y 
 
 JX 1 954 
 .W56 
 
 -%': 
 
rWr^' 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2011 with funding from 
 
 Princeton Theological Seminary Library 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/lettersaddressedOOwhel 
 
r?- 2- 
 
 2— 
 
•^..rv-..* 
 
 S, >* 
 
 V. ^ 
 
 ■ ■■^-»^i<>i-';»iv^^ 
 
 ■.■»..i"-u-*-.ii\' 
 
 
M 
 
 iLig'a"ij'iaiai 
 
 ADDRESSED TO 
 
 CALEB STRONG, ESQ,. 
 
 LATE GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS: 
 
 SHOWIITG 
 
 WAR TO BE INCONSISTENT WITH THE LAWS OP CHRIST, AND 
 THE GOOD OF MANKIND. 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 PHILJlDELPinA : 
 
 TRINTED FOR BENJAMIN & THOMAS KITE, 
 
 KO. 20, NOHTH THIRD STKEET,. 
 
 J. Rakestraw, Printer, 
 
 4817» 
 
DEDICATION. 
 
 TO HIS EXCELLENCY, 
 
 DE WITT CLINTON, L. L. D. 
 
 OOVBRNOK or THE STATE OF NEW YORK, AKD PRESIDBMT 07 THF 
 LITERARY AND PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY OF NEW YORK, 
 
 AND TO THE MEMBERS OF THAT SOCIETY. 
 
 GENTLEMEN) 
 
 Suffer me, by inscribing these Letters to you, to ex- 
 press my sense of the debt of gratitude due, from every member 
 of society, to the patrons and most active promoters of science 
 and literature. Should this or any other expressions of respect 
 not countervail the hazard of appearing before you, in the support 
 of opinions both singular and unpopular, I must, notwithstanding 
 hope that, upon mature reflection, those opinions will not be 
 thought wholly without foundation. It has happened in religion, 
 as in natural philosophy and in politics — The true system of the 
 universe was known to the ancient philosophers of Greece, but 
 having been opposed, and laid aside, by men of less research and 
 reflection, it was lost to the world, till revived by Copernicus, 
 So also were the principles of civil liberty known, to some of tiic 
 ancient nations, but were abandoned and forgotten for many ages, 
 till they were, with arts and literature, recovered from the ruins 
 of antiquity, restored to light, and reduced to practice. 
 
 The question has been agitated of late, whether Christians 
 have a right to engage in war. The illustrious Erasmus, as early 
 as the days of the reformation, in his celebrated " Complaint of 
 Peace," called the attention of Europe to this subject It seems, 
 however, not to have made much progress among the German 
 reformers ; but in England a Society, founded by George Fox 
 and others, dared to stem the torrent of popular opinion. Thej 
 wholly disclaimed war, together with capital punishments, as in- 
 consistent with the laws of Christ ; and accordingly assumed the 
 noble appellation of Friends, a name truly appropriate to their 
 distinguishing tenet ; butby the folly and malice of the times they 
 
JV 
 
 were called Quakers. lu this country, the attention of many 
 personii iias been recently called to this important question. A 
 careful examination of the precepts of the Gospel, and of the 
 principles and practice of the apostolic Church, has resulted in a 
 full and unwavering conviction in many minds, that war is in- 
 compatible with the duty and obligations of Christians. 
 
 The consequences to be expected from the pacific principles of 
 the primitive Christians, fully appears in the history of the Church 
 during its first period. They abstained from war ; they made no 
 resistance ; they offered no violence. Under this passive and 
 inoffensive character Christianity rapidly overspread the Roman 
 empire; and it was acknowledged by a Roman emperor, when he 
 wielded the military force of forty legions, that, should the Chris- 
 tians resort to arms, their numbers were sufficient to overturn his 
 empire. Yet, in the reign of Dioclesian, in a general persecution 
 of ten years, myriads of Christians were put to death, without 
 offering resistance or resorting to means of defence. 
 
 But Christianity still gaining ground upon heathenism, and 
 liiniting wealth, numbers, and influence, at length ascended the 
 throne of the Caesars, and the empire became professedly Chris- 
 tian. If in the purest state of the Church, when under disgrace 
 and persecution, many false professors were found, it may be pre- 
 sumed that, as she rose to power and splendour, and began to 
 {jffer allurements to ambition, and changed her robes of humility 
 for the imperial purple, her ranks were crowded by men, who 
 preferred to bear the sword of violence, rather than the cross of 
 Christ, and who were more ready to pursue false honour, through 
 blood and slaughter, than to lay down their lives as martrys for 
 their religion, in expectation of an immortal crown in heaven. 
 
 The change of the Christian Church from peace and non-resis- 
 tance, to retaliation, war, and conquest, was gradual ; nor was it 
 effected by her sufferings, but by her prosperity. And who has 
 not observed the fatal consequences often arising from the intoxif 
 cations of that Circean cup.^ If adversity is justly styled the 
 school of wisdom, prosperity is like the harlot's lap, on which the 
 mighty Hebrew slumbered, and was shorn of his strength. 
 
 Christians, though not lovers of adversity, cannot but perceive 
 ander what circumstances their religion rose and prevailed : and 
 if they examine with candour, they will also perceive, that, in the 
 deplorable apostacy of the Church, her abandonment of her meek 
 
and humble character, and resorting to war and bloodshed, ope* 
 rated as both cau-c and eifect. Whether she can return to her 
 primitive ground, whether she can re-assume the white robes of 
 innocence, meekness, and peace, which at first covered her with 
 glory and beauty, without again tasting the bitter cup of affliction 
 and persecution, remains to be determined by experiment. 
 
 Many persons in various parts of the United States, have lately, 
 as by a simultaneous influence, adopted the pacific system, under 
 circumstances which seem to indicate general and pre-disposing 
 causes ; as when you see flowers in one place, you may expect 
 to find them in another, because they indicate the arrival of the 
 vernal season. The state of the political world is such as might, 
 perhaps, be expected to produce a tendency to pacific principles. 
 The demonstration of the folly of ambition cannot well be carried 
 higher, the mischief and misery attending the spirit of war, can 
 hardly be more fully displayed, or severely felt, or the blessings 
 of peace be rendered more acceptable and grateful to nations. 
 Nor is the state of the moral world less conducive to that grand 
 result. The progress of knowledge, civilization, and refinement, 
 has dissipated errors, coeval with nations. The chains of slavery 
 are broken, and liberty of conscience, the restraint of which is 
 the basest slavery, now prevails. Reason and philanthropy have 
 even softened the savage features of war, and have rendered the 
 ambition of conquerors odious. And in the religious worW, 
 general expectation, founded on sacred prediction, and justified 
 by events of an unequivocal nature, is ready to seize on every in- 
 dication of an approaching period of peace, prosperity, and glory 
 to the church of Christ. 
 
 Gentlemen, the province of Philosophy is conterminous to that 
 of Religion ; and she is next in excellence and loveliness to that 
 immortal offspring of Divinity. Knowledge is her treasure, and 
 the acquisition of it, her employment. She enlightens, liberali- 
 zes and ennobles the mind : and she inquires after truth, not to 
 establish thrones, not to influence in the disposition of crowns or 
 mitres, not to prop and sustain false and hollow systems, which 
 ignorance reared, and ambition maintains. She disseminates 
 truth by the aid of reason to make men happy, and not by the 
 sword to make them slaves. She rejects nothing because it is 
 old, or because it is new — because it is popular, or because it is 
 singular. At an equal remove from prejudice and pride, her 
 
VI 
 
 worst cnemj is ignorance, and her grand object is to discover 
 truth, because it is preferable to error. 
 
 The subject of these Letters lies not, indeed, in the usual range 
 of philosophical research ; yet the philosopher looks through the 
 telescope as well as the microscope, contemplates mind as well 
 as matter, ponders the future as well as the past, and from physi- 
 cal causes and effects, often makes a transition to the moral order 
 and influence of events. 
 
 Philosophy is not more remote from religion than the under- 
 standing is from the heart, or than knowledge is from virtue. 
 They have equal claims to antiquity ; can both complain, with 
 equal justice, of having been corrupted, abused, and traduced ; 
 and both have shared a similar fortune in the revolutions of em- 
 pire and opinion, under the reign of passion, prejudice, and folly. 
 They have revived together, the one assuming as her province 
 the natural, the other the moral world. 
 
 With these views. Gentlemen, of the sphere of your profession, 
 I cheerfully commit these Letters to your notice and patronage. 
 None can be more sensible than you, of the outrage and devasta- 
 tion war has committed on the republic of letters, and how it has 
 in all ages, shut and sealed up many of the fairest fountains of 
 natural knowledge ; so that the philosopher cannot travel far, but 
 he is checked in his progress by the point of the sword, or by 
 resentments which remain when war has subsided. And what 
 is still worse, nations are so impoverished and beggared by war, 
 that they have neither the leisure, nor the means of promoting 
 literature and the arts, did they retain the disposition to do so. 
 
 But, should you, after all, conclude that war, though a great 
 calamity, must still be maintained and endured, though deplored 
 as a necessary evil, you will, notwithstanding, as truly as the 
 author, desire the establishment of universal peace, and a good 
 understanding between all nations. You will desire it, for the 
 ■;ake of thousands and millions, who have nothing to gain, but 
 every thing to lose by that scourge of nations ; you will desire 
 it for the honour of our race, who seem hitherto to have merited 
 no better character than that of being murderers and tormentors 
 of each other; an accusation which would be slander upon the 
 savage beasts of tlie forest ; you will desire it for the sake of our 
 «WR youthful and happy country, whose guilt and depravity 
 
Vll 
 
 would be increased, and whose happiness could not but be di- 
 minished by war. 
 
 You will perceive that the arguments against taking away life, 
 are principally drawn from two sources : — the authority of the 
 Gospel, and the consideration of a future state. If the Gospel be 
 true, and of divine origin, its authority must be considered 
 as supreme, by every Christian; and that it forbids all resistance, 
 retaliation, revenge, and war, cannot well be denied. If there be a 
 future state of eternal rewards and punishments, and if all men 
 are actually on probation, and will be unalterably sentenced to 
 one or the other of those states, according to their conduct; and 
 if there be some hope, as long as life continues, that a wicked 
 man, however abandoned he may be to every vice, may yet re- 
 pent and become a subject of eternal felicity; there surely can- 
 not be a stronger argument that his life should be spared. And 
 this is the true ground on which the Gospel forbids the taking of 
 life. It is indeed because *' life and immortality are brought to 
 light." 
 
 And, gentlemen, I appeal to your good understanding and phi- 
 lanthropy, whether the eternal happiness of a wretch, who is 
 brought to the scaffold, is not an object infinitely more excellent, 
 interesting, and glorious in prospect, than any conceivable good 
 •which may result to society from his execution. Let him be 
 confined, but let him live ; let him reform, if he will, and to this 
 end let him be instructed. The immortal ethereal spirit may yet 
 be purified, and, like a beautiful insect from the carcass of a dying 
 worm, may rise to glory. Perhaps, even after the flight of ten 
 thousand ages, someone of you may meet him, a bright intelli- 
 gence in some exalted sphere, and may, even at that distant pe- 
 ru.d, receive his thanks for having used your influence or authori- 
 ty to protract his life. 
 
 I am, gentlemen, with great respect, 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 PHILADELPHUS. 
 
LETTERS, ^c. 
 
 LETTER 1. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 A PAMi'HLET has lately appeared before the Public^ 
 entitled '• A solemn Review oj the Custom of Har." This 
 puiiiphlet has, very recently, been followed by another, from 
 the same author, entitled ** The Friend of Pence i'" compris- 
 ing a Dialoj^iie and several letters addressed to the President 
 ofthcUiiited States. Ihdijpendeht of the importance of the 
 question which these pamphlets agitate, the author has 
 evinced talents, as an essayist, of no common grade ; and 
 whatever may be thought of the correctness of his opinions, 
 he has manifested a benevolence of heart, and a zeal for 
 the good of mankind, which would do honour to any cause, and 
 which entitles him to public consideration. 
 
 The object of this writer is to show, that war of every de- 
 scription is contrary to the laws of Christ, and, of course, in- 
 consistent with the character of a Christian. — He expresses 
 a belief, that, if Christians, as a body, would withdraw their 
 support from war, and bear a public and united testimony 
 against it, it would go far toVvards abolishing a custom, on the 
 whole, productive of no good, but of incalculable evil to man- 
 kind. 
 
 Those opinions. Sir, though their seeming novelty gives them 
 an appearance of boldness, and, considering the belief and 
 practice of the Christian world may expose them to the im- 
 putation of temerity, are by no means new. In various pe- 
 riods of the Cliurch they have been suggested by men of 
 reflection, learning, and philanthropy. Particularly since 
 the revival of letters and the Reformation, they have, attimes^ 
 been boldly avowed and vigorously maintained by several 
 tnen, to whom the cause of civilization and religion has 
 been indebted for their more successful exertions in other 
 respects. 
 
 The strong current of opinion, prejudice, and passion, 
 however, has borne away, and silenced the few voices which 
 have been lifted oh this interesting subject ; and I am per- 
 suaded has kept a far greater number in silence, who, had 
 they spoken, would have been advocates for peace, on similar 
 grounds. For, Sir, I am induced to believe* that there are 
 few real Christians^ who are men of much reflection^ and 
 
 B 
 
10 
 
 are in the habit of examining their opinions in the light of 
 truth and evidence, who have not, at tiuKS, cnti itaincd some 
 doubts whether war, in any shape whatever, be consistent 
 with the genuine spirit of Christianity. 
 
 For myself, 1 beg leave to say to your Excellency, that my 
 own opinions have long been inclining in that direction : 
 that recent events, considered in connexion with the bloody 
 revolutions in Europe, have led nie to a more careful scru- 
 tiny of the subject, the result of which has been a full and 
 unwavering conclusion, that war in every Jorm^ is incom- 
 patible with the laws of Christ, and, of course, with the 
 Christian character. The pamphlets to which I allude, 
 though they presented nothing new of the nature of argu- 
 ment, and though they give but a rapid outline of the subject, 
 disclose the thoughts and feelings of a great and vigorous 
 mind : they exhibit a bold and striking contour of that san- 
 guinary monster, war, which has long desolated the earth, 
 which is the genuine offspring of hell, and which makes the 
 two regions resemble each other. 
 
 Such, Sir, being my convictions and firm belief relative 
 to this subject ; and, perceiving there are many other per- 
 sons of the same opinion, it is natural for me to ask, and it 
 is important for me to know, v*'hat course I ought to take, 
 as a Christian and as an honest man. For, surely, if Chris- 
 tians ought to have no concern with war, but to bear testi- 
 mony against it ; if the view which these pamphlets take of 
 war be correct, and I believe it is ; then the visible Church 
 of Christ must be in a state of deep and alarming declension.. 
 She must have put off the Spirit of Christ, and put on the 
 spirit of the world ; and that in its very worst form, and most 
 virulent character. This declension, also, must have been 
 of long standing, commencing but two or three centuries 
 after Christ : it must have resisted the Reformation, and 
 brought down its blood-stained insignia to this day. 
 
 Well may every man who feels the conviction of the author 
 of the pamphlets, ask himself, what course he shall take to 
 give his opinions publicity and prevalence. The benefits 
 accruing to the Church and to nations, considered as such, 
 would be truly immense, were they adopted through Christ- 
 endom. And there are many reasons to believe, that exer- 
 tions for accomplishing an object so truly grand and glorious, 
 would meet with divine approbation, and be crowned with 
 success. When it is the cause of truth and of God that is 
 pursued, let no man sit down to count upon difficulties, before 
 he do his duty. 
 
11 
 
 Luther encountered the corruptions of Rome, fortified by 
 the wealth and power of Europe. Clarkson, by whose ex» 
 ertions the slave-trade was abolished in Great Britain, was 
 not appalled by the obvious difficulty and hazard of the en- 
 terprise; and let those who would know what the persevering 
 exertions of one man can accomplish* read the life and the 
 benevolent labours of Howard. I mention these men to showj 
 that though a man should find himself standing alone, in a 
 woild of error, he is not to be deterred from efforts at refor- 
 mation, merely by the probability of ill success, or the weak- 
 ness of the moans to be employed. 
 
 If tlip Christian Ciairch in its various sections and mem- 
 bers, has long lain under the divine displeasure, for rusliing 
 with eagerness into wars, set on foot to gratify pride and am- 
 bition ; if war in itself adds incalculably to the number and 
 weight of human calamities; and if a due abhorrence of war, 
 and the prevalence of pf^cifie sentiments, would no less be- 
 nefit nations as bodies politic, than the Chufch as a religious 
 community, it surely is the duty of every one viewing things 
 in this light, to spare no exertions to effect a change of senti- 
 ment. 
 
 Who can see the face of the earth drenched in human blood, 
 under the fatal influence of an error, which Christians and 
 even the ministers of Christ themselves, have long cherished, 
 and not be roused to make at least one exertion in the cause 
 of bleeding, suffering humanity ? Dreadful indeed is the 
 account wliieli many professors of Christianity must give, 
 when they shall appear before God, in judgment, with their 
 garments stained with blood. The pure, peaceful, and holy 
 religion, which they absurdly pi-ofessed, and by which they 
 vainly expected acceptance in the hour of trial, will certainly 
 condemn them, and the Prince of peace will say to them, 
 « depart from me, / know you not /'* * Depart from me, ye 
 bloody men, ye have no interest in my kingdom ! ye bear no 
 resemblance to my character !* 
 
 I am. Sir, yours, &c. 
 
 LETTER II. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 There is no fact which rests on better historical evi- 
 dence, than that the members of the Christian Church, during 
 the two first centuries of the Christian era, took no part in the 
 
13 
 
 wars of those times. They refused to flight from scruples of 
 conscience; because their principles were fundamentally pa- 
 cific : and they were subjects of a •» kingdom which was not 
 of this world.*' It is equally evident, that, during the last 
 glorious period of the Church on earth, when Christ shall 
 reir:n a thousand years, Christians will not fight, and there 
 shall be no wars. I cannot hut believe that when the Church 
 threw aside her pacific character, harnessed herself for bat- 
 tle, and rushed into the bloody field, she sealed her apostacy 
 with blood, and from that day to this has worn a garb foreign 
 to her proper character, and derogatory to the honour and 
 interest of her King. 
 
 The greatest and most rapid spread of Christianity, was 
 during that period when Ciiristians did not interfere with war, 
 and whilst they would, in fact, suffer death rather than make 
 resistance. But when Constantine professed faith in Christ, — 
 when the Church was decorated with the imperial purple, — 
 when her coffers were filled witli gold,— when armies obeyed 
 her mandate, and war thundered in her voice ; she soon be- 
 came a repudiated harlot, and then the true Church of Christ 
 retired to the wilderness. 
 
 The haughty, ambitious, and warlike spirit of the Church 
 has done incalculable mischief in every subseeiuent age; 
 causing myriads of infidels in her own bosom ; — causing se- 
 ditions, schisms and apostaeies witliout number; — animosity, 
 turbulence, and confusion without end. And what an impedi- 
 ment Christian wars and bloodshed has ever raised to the 
 conversion of the heatlicn ! ''For surely," say the heathen 
 nations, "if these Christians conduct agreeably to their reli- 
 gion, that religion must bo the worst on earth — must be a 
 system of treachery and blood: but if they who profess, do 
 not obey it, why should we?" 
 
 To these just reproaches we cun only make the shabby 
 Fcply, that Christians do not act agreeably to their profession; 
 a reply which, though it may satisfy us. can by no means save 
 our holy religion from the most injurious imputations. Indeed, 
 so closely has Christianity been associated with pride, ambi- 
 tion, revenge, and war, that a far more enligiitened, candid, 
 and impartial discrimination, was necessary, than could be 
 hoped for among heathen, to distinguish the character of 
 Christian nations from their profession. 
 
 But what is chiefly to be lanjented, is, that nations calling 
 themselves Christion. have spent as many millions of money 
 to conquer and enslave, as they have pounds to convert the 
 iieathenc 
 
13 
 
 But, alas! was it my ol)ject to cxj)lore and ilhistratc causes 
 fop i^vivi' c niiected \vi(l» tlie system of war, 1 might swell these 
 comimmications into volumes iilled with "lamentation, mourn- 
 ing and wo." These, and a thousand similar topics, might be 
 urged as auxiliary arguments against war. But the exigence 
 of tiie case, which is truly awful, requires that war of every 
 description be shown to be contrarij to the laws of Christy incon- 
 sistent with the Christian character, — incompatible with the 
 highest good of nations, — entirely unnecessary and unreasonable. 
 
 It is beyond all measure desirable, that Christians, as a 
 body, should be convinced of this: that civil magistrates, le- 
 gislators, and the rulers of states and nations, should view this 
 subject in its immense importance, and unite their exertions 
 to restore the Christian Cliuich to its primitive order; to res- 
 tore the world to peace ; to restore to man the native beauty 
 and grandeur of his character. 
 
 Nor do I believe the ab(!lition of the custom of war, by the 
 consent of nations, an event so improbable as some may ima- 
 gine; especially when I consider that the reign of the Prince 
 of Peace throughout (he earth cannot be far distant: and it is 
 by no means improbable that that glorious day will have a 
 gradual commencement. 
 
 And, Sir, if in the comparatively short run of two centu- 
 ries, the Millennium shall have been fully ushered in, and 
 you well know tliat all calculation founded on ])rophecy falls 
 within that limit, are we not authorized to believe that new 
 and great events will tread, as it were, on the heels of each 
 other ; and will soon begin to assume an unequivocal com- 
 plexion ? Allow me to go further, and ask. In what country 
 is it more likely the first symptoms of that grand period will 
 appear than in this? 
 
 The unpopularity, nay, the abolition of war, depends on 
 one idea : — The noble, the benevolent, the magnanimous 
 thought, that man shall cease to kill his brother: and how far 
 that thought corresponds with that grand and perfect law, 
 '< Thou shall love thy neighbour as thyself," I leave it for every 
 one to judge. 
 
 I have no doubt it is a fact, and I hope to make it obvious 
 in the sequel of these letters, that as war originated in the 
 malicious and murderous temper of Cain, so it is perpetuated 
 by the mere tyranny of custom and the indulgence of the worst 
 of passions : and that, on the whole, a liberal and enlightened 
 system of civil policy, no less than the precepts of the gospel, 
 would make the taking of human life, unlawful and odious, in 
 all cases whatever. I am, Sir, &c. 
 
1^ 
 
 LETTER III. 
 
 Taking Life not required by Divine Jiuthority. 
 
 SlE, 
 
 The most popular, as Mell as the most forcible argu- 
 ment, in favour of war, is, that it is sometimes necessary. 
 This necessity is urged, if I mistake not, from two principles; 
 
 1. The law of God, as revealed in the scriptures : and, 
 
 2. The natural law of self-preservation; which also is con- 
 sidered of divine origin. 
 
 To take away the life of a man, is war. The murderer 
 wages offensive war: the court of justice which condemns him 
 to death, wages defensive war. 1 propose tiiis extreme case, 
 for the obvious reason, that, if it be right to put a man to death 
 for any crime he may commit, defensive war is right: and, of 
 course, that war is sometimes necessary. 
 
 Concerning this argument in favour of war, I submit to your 
 consideration the following observations. 
 
 All mankind are naturally free, equal, and independent. 
 The form of government whicli God gave to the Hebrew na- 
 tion, together with many of their laws, has long since passed 
 away, and we have now no other form of civil government than 
 what is usually styled a social compact. It is believed that a 
 nation has a right to assemble en masse^ or by delegation, and 
 adopt such a form of government, and such laws and regu- 
 lations, as the majority may approve: provided, however, 
 that none of their laws are contrary to the law of God, or su- 
 pei'vene a divine institution. 
 
