade the Mahratta ports, and prevent the escape of Akbar. In this scheme there was no idea of a community of interests, Aurangzeb only wanted the Portuguese to MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 385 do liis bidding, and tlien proposed to capture Goa by chap vii. treachery and surprise. Goa had long been on the decline.^^ She still Portuguese • •*11 p * r* 11 • maintained a show of magnificence, but her prosperity and power were passing away to the Dutch. The Portuguese Viceroy was flattered beyond measure at receiving ' an envoy from the Moghul Emperor ; his head was completely turned. Manouchi was in Goa at the time, and helped to translate the Moghul’s letter. He warned the Viceroy that there was no trusting Aurangzeb ; that the Mahratta was a better neighbour than the Moghul ; that the Konkau was the ramjiart of Goa against the Moghul ; that when the Mahratta was destroyed, the Moghul would become the deadly enemy of the Portuguese. But the Viceroy shut his ears to all that was said. He was so dazzled by the flatteries and promises of Aurangzeb, that he formed an alliance ivith the Moghul against the Mahratta.^^ Akbar was in the utmost alarm. He sent a rich Akbar’s shij - p 1 . 1 1 • 1 buildiug. present of rubies and other precious stones to the Portuguese Viceroy ; and was allowed to send men and materials to Goa for building a ship to carry him to Persia. The scheme was a plot for the cap- ture of Goa by the Mahrattas. Goa was very poorly garrisoned. Mahratta soldiers were landed at Goa disguised as carpenters and artisans. Every day there were fresh boatloads of workmen arriving at Goa. Sambhaji was preparing to follow with an army. Manouchi discovered the plot in time. The Viceroy was put upon his guard. The ship was A description of Goa in her better days will be found in a previous volume. See vol. iii., chap. 9. Manouchi through Catrou. 25 386 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. VII. Portuguese disasters. Jloghul treacliery. Two-faced policy. fiuislied and sent to the port of Vingorla in Maliratta territory. The Portuguese of Goa then declared war against the Mahrattas. The war was most disastrous to the Portuguese. They were beguiled into attacking one of the Mah- ratta fortresses near the shore. They were surprised by Sambhaji, and nearly all cut to pieces. The Vice- roy was severely wounded, but escaped with his life, accompanied by a remnant of his army. At that moment a Mahratta fleet threatened Goa. Every man in Goa flew to arms. The women ci-owded to the tomb of St. Francis Xavier. Monks and missionaries appeared with swords and muskets. A battalion of Christian fathers opened a fire upon the Mahratta fleet and drove away the enemy. In this manner Goa was saved. IMeanwhile Auraugzeb had grown sick of the Mah- rattas. He left his eldest son, Shah Alam, to carry on the war against the Konkan, and went away to make war on Bijdpur. It soon transpired that Shah Alam had been ordered to capture Goa. A Moghul squadron tried to force an entrance to the Goa river, but was repulsed by the fire of the Portuguese fortress. Shah Alam complained of the breach of treaty. Manouchi was sent to exjdain matters. Manouchi had formerly been physician to Shah Alam. He discovered that Aurangzeb meant treachery, but that Shah Alam was reluctant to attack the Por- tuguese. At last the Moghul squadron disappeared. Manouchi was rewarded for his services to tlie Por- tuguese by beiug made a Knight of the Order of St. James. Shah Alam was at this time playing a double game. He made a show of carrying out the orders of Aurang- MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB, 387 zeb ; but in reality lie ran counter to those orders, chap, yii. Aurangzeb Avanted liini to surprise Goa and crush the Mahrattas. Shah Alam, on the other hand, was resolved to be friends with the Portuguese and Mah- rattas, as they might help him in the event of Au- rangzeb’s death and a fratricidal war. Shah Alam Avas only anxious to arrest Akbar. He laid siege to Vingorla, but Akbar got aAvay to Persia; and then Shah Alam came to a secret understanding Avith Sam- bhaji. Shah Alam Avas allowed to return through the Konkan Avithout being attacked by the Mahrattas. The remaining years of the reign of Aurangzeb sham wars. AA^ere passed in sham wars and wearisome intrigues. It Avould be waste of time to tell the tedious details. A general revieAv Avill suffice for the purposes of history. Shall Alam AAms sent to make Avar on Golkonda * Golkoudn. but his father, Aurangzeb, was already suspicious of his good faith, and was still more alarmed by his conduct of the Avar in Golkonda. Shah Alam made a show of Avar to satisfy his father, and a show of friendship to Avin the support of the Sultan. At last he made peace Avith the Sultan ; left him in possession of his kingdom, and promised that the Moghuls should never molest him again. Aurangzeb was dis- gusted at the peace ; he Avanted the diamond mines of Golkonda ; but he concealed his AAwatli for a Avhile, and feigned to acquiesce in the treaty. Shah Alam tried the same game in Bijdpur. He Bijifpur. supplied the Sultan Avith money and provisions whilst besieging him in his fortress of Bijdpur. He pro- posed making a similar treaty, but Aurangzeb refused to sanction the terms. The Sultan of Bijapur was dethroned. He was promised his life, but soon disap- 388 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. VII. Intrigues of Sultauas. Intrigues of Aurangzeb’s three sons. Imprisonment of Shah Alam. Treacherous capture of Golkouda. peared from the scene. It was said he had been poisoned by Aurangzeb. The iutrigues of the sons of Aurangzeb derive some interest from the difierent religions of their mothers. Shah Alam, as already seen, had a Rajptit mother, and courted the support of Hindus. Azam Shah had a Muhammadan mother, and courted the support of Mussulmans, K^m Bdkhsh, the youngest, had a Christian mother, the beloved Udipuii ; he built his hopes on the inhueuce of his mother with Aurangzeb. Each of the three sons was pulling his father a dif- ferent way. Shah Alam wanted Aurangzeb to return to Delhi and disband his Muhammadan army. Azam Shah wanted Aurangzeb to remain in camp, for he could rely on the support of the Muhammadan army. Udipuii tried to persuade Aurangzeb to conquer Gol- kouda, in order to make her son, Kdm Bdkhsh, Sultan of Bljdpur and Golkouda. Aurangzeb yielded to the prayers of his favourite Sultana ; but when he announced that he was going to make war on Golkouda, Shah Alam exclaimed against it as a breach of treaty. Aurangzeb accused Shah Alam of disloyalty, but suddenly feigned to be re- conciled. He gave out that he was going to Delhi to spend his old age in peace. He sent to Delhi all the generals and troops that were well aflected towards Shah Alam. He then arrested Shah Alam and made him a close prisoner. Aurangzeb took Golkouda by deception after his old treacherous fashion. He gave out that he was going on The name of Kdm Bdkbsh was known to our forefatliers as Cawn Bus. It was known to the Greeks as Cambyses. MOGHUL EMPIKE : AURANGZEB. 389 pilgrimage to the shrines at Kulbarga, and then sud- denly fell upon Golkonda, The Sultan was taken by surprise, but managed to find refuge in the fortress of Golkonda ; his generals, however, had been already corrupted, and agreed to admit the Moghuls at mid- night. There was a show of mining a bastion and blowing down two curtains, but the Moghul army did I not even mount the walls. At midnight a Moghul force was admitted into the citadel. The doors of I the seraglio were forced open amidst the screaming i of women and blazing of torches. The Sultan was dragged from his hiding-place and carried off a I prisoner. He was beaten and tortured to make him I give up his secret hoards. Nothing further is known ‘ of him. It was said that he had been dethroned by treachery and silenced for ever by poison. The remainder of the reign of Aurangzeb was spent ' in partial conquests in Southern India, and in vain efforts to capture Mahratta fortresses in the Western Dekhan. The conquests in Southern India are only interesting from their association with the English settlement at Madras. Zulfikar Khan, the first Nawab of the Moghul conquests in the south, con- firmed the English in all their rights and privileges at Madras. His successor, Daud Khan, besieged Fort St. George for several weeks, and was then bribed to retire.^® The last wars of Aurangzeb against the Mahrattas of the Konkan might prove equally interesting by their association with the English at Bombay. But nothing is known of the early Bombay records ; and little is known of the wars against the Mahrattas beyond the CHAP. VII. I.ast Slahratta wars.' SamMiaji a victim. Early Records of British India. London ; Triibner & Co. 1878. 390 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. VII. Peath of Au- rangzeb. Character aud policy. fact tliat they were a tis.sue of iutrigues and sliains.^^ Aiirangzeb captured Sambliaji by corrupting one of bis ministers. He put the Mabratta to a barbarous death, and caused bis remains to be eaten by bunting- dogs. He carried off a little son of Sambbaji, who was after- wards known as Sabu or Sbao. But still the Mabrattas continued to harass him. Sambbaji was succeeded on the Mabratta throne by a younger brother, named Ham Baja. Meanwhile, Aurangzeb often suffered disasters, which be was careful to conceal. It was said that be bribed Earn Eaja to suffer him to capture unimportant fortresses, in order to impress the people of India with bis victories. It will suffice to say that the last years of Aurangzeb were wasted in desultory and useless wars. Aurangzeb grew jealous of bis second son, Azam Sbab.^® Accordingly be liberated bis eldest son, Shah Alam, as a counterpoise. He sent bis three sons to remote provinces, to prevent them from making war on each other whilst be was alive. He divided the empire between them, to prevent them from making war after bis death. But bis hopes were vain. He died in 1707. Within a few weeks after bis death Hindustan was convulsed by a fratricidal war. Aurangzeb was the last of the Moghuls who jilayed a real part in history. He was the last who bad a policy. He exhausted the resources of the emjiire upon one design ; — the dethronement of the Hindu ’’’’ The Records of Surat and Bombay were investigated some years ago by the Rev. Philip Anderson, and the results are shown in a work entitled “ The English in Western India.” But Mr. Anderson confined his attention to the internal affairs of the English settlements, and his volume throws no light upon Mahratta history. Manouohi says that Azam Shah was invading Southern India and plunder- ing the pagodas. This is probable, but vague. MOaSUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 391 gods and extension of tlie religion of the Koran over chap, vh. the whole of India. He was baffled alike by Eajpiits and Mahrattas. The great Akbar, the founder of the dynasty, had bound the empire together by his tolera- j tion of the subject races. Auraugzeb had shaken it to it foundations by his intolerance and persecution. AVhen Auraugzeb died, the disintegration of races had I already begun. Within fifty years of his death, the ! sovereignty of the Moghuls had dwindled to an empty name. CHAPTER VIII. CHAP. VIII. JPihadur Shah, 1707 - 12 . The Christian Sultana. Rajputs ‘for- given.” MOGHUL empire; DECLINE AND FALL. 1707 TO 1761. The cleatli of Auraugzeb awakened the empire from its seeming lethargy. Shah Alam proclaimed himself Emperor under the name of Bahadur Shah. His forces concentrated near Agra. Azam Shah advanced up from the Dekhan with another army. A bloody battle ensued near Agra, and Azam Shah was num- bered with the dead.^ Bahadur Shah was' Emperor of all tlie territories inherited by Aurangzeb. He was an old man, and would have been content to leave his remaining In’other, Kiim Bakhsh, to reign as Sultan of Bijfipur and Golkonda. But his sons would not hear of it. They instigated the Mullahs to urge the impiety of leaving the new conquests in the hands of a Christian. The mother of Kam Bakhsh implored the new Em- peror to spare her son ; but her tears and prayers were thrown away. Bahadur Shah marched against the south ; and the news soon arrived that the son of the Christian Sultana was defeated and slain. Bahadur Shah was next anxious to punish the Rajput princes. He did not want to interfere with the Rana of Meywar. He only aspired to re-establish the ^ The best authorities for the events told in this chapter are the Madras Records and the native history known as the Siyar-ul-Mutakherin. MOGHUL EMPIRE : DECLINE AND FALL. 393 ]\Iogliul yoke on Jaipur and Marwar. But alarming chap, viit. news came from tlie Punjab. The Sikhs had broken out in rebellion, Bahadur Shah “forgave” the Eaj- 2:»uts, and hurried away to Lahore. The Sikhs were not a nationality. Many were The siuhs Eajpiits, others were a race of cultivators known j as JJts. They were a religious sect, which had I been founded in the sixteenth century by Nanuk Guru. The career of Nanuk was like that of many religious Nanuk Guru, teachers in India, He was a Kshatriya or Eajput. When young, his goodness of disposition excited the admiration of a Muhammadan fakir of the Sufi per- suasion. Nanuk was henceforth educated in all the spiritual mysticism of the Sufis. He forgot his Hindu training. He laid hold of many of the Sufi doctrines, and turned them into Punjabi poetry. Such is said to have been the origin of the Granth, or sacred books of the Sikhs, Nanuk became known as a Guru or religious teacher sikiiiuo. in the beginning of the sixteenth century, about the time that BJber was invading Hindustan. For a long while his followers differed in no way from the bulk of Muhammadan fakirs. They formed com- munities or brotherhoods ; each community had its own superior, and all the members of the community treated one another as brothers, without regard to race, tribe, or clan. When Nanuk Guru died, he was not succeeded in his spiritual authority by his son, but by a servant of his household. The Sikhs began to create trouble in the time of Tngi Aurangzeb. The ninth Guru in succession to the servant of Nanuk was one Tugh Bahadur. He grew ambitious, took to plunder and r ipine, and became a 394 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. VIIT. Guru Goviud. capi- tal at Laliore. Shfahs repressed. Jehandar Shah, 1712. terror to the country round. He was arrested, sent to Gwalior, and there executed. Hitherto the Sikhs had generally followed a reli- gious calling and carried no arms. The death of Tugh Bahadur led to an entire chancre. Guru Go- Aund, the son and successor of the slaughtered Guru, formed the Sikh communities into military hands or brotherhoods under trusty leaders. Every com- munity was knoT\m as a Misl ; and the collectiA'^e 1)ody was known as the Khdlsa, or the army of the Klnilsa. Every Sikh was a soldier of the Klidlsa, lio-litino: for God and the Guru. Stories of Sikh atrocities induced Bahadur Shah to remove his capital from Delhi to Lahore. He sent many forces against the Sikhs, but the troubles con- tinued until the end of his reign. Bahadur Shah was a Shiah at heart. At Lahore he avowed himself a Shiah. He Avanted to introduce the Shiah doctrine into the public j)ra 5 ^er for the wellbeing of the soA^ereign, known as the Khutba. The Sunni Khutba began with the name of Muhammad and the four Khalifs, ending Avith Ali. Bahadur Shah Avanted to add the Avord “heir ” to the name of Ali, to indicate that Ali AA-as the true “heir” or successor to the Prophet. The innovation raised a storm amongst the Sunnis. A Shiah reader began to recite the new Khutba in the chief mosque at Lahore ; but he Avas torn to pieces by the Sunni congregation. Their wrath at the notion that Ali Avas the first rightful successor of Muhammad overbore every other consideration. Bahadur Shah died in 1712. He left four sons. It Avould be tedious to describe their battles for the succession. Three Avere killed, mainly by the instru- MOGHUL EMPIRE : DECLINE AND FALL. 395 mentality of Nawab Zulfikar Kliau, wlio began to :chap. vm, play an important part at the Mogliul court, A worthless sot was then placed upon the throne under the name of Jehandar Shah. Zulfikar Khan became Vizier, and exercised all the real power of the sove- reign, Jehandar Shah was the slave of a dancing-girl v ices of the ^ ^ new Empci'or. named Ldl Kanwar. The brother and kinsfolk of this favourite were all musicians and dancers of the same stamp. The new Emperor showered titles and hon- ours on the whole of them. He gave a patent to the brother, appointing him governor of Agra. Zulfikar Khan refused to affix the seals. He said he wanted a thousand guitars as his fee ; lie excused himself by saying that all the grandees that wanted promotion for the future would have to play on guitars. The new Emperor was silenced by the implied rebuke, and deemed it advisable to overlook the sarcasm. The dancing-girl had a friend named Zahra, who scandai. used to sell vegetables in the bazar. The connection continued after the promotion of the dancing-girl to be the favourite of the Emperor. Scandal tells stories of the three getting drunk together and being found in woful plight ; but the bare mention of the fact sufficiently indicates the state of affairs. One story 1 is worth preserving. Grandees, courtiers, and all who wanted favour, sent presents and bribes to the favour- I ite through Zahra. Consequently Zahra visited the palace with all the parade of a princess. Her people i were overbearing and insulting, after the manner of upstarts. At last there was a catastrophe, ! Chin Kulich Khan had been one of the grandees of Insolence of ^ Zahra Aurangzeb. He had filled high offices, and, under the name of Nizam-ul-Mulk, was destined to become the 396 HISTORY OF l^DIA. rtiAP. viir. raramoiint a'lHiorlty of ijic Vizier. Shfah revolt in Bengal. Murder of the Vizier. founder of tlie dynasty of the Nizams of Hyderabad. One day Zahra rebuked this grandee with insolent language from the howdah of her elephant. He made a sign to his followers. In one moment the woman was dragged from her elephant and soundly chastised. Clii'n Kulich Khan knew his dano-er. He was not o on good terms with the Vizier, but hastened to pay him a visit. The Vizier at once dispatched a note to the Emperor declaring that he threw in his lot with Chin Kulich Khan. The note was just in time. Zahra was already in the seraglio, laying ashes on her head and rolliuo- iu the dust. Ldl Khanwar was rousing the Emperor to avenge the insult. Jehandar Shall read the note and did nothing. The new Emperor was held in contempt and de- testation by all good Muhammadans in Hindustan. Suddenly a storm began to gather in Bengal. A ojrandson of Bahadur Shah was living in Bengal ; he is best indicated by his later title of Farrukh Siyar. Two Shiahs of great influence proclaimed Farrukh Siyar as Emperor. These two men were widely known as Sayyids or descendants of the Prophet. They were joined by hosts of Shiahs. An army pushed on to- wards Delhi with Farrukh Siyar and the two Sayyids at its head. Zulfikar Khan was a tried general, but Jehandar Shah was an arrant coward. The Emperor and his Vizier took the field with a large army. Jehandar Shah was accompanied by his favourite dancing-girl. A battle began at Agra ; and then Jehandar Shah fled back to Delhi with his low-born companion. Zulfikar Khan was helpless without the presence of the Em- peror. His troops deserted in large numbers to Far- rukh Siyar. So many grandees went over to Farrukh MOGHUL EMPIRE : UEOLIXE AND FALL, 397 Siyar, tliafc Zulfikar Kliaii followed tlieir example. But chap. vm. Zulfikar Khan had excited the bitter enmity of Far- rukh Siyar. He was admitted into tlie presence and kindly received. As he went out he was surrounded by the creatures of Farrukh Siyar, who exasperated him by their taunts and then stabbed him to death. Farrukh Siyar went on to Delhi. Jchandar Shah Farrukh Siyar, . 1712--U. was taken and executed. There was a horrible mas- sacre of princes and grandees. After a while the public mind began to quiet down. Abdulla Khan, the elder of the two Sayyids, was made Vizier. Both he and his brother, Husain Ali Khan, exercised para- mount influence at the court of Delhi. There was soon a coolness between Farrukh Siyar Breach with tliu and the two Sayyids. The Emperor began to chafe under their control. He listened to the insinuations of Sunni grandees, especially to a man named Amir Jumla. He showed neither capacity nor resolution. He was willing to destroy the two Sayyids, but afraid to take action. At last it was resolved to send Husain Ali Khan on Wav against an expedition against Marwar (Jodhpur). Aj it Singh, Raja of Marwar, had set the Moghul at defiance, pulled down mosques, built up pagodas, and driven out the Muhammadan Khzis and Mullahs whom Aurangzeb had quartered on his territories. Husain Ali Khan gladly accepted the command of the expedition. No sooner had he invaded Marwar than Raja Ajit Singh withdrew to the mountains, with all his family, treasure, and soldiery. The Raja of Marwar must have been in some per- Submission of plexit}^. He dared not venture to cope with the Moghul army in the plains. At the same time he was receiving letters from Farrukh Siyar exhorting 398 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP, YITI. Ktifprced peace. Sayyid.s discover ti’tjuchery. Rupture and recouciliatiou. liim to stand on Lis defence and crush the invader. He deemed it politic to come to terms with the in- vader. He promised obedience for the future, en- oaoed to send his sou to tender his submission to O O the Moghul general, and ofiered to send a daughter to the imperial seraglio. Husain Ali Khan was burning for military glory. He would have refused to make terms with the Marwar Raja, but he was receiving letters of evil omen from his brother at Delhi. Abdulla Khan reported that mischief was brewing at court, and implored his In'other to return to Delhi. Accordingly Husain Ali Khan made peace with Marwar. Husain Ali Khan returned to Delhi with the daughter of the Raja. On the way he treated the future bride of the Emperor as his own adopted daughter. He found that she had certain papers in- trusted to her by her father. Of course he was soon master of their contents. He discovered that Farrukli Siyar had urged the Raja to destroy him. Husain Ali Khan wanted to be Viceroy of the Dekhan ; not that he meant to go there, but only that he might appoint a deputy and profit by the revenue. This did not suit Farrukh Siyar; there was nothing- lie wanted so much as to send Husain Ali Khan to a distance from his brother the Vizier. Under such circumstances the breach grew wider between the Emperor and the two Sayyids. The two brothers began to fortify their palaces and enlist troops. At last a reconciliation was effected by the mother of the Emperor. Amir Jumla, the prime enemy of the Sayyids, was sent to Patna to be Viceroy of Bihar ; whilst Husain Ali Khan was sent to Aurangabad to be Viceroy of the Dekhan. MOGHUL empire; DECLINE AND FALL. 399 About this time Farmkli Siyar celebrated bis mar- chap. vnr. riage with the Marwar princess. The religious cliffi- culty in such marriages had been easily overcome by the tolerant Akbar, and was no obstacle to the pre- sent union. When the Kajput bride entered the seraglio, she repeated the formula of the Muham- madan faith, and received a Muhammadan name. Nothing further was recpiired. Amir Jumla went off to Bihar, and Husain Ali voie tieadiery. Khan went off to the Dekhan ; Imt still there was treachery. Ddud Khan, the Afghan, was governor of Guzerat. He received from Delhi public instruc- tions to obey the orders of Husain Ali Khan, and private instructions to destroy him ; and if he suc- ceeded in defeating and slaughtering Husain Ali Khan, he was to be appointed to the vacant post of Viceroy of the Dekhan as his reward. Husain Ali Khan had no fears on his own account. Empp.or warned. He was only anxious for the welfare of his brother Abdulla. Before he left the court, he solemnly warned the Emperor that if anything happened to his brother the Vizier, he would be at Delhi within twenty days. Ddifd Khan was lyino’ in wait for the new Viceroy dvw Khan ami of the Dekhan. He had a strong force of Afghans ; he had also a body of Mahratta horse. He had made some concessions to the Mahrattas as regards cliout ; he had also scattered Moghul titles and commands among Mahratta generals. Husain Ali Khan soon found that Daud Khan WtXS Defeat and death of Ditdd Khau. not a subordinate commander, but a hostile and dan- gerous rival. The battle was one of life and death, for, whatever might be the result, the Dekhan was to be the reward of the concpieror. D4iid Khan’s Mali- 400 "UISTOUY OF TNOTA. CHAP vur. Kmperor uionitieii. Sunni's and Shiahs. rattas did notliiiig ; the}'' galloped about the plain at tlie beginning of the fight, and then looked on like unconcerned spectators. Ddud Khan made great play with his Afghans, He pressed on towards his rival, but was shot dead by a bullet in the moment of victory. Husain Ali Khan was consequently the con- (]ueror. The Mahratta commanders changed sides after Mahratta fashion. They made their submission to the conqueror ; whilst their followers plundered DMd Khan’s camp, and then rode off with the spoil. News of the victory of Husain Ali Khan soon reached Delhi. The Emj^eror could not hide his mortification. He complained in the presence of the Vizier that Baud Khan had been shamefully put to death. Abdulla Khan resented the aflfont. “ Had my brother,” he said, “ been murdered by this Afghan savage, his death would have been more welcome to your Majesty.” Husain Ali Khan went on to Aurangabad to settle the affairs of his new viceroyalty. Meanwhile there Avere fierce disputes at Delhi between Sunnis and Shiahs. The question of whether the four Khalifs were the rightful successors of the Prophet, or whether Ali Avas the direct successor, Avas not only a Avar of Avords, but of swords. Shfah singers were accustomed at Delhi to chant the praises of Muhammad, and of Ali as the first of the twelve Imdnis, without any reference to the three Khalifs — Abubakr, Omar, and Othman, A Sunni saint from the provinces Avas aghast at this enormity. He admitted that Ali Avas a good man and the fourth Khalif, but denied that he Avas the heir to the Prophet ; he Avas only the husband of Fatima, the daughter of the Prophet. On this point the Sunnf saint preached some vigorous sermons in the chief MOGHUL EMPIRE : DECLINE AND FALL. 401 mosque. “ Ali,” lie said, “ was only the son-in-law of chap. vnr. the Prophet ; he was not under the cloak, he was not the offspring of Muhammad. To praise Ali and his family, whilst omitting the names of the three Khalifs who went before him, was contrary to the fundamental principles of Islam.” The Shiahs were equally hot on the other side. The Shfah outbreak i . Delhi. f three Khalifs were usurpers ; Ali, and Ali alone, was i the rightful successor of the Prophet. Another Friday ! came round : the Sunni zealot once again mounted the pulpit to launch his thunders against this soul-destroy- ! ing heresy. A number of young Persian Shiahs placed I themselves in front, displaying rosaries and amulets ' of the sacred clay of Kerbela, in which the remains of Ali had been buried. The sight was too much for the thousands of Sunnis that formed the bulk of the con- gregation. They rushed upon the heretics, drove them out of the mosque, and murdered not a few in the righteous determination of teaching the world who w^as, and who was not, the rightful successor of the glorious Prophet, the beloved of Allah. In the midst of these troubles there was stirring Death of cura news from the Punjab. Two sons of Guru Govind had been taken prisoners and put to death. The Guru was hunted down like a wild beast. He took refuge in a remote stronghold far away from his family. He was delivered from his forced captivity by some Afghans. They waited until his beard was grown, and then clothed him in the blue garb of an Afghan highlander, and palmed him off as an Afghan saint. From that day the length of beard and the blue garb became the distinctive marks of the Sikhs. But Guru Govind was broken-hearted at the loss of his sons, and perished in a melancholy mania. 26 402 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. VIII. Massacre of fc^ikhs under Bandu Guru. Fall of Amfr Jumla. Bandu, a new cliief, became tlie Guru of the Sikhs. This man is charged by Muhammadan writers with every atrocity of which human nature is capable. The Moghul commandant of Sirhind was stabbed to death by a Sikh fanatic whilst saying his prayers. The Mog- hul Viceroy of the Punjab fled in terror to Lahore. At last the Moghul Viceroy of Kashmir came down and routed the Sikhs. Bandu Guru was hunted from post to post like a savage of the jungle. He flung himself into the last stronghold of the Sikhs at Gurdaspur, about ten days’ journey from Delhi. He was so closely invested that not a grain of corn could And its way within the walls. The beleaguered Sikhs devoured asses and food of the vilest description ; they were even driven to eat the sacred flesh of cows. The famine brought on j^estilence. At last the pangs of hunger drove them to surrender. Many were tied hand and foot and massacred. The remainder were bound on camels and carried off to Delhi, preceded by a ghastly display of bleeding heads on pikes. At Delhi the prisoners were beheaded at the rate of a hundred a day. Not a man stirred, except to beg that he might be executed before his fellows. Bandu per- ished in every agony of mind and body that Asiatic malice could suggest ; and the horrible details may well be dropped in oblivion. About this time Annr Jumla suddenly arrived at Delhi from Patna. He had squandered all the public money ; his army was in mutiny for want of pay ; his life was threatened by the people of Bihar ; and he had fled disguised as a woman in a veiled palanquin. The Emperor, however, would have nothing to say to him. Delhi was soon crowded by disbanded soldiers from Bihar, who clamoured for pay. At last Amir MOGHUL EMPIRE : DECLINE AND FALL. 403 Jumla was Lanislied to Multan, and something like chap, vin. quiet was restored to the capital. The state of Delhi at this period is brought home English mission ^ ° . at Delhi. to Englishmen by the fact that there was an English mission at Delhi, which stayed there during two years. In 1715, two English merchants and an Armenian had gone from Calcutta to Delhi, accom- panied by an English doctor named Hamilton, to lay the wrongs of the little factories at Madras, Bombay, and Calcutta before the Emperor. They reported the course of events to their masters at Calcutta, as well as the progress of their mission. They specially dilated upon the breach between the Emperor and the Sayyids ; the departure of Husain Ali Khan for tlie Dekhan ; the sickness of the Emperor, which delayed his marriage with the Marwar princess ; the death of Dddd Khan ; the arrival of Bandu the Sikh with two thousand heads set upon poles ; the escapade of Amir Jumla, and disturbed state of the capital. The Eng- lish doctor who accompanied the mission succeeded in curing the Emperor of his distemper. The mission got all they wanted after a protracted delay, but the doctor had the greatest possible difficulty in inducing the Moghul to permit him to return to Calcutta.^ Meanwhile the finances of the empire were in utter Al.irins at Delhi, confusion. The Vizier, Abdulla Khan, had left the duties of his office in the hands of a Hindfi deputy named Kataii Cliand. There were monstrous abuses in the accounts. Jaglnrs had been granted to worth- less persons. Hindfi defaulters were screened from justice by Eatan Chand. There was a talk amongst ^ The correspondence of this mission was published by the author in his “ History of Madras in the Olden Time,” vol. ii. It will also be found in the ‘‘ Early Records of British India,” already quoted. 404 HISTOEY OF INDIA. CHAP, VIII. Slalinitta ravages. The crash. Mahratta night at Uellii. Farrukh Siyar aeposecl. the Muliammedans of resuming the Jaghirs granted to Hindus, and collecting Jezya from all who refused to become Muhammedans ; and these threatening rumours only increased the general alarm. Meanwlnle the provinces were drifting into anarchy. The Mahrattas w^ere ravaging towns and villages to enforce their claims to choiit. The Moghul Viceroys sometimes defeated the Mahrattas, but, in the long- run, were helpless to resist their demands. The Vizier, Abdulla Khan, found that the Emperor and Sunni grandees were bent upon his ruin. The crash came at last. Husain Ali Khan marched from the Dekhan to Delhi at the head of an army, including a force of Mahratta mercenaries. The people of Delhi were terrified at the appearance of the IMahrattas ; they spread abroad the wildest rumours of pillage and massacre. Meanwhile the streets and bazau’s were occupied by the soldiery, and the palace was surrounded by the forces of the two Sayyids. The last act of the drama was like a horrible dream. The wretched Emperor was praying the two Sayyids for forgiveness. They showed him the letter which he had written to Daiid Khan ordering the destruc- tion of Husain Ali Khan. At midnight there was uproar and screaming in the palace. Throughout the city there was a cry that the Mahrattas were plunder- ing and slaughtering the inhabitants. The Mahrattas were assailed by the mob, and hundreds were slain. Some of the Mahratta saddles were broken open, and found full of gold ; and the sight rendered the be- holders more frantic than ever. Suddenly there was a lull in the strife. The kettle- drums were thundering at the palace gates ; the firing of salutes was booming through the morning air. MOGHUL EMPIRE : DECLINE AND FALL. 405 Farmkli Siyar had ceased to reign ; he was deprived chap. vm. of sight, and lay trembling in a dungeon, from which there was to be no deliverance save by the dagger or bowstring. A captive prince was taken out of the state prison of Selimghur, which adjoined the palace, and placed upon the throne of the Moghuls. He was a type of the sinking condition of the Moghul empire; — a state prisoner, unwashed, confused, and disordered, suddenly thrust upon the throne, and adorned with a chaplet of pearls. The Sayyids were once again masters. The new Puppet Emperor was a puppet, and died within three months. Another puppet was set up, and died within five months more. A third captive prince, with a better constitu- tion, was taken out of the state prison and placed upon the throne. He lived to reign for twenty-eight years ; to bear the brunt of the blow which heralded the downfall of the empire. His name was Muham- mad Shah. The reign of Muhammad Shah began with plot and Muliammatl assassination. The grandees were weary of the Say- yids ; the new Emperor was intriguing to get rid of the Sayyids. Husain Ali Khan was marching an army toAvards the Dekhan, when he was suddenly stabbed to death by a Calmuk. The army declared for Mu- hammad Shah. The Vizier Abdulla was defeated and slain. The new Emperor took his seat upon the throne without a mentor or a rival. The reign of Muhammad Shah presents a troubled Troubled times, picture of grandees intriguing for place and rank, and of endless wars against Mahratta bandits. There Avas no patriotism, no gallant exploit, no public virtue ; nothing but rapacity, corruption, and sensuality, such as might be expected from men of the stamp of 406 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. Tin. Mahratta inroads. The Peishwas. Turkish Paslias, unfettered by public opinion or con- ventional morality. Two grandees may be named as types of the class. Saadut Kban was a Persian adven- turer, who had risen to the rank of Nawab of Oude. Chin Kulicb Kban, better known as Nizam-ul-Mulk, was of Turkish or Tartar origin ; be bad seized the viceroyalty of the Dekban, and was rajiidly becoming an independent sovereign. These two men were princes in their resjiective provinces ; at Delhi they were rival courtiers. Saadut Kban was a Shiah ; Nizam-ul-Mulk was a Sunni. The Mahrattas were the pest of India ; they plun- dered the country, regardless of the Moghul or his Viceroys, until they had established claims to black- mail. At intervals they were checked by generals like Saddut Khan or the Nizam ; but otherwise their flying hordes infested the country like locusts. If driven out of a district one year, they came again the next with claims for arrears. The nominal sovereign of the Mahrattas was Maha- raja Sahu or Shao. He was the son of Sambhaji, who had been brought up in the seraglio of Aurangzeb ; and his training unfitted him for the leadership of the Mahrattas. The real sovereign was the minister, a Mahratta Brahman known as the Peishwa. The minister was the founder of a hereditary line of Peishwas, who ultimately became the recognised sovereigns of the Mahratta empire, Avliilst the descen- dants of Sahu were kept as state prisoners at Satara. There were also Mahratta leaders, subordinate to the Peishwas, who were of lower caste than Brahmans, but founded principalities under the names of Sindia, Holkar, the Bhonsla, and the Gaekwar. Their wars were those of brigands ; they had nothing that can be MOGHUL EMPIEE : DECLINE AND FALL. 407 called liistory until they came in conflict with the English. The Mahratta empire was thus a loose con- federation of bandit generals, with a Brahman at the head. Sometimes they threatened to plunder Delhi, but in general they were kept quiet by titles, honours, and yearly tribute. In 1738 there was alarming danger on the north- west frontier. There had been a revolution in Persia. The Suff dynasty of Persian Shahs bad been over- turned by an Afghan invasion. A robber chief came to the front under the name of Nadir Shah. He was a conqueror of the same stamp as Chenghiz Khan or Timiir ; and he soon became master of all Persia from the Tigris to the Indus, from the frontier of the Turk to that of the Moghul. Nadir Shah, like new potentates in general, was anxious to be recognised by contemporary sovereigns. With this view he sent ambassadors to Delhi. The Moghul court, in mingled ignorance and pride, treated the ambassadors with contempt. Nadir Shah, the conqueror of Persia and Afghanistan, was very angry. He marched from Kdbul to Delhi without check or hindrance. There were no garrisons in the passes, no hill tribes to block out the Persian army. For years the subsidies granted for the purpose had all been appropriated by the Moghul Vizier at Delhi. Both Sad,dut Khan and the Nizam were at Delhi. Their rivalry against each other overcame all other considerations. Sad,dut Khan went out with a large army to attack Nadir Shah ; the Nizam out of jealousy refused to join him, and the result was that Saddut Khan was defeated and taken prisoner. The Nizam w'as next sent to bribe Nadir Shah to return to Persia with a sum of about two millions CHAP. VIII. Rise of Nadir Shah. Invasion of Nadir Shah, 1738 - 39 . Court rivalries. Malicious treason. 