^^* I % ^0* #' .0^ m Sr- pRiycEi^oy, y. -/. | -^R-445 .MR 1Riq \u^ ^ ^ Mosheim, Johann Lorenz, 16947-1755. An ecclesiastical history, ancient and modern, from sec AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, ANCIENT AND MODEllN, FROM THE BIRTH OF CHRIST, TO TttE BEGINNING OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, VOL. IV. AN C^.^^-'^V ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, ancient ana ^oaern, FROM THE BIRTH OF CHRIST, TO THE BEGINNING OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY IN SIX VOLUMES. IN WHICH THE RISE, PROGRESS, AND VARIATIONS OF CHURCH POWER ARE CONSIDERED JN THEIR CONNEXION WITH THE STATE OF LEARNING AND PHILOSOPHY, AND THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF EUROPE DURING THAT PERIOD. BY THE LATE LEARNED JOHN LAWRENCE MOSHEIM, D. D. AND CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF GOTTINGEN. TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL LATIN, AND ACCOMPANIED WITH NOTES AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. BY ARCHIBALD MACLAINE, D. D, TO WHICH IS ADDED, AN ACCURATE INDEX. VOL. IV. LONDON: PRINTED FOH H. BAYNES, S5, IVY-LANE, PATERNOSTER-ROW 1819. AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, 55ooIt tl)c f OHrtfj, CONTAINING THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH, THE BEGINNING OF THE REFOR. MA TION BYL UTHER, THE PRESENT TIMES, INTjiOBUGT^ION: H •'*^'»'»WV-i*'J ■<■ " ' I. f llHE order and method, that have been The me- J- followed in the former part of this Work, f^^J^f:^ cannot be continued, without the greatest incon- the preced- veniences, in this Fourth Book, which relates to JJJf/j^Ysto^ry the modern history of the church. From the changed in commencement of the sixteenth century, the [Jj^^j^^''""'^ face of religion was remarkably changed ; the di- visions that had formerly perplexed the church, increased considerably ; and the Christian socie- ties, that relinquished the established forms of di- vine worship, and erected themselves into separ- ate assemblies, upon principles different from those of the Roman hierarchy, multiplied from day to day. This circumstance renders it impossible to present in one connected series, or, as it were in one continued tablature, the events, vicissitudes, and revolutions, that happened in the church, di- vided its members, and enfeebled the dominion of its tyrants. From the period on which w^e now enter, the bond of union among Christians, that had been formed by a blind obedience to the Ro- man pontiffs, w^as every where either dissolved, or at least, relaxed ; and consequently this period of our history must be divided into a multitude of branches, into as many parts, as there were fa- mous sects that arose in this century. II. It is however proper to observe here, that Tiie hiVo- many of the events, which distinguished this cen- ^J °^^^JJ'f^ tury, had a manifest relation to the church inuiiscentu- general, and not to any Christian society in par- ^,^^|5ed i'n- B 2 ticular. to two ge- neral headsi Its extent. 4 INTRODUCTION. ticular. And as these events deserve to be men- tioned separately, on account of their remark- able tendency to throw a light upon the state of Christianity in general, as well as upon thehistoiy of each particular Christian society, we shall there- fore divide this Fourth Book into two main and principal parts, of which the one shall contain the General, and the other the Particular History of the Ckristiaji religion. The gene- jjj 'J'q i\^q General History belong all those of the^'^ events which relate to the state of Christianity, church— considered in itself and in its utmost extent, to the Christian church viewed in the general, and abstracted from the miserable and multiplied di- visions into which it was rent by the passions of men. Under this head we shall take notice of the advancement and progress of Christianity in ge- neral, without any regard to the particular sects that were thus instrumental in promoting its in- terests; nor shall we omit the consideration of certain doctrines, rites, and institutions, which ap- peared worthy of admission to all, or, at least, to the greatest part of the Christian sects, and which consequently produced every where changes and improvements of more or less importance. It'^^^^"" IV. In the Particular History of this century, we propose passing in review, in their proper or- der, the various sects into which the Christian church was divided. This part of our work, for the sake of method and precision, we shall sub- divide into two. In the Jirst we shall compre- hend what relates to the more ancient Christian sects, both in the eastern and western hemispheres; while the seco7id shall be confined to the history of those more modern societies, the date of whose origin is posterior to the Reformation in Gei^inany. In the accounts that are here to be given of the circumstances, fate, and doctrines of each sect, the method laid down in the Preface to this Work shall History. INTRODUCTION. 5 shall be rigorously observed, as far as is possible ; since it seems the most adapted to lead us to an accurate knowledge of the nature, progress, and tenets of every Christian society, that arose in these times of discord. V. The most momentous event that distin- History of ffuished the church after the fifteenth century, and ^^^^ .^^^^o^- 11.1 1 • n -11 1 -r^^ 1 mation. vv^e may add, the most glorious of all the Revolu- tions that happened in the state of Christianity since the time of its divine and immortal Founder, was that happy change introduced into religion, which is known by the title of the Blessed Refor- mation. This grand revolution, which arose in Saxony from small beginnings, not only spread itself with the utmost rapidity through all the European provinces, but also extended its efficacy more or less to the most distant parts of the globe, and may be justly considered as the main and principal spring which has moved the nations from that illustrious period, and occasioned the greatest part both of those civil and religious revolutions that fill the annals of history down to our times. The face of Europe was, in a more especial man- ner, changed by this great event. The jiresent age feels yet, in a sensible manner, and ages to come will continue to perceive, the inestimable advantages it produced, and the inconveniences of which it has been the innocent occasion. The histo- ry therefore of such an important revolution, from whence so many others have derived their origin, and whose relations and connections are so exten- sive and universal, demands undoubtedly a peculiar degree of attention, and has an unquestionable right to the principal place in such a work as this. We therefore now proceed to give a compendious view of the modern history of the Christian church, according to the plan and method already laid down. B 3 PEIITGETGII THSOLOGlG&Iijl- THE XTEENTH CENTURY. •eff*(^--ii--S**ee« SECTION I, THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. CENT. XVI. SECT. I. • I. ^HlHE History of the Reformation is too f -*- ample and extensive to be comprehended v^-^Y^,^ without a certain degree of confusion, in the un- The divi- interrupted narration of one Section ; we shall finest s'Jc-^' therefore divide it into Fow^ Parts. tion. The First will contain An Account of the State of CliHstianity hefoix the Commencement of the Refbrmation. The Second, The History of the Reformat Hon from its first Beginnings until the date of the Confession drawn up at Augsherg. The Third will exhibit A View of the savie History, from this latter jJeriod to the Com- mencement of the war o/'Smalcald. And, The Fourth will carry it down to The Peace that was entered into with the Ahettoi^s of the Reformation in the year 1 555 [a]. This division is natural ; it arises spontaneously from the events themselves. CHAP. [jr\ The writers of the History of the Ueformalion of every rank and order, are enumerated by the very learned Philip Frid. Hane (who himself deserves a most eminent rank in this class,) in his Historia Sacrorum a Luthcro Emendatoruin, part I. cap. i. p. 1. and by Jo. Alb. Fabricius, in his Ccntifolimn Lntheranum, part II. cap. clxxxvii. p. SCrS. — The great- est part, or at least the most eminent, of this list of authors must be consulted by such as desire a farther confirmation or illustration XVI. SECT. I, Chap. I. The History of the Reformation. CHAPTER I. Concerning the state of the Christian Chiuxh before the Reformation. I. A BOUT the commencement of this cen- cent. -^-Ja- tury the Roman pontiffs lived in the utmost tranquillity; nor had they, as things appeared to be situated, the least reason to ap- Things are prehend any opposition to their pretensions, ori"aq"Jet rebellion against their authority; since those the begin- dreadful commotions, which had been excited in "^y^ ^^ the preceding ages by the Waldenses, Albigenses, tury.*^^"" and Beghards, and lately by the Bohemians, were entirely suppressed, and had yielded to the united powers of counsel and the sword. Such of the Waldenses as yet remained, lived contented under the difficulties of extreme poverty in the vallies of Piedmont, and proposed to themselves no high- er earthly felicity, than that of leaving to their descendants that wretched and obscure corner of Eu7^ope, which separates the Aljjs from the Pyre- nean mountains ; while the handful of Bohemians, that survived the ruin of their faction, and still persevered in their opposition to the Roman yoke, had neither strength nor knowledge adequate to any new attempt, and therefore, instead of inspi- ring terror, became objects of contempt. II. We must not, however, conclude from this Tie com- apparent tranquillity and security of the pontiffs pJ^^*^^^ ^^^ and their adherents, that their measures were ap-pSpesand plauded, or their chains worn without reluctance, effeftuai" b4 This^^'''*'' illustration of the matters which I propose to relate briefly in the course of this history. Tlie illustrious names of Sleidan and SeckendorfF, and others, who have distinguished them- selves in this kind of erudition, are too well known to render it necessary to recommend their works to the perusal of the curi- ous reader. The History of the Reformation, This was far from being the case. Not only pri- vate persons, but also the most powerful princes and sovereign states, exclaimed loudly against the despotic dominion of the pontiffs, the fraud, vio- lence, avarice, and injustice that prevailed in their councils, the arrogance, tyranny, and ex- tortion of their legates, the unbridled licentious- ness and enormous crimes of the clergy and monks of all denominations, the unrighteous severity and partiality of the Homan laws, and demanded publicly, as their ancestors had done before them, a Eefor?natio7i of the church, in its head and in its members, and a general council to accom- plish that necessary and happy purpose [&]. But these complaints and demands were not carried so far as to produce any good effect; since they came from persons who never presumed to enter- tain the least doubt about the supreme authority of the Pope in religious matters, and who, of con- sequence, instead of attempting, themselves, to bring about that reformation that was so ardently desired, remained entirely unactive, and looked for redress to the court of Rome, or to a general council. As long as the authority of the Roman pontiff was held sacred, and his jurisdiction su- preme, there could be no reason to expect any considerable reformation either of the cori-uptions of the church or of the manners of the clergy. III. If \b~\ These complaints and accusations have been largely enumerated by several writers. See, among many others, Val. Em. Loescherus, in A.clis es documentis Eeformationis, torn. i. cap. V. p. 10.). — cap. ix. p. 181. & Ern. Salom. Cyprian. Prcefat. ad Wilk. Ern. Tenzelii Hisioriam Bcformat. published at Leipsic in 8vo, in the year 1717. — The grievances com- plained of by the Germans in particular, are amply mentioned by J. F. Georgius, in his Gravamina Imperator. et nationis German, adversus sedem Rotnan, cap. vii. p. 2()1. Nor do the wiser and more learned among the modern Romanists pretend to deny that the church and clergy, before the time of Luther^ were corrupted in a very high degree. Chap. I. Tlie History of the Reformation. S III. If any thing seemed proper to destroy the cent. gloomy empire of superstition, and to alarm the ^^^^• security of the lordly pontiffs, it was the restora- ._,_ \J_, tion of learning in I^urope, and the number of The resto- men of genius that arose, of a sudden, under the ^''^t^^'} °^ benign influence of that auspicious revolution, ^^"""s* But even this new scene of things was insufficient to terrify the lords of the church, or to make them apprehend the decline of their power. It is true, indeed, this happy revolution in the republic of letters dispelled the gloom of ignorance, and kindled in the minds of many the love of truth and sacred liberty. Nay, it is also certain that many of these great men, such as Erasmus and others, pointed the delicacy of their wit, or levelled the fury of their indignation, at the su- perstitions of the times, the corruptions of the priesthood, the abuses that reigned in the court of Movie, and the brutish manner of the Monastic Orders. But this was not sufficient, since none had the courage to strike at the root of the evil, to attack the papal jurisdiction and statutes, which were absurdly, yet artfully, sanctified by the title of cano7i-law, or to call in question that ancient and most pernicious opinion, that Christ had esta- blished a vicegerent at Rome, clothed with his supreme and unlimited authority. Entrenched, therefore, within these strong-holds, the pontiffs looked upon their own avithority and the peace of the church as beyond the reach of danger, and treated with indifference the threats and invectives of their enemies. Armed, moreover, with power to punish, and abundantly furnished with the means of rewarding in the most alluring manner, they were ready on every commotion, to crush the obstinate, and to gain over the mercenary to their cause ; and this indeed could not but con tribute considerably to the stability of their do- minion. IV. Henco 10 The History of the Reformation, CENT. IV. Hence it was, that the bishops of Rome ^^^- lived in the utmost security and ease, and being ^^' ' entirely free from apprehensions and cares of The popes evcry kind, followed without reluctance, and Alexander gratified without any limitation or restraint, the Phis HI. various demands of their lusts and passions. Alexander VI. whom humanity disowns, and who is rather to be considered as a monster than as a man, whose deeds excite horror, and whose enormities place him among the most execrable tyrants of ancient times, stained the commence- ment of this century by the most tremendous crimes. The world was delivered from this papal fiend in the year 1503, by the poisonous draught which he had prepared for others, as is generally believed ; though there are historians that attri- bute his death to sickness and old age [c]. He was succeeded in the pontificate by Pius III. who in less than a month, was deprived by death of that high dignity. The vacant chair was obtained by fraud and bribery by Julian de la Rovere, who assumed the denomination of Julius II. Julius II. V. To the odious list of vices with which Julius II. dishonoured the pontificate, we may add the most savage ferocity, the most audacious arrogance, the most despotic vehemence of tem- per, and the most extravagant and frenetic passion for war and bloodshed. He began his military en- terprises by entering into a war with the Veneti- ans, after having strengthened his cause by an alli- ance with the emperor and the king oi France [d\ He ^jf] See the Life o/" Alexander VI. in two volumes 8vo. by Alex. Gordon, Esq. — As also another life of the same pontiff, written with more moderation, and subjoined, along with that of Leo X. to the first volume of the learned and ingenious work entitled, Histoire du Droit jnihUqiie Ecclesiastiqiie Fraii-^ coii, par M. D. B. published in 4to at London, in 1752. [|J] See Du Bos, Histoire de la Ligue de Cambrai/, pub- lished at the Hague in two volumes 8vo, in the year 1710. Chap. I. Tlie History of the Reformation. 11 He afterwards laid siege to Farrara; and, at cent. length, turned his arms against his former ally, ^^^* the French monarch, in conjunction with the Ve- ._ 'Jj netians, Spaniards, and Swiss, whom he had drawn into this war, and engaged in his cause by an of- fensive league. His whole pontificate, in short, was one continued scene of military tumult ; nor did he suffer Europe to enjoy a moment's tranquil- lity as long as he lived. We may easily imagine the miserable condition of the church under a vicar of Christ, who lived in camps, amidst the din of arms, and who was ambitious of no other fame than that which arose from battles w^on and cities laid desolate. Under such a pontiff all things must have gone to ruin ; the laws must have been subverted, the discipline of the church destroyed, and the genuine lustre of true religion entirely effaced. VI. Nevertheless, from this dreadful cloud that The coun- hung over Europe, some rays of light seemed to ^^^ °^ ^^^^' break forth, that promised a better state of things, and gave some reason to expect that reformation in the church that was so ardently and so univer- sally desired. Lewis XII. king of France, pro- voked by the insults he had received from this arrogant pontiff, meditated revenge, and even caused a medal to be struck with a menacing in- scription, expressing his resolution to overturn the power of Rome, which was represented by the title oi Babylon, on this coin [e]. Several cardi- nals also, encouraged by the protection of this monarch and the emperor Maximilian I. assembled, in the year 1511, a council at Pisa, with an inten- tion Qe^ See B. Christ. Sigismund. Liebii Cominentatlo de mtmis Ltidovici XlLEpigraphe, Perdam Babylonis nomen insignibus; Leipsic, 1717. — See also Thesaurus Epislolicits Crozianus, torn, i. p. 2SS. 243. — Colonia, Histoire Litter, de la Ville de Lyon torn. ii. p. 443. — The authenticity and occasion of this medal have been much disputed, and, as is well known, have afforded matter of keen debate. 12 The History of the Refor^nation. CENT, tion to set bounds to the tyranny of this furious ^^^- pontiff, and to correct and reform the errors and J^^^'^ corruptions of a superstitious church. Julius, on the other hand, relying on his own strength, and on the power of his allies, beheld these threaten- ing appearances without the least concern, nay, treated them with mockery and laughter. He did not, however, neglect the methods of ren- dering ineffectual the efforts of his enemies, that prudence dictated, and therefore gave orders for a council to meet in the palace of the Lateran in the year 15121 [/*], in which the decrees of the council of Pisa were condemned and annulled in the most injurious and insulting terms. This condemnation would, undoubtedly, have been followed v^ith the most dire and formidable ana- themas against Lewis and other princes, had not death snatched away this audacious pontiff, in the year 1512, in the midst of his ambitious and vin- dictive projects. leox. VII. He was succeeded, in the year 1513, lay Leo X. of the family of Medicis, who, though of a milder disposition than his predecessor, was nevertheless equally indifferent about the interests of religion and the advancement of true piety. He was a protector of men of learning, and was him- self learned as far as the darkness of the age would admit of His time was divided betweeil conver- sation with men of letters and pleasure ; though it must be observed, that the greatest part of it was consecrated to the latter. He had an invincible aversion to whatever was accompanied with soli- citude and care, and discovered the greatest im- patience under events of that nature. He was remarkable for his prodigality, luxury, and im- prudence, and has even been charged with im- piety, if not atheism. He did not, however, neglect n/] Harduini Concilia, torn. ix. p. 1559. Chap. I. TJie History of the Reformation. IS neglect the grand object which the generality of cent. his predecessors had so much at heart, even the ^^^* promoting and advancing the opulence and gran- ._ '_'> deur of the Roman see. For he took the utmost care that nothing should be transacted in the council of the Lateran, which Julius had assem- bled and left sitting, that had the least tendency to favour the Reformation of the church. He went still farther ; and, in a conference which he had with Francis I. king of France, at Bologna, he engaged that monarch to abrogate the Pragmtatic Sanction [^], which had been so long odious to the popes of Rome, and to substitute in its place another body of laws, more advantageous to the papacy, which were imposed upon his subjects under the title of the Concordate, and received with the utmost indignation and reluctance [7^1. VIII. The \_g~\ We have mentioned this Pragmatic Sanction, Cent. XV. Part II. Chap. II. sect. xvi. note fry!, and given there some account of its nature and design. This important edict is pub- lished at large in the eighth volume of tlie Concilia Harduini, p. 19^9- ^s is the Concordate, that was substituted in its place, in the ninth volume of the same work, p. 1867- and in Leib- nitz, his Mantissa Codicis Diplomat, part I. p. 158. part II. p. S5^. — The history of these two pieces is given in an ample and accurate manner by bishop Burnet, in his History of the Reformation, vol. iii. p. 3. — See also on the same subject, De Boulay, Historia Acad. Paris, torn. vi. p. 6l. — IO9. l)u Clos, Histoire de Louis XI. Histoire du Droit Ecclesiastique Fraii" cois, torn. i. Diss. ix. p. 415. — Mc?iigiana, torn. iii. p. 285. (^ C^O '^^^ king went in person to the parliament to offer the Concordate to be registered, and letters patent were made out requiring all the judges and courts of justice to observe this Act, and see it executed. The parliament, after deliberating a month upon this important matter, concluded not to register the Concordate, but to observe still the Pragmatic, unless the former edict was received and established in as great an assem- bly as that was, which published the latter in tlie reign of Charles VII. And when by violence and force they were obh'ged to publish the Concordate, they joined to this publi- cation a solemn protest, and an appeal from the pope to the next general council, into both which measures the university and the clergy entered with the greatest alacrity and zeal. But royal and papal despotism at length prevailed. The 14 The History of the Reformation. VIIT. The raging thirst of dominion that con- sumed these pontiffs, and their arrogant endea- vours to crush and oppress all that came within the reach of their power, were accompanied with the most insatiable avarice. All the provinces of Europe were, in a manner, drained to enrich these ghostly tyrants, who were perpetually gaping after The chancellor De Prat, who was principally concerned in promoting the Concordate, has been generally regarded as an enemy to the liberties of the Galilean church. The illustrious and learned president Hainault has not, however, hesitated to defend his memory against this accusation, and to justify the Concordate as an equitable contract, and as a measure attended "with less inconveniences than the Pragmatic Sanction. He ob- serves, that by the king's being invested, by the Co?icordate, with the privilege of nominating to the bishoprics and vacant benefices of the first class, many corruptions and abuses were prevented, which arose from the simoniacal practices that pre- vailed almost every where, while, according to the Praginatic Sanction, every church chose its bishop, and every monastery its abbot. He observes, moreover, that this nomination was the natural right of the crown, as the most considerable part of the great benefices had been created by the kings of FrancCy and he insists particularly on this consideration, that the right which Christian communities have to choose their leaders, can- not be exercised by such large bodies without much confusion and many inconveniences ; and that the subjects, by entrusting their sovereign with the government of tlie state, invest him, ipso facto, with an authority over the church which is a part of the state, and its noblest branch. See Hainault, Ahrege Chronologiqne de I'Histoire de France, in the particular remarks that are placed at the end of the reign of Lewis XIV". The most specious objection that was made to the Concor- date was this : that in return for the nomination to the vacant benefices, the king granted to the popes the annates, or Jirst fruits, which had so long been complained of as an intolerable grievance. There is, however, nomention of this equivalent in the Concordate. And it was by a papal bull that succeeded this compact, that the pontiffs claimed the payment o?\he first fruits, of which they had put themselves in possession in the year 13lG, and which had been suspended by the Pragmatic Sanction. See the Histoire du Droit Ecclesiastique Francois. As this substitution of the Concordate, in the place of the Prag- matic Sanction, was a most important transaction, and had a very great influence upon the minds of the English, the transla- tor judged it necessary to give here some account of that matter. Chap. I. The History of the Reformation, 15 after new accessions of wealth, in order to aug- ment the number of their friends and the stabi- lity of their dominion. And indeed, according to the notions commonly entertained, the rulers of the church seemed to have a fair enough pretext, from the nature of their character, to demand a sort of tribute from their flock; for none can deny to the supreme governors of any state (and such was the character assumed by the popes) the privilege of levying tribute from those over wham they bear rule. But as the name of tribute was every way proper to alarm the jealousy and excite the indignation of the civil magistrate, the pontiffs were too cunning to employ it, and had recourse to various stratagems and contrivances to rob the subject without shocking the sovereign, and to levy taxes under the specious mask and pretext of religion. Among these contrivances, the distribution of indulgences, which enabled the wealthy to purchase impunity for their crimes by certain sums applied to religious uses, held an emi- nent rank. This traffic of indulgences was con- stantly renewed whenever the coffers of the church were exhausted. On these occasions, they were recommended warmly to the ignorant multitude under some new, specious, yet fallacious pretext, and were greedily sought after, to the great de- triment both of individuals and of the commu- nity. IX. Notwithstanding the veneration and horn- The pope's age that was almost every where paid to the Ro- ^je{j''j!,'J^. man pontiffs, they were far from being universally nor to that reputed infallible in their decisions, or unlimited °[j^^°"^' in their authority. The wiser part of the German, French, Flemish, and British nations, considered them as liable to error, and bounded by law. The councils of Constance and Basil had contri- buted extremely to rectify the notions of the people in that respect ; and from that period all Christians, 16 The History of the Befoimatmi. Christians, except the superstitious monks and parasites of Rome, were persuaded that the pope was subordinate to a general council, that his de- crees were not infallible, and that the council had a right to depose him, whenever he was con- victed of gross errors or enormous crimes. Thus were the people, in some measure, prepared for the reformation of the church ; and hence that ardent desire, that earnest expectation of a ge- neral council, v*hich filled the minds of the wisest and best Christians in this century. Hence also those frequent appeals that were made to this approaching council, when the court of Rome is- sued out any new edict, or made any new attempt repugnant to the dictates of piety and justice. Tiie cor- X. The licentious examples of the pontiffs were thr/ower zealously imitated in the lives and manners of the orders of subordiuatc rulers and ministers of the church. erg>\ rpj^^ greatest part of the bishops and canons passed their days in dissolute mirth and luxury, and squandered away, in the gratification of their lusts and passions, the wealth that had been set apart for religious and charitable purposes. Nor were they less tyrannical than voluptuous ; for the most despotic princes never treated their vassals with more rigour and severity, than these ghostly rulers employed towards all such as were under their jurisdiction. The decline of virtue among the clergy was attended with the loss of the public esteem ; and the most considerable part of that once-respected body became, by their sloth and avarice, their voluptuousness and impurity, their ignorance and levity, contemptible and infamous, not only in the eye of the wise and good, but also in the universal judgment of the multitude [i\ Nor {j~\ See Cornelii Aurelil Gaudani Apocahjpsis, sen Visio Mi' rabilis super rmscrahili Sialu Mairis Ecclesicc, in Caspar. Bur- manni A?ialect. Hist, de Hadriano VI. p. 245. printed in 4to at Utrecht in 1727. Chap. I. The History of the Reformation. 17 Nor could the case be otherwise as matters were cent. now constituted ; for, as all the offices and diffni- ^^^* SECT I ties of the church were become venal every where, ._ 'J^j the way of preferment was inaccessible to merit, The state and the wicked and licentious were rendered capa-ofthemo- ble of rising to the highest ecclesiastical honours. Sers!*^ XI. The prodigious swarms of monks that over- spread Europe were universally considered as cum- berers of the ground, and occasioned murmurs and complaints every where. And, nevertheless, such was the genius of the age, of an age that was but just emerging from the thickest gloom of ig- norance, and was suspended, as it were, in a dubi- ous situation between darkness and light, that these monastic drones w^ould have remained undis- turbed, had they taken the least pains to preserve any remains even of the external air of decency and religion, that used to distinguish them, in for- mer times. But the Benedictine and the other monkish fraternities, who were invested with the privilege of possessing certain lands and revenues, broke through all restraint, made the worst pos- sible use of their opulence, and forgetful of the gravity of their character and of the laws of their order, rushed headlong into. the shameless prac- tice of vice in all its various kinds and degrees. On the other hand, the Mendicant orders, and especially those who follovved the rule of St. Dominick and St. Francis, though they were not carried away with the torrent of licentious- ness that was overwhelming the church, yet they lost their credit in a different way; for their rustic impudence, their ridiculous superstitions, their ignorance, cruelty, and brutish manners, alienated from them the minds of the people, and diminished their reputation from day to day. They had the most barbarous aversion to the arts and sciences, and expressed a like abhorrence of certain eminent and learned men, who endea- VOL. IV. c voured means. 18 The History of the Reformatmi. CENT, voured to open the paths of science to the pursuits ^^^* of the studious youth, recommended the culture ^^y^j of the mind, and attacked the barbarism of the age in their writings and in their discom'se. This is sufficiently evident from what happened to Reu- clinus, Erasmus, and other learned men. The Domi- XII. Amoug all the monastic orders, none en- joyed a higher degree of power and authority than the Dominican friars, whose credit was great, and their influence universal. This will not appear at all surprising, when we consider that they filled very eminent stations in the church, presided every where over the terrible tribunal of the in- quisition^ and had the care of souls, with the func- tion of confessors, in all the courts of JEu?^ope ; a circumstance this, which, in these times of igno- rance and superstition, manifestly tended to put the most of the European princes in their power. But, notwithstanding all this credit and authority, the Dominicans had their enemies ; and about this time their influence began to decline. Nay, se- veral marks of perfidy, that appeared in the mea- sures they employed to extend their authority, exposed them justly to the public indignation. Nothing more infamous than the frauds they practised to accomplish their purposes, as may be seen, among other examples, by the tragedy they acted at Be7m, in the year 1509 [A*]. They were perpetually C3" C^'] This most impious fraud is recorded at length by Ruchat, at the end of the sixth volume of his Hlstoire de la Rcfonnatione en Suisse ; and also by Hottinger, in his Histor. Eccles. Helvet. torn. i. p. 334. There is also a compendious, but distinct, narration of this infernal stratagem, in Bishop Burnet's Travels through France, Italy, Germany, and Swit- zerland, p. 3 1 . The stratagem in question was the consequence of a rivalship between the Franciscans and Dominicans, and more especially of their controversy concerning the immacu- late Conception of the Virgin Mary. The former maintained^ that she was born without the blemish of original sin ; the latter asserted the contrary. The doctrine of the Franciscans, in an age SECT. I. Chap. I. Tlie History of the Reformation. 19 perpetually employed in stigmatizing, with the cent. opprobrious mark of Heresy, numbers of learned ^^^J\ and age of darkness and superstition, could not but be popular ; and hence the Dominicans lost ground from day to day. To support the credit of their order, they resolved, at a chapter held at Vimpsen in the year 1504, to have recourse to fictiti- ous visions and dreams, in which the people at that time had an easy faith ; and they determined to make Bern the scene of their operations. A person named Jetzer, who was ex- tremely simple, and much inclined to austerities, and who had taken their habit, as a lay brother, was chosen as the in- strument of the delusions they were contriving. One of the four Dominicans, who had undertaken the management of this plot, conveyed himself secretly into Jetzer's cell, and about midnight appeared to him in a horrid figure, surrounded with howling dogs, and seemed to blow fire from his nostrils, by the means of a box of combustibles which he held near his mouth. In this frightful form he approached Jetzer's bed, told him that he was the ghost of a Dominican, who had been killed at Paris, as a judgment of heaven for laying aside his monastic habit ; that he was condemned to purgatory for this crime ; adding, at the same time, that, by his means, he might be rescued from his misery, which was beyond expression. This story, accompanied with horrible cries and bowlings, frighted poor Jetzer out of the little wits he had, and en- gaged him to promise to do all that was in his power to deliver the Dominican from his torment. Upon this the impostor told him, that nothing but the most extraordinary mortifica- tions, such as the Discipline of the Whip, performed during eight days by the whole monastery, and Jetzer's lying prostrate in the form of one crucified in the chapel during mass, could contribute to his deliverance. He added, that the performance of these mortifications would draw down upon Jetzer the peculiar protection of the Blessed Virgin; and concluded by saying, that he would appear to him again, ac- companied with two other spirits. Morning was no sooner come, than Jetzer gave an account of this apparition to the rest of the convent, who all unanimously advised him to un- dergo the discipline that was enjoined hira; and every one consented to bear his share of the task imposed. The deluded simpleton obeyed, and was admired as a saint b}' the multi- tudes that crowded about the convent, while tlie four friars that managed the imposture, magnified, in the most pompous manner, the miracle of this apparition, in their sermons and in their discourse. The night after, the apparition was re- newed with the addition of two impostors, dressed like devils, and Jetzer's faith was augmented by hearing from the spectre C2 all <2;o 2Vic History of the Reformation. CENT, and pious men, in encroaching upon the rights "'' "^ and properties of others to augment their posses- sions all the secrets of his life and thoughts, which the impostors had learned from his confessor. In this and some subsequent scenes (the detail of whose enormities, for the sake of brevity, we shall here omit) the impostor talked much to Jetzer of the Do- minican order, which he said was peculiarly dear to the blessed Virgin ; he added, that the Virgin knew herself to be conceiv- ed in original sin ; that the doctors who taught the contrary were in purgatory ; that the blessed Virgin abhorred the Fran- ciscans for making her equal with her son ; and that the town of Bern would be destroyed for harbouring such plagues with- in her walls. In one of these apparitions, Jetzer imagined that the voice of the spectre resembled that of the prior of the con- vent, and he was not mistaken; but, not suspecting a fraud, he gave little attention to this. The prior appeared in various forms, sometimes in that of St. Barbara, at others in that of St. Bernard ; at length he assumed that of the Virgin Mary, and, for that purpose, clothed himself in the habits that were employ- ed to adorn the statue of the Virgin in the great festivals ; the little images, that on these days are set on the altars, were made use of for angels, which being tied to a cord that passed through a pulley over Jetzer's head, rose up and down, and danced about the pretended virgin to increase the delusion. The Vir- gin thus equipped, addressed a long discourse to Jetzer, in which, among other things, she told him that she was con- ceived in original sin, though she had remained but a short time under that blemish. She gavehim, as a miraculous proof of her presence, a host, or consecrated wafer, which turned from white to red in a moment; and after various visits, in which the greatest enormities were transacted, the Virgin-prior told Jet- zer, that she would give him the most affecting and undoubted marks of her Son's love, by imprinting on him \hejive wowuls that pierced Jesus on the cross, as she had done before to St. Lucia and St. Catharine. Accordingly, she took his hand by force, and struck a large nail through it, which threw the poor dupe into the greatest torment. The next night this mascu- line virgin, brought, as she pretended, some of the linen, in which Christ had been buried, to soften the wound, and gave Jetzer a sporific draught, which had in it the blood of an un- baptized child, some grains of incense and of consecrated salt, some quicksilver, the ii airs of the eye-brows of a child, all which with some stupifying and poisonous ingredients, were mingled together by the prior with magic ceremonies, and a solemn de- dication of himself to the devil in hope of his succour. This draught threw the poor wretch into a sort of lethargy, during which Chap. I. The History of the Eeformation. 21 sions, and in laying the most iniquitous snares and cent. stratagems for the destruction of their adversa- ^^^• ^ • SECT. I. ries. v^..^.^,^ which the monks imprinted on his body the other four wounds of Christ in such a manner that he felt no pain. When he awakened, he found to his unspeakable joy, these impressions . on his body, and came at last to fancy himself a representative of Christ in the various parts of his passion. He was, in this state, exposed to the admiring multitude on the principal altar of the convent, to the great mortification of the Franciscans. The Dominicans gave him some other draughts, that threw him into convulsions, which were followed by a voice conveyed through a pipe into the mouths of two images, one of Mary and another of the child Jesus ; the former of which had tears painted upon its cheeks in a lively manner. The little Jesus asked his mother, by means of this voice, (which was that of the prior's) why she wept ? and she answered, that her tears were owing to the impious manner in which the Franciscans attributed to her the honour that was due to /wn, in saying that she was conceived and born without sin. The apparitions, false prodigies, and abominable stratagems of these Dominicans were repeated every night, and the matter was at length so grossly over-acted, that, simple as Jetzer was, he at last discovered it, and had almost killed the prior, who appeared to him one night in the form of the Virgin with a crown on her head. The Dominicans fearing, by this discovery, to lose the fruits of their imposture, thought the best method would be to own the whole matter to Jetzer, and to engage him by the most seducing promises of opulence and glory, to carry on the cheat. Jetzer was persuaded, or at least appeai*- ed to be so. But the Dominicans, suspecting that he was not entirely gained over, resolved to poison him ; but his constitu- tion was so vigorous, that though they gave him poison five se- veral times, he was not destroyed by it. One day they sent him a loaf prepared with some spices, which, growing green in a day or two, he threw a piece of it to a wolf's whelps that were in the monastery, and it killed them immediately. At ano- ther time they poisoned the host, or consecrated wafer, but as he vomited it up soon after he swallowed it, he escaped once more. In short, there were no means of securing him, which the most detestable impiety and barbarity could invent, that they did not put in practice, till, finding at last an opportunity of getting out of the convent, he threw himself into the hands of the magistrates, to whom he made a full discovery of this infernal plot. The aifair being brought to Rome, commis- saries were sent from thence to examine the matter ; and the whole cheat being fully proved, the four friars were C 3 solemnly 22 The History of the Reformatioiu CENT, ries [/]. And they were the principal counsellors, ^^^- by whose instigation and advice Leo. X. was de- .^^^^^^ termined to that most rash and imprudent mea- ^""^^"""^ sure, even the public condemnation of Luther. The^stote XIII. The principal places in the public schools an/onh? of learning were filled very frequently by monks public ^f ^i^g JMendicant orders. This unhappy circum- stance prevented their emerging from that igno- rance and darkness which had so long enveloped them ; and it also rendered them inaccessible to that auspicious light of improved science, whose salutary beams had already been felt in several of the European provinces. The instructors of youth, dignified with the venerable titles of Artists, Grammaiians, Physicians, and Dialecticians, loaded the memories of their laborious pupils with a certain quantity of barbarous terms, arid and senseless distinctions, and scholastic precepts deliv- ered in the most inelegant style ; and all such as could repeat this jargon with a certain readiness and rapidity, were considered as men of uncommon eloquence and erudition. The whole body of the philosophers extolled Aristotle beyond all mea- sure ; while scarcely any studied him, and none understood him. For what was now exhibit- ed, as the philosophy of that famous Grecian sage, solemnly degraded from their priesthood, and were burnt alive on the last day of May, 1509- Jetzer died some time after at Constance, having poisoned himself, as was believed by some. Had his life been taken away before he had found an oppor- tunity of making the discovery already mentioned, this execra- ble and horrid plot, which, in many of its circumstances, was conducted with art, would have been handed down to posterity as a stupendous miracle. This is a very brief account of the matter ; such as are desirous of a more circumstantial relation of this famous imposture, may consult the authors mentioned in the beginning of this note. {l~] See Bilib. Pirkheimeri Episfola ad Hadrian ion Pontif. Maxim, de Dominicanorum Jlagifiis, in opp. ejus, p. 372. This letter is also to be found in Gerdesii Inlrod. ad Hidor. Renovati Evangelii, torn. i. p. 170. 'Append. Chap. I. Tlie Histoiy of the Reformation. 23 sage, was really nothing more than a confused and motley heap of obscure notions, sentences, and divisions, which even the public doctors and heads of schools were unable to comprehend. And if, among these thorns of scholastic wisdom, there was any thing that had the appearance of fruit, it was crushed and blasted by the furious wranglings and disputes of the Scotists and Thovi- ists, the Realists and Nominalists, whose clam- ours and contentions were unhappily heard in all the European academies. XIV. The wretched and senseless manner of The state teaching theology in this century may be learned °^*^^^^°^^' from many books yet extant, which were wrote by the divines it produced, and which, in reality, have no other merit than their enormous bulk. The expositors of the holy scriptures were very few in number during this century ; and there were scarcely any of the Christian doctor.s that had a critical knowledge of the sacred oracles. This kind of knowledge was so rare, that, when Luther arose, there could not be found, even in the university of Paris, which was considered as the first and most famous of all the public schools of learning, a single person qualified to dispute with him, or oppose his doctrine upon a scripture foundation. Any commentators, that were at this time to be found, were such, as, lay- ing aside all attention to the true meaning and force of the words of scripture, which their pro- found ignorance of the original languages and of the rules of criticism rendered them incapable ef investigating, gave a loose to their vain and ir- regular fancies, in the pursuit of mysterious signi- fications. The greatest part of the public teach- ers belonged to these classes of divines, which we have formerly mentioned under the titles of Po- sitivi and Sententiajii, who were extremely fond, the former of loading their accounts, both of the c 4 truths 24 The History of the Reformation, truths and precepts of religion, with multiplied quotations and authorities from the writings of the ancient doctors ; the latter of explaining the doc- trines of the gospel by the rules of a subtile and intricate philosophy. The uberty XV. It must at the same time be observed, religious"^ that the divines of this century disputed with a subjects, good deal of freedom upon religious subjects, and even upon those that were looked upon as most essential to salvation. There were several points of doctrine, which had not been as yet fixed and determined by the authority of the church ; nor did the pontiffs, without some very urgent reason, restrain the right of private judgment,* or force the consciences of men, except in those cases where doctrines were adopted that seemed detri- mental to the supremacy of the apostolic see, or to the temporal interests of the sacerdotal and monastic orders. Hence it is, that we could mention many Christian doctors before Luther, who inculcated not only with impunity, but even with applause, the very same tenets that after- wards drew upon him such heavy accusations and such bitter reproaches. And it is beyond all doubt, that this great reformer might have pro- pagated these opinions without any danger of molestation, had he not pointed his warm re- monstrances against the opulence of Rome, the overgrown fortunes of the bishops, the majesty of the pontiffs, and the towering ambition of the Do- minicans. The nature XVI. The public worship of the Deity was now of religious , -^ i p , i worship as HO uiorc tliau a pompous round oi external cere- brSTt^^'^^"^^^' ^^ greatest part of which were insigni- thistime. ficant and senseless, and much more adapted to dazzle the eyes than to touch the heart. The number of these, who were at all qualified to administer public instruction to the people, was not very considerable ; and their discourses, which contained Chap. I. The History of the Reformation, ^5 contained little else than fictitious reports of mi- cent. racles and prodigies, insipid fables, wretched quib- ^^^' bles, and illiterate jargon, deceived the multitude ^^^.^^ instead of instructing them. Several of these sermons are yet extant, which it is impossible to read without the highest indignation and con- tempt. Those who, on account of their gravity of manners, or their supposed superiority in point of wisdom and knowledge, held the most distin- guished rank among these vain declaimers, had a common-place set of subjects allotted to them, on which they were constantly exercising the force of their lungs and the power of their elo- quence. These subjects were, the authority of the holy mother church, and the obligations of obedience to her decisions ; the virtues and merits of the saints, and their credit in the court of hea- ven ; the dignity, glory, and love of the bles- sed Virgin ; the efficacy of relics ; the duty of adorning churches, and endowing monasteries; the necessity of good works (as that phrase was then understood) to salvation ; the intolerable burnings of purgatory, and the utility of indul- gences. Such were the subjects that employed the zeal and labours of the most eminent doctors of this century ; and they were, indeed, the only subjects that could tend to fill the coffers of the good old mother church, and advance her temporal interests. A ministry, who would have taken it into their heads to inculcate the doctrines and precepts of the gospel, to exhibit the example of its divine author, and the efficacy of his mediation, as the most powerful motives to righteousness and virtue, and to represent the love of God and man- kind as the great duties of the Christian life, such a ministry would have been very unprofitable ser- vants to the church and to the papacy, however they might have promoted the cause of virtue and the salvation of souls. XVII. The £6 TJie History of the Reformation. XVII. The state of things, that we have heeii now describing, exhibits to our view the true _ causes of that incredible ignorance in religious TheLr- mattcrs, which reigned universally in all coun- rupt and trics, and among all ranks and orders of men ; an condition ignorance accompanied with the vilest forms of of the peo- superstition, and the greatest corruption of man- neraL ^^ HQ^s. The clcrgy, who presided over the rites and ceremonies of the church, were far from shew- ing the least disposition to enlighten the ig- norance, or to check the superstition of the times ; nay, instead of opposing, they rather nourished and promoted them, as conducive to their safety, and favourable to their interests. Nor was there more zeal shewn in stemming the torrent of im- morality and licentiousness, than in dispelling . the clouds of superstition aud ignorance. For the prudence of the church had easily foreseen, that the traffic of indulgences could not but suffer from a diminution of the crimes and vices of mankind ; and that, in proportion as virtue gained an as- cendant upon the manners of the multitude, the profits arising from eocpiations, satisfactions, and such like ecclesiastical contrivances, must neces- sarily decrease. Areforma- XVIII. Such tlicu was the dismal condition of church ar! ^^ church. Its corruption was complete, and dentiyde- tho abuscs that it permitted were gone to the greatest height of enormity. But in proportion to the greatness of this corruption was the ardour and impatience with which all, who were en- dowed with any tolerable portion of solid learn- ing, genuine piety, or even good sense, desired to see the church reformed and purged from these shocking abuses. And the number of those who were affected in this manner was very considera- ble in all parts of the western world. The greatest part of them, indeed, were perhaps, over-moderate in their demands. They did not extend their views Chap. I. Tlie History of the Reformatmi. 27 views so far as a change in the form of. ecclesias- tical government, a suppression of those doctrines, which, however absurd, had acquired a high de- gree of credit by their antiquity, nor even to the abrogation of those rites and ceremonies, which had been multiplied in such an lextravagant man- ner, to the great detriment of true religion and rational piety. All they aimed at was, to set limits to the overgrown power of the pontiffs, to reform the corrupt manners of the clergy, and to prevent the frauds that were too commonly practised by that order of men ; to dispel the ignorance and correct the errors of the blinded multitude, and to deliver them from the heavy and unsupportable burthens that were imposed upon them under re- ligious pretexts. But as it was impossible to ob- tain . any of these salutary purposes without the suppression of various absurd and impious opini- ons, from whence the grievances complained of sprung, and, indeed, without a general reforma- tion of the religion that was publicly professed ; so was this reformation supposed to be ardently, though silently wished for, by all those who pub- licly demanded the information of the church in its head and in its members. XIX. If any sparks of real piety subsisted under The Mya- this despotic empire of superstition, they were only*^'^* to be found among the Mystics. For this sect, renouncing the subtilty of the schools, the vain contentions of the learned, with all the acts and ceremonies of external worship, exhorted their followers to aim at nothing but internal sanctity of heart, and communion with God, the centre and source of holiness and perfection. Hence the 3Iy sties were loved and respected by many persons, who had a serious sense of religion, and were of a tender and devotional complexion. But as they were not entirely free from the reigning supersti- tions, but associated many vulgar errors with their practical 28 The History of the Reformation. CENT, practical precepts and directions ; and as their ex- ^^'- cessive passion for contemplation led them into ^^'^ many chimerical notions, and sometimes into a ^^ degree of fanaticism that approached to madness ; more efiectual succours than theirs were necessary to comhat the inveterate errors of the times, and to bring about the reformation that was expected with such impatience. CHAP. II. The History of the Reformation, from its first he- ginnings, to ike Confession given in aif Augsburg, The dawn I. "^g^S/^HILE the Roman pontiff slumbered in mariof''^' ^ ^ security at the head of the church, and rises unex- saw uothiug throughout the vast extent of his do- pecte y. j^^^^^^^ -13^^ tranquillity and submission ; and while the w^orthy and pious professors of genuine Chris- tianity almost despaired of seeing that reformation on which their most ardent desires and expecta- tions were bent ; an obscure and inconsiderable person, arose on a sudden, in the year 1517, and laid the foundation of this long-expected change, by opposing, with undaunted resolution, his single force to the torrent of papal ambition and despo- tism. This extraordinary man was Martin Lu- ther, a native of Aiskben, in Saxony, a monk of the Augustinian Eremites, who were one of the Mendicant orders, and, at the same time, pro- fessor of divinity in the academy that had been erecicd at JVittemherg, a few years before this period, by Frederic the JVise. The papal chair was, at that time, filled by Leo X. JMaximilian I. a prince of the house of Austria, was king of the Romans, and emperor of Germany ; and Frederic, already mentioned, elector of Saoco^nj. The Chap. II. The History of the Refor7natio7i. 29 The bold efforts of this new adversary of the pon- cent. tiffs were honoured with the applauses of many, ^^^• but few or none entertained hopes of their sue- y^^^Ji^ cess. It seemed scarcely possible that this puny David could hurt a Goliah, whom so many heroes had opposed in vain. II. None of the qualities or talents that dis- Luther, tinguished Luther were of a common or ordinary kind. His genius was truly great and unparal- leled; his memory vast and tenacious; his pa- tience in supporting trials, difficulties, and labour, incredible, his magnanimity invincible, and inde- pendent on the vicissitudes of human affairs ; and his learning most extensive, considering the age in which he lived. All this will be acknowledged, even by his enemies, at least by such of them as are not totally blinded by a spirit of partiality and faction. He was deeply versed in the theo- logy and philosophy that were in vogue in the schools during this century, and he taught them both with the greatest reputation and success in the academy of Wittemherg. As a philosopher, he embraced the doctrine of the Nominalists, which was the system adopted by his order; while, in divinity, he followed chiefly the sentiments of Augustin ; but in both he preferred the decisions of Scripture, and the dictates of right reason be- fore the authority and opinions of fallible men. It would be equally rash and absurd to represent this great man as exempt from error, and free from infirmities and defects; yet, if we except the contagious effects of the age in which he lived, and of the religion in which he had been brought up, we shall perhaps find but a few things in his character that render him liable to reproach [iii]. III. The [w] The writers who have given any circumstantial account of Luther, and his transactions are accurately enumerated by Jo. Alb. so The History of the Reformation, III. The first opportunity that this great man had of unfolding to the tiew of a blinded and de- luded age, the truth which had struck his asto- induigen- wishcd sight, was offered by a Dominican, whose ces preach- name was John Tetzel [ii\. This bold and enter- johTxet- prising monk had been chosen on account of his zei in 1517. uncommon impudence, by Albert, archbishop of Mentz and Magdeburg, to preach and proclaim, in Germany, those famous indulgences of Leo X. which administered the remission of all sins, past, present, and to come, however enormous their na- ture, to those who were rich enough to purchase them. The frontless monk executed this iniquitous commission not only with matchless insolence, in- d,ecency [o] and fraud, but even carried his im- piety so far as to derogate from the all-sufficient power and influence of the merits of Christ. At this, Luther, unable to smother his just indigna- tion, raised his warning voice, and, in ninety- five propositions, maintained publicly at Wittem- berg, on the 30th of September, in the year 1517, censured the extravagant extortion of these ques- tors, and plainly pointed out the Roman pontiff as a partaker of their guilt, since he suffered the people to be seduced, by such delusions, from placing Jo. Alb. Fabricius, In his Centifolium LvUieranum ; the first part of which was published at Hamburg in the year 1728, and the second in 1730, in 8vo. \_n~\ The historians who have particularly mentioned Tet- zel, and his odious methods, of deluding the multitude, are enumerated in the work quoted in the preceding note, part I. p. 47. part II. p. 530. — What is said of this vile deceiver by Echard and Quetif, in the Scriptorcs Ordin. Predicaior. torn, ii. p- 40. discovers the blindest zeal and the meanest partiality. C3" [o~\ In describing the efficacy of these indulgences, Tetzel said, among other enormities, that " even had any one ravished the mother of God, he (Tetzel) had wherewithal to efface his guilt." He also boasted, that " he had saved more souls from hell by these indulgences, than St. Peter had con- verted to Christianity by his preaching." SECT. I. Chap. II. The History of the Eeformation. 31 placing their principal confidence in Christ, the cent. only proper object of their trust. This was the ^^^' commencement and foundation of that memorable rupture and revolution in the church, which hum- bled the grandeur of the lordly pontiffs, and eclipsed so great a part of their glory [^}. IV. This C3" Cp] ^^- Mosheim has taken no notice of the calumnies invented and propagated by some late authors, in order to make Luther's zealous opposij;ion to the publication of InditU gences appear to be the effect of selfish and ignoble motives. It may not, therefore, be improper to set that in a true light; not that the cause of the reformation (which must stand by its own intrinsic dignity, and is in no way affected by the views or characters of its instruments) can derive any strength from this inquiry ; but as it may tend to vindicate the personal cha- racter of a man, who has done eminent service to the cause of religion. Mr. Hume, in his History of the Reign of Henry VHI. has thought proper to repeat what the enemies of the reformation and some of its dubious or ill-informed friends, have advanced, with respect to the motives that engaged Luther to oppose the doctrine of indulgences. This elegant and persuasive his- torian tells us, that the *' Austin friars had usually been em- ployed in Saxony to preach indulgences, and from this trust had derived both profit and consideration ; that Arcemboldi gave this occupation to the Dominicans * ; that Martin Lu- ther, an Austin friar, professor in the university of Wittem- berg, resenting the affront put upon his Order, began to preach against the abuses that were committed in the sale of indul- gences, and, being provoked by opposition, proceeded even to decry indulgences themselves t." It were to be wished, that Mr. Hume's candour had engaged him to examine this accu- sation better, before he had ventured to repeat it. For, in the Jirst place, it is not true, that the Austin friars had been usu- ally employed in Saxony to preach indulgences. It is well known, that the commission had been offered alternately, and sometimes jointly, to all the Mendicants, whether ^?/^/mjrrz«r^, Dominicans /Franciscans, or Carmelites. Nay, from the year 1229, that lucrative commission was principally entrusted with the Dominicans J ; and, in the records which relate to indul- gences, we rarely meet with the name of an Austin friar, and not * Hume's History of England, under the House of Tudor, vol. i. p. 1 1 9. f Id. ib. p. 120. i See Weismauni, MQiuorabilia Historige tSacrse N. T. p, 1051. 1115. 32 The Histoi^y of the Reformation. CENT. IV. This debate between Luther and Tetzel ^^^- was, at first, a matter of no great moment, and v!!^ - might The true state of the not one single act by which it appears, that the Roman pon- debate be- tifFever named the friars of that order to the office under con- ^H^^" ■^"" sideration. More particularly it is remarkable, that for half a TetzeL century before Luther, (/. e. from 1450 to 1517), during which period indulgences were sold with the most scandalous marks of avaricious extortion and impudence, we scarcely meet with the name of an Austin Friar employed in that service ; if we except a monk named Palzius, who was no more than an underling of the papal questor Raymond Peraldus ; so far is it from being true, that the Augustin order were exclusively, or even usually employed in that service *. Mr. Hume has built his assertion upon the sole authority of a single expres- sion of Paul Sarpi, which has been abundantly refuted by De Priero, Pallavicini, and Gravveson, the morta? enemies of Lu- ther.— But it may be alleged, that, even supposing it was not usual, to employ the Augustin friars alone in the propagation of indulgences, yet Luther might be offended at seeing such an important commission given to the Dominicans exclusivel}'^, and that, consequently, this was his motive in opposing the propagation of indulgences. To shew the injustice of this al- legation, I observe. Secondly, That in the time of Luther, the preaching of indul- gences were become such an odious and unpopular matter, that it is far from being probable, that Luther would have been so- licitous about obtaining such a commission, either for himself or for his order. The princes of Europe, with many bishops, and multitudes of learned and pious men, had opened their eyes upon the turpitude of this infamous traffic ; and even the Fran- ciscans and Dominicans, towards the conclusion of the fifteenth century opposed it publicly, both in their discourses and in their writings t. Nay more, the very commission v/hich is supposed to have excited the envy of Luther, was offered by Leo to the general of the Franciscans, and was refused both by him and his order j, who gave it over entirely to Albert, bishop of Mentz and Magdeburg. Is it then to be imagined, that either Luther, or the other Austin friars aspired after a commission of which the Franciscans were ashamed ? Be- sides, it is a mistake to affirm, that this office was given to the * See Harpii Dissertat. de Nonnullis Indulgentiarum, Ssec. xiv. et xv. Quaestoribus, p. 584. 387. f See Walch. opp. Luther, torn. xv. p. 114. 283. 312, 349.--Seckendorf. Hist. Lutheranisnii, lib. i. sect. vi. p. 13. I See Walch. loc. cit. p. 371. Chap. II. The History of the Reformation, 33 might have been determined with the utmost faci- cent. lity, had Leo X. been disposed to follow the heal- ^^^* *■ . SECT. I. the Dominicans in general ; «ince it was given to Tetzel alone, an individual member of that order, who had been notorious for his profligacy, barbarity, and extortion. But that neither resentment nor envy were the motives that led Luther to oppose the doctrine and publication of indul- gences, will appear with the utmost evidence, if we consider in the third place. That he was never accused of any such mo- tives, either in the edicts of the pontiffs of his time, or amidst the other reproaches of the contemporary writers, who defended the cause of Rome, and who were far from being sparing of their invectives and calumnies. All the contemporary adver- saries of Luther are absolutely silent on this head. From the year 1517 to 1546, when the dispute about indulgences was carried on with the greatest v/armth and animosity, not one writer ever ventured to reproach Luther with these ignoble mo- tives of opposition now under consideration. I speak not of Erasmus, Sleidan, De Thou, Guicciardini, and others, whose testimony might be perhaps suspected of partiality in his fa- vour, but I speak of Cajetan, Hogstrat, De Prierio, Emser, and even the infamous John Tetzel, whom Luther opposed with such vehemence and bitterness. Even Cochlaeus was silent on this head during the life of Luther ; though after the death of that great reformer, he broached the calumny I am here refuting. But such was the scandalous character of this man, who was notorious for fraud, calumny, lying, and their sister vices *, that Pallavicini, Bossuet, and other enemies of Luther, were ashamed to make use, either of his name or tes- timony. Now, may it not be fairly presumed, that the con- temporaries of Luther were better judges of his character, and the principles from which he acted, than those who lived in after times } Can it be imagined, that motives to action, which escaped the prying eyes of Luther's contemporaries, should have discovered themselves to us, who live at such a distance of time from the scene of action, to M. Bossuet, to Mr. Hume, and to other abettors of this ill-contrived and foolish story. Eitlier there are no rules of moral evidence, or Mr. Hume's assertion is entirely groundless, I might add many other considerations, to shew the unrea- sonableness of supposing that Luther exposed himself to the rage of the Roman pontiff, to the persecutions of an exaspe- rated * Sleidaa De Statu Rel. et. Reip. in Dedic. Epist. ad August, Elector. VOL. IT. D SECT. I. 34 The History of the Reformation. CENT, ing method which common prudence must have ^^J\ naturally pointed out on such an occasion. For, after all, and this was no more than a private dis- pute between two monks, conceniing the extent of the pope's power with respect to the remission of sin. Luther confessed that the Roman pon- tiff was clothed with the power of remitting the human punishments inflicted upon transgressors, i. c. the punishments denounced by the church, and its visible head, the bishop of Rome ; but he strenuously denied that his power extended to the remission of the divine punishments allotted to offenders, either in this present, or in a future state ; affirming on the contraiy, that these pu- nishments could only be removed by the merits of Christ, or by voluntary acts of mortification and penance, undertaken and performed by the transgressor. The doctrine of Tetzel was, in- deed, directly opposite to the sentiments of Lu- ther; for this senseless and designing monk as- serted, that all punishments, present and future, human and divine, were submitted to the autho- rity of the Roman pontiff, and came within the reach of his absolving power. This matter had often been debated before the present period ; but the popes had always been prudent enough to leave it undecided. These debates, however, being sometimxcs treated with neglect, and at others carried on without wdsdom, the seeds of discord gained imperceptibly new accessions of strength and vigour, and from small beginnings produced, at length, revolutions, and events of the most momentous nature. V. The rated clergy, to the severity of such a potent and despotic prince as Charles V. to death itself, and that from a principle of avarice and ambition. But I have said enough to satisfy (Tvery candid mind. Chap. II. The History of the Reformation, 35 V. The sentiments of Luther were received cent. with applause hy the greatest part of Germamj, ^^]- which had long groaned under the avarice of the ,^^^.^ '^ pontiffs, and the extortions of their tax-gatherers, The adver- and had murmured grievously against the various varies of stratagems that were daily put in practice, with th" pitrons the most frontless impudence, to fleece the rich, of Tetzei. and to grind the faces of the poor. But the vota- ries of Rome were filled with horror, when they were informed of the opinions propagated by the Saxon reformer ; more especially the Dominicans, who looked upon their order as insulted and at- tacked in the person of Tetzel. The alarm of controversy was therefore sounded, and Tetzel himself appeared immediately in the field against Luther, whose sentiments he pretended to refute in two academical discourses, which he pro- nounced on occasion of his promotion to the de- gree of doctor in divinity. In the year follow- ing (1518) two famous Dominicans, Sylvester de Prierio and Hogstrat, the former a native of Italy, and the latter a German, rose up also against the adventurous reformer, and attacked him at Cologn witli the utmost vehemence and ardour. Their example was soon followed by another formidable champion, named Eckius, a celebrated professor of divinity at Ingolstadt, and one of the most zealous supporters of the Domi- nican order. Luther stood firm against these united adversaries, and was neither vanquished by their arguments, nor daunted by their talents and reputation; but answered their objections, and refuted their reasonings with the greatest strength of evidence, and a becoming spirit of resolution and perseverance. At the same time, however, he addressed himself by letters, written in the most submissive and respectful terms, to the Roman pontiff, and to several of the bishops, shewing them the uprightness of his intentions, as D 2! well 36 The History of the Reformation. CENT, well as the justice of his cause, and declaring his ^^^- readiness to change his sentiments, as soon as he ,^^'^'^, should see them fairly proved to he erroneous. A confer. ^^I- -^t first, Lco X. hcheld this controversy ence is held with indifference and contempt; hut, heing in- Luthe^and foi'i^ed hy the emperor Maximilian I. not only Cajetanat of its importaucc, but also of the fatal divisions it Augsburg. ^^^ likely to produce in Germany, he summoned Luther to appear before him at Rome, and there to plead the cause which he had undertaken to maintain. This papal summons was superseded by Frederic the Wise, elector of Saxony, who pretended that the cause of Luther belonged to the jurisdiction of a German tribunal, and that it was to be decided by the ecclesiastical laws of the empire. The pontiff yielded to the remonstrances of this prudent and magnanimous prince, and ordered Luther to justify his intentions and doc- trines before cardinal Cajetan, who was at this time legate at the diet of Augsburg. In this first step, the court of Rome gave a specimen of that temerity and imprudence with which all its nego- ciations, in this weighty affair, were afterwards conducted. For, instead of reconciling, nothing could tend more to inflame matters than the choice of Cajetan, a Dominican, and, consequently, the declared enemy of Luther, and friend of Tet- zel, as judge and arbitrator in this nice and perilovis controversy. JAhifcon- ^^' Liither, hov/ever, repaired to Augsburg, ference. iu tlic mouth of Octobcr 1518, and conferred, at three different meetings, with Cajetan him- self [(/], concerning the points in debate. But had he even been disposed to yield to the court of Rome, this imperious legate was, of all others, the most improper to encourage him in the execu- tion {jl\ There is a large account of this cardinal given by Quetif and E chard, Scriplor. Or din. PrcecUcato?'. torn. ii. p. 14. Chap. II. TJie History of the Reformation, 37 cution of such a purpose. The high spirit of cent. Luther was not to be tamed by the arrogant die- ^^'^• tates of mere authority ; such, however, were the ^.^ _^ only methods of persuasion employed by the haughty cardinal. He, in an overbearing tone, desired Luther to renounce his opinions, without even attempting to prove them erroneous, and insisted, with importunity, on his confessing hum- bly his fault, and submitting respectfully to the judgment of the Roman pontiff [7^]. The Saxon reformer could not think of yielding to terms so unreasonable in themselves, and so despotically proposed ; so tliat the conferences were absolutely without effect. For Luther, finding his adversary and judge inaccessible to reason and argument, left Augsburg all of a sudden, after having ap- pealed from the present decisions of the pontiff to those which he should pronounce, when better informed ; and, in this step, he seemed yet to re- spect the dignity and authority of the bishop of B0ie [s\ But Leo X. on the other hand, let loose the reins to ambition and despotism, and car- ried things to the utmost extremity ; for, in the month of November, this same year, he published a special edict, commanding his spiritual subjects D 3 to {j'~\ The imperious and imprudent manner in which Cajetan behaved towards Luther was highly disapproved of, even at the cowYtoi Borne, as appears, among other testimonies, from Paulo Sarpi's History of the Council of Trent, book I. p. 22. The conduct of Cajetan is defended by Echard, in his Scriptor. Ord. PrcecUcator. tom. ii. p. 15. but with little prudence, and less argument. The truth of the matter is, that the court of Rome and its unthinking sovereign, were not less culpable than Caje- tan in the whole of this transaction. Since they might easily foresee, that a Dominican legate was of all others the most un- likely to treat Luther with moderation and impartiality, and consequently the most improper to reconcile matters. r*] See B. Christ. Frid. Borneri Diss, de Colloquio Lutheri cum Cajdano. Leips. 1722, in 4to. — Val. Ern. Loscheri Acta et Documenta Reformat, tom. ii. cap. xi. p. 4>35. opp. Lutheri, tom. xxiv. p. 409. 38 The History of the RefoJination. CENT, to acknowledge his power of delivering from all the ^^^- iiunishments due to sin and transgression of every ^^' ' k%nd. As soon as Luther received information of this inconsiderate and violent measure, he per- ceived, plainly, that it would ke impossible for him to bring the court of Rome vkm\y reasonable terms ; he therefore repaired to if'^ieinburg, and, on the 28th of November, appealed from the pon- tiff to a general council. The trans- YIII. In the mean time the Roman pontiff be- MhUz.°^ came sensible of the imprudence he had been guilty of in entrusting Cajetan with such a com- mission, and endeavouring to mend the matter by All the employing a man of more candour and impartia- projects of jj^.^ ^^^^ better acquainted with business, in order tiondiscon-to supprcss the rebellion of Luther, and to en- 1519'^ ^" g^&^ ^^^^^ reformer to submission and obedience. This new legate was Charles Miltitz, a Saxon knight, who belonged to the court of Leo X. and whose lay character exposed him less to the pre- judices that arise from a spirit of party, tbJ^f he had been clothed with the splendid pui^re,. or the monastic frock. He was also a person of great prudence, penetration, and dexterity, and every way qualified for the execution of such a nice and critical commission as this was. Leo, therefore sent him into Saxony to present to Fre- derick the golden consecrated rose (which the pontiffs are used to bestow, as a peculiar mark of distinction, on those princes, for whom they have, or think proper to profess, an uncommon friend- ship and esteem), and to treat with Luther, not only about finishing his controversy with Tetzel, but also concerning the methods of bringing about a reconciliation between him and the court of Rome. Nor, indeed, were the negociations of this prudent ministry entirely unsuccessful ; for, in his first conference with Luther, at Altenhurg, in the year 1519, he carried matters so far as to per- suade Cliap. I. TJie History of the Reformation. 39 suade him to write a submissive letter to Leo X. promising to observe a profound silence upon the matters in debate, provided that the same obliga- tion should be imposed upon his adversaries. This same year, in the month of October, JNIil- titz had a second conference with Luther in the castle of Leihenwerd, and a third the year follow- ing, at Lichtenherg [t]. These meetings, which were reciprocally conducted with moderation and decency, gave great hopes of an approaching re- conciliation ; nor were these hopes ill-founded [ic]. But the violent proceedings of the enemies of Luther, and the arrogant spirit, as well as un- accountable imprudence, of the court of Rome, blasted these fair expectations, and kindled anew the flames of discord. (Jrj^ [w] IX. It was sufficient barely to mention The nature the measures taken by Cajetan to draw Luther fjrencesbel anew under the papal yoke ; because these mea- tween mu- sures were, indeed, nothing more than the wildLutheit st^'estions of superstition and tyranny, main- tained and avowed with the most frontless impu- dence. A man, who began by commanding the reformer to renounce his errors, to believe, and that upon the dictates of mere authority, that " one drop of Christ's blood, being sufficient to redeem D 4 the {f^ See B. Christ. Frid. B. The records relathig to the embassy of Miltitz, were first published by Ern. Salomon Cyprianus, in Addit. ad Wilh. Ern. Tenzelii Histor. Reformat, torn. i. ii. — As also by Val. Ern. Loscherus, in his Ada Re- format, torn. ii. c. xvi. and torn. iii. cap. ii. \ji~\ In the year 1519, Leo X. wrote to Luther in the softest and most pacific terms. From this remarkable letter, which was published in 1742, by Loscherus, in a German work en- titled Unschuld Nachrict) it appears that at the court of Rome they looked upon a reconciliation between Luther and the pontiff as certain and near at hand. (•^ {jv~\ This whole ninth section is added to Dr. Mosheim's work by the translator, who thought that this part of Luther's history deserved to be related in a more circumstantial manner, than it is in the original. 40 The History of the Reformation, the whole human race, the remaining quantity, that was shed in the garden and on the cross, was left as a legacy to the church, to he a treasure from whence indulgences were to be drawn and admi- nistered by the Roman pontiffs \_x'] :" such a man was not to be reasoned with. But Miltitz pro- ceeded in quite another manner, and his confer- ences with the Saxon reformer are worthy of atten- tion. He was ordered, indeed, to demand of the elector, that he would either oblige Luther to re- nounce the doctrines he had hitherto maintained, or, that he would withdraw from him his protection and favour. But, perceiving that he was received by the elector with a degree of coldness that bor- dered upon contempt, and that I^uther's credit and cause were too far advanced to be destroyed by the efforts of mere authority, he had recourse to gentler methods. He loaded Tetzel with the bitterest reproaches, on account of the irregular and superstitious mcrns he had employed for pro- moting the sale of indulge^, '^es, and attribut^^o this miserable wretch all i\i^ abuses that Mi^r had complained of. Tetzel, on the other hand, burthened with the iniquities of Rome, tormented with a consciousness of his own injustice and ex- tortions, stung with the opprobrious censures of the new legate, and seeing himself equally de- spised and abhorred by both parties, died of grief and despair [?/]. This incendiary being sacrificed as a victim to cover the Roman pontiff from re- proach, 03° C"*^! Such, among others still more absurd, were the expressions of Cajetan, which he borrowed from one of the Decreials < f Clement VI. called (and that justly for more than one re-ison) Eairavagafitx. (f3= [] // J Luther was so affected by the agonies of despair under which Tetzel laboured, that he wrote him a pathetic letter of consolation, which, however, produced no effect. His infamy was perpetuated by a picture placed in the church of Phma, in which he is represented sitting on an ass and sell- ing indulgences. chap. II. Tlie History of the Reformation. 41 proach, Miltitz entered into a particular conver- cent. sation with Luther at Altenbu?r{, and, without ^^^- pretending to justify the scandalous traific in ■^,_ ' '_'/ question, required only, that he would acknow- ledge the four following things : 1st, That the " people had been seduced by false notions of " indulgences : 2dly, That he (Luther) had " been the cause of that seduction, by represent- " ing indulgences as much more heinous than " they really were : Sdlij, That the odious con- '^ duct of Tetzel alone had given occasion to " these representations : and, Mhly, That, though " the avarice of Albert, archbishop of Meiitz, " had set on Tetzel, yet that this rapacious tax- " gatherer had exceeded by far the bounds of his " commission." These proposals were accom- panied with many soothing words, with pompous encomiums on Luther's character, capacity, and talents, and with the softest and most pathetic exDOstulations in favour of imion and concord in l^ted and divided church ; all which Mil- led together with the greatest dexterity an'^^ddress, in order to touch and disarm the Saxon reformer. Nor were his mind and insinua- ting methods of negotiating without effect ; and . it was upon this occasion that Luther made sub- missions which shewed that his view^s were not, as yet, very extensive, his former prejudices en- tirely expelled, or bis reforming principles stea- dily lixed. For he not only offered to observe a profound silence for the future with respect to in- dulgences, provided the same condition were im- posed on his adversaries ; he went much farther ; he proposed writing an humble and submissive letter to the pope, acknowledging that he had carried his zeal and animosity too far ; and such a letter he wrote some time after the conference at Altenhurg [z]. He even consented to publish a circular i^ {%} This letter was dated the 13th of March, \5\9> about two months after the conference of Altenbiirg, 42 The History of the Reformation. CENT, circular letter, exhorting all liis disciples and fol- ^^^- lowers to reverence and obey the dictates of the ^ holy Roman church. He declared that his only intention, in the writings he had composed, was to brand with infamy those emissaries w^ho abused its authority, and employed its protection as a mask to cover their abominable and impious frauds. It is true, indeed, that amidst those weak submissions which the impartial demands of historical truth obliged us to relate, there was, pro- perly speaking, no retraction of his former tenets, nor the smallest degree of respect shewn to the in- famous traffic of indulgences. Nevertheless the pretended majesty of the Roman church, and the authority of the Roman pontiff, were treated by Luther in this transaction, and in his letter to Leo, in a manner that could not naturally have been expected from a man who had already ap- pealed from the pope to the general council. Had the court of Rome been prudent enough to have accepted of the submission made by Luther, they would have almost nipped in the bii4, the cause of the reformation, or would at least, have considerably retarded its growth and progress. Having gained over the head, the members would, with greater facility, have been reduced to obe dience. But the flaming and excessive zeal o some inconsiderate bigots renewed, happily for the truth, the divisions, which were so near being healed, and, by animating both Luther and his followers to look deeper into the enormities that prevailed in the papal hierarchy, promoted the principles, and augmented the spirit, which pro- duced, at length, the blessed reformation [a]. X. One ,ft3" C«I| See, for an ample account of Luther's conferences with Miltitz, the incomparable work of Seckendorf, intitled, Coimneiitar. Histor. Apofoget. de Luthercmismo, sire de Rcfor- mationc Religionis, Sec. in which the facts relating to Luther and the Reformation are deduced from the most precious and authentic \ Chap. II. The History of the Reformation. 43 X. One of the circumstances that contributed cent principally, at least by its consequences, to render the embassy of Miltitz ineffectual for the resto- ration of peace, Was a famous controversy of an The dis- incidental nature that was carried on at Leipsic, ^^^^\^K^ some weeks successively, in the year 1519 [&]• the year A doctor named Eckius, who was one of the i^^^t i5i9^b^-^ eminent and zealous champions in the papal kius and cause, happened to differ widely from Carlo- Cariostadt. stadt, the colleague and companion of Luther, in his sentiments concerning Free-will. The re- sult of this variety in opinion was easy to be fore- seen. The military genius of our ancestors had so far infected the schools of learning, that dif- ferences in points of religion and literature, when they grew to a certain degree of warmth and ani- mosity, were decided, like the quarrels of valiant knights, by a single combat. Some famous uni- versity was pitched upon as the field of battle, while the i'ector and professors beheld the contest, and^proclaimed the victory. Eckius, therefore, 111 compliance with the spirit of this fighting age, challenged Carlostadt, and even Luther himself, against whom he had already drawn his pen^ to t^y the force of his theological arms. The challenge was accepted, the day appointed, and the three champions appeared in the field. The first conflict was between Carlostadt and Eckius authentic manuscripts and records, contained in the library of Saxe-Gotha, and in other learned aud princely collections, and in which the frauds and falsehoods of Maimbourg's Hislory of Liitheranism are fully detected and refuted. — As to Miltitz, his fate was unhappy. His moderation (which nothing but the blind zeal of some furious monks could have hindered from be- ing eminently serviceable to the cause of Rome) was repre- sented by Eckius, as something worse than indifference about the success of his commission ; and after several marks of neg- lect received from the pontiff, he had the misfortune to lose his life in passing the llhine at Mentz. [h~\ These disputes commenced on the 25th of June, and ended on the 1 5th of July following. 44 The History of the Reformation. Eckius concerning the powers and freedom of the human will [c] ; it was carried on in the castle of Pleissenhurg, in presence of a numerous and splendid audience, and was followed by a dispute between Luther and Eckius concerning the au- thority and supremacy of tho Roman pontiff. This latter controversy, which the present situation of affairs rendered singularly nice and critical, was left undecided. Hoffman, at that time rector of the university of Leipsic, and who had been also appointed judge of the arguments alleged on both sides, refused to declare to whom the vic- tory belonged ; so that the decision of this matter was referred to the universities of Paris and Er^ furt [d']. In the mean time, one of the imme- diate effects of this dispute was a visible increase of the bitterness and enmity which Eckius had conceived against Luther ; for from this very period he breathed nothing but fury against the Saxon reformer [e], whom he marked out as a vittim (^ H This controversy turned upon liheihj, considered not in a philosophical, but in a theological sense. It was ra- ther a dispute concerning power than concerning liberty. Car- lostadt maintained, that, since the fall of man, our natural li- berty is not strong enough to conduct us to what is good, without the intervention of divine grace. Eckius asserted, on the contrary, that our natural liberty co-operated with divine grace, and that it was in the power of man to consent to the divine impulse, or to resist it. The former attributed all to God ; the latter divided the merit of virtue between God and the creature. The modern Lutherans have almost universally abandoned the sentiments of Carlostadt. \jl~\ There is an ample account of this dispute at Leipxic, given by Val. Ern. Loscherus, in his Acta ct Documenta Re- formationis, torn, iii. c. vii. p. 203. C3^ DO This was one proof that the issue of the controversy was not in his favour. The victor, in any combat, is generally too full of satisfaction and self-complacency, to feel the emo- tions of fury and vengeance, which seldom arise but from dis- appointment and defeat. There is even an insolent kind of clemency that arises from an eminent and palpable superiority. This indeed Eckius had no opportunity of exercising. Luther demonstrated. Chap. II. Tlie History of the Reformation, 45 victim to his vengeance, without coiisiderii^g, that the measures he took for the destruction of Luther, must have a most pernicious infmence upon the cause of the Rom. an pontiff, by foment- ing the present divisions, and thus contributing to the progress of the reformation, as was really the case \_e\. XI. Among the spectators of this ecclesiastical Piiiiip Me- combat, was Philip Melancthon, at that time ^''"''*^*^' professor of Greek at Wittemherg, who had not, as yet, been involved in these divisions (as indeed the mildness of his temper, and his elegant taste for polite literature, rendered him averse from dis- putes of this nature), though he was the intimate friend of Luther, and approved his design of delivering the pure and primitive science of theo- logy from the darkness and subtilty of scholastic jargon \^f\ As this eminent man was one of those whom this dispute with Eckius convinced of the excellence of Lvither's cause ; as he was, more- over, cleiYionstrated, in this conference,, that the church of Home, in the earher ages, had never been acknowledged as superior to other chm-ches, and combated the pretensions of that church and its bishop, from the testimony of scripture, the authority of the fathers, and the best ecclesiastical historians, and even from the decrees of the council of Nice ; while all the argu- ments of Eckius were derived from the spurious and insipid Decretals, which were scarcely of 400 years standing. See Seckendorff's History of Lutheranism. C3" \si ^^ ^^^y ^^ observed here, that, before Luther's at- tack upon the store-house of indulgences, Eckius was his inti- mate friend. Eckius must certainly have been uncommonly unworthy, since even the mild and gentle Melancthon repre- sents him as an inhuman persecutor, a sophist, and a knave, who maintained doctrines contrary to his belief, and against his conscience. See the learned Dr. Jortin's Life of Erasmus, vol. ii. p. 713 ; see also Vitus' account of the death of Eckius in Seckendorff, lib. iii. p. 468 ; and in the Scholia ad Indicem, 1 Hist, of the same book. No. xxiii. C/1 See Melancthon's letter concerning the conference at Leipsic, in Loscher's Acta et documeiita Reformationis, torn, iii. cap. viii. p. 2 1 5 ; as also in the Witiemberg edition of Lu- ther's works, vol. i. p. 336. 46 The History of the Reformation > ovqr, one of the illustrious and respectable instru- ments of the Reformation ; it may not be im- proper to give some account here of the talents and virtues that have rendered liis name immortal. His greatest enemies have borne testimony to his merit. They have been forced to acknowledge, that the annals of antiquity exhibit very few wor- thies that may be compared with him ; whether we consider the extent of his knowledge in things human and divine, the fertility and elegance of his genius, the facility and quickness of his com- prehension, or the uninterrupted industry that at- tended his learned and theological labours. He rendered to philosophy and the liberal arts the same eminent service that Luther had done to religion, by purging them from the dross with which they had been corrupted, and by recom- mending them, in a powerful and persuasive manner, to the study of the Germans. He had the rare talent of discerning truth in all its most intricate connections and combinations, of com- prehending at once the most abstract notions, and expressing them with the utmost perspicuity, and ease. And he applied this happy talent in religious disquisitions with such unparalleled success, that it may safely be affirmed, that the cause of true Christianity derived from the learning and genius of Melaiicthon more signal advantages, and a more effectual support, than it received from any of the other doctors of the age. His love of peace and concord, which was partly owing to the sweetness of his natural temper^ made him desire with ardour that a reformation might be effected without producing a schism in the church, and that the external communion of the contending parties might be preserved uninterrupted and entire. This spirit of mildness and charity, car- ried perhaps too far, led him sometimes to make concessions that were neither consistent with pru- dence^ SECT. I. Chap. II. The History of the Reformation. 47 cleiice, nor advantageous to the cause in which he cent. was engaged. It is however certain, that he gave ^^^* no quarter to those more dangerous and momen- tous errors that reigned in the church of Rome ; but maintained on the contrary that their extir- pation was essentially necessary, in order to the restoration of true religion. In the natural com- plexion of this great man there was something soft, timorous, and yielding. Hence arose a cer- tain diffidence of himself, that not only made him examine things with the greatest attention and care, before he resolved upon any measure, but also filled him with uneasy apprehensions where there was no danger, and made him fear even things that, in reality, could never happen. And yet, on the other hand, when the hour of real danger approached, when things bore a formi- dable aspect, and the cause of religion was in imminent peril, then this timorous man was con- verted, all at once, into an intrepid hero, looked danger in the face with unshaken constancy, and opposed his adversaries with invincible fortitude. All this shews, that the force of truth and the power of principle had diminished the weaknesses and defects of Melancthon's natural character, without entirely removing them. Had his forti- tude been more uniform and steady, his desire of reconciling all interests and pleasing all parties less vehement and excessive, his triumph over the su- perstitions imbibed in his infancy more complete [^], he must deservedly have been considered as one of the greatest among men [A]. XII. While C^ C^l ^y ^^^is, no doubt. Dr. Mosheim means the credu- lity this great man discovered with respect to prodigies and dreams, and his having been somewhat addicted to the pre- tended science of astrology. See Schelhornii Amcenit. Hid. Eccles. et Lit. vol. ii. p. 609. {Ji~\ We have a life of Melancthon, written by Joachim Camerarius, which has already gone through several editions. But 48 The History of the Reformation. CENT. XII. While the credit and authority of the ^^^* Roman pontiff were thus upon the decline in ?