 Such parts of the Jewish laws as are evidently local, and ap- 
 plicable only to that nation, are unquestionably repealed. On 
 th.^ other hand, such parts as are obviously of universal appli- 
 cation and perpetual obligation are not repealed, and such are 
 the ten commands, usually styled the Decalogue. 
 
 Concerning the penal code of the Jews, it is here necessary 
 to premise, 
 
 1. That several of the penal laws are obviously repealed, 
 because they w^re local, or ceremonial: 
 
 2. That several of the penalties are repealed, although the 
 laws themselves are still in force, as moral precepts. 
 
 Our grand desideratum is, to know what part of the Mosaic 
 penal code it is proper for us to retain and adopt. The 
 moral obligation of the decalogue is certainly not to be ques- 
 
15 
 
 tioned : but how far the penalties annexed to it, under the 
 Jewish dispensation, are to be retained, is a radical question, 
 and i^oes to the point of our present inquiry. Under the Jew- 
 isli dispensation, seven of the commands of the decalogue were 
 capitally penal : a transgression of either of the first seven, 
 was ])unishable with death. 
 
 Modern and Christian legislatures have a right, or have 
 not to annex the sami^ penalties to those precepts. To say 
 they have no right, goes directly ad petitionem principii. 
 But if they have a right, then one of two grounds must be 
 taken. Either, Jirst^ they are clothed with that right; dis- 
 cretionarily, and may use, or not use it, as they please : or, 
 secondly^ they are clothed with it absolutely, and are left at 
 no option, but are compelled by Divine Authority to use it, 
 whenever the crime occurs, under pain of becoming accessary 
 to the crime. 
 
 Now, Sir, the light of day is not more obvious, than that the 
 Hebrew legislature were clothed wiih no such discretionary 
 power, to take life or not to take it, for tiie above crimes. 
 When the crime was evidently committed, the judge had 
 notliing to do but to pronounce sentence : for he was but the 
 organ of Divine Authority. And as far as the authority of 
 the law of Moses is concerned, I hope and trust that no such 
 discretionaiy power will be contended for, for any Christian 
 tribunal. 
 
 I therefore confidently trust that the ground, taken for the 
 defence of Christian legislatures in the constitution of their 
 penal code, will be this, that they punish murder with death ; 
 while they remit the Mosaic penalty annexed to the other six 
 precepts of the decalogue, not because they have a discre- 
 tionary right to punish with death, and do not see fit to use it, 
 but because the penalty of the other six precepts has been 
 repealed or rescinded, by God himself, while that of murder 
 still remains. 
 
 The reason, then, why idolatry, blasphemy, breach of sab- 
 bath, abuse of parents, and adultery, are not by our laws 
 punished with death, is because it is presumed the Divine 
 Authority does not require it, under the gospel dispensation, 
 as it certainly did under the Law. On the contrary, the rea- 
 son why our laws punish murder with death, is because it is 
 presumed the Divine Authority requires it 5 that penalty not 
 being rescinded. 
 
 I am now. Sir, prepared to ask, since in six precepts out of 
 seven, capital punishment is rescinded and done away, why 
 is it, or by what authority is it retained in one 5 viz, that of 
 
16 
 
 murder? It sifrcly will not be contended that tlic Almighty inli- 
 nitely wise Ruler has clothed our tribunals with a discretionary 
 power to remit or retain these penalties : as L have noticed 
 the Hebrew legislature was eloliied with no such power. 
 
 Does not the ])enalty ol" murder derive its permanence from 
 rhc authority of the moral law? Surely not : Since the penalty 
 of six of the precepts oflliat law arc ackTiowledged to be done 
 away. But from what part ot the New IVstament do we learn 
 that the penalty of six precej)ts of the decalogue is rescinded^ 
 and one retained ? 1 answer, from no part : nor is there a sen- 
 tence, nor a setiment in all the I^ew Testament which favours 
 such a construction. 
 
 The fact seems to be this : The New Testament recog- 
 nizes the precepts of the decalogue as forming a body of mo- 
 ral, not of civil law ; fully acknowledging its high and ])cr- 
 petual obligation ; but regarding its violatimi as sin against 
 God, and not as crime jiunishable by civil tribunals. In this 
 light the gospel system assumes and incorporates with itself 
 every precept of the Mosaic law, which is obviously of general 
 and perpetual obligation : but it regards the transgression of 
 them in the light o( sins against God, and not of crimes ame- 
 nable to society. 
 
 When the mission of the Messiah was accomplished, " the 
 sceptre departed from Judah,*' and the Jewish civil govern- 
 ment, whose origin and constitution were divine, passed 
 away, to give place to the gospel kingdom, which was to 
 consist ♦< in righteousness and peace, and joy in the Holy 
 Ghost." 
 
 You will recollect. Sir, that our Saviour, even before the 
 Roman tribunal, declared himself a King : at the same time^ 
 he declared that his kingdom was not of this ivorld. I need 
 take no time to show that the kingdom of Christ is his Church. 
 The phrase, not of this world, has been too long and too 
 well understood, to need in this place an exposition or de- 
 fence. The Church of Christ is a spiritual kingdom ,• its laws 
 are moral, and their sanctions are spiritual, divine, and 
 eternal. 
 
 The Gospel is a system of pure and perfect benevolence. 
 Its first grand law, which is but the spirit of the Mosaic laws 
 concentrated and purified from mixtures, is supreme love to 
 God : the second is substantially the same, though objectively 
 different, « Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself." 
 The penalties and sanctions of the Mosaic dispensation indi- 
 cated not a moral or spiritual, so much as a civil government ; 
 and respected crimes against society^ rather than sins against 
 
17 
 
 Go;!. In a far different fight does the gospel, and in fact the 
 governnunt wiiiclj Christ lias instituted over his kingdom, Cin- 
 teinphite transgressions : i. c. not as crimes^ bui as sins. 
 
 Sir, I caiuiot but felicitate myself even more than Paul uid 
 when he addressed Agrippa, not that I would institute any per- 
 sonal comparison, because I not only know you to be " expert 
 in all customs and questions," but have full confidence that 
 you feel a sacred regard for the Church of Christ. And should 
 I express a confidence unbecoming the occasion, in matters 
 about which there is a diversity of opinion, 1 am sure your be- 
 nevolence will not fail to ascribe it to the ardour of my feelings 
 on a subject of such importance. And if I should at any mo- 
 ment seem to lose sigiii of an earthly dignitary, for whom I feel 
 the greatest respect, it is because I know I speak in the pre- 
 sence of the King of kings : and I wish faithfully to plead for 
 the suffering interests of his kingdom, which consisteth in 
 righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy Ghost. 
 
 I am, Sir, yours, &c. 
 
 LETTER IV. 
 
 The ancient Law of Retaliation abolished by the Gospel, 
 
 Sir, 
 
 In the early ages of the world, God saw fit to distin» 
 guish 2i family f above the other families of the earth. He took 
 them from among the nations, adopted them as his people, and 
 condescended to charge himself with the office of being their 
 king, their civil ruler and head. He gave them a system of 
 laws and regulations, some of which were given in condes- 
 cension to their weakness, ignorance, aj d prejudice ; some for 
 the hardn<'ss of their hearts ; some as a punishment for their 
 wickedness : as the whole code was loaded with bloody rites, 
 ceremonies, and penalties ; a yoke which St. Peter, Acts xv. 
 10, declares, neither they nor their fathers were able to bear. 
 But they were adajjted to the nation to whom they were given, 
 and were blended with many privileges of incalculable 
 value. 
 
 Some of the laws of this system our Saviour declares were 
 given to them for the hardness of their hearts ; and some of 
 them, God himself, by the mouth of the prophet Ezekiel, 
 declares, were not good. <* / gave them statutes which were 
 
 C 
 
not good, and judgments by uliicli llicy sh(»iikl not live," 
 Ezek. XX. 25. The meaning of which douhtless is, that they 
 were not good in themselves ; but were such as God, in his 
 sovereign displeasure, saw fit to impose upon a stitT-necked, 
 rebellious nation. The heavy and tremendous penalties at- 
 tached both to moral and positive precepts, in this system, 
 formed one of its characteristic features. 
 
 The tex /rtiionts, that is, the principle of rendering like for 
 like, or in plain words, the law of revenge, was fully recog- 
 nized, and abundantly interwoven throughout the Mosaic 
 penal code. This law is most sentcntiously expressed, *« Eye 
 for eye, tooth for tooth, burning for burning, limb for limb, and 
 head for head." 
 
 God has at all times a right to punish the wicked in what- 
 ever way and by whatever instrument he pleases. He there- 
 fore, beyond all doubt, bad a right to establish the lex talionis, 
 in the penal code of this nation, wliich long before the time 
 of Moses, had been adopted by other nations ; and is defended 
 by many under the dignified character of the law of nature. 
 In what sense it is the law of nature, I shall in a subsequent 
 letter explain; but that it is explicitly abolished, and done 
 away by the gospel, I now proceed to show. 
 
 That a man should love his neighbour as himself, is the 
 second grand pillar of the gospel. This noble pillar. Sir, is 
 no where inscribed with iex talionis. Instead of that 
 bloody inscription, the man foaming with hatred, and panting 
 for revenge, is often shocked and confounded to see in large 
 characters ** render not evil for evil :'* and elsewhere, 
 *< Beloved, avenge not yoxirselves, but rather give place unto 
 wrath, for it is written. Vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith 
 the Lord." 
 
 With regard to the law of retaliation, our Saviour is ex- 
 plicit, Mat. V. 38. " Ye have heard that it hath been said. 
 An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth ; but I say unto you, 
 that ye resist not evil ; but whosoever shall smite thee on the 
 right cheek, turn to him the other also. And if any man will 
 sue thee at the law, and take away thy coat, let him have thy 
 cloak also." 
 
 But, " No," says the modern Christian, " If a man strike 
 me, I will knock him down, if I can : — if he seize and detain 
 by law, I will replevin my goods, and make him pay cost : if 
 he injure me, I will injure him with interest." 
 
 Sir, the grand question is, whether the Christian has a 
 right to repel injury by injury ; or in other words, to render 
 evil for evil. I know the subtilty of the civilian has invented 
 
19 
 
 a plaster ; but, as well might an insect hope to cover the suu 
 with its spreading wini^s. The lawyer tells us about damnum 
 absque injuria : i. e. if a man attempts to kill me, and I kill 
 liiin in my own defence, that to him is damnum, but not in- 
 juria : — damage but not injury. Will this evasion answer in 
 that court where eternal light and justice prevail ? Will not 
 the Almighty Judge say, '< I commanded you not to resist 
 evil : instead of which, you made resistance and killed a man. 
 Had you obeyed my command, I could have defended you; 
 and, if I had not, which would have heen preferable, for you 
 to liave died in obedience to me, or by a rebellious act, to send 
 a soul to endless perdition ?" 
 
 " Ye have heard that it hath been said, An eye for an eye^ 
 and a tooth for a tooth ; but I say unto yon, that ye resist not 
 evil." What sort of evil and of resistance is here intended by 
 Christ, is explained in the subsequent verses. " But whosoever 
 shall smite thee on the right cheek, turn to him the other also. 
 And if any man shall sue thee at the law, and take away thy 
 coat, let him have thy cloak also." It is worthy of observation, 
 that Christ here gives two very different cases of violence. 
 The first is, personal violence, commonly the result of sudden 
 passion, as when one man strikes another. The second is ob- 
 viously a case of legal violence, where an unjust and vexatious 
 lawsuit is commenced. 
 
 In these and similar cases, resistance is forbidden. And, 
 Sir, I speak to you with more pleasure and confidence, from 
 your great and just reputation in legal science ; assured that 
 you fully comprehend the principles of law, and see remotely 
 into their consequences. I trust that before you I may safely 
 affirm, that our Saviour, in the cases he here gives, evidently 
 intends to establish a principle, from which his followers 
 were not to depart. A rule of conduct for a great and ex- 
 tensive society of people, to be perpetuated through all ages, 
 and to extend through all nations, in relation to injury and 
 violence^ must form, at least, one of the chief characteristics 
 of that society. No wonder, therefore, that this great Law- 
 giver, was very explicit. The rule was, that they should not 
 resist iiijury and violence. Or to reverse the celebrated saying 
 of the Roman orator, «* vis non defenditur a vi." 
 
 The all-wise Saviour, in laying down this great rule, seems 
 to have been aware of the art and power of perversion. He 
 so worded it, therefore, as perfectly to defeat the evasion at- 
 ternpted from the above cited principle of damnum absque 
 injuria: which supposes that when a man attacks rae and I 
 kill him, my object is not to kill, but merely to dejend : that 
 
30 
 
 I may, at the same moment, deplore the necessity of suhstU 
 tilting liis life for mine, and thouj^li I hurt, I do him no injus- 
 tice. The divine Lawgiver absolutely forbids resistance, and 
 predicates thr injunction on that idea. He does not go about 
 to say, that we must defend, strike, beat, and kill, witli great 
 moderation ; taking care to feel no malice, no desire to give 
 pain for its own sake | that we must weed out from among our 
 motives and passions every tiling but a pure desire to secure 
 ourselves. " But I say unto you, that ije resist not evil,'* 
 A blow on the rigiit cheek, is evil ; — knocking out an eye or 
 a tooth, is evil ; — taking away from a man his coat, is evil ; — 
 but they are evils not to he resisted, or our Saviour's words 
 mean nothing. 
 
 In reply to this, it will perhaps he said, that these evils are 
 not to be redressed by unlawful or informal means. The di- 
 vine Lawgiver has anticipated, and answered this evasion. 
 For one of the cases he mentions, is a case of legal violence 
 or oppression. *' If a man stie thee at the law, and take away 
 thif coat, let him have thy cloak also ;'* than which no words can 
 more strongly forbid retaliation ? i. e. answering suit by suit, 
 and repelling injury by injury. 
 
 As personal violence was not to he resisted nor resented ; 
 as property, when torn away by unjust legal process, was to 
 be quietly surrendered ; so when a man's liberty was restrained, 
 a meek and unqualified submission to the bondage was expressly 
 enjoined; so far at least as to exclude evrry kind of ajjpeal 
 to force for its recovery. I have reserved the notice of this 
 last circumstance to this place, as it is distinct in its nature 
 from the others., and forms a gradatio.i, 1 may say a complete 
 climax, embracing every topic in tho doctrine of non-resist- 
 ance. " ^nd whosoever shall compel thee to go a mile, go with 
 him twain/* You will be aware. Sir, that the bold, liberal, 
 and impressive oriental style is here used, as in the case of 
 the coat and cloak. It will certainly not be understood, 
 that the Christian, when some of his property is taken away, 
 is of his own accord to double the sum ; or that when his 
 liberty is restrained awhile, he must voluntarily protract or 
 double the term of his duresse: far from it. If that would 
 be overstraining the generous and ardent style of the Eran- 
 gelist, which as much disdains the pedantic monotony of cold 
 criticism, as it tramples ih the dust the pride and selfishness 
 of human ambition ; how does that Christian obey Christ's 
 law, who is quick to resent injury and repel force hy force; 
 who, when his property is invaded, only abandons the pur- 
 suit of redress, far within the invader's territory, crowning 
 
Si 
 
 his lull I'ccovi ry with damages and cost, and sweetening his 
 triunipli svitli revenge; and who, wlicn liis liberty is assailed, 
 instead of going the second mile, woiiid ])our out the last drop 
 of his own blood, and that of his assailant, rather than go one 
 rod ? 
 
 How can such a Christian hold up his head before the judg- 
 ment seal of Chr'ist, who has said, *' If ye love me, keep my 
 commandments?" who has said, " Take my yoke upon you, 
 and learn of me, for I am meek and lowly in heart, and ye 
 shall find rest unto your souls!" 
 
 From the many ])assagcs with which the New Testament 
 abounds, 1 have selected a few, which go fully to prove the 
 doctrine of non-resistance. Whether life, liberty, or property, 
 are invaded, by sudden violence, or by the more deliberate 
 operation of legal j)rocess, tiie Christian is expressly forbid- 
 den to seek redress by the api)lication of force in any form. 
 
 Sir, if the authority of Clirist be allowed to be divine, and 
 of course supreme, no law^ was ever more expressly repealed 
 than the law of retaIi:jlion, by which injuries arc repelled, oi' 
 grievances redi'cssed by force; and the character and ctrnduct 
 of the primitive Chiistians afford an exempiirication of the 
 doctrine of non-resistance, and a confirmation of the construc- 
 tion I have given of the prcccdi)ig passages, which, I trust, 
 cannot he denied. I'heir meek, pacific, and humble deport- 
 ment developed before the world a new cliaiacter, a new 
 institutiori, a new religion ; and, while it excited admiration 
 and commanded respect, it also roused resentment and inflam- 
 ed t!»e spirit of j)ersecution. 
 
 In this mild, unresisting, benevolent, and truly pacific 
 character, the Church of Christ was founded, in the midst 
 of enemies, and flourished amidst the severest storms of 
 persecution. 'J'hey calmly surrendered their goods when 
 demanded, their liberty when invaded, and their lives when 
 assailed. 
 
 Tell me, Sir, what exonerates the Church called Christian, 
 at the present daj, from obedience to the laws of Christ: 
 Have they procured a new dispensation to resist, to relaliatCf 
 to kill, to mingle in all the bloody contests, the wild projects 
 of ambition, which agitate the elements of society? Alas! 
 Sir, Christianity assuredly presents to the world a far differ- 
 ent exterior from what it did in the primitive Church, when 
 Christians did not resist iirjury hy violence^ nor engage in -war. 
 
 And where is the difficulty? what hinders their assuming, 
 at once, the simplicity, meekness, and pacific character 
 
couiinanded by Christ, and exemplified by tbc apostles and 
 primitive Christians? Nothing but pride, ambition, and world- 
 ly lusts. Such a state would be as truly beneficial to the 
 Church, in reference to her spread and prosperity, as it would 
 be to the advancement of the Redeemer's j^lory. 
 
 Sir, there is a grandeur, a magnanimity, a purity, and 
 glory, in the primitive Christian character, which nothing on 
 earth ever equalled. If the state of society, and general tex- 
 ture and character of nations and governments, in the first 
 ages of the Church, rendered the meek and unresisting 
 Christian peculiarly obnoxious to contempt and danger; the 
 present state of civilization and manners in Christendom, 
 affords innumerable facilities and inducements to adopt that 
 eharacter, which, at first, was deemed essential to tiic Cliris- 
 tian. Comparatively speaking, there is now nothing in the 
 •way, and the present st.ite and respectable standing of the 
 society called Quakers, who disclaim all war, is a proof that 
 Christians might assume that character with safety. 
 
 But what did I say ? with saftty ! Gracious and Almighty 
 Redeemer, forgive an expression which seems to imply, that 
 our personal security is first to be consulted, and then thine 
 awful authority? where is safety to be found, but in obedi- 
 ence? To obey, is better than sacrifice, and to hearken, 
 than the fat of rams. 
 
 Sir, how deplorably have Christians forgotten that reiterat- 
 ed declarati(ni of Christ, « He that will save his own life sliall 
 lose it, and he that will lose his life for my sake and the gos- 
 pel's, shall find it.'* It is this false and hollow estimate of 
 safety, which raises an impediment among Christians to the 
 pacific and unresisting character. They say, " If I do not 
 resist, I shall be crushed — if I do not defend myself and pro- 
 perty, wicked men will take all ayvay." They seem to have 
 lost all confidence in that Almighty Protector, who, when his 
 own glory required it, was able to defend the three children in 
 tlie consuming flame of a furnace. But as the doctrine of self- 
 preservation is generally considered as intimately connected 
 with the lex talioniSf and as both are regarded by many as 
 parts of the great law of nature, I shall take notice of it in a 
 subsequent letter. 
 
 I hope, Sir, I have adduced sufficient evidence from the 
 New Testament, that those parts of the Mosaic law, which 
 admitted of resisting injury by the application of force in any 
 form, are repealed by Christ, and that Christians are preremp- 
 torily forbidden to resist eviL 
 
S3 
 
 This being admitted, Sir, the fountain of human blood, 
 which has so incessantly tiowed by the hand of man, is in a. 
 measuj'e staunched. From tiiese constructions it is, as well as 
 from tlie whole tenor, drift, and spirit of the New Tistanunt, 
 tliat the capital and sanguinary penalties of many of tlie Jew- 
 ish laws, and particularly of the six precepts of the Decalogue, 
 above noticed, are justly considered as rescinded and d«)ne 
 away. The Christian regards those laws as of moral and ir- 
 refragable obligation; but that their ancieut penalties arc not 
 to be inflicted by a Christian tribunal. 
 
 Precisely the same reasons which release a Christian tri- 
 bunal from inflicting capital punishment for the violation of 
 six precepts of the Decalogue, release the same tribunal 
 from obligation to punish capitally for murder, or the 
 seventh. For they all stand on the same footing,— divine 
 authority : tbey stand connected on the same level, in the 
 same code of laws; were equally pronounced in thunder, 
 by the voice of God, from Mount Sinai ; and their transgres- 
 sion was equally punishable with death under the Jewish dis- 
 pensation. And I deem it necessary only to add that there 
 is no precept, and no hint in the gospel, wlich makes an ex- 
 ception of oue, with a view to retain its penalty, in distinction 
 from the rest. 
 
 The gospel is a dispensation of mercy : its grand law is 
 love : its great author was the messenger of life and not of 
 deatli : he came not to condemn, but to pardon ; not to des- 
 troy, but to save, and to give bis life a ransom for many. 
 The law dispensation is justly called tie ministration of 
 death : it abounded in bloody sacrifices, and bloody rites, 
 and was, as a system of civil government, sapported and sanc- 
 tioned by bloody penalties. These were altogether abolished 
 in Christ, and the last blood sanctioned by the divine law, 
 flowed in the blood of the atonement. 
 
 That I take not too high ground in this assertion, I think, 
 will appear by the following distribution, or analysis, of the 
 foregoing observations. 
 
 1st, — It is granted on all hands, that the sacrifices and 
 bloody rites of the ceremonial law were abolisled. 
 
 2d, — The gospel no where recognizes and incorporates, 
 as'its own, one of the penalties of the Jewisli civil or crimi- 
 nal code : because the gospel makes no provision for the or- 
 ganization and constitution of a form of civil government: 
 whence the gospel recognizes no transgression in any other 
 light than as a sin against God. 
 
 Sdy—Our tribunals, which claim the right of punishing with 
 
(leatli, do iioL ])rctcn(] that tlic authority of the Decalogue, 
 siuiply consi(!c'ic(!, is sufiicieiit to warrant capital punishment. 
 For in lact the Decalogue prescribes no punishment ; it only 
 commands. 
 
 4th, — The penalties annexed to several precepts of the 
 Decaioj^ue, are found in otljcr j)arts of the law ; but our tri- 
 bunals do not infer their right to put to death from the fact, 
 that God expresslj commanded tiie Hebrews to punish, with 
 dcatli, the transgression of seven i)recepts of the Decalogue, 
 for tiiey dispense with six of those penalties. 
 
 .■?th, — Therefore^ most certainly, our tribunals do not 
 punish murder with death, because God commanded Moses 
 to do so ; for God commanded Moses also to put to death for 
 idolatry, blasphemy, breach of sabbatlj, adultery, ike. Nor, 
 
 6tli, — Do our laws punish with death, because a warrant 
 can be found for it in the gospel ; for no sucii warrant can be 
 found : on the contrary, the precepts of the gospel are incom- 
 patible with taking the life of any man. 
 
 7th, — In a word, the power to take life, argued from the 
 law of Moses, was a power interwoven with a frame of govern- 
 ment and system of civil and religious policy, instituted by 
 God, and given to a particular nation for a time, but has long 
 since passed away. The moral principles and precepts of 
 that ancient code are fully recognized by the gospel, and the 
 violation of them as sins against God, but in no manner as 
 civil crimes. 
 