408 HISTORY OF INDIA. criAP. VIII. T^fassacres at Delhi. Pack and desola tion. sterling. Nadir Shah was ready to take the money. Saddut Khan, however, had a grievance against Loth Muhammad Shah and the Nizam ; he had coveted the post and title of “ Amir of Amirs,” and these honours had been conferred on the Nizam. Out of sheer malice Saddut Khan told Nadir Shah that the money offered was but a flea-bite to the riches of Delhi. Nadir Shah was thus persuaded to plunder Delhi. He summoned Muhammad Shah, the Moghul sovereign, to his camp. He then marched into the city of Delhi, accompanied by Muhammad Shah, and took up his quarters in the palace. Nadir Shah posted guards in different quarters of the city. The people of Delhi looked with disgust on the strangers. Next day it was reported that Nadir Shah was dead. The people fired upon the Persians from the roofs and windows of their houses, and car- ried on the work of slaughter far into the night. Next morning at daybreak Nadir Shah rode into the city, and saw hie soldiers lying dead in the streets. Stones, arrows, and bullets were flying around him. One of his own officers was shot dead by his side. In his wrath he ordered a general massacre. The slaughter raged throughout the day. Nadir Shah watched the butchery in gloomy silence from a little mosque in the bazar, which is shown to this day. At evening time Nadir Shah stopped the massacre. It is useless to guess at the numbers of the slain. Hindu and Muhammadan corpses were thrown into heaps with the timber of fallen houses, and burnt together in one vast holocaust. The imperial palace was sacked of all its treasures ; and so were the man- sions of the grandees. Contributions were forced from all classes ; they were especially demanded from the MOGHUL EMPIRE : DECLINE AND FALL, 409 governors of provinces. Nadir Shah married his son chap, vm, to a Moghul princess. He placed Muhammad Shah upon the throne, and ordered all men to obey him under pain of punishment hereafter. He then marched back to Persia with gold and jewels to the value of many millions sterling. Delhi had suffered the fate of Nineveh and Babylon j Anarchy, i but her inhabitants were not carried away captive. Slowly they awoke out of their lethargy and returned ' to their daily labour. Once more there was life in the streets and bazars. But the Moghul empire was doomed ; it lingered on for a few years under the I shadow of a name until it was engulfed in anarchy. After the departure of Nadir Shah, the Mahrattas d isaffection in ^ the provinces. , broke out worse than ever. They affected to be faith- ful servants of the Moghul; but no yearly tribute was forthcoming to bribe them to keep the peace ; i and they began to ravage and collect chout in every quarter of the empire. The Moghul Viceroys of the provinces struggled against the Mahrattas wdth varied j success. They ceased to obey the Moghul ; they be- came hereditary princes under the old names of Nawab and Nizam. Whenever a Viceroy died, his sons or kinsmen fought one another for the throne; and when the w’^ar w^as over, the conqueror sent presents and bribes to Delhi to secure letters of investiture from the Emperor. It was by taking opposite sides in these wars in the Peninsula that Eoglish and French were engaged in hostilities in India. The English eventually triumphed, and rapidly became a sovereign power. Nadir Shah was assassinated in- 1747. Had he left Ai.madshah religious matters alone, after the manner of Chenghiz Afgh'n.‘‘“® Khan, he might have founded a permanent dynasty 410 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. Vllt. Conclusion, No Hindu his- tory in Moghul annals. in Persia. But lie thought to create an empire which should uniformly follow the Sunni faith. With this view he tried to turn the Persians into Sunnis ; and in so doing he excited that blind zeal which brought him to a violent end. After his death the new Persian empire became broken into different king- doms. Afghanistan fell to the lot of a warrior named Ahmad Shah Abdali. He conquered the Punjab, and converted the Moghul into a puppet and a vassal. Muhammad Shah died in 1748 ; so did the Nizam of the Dekhan ; so did Sahu, the last Mahdraja of the Mahrattas who wielded the semblance of power. Henceforth there were puppet kings and sovereign ministers at Poona and Delhi. In 17.57, the year that Clive gained the victory at Plassy in Bengal, the suc- cessor of Muhammad Shah was murdered by his mini- ster ; the Vizier fled away into obscurity ; the son of the dead Moghul was a fugitive in Bengal, proclaiming himself Emperor under the high-sounding title of Shah Alam. Ahmad Shah Abdali advanced to Delhi and began a struggle with the Mahratta powers. In 1761 he gained the battle of Paniput, which crushed the Mahrattas for a while, and established the Afghans as the arbiters of the fate of Hindustan. SUPPLEMENT : HINDU ANNALS. The foregoing history speaks of Moghul courts and sovereigns, but tells little of the Hindu people. It furnishes glimpses of Eajpiit Eajas, the vassals of the Moghul empire^; but it reveals nothing of their inner life and forms of government. Above all, it is silent as regards the Eajas of the south, who lived SUPPLEMENT : HINDU ANNALS. 411 and reigned outside the Moghul empire, and were chap, vm. never brought under foreign influences until com- paratively modern times. The so-called histories of Hindu dynasties, written unsatisfactory by Hindu annalists, have little or no historical value. du’‘ws‘'tor^eL^'“ They are strings of panegyrics, as truthful and au- thentic as those found in epitaphs, and with no better claims on the credibility of the reader. They are mingled with details which have small interest for Europeans, such as fabulous accounts of temples, thrones, and palaces, or wildly mythical stories of gods and Brahmans. They contain sprinklings of authentic data, which serve as guides over the dreary void ; but the plainest matters of fact are glossed over with Oriental falsifications and exaggerations. Specimens have been preserved in the Appendix to the present volume, from which a mass of mythical matter has been necessarily excluded ; sufficient, how- ever, remains to enable the reader to form an idea of the character of the whole.* It will be seen from these legends that the beginnings Fjibulous origin „ . T . 1 T of Hindu dynas- oi every Kaj or dynasty, however modern, are more or ties, less wrapped up in fable. The genealogists, who pro- fessed to record the history, found it necessary to coin a myth which should associate the reigning family with one or other of the heroes of the Mahd Bharata * A large collection of tPese native histories was formed by Colonel Colin Mackenzie, between the years 1796 and 1816. Many were translated into English, written out in some twenty folio volumes, and deposited in the library of the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. As far back as 1862-64, author prepared an abstract of these manuscripts, and filled a thick folio of several hundred pages. The whole has been digested into the brief narrative printed as Appendix II. to the present volume. Small as it is, it contains nearly all that is valuable of modern Hindu history. After the rise of the British empire, more authentic details were procurable from English eye-witnesses ; and these will be brought forward in dealing with the history of the British Empire in India, 412 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. VIII. Antagonism be* tween Bralimaus and Jains. Evidences of the antagoni-m in the il^mayana. or Kamayaua, and ascribe the origin of the domi- nion to the supernatural interposition of gods or Brahmans. Beneath this overgrowth of myth and fable, it is easy to perceive that one important fact pervades the whole, namely, the conflict between the Brahmans and the Jains ; and this antagonism in various forms is still going on in the southern Peninsula. It is a conflict between theism and atheism, between gods and no gods. The Brahmans promulgated a religion which enforced the worship of the gods as the rulers of the universe, or they taught the higher doctrine of a Supreme Spirit, who ruled the universe and was the universe, the Supreme Soul who created and animated all existing things. The Jains, on the other hand, taught that the gods had no real existence ; that even if they did exist they had no j^ower or authority to override the inexorable destiny which governed the universe. They promulgated the dogma that the only divine existence which had any force or efficacy was goodness ; that the only goal worth striving after was perfect goodness ; that the only objects deserving of reverence and worship were those holy men wiio had become the incarnations of goodness on earth ; whose memories were to be embalmed in the hearts of all aspirants after perfect goodness ; and who were to be worshipped as the only true manifestations of a divine life on earth, throughout an eternity of being. The Jain denies that he is a Buddhist. The dis- tinction, however, between Jain and Buddhist is of little moment in dealing with religious developments. The religion of the Jains is the outcome of the same forms of thought as that .of the Buddhists. It is a SUPPLEMENT : HINDU ANNALS. 413 rebellion against the worship of the gods, whether chap, ym, considered separately, or resolved in one Supreme Being. This conflict finds expression in the Edmd- yana ; and it will be seen from the legends in the Appendix that this same conflict is stamped upon every myth and tradition that has been preserved of the religious history of Southern India from the remotest antiquity. To apprehend aright the nature of this antagonism, Both religions ^ associated with it should be borne in mind that originally one dogma Avas common to both religions. The belief in the immortality of the soul through endless transmigra- tions was a fundamental article of faith in the Oriental Avorld. But AA^hilst the Brahmans taught that a higher scale of existence hereafter Avas to be attained by Avorship and austerities, the Buddhists and Jains taught that it was only to be attained by goodness, purity, and loving-kindness. Such religious ideas, however, could not always be in antagonism ; they must often have mingled in the same stream. There were Brahmans who taught that goodness, purity, and loving-kindness in thought, word, and deed were as essential as the worship of the gods in fitting and pre- paring the soul for a higher life hereafter. In like manner there have been Jains who taught that so far as the gods were the manifestations or representatives of goodness, they were entitled to the reverence and worship of all good men. The religious story of Ed,ma reveals the nature of character of this early conflict betAveen gods and no gods. The conception of Edvana, king of the E4kshasas or devils, is that of a powerful sovereign, Avho originally wor- shipped the gods, and thereby conquered an empire. Subsequently, E^vana rebelled against the gods. 414 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. VIII. ojipressed tliem, and treated them as his slaves ; in other words, he prohibited the worship of the gods and persecuted the worshippers. The suffering divi- nities appealed to the Supreme Spirit for. succour ; first in the form of Brahma, and ultimately to Vishnu as greater than Brahma. The result was that Vishnu became incarnate as Rama for the destruction of Ravana. Antagonism ex- In the Hindu legends now presented in the Ap- pressed in Hindu . ^ legends. peiidix, thci’e is a conflict between Salivdhdn^ and Vikramaditya, which is a reflex of the same religious idea. The incarnations of Sankara Acharya and Basava Iswara were undertaken for a like object, namely, the suppression of the Jains. The historical relics of successive Hindu empires in the south reflect a like antagonism. The legends of the BeMl emjiire of Karnata express both a conflict and a com- promise between the two religions. The legend of the Telinga empire reveals something of a Brah- manical revival. The traditions of the empire of Vijayanagar are involved in some obscurity. The empire itself was associated with the worship of Vishnu, and the establishment of the Vaishnava religion in the room of Jains, and also of Linga-worshippers ; but it was finally overthrown, not by any religious revolution within the Hindu pale, but by a con- federacy of Muhammadan Sultans. Modern uindu Tlic fall of thc empire of Viiavanagar was brought annals. ° ° about by the battle of Talikota in 15G5, being the ninth year of the reign of Akbar, the most distin- guished of the Moghul sovereigns and the real founder of the Moghul dynasty. Vijayanagar was the last of the old Hindu empires, which have dawned upon the world at different periods from the fabled SUPPLEMENT : HINDU ANNALS. 415 era of tlie Malid, Blidrata and Eamdyana.'" Hence- forth the Hindu provinces became independent king- doms, and the Naiks, or deputies of the old Vijaya- i nagar sovereigns, became independent kings or Rajas. The history is in like manner broken up into dynastic annals, corresponding to the number of petty Rajas, j and bearing a general resemblance in matter and style. The annals of the Naiks of Madura are summar- ised in the Appendix,! partly because they are more J full than those of any other southern kingdom, and partly because they are a fair specimen of the Hindu idea of history in modern and Brahmanical times. They exhibit something of the interminable details which were compiled by family Brahmans, and passed off under the name of history. Every Raja of any note is praised in turn, but nothing whatever is said of the condition of the people under tlieir rule. In- deed, it will be seen that as histories they are beneath criticism ; and that they betray in all directions that indifference to truth, which is the main characteristic of all Hindu annals that have hitherto been recovered.| * Some might be inclined to regard the empire of the Mahrattas as the last of the old Hindu empires ; but Sivaji was not a conqueror like Sildditya or Asoka, but a freebooter, who founded a principality and dominion on the basis of black-mail. t See Appendix II., sect. v. ^ The evidence of Roman Catholic Missionaries in Southern India at the latter end of the seventeenth century furnishes a real picture of the oppres- sions of Rajas and the exactions of their Brahman ministers. Some extracts are quoted by Mr. Nelson in his “Manual on Madura.” Some realistic de- scriptions of the countries will be found in the following chapter, drawn from the works of travellers in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. CHAP. vrir. Annnls of the Naiks of Madura. CHAPTER IX. CHAP. IX. Want of informa- tion respecting the people of India. Evidence of European travel- lers. MOGHUL EMPIRE : CIVILISATION. A.D. 1600 TO 1764 . In the precediug chapters the history of India lias been brought down to the second half of the eighteenth century. Information has been gathered u]d respect- ing the reigns of successive Moghul sovereigns ; at- tempts have been made to delineate their respective characters ; and the daily routine of Moghul courts has been described by the light of European eye- witnesses. But the every-day life of the people at large, whether Muhammadan or Hindu, is still a blank to the imagination. The Moghul and his sur- roundings of ladies and grandees, of princes, generals, and soldiers, are visible enough ; but there is no background to the picture ; nothing that will open out the country and people to modern eyes. Much of what is wanting is supplied by educated Europeans 'who travelled in India during the seven- teenth century and early half of the eighteenth. The evidence of some of these travellers, including Sir Thomas Roe, Mendelslo, and Bernier, has already been brought forward to illustrate the state of the court and administration under Moghul rule.^ But there have been other eye-witnesses in India who tell less of current history, and more about the distinctive * See ante, chaps, v. and vi. MOGHUL EMPIRE : CIVILISATION. 417 manners and civilisation of tlie peo^ile. They belong chap, rx. to different nationalities, professions, and religions. Terry was a Protestant clergyman of the Church of England; Della Valle was a Catholic gentleman be- longing to a noble family of Rome ; Tavernier was a French jeweller ; Thevenot was a French gentleman ; Fryer was an English surgeon educated at Cambridge; Alexander Hamilton was a ship’s captain ; and Kar- stens Niebuhr was a distinguished German. All these men looked at India from different points of view. Moreover, they were separated from each other by intervals of time sufficiently near to enable them to confirm the truth of each other’s stor}^, and suffi- ciently remote to impart a historical significance to their respective narratives.^ It may, therefore, be as well to review the evidence of each one in turn. It will then be found that their united testimony sup- plies the background of the picture which has hitherto I been wanting to Moghul history. The Rev. Mr. Terry travelled in India between Terry, 1G15-18. AbuDdance of 1615 and 1618 as chaplain to the embassy of Sir Thomas Roe.® Like a healthy young English divine, he was charmed with the abundance and cheapness ' of good provisions in Hindustan. The country, he says, produces wheat, rice, barley, and various other grains, all good and exceedingly cheap. The bread is whiter than that made in England, but the com- mon people have a coarser grain, which they make up in broad cakes and bake on small round iron ^ Terry and Della Valle travelled in India during the reign of Jehangir ; Tavernier in the reign of Shah Jehan and Aurangzeb ; Thevenot and Fryer in the reign of Aurangzeb ; Hamilton during the decline of the Moghul empire ; a id Niebuhr about twenty-five years after the invasion of Nadir Shah. ^ Terry’s Voyage to the East Indies. 18mo, 1655. Reprinted, 8vo, 1777. 27 418 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. IX. hearths. The peoj^le churn butter, which is soft in that hot climate, but otherwise sweet and good. They have a great number of cows, sheep, goats, and buffaloes. There is no lack of venison of various kinds, such as red deer, fallow deer, elk, and antelope. They are not kept in parks, for the whole empire is as it were a forest for the deer ; and as they are every man’s game, they do not multiply enough to do much harm to the corn. There is great store of hares, wild and tame fowl, and abundance of hens, geese, ducks, pigeons, turtle-doves, partridges, peacocks, and quails. They have also numerous varieties of fish. By reason of this plenty, and because many natives abstain from eating anything that has life, flesh and fish are to be bought at very easy rates, as if they were not worth the valuing. Trade and marm. Tlie most important staples of the Moghul empire factuiea. indigo, wliicli was maiiufactured in vats ; and cot- ton wool, which was made into calicoes. There was also a good supply of silk, rvhich was made into velvets, satins, and taffaties, but the best of them were not so good as those made in Italy. The English sold a few of their woollen cloths in India, but they bought most of the Indian commodities in hard silver. Many silver streams were thus running into India, whilst it was regarded as a crime to carry any quantity away."* Indian annoy. TciTy dwclls, howcvcr, at some length on the an- noyances of Indian beasts of prey, crocodiles, scorpions, flies, musquitoes, and chinches. Civility of the Terry describes the people of India as very civil unless they were affronted. When Sir Thomas Eoe * The Moghuls had an instinctive objection to the exportation of silver, It was equally forbidden by the Moghul sovereigns of Hindustan and the kings of Burma, MOGHUL EMPIRE : CIVILISATION. 419 first arrived at Surat, liis English cook got drunk at chap, ix, some Armenian wine-dealer’s. In this pot-valiant condition he met a grandee who was the brother of the Nawab of Surat. The grandee was on horseback, and accompanied by a number of retainers ; yet the drunken cook called him a heathen dog, and struck at him with a sword, and was arrested by the retainers and put into prison. Roe wrote to the Nawab of Surat to say that he would not patronise any disorderly person, and accordingly left the Englishman to be punished as the Moghul authorities might think fit. Presently, however, the drunken cook was restored to his master, without having received any punish- ment at all.® Terrv, accompanied by four Englishmen and Journey fmm IT Surat to Maniiu. twenty natives, proceeded, with six waggons laden with presents for Jehangfr, from Surat to Mandu, a journey of about four hundred miles. At night-time, the party halted outside some large town or village, arranging their waggons in a ring, and pitching their huts within the circle. They kept watch in turns, but they were accompanied by a servant of the Viceroy of Guzerat ; and whenever there was any suspicion of danger, this servant procured a company of horse- men as a guard. As it happened, however, the jour- ney was accomplished without a single encounter. At one place the inhabitants persisted in guard- so-ttiementofa • 1 ^ n • 1 ^ ° cliapute. ing them all night, although told they were not wanted. Next morning they demanded payment, and being refused, three hundred men came out and stopped the waggons. One of the Englishmen pre- ° The Moghul authorities were always polite to English visitors so long as those visitors were polite and courteous in return. But the lower orders of Englishmen, then as now, were too often insolent and arrogant towards native authorities. Roe, as will be seen, behaved like a gentleman. 420 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. IX. Rash English- man. Hill robbers ; trustwortliy guarJs. pared to fire liis musket ; and the men themselves began to bend their bows. At this moment it was discovered that a gift equal to three shillings sterling would satisfy the whole three hundred. The money was accordingly paid, and the men went away quite contented. On another occasion, a hot-headed young gentleman from England gave some trouble. He had arrogantly ordered the servant of the Viceroy of Guzerat to hold his horse^ and the man had refused to do his bidding. Accordingly, the rash English youth laid his horse- whip about the man’s shoulders, and fired a pistol, tearing the man’s coat and bruising his knuckles. I'he olfender was soon disarmed, and the servant was propitiated with a rupee and a promise of more money on reaching Mandu. The servant seemed satisfied at the time, and it Avas thought that the whole thing was forgotten. Ten hours afterwards, howcA’^er, a native grandee passed by Avith a large train, and the servant complained to the great man of the treatment he had received. The grandee said that the English Avere in the wrong, but that it Avas no business of his, and so went his way. That same night the English party halted near a large toAvn, and the servant complained to the inhabitants. Many of the people came out of the town and looked at tlie strangers, but did nothing. All the English kept AA'atch that night to guard against any surprise from the townspeople ; but next morning the serA^ant AA^as quieted with a little money and many good words, and nothing more Avas heard of the matter. There were, however, mountains and forests in part of the country betAA^een Surat and Mandu which Avere infested by robbers ; and travellers MOGHUL EMPIRE : CIVILISATION. 421 often Lired stout daring men, such as Beloochis, chap. ix. Pataus, or Eajputs, as guards. These men were so trustworthy that they were always ready to die in defence of the property they were engaged to protect. Terry said that an English merchant might liave travelled alone under such a guard from Surat to Lahore with a treasure of gold and jewels ; and so long as the men received their fair wages, not one would have touched a penny of it, Terry doubted if an Indian merchant could have done the same in England without being robbed and murdered. Terry, it will be remembered, flourished in the reign of James the First. The faithfulness of servants in India was said to be Fuitlifiilness of servants. very remarkable. Their pay, equal to five shillings a month, was given them every new moon, but they always required a month’s pay in advance. One of the camel-leaders in Terry’s party received his pay regularly for two months, but at the end of the third month was told to wait a day or two, when a fresh supply of cash would come to hand. The man was offended at the delay, and took a solemn farewell of his camel, and then went away and was never seen again.® The other servants stayed with the party, and were paid within the specified time. Terry furnishes some particulars respecting the Power of the Great Moghul and the general administration of the Country, which are valuable as expressions of con- temporary opinion. The Great Moghul, he says, is an overgrown power in respect to the vast extent of his territories. He is like a huge pike in a great pond that preys upon all his neighbours. Consequently, ® Terry can scarcely have told this story as a proof of the faithfulness of native servants. 422 HISTOllY OF INDIA. CHAP. IX. Absence of writ- ten laws. Diversities in capital punish- meuts. Frequent trans- fers of Viceroys. Kotwals and K^z.s. tlie native princes outside his dominions jiurchase his forbearance by large presents and homage, and by a submissive acknowledgment of his mighty power.^ He is master of unknown treasures, and can command what number of men he pleases. His armies consist of incredible multitudes, but the officers are not learned in the art of war, and they are in need of skilful captains and commanders. There were no laws to regulate justice but what were written in the breasts of the Moghul and his Viceroys. The governors often proceeded as they jdeased in punishing the offender rather than the offence : men’s persons more than their crimes. Murder and theft were punished with death, and with that kind of death which the judge pleased to impose. Some malefactors were hanged, some were beheaded, some were impaled, some were torn to pieces by wild beasts, some were killed by elephants, and some were stung to death by snakes.® The Moghul never suffered any one of his Viceroys to tarry long in one government. After one year, he generally removed them elsewhere, so that none might become too popular or powerful in any par- ticular province. The Moghul and his Viceroys adjudicated all cases of life and death. There were officers to assist them, who were known as Kotwals ; and it was the business of the Kotwal to arrest offenders and bring them before the judge. There were other judges, known as Kdzis, but they only meddled with contracts, debts, and other civil matters. The Kotwal arrested both ^ Terry is probably alluding to the Rajput Rajas. ® Terry was writing in the reign of Jehaugir. It will be seen hereafter that Aurangzeb reserved to himself the right of passing sentence on all capital cases. MOGHUL EMPIRE : CIVILISATION. 423 debtors and sureties, and brought them before the chap. ix. Kdzf ; and if the debt was not satisfied, both debtors and sureties were imprisoned and fettered, or sold into slavery, together with their wives and children.® Pietro Della Valle was a noble Italian from Pietro Della i-MiTii-l T • 1623-25. Rome, and a Roman Catholic by birth, education, and conviction. He had no taste for trade or profit of any kind ; on the contrary, he looked down with contempt on the Portuguese in India, who affected to be soldiers and gentlemen, whilst their daily lives were absorbed in the pursuit of gain. Della Valle visited India out of an intelligent curiosity, begotten of tbe learning of the time, to discover any affinities that might exist between the religion of Egypt and that of India. He had previously travelled in Turkey and Persia, and had lost a dearly beloved wife. In India he found a change of scene, but he could not throw off the melancholy which often tinges his narrative.^® Della Valle landed at Surat, on the western coast of Surat: Dutch India, in Februarv 1623. The port belonged to th 0 factories ; hatred ’ J i O of the Portu- Moghuls, and was already the resort of European ® This barbarous custom prevailed in all Moghul countries, and exists to this day in the dominions of the king of Burma. Della Valle’s Travels in the East Indies. English translation, folio. London, 1665. Della Valle was born in 1586, and set out on his travels in 1614, when he was twenty-eight years of age. He landed at Surat in 1623, when he was thirty-seven years of age. The story of his marriage is a for- gotten romance. At Bagdad he had fallen in love with a young Marouite lady, whom he calls Madame Maani. He married Maani, and she accom- panied him during his subsequent travels through Kurdistan and Persia. In his letters to his friends in Italy, he describes her as a model of beauty, accomplishments, and virtue. She died in Persia in 1621, and the bereaved husband had her body embalmed, and carried it with him during his subse- quent travels in India. In 1626, five years after her death, her remains were buried in the Chapel of St. Paul with great pomp and ceremony ; and Della Valle pronounced a funeral oration, expressing his intention of being laid in the same place that their two souls might rise together at the last day. 424 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. IX, Signora Mari- Dccia. Politeness of ^Foghul custom- house officers. traders, especially Dutcli and English. Both Dutch and English had factories at Surat, and thence carried on a trade with Persia on one side, and the Eastern Archipelago on the other. At this period neither IMadras, Bombay, nor Calcutta had any existence. Farther south, half-way between Surat and Cape Comorin, the Portuguese had a city and territory at Goa ; and Goa had been the capital of the Portuguese empire in the East, and the residence of a Portu- guese Viceroy, for more than a century. The Portu- guese were Catholics, and hated both the English and the Dutch as heretics in religion and rivals in the Eastern trade. On the other hand, both English and Dutch were equally bitter against the Portuguese, not only as Papists, but as claiming to hold, by some dubious grant from the Pope, a monopoly of all the trade to the eastward. Della Valle was accompanied on his voyage to Surat by a young girl named Signora Mariuccia, who had been brought uj) in his family from infancy, and seems to have been a favourite of his deceased wife. The custom-house officials at Surat had been rude to Sir Thomas Poe and Mandelslo ; and even Della Valle complained of the strictness with which they ex- amined every article of baggage ; but they behaved like gentlemen towards the Signora. They required to be informed of her quality, and ordered that she should be politely treated and protected from any violence or disorder. Meanwhile, a certain Donna Lucia, the wife of one of the most eminent Dutchmen at Surat, sent a coach to bring away the Signora, and accommodate her in her own house.” This young girl is frequently mentioned by Della Valle in subsequent parts of his travels, under the more familiar name of Mariam Tinitin. MOGHUL EMPIRE : CIVILISATION. 425 At tins period the English in India were all chap. ix. bachelors, or living as bachelors; for those who had Dutd* marriages, been married in England were strictly prohibited by the laws of the East India Company from having their wives out in India. The Dutch, however, were mostly married men living with their wives. Origi- nally the Dutch had been under the same restrictions as the English, but they had recently planted a colony in Java under the name of New Batavia, and great privileges had been offered to every Dutch- man who married a wife and settled in Java. Accord- ingly, all unmarried Dutchmen in Surat were bent on finding wives, as one of the necessary conditions of a trading life in the East. In the absence of European women, they married Armenians, Syrians, and even Hindus ; in fact, a Dutchman was ready to marry a wife belonging to any class or nationality, provided only that she was a Christian or would become a Christian. Della Valle states, and there is no reason to discredit him, that sometimes a Dutchman bought a female slave in the bazar, and required her to become a Christian, in order to marry her at once and carry her off to Java. Donna Lucia, who took charge of the young Signora Ariventm-es of . . ■ n 1 Donna Lucia, Mariuccia, had been the heroine oi a strange adventure cathouc o • caiitive. It was the custom of the king of Portugal to send a number of well-born orphan girls every year to Goa, with sufficient dowries to procure them husbands in Portuguese India. Donna Lucia was one of three Portuguese orphan girls of good family who had been sent to India the previous year. The ffeet which carried them was attacked by the Dutch, who captured some of the ships, and carried off the three damsels to Surat. Being passably handsome, the 426 HISTORY OF INDIA. CUAP. IX Religious tolera- tiou of Joliuugir. Native servants and slaves. ruriosity of Pella Valle as regards the Hindus. most cmiueut merchants in Surat were auxious to marry them. All three became Protestants, and were provided with Protestant husbands. Two had gone off with their husbands to Java or elsewhere, but Donna Lucia had married the wealthiest Dutch- man at Surat and remained there. Della Valle found, however, to his great joy, that Donna Lucia was only a Protestant in name. She had been obliged to conform publicly to the Protestant “ heresy,” but was a Catholic in private, with the knowledge and connivance of her Protestant husband. At the time of Della Valle’s visit to Surat the INIoghul rule was tolerant in the extreme. The Em- peror Jehangir was a Mussulman, but not a pure one ; and Christians, Hindus, and peoj^le of all religious were allowed to live as they pleased, and in what style they pleased. The president of the English factory and the commendator of the Dutch factory went abroad with the same state as Moghul grandees, accomj)anied by music and streamers, and a train of native servants armed with bows and arrows, and swords and bucklers. Such weapons were not neces- sary for protection, but were part of the j)omp which was affected by every great man in India. Native servants, says Della Valle, cost very little in India ; three rupees a month was the regular rate of wages ill the best families. There were also nume- rous slaves, who cost less ; they were clad in cottons, which were very cheap, and lived on rice and fish, which were very plentiful. Della Valle was not interested in the Muham- madans. He had seen enough of them during his previous travels in Turkey and Persia. He was, however, anxious to see as much as possible of the MOGHUL EMPIEE : CIVILISATION. 