^^'\ Gennany, they received a mortal wound in The origin Switzejdcind from Ulric Zuingle, a canon of of the re- Zurlch, wliosc extcusive learning and uncommon inTwSr- sagacity were accompanied with the most heroic land. intrepidity and resolution [i]. It must even be acknowledged [/j], that this eminent man had perceived some rays of the truth before Luther came to an open rupture with the church of Rome, But a more accurate account of this illustrious reformer, com- posed by a prudent, impartial, and well-informed biographer, as also a complete collection of his works, would be an inesti- mable present to the republic of letters. (hS" CO The translator has added to the portrait of Zuingle, the quality of heroic inlrepiditij, because it was a predominant and remarkable part of the character of this illustrious reformer, whose learning and fortitude, tempered by the greatest mo- deration, rendered him, perhaps beyond comparison the brightest ornament of the protestant cause. (c3= \Jf\ Our learned historian does not seem to acknowledge this with pleasure, as the Germans and Swiss contend about the honour of having given the first overtures towards the reforma- tion. If, hoAvever, truth has obliged him to make this acknow- ledgment, he has accompanied it with some modifications that are more artful than accurate. He says, " that Zuingle had perceived some rays of the truth before Luther had come to an open rupture," &c. to make us imagine that Luther might have seen the truth long before that rupture happened, and con- sequently as soon as Zuingle. But it is well known, that the latter, from his early years, had been shocked at several of the superstitious practices of the church of Rome: that so early as the year 1516 *, he had begun to explain the scriptures to the people, and to censure, though with great prudence and mode- ration, the errors of a corrupt church ; and that he had very noble and extensive ideas of a general reformation, at the very time that Luther retained almost the wliole system of popery, indulgences excepted. Luther proceeded very slowly to that exemption from the prejudices of education, which Zuingle, by the force of an adventurous genius, and an uncommon degree of knowledge and penetration, easily got rid of. * Ruchart. Hist, de la Reformation en Suisse, Zuinglii opp. torn. i. p. 7. Nouveau Diction, vol. iv. p. 866. Durand, Hist, du xvi. Siecle, torn. ii. p. 8., &c. Jurieu, Apologie pour les Reformateurs, &c. partie I. p. 119. Chap. II. The History of the Reformation, 4^ Home. He was however afterwards still farther animated by the example, and instructed by the writings of the Saxon reformer; and thus his zeal for the good cause acquired new strength and vi- gour. For he not only explained the sacred writings in his public discourses to the people [Z], but also gave in the year 1519, a signal proof of his courage, by opposing, with the greatest re- solution and success, the ministry of a certain Italian monk, whose name was Samson, arid who was carrying on, in Switzerland, the impious traf- fic of indulgences with the same impudence that Tetzel had done in Germany \jii\. This was the first remarkable event that prepared the way for the reformation among the Helvetic cantons. In process of time, Zuingle pursued with steadiness and resolution the design that he had begun with such courage and success. His noble efforts were seconded by some other learned men, educated in Germany, who became his colleagues and the companions of his labours, and who jointly with him succeeded so far in removing the credulity of a deluded people, that the pope's supremacy was rejected and denied in the greatest part o^ Swit- zerla7id. It is indeed to be observed, that Zuingle did not always use the same methods of conver- sion that were employed by Luther ; nor, upon par- voL. lY. E ticular &3" Ul T^'^s again is inaccurate. It appears from the pre- ceding note, and from the most authentic records of history, that Zuingle had explained the scriptures to the people, and called in question the authority and supremacy of the pope be- fore the name of Luther was known in Switzerland. Besides, instead of receiving instruction from the German reformer, he was much his superior in learning, capacity, and judgment, and was much fitter to be his master than his disciple, as the four volumes in folio, we have of his works, abundantly testify. \jif\ See Jo. Henr. Hottingerii Hist. Eccles. Helvei. torn, ii. lib. vi. p. 28. — Ruchat, Hisioire de la Reformation en Suisse, torn. i. livr. i. p. 4 — 66. Gerdes, Histor. Renovati Evange* Us J torn. ii. p. 228. 50 TJie History oftlie Reformation, CENT, ticular occasions, did he discountenance the use of ^^^- violent measures against such as adhered with ob- ^_ '^, stinacy to the superstitions of their ancestors. He is also said to have attributed to the civil magis- trate, such an extensive power in ecclesiastical af- fairs, as is quite inconsistent with the essence and genius of religion. But, upon the whole, even envy itself must acknowledge, that his intentions were upright, and his designs worthy of the high- est approbation. Luther is XIII. In the mean time, the religious dissen- nicrtTb" ^^^^^^ ^^ Germany, increased, instead of diminish- the pope, ing. For w^hile Miltitz was treating with Luther »n 1520. |j^ Saocony, in such a mild and prudent manner as offered the fairest prospect of an approaching ac- commodation, Eckius, inflamed with resentment and fury on account of his defeat at Leipsic, re- paired with the utmost precipitation to Rome, to accomplish, as he imagined, the ruin of Luther. There, entering into a league with the Domini- cans, who were in high credit at the papal court, and more especially with their two zealous pa- trons, De Prierio and Cajetan, he earnestly en- treated Leo X. to level the thunder of his anathe- mas at the head of Luther, and to exclude him from the communion of the church. The Domi- nicans, desirous of revenging the affront that, in their opinion, their whole order had received by Luther's treatment of their brother Tetzel, and their patron Cajetan, seconded the furious efforts of Eckius against the Saxon reformer, and vised their utmost endeavours to have his request granted. The pontiff, overcome by the importu- nity of these pernicious counsellors, imprudently issued [n'] out a bull against Luther, dated the 1 5th of \ji'] The wisest and best part of the Roman Catliollcs ac- knowledge, that Leo X. was chargeable with the most culpa- ble imprudence in this rash and violent method of proceeding. See Cliap. II. T^ie History of the Reformation. 51 of June, 1520, in which forty-one pretended here- sies, extracted from his writings, were solemnly condemned, his writings ordered to be publicly burnt, and in which he was again summoned, on pain of excommunication, to confess and retract his pretended errors within the space of sixty days, and to cast himself upon the clemency and mercy of the pontiff. XIV. As soon as the account of this rash sen- Luther tence, pronounced from the papal chair, was ^'^|.^J^'''^ brought to Luther, he thought it was high time from the to consult both his present defence and his fi^- Xn "of "the ture security ; and the first step he took for this church of purpose, was the renewal of his appeal from the ^°™®' sentence of the Roman pontiff, to the more re- spectable decision of a general council. But as he foresaw that this appeal w^ould be treated with contempt at the court of Rome, and .that when the time prescribed for his recantation was elapsed, the thunder of excommunication would be le- velled at his devoted head, he judged it prudent to withdraw himself voluntarily from the commu- nion of the church of Rome, before he was obliged to leave it by force ; and thus to render this new bull of ejection a blow in the air, an exercise of authority without any object to act upon. At the same time, he was resolved to execute this wise resolution in a public manner, that his voluntary retreat from the commvmion of a corrupt and su- E 2 perstitious See a Dissertation of the learned John Frederick Mayer, De Pontlficiis LeoJiis X. proce.ssi/m adversufi Lutherum hnprobaji^ iihus, which is part of a work pubhshed at Hamburg, in 4to, in the year I698, under this singular title: Ecclesia Romana Reform alionis Littheranoe patroim el cliens. There were seve- ral wise and thinking persons at this time about the Roman pontiff, who declared openly, without the least ceremony, their disapprobation of the violent counsels of Eckius and the Do- minicans ; and gave it as their opinion, that it was both pru- dent and just to wait for the issue of the conferences of Miltitz with Luther, before such forcible measures were employed. 52 The Hidory of the Beformatioiu perstitious church might he universally known, before the lordly pontiff had prepared his ghostly thunder. With this view, on the 10th of De- cember, in the year 1520, he had a pile of wood erected without the walls of the city [o], and there in presence of a prodigious multitude of people of all ranks and orders, he committed to the flames both the hull that had been published against him, and the decretals and canons relating to the pope's supreme jurisdiction. By this he declared to the world that he was no longer a subject of the Roman pontiff; and that, of consequence, the sentence of excommunication against him, which was daily expected from Rome, was entirely su- perfluous and insignificant. For the man who publicly commits to the flames the code that con- tains the laws of his sovereign, shews thereby that he has no longer any respect for his government, nor any design to submit to his authority ; and the man who voluiUarily withdraws himself from any society, cannot, with any appearance of reason or common sense, be afterwards forcibly and au- thoritatively excluded from it. It is not impro- bable, that Luther was directed, in this critical measure, by persons well skilled in the law, who are generally dextrous in furnishing a perplexed client with nice distinctions and plausible evasions. Be that as it may, he separated himself only from the church of Home, which considers the pope as infallible, and not from the church, considered in a more extensive sense ; for he submitted to the decision of the universal church, when that decision should be given in a general council law- fully assembled. When this judicious distinction is considered, it will not appear at all surprising, that many, even of the lioman catholics, who weighed matters with a certain degree of impar- tiality and v,isdom, and even zealous for the main- tenance [o] Of Witiemlerg, Chap. II. Tlie History of the Reformation. 53 tenance of the liberties of Germany, justified this cent. bold resolution of Luther [o]. In less than a ^2}'r month after this noble and important step had^^"" been taken by the Saxon reformer, a second hull was issued out against him, on the 6th of January, 1521, by which he was expelled from the commu- nion of the church, for having insulted the ma- jesty, and disowned the supremacy, of the Roman pontiff \_p]. XV. Such iniquitous laws, enacted against the The rise person and doctrine of Luther, produced an^^e*^^^"^" effect different from what was expected by the church, imperious pontiff. Instead of intimidating this bold reformer, they led him to form the project of founding a church upon principles entirely op- posite to those of Rome, and to establish, in it, a system of doctrine and ecclesiastical discipline, agreeable to the spirit and precepts of the Gospel of truth. This, indeed, was the only resource Luther had left him ; for to submit to the orders of a cruel and insolent enemy, would have been the greatest degree of imprudence imaginable ; and to embrace, anew, errors that he had rejected with a just indignation, and exposed with the clearest evidence, would have discovered a want of integrity and principle, worthy only of the most E 3 abandoned (^ [o~\ This judicious distinction has not been sufficiently attended to, and the Romanists, some through artifice, others through ignorance, have confounded the papacy with the ca- iholic church ; though they be, in reaUty, two different things. The papacy indeed, by the ambitious dexterity of the Roman pontiffs, incorporated itself by degrees into the church ; but it was a preposterous supplement, and was really as foreign to its genuine constitution, as a new citadel erected, by a success- ful usurper, would be to an a?icient city. Luther set out and acted upon this distinction ; he went out of the citadel but he meant to remain in .the city, and, like a good patriot, designed to reform its corrupted government. []p] Both these bulls are to be found in the Bullarium Ro* manum, and also in the learned Pfaff 's Hislor. Theol. Literar. tom. ii. p. 42. 54 The History of the Reformation, abandoned profligate. From this time, therefore, he applied himself to the pursuit of the truth with still more assiduity and fervour than he had formerly done ; nor did he only review with at- tention, and confirm by new arguments, what he had hitherto taught, but went much beyond it, and made vigorous attacks upon the main strong- hold of popery, the power and jurisdiction of the Roman pontiff, which he overturned from its very foundation. In this noble undertaking he was se- conded by many learned and pious men, in vari- ous parts of Europe ; by those of the professors of the academy of Wittemherg, who had adopted his principles ; and in a more especial manner by the celebrated Melancthon. And as the fame of Luther's wisdom and Melancthon's learning had filled that academy with an incredible number of students, who flocked to it from all parts, this happy circumstance propagated the principles of the Reformation with an amazing rapidity through all the countries o^ Europe [^]. gernbTed^at XVI. Not loug after tlic Commencement of Worms, in thcsc divisious, Maximilian I. had departed this ^^^* life, and his grandson Charles V. king of Spairiy had succeeded him in the empire in the year 1519. Leo X. seized this new occasion of venting and ex- ecuting his vengeance, by putting the new empe- ror in mind of his character as advocate and de- fender of the church, and demanding the exem- plary punishment of Luther, who had rebelled against its sacred laws and institutions. On the other hand, Frederick the Wise employed his cre- dit with Charles to prevent the publication of any unjust edict against this reformer, and to have his cause tried by the canons of the Germanic church, and • \jl\ There is a particular account of the rapid progress of the reformation in Germany given by the learned M. Daniel Gerdes, professor at Groningen, in his Hisloria renovati Evangdii, torn. ii. Chap. II. The History of the Reformafion, 55 and the laws of th^ empire. This request was so cent. much the more likely to be granted that Charles- ^^^* was under much greater obligations to Frederick, ^.^.yW than to any other of the German princes, as it was chiefly by his zealous and important services that he had been raised to the empire, in opposition to the pretensions of such a formidable rival as Francis I. king of France. The emperor was sensible of his obligations to the worthy elector, and was entirely disposed to satisfy his demands. That, however, he might do this without dis- pleasing the Roman pontiff, he resolved that Lu- ther should be called before the council, that was to be assembled at JVo?^ms in the year 1521, and that his cause should be there publicly heard, before any final sentence should be pronounced against him. It miiy perhaps appear strange, and even inconsistent with the laws of the church, that a cause of a religious nature should be examined and decided in the public diet. But it must be considered, that these diets, in which the arch- bishops, bishops, and even certain abbots, had their places, as well as the princes of the empire, were not only political assemblies, but also provin- cial councils for Germaiiy, to whose jurisdiction, by the ancient canon law, such causes as that of Luther properly belonged. XVII. Luther, therefore, appeared at Worms, The result secured against the violence of his enemies by a^Jth^/g^* safe-conduct from the emperor, and, on the ITthbanish- of April, and the day following, pleaded his cause "^^"*' before that grand assembly with the utmost reso- lution and presence of mind. The united power of threatenings and entreaties were employed to con- quer the firmness of his purpose, to engage him to renounce the propositions he had hitherto main- tained, and to bend him to a submission to the Roman pontiff. But he refused all this with a noble obstinacy, and declared solemnly, that he E 4 would 56 The History of the Reformation. would neither abandon his opinions, nor change his conduct, until he was previously convinced, by the word of God, or the dictates of right rea- son, that his opinions were erroneous, and his con- duct unlawful. When therefore neither promises nor threatenings could shake the constancy of this magnanimous reformer, he obtained, indeed, from the emperor, the liberty of returning, unmolested, to his home : but after his departure from the diet, he was condemned by the unanimous suffrages both of the emperor and the princes, and was de- clared an enemy to the holy Roman empire [/']. Frederick, C^ Qj This sentence, which was dated the 8th of May, 1521, was excessively severe ; and Charles V. whether through sincere zeal or political cunning, shewed himself in this affair an ardent abettor of the papal authority. For in this edict the pope is declared the only true judge of the controversy, in which he was evidently the party concerned ; Luther is de- clared a member cut off from the church, a schismatic, a notori- ous and obstinate heretic ; the severest punishments are de- nounced against those, who shall receive, entertain, maintain, or countenance him, either by acts of hospitality, by conversa- tion or writing; and all his disciples, adherents, and followers, are involved in the same condemnation. This edict was, how- ever, received with the highest disapprobation by all wise and thinking persons, 1*^, because Luther had been condemned without being heard, at Home, by the college of cardinals, and afterwards at Worms, where, without either examining or re- futing his doctrine, he was only despotically ordered to abandon and renounce it; 9.dhj, because Charles V. as emperor, had not a right to give an authoritative sentence against the doc- trine of Luther, nor to take for granted the infaUibililij of the Roman pontiff, before these matters were discussed and decided by a general council ; and, Sdly, because a considerable num- ber of the German princes, who were immediately interested in this affair, such as the electors of Cologn, Sa:^ony, and the Palatinate, and other sovereign princes, had neither been pre- sent at the diet, nor examined and approved the edict ; and that, therefore, at best, it could only have force in the territo- ries belonging to the house of Austria ; and to such of the princes as had given their consent to its publication. But after all, the edict of Worms produced almost no effect, not only for the reasons now mentioned, but also because Charles V. whose presence, authority, and zeal, were necessary to render it re- spectable. Chap. II. Tlie History of the Reformation. 57 Frederick, who saw the storm rising against Lu- ther, used the best precautions to secure him from its violence. For this purpose he sent three or four persons in whom he could confide, to meet him on his return from the diet, in order to conduct him to a place of safety. These emis- saries, disguised by masks, executed their commis- sion with the utmost secrecy and success. JMeet- ing with Luther, near Eyseiiac^ they seized him, and carried him into the castle of JVartenherg, nor, as some have imagined upon probable grounds, was this done without the knowledge of his Im- perial majesty. In this retreat, which he called his Patmos, the Saxon reformer lay concealed during the space of ten months, and employed this invo- luntary leisure in the compositions that were after- wards useful to the world [s]. XVIII. spectable, was involved in other affairs of a civil nature which he had more at heart. Obliged to pass successively into Flan- ders, England, and Spain, to quell the seditions of his sub- jects, and to form new alliances against his great enemy and rival Francis I. he lost sight of the edict of Worms, while all who had any regard to the liberties of the empire and the rights of the Germanic church treated this edict with the highest indignation, or the utmost contempt. ^^ \j] This precaution of the humane and excellent elec- tor, being put in execution the 3d of May, five days before the solemn publication of the edict of Worms, the pope missed his blow ; and the adversaries of Luther became doubly odious to the people in Germanii, who, unacquainted with the scheme of Frederick, and, not knowing what was become of their fa- vourite reformer, imagined he was imprisoned, or perhaps de- stroyed by the emissaries of Rome. In the mean time, Lu- ther lived in peace and quiet in the castle of Wartenherg, where he translated a great part of the New Testament into the Ger- man language, and wrote frequent letters to his trusty friends and intimates to comfort them under his absence. Nor was his confinement here inconsistent with amusement and relaxa- tion ; for he enjoyed frequently the pleasure of hunting in company with his keepers, passing for a country gentleman, under the name of Yonker George. ^ If we cast an eye upon the conduct of Luther, in this first scene of his trials, we shall find a true spirit of rational zeal. 58 TJie History of the Reformation. XVIII. The active spirit of Luther could not, however, long bear this confinement ; he there- fore left his Patmos, in the month of JMarch, of the year 1522, without the consent or even the knowledge of , his patron and protector Frede- rick, and repaired to Wittemherg. 'One of the leaving the principal motivcs that engaged him to take this Warten- ^f^^ld Step, was the information he had received of ^^^S' the inconsiderate conduct of Carlostadt, and some other friends of the Heformation, who had already excited *eal, generous probity, and Christian fortitude, animating this reformer. In his behaviour, before and at the diet of Worms, "vve observe these qualities shine with a peculiar lustre, and tem- pered, notwithstanding Luther's warm complexion, with an unexpected degree of moderation and decent respect both for his civil and ecclesiastical superiors. When some of his friends, informed of the violent designs of the Roman court, and alarm- ed by the bull that had been published against him by the rash pontiff, advised him not to expose his person at the diet of Worms, notwithstanding the imperial safe-conduct (which in a similar case, had not been sufficient to protect John Huss and Jerome of Prague, from the perfidy and cruelty of their ene- mies), he answered with his usual intrepidity, that " were he obliged to encounter at Worms as many devils as there were tiles upon the houses of that city, this would not deter him from his fixed purpose of appearing there ; that fear, in his case, could be only a suggestion of Satan, who apprehended the approaching ruin of his kingdom, and who was willing to avoid a public defeat before such a grand assembly as the diet of Worms." The fire and obstinacy that appeared in this answer seemed to prognosticate much warmth and vehemence in Lu- ther's conduct at the assembly before whom he was going to appear. But it was quite otherwise. He exposed with decency^ and dignity the superstitious doctrines and practices of the church of Rome, and the grievances that arose from the over- grown power of its pontiff, and the abuse that was made of it. He acknowledged the writings with which he was charged, and offered, both with moderation and humility, to defend their contents. He desired the pope's legates and their adhe- rents to hear him, to inform him, to reason with him ; and solemnly offered, in presence of the assembled princes and bi- shops, to renounce his doctrines, if they were shewn to be erroneous. But to all these expostulations he received no other answer, than the despotic dictates of mere authority^ attended with injurious and provoking language. Chap. II. The History of the Reformation. 59 excited tumults in Saxony, and were acting in a cent. manner equally prejudicial to the tranquillity of ^^^' the state, and the true interests of the church, ^..^.^w Carlostadt, professor at Wlttemherg, was a man of considerable learning, who had pierced the veil, with which papal artifice and superstition, had covered the truth, and, at the instigation of Eckius, had been excluded with Luther from the communion of the cliurch. His zeal, however, was intemperate; his plans laid with temerity, and executed without moderation. During Lu- ther's absence, he threw down and broke the images of the saints that were' placed in the churches, and instead of restraining the vehe- mence of a fanatical multitude, who had already begun in some places to abuse the precious liberty that was dawning upon them, he encouraged their ill-timed violence, and led them on to sedition and mutiiiy. Luther opposed the impetuosity of this imprudent reformer with the utmost forti- tude and dignity, and wisely exhorted him and his adherents first to eradicate error from the minds of the people, before they made war upon its ex- ternal ensigns in the churches and public places ; since, the former being once removed, the latter must fall of course \t\ and since the destruction of (^ \t\ Dr. Mosheim's account of this matter is perhaps more advantageous to Luther than the rigorous demands of historical impartiality will admit of; the defects at least of the great reformer ^-e here shaded with art. It is evident from several passages in the writings of Luther, that he was by no means averse to the use of images, but that, on the contrary, he looked upon them as adapted to excite and animate the de- votion of the people. But, perhaps, the true reason of Luther's displeasure at the proceedings of Carlostadt, was, that he could not bear to see another crowned with the glory of exe- cuting a plan which he had laid, and that he was ambitious of appearing the principal, if not the only, conductor of this great work. This is not a mere conjecture. Luther him- self has not taken the least pains to conceal this instance of his ambition ; 60 Tlie History of the 'Reformation. CENT, of tlie latter alone could be attended with no last- xvL jjjg fruits. To these prudent admonitions this ^^'\ excellent reformer added the influence of example, by applying himself with redoubled industry and zeal, to his German translation of the Holy Scrip- tures, which he carried on with expedition and success \u\i with the assistance of some learned and pious men whom he consulted in this great and important undertaking. The event abun- dantly shewed the wisdom of Luther's advice. For the different parts of this translation, being successively and gradually spread abroad among the people, produced sudden and almost incredi- ble effects, and extirpated, root and branch, the erroneous principles and superstitious doctrines of the church of Rome from the minds of a prodigi- ous number of persons. Leo x. sue- XIX. While these things were transacting, Leo AdiinVi.X. departed this life, and was succeeded in the in the year pontificate by Adrian VI. a native of Utrecht. Dietof Nu- This pope, who had formerly been preceptor to reraberg. Cliarlcs \. and who owed his new dignity to the good offices of that prince, was a man of probity and candour, who acknowledged ingeniously that the church laboured under the most fatal dis- orders, ambition ; and it appears evidently in several of his letters. On the otlier hand, it must be owned, • that Carlostadt was rash, violent, and prone to enthusiasm, as appears by the con^ nexions he formed afterwards with the fanatical anabaptists, headed by Muiyier. His contests with Luth'er about the eu- charist, in which he manifestly maintained the truth, shall be mentioned in their proper place. [21} On this German translation of the Bible, which contri- buted more than all other causes, taken together, to strengthen the foundations of the Lutheran church, we have an interesting history composed by 5o. Frid. Mayer, and published in 4to at Hamburg, in the year 17OI. A more ample one, however, was expected from the labours of the learned J. Melchior Kraft, but his death lias disappointed our hopes. See 5o. Alb. Fa- bricii Centifolium Lutheran, par. I. p. 147- & par. II. p. 617. Chap. II. The History of the Reformation. 61 orders, and declared his willingness to apply the remedies that should be judged the most adapted to heal them [}.31. 68 The History of the Reformation, out hesitation or delay, assumed to himself that supremacy in ecclesiastical matters that is the na- tural right of every lawful sovereign, and founded and established a church in his dominions, totally different from the church of Rome, in doctrine, discipline, and government. To bring this new and happy establishment to as great a degree of perfection as was possible, this resolute and active prince ordered a body of laws, relating to the form of ecclesiastical government, the method of public worship, the rank, offices and revenues of the priesthood, and other matters of that nature, to be drawn up by Luther and INlelancthon, and promulgated by heralds throughout his domi- nions in the year 1527. He also took care that the churches should every where be supplied with pious and learned doctors, and that such of the clergy as dishonoured religion by their bad morals, or were incapable of promoting its influence by their want of talents, should be removed from the sacred functions. The illustrious example of this elector was followed by all the princes and states of Germany, who renounced the papal supremacy and jvuisdiction, and a like form of worship, dis- cipline, and government was thus introduced into all the churches, which dissented from that of Rome. Thus may the elector John be con- sidered as the second parent and founder of the Lutheran church, which he alone rendered a com- plete and independent body, distinct from the superstitious church of Rome, and fenced about with salutary laws, with a wise and well-balanced constitution of governm.ent. But as the best bles- sings may, through the influence of human cor- ruption, become the innocent occasions of great inconveniences, such particularly was the fate of those wise and vigorous measures which this elector took for the reformation of the church ; •for, from that time, the religious differences be- tween Chap. II. The History of the Reformation. 69 tween the German princes, which had heen hi- therto kept within the bounds of moderation, broke out into a violent and lasting flame. The prudence, or rather timorousness, of Frederick the Wise, who avoided every resolute measure that might be adapted to kindle the fire of discord, had preserved a sort of an external union and concord among these princes, notwithstanding their differ- ence in opinion. But as soon as his successor, by the open and undisguised steps he took, made it glaringly evident that he designed to withdraw the churches in his dominions from the jurisdiction of Rome, and to reform the doctrine, discipline, and worship that had been hitherto established, then indeed the scene changed. The union, which was more specious than solid, and which was far from being well-cemented, w^as dissolved of a sudden, the spirits heated and divided, and an open rupture formed between the German princes, of whom one party embraced the Reformation, and the other adhered to the superstitions of their forefathers. XXIV. Things being reduced to this violent The diet of and troubled state, the patrons of popery gave in- f^g'e. ^" timations that were far from being ambiguous, of their intention to make war upon the Lutheran party, and to suppress hy force a doctrine which they were incapable of overturning by argument ; and this design would certainly have been put in execution, had not the troubles of Europe discon- certed their measures. The Lutherans, on the other hand, informed of these hostile intentions, began also to deliberate upon the most effectual methods of defending themselves against super- stition armed with violence, and formed the plan of . a confederacy that might answer this prudent purpose. In the mean time the diet assembled at Spiix, in the year 1526, at which Ferdinand, the emperor's brother, presided, ended in a man- F 3 ner 70 The History of the Refor^nation. iier more favourable to the friends of the Re- formation, than they could naturally expect. The emperor's ambassadors at this diet were ordered to use their most earnest endeavours for the sup- pression of all further disputes concerning reli- gion, and to insist upon the rigorous execution of the sentence that had been pronounced at Worms against Luther and his followers. The greatest part of the German princes opposed this motion with the utmost resolution, declaring, that they could not execute that sentence, nor come to any determination with respect to the doctrines by which it had been occasioned, before the whole matter was submitted to the cognizance of a general council lawfully assembled ; alleging far- ther, that the decision of controversies of this na- ture belonged properly to such a council, and to it alone. This opinion, after long and warm de- bates, was adopted by a great majority, and, at length, consented to by the w^hole assembly ; for it was unanimously agreed to present a solemn address to the emperor, beseeching him to assem- ble, without delay, a free and a general council ; and it was also 'agreed, that in the mean time, the princes and states of the empire should, in their respective dominions, be at liberty to manage ecclesiastical matters in the manner they should think the most expedient ; yet so as to be able to give to God and to the emperor an account of their administration, when it should be demanded of them. The pro- XXV. Nothing could be more favourable to' ?eforma- ^ thoso who had the cause of pure and genuine tion after Christianity at heart, than a resolution of this Spire^n" ^aturc. For the emperor was, at this time, so 1527. entirely taken up in regulating the troubled state of his dominions in France, Spahi, and Italy, which exhibited, from day to day, new scenes of perplexity, that, for some years, it was not in his power Chap. II. The History of the Reformation. 71 power to turn his attention to the affairs of Ger- cent. many in general, and still less to the state of re- ■^^'• ligion in particular, which was beset with difficul- v '^'/ ties, that to a political prince like Charles, must have appeared peculiarly critical and dangerous. Besides, had the emperor really been possessed of leisure to form, or of power to execute, a plan that might terminate, in favour of the Ro.- man pontiff, the religious disputes which reigned in Germany^ it is evident, that the inclination was wanting, and that Clement VII. who now sat in the papal chair, had nothing to expect from the good offices of Charles V. For this pontiff, after the defeat of Francis I. at the battle of Pavia, filled with uneasy apprehensions of the growing power of the emperor in Italy, entered into a con- federacy with the French and the Venetians against that prince. And this measure inflamed the resentment and indignation of Charles to such a degree, that he abolished the papal autho- rity in his Spanish dominions, made war upon the pope in Italy, laid siege to Rome in the year 1527, blocked up Clement in the castle of St. An- gelo, and exposed him to the most severe and con- tumelious treatment. These critical events toge- ther with the liberty granted by the diet of Spire, were prudently and industriously improved, by the friends of the Reformation, to the advantage of their cause, and to the augmentation of their number. Several princes, whom the fear of per- secution and punishment had hitherto prevented from lending a hand to the good work, being de- livered now from their restraint, renounced pub- licly the superstition of Rome, and introduced among their subjects the same forms of religious worship, and the same system of doctrine, that had been received in Saxony. Others, though placed in such circumstances as discouraged them from acting in an open manner against the inte- F 4 rests 72 The History of the Reformation, rests of the Roman pontiff, were, however, far from discovering the smallest opposition to those who withdrew the people from his despotic yoke ; nor did they molest the private assemblies of those who had separated themselves from the church of Rome. And in general, all the Germans, who, before these resolutions of the diet of Spire, had rejected the papal discipline and doctrine, were now, in consequence of the liberty they enjoyed by these resolutions, wholly employed in bringing their schemes and plans to a certain degree of con- sistence, and in adding vigour and firmness to the glorious cause in which they were engaged. In the mean time, Luther and his fellow-labourers, particularly those who were with him at Wittem- berg, by their writings, their instructions, their admonitions and counsels, inspired the timorous with fortitude, dispelled the doubts of the igno- rant, fixed the principles and resolution of the floating and inconstant, and animated all the friends of genuine Christianity with a spirit suit- able to the grandeur of their undertaking. Another XXVI. But the tranquillity and liberty they diet held at . j . ^r ^1 l i.- ^. i Spire, in eujoycd, m consequence oi the resolutions taken the^year ^j^ ^|^g fj^.g^- ^j^^^ ^f Spive, wcrc uot of a loug dura- Origin of tiou. They were interrupted by a new diet as- mfnatlon f^emblcd, iu the year 1529, in the same place, by Protest- the emperor, after he had appeased the commo- tions and troubles which had employed his atten- tion in several parts of Europe, and concluded a treaty of peace with Clement VII. This prince, having now got rid of the burthen that had, for some time, overwhelmed him, had leisure to di- rect the affairs of the church ; and this the refor- mers soon felt by a disagreeable experience. For the power, which had been granted by the former diet to every prince, of managing ecclesiastical matters as they thought proper, until the meet- ing of a general council, was now revoked by a majority jnmation Prol ants, Chap, II. The History of the Reformation, 7B majority of votes ; and not only so, but every change was declared unlawful that should be introduced into the doctrine, discipline, or worship of the established religion, before the determina- tion of the approaching council was known [./]. This decree was justly considered as iniquitous and intolerable by the elector of Saxony, the land- grave of Hesse, and the other members of the diet, who were persuaded of the necessity of a re- formation in the church. Nor was any of them so simple, or so little acquainted with the politics of Rome, as to look upon the promises of assemb- ling speedily a general council, in any other light, than as an artifice to quiet the minds of the people; since it was easy to perceive, that a lawful council, free from the despotic influence of Rome, was the very last thing that a pope would grant in such a critical situation of affairs. Therefore, when the princes and members now mentioned found that all their arguments and remonstrances against this unjust decree made no impression upon Ferdinand [^], nor upon the abettors of the ancient superstitions (whom the pope's legate animated by his presence and exhortations), they entered a solemn protest against this decree on the 19th of April, and appealed to the emperor and to a future council [A]. Hence arose the denomi- nation C^ C/] The resolution of the first diet of Spire, which had been taken tmanimoiisly , was revoked in the second, and another substituted in its place by a 'plurality of voices, which, as several of the princes then present observed, could not give to any decree the force of a law throughout the empire. \_g~\ (t3= The emperor was at Barcelona, while this diet was held at Spire ; so that his brother Ferdinand was president in his place. d^ [A] The princes of the empire, who entered this pro- test, and are consequently to be considered as the first pro- testant princes, were John, elector of Saxony, George, elector of Brandenburg, for Franconia, Ernest and Francis, dukes of Limenburg, the landgrave of Hesse, and the prince of Anhalt. These 74 Tlie Historij of the Reformation. CENT, nation of Protestants, which from this period has ^^^- been given to those who renounce the supersti- y^^_^ tious communion of the church of Rome, Lp3„^,es XXVII. The dissenting princes, who were fornTed thc protcctors and heads of the reformed churches, thrpro- liad no sooner entered their p?vtest, than they tebtants. scut propcr pcrsous to the emperor, who was then upon his passage from Spain to Italy, to acquaint him with their proceedings in this matter. Thc ministers, employed in this commission, executed the orders they had received with the greatest re- sohition and presence of mind, and behaved with the spirit and firmness of the princes, whose sen- timents and conduct they were sent to justify and explain. The emperor, whose pride was wound- ed by this fortitude in persons that dared to op- pose his designs, ordered these ambassadors to be apprehended and put under arrest during several days. The news of this violent step was soon brought to the protestant princes, and made them conclude that their personal safety, and the suc- cess of their cause, depended entirely upon their courage and concord, the one animated, and the other cemented by a solemn confederacy. They, therefore, held several meetings at Rot, j\^uremher^il\ Sinalcald, and other places, in order to deliberate upon the means of forming such a powerful league as might enable them to repel the violence of their enemies [i\ Eut so different were 'riirsc princes were seconded by thirteen imperial towns, viz. Slra^hurg:, U/ni, Nuremberg, Conxfanee, lioltigen, Wbtdseimy Mcmmi/igen, NortU)igcn, Lindaw, Kcmpleii, llcilbrou, JVisscm" burg, and .SV. Ga//. i^il^ See the history of the confession o{\lugsburg, wrote in German, by the learned Christ. Aug. Salig. torn. i. book II. ch. i. p. 128. and more es])ecially another German work of Dr. Joachim Mullcr, entitled, Ilislorie run der EvaiigvU.schen Slaude Prulr.sldtiuu gcgeu den Spei/crchcn Rcich.sabscheid von ] .029, Appcllaliofi, iic. published at Jam in 4to, in the year 1 TO.'J. Chap. II. Hie History of the Befof^mation. 75 were their opinions and views of things, that they cent. could come to no satisfactory conclusion. ^^^ XXVIII. Among the incidents that promoted animosity and discord between the friends of the The Reformation, and prevented that union that was ^'^"^^ ^' so much to be desired between persons embarked in the^far in the same good cause, the principal one was the 1-529. dispute that had arisen between the divines of Saxony and Switzerland, concerning the manner of Christ's presence in the eucharist. To termi- nate this controversy, Philip, landgrave of Hesse, invited, in the year 1529, to a conference at Mar- purg, Luther and Zuingle, together with some of the more eminent doctors, who adhered to the respective parties of these contending chiefs. This expedient, which was designed by that truly mag- nanimous prince, not so much to end the matter by keen debate, as to accommodate differences by the reconciling spirit of charity and prudence, was not attended with the salutary fruits that were expected from it. The divines that were assem- bled for this pacific purpose disputed, dvning four days, in presence of the landgrave. The principal champions in these debates were Luther, who attacked Oecolampadius, and Melancthon, who disputed against Zuingle; and the controversy turned upon several points of theology, in re- lation to which the Swiss doctors were supposed to entertain erroneous sentiments. For Zuingle was accused of heresy, not only on account of his explication of the nature and design of the Lord's Supper, but also in consequence of the false notions he was supposed to have adopted, relating to the divinity of Christ, the efficacy of the divine word, original sin, and some other parts of the Christian doctrine. This illustrious re- former cleared himself, however, from the great- est part of these accusations, with the most tri- umphant evidence, and in such a manner as ap- peared 'j'6 The History of the jReforviation, peared entirely satisfactory, even to Luther him- self. Their dissension concerning the manner of Christ's presence in the eucharist still remained ; nor could either of the contending parties be per- suaded to abandon, or even to modify, their opi- nion of that matter [k]. The only advantage, therefore, that resulted from this conference, was, that the jarring doctors formed a sort of truce, by agreeing to a mutual toleration of their respective sentiments, and leaving to the disposal of Provi- dence, and the effects of time, which sometimes cools the rage of party, the cure of their divisions. The diet of XXIX. The ministers of the churches, which "gs urg- -j^^jj embraced the sentiments of Luther, were preparing a new embassy to the emperor, when an account was received of a design formed by that prince to come into Germany^ with a view to ter- minate, in the approaching diet at Augsburg^ the religious disputes that had produced such ani- mosities and divisions in the empire. Charles, though long absent from Germany^ and engaged in affairs that left him little leisure for theological disquisitions, was nevertheless attentive to these disputes, and foresaw their consequences. He had also, to his own deliberate reflections upon these disputes, added the counsels of men of wisdom, sagacity, and experience, and was thus, at certain seasons, rendered more cool in his proceedings, and more moderate and impartial in his opinion both of the contending parties and of the merits of the cause. He therefore, in an in- terview with the pope at Bologna, insisted, in the most \Jf] Val. Ern. Loescherl Historia mofmim inter Lutheranos et Rejbnnntos, torn. i. lib. i. cap. vi. p. 143. — Henr. Bullin- geri Hisforia CoUoqidi Marpurgemis, in Jo. Conr. Fuesslinlj compilation, intitled, Be^jtragen zur Schweizer Reformat. GesJvchte, torn. iii. p. 150'. See also the Preface, p. 80. — Abr. Sculteti Aimal. Reformat, ad A. 1529. — Rudolph. Hos- finiani Histor. Sacrameiitar. par. II. p. 72, &c. Chap. II. The History of the 'Reformation. 77 most serious and urgent manner, upon the neces- sity of assembling a general council. His remon- strances and expostulations could not, however, move Clement VII. who maintained with zeal the papal prerogatives, reproached the emperor with an ill-judged clemency, and alleged that it was the duty of that prince to support the church, and to execute speedy vengeance upon the obsti- nate heretical faction, who dared to call in ques- tion the authority of Rome and its pontiff. The emperor was as little affected by this haughty dis- course, as the pope had been by his wise remon- strances, and looked upon it as a most iniquitous thing, a measure also in direct opposition to the laws of the empire, to condemn, unheard, and to destroy, without any evidence of their demerit, a set of men, who had always approved themselves good citizens, and had deserved well of their country in several respects. Hitherto, indeed, it was not easy for the emperor to form a clear idea of the matters in debate, since there was no regular system as yet composed, of the doctrines embraced by Luther and his followers, by which their real opinions, and the true causes of their opposition to the Roman pontiff, might be known with certainty. As, therefore, it was impossible, without some declaration of this nature, to exa- mine with accuracy, or decide with equity, a matter of such high importance as that which gave rise to the divisions between the votaries of Rome and the friends of the Reformation, the elector of Saxony ordered Luther, and other eminent divines, to commit to writing the chief articles of their religious system, and the principal points in which they differed from the church of Rome, Luther, in compliance with this order, deli- vered to the elector, at Torgaw, the seventeen articles, which had been drawn up and agreed on in the conference at Suhhach in the year 1529 ; and 78 The History of the Reformation. CENT, and hence they were called the articles ofToi^gaycr ■^^^' [^]- Though these articles were deemed by Lu- .^^^'\ ther a sufficient declaration of the sentiments of the reformers, yet it was judged proper to enlarge them ; and, by a judicious detail, to give perspi- cuity to their arguments, and thereby strength to their cause. It was this consideration that enga- ged the protestant princes, assembled at Coburg and Augshiirg, to employ Melancthon in extend- ing these AiiicleSf in which important work he shewed a due regard to the counsels of Luther, and expressed his sentiments and doctrine with the greatest elegance and perspicuity. And thus came forth to public view the famous confession of Augsburg, which did such honour to the acute judgment and the eloquent pen of JNIelancthon. The pro- XXX. During these transactions in Germany, fe7oraI-^^ the dawn of truth arose upon other nations. The tion in light of the reformation spread itself far and wide ; S^tfAhe ai^ the first object of his attention was the ^^^- instruction of his people in the sacred doctrines of w^^w ^^^^ Holy Scriptures, for which purpose he invited ^'"^^""'^ into his dominions several learned Gernaans, and spread abroad through the kingdom the Swedish translation of the Bible, that had been made by Olaus Petri [ti]. Some time after this, in the year 1526, he appointed a conference, at Upsal, betv/een this eminent reformer and Peter Gal- lius, a zealous defender of the ancient supersti- tion, in which these two champions were to plead publicly in behalf of their respective opinions, that it might thus be seen on which side the truth lay. The dispute, in which Olaus obtained a signal victory, contributed much to confirm Gustavus in his persuasion of the truth of Luther's doctrine, and to promote the progress of that doctrine in Sweden, In the year following, another event gave the finishing stroke to its papagation and success, and this was the assem- bly of the states at Westeirias, where Gustavus recommended the doctrine of the reformers with such zeal, wisdom, and piety, that, after warm de- bates fomented by the clergy in general, and much opposition on the part of the bishops, in particu- lar, it was unanimously resolved, that the plan of reformation proposed by Luther should have free But Gustavus no sooner returned to Stockholm, than he order- ed the leaders of these fanatics to be seized and punislied, and covered, the Lutherans with bitter reproaches for not having opposed these fanatics in time. 03= \ji] It is very remarkable, and shews the equity and candour of Gustavus in the most striking point of light, that while he ordered Olaus to publish his literal translation of the sacred writings, he gave permission at the same time to the archbishop of Upsal, to prepare another version suited to the doctrine of the church of Rome ; that, by a careful compari- £on of both translations with the original, an easier access might be opened to the truth. The bishops at first opposed this order, but were at length obliged to submit. Chap. II. The History of the Reformation. 81 free admittance among the Swedes [o]. This re- solution was principally owing to the firmness and magnanimity of Gustavus, who declared public- ly, that he would lay down his sceptre, and re- tire from his kingdom, rather than rule a people enslaved to the orders and authority of the pope, and more controlled by the' tyranny of their bi- shops, than by the laws of their monarch [^]. From this time the papal empire in Sweden was entirely overturned, and Gustavus declared head of the church. XXXI. The light of the reformation was also in Den. received in Denmark, and that so early as the year ™*''^° 1521, in consequence of the ardent desire disco- vered by Christian, or Christiern II. of having VOL. IV. G his dCf" \o\ It was no wonder indeed that the bishops opposed warmly the proposal of Gustavus^ since there was no country in Europe where that order and the clergy in general drew greater temporal advantages from the superstition of the times than in Sweden and Denmark. The most of the bishops had reve- nues superior to those of the sovereign, they possessed castles and fortresses that rendered them independent on the crown, enabled them to excite commotions in the kingdom, and gave them a degree of power that was dangerous to the state. They lived in the most dissolute luxury and overgrown opulence, while the nobility of the kingdom were in misery and want. The resolution formed by the states assembled at Westeraas^ did not so much tend to regulate points of doctrine, as to re- form the discipline of the church, to reduce the opulence and authority of the bishops within their proper bounds, to restore to the impoverished nobility the lands and possessions that their superstitious ancestors had given to an all- devouring clergy, to exclude the prelates from the senate, to take from them their castles, and things of that nature. It was however resolved, at the same time, that the church should be provided with able pastors, who should explain the pure word of God to the people in their native tongue ; and that no ecclesiastical prefer- ments should be granted v»^ithout the king's permission. This was a tacit and gentle method of promoting the Reformation. Q?]] Bazii Invent ar'ium Eccles. Sueco-Gothor. published in ^to at Lincoping, in 1(:)42. Sculteti Amiales Evangclii Renwati^ in Von der Hart. Histor. Liter, Rt format, part V. p. 84. et ilO- Raylial, Anecdotes Hist. Politiqiies et Militaires, torn. i. part H- p. 1, &c. 82 The History of the Reformation. CENT, his subjects instructed in the principles and doc- ^^^- trines of Luther. This monarch, whose savage v^ 'J_^j and infernal cruelty (whether it was the effect of natural temper, or of bad counsels) rendered his name odious and his memory execrable, was nevertheless desirous of delivering his dominions from the superstition 'and tyranny of Borne. For this purpose, in the year 1520, he sent for Mar- tin lleinard, one of the disciples of Carlostadt, out of Saxony, and appointed him professor of divinity at Hafnia ; and after his death, which happened the year following, he invited Car- lostadt himself, to fill that important place, which he accepted indeed, but nevertheless, after a short residence in jDen7?iark, returned into Ge?^- ma7iy. These disappointments did not abate the reforming spirit of the Danish monarch, who used his utmost endeavours, though in vain, to engage Luther to visit his dominions, and took several steps that tended to the diminution, and indeed to the suppression of the jurisdiction ex- ercised over his subjects by the Roman pontiff. It is, however, proper to observe, that in all these proceedings, Christiern II. was animated by no other motive than that of ambition. It w^as the prospect of extending his authority, and not a zeal for the advancement of true religion, that gave life and vigour to his reforming projects. His very actions, independently of what may be concluded from his known character, evident- ly shew, that he protected the religion of Luther with no other view than to rise by it to suprema- cy, both in church and state ; and that it might afford him a pretext for depriving the bishops of that overgrown authority, and those ample posses- sions which they had gradually usurped [q\ and of {jf\ See Jo. Gramii Diss, de Ueformatione Danice a Chris- tier no tentuta, in the third volume of the Scriptores Sotiet. Scientar Ilafniens. p. 1 — 90. Chap. II. The History of the Reformation, 83 of appropriating them to himself. A revolution cent, produced by his avarice, tyranny, and cruelty, ^^^* prevented the execution of this bold enterprize. v^^^^-i^ The states of the kingdom exasperated, some by the schemes he had laid for destroying the liberty of Denmark, others by his attempts to abolish the superstition of their ancestors [r], and all by his savage and barbarous treatment of those who dared to oppose his avarice or ambition, formed a conspiracy against him in the year 1523, by which he was deposed and banished from his do- minions, and his uncle, Frederick, duke of Hol- stein and Sleswic, placed on the throne of Den- mark. XXXII. This prince conducted matters with The pro- much more equity, prudence, and moderation, f[^f^j.^^*_^® than his predecessor had done. He permitted the tion under protestant doctors to preach publicly the opinions ^f^^glg^* of Luther [6*], but did not venture so far as to nek and change the established government and discipline j^^j*^*^*^®"*** of the church. He contributed, however, greatly to the progress of the reformation, by his suc- cessful attempts in favour of religious liberty, at the assembly of the states that was held at Odensee in the year 1527. For it was here that he pro- cured the publication of that famous edict, which declared every subject of Denmark free, either to adhere to the tenets of the church of Rome^ or to G 2t embrace [r] See for a confirmation of this part of the aceusation^ a curious piece^ containing the reasons that induced the states of Denmark to renounce their allegiance to Christiern II. This piece is to be found in the fifth volume of Ludewig's compi- lation, entitled, Reliquice MStoriim, p. 515. in which (p. 321.) the states of Denmark express their displeasure at the royal favour shewn to the Lutherans in the following terms : " Lu- theranas haeresis pullatores, contra jus pietatemque, in regnum nostrum catholicum introduxit, doctorum Carolostadium, for- tissimum Lutheri athletam, enutrivit." \_s~\ See Jo. Molleri Cimbria Literata, torn. ii. p. 886. — Carist. Olivarii Vita Pauli Elioe, p. 108. — Erici Pontoppidani Annates Ecclesics Danicce, torn. iii. p. 139. 84 The History of the Reformation. embrace the doctrine of Luther [/]. Encouraged by this resohition, the protestant divines exercised the functions of their ministry witli such zeal and success, that the greatest part of the Danes opened their eyes upon the auspicious beams of sacred liberty, and abandoned gradually both the doc- trines and jurisdiction of the church of Rome, But the honour of finishing this glorious work, of destroying entirely the reign of superstition, and breaking asunder the bonds of papal tyranny, was reserved for Christiern III. a prince equally dis- tinguished by his piety and prudence. He began by suppressing the despotic authority of the bi- shops, and by restoring to their lawful owners a great part of the wealth and possessions which the church had acquired by the artful stratagems of the crafty and designing clergy. This step was followed by a wise and well-judged settlement of religious doctrine, discipline, and worship, throughout the kingdom, according to a plan laid down by Bugenhagius, whom the king had sent for from Wittemherg to perform that arduous task, for which his eminent piety, learning, and miode- ration rendered him peculiarly proper. The as- sembly of the states at Odensee, in the year 1539, gave a solemn sanction to all these transactions ; and thus the work of the reformation was brought to perfection in Denmark [ii']. XXXIII. 03^ CO ^^ ^^^^ farther added to this edict, tliat no person should be molested on account of his religion, that a royal pro- tection should ])e granted to the Lutherans to defend them from the insults and malignity of their enemies ; and that ec- clesiastics, of whatever rank or order, should be permitted to enter into the married state, and to fix their residence where- ever tliey thought proper, without any regard to monasteries, or other religious societies. {jr\ Erici Pontoppidani, see a German work of the learn- ed Pontoppidan, entitled, A Comjicnd'Knif! view of the His- ton/ of the Reformation in Denmark, published at Lubec in 8vo, in 1734; as also the Annalcs Ecclesice Daniccs, of the same Chap. II. Tlie History of the Reformation, 85 XXXIII. It is however to be observed, that, in cent. the history of the reformation of Sweden ana Den- ^^^• mark, we must carefully distinguish between the ^^'^ reformation of religious opinions, and the reforma- ^ distinc- tion of the episcopal order. For though these tion to be two things may appear to be closely connected, ^^'eTwt yet, in reality, they are so far distinct, that either speak of of the two might have been completely transacted JlJatJo^'^of without the other. A reformation of doctrine Sweden might have been effected, without diminishing the^^rk?^"" authority of the bishops, or suppressing their order ; and, on the other hand, the opulence and power of the bishops might have been reduced within proper bounds, without introducing any change into the system of doctrine that had been so long established, and that was generally re- ceived [t£)]. In the measures taken in these northern kingdoms, for the reformation of a cor- rupt doctrine and a superstitious discipline, there was nothing that deserved the smallest censure : ■neither fraud nor violence were employed for this purpose; on the contrary, all things were con- ducted with wisdom and moderation, in a manner suitable to the dictates of equity and the spirit of Christianity. The same judgment cannot easily be pronounced with respect to the methods of pro- ceeding in the reformation of the clergy, and more especially of the episcopal order. For here, G 3 certainly, same author, torn. ii. p. 790. torn. iii. p. 1. — " Henr. Muhlius de Reformat, religionis in vicinis Daniae regionibus et potissi- mum in Cimbria, in ejus Dissertationibus Historico-Theologi- cis/' p. 24. KilUce, 1715. in 4to. (t^ D^D This observation is not worthy of Dr. MosheinVs sagacity. The strong connection that there naturally is be- tween superstitious ignorance among the people, and influence and power in their spiritual rulers, is too evident to stand in need of any proof. A good clergy will, or ought to have an influence, in consequence of a respectable office, adorned with learning, piety, and morals ; but the power of a licentious and despotic clergy can be only supported by the blind and super- stitious credulity of their flock. 86 Tlie History of the Reformation. CENT, certainly, violence was used, and the bishops were ^^^- deprived of their honours, privileges, and pos- ^^^^'\ sessions, without their consent ; and, indeed, not- withstanding the greatest struggles and the warm- est opposition [oc']. The truth is, that so far as the reformation in Sweden and Deiimark regarded the privileges and possessions of the bishops, it was rather a matter of political expediency than of religious obligation ; nay, a change here was be- come so necessary, that, had Luther and his doc- trine never appeared in the world, it must have been nevertheless attempted by a wise legisla- tor. For the bishops, by a variety of perfidi- ous stratagems, had got into their hands such enormous C^ C-^D What does Dr. Mosheim mean here ? did ever a usurper give up his unjust possessions without reluctance? does rapine constitute a right, when it is maintained by force? is it unlawful to use violence against extortioners ? The question here is. Whether or no the bishops deserved the severe treatment they received from Christiern III. ? and our author seems to answer this question in the affirmative, and to declare this treat- ment both just and necessary, in the following part of this sec- tion. Certain it is, that the bishops were treated with great se- verity, deposed from their sees, imprisoned on account of their resistance ; all the church-lands, towns and fortresses, annexed to the crown, and the temporal power of the clergy for ever abolished. It is also certain, that lAither himself looked upon these measures as violent and excessive, and even wrote a letter to Christiern, exhorting him to use the clergy with more leni- ty. It is therefore proper to decide with moderation on this subject, and to grant, that if the insolence and licentiousness of the clergy were enormous, the resentment of the Danish mo- narch may have been excessive. Nor indeed was his political prudence here so great as Dr. Mosheim seems to represent it ; for the equipoise of government was hurt, by a total suppression of the power of the bishops. The nobility acquired by this a prodigious degree of influence, and the crown lost an order, which, under proper regulations, might have been rendered one of the strongest supports of its prerogative. But disquisitions of this nature are foreign to our purpose. It is only proper to observe, that in the room of the bishops, Christiern created an order of men, with the denomination of Superintendanis, who performed the spiritual part of the episcopal office, without sharing the least shadow of temporal authority. Chap. II. The History of the Reformation. 87 enormous treasures, such ample possessions, so many castles and fortified towns, and had assumed such an unlimited and despotic authority, that they were in a condition to give law to the sove- reign himself, to rule the nation as they thought proper ; and in effect, already abused their power so far as to appropriate to themselves a consider- able part of the royal patrimony, and of the pub- lic revenues of the kingdom. Such, therefore, was the critical state of these nothern kingdoms in the time of Luther, that it became absolutely necessary, either to degrade the bishops from that rank which they dishonoured, and to de- prive them of the greatest part of those possessions and prerogatives which they had so unjustly ac- quired and so licentiously abused, or to see, tamely, royalty rendered contemptible by its weakness, the sovereign deprived of the meaiis of protecting and succouring his people, and the commonwealth exposed to rebellion, misery, and ruin. XXXIV. The kingdom of France was not in- The rise accessible to the light of the Reformation. Mar- gresi'of'the garet queen of Navarre, sister to Francis l.?eforma- the implacable enemy and perpetual rival of France. Charles V. was extremely favourable to the new doctrine, which delivered pure and genuine Christianity from a great part of the superstitions under which it had so long lain disguised. The auspicious patronage of this illustrious princess encouraged several pious and learned men, whose religious sentiments were the same with her's, to propagate the principles of the Reformation in France, and even to erect several protestant churches in that kingdom. It is manifest from the most authentic records, that, so early as the year 1523, there were, in several of the provinces of that country, multitudes of persons, who had conceived the utmost aversion both against the G 4 doctrii)a 88 The History of the Reformation, CENT, doctrine and tyranny of Rome, and among these, ^xvi. many persons of rank and dignity, and even some ^^ of the episcopal order. As their numbers increased from day to day, and troubles and commotions were excited in scA^eral places on accovuit of reli- gious differences, the authority of the monarch and the cruelty of his officers intervened to sup- port the doctrine of Rome by the edge of the sword and the terrors of the gibbet, and on this occasion many persons, eminent for their piety and virtue, were put to death with the most unrelenting bar- barity \_y\ This cruelty, instead of retarding, accelerated rather the progress of the lleforma- lion. It is nevertheless true, that, under the reign of Francis I. the restorers of genuine Chris- tianity were always equally successful and hap- py. Their situation was extremely uncertain, and it was perpetually changing. Sometimes they seemed to enjoy the auspicious shade of royal pro- tection ; at others they groaned under the weight of persecution, and at certain seasons they were forgot, which oblivion rendered their condition tolerable. Francis, who had either no religion at all, or, at best, no fixed and consistent system of religious principles, conducted himself towards the protestants in such a manner as answered his private and personal views, or as reasons of policy and a public interest seemed to require. When it became necessary to engage in his cause the Ger- man protestants, in order to foment sedition' and rebellion against his mortal enemy Charles V. then did he treat the protestants in France with the utmost equity, humanity, and gentleness; but so soon as he had gained his point, and had no more occasion for their services, then he threw off \_y~\ See Beze, Hisioire des Eglises JReformees de France, torn. i. livr. i. p. 5. — Benoit, Histoire de I'Edit de Nantes, livr. i. p. 6. — Christ. Aug. Salig. Histor. August. Confession^ vol. ii. p. 190. Chap. II. The History of the Reformation. 80 off the mask, and appeared to them in the aspect cent. of an implacable persecuting tyrant \z], ^^^* About this time the famous Calvin, whose ,^^ ' Jj character, talents, and religious exploits, we shall have occasion to dwell upon more amply in the course of this history, began to draw the attention of the public, but more especially of the queen of Navarre, He was born at Noyon in Piccardy, on the 10th of July 1509, and was bred up to the law [a], in which, as well as in all the other branches of literature, then known, his studies were attended with the most rapid and amazing success. Having acquired the knowledge of re- ligion, by diligent perusal of the holy scriptures, he began early to perceive the necessity of re- forming the established system of doctrine and worship. His zeal exposed him to various perils, and the connections he had formed with the friends of the Reformation, whom Francis I. was daily committing to the flames, placed him more than once in imminent danger, from which he was de- livered by the good offices of the excellent queen of C^ C^J T^^^ inconsistency and contradiction that were vi- sible in the conduct of Francis I. may be attributed to various reasons. At one time, we see him resolved to invite Melanc- thon into France, probably with a view to please his sister the queen of Navarre, whom he loved tenderly, and who had strongly imbibed the principles of the protestants. At another time, we behold him exercising the most infernal cruelty to- wards the friends of the Reformation, and hear him making that mad declaration, that, *^ if he thought the blood in his arm was tainted with the Lutheran heresy, he would have it cut off; and that he would not spare even his own children, if they entertained sentiments contrary to those of the catholic church." See Flor. de Remond, Hist, de la Naismnce et du Progres dc I'Heresie, livr. vii. (!^ []«] He was originally designed for the church, and had actually obtained a benefice ; but the light that broke in upon his religious sentiments, as well as the preference given by his father to the profession of the law, induced him to giwe up his ecclesiastic vocation, which he afterwards resumed in a purer church. 00 The Historij of the Reformation. of Navarre. To escape the impending storm, he retired to Basil, where he published his Christian institutions; and prefixed to them that famous dedication to Francis I. which has attracted uni- versally the admiration of succeeding ages, and which was designed to soften the unrelenting fury of that prince, against the protestants [6]. ^ther'"tates XXXV. The iustauccs of an opposition to the •f Europe, doctriuo and discipline of Rome in the other Eu- ropean states, w^ere few in number, before the diet of Augsburg, and were too faint, imperfect, and ambiguous to make much noise in the world. It however, appears from the most authentic testi- monies, that, even before that period, the doc- trine of Luther had made a considerable, though perhaps a secret, progress in Spain, Hungary, Bohemia, Britain, Poland, and the Netherlands, and had, in all these countries, many friends, of whom several repaired to Wittemherg, to improve their knowledge and enlarge their views under such an eminent master. Some of these coun- tries openly broke asunder the chains of supersti- tion, and withdrew themselves, in a public and constitutional manner, from the jurisdiction of the Roman pontiff. In others, a prodigious num- ber of families received the light of the blessed Beformation, rejected the doctrines and authority of Rome; and, notwithstanding the calamities and persecutions they have suffered, on account of their sentiments under the sceptre of bigotry and superstition, C^* C^O This paragraph relating to Calvin, is added to Dr. Mosheim's text by the translator, who was surprised to find, in a History of the Reformation, such late mention made of one of its most distinguished and remarkable instruments ; a man ■whose extensive genius, flowing eloquence, immense learning, extraordinary penetration, indefatigable industry, and fervent piety, placed him at the head of the Reformers ; all of whom he surpassed, at least, in learning and parts, as he also did the most of them in obstinacy, asperity, and turbulence. Chap. III. The History of the Reformation. 91 superstition, continue still in the profession of cent. the pure doctrine of Christianity ; while in other, ^^^* still more unhappy lands, the most barbarous . J^, tortures, the most infernal spirit of cruelty, toge- ther with penal laws adapted to strike terror into the firmest minds, have extinguished, almost to- tally, the light of religious truth. It is, indeed, certain, and the Roman catholics themselves ac- knowledge it without hesitation, that the papal doctrines, jurisdiction, and authority, would have fallen into ruiil in all parts of the world, had not the force of the secular arm been employed to support this tottering edifice, and fire and sword been let loose upon those who were assailing it only with reason and argument. CHAP. III. 21ie History of the Reformation, from the time that the Confession 0/ Augsburg was presented to the emperor, until the commencement of the war which succeeded the league o/*Smalcald. I. ^^HAHLES V. arrived at Augsburg theThecon- Vy 15th of June 1530, and on the 20th day^f'^°!;°^ (* ^ 111 t \ • Augsburg 01 the same month, the diet was opened. As it presented was unanimously agreed, that the affairs of religion !^ Charles should be brought upon the carpet before the de- liberations relating to the intended war with the Turks, the protestant members of this great as- sembly received from the emperor a formal permis- sion to present to the diet, on the 25th of June, an account of their religious principles and te- nets. In consequence of this, Christian Bayer, chancellor of Saxony, read, in the German lan- guage, in presence of the emperor and the assem- bled princes, the famous confession which has been since 92 The History of the Refo7'mation. CENT, since distinguished by the denomination of the ^vi- Confession of Augsburg: The princes heard it ,^" '^ with the deepest attention and recollection of mind ; it confirmed some in the principles they had embraced, surprised others, and many, who, before this time, had little or no idea of the reli- gious sentiments of Luther, were now not only con- vinced of their innocence, but were, moreover, delighted with their purity and simplicity. The copies of this confession, which, after being read, were delivered to the emperor, wa*e signed and subscribed by John, elector of Saxony, by four princes of the empire, George, marquis of Bran- denburg, Ernest, duke of Lunenburg, Philip, landgrave of Hesse, Wolfgang, prince of Anhalt, and by the imperial cities of Nuremberg and ReuU lingen, who all thereby solemnly declared their as- sent to the doctrines contained in it [c]. The nature \\ ^hc tcuor and coutcnts of the confession of t^ntr^'ihe Augsburg are well known; at least, by all who confession have the smallest acquaintance with ecclesiastical burg."^^" history ; since that confession was adopted by the w^hole body of the protestants as the rule of their faith. The style that reigns in it is plain, elegant, grave, and perspicuous, such as becomes the na- ture of the subject, and such as might be expected from the admirable pen of Melancthon. The matter was, undoubtedly, supplied by Luther, who, during the diet, resided at Cobicrg, a tovvn in \jr] There is a very voluminous History of this diet, which was published in the year 1577, in folio, at Frankfort on Oder, by the laborious George Celestine. The History of The Con- fession of Augsburg, was composed in Latin by David Chytraeus, and more recently, in German, by Ern. Solom. Cyprian and Christopher. Aug. Salig. The performance of the latter is rather, indeed, a history of the Reformation in general, than of the Confession of Augsburg in particular. That of Cyprian is more concise and elegant, and is confirmed by original pieces, which are equally authentic and curious. Cliap. III. The History of the Eeformation, 93 in the neighbourhood oi Augsburg ; and, even the cent. form it received from the eloquent pen of his col- ^^^' league, was authorised in consequence of his ap- ^^^^^^^ probation and advice. This confession contains twenty-eight chapters, of which the greatest part [<:/] are employed in representing, with perspi- cuity and truth, the religious opinions of the pro- testants, and the rest in pointing out the errors and abuses that occasioned their separation from the church of Borne [e']. III. The creatures of the Roman pontiff, who The Ro- were present at this diet, employed John Faber, ^^^ c&tho- afterwards bishop of Vienna^ together with Ecki- a refuta- us, and another doctor named Cochlaeus, to draw *'°"^^°^*^^'^ up a refutation of this famous confession. Thisof Augs- pretended refutation having been read publicly in^"'"S* the assembly, the emperor demanded of the pro- testant members that they would acquiesce in it, and put an end to their religious debates by an unlimited submission to the doctrines and opinions contained in this answer. But this demand was far \_d\ Twenty-one chapters were so employed; the other seven contamed a detail of the errors and superstitions of the church of Rome. Ctl" [s~\ It is proper to observe here, that, while the Luthe- rans presented their confession to the diet, another excellent re- monstrance of the same nature was addresssd to this august as- sembly by the cities of Strasburg, Constance, Memingen, and Lindaw, which had rejected the errors and jurisdiction of Rome, but did not enter into the Lutheran league, because they adopt- ed the opinions of Zuingle in relation to the eucharist. The declaration of these four towns (which was called the Tcirapo* litem Co7}fession, on account of their number) was drawn up by the excellent Martin Bucer, and v/as considered as a master- piece of reasoning and eloquence, not only by the protestants, but even by several of the Roman catholics ; and among others by Mr. Dupin. Zuingle also sent to this diet a private confession of his religious opinions. It is, however, remark- able, tli^t though Bucer composed a separate remonstrance, yet his name appears among the subscribers at Smalcald, in the year 1537, to the confession of Augsburg, and to Melanc* thon's defence of it. 94) The History of the Reformation. far from being complied with. The Protestants declared, on the contrary, that they were by no means satisfied with the reply of their adversaries, and earnestly desired a copy of it, that they might demonstrate more fully its extreme insufficiency and weakness. This reasonable request was re- fused by the emperor, who, on this occasion, as xvell as on several others, shewed more regard to the importunity of the pope's legate and his party, than to the demands of equity, candour, and justice. He even interposed his supreme autho- rity to suspend any farther proceeding in this matter, and solemnly prohibited the publication of any new ^vritings or declarations that might contribute to lengthen out these religious de- bates. This, however, did not reduce the protes- tants to silence. The divines of that communion, who had been present at the diet, endeavoured to recollect the arguments and objections employed by Faber, and had again recourse to the pen of Melancthon, who refuted them in an ample and satisfactory manner, in a learned piece that was presented to the emperor on the 22d of Septem- ber, but which that prince refused to receive. This answer was afterwards enlarged by Melanc- thon, when he had obtained a copy of Faber's reply, and was published in the year 1531, with the other pieces that related to the doctrine and discipline of the Lutheran church, under the title of ^ Defence of the Confession of Augsburg. Beiibera- IV. There were only three ways left of bring- cCTnln°"thei"g to a conclusiou these religious differences, method to which it was, in reality, most difficult to recon- terminat-" ^ilc. The flrst and the most rational method was, ing these to grant to those who refused to submit to the dissfn^ons. doctriue and jurisdiction of Rome, the liberty of following their private judgment in matters of a religious nature, the privilege of serving God according Cliap. III. The History of the Reformation. 95 according to the dictates of their conscience, and cent. all this in such a manner that the public tranquil- g^^^^^'j lity should not he disturbed. The second, and, s^^^w at the same time, the shortest and most iniqui- tous expedient, was to end these dissensions by military apostles, who, sword in hand, should force the protestants to return to the bosom of the church, and to court the papal yoke, which they had so magnanimously thrown off their necks. Some thought of a middle way, which lay equally remote from the difficulties that attended the two methods now mentioned, and proposed that a reconciliation should be made upon fair, candid, and equitable terms, by engaging each of the con- tending parties to temper their zeal with mode- ration, to abate reciprocally the rigour of their pretensions, and remit some of their respective claims. This method which seemed agreeable to the dictates of reason, charity, and justice, was highly approved of by several wise and good men, on both sides ; but it was ill-suited to the arro- gant ambition of the Roman pontiff, and the su- perstitious ignorance of the times, which beheld with horror, whatever tended to introduce the sweets of religious liberty, or the exercise of pri- vate judgment. The second method, even the use of violence, and the terrors of the sword, w\as more agreeable to the spirit and sentiments of the age, and was peculiarly suited to the despotic ge- nius and sanguine counsels of the court of Rome ; but the emperor had prudence and equity enough to make him reject it, and it appeared shocking to those who were not lost to all sentiments of justice or moderation. The third expedient was therefore most generally approved of; it was pe- culiarly agreeable to all who were zealous for the interests and tranquillity of the empire, nor did the lloman pontiff seem to look upon it either with aversion or contempt. Hence various con- ferences 96 The History of the Reformation. CENT, ferences were held between persons of eminence^ ^v^- piety, and learning, who were chosen for that SECT, ij p^j,pQgg fj.QjYi both sides ; and nothing was omit- ted that might have the least tendency to calm the animosity, heal the divisions, and unite the hearts of the contending parties [./"]; but all to no pur- pose, since the difference between their opinions was too considerable, and of too much importance, to admit of a reconciliation. It was in these con- ferences that the spirit and character of Melanc- thon appeared in their true and genuine colours ; and it was here that the votaries of Rome, ex- hausted their efforts to gain over to their party this pillar of the Reformation, whose^ abilities and virtues added such a lustre to the protestant cause. This humane and gentle spirit was apt to sink into a kind of yielding softness under the influ- ence of mild and generous treatment. And, ac- cordingly, while his adversaries soothed him with fair words and flattering promises, he seemed to melt as they spoke, and, in some measure, to com- ply with their demands : but when they so far for- got themselves as to make use of imperious lan- guage and menacing terms, then did Slelancthon appear in a very different point of light; then a &3" C./l As ""^ ^^ confession of Augsburg there were three sorts of articles, one sort orthodox, and adopted by both sides, another that consisted of certain propositions, which the papal party considered as ambiguous and obscure ; and a third, in which the doctrine of Luther was entirely opposite to that of Rome ; this gave some reason to hope, that by the means of certain concessions and modifications, conducted mutually by a spirit of candour and charity, matters might be accommodated at last. For this purpose, select persons were appointed to carry on this salutary work, at first seven from each party, consisting of princes, lawyers, and divines, which number was afterwards reduced to three. Luther's obstinate, stubborn, and violent temper, rendering him unfit for healing divisions, he was not employed in these conferences, but he was constantly consulted by the Protestant party, and it was with a view to this that he resided at Coburg-. Chap. III. The History of the Reformation, 97 a spirit of intrepidity, ardour and independence, animated all his words and actions, and he looked down with contempt on the threats of power, , the frowns of fortune, and the fear of death. The truth is, that, in this great and good man, a soft and yielding temper was joined with the most in- violable fidelity, and the most invincible attach- ment to the truth. V. This reconciling method of terminating the The result reliffious debates, between the friends of liberty ^'^ ^J^^^ 11 • (* -n ' ' m 11*^ conferen- and the votaries oi Kome, proving meirectual, theces. latter had recourse to other measures, which were , suited to the iniquity of the times, though they were equally disavowed by the dictates of reason and tlie precepts of the gospel. These measures were, the force of the secular arm, and the autho- rity of imperial edicts. On the 19th day of No- vember, a severe decree was issued out, by the express order of the emperor, during the absence of the Hessian and Saxon princes, who were the chief supporters of the protestant cause ; and, in this decree, every thing was manifestly adapted to deject the friends of religious liberty, if we except a faint and dubious promise of engaging the pope to assemble (in about six months after the separation of the diet) a general council. The dignity and excellence of the papal religion are extolled, beyond measure, in this partial decree : a new decree of severity and force added to that which had been published at Worms against Lu- ther and his adherents; the changes that had been introduced into the doctrine and discipline of the protestant churches, severely censured ; and a solemn order addressed to the princes, states, and cities, that had thrown off the papal yoke, to re- turn to their duty and their allegiance to Rome, on pain of incurring the indignation and vengeance VOL. IV. H of 98 The History of the Eeformation. CENT, of the emperor, as the patron and protector of ^^'^ the church [fi^\ SECT T Lc5 -* v..^^^ VI. No sooner were the elector of Saocony and The league the Confederate princes informed of this deplora- clii"*^" ^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^ *^^^ ^^^^ oi Aiigshuj^g, than they assem- bled in order to deliberate upon the measures that were proper to be taken on this critical occasion. In the year 1530, and the year following, they met, first at Smalcald, afterwards at l^Vancfbii, and formed a solemn alliance and confederacy, with the intention of defending vigorously their religion and liberties against the dangers and en- croachments with which they were menaced by the edict of Augsburg, without attempting, however, any thing, properly speaking, offensive against the votaries of Rome. Into this confede- racy they invited the kii^gs of England, Finance, and Denmark, with several other republics and states, and left no means unemployed that might tend to corroborate and cement this important alliance \Ji]. Amidst these emotions and prepa- rations, C^ \.g~\ To give the greater degree of weight to this edict it was resolved, that no judge who refused to approve and sub- scribe its contents, should be admitted into the imperial cham- ber of Spire, which is the supreme court in Germany. The emperor also, and the popish princes engaged themselves to employ their united forces in order to maintain its authority, and to promote its execution. (^ ijf\ Luther, who at first seemed averse to this confede- racy, from an apprehension of the calamities and troubles it might produce, perceiving at length its necessity, consented to it ; but, uncharitably, as well as imprudently, refused compre- hending in it the followers of Zuingle among the Swiss, to- gether with the German states or cities, which had adopted the sentiments and confession of Bucer. And yet we find that the cities of Ulm and Augsburg had embraced the Refor- mation on the principles of Zuingle. — In the invitation ad- dressed to Henry VIII. king of England, whom the confede- rate princes were willing to declare the head and protector of their league, the following things were expressly stipulated among several others : viz. That the king should encourage, promote, and maintain the true doctrine of Christ, as it was contamed SECT. I. Chap. III. The History of the Reformation^ 99 rations, which portended an approaching rupture, cent. the elector Palatine, and the elector of 3Ientz, r.^7J\ offered 'their mediation, and endeavoured to re- concile the contending princes. With respect to the emperor, various reasons united to turn his views towards peace. For, on the one hand, he stood in need of succours against the Turk, which the protestant princes refused to grant as long as the edicts of IVorms and Augsburg remained in force ; and, on the other, the election of his bro- ther Ferdinand to the dignity of king of the Ro- mans, which had been concluded by a majority of H 2 votes, contained in the confession of Augsburg, and defend the same at the next general council ; — that he should not agree to any council summoned by the bishop of Rome, but protest against it, and neither submit to its decrees, nor suffer them to be re- spected in his dominions; — that he should never allow the Ro- man pontiff to have any pre-eminence or jurisdiction in his do- minions ; — that he should advance 100,000 crowns for the use of the confederacy, and double that some if it became necessary ; all which articles the confederate princes were obliged equally to observe on their part. To these demands the king answered, immediately, in a manner that was not satisfactory. He de- clared, that he would maintain and promote the true doctrine of Christ ; but, at the same time, as the true ground of that doctrine lay only in the Holy Scriptures, he would not ac- cept, at any one's hand, what should be his faith, or that of his kingdom's, and therefore desired they would send over learned men to confer with him, in order to promote a religious union between him and the confederates. He moreover de- clared himself of their opinion with respect to the meeting of a free general council, promised to join with them, in all such councils, for the defence of the true doctrine ; but thought the regulation of the ceremonial part of religion, being a mat- ter of indifference, ought to be left to the choice of each sove- reign for his own dominions. After this, the king gave them a second answer more full and satisfactory ; but upon the fall of queen Anne, this negociation came to nothing. On the one hand, the king grew cold, when he perceived that the confederates could be of no longer service to him in support- ing the validity of his marriage ; and, on the other, the Ger- man princes were sensible that they could never succeed with Henry, unless they wQuld allow him an absolute dictatorship in matters of religion. 100 The History of the Reformation, votes, at the diet of Cologn, in the year 1531, was contested by the same princes as contrary to the fundamental laws of the empire. The peace VII. In thls trouhlcd state of affairs many pro- of Nurem-jects of reconciliation were proposed; and, after ^'^^' various negociations, a treaty of peace was con- cluded at Nuremherg, in the year 1532, between the emperor and the protestant princes, on the following conditions ; that the latter should fur- nish a subsidy for carrying on the war against the Turk, and acknowledge Ferdinand lawful king of the Romans; and that the emperor, on his part, should abrogate and annul the edicts of Worms and Aiigshiirg, and allow the Lutherans the free and unmolested exercise of their religious doctrine and discipline, until a rule of faith was fixed, either in the free general council that was to be assembled in the space of six months, or in a diet of the empire. The apprehension of an ap- proaching rupture was scarcely removed by this agreement, when John, elector of Saxony, died, and was succeeded by his son John Frederick, a prince of invincible fortitude and magnanimity, whose reign was little better than a continued scene of disappointments and calamities. A council VIII. The religious truce, concluded Sit Nu- expecte ^^ ^^^^jjjy^j^g^ inspired with new vigour and resolution all the friends of the reformation. It gave strength to the feeble, and perseverance to the bold. En- couraged by it, those who had been hitherto only secret enemies to the Roman pontiff, spurned now his yoke publicly, and refused to submit to his imperious jurisdiction. This appears from the va- rious cities and provinces in Germany, which, about this time, boldly enlisted themselves under the religious standards of Luther. On the other hand, as all hope of terminating the religious de- bates that divided Europe was founded in the meeting of the general council, which had been so Chap. III. Tlic History of the Reformation. 