 The gospel. Sir, makes no pntvision for the organization and 
 constitution of civil government ; nor does it make any more 
 allusion to this subject than to any other human art, science, 
 or enterprise. Nor was it at all necessary it should, since the 
 Supreme Christimi Ruler came not upon earth to interfere with 
 earthly kingdoms, but to set up a moral and spiritual king- 
 dom, whose laws, sanctions, rewards, and punisliments, were 
 to correspond with the nature of that kingdom. 
 
 Though the gospel makes no direct provision for organiz- 
 ing civil governments, yet it throws a glorious and refulgent 
 light upon the councils and deliberations of those who may 
 assemble for the purpose of framing civil states and common- 
 wealths. With divine and benignant smile, it cherishes every 
 human enterprise evidently tending to promote man's felicity. 
 It fully recognizes the natural freedom and equality of all men, 
 and leaves them to adopt such civil and municipal regulations 
 as may conduce to social happiness. 
 
 And, Sir, if our legislatures and tribunals would turn their 
 eyes towards the laws of Christ, and regard his gospel as the 
 
25 
 
 fountain of li,e:Iit ard wisdom, I tliink they would leave the 
 work of shc(](iiii.e I id an blood to the murdeier, and thcassas- 
 sin, who delight in blood. 
 
 I am, Sir, yours, &c. 
 
 LEI lER V. 
 
 Retaliation, and the v.otires to it, unjiistijidble. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 If it shall appear, upon due examination, that taking 
 away life has no other foundation than the penalties of the 
 Jewish law ; some of which are repealed in express terms, 
 and all of which except one,* by the abolition of the civil 
 state upon which, they were imposed, are rendered imobli- 
 gatory, as the practice of our tribunals concedes ; it must be 
 granted that the doctrine of capital punishment cannot be sup- 
 ported from the law of Moses. 
 
 In reply to this it will be said, that the punishing of murder 
 by death, rests on a more ancient law than that of Moses, but 
 equally divine. The declaration of God to JNoah, Gen. ix. 6, 
 Whoso sheddeth man^s bloody by man shall his blood be shed, 
 is supposed to be a sufficient reason for distinguishing one 
 precept of the Decalogue by retaining its penalty, while that 
 of the other precepts is acknowledged to be cancelled in the 
 change of dispensations. 
 
 I am sorry. Sir, to be compelled to say, that such is the 
 eagerness of men to shed blood, and their consequent avidity 
 to call up and improve to the most effectual purpose every 
 ray of evidence which seems to favour the practice, that they 
 are scarcely willing to liear with patience and weigh with 
 candour, the immense body of evidence which goes to abolish 
 this sanguinary practice. 
 
 The declaration of God to Noah, above cited, is generally 
 considered not only as a full warrant for putting a murderer 
 to death, but of the force of a divine law from which there 
 can be no release. Whatever might have been the intention 
 of this declaiation, one would suppose that a believer in the 
 New Testament could not fail to perceive, that it followed the 
 course and shared the fate of the other precepts of the Jew- 
 
 • I here refer to the Decalogue. 
 
 D 
 
^6 
 
 ish dispensation, whose penalties incurred death. Some sup- 
 pose this dtcIaratioTi, *» He that sheddeth man's blood, by 
 man shall his blood be shed," is to be reeeived rather in the 
 ligbt of a prediction than a la\v : ratJier as a .general indica- 
 tion of tlie views and consequent co?iduct of society, relative to 
 murder, than as imposing a divine obligation to put a murderer 
 to death. 
 
 If this precept be attentively considered, it will, I am per- 
 suaded, Sir, in your own estimation, want several characteris- 
 tics indispensable to a criminal law. Here was no legal tribu- 
 nal ; no part of the modus operandi laid down ; nothing definite: 
 and, to say the most, it must have remained among the leges 
 twn scriptce^ probably till the time of Moses. Grotius, Lib, 
 De jure Pads et Belli, 1st, 2nd, is of the opinion, that this 
 declaration of God to Noah, was simjdy a recognition of the 
 lex talionis, to which express allusion is made so early as the 
 history of Cain. When Cain was pleading with God for a 
 mitie^ation of his punisltment, he says, Gen. iv. 14, »3nd every 
 one that fndeth me shall slay me : i. e. because he had killed 
 his l)rother Abel. 
 
 Oi the declaration of God to Noah, " Therefore,** says 
 Gr<»lius, *^JS'afurale jus talionis, hie indicatur ;** i. e. the 
 natural right of retaliation is here indicated. As it is the 
 first rule of philosophising, that we are to look for no more 
 causes of a thing than are sufficient to account for its pheno- 
 mense ; and as the law or principle of retaliation of injuries 
 was known among men long before the flood ; and as this de- 
 claration to Noah, does in fact involve no other principle than 
 simply that of retaliation in kind : as eye for eye, tooth for 
 tooth, limb for limb, and blood for blood; the exposition of this 
 passage, given hy Grotius, seems to be correct. 
 
 The retaliation of injuries in kind, was certainly a promi- 
 nent trait in the law of Moses, and was expressly recognized 
 by Divine Authority. Will it then be thought wonderful ; 
 and what triumph does it afford the argument for shedding 
 blood, when it is discovered, that it was admitted as early as 
 the time of Noah ? From ages of darkness we are surely not 
 to look back into ages of still more palpable gloom for greater 
 light. When the practice of taking life for life, or of killing 
 one man because he had killed another, commenced, we can- 
 not certainly tell : but probably not much later than when a 
 good man was murdered for his supereminent virtue. In 
 whatever state of society a good man was liable to be killed 
 for nothing but his goodness, it cannot be presumed that the 
 bloody passion for revenge would long slumber. Therefore 
 
27 
 
 Cain, it seems, was tormented by fear for hia own life, as well 
 as by a conscioiisn* ss of his guilt: he feared, to use his own 
 words, "lest every one who iound him should slay hinj." 
 
 I would ask those who are so zealous in tracing up the 
 practice of taking life for life, to God's immediate order or 
 inspiration, and of course to a divine institution, which dis- 
 covery IS most suitable to the genius of man ; whether the 
 art of killing a good man merely for his goodness sake, or 
 that of killing a man by way of revenge, because he had 
 killed some innocent person? I think, in the latter case, we 
 need be at no great pains to discover any supernatural inspi- 
 ration ; unless we were inclined to ascribe it to the inspira- 
 tion of hiin "who was a murderer from the beginning;" and 
 who by way of eminence is called the destroyer^ or Apollyon. 
 
 Though the retaliation of injuries, extending even to the 
 ultimate act of life for life, must have been prevalent in the 
 antediluvian world ; it is not very probable that there were 
 any regular, or what we should term legal tribunals. It might 
 have been, and probably was, in those rude times, as it now 
 is among some tribes of savages, where the murderer must be 
 slain by the nearest kinsman of the murdered man : and this 
 opinion seems confirmed by the fears expressed by Cain. Or 
 perhaps, resting on a still looser principle, it was considered 
 that any person, the very next he should meet, had a right to 
 kill the murderer. 
 
 Let us. Sir, if you please, look more attentively at the 
 boasted right of retaliation, which Grotius, in the above pas- 
 sage, has styled, jus naturale talionis, i. e. the natural right 
 of retaliation. Let us endeavour to see what are its true linea-> 
 ments, and what its aspect and influence on Society. It is 
 generally considered as inseparably connected with, and Jus- 
 tified by, the law of self-preservation : and is contended for 
 as taught by nature, and approbated by God. Cicero, than 
 whom no writer speaks of it with more eloquence and force, 
 says. Oral. pro. JfiL p. S16. " Hoc et ratio doctis, et neces- 
 sitas barbaris, et mos gentibus, et feris naturse ipsa prsescrip- 
 sit, ut omnem semper vim, quacunque ope possent, a corpore, 
 a capite, a vita sua propulsarent." "Reason has taught this 
 to the learned, necessity to the barbarian, custom to all na- 
 tions, and nature itself to the wild beasts, that they should 
 always repel all violence, by all means in their power, from 
 their body, their head, and their life.'* 
 
 If to offer violence to an innocent person without provoca- 
 tion, may be considered as a dictate of a nature fallen and de- 
 praved, we surely need ascend no higher to look for motives 
 
28 
 
 Cor repelling injury and taking revenge. And we shall at once 
 prvf ( ive, tliat a worM filled with violence and outrage, must 
 also inevitably abound with retaliation and vengeance : that 
 aggression and retaliation in a race of creatures naturally 
 unjust, cruel, and passionate, must go hand in hand. 
 
 Sir, it will not be cont<^n 'smI that retaliation is a crime of 
 equal atrocity with that of original agression. Wanton malice 
 and mischief unprovoked, incur greater guilt than the desire 
 of vengeance carried into act. Yet the motive which leads to 
 retaliation is in itself not founded in the best reason ; the dis- 
 position with which it is cfTccted, is generally if not always 
 wrong; and its gi^neral consequences are always bad. And 
 for these reasons it is, I presume, Sir, repealed by our Savicmr, 
 as a rule of action. For, 
 
 1. The motives to retaliation are not founded in good rea- 
 son. They are threefold. Firsts self-defence ; secondly f to 
 prevent a repetition of the injury ; aiid, thirdly^ to punish or 
 chastise the aggressor. 
 
 A state of rebellion against God, and ignorance of, or hos- 
 tility to his almighty and universal providence, is the sole 
 reason why men have cast oiF all reliance on him, and have 
 with so much parade and vain confidence assumed their own 
 preservation as their own care, and to be secured by their 
 own wisdom and bravery. But it will be said in reply to 
 this, that we are not to expect God will work miracles for our 
 defence. Whoever believes the wisdom, and goodness, and 
 power of God to be infinite ; and at the same time remembers 
 that he has said, that all things work together for good to them 
 that love him, v/ill feel no other concern about his own safety, 
 provided he love God, than to yield unlimited obedience to 
 his authority. Such a man will know that the Almighty 
 Ruler can defepd him without a miracle, or if need be by a 
 ^liracle, 
 
 It is. Sir, this vain and haughty principle of self-defence, 
 which has filled the world with blood and slaughter. It in- 
 duces preparation-, carries hostility on its front, provokes 
 aggression, and after all, generally fails to accomplish its 
 object ; for it affords no safety. Individuals or nations, the 
 quickest to resent and the most resolute to retaliate injuries, 
 never fail to receive the most injuries, Could 1 dwell on 
 this point, I mijyht show from actual details, that the genuine 
 operation and tendency of the lex talioniSf so much contended 
 for by kings and priests, and statesmen, and heroes, is to 
 destroy men : it is the gulph of destruction. Whereas, the 
 ipeek and humble, the pacific and magnanimous principle of 
 
S9 
 
 forgiveness and non-resistance, in its own natiife tends direct" 
 ly to personal security, and reposes under the shadow ol Al- 
 mi.^hty protection and divine approbation. 
 
 The coninmn objection to this idea is, that were it known 
 that a lan would not resist nor retaliate an injury, he would 
 imme.liately fall a prey to violence and injustice. It is true 
 he uiirht sometimes suffer from that quarter, but there would 
 be Ml adequate alleviation of such sufferings. " When ye suf- 
 fer tor righteousness sake, happy are ye, for the spirit of glory 
 and of God resteth on you.'* But it should be remembered, 
 that the spirit which would prompt a man never to resist nor 
 retaliate, would surely never lead him to be ti»e original ag- 
 gressor. Those whom kindness or humility could gain, would 
 always be his friends; and those whom his Christian temper 
 ini,a:ht induce to invade him, God would judge in his own time 
 and way. 
 
 Those, Sir, who are so noisy about self-defence, seem ut- 
 terly to forget, or never to have known, that the best, and in- 
 deed the only effectual and rational plan of self-defence a man 
 can form, is to please God. His omnipotent and infinitely bene- 
 volent Providence is always present with a man or a nation : 
 it never slumbers ; it is never weary. 
 
 " He sees with equal eye, as God of all, 
 The hero perish or the sparrow fall." 
 
 And when the Almighty God beholds mankind proudly slight- 
 ing his protection ; arming for their own defence ; summoning 
 np all their impotent courage for war and devastation, he 
 mocks at their wrath, derides their prowess, and often says, 
 <* Let them perish in their own devices." Yet earnestly, in 
 his holy word, he expostulates with them : *< O that they had 
 hearkened to my commandments, then had their peace been 
 as a river, and their righteousness as the waves of the sea." 
 
 On this ground the case of the midnight robber and assas- 
 sin is often brought forward ; and it is urged with seeming tri- 
 umph : « What ! if I awake at midnight, and find a man in 
 my house murdering my children and robbing my house, 
 shall I not defend with whatever weapon I can ?'* This 
 case is specious, and it carries away the mind with the ter- 
 rors of its appearance. But, Sir, let the conduct of the primi- 
 tive Christians answer this question. Did that principle of self- 
 preservation, which Tully styles reason in the learned, neces- 
 sity in the barbarian, custom among nations, and nature itself 
 in the wild beasts, prompt them to repel violence when and 
 
30 
 
 where they could, and hy whatever weapon ? Surely not. 
 They used no other method to repel and overcome evil than 
 that of doing good. 
 
 It is said, we are not to expect miracles to defend us. A 
 miracle, Sir, is but a departure from that usu»l course of Pro- 
 vidence, whose most common operations would fill us no less 
 with astonishment and gratitude, were it not for our extreme 
 stupidity. I ask the man who pleads so vehemently for the 
 privilege of repelling violence by force, contrary to the in- 
 junction of the Redeemer of the world, wAo preserves him eve- 
 ry moment from death ? Who causes the planets to revolve, the 
 sun to shine, the earth to vegetate? who causes the pulsations of 
 life through his body, and repairs tlie incessant waste of ar- 
 terial energy ? who keeps in repair the incomparably deli- 
 cate and diversified Hpj)aratus, requisite to tlie functions of 
 animal bodies ? who impels with such celerity and force the 
 purple current from th" ciiade' of life; through the arteries 
 branching into millions of tenuous tubes, till the microscope 
 can no longer trace them ; revolving in countless meanders, 
 till they exactly meet the con-esponding extremities of the 
 veins; thence returning the torrent of life through widening 
 and converging channels? what centinel stands at the criti- 
 cal post where the secretory glands are placed to draw from 
 the passing current of the blood their appropriate selection 
 of fluids, so essential to life ? In fine, who gives power to that 
 amazing alembic, to transform our daily food into all the 
 solids and fluids of the body; skill to separate, activity to 
 convey them to tlieii- several stations ? All this, to a careful 
 observer, looks almost like a standing miracle. It is the hand 
 of God. 
 
 Sir, the destiny of man is eternal : and every circum- 
 stance of the preservation and close of his life, lies in a train 
 of events directed by infinite wisdom. God preserves him : 
 nor is there a moment of his life in which the presence of 
 Almighty power and goodness are not as truly evinced for his 
 preservation, as they would be in defending him from the 
 rage of a midnight robber and assassin, who had broken into 
 his chamber while he slept. This boasted case, so often urged 
 in vindication of self-defence, brings no aid to that doctrine. 
 Is it to be presumed that Christ would be deterred from for- 
 bidding his followers to resort to violence in their defence, for 
 fear of what junctures they might fall into, when every man 
 on earth every moment, needs his preserving power no less 
 than the man at the moment he is attacked by a robber ? 
 
 Besides, thase who bring up this case do not seem, to con- 
 
31 
 
 sider, that Divine protection can be exerted as well by pre^ 
 venting an attack, as bj^ repelling violence when offered. 'I'be 
 Ahnighty showed how he can protect in the case of the three 
 children thrown into a furnace of fire ; and in the case of the 
 martyrs he has also shown us that he does not always see fit 
 to defend. 
 
 On the whole, the preservation of human life, and a man's 
 security from violence and evil, are matters so immediately 
 connected with Divine power and goodness, that the vehe- 
 ment pretensions of mankind to the right of selt-defonce, are 
 as arrogant and insolent in the sight of God, as they are ab- 
 solutely vain and fruitless; and of course, they are suffered 
 by Divine Providence, to be the cause of the sudden destruc- 
 tion of millions of men. They impiously arrogate, and God 
 in his displeasure gives up to them their preservation. Let us 
 suppose that a man in a single combat, or in battle, fights 
 bravely, but falls. What benefit has he gained? Men praise 
 his valour, but God condemns his pride, passion, and folly; 
 and if there be no better parts to his character than those evin- 
 ced in his last moments, he perishes for ever. 
 
 A man rushes into battle, and lays about him with great 
 rage and violence, performs prodigies of valour, perhaps kills 
 a score of men, and escapes unhurt. He retires from battle 
 full of self-complacency ; extols his success; thinks with high 
 gratulation and self-applause on the safety which his own arm 
 afforded him. But all-seeing Providence knows how little 
 thanks he owes to himself for his preservati<m ; nay, that the 
 security he enjoyed from the dangers of battle, was but a tri- 
 fling part of the whole of the protection and aid afforded him 
 at that very moment, by that God in whose hand his breath 
 is. A host of enemies, far more formidable than the opposing 
 army, hovers round him, to destroy his life and make war on 
 his soul ; the claim of Divine Justice and eternal wrath hang 
 over him ; — the thunders of God's displeasure murmur round 
 his head, and threaten him with endless perdition. Nothing 
 but a Providence directed by the omnipotent mercy of God, 
 saves him for a moment. And yet, thoughtless creature, he 
 goes away praising the strength of his own arm, as that which 
 brought him salvation. 
 
 I have, Sir, dwelt long on this point, as it is one of essen- 
 tial importance to our inquiry : and I shall close by observ- 
 ing, that, aside from the prohibition of our Saviour, the 
 general principles of resistance and retaliation, regarded in 
 their operation on the human race, have destroyed thousands 
 where they have preserved one human life. 
 
3^ 
 
 It now remains that we notice tlie other two motives of re- 
 taliation as above stated ; viz. to prevent the repetition of 
 injuries, and to chastise or punish tlie aggressor. 
 
 I am. Sir, yours, with great respect, &c. 
 
 LETTER VI. 
 
 Motives for retaliating injury considered. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 It is contended that a prompt and vigorous resistance 
 and retaliation, throw round a man or a nation a kind of wall 
 of security, by preventing the repetition of injury. This 
 ground at first view seems plausible, but in fact, nothing was 
 evermore false and hollow: and the operation of the lex ta- 
 lionis, ever since the flood, has been to fill the world with 
 quarrels, war, and bloodshed. If we are careful to associate 
 with non-resistance, a meek, inoffensive and benevolent cha- 
 racter; — if we suppose the man who does not retaliate inju- 
 ries, careful never to give offence, nor be the first aggressor, 
 we shall find him, coeteris paribus^ less liable to receive reite- 
 rated iiijuries than a resenttul, revengeful man. 
 
 If promptness and ability to retaliate afford so potent a de- 
 fence for individuals and nations; and if one aggression vigo- 
 rously retaliated forms so strong a barrier to all future assaults, 
 how has it happened that almost all nations have been almost 
 continually at war? The truth is, stout resistance and severe 
 retaliation, only whet the appetite for revenge ; for which an 
 opportunity never fails to be diligently sought and strenuously 
 improved. 
 
 What, I ask, has been the potent influence of this wonder- 
 ful law of nature, this boasted principle of retaliation, to keep 
 peace between France and England ? How did it operate upon 
 Rome and Carthage? How did it soothe and calm the feuds 
 and turmoils of the states of Greece ? 
 
 Sir, the quiet and unresisting principles of the primitive 
 Christians in the very worvSt of times, and under the most ap- 
 palling circumstances, show us that the thing is practicable 
 in any state of society ; and the universal prevalence of re- 
 ligious toleration at this time, leaves the Christian no plea for 
 adhering to the bloody and revengeful maxims of the world 
 
33 
 
 but liis own pride and ambition ; while reason itself, and a cor- 
 rect knowledge of tlie springs of human action show us, that 
 meekness and forgiveness, carried to the full extent of the laws 
 of Christ, would give every Chiistian a more quiet and com- 
 fortable course of life, than all the powers of resistance and 
 retaliation which men or devils can bring to his aid, can pro- 
 cure him. 
 
 If, Sir, an individual or a nation be unjust and wicked 
 enough, to make an attack, u hosi. ; ro^oc wion, and chanct* to 
 be repelled, does that settle the controversy for ever? Alas! 
 it kindles a resentment which will be smothered no longer 
 than a convenient opportunity presents for kindling a new 
 flame. Hence nations, and individuals, who predicate their 
 safety on resistance and war, must hold themselves in conti- 
 nual readiness for the bloody conflict; and hence the painful 
 and melancholy fact, that probably one half of the whole mass 
 of human exertions is directed to the art of killing and injur- 
 ing men. 
 
 The conduct of our race, in these respects, must certainly 
 be matter of admiration and astonishment to all worlds, and 
 must excite the indignation and contempt of the very devils. 
 For, says Milton, 
 
 " Devil with devil damned, firm concord hold, 
 "Men only disagree of creatures rational." 
 
 In a subsequent letter I shall consider the probable influ« 
 ence of the Christian principle of non-resistance, on the state 
 of individuals and nations: but at present shall only observe, 
 that whatever that influence might be, under the present pre- 
 valence of moral light and religious toleration, we know what 
 influence it once had, when the Supreme Ruler of the Church 
 and of the world sent forth his disciples as lambs among 
 wolves, and commanded them to be wise as serpents and 
 harmless as doves. Meek and unresisting as they were, their 
 doctrine spread in opposition to the pride, ambition, batredj* 
 and power of nations, and bore down all before it. In vain 
 did Jewish malice, the Roman sv^ord, or the Gr<-cian philo- 
 sophy, oppose their barriers ; it was the work of (jod, and 
 though Christians suffered much, they counted it their glory- 
 to suffer shame for the name of Christ. They did not pre- 
 sume to say, « If I act agreeably to my principles, [ shall 
 suffer one attack after another : nay, I sliall lose all that I 
 possess." They took joyfully the spoiling of their goods, 
 knowing that they had in heaven a better inheritance. 
 
 The remaining motive to retaliate injuries, and whi<ih cer- 
 
 E 
 
84 
 
 tainly is not the least efficient is, te chastise or punish the 
 offender. Tlie doctrine, as it is stated in the law ot Moses, 
 fully intimates this. *♦ Eye for eye, tooth for tooth, and life 
 for life : he that sheddeth man's blood, by man his blood shall 
 be shed." 
 
 This motive to retaliate injuries, in rude and early ages, 
 while men had little notion of the moral government of God, 
 and still less of a future state of rewards and punishments, 
 seemed to have more consistency, than it can have with 
 Christians. Every Christian knows that the world to come is 
 a state of full and endless retribution, in which the wicked 
 ^vill receive the reward of their iniquities. How then can a 
 Christian desire for a moment to wield the rod of divine Jus- 
 tice, which he knows is held by a hand from which it cannot 
 fall — a hand which has both power and right to wield it? 
 Therefore tlie command of Christ to the Christian is, " Be- 
 loved, avenge not yourselves, but rather give place unto wrath, 
 for it is written. Vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith the 
 Lord." 
 
 But, Sir, revenge is sweet to our fallen and wretched na- 
 tures. Nor did the ancients or the moderns, in their vehe- 
 mence to resist and retaliate, regard any thing so much as 
 that truly diabolical feeling, *♦ Fou have hurt me, and I will 
 hurt you as muchf cost what it will /" Whence it happens, 
 in many instances, retaliation is pursued, though at a hundred 
 times the cost of tlie original injury. But why should a man 
 wish to retaliate with any view to chastisement, unless it be 
 to gratify bis own revengeful feelings, since he may be assured 
 it will increase the rage of his adversary, will expose liimself 
 to subsequent attacks, and will do nothing towards reforming 
 his enemy ? 
 