427 Hindus, especially as they were allowed to practise all their religious rites at Surat, excepting that of widow-burning or Sati. He adds, however, that the Nawab of Surat might, if he thought proper, permit a widow to burn herself alive with her deceased husband ; but this permission could only be obtained by bribes. Della Valle saw a marriage procession of two boy-bridegrooms and two girl-brides, but there was nothing in it beyond the usual pomp of music and streamers. Della Valle witnessed a religious rite in Surat Avhich is not often described by travellers. He saw the worship of Parvati, the wife of Siva, in the form of a tree. A circle was carved on the trunk of the tree, to represent the face of the goddess. It was painted flesh colour, and decorated around Avith floAvers and leaves of betel, Avhich Avere often rencAved. It Avas set about with eyes of gold and silver, the gifts of pious A^otaries, who had been cured of diseases of the eye. Overhead Avas a great bell, and this bell Avas rung, not to summon the worshippers to devo- tion, but to call upon the goddess to listen to their prayers. When the Avorshij)pers had rung the bells, they joined their hands in the attitude of prayer. They next stretched their hands doAvn to the ground, and then slowly raised them to their lips, and finally ex- The worship of trees is universal in India, and the religious rites described by Della Valle are precisely those that may still be seen. The worship of trees and rivers fiuds expression in the Rdmliyana (see History of India, vol. ii.). The worship of a mountain is described in the legends of Krishna (see History, vol. i.). This idea of bells is essentially Oriental. A great bell was hung up in like manner in the palaces of Hindu Rajas, and even in the palace of the Great Moghul, and was rung by petitioners to induce the sovereign to listen to their complaints. CHAP. IX. Worship of Parvatf in llie form of a tree. Forms of worship. 428 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. IX. Chapel for heal- ing barren women. Rebellion of Sliah Jehan at Agra. Della Valle at Cambay. tended them as high as possible over their heads. Some said their prayers standing ; others prostrated themselves on the earth, or touched the ground with their foreheads, and performed other acts of humility. Next they walked one or more times round the tree, and sj^rinkled the idol with rice, oil, milk, and other like offerings. But there was no sprinkling of blood. Indeed the slaughter of animals, even for sacrifice, was regarded as a mortal sin. Some gave alms to the priest who attended upon the idol ; in return they were presented with a portion of the fiowers and leaves of betel which surrounded the idol. They kissed these flowers and leaves with great devotion, and placed them on their heads in token of reverence. Beside the tree was a little chapel with a narrow window which served for entrance. Barren women entered that chapel, and some time afterwards found themselves with child. This result was ascribed to the presence of priests within the chapel.^^ Della Valle stayed only a few days at Surat. He Avas anxious to go to Cambay, about eighty miles to the northward, Avhere the Hindus were more nume- rous. The times were troubled. Shah Jehan, the eldest son of Jehangir, was in open rebellion against his father, and marching an army towards Agra. On the eve of Della Valle’s dejDarture from Surat, news arrived from Agra that Jehangir had sent Asof Khan to Agra to remove the imperial treasures before Shah Jehan should arriA^'e there.^^ Della Valle made the journey from Surat to Cambay Similar abominations are carried on in India to this day, especially in the territories of Rajput princes. This incident has already been related in dealing with the reign of Jehangir. There are several authorities for the same story. Della A’alle, however, fixes the da,te, 1623. MOGHUL EMPIRE : CIVILISATION. 429 in four clays, and lodged at the house of the Dutch merchants, who treated him with great hospitality. The strangest things to he seen at Cambay were the hospitals for sick and lame animals. The Hindus maintained these hospitals because they believed in the transmigration of the soul after death, and ima- gined that tending sick animals was ec[uivalent to tending the souls of departed men. Della Valle visited a hospital for lame or diseased birds of all kinds, wild and domestic. Those which recovered were set at liberty : the wild ones flew away ; the domestic ones were given to some pious jierson to keep in his own house. In the same hospital were certain orphan mice without sire or dam. An old man with a white beard, and spectacles on his nose, kept the mice in a box with cotton wool, and gave them milk with a bird’s feather. Della Valle also visited a hospital of goats and sheep ; some were sick or lame ; others had been redeemed from Muhammadan butchers by the pay- ment of ransom. There was another hospital of cows and calves ; some had broken legs ; others were old, infirm, or very lean. A Muhammadan thief, who had been deprived of his hands, was also maintained in the same hospital. No ransom was paid for the redemption of cows or calves, as the Hindus of Cambay had prevailed on the Moghul with a large sum of money to prohibit the slaughter of those animals under heavy penalties. If any man, Muhammadan or otherwise, slaughtered a cow or calf at Cambay, he was in danger of losing his life. In the neighbourhood of Cambay, Della Valle saw a troop of naked Yogis, smeared with ashes, earth. CHAP. IX. Hospital for birds and mice. Hospital for goats, sheep, and cows. Cow-killing prohibited by the Moghuls. Hindu Yogis. 4.30 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. Tx.' and colours. They were sitting on the ground in a circle, making a ring round their Archimandrita or leader. This man was held in the highest respect for lioliness, not only by the Yogis, but by the common people. INIany grave persons went and made low reverences to him, kissed his hands, and stood in a humble posture before him ; whilst he affected a strange scorn of all worldly things, and scarcely deigned to speak to those that came to honour him. The Yogis lived upon alms, and despised clothes and riches. They feigned to lead lives of celibacy, but were known to commit debaucheries. They formed societies under the obedience of their superiors, but otherwise wandered about the world without having any settled abode. Their habitations were the fields, the streets, the porches, the courts of temples, and under the trees, especially where any idol was wor- .shipped. They underwent with the utmost patience the rigour of the night air or the excessive heat of the midday sun. They had spiritual exercises, and some pretensions to learning ; but Della Yalle dis- covered that their so-called wisdom chiefly consisted in arts of divination, secrets of herbs, and other natural things ; also in magic and enchantments, to which they were much addicted, and by means of which they boasted of doing great wonders. Sack and out- In March 1623 Della Valle returned to Surat. Shah Jehan, ^ Further news had been received from Agra. Shah Jehan had taken and sacked the city, but failed to capture the fortress which contained the imperial treasure. Fearful barbarities had been committed by the rebel prince and his soldiery. The citizens of Agra had been put to the torture to force them to discover their secret hoards. IMany ladies of qunlity MOGHUL EMPIEE : CIVILISATION. 481 had been outraged and mangled. Meanwhile Jehangir chap. ix. suspected that Asof Khan was implicated in the rebellion, and placed him in close custody. It was reported that Jehangir was marching an army very slowly towards Agra. Della Valle next proposed going to Goa, the famous proposea voj-ago capital of Portuguese India. Goa was nearly four hundred miles to the south of Surat. The distance was too great for a land journey, whilst the voyage was dangerous on account of the Malabar pirates that infested those waters. At last Della Valle arranged to undertake the voyage in the company of a largo Portuguese convoy. At starting there was a domestic difficulty. Della story of Oiiiai, ^ ... the converted Valle had taken a Muhammadan boy into his service siussuiman. in Persia, named Galal, and induced him to become a Christian. On arriving at Surat, Galal ignored his conversion, and declared himself a Mussulman. At first Della Valle thought the boy was acting through fear of the Moghul authorities ; but soon had reason to suspect him of an intention of returning to the religion of the Koran. The custom-house officials interfered, and refused to allow Galal to accompany his Christian master to a Christian country like Goa, where he might be perverted from the religion of the Prophet. Della Valle was so angry that he threatened the boy with death if he ventured to turn Mussulman. On this Galal was so frightened at the prospect that he resolved to remain a Christian ; and he accordingly managed to escape from Surat, and eventually accom- panied his master to Goa. Della Valle left Surat on the 24tli of March 1623, Descriptinn of island of and reached Goa on the 8th of April. The city was the metropolis of all the Portuguese possessions in 432 HISTOKY OF INDIA. CHAP. IX. City of Goa ; numerous churches aud priests. the East. It was seated on one of the numerous islands off the western coast, which were formed by rivers that separated them from the mainland. It was built on the innermost side of the island, facing the continent ; but the whole island, especially near the bank of the river, was adorned with towns and country-houses, in the midst of groves of palm trees and delightful gardens. The island was nearly environed by a wall, especially on the land side, and the gates were continually guarded. This was necessary to repel the attacks of Mahratta and Muhammadan neighbours, and to prevent the outlet of thieves or slaves, who might otherwise escape over the river into the dominions of the Muham- madan Sultan of Bfjdpur. On the sea side such precautions were unnecessary. Here there were numerous islets and peninsulas belonging to the Por- tuguese, which were occupied by towns and numerous churches. Della Valle entered the river of Goa from the north side. As he reached the inmost recess he saw the city stretched out on his right hand. It was built partly upon a jilain, and partly on pleasant hills ; and from the tops of these hills there was a charming prospect of the whole island and the sea beyond. The buildings w^ere good, large, and convenient. They were contrived, for the most part, to receive the breezes and fresh air which moderated the ex- treme heats. The churches were the finest buildings in Goa. Many Avere held by religious orders, such as Augustines, Dominicans, Franciscans, Carmelites, and Jesuits. Indeed, there were too many priests at Goa ; half the number would have sufficed for a much larger city. Besides the religious orders, there MOGHUL EMPIEE : CIVILISATION. 433 were many secular priests, parishes, and chapels, and, chap. ix. lastly, the cathedral. The native inhabitants of Goa were numerous, Native ropuia- but the most part were slaves. They were a black generation, ill clad, and a disparagement to the city. The Portuguese were few in number, and had much Poverty and , ^ ^ pride of the declined of late years. They used to be rich, but had lost their wealth through the incursions of the Dutch and English, and become very poor. In out- ward appearance they still lived in some splendour, for the country was very plentiful, and they made a show of all they had. But in secret they suffered great hardships. They were all desirous of being accounted gentlemen ; and rather than submit to mechanical employments, they underwent much dis- tress, and even went out begging in the evening. They all professed arms, and claimed to be considered as soldiers, the married as well as the single. Few, except priests and doctors of law and physic, were seen without a sword. Even the artificers and meanest plebeians carried swords and wore silk clothes. Della Valle found the Portuguese singularly squeam- Significant ish. He was accompanied by the young girl, Mariam Tinitin, who had been brought up in his house from a little child, and was always treated as his own daughter ; but the Portuguese of Goa held it to be contrary to good manners that the two should be dwelling in the same house. Della Valle accord- ingly placed Mariam Tinitin in the charge of a Portu- guese gentlewoman ; but he could not help remarking on the depravity which was often to be found amongst near relations at Goa, and which rendered such pre- 28 434 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. IX. Learned Jesuit missionaries. Proces.sion of the Holy Sacra- ment. Fleet courier from Madrid overland. cautions necessary to prevent public scandal.^® As regards Della Valle, however, his feelings were des- tined to undergo an extraordinary change. The story has already been told of his burying his beloved wife with great pomp at Koine, and delivered an oration over her remains. Subsequently he married Mariam Tinitin. Della Valle lodged for a few days in a convent of the Jesuits. Here he found many Italian fathers, besides Portuguese, Castilians, and priests of other nations. The Jesuits employed many Italian fathers on missions to China, Japan, India, and other countries in the East. Many of these missionaries were learned and accomplished mens. One was skilled in the lan- guages of China and Japan ; another was a great mathematieiaa ; a third was learned in Greek and Arabic ; whilst one priest was distinguished as a painter.. On the 27th of April 1623 there was a solemn procession at Goa of the most Holy Sacrament for the annual feast of Corpus Christi. The procession was made by the whole clergy, with a greater show of green bouglis than clothes. Mysteries were repre- sented by persons in disguise, accompanied by ficti- tious animals, dances, and masquerades. These things were not to Della Valle’s liking. He says that in Italy they would have been better suited to rural villages than to great cities. On the 1 1th of May a Portuguese gentleman arrived other old travellers to Goa bear similar testimony to the vices of the Portuguese in India. The strictest laws were found necessary to keep the sexes apart in ordinary domestic life. The same depraved inclinations are to be found to this day amongst the lower orders of half-caste Portuguese at Calcutta. MOGHUL EMPIRE : CIVILISATION. 435 at Goa; lie liad come from the court of Spain over- chap. ix. land through Turkey-. He was said to have made a rapid journey ; he brought letters from Madrid dated the end of October, and landed at Goa in little more than six months. At Marseilles he met the courier Avho was carrying the tidings to Madrid that the Portuguese had lost their famous settlement in the island of Ormuz in the Persian Gulf He brought out a variety of news from Europe, especially that five saints had been canonised in one day, namely, Ignatius Loyola, Francis Xavier, Philip Neri, Teresa, and Isidore. Saint Teresa was the founder of the order of the Proclamation of barefooted Carmelites. Accordingly, the Carmelites barefootea at Goa determined to celebrate her canonisation at once, to prevent its being confounded with the canonisation of Ignatius Loyola, the founder of the order of the Jesuits. The ceremonial took place on the 20th of May, being nine days after the arrival of the news. Two Portuguese boys, richly clad in riding- habits as couriers, were sent to announce the canonisa- tion of Saint Teresa to the Viceroy of Goa in certain appropriate verses. The same boys proclaimed the glorious occasion with the sound of a trumpet through- out the streets of Goa, and scattered the verses amongst the people of the city. Meanwhile the bells in all the churches were ringing with joy ; for so the Bishop had given orders. At night there were displays of fireworks throughout the city ; whilst all the chief Portuguese of the place paraded the streets in various disguises after the manner of a masquerade. Delia Valle went in the garb of an Arab gentleman, and was accompanied by a boy dressed as a Persian soldier. 436 HISTORY OF INDIA. CIIAP. IX. Feast of Saint Joliii the Bap- tist; perfor- inaDces of the Kanarese Chris- tians. Canonisation of Ignatius and Xavier cele- l)rated by the Jesuits. On the 24th of June the feast of Saint John the Baptist was celebrated at Goa. The Viceroy and other Portuguese gentlemen rode through the city in masquerade habits, but without masks. They next heard Mass in the church of Saint John, and then went to the large street of Saint Paul. Many com- panies of Kanarese Christian soldiers marched past with ensigns, drums, and arms, leaping and playing along the streets with drawn swords in tbeir hands. Della Valle saw the show from the house of a native who was called King of the Maldives. The ancestors of this 'man had been real kings, but he had been driven out of his dominions by his own subjects ; and he had fled to Goa and turned Christian, in the hope that the Portuguese would help him to recover his kingdom. He soon discovered that he had been deceived ; and there were many other princes in India who had been deceived by the Portuguese in like manner. Subsequently the Jesuits of the college of Saint Paul celebrated the canonisation of their two saints, Ignatius and Xavier, and the splendour of the cere- monial far exceeded that of the Carmelites. All the collegians came forth in a great cavalcade, divided into three squadrons under three banners. One squadron represented Europe, the second Asia, and the third Africa ; and the men of each squadron were dressed in the costumes of the nations of their respective continents. Before the cavalcade went a chariot of clouds, with Fame on the top, who sounded her trumpet to the accompaniment of other music, and proclaimed the canonisation of Ignatius and Xavier. Two other chariots folloAved ; one re- presented Faith, or the Church; the other was a MOGHUL EMPIRE : CIVILISATION. 437 Mount Parnassus, carrying Apollo and the Muses as representatives of the sciences taught in the college. Five great pyramids, covered with pictures, were also drawn along on wheels by men on foot. The first was painted with all the martyrs of the order of Jesuits. The second was painted with doctors and authors belonging to the same order. The third was painted with figures of every nation to which the Jesuits had sent missions, and thus represented the various languages in which the Jesuits preached and taught. The fourth pyramid was painted with devices showing all the provinces of the said religion. The fifth displayed all the miracles which had been per- formed by the two saints, Ignatius and Xavier. These pyramids were drawn through the princij^al streets, and then placed as monuments in different parts of the city. On the first Sunday in Lent the Augustine fathers made a solemn procession to represent the footsteps of our Lord during His Passion. They carried a figure of Christ with a cross on his shoulders, and many scourged themselves as they walked along. They Avere clad in Avhite sackcloth, very gravely, according to the humour of the Portuguese nation. Altars had been set up at certain places in the city, and the procession halted at each altar, Avhilst the fathers sang appropriate hymns. After a while the figure of Christ Avas turned back, and the people filled the air with their lamentations. There Avas no city in the world where there were so many processions as in Goa. The religious orders Avere rich and numerous, and the priests were vastly in excess of the needs of the city. At the same time the people of Goa Avere naturally idle and addicted to CHAP. IX. Procession of our Lord s Passion. Multitude of processions and priests at Goa. 438 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. IX. Objections of Della Valle. Dow tone of Christianity at Goa. rmbas^y fiom (Joa to tlie Riga of Kanara. shows. They neglected matters of more weight, and more profit to the public, and readily busied them- selves in these exhibitions. Della Valle remarked that, from a religious point of view, such shows were all very well as part of Divine worship ; but from a worldly point of view they were unprofitable, and much too frequent. The crowd of monks and ecclesiastics was burdensome to the state and prejudicial to the militia. Goa was a city border- ing on enemies ; it was the metropolis of a kingdom lying in the midst of barbarians. Under such cir- cumstances the utmost attention should have been given to fleets and armies. Della Valle furnishes a striking illustration of the low tone of Christian thought in Goa. During Lent there Avere sermons preached at evening time in the different churches on the Passion of our Lord. At the end of these sermons pictures were exhibited by lighted tapers ; one day that of “Ecce Homo,” another day that of our Lord carrying the cross, and on the last day there was a picture of the Crucifixion. Some- times the figures in the pictures Avere made to move and turn ; thus a robe fell from the “ Ecce Homo ” and discovered the wounded body. At this sight the people raised prodigious cries and the AA"omen shrieked and screamed. The gentleAA'omen AA^ere so zealous that they not only cried out themselves, but obliged their maids to cry out in like manner ; and if there AA^as any failure in this respect, they Avould beat their maids in church, and that very loudly, so that every one could hear them. In October 1623 the Viceroy of Goa proposed sending an ambassador to the Eaja of Kanara, a potentate AAdiose dominions lay at some distance to MOGHUL EMPIRE : CIVILISATION. 439 the south of Goa. Della Valle was very anxious to chap. ix. see some Hindu country under Hindu rule, where the people performed their own rites after their ovm manner, without any interference from Muhammadan or Christian masters. Accordingly he accompanied the ambassador on his mission to Kanara. Before describing Della Valle’s visit to Southern History of . 1 n 1 1 1 Southern ludia. India, it may be as well to glance at the general history of the Peninsula. There were three traditional Hindu empires or Tliree Hindu • . . • . . . . empires: nationalities in the south, which are distinguished TeiioRa, Tamil, ' o and Kanarese. by their respective languages ; namely, the Telinga, the Tamil, and the Kanarese. Each of these empires was occasionally disjointed into groups of kingdoms, and sometimes one or more kingdoms were conso- lidated into some temporary empire. The Telinga empire of Vijayanagara, the Tamil kingdom of Madura, and the Kanarese empire of the BeMl dynasty, might be accepted as representatives of such Hindu states and powers ; but it must always be borne in mind, in dealing with Hindu history, that whilst the political areas wese constantly changing, the areas of the respective languages remained the same.'^ When a Hindu empire was broken up, its provinces conversion of ^ provinces into became kiugdoms, and the Naik or deputy governor Naiks°iu*V“'^ of a province became an independent Kaja. The breaking-up of the Hindu empire of Vijayanagar is an illustration of these revolutions. A number of petty princes, like the Naiks of Kanara, Mysore, Vellore, Taujore, and Madura, sprang into existence, and were soon engaged in intermittent wars amongst them- See Appendix 11., Hindu Annals. 440 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. IX. Successful wars ofVenk-»apa * Nuik of Raoara. Interference of war with the pepper trade. selves.^® Della Valle’s visit to the south will briug some of these petty Eajas under close review. According to Della Valle, the Eaja of Kanara was known by the name of Venk-tapa Naik. I'he father or predecessor of this prince was some time vassal of the great Eaja of Vijayanagar ; but after the down- fall of that empire he became absolute sovereign of the province of which he had been hitherto only governor. Venk-tapa Naik was a good soldier, and had greatly enlarged his dominions by seizing the territories of his neighbours. He had gone to war with a neighbouring prince, known as the Eaja of Banghel, who was an ally of Portugal. He had dis- ])ossessed the Eaja of his fort and territory, and defeated a Portuguese force which had been sent to restore the Eaja to the throne of Banghel. In spite of this victory over the Portuguese forces, Venk-tapa Naik was anxious for peace with Portugal. His country produced much pepper, and the Portu- guese were accustomed to buy it. Moreover, the Portuguese owed him a large balance for the pepper of the previous year. He was thus ready to form an alliance with the Viceroy of Goa, but he s-uspected that the Viceroy wanted him to restore the territory and fortress of Banghel, and he was resolved to do nothing of the kind. He sent a Brahman named Vitula Sinay to Goa, and this Brahman had carried on some negotiations with the Portuguese Viceroy, and was now returning to Kanara, accompanied by the Portuguese ambassador and Della Valle. O The legends of theNaiks of Madura furnish a fair specimen of the Hindu annals of these little Rajas. See Appendix II. strictly speaking, the old Rajas of Vellore were not Naiks, but repre- sentatives of the old family of Vijayanagar, and as such claimed to be suzerains over the whole Peninsula. MOGHUL EMPIKE ; CIVILISATION. 441 The country intervening betAveen Goa and Kanara chap. ix. belonged to the Muhammadan Sultan of Bijapur. Coasting voyage ® . . . , , off Btjapur tei ri- The journey between the two territories might thus tory. have been made by land, but the Sultan’s officers were not always courteous to the Portuguese. It was therefore resolved to send the embassy by sea. The Brahman, Vitula Sinay, went in one ship, and the Portuguese ambassador and Della Valle Avent in another. Three other ships carried the baggage, as well as horses and other presents for Venk-tapa Naik. The Avhole Avere accompanied by a convoy of Portuguese Avar-frigates under the command of a Portuguese admiral. The fleet sailed from Goa to the Portuguese llOrt Want of seamen. ° ^ Malabar pirates. of Onore, a distance of eighteen leagues.^® The voyage was marked by incidents peculiar to the seventeenth century. There was a difficulty about seamen. Goa was on the decline, and the Sultan of Bijapur Avould not permit the Portuguese shijis to enter his ports and engage mariners. Next there Avas a bootless chase of Malabar corsairs ; but, after some delay, the fleet arrived at Onore. The port of Onore Avas a fair specimen of a Portu- Portugnese fort ^ ^ at Onore. guese settlement. There was a large fort Avith a commandant. Most of the married Portuguese lived Avithin the fort in separate houses, having Avells and gardens. The streets Avithin the fort Avere large and fair, and there Avas also a piazza which Avould hold all the inhabitants in the event of a siege. There were tAvo churches, but only one priest, who Avas the vicar of the Archbishop of Goa. Within this secluded fort there had been an ex- scanjautonore. citing scandal. The wife of the commandant was Ouore appears on modern maps under the name of Hunahwar. 442 HISTORY OP INDIA. CHAP. IX. Story of Veuk- tapa Naik and his Muham- iiianesof Jlogliul Hamilton relates two anecdotes which furnish glimpses of India in Moghul times. During the wars of Aurangzeb against the Mahrattas, a Moghul force landed on the island of Bombay, and occupied it for more than a year, whilst the English were shut up in Bombay Castle. Another Moghul force drove the Mahrattas out of Karwar ; and the Moghul general gave an entertainment to the English gentle- men at the factory, and burnt down the factory whilst his guests w^ere eating and drinking in his pavilion. Hindu financial A storv is told of the Eai of Cannanore which illus- adininistration. •' ^ trates the simplicity of Hindu financial administra- tion. The treasury chest was bored with holes and fastened with four different locks, whilst a key was given to the Eaja and to each of the three ministers. All public money was put in through the holes, and none could be taken out except in the jme- sence of the four, and wdien all were agreed as to the expenditure. The relations between the English and the Hindus MOGHUL EMPIRE : CIVILISATION. 515 were equally peculiar. In one Raj the inmates of cuap. ix. an Eng-lisli factory, eighteen in number, were all Hindus aua massacred because one of their bulldogs killed a cow. A story is also told of a queen of Attinga who fell in love with a young Englishman who was sent to her court with a present from the chief of the factory. She pressed him to marry lier, but he declined the honour, and could only be persuaded to stay a month or two with her before returning to his duties at the factory. Hamilton does not furnish any information respect- cekhan and ^ Carnatic uuex* ing the state of civilisation on the eastern side of India. Indeed, during the decline of the Moghul empire, the Dekhan and the Carnatic were sealed countries to Europeans, Bengal, however, was well known ; and the following data, supplied by Bernier and Robert Orme, will be found to furnish a picture of the country and its inhabitants. The soil of Bengal was so fertile that the people Fertility and ^ ^ ^ cheapness of obtained all the necessaries of life with a less amount of labour than in any other country in the world. Rice, which formed the staple of their food, was often sold on the spot at the rate of two pounds for a farthing. Grains, fruits, vegetables, and the spices used in their cookery, were raised with the utmost ease. Sugar required more careful cultivation, but thrived everywhere. The kine were of a mean race, and gave but little milk, but the defect was made up by the multitude of the animals. Those castes who fed on fish found it swarming in all the streams and ponds in the country ; and salt was produced in abundance on the islands near the sea. European settlers found Bengal to be equally cheap, cheapness of Good chickens were to be bought at the rate of twenty 516 HISTOEY OF INDIA. CHAP. IX. Climate of Bengal. XumberleJS canals and islands. for a rupee, and geese and ducks in like proportion. Sheep and kids were to be had in abundance. Pork was so plentiful that the Portuguese lived on it, and the English and Dutch victualled their ships with it. This cheapness of living, combined with the beauty and good-humour of the women, led to a proverb amongst Europeans that Bengal had a hundred gates open to all comers, and not one by which they could go away. The air of Bengal, however, was not healthy for strangers, especially in those parts which were near the sea. When the English and Dutch first settled there, the mortality was very great. Since then they had prohibited their people from drinking too much punch, and from frequenting the houses of arrack dealers and loose native women. Moreover, they had discovered that a little wine of Bordeaux, Canary, or Shiraz, was a marvellous antidote against the badness of; the air. Accordingly there had been much less sickness and mortality amongst the European settlers. The whole length of Bengal from Rajmahal to the sea, a distance of some three hundred miles, was full of little channels extending from either side of the river Ganges for a considerable distance into the country. These channels had been cut out of the river with vast labour at some remote period, for the convenience of transporting commodities ; and the water was reckoned by the people of India to be the best in the world. The channels were lined on both sides with well-peopled villages of Hindus ; whilst the neighbouring fields bore abundance of rice, sugar, corn, pulse, mustard, sezamum for oil, and small mulljeny trees for feeding silkworms. The large number of islands, great and small, that thus lay, as it MOGHUL EMPIRE : CIVILISATION. 517 ■were, in tlie midst of the Ganges, imparted an incom- chap. ix. j)aral)le beauty to the countrjL d'hey were very fertile, filled with fruit-bearing trees, and interlaced with a thousand little water-channels. Unfortunately many of the islands near the sea had been deserted by the inhabitants on account of the plundering and kidnapping carried on by the Portuguese pirates of Arakan ; and since then the islands had been aban- doned to tigers, gazelles, hogs, and poultry grown wild. Eobert Orme, who lived for some vears in Bengal Character of the Bengalis. about the middle of the eighteenth century, bears un- favourable testimony to the native population. He says that the people of Bengal had become so debased by the langour of the climate through a long course of generations, that they not only shared the effemi- nacy of character common to all the people of India, but were of weaker frame and more enervated dis- position than those of any other province. Bodily strength, courage, and fortitude were unknown ; even the labour of the common people was totally devoid of energy. Those, however, of the better castes, who were bred to the details of money and traffic, were most patient and persevering ; and it was common to see the accounts of a huckster in his stall, who did not exchange the value of two rupees in the day, as voluminous as the books of a considerable merchant in Europe. In spite of the despotism of the government, the Cotton and silk, province of Bengal was extremely populous ; and as comparatively little labour was required for agricul- tural pursuits, a large number of the inhabitants Avere at leisure to work at the loom. The consequence was that more cotton and silk were manufactured in 518 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. IX. Niebuhr s de- scription of Bombay, 1703. riimate of Bombay. Bengal tlian in three times the same extent of terri- tory in other parts of the Moghul empire. The best account of Bombay and Surat in the eighteenth century is furnished by Karsten Niebuhr, the father of the historian of Borne.®® Niebuhr landed at Bombay in 1763, two years after the massacre of the Mahrattas by the Afghans at Paniput. The Eng- lish settlement was still confined to the island, and all the neighbouring territory on the mainland was held by the Mahrattas. Bombay produced nothing but cocoa-nuts and rice, and a considerable quantity of salt, which was collected on the shore. The in- habitants were thus obliged to bring their provisions from the continent, or from the large and fertile island of Salsette, near Bombay, which also belonged to the Mahrattas. The sea-breezes and the frequent rains cooled the atmosphere and tempered the climate of the island. The air had been formerly unhealthy and dangerous, but it had become pure since the English drained the marshes in the city and environs. JMany Europeans, however, still died suddenly at Bombay. They were mostly newcomers, who shortened their days by a mode of life unsuitable to the climate, eating great quantities of beef and pork, wdiich w^ere prohibited by Karsten Niebuhr was born in Hanover in 1733. In 1760, at the age of twenty-seven, he entered the Danish service as lieutenant of Engineers. In 1761, Frederick V., king of Denmark, sent an expedition of savants to explore Egypt, and Niebuhr was attached in the capacity of geographer. Within a year all the members of the expedition died, excepting Niebuhr, who did the work by himself, and finally paid a visit to Bombay and Surat. He returned to Europe in 1767. The results of his travels were published at Copenhagen between the years 1772 and 1778; and as his work was thoroughly original, based upon the notes written on the scene of his jourueyings, it is still held in high esteem. He died in 1815, at the advanced age of eighty-two. For this information I am indebted to my publisher, Mr. N. Triibner. MOGHUL EMPIRE : CIVILISATION. 519 Indian laws, and drinking tlie hot wines of Portugal in the hottest season. Moreover, they persisted in Avearing the European dress, which impeded the free circulation of the blood by its ligatures, and rendered the heat more intolerable by confining the limbs. “ The Orientals,” says Niebuhr, “ live to a great age, and are little subject to disease, because they keep the body at ease in wide flowing robes, abstain from animal food and strong liquors, and eat their prin- cipal meal in the evening after sundown.” The island of Bombay was twenty miles in circum- ference. The city was only two miles round, and was defended by strong fortifications on the land side, and by an indifferent castle facing the sea. The houses were not flat-roofed, as in other Eastern towns, but were covered with tiles in the European fashion. The English inhabitants had glass Avindows to their houses, but the natives AAmre content with AvindoAA^s made of small transparent shells. The toleration granted to all religions by the Eng- lish government had rendered the island very pojAU- lous. The inhabitants Avere reckoned at 140,000 souls, and had more than doubled during the previous twenty years. The Europeans were but a small fraction of the population ; for they did not marry, and consequently did not multiply. The bulk of the inhabitants AA^ere Portuguese or Indian Catholics, Hindus, Persians, Muhammadans of different sects, and some Oriental Christians. In 1764 Niebuhr made a voyage to Surat. The city belonged to the Moghuls, and contained no handsome mosques with towers, such as would have been built by Turks or Arabs. The squares Avere large and the streets Avere spacious ; but they Avere CHAP. IX. Island and city. Government and people. Description of Surat, 1704. 