101 so solemnly promised, the emperor renewed his cent. earnest request to Clement VII. that he would ^^'^- hasten an event that was expected and desired ^^^^_^ with so much impatience. The pontiff, whom the history of past councils filled with the most uneasy and discouraging apprehensions, endeavoured to retard what he could not, with any decency, ah- solutely refuse [i]. He formed innumerable pre- texts to put off the evil day ; and his whole con^ duct evidently shewed, that he was more desirous of having these religious differences decided by the force of arms, than by the power of argument. He indeed, in the year 1533, made a proposal, by his legate, to assemble a council at Mantua, Placentia, oy Bologna; but the protestants refused their consent to the nomination of an Italian coun- cil, and insisted, that a controversy, which had its rise in the heart of Germany, should be deci- ded within the limits of the empire. The pope, by his usual artifices, eluded his own promise, dis- appointed their expectations, and was cut off by death, in the year 1534, in the midst of his stra- tagems [k~\. IX. His successor Paul III. seemed to shew less reluctance to the assembling a general coun- cil, and appeared even disposed to comply with the desires of the emperor in that respect. Ac- cordingly, in the year 1535, he expressed his in- clination to convoke one at Mantua; and, the H 3 year (^ [T\ Besides the fear of seeing his authority diminished by a general council, another reason engaged Clement VII. to avoid an assembly* of that nature ; for being conscious of the illegitimacy of his birth, as Frao Paulo observes, he had ground to fear that the Colonnas, or his other enemies, might plead this circumstance before the council, as a reason for his exclu- sion from the pontificate ; since it might be well questioned whether a bastard could be a pope, though it is known, from many instances, that a prqfligale may. [k^ See an ample account of every thing relative tothiscoun- cil, in Fra. Paulo's Hislofij of the council of Trent, book I. 102 The History of the Beformatioii. ^^^^' year following, actually sent circular letters fo? SECT. I. ^li^^ purpose through all the kingdoms and states s-^,.,,^ under his jurisdiction [/]. The protestants, on the other hand, fully persuaded, that, in such a council \_m\ all things would he carried hy the votaries of Rome, and uothing concluded hut what should he agreeahle -to the sentiments and ambi- tion of the pontiff, assembled at SmaJcald in ^he year 1537. And there they protested solemnly against such a partial and corrupt council as that which was convoked by Paul III. but, at the same time, had a new summary of their doctrine drawn up by Luther, in order to present it to the assembled bishops, if it was required of them. This summary, which was distinguished by the title, of the Articles of' Sm.alcald, is generally joined. with the creeds and confessions of the Lu- theran church. Kewout- X. During these transactions, two remarkable mftted by cvcuts happened, of w'hich the one was most de- the Ana- trimcutal to the cause of religion in general, to that of the Reformation in particular, and pro- duced, in Ger7nany, civil tumults and commotions of the most horrid kind ; w^hile the other w as more salutary in its consequences and effects, and struck at the very root of the papal authority and dominion. The former of these events was a new C^ {J~] This council was summoned by Paul III. to assem- ble at Mantua, on the 23d of May, 1537, by a bull issued out the 2d of June of the preceding year. Several obstacles pre- vented its meeting. Frederick, duke of Mantua, was not much inclined to receive at once so many guests, and some of them turbulent ones, into the place of his residence. ft3" C'^G That is, in a council assembled by the authority of the pope alone, and that also in Italy; two circumstances that must have greatly contributed to give Paul III. an undue in- fluence in that assembly. The protestants maintained, that the emperor and the other Christian princes of Europe had a right to be authuntalwely concerned in calling a general coun- cil ; and that so much the more, as the Roman pontiff was evidently one of tlie parties in the present debate. Chap. III. The History of the Beforination, a new sedition, kindled by a fanatical and outrage- ous mob of the anabaptists ; and the latter, the rupture between Henry VIII. king of England^ , and the Roman pontiff, whose jurisdiction and spiritual supremacy were publicly renounced by that rough and resolute monarch. In the year 1533, there came to Mimster, a city in Westphalia,' ?i certain number of anabap- tists, who surpassed the rest of that fanatical tribe in the extravagance of their proceedings, the frenzy of their disordered brains, and the madness of their pretensions and projects. They gave them- selves out for the messengers of heaven, invested with a divine commission to lay the foundations of a new government, a holy and spiritual empire, and to destroy and overturn all temporal rule and authority, all human and political institutions. Having turned all things into confusion and up- roar in the city of Mu7ister by this seditious and extravagant declaration, they began to erect a new republic [n], conformable to their absurd and chi- merical notions of religion, and committed the administration. of it to John Bockholt, a taylor by profession, and a native of Ley den. Their reign, however, was of a short duration; for, in the year 1535, the city was besieged, and taken by the bishop of Mu7iste7\ assisted by other German princes ; this fanatical king and his wrong-headed associates were put to death in the most terrible and ignominious manner, and the new hierarchy destroyed with its furious and extravagant foun- ders. This disorderly and outrageous conduct of an handful of anabaptists, drew upon the whole body heavy marks of displeasure from the greatest part of the European princes. The severest laws were enacted against them for the second time, in consequence of which the innocent and the guilty H 4 were []»] This fanatical establishment they distinguished by the title of the New Jerusalem, 104 7^e Histor^y of the Reformation, CENT, were involved in the same terrible fate, and pro- ^^^- digious numbers devoted to death in the most yj^^'\ dreadful forms [o]. Great Bri- ^^' The piUars of papal despotism v^ere at this tain re- time shakeu in England, by an event, which, at spiritual ju- fii'st^ did not seem to promise such important con- risdiction sequcuces. Hcury VIII. a prince who in vices macy"o'f ^' ^^^l iu abilities was surpassed by none who sway- the Roman ed the sccptrc iu this age, and who, in the be- ^°"^ • ginning of these religious troubles, had opposed the doctrine and views of Luther with the utmost vehemence, was the principal agent in this great revolution [p]. Bound in the chains of matri- mony to Catharine of Arragon, aunt to Charles V. but, at the same time, captivated by the charms of an illustrious virgin, whose name was Anna Boleyn, he ardently desired to be divorced from the former, that he might render lawful his passion for the latter \_q']. For this purpose, he addressed himself [02 Hermanni Hamtnelmanni Historia Eccles.renafiEvangeUl per mferiorum Saxoniam et Westphal. part. II. p. 11 96. opp. — De Printz Specimen 'Historice Anabapt. c. x, xi, xii, p. 94. (13= This sect was, in process of time, considerably reformed by the ministry of two Fries! anders, Ubbo and Mennon, who purified it from the enthusiastic, seditious, and atrocious prin- ciples of its first founders, as will be seen in the progress of this history. (jrl' [_p^ Among the various portraits that have been given by historians of Henry VIIL therfe is none that equals the masterly one drawn by Mr. Hume, in his History of Englandy under the house of Tudor. This great painter, whose colour- ing, in other subjects, is sometimes more artful than accurate, has qatched from nature the striking lines of Henry's motley character, and thrown them into a composition, in which they appear with the greatest truth, set out with all the powers of expression. (f3" \jl\ From Dr. Mosheim's manner of expressing himself, an uninformed reader might be led to conclude, that the charms of Anna Boleyn were the only motive that engaged Henry to dissolve his marriage with Catharine. But this represen- tation of the matter is not accurate. The king had entertained scruples concerning the legitimacy of his marriage, before his acquaintance Chap. III. The History of the Reformatioru 105 himself to the Roman pontifF Clement VII. in order to obtain a dissolution of his marriage with Catharine, alleging, that a principle of reli- gion restrained him from enjoying any longer the sweets of connubial love with that princess, as she had been previously married to his elder brother Arthur, and, as it was repugnant to the divine law to contract wedlock with a brother's widow. Clement was greatly perplexed upon this occasion, by the apprehension of incurring the indignation of the emperor, in case his decision was favourable to Henry; and therefore he contrived various pretexts to evade a positive answer, and exhausted all his policy and artifice to cajole and deceive the English monarch. Tired with the pretexts, apo- logies, vain promises, and tardy proceedings of the Romish pontiff, Henry had recourse, for the accomplishment of his purposes, to an expedient which was suggested by the famous Thomas Cranmer, who was a secret friend to Luther and his cause, and who was afterwards raised to the see of Cantef^bury. This expedient was, to de- mand the opinions of the most learned European universities concerning the subject of his scruples. The result of this measure was favourable to his views. The greatest part of the universities de- clared acquaintance with the beautiful and unfortunate Anna. Con- versant in the writings of Thomas Aquinas and other school- men, who looked upon the Levitical law as of moral and per- manent obligation, and attentive to the remonstrances of the bishops, who declared his marriage unlawful, the king was filled with anxious doubts that had made him break off all con- jugal commerce with the queen, before his affections had been engaged by any other. This appears by Cardinal Wolsey's proposing a marriage between his majesty and the sister of Francis I. which that pliant courtier would never have done, had he known that the king's affections were otherwise enga- ged. After all, it is very possible, that the age and infirmities of Catharine, together with the blooming charms of Anna Bo- leyn, tended much to animate Henry's remorse, and to render his conscience more scrupulous. See Burnet's History of the Jieformatioiu Hume's History of the house of Titdo7\ p. 150. 106 The History of the Reformation. clared the marriage with a brother's widow un« lawful. Catharine was consequently divorced ; Anna conducted by a formal marriage into the royal bed, notwithstanding the remonstrances of Clement; and the English nation delivered from the tyranny of Rome, by Henry's renouncing the jurisdiction and supremacy of its imperious pon- tiff. Soon after this, Henry was declared by the parliament and people supreme head, on earth, of the chureh of England, the monasteries were sup- pressed, and their revenues appplied to other pur- poses ; and the power and authority of the pope were abrogated and entirely overturned [?']. The nature XH. It is howcvcr carcfully to be observed of this first here, that this downfal of the papal authority in step to- England was not productive of much benefit, ei- R^forma- thcr to the friends or to the cause of the Refor- don in mation. For the same monarch, who had so re- "^ ^" ' solutely withdrawn himself from the dominion of Rome, yet superstitiously retained the greatest part of its errors, along with its imperious and perse- cuting spirit. He still adhered to several of the most monstrous doctrines of popery, and frequent- ly presented the terrors of death to those who differed from him in their religious sentiments. Besides, he considered the title of Head of the English church, as if it transferred to him the enormous power which had been claimed, and in- deed, usurped, by the Roman pontiffs; and, in consequence of this interpretation of his title, he looked upon himgelf as master of the religious sen- timents of his .subjects, and as authorised to pre- scribe []r] Besides the full and accurate account of this and other important events that is to be found in Bisliop Burnet's ex- cellent History of the Reformation of the Church of England^ the curious reader will do well to consult the records of this memorable revolution in Wilkin's Concil. Magnce Britanioe et Hibernice, torn. iii. p. 424. — Raynal, Anecdotes Historiques, Politiques, Militaires, torn. i. part II. p. 90. — Gen, Dictionarjf. at the article Boleyn. Chap. III. Tlie History of the Reformation. 107 scribe modes of faith according to his fancy. Hence it came to pass, that, during the life and reign of this prince, the face of religion was constantly changing, and thus resembled the capricious and unsteady character of its new chief The pru- dence, learning, and activity of Cranmer, arch- bishop of Canterbury, who was the favourite of the king, and the friend of the Reformation, coun- teracted, however, in many instances, the humour and vehemence of this inconstant and turbulent monarch. The pious productions and wise coun- sels of that venerable prelate diminished daily the influence of the ancient superstitions, dispelled by degrees the mists of ignorance that blinded the people in favour of popery, and increased consi- derably the number of those who wished well to the Reformation [s\ XIII. After the meeting of the council ofAnewpro. Mantua was prevented, various measures wefeJ,^^^*j[.P^' taken, and many schemes proposed, by the em- peror on the one hand, and the protestant princes on the other, for the restoration of concord and union, both civil and religious. But these mea- sures and projects were unattended with any solid or salutary fruit, and were generally disconcerted by the intrigues and artifice of Rome, whose legates and creatures were always lying in wait to blow the flame of discord in all those councils that seemed unfavourable to the ambition of its pontiffs. In the year 1541, the emperor, regardless of the bishop of Rome, appointed a conference at IVoiiiis, Conference on the subject of Religion, between persons of°* Worms, piety and learning chosen out of each of the con- tending parties. It was here that Melancthon and Eckius disputed during the space of three days. [/] Besides Burnet's History of the Reformation^ see NeaVs History of the Ptiritans, vol. i. chap. i. p. 11. 108 The History of the Beformation, days If], This conference was, for certain reasoni?, removed to the diet which was held at Ratishon that same year, and in which the principal subject Diet of Ra- of deliberation was a memorial, presented by a tisbon. person unknown, containing a project of peace, with the terms of accommodation that were proper to terminate these religious differences [ii]. This conference, however, produced no other eflPect, than a mutual agreement of the contending par- ties to refer the decision of their pretensions and debates to a general council ; or, if the meeting of such a council should be prevented by any un- foreseen obstacles, to the next German diet. All things XIV. This rcsolutiou was rendered ineffectual Ipenrup" ^7 ^^^ pcriod of perplexity and trouble that suc- ture. cceded the diet of Ratisboii ; and by various inci- dents that widened the breach, and put off to a farther day the deliberations that were designed to heal it. It is true, the Homan pontiff ordered his legate to declare in the diet, which was assembled at Spire in the year 1542, that he would, accord- ing to the promise he had already made, assemble a general council, and that Trent should be the place of its meeting, if the diet had no objection to that city. Ferdinand, king of the Romans, and the princes who adhered to the papal cause, gave their consent to this proposal ; while the protestant members of the diet objected both against a council summoned by the papal authority alone, and also against the place appointed for its meeting, and demanded a free and lawful council, which should not be biassed by the dictates, nor awed by the proximity of the Roman pontiff. This protestation produced no effect; Paul III. per- sisted in his purpose, and issued out his circular letters {f\ Soe Jo. And. Roederi Lihellus de Colloquio Wonncdi" eirsi Norhnb. 1744, in 4to. [ji^ See Jo. Erdmann Bieckii Triplex Interim, cap. i. p. 1 . Chap. III. The History of the Reformation. 100 letters for the convocation of the council [?£;], with the approbation of the emperor ; while this prince endeavoured, at the diet of Worms^ in the year 1545, to persuade the protestants to consent to ^^ \_n^ It is proper to observe here, that having summoned successively a council at Mantua, Vicenza, and Feiiice, without any effect*, this pontiff thought it necessary to shew the pro- testants that he was not averse to every kind of reformation ; and therefore appointed four cardinals, and five other persons eminent for their learning, to draw up a plan for the reforma- tion of the church in general, and of the church of Rome in particular, knowing full well, by the spirit which reigned in the conclave, that his project would come to nothing. A plan, however, was draAvn up by the persons appointed for that pur- pose. The reformation proposed in this plan was indeed extreme- ly superficial and partial ; yet it contains some particulars, which scarcely could have been expected from the pens of those that composed it. They complained, for instance, of the pride and ignorance of thejbishops, and proposed that none shauld receive orders but learned and pious men ; and, that, therefore, care should be taken to have proper masters to instruct the youth. They condemned translations from one benefice to another, grants of reservation, non-residence, and pluralities. They pro- posed that some convents should be abolished; that the liberty of the press should be restrained and limited ; that the colloquies of Erasmus should be suppressed ; that no ecclesiastic should enjoy a benefice out of his own country ; that no cardinal shauld have a bishopric ; that the questors of St. Anthony, and seve- ral other saints, should be abolished ; and, which was the best of all their proposals, that the effects and personal estate of ec- clesiastics should be given to the poor. They concluded with complaining of the prodigious number of indigent and ragged priests that frequented St. Peter's Church ; and declared, that it was a great scandal to see the whores lodged so magnificently at Rome, and riding through the streets on fine mules, while the cardinals and other ecclesiastics accompanied them inamost courteous and familiar manner. The several articles of this plan of reformation (which Luther and Sturmius o? Strafihurg turn- ed into ridicule, and which indeed left unredressed the most intolerable grievances of which the protestants complained) were published at Antwerp in, or about the year 1539, with the answer of Cochlaeus to the objections of Sturmius. They are likewise prefixed to the History of the Council of Trent, by Crabre, and were afterwards published at Paris in l6l2 t. * This council was never assembled. t See PauUn, in Paul III, Sled, l,xii, Univers, J^od. Hist. vol. xxvi. p. 50, 110 The History of the Reformation, to the meeting of this council at Trent. But the j^rotestants were fixed in their resolution, and the efforts of Charles were vain. Upon which the emperor, who had hitherto disapproved of the vio- lent measures which were incessantly suggested by the court of Rome, departed from his usual prudence and moderation, and, listening to the sanguine counsels of Paul, formed, in conjunction with that subtle pontiff, the design of terminating the debates about religion by the force of arms. The landgrave of Hesse, and the elector of Saxony, who were the chief protectors of the pro- testant cause, were no sooner informed of this, than they took the proper measures to prevent their being surprised and overwhelmed unawares by a superior force, and, accordingly, raised an army for their defence. While this terrible storm was ri- sing, Luther, whose aversion to all methods of vio- lence and force in matters of religion was well known, and who recommended prayer and patience as the only arms worthy of those who had the cause of genuine Christianity at heart, was removed by Providence from this scene of tumult, and the ap- proaching calamities that threatened his country. He died in peace, on the 18th of February, in the year 1546, at Ayslehen, the place of his birth. CHAP. IV. The History of the Reformation, from the com- niencemcnt of the war of Smalcald, to the fa- mous Pacification, commonly called the Peace of Religion, concluded at AugsJ)urg, The com- I. rglHE empcror and the pope had mutually SXeTar' "^ rcsolvcd thc dcstructiou of all who should of Smai- dare to oppose the council of Trent. The meeting ^ ■ of that assembly was to serve as a signal for their- taking Chap. IV. Tlie History of the Reformation. Ill taking arms ; and accordingly, its deliberations were scarcely begun, in the year 1546, when the protestants perceived undoubted marks of the ap- proaching storm, and of a formidable union be- tween the emperor and the pontiff to overwhelm and crush them by a sudden blow. There had been, it is true, a new conference this very year, at the diet of llatishon, between some eminent doctors of both parties, with a view to the accom- modation of their religious differences ; but it ap- peared sufficiently, both from the nature of this dispute, the manner it was carried on, and its issue and result, that the matters in debate would sooner or later be decided in the field of battle. In the mean time, the fathers, assembled in the covmcil of Trent, promulgated their decrees: while the protestant princes in the diet of liatishon protested against their authority, and were, in con- sequence of this, proscribed by the emperor, who mised an army to reduce them to obedience. II. The elector oi Saocony and the landgrave of '^^^^^^'"s Hesse led their forces into Bavaria against the Ltantr°" emperor, and cannonaded his camp at Ingolstadt ^f^^ ^" ""- with great spirit. It was supposed that this would turn, bring the two armies to a general action ; but se- veral circumstances prevented a battle, which was expected by the most of the confederates, and, probably, would have been advantageous to their cause. Among these we may reckon, princi- pally, the perfidy of Maurice, duke of Saocony^ who, seduced by the promises of the emperor on the one hand, and by his ov^^n ambition and ava- rice on the other, invaded the electoral dominions of his uncle John Frederick, while that worthy prince was maintaining against the emperor the sacred cause of religion and liberty. Add to this the divisions that were fomented by the dissimula- tion of the emperor, among the confederate princes, the failure oi France in furnishing the subsidy that had 112 The History of the Eeformatmh had been promised by its monarch ; and other in- cidents of less moment. All these things dis- couraged so the heads of the protestant party, that their army was soon dispersed, and the elec- tor of Saocony directed his march homewards. But he was pursued by the emperor, who made se- veral forced marches, with a view to destroy his enemy, before he should have time to recover his vigour ; in which design he was assisted by the ill-grounded security of the elector, and as there is too much reason to think by the treachery of his officers. The two armies drew up in order of battle near 31uhlherg on the Elbe, on the 24th of April, 1547, and after a bloody action, that of the elector, being inferior in numbers, was entirely defeated, and himself taken prisoner. Philip, landgrave of Hesse, the other chief of the protes- tants, was persuaded by the entreaties of his son- in-law, Maurice, now declared elector of Saxony [oc\ to throw himself upon the mercy of the em- peror, and to implore his pardon. To this he con- sented, relying on the promise of Charles for ob- taining forgiveness, and being restored to liberty ; but, notwithstanding these expectations, he was unjustly detained prisoner by a scandalous viola- tion of the most solemn convention. It is said, that the emperor retracted his promise, and de- luded this vmhappy prince by the ambiguity of two German words, which resemble each other [?/] ; but this (t|= {jf\ In the room of John Frederick, whom he had so basely betrayed. C^ \-y~\ There is scarcely in history any instance of such a mean, perfidious, and despotic beliaviour as that of the emperor to the landgrave in the case now before us. After having re- ceived in public the humble submissions of that unhappy prince, made upon his knees, and that in the most respectful and affecting terms, and after having set him at liberty by a solemn treaty, he had him arrested anew, without alleging any reason, nay, any pretext, and kept him for several years in a close and severe confi;iement. When Maurice remon- strated Chap. IV. The History of the Reformation. 113 this pomt of history has not heen hitherto so far cent. cleared up, as to enahle us to judge with certainty ^^^* concerning the confinement of this prince, and the ._ ' \ real causes to which it was owing [z]. III. This revolution seemed every way adapted Thefamous to complete the ruin of the protestant cause, and edTcrcaikd to crown the efforts of the Roman pontiiF with the the interim, most triumphant success. In the diet of Augs- burg, which was assembled soon after, with an imperial army at hand to promote union and dis- patch, the emperor required of the protestants, that they would leave the decision of these religi- ous contests to the wisdom of the council that was to meet at Trent. The greatest part of the mem- bers consented to this proposal; and among others, Maurice, the new elector of Saocony, v/ho owed both his electorate and his dominions to the emperor, who was ardently desirous of obtaining the liberty of his father-in-law the landgrave of Hesse. This general submission to the will of the emperor did not, however, produce the fruits that were expected from such a solemn, and al- most universal approbation of the council of Trent. A plague, which manifested itself, or was said to do so, in that city, engages the greatest part of the assembled fathers to retire to Bologna, and there- by the council was, in effect, dissolved ; nor could all the entreaties or remonstrances of the empe- ror prevail upon the pope to re-assemble it again VOL. I v. I without strated to the emperor sgainst tliis new imprisonment, the em- peror answered, that he had never promised that the landgrave should not be imprisoned anew, but only that he should be ex- empted from perpetual imprisonment ; and, to support this as- sertion, he produced the treaty, in which his ministers, in order to elude the true meaning of the accommodation, had perfidi- ously foisted in ewiger gefangnis, which signifies a jjerpetnal prison, instead of einiger gefangnis, which means ani/ prison. This matter is, however, contested by some historians. \jr\ See a German work entitled, Beni Grosch Vertheidt^ gung cler Evangelischen Kirken gegen Gottrf. Arnold, p. 2'] By things indifferent, Melancthon understood par- ticularly the rites and ceremonies of the popish worship, which, ^superstitious as they were, that reformer, yielding to the softness and flexibility of his natural temper, treated with a singular and excessive indulgence upon this occasion. Chap. IV. The History of the Reformatmi. 117 the repeated and importunate solicitations of the emperor, consented to the assembling a council at Trent, Accordingly, in the diet of Augsburg, which was again held under the cannon of an Im- perial army, Charles laid this matter before the states and princes of the empire. The greatest part of the princes gave their consent to the con- vocation of this council, to which also Maurice, elector of Saxony, submitted upon certain condi- tions \c\ The emperor then concluded the diet in the year 1551, desiring the assembled princes and states to prepare all things for the approach- ing council, and promising that he would nse his most zealous endeavours towards the promoting moderation and harmony, impartiality and chari- ty, in the deliberations and transactions of that assembly. Upon the breaking up of the diet, the protestants took the steps they judged most pru- dent to prepare themselves for what was to hap- pen. The Saxons employed the pen of ISIelanc- thon, and the Wurtemberghers that of Bredtius, to draw up confessions of their faith, that were to be laid before the new council. Besides the ambassadors of the duke of Wurtemberg, several doctors of that city repaired to Trent, The Saxon divines, with Melancthon at their head, I 3 set (Id" {c~\ Maurice (who was desirous of regaining the esteem of the protestants of Saxony, which he had lost by his perfidi- ous behaviour to the late elector John Frederick, his bene- factor and friend) gave his consent to the re-establishing the council of Trent upon the following conditions; — 1*/, That the points of doctrine, which had been already decided there, should be re-examined and discussed anew : 9.dlij, That this examination should be made in presence of the protestant di- vines, or their deputies. Sdly, That the Saxon protestants should have a liberty of voting as well as of deliberating, in the council. And, Uhly, That the pope should not pretend to preside in that assembly, either in person or by his legates. This declaration of Maurice was read in the diet, and his de- puties insisted upon its being entered into the registers, whi<;h the archbishop of Mentz, however, obstinately refused. 118 Tlie History of the Reformation. CENT, set out also for that place, but proceeded in their ^^^^' journey no further than Nuremherg. They had ^^^^^^^ received secret orders to stop there ; for Maurice had no intention of submitting to the emperor's views ; on the contrary, he hoped to reduce that prince to a compliance with his own projects. He therefore yielded in appearance, that he might carry his point, and thus comm.and in reality. Maurice VI. The real view^s of Charles V. amidst the fheTchemes t^i^'isions aud troublcs of Germcmy (which he fo- cftheem- meutcd by negociations that carried the outward ^^'^°'' aspect of a reconciling spirit), will apj^ear evidently to such as consider attentively the nature of the times, and compare the transactions of this prince, the one v/ith the other, llelying on the extent of his power, and the success that frequentl}^ accom- panied his enterprizes, with a degree of confidence that was highly imprudent, Charles proposed to turn these religious commotions and dissensions to the confirmation and increase of his dominion in Germany, and by sowing the seeds of discord among the princes of the empire, to weaken their power, and thereby the more easily to encroach upon their rights and privileges. On the other hand, ardently desirous of reducing within nar- roW'Cr limits the jurisdiction and dominion of the Homan pontiffs, that they might not set bounds to his ambition, nor prevent the execution of his as- piring views ; he flattered himself that this would be the natural effect of the approaching council. He was confirmed in this pleasing hope, by re- flecting on what had happened in the councils of Constance and of Basil, in which the lust of papal ambition had been opposed with spirit, and re- strained within certain limits. He also persuaded himself, that, by the dexterity of his agents, and the number of the Spanish and German bisliops that were devoted to his interests, he should be able to influence and direct the deliberations of the Cliap. IV. The History of the Reformation. 119 the approaching council in such a manner, as to cent. make its decisions answer his expectations, and ^^^* contribute effectually to the accomplishment of^,^^^,^ his views. Such were the specious dreams of am- bition that filled the imagination of this restless prince; but his views and projects were discon- certed by that same Maurice of Saxony, who had been one of the principal instruments of that vio- lence and oppression which he had exercised against the protestant princes, and of the injury he had done to the protestant cause. VII. The most considerable princes, not only a war kin- of Germany, but even of all Europe, had, for afj^g^^^^^J^g long time addressed to the emperor their united emperor entreaties for the deliverance of Philip, landgrave J^^ ^g"^, o^ Hesse, and John Frederick, elector oi Saocojiy, ony, from their confinement; and Maurice had so- licited with peculiar warmth and assiduity, the liberty of the former, who was his father-in-law. But all these solicitations produced no effect. Maurice, perceiving at length that he was duped by the emperor, and also convinced that this ambitious monarch was forming insidious designs upon the liberties of Germany, and the jurisdiction of its princes, entered, with the utmost secrecy and expedition, into an alliance with the king of Fraoice and several of the German princes, for the maintenance of the rights and liberties of the em- pire. Encouraged by this respectable confederal cy, the active Saxon marched a powerful army against the emperor in the year 1552 ; and that with such astonishing valour and rapidity, that he surprised Charles at Ins'pruk, where he lay with a handful of troops in the utmost security, and without the least apprehension of danger. This sudden and unforeseen event alarmed and deject- ed the emperor to such a degree, that he was will- ing to make peace on almost any conditions ; and consequently, in a little time after this, he not I 4 only 120 Tlie History of the Reformation, only concluded at Passau, the famous treaty of Pacification with the protestants [d\ but also promised to assemble, in the space of six months, a diet, in which all the tumults and dissensions that had been occasioned by a variety of^ senti- ments in religious matters should be entirely re- moved. Thus did the sam.e prince, who stands foremost in the list of those that oppressed the protestants, and reduced their affairs to the great- est extremities, restore their expiring hopes, sup- port and render triumphant their desperate cause, and procure them a bulwark of peace and liberty, which still remains. Maurice, however, did not live to see this happy issue of his following expe- dition ; for he lost his life the year following, by a wound received at the battle of Siverhauseriy while he was fighting against Albert of Branden- hurg [e]. VIII. The C3" C^l -^s ^^^ treaty is considered by the German pro- testants as the basis of their religious liberty, it will not be amiss to insert here some of its principal articles. By the three first articles it was stipulated, that Maurice and the confede- rates should lay down their arms, and should lend their troops to Ferdinand to defend them against the Turks, and that the landgrave of Hesse should be set at liberty. By the fourth it was agreed that the rule of faith called Interim, should be con- sidered as null and void ; that the contending parties should enjoy the free and undisturbed exercise of their religion, until a diet should be assembled to determine amicably the present disputes, (which diet was to meet in the space of six montlis) ; and that this religious liberty should continue always, in case that it should be found impossible to come to an uniformity in doctrine and worship. It was also resolved, that all those who had suffered banishment, or any other calamity, on accovmt of their having been concerned in the league or war of Smalcald, should be re-instated in their privileges, their possessions, and employments ; that the Imperial chamber at Spire should be open to the protestants as well as to the catholics ; and that there should be always a certain number of the Lutheran per- suasion in that high court. C3" \_c~\ Albert, marquis of Brayidenburg after the pacifi- cation of Passau, to which he refused to subscribe, continued the war against the Roman catholics ; and afterwards com- mitted such ravages in the empire, that a confederacy was for-, med against him, at the head of which Maurice was placed. Chap. IV. The History of the Eefoj^mation, 12ll VIII. The troubles of Germany, with several cent. other incidents, rendered it impossible to assem- ^^^^\ ble the diet, which the emperor had promised at .^.^ _«^ the pacification of Passau, so soon as the period The diet of mentioned in the articles of that treaty. This ^'^g^burg, famous diet met, however, at Augsburg, in the peace of year 1555, was opened by Ferdinand in the^^eiigion,^ name of the emperor, and terminated those de- plorable scenes of bloodshed, desolation, and dis- cord, that had so long afflicted both church and state, by that religious peace, as it is commonly called, which secured to the protestants the free exercise of their religion, and established this in- estimable liberty upon the firmest foundations. For, after various debates, the following memor- able acts were passed, on the 25th of September : that the protestants who followed the confession of Augsburg, should be for the future considered as entirely exempt from the jurisdiction of the Koman pontiff, and from the authority and super- intendence of the bishops ; that they were left at perfect liberty to enact laws for themselves, rela- ting to their religious sentiments, discipline, and worship ; that all the inhabitants of the German empire should be allowed to judge for themselves in religious matters, and to join themselves to that church whose doctrine and worship they thought the purest, and the most consonant to the spirit of true Christianity ; and that all those who should injure or persecute any person under religi- ous pretexts, and on account of their opinions, should be declared and proceeded against as public enemies of the empire, invaders of its liberty, and disturbers of its peace [/]. The difficulties that were to be surmounted before this equitable deci- sion could be procured, the tedious deliberations, the {_f~\ See Jo. Schilteri Liber de Pace Religiosa, published in 4!to. in the year I7OO. — Christ Lehmanni Acta jmblica et originalia de Pace Beligiosa. Fraticif, 1707. « 122 The Misiorij of the Reformation. CENT, the warm debates, the violent anhnosities, and ^^^' bloody wars, that were necessary to enffaee the greatest part or the (jerman states to consent to conditions so agreeable to the dictates of right reason, as well as to the sacred injunctions of the gospel, shew us, in a shocking and glaring point of light, the ignorance and superstition of these miserable times, and stand upon record, as one of the most evident proofs of the necessity of the Reformation. The Refor- IX. While thcsc things were transactingin Gei^- Talns" many, the friends of genuine Christianity in Eng- groundin land dcplorcd the gloomy reign of superstition, England. ^^^ ^|^^ aluiost total extiuctiou of true religion ; and, seeing before their eyes the cause of popery maintained by the terrors of bloody persecution, and daily victims brought to the stake, to expiate the pretended crime of preferring the dictates of the gospel to the despotic laws of Home, they es- teemed the Germans happy, in having thrown off the yoke of an imperious and superstitious church. Henry VIII. whose personal vices, as well as his arbitrary and capricious conduct, had greatly re- tarded the progress of the Heformation, was now no more. He departed this life iii the year 1547, and was succeeded by his only son Edward VI. This amiable prince, whose early youth was crowned with that wisdom, sagacity, and virtue, that v»ould have done honour to advanced years, gave new spirit and vigour to the protestant cause, and was its brightest ornament, as well as its most effectual support. He encouraged learned and pious men of foreign countries to settle in Eng- land, and addressed a particular invitation to JNIartin Bucer and Paul Fagius, whose modera- tion added a lustre to their other virtues, that, by the ministry and labours of these eminent men, in concert with those of the friends of the re- formation in England, he might purge his domi- nions Chap. IV. The History of the Reformation. 123 nions from the sordid fictions of popery, and es- cent. tabiish the pure doctrines of Christianity in their ^^^• place. For this purpose he issued out the wisest ^..-^^ orders for the restoration of true rehgion ; hut his reign was too short to accomplish fully such a glorious purpose. In the year 1553, he was taken from his loving and afflicted subjects, whose sor- row was inexpressible, and suited to their loss. His sister, Mary, (the daughter of Catharine of Arragon^ from whom Henry had been separated by the famous divorce), a furious bigot to the church of Rome, and a princess, whose natural cha- racter, like the spirit of her religion, was despotic and cruel, succeeded him on the British throne, and imposed anew the arbitrary laws, and the ty- rannical yoke oiRome upon the people oi England. Nor were the methods she employed, in the cause of superstition, better than the cause itself, or tempered by any sentiments of equity or compas- sion. Barbarous tortures, and death in the most shocking forms, awaited those w^ho opposed her will, or made the least stand against the restora- tion of popery. And, among many other victims, the learned and pious Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury^ who had been one of the most illustri- ous instruments of the Reformation in England, fell a sacrifice to her fury. This odious scene of persecution was happily concluded in the year 1558, by the death of the queen, who left no issue; and, as soon as her successor, the lady Elizabeth, ascended the throne, all things as- sumed a new and a pleasing aspect. This illustri- ous princess, whose sentiments, councils, and pro- jects breathed a spirit superior to the natural soft- ness and delicacy of her sex, exerted this vigo- rous and manly spirit in the defence of oppressed conscience and expiring liberty, broke anew the despotic yoke of papal authority and superstition, and, delivering her people from the bondage of Rome, 124 TJie History of the Reformation. In Scot- land. CENT. Rome, established that form of religious doctrine /^^'^* and ecclesiastical government which still subsists 'J_^ in England. This religious establishment differs, in some respects, from the plan that had been formed by those whom Edward VI. had employ- ed for promoting the cause of the reformation, and approaches nearer to the rites and discipline of former times; though it is widely different, and in the most important points entirely opposite to the principles of the Roman hierarchy. X. The seeds of the Reformation were very early sown in Scotland, by several noblemen of that nation, who had resided in Germany during the religious disputes that divided the empire. But the powder of the Roman pontiff, supported and seconded by inhuman laws and barbarous execu- tions, choked, for many years, these tender seeds, and prevented their taking root. The first and most eminent opposer of the papal jurisdiction was John Knox [^], a disciple of Calvin, whose eloquence C^ ^§~\ I^ "^^'^ '''^^ ^^ improper to insert here the charac- ter of this famous Scottish reformer, as it is drawn by the spirited, accurate, and impartial pen of Dr. Robertson in his History of Scotland, book VI. " Zeal, intrepidity, disinter- *' estedness (says that incomparable writer) were virtues which " he possessed in an eminent degree. He was acquainted " too, with the learning cultivated in that age ; and cx- *' celled in that species of eloquence which is calculated to " rouse and to inflame. His maxims, however, were often *' too severe, and the impetuosity of his temper excessive. *' Rigid and uncomplying himself, he shewed no indulgence " to the infirmities of others. Regardless of the distinctions of *' rank and character, he uttered his admonitions with an acri- *' mony and vehemence, more apt to irritate than to re- *' claim. This often betrayed him into indecent and un- " dutiful expressions with respect to the queen's person and " conduct. Those very qualities, however, which now ren- " dered his character less amiable, fitted him to be the in- '^ struraent of providence for advancing the reformation among *' a fierce people, and enabled him to face dangers, and to *' surmount opposition, from which a person of a more gentle " spirit would have been apt to shrink back. By an unwea- '' ried Cliap. IV. The History of the Reformation, 125 eloquence was persuasive, and whose fortitude was invincible [/i]. This resolute reformer set out from Geneva for Scotland, in the year 1559, and in a very short space of time, inspired the people, by his private exhortations and his public dis- courses, with such a violent aversion to the super- stitions of Rome, that the greatest part of the Scotch nation abandoned them entirelv, and aim- ed at nothing less than the total extirpation of popery [i]. From this period to the present times, the form of doctrine, worship, and disci- pline that had been established at Geneva by the ministry of Calvin, has been maintained in Scot- land with invincible obstinacy and zeal, and every attempt to introduce into that kingdom the rites and government of the church of England has proved impotent and unsuccessful [1i\, XI. The *' ried application to study and to business, as well as by the " frequency and fervour of his public discourses, he had worn ^' out a constitution naturally strong. During a lingering ill- " ness, he discovered the utmost fortitude, and met the ap- '^' proaches of death with a magnanimity inseparable from his " character. He was constantly employed in acts of devo- " tion, and comforted himself with those prospects of immor- ** tality, which not only preserve good men from desponding, *' but fill them with exultation in their last moments." C3" Uk\ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ Morton, who was present at his fune- ral, pronounced his eulogium in a few words, the more honour- able for Knox, as they came from one whom he had often cen- sured with peculiar severity ; " There lies He who never fear- ed the face of man." \J] See Neal's History of the Puritans, vol. i. p. l65, 2S2, 234, 569. — Calderwood's History of Scotland's Reformation y published in folio at London, in the year 1680. — Georg. Bu- clianani Rerum Scoticar Hist. lib. xvi. p. 313. edit. Rudimann. folio. — Melvil's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 73. C3" C^] ^^^ indignation of the people, which had been ex- cited by the vices of the clergy, was soon transferred to their persons, and settled at last, by a transition not unusual, upon the offices they enjoyed ; and thus the effects of the reforma- tion extended, not only to the doctrine, but also to the govern- ment of the popish church. But in Germany, England, and the 126 The History of the Reformation. CENT. XI. The cause of the reformation underwent, ^^'^- in Ireland, the same vicissitudes and revolutions C^r^ that In Ireland. ^.]^g northern kingdoms, its operations were checked by the power and policy of their princes, and episcopal hierarchy (which appears to be the most conformable to the practice of the church, since Christianity became the established religion of the Roman empire,) was still continued in these countries, under certain limitations. The ecclesiastical government was copied after the civil ; and the dioceses and jurisdiction of pa- triarchs, archbishops, and bishops, corresponded with the di- vision and constitution of the empire. In Switzerland and the Low Countries, the nature and spirit of a republican policy gave fuller scope to the reformers; and thus all pre-eminence of order in the church was destroyed, and that form of eccle- siastical government established, wiiich has been since called Presbijterian. The situation of the primitive church (oppress- ed by continual persecutions, and obliged by their sufferings to be contented with a form of government extremely simple, and with a parity of rank for want of ambition to propose, or power to support a subordination) suggested, without doubt, the idea of this latter system ; though it would be unfair to allege this consideration as a victorious argument in favour of Presbyterianism ; because a change of circumstances will sometimes justify a change in the methods and plans of go- vernment. Be that as it may, the church of Geneva, which received the decisions of Calvin with an amazing docility, restored this presbyterian or republican form of ecclesiastical policy ; Knox studied, admired and recommended it to his countrymen, and he was seconded by many of the Scotch nobles, of whom some hated the persons, while others coveted the wealth of the dignified clergy. But, in introducing this system, the Scottish reformer did not deem it expedient to depart altogether from the ancient form ; but, instead of bi- shops, proposed the establishment of ten superintendents, to inspect the life and doctrine of the other clergy, to preside in the inferior judicatories of the church, without pretending to claim either a seat in parliament, or the revenues and dig- nity of the former bishops. This proposal was drawn up, and presented to a convention of estates which was held in the year 1561 ; and what it contained, in relation to ecclesiastical juris- diction and discipline, would haveeasily obtained the sanction of that assembly, had not a design to recover the patrimony of the church, in order to apply it to the advancement of religion and learning been insinuated in it. After this, at certain periods, the name of bishops was revived, but without the prerogatives, jurisdiction, or revenues that were formerly appropriated to that order. They were made subject to the general assemblies of the XVI. SECT. Chap. IV. The History of the Reformaimi. 12f that had attended it in England. When Henry cent. VIII. after the abolition of the papal authority, was declared supreme head upon earth, of the church of England, George Brown, a native of England, and a monk of the Augustine order, whom that monarch had created, in the year 1535, archbishop of Dublin, began to act with the utmost vigour in consequence of this change in the hierarchy. He purged the churches of his diocese from superstition in all its various forms, pulled down images, destroyed relics, abolished absurd and idolatrous rites, and by the influence, as well as authority he had in Ireland, caused the king's supremacy to be acknowledged in that na- tion [/]. Henry shewed soon after, that this supremacy was not a vain title ; for he banished the monks out of that kingdom, confiscated their revenues, and destroyed their convents. In the reign of Edward VI. still farther progress was made the clergy, and their power was diminished from day to day, until their name, as well as their order, was abolished at the revolu- tion in 1 688, and presbyterianism established in Scotland by the laws of the state. See Robertson's Histon/ of Scotland, passim. S^ M The learned and pious primate Usher, in his me- moirs of the ecclesiastical affairs of Ireland, speaks of Bishop Brown in the following manner ; " George Brown was a man of a cheerful countenance, in his acts and deeds plain down- right ; to the poor, merciful and compassionate, pitying the state and condition of the souls of the people, and advising them, when he was provincial of the Augustine order in Eng- land, to make their application solely to Christ ; which advice coming to the ears of Henry VIII. he became a favourite, and was made archbishop of t)ublin. Within five years after he en- joyed that see, he caused all superstitious relics and images to be removed out of the two cathedrals in Dublin, and cut of all the churches in his diocese; and caused the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Creed, to be placed in gilded frames about the altars. He was the first that turned from the Ro- mish religion of the clergy here in Ireland, to embrace the re- formation of the church of England." See a very curious pam- phlet in the fifth volume of the Harleian Miscellany, p. 5^)8. intitled, Historical Collections of the Church of Ireland, &c= SECT. I. 1S8 The History of the Reformation, CENT, made in the removal of popish superstitions, by ^^^- the zealous labours of Bishop Brown, and the auspicious encouragement he granted to all who exerted themselves in the cause of the reforma- tion. But the death of this excellent prince, and the accession of his sister to the throne, changed the face of things in Ireland, as it had done in Eng- land [ill]. INIary pursued with fire and sword, and (53= \jn~\ Here Dr. Mosheim has fallen into a mistake^ by not distinguishing between thedesigns of the queen^ which were in- deed cruel, and their execution, which was happily and provi- dentially prevented. This appears from a very singular and comical adventure, of which the account, as it has been copied from the papers of Richard, earl of Cork, and is to be found among the manuscripts of Sir James Ware, is as follows : " Queen Mary having dealt severely with the protestants in '^ England, aboutthelatter end of her reign signed a commission " for to take the same course with them in Ireland; and to ex- " ecute the same with greater force, she nominates Dr. Cole one *' of the commissioners. This Doctor coming with the commis- ^' sion to Chester on his journey, the mayor of that city, hearing *' that her majesty was sending a messenger into Ireland, and " he being a churchman, waited on the doctor, who in discourse *' with the mayor, taketh out of a cloke-bag a leather box, say- *' ing unto him, " Here is a commission that shall lash the he- " retics of Ireland," (calling the protestants by that title.) The " good woman of the house, being well affected to the protes- '' tant religion, and also having a brother named John Edmonds, " of the same, then a citizen in Dublin, was much troubled at " the doctor's words; but v.atching her convenient time while " the mayor took his leave, and the doctor complimented him " down the stairs, she opens the box, takes the commission out, " and places in lieu thereof, a sheet of paper, with a pack of "' cards wrapt up therein, the knave of clubs being faced up- " permost. The doctor coming up to his chamber, suspecting " nothing of what had been done, put up the box as formerly. " The next day, going to the water side, wind and weather " serving him, he sails towards Ireland, and landed on the 7th "of October, l.'5o8, at Dublin. Then coming to the castle, " the lord Fitz- Walters, being lord-deputy, sent for him to ** come before him and the privy-council; who, coming in, "after he had made a speech relating upon what account he " came over, he presents the box unto the Lord-deputy, who " causing it to be opened, that the secretary might read the Chap. IV. The History of the Reformation. 1^9 and all the marks of unrelenting vengeance, the promoters of a pure and rational religion, and de- prived Brown and other protestant bishops of, their dignities in the church. But the reign of Elizabeth gave a new and a deadly blow to po- pery, which was again recovering its force, and arming itself anew with the authority of the throne ; and the Irish were obliged again to submit to the form of worship and discipline established in England [n]. XII. The Reformation had not been lono^ esta- The Refor- Wished in Sritain, when the Belffic provinces, ^'f'°", 11 PI 1*1 ' takes place milted by a respectable coniederacy, which still in the subsists, withdrew from their spiritual allegiance ^"'^^^ to the Homaii pontiff. Philip II. king of Spain, apprehending the danger to which the religion of Bo7?ie was exposed from that spirit of liberty and independence which reigned in the inhabitants of the Loxo Countries, took the most violent measures to dispel it. For this purpose he augmented the number of the bishops, enacted the most severe VOL. IV K and " commission, there was nothing save a pack of cards with the '^ knave of clubs uppermost ; which not only startled the lord- " deputy and council, but the doctor, who assured them he had " a commission, but knew not how it was gone ; then the '' lord-deputy made answer, " Let us have another commis- '^ sion, and we will shuffle the cards in the mean while," The *' doctor being troubled in his mind, went away, and returned ^' into England ; and coming to the court, obtained another " commission ; but staying for a wind on the water side, news ^' came to him that the queen was dead ; and thus God pre- " served the protestants of Ireland." Queen Elizabeth v/as so delighted with this story, wliich was related to her by Lord Fitz V/alter on his return to Eng- land, that she sent for Elizabeth Edmonds, whose husband's name was Mattershad, and gave her a pension of forty pounds during her life. See Cox, Hiheriiia Anglicana, or Hislori/ of Ireland, vol. ii. p. SOS. — Harkian Miscellany, vol. v. p. 56S, \jf\ See the life of Dr. George Brown, Archbishop of Dublin, published at London in 4to, in the year 1681, and which has been reprinted in the fifth volume of the Harleian. Mucdlany, No. LXXIX. 130 The History of the Reformation, and barbarous laws against all innovators in matters of religion, and erected that unjust and inhuman tribunal of the inquisition, which would intimidate and tame, as he thought, the manly spirit of an oppressed and persecuted people. • But his measures, in this respect, were as unsuccessful as they were absurd ; his furious and intemperate zeal for the superstitions of Rome accelerated their destruction, and the papal authority, which had only beeli in a critical state, was reduced to a desperate one, by the very steps that were design- ed to support it. The nobility formed them- selves into an association, in the year 1566, with a view to procure the repeal of these tyrannical and barbarous edicts; but, their solicitations and re- quests being treated with contempt, they resolved to obtain by force, what they hoped to have gain- ed from clemency and justice. They addressed themselves to a free and an abused people, spurned the authority of a cruel yoke, and with an impe- tuosity and vehemence that were perhaps exces- sive, trampled upon whatever was held sacred or respectable by the church of Rome [o]. To quell these (ks" C^l ^^'- Mosheim seems here to distinguish too little be- tween the spirit of the nobility and that of the multitude. No- thing was more temperate and decent than the conduct of the former ; and nothing could be more tumultuous and irregular than the behaviour of the latter. While the multitude de- stroyed churches, pulled down monasteries, broke the images used in public worship, abused the officers of the inquisition, and committed a thousand enormities^ the effects of furious re- sentment and brutish rage ; the nobility and more opulent citi- zens kept within the bounds of moderation and prudence. Though justly exasperated against a despotic and.cruel govern- ment, they dreaded the consequences of popular tumults as the greatest of misfortunes. Nay, many of them united their councils and forces with those of the governess (the duchess of Parma,) to restrain the seditious and turbulent spirit of the people. The Prince of Orange and Count Egmont (whose memories will live for ever in the grateful remembrance of the Dutch nation, and be dear to all the lovers of heroic patri- otism Chap. IV. The History of the Reformation, 131 these tumults, a powerful army was sent from Spain, under the command of the duke of Alva, whose horrid harharity and sanguinary proceedings kind- led that long and bloody war from which the powerful republic of the United Provinces derive its origin, consistence, and grandeur. It was the heroic conduct of William of Nassau, prince of Orange, seconded by the succours o^ England BXid. France, that delivered this state from the Spanish yoke. And no sooner was this deliverance obtain- ed, than the reformed religion, as it was professed in Switzerland, was established in the United Pro- vinces \_p] ; and, at the same time, an universal toleration granted to those whose religious senti- ments were of a different nature, whether they re- tained the faith of Rome, or embraced the Kefor- matioh in another form \_q], provided still that they made no attempts against the authority of the go- vernment, or the tranquillity of the public [r]. XIII. The otism and sacred liberty throughout the world) signalized their moderation upon this occasion, and were the chief instruments of the repose that ensued. Their opposition to the govern- ment proceeded from the dictates of humanity and justice, and not from a spirit of licentiousness and rebellion ; and such was their influence and authority among the people, that, had the imperious court of Spain condescended to make any reasonable concessions, the public tranquillity might have been again restored, and the affections of the people entirely regained. See Le Clerc Histoire des Prov. Un. livr. i. p. 18. f p] In the year 1573. (f3=* [jq2 It is necessary to distinguish between the tolera- tion that was granted to the Roman Catholics, and that which the Anabaptists, Lutherans, and other protestant sects, en- joyed. They were all indiscriminately excluded from the civil employments of the state ; but though they were equally al- lowed the exercise of their religion, the latter were permitted to enjoy their religious worship in a more open and public manner than the former, from whom the churches were taken, and whose religious assemblies were confined to private con- venticles, which had no external resemblance of the edifices usually set apart for divine worship. Q'] See a farther account of this matter in Gerhard K 2 Brandt's 132^ The History of the Reformatio7i. CENT. XIII. The Reformation made a considerable ^^^- progress in Spain and Italy soon after the ruptuie sECT^ between Luther and the Koman pontiff. In all tI^T^^^ the provinces of Italy, but more especially in the gress of the territories of F(?mc£', Tuscany, and Najjlcs, the ^onTn""^' religion of Rome lost ground, and great numbers Spain and of persous, of all rauks and orders, expressed ^^^' an aversion to the papal yoke. This gave rise to violent and dangerous commotions in the king- dom of Naples in the year 1546, of which the principal authors were Bernard Ochino and Peter Martyr, who, in their public discourses from the pulpit, exhausted all the force of their irresistible eloquence in exposing the enormity of the reigning superstition. These tumults were appeased with much difficulty by the united efforts of Charles V. and his viceroy Don Pedro di Toledo [s]. In several places the popes put a stop to the progress of the Reformation, by letting loose, upon the pretended heretics, their bloody inquisitors, who spread the marks of their usual barbarity through the greatest part of Italy. These formidable ministers of superstition put so many to death, and perpetrated, on the friends of religious liberty, such horrid acts of cruelty and oppression, that most of the reformists consulted their safety by a voluntary exile, while others re- turned to the religion of Ro?/je, at least in external appearance. But the terrors of the inquisition, which frightened back into the profession of popery several protestants in other parts of Italy, could not penetrate into the kingdom of Naples, nor could either the authority or entreaties of the Roman Brandt's History of the Reformation in the Netherlands, of which there was a French abridgment published at Amster- dam, in three volumes 12mo, in the year 1730. The original work was published in Dutch, in four volumes 4to. \_s~\ See Giannone, Histoire Civile du Royaume de Naples, tora» 1v. p. 108. — Vita Galeacii in Museo Helvetica, torn. ii. p. 524, Chap. IV. TJie History of the RefoJiiiation. 135 Roman pontiffs engage the Neapolitans to admit within their territories either a court of inquisi- tion, or even visiting inquisitors [/]. The eyes of several persons in Spain, were open- ed upon the truth, not only by the spirit of inqui- ry, which the controversies between Luther and K 3 Rome ^^ \_f\ It was an attempt to introduce a Roman Inquisitor into the city of Naples, that, properly speaking, produced the tumult and sedition which Dr. Mosheim attributes in this sec- tion to the pulpit discourses of Ochino and Martyr ; for these famous preachers, and particularly the former, taught the doc- trines of the reformation with great art, prudence and caution, and converted many secretly, without giving public offence. The emperor himself, who heard him at Naples, declared that " he preached with such spirit and devotion as was sufficient to make the very stones weep." After Ochino's departure from Naples, the disciples he had formed gave private instructions to others, among whom were some eminent ecclesiastics and per- sons of distinction, who began to form congregations and con- venticles. This awakened the jealousy of the viceroy Toledo, who published a severe edict against heretical books, ordered some productions of Melancthon and Erasmus to be publicly burnt, looked with a suspicious eye on all kinds of literature, suppressed several academies, which had been erected about this time by the nobility for the advancement of learning; and, having received orders from the emperor to introduce the inquisition, desired Pope Paul III. to send from Rome to Na- ples a deputy of that formidable tribunal. It was this that ex- cited the people to take up arms in order to defend themselvef against this branch of spiritual tyranny, which the Neapolitans never were patient enough to suffer^ and which, on many oc- casions, they had opposed with vigour and success. Hostilities ensued, which were followed by an accommodation of matters and a general pardon ; v/hile the emperor and viceroy, by this resolute opposition, were deterred from their design of intro- ducing this despotic tribunal into the kingdom of Naples. Se- veral other attempts were afterwards made, during the reign of Philip II. III. IV. and Charles II. to establish the inquisi- tion in Naples ; but, by the jealousy and vigilance of the peo- ple, they all proved ineffectual. At length the emperor Charles VI. in the beginning of this present century, publish- ed an edict, expressly prohibiting all causes, relating to the holy faith to be tried by any persons except the archbishops and bishops as ordinaries. See Giannone Hisioire de Naples, livr. xxxii. sect. 2. and 3,~^Modem Univ. History^ vol. xxviii. p. 273, &c. edit, octavo. 134 The History of the 'Reformation, Rome had excited in Europe, but even by those very divines, which Charles V. had brought with ]nm into Germany, to combat the pretended heresy of the reformers. For these Spanish doctors im- bibed this heresy instead of refuting it, and propa- gated it more or less, on their return home, as appears evidently from several circumstances \ii\. But the inquisition, v/hich could not gain any foot- ing in the kingdom of Naples, reigned triumphant in Spain ; and by racks, gibbets, stakes, and other such formidable instruments of its method of per- suading, soon terrified the people back into popery, and suppressed the vehement desire they had of changing a superstitious worship for a rational re- ligion [w;]. Whatjudg- XIV. I shall not pretend to dispute with those SrtoTorm writers, whatever their secret intentions may be, concerning ^ho obscrve, that many unjustifiable proceedings matbn andiT^ay be charged upon some of the most eminent the means promotcrs of tliis great change in the state of re- i7vJIs pre- ligion. For every impartial and attentive obser- duced. ver of the rise and progress of the Reformation will C3^ C"I1 This appears from the unhappy end of all the eccle- siastics that had attended Charles V. and followed liim into his *" • retirement. No sooner was the breath of that monarch out, than they were put into the inquisition, and were afterwards committed to the flames, or sent to death in other forms equally terrible. Such was the fate of Augustin Casal, the emperor's preacher ; of Constantine Pontius, his confessor ; of the learn- ed Egidius, whom he had nominated to the bishopric of Tortosa; of Bartholotnew de Caranza, a Dominican, who had been con- fessor to king Philip and Queen Mary, with above twenty more of less note. All this gave reason to presume that Charles V. died a protestant. Certain it is, that he knew well the corrupr tions and frauds of the church of Rome, and the grounds and reasons of the protestant faith ; though business, ambition, in- terest, and the prejudices of education, may have blinded him for a while, until leisure, retirement, the absence of worldly temptations and the approach of death, removed the veil, and led him to wise and serious reflections. See Burnet's Historif of the Ueformation, and the book cited in the following note. \jv~\ See Geddes, his Spanish Marlifrohgjj, in his MisceU imeons tracts, torn. i. p. 445. Chap. IV. The History of the Reformation. 135 will ingeniously acknowledge, that wisdom and prudence did not always attend the transactions of those that were concerned in this glorious cause ; that many things were done with violence, teme- rity, and precipitation ; and, what is still worse, that several of the principal agents in this great revolution were actuated more hy the impulse of passions, and views of interest, than hy a zeal for the advancement of true religion. But, on the other hand, the wise and candid observer of things will own, as a most evident and incontestable truth, that many things which, when stripped of the circumstances and motives that attended them, appear to us at this time as real crimes, will be deprived of their enormity, and even acquire the aspect of noble deeds, if they be considered in one point of view with the times and places in which they were transacted, and with the frauds and crimes of the Roman pontiffs and their creatures, by which they were occasioned. But after all, in defending the cause of the Heformation, we are under no obligation to defend, in all things, the moral characters of its promoters and instruments. These two objects are entirely distinct. The most just and excellent cause may be promoted with low views, and from sinister motives, without losing its nature, or ceasing to be just and excel- lent. The true state of the question here, is. Whether the opposition made, by Luther and other reformers, to Aie Roman pontiff, was founded on just and solid reasons ? and this question is entirely independent of the virtues or vices of particular persons [oc\ Let many of these persons be sup- posed as odious, nay, still more detestable, than they are pleased to represent them, provided the cause in which they were embarked be allowed to have been just and good. (j^ {/} The translator has added here some paragraphs, to render more palpable the important observation of the learned author. * K ^ [ 136 ] APPENDIX I. Concerning the spirit and conduct of the first Refiyrmej^s, and the charge of enthusiasm, (i. e. fanaticism^, that has been brought against them by a celebrated Author. THE candour and impartiality, with whicli ,Dr, Mosheim represents the transactions of those who were agents and instruments in bringing about the Reformation, are highly laud- able. He acknowledges, that imprudence, passion, and even a low self-interest, mingled sometimes their rash proceedings and ignoble motives in this excellent cause ; and, in the very nature of things, it could not be otherwise. It is one of the most inevitable consequences of the subordination and connexions of civil society, that many improper in- struments and agents are set to work in all great and important revolutions, whether of a religious or political nature. When great men appear in these revolutions, they draw after them their depend- ants ; and the unhappy effects of a party spirit are unavoidably displayed in the belt cause. The subjects follow their prince; the multitude adopt the system of their leaders, without entering into its true spirit, or being judiciously attentive to the proper methods of promoting it; and thus irre- gular proceedings are employed in the maintenance of the truth. Thus it happened in the important revolution that delivered a great part of Europe from the ignominious yoke of the Roman pontiff. The sovereigns, the ecclesiastics, the men of weight, piety. APPENDIX I. 137 piety, and learning, who arose to assert the rights of human nature, the cause of genuine Christia- nity, and the exercise of religious liberty, came forth into the field of controversy with a multitude of dependants, admirers and friends, whose mo- tives and conduct cannot be entirely justified. Be- sides, when the eyes of whole nations were opened upon the iniquitous absurdities of popery, and upon the tyranny and insolence of the Roman pontiffs, it was scarcely possible to set bounds to the indignation of an incensed and tumultuous multitude, who are naturally prone to extremes, generally pass from blind submission to lawless ferocity, and too rarely distinguish between the use and abuse of their undoubted rights. In a word, many things, which appear to us extremely irregular in the conduct and measures of some of the instruments of our happy reformation, will be entitled to a certain degree of indulgence, if the spirit of the times, the situation of the contending parties, the barbarous provocations of popery, and the infirmities of human nature, be duly and at- tentively considered. The question here is, what was the spirit which animated the first and principal reformers, who arose in times of darkness and despair to deliver oppressed kingdoms from the dominion of Rome, and upon what principles a Luther, a Zuingle, a Calvin, a Melancthon, a Bucer, &c. embarked in the arduous cause of the Reformation ? This ques- tion, indeed, is not at all necessary to the defence of the Reformation, which rests upon the strong foundations of scripture and reason, and whose excellence is absolutely independent on the vir- tues of those who took the lead in promoting it. Bad men may be, and often are, em- barked in the best causes ; as such causes afford the most specious mask to cover m.ercenary views, or to disguise ambitious purposes. But until the n^ore 138 APPENDIX I. more than Jesuitical and clisingenious Philips re sumed the trumpet of calumny [a], even the voice of popery had ceased to attack the moral characters of the leading reformers. These eminent men were indeed attacked from another quarter, and by a much more respectable writer. The truly ingenious Mr. Hume, so justly celebrated as one of the first favourites of the his- torical muse, has, in his history of England, and more especially in the history of the houses of Tudor and Stuart, represented the character and temper, of the first reformers in a point of view, which undoubtedly shews, that he had not con- sidered them with that close and impartial atten- tion that ought always to precede personal reflec- tions. He has laid it down as a principle, that superstition and enthusiasm are two species of re- ligion that stands in diametrical opposition to each , other ; and seems to establish it as a fact, that the former is the genius of popery, and the latter the characteristic of the Reformation. Both the prin- ciple and its application must appear extremely singular ; and three sorts of persons must be more especially surprised at it. First, Persons of a philosophical turn, who are accustomed to study human nature, and to describe with precision both its regular and eccentric move- ments, must be surprised to see superstition and fanaticism [6] represented as opposite and jarring qualities. They have been seen often together, holding \jf\ See the various answers that were made to this biogra- pher by the ingenious Mr. Pye, the learned Dr. Neve, and other commendable writers who have appeared in this controversy. {h~\ I use the word fanaticismhere, instead o? enthusias?n, to prevent all ambiguity ; because, as shall be shewn presently, Mr, Hume takes enthusiasm, in its worst sense, when he applies it to the reformers ; and in that sense it is not only equivalent to, but is perfectly synonymous with, fanaticism. Besides, this latter term is used indiscriminately with enthusiasm, by this celebrated historian, in characterising the Reformation. APPENDIX I, 139 holding with each other a most friendly corres- pondence; and indeed if we consider their na- ture and their essential characters, their union will appear, not only possible, but in some cases natu- ral, if not necessary. Superstition^ which consists in false and abject notions of the *Deity, in the gloomy and groundless fears of invisible beings, and in the absurd rites, that these notions and these fears naturally produce, is certainly at the root of various branches of fanaticism. For what is faiiaticism, but tlie visions, illuminations, im- pulses, and dreams of an over heated fancy, con- verted into rules of faith, hope, worship, and practice ? This fanaticism, as it springs up in a melancholy or a cheerful complexion, assumes a va- riety of aspects, and its morose and gloomy forms are certainly most congenial with superstition, in its proper sense. It was probably this considera- tion that led the author of the article Fanaticism, in the famous Uictionnaire Encylopedique, pub- lished at Paris, to define it [c] as " a blind and pas- sionate zeal, which ariseth from snperstitio^is opi- nioUvS, and leads its votaries to commit ridiculous, unjust, and cruel actions, not only without shame, but even with certain internal feelings of joy and comfort ;" from which the author concludes, that '\fanaticism is really nothing more than super- stition set in motion." This definition unites per- haps too closely these two kinds of false religion, whose enormities have furnished very ill-grounded pretexts for discrediting and mis-representing the true. It is, however, a testimony from one of the pretended oracles of modern philosophy, in favour of the compatibility of/a?^a/^ci-^y.-^/ natural for the humbled pontiffs to look about for The me- some method of repairing their losses ; and, for ^^o^g/JT" this purpose, they exerted much more zeal and the Roman industry than had bscii shewn by their predeces- p°"V^!/". . "^ T IT- n i ' •• IT repair their sors, m extending the limits or their spiritual do- losses, minion beyond Europe, and left no means unem- ployed* of gaining proselytes and adherents in the Indies, both among the pagan nations and the Christian sects. The Jesuits, as we have already Missions, had occasion to observe, were the first mission- aries that were sent for this purpose into these distant parts of the world ; but able men, selected out of the other monastic orders, were afterwards employed in this arduous undertaking. If, how- ever, we except -the exploits of Francis Xavier, and his companions in India, China, and Japan^ of which notice has been taken above, there were no great matters effected in this century ; as ge- nerally speaking, the persons who were set apart to execute this grand project, were not as yet en- dowed with that experience and dexterity that it necessarily required, and set about the work with more zeal than prudence and knowledge. The Portuguese had, in the preceding century, opened a passage into the country of the Abys- sinians, who professed the doctrine, and observed the religious rites of the Monophy sites ; and this offered a favourable occasion of reducing this people under the papal yoke. Accordingly John Bermudes was sent into Ethiopia for this purpose; and, that he might appear with a cer- tain degree of dignity, he was clothed with the title of Patriarch of the Ahyssinians. The same important commission was afterwards given to Ignatius Loyola, and the companions of his la- voL. IV. N bours ; 178 History of the Roman or' Latin Churclu CENT, bours \_g'\\ and, at their first setting out, seve- ^^^' ral circumstances, and particularly a war with a p^^;^^' neighbouring prince, which the Abyssinian mo- >w-Y^— / narch was desirous of terminating by the power- ful succours of the Portuguese, seemed to pro- mise them a successful and happy ministry. But the event did not answer this fond expectation ; and, in some time, it appeared plainly, that the Abyssinians stood too firm in the faith of their ancestors, to be easily engaged to abandon and forsake it ; so that, towards the conclusion of this century, the Jesuits had almost lost all hopes of succeeding in their attempts [A]. The Egyp- \\^ Xhc Egyptians , or Copts, who were closely Araenl- connected with the Abyssinians in their religious ans. sentiments, and also in their external forms of worship, became next the objects of Rome's am- bitious zeal; and, in the year 1562, Christopher Koderic, ^ Jesuit of note, was -sent, by the ex- press order of Pope Pius IV. to propagate the cause of popery among that people. This ecclesi- astic, notwithstanding the rich presents and sub- tle arguments by which he attempted to change the sentiments, and shake the constancy of Ga- briel [i], who was at that time patriarch of Aleocanclria, returned to Rome with no other ef- fect of his embassy, than fair words, and a few compli- C3° \ig~\ I^ is certainly by mistake that Dr. Mosheim men- tions Loyola as having made a voyage into Ahyssima. Jesuits were sent at different periods to that country, and Avith little . success ; but their founder was never there in person. {h~\ See Ludolfi Histor. jEtJiiopica d Comm. — Geddes, Church History of Ethiopia, p. 120. — Le Grand, Dissertation de la Conversion des Ahyssins, which is to be found in the se- cond volume of the Voyage Historique d' Ahyssinie du R. P. Jerome Lobo, p. 13. — La Croze, Histoire du Christianisme en Ethiopie, livr. ii. p. 90- Qe]] Franc. Sachini Histoire Societal. Jesn, part IL lib. v. Euseb. Renaud. Historia Patriarchar. Alexandrin. p. 6ll.— > Hist, de la Campagnic de Jesus, torn. iii. p. 314. Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Church, 1 79 compliments \]i\. It is, however true, that, to- cent. wards the conclusion of this century, and during ^^^' the pontificate of Clement VIII. an embassy p^j^'^ ^ ' from another patriarch o^ Alexandria, whose name v-^^y'^^ was also Gabriel, appeared at Home, and was considered as a subject of triumph and boas ting- by the creatures of the pope [/]. But the more candid and sensible, even among the Roman Ca- tholics, looked upon this embassy, and not with- out reason, as a stratagem of the Jesuits to persuade the Abyssinians) who were so prone to follow the example of their brethren oi Alexandria) to join themselves to the communion of Rome, and to submit to the authority and jurisdiction of its pon- tiiF [m]. It is at least certain, that after this solemn # embassy, we do not find in the records of history the smallest token of a propensity in the Copts to embrace the doctrine or discipline of Rome. Many years before, this period, a considerable sect of the Armenians had been accustomed to treat the Roman pontiff with particular marks of N 2t veneration G^ [y] Tbis patriarch offered to send one of his bishops to the council of Trent, in order to get rid of the importunity of these Jesuits ; but he refused positively the sending any of his young students to be educated among their order, and declared plainly, that he owed no obedience nor submission to the bishop of -Rome, who had no more dignity nor authority than any other bishop, except within the bounds of his own diocese. See Histo'ire des Religieiix de la Compagn. de Jesus, torn. ii. p. S22. 324. p] The transactions of this embassy, adorned with an am- ple and pompous preface, are subjoined to the sixth volume of the Annal. Eccl. of Baronius, p. 707, edit. Antwerp. {jn~\ Reriaudot, in his Hist. Patriarch. Alexandrin. p. 6ll. 612. endeavours to maintain the credit and importance of this embassy, of which Baronius has given such a pompous account. He is, hoA^ever, much mistaken when he asserts, that father Si- mon, relying upon the fallacious testimony of George Douzas, was the only person that^ever considered this embassy as a stra- tagem ; since it is evident, that Thomas a Jesu, in the sixth book of his treatise De conversione omnium gentimu procurari' da, has considered it in the same light, as well as several other writers. See Geddes, Church Histori/ of Ethiopia, p. 231, 232, 180 History of the Roman or Latin Church, CENT, veneration and respect, without departing, how- ^^^' ever, from the religious doctrine, discipline, or SECT. III. - - ~ - - ^ _ . _ ' . 1 _ ' PART I. worship of their ancestors. Of this a farther ac- count shall be given in the History of the Eastern Churches ; it may, nevertheless, he proper to observe here, that the attachment of this sect to the Bishop of Rome was greatly increased, and the votaries of the pontiiF considerably multiplied, by the zeal of Zerapion, an opulent man, who was entirely devoted to the court of Rome, and who, by engaging himself to discharge the debts imder which the Armenians groaned, obtained, in the year 1593, the title and dignity of Patriarch, though there were already two patriarchs at the head of the Armenian church. He did not, how- ever, enjoy this dignity long ; for, soon after his promotion, . he was sent into exile by the Persian monarch, at the desire of those Armenians who adhered to the ecclesiastical discipline of their an- cestors ; and thus the boasting and exultation of the Romans subsided all of a sudden, and their hopes vanished [ii]. Nestorians VII. The ambitious views of the Homan pon- dians."" ^^^^ sowed the pestilential seeds of animosity and discord among all the eastern churches ; and the Nestorian Christians, who are also known by the denomination of Chaldeans, felt early the effects of their imperious councils. In the year 1551, a warm dispute arose among that people about the creation of a new patriarch, Simeon Barma- mas being proposed by one party, and Sulaka earnestly desired by the other. The latter, to support his pretensions the more effectually, re- paired to Rome, and was consecrated patriarch, in the year 1553, by Pope Julius III. whose juris- diction he had acknowledged, and to whose com- mands he had promised utilimited submission and obedience. Julius gave the name John to the \jr\ See Nouveaux Memoires des Missions de la Campagnie de Jems dans k Levant, torn. iii. p. 132, 133, Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Clmrcli. 181 the new Chaldean patriarch, and, upon his return cent. to his own country, sent with him several per- ^^^* sons, skilled in the Syriac language, to assist him in establishing and extending the papal empire among the Nestorians. From this time that un- happy people were divided into two factions, and were often involved in the greatest dangers and difficulties by the jarring sentiments and perpetual quarrels of their patriarchs [o]. The Nestorians, or, as they are most commonly called, the Christians of St. Thomas, w^ho inha- bited the maritime coasts of India, suffered much from the methods employed by the Portuguese to engage them to embrace tlie doctrine and disci- pline of the church of Rome, and to abandon the religion of their ancestors, which was much more simple, and infinitely less absurd [p]. The finishing stroke was put to the violence and bru- tality of these attempts by Don Alexis de Mene- zes, bishop of Goa, who, about the conclusion of this century, calling the Jesuits to his assistance, obliged this unhappy and reluctant people to em- brace the religion of Rome, and to acknowledge the pope's supreme jurisdiction ; against both of which acts they had always expressed the utmost abhorrence. These violent counsels and arrogant proceedings of Menezes, and his associates, were condemned by such of the Roman-catholics as were most remarkable for their equity and wisdom [5']. n3 ' VIII. The {_o~\ Jos. Sim. Assemanni Bihliotheca Oriental. Clementina^ Vaticana, torn. ill. part II. p. iGi. — See the History of the Eastern church, in the following chapter of this history. (t3= Q;] For an account of the doctrines and worship of these, and the other eastern Christians, see the following chap- ter:— As also two learned books of Monsieur La Croze, the one entitled, Histoire du Cliristianisme des hides; and the other, Histoire du Christianisme en Ethiopie. [jl] See La Croze Histoire du Christianisme atix hides, livr. ii. p. 88. &c. in which there is an ample account of the Christians of St. Thomas, and of the rough methods employed by Menezes to gain them over to the church of Rome. 182 History of the Roman or Latin Church CENT. VIIT. The greatest part of the first legates and ^^^' missionaries of the court of Rome treated with PART I. i^uch severity and injustice the Christians whom \^^.y.^^ they were desirous of gaining over to their com- munion. For they did not only require tliat these Christians should renounce the particular opinions that separated them from the Greek and Latin churches, and that they should acknovv ledge the Roman pontiff as Christ's sole vicegerejit upon earth : their demands were still farther ; they op- posed many of the opinions of this people, some of which are at least worthy of toleration, and others highly agreeable to the dictates both of reason and scripture ; they insisted upon the sup- pression and abolition of several customs, rites, and institutions, which had been handed down to them from their ancestors, and which were per- fectly innocent in their nature and tendency ; in a w^ord, they would be satisfied with nothing less than an entire and minute conformity of the reli- gious rites and opinions of this people, with the doctrine and worship of the church of Rome. The papal court, hovvever, rendered wise by experi- ence, perceived at length, that this manner of proceeding was highly imprudent, and every way improper to extend the limits of the papal empire in the East. It was therefore determined to treat with more artifice and moderation a matter of such moment and importance, and the missiona- ries were, consequently, ordered to change the plan of their operations, and confine their views to the two following points : to wit, the subjection of these Christians to the jurisdiction of the Roman pontiff, and their renouncing, or at least professing to renounce, the opinions tliat had been con- demned in the general councils of the church. In all other matters, the Roman envoys were com- manded to use a perfect toleration, and to let these people remain unmolested in following the sentiments Chap. I. History of the Boinan or Latin Church, 1 8S sentiments, and observing the institutions, they cent. had derived from their ancestors. To sjive the ^^^- c^ c IT r^ TP III greater credit and plausibility to this new method ''p^j^lj, j * of conversion, certain learned doctors of the church s.^^-y^^' endeavoured to demonstrate, that the religious te- nets of Ro7ne, when explained according to the simplicity of truth, and not by the subtilties and definitions of the schools, differed very little from the opinions received in the Greek and the other eastern churchqs. But this demonstration was very far from being satisfactory, and it discovered less of an ingenious spirit, than a disposition to gain proselytes by all sorts of means, and at all events. Be that as it may, the cause of Rome re- ceived much more advantage from this plan of moderation, than it had derived from the severity of its former councils ; though much less than the authors of this reconciling plan fondly expected. IX. While the Roman pontiffs were using their The inter- utmost efforts to extend their dominion abroad, "^ftJn^oT" they did not neglect the means that were proper the church to strengthen and maintain it at home. On thCstrengX contrary, from the dawn of the Reformation, ened in va- they began to redouble their diligence in defending "°"^ ^^^^* the internal form and constitution of the church of Rome against the dexterity and force of its ad- versaries. They could no more have recourse to the expedient oi crusades, by which they had so often diminished the power and influence of their enemies. The revolutions that had happened in the affairs of Rome, and in the state of Europe, rendered any such method of subduing heretics visionary and impracticable. Other methods were, therefore, to be found out, and all the re- sources of prudence were to be exhausted in sup- port of a declining church. Hence the laws and procedures of the inquisition were revised and cor- rected in those countries where that formidable court is permitted to exert its dreadful power. N 4 Colleges, 184< History of the Boman or Latin Church, CENT. Colleges, and schools of learning were erected in ^^'^' various places, in which the studious youth were trained up, by perpetual exercise, in the art of disputing, that thus they might 'wield, with more dexterity and success, the srms of controversy against the enemies of Rome. The circulation of such books as were supposed to have a pernicious tendency, was either entirely prevented, or at least much obstructed, by certain lists, or indexes, composed by men of learning and sagacity, and published by authority, in which these books vrere marked with a note of infamy, and their per- usal prohibited, though with certain restrictions. The pursuit of knowledge was earnestly recom- mended to the clergy, and honourable marks of distinction, as well as ample rewards, were be- stowed on those who made the most remarkable progress in the cultivation of letters. And, io enlarge no fartlier on this head, the youth, in ge- neral, were more carefully instructed in the prin- ciples and precepts of their religion, than they had formerly been. Thus it happens, that signal advantages are frequently derived from what are looked upon as the greatest evils, and much wis- dom and improvement are daily acquired in the school of opposition and adversity. It is more than probable, that the cliurch of Borne would never have been enriched with the acquisitions we have now been mentioning, had it continued in that state of uninterrupted ease and undisputed authority that nourish a spirit of indolence and luxury; and had not the pretended heretics at- tacked its territories, trampled upon its jurisdic- tion, and eclipsed a great part of its ancient ma- jesty and splendor. Ignatius X. The mouastic orders and religious societies Sunder o7^ave been always considered by theHoman pontiffs the order as the principal support of their authority and do- suilf '^^' iwinion. It is chiefly by them that they rule the church;, Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Church, 185 cliurch, maintain their influence on the minds of cent. the people, and augment the number of their vo- ^^^' taries. And, indeed, various causes contribute p^j^^ j/ to render the connection between the pontiff and ^.^.^y-.^/ these religious communities much more intimate, than that which subsists between him and the other . ^ ^ ^ clergy, of whatever rank or order we may suppose ^^ "^ ; them to be. It was therefore judged necessary, U^^^'" when the success of Luther, and the progress of v . / the Reformation, had effaced such a considerable part of the majesty of Rome, to found some new religious fraternity, that should, in a particular manner, be devoted to the interests of the Roman pontiff, and the very express end of whose insti- tution should be to renew the vigour of a declin- ing hierarchy, to heal the deep wound it had re- ceived, to preserve those parts of the papal domi- nions that remained yet entire, and to. augment them by new accessions. This was so much the more necessary, as the two famous 3Iendicant so- cieties [?'], by whose ministry the popes had chiefly governed during many ages, and that with the greatest success and glory, had now lost, on seve- ral accounts, a considerable part of their influence and authority, and were thereby less capable of serving the church with efficacy and vigour than tliey had formerly been. What the pontiff sought for, in this declining state of his affairs, was found in that famous and most powerful society, which, deriving its title from the name of Jesus, were commonly called Jesuits, while they were stiled by their enemies Loyalites, and sometimes Inighists [6*], from the Spanish name of their founder \t]. This fy^ {r~\ These two orders were the Franciscans and the Dominicans. (j:3= {jr\ The Spanish name of the founder of the order of Jesuits was Don Inigo de Guipuscoa. \_t~\ The writers who have given the most particular and circumstantial accounts of the order of the Jesuits, are enu- merated by Christoph. Aug. Salin. in his Hisloria August, Confessionis, torn. ii. p. 73. 186 History of the Boman or Lathi Chiircli. This founder was Ignatius Loyola, a Spanisli knight, who, from an illiterate soldier, became an unparalleled fanatic ; a fanatic, indeed, of a fer- tile and enterprising genius \u\ who, after having passed through various scenes of life, came ta RomCf and, being there directed by the prudent councils of persons much wiser than himself, was rendered capable of instituting such an order as the state of the church at that time essentially re- quired [t£?]. The nature XI. The Jcsuits liold a middle rank between andkistitu- the monies and the secular clerks, and with respect tionof the to the naturc of their institute, approach nearer Jesuits. ^^ ^^^ regular canons than to any other order. For \jr\ Many Jesuits have written the life of this extraordinary man ; but the greatest part of these biographers seem more in- tent upon advancing the glory of their founder, than solicitous about the truth and fidelity of their relations ; and hence the most common events, and the most trivial actions that concern Ignatius, are converted into prodigies and miracles. The his- tory of this enterprising fanatic has been composed with equal truth and ingenuity, though seasoned with a very large por- tion of wit and pleasantry, by a French writer, who calls him- self Herculus Rasiel de Selve *. This work, which is divided into two volumes, is entitled, Histoire de ['admirable Don Inigo de Guipnscoa, Chevalier de la Vierge, et fondateur de la Mo^ narchie de Inighistes, and it has passed already through two editions at the Hague. [jv^ Not only the Protestants, but also a great number of the more learned and judicious Romaji Catholics, have unani- mously denied, that Ignatius Loyola had either learning suffi- cient to compose the writings of which he is said to be the author, or genius enough to form the society of which he is considered as the founder. They maintain, on the contrary, that he was no more than a flexible instrument in the hands of able and ingenious men, who made use of his fortitude and fa- naticism to answer their purposes; and that persons much more learned than he, were employed to compose the writings which bear his name. See Geddes, Miscclla?ieous Tracts, vol. iii. p. 429. The greatest part of his works are supposed to have proceeded from the pen of his secretary John de Palanco ; ^^ * Tliis is a feigned name ; the real author was IMonsieur Le Vier, an ingenious bookseller, who lived formerly at the Hague. Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin CImrclu 187 For though they resemhle the monks in this, that cent. they live separate from the multitude, and are ^^^• SECT. IIL hound hy certain religious vows, yet they are ex- p^j^^ j^ empt from stated hours of worship, and other nu- merous and burthensome services that lie heavy upon the Monastic orders, that they may have more time to employ in the education of youth, in directing the consciences of the faithful, in edify- ing the church hy their pious and learned produc- tions, and in transacting other matters that relate to the prosperity of the papal hierarchy. Their whole order is divided into three classes. The first comprehends the 'professed memhers, who live in what are called the iwqfessed houses ; the second contains the scholars, who instruct the youth in the colleges ; and to the third belong the novices, who live in the houses of 'prohatiooi [oc']. The professed membef^s, besides the three ordinary vows oi pover- ty, chastity, and ohedie7ice, that are common to all the Monastic tribes, are obliged to take a fourth, by which they solemnly bind themselves to go with- out deliberation or delay ti^herever the pope shall think fit to send them; they are also a kind of 3Ien- dicants, being without any fixed subsistence, and living upon the liberality of pious and well dispos- ed people. The other Jesuits y and more particu- larly Palanco ; see La Croze, Histoire du Christianisme en Ethiopey p. 55. 