 As far as retaliation relates to chastisement simply, the 
 motive to it can be resolved into but two principles : one is to 
 give pain or damage, because the offender deserves to suffer 
 it; the other is, because, having given us pain or damage, 
 we are gratified in seeing him suffer as much : which latter 
 enters trul)' into the spirit of rendering evil for evil ; and as 
 it is expressly forbidden, and is contrary to the temper and 
 spirit of the Christian as every where described, I shall take 
 no time to consider it. As to the former, which regards the 
 desert of the offender, I do not hesitate to say, that no Chris- 
 tian, and in fact no man living, whether Christian or not, had 
 he a full view of the weight of divine displeasure which will 
 soon fall on the impenitent sinner, could wish to punish him : 
 his hand lifted to revenge, with whatever rage and resolution 
 
3d 
 
 to strike, would fall powerless by his side, at the awful pros- 
 pect. 
 
 The doctrine of retaliation, even as stated in the law of 
 Moses, seems to have no reference to reclaiming, but is alto- 
 gether retributive or vindictive. « w3/i eye for an eye, and a 
 tooth for a tooth," looks like a summary mode of taking ven- 
 geance, and so in fact it was. But especially where the crime 
 was capital, and it was life for life, it had no regard to refor- 
 mation, but precluded all possibility of it. 
 
 1 have hitherto made little distinction between the cases of 
 resistance and revenge, whether private and inofficial, or by 
 public authority and the forms of law. Indeed, in the origin 
 of the lex talioniSf there was little or none : for to revenge 
 injuries was doubtless known among men before there were 
 nations to make laws or to fight each other ; and as to retaliate 
 an injury is certainly a less crime than the first aggression, 
 so I make no difficulty in allowing, that a sudden, private, 
 ar^d irregular retaliation is a greater evil than when it is re- 
 stricted by the forms of a civil court ; yet in whatever way a 
 man's life is taken for killing a man, it classifies strictly witli 
 those precepts so often quoted, viz. an eye for an eye, and a 
 tooth for a tooth ; for it is rendering like for like : and our 
 Saviour as strictly forbids retaliating by law as by sudden 
 violence, and for one injury as another. 
 
 I have, Sir, I trust, shown that to retaliate injuries is not the 
 best way to treat them. For as far as resistance and defence 
 are concerned, it never can in one instance promise certain 
 security to life or property, but on the contrary, has been the 
 direct cause of the destruction of millions of lives and a world 
 of property. And were it to be tried on this very principle, 
 viz. the good or hurt it has done, it would be condemned 
 and banivshed from rational society as the worst of all prin- 
 ciples. Moreover, were it to be tried on the second ground, 
 viz. of its tendency to prevent the reiteration of injury, it 
 would certainly fare as ill; for the principle of retaliation 
 direclj^ tends from all the known principles of the human 
 charaOT^r, to interminable wrath, contention, hatred, and 
 war. And as to the third motive, viz. punishing offenders ; let 
 the man whose debt to justice for his own sins is not infinite, 
 talk of punishing. liCt a man pray from his heart as our 
 Lord directed, «* Forgive our trespasses, as we forgive them that 
 trespass against its," and he will think little of being the divine 
 executioner ; unless he intends to pray that God would punish 
 him. Or indeed, let him look forward to the punishment God 
 has for the wicked, and all his wrath will change to terror, if 
 
36 
 
 110^ cveii into pity ; and he will say as David said of his cnc 
 iai>, ** Let him alone, his time shall come to die, or he shall 
 descend into battle and perish." 
 
 Sadoe, the celebrated founder of the sect of the Sadducees, 
 denied the future state of the soul, and therefore insisted on 
 severe retaliation and punishment of all crimes in this life 
 The sentiment better became a Sadducee than a Christian j 
 and the practice certainly better becomes heathen and savage 
 nations among wliom it originated, than the benevolent, 
 humble, and peaceful followers of the Prince of peace, to whom 
 it is forbidden. 
 
 I am. Sir, yours, &c. 
 
 LETTER VII. 
 
 The desire of retaliation wrong, the consequences had. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 The dispositions with which resistance and retaliation art 
 carried into effect, are generally, if not always, wrong. To say 
 the least, it must be directly contrary to that which wouiu 
 induce a man, when he is smitten on one check, meekly and 
 magnanimously to turn the other. These commands of our 
 Saviour, Sir, instead of being supposed obligatory on Chris- 
 tiitns, are geneially called up to aid tlie humour and sarcasm 
 of the professing infidel. I have seldom heard them quoted 
 unless associated with some circumstance fitted to ihrow them 
 into utter contempt. 
 
 How to perform with a right disposition an act which is un- 
 natural, absurd, monstrous, and perhaps shocking even to 
 Dt vils in its own nature, would require the talents of an able 
 casuist. It must be a baseness and depravation of character, 
 which alone can lay the foundatjcm for unprovoked aggression ; 
 a cliaraeter bearing some affinity to that of Cain, which could 
 induce a man to desire to fall upon his fellow man, and de- 
 stroy liim. under any circumstances whatever. Naturalists 
 have observed that wild beasts, which have no reason nor 
 sensf" of duty, aro generally armed with weapons of defence 
 and annoyance. But man is naturally unarmed: the noblc- 
 n' ss, beauty, delicacy, and tenderness of his form, fitted for 
 the conversation even of Angels, and bearing the image of 
 God, indicates the offices of benevolence, goodness, generosity, 
 and kin'Iness. 
 
 God made him lovely and beloved ; sin has rendered him 
 hateful, revengeful, cruel, and violent. As original and im- 
 
37 
 
 provoked attacks have certainly sprung from depravity of 
 h. iui, so retaliation and revenge have unquestionably risen 
 tVom the same polluted source. We may talk of inalienable 
 rights, and of sclC-preservalion — may plead the law of nature 
 in defence of retaliation ; and if the charm of eloquence the 
 most fascinating, and of diction the most magnificent, might 
 be suffered to sway and warp the opinions of the Christiaii, 
 the prince of orators might carry all before him. In speaking 
 of this law of nature^ he says, «< Est enim hsec, judices, 
 non scripta, sed nata lex : quam non didicimus, accipimus^ 
 legimus, verum ex natura ipsa arripuimus, hausimus, expres- 
 simus : ad quam non docti, sed facti ^ non instituti, sed imbuti 
 sum us." 
 
 This, O Tully, is indeed nature's law | but it is the law 
 of such a nature as man possesses, before he is created anew 
 in Christ Jesus ! The letaliator's disposition is wrong, as it 
 simply relates to defence and self-preservation. Let us not 
 think so meanly of the divine Governor, as to imagine he has 
 by a general law, made the safety and happiness of his faithful 
 subjects to depend at all on any violence they must offer to any 
 creature in his kingdom. His omnipotence does not need 
 their aid in this busijiess. He will defend them, and his 
 power and presence renders their efforts as useless as they 
 are arrogant and presumptuous. But as rebels against him, 
 they have lost all confidence in his protection ; nay, they 
 despise and reject it, and prefer to defend themselves ; and 
 their pride and malice derive no small gratification fiom this 
 hazardous work, which often proves their immediate de= 
 struction. 
 
 Still more culpable is a disposition to retaliate and avenge 
 an injury, as it relates to punishing the offender. What right 
 have we to desire to punish ? Whoever injures us, sins against 
 God, and the gospel of Christ, as I have already observed, 
 recognizes sins in no other light. Do we fear that God will 
 be too slow or too lenient ? Do we wish to seize the rod of 
 Justice, because we fear God will not punish soon enough to 
 answer our ends, or severely enough to gratify our revenge ? 
 Yes, that is the fact. Though God has said, « Vengeance is 
 mine, I will repay,*^ that does not answer our ends at all, 
 since we desire to have a hand in the business. 
 
 In fine, Sir, notwithstanding all that is. or can be said about 
 self-preservation, and justice to others, I have no doubt, that 
 the jus naturale talionis, the whole and entire doctrine and 
 prjictice of the retaliation of injuries, is founded on human 
 }>ride, passion and cruelty. It is indeed very congenial to 
 
38 
 
 the fallen and depraved character of men, but is viewed with 
 abhorrence by all holy beings. 
 
 If the motives to retaliate injuries are not wise, if the dis- 
 position with which that work is done, is contrary to the sj)irit 
 of the Gospel and dishonourable to God, the consequences of it, 
 whether immediate or remote, particular or general, I think I 
 may say, are always bad. 
 
 A man strikes me : I strike him in return, and then prose- 
 cute and make him pay a hundred dollars. There is retalia- 
 tion, and what are its consequences ? Let us examine tlicm 
 independently of any supposed prohibition, and compare them 
 with the Gospel method of treating an injury. 
 
 According to the doctrine of the lextalionis, I may and must 
 both strike and prosecute. I must strike to prevent further 
 injury, as well as to chastise, i. e. to let my adversary know 
 how good it feels. " Silent enim leges inter arma.'^ 1 break 
 no law by striking, but rather obey the law of nature ; ♦« noii 
 scripta, sed nata." The particular consequences of an action 
 relate to the actor and othor individuals ; the general conse- 
 quences to society ; the immediate, to the time present or near, 
 the remote to futurity, in its largest sense. 
 
 1. The particular consequences of my retaliation, are the 
 most perturbed and impassioned frame of which two beings 
 are capable ; we have fallen on each other with the rage of 
 two devils, and both of us feel at the moment some of the 
 worst passions of hell. It is very supposable that one or both 
 of us may be materially injured, in life or limb; a case which 
 often occurs. But I will lay no stress on supposition. A pa- 
 roxysm of rage cannot pass on the human mind without a ge- 
 neral deterioration of soul: our noblest powers are prostrated: 
 all our best sensibilities, together with reason itself, are for a 
 moment extinct. The heaviest blame is ,i::ranted to be due to 
 l)iin who fell first on me : bit as I imbibe his spirit and feelings, 
 and act like him, I come in for a share of the shame and guilt. 
 
 When the efTervescence of passion abates, and perhaps 
 some kind hand has pulled us ap;irt, as they pull off two bull- 
 dogs, lest we should kill one another; I begin to cast about 
 for the best means of more deep and deliberate revenge. I 
 know him to have been the first aggressor, a circumstance 
 which at once releases my conscience from all restraint, and 
 I, burning like a comet for vengeance, assail him in the law, 
 Llacken his character what I can, and lay claim to cost and 
 damages. In the mean time we both enter the cent as hostile 
 as possible ; and perhaps in our bruised and livid counte- 
 nances carry a true record of the proceedings of the lex ta- 
 
89 
 
 liohis court below, from which we have appealed. The pro- 
 secution and defence are carried on with vigour and becoming 
 spirit : besmeared by artful counsel and interested witnesses 
 with many coats of false colouring, and perhaps some false 
 swearing. Defamation, slander, falsehood, and perjury, are 
 not unfrequently employed on both sides, but so disguised and 
 shielded by the forms of civil justice, as to defy all power of 
 detection. 
 
 The suit issues as it ought, against the first aggressor, but not 
 without loss of money and time, and much expense of morals to 
 us both. However, I have the satisfaction to beat liim, and he 
 sustains the mortification of being effectually cast in the suit. 
 Having paid off the costs all round, we both return to our busi- 
 ness : I with a deep and invincible hatred and contempt for him; 
 and he with not only abhorrence of me, but a fixed determina- 
 tion to be revenged when ever opportunity shall present. 
 Thus we carry enmity to the grave, and a great chance tliere 
 is, if on some subsequent occasion, the quarrel be not renewed 
 with tenfold violence. 
 
 Thus we see the particular consequences of retaliation ex- 
 tending in remotum. But, 
 
 2. There are general consequences also to be regarded, 
 which are both immediate and remote. My retaliation, as a 
 comment on the doctrine, becomes a precedent. The plaintiff 
 and defendant has each his partizans, and they are often nu- 
 merous : the affair presently assumes the aspect of a little 
 civil war. Great animosity, recrimination, and hostility are 
 \isible. These disturbances, in which both parties are brought 
 into court, and there allowed, under certain restrictions, to 
 vent their malice at each other, dignified by the presence and 
 shielded by the arm of justice, are neither more nor less than 
 the nurseries of war. It is indeed but a war of words ; but it 
 presents the strongest incentives to vices of the most atrocious 
 and alarming character. 
 
 You, Sir, from your great experience in courts of law, are 
 sensible that in these terrible collisions of passion, pride, and 
 revenge, the oaths on each side are generally counter to each 
 other ; and resentment is carried to the last extreme. The 
 perpetual recurrence of these scenes gives tone to the public 
 mind ; and it follows that society, considered as one great per- 
 son, one aggregate of character, is strained up in every nerve 
 and fibre to the irritable tension of revenge and animosity. 
 Even children inhale it with their vital breath, and draw it 
 with their mother's milk. " JVon docti, sed imhuti sumus." 
 
 These passions, embodied and directed in a particular way 4, 
 
40 
 
 result invvar on the large scale | and the doctrine of retalia- 
 tion, thus fostered and fed, thus honoured and di; nified througli 
 all ranks of life, becomes the nurse ry, the storehouse, shall I 
 say becomes the univt rsal pander, of war and bloodshed. 
 
 Thus have 1 traced, though by no means in their worst 
 forms, the consequences of resistance and revenge. I omitted 
 to say, that, in almost every instance, sin against God, and 
 ■work for bitter, if not too late repentance, enhances the guilt 
 of both parties ; and that, wlien after the conflict is past, they 
 retire to unharness, there is abundant reason for both to bewail 
 their own folly and infatuation. Revenge, Sir, is sweet to the 
 taste, but it is poison to the soul. 
 
 Sir, the grand and only counterpoise to all these deplorable 
 consequences of retaliation is, that an offender has been pun- 
 ished. But even of this, we may ask Cicero's famous question 
 of Cassius, ^i Cui bono fnerit ;^* though it was asked on a 
 very different occasion. ^^ For whose interest was it?'' It 
 will be replied, 
 
 1. The law is honoured. But I answer, a disposition is 
 cherished which will ensure ten transgressions in place of one. 
 Besides, what honour is due to a law wliich Jesus Christ has 
 repealed ? It will be answered, 
 
 2. An offender is punished. But I answer, is punished by 
 a hand which God has forbidden to meddle with the rod ', and 
 the punisher has yet to answer before God for his interference. 
 It will be said, 
 
 3. If men were not punished for assault and battery, there 
 would be no living in security. But I answer: This is in the 
 face of fact. For the Church of Chiist once tried the expe- 
 riment ; nay, was founded on that principle, and resisted no 
 violence ; and during that very period, that Church overspread 
 the Roman empire. 
 
 Sir, I humbly trust in God, t-hcre is a far better method for 
 treating every species of violence than by resistance and re- 
 taliation. I return to the case whose consequences I have 
 been particularly tracing. 
 
 A man, eitlier by premeditated malice, or sudden passion, 
 falls upon me and strikes me. To use the words of Christ, 
 If he strike me on the right cheek, sooner than return the 
 blow I am to present the other. Every reader of observa- 
 tion knows what this means. The assault must be received 
 with meekness, without passion, without retaliation. Nor is 
 this so sublime a pinnacle of virtue as to be beyond all com- 
 prehension, or human effort. Let me at that nvunent only 
 reflect on what is certainly true, and I shall feel no tendency 
 
41 
 
 to anger or revenge. Let me imagine myself in the prescBce 
 and before the awful throne of God, who is tliat moment ob^ 
 serving my condutt, who has suffered that occurrence as a 
 trial of my viitue : let me consider that powerful and benefi- 
 cent ungels are watching me ; perhaps pitying my pains, and 
 ready to exult in my victory over pride and passion : let me 
 imagine that devils, to whom the Christian' > faith and fortitude 
 arc more hateful than hell itself, are hoping to see me intoxi- 
 cated with rage and resembling themselves, and perhaps urg- 
 ing tije fury and brutality of my assailant : — these views, even 
 without adverting to the prohibitory precept, will check my 
 anger, and rather dispose me to pity and forgiveness. 
 
 The emergency of the moment might preclude the neces- 
 sity or possibility of words : but when the unhappy man, 
 whose tormenting passions have given him far more pain than 
 his blows have inflicted on me, sliall have had time to reflect 
 without passion, let me, as opportunity may offer, convince 
 him that 1 feel no resentment, but heartily forgive him j let 
 me convince him that 1 do not cover, beneath an exterior of 
 smiles and sunshine, a heart full of hatred and revenge — in 
 short, let me by a course of conduct open, liberal, and sin- 
 cere, beneficent, kind, and ingenuous, show him that 1 can over- 
 come evil with good. 
 
 Concerning these two very different modes of treating a 
 violent injury, I ask. Sir, not merely which is most conforma- 
 ble to the laws of Christ, the spirit of the Gospel, and the 
 conduct of the primitive Christians; because that can be no 
 question witli any one who has attentively read the New Tes- 
 tament ; but I ask, which would evince the noblest charac- 
 ter, the most exalted understanding, the purest heart, the 
 greatest and most magnanimous soul. Suppose two men to 
 have pursued these two different kinds of conduct, I ask 
 which of them on a deat!t-bed, and near the verge of eternity, 
 would reflect on his conduct with most pleasure, or with the 
 least pain ? Which of these men would be the brightest or- 
 nament and bl: ssing to society, would do the most good, pre- 
 vent tlie most evil, and be the wisest and ablest counsellor in 
 all public deliberations where the welfare of a state or nation 
 was concerned ? Ah, Sir, which of them would you choose as 
 a companion and associate, were you to begin your life anew ? 
 And i ask once more, should it be your happine^to gain the 
 regions of eternal peace and joy, which of these men. do you 
 think it most probable you should have as your immortal 
 companion there ? 
 
 The concessions ^ our laws relati?e to the numerous and 
 
 F 
 
42 
 
 heavy penalties of the Mosaic code, 1 have, Sir, to save time., 
 adopted as proofs tliat those penalties are rescinded. Concern- 
 ing the practice of taking life for life, or putting to death for 
 murder, I have traced it to what is called God's command to 
 Noah, and I hope I have shown satisfactorily, that it was pre- 
 cisely the jiis nahirale falionis, which was as eai'ly known as 
 crimes themselves : for surely there needs no more inspira- 
 tion, nor no higher, to know how to revenge than how to per- 
 petrate a crime. I have shown that that general law of re- 
 taliation of injuries was fully admitted, and established by God 
 himself as a rule of civil justice, for two reasons : 
 
 1. Because God has a right to inflict justice on an offender, 
 and to punish crimes by whatever hand he pleases ; for when 
 a man falls a prey to his own passions, and vices ; or when 
 even the accursed spirits torment each other, their sufferings 
 are just. And, 
 
 2. God saw lit to establish the lex talioniSf as a mean of 
 punishing the bloody and revengeful passions of men ; for in 
 its general operation both parties suffer, though sometimes in 
 different ways and in unequal degrees; at other times they 
 suffer alike, especially when this law is carried into national 
 wars. 
 
 I have, I trust, shown, that this entire law of retaliation, as 
 being a dictate of a selfish, depraved, and cruel nature, is ex- 
 pressly, and in so many words, repealed by Christ, who com- 
 manded his disciples, not to resist evil with violence, nor repel 
 injury by injury. And I have shown that the apostolic Church 
 acted universally on the principle of non-resistance, and were 
 harmless and i)acific in all their intercourse with men, and 
 that this very principle so nobly and fully displayed, was the 
 mark of distinction by which they were known, and which 
 above all other things enforced the truth of their doctrines. 
 It now remains to consider the operation of Christian princi- 
 ples in relation to the system of war, and the general weal of 
 society. I am. Sir, yours, &c. 
 
 LETTER VIII. 
 
 Impolicy and ill effects of capital punishments. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 The havoc and destruction our race have, in all ages, 
 made of each other, will be to their eternal disgrace and hn- 
 
43 
 
 miliation. I have dwelt, and dwelt long, on those eases of 
 taking away the life of our fellow-creatures, which are gene- 
 rally esteemed of fhe most pressing and imperious necessity. 
 I humbly trust I have shown tliat there is no warrant for that 
 practice, from the word of God. The rendering like for like, 
 hurt for hurt, evil for evil, and blood for blood, a practice 
 perfectly consonant to the most corrupt and malicious heart, 
 and most dear to the vilest and basest of men, was, in the an- 
 cient ages of darkness, admitted, and established, by the Crea- 
 tor, rather as a punishment of human cruelty and atrocity. 
 This God himself declares in the passage of the prophet above 
 cited, *< / gave than statutes which were not good, and judgments 
 by which they should not live.*' These sanguinary laws were 
 adapted to a period of the world, in which men had little know- 
 ledge of God, and still less of futurity. 
 
 But when the Sun of righteousness arose, when life and 
 immortality were fully brought to li«;ht in the Gospel, a new 
 era opened on mankind. Our fault is, that we swell the im- 
 portance of concerns, merely temporal, to an unmeasured 
 size, and diminish those of eternity in the same proportion. 
 The light which the Gospel opens on the mind, claims the 
 right of holding an entire and absolute controul over human 
 affairs. How often do we hear it asserted from the sacred 
 desk, that the salvation of one immortal soul, is an object of far 
 greater importance, than all the temporal concerns of all the 
 kingdoms in the world, during all the ages of time. Nor did 
 I ever hear this assertion condemned as false or extravagant. 
 It is a matter of mathematical certainty, that one soul shall 
 enjoy a greater quantity, if I may so speak, of happiness, or 
 endure a greater portion of misery, tlian the amount of hap- 
 piness or misery yet experienced by the whole human race. 
 Any certain degree of happiness or misery continued, and 
 made absolutely eternal, will at length surpass, in quantity 
 and importance, any given amount of happiness or miscry« 
 To show how this may be ascertained, let it be supposed tliat 
 there have lived already one million of millions of human be- 
 ings ; which is probably ten times more than the real num- 
 ber. Let us suppose that they lived on an average 30 years 
 a piece; which is far too large a calculation. The eonse- 
 quence will be, that one man who shall be happy or misera- 
 ble 30 millions of millions of years, will have enjoyed or suf- 
 fered more than all the human race have yet enjoyed or suf- 
 fered. 
 
 Indeed, Sir, since I am on this speculation, and am sensible 
 that I address a mind that is no stranger to the powers and 
 
44 
 
 correctness of calculation, suffer me to suppose, that the num- 
 ber ot\jears wiiich all Adam's race shall have existed, even at 
 the day of judgment, admitting that to be at the distance of a 
 thousand years, can be computed ; and we can easily per- 
 ceive, that one immoi'tal soul shall overpass that period, and 
 even double it a thousand and a thousand times, and still have 
 an eternity before inm. 
 
 How important, then, is the destiny of one soul ; and how 
 do all concerns which are merely temporal, diminish before 
 it ! Let not these speculations be waved under the charge 
 of metaphysical. They lie in the great lines of truth, and pre- 
 sent before us a glimpse of our prospects. 
 
 Every Christian believes, that when a wicked man dies, 
 he goes into a state of eternal misery. His probation closes ; 
 there is no more hope of his repentance, reformation, pardon, 
 or redemption. Who, then, can wish for the death of a wicked 
 Mian ? Who can rashly lay his hand on that brittle thread of 
 life, which suspends a wretched soul over the dreadful gulph, 
 and bid him drop ? What temporal advantage the poor cri- 
 minal may gain by living, or lose by dying, is nothing. What 
 temporal good a community may gain or lose by the event, 
 are like poising a feather against mountains of lead. While 
 the ulterior intentions of the Almighty God respecting a soul, 
 are unknown to us, while we perceive no hope from its pre- 
 sent state, and that the stroke of death will be his eterjial se- 
 paration from all good; where is our mercy, our compassion, 
 our benevolence, when we bid that soul plunge into endless 
 perdition ? 
 