520 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. IX. IlospU.al for sick and maimed animals. An Oriental garden. iiDpavecl, and the dust was insufferable. Each street had gates of its own, which were shut up in times of turbulence ; and disturbances were as common at Surat as at Cairo. The population wms estimated by Niebuhr to number 300,000 souls. There was no hospital for human beings at Surat, but a very large asylum for sick or maimed animals. Whenever a European turned out an old horse or any other domestic animal, the Hindus took charge of it and placed it in this building, which was full of in- firm decrepit cows, sheep, rabbits, hens, pigeons, and other similar creatures. Niebuhr saw a great tortoise, blind and helpless, which he was told was a hundred and thirty-five years of age. The charitable Hindus kept a physician to attend on these animals. There were numerous gardens in the environs of Surat. Niebuhr describes one wdiich had been formed by one of the later Nawabs of Surat at a cost of fifty thousand pounds sterling. It was very extensive, but there was no regularity in the design, and nothing in the fashion of a European garden except a few ponds and fountains ; the rest was a confused medley of buildings and small orchards. There was one large mansion, having baths and saloons, which was adorned with all the magnificence of India. The other buildings were harems for the Nawab’s wives ; each lady having her own little court entirely sepa- rated from those of the others. Every harem had one good apartment for the lady, and a number of very narrow chambers for her slaves. Niebuhr was particularly struck by the passages running between the different suites of rooms ; they were so narrow, so winding, and so blocked up by doors, as to reveal the distrust with which all great peojDle MOGHUL EMPIEE : CIVILISATIOX. 521 in despotic countries regarded every one about chap. ix. them. Tlie forec:oinof evidence of European travellers comparative enables us to realise the condition of India before the rise of the British empire, but it will not permit a close comparison to be drawn of the relative merits of Moghul and Hindu rule. One traveller alone ventures to offer an opinion upon this vexed question, and his conclusions are entitled to resjDect ; for his experiences were large and varied, and his judgment was unbiassed by any personal considerations. Cap- tain Hamilton roundly asserts that the Hindu people v/ere better contented to live under the Moghul dominion than under their own princes. “ The Moghul,” he says, “ taxes the people gently, and every one knows what he has to pay ; but the Hindu Eajas tax at discretion, making their own avarice the standard of equity. Moreover, the Eajas used to pick quarrels with one another on frivolous occasions ; and before they could be made friends again, their sub- jects were forced to open both their veins and purses to gratify ambition and folly.” CHAPTER X. CHAP. X. Importance of tlie history of Jieugal. Jloghul rule in Bengal. PROVINCIAL HISTORY : BENGAL. A.D. 1700 TO 1756. The history of the provinces during the decline of the Moghul empire is singularly obscure. With the exception of Bengal, the information supplied by European residents or travellers is extremely scanty. Those at Madras knew little or nothing of what was going on at Arcot or Hyderabad ; whilst those at Bombay were shut out from the Moghul provinces by the military empire of the Mahrattas. More, how- ever, is known of Bengal than of any other part of India. The Muhammadan author of the “ Siyd,r-ul- iMutaqherin,” or “ Review of Modern Times,” was well acquainted with Bengal, and tells its history at great length from the death of Aurangzeb in 1707 down to the administration of Warren Hastings ; whilst Mr. Holwell, who served in Bengal during a greater part of the same period, has published a narrative of events in Bengal as they a^^peared to the eyes of European contemporaries.^ Bengal was conquered by the Moghuls under Akbar towards the end of the sixteenth century. Before 1 The principal authorities for the history of Bengal are as follows : — The Siydr-ul-Mutaqherin, by Gholam Hussin Khan, translated into English by a French renegade. Three volumes quarto. Calcutta : 1785. Interesting Historical Events relative to the Province of Bengal, by J. L. Holwell. Second edition in octavo. London ; 1766. Histoiy of Bengal, by Major Charles Stewart. Quarto. London : 1813. PROVINCIAL HISTORY : BENGAL. 523 that period it had long been a bone of contention chap. x. between black Abyssinians and tawny Afghans. One barbarous adventurer after another ascended the throne by the murder of his predecessor, and, after a short career of unbridled license, was murdered in his turn, whilst the timid Bengalis looked helplessly on. The ]\Ioghul conquest introduced a settled government, and was so far a blessing to all classes. The administra- tion of the province was intrusted to a Moghul prince of the blood ; and for nearly a century the land had rest under the tolerant rule of the Moghul. Sometimes the country was the theatre of rebellion ; the prince at the head of the province broke out in revolt against his imperial father ; and villages were plundered and ravaged by lawless mercenaries. But the people were ignorant and superstitious, and blindly submissive to their fate ; and consequently they were perhaps as contented and happy as the birds of the air or the beasts of the field. Towards the latter end of the seventeenth century Religious per- 1 1 1 1 1 1* • • secutioiis of the Hindus were harassed by the religious persecutions Aurangz^b, of Aurangzeb. A Nawab was appointed, who carried out his orders without scruple or remorse. Idols were destroyed, temples were broken down, festivals pro- hibited, and the worship of the gods suppressed with a strong hand. Many Bengalis became Muhammadans ; but many broke out in rebellion. At last the dis- turbances grew serious, and Aurangzeb recalled the hated Nawab, and placed the government into new hands. He appointed his grandson Azim to be Subah- clar or Nawab of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa ; and a converted Brahman, named Mir Jafir Khan, to be Dewan, or superintendent of the finances of Bengal. Azim has left no mark in history. He was a son 524 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. X. Viceroyalty of Azim. Rise of Mir Jafir Klian, DewaE of Bengal. Distinction between the Viceroy and the Dewan. of Shall Alam, who afterwards succeeded Auraugzeb on the throne of Hindustan under the name of Baha- dur Shah. He held his court at Dacca, surrounded by favourites and parasites, and indulging in all the pleasures which were common to Moghul jirinces in the olden time.^ Mir Jafir Khan, better known by his later name of Murshed Kuli Khan, was an official of a very diflferent stamp. His fanatical zeal as a convert to Islam re- commended him at an earl}^ period to the notice of Aurangzeb, whilst his talent for increasing the revenue and cutting down the expenditure secured his rapid elevation. Accordingly he appears to have risen from a small appointment in the revenue department of Berar to the post of Dewan of Hyderabad, and finally to the still more important post of Dewan of Bengal. During the reign of Aurangzeb the office of Nawab was always kept distinct from that of Dewan. The Nawab was the military governor of the province, who enforced a strict obedience to the laws as ad- ministered by the Kdzi and Kotwal.® The Dewan superintended the collection of the revenue and checked the expenditure in salaries and establish- ments. Accordingly there was sometimes a clashing between the two offices. The Nawab and his courtiers wanted money for their pleasures, but could draw nothing for their personal use beyond their allotted salaries. The Dewan, on the other hand, was zealous ^ According to current scandal, Azim was very fastidious about his harem, which was constantly supplied by fresh inmates from all parts of his govern- ment. ® Nawab or Subahdar were often convertible terms, both signifying the military and civil government, but Subahdar was perhaps the higher title. In Bengal the governor was known as the Nawab, or Nawab Nazim ; the term Nawab denoting his military command, whilst that of Nazim referred to the administration of justice and other civil duties. PEOVINCIAL HISTOEY I BENGAL. 525 in collecting every item of revenue and in cutting chap. x. down all possible ex2)enses, well knowing tliat under the eye of a strict master like Aurangzeb the favour of the sovereign was only to be gained by remitting the largest possible surplus to the imperial treasury.* A young prince like Azim, who was the grandson piotofthe vice- ^ ^ roy to murder of the reigning sovereign, would naturally grow jealous and impatient of a Dewan like Mir Jafir. Accordingly he secretly plotted to get rid of him. One day when the Dewan was proceeding to the palace at Dacca to pay his respects, he was sur- rounded by a body of troops who clamoured for arrears of pay, and were evidently bent on mischief. Mir Jafir did not stop to parley, but charged them at once at the head of his guards. The wmuld-be assassins fled in dismay, whilst the Dewan hurried to the palace and openly charged the prince with having authorised the attempt on his life. Azim was thoroughly alarmed. He knew his gi’andfather was suspicious and remorseless, and that an inkling of the plot would be followed by his own destruction. Accordingly he did his best to pacify the Dewan by protesting his own innocence and threatening his direst vengeance against the offenders. O O Mir Jafir feigned to be satisfied, and left the Murshed Kuli palace; but he sent a complaint to Aurangzeb, and fled from Dacca to Murshedabad.® The result was that Azim was removed to Patna, and subsequently After tlie death of Aurangzeb there waa often collusion between the Viceroy and the Dewan, and the yearly remittances to Delhi gradually dwindled to nothing ; but such collusion was next to impossible under the severe rule of Aurangzeb. ® Murshedabad was at this time named Mukhsusabad. Subsequently, when Mir Jafir received the title of Murshed Kuli Khan, he named the place Murshedabad, or “the city of Murshed.” 526 HISTOEY OF IKDIA. CHAP. X. Cruel oppression of the Zeiujii- (lars. Praises of Murshed Kuli Klian by ISIuhammadan historians. returned to Delhi ; whilst Mir Jafir was rewarded with the title of Murshed Kuli Khan, and ultimately appointed Nawah Nazim, as well as Dewan, of the three provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. Murshed Kuli Khan, as he was henceforth called, improved the revenues of his government by making short work with the Zemindars. Many were sum- moned to Murshedabad and thrown into prison ; others were removed from their districts and placed on small subsistence allowances ; and in both cases the revenue was collected by officers of his own appointment, known as Aumils. Meanwhile he re- measured all the lands and reassessed the amount of rent or revenue to be paid, and henceforth ho was rigid and exacting to the last degree. Defaulters were subjected to every species of torture ; they were exposed to the burning sun, or tormented with live cats, or dragged through ponds of filth.® In other respects, he ruled the three provinces like an irrespon- sible despot whose word was law. Neither Zemindars nor Eajas were allowed to sit down in his presence, nor even to speak to one another. They were pro- hibited from riding in a palanquin, and were com- pelled to use an inferior conveyance. The consequence was that for many years after his death his memory was held in detestation throughout the three pro- vinces. Nevertheless, whilst Murshed Kuli Khan was hated and feared by the Hindus, he was lauded to the skies by the Muhammadan historians. He was ever zealous in the propagation of Islam. He maintained two ® Vaikuntha was the heaven of Vishnu. Accordingly these ponds of filth, which were a regular institution at Murshedabad, were sarcastically known as Vaikuntha. PROVINCIAL HISTORY : BENGAL. 527 tliousand public readers and chanters of the Koran. He feasted people of all conditions during the great Muhammadan festivals, and on such occasions the road was illuminated for miles with lamps represent- ing mosques, shrines, and verses of the Koran. He kept down the price of grain by a despotic process which is greatly admired in Oriental countries. He employed spies to learn all that was going on in the markets. He punished every attempt to raise prices. He broke up private hoards, and compelled the owners to sell them in the bazars. He prohibited all ex- portations of grain, and would not permit European ships to carry away more than was necessary for victualling the crew during the voyage. Above all, he displayed on all occasions the most profound re- spect and veneration for the Padishah. He never presumed to seat himself in a royal boat ; and when- ever the royal fleet approached Murshedabad, he always went out to meet it, and made his obeisance, presented his nuzzir, and kissed the deck of the royal barge. When Murshed Kuli Khan was growing old, he employed a menial but confidential servant, named Murdd Ferasb, to build a tomb and a mosque. Murad completed the task in a way which was most offensive to the Hindus. He procured the materials by pulling down all the Hindu temples in Murshedabad and the surrounding country ; and neither prayers nor bribes could move him from his purpose. He threatened to pull down other pagodas at a distance from the capital, but accepted large sums of money from Zemindars and other Hindus by way of ransom. He compelled all wealthy Hindus either to send their servants to work at the building or to purchase exemption. No one dared to disobey, or even to complain to the CHAV. X. Mausoleum built at tlie expense of Hindu pagodas. 528 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP, X, Daughter of Murshed KuU Khan deserts her husband, Shuja Khao. Death of Murshed KuU Khan, 1726. Sliuja Khan, Na* wab of Bengal, liehar, and, Orissa, 1725-39. Nawab. The tomb and mosque were then surrounded by a square of shops, and a public market was an- nexed, in order that the duties levied on all sales and purchases might be appropriated to the repair of the buildings. Murshed Kuli Khan had no sons, but a favourite daughter, who was married to a Turk named Shuja Khan. The marriage was unhajipy. Shuja Khan was appointed Deputy Nawab of Orissa, and went with his wife to Cuttack ; but he soon disgusted her by his infidelities, and she returned to her father at IMurshedabad, accompanied by a son named Sarfardz Khan. Henceforth the old Nawab hated his son-in-law and doted on his grandson. He used his utmost interest at Delhi to secure the appointment of Sarfardz Khan to succeed him after his death in the government of the three provinces. He died in 1725, leaving Sarfaraz Khan in the possession of all his treasures, and in the hourly expectation of receiving from Delhi the insignia of investiture to the vacant throne. Meanwhile Shuja Khan at Cuttack had been equally active and more successful. One day, whilst Sarfaraz Khan was sitting in a palace in the suburbs of Murshedabad awaiting for the insignia of his appointment, he was startled by the ominous thunder of imperial music. To his utter dismay he learnt that his father, Shuja Khan, had suddenly arrived at Murshedabad and displayed the insignia of investi- ture, including the fringed palanquin and the imperial standard of the fish, and had then ascended the throne in the hall of forty pillars, amidst the acclama- tions of all the grandees at Murshedabad, and the deafening noise of trumpets and kettledrums. The PROVINCIAL HISTORY ; BENGAL. 529 young prince saw that nothing could he done. Even chap, x. his injured mother assured him that it would be mad- ness to resist his father. Accordingly he hurried to the palace of forty pillars, paid his respects to the new Nawab, offered his congratulations, presented his nuzzir, and was rewarded with the honorary post of Dewan of Bengal.'^ Shuia Khan brought with him two brothers, whom TwoMuhamma- . r . favourites : he had taken into his service at Cuttack, and who had gained his favour by secret services of a question- able character. Their names were Haji Ahmad and Ali Vardi Khan. It was said that they belonged to a noble family at Delhi ; but according to scandal, Haji Ahmad was originally a table-servant, whilst Ali Vardi Khan was placed in charge of his master’s hookah. Haji Ahmad, the elder of the two, was a timid, crafty individual, with a genius for intrigue. He was appointed chief minister, and by a zealous subser- vience to the tastes of the Nawab, he soon exercised a commanding influence in affairs of state. It is said that he ransacked the province in search of fresh inmates for the Nawab’s seraglio, and that he never attended the nightly levde at the palace without bringing a new face to tempt the Nawab. Ali Vardi Khan, the younger brother, was a soldier born and bred, and was appoiuted to the command of a body of horse in the service of the Nawab. Besides these two Muhammadan brothers, Shuja Two Hindu -1-7., . -j-y, ^ . , Ministers: Alam Khan entertained two Hindus 111 his service, named ciumd and Jagat Seit. Alam Chand and Jagat Seit. Alam Chand, better known by his title of Rai Rayan, was a Hindu of ^ Such honorary appointments were often given to young princes during the decline of the Moghul empire, whilst the duties were kept in the hands of some responsible minister. 34 530 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. X. Indolent ad- ministration. Ali Vardi Khan, Deputy Nawab of Behar. large financial experience. He was, in fact, a type of tliose grave and respectable Bengali officials, wlio always appeared devoted to their duties and their master’s interest, but nevertheless were incessantly occupied in hoarding up private treasures in every possible way. Jagat Seit was the head of a famous banking family at Murshedabad, who had flourished during the reign of Aurangzeb. Jagat Seit had rendered great services to old Mir Jafir by advancing the sums of money which procured him the post of Nawab and Dewan of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. Shuja Khan was a type of the easy-going Nawabs, who tried to make things pleasant all round, in order that they might devote themselves to their pleasures. He liberated the Zemindars who had been imprisoned by his late father-in-law, but threatened to remove them from their posts, and transfer their lands to other Zemindars, if there was any further irregularity in the payment of revenue. He also abolished some additional taxes, which had been imposed by Murshcd Ali Khan, and pressed heavily upon the Zemindars. He then left the administration in the hands of his four confidential advisers, who formed a council of state at Murshedabad ; and henceforth he frittered away his time in the ordinary routine of a self- indulgent Moghid. Some time afterwards the post of Deputy Nawab of Behar ^ became vacant, and Haji Ahmad used his influence in the seraglio to procure the appoint- ment of his brother, Ali Vardi Khan. At this ® Ali Vardi Khan was sometimes called the Deputy Nawab of Patna, as Patna was the capital of the province, and the place where he generally resided. PliOVINCIAL HISTOEY ; BENGAL. 531 juncture tlie wife of Sliuja Khan claimed the right of chap, x. disposing of the appointment as daughter and heiress of Murshed Ali Khan. Such a pretension was con- trary to the Moghul constitution, but Slmja Khan gave way, and Ali Vardi Khan went to the door of the lady’s apartment, and received with the utmost deference and humility the dress of honour which constituted him Deputy Nawab of Behar. Meanwhile the young prince, Sarfaraz Khan, boiled wrath of sar- over at the favour shown to the two Muhammadan brothers. He told his father in public durbar that he was warming and cherishing two snakes that would sting him and his family to death. The Nawab was so exasperated at this presumption that he threw his son into confinement. But Haji Alimad was crafty enough to intercede for Sarfaraz Khan, and the young prince was released, but he con- tinued to hate the obnoxious minister as much as ever. All this while both the Muhammadan brothers Ambitious ae- were labouring hard to streno;then their respective Muhammadan O _ ° j- brothers. positions. Haji Ahmad won over the Zemindars of Bengal by taking to himself all the credit of having released them from prison, wdiilst he undermined the authority of Shuja Khan by secretly sneering at his weaknesses and vices. Ali Vardi Khan was equally active in reducing all Destniction of !• ° Hindu Kajas in the refractory Kajas in Behar. Some he invited to ^^ghankntin Patna with warm professions of friendship and respect, and then murdered them wuthout hesitation or shame. Others he attacked by force of arms, and compelled them to pay tribute and acknowledge his authority. In all these transactions he wLas especially helped by an Afghan officer, named Abdul Khurim Khan, who 532 HISTORY OF INDIA. liad entered liis service witli a corps of fifteen hundred Afghan mercenaries. of^iiirchuw^ Ali Vardi Khan next attempted the conquest of the Chukwars, a brave and warlike race of Hindus who occupied a territory on the river Sambu, between Patna and Monghyr. The Raja of the Chukwars was a turbulent chieftain, who had never paid tribute, nor even acknowledged the supremacy of the Moghul ; whilst, to crown his misdoings, he persisted in levying duties on all goods that passed up or down the river above Monghyr. It was this Raja, and others like him, that compelled the European settlers in Lower Bengal to maintain an armament for the escort of money and goods to Patna and back ; and a Major Hunt, who commanded the East Indian Comj)any’s troops at Calcutta, had often had a brush with the old Hindu warrior, and fought him hand to hand. Submission of The Raja, however, died in 1730, and was succeeded the new Raja. , ■ i A i • by a son oi seventeen, who came to terms with All Vardi Khan and agreed to pay tribute. The neces- sary precautions were then taken to prevent treachery on either side. Every year the young Raja brought the money to a specified spot near Monghyr, accom- panied by thirty followers only ; whilst a Moghul officer came to the same spot to receive the money, also accompanied by the like number of thirty followers. Shameless lu 1735 uu Eiiglisli couvoy was going up the river Ah vaidi Khan, Guiiges witli moiiey and goods for the factory at Patna. The boats were in charge of a young civilian named Holwell, whilst the escort of European troops was commanded by a Captain Holcombe. On tlie morning of the 20th of October the party encamped PROVINCIAL HISTORY : BENGAL. 533 in a grove near Mongliyr. About eleven o’clock they chap. x. saw a boat going by, apparently loaded with baskets of fisb. The boat was hailed and came np, when the baskets were found to be filled with human heads. It appeared that a vile act of treachery had been just committed by Ali Vardi Khan. The yearly tribute had been paid that very morning by the Raja of tlie Clmkwars, but an ambuscade of four hundred men had been posted in the neighbourhood by Ali Vardi Khan. The result was that the Raja and his thirty followers had been surrounded and murdered, and their heads were being dispatched in baskets to Patna for the satisfaction of Ali Vardi Khan. That same day Alivardi Khan sent another force Eestruction of to plunder and destroy the city of Sambu, the capital chukwars. of the Chukwars. Towards evening the English party at Monghyr saw clouds of smoke rising from the city. The young girl-widow of the Raja had shut herself up in the palace with an infant son and all her attendants, and had then set the building on fire and perished in the flames. The soldiers of Ali Vardi Khan found the city deserted. Accordingly they plundered the houses and set them on fire, and then returned to Patna. After this exploit Abdul Khurim Khan, the Afghan Jfurder of tlie T 1 ... Afghan commandant, began to presume upon his services, commandant. He grew insolent and insubordinate and resented every rebuke. Ali Vardi Khan saw that the Afghan was becoming dangerous, and laid his plans accord- ingly. Abdul Khurim Khan was summoned to the palace and sharply reprimanded, and just as he was about to reply in defiant language, he was overpowered by a body of assassins and cut to pieces on the spot. This catastrophe filled the Afghan soldiery with fear 534 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. X. Intrigues at llellii. Suspicious death of Shuja Khan, 1739. Praises of Shuja Kliau. and trembling, and henceforth no one dared to utter a word of disrespect to Ali Vardi Khan. Meanwhile Ali Vardi Khan was playing another o;ame at Delhi. He was eaoer to throw off the con- trol of Shuja Khan and to become the independent Nawab of Behar. Accordingly he sent emissaries to the court at Delhi to distribute bribes amongst the ministers and courtiers, in order to procure the letters and insignia of investiture direct from the Padishah. Shuja Khan got an inkling of what was going on, and placed Haji Ahmad in prison as some check on the ambitious designs of his brother in Behar ; but he was soon coaxed over by submissive and deceitful letters from Ali Vardi Khan, as well as by the caresses of the favourite ladies of the seraglio, who were all on the side of the disgraced minister. The result was that Haji Ahmad was released from prison and restored to favour, whilst the disaffection was allowed to drift on. Suddenly Shuja Khan found that he had been out- witted. His old servant, Ali Vardi Khan, was ap- pointed Nawab of Behar direct from Delhi ; and the insignia of investiture — the fringed palanquin, the standard of the fish, and the imperial kettledrums — • were received with the utmost pomp and rejoicings at Patna. Shuja Khan was furious at the tidings. He planned a safe and certain scheme of revenge against the two brothers ; but on the eve of its execution he was carried off by death, and it was currently believed at Murshedabad that he had been poisoned in the seraglio at the instance of Haji Ahmad. Shuja Khan belonged to a transition ]3eriod. The imperial sovereignty of the great Moghul was on PROVINCIAL HISTORY : BENGAL. 535 tLe wane, but it was still recognised as the suj)reme chap. x. authority tbrougliout Hindustan. Sliuja Klian was not a stern tyrant, like liis fatber-in-law, Mursbed Kuli Kban ; on tbe contrary, be laboured bard to ]3ropitiate bis grandees. He sent trays of excellent disbes of every variety of victuals to all persons in bis service with whom be was acquainted, sometimes twice a week, sometimes every other day, and some- times every day. Whenever tbe compliment was once paid, it was never discontinued. He sent presents to every stranger of note who came to Mursbedabad, and even to strangers who were un- known, provided their manners and language showed that they were gentlemen. At tbe same time none of bis servants or dependants were allowed to take a gratuity ; all who disobeyed were dismissed bis service, and all informers were handsomely rewarded. Sliuja Khan also entered tbe name of every one be Peculiar money knew in a memorandum-book with ivory leaves, and every now and then be added a sum of money to one of the names. In such cases be did not order tbe amount to be paid to tbe person named, but be sent for some Zemindar who was bebindband with his rent, and tobl him that tbe person in question bad been appointed to enforce payment of bis arrears, and that be must give him in addition tbe sum speci- fied as a perquisite. Tbe offending Zemindar always complied with tbe demand, and generally gave an extra present to tbe jierson who bad been so recom- mended by tbe Nawab. Sarfarbz Kban, son of Sliuja Khan, now succeeded Sarfarrfz Khan, 11 -NT inT-> 1 TT Nawab of Bengal to the throne as JNawab of Bengal and Orissa. He was andorissa, O 1739-42 : his quite as much a slave to bis pleasures as bis deceased father, but be was more insolent and violent. He did 536 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. X. Unpardonnhle affront to Jagat Seit. Intrigues and conspiracies. not dismiss the three ministers, Haji Ahmad, Alam Chand Eai, and Jagat Seit, but he treated them with a contemptuous arrogance which was intoler- able. He abused Haji Ahmad in the foulest language, and taunted him with having been the pander to Shuja Khan. He even treated Alam Chand with indignity because that venerable Hindu ventured to remonstrate with him on the bitterness of his tongue. Soon after his accession Sarfaraz Khan gave mortal offence to Jagat Seit. The grandson of the Hindu banker was married with great pomp, and the Nawab persisted in seeing the face of the bride without a veil. Jagat Seit implored him to abandon the idea, as the exposure of a girl’s face to a strange man would render her impure in the eyes of the family. But the Nawab was deaf to every entreaty. He sent a party of horsemen to surround tlie house of Jagat Seit and bring away the girl to his palace. She was sent back the same night without further injury ; but the whole family was overwhelmed with the disgrace, whilst the unfortunate bride was con- demned to widowhood for the remainder of her days. Under such circumstances there was treason in the air. Every one was eager to plot against the Nawab, but afraid of exciting his suspicions. Haji Ahmad sounded Jagat Seit and Alam Chand Eai, and found they were ripe for revolt ; whilst the Nawab’s master of the ordnance arranged to load the artillery with nothing but dust and powder. At last a conspiracy was formed for dethroning SarfarJz Khan and setting up Ali Vardi Khan as his successor in the Nawabshij) of Bengal and Orissa, in addition to Behar. PROVINCIAL HISTORY ; BENGAL. 537 Tlie troubled state of Hindustan was singularly chap. x. favourable to the conspirators. There Avas nothing to iPortuDe favours ^ ^ ^ ^ the conspirators. fear from Delhi, for the imperial authority had been shattered by the invasion of Nadir Shah, and the Mo- ghul court was in a state of stupor. There Avas uothiug to fear at Murshedabad so long as Sarfardz Khan was at Datna. kept lulled in a false security. There was more diffi- culty about opening up a communication with Ali Vardi Khan at Patna, as letters might be intercepted ; but the two Hindu ministers prevailed on SarfaiAz Khan to send Haji Ahmad into exile, and thus the latter was enabled to make his way to Patna Avithout exciting suspicion or alarm. The tAvo brothers soon organised a rebellion at Secret rebellion Patna. Both indulged in a little preliminary dupli- city. Haji Ahmad exaggerated the indignities he had received at Murshedabad. Ali Vardi Khan lamented that the safety of his family could onl}^ be ensured by rebelling against the son of his patron and benefactor. Ali Vardi Khan also sent a crafty letter to Sarfardz Khan, imploring him to forgive the un- fortunate Haji Ahmad, and to restore him to his former faAmur. Ali Vardi Khan had no intention of Avaiting for a Solemn swear- reply to this letter. He assembled all his officers, and obliged the Muhammadans to swear on the Koran, and the Hindus to swear on a vessel of Ganges Avater, that they would be faithful to his cause and Avould follow him to the death. He then told them that he the NaAvab SarfaiAz iug-iu of otiicers. Avas about to march against Khan to redress the wrongs committed on his family. The officers were staggered at the idea of rebellion, but they had taken the oath ; and Ali Vardi Khan clenched the business by promising to discharge 538 HISTOHY OF INDIA. CHAP. X. all arrears of pay, and to distribute an additional sum of three hundred thousand rupees the moment they had marched through the pass of Sikliguli and entered the plains of Bengal. Sikliguli pass The possession of this pass was of the utmost Bengal. importauce to All Vardi Khan, it was supposed to be the only passage leading from Behar into Bengal. It was of considerable length, but only ten or twelve feet wide, and was bounded on one flank by an impenetrable forest, and on the other by the river Gauges. Had Sarfardz Khan been alive to the coming relielliou, he might have blocked up the pass with a small body of men. As it was, the rebel army hurried through by forced marches for the sake of the promised money, and entered the plains of Bengal before Sarfardz Khan was aware that it had left An empty treasury. Services of Omichund, the Patna banker. Patna. When, however, Ali Vardi Khan had escaped the perils of the pass he encountered a new danger. His treasury was nearly empty, whilst his ofiicers were clamouring round his tent, and refusing to march a step farther without the money. He dismissed them with an air of authority, assuring them that they would be paid at once, wPilst he was well aware that he could not satisfy a tenth of their claims. He had a secret conference with his confidential servants. Some proposed sending to Murshedabad and borrow- ing the money of Mir Jafir. Others saw no alternative but to beat a retreat and return to Patna. Accord- ingly Ali Vardi Khan was in despair. At this crisis a Patna banker named Omichund solved the difficulty. Omichund had accompanied the army to carry on his usual money-lending busi- ness v;ith the officers and men. He had only twenty PEOVINCIAL HISTOEY : BENGAL. 539 thousand rupees in hand ; but with this small sum, added to the balance in the treasury, he pledged himself to satisfy the army. Under his directions, Ali Vardi Khan ordered the troops to assemble to re- ceive the promised pay. Every man hastened to the spot with his account already made out in his girdle or turban. The paymaster was ordered to j)ass all the small accounts with the utmost promptitude, and pay them with cheques on Omichund, but to subject all the larger claims to a lengthier examination. Meanwhile Omichund feigned to be equally eager to casli the cheques ; but nearly every man owed some- thing for advances and interest, and the debt had to be calculated and deducted from every checjue. Ac- cordingly darkness came on before the more important cheques were cashed, and Omichund feigned to be so fatigued as to be obliged to defer further payments till next morning. When the night had set in the kettledrums were beaten throughout the camp ; j)ro- clamatioii was made that Safardz Khan was aj)proacli- ing with the Bengal army, and preparations were made for battle at daybreak. Next morning Ali Vardi Khan began the march to Murshedabad, keep- ing up the alarm and expectation of the soldiery until he actually encountered the army of Sarfaraz Khan. The fighting which followed was a farce. There was much smoke and confusion, but very little slaughter, except amongst the faithful few that re- mained staunch to Sarafdz Khan. At last Sarfardz Khan and most of his adherents were slain, whilst his brother-in-law, Murshed Kuli Khan, fled away to Orissa to hold that province against the conqueror. The death of Sarfardz Khan put an end to the CHAP. X. Sham battle ; death of Sarfardz Khan. 540 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. X. Alivanli Khan enthroned at Murshedabad. Faith in ^lustafa Khan, the Af- ghan general. Establishes his authority in Bengal. battle. All Vardi Khan permitted the rebel soldiers to plunder the Bengal camp, but sent his brother, Haji Ahmad, to Murshedabad, to secure the city and treasures. After two days Ali Vardi Khan entered Murshedabad in triumph, and took his seat upon the throne in the hall of forty pillars.® The kettledrums and trumpets proelaimed the accession of a new Nawab, and all the chief men of the city hastened to pay their homage and present their niizzirs to the conqueror. Alain Chaud Eai was the foremost amongst these time-servers, but when he returned to his house he was reproached so bitterly by his wife for his disloyalty towards the fallen family, that he put an end to his life by swallowing diamond powder. Ali Vardi Khan had gained his victories by the aid of his Afghans, and despised Bengali soldiers as cowards and traitors. His leading general was an Afghan soldier of fortune, named Mustafa Khan ; and he put his trust in Mustafa Khan, and treated him as his right-hand man. Ali Vardi Khan had no sons. Accordingly he adopted three nejihews, the sons of his brother Haji Ahmad, and gave to each of them one of his daughters in marriage. He left the youngest at Patna as Deputy Nawab of Behar, and he apjiointed the eldest to be Deputy Nawab at Dacca ; and he pro- posed to set up the middle one as Deputy Nawab of Orissa by driving out Murshed Kuli Khan. Mean- ® An Asiatic throne in the eighteenth century was not a chair of state, but a kind of mattress of carpets, quilts, and tapestries, which was spread upon the floor. The Nawab sat cross-legged between richly embroidered cushions, with a sword of state on one side and a dagger on the other. Before him was a cambric handkerchief carefully folded, a small knife to open letters, and a vessel of prepared betel. PROVINCIAL HISTORY : BENGAL. 