271. The Benedictines affirm, that his book o? Spirit iiial Exercises is copied from the work of a Spanish Benedic- tine monk whose name was Cisneros (see La Vie M. de la Croze par Jordan) and the constitutions of the Society were proba- bly the work of Lainez and Salmeron, two learned men who were among its first members. See Histoire des Religieux de la Campagnie de Jesus, tom. i. p. 115. C^ [ct] Other writers add a fourth class, consisting of the Spiritual and temporal Co-adjutors, who assisted the professed members, and perform the same functions, without being bound by any more than the three simple vows ; though, after a long and approved exercise of their employment, the Spiri- tual Co-adjutors are admitted to the fourth vow, and thus be- come professed members. 188 History of the Roman or Latiii Cliurch. CENT, larly the scholars, are possessed of large revenues. XVI. SECT. III. and are obliged, in case of urgent necessity, ta PART I. contribute to the support oi ihe projessed members. \^^y^^/ These latter, who are few in number (considering the multitudes that belong to the other classes), are, generally speaking, men of prudence and learning, deeply skilled in the affairs of the world, and dexterous in transacting all kinds of business from long experience, added to their natural pene- tration and sagacity ; in a word, they are the true and perfect Jesuits. The rest have, indeed, the title, but are rather the companions and assistants of the Jesuits, than real members of that myste- rious order ; and it is only in a very vague and general sense, that the denomination of Jesuits can be applied to them. But, what is still more re- markable, the secrets of the society are not re- vealed even to all the professed member^s. It is only a small number of this class, whom old age has enriched with thorough experience, and long trial declared worthy of such an important trust, that are instructed in the mysteries of the order. iTie zeal XII. The churcli and court of Rome, since th^ suits^for^" remarkable period when so many kingdoms and the inter- proviuccs withdrcw from their jurisdiction, have Rodman ^ derived more influence and support from the pontiff. labours of this single order, than from all their other emissaries and ministers, and all the various exertions of their power and opulence. It was this famous company, which, spreading itself with an astonishing rapidity throughout the greatest part of the habitable world, confirmed the wavering nations in the faith of Rome, restrained the pro- gress of the rising sects, gained over a prodigious number of Pagans in the most barbarous and re- mote parts of the globe to the profession of po- pery, and attacked the pretended heretics of all denominations ; appearing almost alone in the field of controversy, sustaining with fortitude and resolution Chap. I. History of the Roma7i o?^ Latin Church, T89 resolutio'n the whole burthen of this religious cent. war, and surpassing, by far, the champions of an- ^^^• tiquity, both in the subtilty of their reasonings, ^p^rtT' and the eloquence of their discourses. Nor is s-i^y^ this all ; for, by the affected softness and comply- ing spirit that reigns in their conversation and manners, by their consummate skill and prudence in civil transactions, by their acquaintance with the arts and sciences, and a variety of other qua- lities and accomplishments, they insinuated them- selves into the peculiar favour and protection of statesmen, persons of the first distinction, and even of crowned heads. Nor did any thing con- tribute more to give them that ascendency they have universally acquired, than the cunning and dexterity with which they relaxed and modified their system of morality, accommodating it art- fully to the propensities of mankind, and depriv- ing it, on certain occasions, of that severity, that rendered it burthensome to the sensual and volup- tuous. By this they supplanted, in the palaces of the great, and in the courts of princes, the Domi- nicans and other rigid doctors, who had formerly held there the tribunal of confession and the di- rection of consciences, and engrossed to themselves an exclusive and irresistible influence in those re- treats of royal grandeur, from whence issue the counsels that govern mankind [?/]. An order of this nature could not but be highly adapted to promote the interests of the court of JRome ; and this, indeed, was its great end, and the lead- ing purpose which it never lost sight of; employ- ing []?/] Before the order of Jesuits was instituted, the Domini- cans alone directed the consciences of all the European kings and princes. And it was by the Jesuits that the Dominicans were deprived of a privilege so precious to spiritual ambition. See Peyrat, Anliquiles de la ChapeUc de France^ livr. i, p. 322. SECT. HI PART 190 History of the Roman or Latin Church, CENT, ing every where its utmost vigilance and art to ^^\ support the authority of the Roman pontiffs, and \ ' to save them from the contempt, of which they must have been naturally apprehensive, in conse- quence of a revolution that opened the eyes of a great part of mankind. All these circumstances placed the order of Jesuits in a conspicuous point of light. Their capacity, their influence, and their zeal for the papacy, had a very advantageous retrospect upon themselves, as it swelled the sources of their opu- lence, and procured to their society an uncom- mon, and indeed an excessive degree of venera- tion and respect. But it is also true, that these signal honours, and advantages exposed them, at the same time, to the envy of other religious or- ders ; that their enemies multiplied from day to day; and that they were often involved in the greatest perplexities* and perils. Monks, courtiers, civil magistrates, public schools, united their ef- forts to crush this rising fabric of ambition and policy ; and a prodigious number of books were published to prove, that nothing could be more detrimental to the interests of religion, and the well-being of society, than the institutions of the Jesuits. In France^ Poland, and other countries, they were declared public enemies of their coun- try, traitors and parricides, and were even banished with ignominy [z]. But the prudence, or rather the cunning and artifice, of the disciples of Loyola, calmed this storm of opposition, and, by gentle and imperceptible methods, restored the credit and authority of their order, delivered it from the perils with which it had been threatened, and even put ^2^ See the Histoirc des BeUgiciix de la Campagnie de Jesus, torn. iii. passim. — Boulay, Hisf. Acadein. Paris, torn. vi. p. 559 — 64.8, et passim. — As well as almost all the writers who have given accounts of the sixteenth century. Chap. I. History of the Rovian or Latin Church, 191 put it in a state of defence against the future at- cent. tempts of its adversaries [a]. ^^'^' XIII. The pontiffs of this century that rul- ed the church after the decease of Alexan- der VI. were Pius III. Julius II. [6], Leo X. Roman Adrian P°"'^^^^- C^ C^D The character and spirit of the Jesuits w'ere admir- ably described, and their transactions and fate foretold, with a sagacity almost prophetic, so early as the year 1551, in a ser- mon preached in Christ Church, DuhHii, by Dr. George Brown, bishop of that see : a copy of which was given to Sir James Ware, and may be found in the Harleian Miscellany (vol. v. p. 5GQ.) The remarkable passage that relates to the Jesuits is as follows : " But there are a new fraternity of late sprung up, " who call themselves Jesuits, which will deceive many, who '' are much after the Scribes' and Pharisees' manner. Amongst " the Jews they shall strive to abolish the truth, and shall " come very near to do it. For these sorts will turn themselves '' into several forms ; with the heathens a heathenist, with the " Atheists an Atheist, with the Jews a Jew, with the Re- " formers a Reformade, purposely to know your intentions, " your minds, your hearts, and your inclinations, and thereby *' bring you at last to be like the fool that said in his heart, " There was no God. These shall spread over the whole world, " shall be admitted into the councils of princes, and they never *' the wiser ; charming of them, yea, making your princes re- " veal their hearts and the secrets therein, and yet they not '' perceive it ; which will happen from falling from the law of " God, by neglect of fulfilling the law of God, and by wink- " ing at their sins; yet in the end, God, to justify his law, " shall suddenly cut off this society, even by the hands of those " who have most succoured them, and made use of them ; so '' that, at the end, they shall become odious to all nations. "^ They shall be worse than Jews, having no resting-place upon *' earth, and then shall a Jew have more fovour than a Jesuit." — This singular passage, I had almost said prediction, seems to be accomplished in part, by the present suppression of the Jesuits in France, (I write this note in the year I762) ; and by the universal indignation which the perfidious stratagems, iniquitous avarice, and ambitious views of that society, have ex- cited among all the orders of the French nation, from the throne to the cottage. (t3= \_h~\ It was from a foolish ambition of resembling Caesar (a very singular model for a Christian pontiff",) that this pope, whose name was Rovere, assumed the denominat'on of Julius II. It may be indeed said, that C^sar was sovereign pontiff* {'pon- tifex maximus), and that the pope of Home enjoyed the same dignity, though with some change in the title. 192f History of the Roman or Lathi Church, Adrian VI. whose characters and transactions have been ah'eady taken notice of; Clement VIL of the house of INIedicis, — Paul III. of the illus- trious family of Farnese [c], Julius III. [cf]; whose name was John Maria Giocci, — Mar- cellus II. — Paul IV. \e\ whose name, before his \_c\ The sentiments and character of Paul III. have ^iven rise to much debate, even in our time, especially between the late Cardinal Quirini, and Keisling, Schelhorn, and some other writers. The Cardinal has used his utmost efforts to defend the probity and merit of this pontiff; while the two learned men above-mentioned represent him as a perfidious politician, whose predominant qualities were dissimulation and fraud. See Quirinus, De gestis Pauli III. Farnesn Biixice, 1745, in 4to. (p^^ Among the i-es gest(c of Paul III. were tw^o bastards, whose offspring, Farnesq and Sforza, were made cardinals in their infancy. See Keislingii Ejnst. de gestis Pauli III. ScheU horn. Amcenitates Hist. Eccles. et Liter. But the licentious ex- ploits of this pope do not end here. He was reproached, in a book published before his death under the name of Ochino, with having poisoned his mother and his nephew, with having ravished a young virgin at Aucojia, with an incestuous and adulterous commerce with his daughter Constantia, who died of poison administered by the pope, to prevent any interrup- tion in his odious amours. It is said, in the same book, that being caught in bed with his niece Laura Farnese, who was the wife of Nic. Quercei, he received from this incensed hus- band a stab of a dagger, of which he bore the marks to his death. See Skeidan, Comment, de Statu Relig. et Republicce, Carola Quinto Cccsare, lib. xxi. p. 667- edit. Argeiitoi: ^3= {_d~\ This was the worthj^ pontiff, who was scarcely seated in the papal chair, when he bestowed the cardinal's hat on the keeper of his monkeys, a boy chosen from among the lowest of the populace, and who was also the infamous object of his unnatural pleasures. See Thiian. lib. vi. & xv. — Hof- j6ng, Hist. Eccl. tom. v. p. 572. — and more especially Sleidan, Histor. lib. xxi. Folio, m. 609. — When Julius was reproached by the cardinals for introducing such an unworthy member into the sacred college, a person who had neither learning, nor virtue, nor merit of any kind, lie impudently replied by asking them, " What virtue or merit they had found in him, that could induce them to place him (Julius) in the papal chair ?" ' 0^ {e} Nothing could exceed the arrogance and ambition of this violent and impetuous pontiff, as appears from his treatment Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Church 193 Ills elevation to the pontificate, was John Peter Ca- cent, raffa, — Pius IV. who w^as ambitious of beins; look- ^^^' SECT. Ill ed upon as a branch of the house of Medicis, and p^^ij. j ' who had been known, before his promotion, by ^..^y^^' the name of John Angeli de Medicis,— Pius V. a Dominican, called JMichael Ghisleri, a man of an austere and melancholy turn of mind, by which, and other similar qualities, he obtained a place in the kalendar, — Gregory XIII. who was known pre- viously by the name of Hugo Buoncompagno [./], — Sixtus Y. otherwise named FelixPeretti di Slon- talto, who, in pride, magnificence, intrepidity, and strength of mind, and in other great virtues and vices, surpassed by far all his predecessors, — Ur- ban VIII. Gregory XIV. Innocent IX. the short- ness of whose reigns prevented them from acquiring reputation, or falling into reproach. Among these pontiffs there were better and worse [^] ; but they were all men of exemplary characters, treatment of Queen Elizabeth. See Burnet's History of the Reformation. — It was he who, by a bull, pretended to raise Ireland to the privilege and quality of an independent king- dom ; and it was he also who first instituted the Index of pro- hibited books, mentioned above, sect. IX. [[ f ] See Jo. Petr. Maflfei Annales Gregorii XIII. Rom. 1742, in 4to. \_g~\ Pius V. and Sixtus V. made a much greater figure in the annals of fame, than the other pontiffs here mentioned ; the former on account of his excessive severity against here- tics, and the famous bull In Ccena Domini, which is read pub- licly at Rome every year on the Festival of the Holy Sacra- ment ; and the latter, in consequence of many services render- ed to the church, and numberless aitempts, carried on with spirit, fortitude, generosity, aud perseverance, to promote its glory, and maintain its authoritj\ — Several modern writers employed their pens in describing the life and actions of Pius V. so soon as they saw him canonised, in the year 171-2, by Clement XL Of his bull, entitled. In Ccona Bomini, and the tumults it occasioned, there is an ample account in Gian- none's Hisiolre Civile de Naples, torn, iv, p. 243. The life of Sixtus V. has been written Ijy Gregory Leti, and translated VOL, IV. O into 194 History of the Boman or Latin CJiurcIi, CENT, characters, when compared with the greatest part ^^^- of those who governed the church before the Re- p^j^T I ' formation. The number of adversaries, both v^^Y^,^ foreign a;id domestic, that arose to set limits to the despotism of Rome, and to call in question the authority and jurisdiction of its pontiff, rendered the college of cardinals, and the Roman nobility more cautious and circumspect in the choice of a spiritual ruler ; nor did they almost dare, in these critical circumstances of opposition and danger, to entrust such an important dignity to an eccle- siastic, whose bare-faced licentiousness, frontless arrogance, or inconsiderate youth, might render him peculiarly obnoxious to reproach, and furnish thereby new matter of censure to their adversa- ries. It is also worthy of observation, that from this period of opposition, occasioned by the mini- stry of the Reformers, the Roman pontiffs have never pretended to such an exclusive authority, as they had formerly usurped; lior could they, in- deed, make good such pretensions, were they so extravagant as to avow them. They claim, there- fore, no longer a power of deciding by their sin- gle authority, matters of the highest moment and importance ; but, for the most part, pronounce according to the sentiments that prevail in the college of cardinals, and in the different congre- gations, which are entrusted with their respective parts in the government of the church. Nor do they any more venture to foment divisions in so- vereign states, to arm subjects against their rulers, or to level the thunder of their excommunications at the heads of princes. All such proceedings, which were formerly so frequent at the court of Rome^ have been prudently suspended since the gradual into several languages ; it is however a very indifferent work, and the relations it contains are, in many places, inaccurate and unfaithful. Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Church 195 gradual decline of that ignorance and superstition cent* that prescribed a blind obedience to the pontiff^ ^^^' and the new degrees of power and authority that p^^^ j/ monarchs and other civil rulers have gained by ^^^y^*^ the revolutions that have shaken the papal throne. XIV. That part of the body of the clergy, that The state is more peculiarly devoted to the Roman pontiffs, clergy. seemed to have undergone no visible change dur- ing this century. As to the bishops, it is cer- tain that they made several zealous attempts, and some even in the council of Trent^ for the reco- very of the ancient rights and privileges, of which they had been forcibly deprived by the popes. They were even persuaded that the pope might be lawfully obliged to acknowledge, that the episcopal dignity was of divine original, and that the bishops received their authority immediately from Christ himself [/^]. But all these attempts were successfully opposed by the artifice and dex- terity of the court of Rome, which never cease to propagate and enforce this despotic maxim : " That the bishops are no. more than the legates *• or ministers of Christ's vicar ; and that the au- " thority they exercise is entirely derived from *' the munificence and favour of ' the apostolic see,'* a maxim, however, that several bishops, and more especially those of France, treat with little respect. Some advantages, however, and those not incon- siderable, were obtained for the clergy at the ex- pence of the pontiffs ; for those reservations, pro- visions, exemptions, and ecvpectatives (as they are termed by the Roman lawyers), which before the Reformation had excited such heavy and bitter complaints throughout all Europe, and exhibited • the clearest proofs of papal avarice and tyranny, were now almost totally suppressed. o 2 XV. Among C^lSee Paolo Sarpi's History of the Council of Trent, 196 Histoj^y of the Roman or Latin Church. CENT. XV. Among the subjects of deliberation in the ^^^- council of Trent^ the reformation of the lives and manners of the clergy, and the suppression of the scandalous vices that had too long reigned in The lives that ordcr, were not forgot ; nay, several wise of'thr^'^*^^ and prudent laws were enacted with a view to that clergy. important object. But those who had the cause of virtue at heart, complained (and the reason of these complaints still subsists) that these laws were no more than feeble precepts, without any aveng- ing arm to maintain their authority ; and that they were transgressed, with impunity, by the clergy of all ranks, and particularly by those who filled the highest stations and dignities of the church. In reality, if we cast our eyes upon the Romish clergy, even in the present time, these complaints will appear as well founded now, as they were in the sixteenth century. In Germ.any, as is notorious to daily observation, the bishops, if we except their habit, their title, and a few ce- remonies that distinguish them, have nothing in their manner of living that is, in the least, adapted to point out the nature of their sacred of- fice. In other countries, a great part of the epis- copal order, unmolested by the remonstrances or reproofs of the Roman pontiff, pass their days amidst the pleasures and cabals of courts, and appear rather the slaves of temporal princes, than the servants of Him xdiose kingdom is not oj this world. They court glory; they aspire after riches, while very few employ their time and la- bours in edifying their people, or in promoting among them the vital spirit of practical religion and substantial virtue. Nay, what is still more deplorable, those bishops, who, sensible of the sanctity of their character and the duties of their office, distinguish tliemselves by their zeal in the cause of virtue and good morals, are frequently exposed to the malicious efforts of envy, often loaded Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin ClmrcK 197 loaded with false accusations, and involved in per- cent. plexities of various kinds. It may, indeed, he -^^^' partly owing to tlie examples they have received, and still too often receive, from the heads of the church, that so many of the bishops live dissolved in the arms of luxury, or toiling in the service of ambition. Many of them, perhaps, would have been more attentive to their vocation, and more exemplary in their manners, had they not been corrupted by the models exhibited to them by the bishops of Rome, and had constantly before their eyes a splendid succession of popes and cardinals, remarkable only for their luxury and avarice, their arrogance and vindictive spirit, their voluptuous ness and vanity. That part of the clergy that go under the deno- mination of canons, continue almost every where, their ancient course of life, and consume, in a manner far remote from piety and virtue, the treasures which the religious zeal, and liberality of their ancestors, had consecrated to the uses of the church and the relief of the poor. It must not, however, be imagined, that all the other orders of the clergy are at liberty to follow such corrupt models, or, indeed, that their incli- nations and reigning habits tend towards such a loose and voluptuous manner of living. For it is certain, that the Keformation had a manifest in- fluence even upon the Roman Catholic clergy, by rendering them, at least, more circumspect and cautious in their external conduct, that they might be thus less obnoxious to the censures of their adversaries; and it is accordingly well known, that since that period the clergy of the inferior orders have been more attentive to the rules of outward decency, and have given less offence by open and scandalous vices and excesses, than they had formerly done. o 3 XVI. The 198 History of the Roman or Latin Church, CENT. XVI. The same observation holds good witli ^^^- respect to the Monastic orders. There are, in- ^PART \" deed, several things, worthy of the severest ani- ^_^ -^^ madversion, chargeable upon many of the heads Monks— and rulers of these societies ; nor are these socie- The an- .j-'^g themsclves entirely exempt from that laziness, crent orders . . -' • r» t i i reformed, intemperance, ignorance, artiiice, . discord, and voluptuousness, that were formerly the com- mon and reigning vices in the IMonastic retreats. It would be nevertheless an instance of great partiality and injustice to deny, that in many countries the manner of living among these re- ligious orders, has been considerably reformed, severe rules employed to restrain licentiousness, and much pains taken to conceal, at least, any ves- tiges of ancient corruption and irregularity that may yet remain. In some places, the austerity of the ancient rules of discipline, which had been so shamefully relaxed, was restored by several zealous patrons of Monastic devotion ; while others, ani- mated with the same zeal, instituted new commu- nities, in order to promote, as they piously ima- gined, a spirit of religion, and thus to contribute to the well-being of the church. Of this latter number was JNIatthew de Bassi, a native of Italy, the extent of whose capacity Was much inferior to the goodness of his intentions, and who was a Franciscan of the more rigid class [i], who were zealous in o^^-^rt'/V?^ rigorously the primitive rules of their institution. This ho- nest enthusiast seriously persuaded himself, that he li^^ D] The dispute that al'ose among the Franciscans by Innocent IV.'s relaxing so far their institute as to allow of property and possessions in their community, produced a divi- sion of the order into two classes, of which the most consider- able wlio adopted the papal relaxation, were denominated Con- ventuals, and the other who rejected it. Brethren of the Ob- servance. The latter professed to observe and follow rigo- rously the primitive laws and institute of their founder. Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latiii Church. 19& he was divinely inspired with the zeal that im- cent. pelled him to restore the original and genuine ^^^* rules of the Franciscan order to their primitive p^^rt i. * austerity ; and, looking upon this violent and ir- s-^-y-^/ resistible impulse as a celestial commission, attend- ed with sufficient authority, he set himself to this work of Monastic reformation with the most de- vout assiduity and ardour [A']. His enterprize was honoured in the year 15215, with the solemn approbation of Clement VII. and this was the origin of the order of Capuchins. The vows of this order implied the greatest contempt of the world and its enjoyments, and the most profound humility, accompanied with the most austere and sullen gravity of external aspect [/] ; and its repu- tation and success excited, in the other Francis- cans, the most bitter feelings of indignation and envy [jii]. The Capuchins were so called from the sharp-pointed Capuche, or Cowl \ji\ which they added to the ordinary Franciscan habit, and o 4 which C^ C^'] T'he Brethren of the Observance, mentioned in the preceding note, had degenerated, in process of time^ from their primitive self-denial ; and hence the reforming spirit that ani- mated Bassi. p] See Luc. Waddingi Annales Ordinis Mhiorum, torn, xvi. p. 207. 257. edit. Roman. — Helyot, Histoire des Ordres Monastiques, torn. vii. ch. xxiv. p. 264. — And, above all, Zach. Boverii Annales Capiichinorum. (^ Q«] One of the circumstances that exasperated most the Franciscans, was the innovation made in their habit by the Capuchins. Whatever was the cause of their choler, true it is, that their provincial persecuted the new monks, and obliged them to fly from place to place, until they at last took refuge in the palace of the Duke of Camerino, by whose credit they were received under the obedience of the Conventuals, in the quality of hermits minors, in the year 1527- The next year the pope approved this union, and confirmed to them the pri- vilege of wearing the square capuche ; and thus the order was established in 1528. (^ \ji2 I know not on what authority the learned Michael Geddes attributes the erection and denomination of this ordej: to one Francis Puchine. 200 History of the Roman or Latin ChurcJi. which is supposed to have been used by St. Fran- cis himself, as a covering for his head [o]. Another branch of the Franciscan order formed a new community, under the denomination of Re- collects in France, Reformed Franciscans in Italy ^ and Barefooted Franciscans in Spain, and were erected into a separate order, with their respective laws and rules of discipline, in the year 1532, by the authority of Clement VII. They differ from the other Franciscans in this only, that they pro- fess to follow, with greater zeal and exactness, the austere institute of their common founder and chief; and hence also they were called Friars Mi- nors of the strict observance \_p\ St. Theresa, a Spanish lady of an illustrious fa- mily, undertook the difficult task of reforming the Carmelite order [cf], which had departed much from its primitive sanctity, and of restoring its neglected and violated laws to their original cre- dit and authority. Her associate, in this ardu- ous attempt, was Johannes de Santa Crusa, and her enterprize was not wholly destitute of suc- cess, notwithstanding the opposition she met with from the greatest part of the Carmelites. Hence the order was, during the space of ten years, di- vided into two branches, of v.hich one followed a milder rule of discipline, while the other em- braced an institute of the most severe and self- denying kind [r]. But, as these different rules of life among the members of the same community were a perpetual source of animosity and discord, the {_ir\ See Du Fresne Glossmium Lailnitat, medii cevi, torn. ii. p. 298. edit. Benedict. \_p~\ See Waddingi Annales, torn. xvi. p. iSZ- — Heiyot, Hlstoire des Ordres Monast. totn. vii. ch. xviii. p. 12[). \j]'] Otherwise called tlie White Friars. (pj' fr^ The former, who were the Carmelites of the anciei^t observance, were called the moderate or mitigated ; while the latter, Avho were of the strict observance, were distinguished by the denomination of bare-footed Carmelites. Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Church, 201 the more austere, or bare-footed Carmelites, were cent. separated from the others, and formed into a dis- ^^'^- SECT III tinct body, in the year 1580, by Gregory XIII. p^^^ j ' at the particular desire of Philip II. king of ^-i^,-^*' Spain. This separation was confirmed, in the year 1587, by Sixtus V. and completed, in 1593, by Clement VIII. who allowed the bare- footed Carmelites to have their own chief, or general. But, after having withdrawn themselves from the others, these austere friars quarrelled among them- selves, and in a few years their dissensions grew to an intolerable height ; hence they were divided anew, by the pontiff last mentioned, into two com- munities, each of which were governed by their respective general [_s\ XVII. The most eminent of all the new orders New mo- that were instituted in this century, was, beyond Jj^J^^^ ®^" all doubt, that of the Jesuits, which we have al- ready had occasion to mention, in speaking of the chief pillars of the church of Rome, and the prin- cipal supports of the declining authority of its pontiffs. Compared with this aspiring and formid- able society, all the other religious orders ap- pear inconsiderable and obscure. The Reforma- tion, among the other changes which it occasion- ed, even in the. Roman church, by exciting the circumspection and emulation' of those who still remained addicted to popery, gave rise to various communities, which were all comprehended un- der .the general denomination of Regular Clerks. And as all these communities were, according to their own solemn declarations, formed with a de- sign of imitating that sanctity of manners, and reviving that spirit of piety and virtue, that had distinguished the sacred order in the primitive times ; this was a plain, though tacit confession of the present corruption of the clergy, and con- sequently \/} Helyot, Histoire des Ordrcs, torn. i. ch. xlvii. p. 340. 202 History of the Roman or Latin Church CENT, sequently of the indispensible necessity of the Re- x^'i- formation. The first society of these regular clerks was formed in the year 1524, under the denomination of Theatins, which they derived from their prin- cipal founder John Peter Caraffa (then bishop of Theate, or Chieti, in the kingdom of Naples, and afterwards pope, under the title of Paul IV.), who was assisted in this pious imdertaking by Cajetan, or Gaetan, and other devout associates. These monks, being by their vows destitute of all possessions and revenues, and even secluded from the resource of begging, subsist entirely upon the voluntary liberality of pious persons. They are called by their profession and institute to revive a spirit of devotion, to purify and reform the eloquence of the pulpit, to assist the sick and the dying by their spiritual instructions and coun- sels, and to combat heretics of all denominations with zeal and assiduity \t]. There are also some female convents established under the rule and title of this order. The establishment of the Theatins was followed by that of the Regular Clerks of St. Paul, so called from their having chosen that apostle for their patron ; though they are more commonly known under the denomination of Barnabites, from the church of St. Barnabas, at Milan, which was be- stowed upon them in the year 1645. This order, which was approved by Clement VII. and con- firmed about three years after by Paul III. was originally founded by Antonio JMavia Zacha- rias of Cremona, and Bartholomew Ferrari, and Jacob. Ant. Morigia, noblemen of Milan. Its members were at first obliged to live after the manner of the Theatins, renouncing all worldly goods and possessions, and depending upon the spontaneous \t\ Helyot, ihxd. torn. iv. ch. xii. p. 71» Chap. I. History of the Eofnan or Latin Church, 20$, spontaneous donations of the liberal for their cent. daily subsistence. But they s;rew soon weary of ^^^- this precarious method of living from hand to mouth, and therefore took the liberty, in process of time, of securing to their community certain possessions and stated revenues. Their principal function is to go from place to place, like the apos- tles, in order to convert sinners, and bring back transgressors into the paths of repentance and obedience [^]. The Regular Clerks of St. Maieul, who are also called the fathers of Somasquo, from the place where their community was first established, and which was also the residence of their founder, were erected into a distinct society by Jerome J^].miliani, a noble Venetian, and were afterwards successively confirmed, in the years 1540 and 1563, by the Roman pontiffs Paul III. and Pius IV. \_w'}. Their chief occupation was to instruct the igno- rant, and particularly young persons, in the prin- ciples and precepts of the Christian religion, and to procure assistance for those that were reduced to the unhappy conditio.n of orphans. The same important ministry was commtJ:ted to the Fathers of the Christian doctrine in France and Italy. The order that bore this title in France was instituted by Caesar de Bus, and confirmed, in the year 1597, by Clement VIII. while that which is known in Italy under the same denomination, derives its origin from INlark Cusani, a Milanese knight, and was established by the approbation and authority of Pius V. and Gregory XIII. XVIII. It \jf\ Helyot, loc. cit. torn. iv. ch. xvi. p. 100. — In the same part of this incomparable work, this learned author gives a most accurate, ample, and interesting account of the other re-, ligious orders, which are here, for brevity's sake, but barely mentioned. ^w] Acta Sa?ictor. Februar. torn. ii. p. 217. ^0 jj History of the Roman or Latin Church. CENT. XVIII. It would be an endless, and, indeed, an ^^'^- unprofitable labour to enumerate particularly that SECT. "^- pj.QtJigious multitude of less considerable orders >^^^^ and religious associations, that were instituted in Other new Gemiaiiy and other countries, from an apprehen- reiigious g-Qj^ ^f ^|-^g pretended heretics, who disturbed by ties. ' their innovations the peace, or rather the lethar- gy, of the church. For certainly no age pro- duced such a swarm of monks, and such a nvimber of convents, as that in which Luther and the other reformers opposed the divine light and power of the gospel to ignorance, superstition, and papal tyranny. We therefore pass over in silence these less important establishments, of which many have been long buried in oblivion, because they were erected on unstable founda- tions, while numbers have been suppressed by the wisdom of certain pontiffs, who have considered the multitude of these communities rather as pre- judicial than advantageous to the church. Nor can we take particular notice of the female convents, or nunneries, among which the Ursulines shine forth with a superior lustre both in point of num- ber and dignity. The Priests of the Dilatory, founded in Italy by Philip Neri, a native of Flo- rence, and, publicly honoured with the protection of Gregory XIII. in the year 1577, must, however, be excepted from this general silence, on account of the eminent figure they have made in the re- public of letters. It was this community that produced Baronius, Raynaldus, and liadcrchius, who hold so high a rank among the ecclesiastical historians of the sixteenth and following centu- ries ; and there are still to be found in it men of considerable erudition and capacity. The name of this religious society was derived from an apart- ment, accommodated in the form of an Ova- torv^ Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Church, 205 tory [08 Hisiory of the Boman or Latin Church. CENT, der, — Paya d'Andrada, — Baius, — Pamelius, and ^^\. others [c]. XXII. The religion of Rome, which the pon- tiffs are so desirous of imposing upon the faith of The prin- all that bear the Christian name, is derived, ac- cipiesof cordino- to the unanimous accounts of its doctors, the lionan o , ir»/^i-j Catholic from two sources, the written word ot God, and ^^*^- the unwritten ; or, in other words, from scripture and tradition. But as the most eminent divines of that church are far from being agreed concerning the person or persons w^ho are authorised to in- terpret the declarations of these two oracles, and to determine their sense ; so it may be asserted, with truth, that there is, as yet, no possibility of knowing with certainty, what are the real doctrines of the church of Rome, nor where, in that com- munion, the judge of religious controversies is to be found. It is true, in the court of Rome, and all those who favour the despotic pretensions of its pontiff, maintain, that he alone, who governs the church as Christ's vicegerent, is entitled to ex- plain and determine the sense of scripture and tra- dition in matters pertaining to salvation, and that, of consequence, a devout and unlimited obe- dience is due to his decisions. To give weight to this opinion, Pius IV. formed a plan of a council, which was afterwards instituted and confirmed by Sixtus V. and called the Congregation for in- terpreting the decrees of the council of Trent. This congregation was authorised to examine and de- cide, in tlie name of tlie pope, all matters of small mom£nt relating to ecclesiastical discipline, while every debate of any consequence, and particularly all disquisitions concerning points of faith and doctrine, were left to the decision of the pontiff alone, \c~\ For an ample account of the literary character, rank, and writings of these learned men, and of several others whose names are here omitted, see Louis Iilll. Du Pin, Bibliolheque des Auieurs Ecclesiastiqnes, torn. xiv. and xvi. Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Church 209 alone as the great oracle of the church \d\ But cent. notwithstanding all this, it was impossible to per- ■^^^• suade the wiser part of the Roman-catholic body ^^^^ j/ to acknowledge this exclusive authority in their Sip^y"*^ head. And accordingly, the greatest part of the Galilean church, and a considerable number of very learned men of the popish religion in other countries, think very differently from the court oi Rome on this subject. They maintain, that all bishops and doctors have a right to consult the sa- cred fountains of sci^ipture and tradition, and to draw from thence the rules of faith and manners for themselves and their flock ; and that all diffi- cult points and debates of consequence are to be referred to the cognizance and decision of general councils. Such is the difference of opinion (with respect to the determination of doctrine and con- troversies) that still divides the church of Rovie : and as no judge has been, nor perhaps can be, found to compose it, we may therefore reasonably despair of seeing the religion of Rome acquire a permanent, stable, and determined form. XXIII. The council of Trent was assembled, ThecouncU as was pretended, to correct, illustrate, and lix° with perspicuity, the doctrine of the church, to restore the vigour of its discipline, ancl to reform the lives of its ministers. But in the opinion of those who examine things with impartiality, this assembly, instead of reforming ancient abuses, rather gave rise to new enormities ; and many transaciiions of this council have excited the just complaint sof the wisest men in both communions. VOL. IV. p They [d'] See Aymoe, Tableau d<' la Cour de Rome, pavt V. ch. iv. p. 282. (t3= Hence it was, that the approbation of Innocent XI. Avas refused to the artful and insidious work of Bossuet, bishop of Meaux, entitled, ' An Exposition of the Doctrine of the Catholic Church/ until the author had suppressed en- tirely the first edition of that work, and mac^e corrections and alterations in the second. ^10 History of the Eoman or Latin Church, CENT. They complain that many of the opinions of the ^^^' scholastic doctors on intricate points (that had p^^!j,"^' formerly been left undecided, and had been wisely s.^.^^,^ permitted as subjects of free debate) were, by this council, absurdly adopted as articles of faith, and recommended as such, nay, imposed, with violence, upon the consciences of the people, under pain of excommunication. They complain of the ambiguity that reigns in the decrees and declarations of that council, by which the disputes and dissensions that had formerly rent the church, instead of being removed by clear definitions and wise and charitable decisions, were rendered, on the contrary, more perplexed and intricate, and were, in reality, propagated and multiplied instead of being suppressed or diminished. Nor were these the only reasons of complaint ; for it must have been afflicting to those that had the cause of true religion and Christian liberty at heart, to see all things decided, in that assembly, according to the despotic will of the Roman pontiff, without any regard to the dictates of truth, or the autho- rity of scripture, its genuine and authentic source, and to see the assembled fathers reduced to silence by the Roman legates, and deprived by these insolent representatives of the papacy, of that influence and credit, that might have rendered them capable of healing the wounds of the church. It w^as moreover a grievance justly to be com- plained of, that the few wise and pious regulations that were made in that council, were never sup- ported by the authority of the church, but were suffered to degenerate into a mere lifeless form, or shadow of law% which w^as treated wdth indiffer- ence, and transgressed with impunity. To sum up all in one word, the most candid and impartial ob- servers of things consider the council of Trent as an assembly that w^as more attentive to what might maintain the despotic authority of the pontiff, than Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Church. 211 than solicitous about entering into the measures cent. that were necessary to promote the e'ood of the ^^^* SECT iir church. It will not therefore appear surprising, p^j^^ j^ ' that there are certain doctors of the Romish ^^m^^^m^ church, who, instead of submitting to the deci- sions of the council of Trent as an ultimate rule of faith, maintain, on the contrary, that these deci- sions are to be explained by the dictates of scrip- ture and the language of tradition. Nor, when all these things are duly considered, shall we have reason to wonder, that this council has not throughout the same degree of credit and autho- rity, even in those countries that profess the Ro- man Catholic religion [e]. Some countries, indeed, such as Germany , Po- land^ and Italy, have adopted implicitly and ab- solutely the decrees of this council, without the smallest restriction of any kind. But in other j)laces it has been received and acknowledged on certain conditions, which modify not a little its pretended authority. Among these latter we may reckon the Spanish dominions, which dis- puted, during many years, the authority of this council, and acknowledged it at length only so far as it could be adopted without any prejudice to the rights and prerogatives of the kings of Spain [./"]. In other countries, such as France \_g] and Hun- gary [^], it never has been solemnly received, or p 2 publicly C^ H T^^^ translator has here inserted in the text the note (Ji) of the original, and has thrown the citations it contains into different notes. \_f~\ See Giannone, Histoire Civile du Royaume de Naples, torn. iv. p. 235. Lg2 ^^^ Hect. Godofr. Masii Diss, de Contemplu ConciUi, Trideniini in Gallia, which is pubhshed among his other dis- sertations, collected into one volume. See also the excellent discourse which Dr. Courreyer has subjoined to the second vo- hn-ne of his French translation of Paul Sarpi's History of the Council of Trent, entitled, " Discours sur la Reception da " Concile de Trent, particulierement en France," p. 775, 789. \Ji~\ See Lorandi Samuelof, Vita Andr. Dudithil, p. 56, 212 History of the Roman or Latin Church, CENT, publicly acknowledged. It is true, indeed, that, ^^^^- iu the former of these kingdoms, those decrees of SECT. m. rpy^^^ ^^i^ relate to points of religious doctrine, s.^.^^ have, tacitly and imperceptibly, through the power of custom, acquired the force and authority of a rule of faith ; but those which regard external discipline, spiritual power, and ecclesiastical go- vernment, have been constantly rejected, both in a public and private manner, as inconsistent with the authority and prerogatives of the throne, and prejudicial to the rights and liberties of the Galil- ean church [i]. Theprinci- XXIV. Notwithstanding all this, such as are the Roma^li desirous of forming some notion of the religion of Catholic Jlome^ will do well to consult the decrees of the religion. ^^^^^,^1 ^f Xrcut, together with the compendious confession qfjaith, which was drawn up by the or- der of Pius IV. Those, however, who expect to derive, from these sources, a clear, complete and perfect knowledge of the Romish faith, will be greatly disappointed. To evince the truth of this assertion, it might be observed, as has been already hinted, that both in the decrees of Trent and in this papal confession, many things are ex- pressed in a vague and ambiguous manner, and that designedly, on account of the intestine divi- sions and warm debates that then reigned in the church. This other singular circumstance might also be added, that several tenets are omitted in both, which no Roman-catholic is allowed to deny, or even to call in question. But, waving both these considerations, let it only be observed, that in these decrees and in this confession several doctrines and rules of worship are inculcated in a much \i'\ See Lod. Ell. Du Pin, BihliolU. dcs Aideurs Ecclesiasti- que.f, torn. xv. p. 380. (r^ For what relates to the Literary History of the Council of Trent, the historians who have transmitted accounts of it, and other circumstances of that nature, see Jo. Chr. Kocheri Bibliotheca TheoL Symholicw, p. 325, 377- as also Salig's His* torn of the Council of Trent (in German), p, 1 90— -320. Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Church ^13 much more rational and decent manner, than that cent. in which they appear in the daily service of the ^^^* church, and in the public practice of its members p^j^^ j/ [/f]. Hence we may conclude, that the j us test ^.,^^-1^ notion of the doctrine of Rome is not to be derived so much from the terms made use of in the decrees of the council of Trent, as from the real significa- tion of these terms, which must be drawn from the customs, institutions, and observances, that are, every where, in use in the Romish church. Add to all this, another consideration, which is, that in the bulls issued out from the papal throne in these latter times, certain doctrines which were ob- scurely proposed in the council of Trent, have been explained with sufficient perspicuity, and avowed without either hesitation or reserve. Of this Clement XI. gave a notorious example, in the famous hull called Unigenius, which was an enter- prize as audacious as it proved unsuccessful. XXV. As soon as the popes perceived the re- The state of markable detriment their authority had suffered ^^^set'*" ^^ from the accurate interpretations of the holy scripture- scriptures that had been given by the learned, and knowledge, the perusal of these divine oracles, which was now grown more common among the people, they left no methods unemployed that might discou- rage the culture of this most important branch of sacred erudition. While the tide of resentment ran high, they forgot themselves in the most un- accountable manner. They permitted their cham- P 3 " pions (st" H This is true, in a more especial manner, with respect to the canons of the council of Trent, relating to the doctrine of purgatory, the invocation of saints, the worship of images and relics. The terms employed in these canons are artfully chosen, so as to avoid the imputation of idolatry, in the philo- sophical sense of that word : for in the scripture sense they cannot avoid it, as all use of images in religious worship is ex- pressly forbidden in the sacred writings in many places. But this circumspection does not appear in the worship of the Ro- man-catholics, which is notoriously idolatro\is in both the senses of that word. 214 History of the Roman or Latin Church. CENT, pions to indulge themselves openly in reflections ^^^- injurious to the dignity of the sacred writings^ PART L ^^^^' ^y ^^ excess of blasphemy almost incredible ^^...^.y^^ (if the passions of men did not render them capa- ble of the greatest enormities) to declare publicly, that the edicts of the pontiffs, and the records of oral tradition, were superior, in point of authority, to the express language of the holy scriptures. But as it was impossible to bring the sacred writings wholly into disrepute, they took the most effectual methods in their power to render them obscure and useless. For this purpose the ancient Latin translation of the Bible, commonly called the Vulgate, though it abounds with innumerable gross errors, and, in a great number of places, exhibits the most shocking barbarity of style, and the most impenetrable obscurity with respect to the sense of the inspired writers, was declared by a so- lemn decree of the council of Trent, an authentic, i. e. SL faithful, accurate, and perfect [Z] trans- lation, and was consequently recommended as a production C^ Cn ^^ "^^ consult the canons of the council of Trent, we shall find that the word authentic is there explained in terms less positive and offensive than those used by Dr. Mosheim. Nor is it strictly true, that the Vulgate was declared, by this council as a prod uction beyond the reach of criticism or censure ; since, as we learn from Fra. Paolo, it was determined that this Version should be corrected, and a new edition of it published by persons appointed for that purpose *. There was, indeed, something highly ridiculous in the proceedings of the council, in relation to this point ; for, if the natural order of things had been observed, the revisal and correction of the Vulgate would have preceded the pompous approbation with which the council honoured, and, as it were, consecrated that ancient Version. For how, with any shadow of good sense, could the assembled fathers set the seal of their approbation to a work which they acknowledged to stand in need of correction, and that before they knew whether or not the correction would answer their views, and merit their approbation .'' * See Fra. Paolo Sarpi's History of tlie Council of Trent, book II. part LI 1 1- and Dr. Courrayer's French translation of this History, vol. i. p. 884. note (29.) Chap. I. History of the Eoman or Lathi Church. 215 production beyond the reach of criticism or cen- cent. sure. It was easy to foresee that such a declaration ^^^• was every way adapted to keep the people in igno- p^j^^ j ' ranee, and to veil from their understandings the ^^^^y^mm/ true meaning of the sacred writings. In the same council, farther steps were taken to execute, with success, the designs of Rome. A severe and into- lerable law was enacted, with respect to all inter- preters and expositors of the scriptures, by which they were forbidden to explain the sense of these divine books, in matters relating to faith and prac- tice, in such a manner as to make them speak a different language from that of the church and the ancient doctors [pi]. The same law farther declared, that the church alone (i. e. its ruler, the Roman pontiff) had the right of determining the true meaning and signification of scripture. Ta fill up the measure of these tyrannical and ini- quitous proceedings, the church of Rome persisted obstinately in affirming, though not always with the same imprudence and plainness of speech, that the holy scriptures were not composed for the use of the multitude, but only for that of their spiri- tual teachers ; and, of consequence, ordered these divine records to be taken from the people in all places where it was allowed to execute its imperi- ous commands \ji\. XXVI. These circumstances had a visible in- Commen- fluence upon the spirit and productions of the ^^p^^^^"^^ commentators and expositors of scripture, which of the holy the example of Luther and his followers had ^^"p*"''"^^* P 4 rendered {^ {_m~\ It is remarkable, that this prohibition extends even to such interpretations as were not designed for public view. " Etiamsihujusmodi interpretationes nuUounquam tempore in " lucem edendae forent." Sessio 4ta. tit. cap. ii. {ji~\ The pontiffs were not allowed to execute this despotic order in all countries that acknowledged the jurisdiction of the church of Rome. The French and some other nations have the Bible in their mothex'-tongue, in which they peruse it, though much against the will of the creatures of the Pope= 216 History of the Bo man or Latin Church. CENT, reiulered, through emulation, extremely iiume- ^^^- rous. The popish doctors, who vied witli the protestants in this hranch of sacred erudition, were insipid, timorous, servilely attached to the glory and interests of tlie court of Rome, and dis- covered, in their explications, all the marks of slavish dcpendance and constraint. They seem to liave been in constant terror lest any expression should escape from their pen tliat savoured of opinions different from what were commonly re- ceived; they appeal, every moment, to the de- clarations and authority of the holy fathers, as they usually stile them ; nor do tlicy appear to have so much consulted the real doctrines taught by the sacred writers, as the language and senti- ments which the church of Rome has taken the liberty to put into their mouths. Several of these commentators rack their imaginations in order to force out of each passage of scripture the four kinds of significations, called Literal, Allegorical, Tropological, and Anagogical,\\\nd\ ignorance and superstition had first invented, and afterwards lield so sacred, in the explication of the inspired writings. Nor was their attachment to this manner of interpretation so ill-managed, since it enabled them to make the sacred writers speak the language tliat was fiivourable to the views of the church, and to draw out of the Bible, witli the help of a little subtilty, whatever doctrine they had a mind to impose upon the credulity of the multitude. It must, liowever, be acknowledged, that, be- sides these miserable commentators that dishonour the church of Rome, tliere were some in its com- munion, who liad wisdom enougli to despise these senseless methods of inter]netation, and who, avoiding all mysterious significations and fancies, foll')»vod tlie plain, natural, and literal sense of the expression used in the holy scriptures. In this class Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Church, 217 class the most eminent were Erasmus of Rotterdam, cent. who translated into Latin, with an eleojant and ^^^* o SECT* TTT faithful simplicity, the books of the New Testa- part i. ment, and explained them with judgment in a \-^y"— ^ paraphrase, which is deservedly esteemed ; Cardi- nal Cajetan, who disputed with Luther at Augs- burg, and who gave a brief, but judicious exposi- tion of almost all the books of the Old and New Testament; Francis Titelraan, Isiderus Claims, John Maldonat, Benedict Justinian, who acquired no mean reputation by their commentaries on the Epistles of St. Paul. To these may be added Gaigny, De'Espence, and other Expositors [o]. But these eminent men, whose example was so adapted to excite emulation, had almost no fol- lowers ; and, in a short space of time, their influ- ence was gone, and their labours were forgot. For, towards the conclusion of this century, Ed- mund Richer, that strenuous opposer of the en- croachments made by the pontiffs on the liberties of the Galilean church, was the only doctor in the university of Paris who followed the literal sense and the plain and natural signification of the words of scripture ; while all the other commentators and interpreters, imitating the pernicious example of several ancient expositors, were always racking their brains for mysterious and sublime significa- tions, where none such were, nor could be, design- ed by the sacred writers [^]. XXVII. The seminaries of learning were filled The state before the reformation, with that subtile kind of J'heoiogyr theological doctors, commonly known under the denomination of schoolmen ; so that even at Paris, which was considered as the principal seat of sacred erudition, no doctors were to be found who were capable of disputing with the protestant divines in the [j)} See Simon, Hist. Critique du Vieux et de Nouv. Testa- me?it. Ip2 See Baillet, Vied' Edmund Richer, p. 9, 10, 218 Histoi'y of the Roman or Latin Church, CENT, the method they generally pursued, which was that x^'i- of proving the doctrines they maintain by argu- SECT. "i-j^-^gi^^g clrawn from the Holy Scriptures and the PART I. . . o y n ^ mi • N^.,,.^^ writings 01 the lathers. Ihis uncommon scarcity of didactic and scriptural divines produced much confusion and perplexity, on many occasions, even in the council of Trent ; where the scholastic doc- trines fatigued some, and almost turned the heads of others, by examining and explaining the doc- trines that were there proposed, according to the intricate and ambiguous rules of their captious philosophy. Hence it became absolutely necessary to reform the methods of proceeding in theologi- cal disquisitions, and to restore to its former credit that which drew the truths of religion more from the dictates of the sacred writings, and from the sentiments of the ancient doctors, than from the uncertain suggestions of human reason, and the ingenious conjectures of philosophy [5^]. It was, however, ^q2 See Du Boulay's account of the Reformation of the Theological Faculty, or College at Paris, in his Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. p. vi. 790. In this reform the Batchelors of Di- vinity, called Sententiarii and Biblici, are particularly distin- guished ; and (what is extremely remarkable) the Augustine monks, who were Luther's fraternity, are ordered to furnish the college of divinity once a year with a scriptural Batchelor {Baccalaurciim Biblicum pncsentare ;) from whence we may- conclude, that the monks of the Augustine order, to which Luther belonged, were much more conversant in the study of the Holy Scriptures than the other Monastic societies. But this academical law deserves to be quoted here at length, and that so much the more, as Du Boulay's History is in few hands. It is as follows : " Augustinenses quolibet anno Biblicum praesentabunt, secundum statuum fol. 21. quod sequitur: Qui- libet ordo Mendicantium et Collegiam S. Bernard! habeat quolibet anno Biblicum qui legat ordinarie, alioqui priventur Baccalaureo sententiario." It appears by this law, that each of the Mendicant orders was, by a decree of the Theological Faculty, obliged to furnish, yearly, a scriptural Batchelor (such was Luther ; and yet we see, that in the Reformation already mentioned, this obligation is imposed upon none but the Augustine monks ; from which it is natural to conclude;^ that Chap. I. Histoy^y of the Boman or Latin Church. 219 however, impossible to deprive entirely the scho- cent. lastic divines of the ascendant they had acquired ^^^• in the seminaries of learning, and had so long p^^^^ j * maintained almost without opposition. Nay, after ^^-^y^*/ having been thi'eatened with a diminution of their authority, they seemed to resume new vigour from the time that the Jesuits adopted their phi- losophy, and made use of their subtile dialectic, as a more effectual armour against the attacks of the heretics, than either the language of scripture, or the authority of the fathers. And, indeed, this intricate jargon of the schools was every way pro- per to answer the purposes of a set of men, who found it necessary to puzzle and perplex, where they could neither refute with perspicuity, nor prove with evidence. Thus they artfully con- cealed their defeat, and retreated, in the dazzled eyes of the multitude, with the appearance of victory [7^]. The Mystics lost almost all their credit in the church of Rome after the Reformation ; and that, partly on account of the favourable reception they found among the Protestants, and partly in con- sequence of their pacific system, which, giving them an aversion to controversy in general, ren- dered them little disposed to defend the papal cause against its numerous and formidable adver- saries. These enthusiasts however were, in some measure, tolerated in the church of Rome, and al- lowed to indulge themselves in their philosophi- cal speculations, on certain conditions, which obliged them to abstain from censuring either the laws or the corruptions of the church, and from declaiming, that the Dominicans, Franciscans, and the other Mendicants, had entirely neglected the study of the Scriptures, and conse- quently had among them no spiritual Batchelors ; and that the Augustine monks alone were in a condition to satisfy the demands of the Theological Faculty. (jd" Qr] The translator has added the two last sentences of this paragraph, to illustrate more fully the sense of the author. 220 History of the Roman or Latin ClmrcTi, CENT, declaiming, with their usual freedom and vehe- x^i- mence, against the vanity of external worship, and SECT. III. ^j^g dissensions of jarring and contentious doctors. \^„^^^^ XXVIII. There was no successful attempt The state made, in this century, to correct or improve the °^™°^^^^^^^' practical or moral system of doctrine that was fol- cai religion, lowed iu tlic cliurcli of Roiue ; nor, indeed, could any make such an attempt without drawing upon him the displeasure, and perhaps the fury, of the papal hierarchy. For, in reality, such a project of reformation seemed in no wise conducive to the interests of the church, as these interests were un- derstood by its ambitious and rapacious rulers. And it is undoubtedly certain, that many doctrines and regulations, on which the power, opulence, and grandeur of that church essentially depended, would have run the risk of falling into discredit and contempt, if the pure and rational system of morality, contained in the gospel, had been ex- hibited in its native beauty and simplicity, to the view and perusal of all Christians without distinc- tion. Little or no zeal was therefore exerted in amending or improving the doctrines that imme- diately relate to practice. On the contrary, many persons of eminent piety and integrity, in the communion of Rome, have grievously complained (with what justice shall be shewn in its proper place [s]), that, as soon as the Jesuits had gained an ascendant in the courts of princes and in the schools of learning, the cause of virtue began visibly to decline. It has been alleged, more particularly, that this artful order employed all the force of their subtile distinctions to sap the foundations of morality, and, in process of time, opened a door to all sorts of licentiousness and iniquity, by the loose and dissolute rules of conduct they propagated as far as their influence extended. C3= H See Cent. XVII. Sect. 11. Part I. Chap. I. Sect. XXXIV. Chap. I. History of the Eoman or Latin CJiurcL ml extended. This poisonous doctrine spread, indeed, its contagion, in a latent manner, during the six- teenth century ; but, in the following age, its abet- tors ventured to expose some specimens of its tur- pitude to public view, and thus gave occasion to great commotions in several parts of Europe. All the moral writers of the Komish church, in this century, may be distinguished into three classes, the Schoolmen, the JDogmatists \t\ and the Mystics. The first explained, or rather obscured, the virtues and duties of the Christian life, by knotty distinctions, and unintelligible forms of speech, and buried them under an enormous load of arguments and demonstrations. The second illustrated them from the declarations of scripture, and the opinions of the ancient doctors. While the third placed the w^hole of morality in the tran- quillity of a mind withdrawn from all sensible objects, and habitually employed in the contem- plation of the divine nature. XXIX. The number of combatants that the The state pontiffs brought into the field of controversy, dur- ^2;|;f °"^^ ing this century, was prodigious, and their glaring versy. defects are abundantly known. It may be said, with truth, of the most of them, that, like many w^arriors of another class, they generally lost sight of all considerations, except those of victory and plunder. The disputants, v/hich the order of Jesuits sent forth in great number against the ad- versaries of the church of Rome, surpassed all the rest in subtilty, impudence, and invective. But the chief leader and champion of the polemic tribe was Robert Bellarmine, a Jesuit, and one of the college of cardinals, who treated, in several bulky volumes, of all the controversies that sub- sisted C3' \f\ The reader will easily perceive, by the short account of these three classes that is given by Dr. Mosheim, that the word Dogmatist must not be taken in that magisterial sense which it bears m modern language. SECT. Ill PART I. 522 History ojthe Roman or Latin Church. CENT, sisted between the Protestants and the church of ^^i- Borne, and whose merit as a writer consisted, prin- cipally, in clearness of style, and a certain copious- ness of argument, which shewed a rich and fruitful imagination. This eminent defender of the church of Rome arose about the conclusion of this century, and, on his first appearance, all the force, and attacks of the most illustrious protestant doctors were turned against him alone. His candour and plain-dealing exposed him, however, to the cen- sures of several divines of his own communion ; for he collected, with diligence, the reasons and objections of his adversaries, and proposed them, for the most part, in their full force, with integrity and exactness. Had he been less remarkable on account of his fidelity and industry ; had he taken care to select the weakest arguments of his antagonists, and to render them still weaker, by proposing them in an imperfect and unfaithful light, his fame would have been much greater among the friends of Rovie than it actually is \u]. Thecontro- XXX. If wc tum our vicw to the internal state divwrthe''* ^^ ^^^^ church of Rome, and consider the respective church of sentiments, opinions, and manners of its different ^°"'^* members, we shall find that, notwithstanding its boasted unity of faith, and its ostentatious pre- tensions to harmony and concord, it was, in this century, and is, at this day, divided and distracted with dissensions and contests of various kinds. The Franciscans and the Dominicans contend with vehemence about several points of doctrine and discipline. The Scotists and Thomists are at eter- nal war. The bishops have never ceased disputing with the pontiff (and the congrc^Titions that he has instituted to maintain his pretensions) concerning the X'O See J(i. Frid. Mayerl Ecloga de fide Baromi el Bcllar- mini ipsis punli/iciis dubia, published at Amsterdam in 8vo, ia Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Church, 223 the origin and limits of his authority and jurisdic- cent. tion. The French and Flemings, together with ^^^* other countries, openly oppose the Roman pontiff p^j^'^ j/ on many occasions, and refuse to acknowledge his ^-^-y-w' supreme and unlimited dominion in the church ; while, on the other hand, he still continues to encroach upon their privileges, sometimes with violence and resolution, when he can do so with impunity, at other tim.es with circumspection and prudence, when vigorous measures appear dauger- ous or unnecessary. The Jesuits, who, from their first rise, had formed the project of diminishing the credit and influence of all the other religious orders, used their warmest endeavours to share with the Benedictines and other monasteries, which were richly endowed, a part of their opulence; and their endeavours were crowned with success. Thus they drew upon their society the indignation and vengeance of the other religious communi- ties, and armed against it the monks of every other denomination ; and, in a more especial manner, the Benedictines and Dominicans, who surpassed all its enemies in the keenness and bit- terness of their resentment. The rage of the Benedictines is animated by a painful reflection on the possessions of which they had been deprived ; while the Dominicans contend for the honour of their order, the privileges annexed to it, and the religious tenets by which it is distinguished. Nor are the theological colleges and seminaries of learning more exempt from the flame of con- troversy than the clerical and monastic orders; on the contrary, debates concerning almost all the doctrines of Christianity are multiplied iu them beyond number, and conducted with little moderation. It is true, indeed, that all these contests are tempered and managed, by the prudence and autliority of the Roman pontiffs, iu such a manner as to prevent their being carried to an 524 History of the Roman or Latin Cliurch, an excessive height, to a length that might prove fatal to the church, by destroying that phantom of external unity that is the source of its consistence as an ecclesiastical body. I say tempered and ma- naged; for to heal entirely these divisions, and calm these animosities, however it may be judged an undertaking worthy of one vvho calls himself the Vicar of Christ, is, nevertheless, a work beyond the power, and contrary to the intention, of the Roman pontiff. The more XXXI. Bcsidcs thcsc dcbatcs of inferior mo- Sn'tiovS-^i^^'^'^tj which made only a slight breach in the siesthat tranquillity and union of the church of Rome, derthr" there arose, after the period in which the council church of of Trent was assembled, controversies of much '^™^' greater importance, which deservedly attracted the attention of Christians of all denominations. These controversies were set on foot by the Jesuitic, and from small beginnings have increased gra- dually, and gathered strength ; so that the flame they produced has been transmitted even to our times, and continues, at this very day, to divide the members of the Romish church in a manner that does not a little endanger its stability. While the Roman pontiffs foment, perhaps, instead of endeavouring to extinguish, the less momentous disputes mentioned above, they observe a differ- ent conduct with respect to those now under con- sideration. The most zealous efforts of artifice and authority are constantly employed to calm the contending parties (since it appears impossible to unite and reconcile them), and to diminish the violence of commotion, which they can scarcely ever hope entirely to suppress. Tlieir efforts however have hitherto been, and still continue to be, ineffectual. They have not been able to calm the agitation and vehemence with wliich these de- bates are carried on, nor to inspire any sentiments of moderation and mutual forbearance into minds, which Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Church, 2215 which are less animated by the love of truth, than cent. by the spirit of faction. ^^^• XXXII. Whoever looks with attention and ^p^^^lj, "^* impartiality into these controversies will easily ^^^^^^ perceive, that there are two parties in the Roman Two gene- church, whose notions with respect both to ^^^^JjJ^^^^J doctrine and discipline are extremely different, in the The Jesuits, in general considered as a body [w], ^^'^*2] °^ maintain, with the greatest zeal and obstinacy, the ancient system of doctrine and manners, which was universally adopted in the church before the rise of Luther, and which, though absurd and ill-digested, has, nevertheless, been considered as highly favourable to the views of Rome, and the grandeur of its pontiffs. These sagacious eccle- siastics, whose peculiar office it is to watch for the security and defence of the papal throne, are fully persuaded that the authority of the pontiffs, as well as the opulence, pomp, and grandeur of the clergy, depend entirely upon the preservation of the ancient forms of doctrine ; and that every project that tends either to remove these forms, or even to correct them, must be, in the highest degree, detrimental to what they call the interests of the church, and gradually bring on its ruin. On the other hand, there are within the pale of the Roman church, especially since the dawn of the Reformation, many pious and well-meaning men, whose eyes have been opened, by the perusal of the inspired and primitive writers, upon the corruptions and defects of the received forms of doctrine and discipline. Comparing the dictates of primitive Christianity with the vulgar system of popery, they have found the latter full of enor- mities, and have always been desirous of a Refor- VOL. IV. Q mation C^ [«'] The Jesuits are here taken in a general and col- lective sense of that denomination ; because there are several individuals of that order, whose sentiments differ from those that generally prevail in their community. 226 History of the Roman or Latin Church. CENT, mation (though indeed a partial one, according to ^^'^' their particular fancies) that thus the church ^p\RT "' ^ig^^^ ^6 purified from those unhappy abuses that \^^y..^ have given rise to such fatal divisions, and still drawn upon it the censures and reproaches of the heretics. The main Froui thcsc opposite ways of thinking, arose sies that di- naturally the warmest contentions and debates be- ^j^ed the twecu the Jesuits and several doctors of the church Rome, re- of Honic. Thcsc debates may be reduced under ducedtosix^i^g six following head heads. First sub- The first subject of debate concerns the limits ject of de- ^^id extent of the power and jurisdiction of the Roman pontiff'. The Jesuits, with their numerous tribe of followers and dependents, all maintain, that the pope is infallible ; — that he is the only vi- sible source of that universal and unlimited powder which Christ has granted to the church; — that all bishops and subordinate rulers derive from him alone the authority and jurisdiction with which they are invested ; — that he is not bound by any laws of the church, nor by any decrees of the coimcils that compose it; — and that he alone is the supreme lav/giver of that sacred community, a lawgiver whose edicts and commands it is in the highest degree criminal to oppose or disobey. Such are the strange sentiments of the Jesuits ; but they are very far from being universally adopted. For other doctors of the church of RoDie hold, on the contrary, that the pope is liable to error ; — that his authority is inferior to that of a general council ; — -that he is bound to obey the commands of the church, and its laws, as they are enacted in the councils that represent it; — that these councils have a riglit to depose him from the papal chair, when he abuses, in a fla- grant manner, the dignity and prerogatives with which he is intrusted ; — and that, in consequence of these principles, the bishops and other inferior rulers Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin ChurcJu 2^7 rulers and doctors derive the authority that is an- cent. nexed to their respective dignities, not from the gg^^^jjj Roman pontiff, but from Christ himself. p^i^t. i. * XXXIII. The extent and 'prerogatives of the ^--y^— / church form the second subject of debate. The second Jesuits and their adherents stretch out its borders de£e! ^^ far and wide. They comprehend within its large circuit, not only many who live separate from the communion of Roine f^^*], but even extend the in- heritance of eternal salvation to nations that have not the least knowledge of the Christian religion, or of its divine Author, and consider as true mem- bers of the church open transgressors which pro- fess its doctrines. But the adversaries of the Jesuits reduce within narrower limits the kingdom of Christ, and not only exclude from all hope of salvation those who are not within the pale of the church of Rome, but also those who, though they live within its external communion, yet dishonour their profession by a vicious and profligate course of life. The Jesuits, moreover, not to mention other differences of less moment, assert, that the church can never pronounce an erroneous or unjust decision, either relating to matters of fact, or 'points of doctrine [?/] ; while the adverse party Q ^ declare, ^^ \jr\ They were accused at Spoleto, in the year l653, of having maintained in their public instructions there, the probabiKty of the salvation of many heretics. See Le Clerc. Bihlioth. Lhiivers. et Historique, torn. xiv. p. 320. dd" C;/] This distinction, with respect to the objects of in* fallibility, was chiefly owing to the following historical cir- cumstance : Pope Innocent X. condemned five propositions, drawn-from the famous book of Jansenius, entitled, Aitgustimis. This condemnation occasioned the two following questions : 1st, Whether or no these propositions were erroneous? This was the question dejiire, i. e. as the translator has rendered it, the question relating to doctrine. 2d, Whether or no these propositions were really taught by Jansenius ? This was the question de facto, i. e. relating to the matter of fact. The church was supposed, by some, infallible only in deciding questions of the former kind. 228 History of the Roman or Latin Chuixli. CENT, declare, that, in judging of matters of fact, it is ^^^' not secured against all possibility of erring^. p\RT I. XXXIV. The third class of controversies that v,.^^,,^/ divided the church of Rome, comprehends the de- The third hates relating to the nature, efficacy, and necessity subject of Q^' ji-qIiiq a-race, together with those that concern debate. '^..t^i^t r- t i originat sin, the naturat poicer oi man to ohey the laws of God, and the nature and foundation of those eternal decrees that have for their ohject the salvation of men. The Dominicans, Augustins, and Jansenists, with several other doctors of the church, adopt the following propositions : That the impidse of divine grace cannot be opposed or 7rsisted ; — that there are no remains oi purity or goodness in human nature since its fall ; — tliat the eternal decrees of God, relating to the salvation of men, are neither founded upon, nor attended with, any condition whatsoever ; — that God wills the salvation of all mankind ; and several other tenets that are connected with these. The Jesuits maintain, on the contrary, that the natural domi- nion of sin in the human mind, and the hidden corruption it has produced in our internal frame, are less univei^scd snid dreadful than they are repre- sented by the doctors now mentioned ; — that hu- man nature is far from being deprived of all power of doing good; — that the succours of grace are administered to all mankind in a measure sujficient to lead them to eternal life and salvation ; — that the opeirdions of grace offer no violence to the , faculties and powers of nature, and tlierefore m.ay be resisted; — and that God from all eternity has appointed everlasting rewards and punishments, as the portion of men in a future world, not by an absolute, arhiti^ary, and unconditional decree, but in consequence of that divine and unlimited prescience, by which he foresaw the actions, merits, and cJiaracters of every individual. XXXV. The Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Clmrcli. 229 XXXV. The fourth head in this division of cent. the controversies that destroy the pretended unity ^^^* * d?r^*T^ TIT of the church of Rome, contains various subjects of p^j^^ j ' debate, relative to doctrines of morality and rides \^^^y^^ of practice, which it would be both tedious and The fourth foreign from our purpose to enumerate in a cir- ^^^^^l^l °^ cumstantial manner ; though it may not be impro- per to touch lightly the first principles of this end- less controversy [z]. The Jesuits and their followers have inculcated a very strange doctrine with respect to the motives that determine the moral conduct and actions of men. They represent it as a matter of perfect in- difference from what motives men obey the laws of God, provided these laws are really obeyed; and maintain, that the service of those who obey from the fear of punishment is as agreeable to the Deity, as those actions which proceed from a prin- ciple of love to him and to his laws. This decision excites the horror of the greatest part of the doc- tors of the Roman church, who affirm, that no Q 3 acts [2] No author has given a more accurate, precise, and clear enumeration of the objections that have been made to the mo- ral doctrine of the Jesuits, and the reproaches that have been cast on their rules of life ; and none at the same time has de- fended their cause with more art and dexterity than the elo- quent and ingenious Gabriel Daniel (a famous member of their order), in a piece, entitled, Entretiens de Cleandre et d'Eudoxe. This dialogue is to be found in the first volume of his Opuscules, p. 351. and was designed as an answer to the celebrated Provincial letters of Pascal, which did more real prejudice to the society of the Jesuits than can be well ima- gined, and exposed their loose and perfidious systems of mo- rals with the greatest fidelity and perspicuity, embellished by the most exquisite strokes of humour and irony. Father Da- niel, in the piece above-mentioned, treats with great acuteness the famous doctrine of probability, p. 351 ; the method of di- recting our intentions, p. 55(3 ; equivocation and mental reser- vation, p. 562; sins of ignorance and oblivion, p. 719; and it must be acknowledged, that, if the cause of the Jesuits were susceptible of defence or plausibility, it has found in this wri- ter an able and dexterous champion. PART 230 Histo7^y of the Boman or Latin Church. CENT, acts of obedience, that do not proceed from the ^^^' love of God, can be acceptable to that pure and J ' holy Being. Nor is the doctrine of the Jesuits only chargeable with the corrupt tenets already mentioned. They maintain farther, that a man never sins, properly speaking, but when he trans- gresseth a divine law, which is fully hnoii:n to him, which is jjresent to his mind, while he acts, and of which he under standsthc true meanijigand intent. And they conclude from hence, that, in strict justice, the conduct of that transgressor cannot be looked upon as criminal, who is either ignorant of the law, or is in doubt about its true significa- tion, or loses sight of it, through forgetfulness, at the time that he violates it. From these proposi- tions they deduce the famous doctrines of proha- hility and philosophical sin, that have cast an eter- nal reproach upon the schools of the Jesuits [a]. Their adversaries behold these pernicious tenets with the utmost abhorrence, and assert that neither ignorance, nor forgetfulness of the law, nor the doubts that may be entertained v>'ith respect to its signification, will be admitted as sufficient to jus- tify transgressors before the tribunal of God. This contest, about the main and fundamental points of morality, has given rise to- a great variety of debates €^ C^O The doctrine of probability consists in this : * That an opinion or precept may be followed with a good conscience, when it is inculcated by four, or three, or two, nay even by one doctor of any considerable reputation, even though it be contrary to the judgment of him that follows it, and even of him that recommends it.' This doctrine rendered the Jesuits capable of accommodating themselves to all the different pas- sions of men, and to persons of all tempers and cliaracters, from the most austere to the most licentious. Philosophical sin (according to the Jesuits' doctrine) is an action, or course of actions, that is repugnant to the dictates of reason, and yet not offensive to the Deity. See a fuller account of these two odious doctrines in the following part of this work. Cent. XVII. Sect. II. Part I. Chap. 1. Sect. XXXV. and in the author's and translator's notes. Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Church 2B1 debates concerning the duties we owe to God, our cent. neighbour, and ourselves ; and produced two sects ■^^^• of moral doctors, whose animosities and divisions p^j^!j, j * have miserably rent the church of Rome in all s-^y^i-/ parts of the world, and involved it in the greatest perplexities. XXXVI. The administration of the sacraments. The fifth especially those oi penance and the eucharist, ^oxm^^^^^l^^ °^ the fifth subject of controversy in the church of Rome, The Jesuits and many other doctors are of opinion, that the salutary effects of the sacra- ments are produced by their intrinsic vifiue and immediate operation [b] upon the mind at the time they are administered, and that consequently it requires but little preparation to receive them to edification and comfort; nor do they think that God requires a mind adorned with inward purity, and a heart animated with divine love, in order to the obtaining of the ends and purposes of these religious institutions. And hence it is, that ac- cording to their doctrine, the priests are empow- ered to give immediate absolution to all such as confess their transgressions and crimes, and after- wards to admit them to the use of the sacraments. But such sentiments are rejected with indignation by all those of the Romish communion who have the progress of vital and practical religion truly at Q 4 heart. (p3= \_b~\ This is the only expression that occurred to the translator, as proper to render the true sense of that phrase of the scholastic divines, who say, that the sacraments produce their effect opera opcralo. The Jesuits and Dominicans main- tain that the sacraments have in themselves an instrumental and efficient power, by virtue of which they work in the soul (independently on its previous preparation or propensities) a disposition to. receive the divine grace ; and this is what is commonly called the opus operalum of the sacraments. Thus, according to their doctrine, neither knowledge, wisdom, hu- mility, faith, nor devotion, are necessary to the efficacy of the sacraments, whose victorious energy nothing but a mortal sin can resist. See Dr. Courrayer's Translation of Paul Sarpi's History of the Council of Trent, torn. i. livr. ii. p. 423, 424. edit. Amsterdam. 232 ' History of the Roman or Latin Church heart. These look upon it as the duty of the clergy to use the greatest diligence and assiduity in examining the characters, tempers, and actions of those who demand ahsolution and the use of the sacraments, before they grant their requests; since, in their sense of things, the real benefits of these institutions can extend to those only -whose hearts are carefully purged from the corruptions of iniquity, and filled with that divine love that casteth out fear. Hence arose that famous dispute in the church of Rome, concerning ?i fixqiient ap- proach to the holy communion, which was carried on with such warmth in the last century, between the Jesuits and the Jansenists, with Arnauld [c] at the head of the latter, and has been renewed in our times by the Jesuit Pichon, who thereby in- curred the indignation of the greatest part of the French bishops [d ]. The frequent celebration of the Lord's supper is one of the main duties, which the Jesuits recommended with peculiar earnestness to those who are under their spiritual direction, representing it as the most certain and infallible method of appeasing the Deity, and obtaining from him the entire remission of their sins and trans- gressions. This manner of proceeding the Janse- nists censure with their usual severity ; and it is also condemned by many other learned and pious doctors of the Romish communion, w^ho reject that intrinsic virtue and efficient operation that is attributed to the sacraments, and wisely maintain that the receiving the sacrament of the Lord's supper can be profitable to those only wliose minds are prepared, by fiiith, repentance, and the love of God, for that solemn service. XXXVII. The \c~\ Arnauld published, on this occasion, his famous book concerning the Practice of communicating frequently. The French title is, ' Traite de la frequente Communion.' \_d~\ See Journal Universal, torn. xiii. p. 148. torn. xv. p. oQS. torn. xvi. p. 124<. Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Church, 2S3 XXXVII. The sixth and last controversy turns cent. upon the proper method of instructing Christians -^^^• in the truths and precepts of religion. One part p^j.^ j * of the Romish doctors, who have the progress of s.«^-y— ^ religion truly at heart, look upon it as expedient. The sixth and even necessary, to sow the seeds of divine ^"^{"^^^^^ truth in the mind, in the tender and flexible state of infancy, when it is most susceptible of good im- pressions, and to give it by degrees, according to the measure of its capacity, a full and accurate knowledge of the doctrines and duties of religion. Others, who have a greater zeal for the interests of the church than the improvement of its mem- bers, recommend a devout ignorance to such as submit to their direction, and think a Christian sufficiently instructed when he has learned to yield a blind and unlimited obedience to the orders of the church. The former are of opinion, that nothing can be so profitable and instructive to Christians as the study of the Holy Scriptures, and consequently judge it highly expedient that they should be translated into the vulgar tongue of each country. The latter excluded the people from the satisfaction of consulting the sacred oracles of truth, and look upon all vernacular translations of the Bible as dangerous, and even of a pernicious tendency. They accordingly maintain, that it ought only to be published in a learned language, to prevent its instructions from becoming familiar to the multitude. The former compose pious and instructive books to nourish a spirit of devotion in the minds of Christians, to enlighten their igno- rance, and dispel their errors ; they illustrate and explain the public prayers and the solem.n acts of religion in the language of the people, and exhort all, who attend to their instructions, to peruse constantly these pious productions, in order to improve their knowledge, purify their affections, and to learn the method of worshipping the Deity in 234 History of the Roman o?- Latin Cliurcli, in a rational and acceptable manner. All this, however, is highly displeasing to the latter kind of doctors, who are always apprehensive, that the blind obedience and implicit submission of the people will diminish in proportion as their views are enlarged, and their knowledge increased \e\ Thedis- XXXVIII. All the controversies that have Jiedor^' been here mentioned did not break out at the with Baius game time. The disputes concerning divine grace™5 grace, the natural power of man to perform good actions, original sin, and predestination, which have \_e~\ The account here given of the more momentous contro- versies that divide the church of Rome, may be confirmed, illustrated, and enlarged, by consulting a multitude of books published in the last and present centuries, especially in France and Flanders, by Jansenists, Dominicans, Jesuits, and others. All the productions, in which the doctrine and precepts of the Jesuits, and the other creatures of the Roman pontiff, are opposed aiid refuted, are enumerated by Dominick Colonia, a French Jesuit, in a work published, in 1735, under the fol- lowing title : " Bibliotheque Janseniste, ou Catologue Alpha- betique des principaux livres Jansenistes, ou suspects de Janse- nisme, avec des notes critiques." This writer is led into many absurdities by his extravagant attachment to the Roman pon- tiff, and to the cause and tenets of his order. His book, how- ever, is of use in pointing out the various controversies that perplex and divide the church of Rome. It was condemned by the late Pope Benedict XIV. but was, nevertheless, re- published in a new form, wnth some change in the title, and additions, that swelled it from one octavo volume to four of the same size. This new edition appeared at Antwerp in the year 1752, under the following title : " Dictionaire des livres Jansenistes, ou qui favorisent le Jansenisme, a Anvres ches J. B. Verdussen." And it must be acknowledged, that it is extremely useful, in shewing the intestine divisions of the church, the particular contests that divide its doctors, the re- ligious tenets of the Jesuits, and the numerous productions that relate to the six heads of controversy here mentioned. It must be observed, at the same time, that this work abounds with the most malignant invectives against many persons of eminent learning and piety, and with the most notorious in- stances of partiality and injustice *. 55* * See a particular account of this learned and scandalous work in the first and second volumes of the " Bibliotheque des Sciences et des Beaux Arts," printed at the Hague. Chap. I. History of the Roman or Lathi CliurcJi. ^35 have been ranged under the third class, were pub- cent. licly carried on in the century of which we are ^^^• now writing. The others were conducted with p^j^lj, j ' more secrecy and reserve, and did not come w-y^w' fortli to public view before the following age. Nor will this appear at all surprising to those who consider that the controversies concerning grace and free-ioill, which had been set in motion by Luther, were neither accurately examined, nor peremptorily decided in the church of Home, but were rather artfully suspended and hushed into silence. The sentiments of Luther were indeed condemned ; but no fixed and perspicuous rule of faith, with respect to these disputed points, was substituted in their place. The decisions of St. Augustin were solemnly approved ; but the difference between these decisions and the senti- ments of Luther were never clearly explained. The first rise of this fatal controversy was owing to the zeal of Michael Baius, a doctor in the vmiversity of Louvain, equally remarkable on ac- count of the warmth of his piety and the extent of his learning. This eminent divine, like the other followers of Augustin, had an invincible aversion to that contentious, subtile, and intricate manner of teaching theology, that had long pre- vailed in the schools ; and under the auspicious name of that famous prelate, who was his darling guide, he had the courage or temerity to condemn and censure, in an open and public manner, the tenets commonly received in the church of Rome, in relation to the statural powers of man, and the merit of good wo?'ks. This bold step drew upon Baius the indignation of some of his academical colleagues, and the heavy censures of several Franciscan monks. Whether the Jesuits imme- diately joined in this opposition, and may be reckoned anions the first accusers of Baius, is a matter unknown, or, at most, uncertain ; but it is 236 History of the Roman or Latin Church, CENT, is unquestionably evident and certain, that, even ^^^- at the rise of this controversy, thev abhorred the SECT ITT • • 1 rt J J PART I. ' P^*incipal tenets of Baius, which he had taken \^.^Y^^ ^^'^^^ Augustin, and adopted as his own. In the year 1567, this doctor was accused at the court oiRoine, and seventy-six jjropositions, drawn from his writings, were condemned by Pope Pius V. in a circular letter expressly composed for that purpose. This condemnation, however, was is- sued out in an artful and insidious manner, with- out any mention being made of the name of the author ; for the fatal consequences that had arisen from the rash and inconsiderate measures em- ployed by the court of Rome against Luther, were too fresh in the remembrance of the prudent pontiff to permit his falling into new blunders of the same nature. The thunder of excommunica- tion was therefore suppressed by the dictates of prudence, and the person and functions of Baius were spared, while his tenets w^ere censured. About thirteen years after this transaction, Gre- gory XIII. complied so far with the importunate solicitations of a Jesuit, named Tolet, as to re- inforce the sentence of Pius V^. by a new con- demnation of the opinions of the Flemish doctor. Baius submitted to this new sentence, either from an apprehension that it would be followed by severer proceedings in case of resistance, or, which is more probable, on account of the ambi- guity that reigned in the papal edict, and the vague and confused manner in which the ob- noxious propositions were therein expressed. But his example, in this respect, was not followed by the other doctors who had formed their theolo- gical system upon that of Augustin [y] ; and, even \_f~] See, for an account of the disputes relating to Baius, the works of that author, published in 4to, at Cologn, in I696, particularly the second part, or appendix, entitled, " Baiana, seu. Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Church, 237 even at this day, many divines of the Komish cent. communion, and particularly the Jansenists, de- J^^^- clare openly that Baius was unjustly treated, and that the two edicts of Pius and Gregory, men- tioned above, are absolutely destitute of all autho- rity, and have never been received as laws of the church [^]. XXXIX. Be that as it may, it is at least cer- Contests tain, that the doctrine of Augustin, with respect J^^^^tg^^ to the nature and operations of divine grace, lost Lessius,and none of its credit in consequence of these edicts, '^"^^^^"^• but was embraced and projiagated, with the same zeal, as formerly, throughout all the Belgic pro- vinces, and more especially in the two flourishing universities of Louvam and Douay. This appear- ed very soon after, when two Jesuits, named Lessius and Hamedius, ventured to represent the doctrine of predestination in a manner different from that in which it appears in the writings of Augustin ; for the sentiments of these Jesuits were publicly condemned by the doctors of Louvain in the year 1587, and by those of Douay the year following. The bishops of the Low Countries were disposed to follow the example of these two universities, and had already deliberated about assembling a provincial council for this purpose, when the Roman pontiff Sixtus V. suspended the pro- ceedings by the interposition of his authority, and declared, that the cognizance and decision of reli- gious controversies belonged only to the vicar of Christ, residing at Rome. But this cunning vicar, • whose seu scripta, quae controverslas spectant occasione sententiarum Baii exortas." Bayie's Diction, at the article Baius, inwhich there is an ample and circumstantial account of these disputes. Du Pin, Bibliotheque des Auteiirs Ecclesiasiiques, torn. xvi. p. 144. Histoire de la Compagnie de Jesus, torn. iii. p. l6l, [ig2 This is demonstrated fully by an anonymous writer, in a piece entitled, " Dissertation sur les Bulles contre Baius, on Ton montre qu'elles ne sont pas recues par I'Eglise," and pub- lished in two volumes 8vo, at Utrecht, in the year 1737. 238 History of the Roman or Latin Church whose sagacity, prudence, and knowledge of men and things, never failed him in transactions of this nature, wisely avoided making use of the privilege he claimed with such confidence, that he might not inflame the divisions and animosities that were already subsisting. And, accordingly, in the year 1588, this contest was finished, and the storm laid in such a manner, as that the contending parties were left in the quiet possession of their respective opinions, and solemnly prohibited from disputing, either in public or in private, upon the intricate points that had excited their divisions. Had the succeeding pontiffs, instead of assuming the cha- racter of judges in this ambiguous and difficult con- troversy, imitated the prudence of Sixtus V. and imposed silence on the litigious doctors, vA\o re- newed afterv^ards the debates concerning divi«e grace, the tranquillity and unity of the church of Rome would not have been interrupted by such vio- lent divisions as rage at present in its bosom [/?]. The con- XL. The llomau church had scarcely perceived witTthT the fruits of that calm, w^hich the prudence of Moiinists. Sixtus had restored, by suppressing, instead of deciding the late controversies, when new com- motions, of the same nature, but of a much more terrible aspect, arose to disturb its tranquillity. These were occasioned by Lewis Molina [i], a Spanish Jesuit, professor of divinity in the univer- sity \jr\ See Apologie Historiqite des deux Censures de Louvam el de Boiiay, par M. Grey, 1688, in 8vo. The famous Pas- quer Qiienel was the author of this apology, if we maj^ give credit to tlie writer of a book entitled, " Catechisme Histo- rique et Dogmatique sur Ics Contestations de I'Eglise," torn. i. p. 104. See an account of this controversy in a piece en- titled, " Memoires pour servir a I'Histoire des Controverses dans I'Eglise Romaine sur la Predestination et sur la Grace." This curious piece is to be found in the fourteenth tome of Le Clerc's BJhliotheque UniverseUe Hisloriqne. \j~\ From tins Spanish doctor's name proceeded the well- known denomination of Moiinists, by which those Roman- catholic* Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Church 239 sity of Ebora in Portugal, who, in the year 1588, cent. published a book to shew that the operations ofdi- ^^^\^^^ vine grace were entirely consistent with \he free- p^^-r j. dom of human will []i\, and who introduced a new v-.^— ^ kind of hypothesis, to remove the difficulties at- tending the doctrines o^ predestination and liberty, and to reconcile the jarring opinions of Augusti- nians, Thoinists, Semi- Pelagians, and other con- tentious divines [/]. This attempt of the subtile Spanish doctor was so offensive to the Dominicans, who followed St. Thomas as their theological guide, that they sounded, throughout the whole kingdom of Spain, the alarm of heresy, and ac- cused the Jesuits of endeavouring to renew the errors of Pelagius. This alarm was followed by great commotions, and all things seemed to prog- nosticate a general flame, when Clement YIII. in the catholics are distlrigulshed, who seem to incline to the doc- trines of grace and free-will, that are maintained in opposition to those of Augustine. Many, however, who differ widely from the sentiments of Molina, are unjustly ranked in the class of Molinists. p] The title of this famous book is as follows : " Liberi Arbitrii Concordia cum Gratia donis, divina pra3scientia, pro- videntia, praedestinatione, et reprobatione, auctore Lud. Mo- lina." This book was first published at Lisbon, in folio, in the year 1588. Afterwards, with additions, and at 4to, at Ant- werp, Lyons, Venice, and other places, in 1595. A third edi- tion, still farther augmented, was published at Antwerp in 1 609. &3" U~\ Molina, affirmed, that the decree of predestination to eternal glory was founded upon a previous knovv'ledge and consideration of the merits of the elect ; that the grace, from whose operation these merits are derived, is not efficacious by its own intrinsic power only, but also by the consent of our own will, and because it is administered in those circumstances in which the Deity, by that branch of his knowledge which is called Scieniia Media, foresees that it Vvill be efficii- cious. The kind of prescience denominated in the school Scientia Media, is that foreknowledge of future contingents, that arises from an acquaintance with the nature and faculties of rational beings, of the circumstances in which they shall be placed, of the objects that shall be presented to them, and of the influence that these circum.stances and objects must have on their actions. 2A0 IIhio7^y of the Roman or Latin Church. the year 1594, imposed silence on the contending parties, promising that he himself would examine with care and diligence every thing relating to this new debate, in order to decide it in such a manner as might tend to promote the cause of truth, and the peace of the church. The con- XLI. The pontiff was persuaded that these ?riids°" gentle remedies would soon remove the disease, and that, through length of time, these heats and animosities would undoubtedly subside. But the event was far from being answerable to such pleasing hopes. The Dominicans, who had long fostered a deep-rooted and invisible hatred against the Jesuits, having now a favourable op- portunity of venting their indignation, exhausted their furious zeal against the doctrine of JNIolina, notwithstanding the pacific orders of the papal edict. They fatigued incessantly the Spanish monarch, Philip II. and the lloman pontiff, Clement VIII. with their importunate clamours, imtil at length the latter found himself under a necessity of assembling at Rome a sort of council for the decision of this controversy. And thus commenced, about the beginning of the year 1598, those famous deliberations concerning the contests of the Jesuits and Dominicans, which were held in what was called the congregation de aiixilus, or of aids. This congregation was so denominated on account of the principal point in debate, which was the efficacy of the aids and succours of divine grace, and its consultations were directed by Lewis Madrusi, bishop of Trent, and one of the college of cardinals, who sat as president in this assembly, which was com- posed besides of three bishops and seven divines chosen out of so many different orders. The re- maining part of this century was wholly employed by these spiritual judges in hearing and weighing the arguments alleged in favour of their respective opinions. Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Church. 241 opinions by the contending parties \jn\ The Do- cent. minicans maintained with the greatest obstinacy, ^^^* the doctrine of their patron St. Thomas, as alone p^R^ i. ' conformable to truth. The Jesuits, on the other ^.^^^.^ hand, though they did not adopt the religious tenets of Molina, thought the honour of their order concerned in this controversy, on account of the opposition so publicly made to one of its members, and consequently used their utmost endeavours to have the Spanish doctor acquitted of the charge of Pelagianism, and declared free from any errors of moment. In this they acted according to the true Monastic spirit, which VOL. IV. R leads \jn\ The history and transactions of this Congregation are related and iUustrated by several writers of different complex- ions, by Jesuits, Dominicans, and Jansenists. Hyacinth Serri, a Dominican, published, under the feigned name of Augustin ie Blanc, in the year 1700, at Louvain, a work entitled, " Historia Congregationum de auxiliis Gratiae divinae;" -which was answered by another history of these debates, com- posed by Liv. de Meyer, a Jesuit, who assumed the name of Theod. Eleutherius, in order to lie concealed from public view, and whose book is entitled, " Historia Controversiarum de Gratiae divinae auxihis." The Dominicans also published the Acta congregationum ct d'lsputatiomun, quoz coram Cle- ment VI n. et Paulo V. de auxiliis divine Graiiw sunt celc' hrat(£, a work composed by Thomas de Lemos, a subtile monk of their order, who, in this very congregation, had defended with great applause the glory of St. Thomas against the Je- suits.— Amidst these jarring accounts, a man must be endowed with a supernatural sagacity to come at the truth. For acts are opposed to acts, testimony to testimony, and narration to narration. It is therefore as jet a matter of doubt, which the court of Rome favoured most on this occasion, the Jesuits or the Dominicans, and which of these two parties defended their cause with the most dexterity and success. There is also a history of these debates written in French, which was pub- lished, in 8vo, at Louvain, in the year 1702, under the follow- ing title : '^ Histoire de Congregations de Auxiliis, par ua Docteur de la Faculte de Theologie de Paris." This histo- rian, though he be neither destitute of learning nor elegance, being nevertheless a flaming Jansenist, discovers throughout his enmity against the Jesuits, and relates all things in a man- ner that favours the cause of the Dominicans. ceremonies. S42 History of the Ronmn or Latin Church, CENT, leads each order to resent tlie affronts that are of« ^^^- fered to any of its memhers, as if they had been p^^*^" 'cast upon the whole community, and to maintain v^,^^^,.^ at all adventures, the cause of every individual monk, as if the interests of the society were in- volved in it. Rites and XLII. Notwithstanding the zealous attempts that were made, by several persons of eminent piety, to restore the institutions of public worship to their primitive simplicity, the multitude of vain and useless ceremonies still remained in the church ; nor did the pontiffs judge it proper to diminish that pomp and shew, that gave the mi- nisters of religion a great, though ill-acquired, influence on the minds of the people. Besides these ceremonies, many popular customs and in- ventions, which were multiplied by the clergy, and were either entirely absurd or grossly supersti- tious, called loudly for redress ; and, indeed, the council of Trent seemed disposed to correct these abuses, and prevent their farther growth. But this good design was never carried into execu- tion ; it was abandoned, either through the cor- rupt prudence of the pope and clergy, who look- ed upon every check given to superstition as an attempt to diminish their authority, or through their criminal negligence about every thing that tended to promote the true interests of religion. Hence it happens, that in those countries where there are few protestants, aiid consequently where the church of Borne is in no danger of losing its credit and influence from the proximity and at- tempts of these pretended heretics, superstition reigns with unlimited extravagance and absurdity. Such is the case in Italy, Spain, and Portugal, where the feeble glimmering of Christianity, that yet remain, are overwhelmed and obscured by an enormous multitude of ridiculous ceremonies, and absurd, fantastic, and unaccountable rites ; so that Chap. I. History of the Roman or Latin Church. 243 that a person who arrives in any of these countries, cent. after having passed through other nations even of ^^^" the Romish communion, is immediately struck p^p^^ j ' with the change, and thinks himself transported ^s— -^-^ into the thickest darkness, into the most gloomy retreats of superstition [n~]. Nor, indeed, are even those countries, whom the neighbourhood of the protestants, and a more free and liberal turn of mind have rendered somewhat less absurd, en- tirely exempt from the dominion of superstition, and the solemn fooleries that always attend it ; for the religion of Rome, in its best form, and in those places where its external worship is the least shocking, is certainly loaded with rites and ob- servances that are highly offensive to sound reason. If, from this general view of things, we descend to a more circumstantial consideration of the in- numerable abuses that are established in the disci- pline of that church ; if we attend to the pious, or rather impious, frauds which are imposed, with impunity, upon the deluded multitude, in many places ; if we pass in review the corruption of the clergy, the ignorance of the people, the devout farces that are acted in the ceremonies of public w^orship, and the insipid jargon and trifling rhetoric that prevail in the discourses of the Roman-catholic preachers; if we weigh all these things maturely, we shall find, that they have R 2 little ^n~\ It Is well known that the French, who travel into Italy, employ the whole force of their wit and raillerj'^ in rendering ridiculous the monstrous superstition of the Italians. The Ita- lians, in their turn, look upon the French that visit their coun- try as totally destitute of all principles of religion. This is evidently the case, as we learn from the testimony of many writers, and particularly from that of Father Labat, in his Voijages en Ikdie et en Espagne. This agreeable Dominican lets no opportunity escape of censuring and exposing the su- perstition of the Spaniards and Italians ,• nor does he pretend to deny that his countrymen, and even he himself, passed for impious li)bertines in the opinion of these bigots. !44 History of the Greek and Eastern Churches, CENT, little regard to impartiality and truth, who pretend ^J\^^ that, since the council of Trent, the religion and worship of the Roman church have been every where corrected and amended. SECT. Ill PART I. CHAP. II. The History of the Ch^eek and Eastern Churches, Theeastern ^ f | ^HE socicty of Christians, that goes under beXickd^ -^ the general denomination of the eastern into three cliurch, is dispcrscd throughout Europe^ Asia, and Africa, and may be divided into three distinct communities. The first is, that of the Greek Christians, who agree, in all points of doctrine and worship, with the patriarch residing at Con- stantinople, and reject the pretended supremacy of the Roman pontiff. The second comprehends those Christians who differ equally from the Ro- man pontiff and the Grecian patriarch, in their re- ligious opinions and institutions, and who live un- der the government of their own bishops and ru- lers. The third is composed of those who are subject to the see of Rome. The Greek w That socicty of Christians, that lives in reli- pedyspelk' gious commuuiou with the patriarch of Coiistanti- »"£• nople, is, properly speaking, the Greek, though it assumes likewise the title of the eastern church. This society is subdivided into two branches, of which the one acknowledges the supreme autho- rity and jurisdiction of the bishop of Constaiiti- 7iople; while the other, though joined in commu- nion of doctrine and worship with that prelate, yet obstinately refuses to receive his legates, or to obey his edicts, and is governed by its own laws and institutions, under the jurisdiction of spiritual rulers, who are independent on all foreign autho- rity. III. That \ Cha]) Jl.History of thcGreekandEasternCJmrches, ^^5 III. That part of the Greek church which ac- cent. knowledges the jurisdiction of the bishop of Con- ^^'^• stantinople, is divided, as in the early ages of^p^^lj,^'^' Christianity, into four large districts or provinces, ^^..^y^^ Constantinople, Alcxancbia, Antioch, and Jerii- is for the salem, over every one of which a bishop presides ^^^^^^^^[0 with the title of Patriarch, whom the inferior the patri- bishops and monastic orders unanimously respect ^'^Jj^^J^^j^ as their common Father. But the supreme chief nopie, of all these patriarchs, bishops, and abbots, and generally speaking, of the whole church, is the patriarch of Constantinople. This prelate has the privilege of nominating the other patriarchs, though that dignity still continues elective, and of approv- ing the election that is made; nor is there any thing of moment undertaken or transacted in the church without his express permission, or his espe- cial order. It is true indeed, that, in the present decayed state of the Greek churches, whose reve- nues are so small, and whose former opulence is re- duced almost to nothing, their spiritual rulers enjoy little more than the splendid title of Patriarchs, without being in a condition to extend their fame, or promote their cause, by any undertaking of sig- nal importance. IV. The spiritual jurisdiction and dominion of and is divi- the patriarch of Constantinople are very extensive, four ^pro- comprehending a considerable part of Greece, the winces or Grecian Isles, Wallachia, Blouldavia, and several herTde^- of the European and Asiatic provinces that ares^i^^*!- subject to the Turk. The patriarch oi Alexandria resides generally at Cairo, and exercises his spiritual authority in Egypt, Nubia, Lyhia, and part of Arabia [0]. Damascus is the principal residence of [o] For an account of the patriarchate of Alexandria, and the various prelates who have filled that see, it will be proper to consult Sollerii Comvieniar. de Patriarchis Alexandrinis, ivhich is prefixed to the fifth volume of the Acta Sanctorum, R 3 Mensis 246 History of the Greek and Easteim Churches. CENT, of the patriarch of Antioch, whose jurisdiction ex- ^^'^- tends to Mesopotamia, Sijiia, Cilicia, and other ■provinces [p], while the patriarch oi Jerusalem comprehends, within the bounds of his pontificate, Palestine, Syria, [, p. 27(3. ^ The truth of the matter is, that the terms used by the Monopliysites are something more than equivocal ; they are contradictory. It may also be fai'tlier observed, that those who pretend to hold a middle path between the doctrines of Nestorius and Euty- ches, were greatly embarrassed, as it was almost impossible to oppose the one, without adopting, or at least appearing to adopt the other. Chai^ Jl.HistoryoftheG?reka7idEasternChurckes. 261 Asiatic and African IMonophysites of the present cent. times are, generally speaking, so deeply sunk in ^^'^• SECT. PART ignorance, that their attachment to the doctrine by which they are distinguished from other Chris- tian societies, is rather founded on their own ob- stinacy, and on the authority of their ancestors, than on any other circumstance ; nor do they even pretend to appeal, in its behalf, to reason and ar- gument [ jt;]. XIV. The Armenians [g], though they agree The Arme. \yith the other 3Ionophy sites in the main doctrine "^*"^" of that sect relating to the unity of the divine and human nature in Christ, differ from them, never- theless, in many points of faith, discipline, and worship; and hence it comes to pass, that they hold no communion with that branch of the iSIo- nophysites who are Jacobites in the more limited sense of that term. The Armenian church is go- verned by three patriarchs [r]. The chief of s 3 these, [_p~\ The liturgies of the Copts, the Syrian Jacobites, and the Abyssinians, have been published, with learned observa- tions, by Renaudot, in the first and second volumes of his Li- ttirgias Orientahs, ^q] The first writer, who gave a circumstantial account of the religion and history of the Armenians, was Clement Ga- lani, an Italian of the order of the Theatins, whose Concilia- tio Ecclesice Armenicce cum Bomana, was published at Rome, in three volumes, in folio, in the year l650. The other au- thors, who have treated of this branch of Ecclesiastical His- tory, are enumerated by Fabricius, in his Lnx Evangelli Mi orhi exoriens, ch. xxxviii. p. 640. ; to which must be added, Le Quien Oriens Christianus, torn. i. p. 1362. — The History of Christianity in Armenia, which the learned La Croze has sub- joined to his account of the progress of the Christian religion in Abyssinia, and which was published at the Hague in 1739, is by no means answerable to the importance and copiousness of the subject ; which must be attributed to the age and in- firmities of that author. For an account of the particular in- stitutions and rites of the Armenians, see Gemelli Carreri Voijage du tour du inonde, torn. ii. p. 146. C3* D'3 Sir Paul Ricaut mentions four; but his authority, were it more respectable than it really is, cannot be compared with that of the excellent sources from whence Dr. Mosheim d'-'aws his materials. 262 History of the Greeh and Eastern Churches, CENT, these, whose diocese comprehends the Greater XVI. Armenia, beholds forty- two archbishops subjected p\RT I. *^ ^^^ jurisdiction, and resides in a monastery at a s^^^y-^m^ place called Echmiazin. The revenues of this spiritual ruler are such as would enable him to live in the most splendid and magnificent manner [s] ; but there is no mark of pomp or opulence in his external appearance, nor in his domestic oeconomy. His table is frugal, his habit plain; nor is he distinguished from the monks, with whom he lives, by any other circum- stance than his superior power and authority. He is, for the most part, elected to his patriarchal dignity by the suffrages of the bishops assembled at Echmiazirif and his election is confirmed by the solemn approbation of the Persian monarch. The second patriarch of the Armenians, who is called The Catholic, resides at Cis, a city of Cilicia, rules over the churches established in Cappadocia, Cili- cia, Cyprus, and Syria, and hath twelve archbi- shops under his jurisdiction. He also at present acknowledges his subordination to the patriarch of Echmiazin. The third, and last, in rank of the patriarchs above mentioned, who has no more than eight or nine bishops under his dominion, resides in the island of Aghtama7\ which is in the midst of the Great Lake of Varaspuracan, and is looked upon by the other Armenians as the enemy of their church. Besides these prelates, who are patriarchs in the true sense of that term, the Armenians have other spiritual leaders, who are honoured with the 1^*] R. Simon has subjoined to his Histoire de Chretiens Orient, p. 217. an account of all the Armenian churches that are subject to the jurisdiction of this grand patriarch. But this account, though taken from Uscanus, an Armenian bishop, is nevertheless defective in many respects. For an account of the residence and manner of life of the patriarch of Echmiazin, see Paul Lucas Forage au Levant, tom. ii. p. 247, and Gemelii Carreri Voyage du tour du mondc, tom. ii. p. 4—10. Cha])Jl.IIistoryqftheGreeka7idEasternChurcJies. ^63 the title of Patriarchs ; but this, indeed, is no cent. more than an empty title, unattended with the ^^^^' authority and prerogatives of the patriarchal dig- p^j^!p jf nity. Thus the archbishop of the Armenians, ^.^y^.^ who lives at Co7istantinople, and whose authority is respected by the churches established in those provinces that form the connexion between Eu- rope and Asia, enjoys the title of Patriarch. The same denomination is given to the Armenian bishop who resides at Jerusalem ; and to the pre- late of the same nation, who has his episcopal seat at CamiJiec in Poland, and governs the Armenian churches that are established in Russia, Poland, and the adjacent countries. These bishops assume the title of Patriarchs, on account of some peculiar privileges conferred on them by the Great Patri- arch of Echmiazin, For by au authority derived from this supreme head of the Armenian church, they are allowed to consecrate bishops, and to make, every third year, and distribute, among their congregations, the holy chrism, or ointment ; which, according to a constant custom among the eastern Christians, is the privilege of the patriarchs alone \t\ XV. The Nestorians, who are also known by TheNesto- the denomination of Chaldeans, have fixed their Chaldeans. habitations chiefly in Mesopotamia and the adja- cent countries. They have several doctrines, as well as some religious ceremonies and institutions, that are peculiar to themselves. But the main points that distinguish them from all other Chris- tian societies, are, their persuasion that Nestorius s 4 was ^t ]] See the Nouveaiix Memoir es des Missions de la Campag" nie de Jesus, torn. iii. p. 1 — 218. where there is an ample and circumstantial account, both of the civil and religious state of the Armenians. This account has been highly applauded by M. de la Croze, for the fidelity, accuracy, and industry, with which it is drawn up, and no man was more conversant in sub- jects of this nature than that learned author. — See la Croze, Histoire die Ckristimiisme d'Ethiope, p. 345. gl64 History of the Greek and Easter 7i Churches. CENT, was unjustly condemned by the council of Ephe- ^'^'^- sKS, and their firm attachment to the doctrine of SECT. III. ^^^^ prelate, who maintained that there were not v^.,^.^,^ only two natures, but also two distinct perso7is in the Son of God. In the earlier ages of the church, this error was looked upon as of the most momen- tous and pernicious kind ; but in our times it is esteemed of less consequence, by persons of the greatest weight and authority in theological mat- ters, even among the Koman Catholic doctors. They consider this whole controversy as a dis- pute about words, and the opinion of Nestorius as a nominal, rather than a real heresy ; that is, as an error arising rather from the words he em- ployed, than from his intention in the use of them. It is true indeed, that the Chaldeans at- tribute to Christ two riatiires, and even two persons ; but they correct what may seem rash in this expression, by adding, that these natures and persons are so closely and intimately united, that they have only one aspect. Now the word barsopa, by which they express this aspect is precisely of the same signification with the Greek word 'ETgo(fw-TO!/," which signifies a person [li] ; and from hence it is evident, that they attached to the word aspect the same idea that we attach to the word person, and that they understood by the word pei^son, precisely what we understand by the term nature. However that be, we must ob- serve here, to the lasting honour of the Nestori- ans, that, of all the Christian societies established in the East, they have been the most careful and successful in avoiding a multitude of superstitious opinions {jr\ It is in this manner that the sentiments of the Nestori- ans are explained in the inscriptions which adorn the tombs of their patriarchs in the city o^ Mousul. — See Assemanni Blbli' oik. Oriental. Vatican, torn. iii. par. II. p. 210. — R. Simon, Histoire de la Creance des Chretiens Oricntaux, ch. vii. p. 95. — Petrus Strozza, De dogmatibus Chaldeorum, published ia 8vo, at RoraC; in the year 1617. i'Am-^ll.HistoryoftlieGreeh aiidEastern Churches. ^^5 opinions and practices that have infected the Greek cent. and Latin churches [ 286 Tlie History of the Lutheran Church. CENT, Borne, whether of a public or private nature, that XVI. carried palpable marks of error and superstition, SECT. in. ^y^j.^ every where rejected without hesitation ; and J wise precautions were used to regulate the forms of public worship in such a manner, that the ge- nuine fruits of piety should not be choked by a multitude of insignificant rites. Besides, every church was allowed the privilege of retaining so much of the ancient form of worship as might be still observed without giving offence, and as seemed suited to the character of the people, the genius of the government, and the natvire and circum- stances of the place where it was founded. Hence it has happened, that, even so far down as the pre- sent times, the Lutheran churches differ consider- ably one from the other, with respect both to the number and nature of their religious ceremonies ; a circumstance so far from tending to their disho- nour, that it is, on the contrary, a very striking proof of their wisdom and moderation [e]. Concern- IV. The Supreme civil rulers of every Lutheran sibieheld', state are clothed also with the dignity, and per- andthe form tlic fuuctious of suprcmacv in the church. ver^n^enl^" The vcry esscuce of civil government seems ma- ofthe Lu- iiifestly to point out the necessity of investing the timrch. sovereign with this spiritual supremacy [,/], and the tacit consent of the Lutheran churches has confirmed the dictates of wise policy in this respect. It must not, however, be imagined, that the an- cient \_e~\ See Balth. Meisnerius, Lib. de Legibus. lib. iv. art. iv. quaest. iv. p. 662 — 66Q. — Jo. Adam Scherzerus, Breviar. Hulsemann. Eniicl. p. 1313 — 1321. Cy^l Since nothing is more inconsistent with that subor- dination and concord, which are among the great ends of civil government, than imperium in imperio, i. e. two independent sovereignties in the same body politic : Hence the genius of government, as well as the spirit of genuine Christianity, pro- claims the equity of that constitution, that makes the supreme ])ead of the state, the supreme visible ruler of the church. Chap. I. The iTistory of the Lutheran Church, 287 cient rights and privileges of the people in eccle- cent. siastical affairs have been totally abolished by this ^^^\^ constitution of things ; since it is certain, that the p^^^ n.' vestiges of the authority exercised by them in the s-^-y-^' primitive times, though more striking in one place than in another, are yet more or less visible every where. Besides, it must be carefully re- membered, that all civil rulers of the Lutheran persuasion are effectually restrained, by the fun- damental principles of the doctrine they profess, from any attempts to change or destroy the esta- blished rule of faith and manners, to make any al- teration in the essential doctrines of their religion, or in any thing that is intimately connected with them, or to impose their particular opinions upon their subjects in a despotic and arbitrary manner. The councils, or societies, appointed by the sovereign to watch over the interests of the church, and to govern and direct its affairs, are composed of persons versed in the knowledge, both of civil and ecclesiastical law, and, according to a very ancient denomination, are called Consistories, The internal government of the Lutheran church seems equally removed from episcopacy on the one hand, and from preshytej^ianism on the other, if we ex- cept the kingdoms of Sweden and Denmark^ who retain the form of ecclesiastical governm.ent that preceded the Reformation, purged, indeed, from the superstitions and abuses that rendered it so odious \_g]' This constitution of the Lutheran hierarchy will not seem surprising, when the sen- timents €^ [g] In these two kingdoms the church is ruled by bi- shops and superintendants, under the inspectio:; and autho- rity of the sovereign. The archbishop of Upsal is primate of Sweden, and the only archbishop among the Lutherans. The luxury and licentiousness that too commonly flow from the opulence of the Roman Catholic clergy, are unknown in tliese two northern states ; since the revenues of the prelate now mentioned do not amount to more than 400 pounds yearly, while those of the bishops are proportionably small. SECT. Ill PART II 288 The History of the Lutheran Church, CENT, timents of that people, with respect to ecclesiasti- ^^\^ cal polity, are duly considered. On the one hand, they are persuaded that there is no law, of divine authority, which points out a distinction between the ministers of the gospel with respect to rank, dignity, or prerogatives; and therefore they re- cede from episcopacy. But, on the other hand, they are of opinion, that a certain subordination, a diversity in point of rank and privileges among the clergy, are not only highly useful, but also necessary to the perfection of church communion, by connecting, in consequence of a mutual de- pendance, more closely together the members of the same body ; and thus they avoid the unifor- mity of the preshyterian government. They are not, however, agreed with respect to the extent of this subordination, and the degrees of superiority and precedence that ought to distinguish their doctors ; for in some places this is regulated with much more regard to the ancient rules of church- government, than is discovered in others. As the divine law is silent on this head, different opi- nions may be entertained, and different forms of ecclesiastical polity adopted, without a breach of Christian charity and fraternal union. The Luthe- V. Every country has its own Liturgies, which 2es. thch- are the niles of proceeding in every thing that public wor- relates to external worship, and the public exercise thefr m"e. of rcligiou. Thcsc rulcs, however, are not of an thodofin- immutable nature, like those institutions which bear the stamp of a divine authority, but may be augmented, corrected, or illustrated, by the order of the sovereign, when such changes appear evi- dently to be necessary or expedient. The liturgies used in the different countries that have embraced the system of Luther, agree perfectly in all the essential branches of religion, in all matters that can be looked upon as of real moment and im- portance ; but they differ widely in many things structini Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran Church. 289 of an indifFerent nature, concerning wliicli the cent. Holy Scriptures are silent, and which compose , ^^^' that part of the public religion that derives its p^j^i^ „ * authority from the wisdom and appointment of^w^^-^-/ men. Assemblies for the celebration of divine worship meet every where at stated times. Here the holy scriptures are read publicly, prayers and hymns are addressed to the Deity, the sacra- ments are administered, and the people are in- structed in the knowledge of religion, and excited to the practice of virtue by the discourses of their ministers. The wisest methods are used for the religious education of youth, who are not only carefully instructed in the elements of Christia- nity in the public schools, but are also examined by the pastors of the churches to which they belong, in a public manner, in order to the farther im- provement of their knowledge, and tlie more vigorous exertion of their faculties in the study of divine truth. Hence in almost every pro- vince, Cathechisms which contain the essential truths of religion, and the main precepts of mo- rality, are published and recommended by the authority of the sovereign, as rules to be followed by the masters of schools, and by the ministers of the church, both in their private and public in- structions. But as Luther left behind him an accurate and judicious production of this kind, in which the fundamental principles of religion and morality are explained and confirmed with the greatest perspicuity and force, both of evi- dence and expression, this compendious Cathechism of tliat eminent reformer is universally adopted as the first introduction to religious knowledge, and is one of the standard-hooliS of the church which bears his name. And, indeed, all the provincial cathechisms are no more than illustrations and en- largements on this excellent abridgment of faith and practice. VOL. IV. u VI. Among S90 TJie History of the Luther a7i Church CENT. VI. Among the days that are held sacred in the ^v^- Lutheran church (besides that which is celebrated ^PART ir.^ every week in memory of Christ's resurrection \^^,^y^^ from the dead), we may reckon all such as were The hoii- sigualizcd by those glorious and important events fcciesrasd- ^^^^^ proclaim the celestial mission of the Saviour, cai disci- aud the divine authority of his holy religion [1i\. piine of the xhcse sacrcd festivals, the grateful and well-e-round- church. ed piety oi ancient times had always held m the highest veneration. But the Lutheran church has gone yet farther ; and, to avoid giving offence to weak brethren, has retained several which seem to have derived the respect that is paid to them, rather from the suggestions of superstition than from the dictates of true religion. There are some churches who carry the desire of multiplying festivals so far, as to observe religiously the days that were formerly set apart for celebrating the memory of the twelve apostles. It is well known, that the power o^ exconnnuni' cation, i. e. of banishing from its bosom obstinate and scandalous transgressors, was a privilege en- joyed and exercised by the church from the re- motest antiquity ; and it is no less certain, that this privilege was perverted often to the most iniquitous and odious purposes. The founders, therefore, of the Lutheran church undertook to remove the abuses and corruptions under w4iich this branch of ecclesiastical discipline laboured, and to restore it to its primitive purity and vigour. At first their attempt seemed to be crowned with success ; since it is plain, that during the sixteenth century, no opposition of any moment was made to the wise and moderate exercise of this spiritual authority. Eut in process of time this privilege fell imper- ceptibly into contempt; the terror of excommu- nication G-r \J'~\ Such, (for example) are the nativity, death, resur- rection, and ascension of the Son of Cod; the descent of the Holy Spirit upon the apostles on the day of pentecost, &c. Chap, T. The History of the Lutheran Church. 291 iiication lost its force ; and ecclesiastical discipline cent. was reduced to such a shadow, that, in most ^^^ , , , . ' , SECT. III. places, there are scarcely any remains, any traces p^j,^ jj^ of it to be seen at this day. This change may ^-i--^,— • be attributed partly to the corrupt propensities of mankind, who are naturally desirous of destroy- ing the influence of every institution that is de- signed to curb their licentious passions. It must however, be acknowledged, that this relaxation of ecclesiastical discipline was not owing to this cause alone ; other circumstances concurred to diminish tlie respect and submission that had been paid to the spiritual tribunal. On the one hand, the clergy abused this important privilege in various ways ; some misapplying the severity of excom- munication through ignorance or imprudence, while others, still more impiously, perverted an institution, in itself extremely useful, to satisfy their private resentments, and to avenge them- selves of those who had dared to offend them. On the other hand, the counsels of certain persons in power, who considered the privilege of excom- municating in the hands of the clergy as deroga- tory from the majesty of the sovereign, and de- trimental to the interests of civil society, had no small influence in bringing this branch of ghostly jurisdiction into disrepute. It is however certain, that whatever causes may have contributed to pro- duce this effect, the effect itself was much to be la- mented, as it removed one of the most powerful restraints upon iniquity. Nor will it appear sur- prising, when this is duly considered, that the man- ners of the Lutherans are so remarkably depraved, \ and that in a church that is deprived almost of all j authority and discipline, multitudes affront the | public by their audacious irregularities, and trans- gress, with a frontless impudence, through the prospect of impunity. u 2 VII. The 292 The History of the Lutheran CJiurch, CENT. VII. The prosperous and unfavourable events ^vi- that belong to the history of the Lutheran church, SECT. III. g-^^^ ^i^g happy establishment of its liberty and in- PART II-, , ^-1 1 v^.^^.^ dependence, are neither numerous nor remarka- of the ble, and may consequently be mentioned in a few prosperous ^yords. The rise and progress of this church, tous events before its final and permanent establishment, ?^' ^nld ^^^^^ h^^M already related ; but that very religious to^the'Lu- peace, which was the instrument of its stability iheran ^^^ independence, set bounds, at the same time, church. . ^ .'i . 1 !•/ to its progress m the empire, and prevented it effectually from extending its limits [i]. Towards the conclusion of this century, Gebhard, arch- bishop of Cologn, discovered a propensity to enter into its communion, and, having contracted the bonds of matrimony, formed the design of in- troducing the reformation into his dominions. But this arduous attempt, which was in direct contradiction with the famous Ecclesiastical He- servation [k] stipulated in the articles of the peace of religion concluded at Augsburg, proved abor- tive, and the prelate was obliged to resign his dig- nity, and to abandon his country [/]. On the other hand, it is certain, that the adversaries of the Lutheran church were not permitted to disturb its tranquillity, C^ PH T'lie reason of this will be seen in the following note. ^^ \Jf\ In the diet of Augsburg, which was assembled in the year 1555, in order to execute the treaty of Passau, the several states that had already embraced the Lutheran reli- gion, were confirmed in the full enjoyment of their religious liberty. To prevent, however, as far as was possible, the far- ther progress of the Reformation, Charles V. stipulated for the catholics the famous Ecclesiastical Reservation ; by which it was decreed, that if any archbishop, prelate, bishop, or other ecclesiastic, should, in time to come, renounce the faith of Rome, his dignity and benefice should be forfeited, and his place be filled by the chapter or college, possessed of the power of election. {l~\ See Jo. Dav. Koleri Disserted h de Gebhardo Tnichscssio. —Jo. Pet, a Ludewig Rellquice MSlonim omnis cevi, torn. v. p. 383. — See also a German work, entitled, Unschiddigc Na- chrickten, A. 1748, p. 484. Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran Church. 293 tranquillity, or to hurt, in any essential point, its cent. liberty, prosperity, and independence. Their in- ^^'^• tentions, indeed, were malignant enough ; and ^^^^ i"' it appeared evident, from many striking circum- s^-yW stances, that they were secretly projecting a new attack upon the protestants, with a view to annul the treaty of Passau, which had been confirmed at Augsburg^ and to have them declared public enemies to the empire. Such was undoubtedly the unjust and seditious design of Francis Burck- liard, in composing the famous book De Autono- Qiiia, which was published in the year 1586 ; and also of Pistorius, in drawing up the Reasons, which the marquis of Bade alleged in vindication of his returning back from Lutheranism into the bosom of popery [111]. These writers, and others of the same stamp, treat the Religious Peace, ne- gotiated at Passau, and ratified at Augsburg, as unjust, because obtained by force of arms, and as null, because concluded without the knowledge and consent of the Roman pontiff. They pretend also to prove, that by the changes and interpo- lations, which they affirm to have been made by Melancthon, in the confession of Augsbiirg, after it had been presented to the diet, the protestants forfeited all the privileges and advantages that they derived from the treaty now mentioned. This latter accusation gave rise to long and warm debates during this and the following century. Many learned and ingenious productions were published on that occasion, in which the Lutheran divines proved, with the utmost perspicuity and force of argument, that the Confession ol Augsburg was preserved in their church in its first state, un- corrupted by any mixture, and that none of their brethren had ever departed in any instance from u 3 the \_vf] See Chr. Aug. Salig, Histor. August, Confession, tom. i. lib. iv. cap. iii. p. 767. SECT. Ill PART 294 TJie History of the Lutheran Church. CENT, the doctrines it contains \n\. They that felt most ^^'^- sensibly the bitter and implacable hatred of the I"' papists against the doctrine and worship of the s«^^-«/ liiitheran church (which they disdainfully called the new religion), w^re the members of that church who lived in the territories of Roman-catholic princes. This is more especially true of the pro- testant subjects of the house of Austria [0], who have experienced, in the most affecting manner, the dire effects of bigotry and superstition seated on a throne, and who lost the greatest part of their liberty before the conclusion of this cen- tury. The state A^III. While the votaries of Rome were thus aniong"thl meditating the ruin of the Lutheran church, and Lutherans, excrtiug, for tliis purposc, all the powers of secret artifice and open violence, the followers of Luther were assiduously bent on defeating their efforts, and left no means unemployed, that seemed proper to maintain their own doctrine, and to strengthen their cause. The calamities they had suffered w^ere fresh in their remembrance ; and lience they were admonished to use all possible precautions to prevent their falling again into the like unhappy circumstances. Add to this, the zeal of princes and \jr\ See Sallg. Histor. August. Coiifessionis, torn. i. — It cannot indeed be denied, that Melancthon corrected and altered some passages of the Confession of Augsburg. Nay, more ; it is certain, that, in the year 1555, he made use of the extra- ordinary credit and influence he then had, to introduce among the Saxon churches an edition of that confession, which v/as not only corrected in several places, but was, moreover, upon the whole, very different from the original one. But his con- duct in this step, which was extremely audacious, or at least highly imprudent, never received the approbation of the Lu- theran church, nor was the Augsburg Confession, in this wew . shape, ever admitted as one of the standard-books of its faith and doctrine. [o] See the Austri Evangelico of the learned Raupachius, torn. i. p. 152. torn. ii. p. 387. This work is composed in the German language. Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran CliurcL £95 and men in power for the advancement of true cent. religion, which it must be acknowledged, was ^^^• much greater in tliis century, than it is in the p^j^^, „ ' times in which we live. Hence the original con- s-^y^.^ federacy that had been formed among the German princes for the maintenance of Lutheranism, and of which the elector of Saxony was the chief, gained new strength from day to day, and foreign sovereigns, particularly those of Stveden and Den- mark, were invited to enter into this grand alli- ance. And as it was universally agreed, that the stability and lustre of the rising church depended much on the learning of its ministers, and the progress of the sciences among those in general w^ho professed its doctrines, so the greatest part of the confederate princes promoted, with the greatest zeal, the culture of letters, and banished, wherever their salutary influence could extend, that baneful ignorance that is the mother of superstition. The academies founded by the Lutherans, at Jena, Helmstadt, and Altorf, and by the Calvinists at Franeher, Leydeii, and other places ; the ancient universities reformed and accommodated to the constitution and exigencies of a purer church than that under whose influence they had been at first established ; the great number of schools that were opened in every city; the ample rewards, together with the distinguished honours and pri- vileges that were bestowed on men of learning and genius ; all these circumstances bear honoiu'- able testimony to the generous zeal of the German princes for the advancement of useful knowledge. These noble establishments were undoubtedly expensive, and required large funds for their sup- port. These were principally drawn from the revenues and possessions, which the piety or su- perstition of ancient times 'had consecrated to the multiplication of convents, the erection, or u 4 erabeU 296 The History of the Lutheran ChurcJi. . embellishment of cliurclies, and otlier religious uses. IX. These generous and zealous efforts in the cause of learning were attended with remarkable success. Almost all the liberal arts and sciences were cultivated with emulation, and brouglit to languages greater degrees of perfection. All those, whose promoted. yJews Were turned to the service of the church, were obliged to apply themselves, with diligence and assiduity, to the study of Greek, Hebrew, and Latin literature, in order to qualify them for performing with dignity and success the duties of the sacred function ; and it is well known that in these branches of erudition several Lutheran doctors excelled in such a manner, as to acquire a deathless name in the republic of letters. Me- lancthon, Cario, Chytraeus, Reineccius, and others, were eminent for their knowledge of his- tory. jMore particularly Fladus, one of the authors of the Centurt(E Magdeburgenses^ (that immortal work, which restored to the light of evidence and truth the facts relating to the rise and progress of the Christian church, which had been covered with thick darkness, and corrupted by innumerable fables), may be deservedly con- sidered as the parent of ecclesiastical history. Nor should we omit mentioning the learned JNIartin Chemnitz, to \A\q%q Examination of the Decrees of the Council of Trent, the history of religion is more indebted, than many, at this day, are apt to imagine. While* so many branches of learning were culti- vated with zeal, some, it must be confessed, were too (5r|= * The joint authors of this famous work (besides Fla- cius Illyricus) were Nicolaus Gallus, Johannes Wigandus, and Matthias Judex, all ministers of Magdeburg ; and they were assisted by Caspar Nidpruckius an Imperial counsellor, Johannes Baptista Heincelius an Augustinian, Basil Fabei*, and others. Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran Church, 297 too little pursued. Among these we may place the cent. history of literature and philosophy ; the important ^^^' science of criticism ; tlie study of antiquities ; and other ohjects of erudition that stand in connection with them. It is, however, to be observed, that not- withstanding the neglect with which these branches of science seemed, too generally, to have been treated, the foundations of their culture and im- provement in future ages were really laid in this century. On the other hand, it is remarkable that Latin eloquence and poetry were carried to a very high degree of improvement, and exhibited orators and poets of the first order ; from which circum- stance alone it may be fairly concluded, that, if all the branches of literature and philosophy were not brought to that pitch of perfection, of which they were susceptible, this was not owing to the want of industry or genius, but rather to the restraints laid upon genius by the infelicity of the times. All the votaries of science, whom a noble emur lation excited to the pursuit of literary fame, were greatly animated by the example, the in- fluence, and the instructions of Melancthon, who was deservedly considered as the great and leading doctor of the Lutheran church, and whose senti- ments, relating both to sacred and profane erudi- tion, were so universally respected, that scarcely any had the courage to oppose them. In the next rank to this eminent reformer may be mentioned Joachim Cam erarius ofLeipsic, sl shining ornament to the republic of letters in this century, who, by his zeal and application contributed much to pro- mote the cause of universal learning, and more especially the study of elegant literature. X. The revolutions of philosophy among theThevari- Lutheran doctors were many and various. Lu- pjjjiofoph J ther and Melancthon seemed to set out with among the a resolution to banish every species of philo- ^''*''^'''"^' sophy 298 The History of the Lutheran Church. CENT, sopliy [ p] from the church ; and though it is im- ^^'^- possible to justify entirely this part of their con- SECT. I"- j^^(>|.^ yg^ tl^gy 2ixe less to be blamed than those ._^ _> scholastic doctors, whose barbarous method of teaching philosophy was expressly disgusting, and who, by a miserable abuse of the subtile precepts of Aristotle, had perverted the dictates of com- mon sense, and introduced the greatest obscurity and confusion both in philosophy and religion. But though these abuses led the two great men now mentioned too far, and were carrying them into the opposite extreme; yet their own recol- lection suspended their precipitation, and they both perceived, before it was too late, that true philosophy was necessary to restrain the licentious flights of mere genius and fancy, and to guard the sanctuary of religion against the inroads of superstition and enthusiasm [ q]. It was in con- sequence of this persuasion that IMelancthon com- posed, in a plain and familiar style, abridgments of almost all the various branches of philosophy, which, during many years, were explained pub- licly to the studious youth in all the Lutheran academies and schools of learning. This cele- brated reformer may not improperly be considered as an eclectic ; for though in many points he fol- lowed Aristotle, and retained some degree of propensity [^]f\ See Christ. Aug. Heumanni Acta pJiilosopJicr. art. ii. part X. p. 579. — Jo. Herm. ab Elswich, Dlsseriat. dc vnria Aristotelis fartiina in Srholis Prokstanlium, which Launoy has prefixed to his book Defortuna Arislotelis hi Acadcmia Pari* siensi, sect. viii. p. 15. sect. xiii. p. 36. &3" C'/H Some writers, either through malignity, or for want of better information, have pretended that Luther rejected the scholastic philosophy through a total ignorance of its nature and precepts. Those that have ventured upon such an asser- tion must have been themselves grossly ignoi-ant of the history of literitture in general, as well as of the industry and erudition of Luther in particular. For a demonstrative proof of this, see Bruck.-ri Ilistoria Critloa Fhilusojyhia', torn. iv. part L p. 9h 95, 96, &c. Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran Church, 299 propensity to the ancient philosophy of the schools, cent, yet he drew many things from the fecundity ^^ ^^^\^ his own genius, and had often recourse also to the p^^^^, „'' doctrines of the Platonics and Stoics. ^w^y^— / XI. This method of teaching philosophy, how- Phiioso- ever recommendahle on account of its simplicity ^'^^i^'ote- and perspicuity, did not long enjoy alone and Hans and unrivalled, the great credit and authority it had ^°"™**"^ ohtained. Certain acute and suhtile doctors, having perceived that Melancthon, in compo- sing his Ab?idg?ne?its, had discovered a peculiar and predominant attachment to the philosophy of Aristotle, thought it was better to go to the source, than to drink at the stream ; and there- fore read and explained to their disciples the works of the Stagirite. On the other hand, it was observed, 'that'^tlie Jesuits and other votaries of Home, artfully made use of the ambiguous terms and the intricate sophistry of the ancient school- men, in order to puzzle the protestants, and to reduce them to silence, when they wanted suck arguments as were adapted to produce conviction. And, therefore, many protestant doctors, thought it might be advantageous to their cause to have the studious youth instructed in the mysteries of the Aristotelian philosophy, as it was taught in the schools, that thus they mjght be qualified to defend themselves with the same weapons with which they were attacked. Hence there arose, towards the conclusion of this century three phi- losophical sects, the Melancthonian, i\\Q Aristoteli- an, and the Scholastic. The first declined gradually and soon disappeared ; while the other two imper- ceptibly grew into one, and acquired new vigour by this coalition, increased daily in reputation and influence, and were adopted in all the schools of learning. It is true, the followers of Ramus made violent inroads, in several places, upon the territories of these combined sects, and sometimes with 300 TJie History of the Lutheran Church CENT, with a certain appearance of success; but their ^^'^- liopes were transitory ; for after various struggles R\RT n! *^^^y ^^'^^'® obliged to yield, and were, at length, v^-Y— ^ entirely banished from the schools [?•]. The Tara- XII. Such also was thc fatc of the disciples of F/re'phiio.-^^^'''^^^^^^^^' ^^'^^^» ^^^^ ^^^ grand principle of sophers. their physical system, were calkd Fire philoso- phers \s\ and who aimed at nothing less than the total subversion of the peripatetic philosophy and the introduction of their own reveries into the public schools. Towards the conclusion of this century the Paracelsists really made a figure in almost all the countries of Europe, as their sect was patronized and supported by the genius and eloquence of several great men, who exerted themselves, with the utmost zeal and assiduity, in its cause, and endeavoured, both by their writings and their transactions, to augment its credit. In England it found an eminent defender in M. Robert Flood, or Fludd, a man of a very sin- gular genius \tX who illustrated, or at least attempted ]y] Jo. Herm. ab. Elswhich, De fatis AristoL in Scholis PrO" test. sect. xxi. p. 54. — Jo. George Walchius^ Historia Logices, lib. ii. cap. i. sect. iii. v. in Parergis Acadcmic'is, p. 6lS, 6l7. —Otto. Frid. Schutzius, Devita Chyfrm, lib. iv. sect. iv. p. 19. €3" D^H This fanatical sect of philosophers had several de- nominations. They were called Theosophists, from their de- claiming against human reason as a dangerous and deceitful guide, and their representing a divine and supernatural illumi- nation as the only means of arriving at truth. They were called Philosophiper ignem, i. e. Fire-philosophers, Trom their main- taining that the intimate essences of natural things were only to be known by the trying efforts of fire, directed in a chymi- cal process. They w^ere, lastly denominated Paracehisis, from the eminent physician and chymist of that name, who was the chief ornament, and leader of that extraordinary sect. 03" \j~\ The person here mentioned by Dr. Mosheim is not the famous Dominican monk of that name, who, from his ar- dent pursuit of mathematical knowledge, was called the Seeker, and who, from his passion for chemistry, was suspected of PART II. Chap. T. The History of the Lutheran Church. SOI attempted to illustrate, the philosophy of Para- cent. celsus, in a great numher of treatises, which, ^'^^• even in our times, are not entirely destitute of ^^^^' "^' readers and admirers. The same philosophy got a certain footing in France, had several votaries in that kingdom, and was propagated with zeal at Paris, hy a person whose name was Rivier, in opposition to the sentiments and efforts of the university of that city [it]. Its cause was in- dustriously promoted in Denmark by Severi- nus [w] ; in Germany, by Kunrath, an eminent physician at I}resden, who died in the year 1605 \oc\ ; and in other countries by a considerable num- ber of warm votaries, who were by no means un- successful in augmenting its reputation, and mul- tiplying its followers. As all these heralds of the new philosophy accompanied their instructions with a striking air of piety and devotion, and seemed, in propagating their strange system, to propose to themselves no other end than the ad- vancement of the divine glory, and the restoration of peace and concord in a divided church; a motive, in appearance, so generous and noble could not fail to procure them friends and pro- tectors. Accordingly, we find, that towards the conclusion of this century, several persons, emi- nent for their piety, and distinguished by their zeal for the advancement of true religion, joined themselves to this sect. Of this number were the Lutheran doctors Wigelius, Arndius, and others, w^ho of magic, but a famous physician born in the year 1574, at Milgate in Kent, and very remarkable for his attachment to the alchymists. See Ant. Wood, Athenar. Oxoniens. vol. i. p. 6lO. and Hist, et Aniiq. Acad. Oxoniens. lib. ii. p. 390. — P. Gas- sendi Examen Philosoph. Fliiddance, tom. iii. opp. p. 259. {jr\ Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, tom. vi. p. 327, & passim, [jv] Jo. Molleri Cimbria Liter ata, tom. i. p. 623. Ct] Jo. Molleri, ibid. tom. ii. p. 440. 302 The History of the Lutheran Church. CENT, who were led into the snare by their ill-grounded ^^'^- notions of human reason, and who apprehended SECT. III. J ^^^ controversy and argumentation might lead PART II. . •' » , *? . \,^^^^^ men to substitute anew the pompous and intricate jargon of the schools in the place of solid and sin- cere piety. Tiie con- XIII. Aiiiong tliosc that discovered a propen- bSwIeu sity towards the system of the Paracelsists, or Hofmann Thcosophists, was tlic Celebrated Daniel Hof- kaguer^^" n^ann, Professor of Divinity in the university of Helmstadt, who, from the year 1598, had declared open war against philosophy, and who continued to oppose it with the greatest obstinacy and vio- lence. Laying hold of some particular opinions of Luther, and certain passages in the writings of that great man, he extravagantly maintained, that philosophy was the mortal enemy of religion; that truth was divisible into two branches, the one jphilosophical and the other theological; and that what was true in philosophy, was false in theolo- gy. These absurd and pernicious tenets naturally alarmed the judicious doctors of the university, and excited a warm controversy between Hofmann and his colleagues Owen Guntherus, Cornelius ]\Iartin, John Caselius, and Duncan Liddel ; a controversy also of too much consequence to be confined within such narrow bounds, and which accordingly, was carried on in other countries with the same fervour. The tumults it ex- cited in Gcrmanij were appeased by the interpo- sition of Henry Julius, duke of Brunsucick, who, having made a careful inquiry into the nature of this debate, and consulted the professors of the academy of Bostoc on that subject, commanded Hofmann to retract publicly tlie invectives he had thrown out against philosophy in his writings and in his academical lectures, and to acknow- ledge, in the most open manner, the harmony and union Cliap. I. The History of the Lutheran Cliurch. SOS imion of sound philosophy with true and genuine cent. theology [7/]. ^ ^^^^Xi. XIV. The theological system that now pre- p^j^^, „, vails in the Lutheran academies, is not of the w^-y-«^ same tenor or spirit with that which was adopted The science in the infancy of the Reformation. As time and ^^j.^'^^^^^^^ experience are necessary to bring all things to and im- perfection, so the doctrine of the Lutheran church p^'°^^^' changed, imperceptibly and by degrees, its ori- ginal form, and was improved and perfected in many respects. This will appear both evident and striking to those who are acquainted with the history of the doctrines relating to the interpreta- tion of scripture, free-will, predestination, and other points, and who compare the Lutheran systems of divinity of an earlier date, with those that have been composed in modern times. The' case could not well be otherwise. The glorious defenders of religious liberty, to whom we owe the various blessings of the Keformation, as they were conducted only by the suggestions of their natural sagacity, whose advances in the pursuit of knowledge are gradual and progressive, could not at once behold the truth in all its lustre, and in all its extent, but, as usually happens to persons that have been long accustomed to the darkness of ignorance, their approaches towards knowledge were but slow, and their views of things but im- perfect. The Lutherans were greatly assisted both in correcting and illustrating the articles of their faith, partly by the controversies they were obliged to carry on with the Roman catholic doctors, f 7/] There is an accurate account of this controversy, with an enumeration of the writings published on both sides of the question, in the Hfe of Owen Guntherus, which is inserted by Mollerus, in his Cimbria Litcrata, torn. i. p. 225. — See also Jo. Herm. ab Elswich, Dc fails Aristotelis in Scholia Protes- tant, sect, xxvii. p. 76 ; and a German work, entitled, Gotter. Arnold, Kirchen and Kitzer-Historie, p. 947. 304 The History of the Lutheran Church. CENT, doctors, and the disciples of Zuiiigle and Calvin, ^^i- and partly by the intestine divisions that reigned PAR^T i" ^^^^^''g themselves, of which an account shall be \^^^y^^ given in this chapter. They have been absurdly reproached, on account of this variation in their doctrine, by Bossuet, and other papal writers, who did not consider that the founders of the Lu- theran church never pretended to divine inspira- tion ; and that it is by discovering first the errors of others, that the wise generally prepare them- selves for the investigation of truth. The state XV. The lirst and principal object that drew S!iSy!'^ the attention and employed the industry of the re- formers, was the exposition and illustration of the sacred writings, which, according to the doctrine of the Lutheran church, contain all the treasures of celestial wisdom ; all things that relate to faith and practice. Hence it happened, that the num- ber of commentators and expositors among the Lutherans was equal to that of the eminent and learned doctors that adorned that communion. At the head of them all, Luther and INI elan c- thon are undoubtedly to be placed; the former, on account of the sagacity and learning, discovered in his explications of several portions of scripture, and particularly of the books of INIoses, and the latter, in consequence of his commentaries on the Epistles of St. Paul, and other learned labours of that kind which are abundantly known. A second class of expositors, of the same commu- nion, obtained also great applause in the learned world, by their successful application to the study of the Holy Scriptures, in which we may rank jMatthias Flacius, whose Glossary and hey to the sacred writings [z] is extremely useful in un- folding the meaning of the inspired penmen ; John Bugcnhagius, Justus Jonas, Andrew Osian- der, [;:] The Latin titles are Glossa Scripliirce Sacrce, and Cla^ vis Scripturcc Sacrce, Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran Church 305 der, and Martin Chemnitz, whose Hai^monies of cent. the Evangelists ^YQ wot -voidi oi mmi. To these ^^'^ we may add Victor Strigelius and Joachim Cam- erarius, of whom the latter, in his Commentary on the Netio Testament, expounds the scriptures in a grammatical and critical manner only; and lay- ing aside all debated points of doctrine and reli- gious controversy, unfolds the sense of each term, and the spirit of each phrase, by the rules of criti- cism, and the genius of the ancient languages, in which he was a very uncommon proficient. XVI. All these expositors and commentators Therespec- abandoned the method of the ancient interpreters, of thTsa-* who, neglecting the plain and evident purport oi^^^^ i'^ter- the words of scripture, were perpetually torturing ^^^^^^^ their imaginations, in order to find out a myste- rious sense in each word or sentence, or were hunting after insipid allusions and chimerical ap- plications of scripture-passages, to objects, which never entered into the views of the inspired writers. On the contrary, their principal zeal and industry were employed in investigating the natural force and signification of each expression, in con- sequence of that golden rule of interpretation in- culcated by Luther, That there is no more than one sense annexed to the words of Scripture through-^ out all the Books of the Old and New Testament [a]. It must, however, be acknowledged, that the examples exhibited by these judicious expositors were far from being vmiversally followed. Many, labouring under the old and inveterate disease of an irregular fancy and a scanty judgment, were still seeking for hidden significations and double meanings in the expressions of holy writ. They were perpetually busied in twisting all the prophe- VOL. lA^. X cies C:3" {a~\ This golden rule will be found often defective and false, unless several prophetical, parabolical, and figurative expressions be excepted in its application. 306 The Histoi^y of the Lmtheran Church. CENT, cies of the Old Testament into an intimate con- ^^'^- nection with the life, sufferings, and transactions sEvi. "^-Qf jgsus Christ; and were over sao^acious in find- PART II. . . , , . r» 1 • 1 1 1 \^^^^^^ ipg out, m tne history oi the patriarchal and Jewish churches, the types and figures of the events that have happened in modern, and that may yet happen in future times. In all this they discovered more imagination than judgment; more wit than wisdom. Be that as it may, all the expositors of this age may he divided, me- tliinks with propriety enough into two classes, with Luther at the head of the one, and IMe- lancthon presiding in the other. Some com- mentators followed the example of the former, who, after a plain and familiar explication of the sense of scripture, applied its decisions to the fixing of controverted points, and to the illustra- tion of the doctrines and duties of religion. — Others discovered a greater propensity to the me- thod of the latter who first divided the discourses of the sacred writers into several parts, explained them according to the rules of rhetoric, and af- terwards proceeded to a niore strict and almost a literal exposition of each part, taken separately, applying the result as rarely as was possible, to points of doctrine or matters of controversy. XVII. Complete systems of theology were far from being numerous in this century. JMelanc- theoiogy orthon, the most eminent of all the Lutheran doc- fhriluthe- ^^^'^' collected and digested the doctrines of the ran church, church, which lie so eminently adorned, into a body of divinity, under the vague title of Loci Co7nmiineSi i. e. A Common Place Book of Theo- logy. This compilation, which was afterwards, at different times reviewed, corrected, and enlarged by its author, was in such high repute during this century, and even in succeeding times, that it was considered as an universal model of doctrine for all those, who either instructed the people by their Concern- ing the didactic Chap. I. llie History of the Lutheran Church 307 their public discourses, or promoted the know- cent. ledge of religion by their writings [6]. The title ^^^"^^j^^ prefixed to this performance, indicates sufficiently p^rt it/ the method, or rather the irregularity that reigns ^-..-y— ^ in the arrangement of its materials ; and shews, that it was not the design of Melancthon to place the various truths of religion in that syste- matical concatenation, and that scientific order and connection, that are observed by the philosophers in their demonstrations and discourses, but to propose them with freedom and simplicity, as they presented themselves to his view. Accord- ingly, in the first editions of the book under consideration, the method observed, both in de- lineating and illustrating these important truths, is extremely plain, and is neither loaded with the terms, the definitions, nor the distinctions that abound in the writings of the philosophers. Thus did the Lutheran doctors, in the first period of the rising church, renounce and avoid, in imitation of the great reformer, whose name they bear, all the abstruse reasoning, and subtile discussions of the scholastic doctors. But the sophistry of their adversaries, and their perpetual debates with the artful champions of the church of Rome, en- gaged them by degrees, as has been already ob- served, to change their language and their me- thods of reasoning; so that, in process of time, the simplicity that had reigned in their theological systems, and in their manner of explaining the truths of religion, almost totally disappeared. Even Melancthon himself fell imperceptibly into the new method, or rather into the old method revived, and enlarged the subsequent editions of his Loci Communes, by the addition of several philosophical illustrations, designed to expose the X 2! fallacious {]j~\ See Jo. Franc. Biiddeus, Isogoge hd Thedogiam, lib. ii. cap. i. sect xiii, torn. i. p. 381. SECT. III. PART II. 308 The History of the Luthey^an Church. CENT, fallacious reasoniDgs of the Roman Catholic ^^^- doctors. As yet, however, the discussions of r"!- ITT 1 .T T philosophy were but sparingly used, and the un- intelligible jargon of the schoolmen was kept at a certain distance, and seldom borrowed. But when the founders of the Lutheran church were removed by death, and the Jesuits attacked the principles of the Reformation with redoubled ani- mosity, armed with the intricate and perplexing dialectic of the schools; then, indeed, the scene changed and theology assumed another aspect. The stratagem employed by the Jesuits corrupted our doctors, induced them to revive that intricate and abstruse manner of defending and illustrating religious truth that Luther and his associates had rejected, and to introduce, into the plain and artless paths of theology, all the thorns, and thistles, all the dark and devious labyrinths of the scholastic philosophy. This unhappy change was deeply lamented by several divines of eminent piety and learning about the commencement of the seventeenth century, who regretted the loss of that amiable simplicity that is the attendant on divine truth ; but they could not prevail upon the professors, in the different universities, to sacrifice the jargon of the schools to the dictates of com- mon sense, nor to return to the plain, serious, and unaffected method of teaching theology that had been introduced by Luther. These obstinate doctors pleaded necessity in behalf of their scho- lastic divinity, and looked upon this pretended necessity as superior to all authorities, and all ex- amples, however respectable. The state XVIII. Those who are sensible of the intimate amoi?g1h7 connexion that there is between faith and prac- Lutherani. tice, between the truths and duties of religion, will easily perceive the necessity that there was of reforming the corrupt morality, as well as the su- perstitious doctrines, of the church of Rome. It is Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran Church. 809 is therefore natural, that the same persons, who cent„ had spirit enough to do the one, should think ^^^' 1 ' mrpT* 11'' themselves ohliged to attempt the other. This p^j^^ ii.* they accordingly attempted, and not without a w^y"-^ certain degree of success ; for it may be affirmed with truth, that there is more genuine piety and more excellent rules of conduct in the few prac- tical productions of Luther, Melancthon, Wel- ler, and Rivius, to mention no more, than are to he found in the innumerable volumes of all the ancient Casuists and Moralisers [c], as they are called in the barbarous language of these remote periods. It is not, however, meant even to in- sinuate, that the notions of these great men con- cerning the important science of morality were either sufficiently accurate or extensive. It ap- pears, on the contrary, from the various debates that were carried on during this century, con- cerning the duties and obligations of Christians, and from the answers that were given by famous casuists to persons perplexed with religious scru- ples, that the trvie principles of morality were not as yet fixed with perspicuity and precision, the agreement or diffierence between the laws of na- ture and the precepts of Christianity sufficiently examined and determined, nor the proper dis- tinctions made between those parts of the gospel dispensation, which are agreeable to right reason, and those that are beyond its reach and compre- hension. Had not the number of adversaries, with whom the Lutheran doctors were obliged to contend, given them perpetual enployment in the field of controversy, and robbed them of that precious leisure which they might have conse- crated to the advancement of real piety and vir- X 3 tue, 03" H The moral writers of this century were called Mo- ralisantes, a barbarous term, of which the English word Mo* ralisers bears some resemblance. SECT, in PART II 310 Tlie History of the Lutheran Cliurch. CENT, tue, they would certainly have heen free from the ^J^;^ defects now mentioned, and wonld, perhaps, have equalled the best moral writers of modern times. _ ^ _ This consideration will also diminish our wonder at a circumstance, which otherwise might seem surprising that none of the famous Lutheran doc- tors attempted to give a regular system of mor rality. Melancthon himself, whose exquisite judgment rendered him peculiarly capable of re- ducing into a compendious system the elements of every science, never seems to have thought of treating morals in this manner ; but has inserted, on the contrary, all his practical rules and instruc- tions under the theological articles that relate to the law, sill, free-will, faith, hope, and charity. Polemic or XIX. All the diviucs of this century were edu- shdtheo-" cated in the school of controversy, and so trained ^y- up to spiritual war, that an eminent theologian, and a bold and vehement disputant, were consi- dered as synonymous terms. It could scarcely, indeed, be otherwise, in an age when foreign quarrels and intestine divisions of a religious na- ture threw all the countries of Europe into a state of agitation, and obliged the doctors of the con- tending churches to be perpetually in action, or at least in a posture of defence. These champions of the Reformation were not, however, all ani- mated with the same spirit, nor did they attack and defend with the same arms. Such of them as were contemporary with Luther, or lived near his time, were remarkable for the simplicity of their reasoning, and attacked their adversaries with no other arguments than those which they drew from the declarations of the inspired writers, and the decisions of the ancient fathers. Towards the latter end of the century this method was considerably changed, and we see those doctors, who were its chief ornaments, reinforcing their cause with the succours of the Aristotelian philo- sophy Chap. I. The History of the luutheran Church. 311 sophy, and thus losing, in point of perspicuity cent. and evidence, what they gained in point of sub- ^J^- tilty and imagined science. It is true, as has p^jt^ „' been i^lready observed more than once, that they s^^y-w' were too naturally, though inconsiderately, led to adopt this method of disputing by the example of their adversaries the lloman catholics. The latter having learnt, by a disagreeable and dis- couraging experience, that their cause was unable to support that plain and perspicuous method of reasoning, that is the proper test of religious and moral truth, had recourse to stratagem, when evidence failed, and involved both their argu- ments and their opinions in the dark and intricate mazes of the scholastic philosophy ; and it was this that engaged the protestant doctors to change their w^eapons, and to employ methods of defence unworthy of the glorious cause in which they had embarked. The spirit of zeal that animated the Lutheran divines was, generally speaking, very far from being tempered by a spirit of charity. If we ex- cept Melancthon, in whom a predominant mild- ness and sweetness of natural temper triumphed over the contagious ferocity of the times, all the disputants of this century discovered too much bitterness and animosity in their transactions and in their writings. I^uther himself appears at the head of this sanguine tribe, who he far surpassed in invectives and abuse, treating his adversaries with the most brutal asperity, and sparing neither rank nor condition, however elevated or res])ec- tahle they might be. It must indeed be con- fessed, that the criminal natiu'e of this asperity and vehemence will be much alleviated, when they are considered in one point of view with the genius of these barbarous times, and the odious cruelty and injustice of the virulent enemies, whom the oppressed reformers were called to en- X 4 ' coimier^ 312 The History of the Lutheran Church, counter. When the impartial inquirer considers the abominable calumnies that were lavished on the authors and instruments of the Reformation ;' when he reflects upon the horrors of fire and sword employed, by blood-thirsty and bigotted tyrants, to extirpate and destroy those good men whom they wanted arguments to persuade and convince ; will not his heart burn with a generous indignation ? and will he not think it in some measure just, that such horrid proceedings should be represented in their proper colours, and be stigmatized by such expressions as are suited to their demerit ? Three peii-^ XX. lu ordcr to form a just idea of the inter- disting^ish! 11^^ statc of the Lutheran church, and of the revo- ed in the lutious aud cliauffes that have happened in it, with history of -1 • , • ^ 1 1 -4. • the Luthe- theu' true sprmgs and real causes, it is necessary ran church, to cousidcr the liistory of that church under three distinct periods. The first of these extends from the commencement of the Heformation to the death of Luther, which happened in the year 1546. The second takes in the space of time elapsed between the death of Luther and that of Melancthon, and consequently terminates in the , year 156*0; while the remainder of the century is i comprehended in the third period. The First Period. During the first period, all things were trans- acted in the Lutheran Church in a manner con- formable to the sentiments, counsels, and or- ders of Luther. This eminent Reformer, wh(^ undaunted resolution, and amazing credit as^ 'authority, rendered him equal to the most arduous attempts, easily suppressed the commo- tions and dissensions that arose from time to time in the church, and did not suiTer the sects, that several had attempted to form in its bosom, to gather Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran Church. 313 gather strength, or to arrive at any considerable cent. degree of consistence and maturity. The natural ^^^* consequence of this was, that, during the life of p^j.^ „/ that great man, the internal state of the Lutheran >— y^.-/ church was a state of tolerable tranquillity and repose ; and all such as attempted to foment divi- sions, or to introduce any essential changes, were either speedily reduced to silence, or obliged to retire from the new community. XXI. The infancy of this church w^as troubled debates be- by an impetuous rabble of wrong-headed Fanatics, therandthe who introduced the utmost confusion wherever JPanatics they had occasion to spread their pestilential errors, bied thT" and who pretended that they had received a di-f^^^^^^^"*"- vine inspiration, authorising them to erect a new p" Hod! kingdom of Christ, in which sin and corruption were to have no place. The leaders of this tur- bulent and riotous sect were Munzer, Storchius, Stubner, and others, partly Swiss, and partly Germans, who kindled the flame of discord and rebellion in several parts oi Europe^ and chiefly in Germany, and excited among the ignorant multi- tude tumults and commotions, which, though less violent in some places than in others, were nevertheless, formidable wherever they appeared [rZ ]. The history of this seditious band is full of obscurity and confusion. A regular, full, and accurate account of it neither has, nor could well be, committed to writing ; since, on the one hand, the opinions and actions of these fanatics were a motley chaos of inconsistencies and contra- dictions, and, on the other, the age, in which they lived, produced few writers who had either the leisure or the capacity to observe with dili- gence, \d~^ Jo. Baptista Ottius, in his Annales Anabaptist, p. 8. has collected a considerable number of focts relating to these fanatical commotions, which are also mentioned by all the writers of the History of the Rcfornlation. 314 The History of the Litthercm Church. geiice, or to relate v/itli accuracy, commotions and tumults of this extraordinary kind. It is however certain, that, from the most profligate and abandoned part of this enthusiastical multi- tude, those seditious armies were formed, which kindled in Germany the War of the Peasants, and afterwards seized upon the city oi 3funster, involv- ing the whole province of Westphalia in the most dreadful calamities. It is also well known, that the better part of this motley tribe, terrified by the unhappy and deserved fate of their unworthy associates, whom they saw extirpated and massa- cred with the most unrelenting severity, saved themselves from the ruin of their sect, and, at length, embraced the communion of those who are called Mennonites [e]. The zeal, vigilance, and resolution of Luther happily prevented the divisions, which the odious disciples of Munzer attempted to excite in the church he had founded, and preserved the giddy and credulous multitude from their seductions. And it may be safely affirmed, that, had it not been for the vigour and fortitude of this active and undauiited reformer, the Lutheran church would, in its infancy, have fallen a miserable prey to the enthusiastic fury of ^ these detestable fanatics [,/*]. Caroio- '-**"■ XXII. Fanatics and enthusiasts of the kind now described, while they met with the warmest op- position . from Luther, found on the contrary, in Caro- C3" C^l The tumults of the anabaptists in Germany, and the junction of the better part of them v/ith Mennon, have al- ready been mentioned in a cursory manner, sect. i. chap. ii. sect. xxi. For an ample account of the origin, doctrine, and progress of the Mennonites, see the third chapter of the se- cond part of this third section, cent. xvi. C^ [/l The danger that threatened the Lutheran church in these tumults of the German anabaptists, was so mucii the greater on account of the inclination which Munzer and Storck discovered at first for the sentiments of Luther, and the fa- vourable disposition which Carolostadt seemed for some time to entertain \\i\h respect to these fanatics. etadt. Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran Cliurch, 315 Carolostadt, his colleague, such a credulous at- cent. tention to their seductions, as naturally flattered ^^'^• them with the hopes of his patronage and favour. ^^^.^ j^ * This divine, w^ho was a native of Franconia^ was ^ neither destitute of learning nor merit ; but im- prudence and precipitation were the distinguished lines of his warm and violent character. Of these he gave the most evident marks, in the year 1523, when, during the absence of Luther, he excited no small tumult at Witteniberg, by ordering the images to be taken out of the churches, and other enterprises of a rash and dangerous nature \_g\ This tumult was appeased by the sudden return of Luther, whose presence and exhortations calmed the troubled spirits of the people ; and here must we look for the origin of the rupture between him and Carolostadt. For the latter im- mediately retired from Wittemherg to Orlamund, where he not only opposed the sentiments of Luther (f^ C^l The reader may perhaps imagine, from Dr. Mo- sheim's account of this matter, that Carolostadt introduced these changes merely by his own authority ; but this was far from being the case : the suppression of private masses, the removal of images out of the churches, the abolition of the law which imposed celibacy upon the clergy, which are the changes hinted at by our historian as rash and perilous, were effected by Carolostadt, in conjunction with Bugenhagius, Melancthon, Jonas Amsdorff, and others, and were confirmed by the authority of the elector of Saxony. So that there is some reason to apprehend that one of the principal causes of Luther's displeasure at these changes, was their being intro- duced in his absence ; unless w^e suppose that he had not so far got rid of the fetters of superstition, as to be sensible of the absurdity and of the pernicious consequences of the use of images, &c. As to the abolition of the law that imposed ce- libacy on the clergy, it is well known that it was the object of his warmest approbation. This appears from the following expressions in his letter to Amsdorfl\- " Carolostadii nuptise mire placent : novi puellum : comfortet eum Dominus in bo- num exemplum inhibendae et minuendae Papisticae libidlnis." He confirmed soon afterwards this approbation by his own example. ol6 The History of the Lutheran Church, CENT. Luther concerning the Eucharist [A], but also ^^^- discovered, in several instances, a fanatical turn of PART n"^^^"^^ [^J* ^^ ^^^s therefore commanded to leave \^.^y^^ the elector of Saxony, which he did accordingly, and repaired to Switzerland, where he propagated his doctrines, and taught with success, first at Zurich, and afterwards at Basil, retaining still, however, as long as he lived, a favourable dispo- sition towards the sect of the Anabaptists, and, in general, &3" {K\ This difference of opinion between Carolostadt and Luther concerning the eucliarist^ was the true cause of the violent rupture between those two eminent men, and it was very little to the honour of the latter. For, however the ex- plication, which the former gave of the words of the institu- tion of the Lord's Supper, may appear forced, yet the senti- ments he entertained of that ordinance as a commemoration of Christ's death, and not as a celebration of his bodily presence, in consequence of a consubstantiation with the bread and wine^, are infinitely more rational than the doctrine of Luther, which is loaded with some of the most palpable absurdities of tran- substantiation. And if it be supposed that Carolostadt strain- ed the rule of interpretation too far, when he alleged, that Christ pronounced the pronoun this (in the words. This is iny bodif) pointing to his body, and not to the bread, what shall we think of Luther's explaining the nonsensical doctrine of consubstantiation by the similitude of a red hot iron, in which two elements are united, as the body of Christ is with the bread in the tucharist.^ But of this more in its proper place. (^ \_i~\ This censure is with too much truth applicable to Carolostadt. — Though he did not adopt the impious and abo- minable doctrines of Munzer and his band (as Dr. Mosheim permits the uninstruct^d reader to imagine by mentioning, in general, as being a friend to these fanatics), yet he certainly was chargeable with some extravagancies that were observ- able in ttie tenets of that wrong-headed tribe. He was for abolishing the civil law, with the municipal laws and constitu- tions of the German empire, and proposed substituting the law of Moses in their place. He distinguished himself by railing at the academies, declaiming against human learning, and other follies. *' Great wits to madness nearly are allied." See Val. Ern. Loscheri Hisioria Motuuin inter Lutheranos et Befonnat. part I. cap. i. — Dan Gerdes, Fita Carolostadii, m Miscell. Groningens, novis^ torn. i. Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran Church. 317 general, to all enthusiastic teachers, who pretended cent. to a divine inspiration [A:]. Thus then did Lu- ^^^• ther, in a short space of time, lay this new storm p^^^ j"' that the precipitation of Carolostadt had raised in ^«^^«^ the church. XXIII. The reforming spirit of Carolostadt, Schwenck- with respect to the doctrine of Christ's presence ^^^'^*' in the eucharist, was not extinguished hy his exile, in the Lutheran church. It was revived, on the contrary, hy a man of much the same turn of mind, a Silesian knight, and counsellor to the duke of Lignitz, whose name was Gas- par Schwenckfeldt. This nohleman, seconded by Valentine Crautwald, a man of eminent learning, C^ C^l 1^^^^ affirmation of Dr. IVIoshelm wants much to be modified. In the original it stands thus : " Dum vixit vera anabaptistarum, et hominum divina visa jactantium partibus amicum sese ostendit/' — i. e. as long as he lived, he shewed himself a friend to the anabaptists, and other enthusiasts, who pretended to divine inspiration. But how could our historian assert this without restriction, since it is well known that Ca- rolostadt, after his banishment from Saxony, composed a trea- tise against enthusiasm in general, and against the extravagant tenets and the violent proceedings of the anabaptists in parti- cular,!^ Nay, more; this treatise was addressed to Luther, who was so affected by it, that, repenting of the unworthy treatment he had given to Carolostadt, he pleaded his cause, and obtained from the elector a permission for him to return into Saxony. See Gerdes, Vita Carolostadii, in Miscell. Gro^ niiigens. After this reconciliation with Luther, he composed a treatise on the eucharist, which breathes the most amiable spirit of moderation and humility ; and, having perused the writings of Zuingle, where he saw his own sentiments on that subject maintained with the greatest perspicuity and force of evidence, he repaired, a second time, to Zurich, and from thence to Basil, where he was admitted to the offices of pas- tor and professor of divinity, and where, after having lived in the exemplary and constant practice of every Christian vir- tue, he died, amidst the warmest effusions of piety and resig- nation, on the 25th of December, 154L All this is testified solemnly in a letter of the learned and pious Grynaeus of Ba- sil, to Pitiscus, chaplain to the elector Palatine, and shews how little credit ought to be given to the assertions of the ignorant Moreri, or to the insinuations of the insidious Bossuet. 318 The History of the Lutheran Church, CENT, learning, wlio lived at the court of the prince now ^^^^- meutioned, took notice of many things, which he ^^^^Ij, "^* looked upon as erroneous and defective, in the s..--^/ opinions and rites estahlished hy Luther ; and, had not the latter been extremely vigilant, as well as vigorously supported by his friends and adhe- rents, would have undoubtedly brought about a considerable schism in the church. Every circum- stance in Schwenckfeldt's conduct and appear- ance was adapted to give him credit and influence. His morals were pure, and his life, in all respects, exemplary. His exhortations in favour of true and solid piety were warm and persuasive, and his principal zeal was employed in promoting it among the people. By this means he gained the esteem and friendship of many learned and pious men, both in the Lutheran and Helvetic churches, who favoured his sentiments, and undertook to defend him against all his adversaries [/]. Not- withstanding all this, he was banished by his sove- reign both from the court and from his country, in the year 1528, only because Zuingle had ap- proved of his opinions concerning the eucharist, and declared that they did not differ essentially from his own. From that time the persecuted knight wandered from place to place, under va- rious turns of fortune, until death put an end to his trials in the year 1561 \_m\ He had founded a small congregation in Silesia, which were perse- cuted \J~] See Jo, Conr, Fueslini Centiiria I. Epistolar a Reforma- ioribiis Helvdicis Scnptar, l69, 115, 225. Museum Helvelic. torn. iv. p. 445. \jif\ Jo, Wigandl Schvenclcfeldiamsmits Lips. 1586, in 4to. — Conr. Schlusselbiirgi, Calalogi Hcereiicor. lib. x. published at Francfort in the year 1599, in 8vo. — The most accurate ac- counts of this nobleman have been given by Chr. Aug. Salig. in his Hislor. August. Confessionis, torn. iii. lib, xi. p. 951. and by Godf. Arnold, in a German work, entitled, Kirchen mid Ketzer Historic, p. 720. both which authors have pleaded the cause of Schvvenckfeldt. Chap. I. TJie Histo7'y of the Lutheran Church. 