 But, alas ! Man is the slave of passion, prejudice, and fol- 
 ly. Having begun to tamper with a jewel of such inestima- 
 ble yalue as life, havijig no notion of the value or destinies of 
 the immortal part, he dashes with careless hand a fellow- 
 creature from life, apd plunges him into hell; nay, he wantonly 
 throws away his own life, and rushes into the presence of his 
 eternal Judge, long before, in the course of nature, he would 
 Ibave been called. 
 
 But T return from this digression, into which the ardour of 
 jny feelings has borne me, in pleading that souls, whose pe- 
 j-iod of preparation for eternity is at most but short, may not 
 he hurried from life by those who have po interest in their 
 destruction, and no right to assume the rod of divine ven- 
 geance ; lest they meet them again, never to part, in the re- 
 gions of niisery, where they can no more deal mutual destruc- 
 tion. 
 
 No argumciits, Siic? can be necessary tq prove th«f inutility 
 
49 
 
 of that which God lias expressly forbidden. I might, therefore, 
 content myself with liaving shown, that God has forbidden the 
 retaliatio.a of injuries in all cases, but especially in the case of 
 taking life for life. Indeed, did not the blindness of Chris- 
 tians amount to infatuation, and was it not as wilful as it is 
 total, they would perceive in the command of Christ, to love 
 our enemies, a full and absolute prohibition to take their lives, 
 wiiich is the greatest possible injury we can do them. The 
 ▼ery pretence, that we « love them that hate us," and " do 
 good to them that despitefully use us," while at the same mo- 
 ment, we hang them up by the neck, till they are dead, dead, 
 dead, or meet them in the field of battle, and cuttliem to pieces 
 if we can, and plunder and burn their cities, and do them all 
 the injury the malice of war can invent, is the most barefaced 
 and impudent of all pretences. What if Jesus Christ had 
 loved his enemies after that sort ? — had wished tliem well, in- 
 deed, and professed a very high and refined benevolence, but 
 in the mean time, had called twelve legions of angels to his 
 aid, and sent his ungrateful enemies all to perdition, wishing, 
 as we pretend to, tliat they might repent and go to heaven., 
 from amidst the flaming bolts which he hurled, and by which 
 they perished ? As for us, while we are dashing our enemies to 
 pieces with cannon balls, we pretend to whine and simper 
 about their salvation. It is mockery ! ! 
 
 Many persons, however, seem willing enough to adppt the 
 plan of mercy and yeace: but then the difficulty is, how shall we 
 be able to proceed in a civil State, without sometimes taking 
 life ? They appear, after all, to think civil government can no 
 more proceed, without some human sacrifices, than Agamem- 
 non's fleet could quit the shores of Troy. 
 
 " Sanguine ijserendi reditus, auimaque litandam." 
 
 In the progress of legislation, the distant extremes of seve- 
 rity and mildness, have been, at times, approached by different 
 legislators. Draco, the severest of the Greeks, a celebrated 
 Athenian legislator, flourished about 640 years before Christ. 
 His laws were so sanguinary, that they were said to be writ- 
 ten in blood. He punished every crime with death ; a prac- 
 tice agreeable to the stoic philosophy, which esteemed every 
 crime equally culpable. The Roman laws of the twelve ta- 
 bles, in point of severity, were not far from the Mosaic code. 
 The famous Catharine II. of Russia, abolished capital punish- 
 ment throughout her dominions, during her reign; and, notwith- 
 standing her failings, in some essential points, the mildness 
 
46 
 
 of her administration, and the prosperity of her empire, com- 
 prehending a seventh part of the solid land of the glohe, will 
 never cease to be celebrated in history. 
 
 The English laws are justly censurable, for the number of 
 the oflTences they make capital. They evince a cruelty of 
 character, a prodigality of life, inconsistent with the polite- 
 ness, refinement, integrity, and humanity of that nation. To 
 de])rive a man of life for a paltry theft, borders on the cruel 
 extreme of Draco, and justifies the reproach sometimes cast 
 on English jurisprudence, that in that country, « a man may 
 as well steal the horse as his bridle." 
 
 It has been doubted whether capital punishments tend to 
 diminish tiie number of crimes: and some, of consequence, 
 have endeavoured to show, Irom actual observation and com- 
 parison, that among tliose nations, the most mild in their pun- 
 ishments, there are the fewest cajjital crimes. The smallncss 
 of the number of capital crimes, however, seems rather to 
 depend on the smallness of the lannber of profligate and aban- 
 doned characters in a country. 
 
 These, Sir, are conjectures, but one thing is certain: there 
 is no necessity nf capital ■punishment, on any ground what- 
 ever. The very few ])ersons executed for capital crimes, 
 amounts to no perceptible diminution of the profligate and 
 abandoned. Considered in the light of mere depletion, it is 
 like taking a drop of blood from a feverish body. If those 
 persons, whose crimes are such as to render their liberty dan- 
 gerous to society, were placed in perj)etual confinement, and 
 put into a regular and moderate course of labour, they might 
 still render some benefit to society, and enjoy a season for re- 
 flection and reformation, which would often result in the hap- 
 piest effects. 
 
 The present public peni^<^ntiaiies, with little trouble, might 
 embrace this benevolent object, and afford a time and place for 
 many an unhappy wretch to become an amiable and virtuous 
 man. Even though the event ;>f reformation might not be 
 generally esteemed probable ; vet \>t least, in some instances, 
 it would prove so. The policy, and shall I say humanity, of 
 our own govei-ntnent, has already established various prisons, 
 where men are confined for life : and it is c:reatiy to the hon- 
 our of this nation, that many crimes, once capital in this country, 
 are now punished by confinement. 
 
 Why, Sir, may not this enlightened and benevolent, this hu- 
 mane and merciful policy, be carried a little further? It may 
 be of infinite Importance to some of our fellow-men, who are 
 no more deserving of death, than, perhaps, some of the very court 
 
47 
 
 who sink the criminal to the grave. It will save the public 
 presence from being polluted by the horrid spectacle of legal' 
 ized slaugliter. Jt will save our children from beholding the 
 horrible scene of one man laying his hand deliberately on an- 
 other, and taking away his life : it will save an innocent fa- 
 mily from the agonies and the infamy, of seeing the blood of a 
 father shed by the hand of the executioner. 
 
 The eloquent and amiable Tully, whose sentiments I have 
 quoted on other occasions, uses on this very topic, language 
 worthy of a Christian magistrate. *« Quid enim, ait, optari 
 potest, quod ego mallem, quam me in consulatu meo, carnifi- 
 cem de foro, crucem de campo sustulisse ! Sed ista laus pri- 
 mum est majorem nostrorum, Quiritis, qui expulsis regibus, 
 nullum in libero populo vestigium crudclitatis rcgise retinue- 
 runt." Though I am fully aware, Sir, that you need no inter- 
 preter, yet I cannot forbear the pleasure of echoing tiicse 
 generous sentiments in my own language. "For what," 
 says that noble heathen, *' can be desired, which I would ra- 
 ther accomplish, than that I in my consulate, should have 
 taken away the executioner from the forum ; the cross from 
 the Campus Martius. But that praise is due to our ancesr 
 tors," &c. 
 
 He says, in the same connexion, " I forbid the assembly 
 of the Roman people, to be polluted by the contagion of an 
 executioner." Not only the Hebrews, but many of the an- 
 cient nations, held that the touch of a dead body was pollu- 
 ting. By a peculiar delicacy and force of thought, that pol- 
 lution is here transferred to the sight, and even to the sight of an 
 executioner. The thought, Sir, is horrible, and shocking to 
 the flioral sense which the God of nature has given us, that 
 one man should, under any circumstances whatever, destroy 
 the life of another. Even the shedding of the blood of beasts 
 is revolting, and, if I mistake not, the laws of England, though 
 they make so free with human life, do not allow a butcher to 
 hold the office of a civil judge. Yet it cannot be concealed, 
 that in that highly enlightened and civilized country, as well 
 as in our own, many a human butcher is exalted not only to 
 the bench of justice, but to other offices of more importance. 
 
 I am, Sir, kc. 
 
 LETTER IX. 
 
 The right of taking life not vested in society. 
 Sir, 
 
 I have endeavoured to show that there is nothing like 
 a divine warrant for taking life^ or inflicting capital punish- 
 
ment; that the natural law of retaliation is expi'essly and 
 wholly repealed by the Gospel ; that the light which divine 
 truth has opened on the destinies of the soul, clearly shows 
 that the probation of an immortal being, cannot without guilt, 
 be closed by the voluntary act of any man or body of men. 
 Nor is tlierc any ap[)arent necessity from any known princi- 
 ple of sound policy, considered merely in a civil point of view, 
 for inflicting capital punishment. 
 
 Suffer n»e, Sir, now to observe, nor is the observation new, 
 that as a man has no right, on any account whatever, to des- 
 troy his own life, so he can have no power to delegate that 
 right to others : therefore, governments, founded in the social 
 compact, can claim no right to take life, because no such power 
 was delegated or thrown into the common stock at first. In 
 organizing what may be called a free government, we surren- 
 der or throw into a common stock a part of our rights and 
 liberties, that we may the more effectually be secured in the 
 rest. But no man can surrender or delegate to another a 
 right which he does not possess ; therefore, no man can grant 
 to others the right of taking his life. This right must be de- 
 rived from a higher source than any stock or aggregate of 
 rights delegated by the social compact. 
 
 This point, I believe, is fully conceded by the ablest civi- 
 lians and moral writers : hence judge Blackstone remarks, 
 Cora. B. IV. c. 1, s. 2 : '* It is clear that the right of punish- 
 ing crimes against the law of nature, fJns naturale talionis^J 
 as murder and the like, is in a state of nature, vested in every 
 individual." Here then it is assumed, by the ablest writer 
 on the principles of law and jurisprudence, that God has placed 
 aright to retaliate all injuries, like for like, in the hands of every 
 man. On this ground, he rests the right of punishing some 
 crimes with death. 
 
 But this ground, Sir, fails beneath his feet in two important 
 and essential respects. 
 
 I. His mode of getting this right out of the hand of every 
 body, and transferring it to what he dignifies by the name of 
 '* society.'* I have already considered the nature of this 
 right : that, although the culprit for what he has done against 
 society, deserves to feel th« effects of the lex talioniSf as far 
 as those effects inflict temporal pains and privations; yet so- 
 ciety can have no motive to cut short the sinner's probation, 
 and consign him to eternal misery ; nor does his crime against 
 society deserve an endless retribution of pain. I have shown 
 also, what cannot be questioned, that the general motive to 
 retaliation is unwise, the disposition by which it is inflicted 
 
49 
 
 j^eneially if not alwajs wrong, and the consequences always 
 bad, when compared with the Christian method of treating 
 injuries ; juu! that therefore this sanguinary law of corrupt na- 
 ture was admitted by the Supreme Ruler as a general scourgfe 
 for the revengeful and bloody passions of men. 
 
 But oui" j)resent object is to see how this immediate and 
 universal right to revenge or retaliate, eye for eye, tooth for 
 tooth, and life for life, was tratisferred from individuals, to 
 '< Society." But judge Blackstone takes no pains here. He 
 only says *' it was transferred." 
 
 ^yith one easy dash of the pen, this great civilian recognizes 
 all the forms of government ever known, as legal organs of 
 justice, clothed with the power of cutting off human beings ad 
 libitum. Sir, I d(tubt. When God shall make inquisition for 
 hlood, whether things on this broad scale will so easily pass, 
 I am sure they will not. The career of nations and govern- 
 ments, in this dreadful work, will undergo the scrutiny of 
 eternal wisdom and justice, and I believe will appear black 
 with the incessant crime of cruelty and murder. 
 
 What is "Society" in the sense of this writer? The an- 
 cient despotic monarchies were generally founded in violence, 
 murder, and usurpation. If we begin with Babylon and 
 Egypt, if we run back to Nimrod and Misraim, the sacred 
 Scriptures tlirow sufficient light on those institutions for otif 
 present purpose. If a man can cut his way to a throne through 
 opposing millions ; if rivers of blood shall waft him to empire | 
 if, when seated on the pinnacle of the structure which he has 
 reared, like Khouli Khan, with the skulls of victims ; he there 
 assumes the right of disposing of the life and property of all 
 the survivors, whom his power has subdued or his treachery 
 beguiled : if his arbitrary will be the only rule of justice, or 
 where that fails to extend, through defect of ubiquity, the will 
 of some subordinate slave takes the place of his will, and deals 
 life or dcalh, chains or liberty, at pleasure, — is that « Society ?'* 
 is the power of taking life transferred from individuals and 
 given to that one arbitrary bloody usurper ? A small society 
 indeed ! 
 
 Is there such a charm in the word government-— something 
 90 sacred in the name of King or Emperor, that the moment 
 the vilest miscreant on earth, by the most atrocious means 
 which men or devils can devise, assumes to himself that title, 
 and begins to act the tyrant, his murders are to be glossed 
 over by the easy and dignified mode of calling them acts of 
 ** society ? " I presume not. 
 
 Sir, the murders of a royal or imperial villain;^ who has 
 
 G 
 
50 
 
 raised himself to a comlition to exact tlj6se titles, can never 
 be bleached into the whiteness ot innocence. The rains and 
 sun-shine ot heaven can never purity that ground which is 
 stained by the blood of murdered millions. The wretch who 
 is unsuccessful, and falls into ruin and execration, from the 
 middle of the ascent, like a Cataline or llobespierre, is hat 
 half as guilty as the villiaw who gains the summit, and there 
 remains, till the horrid blackness of his vices is obscured by 
 the effulgence of royal grandeur, like Csesar or Bonaparte. 
 
 If 1 am now in possession of my neighbour's house and 
 goods and tenements, which I took from him when I mur- 
 dered him thirty years ago, is my claim strengthened by 
 possession, or my guilt lessened bj^ time? *♦ Can one be 
 pardoned, and retain the offence ?" Or will the dignity and 
 grace with which 1 enjoy my plunder, stop the ascending cry 
 of blood, or ch)sc the ear of justice on high ? Ah ! Sir, we 
 are dazzled by the poor and sickly glare of earthly power 
 and wealth, and forget that pure eternal unchanging light 
 and justice, before which all iniquity for ever stands un- 
 covered, 
 
 I have dwelt on this point to show the monstrous absurdity 
 of supposing it possible, that a bloody usurper can have ac- 
 quired, even any right, to govern, much less to take away the 
 lives of men. To deny this will be to affirm, that any man 
 on earth, by whatever measure of guilt and atrocity he can 
 obtain power over men, has a full, and even a divine right, to 
 govern them and become the dispenser of life and death. 
 
 But, Sir, setting aside the amazing unfitness of the supposi- 
 tion, the shocking appearance of the principle considered in 
 thesif what evidence have we of the fact, that when king- 
 doms and empires arose, the right* of taking life for life de- 
 parted from every individual, and devolved upon "Society?" 
 i. e. upon one individual man^ who, generally speaking, had 
 destroyed one great portion of men, that he might establish 
 an absolute arbitrary despotism over the other ? I certainly 
 shall not be contradicted when I assert, that most of the des- 
 potic rulers of the ancient nations, were, in their own persons, 
 incomparably the greatest criminals in their respective em- 
 pires. Yet, while they promiscuously shed blood like water, 
 both at home and abroad ; while they practised every vice 
 that debases man, and that on the most enormfous scale, they 
 affected great severity against a man who had committed a 
 solitary crime, which did not happen to gratify their pride or 
 iust, 
 
 • I speak of the ri^htf not the/art^ 
 
6i 
 
 The language of God to Samuel, when the houae of Israel 
 had impiously demanded to have a king like other nations, 
 shows us in what light the kings of the earth were viewed, not 
 by men, but by God himself. God ordered Samuel, to tell 
 them what the manner of their king should be ; and whoever 
 will give himself the trouble of turning to that portrait, wiU 
 perceive the picture of an arbitrary tyrant. 
 
 I shall not dwell on this subject. Those ages have passed 
 away, and both kings and people have long since received 
 the retributions of infinite wisdom and justice. But this 
 subject will scarce bear examination : the result of an im- 
 partiaf scrutiny must run counter to the general current of 
 prejudice, which has, generally, left the ancient, and indeed 
 all other monarchies and forms of government, in quiet pos- 
 session of all the powers which they claimed to exercise 
 over men, and in fact ratified them as derived from divine 
 authority. 
 
 The only thing which can he claimed and vindicated for 
 those ancient despotisms, which were generally, though not 
 always, reared and ruled by the very worst of men, is, that 
 when in the exercise of their usurped authority, they punish,- 
 ed men for their crimes ; — a just desert was inflicted on the 
 guilty, as if they had been destroyed by serpents or wild 
 beasts of tlie forest, or even by their own hands. Nothing 
 more can be said. To talk of any transfer of power to punish^ 
 from an individual to <« Society," sounds fine and looks fair in 
 theory, but is absurd, is false. Instead of a transfer of power 
 from one to many, as the phrase Societij seems to import, it 
 was in fact, a transfer of power from many to one. For in the 
 sovereign was vested all power, legislative, judicial, and ex- 
 ecutive. 
 
 There was one government in ancient times, founded, or- 
 ganized, and for many ages supported by divine authority. 
 The Hebrew government, it will be admitted, held the right 
 of taking life : but under circumstances and limitations so 
 peculiar, so strict and definite, and altogether so extraor- 
 dinary, that there is little room to infer from that to other 
 nations, or the reverse. God was their King, I^awgiver, and 
 Judge. They had no power to legislate : even their piuni* 
 cipal and fiscal regulations were given them complete ; their 
 modes of trial and punishment, from which they were not at 
 liberty to vary, were prescribed. One all-pervading power 
 and authority filled out their system, even to its minutest 
 ramifications, and, till the time of theif captivity, th« She- 
 
kinah) or divine presence and glory resided in their temple, 
 and wiii tlirir nr.icle. 
 
 For m.vself, Sir, I see very little even liere which looks 
 like a transfer of the power of life and death, from indivi- 
 diials to •• Society." Admitting, however, the expression to 
 convey a correct idea, in relation to the Hebrew state, and 
 as it regards other nations, it must be admitted, that retalia- 
 tion and punishment gradually receded from the hands of in- 
 dividuals ^ into what hands it fell, wc have already seenc 
 But, 
 
 2. We have already shown, in whatever hands it might have 
 been, and however much or little the ancient usurpations and 
 tyrannies were recognized by God as legal governments, that 
 the right of retaliation of injuries was abolished and done away 
 by the express authority of Chiist. " But 1 say unto you, 
 that ye resist not evil." How this precept can be so expounded 
 as to admit the resistance of evil, not only in one, but in every 
 fprm, I am unable to conceive. 
 
 The general error of writers on government seems to be 
 this ; they, in the first place, appear to think it necessary to 
 admit and maintain, that civil government is a divine institu- 
 tion ; then, out of this doctrine they spin and weave a con- 
 secrated garment, in which they dress up every form of gov- 
 ernment both ancient and modern. Thus robed in state, and 
 decorated with religion, these awful forms, sometimes indeed 
 the noblest and most stupendous structures of human wisdom, 
 but far oftener the most frightful monuments of human pride, 
 folly, and ambition, claim the veneration and obedience of 
 Tn< n. " For," say they, " the powers that be are ordained of 
 God, and he that resisteth the power, resisteth t!ic oidinanee 
 of God." 
 
 Who did Paul mean by the powers that be ? Nero ; that 
 monster of cruelty, who murdered his own mother, most of the 
 great men in Rome, and at last Paul himself: wlio set Rome 
 on fire, in order that he might see how Troy looked when it 
 was burning ? 
 
 rhe apostle Paul in this passage has no other object, than 
 to establish the precise doctrine I am endeavouiing to esta- 
 blish, viz. the Christian doctrine o^ non-resistance. 
 
 Paul, in viewing the great potentates of the earth, per- 
 ceived the hand of God in their elevation, whether they wer^ 
 benefactors, or robbers and murderers of mankind. Thus in 
 bis sense Pharaoh, Alexander, Csesar, and Mahomet, were 
 ordained of God. But to dethrone and destroy Nero was 
 mt the work of Christians ; there sphere was righteousness 
 
9S 
 
 and peace. ** For," said pur Saviour, " my kingdom is not af 
 this world, else would mij servants Jiglit.* 
 
 1 am, Sir, yours, ik.c. 
 
 LETTER X. 
 
 The practice of taking life perpetuated by prejudice and 
 passion. 
 
 SiK, 
 
 Let me not be understood to undervalue the excel- 
 lence, or detract from the utility, of civil government. It 
 surely is as much preferable to anarchy, as the arts and sci- 
 ences are to savage rudeness and indigence. But those who 
 so ingeniously attempt to insphere it in divine radiance ancl 
 glory, do but obscure it in a halo of mist and gloomy vapours. 
 As the sons of Adam were originally free and equal, so they 
 were rude and unacquainted with the arts and sciences. 
 How far the benevolent Creator might have aided them in 
 the attainment of useful knowledge, we cannot tell ; but the 
 science of government probably rose with other sciences, and 
 rests on the same foundation. That it was suggested "by 
 the wants and weaknesses of mankind," there is little doubt; 
 but what sort of wants and weaknesses those were, which 
 first suggested the thought of extensive combination, is some- 
 what questionable. I suspect they had something to do with 
 vengeance, victory, conquest, and dominion. For a great 
 family of people living in scattered settlements, and employed 
 in agriculture, would not be very likely to embody or assemble, 
 unless for defence or invasion. The chief father or pati'iarch 
 would naturally be the first leader, till supplanted by some 
 usurper. 
 
 Exclusive of the Hebrew or divine government, the sum 
 of ancient and earthly dominions, or the four great mo- 
 narchies, are represented, in sacred writ, by two orders of 
 symbols, which give no favourable idea of their origin, cha- 
 racter, or termination. They are first represented by the 
 prophet Daniel under the form of a mighty image, composed 
 of various materials. The Assyrian empire was the head of 
 gold, the Persian was silver, the Grecian brass, the Roman 
 iron, and in the end iron and clay. The prophet saw till a 
 stone was cut out of the mountain without hands, which stonft 
 
smote the image upon its feet. Then the gold, the silver, the 
 brass, the iron andclay, became as cliaff of the summer thresh- 
 ing-floor, and the wind drove them away. 
 
 In another vision, the same prophet saw the same potentates 
 represented by wild beasts, a lion, a le(>i)ard, a bear, and a 
 monster of indescribable terror and fierceness. These great 
 powers were the abhorrence of God and the scourge of men, 
 while they lasted : they rose like a monster out of a stormy 
 sea agitated by tempests : their course was marked by an ex- 
 terior of splendour and pomp, and by a vast and perpetual 
 scene of human misery, oppression, and wickedness. 
 
 Theorists, in discussing the origin of governments, fall into 
 curious and splendid reveries, substituting the blossoms of 
 fancy which expand in the pleasant fields of imagination, for 
 the realities of truth ; and even the pious Christian is amused 
 with the noise and commotion of great wars and revolutions, 
 which come softened lo his ear through the long vale of ages, 
 while his eye is pleased with the lustre of heroes and conquer- 
 ors, cleared, by the'pen of the j)artial l»istorian, from the stain 
 of blood and the blackmss of guilt. But the gospel sheds a 
 diflerent light on these subjects ; or rather divests them of 
 all their charms, and throws them into darkness, covered with 
 shame and contempt. 
 