541 wliile lie is said to have sent a vast sum to Delhi to chap. x. purchase for himself letters and insignia of investiture as Nawab of Bengal, Bebar, and Orissa ; but this is extremely doubtful. It would have been a sheer waste of money, inasmuch as the Moghul court was still paralysed by the recent invasion of Nadir Shah, and powerless to interfere in a remote province like Bengal. The insignia of the fish, the palanquin, and the kettledrums were certainly received with the utmost pomp at Murshedabad, but it was generally believed that they were a sham, and had been sup- plied by Jagat Seit, the banker, in order to impose upon the people of the three provinces. Ali Vardi Khan next marched an army into Orissa. Acquires oiissa. A battle was fought ; but the Afghan mercenaries of hlurshed Kuli Khan went over to the usurper in the middle of the action. Murshed Kuli Khan saw that all was lost, and fled to the sea-shore, and embarked on board a ship bound for Masulq^atam, and found an asylum in the territories of Nizam-ul-mulk. Mean- while Ali Vardi Khan pushed on to Cuttack, the capital of the province, and placed his second nephew on the throne as Deputy Nawab. The new Deputy Nawab of Orissa cared for nothing oriental ^ oppression. but women and money. No household was safe against his licentious demands, whilst men of wealth were subjected to false charges, and scourged and tortured until they surrendered their secret hoards. The people shrunk from open rebellion, but they schemed and plotted ; whilst Mirza Bakir, the son- in-law of Murshed Kuli Khan, hovered on the frontier, ready to take advantage of the first disturbance to recover possession of the province. Suddenly the growing disaffection broke out in a 542 HISTORY OP INDIA. CHAP. X. Revolution at Cuttack. Alarm of Ali Vardi Khan ; difficulty with the Afghans. Perilous captivity. riot in the streets of Cuttack. The young Deputy Nawab sent his bodyguard to suppress the turmoil ; but the commandant, one of Ali Vardi Khan’s veterans, rA'as overpoAAmred and torn to pieces. Mirza Bakir appeared in the city and placed himself at the head of the insurrection. The gates of the palace AAmre thrown open from within, and the garrison rushed out and joined the insurgents. Mirza Bakir threw the Deputy Nawab into a prison and became master of the palace and treasures. He then took his seat upon the throne, and received the congratulations and nuzzirs of the very grandees who had hailed the accession of the nephew of Ali Vardi Khan only a few months before. News of this rising soon reached Ali Vardi Khan. At first he suspected that Nizam-ul-mulk was at the bottom of it, and was half inclined to leave Orissa in the hands of Mirza Bakir provided his son-in-law was released. At last he resolved on war, but there was an unexpected difficulty. New Afghan levies were peremptorily required, but none would enlist unless these new levies were brought on a permanent estab- lishment ; and Mustafa Khan and his officers took the same side. Ali Vardi Khan ended by solemnly swearing that not a man should be disbanded at the close of the campaign. Ncav levies were accordingly enlisted in large numbers, and Ali Vardi Khan marched his army to Cuttack, offering a lakh of rupees, or ten thousand pounds sterling, for the rescue of his son-in-law. Mirza Bakir was aware of the approaching danger and anxious to come to terms. He marched an army out of Cuttack, but carried his prisoner, the ex- Deputy Nawab, in a Avaggon coAmred over Avith Avhite cloth and secured by a netAVork of ropes. Two Tartar PROVINCIAL HISTORY : BENGAL. 543 soldiers were placed in tlie waggon with orders to chap, x, stab the prince to death if there was any attempt at rescue ; whilst a body of Mahratta horsemen were posted round the waggon, also under orders to thrust their spears through the covering at sign of danger, and destroy alike the prince and his executioners. The result was somewhat curious. Mirza Bakir Escape of Ali Vardi Khan's was defeated and compelled to fly for his life. A son-in-iaw. select body of Ali Vardi Khan’s horsemen charged the waggon, but the Tartars were speared by the Mahrattas before they could dispatch the prince, and the prince escaped by shielding himself with their bodies, and was finally rescued by the horsemen. Ali Vardi Khan then marched to Cuttack and re- settlement ot Orissa. stored his authority at Orissa ; but he refused to reinstate his son-in-law, and placed the government in new hands. Having thus secured the province, he violated his solemn promise to Mustafa Khan, and disbanded the new levies to a man. He then returned slowly towards Murshedabad, but halted frequently on the way in order to hunt and shoot in the jiyagles. The Afghan generals were at once mortified and w>ath of . Mustafa Kliari. exasperated. Mustafa Khan was especially angry. He had interceded in behalf of a Hindu Baja who had espoused the cause of Mirza Bahir, but he had been rebuffed and reprimanded ; and the Raja and his attendants had been brutally murdered in the audience hall at Cuttack in the presence of Ali Vardi Khan. Meanwhile news arrived that another Afighan officer had been treacherously murdered in the durbar at Patna, and Mustafa Khan was bent on revenge.^® The story of the murdered Afghan at Patna reveals something of India in the olden time. The man had been appointed Foujdar of Shahabad, a 544 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. X. Mahratta iuvasiou. !\Iahrattas’ (lomand of ten lakhs rejected. ISfahrattas demand a hundred lakhs. At this juncture, while Ali Vardi Khan was taking his pleasure in the woods of Midnapore, an over- whelming host of Mahratta horsemen from Nagpore was swarming over the western hills of Birhhum, and advancing towards Burdwan. They were commanded hy Bhaskar Pant, the minister of Rughaji Bhonsla, Raja of Berar, and began to plunder and devastate according to their wont ; but there was a mystery about their movements. Some thought that the Nagpore host was acting under the orders of the Peishwa at the Mahratta court at Satara. Others, again, thought that the Mahratta invasion had been instigated by Nizam-ul-mulk, who was supposed to entertain sinister designs against Bengal. Ali Vardi Khan professed to hold the Mahrattas in contempt, but nevertheless he hurried off to Burd- wan with the small force at his disposal. Bhaskar Pant, however, was not anxious for battle ; all that he wanted was chout, or a contribution in lieu of chout. Accordingly he offered to go away if Ali Vardi Khan would send him ten lakhs of rupees, or a hundred thousand pounds sterling. Ali Vardi Khan affected to regard this as an insult, and told Bhaskar Pant that he might invade Bengal if he dared. The Mahrattas played their usual game of cutting off supplies and stragglers without coming to action. At last Ali Vardi Khan made a general charge; but his Afghans refused to fight, whilst the Mahrattas difficult tract infested by lawless Zemindars, who lived on plunder and black- mail. The Foujdar shared the gains of these brigands; and when the Zemindars were rooted out of their strongholds by an army from Patna, he rudely called on the Deputy Nawab to set them at liberty and restore their estates. The young prince was mortally offended ; assassins were hired, and the turbulent Afghan was suddenly overpowered and murdered in open durbar. PROVINCIAL HISTORY ; BENGAL. 545 plundered the camp in his rear, and then surrounded chap. x. him in overwhelming numbers. Ali Vardi Khan was at the mercy of the invaders. He sent messengers to Bhaskar Pant offering to pay the ten lakhs ; but the Mahratta general advanced his terms, and demanded a hundred lakhs, or a million sterling. In sheer desperation, Ali Vardi Khan threw himself Afghans on the mercy of Mustafa Khan, implored his forgive- ness, and promised full redress for all past grievances. Mustafa Khan was a creature of impulse ; he was touched with compassion for his old master, and swore once more to stand or fall with Ali Vardi Khan, He placed himself at the head of the Afghans, cut through the cordon of Mahrattas, and fought his way to Murshedabad without carriage or provisions, whilst constantly harassed by the Mahratta horsemen. But on reaching Murshedabad the city was closely block- aded by the Mahrattas ; whilst parties of horsemen scoured the country round about, and plundered and destroyed the neighbouring villages, and committed the most horrible cruelties and excesses. Early in June the Mahrattas began to fear that Mahratta devas- their return to Nagpore would be cut off by the approaching rains. Accordingly they struck their tents and disappeared with their plunder. On the way, however, they changed their minds, and pitched their tents on the hills of Birbhum until the violence of the rains was over, and then reappeared in Burdwan and renewed the work of plunder and desolation. It turned out that a revenue official named Mir Habib, whose defalcations had excited the wrath of Ali Vardi Khan, had escaped to the Mahratta camp, and per- suaded Bhaskar Pant to remain in Bengal and take possession of the three provinces. 35 546 HISTORY OF INDIA. CHAP. X. A^’ony of Bengal Ali Vardi Khan takes the field. Fruitless cam- paign. Treacherous nia.ssacre of Mahratta officers. The return of the Mahrattas Lrouglit on a widely spread ruin. Markets and manufactures were de- serted and the lands Avere left uutilled. Weavers aud liusbandmen fled from the marauders with their wnves and children, taking nothing with them but what they could carry in their hands. The whole popula- tion of Bengal to the Avestward of the Ganges, AAntli the exception of Murshedabad, hurried over the riA^er in shoals, never thinking themselves safe until they bad reached the opposite shore. All this while Ali Vardi Khan was preparing for a reneAval of the struggle. He formed a camp in the neighbourhood of Murshedabad, and was joined by reinforcements from Patna as Avell as by neAv Afghan IcAues from the northwards. At the same time the Europeans in Bengal began to fortify their settle- ments aojainst the Mahrattas. The campaign began in October, but Ali Vardi Khan could not bring the Mahrattas to action. His troops AA^ere Avorn out by marching and countermarching, but effected nothing. Parties of Mahrattas were ravaging the proAunces in all directions, but Ali Vardi Khan could not send out detachments to oppose them AAuth- out AA'eakening his main army. At last Ali Vardi Khan tried treachery. Bhaskar Pant was cajoled into a conference. A large tent was set up, and assassins were hidden in the double lining. The Mahratta general and his principal officers were receiA^ed with great pomp and ceremonial by Ali Vardi Khan. They took their seats cross-legged upon the carpets. A signal was given. The assassins rushed in upon the helpless guests and slaughtered them to a m an. Ali Vardi Kh an waited until the head of Bhaskar PROVINCIAL HISTORY : BENGAL, 547 Pant was laid before him, and then went out and led chap. x. bis army against tbe Maliratta camp. But the enemy Revenge an(i retreat of the had already ned in a panic, and were soon wreaking Hahrattas. their vengeance upon the unoffending inhabitants, ravaging the country with fire and sword, cutting off ears, noses, and hands, and committing countless bar- barities in the search of spoil. After some mouths the fury of the Mahrattas was exhausted, and they retired to Nagpore. Ali Vardi Khan had scarcely time to breathe, when Invasion of tho . Till Mi'T c Bhonsla ami he was again aroused by the liornble tidings of two more Peishwa. Mahratta invasions. On tbe eastern side a Mahratta army, estimated at sixty thousand horsemen, invaded Orissa under the command of Eughoji Bhonsla, Eaja of Berar, to revenge the massacre of his officers. On the western side a second Mahratta army of the same strength invaded Behar, under the command of Balaji Eao, the Peishwa at Satara, to secure a share of the plunder of Bengal, Ali Vardi Khan was powerless to resist such over- Dissens’oiis whelminof hosts. But the Mahratta generals soon Mahratta o ^ o leaders. began to intrigue against each other. At first they agreed to an equal partition of chout and plunder ; but each was jealous and supicious of the other, and they soon quarrelled over the spoil. Ali Vardi Khan took advantage of their dissensions to conclude a separate treaty with the Peishwa, under which he was to pay chout to the Peishwa, and the Peishwa was to help him to drive out the Bhonsla. It would be tedious and useless to dwell upon the Final settlement perjuries and treacheries that followed. The Mahratta leaders were grasping and unscrupulous. Balaji Eao, however, was compelled to return to Satara in order to carry out his schemes for usurping the sovereignty of chout, 1750. 548 HISTOEY OF INDIA. CHAP. X. Troubles with the Afghans. Death of Ali Vardi Khan, 1766. Domestic life of All Vardi Khan. of the Maliratta empire. Meanwhile the Mahrattas of Berar returned year after year to plunder and destroy. At last, in 1750, Ali Vardi Khan came to final terms with the Eaja of Berar. He left the province of Orissa in the possession of the Raja, and pledged himself to pay a yearly chout or tribute of twelve lakhs of rupees for Bengal and Behar, or about a hundred and twenty thousand pounds sterling. The anarchy attendant on the Mahratta invasions was aggravated by troubles with the Afghans. There was a growing jealousy between Haji Ahmad and Mustafa Khan. Haji Ahmad charged the Afghan commander with carrying on a secret correspondence with the Mahrattas. Mustafa Khan fled to Patna, but was pursued and slain, and his head was carried in derision through the streets of the city. His death was avenged by his Afghan soldiers. Haji Ahmad fell into their hands, and was scourged and insulted, and then tied to the foot of an elephant, and dragged through the streets of Patna, until death put an end to his agonies. Ali Vardi Khan died in 1756. His last years were disturbed by family troubles, but Bengal was delivered from Mahratta invasions. The following description of the daily routine of the old Nawab in the palace at Murshedabad has been furnished by a Muhammadan historian who flourished at his court ; and whilst it contrasts strangely enough with the stormy ambition which characterised his previous career, it serves to illustrate the domestic life of a respectable Muhamma- dan grandee of the olden time : — “ The Nawab Ali Vardi Khan always rose two hours before daylight, said his prayers at daybreak, and then drank coffee with his chosen friends. From PROVINCIAL HISTORY : BENGAL. 549 seven o’clock till nine he sat in the hall of audience, chap. x. where he listened to the representations of those of his officers and grandees who had anything to say. At nine o’clock he retired and amused himself with the company of particular friends, in listening to verses of poetry or pleasant stories, or in superin- tending the preparation of different dishes, which were cooked in his presence and under his directions. At ten o’clock he partook of the chief meal of the day, but always in company ; and when it was over, his guests washed their hands and withdrew, and he retired to his couch and was lulled to sleep by the story-tellers. At one o’clock he awoke and drank a cup of water cooled with ice or saltpetre, and per- formed his mid-day prayers. He next read a chapter of the Koran with a loud voice, according to the rule, and performed his afternoon prayers. Pious and learned men were then introduced, and regaled with coffee and hookahs ; and the Nawab drank coffee with them but never smoked. A Koran was set up, and conferences, readings, and explanations would occupy two hours. Next the chiefs of offices were in attend- ance, and amongst others the wealthy Jagat Seit made his appearance ; and these men read or told him the news from all parts of India. Wits and buffoons followed, with whom he cracked jokes for another two hours. By this time it would be dusk, and the Nawab said his evening prayers. Then the audience hall was cleared of men, and the ladies of the family came to see him. A supper was served of fresh and dried fruits and sweetmeats, and the Nawab generally distributed them amongst the ladies with his own hands. After supper the ladies retired to rest, and the hall was opened to officers of the guard, bed- 550 HISTORY OF INDIA. II AP. X. watchers, and story-tellers ; and the Nawab again retired to his couch, and was lulled to sleep by stories. He generally awoke three or four times in the course of the night, but was always awake about two hours before dawn.”^^ Such was the condition of Bengal, and of India generally, immediately before the rise of the British empire. The j)eople were groaning under Oriental despotism, without security of life or property, but ignorant of anything better, and regarding their lot as the decree of the gods. So long as they were left in peace, and were not troubled by famine or pesti- lence, they were probably contented ; but the invasions of jMahrattas and outbreaks of Afghans were the agony of India. In Bengal especially the people fled before the Mahrattas like sheep before wolves. They were too powerless and timid to resist, and abandoned their homes and flelds to the destroyer, seeking only to hide themselves in the jungle with their panic- stricken wives and families, until the storm should have passed away. “ Siyar-ul-Mutaqberin,” by Gholam Husain Ali. Calcutta, 1786. APPENDIX 1. THE SHAH NAMEH OF EIEDUSI. The Shah Nameh of Firdusi is a famous Persian poem of interminable length. It was the outcome of the Persian revolt against the Arab conquest. It was written in the purest Persian, without any admixture of Arabic worth men- tioning, although Arabic had long been regarded as the sacred language of the Koran. It purports to be a history of the ancient kings and heroes of Persia, but it is crowded with supernatural details of demigods, griffins, and nondescript monsters. In bulk and character the Shah Nameh bears some resem- blance to the Sanskrit epics of the Maha Bharata and Eama- yana ; but there is a marked difference in the subject-matter. Fabulous details are inserted in the Sanskrit epics for the purpose of glorifying the Brahmans or enforcing the obser- vance of Brahman ical laws or institutions. The fabulous details in the Shah Nameh seem to have been inserted for no other object than to amuse Oriental readers, who never appear to be wearied with details of extravagant amours, miraculous weapons, and impossible battles. There is one story told of the author of the Shah Kameh which is somewhat significant. The poet Firdusi professed to be a Muhammadan and a Sunni. The poem is duly prefaced with a declaration of the Muhammadan faith, and the praises of the four Khalifs who succeeded the Prophet. The poem itself was written at the request of Mahmud of Ghazni, who promised to pay a dirhem for every couplet. Firdusi finished the poem in sixty thousand couplets. He expected to be paid in gold dirhems, but was offered silver dirhems. He 552 HISTORY OF INDIA. — APPENDIX I. refused to take the money, and returned to Persia, where he wrote a hitter satire against Mahmud. An examination of the poem seems to indicate that Mah- mud had reason to be angry with Firdusi. The Shah Nameh teems with legends of idolaters, and has little to say of Muhammad or the Koran. The legend of the conquest of Persia by Zohak the Arab reads like a covert satire on the conquest of Persia by the Arab Khalifs. Zohak is described as a polygamous and flesh-eating monster, just as a Muham- madan would have been described by a Parsi or Brahman of bygone times. It is possible that some of the legends in the Shah Nameh may be relics of authentic tradition. The wars between the old Persian kings and the Devas may refer to ancient anta- gonisms between the fire-worshippers of Persia and the wor- shippers of the Vedic deities. It is curious to note that in the Shah Kameh tlie Devas are located in the Elburz moun- tains and neighbourhood of the Caspian — the very region which the Vedic Aryans are supposed to have occupied before they migrated to the Punjab and Hindustan. Some of the details in the Shah Nameh respecting the earliest kings of Persia may perhaps be accepted as allegori- cal representations of the origin of civilisation and religion. Ivaiumars, the first king, introduced the use of clothing among the human race. Husheng, his successor, produced fire from a stone for the first time. He called it the light of the Divinity, and introduced the worship of fire. He taught the art of forging metals, irrigating lands, baking bread, and cooking in general. Both kings carried on wars against the Devas. Tahumars, the third king, conquered the Devas ; he spared their lives on the condition that they taught him to read and write. Jemshfd, the fourth king, invented arms, armour, and silk garments. He compelled the Devas to build him a palace ; he also obliged them to construct a throne of jewels, which could be carried by enchantment through the air. It is certainly suggestive that the Shah Nameh should re- present the old Persian kings as deriving their civilisation from THE SHAH NAMEH OF FIEDUSI. 553 the Devas. It is well known that the Vedic Aryans, who repre- sent the Devas, were distinguished by their literature from a very remote period ; they indulged in a taste for architecture and jewellery, and were currently believed to he practised in the arts of magic and enchantment, like the Brahmans of later times. A great part of the Shah Naineh is occupied with amours, which appear to gratify Orientals, but have few attractions for European readers. A beautiful princess on a balcony falls in love with a hero whose hair is white as silver. She unloosens her own long tresses to enable him to climb up and join her. The details of their passion are told in innu- merable couplets. At last the lady gave birth to the hero Eustam, a huge child that drank the milk of ten cows. When Eustam was born he was as big as a child a twelve- month old ; when he was three years of age he rode on horseback ; when he was five, he consumed as much food as a full-grown man. Such details may be interesting to Oriental readers, but for purposes of history it is needless to dwell further on the legends of the Shah Nameh. APPENDIX II. HINDtr ANNALS COMPILED FEOM THE MACKENZIE MANUSCKIPTS. I. EARLY CONFLICTS BETWEEN JAINS AND BRAHMANS. War of Malid Bliarata ; migrations to the eastward. — Advent of Viira- niaditya at Ujain, 56 b.C. — Advent of Salivahand, horn of a virgin, 77 A.D. — Growing power of the Jain Princes of the Dekhan.- — Jain Princes at Kalyan in the Dekhan and Kanchipurain in the Peninsula. — Advent of Sankara Acharya as an incarnation of Siva. — Advent of Basava Iswara to teach the worship of the Linga. — Advent of Ramanuja Acharya as an incarnation of Vishnu. — Reign of Raja Bhoja in the Ghond country ; a patron of letters. — Death of Kalidasa the poet. 11. belAl empire of KARNATA. Foundation of the Belal empire of Karnata. I. Hayasala Belal Rai, 984-1043 — Founds the city of Dhur-samundar — Supports both Brahmans and Jains. II. Vinaditya Belal Rai, 1043-1073 — Clears the jungle. III. Yareyanga BeMl Rai, 1073-1113 — Prevalence of Jains. IV. Bala Deva Rai, 1113-1164 — Mussulman conquest — Ramanuja Achdrya converts the Raja to the Vaishnava religion. V. Vijaya Narasinha Beldl, 1165-1187 — Vaishnava religion flourishes. VI. Vira Beldl Rai, 1188-1232 — He marries the daughter of the Sultan of Dellii. VII. Vira Narasinha Beldl, 1233-1248. VIII. Saya Belal Rai, 1249-1267. IX. V^ira Narasinha Deva, 1267-1308. X. Beldl Rai, 1308-1355 — Mussulman conquest of Karnata. HINDU ANNALS : MACKENZIE MSS. 555 III. THE TELINGA COUNTEY. Reign of Pratdpa Enclra in Teliiiga — Carried prisoner to Delhi — Laxity of the Brahmans — Reformation and reorganisation of the Brah- mans — Marriage of a Brahman’s daughter to a youth of the Goldsmith caste. IV. EMPIRE OF VIJAYANAGAR. Foundation of the empire of Vijayanagar — Reign of Krishna Deva Rai ; his power and splendour — Settlement of Brdhmans from Telinga and Orissa — Death of Krishna Rai — Reign of Rdm Rai — Distribution of the empire by Krishna Rai — Disturbances in Madura — Violent proceed- ings of Visvanath Naik — Visvanath Naik makes his peace with Krishna Rai — Grand inauguration of Visvanath as Naik of Madura. V. NAIKS OF MADURA. I. Visvanath Naik, 1560-1564 — Grand reception and enthronement at Madura— Coronation of Visvandth Naik — Greatness of Visvandth Naik — Combat with the Pandava Rajas. II. Kumara Krislmappa Naik, 1564-1572 — His suspicious death. III. Virappa Naik, 1572-1595. IV. Krishnappa Naik, 1595-1604. V. Mutta Virappa Naik, 1604-1626 — Expulsion of the Kalians from the road to Eainiswaram — Quarrel with Tanjore. VI. Tirumala Naik, 1626-1662 — Coronation ceremonies — Settlement with Tanjore — Marriage of Tirumala Naik with the Tanjore Princess — Wedding ceremonies — Night procession and illuminations — Death of Arya Nayaga Mutliali — Army and finances of Madura — Tirumala Naik marries his three cousins— Punishes the Sdthupati of Eamnad — Offends the goddess Minakshi by his numerous marriages — Builds a new palace, mantanpam, tank, and agiiharam — Character and death of Tirumala Naik. VII. Mutta Virappa Naik, 1662. VIII. Cboka Natha Naik, 1662-1685 — War with Tanjore and Mysore — Oriental device for insuring victory — Recovery of Madura — Removal from Madura to Trichinopoly— Marriage of Choka Natha Naik. IX. Ranga Krishna Mutta Virappa Naik, 1685-1692 — Regency of liis mother, Mangamal. X. Vijaya Ranga Choka Natha Naik, 1693-1734 — Regency of Man- gamal — Temporary conquest of Trichinopoly by the Mussulmans — Mangamal’s amour and death — Expedition against Malabar. XI. Minakshi Ammal, the Queen-Dowager, 1734-1742. 556 HISTORY OF INDIA. — APPENDIX II. I. EAELY CONFLICTS BETWEEN JAINS AND BRAHMANS. TFar of Mahd Blidrata : Migrations to the Eastward. — After the war of the Maha Bharata, the southern countries became overgrown with thick jungle, for all the princes of Karnata had perished in the war. Meantime Raja Yudhishthira died, and was succeeded by a line of Rajas of Hastinapur, of whom nothing is known.^ At length a Raja named Narain Rudra reigned some time at Delhi, but was attacked by foreign in- vaders, and he was compelled to abandon his dominions and migrate to the eastern coast of India. He built the city of Rajahmundry on the river Godavari, cleared away the jungle, destroyed all the wild animals, founded a number of towns, and by degrees collected a great army. He reigned over all the eastern coast for sixty years. Advent of Vikramaditya at Ujain, 56 B.c. — In course of time the race of Pandu became extinct. The celebrated monarch Vikramaditya was born at Benares. Both his father and mother belonged to the Brahman caste. He was a sovereign of incomparable merit ; he possessed great cour- age, strength, and wit ; he read much, and his memory was so prodigious that he never forgot anything. He applied himself much to astronomy, history, and the liberal arts. All his excellent qualities were crowned by solid virtue. Eor some time he was engaged in woi’ship and prayer to the goddess Kali at Ujain; and at last he made a sacrifice, and offered his own head to the goddess. In return the goddess appeared to him, and promised that he should rule the whole world for a thousand years, but that at last he would be slain by a child born of a virgin. Vikramaditya told his younger brother, Bali, what had happened, and the two agreed to- gether to reign half a year each in turns, whilst the other 1 Parlkshit, the grandson of Arjuna and Jananiejaya, who is famous for his sacrifice of snakes, belonged to this mythical line of ancient Rajas. Nearly every native Raja traces up his ancestry either to one of the heroes of the Mahil Bhdrata who belong to the Lunar line, or to one of the heroes of the Ramifyana who belong to the Solar line. HINDU ANNALS : MACKENZIE MSS. 557 spent the interval in travelling. By this arrangement they stretched out the thousand years to two thousand.^ Vikra- maditya performed many great and wonderful deeds in this world. He was the favourite of Indra, and was invited by that deity 'to ascend to heaven in order to settle a dispute between two celestial nymphs, named Urvasf and Eambha. For his services on this occasion Indra gave him a golden throne, with thirty-two golden figures thereon, which was afterwards set up in the city at Ujain. Advent of Salivdhdnd, horn of a Virgin, 77 A.D. — Towards the end of his reign, Vikramaditya sent messengers to all parts of his dominions to inquire whether any child had been born of a virgin. They brought back the tidings that the daughter of a potmaker had been visited by the king of snakes or nagas whilst she was still an infant lying in a cradle ; that she had subsequently given birth to a male child, named Salivahana ; 3 that this child had now reached its fifth year ; and that it was accustomed to play with some clay figures of elephants and soldiers, which his grandfather had made for him. Thereupon, Vikramaditya marched an army against the child. The king of the snakes, however, protected his son; he inspired the clay figures with life. Vikramaditya was defeated and slain by Salivahana, and his head was thrown into the city of Ujain. Salivahana afterwards ac- quired a knowledge of the sixty- four arts, and in the end retired to the jungle to lead a life of religious austerities.4 ^ Herodotus relates a somewhat similar story of Mycerinus, the king of Egypt who built the third pyramid. The oracle at Buto informed Mycerinus that he only had six years to live. Accordingly he turned night into day by nightly illuminations, and enjoyed himself day and night in banquets and travel to pleasant places. He did so in order to prove the oracle false, by living twelve years in the space of six. Herod, ii. 133. ^ Another wild legend is told of the birth of Salivdhdnd. A Brdhmau astrologer had calculated a happy moment for begetting a child. When the hour approached, he was prevented from returning home to his wife in conse- quence of the rising of a river. A potter saw his grief, and heard the cause ; and then caused his own daughter to sleep with the Brdhman. The damsel afterwards gave birth to Salivdhdnd. Mackenzie MSS. * The legend of the birth of Salivdhdnd and bis war against Vikramaditya presents a distorted resemblance to events in Gospel histories. Speculation, 558 HISTORY OF INDIA. — APPENDIX II. Groioing Power of the Jain Princes of the Dehhan. — After this the Jain princes held dominion in both the eastern and western provinces. They reigned with much charity, and excelled each other in good works. They made great pro- gress in all the arts and sciences. They sought to destroy the caste of the Brahmans, and to convert them to their own relitrion. O ' Jain Princes at Kalydn in the Pehhan and Kanchip'dram in the Peninsula. — About this time Vijala Eaja and other Eajas of the Jain religion reigned at Kalyan in the Dekhan and at Kanchipiiram in the Peninsula.^ They also held other chief places in the southern countries. These Jain Eajas continually blasphemed the gods of other sects, and fomented constant quarrels and controversies between the Jain priests and the Brahmans. They endeavoured to root out the Brahmanical religion, and substitute their own deceitful laws and customs. Advent of Sankara Achdrya as an Incarnation of Siva . — Accordingly the god Siva became incarnate in the divine Sankara Acharya of the Brahman caste, in order to aboEsh this blasphemous sect, and reform all the Brahman maths or monasteries. He divided the Brahmans into six great classes ; he abolished all the improper customs and irregularities tliat had been introduced by ignorant Brahmans ; and he became the supreme head of all the Brahmans. Advent of Basava Iswara to teach the Worship of the Liny a. — Also Nandi, the sacred bull of Siva, became incarnate in Basava Iswara of the Brahman caste, to teach the worship of however, could lead to no result. The defeat of Vikramaditya probably points to a historical fact. Ferishta says that Vikramaditya was defeated by a confederacy of the princes of the Dekhan. It is not impossible that the myth covers the story of a momentous struggle between the Ndga princes of the Dekhan and the Aryan invaders who had advanced southwards to Ujain, in which the former gained the victory. But, as stated at the end of chapter viii. in the foregoing history, the story also appears to symbolise a religious collision between Buddhists or Jains and Brdhmans. ® Kalydn is now a railway station to the eastward of Bombay. Kanchi- piiram, the modern Conjeveram, is about forty miles to the westward of the city of Madras. HINDU ANNALS : MACKENZIE MSS. 559 the Linga, as the symbol of the divine being. Basava Iswara performed many miracles; and when Vijala Eaja saw them, he made peace with Basava Iswara, and appointed him to be prime minister at Kalyan. Then Basava Iswara carried on many disputations with the Jain teachers, and overcame them by his reasoning. But after this Vijala Eaja became' exas- perated Avith Basava Iswara, and put many of the worshippers of the Linga to death.® Basava then Avent his wmy out of Kalyan, and pronounced a curse upon the city, and it was destroyed by fire. Then two w^orshippers of the Linga planned the death of Vijala Eaja, and the empire became broken to pieces by internal wars. Advent of Ramamija Aclidrya as an Incarnation of Vishnu, — Vishnu, the preserver of the world, then became incarnate as Eamanuja Acharya in Kanchipuram, in order to extirpate the Jains from the southern provinces. Eamanuja Acharya combated the Jains of Sravana Bella Kullum in Mysore, of Kanchipuram in the Chola country, and of all the cities of the south. He held many disputations Avith them, and silenced all opponents, and caused many of them to be put to death by the Eajas of those countries. Reign of Raja Rhoja in the Ghond Country : a Patron of Letters. — After this Eaja Bhoja Avas born at Devagiri in the Ghond country.^ He ruled the southern regions of the Ghond country for fifty years ; he was very charitable, and a great patron of the poets and other authors. He punished all the foreign kings of Hindustan, and brought them under his ® There is a tradition that Basava had a very beautiful sister ; that Vijala Raja became enamoured of her ; and that Basava connived at the amour in order to convert the Raja from the Jain religion. This story, though strange, is not incredible. The conversion of the Raja of Kalydu would be worth the sacrifice of a sister even in the eyes of a Brsihman. The Jain Raja must have been very much enamoured or he would never have made Basava his prime minister. Pos.sibly he afterwards grew weary of the sister, and then turned against the Brdhmans. ^ Devagiri, the modern Deoghur and Doulatdbdd, is here mentioned as a capita], not of Maharashtra, but of the Ghond country. The statement would imply that the Mahrattas were later invaders, driving the Ghonds farther and farther out of the fertile tableland of the Dekhan into the eastern jungle. 560 HISTORY OF INDIA. APPENDIX II. dominion. To those poets who composed the best stanzas in his lionour he gave as much as a lakh of pagodas for each verse.® Death of Kdliddsa the Poet . — Eaja Bhoja died of grief for the loss of his favourite poet, Kalidasa. The poet had taken offence, and had fled from the court of Devagiri. Accordingly Eaja Bhoja tried to bring him hack by artifice. He composed half a stanza, and offered his kingdom to any one who com- pleted it, hoping thereby to draw Kalidasa from his hiding- place. The poet had a treacherous mistress, and she prevailed upon him to complete it, in order to work his destruction. The original half-stanza ran thus : — “ Where was a flower ever seen to grow out of a different flower ? ” The poet finished it by a reference to her eyes. He responded : “ Nowhere, 0 nymph, excepting in your lilylike countenance, where the two flowers of Indra are sportively playing.” ^ In the night the damsel stabbed her lover to the heart. Next morning she carried the completed stanza to the Eaja, foolishly apply- ing it to his own masculine face. The Eaja then guessed the truth, and charged her with the murder, and banished her from his kingdom of Kalyan.^® Seven days afterwards he died of grief for the loss of Kalidasa.