319 cuted and ejected in our times, by the popish pos- cent. sessors of that country ; but have been restored ^ ^^^• to their former habitations and privileges, civil p^j^^ jj ' and religious, since the year 1742, by the present \^^^y^^/ king of Prussia [?z]. XXIV. The upright intentions of Schwencl^- The doc- feldt, and his zeal for the advancement~on[fue schwenck- piety, deserve, no doubt, the highest commenda-^eidt. tion ; but the same thing cannot be said of his prudence and judgment. The good man had a natural propensity towards fanaticism, and fondly imagined that he had received a divine commission to propagate his opinions. He differed from Lu- ther, and the other friends of the reformation, in three points, which it is proper to select from otliers of less consequence : the fu^st of these points related to the doctrine concerning the eu- charist. Schwenckfeldt inverted the follovving words of Christ : 27iis is my body^ and insisted on their being thus understood : " 3Iy body is " thiSf i. e. such as this bre^d which is broken " and consumed : a true and real food, which *•' nourislieth, satisfieth, and delighteth the soul. " 3Iy blood is this, that is, such in its effects as " the wine w^hich strengthens and refresheth the " heart." The poor man imagined that this wo?ide?fid doctrine had been revealed to him from heaven ; which circumstance alone is a sufficient demonstration of his folly. The second point in which he differed from Lu- ther, was in his hypothesis relating to the efficacy of the divine word. He denied, for example, that the eocternal ttvrd, which is committed to writing in the Holy Scriptures, was endowed with the power of healing, illuminating, and re- newing the mind ; and he ascribed this power to the \ji2 See an account of Schwenckfeldt's Confession of Faith, in Jo. Chr. Kocheri Bihliotheca Theologies JSj/mboliccc, p. 457.. SECT. in. PART II 320 The History of the Lutheran Church, CENT, the inte?mal word, which according to his notion, ^7': was Christ himself. His discourses, however, concerning this internal word were, as usually happens to persons of his turn, so full of confu- sion, obscurity, and contradiction, that it was difficult to find out what his doctrine really was, and whether or not it resembled that of the Mys- tics and Quakers, or was borrowed from a different source. His doctrine concerning the human nature of Christ, formed the thii^d subject of debate be- tween him and the Lutherans. He would not allow Christ's human nature, in its exalted state, to be called a creature, or a created substance, as such denomination appeared to him infinitely below its majestic dignity, united as it is, in that glorious state, with the divine essence. This notion of Schwenkfeldt, bears a remarkable af- finity to the doctrine of Eutyches, which, how- ever, he professed to reject; and, in his turn, accused those of Nestorianism, who gave the de- nomination of a creature to the human nature of Christ. Tiie Anti- XXV. An intemperate zeal, by straining too ttomians. ^^^ certain truths, turns them into falsehood, or, at least, often renders them the occasion of the most pernicious abuses. A striking instance of this happened during the ministry of Luther. For, while he was insisting upon the necessity of imprinting deeply in the minds of the people that doctrine of the gospel, which represents Christ's merits as the source of m.an's salvation, and while he was eagerly employed in censuring and refuting the popish doctors, who mixed the law and gospel together, and represented eternal happiness as the fruit of legal obedience, a fanatic arose, who abused his doctrine, by over-straining it, and thus opened a field for the most dangerous errors. This new teacher was John Agricola, a native of Chap, I. The History of the Lutheran Church. 3211 of Aislehen, and an eminent doctor of the Luthe- cent. ran church, though chargeable with vanity, pre- ^ ^^^• sumption and artifice. He first, began to make ^p^j^^ u* a noise in the year 1538, when from the doctrine ^^^.y^mm/ of Luther now mentioned, he took occasion to declaim against the laiv, maintaining, that it was neither fit to be proposed to the people as a rule of manners, nor to be used in the church as a means of instruction ; and that the gospel alone was to be inculcated and explained, both in the churches and in the schools of learning. The followers of Agricolo were called Antinomians^ i. e. enemies of the law. But the fortitude, vigi- lance and credit of Luther suppressed this sect in its very infancy, and Agricolo, intimidated by the opposition of such a respectable adversary, acknowledged and renounced his pernicious sys- tem. But this recantation does not seem to have been sincere ; since it is said, that when his fears were dispelled by the death of Luther, he return- ed to his errors, and gained proselytes to his ex- travagant doctrine [o]. XXVI. The tenets of the Antinomians, if their The doc- adversaries are to be believed, were of the most^X'^HcoL noxious nature and tendency ; for they are sup- examined. posed to have taught the loosest and most disso- lute doctiine in point of morals, and to have maintained that it was allowable to follow the impulse of every passion, and to transgress with- out reluctance, the divine law, provided the trans- gressor laid hold on Christ, and embraced his merits by a lively faith. Such, at least, is the representation that is generally given of their doctrine; but it ought not to be received with too much credulity. For whoever looks into this VOL. IV. Y matter {p~] See Caspar. Sagittarius Introdud. ad Histor. Ecdesiast. tora. i. p. 838. — Bayle Dictionnaire, torn, ii, at the article Is- jebius. — Conr. Schlusselburgii Catalog. Hairet, lib. iv.— G. Arnold Kirchcn und Kelzer Histoire, p. 813. 32^ The History of the Lutheran Church. CENT, matter with attention and impartiality, will soon ^^^- be persuaded, that such an absurd and impious p^j^^ jj ' doctrine is unjustly laid to the charge of Agri- ^ cola, and that the principal fault of this presumptuous man lay in some harsh and in- accurate expressions, that were susceptible of dangerous and pernicious interpretations. By the term laxv, he understood the 2^en Command- ments, promulgated under the Mosaic dispen- sation ; and he considered this law as enacted for the Jews, and not for Christians. He ex- plained at the same time, the term Gospel (which he considered as substituted in the place of the lav,) in its true and extensive sense, as comprehending not only the doctrine of the merits of Christ rendered salutary by faith, but also the sublime precepts of holiness and virtue, de- livered by the divine Saviour, as rules of obe- dience. If, therefore, we follow the intention of Agi'icola, without interpreting, in a rigorous manner, the uncouth phrases and improper ex- pressions he so frequently and so injudiciously employed, his doctrine will plainly amount to this : *' That the Ten Commandments, published during " the ministry of Moses, w'ere chiefly designed " for the Jews, and on that account might be "' lawfully neglected and laid aside by Christians ; " and that it was sufficient to explain Vvith " perspicuity, and to enforce with zeal, what " Christ and his apostles had taught in the " iNew Testament, both with respect to the " means of grace, and salvation, and the obliga- " tions of repentance and virtue." The greatest part of the doctors of this century are charge- able with a want of precision and consistency in expressing their sentiments ; hence their real sentiments have been misunderstood, and opinions have been imputed to them which they never en- tertained. The i Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran Church, 323 The Second Period. XXVII. After the death of Luther, which cent. happened in the year 1546, Philip Melancthon g^^^^^j^^ was placed at the head of the Lutheran doctors, part h.* The merit, genius, and talents of this new chief ^^-y-*-/ were, undoubtedly, great and illustrious ; though Debates it must at the same time, be confessed, that he JjJfri^fgXe was inferior- to Luther in many respects [j9],sec nd i)e- and more especially in courage, stedfastness, and Luth^an^ personal authority. His natural temper was soft church be- and flexible; his love of peace almost excessive, d^^thoV^ and his apprehensions of the displeasure and re- Luther and sentment of men in power were such as betrayed Jancthon.^" a pusillanimous spirit. He was ambitious of the esteem and friendship of all with whom he had any intercourse, and w^as absolutely incapable of employing the force of threatenings, or the re- straints of fear, to suppress the efforts of religious faction, to keep within due bounds the irregular love of novelty and change, and to secure to the church the obedience of its members. It is also to be observed, that Melanethon's sentiments, on some points of no inconsiderable moment, were entirely different from those of Luther; and it may not be improper to point out the principal subjects on which they adopted different ways of thinking. In tlie Jirst place, IVIelancthon was of opinion, that, for the sake of peace and concord, many Y 2! things W" C 1\\ ^^ would certainly be very difficult to point out the many respects- in which Dr. Mosheim affirms that Luther was superior to Melancthon. For if the single article of courage, and firmness of mind be excepted, I know no other respect in which Melancthon is not superior, or at least equal, to Luther. He was certainly his equal in piety and virtue, and much his ■superior in learning, judgment, meekness, and humanity. 324 The History of the Lutheran Church, CENT, things might be connived at and tolerated in the ^7^- church of Rome, which Luther considered as ab- ^p^^;^ '"' sohitely insupportable. The former carried so v^^.^,^/ far the spirit of toleration and indulgence, as to discover no reluctance against retaining the an- cient form of ecclesiastical government, and sub- mitting to the dominion of the Roman pontiff, on certain conditions, and in such a manner, as might be without prejudice to the obligation and authority of all those truths that are clearly revealed in the holy scriptures. A second occasion of a diversity of sentiments between these two great men was furnished by the tenets which Luther maintained in opposition to the doctrines of the church of Rome. Such were his ideas concerning faith, as the only cause of salvation, concerning the necessity of good w^orks to our final happiness, and man's natural incapacity of promoting his own conversion. In avoiding the corrupt notions which were embrac- ed by the Roman Catholic doctors on these im- / portant points of theology, Luther seemed, in the judgment of Melancthon, to lean too much to- wards the opposite extreme [ even as idolatrous ; and that nothing but the fear of inflaming the present divisions, and of not being seconded, prevented him from declaring his sentiments openly. See also Dictiomiaire de BaT/kf art. Melancthon note, L. 32G Tlie History of the Lutheran Church, tion. The eminent rank Melancthon held among the Lutheran doctors rendered this bold rjflan- ner of proceeding extremely disagreeable to many. His doctrine accordingly was censured and op- posed ; and thus the church was deprived of the tranquillity it had enjoyed under Luther, and ex- hibited an unhappy scene of animosity, conten- tion, and discord. The adia- XXVIII. The rise of these unhappy divisions coiuiover- must be dated from tlie year 1548, when sy,orthe Charles V. attempted to impose upon the combining Gemiaus the famous edict, called the Interim, matters of ]\laurice, the new elector of Saxony, desirous to ent nature, kuow how far such au edict ought to be respected in his dominions, assembled the doctors of JVit- temherg and Leipsic in the last mentioned city, and proposed this nice and critical subject to their seriuus examination. Upon this occasion JNIelancthon, complying with the suggestions of that lenity and moderation that were the great and leading principles in the whole course of his conduct and actions, declared it as his opinion, that, in matters of an indifferent natvtre, compliance was due to the imperial edicts [^]. But in the class of matters indifferent, this great man and his associates placed many things which had appear- ed of the highest importance to Luther, and could not, of consequence, be considered as indif- ferent by his true disciples [/]. For he regarded as \j~\ The piece in which Melancthon and his associates de- li^ered their sentiments relating to thino^s indifferent, is com- monly called in the German lanijuage, Das Leipziger Interim, and was republished at Leipsic in 1721, by Biekius, in a work entitled. Das dreijfache Iiderim. Ccf" \J~\ If they only are the true disciples of Luther, who submit to his judgment, and adopt his sentiments in theologi- cal matters, many doctors of that communion, and our histo- rian among the rest, must certainly be supposed to have for- feited that title, as will abundantly appear hereafter. Be that as it may, Melancthon can scarcely, if at all, be justified in placing Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran Church. 327 as such, the doctrine oi justification hy faith alone ; cent. the necessity of good woi^ks to eternal salvation ; ^ the nitmher of the sacraments; the jurisdiction claimed by the pope and the bishops; extreme unc- ^ Hon; the observation of certain religious festivals, and several superstitious rites and ceremonies. Hence arose that violent scene of contention and dis- cord, that was commonly called the Adiaphoristic [ii] controversy, which divided the church during many years, and proved highly detrimental to the progress of the Reformation. The defenders of the primitive doctrines of Lutheranism, with riacius at their head, attacked with incredible bitterness and fury the doctors of Wittemherg and Leipsic, and particularly Melancthon, by whose counsel and influence every thing relating to the Interim had been conducted, and accused them of apostasy from the true religion. Me- lancthon, on the other hand, seconded by the zeal of his friends and disciples, justified his con- duct with the utmost spirit and vigour [w]. In this unlucky debate the two following questions were principally discussed : First, whether the mat- ter that seemed iridifferent to Melancthon were so in jxality ^ This his adversaries obstinately denied [oc]. Secondly, whether, in things of an indiffer- ent nature, and in which the interests ofreligio7i y 4 are placing in the class of things indifferent the doctrines relating to faith and good works, which are the fundamental points of the Christian religion, and, if I may use such an expression, the very lunges on which the gospel tuvns. (tl" DO This controversy was called Adiaphorisiick ; and Melancthon and his followers Ad'iaphorists , from the Greek word ddioo(po^og, which signifies ind'ijferent. \jv~\ Schlussenburgi Catalog. Hcereticor. lib. xiii. — Arnold's German work, entitled Kirchen und Ketzer Historiey lib. xvi. cap. xxvi. p. 8 16. — Salig. Histor. Avg. Confess, vol. i. p. 6*1 lo — The German work, entitled, Unschuldige Nachrichten, A. 1702, p. S3Q. 393. — Luc. Osiandri Epitome Histor. Eccles. Centur. xvi. p. 502. H C^ See above, note [^]> XVI. ECT. III. PART II. 328 The History of the Lutheran Church. CENT, arc not essentiallij conceriied, it he laxiful to yield ^^'^- to the enemies of the truth ? XXIX. This deb?ite concerning things indif- ferent became, as might well have been expected, A contro- a fruitful source of o. her controversies, which footV^*^ ''" were equally detriinental to the tranquillit}^ of the George church, and to the cause of the Reformation. Major, con- rpj^^ g^.^^ ^^ which it ffavo riso was the warm dis- cerning the . ^ . ,, J -J , necessity pute couceming the necessity of good tcorks, that wofk""^ was carried on with such spirit against the rigid Lutherans, by George JNIajor, an eminent teacher of theology at Wittemherg. Melancthon had long been of opinion, that the 7iecessiiy of good "works, in order to the attainment oj everlasting sal- vation, might be asserted and taught, as conform- able to the truths revealed in the gospel, and both he and his colleagues declared this to be their opi- nion, when they were assembled at Leijjsic, in the year 1548, to examine the famous edict already mentioned [y~\. This declaration was severely censured by the rigid disciples of Luther, as contrary to the doctrine and sentiments of their chief, and as conformable both to the tenets and interests of the church oi Rome ; but it found an able defender in IMajor, who, in the year 1552, maintained the necessity of good works against the extravagant assertions of Amsdorf Hence arose a new controversy between the I'igid and mode- rate Lutherans, which was carried on with that keenness and animosity, that were peculiar to all debates of a religious nature, during this century. In the course of this warm debate, Amsdorf was so far transported and infatuated by his excessive zeal for the doctrine of Luther, as to maintain, that good works were an impedivient to salvation; from which imprudent and odious expression the flame of controversy received new fuel, and broke forth \j/~\ The Inlerim of Charles V. Chap. I. Tlie History qftlie Lutheran Clmrch, 329 forth with redoubled fury. On the other hand, cent. Major complained of the malice or ignorance of -^^^^ his adversaries, who explained his doctrine in a ^^^^ „ ' manner quite different from that in which he in- ^*— y— ^ tended it should be understood ; and, at length, he renounced it entirely, that he might not ap- pear fond of wrangling, or be looked upon as a disturber of the peace of the church. This step did not, however, put an end to the debate, which was still carried on, until it was terminated at last by the Form of Concord \%\, XXX. From the same source that produced the The syner- dispute concerning the necessity of good works, |!oveTsy.^^ arose the synergistical controversy. The Syner- gists [ft], whose doctrine was almost the same with that of the Semi-Pelagians, denied that God was the only agent in the conversion of sinful man ; and affirmed, that man co-o'perated with di- vine grace in the accomplishment of this salutary purpose. Here also Melancthon renounced the doctrine of Luther; at least, the terms he em- ploys in expressing his "sentiments concerning this intricate subject, are such as Luther would have rejected with horror ; for in the conference at Leipsic already mentioned, the former of these great men did not scruple to affirm, that " God drew to himself and converted adult per- sons in such a manner, that the powerful impres- sion of his grace was accompanied with a certain correspondent action of their will." The friends and disciples of JVIelancthon adopted this manner of speaking, and used the expressions of 1^::;] Schlussenburg, lib. vii. Catal. Hcereticor. — Arnoldi Hist. Ecclesice, lib. xvi. cap. xxvii. p. 822. — Jo. Musaei Prx- lection, in Form. Concord, p. 181. — Am. Grevii Memoria Job. Westphalia, p. l66. (5:3" [jf\ As this controversy turned upon the co-operation of the human will with the divine grace, the persons who maintained this joint agency, were called Synergists^ from a Greek word (ous^j^t/a), which signifies co-operation. PART 330 The Histort/ of the Lutheran Church. CENT, of their master to describe the nature of the di- XVI. vine agency in man's conversion. " But this re- SECT. Jl^- pj^sentation of the matter was far from being agreeable to the rigid Lutherans. They looked upon it as subversive of the true and genuine doc- trine of Luther, relating to the absolute servitude of the human will [b], and the total inability of man to do any good action, or to bear any part in his own conversion; and hence they opposed the Synergists, or Semi-pelagians, with the utmost animosity and bitterness. The principal cham- pions in this theological conflict were Sirigelius, who defended the sentiments of Melancthon with singular dexterity and perspicuity, and Fla- cius, who maintained the ancient doctrine of Lu- ther : of these doctors, as also the subject of their debate, a farther account will be given pre- sently [c]. Fiacius,by XXXI. Duviug thcsc disscusious, a new aca- pem"e^zTai, dcmy was founded at Jena by the dukes of Saocc- excites Weimar, the sons of the famous John Frederick, S^m in the whosc uusuccessful wafs with the emperor Charles church. V. had involved him in so many calamities, and deprived him of his electorial dominions. The noble founders of this academy, having designed it for the bulwark of the protestant religion, as it was taught and inculcated by Luther, were particularly careful in choosing such professors and divines as were remarkable for their attachment to C^ M The doctrines of absolute predestination, irresistible grace, and human importance, were never carried to a more excessive length, nor maintained with a more virulent obsti- nacy, by any divine, than they were by Luther. But in these times he has very few followers in this respect, even among those that bear his name. But of this more hereafter. [c] See Schlusscnburg Catal. HcKrdicor. lib. v. G. Arnold Hislur. Ecclcs. lib. xvi. cap. xxviii. p. 826. — Bayle Diclioji- nairc, at the article Sijnergisles. — Salig. Histor. Angus. Con' fess. vol. iii. p. 474. 587. 880. — Musaei Prcelid. in Formidavi. Concordioe, p. 88. Cliap. I. The History of the Lutheran Church, 331 to the genuine doctrine of that great reformer, cent. and their aversion to the sentiments of those mo- ^^^' S'FCX TIT derate Lutherans, who had attempted by cer- p^^^ „ ' tain modifications and corrections, to render it >,^^Y^m^ less harsh and disgusting. And as none of the Lutheran doctors were so eminent on account of their uncharitable and intemperate zeal for this ancient doctrine, as Matthew Flacius, the vi- rulent enemy of Melancthon, and all the Phi- lippists, he was appointed in the year 1557, pro- fessor of divinity at Jena. The consequences of this nomination were, indeed, deplorable. For this turbulent and impetuous man, whom nature had formed with an uncommon propensity to fo- ment divisions and propagate discord, did not only revive all the ancient controversies that had distracted the church, but also excited new de- bates ; and sowed, with such avidity and success, the seeds of contention between the divines of IVeimar and those of the electorate oi Saxony, that a fatal schism in the Lutheran church was appre- hended by many of its wisest members [d ]. And indeed this schism would have been inevitable, if the machinations, and intrigues of Flacius had produced the desired effect. For, in the year 1559, he persuaded the dukes of Saxe-Weimar to order a refutation of the errors that had crept into the Lutheran church, and particularly of those that were imputed to the followers of JMelancthon, to be drawn up with care, to be promulgated by authority, and to be placed among the other reli- gious edicts and articles of faith that were in force in their dominions. But this pernicious design of dividing the church proved abortive ; for the other Lutheran princes, who acted from the true and \_d~\ See the famous letter of Augustus, elector of Saxony, concerning Flacius and his malignant attempts, which is pub- lished by Arn. Grevius in his Metnoria Jolu Westphalia, p. 393. 832 Tlie History of the Lutheran Church. CENT, and genuine principles of the Reformation, dis- ^^^' approved of this seditious hook from a just ap- ^ jj 'prehension of its tendency to increase the present SECT. III. PART trouhles, and to augment, instead of diminishing, the calamities of the cliurch [c]. tSTbT-"' XXXII. This theological incendiary kindled tvveen Fia- tlic flame of discord and persecution even in the stHoer^ church of Saoce- Weimar, and in the university of *" * Jena, to which he belonged, by venting his fury against Strigelius [,/], the friend and disciple of Melancthon. This moderate divine adopted, in many things, the sentiments of his master, and maintained, particularly, in his public lectures, that the human mill, when under the influence of the divine grace leading it to repentance, was not totally unactive, but bore a certain part in the salutary work of its conversion. In consequence of this doctrine, he was accused by Flacius of Synergism at the cgvlyI oi Sax e- Weimar ; and by the order of the prince was cast into prison, where he was treated with severity and rigour. He was at length delivered from this confinement in the year 1562, and allowed to resume his former vo- cation, in consequence of a declaration of his real sentiments, which, as he alleged, had been greatly misrepresented. This declaration, however, did not either decide or terminate the controversy ; since Strigelius seemed rather to conceal his erroneous sentiments \_g'] under ambiguous ex- pressions, than to renounce them entirely. And indeed he was so conscious of this himself, that to avoid being involved in new calamities and perse- \j~\ Sallg. Historia. August. Confess, vol. iii. p. 476. C,/D See the writers cited in the preceding notes ; and also Bayle's Dictlotiari/, at the article Str}gcli?(s. (t^ C g^ The sentiments of Strigelius were not, I have rea- son to believe, very erroneous in the judgment of Dr. Mosheini, nor are they such in the estimation of the greatest part of the Lutheran doctors at this day. Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran Church S3B persecutions, he retired from Jena to Leipsic, and cent. from Leipsic to Heidelberg, where he spent the ^^^- remainder of his days ; and appeared so unsettled p^^^^ „ ' in his religious opinions, that it is really doubtful \^^y^ whether he is to be placed among the followers of luUther or Calvin. XXXIII. The issue, however, of this con- Some par- troversy, which Flacius had kindled with such [jj^^jj^spufe an intemperate zeal, proved highly detrimental carried on to his own reputation and influence in particular, ^^^^^^^"* as well as to the interests of the Lutheran church Weimar, in general. For while this vehement disputant was assailing his adversary with an inconsiderate ardour, he exaggerated so excessively the senti- ments, which he looked upon as orthodox, as to maintain an opinion of the most monstrous and detestable kind ; an opinion which made him ap- pear, even in the judgment of his warmest friends, an odious heretic, and a corrupter of the true re- ligion. In the year 1560, a public dispute was held at Weimar, between him and Strigelius, con- cerning the natural powers and faculties of the human mind, and their influence in the conversion and conduct of the true Christian. In this con- ference the latter seemed to attribute to unassisted nature too much, and the former too little. The one looked upon the fall of man as an event that extinguished in the human mind, every virtuous tendency, every noble faculty, and left nothing behind it but universal darkness and corruption. The other maintained, that this degradation of the powers of nature was by no means universal or entire ; that the will retained still some pro- pensity to worthy pursuits, and a certain degree of activity that rendered it capable of attainments in virtue. Strigelius, who was well acquainted with the wiles of a captious philosophy, proposed to defeat his adversary by puzzling him, and addressed to him with that view, the following question : 334 The History of the Lutheran Church, CENT, question ; " Whether original sin, or the corrupt ^7^- habit which the human soul contracted by the fall, is to be placed in the class of substances or acci- dents ?" Flacius answered with unparalleled im- prudence and temerity, that it belonged to the former ; and maintained, to his dying hour, this most extravagant and dangerous proposition, that original sin is the very substance of human na- ture. Nay, so invincible was the obstinacy with which he persevered in this strange doctrine, that lie chose to renounce all worldly honours and ad- vantages rather than depart from it. It was con- demned by the greatest and soundest part of the Lutheran church, as a doctrine that bore no small affinity to that of the Manichaeans. But, on the otlier hand, the merit, erudition, and credit of Flacius procured him many respectable patrons and able defenders among the most learned doctors of the church, who embraced his senti- ments, and maintained his cause with the greatest spirit and zeal ; of whom the most eminent were Cyriac Spangenberg, Christopher Irenseus, and Caelestine [A]. Tie conse- XXXIV. It is scarccly possible to imagine how that arose much the Lutlicran church suffered from this new from the dispute iu all tliosc places where its contagion had denceof rcachcd, aud how detrimental it was to the Flacius. progress of Lutheranism, among those w^ho still adhered to the religion of Rome. For the flame of discord spread far and wide ; it was communi- cated even to those churches which were erected in \Ji] Schlussenburg. CalaJog. Hceretlcor. lib. ii. — The Life of Flacius, M'l'itten in German by Ritter, and published in 8vo at Franckfort, in the year 1 725. — Salig. Hislor. Aug. Confes- sion, vol. iii. p. 593. — Arnoldi Hislor. Ecclesiast. lib. xvi. cap. xxix. p. 829. — Musaei Pnvlcct. in Fonmtl CoJicordice, p. 29. — Jo. Georgii I^euckfeldii Historia Spangenbergensis. — For a particular account of the dispute, that was held publicly at JVcimar, see the German >\ork entitled, Unschuld Nachricht, p. 383. Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran Church. SS5 in popish countries, and particularly in the Au- cent. strian territories, under the p^oomv shade of a -^^'* . . ^ . *^ SECT. III-. dubious toleration; and it so animated the Lu- part n. tlieran pastors, though surrounded on all sides by s—^y^**^ their cruel adversaries, that they could neither be restrained by the dictates of prudence, nor by the sense of danger [i]. Many are of opinion, that an ignorance of philosophical distinctions and de- finitions threw Flacius inconsiderately into the extravagant hypothesis he maintained with such obstinacy, and that his greatest heresy was no more than a foolish attachment to an unusual term. But Flacius seems to have fully refuted this plea in his behalf, by declaring boldly, in several parts of his writings, that he knew per- fectly well the philosophical signification and the whole energy of the word substance, and was by no means ignorant of the consequences that would be drawn from the doctrine he had embraced [A:]. Be that as it may, we cannot but wonder at the senseless and excessive obstinacy of this turbulent man, who chose rather to sacrifice his fortune, and disturb the tranquillity of the church, than to abandon a word, which was entirely foreign to the subject in debate, and renounce an hypothesis, that was composed of the most palpable contra- dictions. XXXV. The p] See a German work of Bern. Raupacli, entitled, Zivie- fache Zugabe zit dem Evangclisch. Oesierrich. p. 25. 29- 32. 34. 43. 64. The same author speaks of the friends of Flacius in Austria ; and particularly of Irenseus, in his PresbyteroL Austriace, p. Q*^, — For an account of Ceelestine, see the Ger- man work mentioned at the end of the preceding note. PQ This will appear evident to such as will be at the pains to consult the letters which Westphal wrote to his friend Fla- cius, in order to persuade him to abstain from the use of the word substance, with the answers of the latter. These Letters and Answers are published by Arnold Grevius, in his 3ie- iiioria Jo. Westphali, p, 186. PART II. 336 The History of the Lutheran Church CENT. XXXV. The last controversy that we shall XVI. mention, of those that were occasioned hy the ^^?I^ Jf' excessive lenity of Melancthon, was set on foot by Osiander, in the year 1549, and produced much discord and animosity in the church. Had its first founder been yet alive, his influence and authority would have suppressed in their birth these wretched disputes; nor would Osiander, who despised the moderation of Melancthon, have dared either to publish or defend his crude and chimerical opinions within the reach of Luther. Arrogance and singularity were the principal lines in Osiander's character ; he loved to strike out new notions ; but his views seemed always involved in an intricate obscurity. The disputes that arose concerning the Interim, induced him to retu'e from Nuremberg, where he had ex- ercised the pastoral charge, to Koiiigsherg, where he was chosen professor of divinity. In this new station he begun his academical functions by propagating notions concerning the Divine Image, and the nature of Repentance, very different from the doctrine that Luther had taught on these interesting subjects ; and not contented with this deviation from the common tract, he thought proper, in the year 1550, to introduce consider- able alterations and corrections into the doctrine that had been generally received in the Lutheran church, with respect to the means of our jus- tification before God. When we examine his discussion of this important point, we shall find it much more easy to perceive the opinions he rejected, than to understand the system he had invented or adopted; for, as was but too usual in this age, he not only expressed his notions in an obscure manner, but seemed moreover perpetually in contradiction with himself. His doctrine, how- ever, when carefully examined, will appear to amount to the following propositions : " Christ " considered Chap. I. The History of the Lidher^an Church 337 *' considered in liis human nature only^ could not, cent. " by his obedience to the divine law, obtain ^^^' ^'justification and pardon for sinners ; neither can p^r^ ii.* " we be justified before God by embracing and \^^<^m^ " applying to ourselves, through faith, the righ- " teousness, and obedience of the man Christ. It " is only tlirough that eternal and essential righ- " tcousness, which dwells in Christ considered as " God, and which resides in his divine nature, " that is united to the human, that mankind can " obtain complete justification, Man becomes a " partaker of this divine righteousness by faith ; " since it is in consequence of this uniting prin- " ciple that Christ dwells in the heart of man, " with his divine righteousness ; now, wherever " this divine righteousness dwells, there God " can behold no sin, and therefore, when it is " present with Christ in the hearts of the regener- " ate, they are, on its account, considered by the " Deity as righteous, although they be sinners. " Moreover, this divine andjustifyiug righteous- ^' ness of Christ, excites the faithful to the pursuit " of holiness, and to the practice of virtue." This doctrine was zealously opposed by the most emi- nent doctors of the Lutheran church, and in a more especial manner, by Melancthon and his colleagues. On the other hand, Osiander and his sentiments were supported by persons of considerable weight. But, upon the death of this rigid and fanciful divine, the flarae of con- troversy was cooled, and dwindled by degrees into nothing [/]. XXXVI. The p] See Schlusselburgi Calalcgus Hoereticor. lib. vi. — Arnokli Hisior. Eccles. lib. xvi. cap. xxiv. p. 804. — Christ. Hartknoch. Preuss'ische Kircheu Hutoire, p. 30.9. — Salig. Historia August. CoJifcssion, torn. ii. p. 922. The judgment that was formed of this controversy by the divines of Wittem- berg, may be seen in the German work entitled, Unschiddige VOL. IV. Z Nachrichten, cams. 3ij8 The History of the Lutheran Church, XXXVI. The doctrine of Osiander, concern- ing the metliod of being justified before God, ap- peared so absurd to Stancarus, professor of He- brew at Konigsherg, that he undertook to refute The de- it. But while this turbulent and impetuous doc- bates excit- ^Qj, was exertinP' all the vehemence -of his zeal ed by Stan- . . . » p i • n i i against the opinion oi his colleague, he was hur- ried by his violence, into the opposite extreme, and fell into an hypothesis, that appeared equally groundless, and not less dangerous in its tendency and consequences. Osiander had maintained that the man Christ, in his character of moral agent, was obliged to obey, for himself, the di- vine law, and therefore could not, by the impu- tation of this obedience, obtain righteousness or justification for others. From hence he conclud- ed, that the Saviour of the world had been em- powered, not by his character as man, but by his nature as God, to make expiation for our sins^ and reconcile us to the favour of an cfrended Deity. Stancarus, on the other hand, excluded entirely Christ's divine nature from all concern in the satisfaction he made, and in the redemption he procured for offending mortals, and maintained, that the sacred oftice of a mediator between God and man belonged to Jesus, considered in his hu- man nature alone. Having perceived, however, that this doctrine exposed him to the enmity of many divines, and even rendered him the object of po- pular resentment and indignation, he retired from Konigsherg into Gerriiany, and from thence into Poland, Nachrirhte??, p. HI. and that of the doctors of Copenhagen, in (lev Danischcn Bihliolhcc. part vii, p. l.OO. where there is an ample hst of tl?e writings published on this subject. — To form a just idea of the insolence and arrogance of Osiander, those who understand the German language will do well to consult Hischius, Nuremberg Interims-H'istonc, p. 44. 39, 60, &c. Chap. I. The Histo^nj of the Lutheran Church, S3d Poland, where he excited no small commotions cent. \m\ and vv^herc also he concluded his days in the -^^^'^• 1 ^H^i r 1 SECT. III. year 1574 [/^]. XXXVII. All those who had the cause of^-.-Y^w' virtue, and the advancement of the Reformation The me- .. thodn that for an end to these hitter and uncharitable con- ployed to tentions ; and their desires of peace and concord 5 ^''.^^''^^^ m the churcli were still increased, by their per- ceiving the industrious assiduity with which Rome turned these unhappy divisions to the advance- ment of her interests. But during the life of Melancthon, who was principally concerned in these warm debates, no effectual method could be found to bring them to a conclusion. The death of this great man, which happened in the year 1560, changed, indeed, the face of things, and enabled those who were disposed to termi_ nate the present contests, to act with more resolu. z 2 tion [jn] See a German work of Chr. Hartknocb, entitled, Preussische Kirken gescJdchle, p. 340. — Schlusselburgi Cata- log. Hcereticor. — lib. ix. Dlctiomiaire du Bayle, at the article Slaucarus. — Before the arrival of Stancarus at Konigsberg, in the year 1548, he had lived for some time in Switzerland, where also he had occasioned religions disputes ; for he adop- ted several doctrines of Luther, particularly that concerning the virtue and efncjicy of the sacraments, which were re- jected by the Swiss and Grisons. See the Muswuni Hdvetu cum, torn. V. p. 484, 490, 4f)l. For an account of the dis- turbances he occasioned in Poland, in 1556, see Bullinger, in Jo. Conr. Fueslini Cenluria I. Epistdar. a Refbrmaior. HeU vetic. scnplo7\ p. 371. 451). ^n~\ The main afgumrnt alleged by Stancarus, in favour of his hypothesis, was this, that, if Christ was mediator by his divine nature only, then it followed evidently, that even consi- dered as God, he was inferior to the Father ; and thus, accor- ding to him, the doctrine of Iiis adversary Osiander led directl}' to the Unitarian system. This difficulty, whicli was presented with great subtilty, engaged many to strike into a middle road, and to mairstain, that both the divine and human natures of Christ were immediately concerned in the work of Redemp- tion, CAO T/ie History of the Lutheran Church, CENT, tion, and a surer prospect of success, than had ^vi- accompanied their former efforts. Hence it was SECT. III. ^j^^^ g^j.'j.gj. ggveral vain attempts, Augustus, elec- .^ _^j tor of Saxony^ and John William, duke of Saoce- Weimar, summoned the most eminent doctors of both the contending parties to meet at Alten- hurg, in the year 1568, and there to propose, in an amicable manner, and with a charitable spirit, their respective opinions, that thus it might be seen how far a reconciliation was possible, and what v^^as the most probable method of bringing it about. But the intemperate zeal and warmth of the disputants, with other unlucky circumstan- ces, blasted the fruits that were expected from this conference [o]. Another method of restoring tranquillity and union among the members of the Lutheran church was therefore proposed; and this was, that a certain number of wise and mo- derate divines should be employed in composing a Form of doctrine, in which all the controversies that divided the church, should be terminated and decided ; and that this new compilation, as soon as it was approved of by the Lutheran princes and consistories, should be clothed with ecclesi- astical authority, and added to the symhoUcal [ p], our standard books of the Lutheran church. James Andrse, professor at Tuhingen, whose theologi- cal abilities had procured him the most eminent and shining reputation, had been employed so early as the year 1569, in this critical and diffi- cult undertaking, by the special command of the dukes of Wittemherg and Bnm.swicJc. The elector of Saxony \_q], with several persons of distinction, embarked with these two princes in the project they \_if\ Casp. Sagittarii Introduclio ad Hist. Eccleslasiicam. part II, p. 1512. C^ £;>3 The Lutherans call si/mholical (from a Greek word that signifies cuUcciion, or compUalkm,) the books which con- tain their articles of faith, and rules of discipline. [(/] Augustus. Chap. I. Tlie History of the Lutheran Cliiirclu 341 they had formed ; so that Andreas, under the cent. shade of such a powerful protection and patron- ^^^- J- mrCT TTT age, exerted all his zeal, travelled through differ- p^j^^ j,' ent parts of Germany, negociated alternately with ^.^-y.w' courts and synods, and took all the measures which prudence could suggest, in order to render the Form, that he was composing, universally ac- ceptable. XXXVIII. The persons embarked in this new Tiie Saxon and critical desis^n, were persuaded that no time ?y'^.*".\ , ,,^.,.-'^. .. . Calvinists, ought to be lost m bringing it into execution, or secret fa- w^hen they perceived the imprudence and teme- ^"^JJ^'^jg^ rity of the disciples of Melancthon, and the changes they were attempting to introduce into the doctrine of the church. For his son-in-law, Peucer \_r\ who was a physician and professor of natural philosophy at Wittemherg, together with the divines of Wittemherg, and Leipsic, encouraged by the approbation, and relying on the credit, of Cracovius, chancellor of Dresden, and of several ecclesiastics and persons of distinction at the Saxon court, aimed at nothing less than abolishing the doctrine of Luther, concerning the eucharist and the person of Christ, with a design to substitute the sentiments of Calvin in its place. This new z 3 reformation (j:^^ \_7-~\ This Peucer, whom Dr. Mosheim mentions without any mark of distinction, was one of the wisest, most amiable, and most learned men that adorned the annals of German litera- ture during this century, as the well known history of his life, and the considerable number of his medical, mathematical, moral, and theological writings abundantly testify. Nor was he more remarkable for his merit than for his sufferings: After his genius and virtues had rendered him the favourite of the elector of Saxony, and placed him at the head of the univer- sity of Wittemberg, he felt, in a terrible manner, the effects of the bigotry and barbarity of the rigid Lutherans, who, on ac- count of his denying the corporeal presence of Christ in the eucharist, united, with success, their efforts to deprive him of tlie favour of his sovereign, and procured his imprisonment. His confmement, which lasted ten years, was accompanied with all possible circumstances of severity. See Melchior. Adam, Vit. Medico?'. Germanor. 343 77/^? History of the Lutheran Church CENT, reformation was attempted in Saxony in the year XVI. 1570, and a great variety of clandestine arts and SECT. III. g|.j.j^tagems were employed, in order to bring it to s^,^.,^^ a happy and successful issue. What the senti- ments of JMelancthon concerning the eucharist were tovv-ards the conclusion of his days, appears to be extremely doubtful. It is however certain, that he had a strong inclination to form a coali- tion between the Saxons and Calvinists, though he was prevented, by the irresolution and timi- dity of his natural character, from attempting openly this much desired union. Peucer, and the other disciples of JMelancthon already men- tioned, made a public profession of the doctrine of Calvin : and though they had much more spirit and courage than their soft and yielding master, yet they wanted his circumspection and prudence, which were not less necessary to the accomplishment of their designs. Accordingly, in the year 1571, they published in the Gern^an language, a work entitled, Stereoina\s~\^ and other waitings, in which they openly declared their dissent from the doctrine of Luther concerning the eucharist and the Person of Christ [t] ; and that f^ \jr\ A term which slgni^es futrndatioji. (JCt" L^ J ^^^^ learned hiBtorian seeme to deviate here from his usual accuracy. The aisthors of the book entitled Slercoma, did not declare their diesL?nt from the doctrine of Luther, but from the extravagant inventionsof some of his successoi's. I'his great man in his controversy with Zuirigle had indeed th.rown out some unguarded expressions, that seemed to ivn])]y a belief of the omnipresence of the body of Christ : but he became sen- sible after ;vards that this opinion was attended with great diffi- culties, and particularly, that it ought not to be made use of as a proof of Christ's corporal presence in the eucharist *. But this absurd hypotliesis was renewed after the death of Luther, by Tinman and W'estphal, and was dressed up in a still more specious * See Lutlieri opp. torn, viii, ^i. 575. Edit. Janiens. Chap. I. The Nistory of the Lutheran Church. 343 that they might execute their purposes with cent. greater facility, introduced into the schools a gj,^J^jj Cathechism, compiled hy Pezelius, which was fa- p^j.^ n.' vourahle to the sentiments of Calvin. As this ^^-^^-^-^ bold step excited great commotions and debates in the church, Augustus held at Dresden, in the year 1571, a solemn convocation of the Saxon divines, and of all other persons concerned in the administration of ecclesiastical affairs, and com- manded them to adopt his opinion in relation to the eucharist \ii]. The assembled doctors com- plied with this order in appearance; but their z 4 com- specious and plausible form, by Brentius, Chemnitz, and An- dreae, who maintained the communicafion of the properties of Christ's dicinif?/ to his human nature, in the manner that it was afterwards adopted by the Lutheran church. This strange system gave occasion to the book intitled Stereoma, in which the doctrine of Luther was respected, and the inventions alone of his successors renounced, and in which the authors declared plainly, that they did not adopt the sentiments of Zuingle or Calvin ; nay, that they admitted the real and substantial pre- sence of Christ's body and blood in the eucharist. (t^ [;}/~\ In this passage, compared with wliat follows. Dr. Mosheim seems to maintain, that the opinion of Augustus, which he imposed upon the assembled divines, was in favour of the adversaries of Melancthon, and in direct opposition to the authors of the Stereoma. But here he has committed a palpa- ble oversight. The convocation of Dresden, in the year 1571, instead of approving or maintaining the doctrine of the rigid Lutherans, drew up, on the contrary, a form of agreement (ybr- mula consensus) in which the omnipresence, or ubiquity of Christ's body was denied, and which was, indeed, an abridg- ment of the book entitled Stereoma. So that the transactions at Dresden were entirely favourable to the moderate Lutherans, who embraced openly and sincerely, (and not by a feigned con- sent (suhdole) as our historian remarks) the sentiment of the elector Augustus, who at that time patronized the disciples of Melancthon. This prince, it is true, seduced by the crafty and artful insinuations of the Ubiquitarians, or rigid Lutherans, who made him believe that the ancient doctrines of the church were in danger, changed sides soon after, and was pushed on to the most violent and persecuting measures, of which, the convocation of Torgaw was the first step, and the Form of Concord the unhappy issue. 344 The History of the Lutheran Church, compliance was feigned [i6] ; for, on their return to the places of their abode, they resumed their original design, pursued it with assiduity and zeal, and by their writings, as also by their public and private instructions, endeavoured to abolish the ancient doctrine of the Saxous, relating to the presence of Christ's body in that holy sacra- ment. The Elector, informed of these proceed- ings, convened anew the Saxon doctors, and held, in the year 1574, the famous convocatiou of Torgaw [^r], where, after a strict inquiry into tlie doctrines of those who, from their secret attach- ment to the sentiments of the Swiss divines, were called CryptO'Calvinists [2/], he committed some of them to prison, sent others into banishment, and engaged a certain number by the force of the se- cular arm to change their sentiments. Peucer, who had been principally concerned in mode- rating the rigour of some of Luther's doctrines, felt, in a more especial manner, the dreadful effects of the elector's severity : for he was con- fined to a hard prison, where he lay in the most aifecting circumstances of distress until the year 1585, when, having obtained his liberty through the intercession of the prince of Anhalt, who had given his daughter in marriage to Augustus, he retired G^ C'^1 The compliance was sincere, but the order was very different from that mentioned by our author, as appears from the preceding note. CCr" D^'l ^^ ^^ to be observed that there were but fifteen of the Saxon doctors convened at Torgaw by the summons of the elector ; a small number this to give law to the Lutheran church. For an account of the declaration drawn up by this assembly on the points relating to the presence of Christ's body in the eucharist, the omnipresence of that body, and the oral manducation of the flesh and blood of the divine Saviour, see Ilospiniani Concordia Discours. p. 39. C^ Ly~\ i- e. Hidden, or disguised Calvinists. Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran Church, S45 retired to Zerhst, where he ended his days in cent. peace [z]. ^^^• XXXIX. The schemes of the Crypto-Calvi- nists, or secret abettors of Calvinism, being thus disconcerted, the elector of Saxony, and the other The form princes who had entered int^ his views, redoubled*^* concord, their zeal and diligence in promoting the FoJin of Concord that has been already mentioned. Ac- cordingly, various conferences were held prepara- tory to this important undertaking ; and, in the year 1576, while the Saxon divines were convened at Torgaw by the order of Augustus, a treatise was composed by James Andrae, with a design * to heal the divisions of the Lutheran church, and as a preservative against the opinions of the Re- formed doctors [a]. This production, which re- ceived the denomination of the Book of Torgaw^ from the place where it was composed, having been carefully examined, reviewed, and correct- ed, by the greatest part of the Lutheran doctors in Germany, the matter was again proposed to the deliberations of a select number of divines, who met at Berg, a Benedictine monastery in the neighbourhood of 3ia^<:/^&(?r^[^]. Here all things relating (^ \z\ See Schlusselburgii Theologia Calvinislica, lib. ii. p. 207. lib. iii. Prcef. & p. 1—22. 52—57. 69. lib. iv. p. 24{). — Hutteri Concordia Concors, cap. i — viii. — Arnoldi Histor. Ecclesiast. lib. xvi. cap. xxxii. p. 38.9 — 395. — Loscheri His- toria jnotuum inter Luiheranos et Reformat, part II. p. 17G. part III. p. 1. — All these are writers f\ivourable to the rigid Lutherans ; see therefore, on the other side, Casp. Peiiceri Historia Car.cerimi et Liberationis Diimw, which was pub- lished in 8vo, at Zurich, in the year lG05, by Pezelius. C3" C^^l The term Reformed was used to distinguish the other Protestants of various denominations from the Lutherans ; and it is equally applied to the friends of episcopacy and pres- bytery. See the following chapter. G3" E^l The book that was composed by Andraa and his associates at Torgaw, was sent, by the elector of Saxony, to • almost all the Lutheran princes, with a view of its being exa- mined, approved, and received by them. It was, however, rejected PART II. 34,6 TJie Histonj of the Lutheran Church. CENT, relating to the intended project were accurately XVI. -vveighed, the opinions of the assembled doctors ^^^II !,"' carefully discussed, and the result of all was the famous Form of Concord^ which has made so much noise in the world. The persons who assisted Andreas in the composition of this celebrated work, or at least in the last perusal of it at Berg, w^re Martin Chemnitz, Nicolas Selneccer, Andrew Musculus, Christopher Cornerus, and David Chytrseus [c]. This new confession of the Lu- theran faith was adopted first by the Saxons, in consequence of the strict order of Augustus ; and their example was afterwards followed by the greatest part of the Lutheran churches, by some sooner, by others later [d ]. The authority of this confession. rejected by several princes, and censured and refuted bj' several doctors. These censures engaged the compilers to review and correct it ; and it was from this book, thus changed and new- modelled, that the Form of Concord, published at Berg, was entirely drawn. CcS" C^H The Form of Concord, composed at Torgaw, and re- viewed at Berg, consists of two parts. In ihe first is contained a system of doctrine, drawn up according to the fancy of the six doctors here mentioned. In the second is exhibited one of the strongest instances of that persecuting and tyrannical spirit, which the Protestants complained of in the church of Rome, even a formal condemnation of all those who differed from these six doctors, particularly in their strange opinions concerning the majesty and onmipresence of Christ's body, and the real man- ducation of his flesh and blood in the eucharist. This condem- nation branded with the denomination of heretics, and excluded from the communion of the church, all Christians, of all na- tions, who refused to subscribe these doctrines. More particu- larly in Germany, theterrorsof the sword were solicited agaiilst these pretended heretics, as may be seen in the famous testament of Brentius. For a full account of the Confession of Torgaw and Berg, see Hospinian's Concordia discors, where the reader will find large extracts out of this confession, with an ample ac- count of the cens'Ures it underwent, the opposition that was made to it, and the arguments that were used by its learned adversaries. \_d'} A list of the writers who have treated concerning the Form of Concord, may be found in Jo. George Walchii In- troducf. Chap. T. Tlie History of the Lutheran Clmrch 3. confession, as is sufficiently known, was employed cent. for the tw^o following purposes : first, to termi- ^^i- nate the controversies which divided the Lutheran ^^^^' ^"' church, more especially after the death of its ^.^^.^^ founder ; and, secondlij, to preserve that church against the opinions of the licfbrmcd, in relation to the eucharist. XL. It so fell out, however, that this very The Form JFoJin, which w^as designed to restore peace and pro^JJ"g^^ concord in the church, and had actually produced much dis- this effect in several places, became, nevertheless, ^^ ^'^^^-- a source of new tumults, and furnished matter for the most violent dissensions and contests. It is opposed immediately met with a warm opposition from the foiled, or" Reformed, and also from all those who were either Caivinists, secretly attached to their doctrine, or who, at least, were desirous of living in concord and com- munion with them, from a laudable zeal for the common interests of the Protestant cause. Nor w^as their opposition at all unaccountable, since they plainly perceived that this Form removed all the flattering hopes they had entertained of seeing the divisions that reigned among the friends of religious liberty happily healed, and entirely ex- cluded the Reformed from the communion of the Lutheran church. Hence they were filled with indignation against the authors of this new Con- fession trodud. 171 Libros Si/mhollcos, lib. i. cap. vii. p. 707- & Koe- cheri Bihlioth. Theol. Symholicce, p. 188. There are also se- veral documents in MSS. relative to this famous confession, of •which there is an account in the German work entitled, Uii' schuid Nachricht, A. 1753. p. 322. — The principal writers ■who have given the history of the Form of Concord, and the transactions relating to it, are Hospinian, an eminent divine of Zurich, in his Concordia Discors'; and Leon Hutter, in his Concordia Concors. These two historians have written on oppo- site sides, and whoever will be at the pains of comparing their accounts with attention and impartiality, will easil}^ perceive where the truth lies, and receive satisfactory information with respect to the true state of these controversies, and the motives that animated the contending parties. 348 The History of the Lutheran Cliurch. CENT, fession of Faith, and exposed their uncharitable .^v^- proceedings in writings full of spirit and vehe- SECT. in. j^^gj-jgg ^i^Q Swiss doctors, with Hospinian at s^^^y^ their head, the Belgic divines \_e\ those of the Palatinate [,/*], together with the principalities of Anhalt and Bade, declared war against the Form of Concord. And accordingly from this period the Lutheran, and more especially the Saxon doctors, were charged with the disagreeable task of de- fending this new Creed and its compilers, in many laborious productions \_g]. And even XLI. Nor wcro the followers of Zuingle and theLns "' Calvin the only opposers of this Form of Concord ; themselves. \\^ found adversaries, even in the very bosom of Lutheranism, and several of the most eminent churches of that communion rejected it with such firmness and resolution, that no arguments nor entreaties could engage them to admit it as a rule of faith, or even as a mean of instruction. It was rejected by the churches of Hessia, Pomerania, Nuremberg, Holstein, Silesia, Denmark, Bruns- wick, and others [A]. But though they all united in [/] See Petrii Vilerii Epistola Apologetica Reformatarum hi Belgio Ecclesiarum ad et contra Aiidores Libri Bergensis dicti *' Concordue." — This work was published a second time, with the annotations of Liid. Gerhard a Renesse, by the learned Dr. Gerdes of Groningen, in his Scrinium Anilqiiarium sen 3f?,y- cellan. Groningens. Nov. torn i. p. 121. Add to these the Unschuld Nachricht. A. 1747- p. 957- \_f~\ John Casimir, Prince Palatine, convoked an assembly of the reformed divines at Frankfort, in the year 1 577^ i" or- der to annul and reject this Fuhn of Concord. See Hen. Al- tingii Histor. Eccles. Palal'in. sect, clxxix. p. 143. \_g'] See Jo. Georg. Walchii Inti'od. in Lihros StjmhoUcos Luthcranor. lib. i. cap. vii. p. 734. \Ji~\ For an account of the ill success the Form of Concord met with in the dutchy of Holstein, see the German work en- titled, Die Danische BibUulhec. vol. iv. p. 212. vol. v. p. 355. vol. viii. p. S3S — 46 1, vol. ix. p. 1. — Muhlii Dissert. Histor. Theol. piss. I. de Reformat. Holsat. p. 108.— Arn. Grevii Memoria Pauli ab Eitzen. The transactions in Denmark, in relation Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran Church. 349 in opposing it, their opposition was nevertheless, cent. founded on different reasons, nor did they all act ^^^^• in this affair from the same motives and the same ^^^,^ jj ' principles. A warm and affectionate veneration s—^/^i^ for the memory of Melancthon was, with some, the only, or at least the predominant motive that induced them to declare against the Form in question ; they could not behold, without the utmost abhorrence, a production in which the sen- timents of this great and excellent man were so rudely treated. In this class we may rank the Lutherans of Holstein. Others were not only ani- mated in their opposition by a regard for Melanc- thon, but also by a persuasion, that the opinions, condemned in the new Creed, were more con- formable to truth, than those that were substi- tuted in their place. A secret attachment to the sentiments of the Helvetic doctors prevented some from approving of the Form under consideration ; the hopes of uniting the Reformed and Ltutheran churches engaged many to declare against it: and a considerable number refused their assent to it from an apprehension, whether real or pre- tended, that adding* a new Creed to the ancient confessions of faith would be really a source of disturbance and discord in the Lutheran church. It relation to this Form, and the particular reasons for which it was rejected there, may be seen in the Danish Library above quoted, vol. iv. p. 222. — 282. and also in Pontoppidan's An- nal. Eccles. Danicce Diplomalici torn. iii. p. 456. This latter author evidently proves (p. 4-76.) a fact which Herman ab Eiswich, and other authors, have endeavoured to rspresent as dubious, viz. that Frederick II. king of Denmark, as soon as he received a copy of the form in question, threw it into the fire, and saw it consumed before his eyes. — The opposition that was made by the Hessians to the same form, may be seen in Tielemanni Vitce Theologor. Marpurgens. p. Q9.—Danischeit Bibliofkec. vol. vii. p. 273 — 364. torn. ix. p. 1—87. — The ill fate of this famous Confession, in the principalities of Lignitz and Brieg, is amply related in the German work, entitled, Unschuld, Nachricht, A. 1745. p. 173. 350 The History of the Luthei^an Church. It would be endless to enumerate the different reasons alleged by the different individuals or communities, who declared their dissent from the Form of Concord. XLII. This Form was patronized in a more especial manner by Julius, duke of JBrunsivick, to whom, in a great measure, it owed its existence, who had employed both his authority and muni- ficence in order to encourage those who had un- dertaken to compose it, and had commanded all the ecclesiastics, within his dominions, to receive and subscribe it as a rule of faith. Eut scarcely was it published, when the zealous prince changed his mind, suffered the Form to be publicly op- posed by Hesliusius, and other divines of his university of Hclmstadt, and to be excluded from the number of the Creeds and Confessions that were received by his subjects. The reasons alleged by the Lutherans of Unmswick, in behalf of this step, were, 1st, That the Form of Concord, when printed, differed in several places from the manu- script copy to which they had given their appro- bation; ^dly. That the doctrine relating to the freedom of the human uill\y^ expressed in it with- out a sufficient degree of accuracy and ])recision, and was also inculcated in the harsh and improper terms that Luther had employed in treating that subject : Sdly, That the ubiquity, or universal and indefinite presence of Christ's human nature, was therein positively maintained, notwithstanding that the Lutheran church had never adopted any such doctrine. Besides these reasons for rejecting the Form of Concord, which were publicly avowed, others perhaps of a secret nature contributed to the remarkable change, which was visible in the sentiments and proceedings of the duke of Bruns- *icich. Various methods and negociations were employed to remove the dislike which this prince, and the divines that lived in his territories, had conceived PART II. Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran Church 351 conceived against the Creed of JBerg. Particu- cent. krly in the year 1583, a convocation of divines, ■^^^• from Saxony, Brandenburg, JJrufiszvick, and the ^^^^' "^* Palatinate, was held at Quedlmburg for this pur- pose. But Julius persisted stedfastly in his op- position, and proposed that the Form of Concord should he examined, and its authority discussed hy a general assembly or synod of the Lutheran church [z]. XLIIl. This Form was not only opposed from The Cryp- ahroad, but had likewise adversaries in the very J^^g^^^^'J"" country which gave it birth. For even in Saxony j^ew at- many, who had been obliged to subscribe it, be-gp^J^dthcir held it with aversion, in consequence of their at- doctrine, taehment to the doctrine of Slelancthon. Du- ring the life of Augustus, they were forced to suppress their sentiments ; but as soon as he had paid the last tribute to nature, and was succeeded by Christian I. the moderate Lutherans and the secret Calvinists resumed their courage. The new elector had been accustomicd, from his ten- der years to the moderate sentiments of IMe- lancthon, and is also said to have discovered a propensity to the doctrine of the Helvetic church. Under his government, therefore, a fair opportu- nity was offered to the persons above-mentioned of declaring their sentiments and executing their designs. Nor was this opportunity neglected. The attempts to abolish the Form of Concord that had in time past proved unsuccessful, seemed again to be renewed, and that with a design to open \i~\ See Leon. Hutteri Concordia Coiicor.^, cap. xlv. p. 1051. — Phil. Jul. Richtmeyri Braunschweig Kirchen Hlstorie, part III. cap. viii. p. 483. — Spe also the authors mentioned by Christ. Matth. Pfaffjus, in his Acta et. Script a Ecclesicc Wur^ iemherg, p. 62. & Hist or. Literar. Theologies, part II. p. 423. — For an account of the convocation of Quedlinburg, and the Acts that passed in that assembl3\ See the. German work en- titled, Banishe Bibllothcc, part VIII. p. 595. <>32 The History of the Lutheran Church, open a door for the entrance of Calvinism into Saxony. The persons who had embarked in this design, were greatly encouraged hy the protec- tion they received from several noblemen of the first rank at the Saxon court, and, particularly, from Crellius, the first minister of Christian. Under the auspicious influence of such patrons it was natural to expect success ; yet they conducted their affairs with circumspection and prudence. Certain laws were previously enacted, in order to prepare the minds of the people for the in- tended revolution in the doctrine of the church ; and some time after [A-] the form of exorcism was omitted in the administration of baptism [/]. These measures were followed by others still more alarming to the rigid Lutherans ; for not only a new German Cathechism, favourable to the pur- pose of the secret Calvinists, was industriously distributed among the people, but also a new edition of the Bible, in the same language, en- riched with the observations of Henry Salmuth, which were artfully accom.modated to this pur- pose, was, in the year 1591, published at Dresden, The consequences of these vigorous measures were violent tumults and seditions among the people, which the magistrates endeavoured to suppress, by punishing with severity such of the clergy as distinguished themselves by their oppo- sition \]f\ In the year 1591. ([3=" \l~\ The custom of exorcising, or casting out evil spi- rits, was used in the fourth century at the admission of Cate- chumens, and was afterwards absurdly applied in the baptism of infants. This application of it was retained by the greatest part of the Lutheran charches. It was indeed abolished by the elector. Christian I. but was restored after his death ; and the opposition that had been made to it by Crellius, was the chief reason of his unhappy end. See Justi. H. Boehmeri Jus. Ec' clesiasL Protestant, tom. iii. p. 843. Ed. Secund. Hake 1727- As also a German work of Melchior Kraft, entitled, Geschichet ties Exorcismi, p. 401. Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran Church. 353 sition to tlie views of the court. But the whole cent. plan of this religious revolution was, all of a sud- •^'^'^• den, overturned hy the unexpected death of Chri- ^^.^^^^ jj/ stian, v^^hich happened in the year 1591. Then ^^^y-,,^ the face of affairs changed again, and assumed its former aspect. The doctors, who had been prin- cipally concerned in the execution of this unsuc- cessful project, were committed to prison, or sent into banishment, after the death of the elector; and its chief encourager and patron, Crellius, suf- fered death in the year I6OI, as the fruit of his temerity [';/^]. XLI V, Towards the conclusion of this cen- The dis- tury, a new controversy was imprudently set on \^lli^^ ^'^ foot at Wittemherg^ by Samuel Huber, a native Huber. of Simtzerland, and professor of divinity in that university. The Calvinistical doctrine of absolute predestination and unconditional decrees v>^as ex- tremely offensive to this adventurous doctor, and even excited his warmest indignation. Accord- ingly he affirmed, and taught publicly, that all mankind were elected from eternity by the su- preme Being to everlasting salvation, and accused his colleagues in particular, and the Lutheran divines in general, of a propensity to the doctrine of Calvin, on account of their asserting, that the divine election was confined to those, whose faith, foreseen by an omniscient God, rendered them the proper objects of his redeeming mercy. The opinion of Huber, as is now acknowledged by many learned men, differed more in words than in reality, from the doctrine of the Lutheran churcli ; for he did no more than explain in a new method, and with a different turn of phrase, VOL. IV. A a what \_m~\ See the German work oi* Godf. Arnold, entitled, K'lr- then-und Ketzer Hlsloirc, part II. book X\'I. cap. xxxii. p. S63. As also the authors mentioned by Herra. Ascan. En- gelken, in his Disserlai. de Nic. CrcUio, (Jinquc Supplicio Ro* slochii, 1724, ediL 35if 2'he History of the Lutheran Church. GENT, what that church had always taught coucernhig ^vi- the unlimited extent of the love of God, as em- ^p\RT ir" hracing the whole human race, and excluding v^..^^^ none by an absolute decree from everlasting salva- tion. However, as a disagreeable experience and repeated examples had abundantly shewn, that new methods of explaining or proving, even recei- ved doctrines, were as much adapted to excite di- visions and contests, as tlie introduction of new errors, Huber was exhorted to adhere to the an- cient method of proposing the doctrine of Elec- tion, and instead of his own peculiar forms of ex- pression, to make use of those that were received and authorized by the church. This compliance, nevertheless, he refused to submit to, alleging, that it was contrary to the dictates of his con- science ; while his patrons and disciples in many places, gave several indications of a turbulent and seditious zeal for his cause. These considerations engaged the magistrates of TVittemherg to depose him from his office, and to send him into banish- ment [ii]. Thejudg. XLV. The controversies, of which a succinct inent that ' n - n ' ought to be account has now been given, and others of inferior 1™!;.. moment, v/hich it is needless to mention, were concerning -i • -i -, ^ . -,, -p all these highly detrimental to the true interests of the Lu- 6ks!'^°'^^'" t^^eran church, as is abundantly known by all who are acquainted with the history of this century. It must also be acknowledged, that the manner of conducting and deciding these debates, the spirit of the disputants, and the proceedings of the judges, if we form our estimate of them by the sentiments that prevail among the wiser sort of men in modern times, must be considered as inconsistent with equity, moderation, and cha- rity. It betrays, nevertheless, a want, both of candour \ji~\ For an account of the writers that appeared in this controversy, see Christ. Matth. Pfaffii Introduclio in Hislor. LiUcr. Theologke, part II. lib. iii. p. 431. Chap. I. The History of the Lutheran Church. 355 candour and justice to inveigh indiscriminately cent. against the authors of these misfortunes, and to ^^^• represent them as totally destitute of rational sen- ^^^^^ j"' timents and virtuous principles. Antl it is yet ^.^-y.^^ more unjust to throw the whole blame upon the triumphant party, while the suffering side are all fondly represented as men of unblemished vir- tue, and worthy of a better fote. It ought not certainly to be a matter of surprise, that persons long accustomed to a state of darkness, and sud- denly transported from thence into the blaze of day, did not, at first, behold the objects that were presented to their view with that distinctness and precision that are natural to those who have long enjoyed the light. And such really was the case of the first protestant doctors, who were de- livered from the gloom of papal superstition and tyranny. Besides, there was something gross and indelicate in tlie reigning spirit of this age, which made the people, not only tolerate, but even ap- plaud many things relating both to the conduct of life, and the management of controversy, which the more polished manners of modern times can- not relish, and which, indeed, are by no means worthy of imitation. As to the particular mo- tives or intentions that ruled each individual in this troubled scene of controversy, whether they acted from the suggestions of malice and resent- ment, or from an upright and sincere attachment to what they looked upon to be the truth, or how far these tvvo springs of action were jointly con- cerned in their conduct, all this must be left to the decision of Him alone, whose privilege it is to search the heart, and to discern its most hid- den intentions, and its most secret motives. XLIY. The Lutheran church furnished, during The prin* this century, a lona: list of considerable doctors, '^'P'^^ ^J' 1 .1-5 -^ ' . ^ , . . . , . 'tors and who illustrated m their writings, the various writers of branches of theological science. After Luther JlJ^'/'^"^' A a 2 and oOi The History of the Reformed Cliurch. SECT. Ill PART CENT, and JMelanctlion, who stand foremost in this list, ^^^- on account of their superior genius and erudition, "'' we may select the following writers as the most eminent, and as persons whose names are worthy to be preserved in the annals of literature : viz, Weller, Chemnitz, Erentins, Flacius, Regius, Major, Amsdorf, Sarcerius, JMathesius, Wigandus, Lambertus, Andrege, Chytrssus, Salneccer, Bucer, Fagius, Cruciger, Strigelius, Spangenberg, Judex, Heshusius, Westphal, ^pinus, Osiander, and others [o]. CHAP. TI. TJie History of the Reformed [jp] Church J^' The con- I. fJlHE nature and constitution of the re- the^Rer °^ -■- formed church, which was formerly de- formed nominated by its adversaries after its founders church Zuingle \j)\ For an ample account of these Lutheran doctors, see Melchior. Adami Vitoz TJieologorum, and Louis Elis Dupiii Biblioiheque des Auteurs separes de la Commurtion de I'Eglise Romaine an xvii. Siecle. The lives of several of tliese divines have been also severally composed by different authors of the present times ; as for example, that of Weller by Laemelius, that of Flacius by Ritter, those of Lleshusius and Spangen- berg by Leuckfeldt, that of Fagius by Feverlin, that of Chy- trsBus by Schutz, that of Buzer by Verportenius, those of Westphal and iEpinus by Arn. Grevius, &c. {f^\_J)~\ It has already been observed, that the denomination of Reformed was given to those protestant churches ■which did not embrace the doctrine and discipline of Luther. The title was first assumed by tlie French protestants, and afterwards became the common denomination of all the Calvinistical churches on the continent. I say, on the continent ; since in England the term Reformed is generally used as standing in opposition to poper)-- alone. Be that as it may, this part of Dr. Mosheim's work v/ould have been, perhaps, with more propriety entitled, ' The History of the Reformed Churclies,' than ' Tlie History of the Reformed Church.' This will ap- pear still more evident from the following note. Chap. II. The History of the Reformed Church. 357 Zuingle and Calvin, is entirely different from cent. that of all other ecclesiastical communities. Every ^^^* other Christian church hath some common centre p^j^^ jj / of union, and its members are connected together >*^,-*«/ by some common bond of doctrine and discipline. But this is far from being the case cf the Reformed church [g], whose several branches arc neither A a 3 united drf' \jl\ This, and the following observations, are designed to give the Lutheran church an air of unity, ^vhich is not to be found in the Reformed. But there is a real fallacy iri this specious representation of things. The Reformed church, when considered in the true extent of the terra reformed, com- prehends all those rehgious communities that separated them- selves from the church of Rome ; and, in this sense, includes the Lutheran church, as well as the others. And even when this epithet is used in opposition to the community founded by Luther, it represents, not a single church, as the Episco- pal, Presbyterian, or Independent, but rather a collection of churches ; which, though they be invisibly united by a be- lief and profession of the fundamental doctrines of Christianity, yet frequent separate places of worship, and have each a visi- ble centre of external union peculiar to themselves, Vv'hich is formed by certain peculiarities in their respective rules of public worsliip and ecclesiastical government *. An attentive examination of the discipline, polity, and worship of the churches of England, Scotland, Holland, and Switzerland, will set this matter in the clearest light. The first of these churches being governed by bishops, and not admitting of the validity of presbyterian ordination, differs from the other three more than any of these differ from each other. There are, however, peculiarities of government and worship that distinguish the church of Holland from that of Scotland. The institutions of deacons, the use of forms for the celebration of the sacraments, an ordinary form of prayer, the observation of the festivals of Christmas, Easter, Ascension day, and Whit- suntide, are established in the Dutch church ; and it is v/ell known that the church of Scotland differs from it extremely in these respects. — But after all, to what does the pretended uniformity among the Lutherans amount? are not some of the Lutheran churches governed by bishops, while others are ruled by elders ? It shall moreover be shewn, in its proper place, that even in point of doctrine, the Lutheran churches are not so very remarkable for their uniformity. * See the general sketch of the state of the church in the eightoeiitli century, in the sixth volume, paragraph XXI. and note (y). 35S Tlie History oftJte Reformed Churcli. CENT, united by the same systera of doctrine, nor by tbe ^^^^- sairse mode of worship, nor yet by the same form SECT. "I- q£ government. It is farther to be observed, that vw-v— ^ this church does not require from its ministers, either uniformity in their private sentiments, or in their public doctrine, but permits them to ex- plain, in different ways, several doctrines of no small m.oment, provided that the great and fun- damental principles of Christianity, and the prac- tical precepts of that divine religion, be maintained in their original purity. This great community, therefore, may be properly considered as an eccle- siastical body composed of several churches, that vary, more or less, from each other in their form and constitution ; but which are preserved, how- ever, from anarchy and schisms, by a general spirit of equity and toleration, that runs through the whole system, and renders variety of opinion consistent with fraternal union. The causes II. This indeed was not the original state and dJfced'tiiis constitution of the lieformed church, but was the state of result of a certain combination of events and cir- thmgs. cumstances, that threw it by a sort of necessity, into this am.biguous form. The doctors of Svcit- zerlcuul, from whom it derived its origin, and Calvin, who w^as one of its principal founders, employed all their credit, and exerted their most vigorous efforts, in order to reduce all the churches, which embraced their sentiments, under one rule of faith, and the same form of ecclesiasti- cal government. And although they considered the Lutherans as their brethren, yet they shewed uo marks of indulgence to those who openly fa- voured the opinions of Luther, concerning the Eucharist, the Person of CJirist, Predestination, and other matters that were connected with these doctrines : nor would they permit the other pro- testant churches, that embraced their commu- nion, to deviate from their example iu this re- spectj Chap. II. The History of the Reformed Church. 359 spect. A new scene, however, which was exhi- cent. bited in Britain, contributed much to enlarge ^^^^"^^j^^ this narrow and contracted system of church p^j^^ ii. communion. For when the violent contest con- ^m^^s^m^ cerning the form of ecclesiastical government, and the nature and number of those rites and ce- remonies that were proper to be admitted into the public worship, arose between tlie abettors of Episcopacy and the Puritans [r], it was judged necessary to extend the borders of the Reformed church, and rank in the class of its true members, even those who departed, in some respects, from the ecclesiastical polity and doctrines established at Geneva. This spirit of toleration and indul- gence grew still more forbearing and comprehen- sive after the famous synod of Dort. For though the sentiments and doctrines of the Arvwiians were rejected and condemned in that numerous assem- bly, yet they gained ground privately, and insi- nuated themselves into the minds of many. The church of Ejigland, imder the reign of Charles T. publicly renounced the opinions of Calvin re- lating to the Divine Decrees, and made several attempts to model its doctrine and institutions after the laws, tenets, and customs, that were observed by the primitive Christians [-s*]. On the other hand, several Lutheran congregations in Germany entertained a strong propensity to the A a 4 doctrines (^ \_r~\ The Puritans, who inclined to the presbyterian form of church government, of which Knox was one of the earliest abettors in Britain, derived this denomination from their pre- tending to a purer method of worship than that which had been established by Edward VI. and Queen Elisabeth. f^ \_s\ This assertion is equivocal. Many members of the church of England, with archbishop Laud at their head, did, indeed, propagate the doctrines of Arminius, both in their pulpits, and in their writings. But it is not accurate to say, that the Church oi England renounced publicly, in that reign, the opinions of Calvin. See this matter farther discussed in the note Q/?], Cent. XVII. sect. II. p. II. ch. II. para- graph XX. PAUT II. 360 The History of the Reformed Cliurch, CENT, doctrines and discipline of the church of Geneva ; ^^'^- though they were restrained from declaring them- SECT. i"-gg|ygs fully and openly on this head, by their apprehensions of forfeiting the privileges they derived from their adherence to the confession of Augsburg. The French refugees also, who had long been accustomed to a moderate way of think- ing in religious matters, and whose national turn led them to a certain freedom of inquiry, being dispersed abroad in all parts of the protestant world, rendered tliemselves so agreeable, by their wit and eloquence, that their example excited a kind -of emulation in favour of religious liberty. All these circumstances, accompanied with others, whose iniluence was less palpable, though equally real, instilled, by degrees, such a spirit of lenity and forbearance into the minds of protestants, that at this day, all Christians, if we except Roman catholics, Socinians, Quakers, and Ana- baptists, may claim a place among the members of the Reformed church. It is true, great reluctance w^is discovered by many against this com.prehen- sive scheme of church communion ; and, even in the times in which we live, the ancient and less charitable manner of proceeding hath several pa- trons, who would be glad to see the doctrines and institutions of Calvin universally adopted and rigorously observed. The number, however, of these rigid doctors is not very great, nor is their influence considerable. And it may be affirmed with truth that, both in point of number and authority, they are much inferior to the friends of moderation, who reduce within a narrow com- pass the fundamental doctrines of Christianity, on tlie belief of which salvation depends, exercise forbearance and fraternal charity towards those who explain certain doctrines in a manner peculiar to themselves, and desire to see the enclosure (if I may use that expression) of the Reformed church rendered Chap. II. The Histoi^y of the Reformed Church. 361 rendered as large and comprehensive as is pos- cent sible Is']. XVI. III. The founder of the Reformed church was'^^^Vn!' Ulrick Zuingle, a native of Svoitzcrland , and a .J^ ^ man of uncommon penetration and acuteness, The foun- accompanied with an ardent zeal for truth. This"!^^'^"^ great man was for removing out of the churches, formed" and abolishing in the ceremonies and appendages ''^"/'■'? ^""'^ of public worship, many things wdiicli Luther ^ ""^s^* was disposed to treat with toleration and indul- gences, such as images, altars, wax-tapers, the form of exorcism, and private confession. He aimed at nothing so much as establishing, in his country, a method and form of divine worship remarkable for its simplicity, and as far remote as could be from every thing that might have the smallest tendency to nourish a spirit of supersti- tion [t~\. Nor were these the only circumstances in {j~\ The annals of theology have not as yet been enriched with a full and accurate Hislorij of' the Reformed Church. This task was indeed undertaken by Scultet, and even carried down so far as his own time, in his Aimalcs Evavgelii Benovati ; but the greatest part of this work is lost. Theod. Hasaeus, who proposed to give the Annals of the Reformed Church, was prevented by death from fulfilling his purpose. The fa- mous work of James Basnage, published in two volumes 4to, at Rotterdam, in the year 1725, under the title of ITistoire de la religion dcs Eglises Reformees, instead of giving a regular History of the Reformed Church, is only designed to shew that its peculiar and distinguishing doctrines are not new in- ventions, but were taught and embraced in the earliest ages of the church. Maimbourg's Histoire du Calvinismi, is re- markable for nothing but the partiality of its author, and the wilful errors with which it abounds. ^^ \_t~\ The design of Zuingle was certainly excellent ; but in the execution of it perhaps he went too far, and con- sulted rather the dictates of reason than the real exigencies of human nature in its present state. The present union between soul and body, which operate together in the actions of moral agents, even in those that appear the most abstracted and re- fined, renders it necessary to consult the external senses, as well as the intellectual powers, in the institution of public worship. Besides, 362 The History of the Reformed Church. CENT, in which he differed from the Saxon reformer; ^^^- for his sentiments concerning several points of SECT. III. ^jjgQiogy^ and more especially his opinions relat- ing to the sacrament of the Lord's supper, varied widely from those of Luther. The greatest part of these sentiments and opinions were adopted in Switzerland, by those who had joined themselves to Zuingle in promoting the cause of the Re- formation, and were by them transmitted to all the Helvetic churclies, that threw off the yoke of Rome. From Switzerland these opinions were propagated among the neighbouring nations, by the ministerial labours and the theological writings of the friends and disciples of Zuingle : and thus the primitive Reformed church, that w^as founded by this eminent ecclesiastic, and whose extent at first w^as not very considerable, gathered strength by degrees, and made daily new acquisitions. The con- jv, Xhc Separation between the Lutheran and be'tlveen Swlss churchcs was chiefly occasioned by the the Luihe- doctrine of Zuingle, concerning the sacrament iirformed of tlic Lord's supper. Luther maintained, that concerning ^hc hodii aud Uoocl of Christ were really, though the eucha- . '^ r i '^ ^ ^ ', . ° rist. m a manner tar beyond human comprehension, present in the eucharist, and were exhibited toge- ther W'ith the bread and wine. On the contrary, the Swiss reformer looked upon the I)read and wine in no other light, than as the signs and sym- bols of the absent body and blood of Christ ; and from Besides, between a worship purely and philosophically ration- al, and a service grossly and palpably superstitious, there are many intermediate steps and circumstances, by which a ra- tional service may be rendered more affecting and awakening, without becoming superstitious. A noble edifice, a solemn music, a well-ordered set of external gestures, though they do not, in themselves, render our prayers one whit more accept- ^ able to the Deity than if they were offered up without any of these circumstances, produce, nevertheless, a good effect. They elevate the mind, they give it a composed and solemn frame, and thus contribute to the fervour of its devotion. Chap. II. The History of the Reformed Church. 363 from the year 1524, propagated this doctrine in cent. a public manner by his writin£:s, after having ^^'^' • . SECT III entertained and taught it privately before that p^j^j „ * period [ii]. In a little time after this [w], his ^.^^^-.^ example was followed by Ocx;olampadius, a di- vine o£ JSasil, and one of the most learned men of that century [.r]. But they were both opposed with obstinacy and spirit by Luther and his asso- ciates, particularly those of tlie circle of Suahia. In the mean time, Philip, landgrave of izZr^^^, apprehending the pernicious effects that these debates might have upon the affairs of the pro- testants, which were, as yet, in that fluctuating and unsettled state that marks the infancy of all great revolutions, was desirous of putting an end to these differences, and appointed for that pur- pose, a conference at 3Iarpurg, between J^uingle, Luther, and other doctors of both parties [ ?/]. This meeting, however, only covered the flame instead of extinguishing it ; and the pacific prince, seeing it impossible to bring about a definitive treaty of peace and concord between these jarring divines, was obliged to rest satisfied with having engaged them to consent to a tiuce. Luther and Zuingle came to an agreement about several points ; but the principal matter in debate, even that \_u~\ Zuingle certainly taught this doctrine in private be- fore the year 1524, as appears from Gerdes Hisloria Renovat. Evangelii, torn. i. Append, p. 228.. \^w2 In the year 1525. \ji\] Jo. Conr. Fueslini Centurla I. EpistoL Theolog. JRefor- viat. p. 31, o5, 44, 49. — ((3" Oecolampadius v;as not less re- markable for his extraordinary modesty, his charitable for- bearing, and pacific spirit, and his zeal for the progress of vi- tal and practical religion, than for liis profound erudition, which he seemed rather studious to conceal than to display. C3" C//D Zuingle was accompanied by Oecolampadius, Bu- cer, and Hideon. Luther had with him Melancthon and Justus Jonas from Saxony, together with Osiander, Brentius, and Agricola. S64i The History of the Reformed Church. CENT, that wliicli regarded Christ's presence in the eu- ^^^' charist, was left undecided ; each party appealing SECT. III. ^^ ^i^g Fountain of wisdom to terminate this con- troversy, and expressing their hopes that time and impartial reflection might discover and con- firm the truth \z\. The pro- V. The Reformed church had scarcely been fhesedis- founded in Svciizerland by Zuingle, when this putes so far Christian hero fell in a battle that was fought, fhTdeadi hi the year 1530, betv/een the protestants of ©f Luther. Zurich, and their Roman catholic compatriots, who drew the svvord in defence of popery. It was not indeed to perform the sanguinary office of a soldier that Zuingle was present at this engage- ment, but with a view to encourage and animate, by his counsels and exhortations, the valiant de- fenders of the protestant cause [a]. After his death, \z~\ Ruchat. Histoire de la Reformatio7i cle la Suisse, vol. i. passim, vol. ii. livr. vi. p. 463. — Hottinger, Helvetische Kir- chen-Geschichte, part III. p. 27- 51. 483. — Val. Ern. Los- cheri H'lstona Mohdim, part I. cap. ii. iii. p. 55. cap. vi. p. 143. — Fueslin. Beiflragezur ScJuveizer Reformation, torn. iv. p. 120. \jf\ The Lutherans, who consider this unhappy fate of Zuingle as a reproach upon that great man in particular, and upon the reformed church in general, discover a gross igno- rance of the genius and manners of the Swiss nation in this centur3% For as all the inhabitants of that country are at present trained to arms, and obliged to take the field when the defence of their country requires it, so in the time of Zuingle this obligation was so universal, that neither the ministers of the gospel, nor the professors of theology, Avere exempted from this military service. Accordingly, in the same battle in which Zuingle fell, Jerome Potanus, one of the theological doctors of Basil, also lost his life. See Fueslini Ceniuna I. Episiolar. ThcoL Rcformator. p. 84. {^ Erasmus also spoke in a very unfriendly manner of the death of Zuingle and his friend Oecolampadius. See Jortin's life of Erasmus, vol. i. p. 522. It is not therefore surprising to find the bigotted Sir Thomas More insulting (with the barbarity that superstition seldom fails to produce in a narrow and peevish mind) the memory of these two eminent reformers, in a letter to the furious PART II. Chap. II. The History of the Reformed Church, 00,5 death, several Lutheran doctors of the more mo- cent. derate sort, and particularly Martin Bucer, used ^^'^' tneir utmost endeavours to bring about some kintl of reconciliation between the con tending- par ties. For this purpose they exhorted the jarring- theologians to concord, interpreted the points in dispute with a prudent regard to the prejudices of both sides, admonished them of the pernicious consequences that must attend the prolongation of these unhappy contests, and even W'Cnt so far as to express the respective sentiments of the con- tending doctors in terms of considerable ambi- guity and latitude, that thus the desired union might be the more easily eftected. There is no doubt, but that the intentions and designs of these zealous intercessors, w^re pious and up- right \h~\ ; but it will be difHcult to decide, whe- ther or no the means they employed w^ere adapted to promote the end they had in view. Be that as it may, these pacific councils of Bucer excited divisions in Switzerland ; for some persevered ob- stinately in the doctrine of Zuingle, while others adopted the explications and modifications of his doctrine that were offered by Eucer [c]. But these divisions and commotions had not the least efjx?ct on that reconciliation with Luther, that was earnestly desired by the pious and moderate doctors furious and turbulent Cochlaeus ; of whidi the following words shew the spirit of the writer : " Postrema a fuit, quam de Zuinglio & Oecolampadio scriptam misisti, quorum nunciata mors niihi La?titiam attulet. — Siiblatos e medio esse tarn im- iTianes Fidei Christianse hostes^ tarn intentos ubique in omnem perimendse pietatis occasionem, jure gaudere possum." Jortin, ibid. vol. ii. p. 702. App. No. xvi. N. \_h~\ See Alb. Menon. Verpoorten, Comment, de Mart. Bu- ccro ct ejus sciilcidia de Ccena Doviini, sect. ix. p. 25'. pub- lished in 8vo, at Coburg, in the year 1709- — Loscheri Ilktor. Motuum, part I. lib. ii. cap. i. p. 181. and part II. lib. iii. cap. ii. p. 15. [c] Fueslini Ceniur. I. Efistolar. Theolog. p. 162, 170, 181, 182, 190, &c. 366 The History of the Reformed Church. CENT, doctors on both sides. The efforts of Bucer were ^vi. more successful out of Switzerland, and particu- SECT. III. |^j.|y among those divines in the upper parts of .