 Why does a man grow serious and feel alarmed, as he ap- 
 proaches the hour of death and the borders of eternity ? It is 
 because the gospel, directing the convictions of his own con- 
 science, sets before him cencerns of in^nitely greater impor- 
 tance than any thing of a temporal nature. His ambition is 
 in a moment chilled, and he seems suddenly loosened from the 
 powerful spell which passion, prejudice, the popular current, 
 and the bustle of life, have held over him. I have taken some 
 pains to show that w^e are not bound by any law, divine or 
 human, or by any necessity of interest or circumstances, to 
 take the lives of our fellow-creatures— -of our bn^tbren. And 
 those topics of defence are confidently resorted to when the 
 practice of taking life is called in question. But, Sir, that 
 practice or custom depends upon, and is supported by far 
 more stillborn reasons than any of the preceding, which I 
 have endeavoured to answer ; reasons on which I look with 
 greater timidity and discouragement, and far less hope of 
 their being removed, till the blessed and only potentate shall 
 come to vijidicate his Church, not from her professed ene- 
 mies, but from her friends, who have long vindicated her with 
 weapons and a warfare he nerer authorized^ but forbid^ and 
 etbhors. 
 
dd 
 
 Tlie practice of taking life, Sir, is supported by the mighty 
 torrent of opinion, prejudice, passion, and example, wliicli 
 carries all before it. Let any man who is ever so strenuous 
 to destroy the murderer out of hand, to shed his blond for 
 the blood he has shed, be suddenly informed that all the great 
 powers of Europe had abolished capital punishment j let him 
 also know that our own government had fully adopted the 
 same principle ; that the whole current of opinion through 
 Christendom was changed, and already running strong the 
 other way, and that henceforth it would be considered as a 
 blot and disgrace upon any nation that should punisli capital- 
 ly ; what do you think. Sir, would be the effect? He would 
 soon begin to find his opinions waver. He would perhaps open 
 liis eyes upon the Gospel, upon the system of righteousness 
 and peace, of love and mercy ; — on those fair and sacred ])age8 
 he would see no blood, but that of the Lamb of God shed for 
 sin, and that of the saints shed for the witness of Jesus. Wo 
 have daily and astonishing proofs of the overwhelming force 
 of the tide of popular opinion ; and the arguments by which it 
 is supported serve as convenient topics of declamation; an ar- 
 mour resorted to when any one resists the current: but which 
 armour would be dropped without a struggle — without an ef- 
 fort — without regret, should the current by any means change); 
 or rather, with acknowledged regret that it had been so long 
 pertinaciously held. 
 
 Sir, we have abundant proofs at all times, how much preju- 
 dice has, and how little sound reason and conscience have to 
 do, in the extreme and universal thirst for the blood of a mur- 
 derer, and in the vulgar supposition that all the powers, and 
 laws, and sympathies of nature, operate for his detection and 
 condign suffering : how groans and sobs are heard — lights, 
 apparitions, spectres, and goblins, are seen, where the horrid 
 crime has been perpetrated and concealed, till the murder is 
 brought to liglit. I plead not for murder ; I hope to be able to 
 • evince to every one's satisfaction that I view it with sufficient 
 horror. 
 
 But, Sir, a man shall commit murder, before the sun, in the 
 presence of honourable witnesses ; shall avow it in public, 
 even in the midst of our own Christian people, so punctilious 
 of justice : shall, to adopt the common hyperbole of expres- 
 sion, parade our streets, brandishing his blood stained wea- 
 pons, and menacing a second victim, in any one who shall 
 assail his honour ; that is to say, perhaps, who shall speak 
 with two much freedom of his lies and villanies. But, beholdf 
 justice sleeps j no pubU\i sentiment 13 roused ; no preterna- 
 
lui'al gi'oaiis or sobs arc licai'd — no diret'u] spectres are seeuj 
 no sagacious populace scents the •' rank offence" in the taint- 
 ed gale. All the sympathies of nature, under the narcotic 
 power of some unknown charm, still slumber ; even the very 
 ghost of the murdered man never so much as once appears to 
 demand justice. 
 
 By and by, this murderer is seen biisily employed in 
 making laws for his country ; or, perhaps on the solemn 
 bench of justice, deciding with reverend and awful mein on 
 the life and property of his fellow-citizens. I take not this 
 method to reproach those unha])py men, who may have fallen 
 into this horrid crime; nor yet to reproach the lenity of my 
 country, which has not brought them to justice. I'hese men 
 may be truly penitent ; and may have reason to adore God 
 that their country was lenient ; — I hope in God's mercy and 
 goodness they are forgiven ; and from my soul I forgive them;— . 
 but I state this to show that all this noise about the abhorrence 
 of murder is a solemn farce. It has no foundatif)n but in the 
 brain, sick and delirious with prejudice, and public passion. 
 
 Thousands and thousan(!a of murders are sanctioned by- 
 public law, and celebrated with public apjdause, where one 
 is thus abhorred. Even admitting defensive war to be right, 
 and fully authorized by God himself, still, to make the best of 
 it, all who fall on one side arc certainly murdered. And again, 
 admitting fully the equity of defensive war, nevertheless the 
 mere pretence of defensve war, cannot shield from guilt — 
 neither can the plea of a mistake afford any justification. If 
 I should way-lay my neighbour and shoot him from behind a 
 wall, and set up my plea that I verily thought he was coming 
 to kill me, few courts, I believe, would pronounce my plea 
 sufficient. 
 
 But, Sir, such is the depravity and blindness of men, that 
 a nation may do any thing, and nobody be esteemed guilty. 
 The extreme infatuation of men has brought it to pass, that 
 when a man has set his name to a paper called a declaration 
 of wavt the business of killing on both sides, is immediately' 
 sanctioned ; and hundreds of thousands may fall, and all the 
 terrible panic about murder is done away : the strife is glo- 
 rious and honourable. 
 
 I am> Sir^ yours^ ke* 
 
57 
 
 LETTER XL 
 
 *Va</ons have no right to wage war. 
 dm, 
 
 Under the satictioh of a Divine Command given to 
 the ancient Hebrew state, but repealed by Jesus Christ, as 
 some believe. Christians continue to punish with death. 
 Though I am persuaded that this practice, which is, in fact, 
 the basis of war on the broad scale, owes its continuance fat- 
 more to the force of custom and example than to a conscious- 
 ness of a duty imposed by divine authority. In so much, 
 that were the legislature of any state or kingdom, from theit- 
 own peculiar views, induced to abolish capital punishment, no 
 Christian who has knowledge of the gospel precepts, would 
 feel much alarm, whatever he might think of the policy of 
 the measure. 
 
 The Roman orator, as already noticed, considered that 
 public executions, the sight of the shocking and debasing ap- 
 paratus of death, and the still more shocking and inhuman ap- 
 pearance of the horrid infliction, would defile and disgrace the 
 Roman people. He drew his motives, however, from the feel- 
 ings of humanity and "rom the pride of republican freedom. 
 Could his imagination have followed the soul of the wretched 
 suflTerer into endless darkness and misery ; could he have per- 
 ceived the stroke of death to be but the commencement of 
 the torments of hell, with how much more force might he 
 have plead for the unhappy wretch to be continued m this 
 world of hope and probation ; at least, till tlie hand of Divine 
 Justice, unaided by human agency, should close the catas- 
 trophe. 
 
 Death legalized by the sanction of the law, and by the pre- 
 sence of the authorities of a country both temporal and spi- 
 ritual, and deliberately inflicted before the people, diminishes 
 the dignity, the security, the inviolableness ;— nay, lowers 
 tlie estimation of human life, breaks down its sacred enclo- 
 sures, and teaches men how to trifle with the probation and 
 eternal destiny of each other. 
 
 It has been already observed, that murder is offensive war : 
 the infliction of death on the murderer is defensive. If it be 
 evident that under the gospel, the sanguinary penalties of the 
 Jewish law are repealed, and that God does not require capi- 
 tal punishment, then the grand argument in favour of war, 
 that It IS necessary because commanded bv God, is answered* 
 
 H 
 
For if war be not necessary, in this particular and private 
 sense of the j>lirase, then surely it cannot be necessary, in re- 
 ference to any divine command, between one nation and an- 
 other. To this important branch of this inquiry, Sir, I now 
 be.a: leave to draw your attention. 
 
 But here, there will scarce be room to dwell a moment. 
 For however the question of capital punishment, in a few ex- 
 treme cases, might be settled, whether for or against it, it is 
 presumed that all national wars are placed, even by those 
 who vindicate them, on the footing of right and expediency 
 which a nation is at full liberty to discuss, and then to make 
 war or not, as she may think best. In the Hebrew history 
 alone it is that we find any nation commanded by God to 
 make war : but in their case the command was explicit, and 
 the object definite ; as were the promises of God to the Pa- 
 triarchs, and the commissions of Moses and Joshua. 
 
 Ihe right of a nation, however, to make war, must, in the 
 mode of discussion J have adopted, be resolved into one ol 
 two distinct grounds : either, Jirstf because God commands 
 it, as he commanded Joshua to invade Canaan ; in which 
 case there is no option, as there was none to Joshua : or, se- 
 condltft because a state of things has arisen, in which God 
 has left it to the discretion of a nation to make war or not, as 
 they may see fit. Let us consider these grounds. 
 
 1. Were it not well known to what shifts and subterfuges 
 men will resort in support of a favourite hypothesis, it would 
 seem improbable that any advocate of war would go so far as 
 to plead a divine command. Yet in the vindication of popular 
 measures, where the current of opinion runs strong, and 
 men's minds are heated, no assertion is too bold, no ground too 
 narrow or too sandy, no argument too absurd. 
 
 Every argument which Ihave adduced against the infliction 
 of capital punishment, applies here w ith peculiar force. The 
 wars of the Hebrew state, so often alluded to as our warrant 
 and example, were prosecuted under a special and divine 
 command, of which modern wars have no parallel. It surely 
 will not be contended that God has commanded or sanctioned 
 any modern wars, as he did those of Moses, Joshua, the judges 
 and kings of Israel and Judah, by an immediate vision or 
 oracle, or by any other express token of bis authority. 
 
 The whole argument, in short, is, that as God once com- 
 manded to take lifCf and make ivar, so he now commands 
 the same. Every Christian should remember, that w^e live 
 under a different dispensation, and different laws. There is not 
 a command to take life or to go to war in the whole Gospel ; 
 
09 
 
 l»ut there is what amounts to an entire prohibition of both. 
 To the candid observer, nothing can be more evident, than 
 that all the great features of the Hebrew government and 
 Mosaic dispensation, were limited and peculiar to that nation. 
 To Abraham the grand discriminating mark was given, and 
 the institution, or rather grand bod^ of institutions, were com- 
 pleted by Moses. 
 
 That the sanguinary laws of that dispensation are general- 
 ly repealed, the concession of tjje whole Cbristian world is 
 sufficient proof for my present purpose. God commanded 
 Moses to punish idolatry, blasphemy, the abuse of parents, 
 breach of sabbath, adultery, and many other crimes, with 
 death. But our legislators consider themselves as released 
 from the capital rigour of those commands. So God com- 
 manded the Hebrews to invade and conquer Canaan. So he 
 commanded David and others to make war. The most which 
 can be inferred by the advocates of war, from all this, is, that 
 as God once approved of war, so he must now. They interpret 
 his ancient commands into a general permission. 
 
 When the sceptre departed from Judah, and Shiloh came, 
 a new kingdom was established, which in every part of scrip- 
 ture is called a kingdom of peace: and of this kingdom every 
 Christian is a subject and a member. Now, Sir, I ask, 
 though God in the former dispensation commanded wars, yet 
 if the Gospel kingdom is a kingdom of righteousness and peace 
 and joy in the Holy Ghost ; if Christ be the Prince of peace : 
 if He declared his kingdom not of this world, and therefore 
 alleged that his servants would not fight : if the grand law of 
 his kingdom be love to enemies as well as friends : if every 
 Christian be a son of peace ; what does all this mean ? Does 
 it mean that the ancient command to fight, is now to be re- 
 garded as a perpetual and universal law of war? Does it 
 mean that Christians shall be fighting, revengeful, bloody 
 creatures? Does all this about the Gospel, tlie kingdom, the 
 Prince, the sons of peace, mean nothing ? Ah ! surely nothing, 
 according to the popular mode of expounding scripture. 
 Christians are to fight and devour ; Christian nations are to 
 be prompt to avenge every injury with the sword ; every 
 Christian is to be ** a soldier, sudden and quick in quarrel.'* 
 And according to a late writer,* who published five sermons in 
 defence of war, < The magnitude of the offence is of little 
 consequence, between one nation and another, since the 
 smaller the offence persisted in, the greater is the evidence of 
 turpitude, and the more just the cause.* 
 
 * Dr. M'Weod's Five Sermons. 
 
60 
 
 The writer, probably supposing himself borne np by the 
 iide of popular opinion, in favour of an existinj^ war, takes 
 ground which, even in the martial reign and unenlightened age 
 of David, would have classed him with the most depraved of 
 men. The sacred desk, erected for dispensing the Gospel of 
 peace, and the holy sabbath, were polluted with such sentU 
 ments as Machiavel could hardly have uttered without a blush 
 and thrill of conscience. — -But, 
 
 2. That there is now no immediate command for war, but 
 that Christian nations are left to their own discretion, to make 
 war whenever they see just provocation, is the gi-ound of de- 
 fence commonly taken. This principle throws open the doop 
 of war, and like that of the temple of Janus, suffers it seldom 
 to be shut. 
 
 I shall briefly remark here, that this was by no means the 
 ground on which the Hebrew wars were waged. They did 
 indeed, sometimes make war without the command of God ; 
 but generally by express command, nor do 1 at present recoU 
 lect an instance in which they did it merely in the exercise 
 of discretiqnary power. Their wars on the seven nations of 
 Canaan, on the Amalekites, on Moab and Ammon, on Syria, 
 on the Philistines, were all commanded by God, which com- 
 mand was signified in a manner, to which modern nations have 
 no parallel. 
 
 Prohibitory laws, form what some moral writers have term- 
 ed perfect obligations ; but injunctions or affirmative com- 
 mands, unless they relate to single and specific actions, lay 
 the foundation of imperfect obligations. The ancient wars 
 of the Hebrews are not vindicable on the general principle 
 of 9 discretionary power to make war. For although the 
 lex talioniSf or law of revenge, is recognized in them, yet they 
 were either immediately commanded from time to time, or 
 the provocation and causes so exactly described, as to leave 
 nothing at the discretion of the Hebrew gorernment. How 
 far is this from being the case with modern wars ! 
 
 Whether war be considered as vindictive, or precautionary, 
 so doubtful are its issues, so terrible its calamities, so ex- 
 treme and extensive its miseries, that were the lex talionis 
 admitted to be still in force, it never could be considered a8 
 resting on a mere general permission ; or suspended on a 
 power left entirely at the discretion of one, ten, an hundred^ 
 or a thousand men, or of a whole nation. As infinite knowledge 
 and power, can alone foresee and control the events of war, 
 the very supposition, that God had placed it at the option and 
 discretion of a man, or at most, of a few men, would be a reftec= 
 
01 
 
 tion upon his wisdom and goodness. It would in effect, be like 
 placing a sharp and dangerous instrument in the hands of an 
 infant, unable to use it without as much peril to itself as to 
 others. 
 
 The rage which mankind feel against a single private mur- 
 derer, and their keen and indefatigable pursuit of justice, is 
 jierfeetly irreeoncileable with their total indifference to life in 
 case of war. When the life of the most worthless member of 
 society is to be taken away, who has not noticed the solemn 
 accuracy with which every article of evidence is weighed; 
 the anxiety evinced, and the pains taken to come exactly at 
 the truth ; the fair and ample opportunity allowed him to do 
 all he can for his own vindicaticm, and after all, the seeming 
 reluctance and regret with which he is given up to justice, 
 when all his resources fail to screen him ? 
 
 How much to the honour of our race would it be, if all this 
 seeming humanity and tenderness for our fellow-creatures, 
 were not blotted out with cruelty, and drowned in a sea of 
 blood, the moment the signal of war is given. Then all the 
 pretended regard for life, shown on occasions in comparison 
 infinitely trifling, are shown to be false and hollow. And 
 what is still more shocking, this practice implicates the di- 
 vine Governor himself, as chargeable with the same enormous 
 inconsistency. For they seem to imagine, when a criminal 
 is tried before a court of justice for his life, that God is pre- 
 sent ; that great and solemn caution is needful, lest any lights 
 ness, injustice, or undue rigour should be used ; lest by some 
 prejudice, haste, incaution, or passion, the stain of innocent 
 blood should be incurred. Wherefore, the whole progress is 
 guarded by oaths, and rendered safe and solemn by forms, 
 counsellors, judges, and all the appendages of justice. But 
 in case of war, where the lives of several hundred thousands 
 of men are to fall a sacrifice, whole nations are to suffer, and 
 perhaps whole districts, provinces, and cities to be destroyed 
 by fire and sword, they appear to imagine tliat God gives up 
 all concern about the value of life, or the immutable and eter- 
 nal rules of justice ; that the God of the universe only waits 
 to see a paper signed, called a declaration of war ; no mat- 
 ter how frivolous or how false, how wide of expressing the 
 true motive of the war, or how inadequate that motive if truly 
 stated : or in fact, if there be no declaration, that he only waits to 
 Bee the first stroke struck, when all its future dreadful and in- 
 terminable consequences are ratified, all individual responsibili- 
 ty taken off; there is no longer any such thing as violence, injus- 
 tice, robbery, murder^ or cruelty, in the private«nd proper sense 
 
6^ 
 
 of those terms. They view it altogether sufficient to say, that 
 it is rear, 
 
 ■ " Dolas, an virtus, quis in hoste rcquirat? 
 Arraa dabiint ipsi." 
 
 Thus it is vainly imagined, that by one act of a magistrate, 
 perhaps himself one of the basest of men, all the limits, both 
 of mercy and justice, are bir)ken down and abolished ; and 
 the all-seeing God is induced to sanction and approbate every 
 outrage which human depravity can perpetrate : nay, the di- 
 vine blessing and smiles are confidently relied on, on both sides 
 of ihis horrid fray ol human passion and malice. 
 
 How dreadful, how fatal, will appear the mistake of these 
 infatuated and infuriated men, wlien the light of eternity 
 shall show them that the sacred and eternal barriers of divine 
 justice, can never be moved by the vain, idle forms, invented 
 as a cloak for wickedness ! When it shall appear, that the 
 eye of God is equally on every human life ; that every soldier 
 in the ranks of an army, is l)nrn to destinies as high and ar- 
 duous as the general, the magistrate, or the prince ; that the 
 life and rights of every inhabitant of an invaded province, 
 whatever the laws of war, or the proclamation of some licensed 
 murderer and plunderer may say to the contrary, are as truly 
 guaranteed and made inviolable in the sight of God, as those 
 of any private citizen in any community ;— that every indivi- 
 dual destroyed in war, is no less under the protection of God, 
 than the criminal who stands before a court of justice, where 
 so much care is taken to do no injustice, and that all the pomp 
 and bustle, the apparatus and splendour of war, have no charm 
 in the eye of God, and form no excuse, no palliation, no shield 
 for the destruction of even one man. 
 
 Sir, are we to believe that God exercises a moral govern- 
 ment over all creatures, that men are accountable to him fop 
 every thought, word, and action ; and dare we charge him 
 with such negligence and absurdity as to believe, that when 
 once an ambitious and wicked man shall tell a nation to go 
 to war, that immediately all the principles of his strict and 
 dreadful justice are suspended? For myself, I think there is 
 no room to doubt, that, in every man killed in battle, the go- 
 vernor of the world recognizes a distinct and individual mur- 
 der, attended probably with far more guilt than when a man 
 is way-laycd, and falls by the sudden and unforeseen stroke 
 of the assassin. For, in this latter case, but one man is 
 guilty : in the former, there is a double guilt. It is vain to 
 
 i 
 
63 
 
 urge, that soldiers meet and fight and kill each other, without 
 malice jtrcpenst. They go to the field witii a deliberate inten- 
 tion to kill, and that not one, but many. 
 
 Who dare affirm that the soldier, marching to battle, does 
 not go with far more turpitude of intention than the midnight 
 assassin ? His intention is to kill as many as possible. And 
 
 what are his motives ? These men, at whom he levels his 
 
 murderous weapons, have never injured him; he has no quar- 
 rel with them ; and as to the cause in which he fights, he nei- 
 ther has the means of knowing, or the capacity of -uiiging, of 
 its equity. He only knows that they belong to the army of 
 the nation with whom his own nation is at war. Perhaps he 
 is a mercenary, and at all events, the motive of the greui body 
 of soldiers is merely their pay, while that of their officers is 
 the love of fame and glory, and the hope of promotion. 
 Arms, Sir, is a profession; and I appeal to every man's own 
 conscience, who follows that profession, whether the service 
 of his country is not the least and the last of all his real mo- 
 tives of action. It will do to emblazon his epitaph, but it 
 never warms his heart. 
 
 >y bile with these motives the soldier rushes to the bloody 
 conflict, with his arm nerved and his heart steeled to the hor- 
 rid work of death, he knows well at what hazard he goes ; he 
 deliberately encounters the dreadful danger of being sent be- 
 fore the awful throne of judgment. Brutal courage may ena- 
 ble a man to despise the pains of death ; but what sort of 
 courage is that which can embolden a sinner to rush into the 
 presence of his final Judge, from the rage of battle, when he 
 has no reason to hope for the Divine favour? If it be not the 
 height of madness, I do not know what is reason. 
 
 With infinite hazard he plunges into battle, meets an in- 
 fatuated wretch like himself who falls before him, closes for 
 ever his probationary state, and sinks down to endless tor- 
 ments. He kills, perhaps, another and another ; and the 
 more he kills, the more he is applauded, even by pious Chris- 
 tians ; at length he falls himself venting horrible oaths and 
 wild execrations, indulging all the furious and bloody pas- 
 sions, and rushes up to Judgment, before the serene and 
 dreadful presence of Him, who has declared, that "without 
 holiness no man shall see the Lord." What shield is there 
 to cover his enormous vileness ? Will the Saviour own him as 
 a disciple ? Perhaps his last words were blasphemy against 
 the Saviour. 
 
 Ah, Sir, you will not dissent from my opinion when I say» 
 that Heaven's all pure and holy mansions are seldom gained 
 
61< 
 
 from the field of baittie. You know t(w VieW the ineflahk 
 atrocity that marks the abode and the progress of armies. 
 The meagre barriers of martial law, form all the restraint 
 generaiiy known both by officers and soldiers. They deride 
 the sabbath — they mock at chastity — a perpetual roar of 
 profanity ascends to heaven : even the barriers of martial 
 law are boldly thrown down in relation to ij/e, and a military 
 man must accept a challenge, on however slight occasion given, 
 and must murder if he can, or be killed as he may: they burn 
 for plunder, rapine, revenge; their feet are swift to shed bloody 
 destruction and misery are in their ways. 
 
 Sir, what amazing and unmeasureable guilt brands the cha- 
 racter of Christian nations, nay of Churches ; who, notwith- 
 standing all these known facts, yet throw a cloak over their 
 armies, and say, " there may be some irregularities in a camp, 
 indeed, but the soldiers were brave fellows, they fought well, 
 and died in a good clause ;" leaving the incautious mind to 
 make an involuntary and inevitable transition to the idea, 
 that they fell in a cause which will be their passport to 
 heaven. Mahomet artfully wove it into his scheme, that 
 every mussulman who fell bravely fighting in his armies and 
 under his orders, went instantly to a paradise of sensual ])lea- 
 sures. He did not do things by the halves. But, Sir, the 
 Christian nations, without the open avowal of Mahomet, 
 do not fail to avail themselves of the same pr inciple. The 
 almost-apotheosis of their heroes j their prjiises of those who 
 fall in battle, their prayers, hymns, illuminations, and solemn 
 festivals for the dead, give a tone to the public, which would 
 accuse any one of great audacity, were he even to call in 
 question their future felicity ; and, in fact, to induce some even 
 to envy their fall. Yet, after all, not a single one of those 
 motives, so proudly graved on monumental marble, or pro- 
 pagated by the trumpet's voice, as the true basis of their pe- 
 rennial glory, ever reached their hearts, or swayed a single 
 action. The exceptions to this rule, and doubtless there are 
 some, are exceedingly rare. 
 