^^ ® Tills is a startling exaggeration. A lakh of pagodas is equal to about thirty-five thousand pounds sterling. Probably it would be safer to read one pagoda for each verse. ^ The eyes of the damsel are compared to the two flowers of Indra, growing out of her lily countenance. The conceit is fantastic and laboured, but it is considered a matchless stroke of genius by Hindus, and shows that the Vedic religion prevailed or was remembered at court. It will be noticed that the Raja did not order the murderess to execution. Indeed it was contrary to ancient law and usage to put a woman to death under any circumstances. The climax shows that the whole story is a fiction. Bhoja is generally identified with Vikramaditya, who was fabled to have reigned for a thousand years. The fiction was probably invented to cover the shame of the defeat of Vikramaditya. HINDU ANNALS : MACKENZIE MSS. 561 11. belIl empiee of karnata. Foundation of the Beldl Empire of Karnata. — The Belal kingdom of Karnata, or Kanarese-speaking people, was founded in the tenth century of the Christian era. A valiant warrior, named Hayasala, was a follower of the Jain religion, and had gone into the Karnata country, in the western half of the peninsula, to perform his devotions with a Jain priest. It happened that a royal tiger was infesting the neighbourhood, and the inhabitants implored the protection of Hayasala. Accordingly he went out and slew the tiger, and the people then made him king of all that country, and paid him a yearly tax. Hayasala was known as the Belal Eai. His kingdom corresponded generally to the modern territory of Mysore. He founded the dynasty of the Belal Eais or Eajas. Their history is as follows I. Hayasala Beldl Rai, 984-1043: City of Dhur-samiondar Founded. — He conquered all the countries to the south of the river Krishna. He followed the religion of the Jains. He built the metropolis of Hhur-samundar, and peopled it with merchants, artisans, mechanics, and citizens of all classes, and established all the officers of government. He cleared out forests, built villages, and peopled them with divers Eajas. Supports Brdhmans and Jains. — Hayasala Eai was desir- ous of encouraging the Brahmans in the centre of his kins- dom, where they were few in number, and he appointed them to be Karnams, or revenue accountants, in the several districts. He appointed some to be priests in Brahman villages. He especially encouraged the Jains by employing them at his court, and appointing some of them to be com- manders in his armies. He divided his kingdom into Nadus, or groups of villages. He made the perquisites of the dif- ferent officers hereditary in their respective families. II. Vindditya Beldl Rai, 1043-1073 : Clears the Jungle . — He cleared the country at the junction of the Bhadra and 36 562 HISTORY OF INDIA. — APPENDIX II. Toonga rivers, which in those clays was covered with teak wood; and there he built a city. He also cleared other jungles and founded villages. III. Vareydnga Beldl Red, 1073-1113 : Prevalence of Jains. — Under his reign the Jain religion prevailed more than ever. He erected a number of Jain temples and agraharams, i.e., separate streets or quarters for the Brahmans. IV. Bala Deva Bai, 1113-1164: Mussulman Conquest . — During his reign the Mussulmans from Delhi entered the Belal kingdom and fought against the Kai for three months. At last the Bai was captured by treachery, and carried away to the Krishna river. Here he agreed to pay a ransom to the Delhi Mussulmans ; and they mutilated his little finger to show that he had been captured in battle, and then released him. He returned home in great shame, and remained quietly in his kingdom. Bdmdnuja Achdrya converts the Raja to the Vaishnava Religion . — After this Eamanuja Acharya, the apostle of the Vaishnavas, who had fied from the Chola kingdom on account of the religious persecutions, came into the Karnata country, and resolved to convert the Eaja to the religion of the Vaish- navas, and he prevailed on the concubine of the Eaja to help him. It was tlie law amongst the Jains never to eat in the house of a man who had been mutilated. Accordingly the girl persuaded the Eaja to invite his Jain Guru to take his dinner in the royal palace. She said, “ If the Guru will accept your invitation, I will join your religion; if he will not come, you must join my religion.” The Guru refused to break the laws of the Jain priesthood, and the Eaja became a Vaishnava and a follower of Eamanuja Acharya. After this Eamanuja Acharya delivered the daughter of the Eaja from a Eakshasa, i.e., he cast a devil out of her. Afterwards Eamanuja Acharya changed the name of the Eaja from Belal Deva Eai to Vishnu Verdhana Eai, or “ The increaser of the Vaishnava religion.” He also miraculously healed the Eaja’s mutilated finger, so that in a moment it grew as perfect as HINDU ANNALS : MACKENZIE MSS. 563 ever. After this he induced the Eai to destroy Jain temples, and to build Vishnu temples instead.^^ V. Vijaya Ncirasinlut Bd&l, 1165-1187 : VaisTinava Reli- gion flourishes. — He encouraged the Vaishnava religion and oppressed the Jains more than his father had done. He made a pilgrimage to all the holy places. On his return to his own city, the god, i.e., Vishnu, appeared to him in a dream on the hanks of the river Bhadra, and accordingly he built a city and temple at Bankipur. VI. Vira Beldl Rai, 1188-1232 : Marries the Daughter of the Sultan of Delhi. — He was born of the eldest queen of Vijaya Harasinha. He built tanks and other works of charity, and he constructed the stone steps at the junction of the Toonga and Bhadra for the religious people who went to bathe there. The daughter of the Padishah or Sultan of Delhi heard that Vira Belal Eai was very handsome, and so fell in love with the fame of his beauty and threatened to kill herself unless her father gave her to the Eaja in mar- riage. At last the Sultan consented, and sent messengers to inform the Eaja. In return the Eaja sent his sword by the hands of a minister to be married to the princess according to the law. So the Sultan married his daughter to the Eaja’s sword, and sent her to the Eaja, and she became his wife. After this the Eaja was displeased with the princess, and the Sultan sent an army against him and defeated him. So the Eaja went into a cavern and never returned. Then Rdm^nuja Ach^rya is said to have instigated the Rajas to carry on a horrible persecution against the Jains. Colonel Mackenzie adds a note to the manuscript to the effect that the people of Conjereram complained that their ancestors, who were Jains, had been cruelly persecuted. Some were beheaded, others were impaled, or beaten to death in mortars. Falling in love with hearsay beauty is a Brahmanioal form of expression to cover the shame of an amour. Thus the beautiful Damayanti is said to have fallen in love with Nala on hearing that he was very handsome. The idea of having seen him, or of having been seen by him, was abhorrent to Brahmanical ideas. 5G4 HISTORY OF INDIA. APPENDIX II. the Sultan’s daughter followed him, and a tomb was built over the place to her memory VII. Vira Narasinlia Beldl, 1233-1248. — He was the son of Vira Belal by the Sultan’s daughter. Nothing is recorded of him. VIII. Saya Beldl Eai, 1249-1267. — Nothing recorded. IX. Vira Narasinha Dcva, 1267-1308. — Nothing recorded. X. Beldl Eai, 1308-1355 : Mussulman Conquest of Karnata. — He was a very handsome prince, and his father gave him two wives to prevent his going after other women. His sister was married and had two sons. During his absence on a hunting expedition his youngest wife tried to seduce his eldest nephew, but did not succeed. On the Eaja’s return she exasperated him against both his nephews, and he ordered them both to be hanged. Then the mother of the young men came out and pronounced a curse upon the Eaja and upon his city of Dhur-samundar, and then put herself to death. This Belal Eai was overthrown by the Mussulmans. III. THE TELINGA COUNTEY. Eeign of Eratdy a Eudra in Telinga. — Eaja Pratapa Eudra was born in the city of Warangal, the capital of Telinga, by the favour of the god Siva. He reigned over Telinga, or the Telugu-speaking people to the eastward, for seventy-six years. His minister was named Yuganda Eudra, and was so wise that he could create or destroy a world at wiU. Carried Prisoner to Delhi. — About this time the minister. There is another version of this strange legend. It is said that the Raja deserted his wife because he thought that the marriage was unlawful. It is also said that it was not the daughter, but the Piidishiih or Sultan, who perished in the cavern, and that the tomb was known as the Padishdh’s tomb. HINDU ANNALS : MACKENZIE MSS. 565 Yuganda Eudra, foresaw that Warangal was about to be attacked by the Mussulman Sultan of Delhi. Accordingly he escaped into foreign countries in order that he might thereafter be able to deliver Eaja Pratapa Eudra. Mean- time the Sultan of Delhi marched an army against Warangal and took it, and he carried the Eaja captive to Delhi. Then Yuganda Eudra loaded some ships with jewels, and disguised himself as a merchant, and went away with them up the river Jumna as far as the city of Delhi. When he had anchored his ships at Delhi, the Sultan heard of his coming, and offered to buy the jewels. The disguised minister, how- ever, priced them at a hundred times their value, but offered to accept the valuation of Pratapa Eudra. Accordingly the Sultan went on board one of the ships, and took Pratapa Eudra with him, on which the minister weighed anchor and went down the river Jumna, and in due course arrived at Warangal with the Sultan and the Eaja. The Sultan was then placed in prison at Warangal, but after a while was released and sent back to Delhi. Laxity of the Brahmans . — One day whilst the Eaja of Telinga and his minister were discoursing in an upper cham- ber, they saw the daughter of the minister returning witli her friends from the burning ghat, bringing with them the impure things that are distributed at funeral ceremonies.^^ Accordingly the Eaja asked the minister how he could permit his daughter to carry about such impure things. The minister was much ashamed, and said that such a thing should never occur again.^® The minister was probably a Brahman. 16 There is more in this tradition than meets the eye. It was doubtless a custom amongst the Kshatriyas, as it was amongst the ancient Greeks, for the maidens to offer wine and cakes to the ghosts of deceased kinsmen. It was also the custom for the Buddhists to bring away relics from the burning ghdt, as was customary amongst the Sdhya Rajas. The Brdhmans tried to 1 eradicate the Buddhist usages. Moreover, they never allowed their unmar- ried damsels to be seen in public. The compiler of the chronicle, however, artfully places the complaint in the mouth of the Raja, who was apparently 1 a Kshatriya, rather than in the mouth of the minister, who was apparently a ' Brahman. 566 HISTORY OF INDIA. APPENDIX II. Reformation and Reoi'ganisation of the Brahmans. — The minister, Yuganda Eudra, then collected together all the Brahmans of the Telinga country, to the number of six thou- sand families, and exhorted them to refrain from such sordid actions, which were contrary to their caste.^'^ He provided for their maintenance by appointing them Karnams, or revenue accountants, to different villages, which enabled them to draw yearly allowances from the villagers. The minister then laid down the law for all the Brahmans, that they should not humble themselves before mean people, nor engage in mean pursuits, nor employ themselves in any way, excepting as writers, interpreters, or traders. He moreover ordered that all Brahmans should see that their children were properly educated and suitably employed ; and should give their daughters in marriage only to Brahmans of supe- rior rank. He then dismissed them with gifts to the different villages to take up their posts as Karnams. Marriage of a Brdhman’ s Daughter to a Youth of the Gold- smith Caste. — A subsequent incident led to the promulgation of further reforms amongst the Brahmans. A Brahman poet of the Telinga country had a beautiful daughter. One day a boy of the caste of Goldsmiths came from a distant place, and passed himself off as a Brahman orphan, destitute of means, without friends or kindred, and anxious to learn the Vedas and Sastras. Accordingly the Brahman had compas- sion on him, took him into his house, instructed him in all the sacred writings ; and finding him very industrious and intelligent, he gave him his daughter in marriage. Ten years passed away, when the stranger was suddenly recognised by a kinsman, who told who he was, and said that his parents were both alive, and had long been anxious about him. The Brahman was horror-stricken. He made known the story to his daughter, and said, “What must be done to a pitcher that a dog has licked ? ” She replied, “ The pitcher must be It may be inferred from this expression, and from what follows, that the Brdhmans had been previously paid for collecting relics from the burning ghdt. HINDU ANNALS : MACKENZIE MSS. 5G7 purified by fire.” That same night slie set fire to her house, and perished together with lier husband. After this tlie minister divided the Brahmans into four classes, according to their respective countries, and this division exists to this day.i® IV. EMPIRE OF VIJAYANAGAR. Foundation of the Empire of Vijayanagar. — After this a new race of sovereigns reigned over the southern country. A poor Brahman came from a foreign country to the Tum- badra river, and prayed to the goddess of abundance and prosperity, i.e., Lakshmf, the wife of Vishnu. In return tlie goddess rained down so much gold that he built the city and fort of Vijayanagar, and appointed Bukka Rai to reign over it. Five Rajas reigned in succession after Bukka Rai, namely, Iswara Rai, Narasinha Deva Rai, Vira Narasinha Deva Rai, Achyata Rai, and Krishna Deva Rai. Each reigned for a considerable length of time. Their sway was benevolent and mild, and each exceeded the other in good actions. Eeign of Krishna Deva Rai: his power and splendour . — Krishna Deva Rai, the last of these Rajas, was tlie greatest sovereign of his time, and the lord of many kingdoms. He was endowed with great courage, a ready wit, and a profound knowledge of the world. He liad read much, and was re- markable for his prodigious memory. He successfully applied himself to such military exercises as archery, &c., as well as to the culture of philosophy and the liberal arts. In poetry he excelled the best authors of his time. He was also very handsome, and all his fine accomplishments were crowned by This division of the Briihmans of Telinga is curious. It was probably kept up in order that no low caste for the future should be able to personate a Brdhman. These four classes may take their meals together, but may not intermarry. This was another ingenious process for preventing the possibility of marriages outside the caste, by limiting the area within which marriages might take place. 568 HISTORY OF INDIA. APPENDIX II. his solid virtue. He patronised a great number of learned men and celebrated poets, and advanced them to the highest dignities. He loved the poor, and his valour made him ter- rible to his neighbours. This most excellent monarch had an excellent minister, named Tim Eai, vho was prudent, wise, sagacious, and well versed in science. This famous king governed for about sixteen years, with the assistance of his minister Tim Eai, most graciously and with great benefi- cence. He subjected many Poligars, or feudal chiefs of the south, of different castes throixghout the dominions of Karnata, and obliged them to clear the jungle and encourage the popu- lations of their respective districts. Settlement of Brdlimans from Telinga and Orissa. — In the time of Krishna Deva Eai great numbers of Brahmans, of different districts and sects, came from beyond the Godavari river, and from the eastern provinces, to encourage the Poli- gars and populate their districts. Bistrihition of the Empire hy Krishna Eai. — Krishna Eai of Vijayanagar was the most excellent prince of his time. His empire extended from Ceylon to Thibet. He loved his subjects, and was beloved by them. He was reconciled to the Brahmans, and accommodated his poEcy to their laws. Beneath his throne stood a concourse of Eajas with their hands joined together in the attitude of worship. He gave the government of Mysore to his chief favourite ; that of Tanjore to his betel-bearer ; and that of Madura to Nagama Naik, who was overseer of the royal cattle. Death of Krishna Eai. — Krishna Deva Eai acquired an honourable and lasting reputation in this world, and died after a long and glorious reign. Eeign of Earn Eai. — Earn Eai, the son-in-law of Krishna Deva Eai, succeeded him on the throne of Vijayanagar. Earn Eai was a prince of very great merit. At the time of In the text it is stated that he allotted the “ tribute ” of Mysore to his chief favourite, and this expression is repeated in Tanjore and Madura. But it is evident that the post was that of governor, and that the title was Naik or deputy. HINDU ANNALS : MACKENZIE MSS. 569 Krishna Eai’s death he was absent from Vijayanagar, and engaged in war against the Mussulmans. For a short time the kingdom of Vijayanagar was in some confusion on account of disturbances and wars with foreign princes. When Earn Eai heard of the death of Krishna Eai, he quickly put an end to the war, and returned to Vijayanagar and took possession of the throne. He governed the kingdom for some time with beneficence equal to that of his father-in-law. He was esteemed as a prince of great knowledge, who carried on wars with the Mussulmans, and vanquished them several times. At last he indiscreetly affronted their religion by killing a hog on the tomb of a Mussulman. This brought on a war, and Earn Eai was slain in battle and his head cut V. KAIKS OF MADUEA. Dishcrhances in Madura . — About this time the affairs of Madura were falling into great disorder. The twelve kings of Malabar withheld their tribute from the Pandya Paja.^"- His owm servants rebelled against him, especially one Dum- brichi Naik, wEo lived oixt in the Tinnevelly country. The Pandya Eaja was therefore unable to pay his own tribute to Nagama Naik, and Nagama Naik laid his complaint before his suzerain, Krishna Eai. Accordingly Krishna Eai sent This story is a striking specimen of the falsification of Hindu histories. The real facts have already been related in Chapter IV. The early history of Madura is lost in fable. A dynasty known as the Pandya Eajas was said to have been founded by Arjuna, one of the five Pandavas, the heroes of the Mabd Bharata. Arjuna, in fact, is said to have founded a dynasty at Madura, just as he had founded the Raj at Manipura, by marrying a daughter of the reigning Raja, and placing his son on the throne. See “History of India,” vol. i., Mabd Bhdrata. According to the legends in the text, the Raja of Madura received tribute from the Rajas of Malabar, but was compelled to pay tribute to Nagama Naik, a favourite servant of Krishna Rai, a famous Eaja of Vijayanagar. Then follows the story of how Visvandth gained possession of the kingdom of Madura. Ndgama Naik subsequently secured a leading share in the govern- ment of Madura. 570 HISTORY OF INDIA. — APPENDIX II. Yisvanath Naik, the son of Nagama Naik, with a body of troops to restore order in the kingdom of Madura, and he also sent Arya Nayaga Muthali to accompany Visvanatha Naik. Violent Proceedings of Visvan&th Naik. — Visvanath Naik was received by Kun Piindya, the Eaja of Madura, with every mark of joy. Visvanath Naik turned his arms against the kings of Malabar, levied fines and presents, and forced them to pay up arrears of tribute. He defeated the rebels at Parama-kudi, and beheaded their chief Dumhrichi Naik in the presence of the Pandya Raja. But after this success he determined to usurp the throne. He quietly distributed his forces throughout the kingdom, and then on a certain day he seized all the fortresses that belonged to the Pandya Raja, and massacred all the garrisons. He placed the Pandya Raja in imprisonment, and loaded him with chains. He even imprisoned his own father, Nagama Naik. He then entered the palace at Madura, and slaughtered all the women of the zenana, and every man and child, so as to extinguish for ever the very name of the Pandya Rajas. Visvanath Naik makes his peacr. loith Krishna Rai. — After this Visvanath Naik set his father at liberty, and placed him in charge of the kingdom of Madura. He then set off for Vijayanagar to make his peace with Krishna Rai. He placed a head of gold at the feet of the Rai,^^ together with heaps of money, by way of atonement and propitiation, and prostrated himself on the ground before the tlirone. Krishna then raised him up and embraced him with great affection, and made the Naik sit by his side, and declared him to he his partner in the empire. Grand Inauguration of Visvanath as Naik of Madura. — On the 1st of January 1560,^^ the rites of inauguration were duly performed. The holy waters of the Ganges and other rivers This was the symbol of placing his own head at the mercy of his sove- reign. 23 i‘ Q[j Pi-iday the tenth day of the bright fortnight, the twenty-first of Margalee, the year Boondree, the 1482nd year of Salwapa Epocha ; that is HlivDU ANNALS : MACKENZIE MSS. 571 were poured over the head of Visvanath Naik, according to the ancient custom at the coronation of Eajas. A diadem of massive gold was tied on his head. His ears were adorned with emeralds and pearls, his neck with costly carcanets, his breast with gems set in different figures, his fingers with amulets, his wrists witli bracelets, his arms witli amulets of carbuncles. He was arrayed in royal vestments of cloth and gold. He was placed on a throne of gold, which was fixed on an elephant richly caparisoned. An umbrella of silver brocade was held over his head, and the chowries were waved about him on either side.^^ He was also honoured with the royal insignia of Krishna Eai. A crimson shield was carried before him, together with standards hearing the bird Garura and the monkey Hanuman.^^ He was conducted in proces- sion through the streets of Vijayanagar, escorted by troops, charioteers, and footmen, all clothed in rich apparel.^® After the procession he was entertained by Krishna Eai in the the 1st of January a.d. 1560, on which day ruled the constellation Asvatee, the conjunction Sobana, and the aspect Conlava.” — Maclcenzie’s note. These astrological details serve to identify all modern dates, but they are not always reliable, inasmuch as they may be sometimes introduced to give tlie air of reality to remote epochs. Thus it is easy to calculate the eclipses of the past as well as those of the future. The chowries are made of hair, and were waved about to fan the great man, and to sweep away any flies or musquitoes. They are regarded through- out India as the insignia of royalty. The umbrella or canopy is also the emblem of royalty. Garura and Hanuman were symbols of the Vaishnava religion. The bird Garura was the fabulous vehicle on which Vishnu was supposed to ride. The monkey Hanuman plays an important part in the incarnation of Vishnu as Rama. It would be a waste of time to subject Hindh chronicles to historical criticism. Thus the whole story of the inauguration of Visvandth in the city of Vijayanagar is in all probaVhlity a pure invention, intended to enhance the greatness of the old Naiks at Madura, and to cover the fact that Visvandth was a mere vulgar usurper. It is impossible to imagine that a great and power- ful sovereign like Krishna Eai of Vijayanagar (? Earn Eai) would confer such honours upon a refractory governor of a little territory like Madura. But for all that, the details are valuable. They are most likely in exact accord- ance with what took place on the enthronement of great Hindu sovereigns. They may not be true as matters of fact, but they are absolutely true as pictures of old Hindu life and manners. 572 HlSTOllY OF INDIA. APPENDIX II. banqiieting-house, and feasted on milky food, and then loaded him with presents, and sent him to Madura to reign over all that country. So Visvanath Naik, and his posterity after him, reigned over Madiira for nine generations, namely, from the Christian year 1560 to that of 1742. The story of their reigns is as follows : — O I. Visvandth Naik, 1560-1564; Grand Beccption and Enth'onemcnt at Madura. — Visvanath Naik marched from Vijayanagar to Madura, and was received by the Brahmans and chief people wuth great joy. The streets were adorned with triumphal arches of divers colours, and decked out with green boughs and garlands of flowers. He entered the city riding on an elephant richly caparisoned, with all the badges of royalty wliich had been given to him by Krishna Eai. He approached the temple of the god Sundara Iswara and the goddess Minakshi-Ammal, and alighted from his elephant, and prostrated himself before the images of the god and god- dess, and presented a vast number of gifts. He then went to the house of his father, Nagama Naik, and laid gold and silver flowers at his feet, and bowed his head to the ground. The happy father was filled with pride, and raised his son from the ground, and kissed his head and temples. Coronation of Visvandth Naik. — At night-time the god Sundara Iswara and the goddess Minakshi w^ere arrayed wuth the inestimable Joyee which had been made for them, and dedicated to them by the Pandya Eajas of Madura. Helicious oblations were also offered to these deities, and sweet-smelling flowers were poured over them. A diadem of virgin gold beset with jewels was placed upon the head of the goddess Minakshi, and a sceptre of gold beset in like manner was placed in her hand. The court of the Pandya Sundara Iswara was the god Siva, who is known by various names, such a.s Mahadeva, Iswara, &c. In the Peninsula of India his worship is often asso- ciated with that of the Linga. Mindkshi-Ammdl is a form of Durgd, also known by the names of Kali, Pdrvati, &c. The Saiva religion prevailed at Madura, whilst the Yaishnava religion pre- vailed at Vijayanagar. HINDU ANNALS : MACKENZIE MSS. 573 Eajas, known as the court of Lakshmi, was decorated with tapestries and illuminated with lamps. Visvanath Naik and his father Nagama Naik entered the temple and pros- trated themselves before the goddess, and then stood before her with joined hands. The diadem was taken from the head of the goddess and placed on the head of Visvanath Naik, and the sceptre was taken from her hand and placed in his hand in like manner. At that moment eighteen bands of music struck up and filled the air with harmonies. Visva- nath Naik then proceeded from the temple to the court of Lakshmi, whilst the heralds sounded his praises before him. He took his seat upon the ancient throne of the Pandya Eajas; he gave presents to the Brahmans; he appointed Arya Nayaga Muthali to be both minister and commander- in-chief, and invested him with two rings as symbols of the two authorities ; he also gave Arya Nayaga Muthali a square turban, a gold cloth, mantles of silk, earrings of pearl, brace- lets of emerald, and Joyee of v'arious forms. At the same time he permitted Arya Nayaga Muthali to place a spot of civet upon the centre of his forehead. Visvanath Naik then placed certain of his followers in possession of the fortresses and lands of the Pandyas, and engaged them to pay him a yearly tribute. After this he distributed betel and areka- nut, and so dismissed the assembly.^® Greatness of Visvandth Naik . — Visvanath Naik was the handsomest man of his time. He was endowed with super- natural strength, renowned throughout the world, very learned, and very attentive to the Brahmans. He built choultries for the accommodation of pilgrims throughout the whole route from the holy city of Benares on the Ganges, to the holy places on the island of Eamiswaram, between Cape Comorin and Ceylon.^® He built a palace for his own residence on the -® The distribution of betel and areka-nut is the Hindu ceremony of dis- missal. It is practised to this day at the close of the state receptions of native princes by the Viceroy of India which are known as Durbars. Choultries, or resting-places for wayfarers, are an institution in India. They are erected by Eajas and wealthy Hindhs at their own expense as acts 574 HISTORY OF INDIA. — APPENDIX II. south side of the temple of Mi'nakshi. His wife gave hirth to a son named Krishnappa Haik, who afterwards succeeded to the throne of Madura. Combat luitli the Pdndava Bajas. — About this time there were five princes dwelling in Tinnevelly who were illegiti- mate kinsmen of the Pandya Eajas. They were known as the five Pandavas. They marched an army against Visva- nath Naik to avenge the death of the last of the Pandya Eajas. It was, however, agreed to settle the quarrel by single combat; and Visvandth fought against one of the princes, and defeated and slew him. After this Visvandth died upon the field of battle, and a monument was built to his memory.^® IP Kiimdra Krishnappa Naik, 1564-1572 ; his si/spiciovs death. — The new Naik was only three years old when his father died, but he was carried in procession through the streets of Madura, and installed upon the throne with the usual cere- monies. His grandfather, Ndgama Naik, and Arya Ndyaga Muthali, the minister and commander-in-chief, acted as regents for the infant prince. As he grew up, he acted according to their advice, and followed the example set by his father ; he maintained the rights of the Brdhmans and those of the temples ; he married a wife and begot a son before he arrived at years of discretion.^’^ He made a journey with his guardians into the Tinnevelly country, and was much pleased with the immense plains, covered with rich plots and fruitful orchards. He accordingly travelled farther into the southern country. of charity. The statement that Visvandth Naik built choultries at every halting-place between Benares and Edmiswaram is, of course, an exaggeration, and as such it is repeated of one or more of his successors. The Hindd chronicler was evidently in one of those dilemmas which are calculated to spur the invention of a Hindfi historian. He was anxious to give the victory to Visvandth Naik, whilst he could not conceal the un- pleasant fact that Visvandth Naik was slain in the conflict. It will be seen hereafter that Kflmara Krishnappa reigned eight years and ten months. He was not quite twelve years of age when he died. At that time his son was two years of age. So that Krishnappa Naik is said to have become a father before he was ten years old. The reason for this pre- posterous lie will presently appear. HINDU ANNALS : MACKENZIE MSS. 575 On his return he saw the place where his father died, and was so affected by the sad story that he killed himself on the spot. He reigned eight years and ten months. In memory of his death an agraharam, or square of houses, was built and dedi- cated to the Brahmans.^2 III. Virappa Kaik, 1572-1595.— The child of Kumara Krishnappa Naik was only two years of age, and consequently Nagama Naik and Arya Nayaga Muthali continued to act as regents. He reigned twenty-two years, hut nothing is re- corded concerning him. IV. Krishnappa Naik, 1595-1604. — He reigned eight years and nine months. Nothing is recorded. Y. Muttu Virappa Naik, 1604-1626: Expulsion of the Kalians from the road to Rdmiswaram. — About this time the country to the eastward of Madura was in a disturbed state. The barbarous tribes of robbers known as the Kalians in- fested the jungle, and robbed the pilgrims on their way to the holy places at Eamiswaram. Accordingly Virappa Naik conferred the title of Sethupati, or “ Lord of the causeway,” This story is essentially native. Those who are familiar with Hindu character will have no difficulty in detecting the falsehood and indicating the real truth. That a young prince should commit suicide on hearing the story of his father’s death, eight or nine years after the event, is a palpable lie. So is the statement that he was a father before he was ten years old. The real story would appear to be as follows ; — -Kumdra Krishnappa Naik must have attained his majority. He was the father of a child two years old. He was becoming impatient of his guardians. Accordingly they took him away from the city of Madura, and put him to death. They afterwards built an agraharam for the Brdhmans as an atonement for the murder. They thus continued to rule the kingdom as regents. The Kalians, orKalars, are hereditary robbers of the barbarous type. Before the rise of British power their lives were savage and disorderly to the last degree. When men or women quarrelled, one party would commit some atrocious act, such as that of murdering their children, and the other was bound by invio- lable custom to do the same. They always married blood relations. Cousins were preferred, and they were always married regardless of the wishes of the parties or any disparity of age. Failing their cousins, they married their aunts or nieces. See Nelson’s “Manual of the Madura Country.” 576 HISTORY OF INDIA. APPENDIX II. xipon a Marawar, who drove out the Kalians and built a fort for the protection of the pilgrims.^^ Quarrel with Tanjore . — Meantime the people of Tanjore, to the northward of Madura, began to make trouble on the border, and Virappa Nark gave some lands to the Kalians on the condition that they fomented disturbances in the Tanjore country. Vijaya Kagananda, Naik of Tanjore, was anxious to give Trichinopoly to Virappa Naik in exchange for Vellam-kota, but nothing was done. VI. 1626-1662 : Coronation Ceremonies . — Tirumala Naik, known as the great Naik of Madura, suc- ceeded his father on the 9th of February 1626.^^ The cere- monies of his inauguration were performed according to the ancient custom. Holy waters from different rivers were poured over his head from vessels of gold by the officiating Brahmans. He was conducted through the streets of Madura in a magnificent procession. He entered the temple of Mmakshi, and was invested with the diadem and sceptre in the presence of the goddess ; and then mounted the golden throne under a rich canopy in the court of Lakshmf. There he listened to the strains of music, and beheld the performances of the dancing-girls untd it was midnight; and he then distributed betel and areka-nut, and so dis- missed the assembly. Settlement with Tanjore . — Next morning Tirumala Naik sat upon his throne and held a public audience. He received the ambassador from Tanjore, and agreed to give Vallam-kota in exchange for Trichinopoly, provided Vijaya Eagananda, 3-* According to the Rdmdyana, the hero Rdmd founded the temple at Edmia- wara, and placed a chief of the Marawars in hereditary charge, who, somehow, became hereditary ruler of Rdmudd territory, but paid tribute to the Pdndya Rajas of Madura. This office was apparently revived or strengthened by Virappa Naik. ^ The reign of Tirumala Naik is valuable as a type of Hindii annals of cele- brated Rajas of the olden time. He ascended the throne of Madura the year after the accession of Charles I. of England. He died two years after the restoration of Charles II. He is by far the most celebrated of all the Naiks of Madura. HINDU ANNALS : MACKENZIE MSS. 577 Naik of Tanjore, agreed to give his sister Parvati to him in marriage. Accordingly the exchange was made, and a for- tunate day was fixed for the solemnisation of the marriage. Marriage of Tirumala Naik with the Tanjore Princess . — Meanwhile vast quantities of rice and other articles were collected from all quarters of the kingdom. The city of Madura was adorned with arches, and decked out with gar- lands and banners. Vijaya Eaganauda, Naik of Tanjore, accompanied by all his kinsmen, brought his sister Parvati in a palanquin as far as Tellacolum; and Tirumala Naik and all his courtiers went out to Tellacolum, and conducted the Naik of Tanjore and his sister and all their followers into the city of Madura, where lodgings had been prepared for the Naik and all his people. Wedding Ceremonies . — Next day the marriage rites were performed between the great Naik of Madura and the beautiful Princess of Tanjore. Tirumala Naik was arrayed in nuptial robes sparkling with jewels, and took his seat upon a rich carpet spread in the midst of a hall or pandal, which was made of cocoa-nut leaves, and ornamented with tapestries and pictures. Learned Brahmans sat round about him, and kindled the sacred fire, and fed it with clarified butter and holy sticks. They chanted aloud the sacred mantras or incantations to the gods. Meanwhile the bride was dressed in rich attire, and brought in and placed by the side of the royal bridegroom. The Naik of Tanjore then placed the left hand of his sister into the right hand of the bridegroom, and tied the tali to her neck. Then the kettle- drums were sounded and the musical instruments heqan to play. The bridegroom and the bride walked round the sacred fire, and prostrated themselves before the holy flame and before the assembly of Brahmans. The Brahmans then bestowed their benedictions upon the newly married pair by throwing saffron-coloured rice upon the heads of the bride- groom and his bride. Betel and areka-nut were then dis- tributed to all present, and a great feast was served up. Oblations were also offered to all the gods and goddesses throughout the kingdom. 