^" _'. Germany, who inclined to the sentiments of the Helvetic church ; for they retired from the com- munion of that church, and joined themselves to Luther by a public act, which was sent to IVit- temberg, in the year 1536, by a solemn deputa- tion appointed for that purpose [d\ The Swiss divines could not be brought to so great a length. There was, however, still more prospect of effect- ing a reconciliation between them and the Luthe- rans. But this fair prospect entirely disappeared in the year 1544, when Luther published his Con- fession of faith in relation to the sacrament of the Lord's supper, which was directly opposite to the doctrine of Zuingle and his followers on that head. The doctors of Zurich pleaded their cause publicly against the Saxon reformer the year following; and thus the purposes of the peace-makers were totally defeated [e\ Tiie trans- VI. The death of Luther, which happened in sricTeVed^' the year 1546, was an event that seemed adapted the death to Calm tlicsc comm.otious, and to revive, in the of Luther. ]^^,gj^g^g ^^ ^j-^g niodcratc and pacific, the hopes of a reconciliation between the contending parties. For this union between the Lutherans and Zuin- glians was so ardently desired by Melancthon and his followers, that this great man left no means unemployed to bring it about, and seemed resolved rather to submit to a dubious and forced peace, than to see those flaming discords perpe- tuated, which reflected such dishonour on the Protestant cause. On the other hand, this salu- tary work seemed to be facilitated by the theolo- gical \_d~] Loscherus. loc. cit. cap. ii. p. 205. — Ruchat, Histoirede la Reformat, de la Suisse, torn. v. p. 535. — Hottingeri Hislor. Ecclcs. Ilclvel. torn. iii. lib. vi. p. 702. {/] Loscherus, loc, cit, part i. lib. ii. cap. iv. p. 341. Chap. II. The History of the Beformed Church. 3G7 gical system that was adopted by John Calvin, cent. a native of Noiion m France, who was pastor and ^^^' professor of divinity at Ge?ieva, and whose genius, p^j^^ n.' learning, eloquence, and talents rendered him ^^^^y^m^ respectable, even in the eyes of his enemies. This great man, whose particular friendship for JMe- lancthon was an incidental circumstance highly favourable to the intended reconciliation, pro- posed an explication of the point in debate, that modified the crude hypothesis of Zuingle, and made use of all his credit and authority among the Swiss, and more particularly at Zurich, Vvhere he was held in the highest veneration, in order to obtain their assent to it [/*]. The explication he proposed, was not, indeed, favourable to the doctrine of Christ's bodily presence in the eucha- rist, which he persisted in denying ; he supposed however, that a certain divine virtue, or qljicacy was communicated by Christ, with the bread and nine, to those who approached this holy sacrament with a lively faith, and with upright hearts ; and to render this notion still more satisfactory, he expressed it in almost the same terms which the Lutherans employed in inculcating their doctrine of Christ's real presence in the eucharist [^^']. For the great and common error of all those, who, from a desire of peace, assumed the cha- racter of arbitrators in this controversy, lay in this, that they aimed rather at a uniformity of terms, than of sentiments ; and seemed satisfied when they had engaged the contending parties to use £/] Christ. Aug. Sallg. Historia Aug. Confession, torn. ii. lib. v'n. cap. iii. p. 1075. CkI" Ls~] Calvin went certainly too far in this matter; and, in his explication of the benefits that arise from a worthy com- memoration of Christ's death in the eucharist, he dwelt too grossly upon the allegorical expressions of scripture, which the papists had so egregiously abused, and talked of really ^ eating by faith the body, and drinking the blood of Christ. '/M'^^vc^ ^. 368 The History of the Reformed Church. CENT, use the same words and phrases, though their real ^^^' difFereucc in opinion remained the same, and each SECT. III. explained these ambiguous or figurative terms in ^"^'^^ "" a manner agreeable to their respective systems. The concord, so much desired, did not, how- ever, seem to advance much. I^Ielancthon, who stood foremost in the rank of those who longed impatiently for it, had not courage enough to embark openly in tlie execution of such a pe- rilous project. Besides, after the death of Lu- ther, his enemies attacked him with redoubled fury, and gave him so much disagreeable occu- pation, that he had neither that leisure, nor that tranquillity of mind, that were necessary to prepare his measures properly for such an ardu- ous undertaking. A new obstacle to the execu- tion of this pacific project was also presented, by the intemperate zeal of Joachim Westphal, pastor at Hamburg, v.-ho, in' the year 1552, re- newed with greater vehemence than ever, this deplorable controversy, which had been for some time suspended, and who, after Flacius, was the most obstinate defender of the o]Hnions of Lu- ther. This violent theologian attacked with that spirit of acrimony and vehemence, that was too remarkable in the polemic writings of Luther, the act of iiniformitij, by which the churches of Geneva and Zurich declared i\iQ\Y agreement con- cerning the doctrine of the eucharist. In the book which he published with this view [It], he cen- sured with the utmost severity, the variety of sen- timents concerning the sacrament of the Lord's supper that was observable in the reformed church, and maintained, with his usual warmth and ob- stinacy, C^ DO T^^^ book, which abounds with senseless and ex- travagant tenets that Luther never so much as thought of, and breathes tlie most virulent spirit of persecution, is entitled " Farrago confusanearum et inter se dissidentium do S. Coena opinioimiu ex Sacramentariorum Libris congesta." Chap. II. The History of the Reformed Church. 369 stinacy, the opinion of Luther on that suhject. cent. This enffaffed Calvin to enter the lists with West- ^^^- phal, whom he treatal with as little lenity and for- p^^!^ „' bearance, as the rigid Lutherans had shewed to- >w--y— ^ wards the Helvetic churches. The consequences of this debate were, that Calvin and Westphal had each their zealous defenders and patrons ; hence the breach widened? the spirits were heated, and the flame of controversy was kindled anew with such violence and fmy, that to extinguish it en- tirely seemed to be a task beyond the reach of human wisdom or human power [f]. VII. These disputes were unhappily augmented The con- in process of time, by that famous controversy c^icTrning concerning the decrees of God, with respect to the preciesti- eternal condition of men, which was set on foot"^^^°"' by Calvin, and became an inexhaustible source of intricate researches, and abstruse, subtile, and inexplicable questions. The most ancient Helve- tic doctors were far from adopting the doctrine of those, who represent the Deity as allotting, from all eternity, by an absolute, arbitrary, and ^inconditiGual decree, to some everlasting happi- ness, and to others endless misery, without any previous regard to the moral characters and circum- stances of either. Their sentiments seemed to differ but very little from those of the Pelagians ; nor did they hesitate in declaring, after the example of Zuingle, that the kingdom of heaven was open to all who lived according to the dictates of right reason [A:]. Calvin had adopted a quite VOL. IV. B b different {i~\ I.oscheri Historia Motuiim, part II. lib. iii. cap. viii, p. 8^i.— Molleri, Cimbna Litcnda, torn. iii. p. 6*12. Aril. Grevii Mcmoria Joac. Westphali, p. 62, 106. p"] For the proof of this assertion, see Dallei Apologia pro duabus Ecdcs'mmm Gallicar. Sijuodis advcrsus Frid. Spanhelm. part IV. p. 94.6. — 5o. Alphoiis. Turretini EpisfoL ad Ati- tesiitem Cantuariensem, which is inserted in the Bihliotheque Germanic, torn. xiii. p. 52. — Simon, Bibliotheqite Cri- iique, published under the fictitious name of Sainior, torn, 370 The History of the Reformed Church. CENT, dift'erent system with respect to the divine decrees, ^^^' He maintained, that the everlasting condition of SECT. III. jj^^^ui^iiiti ii^ a future workl was determined from all ^^J^ eternity hy the unchangeable order of the Deity, and that this absolute determination of his will and good pleasure, was the only source of happiness or misery to every individual. This opinion was in a very short time propagated through all the Reformed churches, by the writings of Calvin, and by the ministry of his disciples, and in some places was inserted in the national creeds and confessions; and thus made a public article of faith. The unhappy controversy, which took its rise from this doctrine, was opened at Strasbnrg, in the year 1560, by Jerome Zanchius, an Ita- lian ecclesiastic, who was particularly attached to the sentiments of Calvin ; and w^as afterwards carried on by others with such zeal and assiduity, that it drew, in an extraordinary manner, the at- tention of the public, and tended as much to exas- perate the passion, and foment the discord of the contending parties, as the dispute about the eu- charist had already done [/]. The discord VIII. Tlic Hclvctic doctors had no prospect thrgJ^attt^^^^ of calming the troubled spirits and temper- hdght. ing, at least, the vehemence of these deplorable feuds, but the moderation of the Saxon divines, who were the disciples of INIelancthon, and who breathing torn. iii. ch, xxviii. p. 292, 298. and also the author of a book, entitled, Observal'wnes GoUicce in Formul, Consensus Hclveti' cinn, p. 52. The very learned Gerdes, instead of being per- suaded by these testimonies, maintains, on the contrary, in his MiscrUan. Groningens. tom. ii. p. 47(), 477. that the senti- ments of Calvin were the same with those of the ancient Swiss doctors. But this excellent author may be refuted, e\'en from his own account of the tumults that were occasioned in Swit- zerland, by the opinion that Calvin had propagated in relation to the divine decrees. \J~\ Loscheri Historia Moimim, part III. lib. v. cap. ii. p. 27._ S. c. X. p. 227. — Salig, HisLoria Augusl. Confession, tom. i. lib. ii. cap. xiii. p. 4il. Chap. II. The History of the Reformed Church 371 breathing the pacific spirit of their master, seemed after his death, to have nothing so much at heart as the restoration of concord and union in the pro- testant church. Their designs, however, were not carried on with that caution and circumspec- tion, with that prudent foresight, or that wise attention to the nature of the times, which distin- guished always the transactions of Melancthon, and which the critical nature of the cause they were engaged in, indispensably required. And hence they had already taken a step, which was adapted to render ineffectual all the remedies they could apply to the healing of the present disorders. For, by dispersing every where artful and insidious writings, with a design to seduce the ministers of the church, and the studious youth, into the senti- ments of the Swiss divines, or, at least, to engage them to treat these sentiments with toleration and forbearance, they drew upon themselves the indig- nation of their adversaries, and ruined the pacific cause in which they had embarked. It was this conduct of theirs that gave occasion to the com- position of that famous Form of Concojxl, which condemned the sentiments of the Reformed churches in relation to the person of Christ, and the sacrament of the Lord's supper. And as this Form is received by the greatest part of the Lu- therans, as one of the articles of their religion ; hence arises an insuperable obstacle to all schemes of reconciliation and concord. IX. So much did it seem necessary to premise What those concerning the causes, rise, and progress of the J[j^"^^'^^''^» controversy, which formed that separation that most wor- still subsists between the Lutheran and Eetbrmed*^JjJ>^- churches. From thence it will be proper to pro- in the rise ceed to an account of the internal state of the ^"^J^'jT^j^^ latter, and to the history of its progress and revo- Reformed lutions. The history of the Reformed church, '^^"'''^• during this century, comprehends two distinct ' B b 25 periods. 372 The History of the Eeformed Church, CENT, periods. The first commences with the year 1519, ^ XVI. -^vheii Zuingle withdrew from the communion of SECT. III. jif^jjify^ and began to form a Christian church be- ^"JJ^". yond the hounds of the pope's jurisdiction ; and ^'"^^'""^ it extends to the time of Calvin's settlement at Geneva, where he acquired the greatest reputation and authority. The second period takes in the rest of this century. During the first of these periods, the Helvetic church, which assumed the title of Reformed after the example of the French protestants in their neighbourhood, who had chosen this denomination, in order to distinguish themselves from the Ro- man Catholics, was very inconsiderable in its ex- tent, and was confined to the cantons of Switzci^- land. It was indeed augmented by the accession of some small states in Suabia and Alsace, such as the city of Strashourg, and some little republics. But, in the year 1536, these petty states changed sides, through the suggestions and influence of Bucer, returned to the communion of the Saxon church, and thus made their peace with Luther. The other religious communities, which abandoned the church of Rome, either openly embraced the doctrine of lAither, or consisted of persons, who were not agreed in their theological opinions, and who really seemed to stand in a kind of neutrality between the contending parties. All things being duly considered, it appears probable enough that the church founded by Zuingle, would have remained still confined to the narrow limits which bounded it at first, had not Calvin arisen, to augment its extent, authority and lustre. For the natural and political character of tlie Swiss, which is neither bent towards the lust of conquest, nor the grasping views of ambition, discovered itself in their religious transactions. And, as a spirit of contentment with what they had, prevented their aiming Chap. II. TJie History of the Reformed CJiurcli. 373 aiming at an augmentation of their territory, so cent. did a similar spirit hinder them from being ex- J^^^' tremely solicitous about enlarging the borders of their church. X. In this infant state of the Reformed church, The rengi- the only point that prevented its union with°^"^'^P['^^'J^^ the followers of Luther, was the doctrine they excited taught with respect to the sacrament of the Lord's ^^"^^^^^ supper. This first controversy, indeed, soon pro- tiie Swiss duced a second, relating to the person of Jesus ^'^jj^^ Christ; which, nevertheless, concerned only a " ^ part of the Lutheran church \jii]. The Lutheran divines of Suabia, in the course of their debates with those of Switzerland, drew an argument in favour of the real presence of Christ's body and blood in the eucharist, from the following propo- sition : that " all the properties of the divine na- " ture, and consequently its omnipresence, were " communicated to the human nature of Christ " by the hypostatic union." The Swiss doctors, in order to destroy the force of this argument, de- nied this communication of the divine attributes to Christ's human nature ; and denied, more es- pecially, the ubiquity, or omiiipresence of the man Jesus. And hence arose that most intricate and abstruse controversy concerning uhiquity, and the commujiication of properties, that produced so many learned and unintelligible treatises, so many subtile disputes, and occasioned that multi- tude of invectives and accusations, that the con- tending parties threw out against each other with such liberality and profusion. B b 3 It (^ ]jn] It was only a certain number of those Lutherans, that were much more rigid in their doctrine than Luther him- self, that believed the ubiquity or omnipresence of Christ's person, considered as a man. By this we may see that the Lutherans have their divisions as well as the Reformed, of which several instances may be yet given in the course of this history. 374 The Histoj-y of the 'Reformed Church. It is proper to observe, that, at this time, the Helvetic church universally embraced the doc- trine of Zuingle concerning the eucharist. This doctrine, which differed considerably from that of Calvin, amounted to the following propositions : " That the bread and wine were no more than a " representation of the body and blood of Christ ; " or, in other words, the signs appointed to de- " note the benefits that were conferred upon man- " kind, in consequence of the death of Christ ; " that, therefore. Christians derived no other fruit " from the participation of the Lord's supper, than " a mere commemoration and remembrance of " the merits of Christ, which, according to an " expression, common in the mouths of the abet- " tors of this doctrine, was the only thing that *' was pj^operly meant by the Lord's supper [n]'' Bucer, whose leading principle was the desire of peace and concord, endeavoured to correct and mo- dify this doctrine in such a manner, as to give it a certain degree of conformity to the hypothesis of Luther ; but the memory of Zuingle w as too fresh in the minds of the Swiss, to permit their accept- ing of these corrections and modifications, or to suffer them to depart, in any respect, from the doctrine of that eminent man, w^ho had founded their church, and been the instrument of their deliverance from the tyranny and superstition of Home. John Cai- XL In the year 1541, John Calvin, who sur- pr^ncipai passcd aluiost all the doctors of this age in la- founder of borioUS the Re- fonned church. ^n~\ Nil esse in Ccena, quam memoriam Christi. That this was the real opinion of Zuingle, appears evidently from various tes- timonies, -which may be seen in the Museum Hehelicum, torn. i. p. 485, S90. torn. iii. p. 631. — This is also confirmed by the following sentence in Zu ingle's book concerning baptism ; (torn, ii. opp. p. 15.) " Cceno Dominica non aliud, quam Comme- morationis nomen meretur." Compare with all this Fueslini Cenlur. I. Ejndolar. Theologor. Reformator, p. 255, 262, &c. Chap. II. The History of the Reformed Church. 375 borious application, constancy of mind, force of cent. eloquence, and extent of genius, returned to Ge- ^^^\j^ neva, from whence the opposition of his enemies p^rt n.* had obliged him to retire. On his settlement in w^y'^' that city, the affairs of the new church were committed to his direction [o], and he acquired also a high degree of influence in the political administration of that republic. This event changed entirely the face of affairs, and gave a new aspect to the Reformed church. The views and projects of this great man were grand and ex- tensive. For he not only undertook to give strength and vigour to the rising church, by framing the v^^isest laws and the most salutary in- stitutions for the maintenance of order, and the advancement of true piety, but even proposed to render Geneva the mother, the seminary of all the Reformed churches, as Wittemhei^g was of all the Lutheran communities. He laid a scheme for sending forth from this little republic the succours and ministers that were to promote and propagate the Protestant cause through the most distant nations, and aimed at nothing less than rendering the government, discipline, and doc- trine of Geneva the model and rule of imitation to the Reformed churches throughout the world. The undertaking was certainly great, and worthy of the extensive genius and capacity of this emi- nent man ; and, great and arduous as it was, it was executed in part, nay, carried on to a very B b 4 considerable [o] Calvin, in reality, enjoyed the power and authority of a bishop at Geneva ; for, as long as he lived, he presided in the assembly of the clergy, and in the consistory, or ecclesiastical judicatory. But when he was at the point of death, he advised the clergy not to give a successor, and proved to them evidently the dangerous consequences of entrusting with any one man, during life, a place of such high authority. After him, there- fore, the place of president ceased to be perpetual. See Spon^ Hlstoire de Geneve, tom. ii. p. 111. 376 The Historij of the Reformed Churcli. CENT, considerable length, by his indefatigable assiduity ^^'^- and inextinguishable zeal. It was with this view. SECT. III. ^j^^^^ i^y ^^ i2,m& of his learning, ^s well as by v,_ _'. his epistolary solicitations and encouragements of various kinds, he engaged many persons of rank and fortune, in France, Italy, and other countries, to leave the places of their nativity, and to settle at Geoieva ; while others repaired thither merely out of curiosity to see a man, whose talents and exploits had rendered him so famous, and to hear the discourses which he delivered in pub- lic. Another circumstance, that contributed much to the success of his designs, was the esta- blishment of an academy at Geneva, which the senate of that city founded at his request ; and in which he himself, with his colleague, Theodore Eeza, and other divines of eminent learning and abilities, taught the sciences with the greatest re- putation. In effect, the lustre which these great men reflected upon this infant seminary of learn- ing, spread its fame through the distant nations with such amazing rapidity, tliat all who were ambitious of a distinguished progress in either sa- cred or profane erudition, repaired to Geneva, and that England, Scotland, France, Italy, and Ger- many, seemed to vie with each other in the num- bers of their studious youth, that were incessantly repairing to the new academy. By these means, and by the ministry of these his disciples, Calvin enlarged considerably the borders of the reformed church, propagated his doctrine, and gained pro- selytes and patrons to his theological system, in several countries of Europe. In the midst of this glorious career, he ended his days, in the year 1564f ; but the salutary institutions and wise regu- lations, of which he had been the author, were both respected and maintaiucd after his death. In a more especial manner, the academy of Geneva flourished Chap. II. TTie History of the Beformcd Church S71[ flourished as much under Beza, as it had done cent. during the life of its founder \_p]. ^^'^• XII. The plan and doctrine of discipline that p^j,^ „/ had been formed by Zuingle, was altered and ^-^y-.^ corrected by Calvin ; and that more especially in The form three points, of which it will not be improper to ^f^^^^^'J/^j" give a particular account. siasticaigo- 1^^, Zuingle, in his form of ecclesiastical go- jrlt'II^up vernment had given an absolute and unbounded by this Re- poWer, in religious matters, to the civil magistrate, ^^'^^^' to whom he had placed the clergy in a degree of subjection that was displeasing to many. But at the same time he allowed of a certain subordination and difference of rank among the ministers of the church, and even thought it expedient to place at their head a pei'petual president, or superintendent, with a certain degree of inspection and authority over the whole body. Calvin, on the contrary, reduced the power of the magistrate, in religious matters, within narrow bounds. He declared the church a separate and independent body, endowed with the power of legislation for itself He main- tained, that it was to be governed, like the primitive church, only by presbyteries and sy- nods, that k, by asselnblies of elders, composed both of the clergy and laity ; and he left to the civil magistrate little else than the privilege of pro- tecting and defending the church, and providing for what related to its external exigencies and concerns. Thus this eminent Reformer introduced into C/0 T^^^ various projects and plans that were formed, con- ducted, and executed with equal prudence and resolution by- Calvin, in behalf, both of the Republic and church of Geneva, are related by the learned person, who, in the year 1730, gave a new edition (enriched Avith interesting historical notes, and authentic documents) of Spon's Hisioire de Geneve. The par- ticular accounts of Calvin's transactions, given by this anony- mous editor, in his notes, are drawn from several curious ma- nuscripts of undoubted credit. See Spon, Hisioire de Geneve^ torn. ii. p. 87, 100, &c. 378 The History of the Reformed Church. CENT, into the republic of Geneva, and endeavoured to XVI. introduce into all the reformed churches through- ^^*^RT i" ^^^^ JEu7vpe, that form of ecclesiastical govern- ment, which is called Pi^eshyterian, from its nei- ther admitting of the institution of bishops, nor of any subordination among the clergy ; and which is founded on this principle, that all ministers of the gospel are, by the law of God, declared to be equal in rank and authority. In consequence of this principle, he established at Geneva a consis- tory composed of ruling elders, partly 'pastors, and partly laymen, and invested this ecclesiastical body with a high degree of power and authority. He also convened synods, composed of the ruling elders of different churches, and in these consisto- ries and synods had laws enacted for the regula- tion of all matters of a religious nature ; and, among other things, restored to its former vigour the ancient practice of excommunication. All these things were done with the consent of the greatest part of the senate of Geneva. 2dly, The system that Zuingle had adopted with respect to the eucharist, was by no means agreeable to Calvin, who, in order to facilitate the desired union with the Lutheran church, sub- stituted in its place, another, which appeared more conformable to the doctrine of that church, and in reality, differed but little from it. For while the doctrine of Zuingle supposed only a symboli- cal, or figurative presence of the body and blood of Christ in the eucharist, and represented a pious remembrance of Christ's death, and of the be- nefits it procured to mankind, as the only fruits that arose from the celebration of the Lord's sup- per, Calvin explained this critical point in a quite different manner. He acknowledged a ?'m/, though spiritual pixsencc of Christ in this sacra- ment ; or, in other words, he maintained, that true Christians, who approached this holy ordi- nance Chap. II. The History of the Reformed CJiurch. 379 nance with a lively faith, were, in a certain man- cent. ner, united to the man Christ ; and that from ^^^' ,.' . 1 .. iT/^T-T • SECT, iir, this union the spiritual lite derived new vigour p^j^^ ,j^ in the soul, and was still carried on, in a progres- s— y^-^ sive motion, to greater*degrees of purity and per- fection. This kind of language had been used in the forms of doctrine drawn up by Luther : and as Calvin observed, among other things, that the divine grace was conferred upon sinners, and sealed to them by the celebration of the Lord's su])per, this induced many to suppose that he adopted the sentiment implied in the barbarous term impanaiion [ q\ and differed but little from the doctrine of the Lutheran church on this im- portant C:3= \^(i\ The term Impanation, (which signifies here the pre- sence of Christ's body in the eucharist, in, or with the bread that is there exhibited) amounts to what is called Consub- stantiation. It was a modification of the monstrous doctrine of Transubstantiation, first invented by some of the disciples of I^ereni?er, who had not a mind to break all measures with the church of Rome, and was afterwards adopted by Luther and his followers, who, in reality, made sad work of it. For, in order to give it some faint air of possibility, and to main- tain it as well as they could, they fell into a wretched scho- lastic jargon about the nature of substances, subsistences, at- tributes, properties, and accidents, that did infinite mischief to the true and sublime science of gospel theology, whose beautiful simplicity it was adapted to destroy. The very same perplexity and darkness, the same quibbling, sophisti- cal, and unintelligible logic that reigned in the attempts of the Roman catholics to defend the doctrine of Transubstan- tiation, were visible in the controversial writings of the Lu- therans in behalf of Consubstantiation, or impanation. The latter had, indeed, one absurdity less to maintain ; but being obliged to assert, in opposition to intuitive evidence and un- changeable truth, that the same body can be in many places at the same time, they were consequently obliged to have re- course to the darkest and most intricate jargon of the schools, to hide the nonsense of this unaccountable doctrine. The mo- dern Lutherans are grown somewhat wiser in this respect : at least, they seem less zealous than their ancestors about the tenet in question. 580 The History of the Reformed Church. CENT, portant subject [r]. Be that as it may, his senti- ^^^- iiieiits differed considerably from those of Zuingle ; SECT. III. £ ^vhile the latter asserted, that all Christians, PVRT II. \^^^y^^ without distinction, whether regenerate or unre- generate, might be partakers of the body and blood of Christ ; Calvin confined this privilege to the pious and regenerate believer alone. Sdly, The absolute decree of God, with respect to the future and everlasting condition of the hu- man race, which made no part of the theology of Zuingle, was an essential tenet in the creed of Calvin, who inculcated with zeal the following doctrine : " That God, in predestinating from all " eternity, one part of mankind to everlasting hap- " piness, and another to endless misery, was led to " make this distinction by no other motive than " his own good pleasure and free-wilL'' These ^ XIII. The first of the three points now men- maSy tioucd, was of sucli a nature, that great as the Calvin are credit aud influence of Calvin were, he could not approv- ed of nor not received J^y alHhe j-,.-j See Fueslini Centur I. EpistoL Theolog. Reformat, torn. '" J p 2^^^ 256, 262, 263. — Letters de Calvin a Mons. Jac. de Falaise, p. S^, 85. — We learn in Fueslin, p. 2(53. that Calvin wrote to Bucer a letter, intimating, that he approved of his sentiments. It is possible, that he may have derived from Bucer the opinion he entertained with respect to the eucharist. — See Bossuet, Hidoire des Variations des Eglises Protestantes, tom. ii. p. 8, 14, I9. — Courayer, Examen des Defants des Theologiens, tom, ii. p. 72. These two writers pretend that the sentiments of Calvin, with respect to the eucharist, were almost the same with those of the Roman Catholics *. The truth of the matter is, that the obscurity and inconsistency with which this great man expressed himself upon that sub- ject, render it extremely difficult to give a clear and accurate account of his doctrine. * How it could come into the heads of such men as Bossuet and Dr. Courayer to say, that " the sentiments of Calvin concerning the eucharist were almost the same with those of the Roman Catholics," is, indeed, strange enough. The doctrine of transubstantiation was to Calvin an in- vincible obstacle to any sort of conformity between him and Rome on that subject. For however obscure and figurative his expressions with respect to Christ's spiritual presence in the eucharist may have been, he never once dreamed of any thing like a corporal presence in that holy sacrament. reformed churches. Chap. II. The History of the Be formed Church, 381 not procure a universal reception for it in the cent. Reformed churches. The English and Germans ^^^• rejected it, and even the Swiss refused to adopt ^p^^^ J"' it. It was, however, received by the Reformed s— ^y^ churches in France, Holland, and Scotland. The Swiss remained firm in their opposition ; they would not suffer the form of ecclesiastical government, that had once been established under the inspection of Zuingle, to be changed in any respect, nor the power of the civil magistrate, in religious matters, to receive the smallest prejudice. The other two points were long debated, even in Switzerland, Mii\\ i\ie greatest warmth. Several churches, more especially those of Zurich and Bern, maintained obstinately the doctrine of Zuingle in relation to the eucharist [^] ; neither could they be easily persuaded to admit, as an article of faith the doctrine of predestination, as it had been taught by Calvin [/]. The prudence, however, of this great man, seconded by his resolute perseverance and his extraordinary credit, triumphed at length so far, as to bring about an union between the Swiss churches, and that of Geneva, first in relation to the doctrine of the eucharist [ii], and afterwards also on the subject of predestinatio7i [w]. The followers of Calvin extended still farther the triumphs of their chief, and improved with such success the footing he had gained, that, in process of time, almost all the Reformed churches adopted his theological system, \_s~\ See Fueslini Centur. Episfolar. p. 264/. — Miiseimi HeU vet. torn. i. p. 490. torn. v. p. 479, 483, 490. torn. ii. p. 79- 1^/] Besides Ruchat and Hottinger, see Museum Helvetia cmn, torn. ii. p. 105, 107, 117. — Gerdes, Misccllan Gromn- gens Nova, torn. ii. p. 476, 477. H The agreement between the churches of Switzerland and that of Geneva was concluded in 1549 and 1554. [fv'] See the Consensus Genev. et Tigiuinor. in Calvini Opusculis, p. 754, S82 The History of the Reformed Church CENT, system, to which, no doubt, his learned writings XVI. contributed a good deal [oo']. SECT. III. XIV. It will not be improper to pass in review ._^ _v the different countries in which the doctrine and The pro- discipline of the Reformed church, as modelled ^^^\°f by Calvin, were established in a fixed and per- s/stlm in manent manner. Among its chief patrons in , Germany. Qcrmaiiy we may reckon Frederick III. elector i Palatine, who, in the year 1560, removed from their pastoral functions the Lutheran doctors, and filled their places with Calvinists; and, at the same time, obliged his subjects to embrace the tenets, rites, and institutions of the church of Geneva [?/]. This order was indeed abrogated, in the year 1576, by his son and successor Lewis, who restored T^utheranism to its former credit and authority. The effects of this revolution were, however, but transitory; for in the year 1583, under the government of the elector John Casi- mir, who had followed the example of his brother Frederick in embracing the discipline of the Reformed church, the face of things was again changed in favour of Calvinism, which resumed what it had lost, and became triumphant [_z~\. From this period the church of the Palatinate ob- tained the second place among the Reformed churches ; \_x~\ The learned Dan. Ern. Jablonsky, in his Letters to Leibnitz, published by Kappius, maintains (p. 2i, 9,5, 41.) that the opinion of Zuingle has no longer any patrons among the Reformed. But this is a palpable mistake : For its pa- trons and defenders are, on the contrary, extreme!}^ numerous; and at this very time the doctrine of Zuingle is received in England, Switzerland, and other countries, and seems to ac- quire new degrees of credit from day to day. 1^;/] Hen. Altingii Hist. Eccl. Palat. in Lud. Chr. Miegii Mojiiim. Palat. tom. i. p. 223. — Loscheri Historia Motuum, part II. lib. iv. cap. iv. p. 12.3. — Salig, Hist. Confession. Aug. tom. iii. lib. ix. cap. v. p. 433. C~3 Alting loc. cit. — Loscherus, ibid, part III. lib. vi. p. 324. — See also a German work, entitled, Gotth. Struvius, Pfaclzische Kircheu Histoire, p. 110. Chap. II. The History of the Reformed Church. 38^ churches ; and its influence and reputation were cent. so considerable, that i\\eForm of instruction, which ^^^' ' SECT. Ill was composed for its use by Ursinus, and which p^j^^ „ ' is known under the title of \hQ Catechism of Hei- \^^y^^ delberg, was almost universally adopted by the Calvinists [a] . The republic of Bremen embraced | also the doctrine and institutions of the Reformed. Albert Hardenberg, the intimate friend of Me- lancthrdiii^as the first who attempted to intro- duce there the doctrine of Calvin concerning the eucharist. This attempt he made so early as the year 1556; and, though a powerful opposition rendered it unsuccessful, and procured the expul- sion of its author out of the city of Bremen, yet the latent seeds of Calvinism took root, and, to- wards the conclusion of this century, acquired such strength, that no measures either of prudence or force were sufficient to prevent the church of Bre- men from modelling its faith, worship, and govern- ment; after that of Geneva [h']. The various mo- tives that engaged other German states to adopt by degrees, the same sentiments^ and the incidents and circumstances that favoured the progress of Calvinism in the empire, must be sought in those writers, who have undertaken to give a full, com- plete, and ample history of the Christian church. XV, Those among the French, who first renounc- And in ed the jurisdiction and doctrine of the church ^''^"^^' of Rome, are commonly called Lutherans by the writers of these early times. This denomination, joined to other circumstances, has engaged some to imagine, that these French converts to the protestant \_cr\ For an account of the catechism of Heidelberg, see Kocheri Bibliolheca Theologian Sipnboliccc, p. 593, and 308. [/j] Salig. loc. cit. part III. lib. x. cap. v. p. 715. and cap. vi. p. 776. — Loscherus, loc. cit. part II. lib. iv. cap. v. p. 134, and part III. lib. vi. cap. vii. p. 276. — Gerdes, Historia Re- novatii Evatigelii, torn. iii. p. 157. 38^! The History of the Refojined Church. CENT, protestant cause were attached to the tenets of the ^vi- Lutheran church, and averse to those of the Swiss SECT. "''dQ^.^oi-s 1"^]^ But this is hy no means a just re- \^^^^^^ presentation of the matter. It appears much more prohable, that the first French protestants were uniform in nothing but their antipathy to the church of Rome, and that this point being ex- cepted, there was a great variety in their reli- gious sentiments. It is, however, to be observed, that the vicinity of Geneva, Lausanne, and other cities which had adopted the doctrine of Calvin, together with the incredible zeal of this eminent man, and his two colleagues Farel and Beza, in nourishing the opposition of the church of Rome, and augmenting both the indignation and number of its enemies, produced a very remarkable effect upon the French churches ; for, about the middle of this century, they all, without exception, en- tered into the bonds of fraternal connnunion with the church of Geneva. The French protestants were called by their enemies Huguenots, by way of derision and contempt; the origin, however, of this denomination is extremely uncertain [^]. Their [|c^ Loscheri Hidoria motimm, part II. cap. vi. p. 46.— Salig. Hist. Aug. Confession, torn. ii. lib. v. cap. vi. p. ipo. &3" {ji ] Some etymologists suppose this term derived from Hi/giioii, a word used in Touraine, to signify persons that walk at flight ill the streets. And as the first Protestants, like the first Christians, may have chosen that season for their religi- ous assemblies, through the fear of persecution, the nickname of huguenot may, naturally enough, have been applied to them by their enemies. Others are of opinion, that it was derived from a French, and faulty pronunciation of the German word eidg/wssen, which signifies confederates, and had been originally the name of that valiant part of the city of Ge- neva, which entered into an alliance with the Swiss Cantons, in order to maintain their liberties against the tyrannical at- tempts of Charles III. duke of Savoy. Tliese confederates were called eignots, and from thence, very prolwbly, was derived the word huguenots, now under consideration. The Count Chap. II. The History oftlte Reformed Church 385 Their fate was severe ; the storms of persecution cent. assailed them with unparalleled fury ; and, though ^^^' r ^1 1 n J ' ^ . SECT. iir. many princes oi tne royal blood, and a great num- p^^^ u^ ber of the flower of the nobility, adopted their \^^^.^^ sentiments, and stood forth in their cause [^], yet it may nevertheless be afl^rmed, that no other part of the Reformed church suffered so grievous- ly as they did for the sake of religion. Even the peace, which they obtained from Henry III. in the year 1576, was the source of that civil war, . in which the powerful and ambitious house of Guises instigated by the sanguinary suggestions of the Roman pontiffs aimed at nothing less than the extirpation of the royal family, and the utter ruin of the protestant religion ; while the Huguenots, ou the other hand, headed by leaders of the most heroic valour and the most illustrious rank, com- bated for their religion and for their sovereigns with various success. These dreadful commotions, in which both the contending parties committed such deeds as are yet, and always will be rem.em- bered with horror, were, at length calmed by the fortitude and prudence of Henry IV. This monarch, indeed, sacrificed the dictates of con- science to the suggestions of policy ; and imagin- ing, that his government could have no stable nor solid foundation, as long as he persisted in disowning the authority and jurisdiction of Rome, VOL. IV. c c he Count Villars, in a letter written to the king of France, from the province of Languetloc, where he was Ueutenant general, and dated the 1 1th of November, 1550, calls the riotous Calvin- ists of the Cevennes, Huguenots, and this is the first time that this term is found, in the registers of that province applied to the protestants. I^e] See tlie Histoire Eccles. des Eglises Refonnces an Hey* mime de France, published at Antwerp in three volumes 8\o, in the year 1580, and supposed by many to have been written by Beza. The writers that have given the best accounts of the French reformed churches, their confession of faith, and their forms of worship and discipline, are enumerated by Ko- cherus, in his Bibliotheca Theolog. Si/inbolkce, p. 299. 386 The History of the Reformed Church. CENT, he renounced the Reformed religion, and made a XVI.' solemn and puhlic profession of popery. Per- SECT. "i(,^ivin^, however, on the other hand, that it was PART II. ^.^.^ not possihle either to extirpate or suppress entire- ly the protestant religion, he granted to its pro- p fessors by the famous edict drawn up at Nantes j in the year 1598, the liberty of serving God ac- ^ cording to their consciences [/ ], and a full secu- rity for the enjoyment of their civil rights and privileges, without persecution or inxilestation from any quarter [^]. In England XV T. The church oi Scotland acknowledges as land^'"'* its founder John Knox, the disciple of Calvin; and, accordingly, from • its first reformation, it adopted the doctrine, rites, and form of ecclesias- tical government established at Geneva. These it has" always adbicred to with the utmost unifor- mity, and maintained with the greatest jealousy and zeal ; so that even in the last century the designs of those who attempted to introduce cer- tain changes into its discipline and worship, were publicly opposed by the force of arms [//]. A quite different constitution of things is ob- servable in the church of Engla7id, which could never (^ Lfl '^l^'^ ^^^^^ restored and confirmed, in the fullest tern)>?, all the favours that had ever been granted to the pro- te^ttants, by other princes, and particularly by Henry III. To these privileges others were also added, which had never been granted, nor even demanded before ; such as a free ad- . mission to all employments of trust, honour, and profit ; the establishing courts and chambers, in which the professors of the two religions were equal in number ; and the permitting the children of protestants to be educated, without any mo- lestation or constraint in the public universities. ly'] Benoit, Hi.sloire de /' Edit, de Nantes, tom. i. lib. v. p. ^/oo.— Daniel, Hut. de France, tom. ix. p. 409- — Boulay, Hist. Academ. Pa>is. tom. vi. QA] SMlig. Hist. Aug. Confession, part II. lib. vi. cap. i p. 4-O.S.— {h3= Dr. Moshelm alludes, in this passage, to the at- tempts made under the reign of Charles II. to introduce epis- copacy into Scotland. Chap. II. The Histoj^y of the Reformed Church 387 never be brought to an entke compliance with cent. the ecclesiastical laws of Geneva, and which re- _^J^ tained, but for a short time, even those which it adopted. It is well known, that the greatest part of those English, who first threw off the yoke of Rome, seemed much more inclined to the senti- ments of Luther concerning the eucharist, the form of public worship, and ecclesiastical govern- ment, than to those of the Swiss churches. But the scene changed after the death of Henry VIII. when, by the industrious zeal of Calvin, and his disciples, more especially Peter Martyr, the cause of Lutheranism lost ground considerably ; and the universities, schools, and churches be- came the oracles of Calvinism, which also ac- quired new votaries among the people from day to day [z]. Hence it happened, that when it was proposed, under the reign of Edward VI. to give a fixed and stable form to the doctrine and discipline of the church, Geneva was acknow- ledged as a sister church ; and the theological system, there established by Calvin, was adopted and rendered the public rule of faith in England. This, however, was done without any change of the form of episcopal government, which had al- ready taken place, and was entirely different from that of Geneva ; nor was this step attended with any alteration of several religious rites and cere- monies, which were looked upon as superstitious by the greatest part of the Reformed. This dif- ference, however, between the tw^o churches, though it appeared at first of little consequence, and, in the judgment even of Calvin, was esteemed an object of toleration and indulgence, was, nevertheless, in after- ages, a source of many calamities and dissensions, that were highly de- c c 2 trimental p] Loscheri Hist. Mofmim, part II. lib. iii. cap. vli. p. 67. — Salig. Hisf, Av.g. Confession, torn, ii. lib. vi. cap. iii, p- Slf, tana 388 T/ie History of the Reformed Church CENT, trimcntal both to tlie civil and ecclesiastical coii- ^^'^- stitution of Great Britain. XVII. The origin of tliese unhappy dissensions, which it has not as yet been possible entirely to The rise of hcal, must bc sought for in the conduct of those the Puri- persecuted fugitives, who, to save their lives, their families, and their fortunes, from the bloody rage and inhuman tyranny of Queen JMary, left the places of their nativity in the year 1554, and took refuge in Germany [A*]. Of these fugitive congregations C3" C^'l ^ cannot help mentioning the un charitableness of the Lutherans, upon this occasion, who hated these unhappy exiles, because they were Sacramenlarianfi (for so the Luther- ans called those who denied Christ's bodily presence in the eucharist), and expelled from their cities such of the English Protestants as repaired to them, as a refuge from popish super- stition and persecution. Such as sought for shelter in France, Geneva, and those parts of Switzerland and Germany where the Reformation had taken place, and where Lutheranism was not professed, were received with great humanity, and allowed places of public worship. But it w as at Frankfort that the exiles were most numerous : and there began the contest and division which gave rise to that separation from the church of England which continues to this day. It is, however, a piece of justice due to the memory of the excellent Melancthon, to observe, that he warmly condemned this uncharitable treat- ment, and more especially the indecent reproaches which the Lutherans cast upon the English martyrs who had sealed the Reformation with their calling them the Devil's Martyrs. " Fociferantur quidam (says this amiable reformer) Martyres Anglicos esse Martyres Diaboli. Nolim hac contumelia afficere sanctum spiritum in Latimero,qui annum octogesimum egressus fuit, et in 'aliis Sanctis viris, quos novi," These are tlie words of this truly Christian Reformer, in one of his let- ters to Camerarius, Ep'ist. lib. iv. p. 959. and in another of his letters, speaking of the burning of Burgius at Paris, he thus severely censures Westphal's intolerant principles : " Tales viros ait Westphalus esse Diaboli Martyres. Hanc judicii perversitatcm quis non detestetur ?" Ep. lib. ii. p. 387- Such were the humane and liberal sentiments of Melancthon, whicli have rendered iiis name so precious to the lovers of piety, probity, and moderation ; while the zealots of his own cliurch have treated his memory with obloquy, and composed disser- tations dc IniliJJcrenlismo Mclcmcthonis. N. Chap. II. The History of the Reformed Chu7xh. 389 congregations some performed divine worship cent. with the rites that had been authorized by Ed- ^ ^^'^* ward VI. ; while others preferred the Swiss me- p^j^^ n. thod of worship as more recommendable on ac- ^..^y^i.^ count of its purity and simplicity. The former were called Conformists, on account of their com- pliance with the ecclesiastical laws enacted by the prince now mentioned ; and the denominations of Non-conformists and Puritans were given to the latter, from their insisting upon a form of w^orship, more exempt from superstition, and of a more pure kind, than the liturgy of Edward seemed to them to be. These denominations be- came permanent marks of distinction, which still continue to denote those different religious com- munities which divide the British nation. The controversy concerning the ceremonial part of divine worshij^ that had divided the exiles abroad, changed scenes, and was removed with them to England, when the auspicious succession of Queen Elizabeth to the throne permitted them to re- turn to their native country. The hopes of en- joying liberty, and of promoting each their re- spective systems, increased their contents instead of diminishing them ; and the breach widened to such a degree, that the most sagacious and pro- vident observers of things seemed to despair of seeing it healed. The wise queen, in her design to accomplish the reformation of the church, was fully resolved not to confine herself to the model exhibited by the Protestants of Geneva, and their adherents to the Puritans; and, therefore, she recommended to the attention and imitation of the doctors, that were employed in this weighty and important matter, the practice and institu- tions of the primitive ages [/]. When her plan was put G^ P] Mr. Mosheim seems disposed, by this ambiguous expression of the primitive ages, to insinuate that Queen Eli- c c 3 zabeth SECT. Ill PART 390 The History of the Reformed Church, CENT, put in execution, and the face of the church was ^^^- changed and reformed by new rules of discipline, J"' and purer forms of public worship, the famous Act of Uiiformity was issued forth, by which all her subjects were commanded to observe these rules, and to submit to the reformation of the church on the footing on which it was now placed by the queen as its supreme visible head upon earth. The Puintans refused their assent to these proceedings ; pleaded the dictates of their con- sciences in behalf of this refusal ; and complained heavily, that the gross superstitions of popery, which they had looked upon as abrogated and abolished, were now revived, and even imposed by authority. They were not, indeed, all equally exasperated against the new constitution of the church ; nor did they in effect carry their opposi- tion to equal degrees of excess. The more vio- lent demanded the total abrogation of all that had been done towards the establishment of a national religion, and required nothing less than that the church of England should be exactly modelled after that of Geneva. The milder and more mo- derate zabeth had formed a pure, rational, and evangelical plan of re- ligious discipline and worship. It is, however certain, that, instead of being willing to strip religion of the ceremonies which remained in it, she was rather inclined to bring the public worship still nearer the Romish ritual *, and had a great propensity to several usages in the church of Rome, which were justly looked upon as superstitious. She thanked pub- licly one of her chaplains, who had preached in defence of the real presence ; she was fond of images, and retained some in her private chapel + : and would undoubtedly have forbid the marriage of the clergy, if Cecil, her secretary, had not inter- posed %. Having appointed a committee of divines to review king Edward's liturgy, she gave them an order to strike out all offensive passages against the pope, and to make people easy about the corporal presence of Christ in the sacrament **. * Heylin, p. 124. f Id. ibid. \ Strype's Life of Parker, p. 107, 108, 109. ** Neal's Hist, of the Puritans, vol. i. p. 158. Chap. TI. The History of the Reformed Church. 391 derate Puritans were much more equitable in cent. their demands, and only desired liberty of con- ^^^* science, with the privilege of celebrating divine p^j^^ ,, ' worship in their own way. The queen did not ^•^'y".^ judge it proper to grant to either the object of their requests, but rather intent upon the sup- pression of this troublesome sect (as she was used to call it,) permitted its enemies to employ for that purpose all the resources of artifice, and all the severity of the laws. This was that form of religion established in Britain, which separated the English equally from the church of Rome, on the one hand, and from the other churches which had renounced popery on the other : but which, at the same time, laid a perpetual foundation for dissensions and feuds, in that otherwise happy and prosperous nation [7?^]. XVIII. The incident that gave rise to these The senti- luihappy divisions, which were productive of so ^^^JJ*?^^^"^ many and such dreadful calamities, was a matter the Puri- of very small moment, and which did not seem*''"^* to affect, in any way, the interests of true reli- gion and virtue. The chief leaders among the Puritans entertained a strong aversion to the vest- ments worn by the English clergy in the cele- c c 4 bration Q«] No writer has treated this part of the Ecclesiastical History of Britain in a more ample and elegant manner than Daniel Neal, in his ULston/ of the Purilmis, or Protestant Nonconformists, in four volimies 8vo. The first part of this laborious work was published at London, in the year \lo2, and the latter part in I7.S8. The author, who was himself a non-cojiformist, has not indeed been able to impose silence so far on the warm and impetuous spirit of party, as not to discover a certain degree of partiality in favour of his brethren. For, while he relates, in the most circumstantial manner, all the in- juries the puritans received from the bishops, and those of the estabhshed religion, he in many places diminishes, excuses, or suppresses, the faults and failin^^s of these separatists. See also, for an account of the religious history of these times, Strype's Lives of the archbishops of Canterhury under Queen Eimibethj viz, Pai-ker, Grindal, and Whitgift. S92! The History of the Reformed Church, CENT, bration of divine worship. As these habits had ^^^- been made use of in the times of popery, and ^p^^j^^ J"' seemed to renew the impressions that had been s.^^,.^ made upon the people by the Romisli priests, they appeared to the Puritans in no other light than as the ensigns of Antichrist. The spirit of opposi- tion being once set on foot, proceeded, in its re- monstrances, to matters of superior moment. The form of ecclesiastical government, established in England, was one of the first and main grievances of which the Puritans complai-ned. They looked upon this form as quite different from that which had been instituted by Christ, the great lawgiver of the church ; and, in conformity with the sentiments of Calvin, maintained, that, by the divine law, all the ministers of the gospel were absolutely equal in point of rank and authority. They did not indeed think it unlawful, that a per- son, distinguished by the title of a bishop, or su- per inteiidant, should preside in the assembly of the clergy, for the sake of maintaining order and de- cency in their method of proceeding ; but they thought it incongruous and absurd, that the per- sons invested with this character should be ranked, as the bishops had hitherto l»een, among the no- bility of the kingdom, employed in civil and po- litical affairs, and distinguished so eminently by their worldly opulence and power. This contro- versy was not carried on, however, with excessive animosity and zeal, as long as the English bishops pretended to derive their dignity and authority from no other source than the laws of their coun- try, and pleaded a right, purely human, to the rank they held in church and state. But the flame broke out with redoubled fury in the year 1588, when Bancroft, afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, ventured to assert, that the order of bishops was superior to the body of presbyters, •not in consequence of any human institution, but by Chap. II. The History of the Beformed Church. 393 by the express appointment of God himself [n]. cent. This doctrine was really adopted by many, and^^^^^^;^^ the consequences that seemed naturally to flow p^^^ n. from it in favour of episcopal ordination, hap- s-^^"-**' pened in effect, and gave new fuel to the flame of controversy. For they who embraced the sen- timents of Bancroft, considered all ministers of the gospel, who had not received, ordination from a bishop, as irregularly invested with the sacred character ; and also maintained, that the clergy in those countries where there were no bishops, were destitute of the gifts and qualifications that were necessary to the exercise of the pastoral of- fice, and were to be looked upon as inferior to the Horn an catholic priests. XIX. All these things exasperated the Puritans, whose complaints, however, were not confiued to the objects already mentioned. There were many circumstances that entered into their plan of re- formation. They had a singular antipathy against catltedral churches, and demanded the abolition of the archdeacons^ deans, canons, and other offi- cials, that are supported by their lands and re- venues. They disapproved of the pompous man- ner of worship that is generally observed in these churches, and looked, particularly, upon instrumental music, as improperly employed in the service of God. The severity of their zeal was also very great : for they were of opinion, that, not open profligates, but even persons whose piety was dubious, deserved to be excluded from \ji\ See Strype's Life and Acts of John IVhitgft, archbishop of Canterbury, p. 121. C^f" The first English Reformers ad- mitted but two orders of church officers to be of divine appoint- ment, VIZ. bishops and deacons ; a presbyter and a bishop, ac- cording to them, being but two names for the same office ; But Dr. Bancroft, in a sermon preached at Paul's cross, Janu- ary 12, 1588, maintained, that the bishops of England were a distinct order from priests, and had superiority over them jure divino. 394 The History of the Reformed Church, CENT, from the communion of the church [o] ; anc! ^^^' they endeavoured to justify the rigour of this de- SECT. '"(.ision, by observing, that the church being the \^^^y^^ congregation of the faithful, nothing was more incumbent on its ministers and rulers than to watch against its being defiled by the presence of persons destitute of true faith and piety. They found, moreover, much subject of affliction and complaint in the rites and ceremonies that were imposed by the order of the queen, and the autho- rity of her council [^] ; among these were the festivals C:3= IjTJl The Puritans justified themselves in relation to this point, in a letter addressed from their prison to Queen Eliza- beth, in the year 1592, by observing, that their sentiments con- cerning the persons sul>ject to excommunication, and also con- cerning the effects and extent of that act of church discipline, were conformable to those of all the reformed churches, and to the doctrine and practice of the church of England in particu- lar. They declared more especially, that according to their sense of things, the censure of excommunication deprived only of spiritual privileges and comforts, without taking away their liberty, goods, lands, government private or public, or any other civil or earthly commodity of this life: and thus they distinguished themselves from those furious and fanatical ana- baptists, who had committed such disorders in Germany, and some of whom were now making a noise in England. 03" C/'D ^y t'lis council our author means, the High Cora- mission court, of which it is proper to give here some account, as its proceedings essentially belong to the ecclesiastical his- tory of England. This court took its rise from a remarkable clause in the act of supremacy, by which the queen and her successors were empowered to choose persons " to exercise, under her, all manner of jurisdiction, privileges and pre-emi- nences, touching any spiritual or ecclesiastical jurisdiction within the realms of England and Ireland, as also to visit, re- form, redress, order, correct and amend all errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, contempts, offences and enormities whatsoever. Provided that they have no power to th termine any thing to be heresy, but what has been adjudged to be so l)y the autho- rity of the canonical scripture, or by the first four general councils, or any of them ; or by any other general council, wherein the same was declared heresy by the express and plain words of canonical scripture, or such as shall ht reafter be declared to be heresy by the high court of Parliament, with the XVI. CT. I] PART II. Chap. II. The History of the Reformed Cliurch. 395 festivals or holidays that were celebrated in honour cent. of the saints, the use of the sigii of the cross more ^^^• especially in the sacrament of baptism, the nomi- nating godfathers and godmothers as sureties for ^ the education of children whose parents were still living [ q\ and the doctrine relating to the vali- dity of lay-baptism [r]. They disliked the read- ing assent of the clergy in convocation." Upon the authority of this clause, the queen appointed a certain number of commis- sioners for ecclesiastical causes, who, in-many instances abused their power. The court they composed, was called The Court of High Comwissio}} , because it claimed a more extensive juris- diction, and higher powers, than the ordinary courts of the bishops. Its jurisdiction reached over the whole kingdom, and was much the same with that which had been lodged in the single person of Lord Cromwell, vicar general of Henry VIII. These commissioners were empowered to make enquiry, not only by the legal methods of juries, and witnesses, but by all other ways and means which they could devise, that is, by rack, torture, in- quisition, and imprisonment. They were vested with a right to examine such persons as they suspected, by administering to them an oath (not allowed of in their commission, and therefore called ex officio), by which they were obliged to answer all questions, and thereby might be obliged to accuse themselves or their most intimate friends. The fines they imposed were merely discretionary ; the imprisonment to which they con- demned was limited by no rule but their own pleasure; they im- posed when they thought proper, new articles of faith on the clergy, and practised all the iniquities and cruelties of real inqui- sition. See Rapin's and Hume's Histories of England, under the reign of Elizabeth, and Neal's History of the Puritans, passim. (f3= \_q~\ Other rites and customs displeasitig to the Puritans, and omitted by our author, were, kneeling at the sacrament of the Lord's supper, bowing at the name of Jesus, giving the ring in marriage, the prohibition of marriage during certain times of the year, and the licensing it for money, as also the confirmation of children by episcopal imposition of hands. (Jd" [f] The words of the original are, "nee sacris Christian- is pueros recens natos ab aliis, quam sacerdotibus, initaripatie- bantur." The Roman catholics, who look upon the external rite of baptism as absolutely necessary to salvation, allow con- sequently, of its being performed by a layman, or a midwife, ■where a clergyman is not at hand, nay, (if such a ridiculous thing may be mentioned) by a surgeon, where a still birth is apprehended 396 The History of the Reformed Church CENT, iiig of the apoci'yphal books in the church ; and, ^^^' with respect to set forms of prayer, although they $ECT. Ill, ^.^1 j^^^ g^ g^ ^^j, ^g ^^ insist upon their being en- / tirely abolished, yet they pleaded for a right to every minister, of modifying, correcting, and using them in such a manner, as might tend most to the advancement of true piety, and of ad- dressing the Deity in such terms as were suggested by their inward feelings, instead of those that w^ere dictated by others. In a word, they were of opinion, that the government and discipline of the church of England ought to have been mo- delled after the ecclesiastical law^s and institutions of Geneva^ and that no indulgence w^as to be shewn to those ceremonies or practices, which bore the smallest resemblance of the discipline or worship of the church of Rome. Thepirinci- XX. Thcse sentiments, considered in them- fvWcrthe selves, seemed neither susceptible of a satisfactory Puritans defeucc, nor of a complete refutation. Their Tl^Zt solidity or falsehood depended upon the princi- meuts con- ples froui whcuce they were derived ; and no re- cieTksficai" gular controversy could be carried on upon these govern- matters, until the contending parties adopted divine^"vw. some common and evident principles, by w^iich «hip. they might corroborate their respective systems. It is only by an examination of these, that it can be known on what side truth lies, and what degree of utility or importance can be attributed to a contest of this nature. The principles laid dowai by the Queen's commissioners on the one hand, and the apprehended. The church of England, though it teacheth in general, that, none ought to baptize but men dedicated to the service of God, yet doth not esteem null baptism performed by laicks or women, because it makes a difference between what is essential to a sacrament, and what is requisite to the regular ■way of using it. The Puritans, that they might neither pre- scribe, nor even connive at a practice that seemed to be founded on the absolute necessity of infant baptism, would allow that sacred rite to be performed by the clergy alone. FART II. Chap. II. The History of the Reformed Church. 397 the Puritans on the other, were indeed very dif- cent ferent. xvi.* For, in the first place, The former maintaincd/f^^' "^' that the right of reformation, that is, the privi- lege of removing the corruptions, and of correcting the errors that may have heen introduced into the doctrine, discipline, or worship of the church, is lodged in the sovereign, or civil magistrate alone ; while the latter denied, that the power of the magistrate extended so far : and maintained, that it v/as rather the husiness of the clergy to restore religion to its native dignity and lustre. This was the opinion of Calvin, as has been al- ready observed. Secondly, The Queen's commissioners maintain- ed, that the rule of proceeding, in reforming the doctrine or discipline of the church, was not to be derived from the sacred v/ritings alone, but also from the writings and decisions of the fathers in the primitive ages. The Piiritans, on the con- trary, affirmed, that the inspired word of God being the pure and only fountain of wisdom and truth, it was from thence alone that the rules and directions were to be drawn, which were to guide the measures of those who undertook to purify the faith, or to rectify the discipline and worship, of the church ; and that the ecclesiastical institu- tions of the early ages, as also the writings of the ancient doctors, were absolutely destitute of all sort of authority. Thirdly, The Queen's commissioners ventured to assert, that the church of Rome teas a true church, though corrupt and erroneous in many points of doctrine and government ; that the Roman pontiff, though chargeable with temerity and arrogance in assuming to himself the title and jurisdiction of head of the whole church, was, nevertheless, to be esteemed a true and lawful bishop; and, consequently, that the ministers ordained S98 The History of the Reformed Church CENT, ordained by him were qualified for performing ^J^-^^ the pastoral duties. This was a point which the English bishops thought it absolutely necessary to maintain, since they could not otherwise claim the honour of deriving their dignities, in an unin- terrupted line of succession, from the apostles. But the Puritans entertained very different no- tions of this matter ; they considered the Roniish hierarchy as a system of political and spiritual tyranny, that had justly forfeited the title and privileges of a true church ; they looked upon its pontiff as Antichrist, and its discipline as vain, superstitious, idolatrous, and diametrically op- posite to the injunctions of the gospel; and iu consequence of this they renounced its commu- nion, and regarded all approaches to its discipline and worship as highly dangerous to the cause of true religion. Fourthly, The court commissioners considered as the best and most perfect form of ecclesiastical government, that which took place during the first four or five centuries; they even preferred it to that which had been instituted by the apos- tles, because, as they alleged, our Saviour and his apostles had accommodated the Form, mentioned in Scripture, to the feeble and infant state of the church, and left it to the wisdom and discretion of future ages to modify it in such a manner as might be suitable to the triumphant progress of Christianity, the grandeur of a national establish- ment, and also to the ends of civil policy. The Puritans asserted, in opposition to this, that the rules of church government were clearly laid down in the Holy Scriptures, the only standard of spiritual discipline [s] ; and that the apostles, in establishing I • C^ M ^y ^^"^ ^^^y meant, at least, that nothing should be I j imposed as necessary, but what was expressly contained in the ; ^oly scriptures, or deduced from them by necessary conse- ^ ^ quence. Chap. II. The History of the Reformed Cliurch. 399 establishing the first Christian church on the Aris- cent. .-locratical plan that was then observed in the Jew- ^^^' 1 . SECT. HI. ish Sanhedrim, designed it as an unchangeable mo- ^p^^^ „* del to be followed in all times, and in all places, s— -y-^/ Lastly^ The court reformers were of opinion, that things iiidijf'erent, which are neither com- manded nor forbidden by the authority of Scrip- ture, such as the external rites of public worship, the kind of vestments that are to be used by the clergy, religious festivals, and the like, might be ordered, determined, and rendered a matter of ob- ligation by the authority of the civil magistrate ; and that, in such a case, the violation of his com- mands would be no less criminal than an act of rebellion against the laws of the state. The Pu- ritans alleged, in answer to this assertion, that it was an indecent prostitution of power to impose, as necessary and indispensiblef those things which Christ had left in the class of matters iJidiffereiit ; since this w^as a manifest encroachment upon that liberty with which the divine Saviour had made us free. To this they added, that such rites and ceremonies as had been abused to idolatrous purposes, and had a manifest tendency to revive the impressions of superstition and popery in the minds of men, could by no means be considered as indifferent, but deserved to be rejected without hesitation as impious and profane. Such, in their estimation, were the religious ceremonies of an- cient times, whose abrogation was refused by the queen and her council [t\ XXI. This quence. They maintained still farther, that supposing it proved, that all things necessary to the good government of the church could not be deduced from holy scripture, yet that the discre- tionary power of supplying this defect was not vested in the civil magistrate, but in the spiritual officers of the church. (f3=Q] Dr. Mosheim, in these five articles, has followed the account of this controversy given by Mr. Neal, in his Hutory 400 The History of the Reformed CJiurch, XXI. This contest between tlie commissioners of the court, and their opponents, who desired a more complete reformation than had yet taken place, would have been much more dangerous in its consequences, had that party, that was distin- guished by the general denomination of Puritans, been united in their sentiments, views, and mea- sures. But the case w^as quite otherwise. For this large body, composed of persons of different ranks, characters, opinions, and intentions, and unani- mous in nothing but their antipathy against the forms of doctrine and discipline that were esta- blished by law, was, all of a sudden, divided into a variety of sects ; of which some spread abroad the delusions of enthusiasm, which had turned their own brains; while others displayed their folly in inventing new and whimsical plans of church-government. The most famous of all these sects was that which was formed, about the year 1581, by Robert Brown, an insinuating man, but very unsettled and inconsistent in his views and notions of things. This innovator did not differ, in point of doctrine, either from the church of England, or from the rest of the Puri- tans ; but he had formed new and singular notions concerning the nature of the church, and the rules of Hutory of the Puritans. This latter adds a sixth article, not of debate, but of union, " Both parties (says he) agreed too well in asserting the necessity of an uniformity of public wor- ship, and of calling in the sword of the magistrate for the sup- port and defence of their sever;;! principles, which they made an ill use of in their turns, as they could grasp the power into their hands. The standard of uniformity, according to the bishops, was the Queen's supremacy, and the laws of the land; according to the Puritans, the decrees of provincial and national synods, allowed and enforced by the civil magi- strate : but neither party were for admitting that liberty of conscience, and freedom of profession, which is every man's right, as far as is consistent with the peace of the government under which he lives." Chap. 11. The History of the Reformed Church. 401 of ecclesiastical government. He was for divid- cent, inff the whole body of the faithful into separate ^^^* . . • "*■ SECT. Ill societies or congregations, not larger than those p^^^ ^ * xvhich were formed by the apostles in the infancy w-y"**' of Christianity ; and maintained, tliat such a number of persons, as could be contained in an ordinary place of worship, ought to be considered as a church, and enjoy all the rights and privileges that are competent to an ecclesiastical community. These small societies he pronounced independent, jure divmo, and entirely exempt from the juris- diction of the bishops, in whose hands the court placed the reins of spiritual government ; and also from that of synods, which the Puritans regarded as the supreme visible sources of ecclesiastical au- thority. He also maintained, that the power of governing each congregation, and providing for its welfare, resided in the people ; and that each member had an equal share in this direction, and an equal right to order matters for the good of the whole society [?/]. Hence all points both of doctrine and discipline were submitted to the dis- cussion of the whole congregation, and whatever was supported by a majority of votes passed into a law. It was the congregation also tiiat elected certain of the brethren to the oince of pastors, to perform the duty of public instruction, and the several branches of divine worship, reserving, however, to themselves the power of dismissing VOL. IV. D d these (^ []?«] It is farther to be observed, that, according to this system, one church was notentitled to exercise jurisdiction over another ; but each might give the other counsel or admonition, if they walked in a disorderly manner, or abandoned the capi- tal truths of religion ; and if the offending church did not re- ceive the admonition, the others were to withdraw and pub- licly disown them as a church of Christ. On the other hand, the powers of their church officers were confined within the narrow limits of their own society. The pastor of a church might not administer the sacrament of baptism, or the Lord's supper, to any but those of his own communion. SECT. Ill PART II i02 The History oftltc Bcformed Church. CENT, tliesc ministers, and reducing them to the coiidi- ^^^' tion of private members, whenever they should think such a change conducive to the spiritual advantage of the community. For these pastors were not esteemed superior, either in sanctity or rank, to the rest of their brethren, nor distinguish- ed from them by any other circumstance than the liberty of preaching and praying, w^hich they de- rived from the free will and consent of the con- gregation. It is, besides, to be observed, that their right of preaching was by no means of an exclusive nature, or peculiar to them alone; since any member that thought proper to exhort or instruct the Brethren, was abundantly indul- ged in the liberty oi propliesying to the whole as- sembly. Accordingly, when the ordinary teacher or pastor had finished his discourse, all the other Brethren were permitted to communicate in pub- lic, their sentiments and illustrations upon any useful or edifying subject, on which they supposed they could throw new light. In a word, Brown aimed at nothing less than modelling the form of the church after that infant community that was founded by the apostles, without once consi- dering the important changes both in the religi- ous and civil state of the world since that time, the influence that these changes must necessarily have upon all ecclesiastical establishments, and the particular circumstances of the Christian church, in consequence of its former corruptions and its late reformation. And, if his notions were crude and chimerical, the zeal with which he and his associates maintained and propagated them was intemperate and extravagant in the highest de- gree. For he affirmed, that all communion was to be broken off with those religious societies that were founded upon a different plan from his ; and treated, more especially in the church of England ^ as a spurious church, whose ministers V^'ere Chap. II. The History of the Reformed Church, 403 were unlawfully ordained, whose discipline was cent. popish and antichristian, and whose sacraments and , ^^^' institutions were destitute of all efficacy and vir- p^^j^^ n.* tue. The sect of this hot-headed innovator, not s— -y-^^ being able to endure the severe treatment which their opposition to the established forms of reli- gious government and worship had drawn upon them, from an administration that was not dis- tinguished by its mildness and indulgence, retired into the Netherlands, and founded churches at Middlehurg in Zealand, and at Amsterdam and Ley den, in the province of Holland; but their establishments were neither solid nor durable [.r]. Their founder returned into England, and having renounced his principles of separation, took orders in the established church, and obtained a benefice \%}\ The Puritan exiles, vdiom he thus abandoned, disagreed among themselves, split into parties, and their affairs declined from day to day \_%\. This engaged the wiser part of them to mitigate the severity of their founder's plan, and to soften the rigour of his uncharitable decisions; and hence arose the community of the Tnde'pendents or Con- gregational Jirethren, which still subsists, and of D d 2! which C3" D^] 'T^® British churches at Amsterdam and Middlehurg are incorporated into the national Dutch church, and their pastors are members of the Dutch synod^, which is sufficient to shew that there are at this time no traces of Broivnism or /«- depemlency in these churches. The church at Leijden, where Robinson had fixed the standard of Independency about the year 1595, was dispersed; and it is very remarkable, that a part of this church transplanting themselves into America, laid the foundation of the colony of New England. &3" C^D Brown, in his new preferment, forgot, not only the rigour of his principles, but also the gravity of his former morals ; for he led a very idle and dissolute life. See Neal's History of the Puritans, vol. i. p. 37 G. £2] Neal's History of f lie Puritans, vol. i. chap. vi. . Hoornbeckii Summa Controvers. lib. x. p. 738. Fuller'? Ecclesiastical History of Brit ai??, book x. p. l6S. 404} The History of the Heformed Chiircli, CENT, whicli an account shall be given in the history of ^^'^- the following century. SECT. III. XXII. In the Eelgic provinces, the fi-ieuds of PART II. o 1 ' ^^^..^■^ the lleforraation seemed for a long time uncer- The state tain, vvhctlicr they should embrace the commu- rJformed ^^^^" ^^ ^^^ Swiss, or of the Lutheran church, church in Eacli of thcse had zealous friends and pov/erful J^^^j^^*^''" patrons \a\ The matter was nevertheless, de- cided in the year 1571, and the religious system f of Calvin was publicly adopted. For the Belgic confession of faith, which then appeared [6], was drawn up in the spirit, and almost in the terms, of that which was received in the Reformed chinxhes in France, and differed considerably, in several respects, from the confession of Augsburg, but more especially in the article relating to Christ's presence in the eucharist \c\. This will not appear surprising to those who consider the vicinity of the French to the Low-countries ; the nvmiber of French protestants that were constantly passing or sojourning there ; the extraordinary reputa- tion of Calvin, and of the academy of Geneva ; as also, the indefatigable zeal of his disciples in extending the limits of their church, and propa- gating, throughout all Europe, their system of doctrine, discipline, and government. Be that as it may, from this period, the Dutch, who had before been denominated Lutherans, assumed uni- versally the title of Reformed, in which also they imitated the French, by whom this title had been first invented and adopted. It is true, indeed, that, as long as they were subject to the Spanish yoke, the fear of exposing themselves to the displeasure of \jr\ Loscheri IJislor. Motimtn. pai't III. lib. v. cap. iv. p. 74. Q/>3 Kocheri Bihliolh. Thcolog. SyvihoUccv, p. 216". Tc] See Brandt's liistonj of Ihe Reformation of the Nether" lands (written in Dutch)/vol. i. book v. p. 253. Chap. II. The History of the Reformed Church. 405 of that sovereign induced them to avoid the title cent. of Reformed, and to call themselves Associates of ^^'^• the Brethren of the Confession of Augsburg. For ^p^^^ "/' the Lutherans were esteemed, by the Spanish court, ^w-^.^ much better subjects than the disciples of Calvin, who, on account of the tumults that had lately prevailed in France, were supposed to have a greater propensity to mutiny and sedition [c/]. XXIII. The light of the Reformation was first And in Po- brought from Saxony into Poland by the disciples '''"'^* of Luther. Some time after this happy period, the Boliemian Brethren, whom the Romish clergy had expelled from their country, as also several Helvetic doctors, propagated their sentiments among the Polanders. Some congregations w^rc also founded in that Republic by the Anabap- tists, Anti-Trinitarians, and other sectaries [e]. Hence it was, that three distinct communities, each of which adopted the main principles of the Reformation, v;ere to be found in Poland, viz. the Bohemian Brethren, the Lutherans, and Swiss. These communities, in order to defend themselves with the greater vigour against their common ene- mies, formed among themselves a kind of confede- racy, in a synod held at Sendomir in the year 1570, \ upon certain conditions, which were comprehend- / ed in the Confession of Faith, that derives its 1 D d 3 title / €3" L'^2 ^^'' Mosheim advances this on the authority of a passage in Brandt's Hisiorij of the JReformation of the Nether- Uinda, (p. 254, 255.) which is written in Dutch, and is in- deed, a most curious and vahiable work, notwithstanding the author's partiality towards the cause of Armenianism, of which he was one of the most respectable patrons. [/] Loscheri Hist. Motttmn, part III. lib. v. cap. iii. p. SQ. — Salig. Hlsi. Aug. Confession, torn. ii. lib. vi. cap. iii, iv, v. p. 5 16. — Regenvolcii Hist. Ecclcs. Slavonicar. lib. i. cap. xvi. p. 71. — Salignac, Hist, de Pologne, torn. v. p. 40. — Kautz, Pra'cipua Rclig. Evangel, in Polouia Fata, published in 4tOj at Hamburgh, in the year 1738. SECT. Ill PART 406 TJie History of the Reformed Church, CENT, title from the city now men tioiied [/]. But as ^^'^' this association seemed rather adapted to accele- 'j"' rate the conclusion of a peace than to promote the cause of truth, the points in dehate between the Lutherans and the Reformed being expressed in this reconciling confession in vague and ambi- guous tenns, it was soon after this warmly oppos- ed by many of the former, and was entirely an- nulled in the following century. Many attempts have, indeed, been made to revive it ; but they have not answered the expectations of those who have employed their dexterity and zeal in this matter. In Prussia the Refo7'ined gained ground after the death of Luther and Melancthon, and founded the flourishing churches that still subsist in that country \_g]. The Bohe- XXIV. The Boheiiiian, or, as they are other- Siren. ' wise called, the Moravian JBrethren^ who descend- ed from the better sort of Hussites, and were distinguished by several religious institutions of a singular nature, and well adapted to guard their community against the reigning vices and corrup- tions of the times, had no sooner heard of Lu- ther's design of reforming the church, than they sent deputies in the year 1522, to recommend themselves to his friendship and good offices. In succeeding times, they continued to discover the same zealous attachment to the Lutheran churches in Saxony, and also to those that were founded in other countries. These offers could not be well accepted without a previous examination of their religious sentiments and principles. And, indeed, this \.f1 ^^^ Dan. Ernest. Jablonsky, Hisioria Conscnstis Sen- domirensis, publislied at Berlin in 4to, in the year 1731 ; as also the Epistola Apologclicu of the same author, in defence of the work now mentioned, against the objections of an anony- mous author. [g] Loscherii Historia Motiimn, part III. lib. vi. cap. i. p. 210". Chap. II. The Histoj^y of the Reformed Church. 407 this examination turned to their advantage; for cent. neither Luther nor his disciples found any thing, ^^'^• either in their doctrine or discipline, that was, in ^^^^ j"' any great measure liable to censure ; and though ^.^^^.-^ he could not approve in every particular, of their Qmfession of Faith, which they suLmitted to his judgment, yet he looked upon it as an object of toleration and indulgence []i\. Nevertheless, the death of Luther, and the expulsion of these JBre- thren from their country in the year 1547, gave a new turn to their religious connections ; and great numbers of them, more especially of those who retired into Poland, embraced the religious senti- ments and discipline of the Reformed. The at- tachment of the Bohemians to the Lutherans seemed, indeed, to be revived by the Convention of Sendomir, already mentioned ; but as the arti- cles of union, that were drawn up in that assem- bly, lost all their force and authority in a little time, the Bohemians, by degrees, entered one and all into the communion of the Swiss church [i]. This union was at first formed on the ex- press condition, that the tw^o churches should continue to be governed by their respective laws and institutions, and should have separate places of public worship; but in the following cen- tury, all remains of dissension were removed in the synods held at Astrog in the year 1620 and 1627? and the two congregations were formed into one, under the title of Jlie Church of the D d 4 United l^h~\ See a German work of Carpzovius, entitled, Kachricht vonden Bohrtiischen Bnidern, p. 46. as also Jo. Chr. Kocheri Bihliotheca Tkeologice Sijmholicce, p. 76. p] Besides Comenius, Camerarius, and Lasitius, who have v/ritten professedly the History of the Bohemian Brethren, see Loscherii Historia Moitrum, part III. lib. v. cap. vi. p. 99. — Salig. Hist. Confession. Aug. tom. ii. lib. vi. cap. iii. p. 520. — Ad-. Regenvolscii Hist. Ecelcs. ScIavouiccVj lib. i. cap. xiii. xiv. XV, vamans. 408 The History of the Reformed Church, CENT. Umicd Brethren. In this coalition the reconciled ^^'^- parties shewed to each other reciprocal marks of SECT. III. tQJ^j.^^tion and indul.o-ence ; for the external form \^^^^^^ of the church was modelled after the discipline of the Bohemian Brethren^ and the articles of faith were taken from tlie creed of the Qdvhiists [A;]. Tiie w^ai- XXV. The descendants of the Waldcnses, who denses, lived shut up in the vallies of Piedmont, were na- ans, and turallv led, by their situation m the neighhcur- Transyi. j^^^^ '^^ ^|,g French, and of the Renuhlic of Ge- neva, to era brace the doctrines and rites of the / Reformed church. So far down, liowever, as the • year 1630, they retained a considerable part of their ancient discipline and tenets; but the rdairue that broke out that vear havincr destroyed the greatest part of this unhappy people, and among the rest a considerable number of their pastors and clergy, they addressed themselves to the French churches for spiritual succour; and the new doctors, sent from thence, made several changes in the discipline and doctrine of the Waldenses, and rendered them conformable, in every respect, wdth those of the protestant churches in France [/]. The Hungarians and Transylvanians were en- gaged to renounce the errors and superstitions of the church of Rome by the writings of Luther, and the ministry of his disciples. But some time after Matthias Devay, and other doctors, began to introduce in a secret manner, among these nations, the doctrines of the Swiss churches in relation to the eucharist, as also their principles of ecclesiastical government. This doctrine and these principles, were propagated in a more open and \_l^ Rer^envolcius, loc. citat. lib. i. cap. xlv, p. 120. \_l~\ Leger, Histoire Generale des Egllses Vaudoises, livr. i. chap, xxxiii. p. 205, 206. — Abr. Sciiletti Annahs Rcnovati Evangdn, p. 291.— Dan. Gerdes, Hisi. Rcnovali Evangdii, torn. ii. p. 401. Chap. II. The History of the Reformed Church 409 and public manner towards the year 1550, by cent. Szegedin and other Calvinist teachers, Vvrhose- mi- ^^^^' nistry was attended with remarkable success. This \,,yvy ii change was followed by the same dissensions that had broke out in other countries on like occasions ; and these dissensions grew into an open schism among the friends of the Reformation in these provinces, which the lapse of time has rather con- firmed than diminished [';/z]. XXVI. After the solemn publication of the<^^*J»e Lu- famous Form of Concord, of which an account haSchuTcLs been already given, many German churclies, of'^^t^™; the Lutheran communion, dissolved their original viniTm.^^^' bonds, and embraced the doctrine and discipline of Calvin. Among these we may place the churches of Nassau, Hanau, and Isenberg, with several others of less note. In the year 1595, the princes of Anhalt, influenced by the councils of Wolfgang Amlingius, renounced also the pro- fession of Lutheranism, and introduced into their dominions the religious tenets and rites of Geneva ; this revolution, however, produced a long and warm controversy between the Lutherans and the inhabitants of the principality \ji]. The doctrines of {jn~\ Paiili Debrezeni Historia Eccles. Reform in Ilungar. et Transyhan. lib. ii. p. 64. 72. 98. Unschnld. Nachrid. A. 1738. p. 1076. — Geor;^. Haneri Historia Eccles. Transijlv. published at Frmicfort in 12mo, in the year 1694. \jf\ See for an account of this matter the German work of Bechman, which is thus entitled Histoire des Hausc Anhalt, vol. ii. p. 133. and that of Kraft, which bears the title of AuS' ferliche Historic von dev.i Exorcismo, p. 428. 497- C^ Though the princes professed Calvinism^ and introduced Calvinist mi- nisters in all the churches, where they had the right of patron- age, yet the people were left free in their choice ; and the no- blemen and their vassals, that were attached to Lutheranism, had secured to them the unrestrained exercise of their religion. By virtue of a convention made in l679^ the Lutherans were permitted to erect new churches. The Zerbst line, with the greatest part of its subjects, profess Lutberanism ; but the three other linesj with their respective territories, are Calvinists. 4j10 The History oftlie Reformed Church. CENT, of the Calvinist or Reformed church, more espe- XVI. cially those that relate to the eucharist, were also SECT. I"' introduced into Denmark, towards the conclusion vl^!w ^^ ^'^^^^ century ; for, in this kingdom, the dis- ^"^^^"""^ ciples and votaries of Melancthon, who had always discovered a strong propensity to a union between the protestant churches, were extremely numerous, and they had at their head Nicholas Hemmingius, a man eminent for his piety and learning. But the views of this divine, and the schemes of his party, being discovered much sooner than they expected, by the vigilant de- fenders of the Lutheran cause, their plans were disconcerted [o], and the progress of Calvinism was successfully opposed by the Lutheran mini- sters, seconded by the countenance and authority of the sovereign [j;]. The diver- XXVII. It uiust not, liowevcr, be imagined, reined that tlic different nations that embraced the among the communiou of tlic Calviuist church, adopted, at branches tlic Same time, without exception, all its tenets, of the Re- vites, and institutions. This universal conformity church. was, indeed, ardently desired by the Helvetic doctors ; but their desires, in this respect, were far from being accomplished. The English, as is sufficiently known, rejected the forms of eccle- siastical government and religious worship that were adopted by the other lleformed churches, and could not be persuaded to receive, as public and national articles of faith, the doctrines that were propagated in Switzerland, in relation to the sacrament ^0} Erici Pontoppidani Amial. Eccksice Danicce Diploma' tici, torn. iii. p. 57- (f3= \^]f\ That is, (for our author consistently with truth can mean no more) the designs, that were formed to render Calvinism the national and established religion, proved abor- tive. It is certain, however, that Calvinism made a very con- siderable progress in Denmark^ and has still a great number of votaries in that kingdom. Cliap. II. The History of the Reformed Church. 411 sacrament of the Lord's Supper, and the Divine cent. decrees [ho at this time were the oracle of all the public schools [4^], and whose philosophical prin- ciples and method were exclusively adopted by all the other reformed academies ; though it is cer- tain, tliat the philosophy of Ramus was, for some time, preferred by many of the doctors of Basil to that of the Stagirite [//]. The inter- XXXV. The Reformed church, from its very commenta- infancy, produccd a great number of expositors tors of of scripture, whose learned and excellent com- scnptuie. j^^gj-j^^j,jpg deserve a memorable place [i] in the history of theological science. The exposition that Zuingle has given of the greatest part of the books of the New Testament is i-ax from being destitute \_g\ Beza, in his EplstoJce Theologic(e (ep. xxxvf. p. 156.), speaks thus : " Certam nobis ac constitutum est, et in ipsis tra- dendis logicis et in ceteris explicandis disciplinis ab Aristotelis sententia ne tantilliun qiiidem deflectere." [A] See Casp. Brandtii Vita Jacobi Arminii, p. 12, \?