 But how many heroes, while they have listened to the 
 thunders of applause bursting from a nation, telling them 
 what sacrifices they have made, and what victories won, for 
 the good of their country, have felt a silent conviction sick- 
 ening to their souls, while their consciences whispered, « Alas! 
 deluded wretches, did you know the motives of my conduct 
 as well as I know them, you would see as little cause to cele- 
 brate my actions, as I see cause to rejoice in them !" Yet, so 
 sweet, so inebriating are the strains of adulation^ that they 
 
65 
 
 are rarely unacceptable, however false and extravagant They 
 are sehloni repelled, though they blasphemously ascribe divine 
 honours to the bloodiest monster on earth. 
 
 Besides a due consideration of the grand and ruling mo- 
 tives of fighting; men, as well as of the true authors of war, 
 the little apparent good, and the unmeasurable mass of evil, 
 both natural and moral, which war produces ; — its unequal, 
 partial, and cruel operation ; probably never affecting the 
 person supposed to be guilty ; — seldom, if ever procuring a re- 
 dress of the grievances for which uTidertaken ; suddenly send- 
 ing hundreds of thousands of guilty wretches, who have no 
 share in the controversy otherwise than as hired labourers, 
 into a miserable eternity ; and overwhelming the surviving 
 part of a nation in unspeakable guilt, and in that way training 
 a successive throng of victims for the shambles of the field of 
 blood : I say, these things duly considered, there never enter- 
 ed the human mind a more vile and audacious imputation on 
 the Divine character, tlian the supposition that, when two na- 
 lions, unfortunately y as is sometimes said, get at war. Divine 
 'Justice winks at the scene ; that, though there must have been 
 some rvrong somewhere, yet as they are now both fairly engaged, 
 it is certainly the duty of both nations to fight bravely for their own 
 laws and customs ; that God is on the whole pleased to see their 
 patriotism and bravery ; and, in fine^ now gives them full per~ 
 mission to fight it out. 
 
 This, Sir, is the bearing which national wars hold in the 
 minds of Christians. But, the fantastic and delusive forms by 
 which pride and ambition thus plunge millions in misery, are 
 loathsome in the sight of God. While there is one set of men 
 who have objects to accomplish by setting others at war, 
 another set, who are willing to seek renown and glory in 
 that horrid business, — it furnishing the most abundant fuel 
 for the flame of their passions ; there is a third and very nu- 
 merous class, whose vices have already excluded them from 
 all the walks of life, except those where destruction and 
 death have erected their standard, and claim dominion, — 
 tiiese are the ruthless soldiery, who are willing to kill and be 
 killed for wages. 
 
 In the mean time, the secret movers of war see how their 
 own purposes may be answered by a war ; they issue a pro- 
 clamation of war. Perhaps by a proper spirit of concession 
 and benevolence, the difficulty could have been all removed 
 by amicable negotiation : perhaps the proclamation does not 
 Ussign the real and grand motives of the war, which the mo- 
 vers of it would blush to publish, and then is the whole prd* 
 
 I 
 
m 
 
 clanvation an audacious faiscJiood ; — or pcradvciUiiic llie pro- 
 clamation sets forth causes wholly inadequate to the dreadful 
 expedient resorted to. 
 
 Sir, the supposed efficacy of proclamations to legalize the 
 slaughter of thousands, and perhaps of millions of men, as 
 due of the steps wherehy it is contended God has permitted 
 nations to fall upon each other with relentless fury, has never 
 been duly examined, and the amazing atrocity of the princi- 
 ples it involves thoroughly exposed. An object so enormous— 
 so hideous in its features — so diabolical in its nature, so dread- 
 ful in its effects, could not escape the notice of any one who 
 took the most cursory survey of this subject ; but it has only 
 shared a glance of the eye and perhaps a dash of the pen. 
 These proclamations are generally considered of omnipotent 
 force to level all objections to the equity of war ; they quiet 
 the conscience, and reconcile the most pious, scrupulous, and 
 z^ealous Christian to any war, though ever so apparently 
 wicked and unjust; for he says, «' True, indeed, I do not be- 
 lieve the war is either just or politic, but my government has 
 proclaimed war, and if unjustly, it is their concern, not mine ; 
 I have nothing to do but to fight for my own nation and 
 Country ;" and thus it is rashly presumed that the sanction of 
 the God of the universe, by a mere diplomatic trick or false- 
 hood, is extorted to cover all the cruelty, murder, and wicked- 
 ness that shall follow, me^rely because it is an act of government 
 and therefore legal. But, this shall be the subject of the 
 following letter. 
 
 In the mean time, suffer me to say, that, in relation to wars 
 between nations, what God has not commanded he has not 
 permitted ; and those governments and nations who have rush- 
 ed into this bloody work so frequently, and with such confidence 
 in the Divine permission, have already received, or have still 
 to receive, a dreadful retribution from him who has said, 
 «*Thou sh alt not kill : He that killeth with the sword, must be 
 killed with the sword." 
 
 I am, Sir, yours, &c. 
 
 LETTER XII. 
 
 Declarations of war considered. 
 Sib, 
 
 The ultimate decision of the question, whether war 
 shall be proclaimetl or not, generally rests in very few hands, 
 often in one. 
 
67 
 
 But, let us suppose a declaration of war is made, when it is 
 well known to its immediate author or authors, and even to 
 the great body of the nation, that the whole dispute might be 
 easily adjusted by amicable negotiation, without the loss of a 
 life, or any of the troubles of war : let us suppose that negotia- 
 tions entered into, for the sake of an appearance to the people, 
 have been artfully frustrated, the aggrievances greatly ex- 
 aggerated, haughty and insulting attitudes assumed, and pro- 
 voking language and menaces used by the men who wish for 
 war, with a view to excite hostility, and widen the difference 
 between the two powers as much as possible; while, at the 
 same time, an ardent desire for peace is expressed, and the 
 most pompous professions and pretences of amicable dispositions 
 every where trumpeted and boasted. 
 
 At length, however, with many expressions of regret at the 
 necessary but dire alternative, war is proclaimed, and they 
 venture to appeal, as they often express it, " to tlie God of bat- 
 tles." Can any thing, Sir, in the history of governments, be 
 found more odious — any thing from which the moral sense of 
 mankind revolts with more indignation and contempt ? Yet 
 how often has this farce of falsehood and folly been acted ? 
 
 The men who proclaim this war, well know that the exist- 
 ing cause of complaint might be obviated by negotiation, but 
 have no reason to think or to hope it can by war : yet war 
 they want for far other purposes. 
 
 I have here proceeded on the presumption that war is some- 
 times admissible, and that in the present case the aggrievance 
 is very great, and even a sufficient cause for war. I there- 
 fore, for a moment, yield the controversy its main ground, in 
 order more fully to expose the inconsistency of the authors of 
 war on their own ground. And, in the first place, a declara- 
 tion of war, under the above mentioned circumstances, is con- 
 trary to the maxims of the wisest and ablest human legislators, 
 who with one consent declare tliat war should not be made but 
 in the very last resort, and especially, not till the utmost 
 efficacy of negotiation has failed. 
 
 Sir, it is of little consequence what men may tliink or pre- 
 tend, on this business. The Ruler of the Universe, who is 
 the Judge of judges, and the true Guardian of thelives of men, 
 ■will judge, and all the smooth language and courtly arts of di- 
 plomatists and statesmen, will force no imposition on his eter- 
 nal wisdom. If he sees the amicable professions to be 
 false, the pretences about peace deceitful, the negotiations 
 insincere, and their effects frustrated by design, he cannot 
 but abhor the whole transaction ; and, however much meo 
 
m 
 
 way repose in tlie legality of such a war, God will judge its 
 authors, and 'vvill charge to tlieii- account all the blood that 
 shall be shed, as the blood of murder. 
 
 Nothing, in the course of my speculations, has more surpri- 
 sed me than lliat men so fearful of death, and so deeply abhor- 
 ring murder, under certain circumstances, should so suddenly 
 lose all regard for human life, and sec thousands after thousands 
 butchered under the slightest and falsest of all pretences. 
 And, Sir, rulers, in this case, are not alone guilty : nations 
 that eagerly rush to shed blood, share equally in the guilt. If 
 any regard is due to the word of God : if there is any mean- 
 ing, any propriety in the solemn forms of civil trial for life ; 
 if God Almighty has said, ♦* '1 hou shalt not kill," it is 
 the duty of every man to know who, and wherefore he kills. 
 The plea of ignorance is nothing — affords no shelter. The 
 man who takes his sword or gun. and proceeds deliberately, 
 and with all his power, to killing his fellow-creatures, his 
 brethren, for such they are, merely because some other man 
 bas commanded him to do it, is a murderer before God, and 
 if he dies in that work, he will be likely to sink to endless per- 
 dition. When two armies are engaged, to say the least, one or 
 the other of them is certainly fighting in a bad cause. And can 
 the wretched throng of common soldiers hope to throw all the 
 responsibility on their officers — the officers on the commander 
 in chief, and he on the president, king, or monarch of a nation ? 
 Alas ! there is a far more general and diffusive guilt in this 
 horrid business than all this would seem to indicate. 
 
 The field of general slaughter is black with individual 
 guilt J and if there is a scene above all others delightful to 
 devils, it must be where two adverse armies are engaged in 
 mutual havoc and destruction. But to pursue the case of 
 the declaration of war, with which this l^etter commenced, 
 let us imagine a soldier in the army of a nation, at once made 
 fully acquainted with the circumstances under which he was 
 fighting : let him be told that peace might have been main- 
 tained, and that all the injuries, which he was fighting to re- 
 dress, might have been amicably redressed by friendly ne- 
 gotiation : but that his government chose war in preference 
 to peace, to gratify their revenge and ambition : would he 
 not say to himself, "Am 1 then killing these men meivly be- 
 cause it will gratify the revenge and ambition of my rulers? 
 Am I exposing myself to the same fate, for the same vile pur- 
 |>oge ? Is my eternal destiny thus to be sported with, thus to 
 be covered with the guilt of murder?" No! There is not 
 otte Boldier perhaps in a million ever assailed by such re* 
 
d9 
 
 flections. They care nothing about the justice of their 
 cause : tliey iight and kill because they have engaged in 
 that profession, and because all regard for human life and 
 the destinies of the soul, is quite obliterated from their minds. 
 It is enough to satisfy their conscience for them to say, " We 
 are at war with these men, and therefore we must kill them 
 if we can." 
 
 >yill the vague and general notion of being at war with 
 men, without any consideration of the true causes and 
 grounds of that war, give impunity to the armies that take 
 the field, for the purpose of dealing slaughter and devasta- 
 tion ? Will the soldier's plea, that he fought in obedience to 
 the «)rder of his commanders, screen him from the cry of 
 blood whicli his murderous arm has poured upon the earth ? 
 Will the officer's pompous defence, that he fought to advance 
 the military renown of his country and acquire fame in arms, 
 have more weight before God than the tears of the widow 
 and orphan, whom his thirst for glory has deprived of their 
 only support and eomfiut ? Will it overbalance the lives he 
 has suddenly taken away, and the misery and ruin he has 
 caused ? In short. Sir, will the plea of the legislator who 
 proclaimed this war, be admitted as just; that although he 
 might have had peace and a redress of wrongs by negotia- 
 tion, yet, he prel^rred war, because it would give himself and 
 his countrv more respectability and importance, both at home 
 and abroad ? 
 
 That ruler, Sir, who plunges his country in war, when 
 peace may be had by negotiation, at a thousandth part of the 
 expense, merely for the sake of establishing his own power 
 and importance, and convincing the world that he rules over 
 a people who can fight bravely, is a murderer of the first 
 class; his guilt is beyond conception great, and he w^as 
 raised up to be a scourge and a curse to his country. As for 
 his proclamation, it will neither afford himself nor his country 
 any shield, or any manner of excuse ; whatever it may be 
 supposed to add to the legality of the war in the sight of men, 
 God is not mocked, neither will eternal justice regard titt 
 false pretences and self-deceptions of men. 
 
 But as we are now set down before a main fortress of the 
 war system, which is intended to smooth the way for nations 
 to get at war legally, whatever may be the original ground 
 of the contention, I beg. Sir, I may be permitted to go into 
 each particular topic of argument. The proclamation being 
 as above stated, a member of the community will say, " We 
 surely have a right, and it is our duty, to fight, because our 
 
70 
 
 government has proclaimed war, and we must support our 
 government. «« That Law," says judge Blackstone, « which 
 contravenes the law of God, is nugatory, and of no force." 
 When one man is ordered to take the life of another, it is 
 not sufficient for him to know that the man who gives the com- 
 mand is a magistrate clothed with legal authority, under cer- 
 tain circumstances, to take life. The judge, who on the 
 bench, in the result of a solemn trial, pronounces sentence of 
 death upon a man, cannot meet a man in the street and order 
 him to kill a second person whom they shall meet. 
 
 The affairs of nations are public and open to inspection. 
 Individuals may quarrel privately ; nations cannot. There 
 are no conceivable or nossible forms of diplomatic sorcery 
 which can give a nation of men a right to rush to war with 
 their eyes shut ; neither can any authority of magistrates, 
 laws, or government, cause it to become the duty of one nation 
 to fall upon another, either with no apparent cause, or with 
 causes obviously insufScient. T!ie authority of human go- 
 vernment has no power to sanction wickedness ; neither can 
 it hy any force of construction enable a nation of people to 
 violate the law of God with impunity. 
 
 This doctrine of implicit obedience to revengeful ambitious 
 and restless governments and rulers, has been, of all others, 
 the most destructive to nations, and the greatest curse to the 
 earth. Men of this description, whatever may be their 
 rank and grade of office, are incapable of judging with can- 
 dour on the great question of peace or war. Their measures 
 of utility and national welfare, are false and pernicious j their 
 only standard of judgiient is self-aggrandizement. 
 
 What if war be proclaimed in due form ? The great Arbi- 
 ter of nations knows it might have been avoided — knows the 
 proclamation to have been dictated by the vilest motives; 
 and, in fact, the great body of the nation know it, or have the 
 means of knowing it. What shall be done in this case ? 
 shall the people rush into such a war, because it is their duty 
 to support the government ? This indeed is the doctrine vehe- 
 mently maintained. 
 
 A people. Sir, may, in this way, support their government, 
 but they will assuredly draw down upon themselves the ven- 
 geance of God. It is for this reason, that eternal truth has 
 declared, and all experience supports the declaration, that 
 when the wicked bear rule, the land mourns. The nation that 
 obeys the voice of wicked rulers, rather than the voice of God, 
 shall mourn. 
 
 It often happens that a declaration of war does not set 
 
5^1 
 
 forth the true reasons why the rulers of a nation wish for 
 war. Their real motive may be their own aggrandizement j 
 their security in power; the desire of revenge, of humbling 
 a nation, of gaining merit and favour with another na- 
 tion, of making some conquest, or of accomplishing some 
 object of ambition. But these, which are the true and only 
 motives of their conduct, they, by no means, wish to avow 
 or have known. They, therefore, fasten upon certain acts 
 of their intended adversary, construe them into violations of 
 the law of nations, exaggerate them, assume a hostile and 
 threatening attitude and aspect ; endeavour to provoke new 
 aggressions, make things worse by haughty demands and ne- 
 gotiations, frustrated by their own intrigues ; and thus even- 
 tually bring themselves and the power with whom they wish 
 to be at war, on such ground as to render a declaration of war 
 popular. 
 
 Tbe Almighty Ruler of nations knows, that not one of the 
 real causes of the war, is set up in the declaration ; of course 
 He knows the declaration to be totally false, and He views it as 
 the vile and atrocious instrument of death and desolation, and 
 misery to millions of people. Are we to presume. Sir, that God 
 will connive at this horrid plan of mischief and wickedness; 
 that because it has, among men, violently extorted the conces- 
 sion of legality, he will give it his sanction, and that he requires 
 all the millions of people over whom these monsters of hypo- 
 crisy and falsehood bear sway, to seize their arms and give 
 their blood and treasure to support this war ? 
 
 Neither is there as much of deception in all this business as 
 may be readily imagined by the unwary. For, generally 
 speaking, nations of people understand as truly the grounds on 
 which their government make war, as the rulers themselves. 
 
 Shall the rulers of a nation avail themselves of falsehood 
 and hypocrisy, to render war legal and popular ? Will the 
 Sovereign of nations be deceived with mere pretences, as 
 when one thing is said and the contrary intended ? But it 
 will be urged, that in such cases, the guilt will be upon rulers, 
 and that the people have only to obey. I have already re- 
 plied to this evasion. Rarely indeed is it that people are de- 
 ceived ; and the more enlightened portion of society, a very 
 numerous class, know as well on what ground they standi 
 and from what motives they act, as their rulers. 
 
 We have considered the injustice and wickedness of a pro- 
 clamation, where its authors know that peace may be had, 
 and redress obtained by negotiation; since, in all such 
 cases, it is evident that war is preferred for its own sake, and 
 
the reasons assii^ned, arc merely a diplomatic manoeuvre, 
 to draw tlie jjeople into the views of government. We Iiave 
 also considered tiie case in which the declaration does not 
 express the true motives ol'the war. 
 
 There is another fault in declarations of war, which must 
 destroy their efficacy to render it the duty of the people to 
 give tliem their support. The reasons they allege for mak- 
 ing war, are generally inadequate causes of war; admitting 
 them to he ever so sincere, true, and genuine, and war under 
 some circumstances to be just. 
 
 The long established habit of nations falling on one ano- 
 ther, with fire and sword, and shedding the blood of thou- 
 sands for any cause, or for no cause, has taken off restraint, 
 and banished regard for human lite, and reverence for divine 
 authority, from the great body of mankind. Whilst they are 
 exhausting the slow and solemn forms of civil law, in trying 
 the most atrocious murderer for life, as though his life was 
 worth more than millions of money, and guarded by the high 
 and awful sanctions of the law of God ; — they will rush to 
 war on the most frivolous pretence, or in fact, without any 
 satisfactory cause, merely because a certain man, or body of 
 men have issued a proclamation of war, assigning reasons 
 which they know, and freely acknowledge, are inadequate ; 
 but then they are bound to do it, because the declaration of 
 war is an act of government. Is then civil government so 
 potent and sacred, that it can, by the dash of a pen, perhaps 
 under the influence of the fumes of wine, or some rash and 
 headlong passion, or more probably directed by cold delibe- 
 rate and calculating ambition, in a moment, release a whole 
 nation from the eternal obligations of justice ; drive them 
 like a flock of sheep to the field of slaughter, and wrest from 
 those that remain at home the blessings of peace, which are 
 the chief blessings of life itself? 
 
 Sir, I think not : I am fully persuaded that no act of go- 
 Ternment can render it right, that a nation should engage in 
 iin unjust and wicked war. A declaration of war tending to 
 this result, furnishes no impunity to the people, by throwing 
 the responsibility upcm their rulers. It is, indeed, the duty 
 of rulers to take care what laws they make, and what decla- 
 a'atiuns they promulgate, as they value the approbation of 
 the Almighty Law-giver ; but it is nevertheless the duty of 
 people and nations to know to what purpose they contend, 
 and for what cause they shed the blood of men. 
 
 It was never. Sir, among the ends of civil governments, to 
 i^elease nations from their obligations to the law of God. 
 
They have often bc( n perverted to this vile purpose, and have 
 as olten become the curse and scourge of nations. When hu- 
 man laws, institutions, or enterprises, interfere with that awlul 
 authority, whicli is universal and eternal as G<d himself, the 
 names by which they are called no longer avjiil them. The 
 authors of such laws, and the authorities by which they are 
 carried into effect, are doubtless involved in the deepest guilt; 
 but those who obey them cannot be innocent. 
 
 Crimes perpetrated under the sanction of human laws, lose 
 not their atrocity by that sanction ; '< the people," who commit 
 them, *• shall be taken away in their iniquity." 
 
 But as this point now universally stands throughout all 
 Christendom, sanctioned by the voice of Christian nations and 
 the Christian Churches, nothing is necessary to pave the way 
 to a legal war between any two nations, but a formal declara- 
 tion of war by government ; however causeless the war, how- 
 ever false and groundless the declaration, and however evi- 
 dently so to the whole of both nations about to rush to mutual 
 destruction. For they say, *« War is declared, and we must 
 obey our rulers." 
 
 Sir, for one nation to fall upon another unjustly, with full 
 intention to kill, conquer, and enslave, is a sin as much 
 greater than when one individual falls on another, with the 
 same intention, as a nation is more important than an indivi- 
 dual. I still go on the admissibility of defensive war. But 
 if the government of a country should pass a law, that one 
 man in a certain neighbourhood, should go to his next neigh- 
 bour's house, set it on fire, kill his neighbour, ravage his 
 farm, and carry off what plunder he could ; assigning as a 
 reason, that the man who was to make the war, had been 
 grossly insulted by his neighbour, who, on certain occasions^ 
 had interrupted his labours, perhaps thrown down his fence, 
 &c. &c. &c. Would not all men be amazed at this minute 
 proclamation of war ? Would the man in whose favour it 
 was issued, consider himself as authorized to act accord-? 
 ingly ? 
 
 But let us vary the supposition. Let it be supposed that 
 the man against whom this individual warfare was to be made, 
 lived within the borders of another nation : would that cir- 
 cumstance lessen his astonishment ? Would such an act of 
 government lessen, in his view, the atrocity of the deed thus 
 authorized ? No : he would think such a law passed under 
 the influence of insanity. 
 
 The horrible custom of war has, in relation to itself, gone 
 far to abolish from the human mind, 1 nay say^ all the 
 
 K 
 
flietates of eonimoii justice, and even of common sense. 
 "Would mankind be astonished at an act of any government, 
 like the above ? I take it upon me to say, that all the difference 
 between that individual war, thus proclaimed, and a national 
 war, proclaimed for inadequate reasotis, lies in favour of the 
 individual war : all the arguments in favour of the former, 
 are still stronger in favour of the latter ; and all the objec- 
 tions to such an individual war are infinitely stronger against 
 proclaiming an unjust war against a nation. The conduct, 
 therefore, which one man ought to pursue, being authorized 
 as above, to fall upon another, ought to be pursued by a na- 
 tion, thus let loose on another nation, by a wicked and mer- 
 ciless government. 
 
 In the above individual war, the guilty person would be 
 punished, and the offended person be the punish er. But 
 should it be said reparation might be obtained another, and 
 much better, way ; so might it in the case of a nation : nor is 
 there one war among a thousand, in which, with a proper 
 spirit of accommodation, a due redress might not have been 
 obtained. And the fact is, that in most eases, aggressions 
 are provoked, or take their origin from such minute and in- 
 tricate collisions, that no human tribunal would be competent 
 to settle the question of original blame, though ever so truly 
 disposed to do impartial justice. 
 
 Would it be said that in every well regulated state, there 
 are laws for the recovery of rights and the redress of wrongs ; 
 and that of course no government has a right to proclaim 
 war between one citizen and another ? Neither, I answer, 
 has any government a right to proclaim war against a nation 
 without an adequate cause ; and the sin in the latter case is as 
 much greater than in the former, as millions are greater than 
 one. Besides, whose fault is it that there are not established 
 laws among neighbouring nations, for the adjustment of dis- 
 putes, as well as among individuals ? Is it not but too evident, 
 that nations have carefully avoided any arrangements, that 
 would effectually shut the door against war on the most frivo- 
 lous pretences : that they desire no such arrangements, be- 
 cause they choose to keep the door for war perpetually open ; 
 so that every nation may choose its own time and occasions 
 for falling upon its neighbours ? 
 