37 578 HISTORY OF INDIA. APPENDIX II. Night Procession and Illuminations. — At night-time the royal bridegroom mounted his elephant, and the bride was placed in a golden palanquin, and the happy pair were car- ried in procession through all the streets of Madura. The whole city was illuminated with lamps and torches of dif- ferent devices. Bonfii’es and fireworks blazed away in all directions, whilst the air was filled with the noise of drums and the sound of musical instruments. When the procession was over, the newly married pair entered the temple of Sun- dara-Iswara and Minakshi- Animal, and worshipped the god and goddess, and received holy ashes, flowers, and water. Tirumala Naik then sent his bride to the zenana, and pro- ceeded to the court of Lakshmf, and loaded the Naik of Tanjore and all his followers with rich presents, and gave them leave to return to their own country. He then retired to the nuptial chamber. Death of Ary a Ndyaga Mutludi. — Three days after the marriage news arrived of the death of Arya Nayaga Muthali. Tirumala Naik was filled with grief, and ordered the funeral ceremony to be performed with great splendour. He then gave the ring of the minister to his favourite Vidiappa, and the rinq of the commander-in-chief to his other favourite, Eamappaya. Army and Finances of Madura. — The new minister and commander-in-chief took counsel together, and consulted the muster rolls, and found that the army of Tirumala Naik numbered four thousand horsemen and sixty thousand foot- men under the command of seventy-two Poligars.^® They placed the cavalry outside the fort, and posted the infantry on the seventy-two ramparts.®^ They also examined the dis- trict accounts, and found that the yearly revenue of the kingdom amounted to forty-four lakhs of chakrams.®® They The seventy-two Poligars are mythical. There were seventy-two Poligars or vassal nobles under the great Rajas of Vijayanagar, and the Hindd chroni- cler transferred the same number of Poligars to Madura. Each rampart was said to be in charge of one Poligar, who had not only to defend it against an enemy, but to keep) it in repair. A chakram was nearly two rupees. In round numbers the yearly revenue HINDU ANNALS : MACKENZIE MSS. 579 allotted four lakhs for the Brahmans and their temples ; three lakhs for salaries of servants ; one lakh for Tirumala Naik’s daily charities ; and they laid up the remaining thirty-four lakhs in the royal treasury. Timmala Naik Marries his three Cousins . — Tirumala ISTaik had two uncles on his mother’s side, who had been much offended by his marriage with the Tanjore princess. One uncle had two daughters, and the other had one daughter ; and they had been passed over for the sake of the Tanjore lady. So Tirumala Naik, in order to please his uncles, took tlieir three daughters to be his wives, and the marriage ceremonies were performed in the same way as before. Punishes the Sithiopati of Rhnindd . — After this it was told to Tirumala Naik that the Sethupati of Eamnad had grown proud and arrogant. Accordingly he sent his general Eamap- paya to bring the Sethupati prisoner to Madura. Eamappaya then invaded Eamnad with a large army, but the Sdthupati made his escape. Meanwhile the son-in-law of the Sethupati I went away to the west, and bribed the western Poligars and people of Mysore to declare war against Tirumala Naik. Eamappaya then marched against the western countries, defeated the Poligars, and ravaged the Mysore territory, and I compelled the Poligars to pay up twenty lakhs of pagodas, and to make numerous presents.®^ After the Sethupati took I, the field, he performed a sacrifice to the snake god, which I afflicted Eamappaya with a painful swelling in the thigh ; on which Eamappaya performed a sacrifice to the bird Garura, , which killed the son-in-law of the S^ithupati, and so afflicted I was eiglity-eight lakhs of rupees, or between eight and nine hundred thousand pounds sterling. Hindds in general are such good accountants that the ' figures may be accepted. About one-tenth, or eighty thousand pounds, were I allotted to the Brdhmans ; sixty thousand pounds for servants’ salaries ; forty I thousand pounds for the charity choultries and palace expenses ; twenty i thousand pounds for Tirumala Naik’s daily charities ; whilst six hundred and I eighty thousands pounds, or three-fourths of the gross revenue, were treated as surplus and stored up in the treasury. Such an arrangement will account for the vast sums which were hoarded up in the royal treasuries and plun- 1 dered by the Mussulmans. ' The amount of pagodas is probably an exaggeration. It is equivalent to ■ six hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling. 580 HISTORY OF INDIA. — APPENDIX II. the Setluipati that he fled away to the island of Eamiswaram. After this the Sethupati was taken prisoner, but forgiven by Tirumala Naik, and sent back to his own country. After this Eamappaya died of his disease. Offends the Goddess Mindhshi hy his numerons Marriages . — • Meanwhile Tirumala Naik had listened to the tenth chapter of the. Bhagavatam, which tells the story of the amours of Krishna, and he sought to enjoy the same pleasures as Krishna. So every day he married a beautiful damsel, and he did so for the space of a year, until he had three hun- dred and sixty wives besides the four queens. Now the court of Tirumala Naik was close by the temple of Minakshi, and the goddess was so troubled by the noise of these daily nuptial festivities, the shouts of the heralds, the din of the drums, and the sound of the musical instruments, that she appeared to Tirumala Naik in a dream, and ordered him to remove his court to another place. Builds a Neiv Palace, Mantapain, Tanh, and Agraharam . — Accordingly Tirumala Naik built a new palace; also a man- tapam, or hall, with a roof supported by pillars; together with a tank for the use of the goddess. The palace, manta- pam, and tank cost three lakhs of chakrams.^® Tirumala Naik also engaged stone-cutters to carve figures of himself, liis ancestors, his four queens, and some of his other wives, upon the pillars of the mantapam. He lilcewise built an agra- haram, or quadrangle of houses for Brahmans, round about the tank ; and granted villages for the support of the agraharam. Character and Death of Tirumala Naik. — Tirumala was adored as a god by all his subjects. He prided himself upon being a namesake of Vishnu. He was as truthful as Yudhishthira, as strong as Bhima, as valiant as Arjuna, as handsome as Nakula, and as wise as Sahadeva.^^ He never refused a boon, and no suppliant ever left his presence with About sixty thousand pounds sterling. This comparison of Tirumala Naik with the five Pandavas, the heroes of the Mahd Bhdrata, is genuine Hindu flattery. So indeed are the accounts of all the monarchs that follow. HINDU ANNALS : MACKENZIE MSS. 581 a discontented countenance. His troops were well disci- plined and hardened to war; his generals were brave and experienced. He was so fortunate that he gained as many victories as he fought battles. In this joyful manner he reigned thirty-six years, and then died. VII. Mutta Virappa Naik, 1662. — The successor of Tiru- mala Naik reigned only four months, and then died of debauchery. VIII. Cholca Ndtlia Naik, 1662-1685 : War with Tanjore and Mysore,: Trichinopoly. — On the day that Choka Natha Naik was proclaimed sovereign, he heard that the people of Tanjore were quarrelling with the people of Trichinopoly about a watercourse, and that Vijra Eangunanda, Naik of Tan- jore, was claiming possession of Trichinopoly. Accordingly he marched an army to Trichinopoly, and invited the Poligars to join him, and strengthened the place to the utmost. He I then sent an embassy to Tanjore, proposing that the Naik, who was very old, should give him his grand-daughter in marriage. But the Naik of Tanjore made a jest of the em- bassy, and dismissed it with scorn, because the mother of [ Choka Natha Naik was of mean extraction, and not one of the queens. Choka Natha Naik was greatly enraged at this i, insult, and assembled together all his forces, and marched : against Tanjore ; but he was utterly defeated by the grand- son of the Tanjore Naik, and meantime a Mysore army took I possession of the city of Madura. Oriental Device for ensuring Victory. — The affairs of Choka Natha Naik were now at a very low ebb. His army still j; remained in camp, but he despaired of obtaining any success. i| At this juncture he happened to see a courtesan of the camp j, who was very tall and stout, and he ordered a hundred i women of the same stamp to be collected together, and ; placed them under her command, and gave them monthly wages. Then Choka Natha Naik went out and fought ; against the enemy, and posted these women in his rear, so that when his soldiers began to retreat, the women cried out 582 HISTORY OF INDIA. APPENDIX II. and mocked them, and told them to hide under their petti- coats. Then the soldiers were filled with shame, and turned back and fought so furiously that they gained the victory. They then entered the city of Tanjore, and set the palace on fire and burnt it to the ground, together with all the wives, daughters, and granddaughters of the JSTaik. The old ISTaik escaped, together with his son, but both were taken prisoners and beheaded.^^ Recovery of Madura : Removal from Madura to Tricliinopoly. — After this Choka Natha Naik laid siege to Madura, and shut up the Mysore troops for four months, so that at last they were obliged to feed on monkeys and asses. At last the city was surrendered to Choka Natha Naik, and the Mysore army were permitted to return to their own country. Choka Natha Naik thus recovered possession of Madura, but one night he saw a cobra rearing its hood erect upon his bed-clothes. So the Naik departed out of the city of Madura, and fixed his capital in the city of Trichinopoly. Marriage of Choka N&tha Naik. — After this Choka Natha Naik married a damsel of angelic beauty named Mangamal, on the condition that any son she might bear him should succeed to the throne of Madura. He married also four damsels of his own kin. He breathed his last after a reign of twenty-three years and two months. IX. Ranga Krishna Muttu Virappa Naik, 1685-1693 ; Regency of his Mother, Mangamdl. — The young prince ascended the throne of Madura at the age of sixteen, and his Mr. Nelson, in his “ Manual to Madura,’’ relates another version of this story which is more Rajptit in character. When the array of Madura had stormed the city of Tanjore, a demand was again made for the hand of his granddaughter. The old Naik, however, sturdily refused. He was now re- solved to die in llajpdt fashion. He collected all his wives, concubines, children, slave-girls, and valuables in one room, and placed pots of gunpowder round the walls. He armed the ladies with swords, but directed them to fire the powder when the signal was given. He then arrayed for battle, but after consulting with his son he saw that escape was impossible. The signal was given ; the explosion did its work of slaughter ; the old Naik, with his son and devoted servants, charged the enemy, but were overpowered, captured, and beheaded, and their heads laid before Choka Natha Naik of Madura. HINDU ANNALS : MACKENZIE MSS. 583 mother, Mangamal, acted as regentd* He was a celebrated horseman. He had such a memory that he could repeat all the Bhagavatam by heart. He had a great respect for the Brahmans and their temples. He often went to foreign courts in disguise, and left his ring behind to show tliat he had been there. During his reign the Sultan of Delhi sent his slipper to all the Eajas of the south, in order that they might do homage to the slipper; but the Naik of Madura put the slipper on his foot and then asked for its fellow.^^ He died after a reign of eight years. X. Vijaya Ranga Ghoka N&tlm Nailc, 1693-1734 : Regency of Mangamdl. — The new Xaik was not born until after the death of his father. Meantime his grandmother, Mangamal, acted as regent. Mangamal was filled with joy at the birth of the infant, and showered gold and silver upon the Brahmans. She held the infant in her lap, and extended the sceptre of authority over all her dominions. Character of Mangamdl. — The queen-regent was a woman of undaunted spirit, and of infinite justness and sweetness. She built many agraharams for the Brahmans, and repaired numerous temples. Here and there she erected tanks and choultries. The most illustrious poet of the time composed an abundance of poems in her praise.^® Temporary Conquest of Tricliinopoly by the Mussulmans . — Meantime a Turkish chieftain attacked Trichinopoly by sur- prise, rushed into the fort with his followers, and shut up This Mangamdl is a famous character in the traditions of Madura. She escaped being burnt alive with her deceased husband by pleading the state necessity that existed for her acting as guardian to her son. This story is told in so many ways that it probably contains an element of truth. The incident might possibly have taken place in the reign of Aurangzeb. Mangamdl was a type of an Oriental queen, superstitious, unscrupulous, and sensual. It will be seen hereafter that her story bears some resemblance to that of Athaliah. The mother of the infant Naik is said to have killed her- self by drinking a large quantity of rose-water. Mr. Nelson, in his “ Manual on Madura, ” suggests that Mangamdl probably poisoned the rose-water. There is little doubt but Mr. Nelson’s suspicion is correct. 584 HISTORY OF INDIA. — APPENDIX IL Mangamal and her people within the palace. The Tamil registrar escaped to Madura, and collected all the forces of Mangamal, and besieged the fort of Trichinopoly. At that crisis the people of Mangamal broke into the chamber of the Turk and cut off his head, to her inexpressible joy. MangamdVs Amour and Death. — One day Mangamal admitted a singer into her apartment and amused herself with his amorous songs. The commander-in-chief told the story to the young prince, Vijaya Eanga, and the prince then seized the singer and flogged him with a rattan. Man- gamal was so enraged that she put both the commander-in- chief and the prince her grandson into close conflnement, and kept them for three years. When the three years were out, the two prisoners sent secret messages to the officers of the army, and assembled them together behind the walls of the prison, and made their escape by a ladder of ropes. The prince was then placed upon an elephant and carried to the temple, and crowned with the royal diadem. Mangamal was in great fear at these proceedings, but feigned to be filled with joy. The prince, however, shut her up in prisoii, and she died there after forty days.^® The prince was aged thirteen years when he thus obtained the throne of Madura. He was benevolent to the virtuous and inexorable to the vicious, a servant to the religious and a thunderbolt to the impious. He was a warrior deh'ghting in war. Expedition against Malabar . — After this Eanga Krishna undertook an expedition against the kings of Malabar, and compelled them to pay tribute. His queen was named Mi'nakshi, but he also married a damsel of great beauty, as well as eight damsels of his own kin. As he grew old he listened to evil counsel, and imprisoned both his minister and commander-in-chief. He died after a reign of forty-one years, leaving no sons to succeed him. According to local tradition the amours of Mangamdl had been somewhat notorious. She is said to have been starved to death with horrible cruelty. Cooked food was placed at intervals near the bars of her prison window, so that she could see and smell, but could not taste, although in the agonies of hunger. HINDU ANNALS : MACKENZIE MSS. 585 XI. MindlcsM Ammdl, the Queen-Dowager, 1734-1741. — The widow of the last Naik now became queen-dowager. She wore the golden diadem on her head, and held the golden sceptre in her hand. Attempts were made to dethrone her, and there were many intrigues set on foot as regards the posts of minister and commander-in-chief. At last the Nawab of Arcot interfered. In the end Chunda Sahib took possession of the kingdom of Trichinopoly, and Minakshi Amnuil killed herself with her own hands. From that time Trichinopoly was incorporated with the dominions of the Xawab of Arcot. I i IiYDEX Abbasidea, the, 85, Abdulla Khan, the Sayyid, 397, 400, 403, 404 ; defeated and slain, 405. Abors, the, 46, note. Abul Faiz, the Sufi poet, 155 ; his re- ligion, 164. Abul Fazl, Akber’s minister, 155 ; character, 1.56; bamboozles and dis- comfits the Ulamd, 158; extinguishes it, 160 ; declares Akber the twelfth Imam, 161 ; said to have advised Akber to adopt Christianity, 163, note; his creed, 164 ; impressed with Chris- tianity, 165, note; in the Dekhan, 185 ; takes Ahmandagar, 186 ; murder, 187. Adham Khan appropriates the plunder of Malwa, and is slain, 139, 140. Administration, revenue, under Akber, 179 ; army, 146, note, 180 ; Moghul, 234, 235, 204 ; Bernier’s account of, 316-320 ; Hindu financial, 514. Afghans, Jewish origin, 15, 16, note; come to the front, 40 ; spread of, 128; staunch Sunnis, 129 ; their revenge, 129, note ; refractory, 362 ; their strategy, ib. ; surround the Moghuls at Khaibar Pass, ib. ; revolt among, 367 ; betrayed, 368 ; massacre at Pes- hawar, ib. ; paralysed, 369. Aghoresvara, worship of, 451-453. Agra, description of, 270; palace at, ib. ; sack of, 430. Ahmadnagar, anarchy in, 181, 182 ; a bone of contention, 204. Ahmad Shah, the butcher, 101, 102; defeats the Malwa Sultan, 102; makes Bidur capital, ib. ; alliances and death, 103 ; opposed to the Moghuls, 128, 129. Ajmir sacked by Mahmud, 36. Akat Khan, his plot and fate, 58, 59. Akbar, son of Aurangzeb, plots against his father, 378, 379 ; feigned letter, ib. ; his flight, ib. ; entrapped, but not taken, 380 ; gets off by craft and finds refuge among the Mahrattas, ib. ; firm friendship with Sambhaji, 384 ; out- wits his father, ib.; escapes to Persia, 387. Akber, son of Humayan, accession, 135 ; importance of his reign, ib. ; resembles Asoka, 136 ; war against Hemu, 137 ; contrasted with his general, Bairam Khan, ib. ; gets Bairam Khan removed, 138; troubles and disaffection, ib. ; conquest of Malwa and results, 139 ; doings in Bihar and Oude, 140; want of education, 141 ; genius and sagacity, 142 ; seeks to amalgamate Kajputs and Mussulmans, ib. ; negotiates with the Rajput princes, l43 ; his Hindu marri- ages, 144 ; brings together incongruous elements, 145-149 ; success of military policy, 145 ; his empire in 1575, ib. ; personal qualities, 149; his religion, 150 ; troubles from the Ulama, 150- 157; makes Abul Fazl his trusted minister, 155 ; relations between them, 156 ; the Ulama ordered to discuss all questions in his presence, 157 ; his wives, 158, note; discomfiture of the Ulama, 158 ; becomes a Shiah and aspires to be Khalif, 159 ; com- pels the Ulama to abdicate, 160; de- clared Lord of the period, 161 ; repu- diates Islam, inclines to Christianity, 161, 162 ; honours Christianity but refuses to become a Christian, 163, note; removes from Fathpur to La- hore, equipage, 166 ; appoints Rajput governors, ib. ; founds a new religion, 167 ; interviewed by Europeans, 167, note ; old English accounts of, 168- 171 ; administration of justice, 168 ; appearance in public, tastes and amuse- ments, 168, 169 ; religion, works mir- acles, 170; one God, one king, 171; religious stages, ib. ; institutes the “ Divine Faith,” 172 ; no fanatic, ib. ; morals, 173; practicality, ib. ; experi- ment to discover the original language, 174; kept a prisoner, 174, 175; des- potism, 175 ; ministers and cabinet, 176 ; at the Jharokha, the Durbar and the Ghusal-khana, 177 ; employment of Hindus, 178 ; the Khalisa and Jaghir lands, ib. ; revenue adminis- tration, 179; army administration, 180 ; at Lahore, ib. ; policy towards 588 INDEX. the Dekhan, 181 ; portent at Lahore, 184 ; its effect on his mind, ib. ; re- turns to Agra, 185 ; sends Abul Fazl to the Dekhan, ib. ; invades the Dek- han, 186 ; his son Selim revolts, and Abul Fazl murdered, 187 ; misfor- tunes, ib. ; death and burial, 188, 189 ; ideal character, 191 ; his Hindu wives, 196. Alara Chand. {See Eai Rayan.) Ala-ud-din, governor of Karra, 51 ; plunders the temples of Bhilsa and be- comes governor of Oude, 52 ; plans an invasion of the Dekhan, ib. ; mysterious advance, 62, 53 ; plunders Deoghur, 53, 54 ; returns to Karra and murders his uncle, 54-56, note ; seizes the throne of Delhi, 55 ; indifference of the masses, ib. ; conquers Guzerat, 56 ; marries a Rajput queen, ib. ; in- vades Rajpootaua, 57 ; reappearance after reported dead, 58 ; revolt in Delhi suppressed, 59 ; repressive measures, 59, 60 ; ignores the Ulama, 60 ; routs the Moghuls, 61 ; massacres the New Mussulmans, ib. ; ambitious aspira- tions, 62, note; conquers Telinga, Ta- mil, and Kanarese countries, 62 ; divides Bengal, 62, note ; in the Dek- han and the Peninsula, 63 ; death, 64 ; greatness and vices, ib. ; three points in his life, 65 ; his Hindu marriage, ib.; compared with Akber, 65, note; hold on revenue officials, 70. Alexander the Great and the Hindu Rajas, 32, 33, 62, note. Ali Adil Shah, the Shiah, 115, 116; league with Ram Rai, 116. Ali Vardi Khan, 529; becomes deputy Nawab of Behar, 531; ambition, ib. ; de- stroys the Hindu Rajas of Behar, ib. ; his treachery, 532, 533; plunders and destroys Samhu, 533 ; has the Afghan commandant murdered, ib. ; intrigues at Delhi, 534 ; is appointed Nawab of Behar, ib. ; organises a rebellion against Sarfaraz Khan, 537 ; enters Bengal with an army, 538 ; in despair for want of money, ib. ; Omichund comes to his relief, 539 ; sham battle, ib. ; enthroned at Murshedabad, 540 ; faith in Mustafa Khan, ib. ; acquires Orissa, 541 ; his son-in-law as deputy Nawab of Orissa, ib. ; driven out of Orissa, 542 ; marches on Cuttack, ib. ; settles affairs in Orissa, 543 ; rouses Mustafa Khan, ib. ; at the mercy of Mahratta invaders, 545 ; fruitless campaign, 546; treacherous massacre of Mahrattas, ib.; new Mahratta invasion threatened, 547 ; compromises matters with the Mahrattas, 548 ; troubles with the Afghans, ib. ; death, ib. ; his domestic life, 548, 549. Alptigin, rise of, 21, 22. Amin Khan, enters Kabul and escapes with his life, 362, 363. Amir Jumla, rise of, 281 ; in Golkonda, 282 ; at Gandikot, ib. ; administration of justice, 283; intrigues with Aurang- zeb, ib. ; joins Aurangzeb, 285 ; his cairq), 293 ; artifice, 307 ; sent against Assam out of jealousy, 335 ; his suc- cesses and defeats, 350, 351 ; distresses and banishment, 402. Amirs and Mansubdars, 146, note, 147 ; of Akber, 180. Amok, 465. Anaudpal, Baja of Lahore, submits to Mahmhd but grows refractory, 32; is defeated and sues for peace, 33, 34. Antagonisms, religious, 412-414. Arabs and polygamy, 9, note; conquer Syria and Persia, 10 ; causes of success, 12; influence of women among, 12, note ; conquest of Central Asia, 13 ; in Khorassan and Scinde, 14 ; conquer Bokhara, 14, 15 ; and Kabul, 15 ; and Scinde, 16; persecution and toleration, 16, 17 ; tyranny in Persia, 19. Arakan, tragedy of Shah Shuja, 314. Aravulli mountains, defiles of, 376 ; Moghuls besiege the Rajphts, 377. Areb Klian, his court at Ahmadabad, 268 ; visit of Mandelslo, 269 ; his cruelty, ib. Aristocracy, Indian, slavish, 318. Arithmetic, learning, 445. Artisans, misery, 318. Asia, Central, its four oases, 13, 30, note. Asoka and Akber, 136. Astrologers in Delhi, 275, note. Aurangzeb, character and habits, 279- 281 ; goes to Golkonda, 284 ; recalled, ib. ; and Amir J umla, 285 ; ambition, ib. ; hoodwinks Murad, 288 ; craft with Amir Jumla, 289 ; zeal for the Koran, 290; joins Murad, ib.; quiets Murad, ib. ; strategy of, 294 ; victory and moderation, 297 ; activity, ib. ; ad- vances against Shah Jehan at Agra, 298 ; treachery and artifice, ib. ; master, 300 ; proclaimed Padishah, 304 ; pur- sues Dara, 305 ; recalled to Agra, ib. ; wins over Jai Singh, 306; is joined by Amir Jumla, ib. ; advance to Kajwa, 307 ; wins the battle, 308 ; dealings with Jaswant Singh, ib. ; anxieties, returns to Agra, 309 ; at Delhi, 310 ; defeats and captures Dara, 311; his accession an epoch in the history of India, 315; terror of his father at Agra, 321 ; unrecognised by the Sherif of Mecca, 322 ; proclaimed Padishah, ib. ; wary policy, 323 ; conciliates the Hindu Rajas, ib. ; trims with the Mu- hammadans, ib. ; boasts of his absti- nence, 324 ; edict against long mus- tachios, ib.; abolishes music, 325; suppresses dancing and dancing-girls, INDEX, 589 ib. ; spite against the Santons, ib. ; demands a miracle, 326 ; punishment of Santons for disloyalty, ib. ; deprives the Persians of their lands, 327 ; estab- lishes the spy system ib. ; is rebuked by Mahabat Khan, 328 ; cajoles his father to give up the jewels, ib. ; withdraws the pension from his old tutor, 329 ; rates his tutor on his in- competency, ih.; dismisses him as the most worthless of his servants, 330 ; ill-treats the ambassadors fromBalkh, 331 ; conceives the conquest of Bija- pur and Golkonda, 332 ; alliance with Sivaji, 334; hypocrisy, ib. ; jealous of Amir Jumla, 335 ; sends Shaista Khan and Jaswant Singh to the Dekhan, ib. ; enraged at news from the Dekhan, 337 ; illness and rumoured death, 338 ; recovery, ib. ; public audience, ib.; suspicious of his sister, 341 ; alarm at her intrigues, ib.; his daughters, 342 ; consents to their marriage, 343 ; pre- pares to leave Delhi for Kashmir, yet fears to go, 344, 345 ; in sore straits, 345 ; alarming news from Agra, 346 ; sends a cordial to his father, ib. ; sends him a European physician expert in poisoning, 347 ; is suspected of p.arri- cide, ib. ; feigned grief at the funeral of his father, ih. ; his dreams of con- quest at Kashmir, 348 ; insulted on the sea, 349; experiments in, 350; con- ceives the conquest of China, but fails, 350, 351 ; consoled by the death of Amir Jumla, 351 ; threatened by the Shah of Persia, 352 ; his ambassador insulted, ib. ; cowardice, 353 ; saved from the Shah, ib. ; sends an army against Sivaji and decoys him, 354 ; ensnares the “mountain rat,” ib. ; takes his seat on the peacock throne of his father, 355 ; is charged with breach of faith to his face, ib.; the prey escapes, 356 ; disgust, 357 ; new wiles, ib. ; escape of Sivaji, 3.59 ; disarms Shah Alam, 360 ; prohibits the writing of the history of his reign, 361 ; his reasons, ib. ; displeasure at the Afghan disaster, 363; mission from Mecca, 364 ; affection for his wife, Udipuri, ib. ; disaffection of the Hindus, a rising, 366 ; his magic, ib. ; takes the field in person, 367 ; perfidy, 369 ; ceases to tolerate the Hindus, .372 ; religious zeal, 373 ; orders the Jezya tax to be revived, ib. ; arrogance towards the Eana of Udaipur, 375 ; stupendous war preparations, ib.; entrapped, 377 ; wastes his strength, ib.; plot against him, 378; roused up, ib.; attempted assassination, 379 ; Eana holds out, 380 ; magnificence of the Moghul camp life, 382 ; escapes poisoning, 383 ; new plots, outwitted, 384 ; seeks alliance with the Portuguese, ib.; two-faced policy, 386; sham wars, 387 ; intrigued against by his sons, 388 ; arrests Shah Alam, ib. ; captures Golkonda by treachery, 389; last Mahratta wars, ib. ; last years, 390; divides his empire among his sons and dies, 390 ; his char- acter and policy, 390, 391 ; his fleet, 500 ; religious bigotry, ib. ; religious persecutions under, 523. Azam Shah, son of Aurangzeb, 338, 376 ; his death, 392. Azim, grandson of Aurangzeb, Viceroy of Bengal, 523 ; plot to murder the Dewan, Mir Jafir, 525. Azof Khan, Nur Mahal’s brother, 202 ; dealings with Sir Thomas Eoe, 213 ; and Kliuzru, 219, 220 ; befriends the English, 234 ; his plot and its failure, 240, 241, note. Baber, character and early career, 127, 128 ; invades the Punjab, 129 ; victory, 130 ; advance to Agra, meets and de- feats the Eajpiits, 130, 131 ; policy and death, 131. Bagdad, court of, 19, note. Bahadur Shah, proclaimed emperor, 392 ; would fain retire, but his sons would not let him, ib. ; hurries to Lahore, 393 ; his religious zeal and death, 394. Bairam Khan, regent and minister of Akber, 135 ; beheads Hemu, 137 ; a contrast, ib.; founds the Moghul em- pire, ih. ; removal and death, 138. Bala Deva Eai, 562 ; conversion, ib. Balkh, ancient Bactria, 14, note; em- bassy from, 331 ; its position, ib. Bandu Guru, his atrocities and fate, 402. Banians in Surat, 497. Basava Iswara, 558, 559 ; his sister, 559, note. Baz Bahadur, a typical prince, 1.39. Begum Sahib and Shah Jehan, 264, note, 266 ; intrigues for Dara, 280. Belal empire of Karnata, origin, 561 ; Mussulman conquest, 562. Belal Eai, Eaja of Karnata, reign of, 564. Bells, of justice, 272 ; in worship, 427. Beng.al, fertility and cheapness, 515 ; best known of all the provinces, 522 ; its history, authorities, ib., note; becomes settled under the Moghuls, 523 ; early Mussulman persecutions in, ib. ; an- tagonism between the Nawab and Dewan, 525, note; inhabitants panic- stricken at the Mahrattas, 546, 550. Bernard, the French physician, 19.3, note. Bernier, Francis, xii ; his sagacity, 273, 274 ; account of Moghul administra- tion, 316-320. Betel tree and nut, 494. Beyt, pirates of, 618. Bhoja Eaja, patron of letters, 559; his death, 560. Bidur, city in the Dekhan, its antiquity, 102, note. 590 INDEX. Bih&r, conquered by tbe Mussulmans, 44, 45. Bijapur and Golkonda, 332, 509. Bilal Deva, Raja of Karnata, 83, note. Bir Bar, the Brahman, his influence with Akber, 173, note. Bokhara, described, 14 ; conquered by the Arabs, 14, note. Bombay, harbour, 495 ; weakness under the Portuguese, ib. ; change under the English, 495, 496 ; unhealthiness, 496 ; Fryer’s journey to .Jooiiere, 504; Nie- buhr’s account, 518 ; its climate, ib. ; island and city, 519 ; population, ib. Brahmanism, and Islam, 1-3, 17, 80, 81, note, 196, 197. Brahmanni sultans, the, 84 ; domain, 88, 89, note. Brahmans, the, coerced by the Mussul- mans, 75 ; martyrdom of one, 75, note ; their theism, 412. 413; reform by San- kara Acharya, 558 ; laxity, 565 ; re- formation and reorganisation, 566 ; respect for purity of caste, ib. ; four castes, 567. British, government in India, 4 ; appear in India, 189. Buddhism, 412, 413. Bulaki, grandson of Jehangir, 239 ; short reign, 248; scared from the throne, 249; fate, 249, note. Burhan. Sultan of Ahmadnagar, 183. Calicut, description of, 463. Cannanore, the Raj of, 514. Caravans of oxen, 470, 473. Caravanserais in India, 270, note. Carriage, land, 470. Caste quarrels, 484, note. Catrou, Father, his History, xiii, xiv, 143, note. Champat and Shah Jehan, 2.57, 258. Chand Bibi, her story, 183, note, 186. Charuns, their sacred character, 475; al- leged understanding with the Grati- ates, 476. Chenghiz Khan, his career, 50 ; his life, 50, note; an example, 62, note; a world-storraer, his style, 122 ; and his descendants, ib. Chin Kulich Khan, 396 ; viceroy of the Dekhan, 406. (.See Nizam. ) Chitor, defeat of Raua of, 130, 131 ; re- fuses to pay homage to Akher, 144. Choka Natha Naik, war with Tanjore, and defeat, 581 ; recovers himself by a strange device, 581, 582 ; enters Tan- jore and burns the palace, .582, note; regains Madura, 582 ; marriage, ib. Choultries, 573, note. Chowries, the, 571, note. Christianity in Agra, effect, 4, 5 ; and Muhammad, 7, note; patronised by Akber, 162 ; effect, 163 ; favoured by Jehangir, 195 ; barinindiaagainst, 196. Chri.stians, toleration of, by Aurangzeb, 373, note. Chronicles, Hindu, .571, note. Chronicles of the Pathan kings, IMr. Tho- mas’s, 49, note. Chukwars, the Raja of, his obstinate bravery, 532 ; his son, 533 ; theircapi- tal destroyed, ib. Chunar, the fortress of. 132. Civility, Indian, 419, 424. Coaches in India, 467, 468. Controversy, religious, fondness of the sovereigns of India for, 157, note. Conversion, marriage difficulties in, 196. Copper, substitution of, counters for gold, 72. Coryat, Thomas, traveller, 208, note. Cows, protected as sacred, 429. Cuttack, revolution in, 542. Dancing-girls suppressed, 325 ; atikkeri, 449, 4.50 ; visit Portuguese ambassador at Ikkeri, 4,55. Dara, Shah, the infidel, 278, 279 ; the crown prince, 280; pride and insolence, ib. ; insults Rajah Jai Singh, 281 ; his influence, 284, 285 ; his alarm, 290 ; defends his father, Shah Jehan, 291 ; curses Amir Jumla, 292 ; proclaimed Padishah, 292 ; leaves Agra with an army, 293 ; outwitted, 294 ; befooled, 295 ; loses the battle of Chambal, 296 ; takes refuge in Ahmadabad, 305 ; captured, 311 ; last days, 312 ; a Chris- tian, 312, 313. Daud Khan, the Afghan, 399 ; his defeat and death, 400. Debtors and sureties, 42.3. Dekhan, the, revolts in, 81-83 ; inde- pendence of, 84 ; kingdom of, extent, 88 ; geography, 181, 331 ; political dis- tribution, 332. Delhi, the empire of, founded, 44 ; its extent, 45 ; revolt in, 59 ; Hindu revolt in, 68, note, 69 ; saviour of, 70; change of capital to Deoghur, 72 ; dis- memberment of empire of, 73 ; history of, 76, note; New, 273; New described, 274 ; its great square, ib. ; palace, 275 ; threatened by Hindu fanatics, 366 ; massacre at, 402 ; English mis- sion to, 403; alarms at, ib. ; Mahratta night, 404 ; butcheries of Nadir Shah, 408 ; anarchy in, 409. Della Valle, (fi'ee Valle.) Deoghur, capital of Mahratta country, 52; plundered by Ala-ud-din, 53, 54 ; becomes the capital, 71. Deva Rai, of Vijayanagar, assassination of his son, and rout, 98 ; alliance with Sultans of Guzerat and Malwa, 99, 100 ; peace with F'ruz, 101 ; invades the Dekhan, ib. ; perplexity, summons a council, 103 ; advice of the Brah- mans and the Kshatriyas, 1 03, 104 ; enlists Mussulmans, 104 ; submits to destiny, 104. Devas in the Shah Nameh, 552, 553. Dewal Devi, the Rajput princess of INDEX. 591 Guzerat, Ler adventures, 56, 57 ; mar- riage, 57 ; subject of a poem, 57, note ; married to Mubarak, 66. Dewan, office of, 524. Dhur-samundar, city, 63, 561. Diler Khan, commands in the Dekhan, 358, 359. Durbar, the, 177 ; cruel scene, 222 ; in Delhi, 275. Dutch, the, in India, 424; mostly married men, 425 ; their wives, ib. Dynasties, Hindu, histories of, 411 ; mythical accounts, ib. Education of Moghul princes, 329. Ellenborough, Lord, memory of, 381, note. Elephant show, 217. Elephants, stone, in Delhi, 276. Empires, the three Hindu, in the Dek- han, 439. English, seek a settlement at Surat, 197 ; prophecy respecting, 199 ; ag- gressions, 204, 205 ; frighten the Moghuls, 233 ; in great favour, 234 ; at Surat, 267 ; rights acknowledged in Madras, 389 ; at Delhi, 403 ; their tactics, 409 ; riotous conduct of the lower orders, 419, note; grudge at Portuguese, 424; danger at Masuli- patam, 487. Epics, the Sanscrit, 551. Eunuchs, their influence, 484, 485, note. European, respected in India, 199, note; and Hindu, 233, note; settle- ments outside the Moghul empire, 348, 349 ; privileged traders and pirates, 349 ; pirates on the high seas, ib. ; in a transition state, 369 ; tra- vellers in India, 416, 417 ; in Bom- bay, 519. “ Faith, the Divine,” 172. Fakhr-u-Nisa, daughter of Aurangzeb, informs against her aunt’s lovers, 343 ; her influence and ambition, 344 ; pleads with her father for the life of Shah .Jehan, .346. Fakirs, the Muhammadan, a pest, 497 ; vagabond lives, 498. Fancy fairs at the Moghul court, 262. Farrukh Siyar, proclaimed emperor, 396; fights and enters Delhi, 397 ; chafes under the control of the two Sayyids, ib. ; despatches one against Jodhpur, ib. ; marries a Marwar princess, 399 ; deposed, 405. Fathers, Christian, at the court of Ak- ber, 162, note. Fathptir abandoned, 165. Feathers, heron’s, among Turks and Moghuls, 224, note. Female rule in India, 262, Firdusi, 39; contracts to write his poem, 551 ; refuses his reward in silver money, 552 ; character of his poem, ib. Firuz Shah, peaceful reign, 74 ; forces the Brahmans to pay jezya, 74, 75, note ; burns a Brahman at the stake, 75, note; death, 76. Firuz Shah, Sultan of the Dekhan, lover of wit and pleasure, 97; evening assem- blies, ib.; war against Vijayanagar, 98 ; succeeds by assassination, ib. ; conquers Narsing Itai, 99 ; propitiates Timur, ib. ; marriage, 100 ; secret enmity with Deva Rai, 101 ; story of the damsel of Mudkul, 101, note; troubles with the Hindus, 101 ; dies in sorrow and de- spair, ib. Foot-posts, institution of, 470. Foreigners and Dekhanis, 87, 105, 182. Fort St. George, 489 ; description of, 491 ; mixed population, 492. Fortr-esses, frontier, 92, note. Foujdar, the, at Surat, 478 ; duties of, ib. French, capture St. Thome and war with Sultan of Golkonda, 482 ; repulse the Dutch, 488. Friars, Indian, 450, 454. Fryer, Dr. John, his travels, 480-511; lands with English fleet at Masulipa- tam, 481 ; at Madras, 491 ; at Bom- bay, 495 ; at Surat, 496 ; at Joonere, 501 ; visit to Goa, 505 ; leaves India, 511. Galal, Della Valle’s servant, 431, 456. Gakkars, the, assassinate Muhammad Ghuri, 43. Gardens, Oriental, 520. Garsopa, the Queen of Pepper, 443. Garuda, the bird, 571, note. Gauri worship, 450. Ghats, Journey over, 444. Ghazni founded, 21. Ghias-ud-din Tughlak, the saviour of Delhi, 68-70 ; blinded and dethroned, 97. Ghusal-khana, the, 177 ; evening assem- blies in, 198. Goa, Moghul mission to, 384 ; conduct of the Portuguese viceroy, 385; Mahratta scheme against, ib. ; attacked, and saved by the Christian monks and missionaries, 386 ; a Moghul squadron repulsed, ib. ; voyage to, 424 ; settle- ment described, 431, 4.32 ; inhabitants, 433 ; procession at, 434 ; courier from Madrid, 435 ; celebration of canonisa- tion, 435-437 ; feast of St. John the Baptist, 436 ; Passion feast, 437 ; pro- cessions and priests, 437,438; its weak- ness, 438 ; Christianity at, ib. ; Dr. Fryer at, 505 ; Inquisition at, ib. ; and the Portuguese, ib. ; the clergy, 506 ; the Kanarese, ib. ; ladies, ib. ; man- chet, wax, arrack, and punch, 509 ; old city, 507 ; more priests than soldiers, 508. Gokurn, Fryer’s pilgrimage to, 508 ; annals and library, 509 ; Brahmans at, ib. Golkonda, ambassador and Shah Jehan, 592 INDEX. 