>, 22. Cc5" \j~\ ^^'- Mosheim pays a tribute to these great men of the Reformed church, that seems to be extorted by justice, with a kind of effort, from the spirit of party. He says, that Zuingle\s labours are not contemptible : that Calvin attempt- ed an illustration of the sacred writings; that the New Tes- tament oF Beza has not, even at this day, entirely lost the re- putation it formerly enjoyed. This is faint praise : and there- fore the tran;;lator has, without departing from the tenor of the author's phraseology, animated a little the coldness of his panegyric. SECT. III. PART II. Chap. II. TTie History of the Reforrned Cliurcli, 425 destitute of merit [jk\ He was succeeded by cent. Bullinger, Oecolampadius, and Musculus, and ^J^^\ also by others, who, though inferior to these great men in erudition and genius, deserve never- theless a certain degree of approbation and esteem. But the two divines who shone with a superior and unrivalled lustre in this learned list of sacred expositors, were John Calvin, and Theodore Beza. The former composed an excellent commentary on almost all the books of Holy Writ ; and the latter published a Latin Version of the Neio Testament, enriched with theological and critical observations, which has passed through many editions, and enjoys, at this day, a considerable part of the reputation and applause with which it was crowned at its first appearance. It must be acknowledged, to the honour of the greatest part of these commentators, that, wisely neglecting those allegorical significations and mystical mean- ings that tlie irregular fancies of former exposi- tors had attributed to the terms of Holy Writ, they employed tlieir whole diligence and industry in investigating the literal sense, the full energy of the words of scripture, in order to find out the true intention of the sacred writer. It must, how- ever, be observed, on the other hand, that some of these interpreters, and more especially Calvin, have been sharply censured for applying to the temporal state and circumstances of the Jews, se- veral prophecies that point to the Messiah, and to the Christian dispensation in the most evident and palpable manner, and thus removing some of the C^ [Xl I^ w^s "o^ ^"^y ^^^ ^^^^ books of the New Testa- ment that Zuingle eniployed his very learned and excellent labours. He expounded the book of Genesis, together with the twenty-four first chapters of Exodus, and gave new ver- sions of the Book of Psalms, of the Prophecies of Isaiah and Jeremiah. 426 The Histoi^y of the Reformed Church, CENT, the most striking arguments in favour of the divi- ^^^\^ nity of the gospel [/]. XXXVI. The state of theology, and the revo- lutions it underwent among the Helvetic and Thetiieoio-the other Reformed churches, were pretty much gicai doc- ^}^g same with what it met with amona; the Lu- tnne ot the r-f - t (^ a n r> i Reformed thcraus. Zuingie was one oi the first reiormea church, doctors wlio rcduccd that sacred science into a certain sort of order, in his book Concerning true CLud false Religion, which contained a brief exposi- tion of the principal doctors of Christianity. This production was followed by one much more comprehensive in its contents, and perfect in its kind, composed by Calvin, and entitled. Insti- tutes of the Christian Religion, which held in the Reformed churches the same rank, authority, and credit, that the Loci communes of JNIelanc- thon obtained among us [iu]. The example of Calvin animated the doctors of his Conj^nmion, and produced a great number of writers oi Common Place JDivinitij, some more, others less volumi- nous, among which INIusculus, Peter JNIartyr, and Piscator particularly excelled. The most ancient of these writers are, generally speaking, the best, on account of their simplicity and clearness, being untainted with that affectation of subtilty, and that scholastic spirit, that have eclipsed the merit of many a good genius. Calvin was a model in this respect, more especially in his Instituies ; a work remarkable for the finest elegance of style, and the greatest ease and perspicuity of expression, together with the most perfect simplicity of me- tliod, and clearness of argument. But this sim- plicity was soon effaced by the intricate science of the [^l~\ See jEgidii Hunnii Calcinus Judaizans, published at Wittcmhcrg, in 8vo, in the year 1595, -which was refuted by David Pareus, in a book published the same year, under the title of Cahinus Oiihodoxus. C^ D'O T^^6 reader must not forget that the learned au» tlior oi' this History is a Lutheran. Chap. II. The History of the Reformed Church. 427 the schools. The philosophy of Aristotle, which cent. was tauffht in almost all the seminaries of learn- ■^^'^- ing, and suiFered much from falling into bad hands, ^^^^ „ * insinuated itself into the regions of theology, and ^-^y--^ rendered them barren, thorny, intricate, and gloomy, by the enormous multitude of barbarous terms, captious questions, minute distinctions, and viseless subtilties, that followed in its train [r^]. XXXVII. The []w] It must however be acknowledged, that the scholastic method of teaching theology seems to have first infected our (the Lutheran) church, though the contagion spread itself, soon after, among the reformed doctors. It was certainly very recent in Hollwid at the time of the famous synod of Dort. In this assembly Maccovius, professor at Franeker, a man deeply versed in all the mysteries of the scholastic philosophy, was accused of heresy by his colleague Sibrand Lubl3ert. When the matter was examined, the synod gave it as their opinion, that Maccovius was unjustly accused of heresy ; but that, in his divinity lectures, he had not followed that simpli- city of method, and clearness of expression, that are commend- able in a public teacher of Christianity ; and that he rather followed the subtile manner of the scholastic doctors, than the plain and unaffected phraseology of the inspired writers. The decision of the synod is expressed by Walter Balcan- qual (in the acts of that ecclesiastical assembly that are sub- joined to his letters to Sir Dudley Carleton in the following words : " Maccovium . . . nullius hsereseos reum teneri . . . peccasse eum, quod quibusdam ambiguis et obscuris scholas- ticis phrasibus usus sit : Quod scholasticum docendi modum conetur in Belgicis academiis introducere . . . Monendum es- se eum, ut cum spiritu sancto loquatur, non cum Bellarmino aut Suarezio*". These admonitions produced but little ef- fect on Maccovius, as appears by his theological writings,, "which are richly seasoned with scholastic wit and intricate speculations. He therefore appears to have been the first who introduced the subtilties of philosophy into the theological system of the Reformed churches in Holland. He was not, however, alone in this attempt, but was seconded by the acute Mr. WiUiam Ames, minister of the English church at the Hague, and several others of the same scholastic turn. This method of teaching theology must have been in use among almost all the reformed doctors before the synod of Dort, if we give credit to Episcopius, who, in the last discourse he addressed * See the Acta Sytiodi Dord. in Hale's Golden Remtins, p. 161.— and Pliilippi Limborchii Epistolar. Eccleslasticar. Collect, p. 574. 428 Tlie History of the Reformed Church, CENT. XXXVII. The Reformed doctors of this cen- ^^^' tury generally concluded their treatises of didactic SECT. "' -^i^goiogy ^vith a delineation of the moral duties \^^^^^^ that are incumbent upon Christians, and the rules The state of practice that are prescribed in the gospel. This of practical j^g|.|j^j(| ^^..^g obscrved by Calvin, and was follow- '^^^uly^ ed, out of respect for his example, by almost all the divines of his communion, who looked upon him as their model and their guide. This eminent man, towards the conclusion of his Institutes, speaks of the power of the magistrate, and the ends of civil government ; and in the last chapter gives the portraiture of the life and manners of a true Christia7i, but in a much more concise manner than the copiousness, dignity, and importance of the subject seemed to require. The progress of morality among the Reformed, was obstructed by the very same means that retarded its improve- ment among the Lutherans. It was neglected amidst the tumult of controversy ; and while every pen was drawn to maintain certain systems of doc- trine, few were employed in cultivating or pro- moting that noblest of all sciences, which has Virtue, life, and manners for its objects. This addressed to his disciples at Leyden, tells them that he had carefully avoided this scholastic divinity ; and that this was the principal cause that had drav,n on him the vehement ha- tred and opposition of all the other professors and teachers of theology. His words are as follow : " Videbam veritatem multarum et maximarmii rerura in ipsa scriptura sacra, elabo- ratis humana industria phrasibus, ingeniosis vocularum fictio- nibus, locorum communium, artificiusis texturis, exquisitus terminorum ac formularum inventionibus adeo involutam, per- plexam et intricatam redditara esse, ut Oedipo saepe opus es- set ad Sphingem illam theologicam enodandam. Ita est, ut hinc primee lacrymas — Reducendam itaque terminorum apos- tolicorum et cuivis obviorum siraplicitatem semper sequendam putavi, et sequestrandas, quas academige et scholoe tanquam propriassibi vendicant, Icgicas, philosophicasque speculationes et dictiones." See Philippi Limborchii Vita Episcopii, p. 123, 124. Chap. II. The History of the Reformed Church, 429 This master-science, which Calvin and his cent. associates had left in a rude and imperfect state, -^^ ^• was first reduced into some kind of form, and ex- ^^ plained with a certain degree of accuracy and precision, by William Perkins [o], an English divine, as the Heformed doctors universally allow. He was seconded in this laudable undertaking by Telingius, a native of Holland, whose writings were composed in the Dutch language. It was by a worthy and pious spirit of emulation, excited by the example of these two doctors, that Wil- liam Ames, a native of Scotland, and professor of divinity at Franeker \_p\ was engaged to compose a complete Body of Christian Morality [q]. These writers Ct^ Q>] Mr. William Perkins was born at Marsion^ in fVar" w'lckshire, in the first year of Queen Elizabeth, and educated in Christ's College, Cambridge, of which he was Fellow. He was one of the most famous practical writers and preach- ers of his age. His puritanical and non-conforming principles exposed him to the cognizance of the High Commission Court; but his peaceable behaviour, and eminent reputation in the learned world, procured him an exemption from the perse- cutions that fell upon his brethren. His works, which were printed in three volumes folio, afford abundant proofs of his piety and industry, especially when it is considered that he died in the 44th year of his age. (r3" LpI ^^'- William Ames, educated at Cambridge, under Mr. Perkins, fled from the persecution of Archbishop Ban- croft, and was invited by the States of Friesland to the divi- nity chair in the University of Franeker, wiiich he filled with great reputation during the space of twelve years, after which he removed to Eotterdam, at the invitation of an English church there, and became their pastor. He was at the synod of Do/7, and informed King James' ambassador at the Hague, from time to time, of the debates of that assembly. Besides his con- troversial writings against the Arminians, he published tlie fol- lowing : Medulla Theologice. (the work here referred to by Dr. Mosheim) ; — ManuducLio Logica ; — Cases of Ccnscience ; — Analysis on the Bool- of Psalms ; — No!cs on the First a?id Se- cond Epistles of St. Fcter, S^-c. These productions are not void of merit, considering the times in which they were written. {^^ [_q~\ In the Dedication and Preface of his famous book De Conscientia ei ejus jure. Dr. Ames observes {Frcpfat. p. 3.) " that 430 The Histoj'y of the 'Reformed Church. writers were succeeded by others, who still threw farther light on this important science. XXXVIII. The Reformed church was less disturbed, during this century, by sects, divisions, and theological disputes, than the Lutheran, which was often a prey to the most unhappy dis- sensions. This circumstance is looked upon by the former, as a matter of triumph, though it may be very easily accounted for by all such as are acquainted with the History of the lleformed Church [6']. We have, however, in the writings of Calvin, an account, and also a refutation, of a most pernicious sect that sprung up in that church, and produced troubles of a more deplo- rable kind than any that happened in our com- munity \s\ This odious sect, which assumed the denominations of Libertines, and Spiritual Bre- thren and Sisters, arose in Flanders, was headed by Pockesius, RuiFus, and Quintin, got a certain footing in France through the favour and protec- tion of IMargaret, queen of Navarre, and sister to Francis I. and found patrons in several of the lleformed that an excessive zeal for doctrine had produced an unhappy neglect of morality, " Quod hsec pars prophetiae (i. e. mora- lity) hactenus minus fuerit exculta, hoc inde fuit, quod primi- pilares nostri perpetuo in acie adversus hostes pugnaae, fidem propugnare, et aream ecclesiae purgare, necessitate quadam cogebantur, ita ut agros et vineas plantare et rigare non potu- erint ex voto, sicut bello fervente usu venire solet." The ad- dress to the students of Franeker, which is subjoined to this book, under the title of Paraenesis ad Studiosos, &c. deserves to be perused, as it confirms farther what has been already observed witli respect to the neglect of the science of morality. *' Theologi (says he) pra?clare se instructos putant ad omnes officii sui parties, si dogmata tantum intelligant. — Neque tamen omnia dogmata scrutantur, sed ilia sola, quae praecipue solent agitari et in controversiam vocari," GrJ' \_r~\ Dr. Mosheim ought to have given us a hint of his manner of accounting for this, to avoid the suspicion of having been somewhat at a loss for a favourable solution. (k3" [/} ^^ hy all these comparisons ? Our author seems, on some occasions, to tinge his historical relation with the spirit of party. SECT. III. PART II. Chap. II. The History of the Reformed Cliurch. 431 Reformed churches [^]. Their doctrme, as far cent. as it can be known by the writings of Calvin and ^^'^• its other antagonists, (for these fanatics published no account of their tenets that is come to my knowledge), amounted to the following propo- sitions : " That the Deity w^as the sole operating " cause in the mind of man, and the immediate " author of all human actions ; that, consequently, " the distinctions of good and evil, that had been " established with respect to these actions, w^ere " false and groundless, and that men could not, " properly speaking, commit sin ; that religion " consisted in the union of the spirit, or rational " soul, with the Supreme Being ; that all those " w4io had attained this happy miion, by sublime " contemplation and elevation of mind, were " then allowed to indulge, without exception or " restraint, their appetites and passions ; that all " their actions and pursuits were then perfectly " innocent ; and that, after the death of the body, " they were to be united to the Deity." These extravagant tenets resemble, in such a striking manner, the opinions of the Bcghards, ox Brethren of the Free Spirit, that it appears to me, beyond all doubt, that the Libertines, or Spirituals, now under consideration, were no more than a remnant of that ancient sect. The place of their origin confirms this hypothesis ; since it is well known, that, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, Flanders almost swarmed with licentious fanatics of this kind. XXXIX. We must not confound, as is fre-Andyith quently done, with these fanatics, another kind Jj^J'^^^f^''' of Libertines, whom Calvin had to combat, and Geneva. who gave him much trouble and perplexity during the ^vhole course of his life and ministry, I mean tlic \j] See " Calvini Instructio ad versus fanaticum et furiosam sectam Libertinorum^ qui se spirituales vocant^ in Tractatibus ejus Theolofi-icis." 432 The History of the Reformed Church, CENT, the Libertines of Geneva. These were ratlier a ^^^\ cabal of rakes than a sect of fanatics. For they PART II ^^^^ ^^ pretences to any religious system, but ^^^^y-.^ pleaded only for the liberty of leading voluptuous and immoral lives. This cabal was composed of a certain number of licentious citizens, who could not bear the severe discipline of Calvin, who pu- nished with rigour, not only dissolute manners, but also whatever carried the aspect of irreligion and impiety. This irregular troop stood forth in defence of the licentiousness and dissipation that had reigned in their city before the lieformation, pleaded for the continuance of those brothels, banquetings, and other entertainments of a sen- sual kind, which the regulations of Calvin were designed to abolish, and employed all the bitter- ness of reproach and invective, all the resources of fraud and violence, all the powers of faction, to accomplish their purpose [?/]. In this turbulent cabal there were several persons, who were not only notorious for their dissolute and scandalous manner of living, but also for their atheistical impiety and contempt of all religion. Of this odious class was ^ Gruet, who attacked Calvin with the utmost animosity and fury, calling him bishop Asculanensis, the new pope, and branding him with other contumelious denominations of a like nature. This Gruet, denied the Divinity of the Christian religion, the innnortality of the soul, the difference bet^veen moral good and evil, and rejected, with disdain, the doctrines that are held the most sacred among Christians ; for which im- pieties he was at last brought before the civil tri- bunals, in the year 1550, and was condemned to death [tc]. XL. The \jf] Spoil's Histoire de Geneve, torn. li. p. 44. in the Notea of the editor, in the edition in 12mo. published at Geneva iu Qy] Id. torn. ii. p. 47. in the Notes. Cliap. II. 77?^ History oftJie Reformed Churck 433 XL. The opposition that was made to Calvin cent. did not end here. He had contests of another ^^^' SPCT iir kind to sustain against those who could not relish p^j^^ n.' his theological system, and, more especially, his ^-^y— / melancholy and discouraging doctrine in relation Caivin's to eternal and absolute Decrees. These adversaries turcL felt, by a disagreeable experience, the wanntli andtaiio; violence of his haughty temper, and that impa- tience of contradiction that arose from an over- jealous concern for his honour, or rather for his unrivalled supremacy. He would not suffer them to remain at Geneva ; nay, in the heat of the con- troversy, being carried away by the impetuosity of his passions, he accused them of crimes, from which they have been fully absolved by the im- partial judgment of unprejudiced posterity [cy]. Among these victims of Calvin's unlimited power and excessive zeal, we may reckon Sebastian Castalio, master of the public school at Geneva^ who, though not exempt from failings [?/], was nevertheless a man of probity, and was also remarkable for the extent of his learning, and the elegance of his taste. As this learned man could not approve of all the measures that were followed, nor indeed of all the opinions that were enter- tained by Calvin and his colleagues, and parti- cularly that of absolute and unconditional pre- destination, he was deposed from his office in the VOL. IV. F. f year Q.r]] At this day, we may venture to speak thus freely of the rash decisions of Calvin, since even the doctors of Geneva, as well as those of the other reformed clnirches, ingenuously acknowledge that the eminent talents and excellent qualifies of that great man were accompanied with great defects, for which, however, they plead indulgence, in consideration of his services and virtues. See the Notes to S[)on'.s Hisfoirc da Geneva, torn. ii. p. 110. as also the Preface to Calvin's- JMtcrs to Jaques de Bourgogne, p. Ip. (c3=* [^] See Baijles Diclicmart/, at the article Caslaliu, in which the merit and deviicrit of that learned man seem to be impartially and accurately examined. 434 The History of the Beformed Church. CENT, year 1544, and banished the city. The magi- ^^^- strates of Basil received, nevertheless, this inge- ^p^RT ii" iii^^^s exile, and gave him the Greek professorship v..^^^^ in their university [z\ with Boi- XLI. A like fate happened to Jerom Bolsec, ^^' a French monk of the Carmelite order, who, though much inferior to Castalio in genius and learning, was nevertheless judged worthy of esteem, on account of tlie motive that brought him to Geneva ; for it was a conviction of the ex- cellence of the protestant religion that engaged him to abandon the monastic retreats of supersti- tion, and to repair to this city, where he followed the profession of physic. His imprudence, how- ever, was great, and was the principal cause of the misfortunes that befel him. It led him, in the year 1551, to lift up his voice in the full congre- gation, after the conclusion of divine worship, and to declaim, in the most indecent manner, against the doctrine of absolute Decrees: for which he was cast into prison, and, soon after, sent into ba- nishment. He then returned to the place of his nativity, and to the communion of Rome, and published the most bitter and slanderous libels, in which the reputation, conduct, and morals of Calvin and Beza were cruelly attacked [a]. From this treatment of Bolsec arose the misun- derstanding between Calvin and Jaques de Bourgogne, a man illustrious by his descent from the dukes of Biirgundy, who was Calvin's great patron and intimate friend, and who had settled at Geneva with no other view than to enjoy the pleasure [_z~\ See Uytenbogard's Ecclesiastical Historij, written in Dutch, part II. p. 70 — 73, where that author endeavours to defend the innocence of Castalio. See also Colomesii Italia Oricntalis, p. y^m0^ other Reformed churches did not, as yet, turn upon points of doctrine, but only on the rites of external worship and the form of ecclesiastical go- vernment. It is, however, to be observed, that in process of time, nay, soon after the period now under consideration, certain religious doctrines were introduced into the debate between the two churches, that contributed much to widen the breach, and to cast the prospect of reconciliation at a distance [d ]. Many per- XLIV. That thc Ecformed church abounded, sons of emi- ■,.-,. . , , . nent genius during tliis ccutury. With great and eminent men, ^^ jiiteii, published in Svo sXjena, in the year 1743. C\\2c^l\\,HistoryoftheAnahaptistsorMennonites. 463 gross [x'], or, to express the distinction in more cent. intelligible terms, into 7igid and moderate Ana- ^^'^• baptists. The former observe, with the most reli- ^p^^^ ",^* gious accuracy, veneration, and precision, the an- v-^y^ cient doctrine, discipline, and precepts, of the purer sort of Anabaptists ; the latter depart much more ftom the primitive sentiments, manners, and institutions of their sect, and approach nearer to those of the protestant churches. The gross or vwderate Anabaptists consisted at first, of the inhabitants of a district in North-Holland, called Waterland, and hence their whole sect was distin- guished by the denomination of Waterlandians [ y\ The fine or rigid part of that community were, for the most part, natives of Flanders ; and hence their sect acquired the denomination o^ Flemings ans, or Flandrians. But new dissensions and con- tests arose among these ligid Anabaptists, not in- deed, (^ ]jr\ The terms j^we and gross oxe a literal translation of grohcn and feineii, which are the German denominations used to distinguish these two sects. The same terms have been in- troduqed among the Protestants in Holland ; the fine denoting a set of people, whose extraordinary and sometimes fanatical devotion, resembles that of the English Methodists ; while the gross is applied to the generality of Christians, who make no extraordinai-y pretensions to uncommon degrees of sanctity and devotion. [[3/] See Frid. Spanhemii Elenchus Controvers. TheoL 0pp. tarn. ii. p. 772. The Waterlandians were also called Johan^ niies, from John de Ries, who was of great use to them in many respects, and who, assisted by Lubert Gerart, composed their confession of faith in the year 1580. This confession (which far surpasses both in point of simplicity and wusdom all the other confessions of the Mennonites) has passed through several editions, and has been lately republished by Herman Schyn, in his Histor. Mennon. cap. vii. p. 172. It was also illustrated in an ample Commentary, in the year l686, by Peter Joannis, a native of Holland, and pastor among the Wa- terlandians. It has, however, been alleged, that this famous production is by no means the general confession of the Wa- terlandians, but the private one only of that particular congre- gation, of which its author was the pastor. See Rues, xVa- duichten, p. 93, 94. 46^ History of the Anabaptists or Mennonites, concerning any point of doctrine, but about tbe manner of treating persons that were to be excom- municated, and other matters of inferior mo- ment. Hence a new schism arose, and they were subdivided into new sects, distinguished by the appellations of Flandrians and Frieslanders, who differed from each other in their manners and dis- cipline. To these were added a third, who took the name of their country, like the two former, and were called Germans ; for the Anabaptists of Germany passed in shoals into Holland and the Netherlands. But, in process of time, the great- est part of these three sects came over, by degrees, to the moderate community of the Waterlandians, with whom they lived in the strictest bonds of peace and union. Those among the rigid Ana- baptists, who refused to follow this example of moderation, are still known by the denomination of the Old Flemingians, or Flandrians, but are few in number, when compared with the united congregations of the milder sects now mentioned. The source XH. No sooucr had the ferment of enthusiasm [he Me'n^^ subsided among the JMennonites, than all the dif- nonites fercut sccts, iuto whicli they had been divided, doarint!'' unanimously agreed to draw the whole system of their religious doctrine from the Holy Scriptures alone. To give a satisfactory proof of the since- rity of their resolution in this respect, they took care to have Confessions drawn up, in which their sentiments concerning the Deity, and the man- ner of serving him, w^re expressed in the terms and phrases of Holy Writ. The most ancient, and also the most respectable of these Confessions is that which we find among the Waterlandians. Several others, of later date, were also composed, some for the use of large communities, for the peo- ple of a whole district, and which were consequent- ly submitted to the inspection of the magistrate; others designed only for the benefit of private so- cieties. €ha])JlLHisiori/ofthcyinaba2)tisfso7-Men?io7iites. 465 cieties [^]. It might not, perhaps, be amiss to cent. enquire, whether all the tenets received among ^^^• the Mennonites are faithfully exhibited and plain- ""^^ ' ly expressed in these Coiifessions, or whether se- veral points be not there omitted which relate to the internal constitution of this sect, and would give us a complete idea of its nature and tenden- cy. One thing is certain, that whoever peruses these Confessions with an ordinary degree of atten- tion, will easily perceive, that those tenets which appear detrimental to the interests of civil socie- ty, particularly those that relate to the preroga- tives of magistracy, and the administration of oaths, are expressed with the utmost caution, and embellished with the greatest art, to prevent their bearing an alarming aspect. At the same time, the more discerning observer will see, that these embellishments are intended to disguise the truth, and that the doctrine of the Anabaptists, con- cerning the critical points above mentioned, are not represented, in their public Confessions, in their real colours. XIII. The ancient Anabaptists, who trusted in Their re- an extraordinary direction of the Holy Spirit, j^^^''"''^' were (under the pretended influence of so infalli- ced intV^I VOL. IV. H h Ijlg system. \_z~] See an account of these Confessions In Schyn's Plenior Deduct. Hist. Mennon, cap. iv. p. 78. 115. where he main- tains, that "these Confessions prove as great a uniformity among the Mennonites, in relation to the great and fundamental doctrines of religion, as can be pretended to by any other Christian community." But should the good man even suc- ceed in persuading us of this boasted uniformity, he will yet never be able to make his assertion go down with many of his own brethren, who are, to this day, quarrelling about several points of religion, and who look upon matters, which appear to him of little consequence, as of high moment and impor- tance to the cause of true piety. And, indeed, how could any of the Mennonites, before this present century, believe what Schyn here affirms, since it is well known, that they disputed about matters which he treats with contempt, as if they had been immediately connected with their eternal interests } 466 History of the Anabaptists o?' Mennonites. ble a guide) little solicitous about composing a system of religion, and never once thought of in- stilling into the minds of the people just senti- ments of the Deity. Hence the warm dissensions that arose among them, concerning matters of the highest consequence, such as the Divinity of Christ, Polygamy, and Divorce. Menno and his disciples made some attempts to supply this de- fect. But nevertheless we find, after his time, that the IMennonites, more especially those of the rigid class, carried the freedom of their re- ligious speculations to such an excessive height, as bordered upoAi extravagance. This circum- stance alone, were there no other, proves that the heads of this sect employed the smallest part ef their zeal to prevent the introduction and pro- pagation of error; and that they looked upon sanctity of life and manners alone as the essence of true religion. The Water Ian dians, indeed, and after them the other Anabaptists, were obliged, at length, to draw up a summary of their doctrine, and to lay it before the public, in order to remove the odium that was cast upon them, on account of their bold tenets and their extravagant disputes, which were likely to involve them in the greatest calamities. But these Confessions of the Mennon- ites were, in reality, little more than a method of defence, to which they were reduced by the oppo- sition they met Avith, and must therefore be ra- ther considered as an expedient to avert the indig- nation of their enemies, than as articles of doctrine, w^hich all of them, without exception, were oblig- ed to believe. For we do not find among the Men- nonites (a part of the modern Waterlandians ex- cepted) any injunction which expressly prohibits individuals from entertaining or propagating re- ligious opinions different from the public creed of the community. And, indeed, when we look at- tentively into the nature and constitution of this sect, Q\\a^.l\\.HistorijoftheAnabaptistsor3Ie7inonitcs. 467 sect, it will appear to have been, in some measure, founded upon this principle, that practical piety, is the essence of religion, and that tlie surest and most infallible mark of the ti^ue church is the sanc- tity of its members ; it is at least certain, that tliis principle was always universally adopted by the Anabaptists. XIV. If we are to form our judgment of the i^e reiigi- religion of the Mennoiiites from their public creeds Mcnno-'' and confessions, we shall find, that though it va-nite^. lies widely from the doctrine of the Lutherans, yet in most things it differs but little from that of the Reformed church. They consider the sacra- ments in no other light, than as signs or symbols of the spiritual blessings administered in the Gospel : and their ecclesiastical discipline seems to be almost entirely the same with that of the Preshyterians. There are, however, peculiar tenets by which they are distinguished from all other re- ligious communities, and these may be reduced under three heads. For it is observable, that there are certain doctrines, which are held in common by all the various sects of the ISIenno- nites ; others, which are only received in some of the more eminent and numerous sects of that com- munity (such were the sentiments of Menno, which hindered him from being universally ac- ceptable to the Anabaptists) ; and others, again, which are only to be found among the more ob- scure and inconsiderable societies of that denomi- nation. These last, indeed, appear and vanish alternately, with the transitory sects that adopt them, and therefore do not deserve to employ our attention any farther in this place. XV. The opinions that are held in common by the The great Mennonites seem to be all derived from this lead- ^'"^"/?^^^ ing and fundamental principle, that the kifig;do7)i the general which Christ established upori the earth is a visi- fi^'f ^jen °^ hie church or community, into xvhich the holy and nomtes is II h 2 the^'''^'^'^ 468 Histonj of the Anahaptists 07^ Mennonites, CENT, the just are alone to he admitted, and which is ^^i- consequently exempt from cdl those institutions '" and mdes of discipline, that have been invented by human wisdom for the correction and refor- mation of the wicked. This fanatical principle was frankly avowed by the ancient Mennonites ; their more immediate descendants, however, began to be less ingenuous ; and in ther public Confessions of Faith, they either disguised it under ambiguous phrases, or expressed themselves as if they meant to renounce it en- tirely. To renounce it entirely was impossible, without falling into the greatest inconsistency, and undermining the very foundation of those doc- trines that distinguished them from all other Christian sccieties [a]. And yet is certain that the present JMennonites, as they have, in many other respects, departed from the principles and maxims of their ancestors ; so have they given a striking \_a\ That they did not renounce it entirely, is evident from their own Creeds and Confessions, even from those in which the greatest caution has been employed to conceal the principles tliat rendered their ancestors odious, and to disguise whatever might render themselves liable to suspicion. For example, they speak in the most pompous terms concerning the dignity, excel- lence, utility, and divine origin, of civil magistrates ; and I am willing to suppose that they speak their real sentiments in this matter. But when they proceed to give reasons that prevent their admitting magistrates into their communion, they disco- ver unwarily the very principles which they are otherwise so studious to conceal. Thus in the thirtieth article of the Wa- terlandian Confession, they declare, that " Jesus Christ has not comprehended the institution of civil magistracy in his spiritual kingdom, in the Church of the New Testament, nor has he ad- ded it to the offices of his church :" The Latin words are : '' Protestatem hanc politicam Dominus Jesus in regno suo spi- rituali, ecclesia Novi Testamenti, non instituit, neque hanc officis ecclesiae suae adjunxit." Hence it appears, that the Mennonites look upon the church of the New Testament, as a holy republic inaccessible to the wicked, and consequently, exempt from those institutions and laws that are necessary to oppose the progress of iniquity. Why then do they not speak plainly, when they deliver their doctrine concerning the nature of the church, instead of affecting ambiguity and evasions .^^ C\\?i\} lll.History q f the Anabaptists 07'Mennonites. 469 striking instance of defection in the case now be- ^^7' fore us, and have ahnost wholly renounced this gE^/r. m. fundamental doctrine of their sect, relating to the part n. nature of the Christian church. A dismal expe- ^--'y'— ^ rience has convinced them of the absurdity of this chimerical principle, which the dictates of reason, and the declarations of scripture, had de- monstrated sufficiently, but without effect. Now, that the Mennonites have opened their eyes, they seem to be pretty generally agreed about tlie fol- lowing tenets : First, That there is an inmsiblc church, which is universal in its extent, and is composed of members from all the sects and com- munities that bear the Christian name : Secondly^ That the mark of the true church is not, as their former doctrine supposed, to be sought for in the unspotted sanctity of all its members (since they acknowledge that the visible church is promis- cuously composed of the righteous and the wick- ed), but in the knowledge of the truth, as it was delivered by Christ, and in the agreement of all the members of the church in professing and de- fending it. XVI. Notwithstanding all this, it is manifest, Theirpera^ beyond all possibility of contradiction, that thCordoc-'^^'' religious. opinions which still distinguish the Men-tiines, nonites from all other Christian communities, flow directly from the ancient doctrine of the Anabap- tists concerning the nature of the church. It is in consequence of this doctrine, that they admit none to the sacrament of baptism but perso7is that are come to the full use of their reason; because infants are incapable of binding themselves by a solemn vow to a holy life, and it is altogether uncertain whether or no, in maturer years, they will be saints or sinners : It is in consequence of the same doc- trine, that they neither admit civil rulers into their communion, nor allow any of their members to per- form the functions of magistracy ; for where there II h 3 are 470 History of the Anabaptists or Mennoniites. are no malefactors, magistrates are useless. Hence do they pretend also to deny the lawfulness qfrc- pelling force Ijy force, and consider near in all its shapes, as nnchristian and unjust ; for as tliose who axe perfectly holy, can neither be provoked by injuries, nor commit them, they do not stand in need of the force of arms, either for the purposes of resentment or defence. It is still the same principle that excites in them the utmost aversion to the eooecidion of justice, and more especially to capital jjunishments ; since, according to this principle, there are no transgressions nor crimes in the king- dom of Christ, and consequently no occasion for the arm of the judge. Nor can it be imagined, that they shoidcl refuse to confirm their testimony by an oath upon any other foundation tlian this, that the jKrfect members of a holy church can neither dissemble nor deceive. It was certainly then the ancient doctrine of the Anabaptists, concerning the sanctity of the church, that gave rise to the tenets now mention- ed, and that was the source of that rigid and se- vere discipline, which excited such tumults and divisions among the members of that community. t^m 0/1^. ^^'"^II- The rules of moral discipline that were raiity. formerly observed by the INIennonites, w^ere rigo- rous and austere in the highest degree, and thus every way conformable to the fundamental prin- ciple, which has been already mentioned as the source of all their peculiar tenets. It is somewhat doubtful whether these rules still subsist and are re- spected among them ; but, it is certain, that in the times of old their moral precepts were very severe. And, indeed it could not well be otherwise ; for, when these people had once got it into their heads, th at sa n ctity of man nc rs was the only genu ine m ark of the true church, it may well be imagined, that they w^ould spare no pains to obtain this honour- able character for their sect; and that, for this purpose, they would use the strictest precautions to C\\di^l\\.HistoryoftlieAnahaptistsorMennonites. 471 to guard their brethren against disgracing their cent. profession by immoral practices. Hence it was ^^'^• that they unanimously, and no doubt justly, ex-^p^^;^ "/' alted the rules of the Gospel, on account of their s^^^-w' transcendent purity. They alleged, that Christ had promulgated a new law of life, far more per- fect than that which had been delivered by JMoses and the Prophets ; and they excluded from their communion all such as deviated, in the least, from the most rigorous rules of simplicity and gravity in their looks, their gestures, their clothing, and their table : all whose desires surpassed the dic- tates of mere necessity : nay, even all who observ- ed a certain decorum in their manners, and paid a decent regard to the innocent customs of the world. But this primitive austerity is greatly di- minished in the more considerable sects of the Mennonites, and more especially among the Wa- terlandians and Germans. The opulence they have acquired, by their industry and commerce, has re- laxed their severity, softened their manners, and rendered them less insensible of the sweets of life ; so that at this day the Mennonite congregations furnish their pastors with as much matter of cen- sure and admonition as any other Christian com- munity [6]. There are, however, still some re- mains of the abstinence and severity of manners that prevailed formerly among the Anabaptists ; tut these are only to be found among some of the smaller sects of that persuasion, and more particu- larly among those who live remote from great and popular cities. XVIII. The particular sentiments and opinions The singu- that divided the more considerable societies of thejj^^^^g^ H h 4 IMennonites, sects. (p3" P] It is certain, that the Mennonites in Holland, at this day, are, in their tables, their equipages, and their coun- try seats, the most luxurious part of the Dutch nation. This is more especially true of the Mennonites of Amsterdam, who are very numerous and extremely opulent. SECT. Ill PART II 72 History of the Anabaptists or 3Ienno7iiieg, CENT. Mennonites, were those that follow: 1. Menno ^^'^- denied that Christ derived from his mother the body he assumed ; and thought, on the contrary, that it was produced out of nothing, in the womb of that blessed virgin, by the creating power of the Holy Ghost [c]. This opinion is yet firmly maintained by the ancient Flemingians or rigid Anabaptists ; but has, long since, been renounced by \jr\ This is the account that is given of the opinion of Men- no by Herman Schyn, in his Pknior Deduct. Hist. Mennonit. p, 164;, l65. which other writers represent in a different manner. After an attentive perusal of several passages in the writings of Menno, where he professedly handles this very subject, it ap- pears to be more than probable, that he inclined to the opinion attributed to him in the text, and that it was in this sense only, that he supposed Christ to be clothed with a divine and celes- tial body. For that may, without any impropriety, be called celestial and divine, which is produced immediately, in conse- quence of a creating act, by the Holy Ghost. It must, how- ever, be acknowledged, that ]Menno does not seem to have beer* vmchangeably wedded to this opinion. For in several places he expresseshimself ambiguously on this head, and even sometimes falls into inconsistencies. From hence, perhaps, it might not be unreasonable to conclude, that he renounced indeed the common opinion concerning the origin of Christ's human nature ; but was pretty much undetermined with respect to the hypothesis, which, among many that were proposed, it was proper to sub- stitute in its place. ^ See Fueslini Centtiria I. Ejnsiolar. a Reformator. Helvcticis scriptar. p. 383. — Be that as it may, Menno is generally considered as the author of this opinion, con* cerning the origin of Christ's body, which is still embraced by the more rigid part of his followers. It appears probable, nevertheless, that this opinion was much older than his time, and was not only adopted by him with the other tenets of the Anabaptists. As a proof of this, it may be observed, that Bolandus, in his poem, entitled. Mollis Monasteriensls, lib. x. V. 49. plainly declares, that many of the Anabaptists of Mun- ster (who certainly had not been instructed by Menno) held this very doctrine in relation to Christ's incarnation ; Esse (Christum) Deum statuunt alii, sed corpora camera, Hiimanam sumto sustinuisse negant: At Diam mentem, tenuis quassi fauce canalis. Per Mariae corpus virginis isse ferunt. Chap JllJJistoryqftheAnahaptistsor3fennomtes, 473 by all the other sects of that denoTnination [d ]. cent. 2. The more austere Mennonites, like their g^^J^^j forefathers, not only animadvert, with the most p^rt h.' unrelenting severity, upon actions manifestly cri- ^--y'^^ minal, and evidently repugnant to the divine laws, but also treat, in the same manner, the smallest marks of an internal propensity to the pleasures of sense, or of a disposition to comply with the customs of the world. They condemn, for exam- ple, elegant dress, rich furniture, every thing, in a word, that looks like ornament, or surpasses the bounds of absolute necessity. Their conduct also to offenders is truly merciless; for they expel them from the church without previous admoni- tion, and never temper the rigour of their judg- ments by an equitable consideration of the infir- mities of nature in this imperfect state. The other Mennonites are by no means chargeable wdth this severity towards their offending bre- thren ; they exclude none from their communion but the obstinate contemners of the divine laws ; nor do they proceed to this extremity even with regard to such, until repeated admonitions have proved ineffectual to reform them. — 3. The more rigid Mennonites look upon those that are excommunicated as the pests of society, w^ho are to be avoided upon all occasions, and to be ba- nished from all the comforts of social intercourse. Neither the voice of Nature, nor the ties of blood, are allowed to plead in their behalf, or to procure them [jd^ Many writers are of opinion, that the Waterlandians, of all the other Anabaptists shewed the strongest propensity to adopt the doctrine of Menno, relating to the origin of Christ's body. See Hisioire des Ajiahaptistes, p. 223. — Ceremonies et Couiumes dc tons les Peoples du Mo)ide, torn. iv. p. 200. But that these writers are mistaken, is abundantly manifest from the public Confession of Faith of the Waterlandlans, composed by Ries. See also, for a farther refutation of this mistake, Herm. Schyn, Beductio Plenior Histor. Mennonit. p. l65. 474 History of the Anabaptists or Mennonites. CENT, them the smallest degree of indulgence. In such ^vi. a case the exchange of good offices, the sweets of SECT. III. £j.jgj^(||y conversation, and the mutual effusions of s.^.,^^ tenderness and love, are cruelly suspended, even hetween parents and children, husbands and wives, and also in all the other endearing relations of human life. — But the more moderate branches of this community have wisely rejected this unnatural discipline, and look upon the honour and sanctity of the church to be sufficiently vindicated, when its members avoid a close and particular intimacy with those who have been expelled from its com- munion. 4. The rigid Anabaptists enjoin it as an obligation upon their disciples, and the mem- bers of their community, to wash the feet of their guests as a token of brotherly love and affection, and in obedience to the example of Christ ; which they suppose, in this case, to have the force of a positive command ; and hence they are sometimes C2iW.Q^PGcloniptce. But the other Mennonites deny that Christ meant, in this instance of his good- ness and condescension, to recommend this custom to the imitation of his followers, or to give his ex- ample, in this case, the authority of a positive pre- cept. The state XIX. The Auabaptists, however divided on andTwi^ other subjects, were agreed in their notions of sophy learning and philosophy, which, in former times, tiS°Ana- they unanimously considered as the pests of the baptists. Christian church, and as highly detrimental to the progress of true religion and virtue. Hence it happened, that among a considerable number of writers who, in this century, employed their pens in the defence of that sect, there is none whose labours bear any inviting marks of learning or genius. The rigid 31ennonites persevere still in the barbarous system of their ancestors, and neglecting totally the improvement of the mind and the culture of the sciences, devote themselves entirely C\m])llLHistoryoftheA?iaha2jtistsor3fe7ino?iites. 4T5 entirely to trade, manual industry, and the me- cent. chanic arts. The Waterlandians, indeed, are ^^^' honourably distinguished from all the other Ana- ^^^^ „ * baptists in this, as well as in many other respects. \^^^m^ For they permit several members of their commu- nity to frequent the public universities, and there to apply themselves to the study of languages, history, antiquities, and more especially of physic, whose usefulness and importance they do not pre- tend to deny ; and hence it happens, that in our times, so many pastors among the IMennonites assume the title and profession of physicians. Nay more ; it is not unusual to see Anabaptists of this more humane and moderate class engaged even in philosophical researches, on the excellence and utility of which their eyes are, at length, so far opened, as to make them acknowledge their im- portance to the well-being of society. It was, no doubt, in consequence of this change of sentiment that they have erected, not long ago, a public seminary of learning, at Amsterdam, in which there is always a person of eminent abilities chosen as professor of philosophy. But, though these moderate Anabaptists acknowledge the benefit which may be derived to civil society from the culture of philosophy and the sciences, yet they still persevere so far in their ancient prejudices, as to consider theology as a system that has no con- nection with them; and, consequently, they are of opinion, that in order to preserve it pure and untainted, the utmost caution must be used not to blend the dictates of philosophy with the doctrines of religion. It is farther to be observed, that, in the present times, even the Flemish, or rigid Ana- baptists begin gradually to divest themselves of their antipathy to learning, and allow their bre- thren to apply themselves to the study of lan- guages, history, and the other sciences. XX. That 476 History of the Anabaptists or Mennonites. CENT, XX. That simplicity and ignorance, of which ^^^\^ the ancient Anabaptists boasted, as the guardians of their piety and the sources of their felicity, con- tributed principally to those divisions and schisms Their dfvi- that reigned among them, from even their first rise, mukitude^ iu a degree unknown and unexperienced in any of sects, other Christian community. This will appear evident to such as enquire, with the smallest at- tention, into the more immediate causes of their dissensions. For it is observable, that their most vehement contests had not for their object any diiFerence in opinion concerning the doctrines or mysteries of religion, but generally turned upon matters relating to the conduct of life, on what was lawful, decent, just, and pious, in actions and manners, and what, on the contrary, was to be considered as ci^iminal or unseemly. These dis- putes were a natural consequence of their favourite principle, that holiness of life, and pu?^ity of man- ners, were the authentic marks of the true church. But the misfortune lay here, that, being ignorant themselves, and under the guidance of persons whose knowledge was little superior to theirs, they were unacquainted with the true method of deter- mining, in a multitude of cases, what was pious, laudable, and lattful, and what was impious, un- becoming, and criminal. The criterion they em- ployed for this purpose was neither the decision of right reason, nor the authority of the divine laws, accurately interpreted ; since their ignorance rendered them incapable of using these means of arriving at the truth. They judged, therefore, of these matters by the suggestions of fancy, and the opinions of others. But as this method of discerning between right and wrong, decent and indecent, was extremely uncertain and precarious, and could not but produce a variety of deci- sions, according to the different feelings, fancies, tempers, and capacities of different persons, hence naturally C\\2k]ill\,Hlstoryqft]ie Anabaptists or Mennoiiites, 4<77 naturally arose diversity of sentiments, debates, cent. and contests of various kinds. These debates ^^^• produced schisms and divisions, which are never p^^^^ „ * more easily excited, nor more obstinately fo- s— ^y^^^ mented and perpetuated, than where ignorance, the true source of bigotry, prevails. XXI. The Mennonites, after having been long The first in an uncertain and precarious situation, obtained ^^^^^^^^^^^ a fixed and unmolested settlement in the United Mennon- Provinces, under the shade of a legal toleration unjj"^*^^ procured for them by William, prince of Orange, Provinces, the glorious founder of Belgic liberty. This illustrious chief, who acted from principle in al- lowing liberty of conscience and worship to Christians of different denominations, was more- over engaged, by gratitude, to favour the Menno- nites, who had assisted him, in the year 1572, with a considerable sum of money, when his cof- fers were almost exhausted \_e~\. The fruits, how- ever of this toleration, were not immediately en- joyed by all the Anabaptists that were dispersed through the different provinces of the rising re- public ; for, in several places, both the civil ma- gistrates and the clergy made a loug and obstinate opposition to the will of the prince in this mat- ter ; particularly in the province of Zealand and the city of Amstei'dam, where the remembrance of the plots the Anabaptists had laid, and the tu- mults they had excited, was still fresh in the minds of the people [./*]. This opposition, indeed, was in a great measure conquered before the conclu- sion of this century, partly by the resolution and influence of William the First, and his son Mau- rice, and partly by the exemplary conduct of the [/] See Brandt, Hisiolre der Reformatio in de Nederlande, vol. i. p. b25j 526. — Ceremonies et Coiilumes de tons les Peii' joles du Monde, torn. iv. p. 201. [/] Brandt, loc. cit. book xi. p. 555, 586, 587, 609: 6lO. book xiv. p. 780. book xvi. p. Sll. 478 History of the Anabaptists or Mennonites. CENT, the jMeniionites, who manifested their zealous at- ^v^- tachmeiit to the republic on several occasions, SECT. HI. ^^^^ redoubled, instead of diminishino-, the precau- tions that might remove all grounds oi suspicion to their advantage, and take from their adversa- ries every pretext which could render their oppo- sition justifiable. But it was not before the fol- lowing century, that their liberty and tranquillity, were fixed upon solid foundations, when, by a Confession of Faiths published in the year 1626, they cleared themselves from the imputation of those pernicious and detestable errors that had been laid to their charge [g\ The Eng- XXII. The scct, in England, which rejects the baptistr' custom of baptizing infants, are not distinguished by the title of Anabaptists, but by that of Bap- tists. It is however, probable, that they derive their origin from the German and Dutch ^len- nonites ; and that, in former times, they adopted their doctrine in all its points. That, indeed, is by no means the case at present ; for the English Baptists differ, in many things, both from the an- cient and modern IMennonites. They are divided into two sects. One of which is distinguished by the denomination of General or Arminian Baptists, on account of their opposition to the doctrine of absolute and unconditional decrees ; and the other by that of Pafiicular or Calvinistical Baptists, from the striking resemblance of their religious system to that of the Presbyterians, who have Cal- vin for their chief [A]. The Baptists of this latter sect settled chiefly at London, and in the towns and villages adjacent ; and they have departed so far from the tenets of their ancestors, that, at this day, \_g^ See Herm. Schyn, Plcnior Dcdaclio Hislor. Mennonit. cap. iv. p. 79. \_h~\ See Whiston's Memoires of hb Life and Writings, vol ii. p. 46l. Ch2i-^lll.HistoryoftJieAnabaptistsor3Iennonites. 479 day, they retain no more of the peculiar doctrines cent. and institutions of the Mennonites, than the ad- ^ ^^^• . . . PI- 1 • • 1 J.1 SECT. Ill, ministration or baptism by immersion, and the p^j^^ u^ refusal of that sacrament to infants, and those oi^^^^y^m^ tender years. And consequently they have none of those scruples relating to oaths, wars, and the functions of magistracy, that still remain among even the most rational part of the modern Men- nonites. They observe in their congregations the same rules of government, and the same method of worship, that are followed by the Presbyterians, and their community is under the direction of men eminent for their piety and learning [i~\. From their Confession of Faith, that was pub- lished in the year 1643, it appears plainly, that their religious sentiments were the same then that they are at this day [A*]. XXIII. The General Baptists, or, as they are The opfni- called by some, the Antipcedohaptists, are dispersed ""qI^I^^ in great numbers through several counties of Eng- and Partis Imid^ and are, for the most part, persons of mean ba^^tistt^n' condition, and almost totally destitute of learning England, and knowledge. This latter circumstance will appear less surprising, when it is considered, that, like the ancient JSIennonites, they profess a con- tempt of erudition and science. There is much latitude in their system of religious doctrine, which consists in such vague and general princi- ples, as render their communion accessible to Christians of almost all denominations. And, ac- cordingly, they tolerate, in fact, and receive among them, persons of every sect, even Socini- ans and Arians ; nor do they reject any from their communion who profess themselves Christians, and receive the Holy Scriptures as the source of truth, \i~\ See a German work composed by Ant. William Bohm, under the title of the Hislory of the Reformation in England^ p. 151, 473, 5'6Q, 1152. [^] Bibliotheque Britamiique, torn. vi. p. 2, 4S9 History of the Anahaptists or 3Ienno7iites, CENT, truth, and the rule of faith [/]. They agree with ^^^* the Particular Baptists in this circuin stance, that PART 11. they admit to baptism adult persons only, and ad- ^.•^^.■^ minister that sacrament by dipping or total im- mersion ; but they differ from them in another respect, even in their repeating the administra- tion of baptism to those who had received it, either in a state of infancy, or by aspersion, in- stead of dipping ; for if the common accounts may be believed, the Particular Baptists do not carry matters so far. The following sentiments, rites, and tenets, are also peculiar to the former : 1. After the manner of the ancient Mennonites, they look upon their sect as the only true Chris- tian church, and consequently shun, with the most scrupulous caution, the communion of all other religious societies 2. They dip only once, and not three times, as is practised elsewhere, the candidates for baptism, and consider it as a matter of indifTerence, whether that sacrament be administered in the name of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, or in that of Christ alone. 3. They adopt the doctrine of Menno with re- spect to the Millenium, or thousand years reign of the \J~\ This appears evidently from their Confession of Faith, which appeared first in the year l660, was republished by Mr. VVhiston, in the Memoirs of his Life, vol. ii. p. 56 1. and is drawn up with such latitude, that with the removal and al- teration of a few points*, it may be adopted by Christians of all denominations t. Mr. Whiston, though an Arian, became a member of this Baptist community, which, as he thought came nearest to the simplicity of the primitive and apostolic age. The famous Mr. Emlyn, who was persecuted on account of his Socinian principles, joined himself also to this society, and died in their communion. ^y- * Viz, Those relating to Universal Redemption, the Perseverance of the Saints, Election and Reprobation, which are illustrated entirely on Arminian principles, and consequently cannot be embraced by rigid Cal- vinists ; not to mention the points relating to baptism, which are the dis- tinctive marks of this sect. 1J5° t Our author does not certainly mean to include Roman Catholics iji this large class, for then his assertion would not be true. C\m-^l\\,HistoryoftheAiiahaptistsor3Iennonitcs, 481 the saints with Christ upon earth : And, 4. ]Many cent. of them embrace his particular opinion concerning '^^'^- the origin of Christ's body {jii]. 5. They look upon p^j^'j, „ * the precept of the apostles, prohibiting the use of w^^,.-*.^ blood, and things strangled [?z], as a law that w^as designed to be in force in all ages and periods of the church. 6. They believe that the soul, from the moment that the body dies until its resurrec- tion at the last day, remains in a state of perfect insensibility. 7. They use the ceremony of ex- treme unction. And, to omit matters of a more trifling nature. 8. Several of them observe the Jewish, as w^ell as the Christian Sabbath [o]. These Baptists have three different classes of ec- clesiastical governors, bishops, elders, and deacons ; the first of these, among whom there have been several learned men [ p], they modestly call mes- sengers [y, Histoire du Socinianhine, part. II. ch. vi. p. 251. — Fuesl. Beformations. Bcytrage, torn. v. p. SSI. \_lf\ Sandii Biblioth. Anti-TriniL p. 17- — Lamy, loc. cit, part II. ch. vii. p. 257. — Spon, loc. cit. torn. ii. p. 85. not.— HaleruS; in Miiseo Ti^urinOi torn. ii. p. 114. 494 ^'/'^^ Hidoj^y of the Socinians, CENT, ticular charge that was brought agamst Alciat, a XVI. native of Piedmont, and Sylvester Tellius, who SECT. III. ^^^^.g ijaiiished from the city and territory of Ge- ^^^^neva. in the year 1559; nor do we know, with any degree of certainty, the errors that were em- braced by Paruta, Leonardi, and others [i], who were ranked among the followers of Servetus. It is, however, more than probable, that none of the persons now mentioned w^ere the disciples of Ser- vetus, or adopted the hypothesis of that visionary- innovator. The same thing may be affirmed vdtli respect to Gonesius, who is said to have embraced the doctrine of that unhappy man, and to have introduced it into Poland [/t] ; for, though he maintained some opinions that really resembled it in some of its points ; yet his manner of explaining the mystery of the Trinity was totally different from that of Servetus. Erroneous VI I. It is evident that none of the persons, now thro"ri5u''^i^entioned, professed that form or system of theo- of socin- logical lamsm. p] For an account of these, and other persons of the same class, see Sandius, Lamy, and also Lubieniecius, his "Historia Reformat. Polonica', lib. ii. cap. v, p. 96, — There is a particu- lar and ample account of Alciat given by Bayle, in the first volume of his Didioiiary ; see also Spon, loc. cit. torn. ii. p. 85, 86. \_k~\ This is affirmed upon the authority of Wissowatius and Lubieniecius ; but the very words of the latter will be sufficient to shew us upon what grounds. These words (Hist. Reformat. Folon. cap. vi. p. 111.) are as follows : " Is serveti sententiam de prae eminentia patris in patriam attulit, eamque non dissi- mulavit," i. e. Gonesius introduced into Poland the opinion embraced by Servetus in relation to the pre-eminence of the Father, and was by no means studious to conceal it. Who now does not see, that, if it was the pre-eminence of the Father that (jonesius maintained, he must have differed considerably from Servetus, whose doctrine removed all real distinction in the divine nature ? The reader will do well to consult Sandius {loc. cit. p. 40.) concerning the sentiments of Gonesius ; since it is from this writer, that Lamy has borrowed the greatest part of what he has advanced in his Histoire Sochiianisme, torn. ii. chap. x. p. S78. Chap. IV* The History of the Socinians. 49; logical doctrine, that is properly called Socinian^ ism, the origin of which is, by the writers of that sect, dated from the year 1546, and placed in Italy, These writers tell us, that, in this very year, above forty persons eminently distinguished by their learning and genius, and still more by their generous zeal for truth, held secret assemblies, at different times, in the territory of Venice, and par- ticularly at Vicenza, in which they deliberated concerning a general reformation of the received systems of religion, and, in a more especial man- ner, undertook to refute the peculiar doctrines that were afterwards publicly rejected by the So- cinians. They tell us farther, that the principal members of this clandestine society, were Laeli- us, Socinus, Alciat, Ochinus, Paruta, and Gen-i tilis ; that their design was divulged, and their meetings discovered, by the temerity and impru- dence of some of their associates; that two of them were apprehended and put to death ; while the rest, being dispersed, sought a refuge in Switzerland, Germany, Moravia, and other coun- tries, and that Socinus, after having- wandered up and down in several parts of Europe, went into Poland, first in the year 1551, and afterwards in 1558, and there sowed the seeds of his doctrine, which, in process of time, grew apace, and pro- duced a rich and abundant harvest [/]. Such is the P] See the BlhUotheca Antl-Triml. p. IS. &25. of Saiidius, who mentions some writings that are supposed to have been published by the clandestine society of pretended Reformers at Venice and Vicenza ; though the truth of this supposition is extremely dubious ; — Andr. Wissowatii Narratio quomodo in Poloma Eeformati ab Unitar'iis separati sunt, which is sub- joined in the BMofh. of Sandius, p. 209, 210.— The reader »may likewise consult Lubieniecius^ Histor. Reformat. Polon, lib. ii. cap. i. p. 38. who intimates, that he took this account of the origin of Socinianism Irom the manuscript Commeniarla of Budzinus, and his L'[fe of Lselius Socinus. See also Sam, Przipcovius, in Vila Sociid, SECT. Ill PART II. 493 IVie History of the Socinians. CENT, the account of the origin of Socinianism, that ^^^Ar '^'-^ generally given by the writers of that sect. To assert that it is, in every circumstance, fictitious and false, would perhaps he going too far ; hut, on the other hand, it is easy to demonstrate that the system of religion, commonly called Socini- anism, was neither invented nor drawn up in- those meetings at Venice and Vicenza, that have been now mentioned \j)i], VIII. While, \_m~\ See Gustav. Georg. Zeltneri Historia Crypto-Socinia7i- ismi Altorfuii, cap. ii. sect. xii. p. 321. note. — This writer seems tc ihii-k that the inquiries that have hitherto been made into this affair are by no means satisfactory ; and he therefore wishes that some men of learning, equal to the task, would examine the subject anew. — This, indeed, wer^ much to be wished. In the mean time, I shall venture to offer a few observations, which may perhaps contribute to cast some light upon this matter. That there was, in reality, such a society as is mentioned in the text,is far from being improbable. Many circumstances and rela- tions prove sufficiently, that immediately after the Reformation had taken place in Germany, secret assemblies were held, and measures proposed in several provinces that were still under the jurisdiction of Borne, with a view to combat the errors and su- perstitions ofthetimes. Itis also, in a more especial manner, pro- bable, that the territory of Ve.iice was the scene of these delibe- rations; since it is well known, that a great number of the Vene- tians at this time though they had no personal attachment to Lu- ther, approved nevertheless, of his design of reforming the cor- rupt state of religion, and wished well to every attempt that was made to restore Christianity to its native and primitive sim- plicity. It is farther highly credible, that these assembhes were interrupted and dispersed by the vigilance of the papal emissaries, that some of their members were apprehended and put to death, and that the rest saved themselves by flight. All this is probable enough ; but it is extremely improbable, nay, utterly incredible, that all the persons, who are said to have been present at these assemblies, were really so. And I there- fore adopt willingly the opinion of those who affirm, that many persons, wdio, in after-times, distinguished themselves from the multitude by opposing the doctrine of the Trinity in Unity, were considered as members of the Venetian society, by igno- rant writers, who looked upon that society as the source and nursery of the whole Unitarian sect. It is certain for in- stance, that Ochiuus is enroneously placed among the mem- bers Chap. IV. Hie History of the Socinians. 497 VIII. While, therefore, we reject this inaccu- cent. rate account of the matter under consideration, it ^^'^• . SECT. III. ^^ PART II. bers of the famous society now mentioned; for, not to insist The real upon the circumstance, that it is not sufficiently clear whether origin of he was really a Socinian or not, it appears undeniably, from Socinian- the AnnaJes Capuclnonim of Boverius, as well as from other ^^™* unquestionable testimonies, that he left Italy m early as the year 1543, and went from thence to Geneva. See a singular book, entitled. La Guerre Seraphique, on rUistoire des perils qua courus la Barhe des Capuch'ms, livr. iii. p, 191. 21 6. — What I have said of Ochinus may be confidently affirmed with respect to Lcelius Socinus, who, though reported to have been at the head of the society now under consideration, was certainly never present at any of its meetings. For how can we suppose that a young man, only one~and-tv/enty years old, would leave the place of his nativity, repair to Veuicc or Vkenza, and that with- out any other view than the pleasure of disputing freely on cer- tain points of religion * } Or, how could it happen that a youth of such unexperienced years shoidd acquire such a high degree of influence and authority, as to obtain the first rank, and the principal direction, in an assembly composed of so many emi- nently learned and ingenious men ? Besides, from the Life of Lae- lius, which is still extant, and from other testimonies of good au- thority, it is easy to shew, that it was the desire of improvement, and the hope of being aided in his inquiries after truth, by the conversation of learned men in foreign nations, that induced him to leave lialij, and not the apprehension of persecution and death, as some have imagined. It is also certain, that he re- turned into his native country afterwards, and, in the year 1551, remained some time at Sieiuia, while his father lived at Bologna. See his letter to Buliinger, in the Museum Helveticum, torn. v. p. 489. Now surely it cannot easily be imagined, that a man in his senses would return to a country from whence, but a few years before, he had been obliged to fly, in order ^o avoid the terrors of a barbarous inquisition and a violent death. But, waving this question for a moment, let us suppose all the accounts we have from the Socinians, concerning this famous assembly of Venice and Vicenza, and the members of which it was composed, to be true and exact ; yet it remains to be proved, that the Socinian system of doctrine was invented and drawn up in that assembly. This the Socinian writer.s maintain ; and this, as the case appears to me, may be salely 55- * Is such a supposition really so absurd ? Is not a spirit of enthu- siasm, or even an uncommon degree of zeal, adequate to the production of such an effect. VOL. IV. K k denied 498 The History of the Socinians. CENT, is incumbent upon us to substitute a better in its XVI.' place; and, indeed, the origin and progress of the SECT. III. gocinian doctrine seem easy to be traced out by ,,^^r^ such as are acquainted with the history of the ^^"^^"^ church during this century. There were certain sects and doctors, against w^hom the zeal, vigi- lance and severity of Catholics, Lutherans, and Calvinists, were united, and, in opposing whose settlement and progress, these three communions, forgetting their dissensions, joined their most vi- gorous counsels and endeavours. The objects of their flenied. For the Socinian doctrine Is undoubtedly of much later date than this assembly; it also passed through different hands, and was, during many years, reviewed and corrected by men of learning and genius, and thus underwent various changes and improvements, before it was formed into a regular, permanent, and connected system. To be convinced of this, it will be suf- ficient to cast an eye upon the opinions, doctrines, and reason- in o-s, of several of the members of this famous society, so often mentioned ; which vary in such a striking manner, as shew ma- nifestly that this society had no fixed views, nor had ever agreed upon any consistent form of doctrine. We learn, moreover, from many circumstances in the life and transactions of Laelius Socinas, that this man had not, v/hen he left Italy, laid the plan of a regular system of religion ; and it is well known, that, for many years afterwards, his time was spent in doubting, inquiring, and disputing; and that his ideas of religious matters were ex- tremely fluctuating and unsettled. So that it seems probable to me, that tlie man died in this state of hesitation and uncertainty, before he had reduced his notions to any consistent form. As to Gribaldi and Alciat, who have been already mentioned, it is manifest that they inclined towards the Arian system, and did not entertain such low ideas of the person and dignity of Jesus Christ, as those that are adopted among the Socinians. From all this it appears abundantly evident, that these Italian Refor- mers if their fiunous society ever existed in reality (which I ad- mit here as a probable supposition, rather than as a fact suffi- ciently attested) were dispersed and obliged to seek their safety in a voluntary exile, before they had agreed about any regular system of religious doctrine. So that this account of the origin of Socinianism is rather imaginary than real, though it has been inconsiderately adopted by many writers. Fuesliii has alleged several arguments against it in his German work, entitled, Ileformationis Bei/tra^en, torn. iii. p. 327. SECT. HI. PART II. Chap. IV. The History of the Socinians, 499 their common aversion, were the Anahaptists, and cent. those who denied the Divinity of Christ, and a 2Vi- ^^^• nity of Persons in the Godhead. To avoid the un- happy consequences of such a formidable opposi- tion, great numbers of both classes retired into Poland., from this persuasion, that in a country whose inhabitants were passionately fond of free- dom, religious liberty could not fail to find a refuge. However, on their first arrival, they proceeded with circumspection and prudence, and explained their sentiments with much caution, and a certain mix- ture of disguise, not knowing surely what might happen, nor how far their opinions would be treated with indulgence. Thus they lived in peace and quiet during several years, mixed with the Lutherans and Calvinists, who had already obtained a solid settlement in Poland^ and who admitted them into their communion, and even into the assemblies where their public deliberations were held. They were not, however, long satisfied with this state of constraint, notwithstanding the privileges with which it was attended; but, having insinuated themselves into the friendship of several noble and opulent families, they began to act with more spi- rit, and even to declare in an open manner, their opposition to certain doctrines that were gene- rally received among Christians. Hence arose violent contests between them and the Swiss, or Reformed churches, with which they had been principally connected. These dissensions drew the attention of the government, and occasioned, in the year 1565, a resolution of the diet of Pe- triho'w, ordering the innovators to separate them- selves from the churches already mentioned, and to form a distinct congregation or sect [;?]. These founders \_}i\ Lamy, Histoire du Socinianisrue, part I. chap. vi. &c. p. 16. — Stoinii Epilomc Originis Unitarioritm in Polou'ut, apud K^k 2 Sandium, 500 The History of the Socinians. CENT, founders of the Socinian church were commonly ^^'^- called Pinczovians, from the town in which the ^l\wT ii" ^^^^^s ^^ *^^^i^ ^^^^ resided. Hitherto, indeed, v.,^,^^ they had not carried matters so far as they did afterwards; for they professed chiefly the Arian doctrine concerning the divine nature, maintain- ing that the Son and the Holy Ghost were two distinct natures, begotten by God the Father, and subordinate to him [o]. Tiie pro- IX. The Unitarians, being thus separated from ?riSnlsiii!' the other religious societies in Poland, had many difficulties to encounter, both of an internal and external kind. From without, they were threat- ened with a formidable prospect arising from the united efforts of Catholics, Lutherans, and Cal- vinists, to crush their infant sect. From within, they dreaded tlie effects of intestine discord, which portended the ruin of their community before it could arrive at any measure of stability or consistence. This latter apprehension was too well grounded ; for, as yet, they had agreed upon no regular system of principles, which might serve as a centre and bond of union. Some of them chose to persevere in the doctrine of the Arians, and Sandiiim^ p. 183.— Georg. Schomanni Teslnmcntum, apud cundem. p. 194<. — Andr. Wissowatius do Separaiione Uniiar. a Rcformalis, ibid. p. 211, 212. — Lubieniecius, Histor. Re- format. Polonicce, lib. ii. cap. vi. p. ill. cap. viii. p. 144. lib. iii, cap. i. p. 158. \y] This will appear abundantly evident to all such as con- sult, with a proper degree of attention, the writers mentioned in the preceding note. It is unquestionably certain, that all those, who then called themselves Unitarian Brethren, did not entertain the same sentiments concerning the Divine Nature, Some of the most eminent doctors of that sect adopted the no- tions relating to the person and digniti/ of Christ, that were in after-times, peculiar to the Socinians; the greatest part of them, however, embraced tho Arian system, and affirmed, that our blessed Saviour was created before the formation of the world, by God the Father, to whom he was much inferior, neverthe- less, in dignity and perfection. PART IIo Chap. IV. The History of the Socinians, 501 and to proceed no further ; and these were called cent. Farnovians [p]. Others, more adventurous, ^^i- went much greater lengths, and attributed to Christ ^^^^' "'' almost no other rank or dignity than those of a divine messenger, and of a true prophet. A third class, distinguished by the denomination of Budneians \_q\, went still further ; declaring that Jesus Christ was born in an ordinary way, ac- cording to the general law of nature, and that^ consequently, he was no proper object of divine worship or adoration [r]. There were also among these people several fanatics, Vv'ho were desirous of introducing into the society, the discipline of the enthusiastic Anabaptists; such as a community of goods, an equality of ranks, and other ab- surdities of the same nature [s]. Such were the disagreeable and perilous circumstances in which the Unitarians were placed during the infancy of their sect, and which no doubt, rendered their situation extremely critical and perplexing. But they were happily extricated out of these diffi- culties by the dexterity and resolution of certain of their doctors, whose efforts were crowned with singular success, on account of the credit and in- fluence they had obtained in Poland, These Unitarian doctors suppressed in a little time, the factions that threatened the ruin of their commu- nity, erected flourishing congregations at Cracow , Lublin, Pinczow, Lucfc, Smila [t] (a town belong- K k 3 ing C^ CpI ^^^ ^ more particular account of the Farnovians, see sect. xxii. of this chapter. [_q] See the part of this chapter referred to in the preced- ing note. [r~] Vita Anclr. Wissowafd in Sandii Biblioth. Anti-Trin, p. 2'26. — As also Sandius in Simone Budnceo. p. 54. [,9] Lubieniecii Hisi. Reform. Folon. Kb. iii. cap. xii. p. 240. \f] Mart. Adeltj Hisioria Arianisini Smigliensisj Ged, 1741, in 8vo. SECT. HI. PART II 502 The History of the Socinians. CENT, ing to the famous Dudith [u]), and in several ^^^- other places, both in Poland and Lithuania, and ^ obtained the privilege of printing their produc- tions, and those of their brethren, without moles- tation or restraint [w]. All these advantages were crowned by a signal mark of liberality and muni- iicence, they received from Jo. Sienienius, pala- tine of Padolia, who gave them a settlement in the city of Bacow, which he had himself built, in the year ^ \jf\ This Diidith, who was certainly one of the most learned, and eminent men of the sixteenth century, was born at Buda, in the year 1 533 ; and after having studied in the most fa- mous universities, and travelled through almostall the countries of Europe, was named to the bishoprick of Ti?iia by the empe- ror Ferdinard, and made privy counsellor to that prince. He had, by the force of his genius, and the study of the ancient orators, acquired such a masterly and irresistible eloquence, that in all public del iberations he carried every thing before him. In the council, where he was sent in the name of the emperor and of tlie Hungarian clergy, he spoke with such energy against several abuses of the church of Rome, and particularly against the celibacy of the ctergy, that the pope, being informed there- of by his legates, solicited the emperor to recal him. Ferdi- nand complied : but having heard Dudith's report of what passed in that famous council, he approved of his conduct, and rewarded him with the bishoprick of Chonat. He afterwards liiarried a maid of honour of the queen of Hungary, and re- signed his bishoprick ; the enjperor, however, still continued his friend and protector. The papal excommunication was levelled at his head, but he treated it with contempt. Tired of the fopperies and superstitions of the church of Rome, he retired to Cracow, where he embraced the protestant religion publicly, after having been for a good wliile its secret friend. It is said that he shewed some inclination towards the Socinian system. Some of his friends deny this ; others confess it, but maintain, that he afterwards changed his sentim.ents in that re- spect. He was well acquainted with several branches of phi- losophy and the mathematics, with the sciences of physic, his- tory, theology, and the civil law. He was such an enthusias- tical julmirer of Cicero, that he copied over three times, with his own hand, the whole works of that inmiortal author. He had something majestic in his figure, and in the air of his countenance. His life was regular and virtuous, his manners elegant and easy, and his benevolence warm and extensive. Q/j] Sandii Bibliothcca Anii-Trin. p. 201. Chap. IV. The Histoj^y of the Socinians. 50a year 1569, in the di\%inQi o^ Scndomir \^jo]. This cent. extraordinary favour was peculiarly adapted to ^^^' better the state of the Unitarians, who were, hi- ^^^^^ jj' therto, dispersed far and wide in the midst oi^^^^^^ their enemies. And accordingly they now looked upon their religious establishment as permanent and stable, and presumed so far upon their good fortune, as to declare Macow the centre of their community, where their distant and dispersed members might unite their counsels, and hold their deliberations. X. When they saw their affairs in this promis- a sum- ing situation, the first thing that employed the ""/^ "^ *=*. \ 1P1-1 ^-i*'.. oflhereli- attention and zeal ot their doctors and spiritual gion they rulers, was a translation of the Bible into the Po- P'^ofessed. lisli language, which was accordingly published in the year 1572. They had, indeed, before this, a Polish version of the sacred writings, which they had composed, jointly with the Helvetic doctors, in the year 1565, while they lived in communion with that church : But after the breach of that communion, and the order they had received to separate themselves from the Re- formed church, this Version lost its credit among: them, as it did not seem proper to answer their views [?/]. After they had finished their new Version, they drew up a summary of their religi- ous doctrine, which was published at dricow, in the year 1574, under the title of Catechism^ or Confession of the Unitarians [z\ The system of K k 4 religion [[.r] Sandius, loc. citat. p. 201. — Lubieniecius, loc. cit. p. 239, \_if] See a German work of Ringeltaube, entitled. Von den Porilnischen Bibeln, p. 90. 113. 142. in which there is a fur- ther account of the PoHsh interpretations of the Bible com- posed by Socinian authors. \_z~\ From this little performance, and indeed from it alone, we may learn with certainty the true state of the Unitarian re- ligion before Faustus Socinus; and, nevertheless, I do not find that it has been so much as once quoted, or even mentioned by any of the Socinian writers, by any historians who have given -♦ 504 The History of the Socinians. CENT, religion that is contained in this Cathechism, is re- ^"^'^' markable for its simplicity, and is neither loaded ^^^"^^ "'• with PART II. v,_^ _>■ an account of their sect, nor yet by any of the divines that have di'awn the pen of controversy against their religious sys- tem. I am almost inclined to believe, that the Socinians (when in process of time they had gained ground, acquired more dex- terity in the management of their affairs, and dra^vn up a new, specious, and artful summary of their doctrine) were prudent enough to desire that this primitive catechism should disappear^ that it might not furnish their adversaries with an occasion of accusing them of inconstancy in abandoning the tenets of their ancestors, nor excite factions and divisions among themselves, by inducing any of their people to complain that they had de- viated from the ancient simplicity of their first founders. These reasons, very probably, engaged the Socinian doctors to buy up all the copies they could find, of this original Coiifessiwi or ca- techism, with a view to bury it in oblivion. It will not there- fore, be improper to give here some account of the form and matter of this first Socinian creed, Vv'hich contained the doc- I trine of that sect before the Racovian Catechism was composed. i This account will throw new light upon a period and branch of ecclesiastical History that are highly interesting. The original Catechism now under consideration, which is extremely rare,. has the following title prefixed to it : " Catechism, or Con- fession of laith of the Congregation assembled in Poland in the name of Jesus Christ our Lord, who was crucified and raised from the dead — Deuter. vi. Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God is one God — John viii. 54. It is my Father — of whom ye say that he is your God. Printed by Alexander Turobinus, born in the year of Christ, the Son of God, 1574," in 12mo, (l). We find, by a passage at the end of the Preface, that this cu- rious Catechism, was printed at Cracojv, for it is said to have been published in that city, in the year 1574, after the birth of Christ. Now it is known that the Unitarians had, at that time, a printing-house at Cracow, which was soon after removed to Racow. Alexander Turobinus, who is said to have been the printer of this little production, is mentioned by Sandius (in his Bjblioth. Auli-Tnn. p. 51.) under the denomination of Turo- binczyck, which he undoubtedly derived from Turobin, a town in the Palatinate of Chelm, in Little, or Pted Russia, which was the place of his nativity. The author of this Catechism was (1 ) The original title runs thus ; " Catechesis et Confessio fidei ccetus per Poloiiiam congregati in nomine Jesu Christi, Domine nostri crucifixi et re- suscitati, Dout. vi. Audi Israel, Dominus Deus noster Deus unus est, Jo- ^ hannis viii. dicit. Jesus : Queni vos dicitis vestrum esse Deum, est pater iiieus Typis Alexandri Turobiui, anno nati Jesu Christi, fiUi Dei, 1574," m 12mo. Chap. IV. The History of the Socinians. 505 with scholastic terms nor subtile discussions ; but cent. it nevertheless breathes, in several places, the ■^^^* ' ••■ . . SECT. IIL spnit p^Rx n. was the famous George Scboman, as has been evidently proved '^"^'Y"*^ from a piece entitled, Schomanni Test amentum (2), and other circumstances, by 3o. Adam Mullerus, in his Dissert. De Un'itariorum Catechesi et Coiifessione omnitim (3). The Pre- face, which is composed in the name of the whole con sine operibus et nieritis nostris, omnium praeteiitorum ijeccatorum nostrorum in viva fide remissio, vitaeque aeternte indul)itata expectatio et auxilio spiritus Dei vitae nostree non simulata, sed vero correctio, ad glo- riam Dei patii nustri et ajdificationem proximorum nostrorum. (9) Disciplina ecclcsiastica est officii singulorum frcquens comraemora- tio et peccantium contra Deum vel proximum primum priva, deindeetiam publica, corum toto coetu, commonefactio, denique pertinacium a commu- iiioiie sanctorum alienatio, ut pudore suiFusi couvertantur, aut si id nolint, asternum damnentur. 508 The History- of the Socinians. Lseliiis Socinus, which he undoubtedly left be- hind him in Poland, were in the hands of many ; and that, by the perusal of them, the Arians, who had formerly the upper hand in the community of the Unitarians, were engaged to change their sentiments concerning the nature and mediation of Christ. explication of the point relating to ecclesiastical discipline, we see how imperfect and incomplete their notions of that matter were. For they treat in the first place, concerning the govern- ment of the church and its ministers, whom they divide into bi- shops, deacons, elders, and widows. After this they enume- rate, at length, the duties of husbands and wives, oldand young, parents and children, masters and servants, citizens and magis- trates, poor and rich ; and conclude with wliat relates to the admonishing of offenders, and their exclusion from the com- munion of the church, in case of obstinate impenitence. Their sentiments concei-ning Prayer, are, generally speaking, sound and rational. But in their notion of Baptism, they differ from other Cln-istian churches in this, that they make it to consist in immersion or dipping, and emersion or rising again out of the water, and maintain that it ought not to be administered to any but adult persons. •' Baptism, say they, is the immersion into water, and the emersion of one wlio believes in the gospel, and is truly penitent, performed in the name of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, or in the name of Jesus Christ alone; by which solemn act the person baptized publicly acknowledgeth, that he is cleansed from all his sins, through the mercy of God the Father, by the blood of Christ, and the operation of the Holy Spirit, to the end that, being ingrafted into the body of Christ, he may mortify the old Adam, and be transformed into the image of the new and heavenly Adam, in the firm assurance of eternal life after the resurrection" (10). The last point handled in this performance is the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, of which the authors give an explication that will be readily adopted by those who embrace the doctrine of Zuingle on that head. At the end of this curious Catechism there is a piece entitled, " Oeconomia Christiana, seu Pastoratus Domesticus," which contain a short instruction to heads of families, shewing them how they ought to proceed in order to maintain and increase in (10) Baptismus est hominis Evangelio credentiset poenitentiam agentis in nomine Patris, et filii et .Spiritus Sancti, vel in nomine Jesu Christi in aquam immersio ctemersio, qua publice profitetur, se gratia Dei Patris, in sanguine Christi, opera Spiritus Sancti, ab omnibus peccatis ablutum esse, ut, in corpus Christi insertus, mortificet vtterem Adamum et transforme- tur in Adamum ilium ccelestum, certus, se post resurrectioaera conseciuu- turum esse vitam seternam. Chap. IV. The History of the Socinians. 509 Christ [a]. It is true, indeed, that the deiiomina- cent. tion of Socinian was not as yet known. Those g^^^^- who were afterwards distinguished by this title, p^^!,, „ ' passed into Poland, at the time of which we now ^..^^y^mj speak, under the name of Anahaptists, because they admitted to baptism adult persons only, and also rebaptized those that joined them from other Christian churches [6]. XI. in their houses a spirit of piety ; in which also their devotion is assisted by forms of prayer, composed for morning, evening, and other occasions. The copy of this Catechism, which is now before me, was given, in the year 168O, by Martin Chehnius, one of the most eminent and zealous Socinian doctors, to Mr. Christopher HeiHgmier, as appears by a long inscription, written by the donor, at the end of the book. In this inscription Chelmius prom.ises his friend other productions of the same kind, pro- vided he receives the present one kindly, and concludes with these words of St. Paul ; God hath chosen the weak things of the world to confound the strong. [_a] This appears evidently from the following passage in Schoman's Teslamentum (published by Sandius, in his Biblioth. Anti-Trin.) p. 194, 195. " Sub. id fere tempus (A. 156"6.) exrhapsodiis Lselii Socini quidam fratres didicerunt, Dei fili- um non esse secundam Trinitatis personam, patri coessentia- lem et ccequalem, sed hominum Jesum Christum, ex Spiritu Sancto conceptum, ex Virgine Maria natum, crucifixum, et resuscitatem ; a quibus nos commoniti, sacras Uicras pcr.scni' tari, persuasi sumus." These words shew plainly, that the Unitarians, or Phiczovlans, as they were sometimes called, had, before their separation from the Reformed church in the year 1565, believed in a Trinitij of some kind or other ; and had not ^Me so far as totally to divest Jesus Christ of his divinity. Schoman, now cited, was a doctor of great authority in this sect ; and he tells us, himself, that, at the diet of Petricow, in the year 1565, he defended the unit ij of God the Father, against the Reformed, who maintained the existence of a threefold Deit?/. Vve learn nevertheless from himself, that it was not till the year 1566, that a perusal of the papers of Lselius Socinus had engaged Kim to change his sentiments, and to deny the diviue personality of Christ. What then are we to conclude from hence? The conclusion is plainly this : that, before the year . last mentioned, he and his Pinczovian flock were not Socinians, but Arians only. [//J This the Unitarians acknowledge, in tlie Preface of tliat Catechism, as we have observed above ; and it is con- firmed 510 The History of the Socinians. CENT. ^I- The dexterity and perseverance of Faustus -, XVI. Socinus gave a new face to the sect of the Uni- SECT. in. Marians, of which he became the zealous and in- PART II. T , . ' ^ rr c 1. . _j dustrious patron. He was a man ot true genius. The pro. but of little learning ; firm in his purposes, and ceedings ofgj-gg^jjy '^a his mcasurcs ; much inferior in know- cinus."^ "' ledge to his uncle Laelius, while he surpassed him greatly in courage and resolution. This emi- nent sectary, after having wandered through seve- ral countries o^ Europe, settled in the year 1579,. among the Unitarians in Poland, and at his arrival there suffered many vexations and much opposi- tion from a considerable number of persons, who looked upon some of his tenets as highly erro- neous. And, indeed, it is evident, that the reli- gious system of Faustus Socinus, which he is said to have drawn from the papers of his uncle Lselius, was much less remarkable for its sim- plicity than that of the Unitariatis. He triumph- ed, however, at last, over all the difficulties that had been laid in his way, by the power of his elo- quence, the spirit and address that reigned in his compositions, the elegance and gentleness of his manner, the favour and protection of the nobi- lity, which he had acquired by his happy talents and accomplishments, and also by some lucky hits of fortune that favoured his enterprizes. By seizing the occasions when it was prudent to yield, and improving the moments that demanded bold resistance and firm resolution, he stemmed dexte- rously and courageously the torrent of opposition, and beheld the Unitarians submitting to his doc- trine. firmed by the writer of the Episfola de Vita Andr. Wissoivaiii, Avhich is subjoined to the BihUolheca Anti-Trhi. of Sandins. This writer tells us, that liis sect were distinguished by the denomination of Anabaptists and Avians ; but that all other Christian communities and individuals in Poland were pro- miscuously called Chrzesciani, from the word Chrzcst, which signifies Baptism. Chap. IV. The History of the Socinians. . 511 trine, which they had before treated with indig- cemt. - - XVI. SECT. III. nation and contempt. They, in effect, laid aside ^^'^• all feuds and controversies, and formed themselves ^^^.^ ^^^ into one community under his superin tendency and ^^^^.^^ direction [c]. XII. Thus did Socinus introduce a consider- '^f Uni- -, , . , . TT'i' i. tanan reli- able change into the ancient Unitarian system, gion chan- which, before his time, was ill digested, ill ex- s^^ ^y So- pressed, and chargeable in many places with am- biguity and incoherence. He disguised its incon- sistencies, gave it an air of connection, method, and elegance, and defended it with much morq dexterity and art, than had ever been discovered by its former patrons [