258, note; designs of Amir Jumla and Aurangzeb, 283, 284 ; flight of the Sultan, 284 ; double game of Shah Alam, 387 ; taken by Aurangzeb through deception, 388, 389 ; wars of the French against, 482 ; the Sultan of, 484 ; his expenses, 485 ; toleration of Sultans, 488 ; policy of the Sultan to- wards Europeans, 494. Gour, the kingdom of, its extent, 45, 46. Granth, the sacred book of the Sikhs, 393. Gratiates, the, 475, note; their Kaja, 476. Guru Govind, his death, 401. Guzerat, cannibalism at, 474; its in- habitants, 513 ; its ports protected by Rajputs, 513. Haji Abmad, chief minister of Shuja Khan, 529 ; ambition, 531 ; imprisoned and released, .534 ; fate, 548. Hamilton, Ciiptain Alexander, travels, 511-521 ; defeats the brigands of Sinde and is rewarded, 512 ; skirmish with pirates, 513 ; his views on Moghul rule, 521. Hanuman, the monkey-god, his temple, offerings, and pilgrimages, 444, 445. Harems, Moghul, description of, 260. Harun al Rashid, history, 18, note. Hasan Gangu, founder of the Bahmani empire in the Dekhan, origin and char- acter, 84, note ; a Shiah, 87 ; ingrati- tude, 88, note. Hawkins, Capt., xii ; comes out in the “ Hector,” 198 ; goes to the Moghul court, ib.; failure of his embassy, 199 ; his account of Jehangir, 199, 201, note. Hayasala Beldl Rai, Raja of the Karnata country, 561 ; supports Brahmans and Jains, 561. Herbert, Sir Thomas, xii. Hindu, sovereigns, 91 ; fanatics headed by a woman, 366 ; destruction of idols and pagodas by Aurangzeb, 373; dynasties, 411, note; last empire, 415 ; purity, 442 ; worship, 453-494 ; women, arithmetic, local art, 486. Hindus, the, and Islamism, 2, 4 ; their characteristics, 28, 29 ; conciliate their conquerors, 40 ; their fitful character, 34, note ; revolt in Delhi, 69 ; in- fluences on their Mussulman rulers, 79 ; power of abuse, 90, note; relations with the English, 515. Hindustan, conquered by the Mussul- mans, 49. Horses in India, 461. Hospitals for animals, 429. Humayun, son of Baber, his character and proclivities, 131 ; flattered and guUed, 132 ; defeat and exile, 132, 133 ; recovery of kingdom and accidental death, 135. Humayun, the cruel, 105, 106. Husain Ali Khan, the Sayyid, supports Farrukh Siyar, 397; expedition against Jodhpur, 397 ; makes peace and re- turns, 398; discovers treachery, ib.; becomes Viceroy of the Dekhan, ib.; defeats Daud Khan, 400 ; march against Delhi, 404 ; stabbed to death, 405. Husain, the martyrdom of, 85, note. Hyacinth, Father, an apostate, 373, note. Ibrahim Lodi, the Afghan Sultan, meets Baber, and is slain, 129, 130. Ibrahim, the Sunni, 111, 112 ; at Vija- yanagar, 114. Ikkeri, the capital of Kanara, 448-455. Imams, the twelve, 152, note; Akber declared the twelfth, 161. India, Mussulman, its history, ix, x, 4 ; four epochs, 24-27 ; dynasties, 25, note ; a blank in the history, 40 ; two kingdoms, 45 ; the government of, 76, 77 ; temptations to rebellion, 77, 78 ; dismemberment, 141. India, its conquerors fair-complexioned, 147, note; religion in 16th century, 153, 154 ; under Shah Jehan, 256, note; in Moghul times, 514. Inheritance, law of, in Blalabar, 450, 451. Inquisition at Goa, 505. Islam, and Brahmanism, 1-3, 17 ; its specialties, 8 ; decay of, in India, 140, 141, 152 ; millennium, 151, 153. Ismail Adil Shah, 109 ; intrigues at his court, ib. ; assassination of liis mini- ster, 110; his mother, ib. Jagat Seit, the banker, 530; affront to his bride, 536. Jaghir lands, 178, 316. Jaghirdars, tyranny, 316. Jai Chand, Raja of Kanouj, his defeat and death, 41, 42, note. Jai Singh, Raja of Jaipur, at Dellii, 339; his caution, 339, 340 ; negotiates with Sivaji, 354 ; death, 374. Jains, tlieir moral system, 412, 413 ; Buddhism at bottom, 412 ; early con- flicts with the Brahmans, 554 ; in the Dekhan, 558 ; prevalence of, 562 ; fidelity to their religion, ib. ; irersecu- tion, 563, note. Jaipal, Raja of Jaipur, treachery and defeat, 22, 23 ; defeat by Mahmud, 32 ; perishes in the flames, ib. Jamal-ud-din, viceroy of Bihar, his civilities to Sir Thomas Roe, 215, 216, note. Jangamas, Lingayat friars, 450; ordina- tion of one, 4,53 ; procession and danc- ing, 454 ; kissing their feet, ib. Jaswant Singh, Raja of Jodhpur, his de- feat on the Ujain river, 291, 292 ; his movement to release Shah Jehan, 308 ; plunders Agra, 309 ; suspected, 335, 336 ; his apology, 337 ; related to Shah Jehan, 342, note; his widow, 378; plots with Akbar, 378. INDEX. 593 Jehander Shah, his vices, 395 ; odium in which he was held, 396 ; his cowardice, ib. ; taken and executed, 397. Jehangir, son of Akber, a contrast to his father, 191 ; character, 192 ; revolt against his father, 192, note ; outward life, 193; his coarseness and that of his court, 193, note; revolt of his eldest son, Khuzru, its suppression, 194, 195; cruelty, 194, note ; countenances Chris- tianity, 195 ; his hypocrisy and de- pravity, ib. ; workings of the English element, 197 ; took a fancy to Haw- kins, 198 ; Hawkins dismissed and English trade forbidden, 199 ; Haw- kins’ account of him, 199, note, 200 ; expensiveness, 200 ; at Ajmir, 200, 20l ; Hawkins’ description of him, 201, note; marries Niir Mahal, 202; her influence, 203 ; his sons, ib. ; audience to Sir Thomas Roe, 208, 209, note; his childish conduct, 210 ; holds the feast of the New Year, 211 ; de- clines a treaty with the English, 213 ; love of gossip, 214 ; execution of thieves. 215 ; birthday weighing cere- mony, 217 ; elephant show, ib. ; car- ouse and largess at the Ghusal-khana, 217, 218 ; viceroy disgraced, 218 ; in- trigues, 219 ; weakness and treachery, 220 ; receives presents from Persia, 221 ; avenges the execution of an order ■when he was drunk, 222 ; at the Jhar- okha window, ib. ; in the Durbar, 223 ; state departure, ib. ; royal dress, 224 ; procession to camp, ib. ; Khuzru rides by his side, 226; imperial pavilions and camp, 226, 227 ; camp life, 228 ; camp movements, 229 ; meanness, 230 ; the English presents, 230, 231 ; his confessions, 235; reign ends in tragedy, 237, 239 ; sickness and recovery, 239 ; plot discovered and indignation, 241 ; the plotter forgiven, 242; Rajput re- volt, 243-246 ; death, 247. Jelal-ud-din, Sultan, at Delhi, 51 ; assassinated, 55. Jesuits in Goa, 434; celebration of the canonisation of their patron saints, 436, 437. Jews and Christians pay jezya, 10. Jezya, revived, 373, 374 ; Hindu ap- peal against it in vain, 374 ; refused by Rana of Udaipur, 375. Jharokha, the, 177. Joonere, the fortress of, 370; Nawab,501. Justice, civil and criminal, 477. Kabul, Moghul invasion, 302 ; outbreak in, 366. Kai Kubad, reign of, 48. Kaiumars, 652. Kajwa, battle of, its significance, 308. Kalidasa, his fame and fate, 560. Kalians, the, or Kalars, 575, note. Kamriip, the bridge at, its ruins, 47, note; the Raja of, 47. Karra, fortress, 51. Karwar, Mahratta oppression at, 504. Kashmir, Purchas' descriirtion of, 184, note. Kasim, the Arab, his conquest in Scinde, 16, 17 ; falsely accused and slain, 17. Kasim Khan corresponds with Aurang- zeb, 291 ; treachery, 292 ; governor of Kabul, massacres the Afghans, 368; i-eception at Delhi, 309. Kazis, their business, 422 ; the chief, 315, note. Khaibar Pass, massacre of Moghul army at, 363. Khalifs, the four, of Medina, 9, note, 10 ; conquest of Syria and Persia, 10 ; treatment of Jews and Christians, ib., 11 ; causes of ascendancy, 12 ; of Da- mascus, conquest of Central Asia, 13 ; conquest of Bokhara and Kabul, 14, 15 ; conquest of Scinde, 16 ; persecu- tion and toleration, 16, 17 ; of Bag- dad, the first century of their domina- tion, 18 ; collapse, l9. Khalil Khan, wronged by Shah Jehan, 293 ; perfidy, 295, 296 ; recommended by Aurangzeb, 297. Khalisa lands, 178, 316. Kbalsa, the, 394. Khan Jehan, intrigues, 253 ; treachery and rebellion, 254 ; slain, 255. Khan Khanan, the, and the dress, 219 ; treachery, 238, 242, 244. Khilji Sultans, the, their history, 50-69. Khurram, afterwards Shah Jehan, his character, connections, and exploits, 203 ; hustles away Roe’s interpreter at the court, 213; set against an English treaty, 214 ; receives a com- mand in the Dekhan, ib. ; sobriety, 218 ; Nfir Mahal and Asof Khan plot in his behalf, 219 ; panic in the harem, 220 ; dispositions, hatred of Christians, 221 ; takes leave of his father, 222 ; Roe’s interview with, 228 ; intercepts the English presents, 230 ; his triumphs in the Dekhan, 231 ; welcomed by Jehangir and receives the title of Shah, ib. (See Shah Jehan.) Khutba, the, 43, note, 55. Khuzru, son of Jehangir, his revolt, 194 ; hopes, 203 ; intrigues against, 219, 220 ; appearance, 225 ; mystery and romance, 232, 237 ; murder, 239. Khuzru Khan, the Hindu Vizier, 67, note; doings and death, 68, note; strange character of his revolt, 68. Koh-i-nor, its history, 351, note. Kolies (or Coolies), wandering, 474, note. Konkan, its history, 333, 335 ; extension of the kingdom of Sivaji, 369. Konkana, the Rajas of, 105. Kotwals, the, their duties as police, 271, 422, 477, 478. Krishna DevaRai, of Vijayanagar, atype of Hindu sovereignty, 91 ; revenges 38 594 INDEX, an affront. 92; has to yield, 94 ; great- ness, 95, 9fi ; forefathers, 96 ; his char- acter and reign, 567, 568. Kroris, the, 179. Knlbarga, 89 ; Sultan of, 96. Kuniara Krishnappa Naik, fabulous and real account of, 574, 575, notes. Kutb-ud-din, his rise, 42 ; founds the Delhi dynasty of Slave Kings, 43 ; death, 47. Lahore, Hindu Rajas of, 184. Land-tenure among Moghuls, 178, Langhorn, Sir William, his troubles in Madras, 490 ; his jurisdiction and state attendance, 492. Language, tlie primitiye, Akber’s ex- periment, 174, note. Legends, Hindu, a reflex of religious antagonisms, 414. Lingavants, the, 442, note. Loyola, Ignatius, canonisation of, cele- brated at Goa, 436. Lucia, Donna, 424 ; her matrimonial adventures, 425. Madras, its site, 488; originally a fishing village, 489 ; its fishermen, ib. ; English factory, ib. ; its divisions, ib. ; rent and revenue, ib., 450; dur- ing the civil war of Charles L, 490 ; its governor and his dilemma, ib. ; the surf, 491 ; White-town, 492 ; lUack-town, 493 ; native population, ib. ; country round, ib. Madura, 63 ; early history, disturbances in, 569, note; army and finances, 578. IMaha Bharata, its heroes, 556, note. Mahabat Khan, the Rajput, 238, note ; defeats Shah Jehan, 243; appeal, in- sult, revenge, 245 ; deluded, 246 ; joins Shah Jehan, 247. Mahabat Klian, the Moghul, removed from his post, 328 ; his letter, 328, note; at Peshawar, 363; sent back and dies, 367. Mahal, theharemof theMoghuls.itsoccu- pants, 260 ; guard of Tartar women, ib. ; the ladies, 260, 261 ; dancing and slave girls, 261 ; ruling powers, their influence, ib. ; Shah Jehan in, 266, note. Mahdi, the Lord of the period, expected at the millennium, 152, 153. Mahmud, the last of the Bahmani Sultans, 106, 107, note. Mahmud of Ghazni, his position and plans, 30, note, 31 ; advances on Pesha- war and defeats Jaipal, 31, 32; An- andpal submits and rebels, 32 ; hated for his religious zeal, 33 ; victory at Peshawar, ib. ; destroys the temple of Thanesarand annexes the Punjab, 34 ; his invasions of Hindustan, ib. ; stra- tegy, 34, note ; sacks Ajmir, 36 ; before Somnath, ib. ; defeats the Rajputs and seizes the temple and its treasures. 37 ; returns to Guzerat, 38, Mote ; R.aj- put revenge, ib. ; character and poli- tical ideas, 39 ; meanness to Pirdusi, 38 ; death, 40. Mahmud, son of Aurangzeb, refuses the crown, 300 ; disgraced, 310 ; defection, ib. ; imprisoned at Gwalior, ib. Mahrattas, their country, 52 ; rise of, 332 ; described, 371 ; irrepressible, 383 ; plots, 384 ; night at Delhi, 404; the pests of India, 406 ; at first a loose con- federation, 407 ; new outbreak, 409 ; at Surat, 499 ; movements towards Burdwan, 544; can only be bought off, 544, 545 ; invest Murshedabad, 545 ; devastations, ib. ; treacherous mas- sacre of, 546 ; Parthian retreat, 547 ; twofold invasion of Bengal, ib. Malabar coast, its population, 463 ; pirates, 495 ; expedition against, 584. Bialik Amber, the famous Abyssinian minister of Ahmadnagar, 204, 231. Bialik Kaffir, origin, 56 ; defeats the Rajas, 62 ; doings in the Dekhan, 63 ; ambition, crimes, and death, 65, 66. Bialik Salih, the tutor of Aurangzeb, his pension withdrawn, 329. Mallu, the monster. 111. Blalwa, situation, 53, note; plundered, 139. Blanaris, the, 471 ; the four tribes of oxen-drivers, 471, 472 ; religion, 472. Blandelslo, John Albert de, xii ; his tra- vels, 267 ; his character, 267, note ; at Surat, 267 ; journey to Ahmada- bad, 268 ; visits Areb Khan, 269 ; at Agra, ib. ; describes the administra- tion, 271 ; leaves India, 273 ; after travels, 273, note. Blangamal, a typical Hindu queen, 583, note ; amour and death, 584. Blanouchi, his memoirs, xii, xiii ; ac- count of Timfir, 127, note; on the peasant wars, 236 ; warns the Portu- guese viceroy against Aurangzeb, 385 ; rewarded, 386. Blan Singh, the Rajpfit, his administra- tion in Kabul and Bengal, 166, 167. Blarriage of Rajpfit with Blussulman, 143, 144 ; Akber’s state alliances, 144, note; religious difficulties in India, 196, 197 ; of a Brahman’s daughter with a goldsmith’s son, 566. Blarsden’s “Numismata Orientalia,” 49, note. Blasulipatam, factory at, 481 ; native boatmen, ib. ; English-speaking na- tives, 482 ; the Sultan, ib. ; descrip- tion, 483; inhabitants, ib.; Bluham- madan ascendancy, 484 ; Persians, 485; festival occasions, 485, 486 ; Muham- madans and Hindus, 486 ; calico- painting, ib. ; terror at the English, 487 ; toleration, 488. Blathura, encampment at, 301 ; temple at, 3/0. INDEX. 595 Mecca and the Kaaba, fi. Metempsychosis, an Oriental doctrine common to Brahmans and Buddhists, 413. Middleton, SirH., 205. Millennarians in Islam, 152, 153. Minakshi Ammhl, queen of the last Naik of Madura, 585. Ministers, Asiatic, 176. Mir Jafir, Dewan of Bengal, 524; defeats a plot against his life, 525 ; created Nawab, 526 ; treatment of Zemindars and despotic rule, ib. ; praised for his religious zeal, ib. ; corn laws, 527 ; respect for royalty, ib. ; mausoleum and mosque built by de- molition of Hindu pagodas, ib. ; his daughter, 528 ; his death, ib. Mirza Bakir in Cuttack, 542 ; marched against and defeated, 543. Moghul period, x ; administration, xi ; history, xii; Vedic customs, xv ; an- tagonism to the Turk, ib. ; empire a type of the old Hindu empires, 120; priests and astrologers, 124, note ; em- perors, 136, note; empire, 137, 145, 189 ; the term, 147, note ; army, 146, note, 148, 272; government, 175 ;| wars, 236 ; the Great, Mr. Terry on, 421, 422 ; rule in India, 521 ; in Bengal, 523. Moghuls, the, xiv ; in the Punjab, phy- sical ajipearance, 60; dubious Mussul- mans, 120, 121 ; three epochs, 121 ; cliaracter of, 122, 123 ; histories of, 122, note; religion and civilisation of, 123; women among, 123; gravitations towards Islam, Christianity, and Bud- dhism, 124, 125 ; toleration, 125 ; Turkish, ib. ; nomin.al Mussulmans, 129 ; occupation of Delhi, 130 ; no- bility, 145 ; military administration, 146, note; aristocracy, 146, 147 ; in the Dekhan, 332 ; the princesses, 341 ; exclude European settlers, 348 ; rivalry between, and Persia, 352 ; their em- perors, 360 ; empire of, in peril, 367 ; described, 371 ; in the Dekhan, 372 ; four armies, 376 ; magnificence, 381 ; the last of, 390 ; massacre the Sikhs, 402; outrage at Surat, 465 ; fear of the sea, 499 ; employ European passes, 509, note ; generals, 510. Money, coinage of, an assertion of sove- reignty, 43, note ; distribution of, an atonement for murder, 55. Moon, new, celebration, 4.52, 453. Mosque, Mussulman, 3, note; the hea- venly bride, 39. Moustachios, edict to keep them short, 324. Mubarak, proclaimed Sultan, 66 ; marries Dewal Devi, 66 ; profligate reign, 66 ; murder by Khuzru Khan, 67, note. Mufti, the, 315, note. Muhammad, the prophet, birthplace, 5 ; surroundings, 6 ; sketch of his life, 6-8 ; his religion, 8, 9 ; his successors, 9, 85, note; his wives, 161, note. Muhammadans, the, in Masulipatam, 484-486 ; in Surat, 496. Muhammad Baklitiyar, conquers Bihar and Bengal 44, 45 ; expedition against Thibet, 46, note, 47 ; its defeat and his death, ib. Muhammad Ghori, Afghan ’ Sultan of Delhi, his defeats and victories, 41 ; assassinated, 43. Muhammad Kiza Beg, the Persian am- bassador, state arrival at the court of Jehangir, 221, 222 ; departs in disgust, 230. Muhamm.ad Shah, Moghul emperor, his 'troubled reign, 405-409; death, 410. Muhammad Shah, the Bahmani Sultan, quarrel respecting frontier fortresses, 89, 90 ; and Vinaik Deva, 90 ; wreaks his revenge on Telegu people, ib. ; throne of gold, 91, note ; insults Kri- shna Rai, 92 ; massacre of Hindus, 93 ; exultation, 94, note; protest of the Hindu envoys, ib. ; slaughter of highwaymen, ib. ; death, 94 ; succes- sors, 94, 9.5. IMuhammad Tughlak, Sultan of Delhi, his character, 70; straits, ib. : impolicy, 71 ; makes Deoghur capital, ib. ; re- turns to Delhi, 72 ; substitutes a copper coinage for a gold, ib. ; attempts the conquest of China, Persia, and Tartary, 73 ; sees his kingdom fall in pieces, loses heart and dies, 73, 74 ; e,arly expedition in the Dekhan, 82, 83. Muharram, festivjil of, 85, note. Mujahid, the Bahmani Sultan, his strength and violence, 95 ; death, 90. Mukarrab Khan, viceroy of Guzerat, his opposition to the English, 199. Mumtaz Mahal, the favourite wife of Shah Jehan, 203, note; her hatred against Christians, 252;- her tomb in the Taj Mahal, 262. .Murad, son of Akber, at Ahmadnagar, 183 ; dies of a debauch, 185. Murad, son of Shah Jehan, the lax Sunni, 280, 281; delusion of, 301; pro- mised the crown by Aurangzeb, 301; eve of coronation, 302 ; drunkenness and sudden arrest, 303 ; a prisoner for , life, 304 ; accused of murder, found guilty, and sentenced to death, 315. Music abolished by Aurangzeb, 324, 325. Musicians, their appeal, 325, note. Mussulmans, their appearance in India, 1 ; collision with the Hindu and effect of it, 2 ; hostile to Brahmani.sm, 3 ; specialties of Islam, 3, 8 ; importance of their history, 4, 5; conquest of India, 5 ; toleration, 11; conversions, ib. ; hold on India, 24 ; west of the Indus, 30 ; established in the Punjab, 596 INDEX. 34 ; their women worked upon by the Brahmans, 76, note; in the Punjab and Hindustan, 80 ; Hindu influence on, ib. ; five kingdoms in the Dekhan, ib. ; collision with Hindus in the Dekhan, 108 ; league against Ram Rai, 116, 117 ; victory, 118 ; respect for harems, 139, note ; schism, 151 ; idea of Christ, 215, note ; antagonism against Rajputs, 243. Mussulmans, the New, their character, 58 ; massacre, 61 ; Shiahs, 87 ; in Hindu armies, 104. Mustafa Khan, the Afghan general in the service of Ali Vardi Khan, 540 ; impulsive character, 543 ; treachery and death, 548. Mutiny of ’57 compared with Hindu revolt at Delhi in the 14th century, 83. Nadir Shah, founds a new Persian em- jure, 407 ; march on Delhi, ib. ; butcheries in Delhi, 408 ; marches home with his plunder, 409 ; assassi- nated, 409, 410. Naiks of Madura, Hindu annals of, 415, 439, 569-585. Nairs of Malabar, description of, 463, 465, 479, 480. Nanuk Guru, founder of the Sikhs, 393 ; his religion, ib. ; successor, ib. Narain Rudra, his reign at Delhi, 556, Nau-roz, feast of, 211. Nawab, office of, 524, note, Niebuhr, Karsten, visits Bombay and Surat, 518, note. Nizam-ul-Mulk, viceroy of the Dek- han, 406 ; jealousy of Saadut Khan, 408 ; death, 410. Nuddea, the Raja of, 45, note. Nflr Blahal, a heroine of “ LallaRookh,” 201, note ; story of, 202 ; marries Jehangir, p.aramount influence, 202, note ; coach, 225 ; intrigues against Khurram, 231; plots and intrigues, 237 ; checkm.ated, 239 ; vindictiveness, 245 ; desperation, 246 ; arrest, ib. ; escape, ib. ; fall, character, 247. Olaza, Queen of, 457 ; her meeting with Della Valle, ib. ; accession and married life, an Amazon, 458 ; divorce of hus- band and war, 459 ; poisons her eldest son, ib. Omichund, the Patna banker, 538, 539. Onore, fort at, a type of old Portuguese, settlements in India, 440, 441. Ortensio Bronzoni, his shipbuilding, 350. Ox-hide, cruel death in, 17, note. Oxenden, Mr., Governor of Bombay, at Sivaji’s coronation, 370. Padishah, the Moghul, 131, note ; help- lessness in the provinces, 317. Pagoda, Hindu, turned into a mosque, 475. Palanquin travelling, 468, 469, note. Pal Rajas of the Pun,ab, 23, note. Pan, description of, 494, note. Pandya, Raja of Madura, his troubles and imprisonment, 569, 570. Pariskhit, 556, note. Parvati worship described, 427, 428. Parwiz, son of Jehangir, 203 ; interview with Roe, 207 ; his drunkenness and death, 237, 241, 247. Peacock, an emblem of the sun, 277. Peishwas, the Blahratta, 406. Peninsula, or Southern India, its condi- tion in the time of Ala-ud-din, 63 ; the people of, 96 ; its general history, 439. Pepper, Portuguese trade in, 440 ; Queen of, 443. Persia, conquered by the Arabs, 10 ; revolt and revival under the Samani, 19, 20 ; sends ambassador to Shah Jehan, 258; condition of Persian grandees under Akber and Aurangzeb, 327 ; in Masulipatam, 485. Poleas, the, aversion of the Nairs to them, 480 ; treated as lepers, ib. Poligars of Madura, 578. Portuguese and the Moghuls, 197 ; and Hawkins, 198 ; punished by Shah Jehan, 2.52 ; women, demand for, 253, note; sunk in effeminacy, 256, note; at Goa, 424, 433 ; vices in India, 434, note ; charged with deceit, 436 ; at Onore, 441 ; lose St. Thome, 482 ; at Goa, 505 ; ladies at Goa, 506. Pratapa Rudra, Raja of Telinga, carried prisoner to Delhi, 564 ; his capture and release, 565 ; rebukes his minister, ib. Prithi, Raja of Delhi. 41 ; his marriage with the Kanouj princess, 42 ; defeat and death, ib. Punch, that enervating liquor, 507 ; its Anglo-Indian origin, ib. Punishment, capital, 422, 478, 487. Purchas, Samuel, his account of Akber, 168-171. Queen, Hindu, description of, 457, 458. Race differences in India, 233, note ; solar and lunar, 277. Rai Rayan, the Bengali financier, 530 ; suicide, 540. Rajas, the tributary, 256 ; the Hindu, at Delhi, 323 ; the Assam, 350, note ; their origin, 415, 439 ; persons sacred in war, 465 ; rule, 521. Rajput princesses, 17 ; prefer death to shame, 22, 23 ; kingdoms, 23, note ; and the Mussulmans, 28, note; char- acteristics, 29 ; enmity to the Turks, 32 ; flight, 37 ; revenge, 38 ; would not blend with Mussulmans, 142, 143 ; intermarriages with the Moghul, 144 ; aristocracy, 148 ; army, ib. ; disaffec- tion, 255 ; outside the Moghul service, 256 ; relations with Shah Jehan, 2.57 ; plot, 378; imposed upon, 379; outwit the adversary and defy him, 380. INDEX. 597 Kam-deva, Eaja of tbe Mahratta couctry, 53 ; surprised and plundered by Ala- ud-din, 54. Kainanuja Acharya, incarnation of Vish- nu, 559; converts the Jain Kaja of Karnata country, 562. Earn Eai of Vijayanagar, usurps the throne of Deva Eai, 112 ; intrigues and overthrow, 113 ; restored, 115 ; preparations against the Mussulmans, 117 ; defeat and death at Talikota, 118; indiscretion and fate, 569. Eana of Udaipur at bay, 375; muster of all the Moghuls to crush him, ib. ; entraps Aurangzeb, 377 ; holds out and triumphs, 380. Eanga Krishna Muttu Virappa Naik, his abilities, his ring and the slipper, 583. Eavana, Eaja of the Eakshasas, char- acter of as a Jain or Buddhist, 413, 414. Eoads, Moghul and Hindu, 469. Eoe, Sir Thomas, xii ; account of mis- sion, lands at Surat, 205 ; Moghul in- I solence, 206 ; journey to Burhampoor, I ib. ; interview with Parwiz, 206, 207 ; attends the Durbar, 208; before Je- liangir, 209, note; negotiation diffi- culties, 210 ; snubbed and soured, 212 ; draft treaty, 213 ; meeting witli the Viceroy of Bihar, 215, 216 ; present at a carouse, 217, 218 ; is wheedled out of the portrait of his lady-love, 218, note ; warns the Company, 220 ; i)ut , to shame, 221 ; peeped at, 223 ; in Durbar, ib. ; in camp, 226 ; with Khur- ram, 228 ; visits Persian ambassador, 230; meets Khuzru, ib. ; indignation, ib.; an informer, 232; compliment, 234 ; bribes Asof Khan and leaves, ib. ; at Surat, 419. Eoyshan Eai Begum, younger daughter of Shah Jehan, 280; ambition and I intrigues, 338, 339 ; distrusted by : Aurangzeb, 341 ; mortification at treatment, 341 ; her amours, 342 ; I disappears, 343. [ Eubruquis, xv. I Saadut Khan, Nawab of Oude, the rival i of Nizam-ul-Mulk, 406; his jealousy I and malice, 408. i Sabaktigin, his wars with the Eajputs of the Punjab, his triumph, 22-24, Jiofe.?. il Salivahana, born of a virgin, 557, note, p Salutations among the Moghuls, 175, |! note. f Samani, empire of, in Bokhara, its history, 20, 21. 1 Sambhaji, son of Sivaji, plays off the \\ Mahratta tactics, 383 ; morals con- H trusted with his father’s. 383, note; ; plots against his life defeated, 384 ; I' captured by Aurangzeb and put to a jl cruel death, 390. Sankara Acharya, an incarnation of Siva, 558. Santons, Muhammadan saints, held in honour, 325 ; challenged to prove their claims by a miracle, 326 ; failure and punishment, ib, ; one beheaded, 363. Sarfaraz Khan, Nawab of Bengal, 528 ; is thrown into confinement and re- leased, 531 ; his character and arro- gance, 536 ; affront to Jagat Seit, ib. ; conspiracy against, ib. ; rebellion against, 537 ; slain, 539. Savyids, dynasty of, 76, 7iote ; the two, 396-405. Scinde, Arab invasion, 16, 17. Selim, revolts, procures the death of Abul Fazl, 187 ; investiture, 188. (See Jehangir.) Seraglios, the Muhammadan, vice in, 365. Serpent-worship, 472. Servants in India, their faithfulness, 421 ; cheap, 426. Shah Abbas, of Persia, demands the liberation of Shah Jehan, 345 ; pre- pares for war, 352 ; mocks and defies Aurangzeb, ib. ; takes the field, but dies, 353; Della Valle’s esteem for him, 460. Shah Alam, son of Aurangzeb, 338 ; tlie crown prince, 339 ; raises a sham re- bellion in the Dekhan, 357 ; inactive at Aurangabad, 358; announces his rebellion, ib. ; sham proclamations, 359 ; foiled, i'o. ; ordered to return, 360; crippled and disarmed, ib. ; in the Dekhan, 372; steals a march on Akbar, 379; taken in, 382; two-faced policy, 387; makes peace with Sultan of Golkonda, ib. ; arrested by his father, 388 ; liberated, 390. (8'ee Bahadur Shah.) Shah Jehan, son of Jehangir, his wife, 203, note; unscrupulous, h.ated by Nur Mahal, 237 ; supported by Asof Khan, ib. ; Khan Khanan becomes his ally, 238 ; gets rid of Khuzru, 239 ; suspected by his father and sup- planted by Bulaki, ib. ; affairs des- perate, 240 ; plot to get possession of the royal treasures, ib. ; defeat of the plot, has to fight with his father, 241 ; panic and flight, ib. ; humbles himself and is forgiven, 242; revolts again and is forced to flee, ib. ; ravages Bengal, 243 ; is beaten and flees to the Dekhan, ib. ; is joined by the forces of Mahabat Khan, 247 ; scheme to raise him to tlie throne, its success, 249 ; wades through blood, 250 ; char- acter and political situation, 251 ; source of his good fortune, 251, note ; religious sympathies and antipathies, 252 ; influence of his wife over him, ib. ; revenge on the Portuguese, 263, note; submission of Khan Jehan, 254 ; 598 INDEX, pursues Khan Jehan, who revolts, 255 ; annexes Ahmadnagar and Berar, ib. ; Khan Jehan’s head sent to him, ib. ; Rajpht disaffection and contempt, 255, 256 ; coerced by the Rajputs, 257 ; treachery and cowardice, ib. ; be- haviour towards the Persian ambassa- dor, 258 ; ambassador from Golkonda, 258, note; flattery, 258; story of the female slave, 259 ; and the Kbtwal, ib. ; highway robberies, ib. ; cause of his weakness, 260 ; his harem, ib. ; its power, 261 ; his fancy fairs and lawless gallantries, 262 ; builds the Taj Mahal, ib. ; amours of his daughter. Begum Sahib, 264, note; corruption of his administration, ib. ; so-called history, 265 ; nomad court, ib. ; a prey to fear, 266 ; greedy and lavish, ib. ; Father Catrou’s account, ib. ; palace at Agra, 270 ; tyranny and corruption, 271 ; extortion, ib. ; founds New Delhi, 273; his palace guards, 276 ; his pea- cock throne, 277 ; his Hindu nature, 278 ; his sons and their struggles for the throne, ib. ; his daughters, 280 ; sickness, 285, 286 ; intrigues of his sons, 286-290 ; resigns in favour of Dara, 292 ; offers the crown to Mah- mud, 300 ; barred off by Aurangzeb from the outer world, ib. ; forged letters, ib. ; in prison a terror to Aurangzeb, 321 ; his rights acknow- ledged, 322-328 ; refuses to give up the royal jewels, 328 ; strikes the gover- nor at Agra with his slippers, 346 ; a cordial sent him, ib. ; poisoned, 347 ; funeral, ib. Shah Nameh, marks an epoch, 39, note ; its subject, 551 ; its fabulous matter, ib. ; its character, 552 ; its legends, ib.; allegorical of origin of civilisation, ib. ; Oriental exaggerations, 553. Shahryar, youngest son of Jehangir, betrothed to the daughter of Nur Mahal, 237 ; attempts to seize the throne, 248 ; his fate, 248, 249. Shaikh jiubarak, father of Akbar’s minister, Abul Fazl, 153 ; his career, 154 ; his sons, 155. Shaista Khan, viceroy of the Dekhan, 335 ; celebrates the coronation of the emperor, Aurangzeb, 336 ; attacked when drunk, but escapes, 336, 337 ; recalled, 337. Sherif of Mecca refuses to acknowledge Aurangzeb, 322 ; sends a messenger with presents to Delhi, who returns empty-handed, 364. Slier Khan, the Afghan, outwits Hu- mayun, 132 ; in possession of Hindu- stan and the Punjab, 133 ; history, 133, note, 134. Shiahs and Sunnis, division of, 9, note, 20, note ; antagonism, 85, note, 105 ; mixed in the Dekhan, 87 ; confusion due to this distinction, 87, note-, des- perate battle at Bijapur, 110, 111 ; deadly struggle, 133, note ; under Sbah Jehan, 2.53, 254, 394, 400 ; out- break at Delhi, 401. Shuja, son of Aurangzeb, 279, 281 ; re- volts, 286; Jai Singh’s letter, 287 ; artifice, ib. ; bamboozled by Jai Singh, ib. ; defeat, 288, 314. Shuja Khan, Nawab of Bengal, 528 ; his favourites, 529 ; indolent administra- tion, 530 ; susjjioious death, 534 ; his presents, 535. Sikhs, religious sect of, 393; early brotherhoods, ib. ; become military, 394 ; long beards and blue garbs, 40i ; massacre under Bandu Guru, 402. Sikliguli Pass, its importance, 538. Sinde, infested by brigands, 511. Sivaji, the Mahratta hero of the Kon- kan, the terror of the Dekhan, 332 ; his character and independent position, 333 ; treachery and assassination, 334 ; courted by Aurangzeb, ib. ; causes a panic in Mogbul camp, 336; lured to Delhi, 354; his mortification and rage, 355 ; his peril and escape, 356 ; fore- warned forearmed, 357 ; supports the rebellion of Shah Alam, but takes no steps, 359 ; the terror of the Dekhan, 369 ; his coronation, 370 ; near Madras, 371 ; returns to Konkan, 372 ; lays about him, and dies, ib. ; memory of him at Surat, 478 ; at Goa, 509; a free- booter, 570. Slave kings, the, brief account of, 47, 48 ; courts of, 49, note. Slipper, homage to, 583. Somnath, 35, note, 36 ; the temple and its treasures, 37, 38 ; the idol, 38, note. Sjry system of Aurangzeb, 327. Sufism and the Sufi period, 25, 26. Sulaiman, son of Dara, betrayal of, 313. Sultans, the, of Mussulman India, 77, 78 ; of the Dekhan, 94, 95. Sundara Iswara, the god Siva, 572, note. Sunergong, 62, note. Sunni, the, period, 25 ; reaction, 26, 27. Sunnis, the, religion of, 86. Surat, situation, 197 ; Roe in, 206 ; a European settlement, 424 ; cus- tom-house at, 474; administration of justice, 476, 477; the two Nawabs, 477; protection at night, 478 : plundered by Sivaji, ib. ; a change, 496 ; Christians insulted, ib. ; Muhammadan merchants, 496,497; the Banians, ib. ; the Fakirs, 497, 498 ; the Nawab defied by the Fakirs, 498 ; the Nawab’s oppressions, ib. ; fear of the Mahrattas, 499 ; army of Nawab, ib. ; Moghul shipping, ib. ; described by Niebuhr, 519, 520 ; gar- dens, 520 INDEX. 599 Taj Mahal, the, built by 'Shah Jehan, 262 ; its significance and character, 262, 263. Talikota, battle of, 118. Tamil, Eajas, 64. Tartars of Chenghiz Khan, 49, 50 ; character of, 121. Tatta, its gratitude to Captain Hamil- ton, 512. Tavernier, J. Baptists, xii ; meets Amir Jumla, 282 ; does not believe in diamond mines, ib. ; his travels, 466- 473 ; his aims, 466 ; range of his tra- vels, 466, 467 ; mode of travelling and precautions, 467, 468 ; his information meagre, 473. Telegraphs, Indian, at Goa, 507. Teliuga, situation, 53, note; intrigues, 90, 91. Termal, the mad Kaja of Vijayanagar, 114; betrayed, kills himself, 115. Terry, the Kev. Mr., his travels in In- dia, 417-423 ; journey to Mandu, 419. Thanesar temple plundered, 34. Theresa, St., canonisation celebrated at Goa, 435. 'Thevenot, M. de, xii ; his travels, 473- 480; a thoughtful observer, 473; at the custom-house of Surat, 474 ; gets rid of a robber by a few coppers, 476. Tliome, St., its capture by the French, 482, 490. Thugs, the, 479. Timma, Hindu minister at Vijayanagar, his intrigues, 112. Timur, invasion of the Punjab, 76,98; a Turkish Moghul, 126 ; no Mussul- man, 126, 127. Tirumala Naik, the hero of Madura, his coronation, 576 ; his reign typical, ib., note; settlement with Tanjore, ib. ; marriage, 577 ; wedding cere- monies, 577, -578 ; his army and fin- ances, 578, note; marries three cousins, 579 ; humbles Sethupati, 579, 580; marries three hundred and sixty-five wives, and offends Minakshi, 580; builds a new palace, ib. ; character .and death, 580, 581. Todar Mai, 178 ; revenue arrangements, 179. Travelling in Hindu countries, 457, 467-469. Tugh Bahadur, the Sikh Guru, 393. Tughlak dynasty, 69-76. Tughlakabad, its ruins, 69. Turks, and Moghuls, the, xv ; invade India, 1 ; in Central Asia, 21 ; found the kingdom of Ghazni, ib. ; first colli- sion witli the Hindu, 22 ; leadership of Islam, 24, 30; marry Hindu wives, 69. Udipuri, Aurangzeb's favourite Sul- tana, 364 ; indisposed, 365 ; carried off by 'Rajputs, but restored, 377; intrigues in favour of her son, 388. Ulama, its influence, x ; ignored, 60 ; and Ala-ud-din, 60, note; at Agra, 150, 151 ; bigoted Sunnis, 151, 156 ; denounced, 152 ; and Mubarak, 154 ; troubles Akber, 156 ; humbled by Akber, 157 ; open debates, 168 ; dis- comfiture, 158, 159 ; differences among, 159 ; abdicates in favour of the Padishah, 160 ; the part it played, ih. Hmra Singh, the Rajput prince of Mar- war, his contempt for Shah Jehan, 256 ; overpowered and slain, 257. Vaishnava religion, rise and spread, 562, 563. Valle, Pietro Della, his travels, 42)3- 466 ; motive of his visit to India, 423 ; short sketch of his life, ib., note ; his companion, 424 ; his curiosity, 426 ; at Cambay, 428 ; visits Goa, 431 ; his Muhammadan servant boy, 431-456 ; his lady companion, 433 ; masquerades as an Arab,435 ; goes to Kanara, 439 ; at Ikkeri, 448-455 ; purse stolen and recovered, 456 ; visits Olaza, 457 ; professes himself a Yogi, 458 ; eats a Hindu dinner, 459 ; praises the Pope and the Moghul, with Turk and Persian, 460 ; stands on his dignity, and refuses to sell jewels and horses, 460, 461 ; cannot obtain an audience of the Queen of Olaza, 461 ; visits King of the Yogis, 461, 462; visits Calicut, 462 ; in the palace of the Zamorin, 464 ; returns home, 465. Vareyanga Belal Rai, Raja of Karnata, 562. V.aruna, a temple of, 446 ; idols, ib. ; procession, 447 ; worship, ib. Vedic people, the, 125. Venk-tapa Naik, Raja of Kanara, his dealings with the Portuguese, 440 ; his mistress and his queen, 442 ; per- plexity, 443 ; invades Garsopa and carries off the queen, ib. ; public audience, 448 ; conference, 449 ; fa- vourite idol, 452. Viceroys, 272, note; the Moghul, 422. Vijaya Narasinha Belal, Raja of Kar- nata, 563. Vijayan,agar, Hindu empire of, p,ara- mount in the Peninsula, 89 ; city of, impregnable, 93, note; wealth, 96 ; plunder of, 119, note ; fall of, 119 ; history perverted by the Brahmans, 119, note ; empire of, founded, 567. Vikramaditya, character and story of, 556, 557. Vinaditya Belal Rai, Raja of Karnata, 561. Vinaik Deva, prince of Telinga, his insolence and fate, 90. Vira Belal Rai, Raja of Karnata, mar- 600 INDEX ries the daughter of the Sultan of Delhi, 563. Virappa Naik, of Madura, protects the pilgrims to Kamiswara against the Kal- ians, 575, 576 ; quarrel with Tanjore, ib. Vishnu, incarnate as Rama, 414. Visvanath Naik, of Madura, violent pro- ceedings, 570 ; makes peace with Krishna Rai, ib. ; grand inauguration, 570, 571 ; grand reception and en- thronement at Madura, 572 ; corona- tion, 573 ; greatness, ib. ; combat with the Pandava Rajas, death, 574. Warangal, 63 ; disaster at, 82. Widow, procession preparatory to burn- ing, 451. Wife, first, supreme, 123, note. Wine, its use prohibited throughout the Moghul Empire, 324, 325 ; forbidden to women, 365. Women, Arab, 12, note. Worship of trees, &c., 427, note; Hin- du, 453. Xavier, St. Fi'ancis, canonisation cele- brated, 436. Yakub the brazier, 19, note. Yogis, the Hindu, their habits, profes- sions, &c., 403; the King, 461; de- scription of King, 462 ; imposture de- tected at Surat and avenged, 514. Yuganda Rudra, minister of Telinga, his stratagem for delivering the Raja liis master, 565 ; reorganises the Brah- mans, 566. Yusuf Adil Shah, first Sultan of Bija- pur, 109, note. 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