 Again, I ask, whose fault is it, that it is not as unpopular, 
 as disgraceful, as abhorrent to the common sense of mankind, 
 as contrary to established custom, and to known rules and 
 laws, for one nation to fall, justly or unjustly, upon another, 
 as for an individual B Those laws are thought wise which 
 
75 
 
 forbid an individual to be his own avenger, although there is 
 much personal gratification ; although the* injured person 
 avenges and the aggressor suffers : why then should a nation 
 be its own avenger, vvliich can feel no gratification, and has 
 no power to reach the true and real aggressor ? 
 
 Or, on the other hand, will it be said, that nations ought 
 sometimes to go to war on very small provocations, for the 
 sake of national honour? What is national honour? Sure- 
 ly not any thing that is sinful ; for sin is a reproach to any 
 people. No sinful act, or series of acts, in which a nation, 
 as a body, concurred, ever promoted the honour of that na- 
 tion. I hope and trust. Sir, there need be no difficulty in 
 convincing Christians of the solidity of this ground. Among 
 devils, indeed, it may be accounted honourable to act like a 
 devil ; but Christians are taught to estimate honour by a dif- 
 ferent standard. The author of five sermons, in defence of 
 war, above alluded to, is indeed of the opinion, that *< the 
 equity of a war little depends on the magnitude of the injury ; 
 and if the evil inflicted be small, there is less excuse for the 
 aggressor." But whether he measures honour by the Chris- 
 tian or diabolical standard, I shall leave all men to judge. It 
 is, indeed, of little consequence to him how men may judge, 
 and will make nothing for him, should nations approve his 
 principles, which they probably will, so long as they wish for 
 some cloak to hide their guilt ; but God will try this work, 
 as by fire, and a day will declare it of what sort it is. 
 
 The custom of war has been so universally and so long 
 prevalent, that mankind generally make no distinction among 
 the causes from which it originates ; and no odium rests on 
 any nation, on the ground of having waged an unjust war. 
 While all mankind unite their imprecations to express the 
 deepest abhorrence of a man who commits one murder, they 
 ■will, as readily, unite their voices in praise of Alexander, 
 Csesar, or Bonaparte, whose cruel ambition thinned the world 
 of its inhabitants, and shed the blood of many millions of peo- 
 ple. Even the Church of Christ is carried away with this 
 torrent, and all wars are legitimated simply by the consider- 
 ation, that they are waged or carried on by a nation or go- 
 vernment. Men will readily allow, when speculating on the 
 question, in thesis that a war may be unjust ; but when the 
 case occurs, in fact, they give themselves no trouble about 
 a question, so perplexing as the true cause of a war. The 
 sovereign authority of a nation has done it, and is supposed 
 to be alone accountable for it. 
 
 I have shown that a declaration of war, even admitting 
 
76 
 
 defensive war to be right, cannot screen a nation from guilt ; 
 either, 
 
 1. When peace might have been preserved by amicable 
 negotiation ; or, 
 
 2. Wlien the declaration sets forth false reasons ; or 
 
 3. When the reasons assigned are inadequate. It is not 
 to be doubted, that most declarations of war come under one 
 or another of these descriptions. Of what avail, therefore, 
 they will be before the Judge of nations, every one may form 
 Ills own estimate. 
 
 But the reader is ready to demand, what we are to do? To 
 this I have already answered: but I will add, if we are com- 
 manded to engage in an unjust war, we have but one question 
 to decide, and that is a very plain one ; whether we ought to 
 obey God or man. For I repeal what I have already said, 
 even if it be admitted that in some cases it is right to kill a 
 man, yet that act cannot be performed by any human being 
 short of the guijt of murder, who does not clearly know why 
 or wherefore it must be done, and what the ground of hi3 
 right is to do it. 
 
 But it will be said in reply to this, « If every man in a na^ 
 tion, and every soldier in an army, has got all this to learn, 
 before he can go to killing, war would be a very slow busi- 
 ness." So it would, and in the name of heaven, so it ought 
 to be. The very lowest instruments of war, the private sol- 
 diers^ of an army, and especially all wiio figiit by profession, 
 without regard to the cause, are certainly guilty of murder. 
 The man who kills his fellow-man, without knowing him to 
 be worthy of death, and also knowing himself to have a right 
 to take his life, is a murderer. The man that kills men, 
 merely because it is commonly said, « we are at war with 
 them,^* without any knowledge of the reasons why, is a mur- 
 derer. The man that kills, in a cause which he knows to 
 be unjust, is a niurderer, and such are all cases which come 
 under the three cases just above stated. 
 
 In fine, if there were no wars but such as are strictly defen- 
 sive, and none were to kill, but such as have a right to do it on 
 the principle of justice, there would be few wars, and few men 
 would fall in battle. But, alas ! we decline after a multitude 
 to do evil. Mankind are wedded to the false idea, that num- 
 bers sanctify a deed. When war is proclaimed, however 
 unjustly, and when numbers, when multitudes, when nations 
 rush to battle, they forget that there is a God who judges in 
 the earth, who will make inquisition for blood. 
 
 But I have dwelt too long upon inere hypothesis, and 
 
77 
 
 especially on one, to wliicli it would be as difficult to bring 
 nations of men, as to the eternal truth of the gospel. For the 
 principle which makes mankind so avaricious of blood, has 
 no inclination to restrict the dreadful right of killing. Bor 
 that right they are willing to substitute any pretext; and 
 indeed, where all pretext and subterfuge fail, they cheer, en- 
 courage, and support themselves, by no consideration but that 
 of numbers and example ; never considering that God will 
 punish nations as well as individuals. 
 
 I am, Sir, yours, &e. 
 
 LETTER XIII. 
 
 Recapitulation. 
 Sib, 
 
 I HAVE endeavoured to show that war cannot be vin- 
 dicated under the sanction of a Divine command, nor of Di- 
 vine permission, importing equal authority. In the course of 
 this discussion, I have, I trust, shown that the lex talionis 
 naturcEf or the natural law of retaliation, which was known in 
 the antediluvian world, admitted and recognized in the Di- 
 vine direction to Noah, and fully explained and incorporated 
 in the penal code of Moses, was entirely and expressly re- 
 pealed by Jesus Christ. For as it is admitted, on all bands, 
 that several precepts of the decalogue are repealed, under 
 the gospel, as capitally penal, though not as moral laws ; and 
 as that precept in special, which regards taking life for life, 
 is the highest ease of retaliation, as well as of resisting evil, 
 both of which Christ forbids, 1 conclude that the authority of 
 tbe law of Moses, in regard of taking life is done away. In- 
 deed, I presume, that our tribunals, which still continue to 
 take life for murder, will readily admit that it is done away, 
 so far as to leave it discretionary with tbe supreme authority 
 of every nation to say whether life shall be taken, or some 
 other punishment substituted. As they in fact use this dis- 
 cretion in several other penal precepts, which the Mosaic law 
 rendered capital, and as no such discretion was used by the 
 ancient Hebrew tribunals, they must derive this license from 
 the mild spirit of the gospel. The gospel, no doubt, from 
 its genuine spirit, as well as particular precepts, extends its 
 dispensing and softening power to every case and form of cap- . 
 ital punishment. 
 
78 
 
 I have shown that men's solicitude for sclt-delVnce adds 
 nothing to ihcir security ; that their promptitude to revenge is 
 an arrogant invasion of the rights of God ; and that, talien 
 both together, they have shed torrents where they have 
 spared drops of blood, and where they have saved one, have 
 desiroyed millions of lives. And, even admitting that defen- 
 sive war is right, yet, I have, I think, clearly shown, where a 
 war is unjustly wagec, that neither a formal declaration of 
 war, nor the ready co-operation of nations, does in any de- 
 gree lessen the guilt arising from that war : nor is that guilt 
 limited to a few men at the head of affairs, but extends like 
 a sudden and dreadful contagion to all the armies, to all the 
 people, and probably to every individual soul co-operating. 
 
 I have never seen this point sufficiently illustrated. It 
 surely has not been duly considered by people who have some 
 conscience, some fear of God, some horror at incurring the 
 guilt of murder. It is in this way that whole nations of peo- 
 ple become murderers, are imbued and blackened in that hor- 
 rid guilt again and again. In nothing has the human mind 
 been so blinded, so surprisingly infatuated, as in the sanguin- 
 ary business of war. If this point were duly understood, it 
 would not be so easy a matter for the most bloody tyrant to 
 set his people at war. Every man would consider what he 
 was going about. 
 
 Is the Divine government so feeble, partial, and capricious, 
 then; does it pay so great and scrupulous a regard, when a 
 man way lays and stabs his neighbour, and yet no regard 
 when whole nations bleed? Does eternal justice sleep when 
 the dying groans of thousands pierce the skies? when the 
 tlood of millions cries from the ground ? 
 
 Who killed these people ? Oh ! nobody. They died in 
 battle. They were killed by the opposite army, who are 
 soldiers by profession ! And this answer is satisfactory to a 
 wretched infatuated mortal, who considers not that the eye 
 of God is on this scene of carnage, and views every dead 
 body as one distinct and individual murder. Never was 
 there a delusion so deep and dreadful ! Of all errors it is the 
 most destructive and atrocious that ever seized on the human 
 mind. ^^ We are at war P* In that one little sentence there 
 is a charm which makes man totally forget the value of life, 
 or the immortal destinies of the soul; which makes him care- 
 less of murder, and fearless of the wrath of God. Appre- 
 hensions, perhaps, may flit about him sometimes, and a little 
 remorse of conscience ; but he is ready to say, «' No matter, 
 that is not my business. It is the business of the nation, the 
 
79 
 
 government; and, if we are by chance wrong, that wrong is 
 to.be divided aujongst so many of us that my share will be 
 small." Deluded soul ! such reasonings will not stand before 
 God ! « We are at war." So mighty is the charm of that 
 word, that professing Christians, and even ministers, lose all 
 scruples about the equity or iniquity of the cause, and hurry 
 to the bloody conflict. Nay, even when they know they are 
 on the wrong side ; when they know their government was 
 either mistaken or wilful, and waged war unjustly, yet, " JVe 
 are at war, and must now kill as many as we can.'* Nor is 
 their idea less groundless with regard to a distribution of 
 guilt ; for so surely as eternal Justice governs the world, every 
 abettor and supporter of an unjust war, is chargeable with the 
 blood that is shed, witli the misery that is endured, with the 
 crimes that are perpetrated. 
 
 This point has perhaps, been sufficiently considered in a 
 former letter, but 1 could not pass it here without additional 
 animadversion. For, it is the cause of humanity I plead, 
 that if by any means some might be roused to consideration, 
 before another opportunity shall present of plunging them- 
 selves in guilt already so enormous. Tell me, ye abettors of 
 war, whether any one of you ever stood by the bed of a dy- 
 ing man, and saw his last agonies, and witnessed the awful 
 anxieties of his parting soul, and did not shudder? Now is 
 the final pang ; — and while the cold clay settles into death's 
 stern slumber, the immortal spirit appears before the throne 
 of God to receive its doom. Tell me whether you ever ap- 
 proached the horrid scene where one criminal is executed, 
 without the mingled sensations of terror, regret, and conster- 
 nation ? It is too shocking to be endured by the feeling spec- 
 tator. Your mind fluctuates with the rapidity of lightning 
 from the atrocity of his crime, to the severity of his doom~-- 
 from his character to his prospects, and from his situation to 
 your own. And I will pledge myself, that your humane feel- 
 ings, with rapid haste, often rush up to the avenues of mercy 
 in this extreme moment, and with- burning eye you look away 
 towards the sources of pardon, to see if there can be no relief. 
 
 It is no difficult matter to perceive, that a sin against socie- 
 ty may be such as to forfeit all the benefits of society ; and in 
 this light the laws of society contemplate crime and punish^ 
 ment. They do not punish crimes as moral evils or trans- 
 gressions against God. Did the death of the criminal extend 
 to nothing but this just privation, it could not be objected to ; 
 but a sentence of death often ends with this petition, " ^nd 
 the Lord have mercy on his soul/*' Does this prayer com- 
 
80 
 
 port with the sentence to which it forms the close ? I wii take 
 it upon me to say, it" the Lord is as regardless of his eternal 
 welfare as tliose who sentence him to death, and plunge him 
 into eternity, when they have reason to believe he is unpre- 
 pared, this prayer will be of no avail. Their laneuage is, 
 ** We will do him all the hurt we can, and may God do him as 
 much good as he pleases." 
 
 But when you see the criminal ready to plunge from the 
 ignominious scaffold into eternal perdition, and consider that 
 even his present hour, deplorable as it is, is the best hour he 
 will ever more enjoy, tlu' spectacle is, as I said, too shocking 
 to be endured. God grant to hasten the time when these 
 spectacles shall no more be seen ! 
 
 But where are all these tender feelings, these generous and 
 humane sensibilities in the field of battle, where perhaps ten, 
 twenty, or fifty thousand men, the pride and flower of nations, 
 perish in a day ; where fields are strewed and covered with 
 dead bodies, further than the eye can extend ? Where are 
 those strict, and solemn, and pompous forms of justice, conning 
 the details of evidence with an eagle's eye, and, even when 
 full proof is made out, loth to pronounce the dreadful sen- 
 tence ? Ah ! no such ceremony was here. In all these deaths 
 there was nothing but rage and uproar, and hurry, and tumult, 
 and confusion. Here was no conviction of crime, nor denoun- 
 cing of sentence. The most horrible passions; the deadliest 
 causes ; the wildest rage, was here with every effort to deal 
 promiscuous death. In this scene of slaughter, no one knew 
 by whom he fell : heroes perished by the basest arm, and souls 
 filed without a requiem to judgment. 
 
 But will the eternal Judge, clothed with omnipotent power 
 and justice, receive those souls, thus rushing into his presence, 
 with smiles of approbation ; these souls from the midst of 
 horrid crimes, agitated with the passions of devils, and covered 
 with blood ? Will he view this scene as most men do, as a 
 kind of political evil where the guilt is too general and inde- 
 terminate to fix on any individual ? Will it be satisfactory 
 to him, that these were soldiers by profession, and died in their 
 calling ? Will he esteem it that they fell in the bed of honour ? 
 fatal mistake ! They must there learn, but when it is too 
 late, that the souPs eternal destinies are not thus to be trifled 
 ■with. Life cannot be thus thrown away, but with infinite 
 guilt and presumption. 
 
 The man that takes his life in his hand, and goes to the field 
 of battle, has two grand accounts to adjust before he can act 
 eoDsisteutly. The first is not merely, whether the object for 
 
81 
 
 which he contends is of suflicicnt consequence to warrant 
 hiiii, way to rcfjiiirc him to sacrilicc all his worldly prospects 5 
 tills would bo a trifle ; but, whetlier the object requires him 
 to put a ti)iai period to his probationary state, and rush irom 
 the iuvy ol battle into the presence of God, and as it were 
 prematurely to demand his final and eternal sentence. The 
 second is, whether he has an object in view that will warrant 
 hiui in killing as many of his fellow -creatures as he can, and 
 sending tiieir souls in all probability to endless perdition. 
 And 1 am bold to say, if all men would daly consider these 
 two tiii)igs, there is not a man on earth wlio would evet* go 
 to batlli'. But so far from adjusting these grand points, most 
 men have no object which leads them to war, further than to 
 get their bread or to acquire fame and promotion. Of course 
 their conduct must be abhorred by God himself, and all holy 
 bei)igs. 
 
 It is not folly that leads them on ; it goes far beyond that 
 term. It is madness — it is infatuation. Nor has the hope of 
 the poor deluded throng any, the slightest foundation, that all 
 the responsibility will rest upon their leaders or their govern- 
 ment, or their nation. Nor will an artful, insidious declara- 
 tion of war, shield them from guilt. Men may ascribe won- 
 derful efficacy and importance to these diplomatic arts, to 
 these instruments of state policy, which suddenly call forth 
 fleets and armies, and embroil millions of people; but they 
 are nothing before that G'd who judges through the dark 
 cloud, and in spite of* all disguises weighs the actions of men. 
 He requires truth in the inward parts, nor can diplomatic skill, 
 however it may lead nations astray, or please or satisfy 
 princes, be able, by craft and falsehood, to cover crimes with 
 the Divine sanction. 
 
 I am, Sir, yours, &c. 
 
 LETTER XTV. 
 
 fVar not necessary to national safety. 
 
 Whatever nation or individual goes contrary to the 
 will of God for fear of the cimsequences of obedience, will 
 in the end, be unavoidably liable to the worst consequences. 
 One of the most popular objections to a nation disclaiming 
 
 Ju 
 
the right, and retraining from, the practice of war, is, thai 
 that nation wouhl be liable to insult, degradation, oppression, 
 and subjugation. It must be confessed, this objection is not 
 without much plausibility, and requires to be duly considered. 
 The object of this letter, therefore, shall he to consider what 
 would be the condition and fortunes of a nation that should 
 utterly disclaim and discontinue war, together with all capital 
 punishment. However that nation might fare, I frankly de- 
 clare, that I should prefer to stake my own fortunes, and those 
 of my children to all future times, in that pacific nation, rather 
 than in another as warlike as ancient Rome, all other circum- 
 stances being equal. 
 
 There can be no donbt, and I take it as a granted point, 
 that war, taken on a large scale, and as it has been pursued 
 by nations in all ages, does add immensely to the number and 
 weight of human miseries. 1 believe, that political, moral, 
 and theological writers, are united, to a man, in this opinion. 
 The question has, therefore, been often considered, whether the 
 time would not arrive, that nations would come to a right under- 
 standing of this point, and would agree to settle their disputes 
 by some grand pacific arbitration, which would be found far 
 cheaper, surer, more humane, more magnanimous, and more 
 satisfactory than war. Nations, indeed, taking the people at 
 large, would easily come into this plan ; it would be matter of 
 inexpressible joy to the great body of the people. It is not 
 nations, but rulers and governments, which keep alive the 
 spirit and fashion of war. 
 
 Should intelligence arrive that all the monarchs of Europe 
 had assembled in one grand convention, and had by a unani- 
 tnous vote determined to abolish the custom of war ; had 
 drawn the outlines of a plan for a grand tribunal, before 
 which the differences of nations should be adjusted ; more- 
 over that able statesmen and civilians were already engaged 
 in enlarging and perfecting a code to be adopted as the law of 
 nations : how do you imagine, Sir, such intelligence would 
 be received in our ow'n country ? Would it not be hailed with 
 universal joy, as the dawn of a more glorious era ? It would 
 not sound like an alliance offensive and defensive made between 
 two or three potent nations, w^hen about to attack and dis- 
 member one of their weak neighbours. 
 
 Let us further suppose, that this grand convention of rulers 
 bad sent an ambassador, clothed with special powers, to in- 
 Tite our government to join them. What would be the voice 
 Tof the people in this country ? would they say, " No : we 
 ehoose to keep up the old system of animosity, war, invasion. 
 
83 
 
 and violence. "We intend to invade and fight you as soon as, 
 we are able !" I think not, Sir. I think there are not many 
 spirits hardy enough, many faces sufficiently unbliisiiing in 
 these States, to dare propose the rejection of a more illustri- 
 ous overture than was ever yet made to a nation. The voice 
 of the great body of the people would be, " Yes, let us join 
 in this universal and perpetual peace ; let wars be done away, 
 the useless contentions of nations for ever cease, and the hu- 
 man family become brethren." 
 
 0, Sir, I cannot but dwell with delight on a vision so glo- 
 rious ; I cannot but indulge my imagination on this grand 
 idea, though it exists only in idea. I seem to hear the official 
 manifesto or proclamation of this august and pacific congress, 
 addressed to monarchs and nations : perhaps it might run 
 something in the following strain ; though we may readily 
 conceive that the novelty and grandeur of such an occasion, 
 would give an originality and glow, a spirit and unction to 
 their style, which no pen, uninspired by a like occasion, can 
 reach : 
 
 ** The monarchs, princes, and rulers of Europe, assembled 
 in congress, to their brethren the kings of the earth, to all 
 states, and to all people, on the first day of the era of Peace, 
 send greeting : 
 
 *< Brethren, 
 
 <« The great design and end of government is the hap- 
 piness of mankind. Though this has long been a received 
 principle, yet, unfortunately for rulers and for subjects, the 
 means which governments have used for the accomplishment 
 of that end, have in a great measure failed of success. War 
 is equally the disgrace and the scourge of nations. It shortens 
 human life, and diminishes the number and quality of its en- 
 joyments, while it lasts. Though it may sometimes result in 
 conquest, power, and dominion, yet those acquisitions bring 
 with them guilt, which Almighty Providence never fails to 
 punish, and vices which undermine the foundations, and des- 
 troy the fabric of the greatest empires. 
 
 " The late wars which have for twenty years ravaged the 
 nations over which we rule, have effectually taught us the 
 vanity of ambition, and to how little purpose nations shed 
 each other's blood ; and have brought us to the present hap- 
 py result. Reason itself, and the lighk of nature, might have 
 done this ; they are sufficient to convince every one who will 
 listen to their dictates, of the superior advantages of peace. 
 Between peace and war, indeed, there is no comparison of 
 
84< 
 
 advantages, since peace alone leads to enjoyment, war tends 
 to degiiivJation and misery. 
 
 « But we are members of one great community, whose 
 erand law is Love, and wliose liead is the Prince ot Peace. 
 AVe deeply r» gret and deplore, that by cultivating so long the 
 spirit and maxims of war, we have fixed an indelible preju- 
 dice in the nati-ms of the globe, professing a different faith, 
 against the religion we profess and the God we adore. We 
 basten to wipe away this stain, and to make all the reparation 
 in our power, by giving peace to our own subjects, and by 
 inviting the nations of the world to unite with us in a univer- 
 sal league of amity, that there may be peace on earth and 
 ^ood will to men, and then shall there be glory to God in the 
 highest. 
 
 « Illustrious sovereigns of nations ! you are exalted to power 
 that you may use it for the glory of God, and for the good of 
 his creatures. The life of man is short ; let its prolongation 
 and security be the object of our legislative and paternal 
 care. Life is encompassed with calamities and sorrows; 
 why should we continue Voluntarily to mingle in its cup the 
 bitterest ingredients and strongest poison? i he highest hon- 
 our which an earthly potentate can hope to gain, is to be the 
 father of his people, to secure them from danger, and pro- 
 mote their happiness. In this way he will resemble the great 
 liOrd of all, whose kingdom is the universe, and whose good 
 providence extends to innumerable orders of creatures. 
 
 « Hitlierto, man has been the worst enemy of man. Let this 
 be tlie glorious era of universal reconciliation. Let us this 
 day consolidate a peace that shall be lasting and extensive 
 as the world. It will be pleasing to the common Father of all; 
 the God of lieaven will smile u])on it from liis throne, and per- 
 haps refrain from making inquisition for blood already shed, 
 and shut up the stores of his retributive justice, now ready to 
 scatter plagues and destruction over the face of the earth, for 
 past offences. 
 
 <■<' Monarchs and rulers * what more pleasing recollection 
 can we carry with us beyond the grave, than that of having 
 lightened the load of human woes, than the consciousness that 
 millions of people have been made more happy and more 
 wise by our administration? What pleasure can we promise 
 4)urselves by remembering that we have slain thousands in 
 battle ? May not that* God who has said, " Thou shalt not 
 kill," and who is mighty in power and strict injustice, cause 
 the injured spirits of those we have slain, to crowd around us, 
 wA with fierce and dreadful imprecations, and such means of 
 
85 
 
 tormenting as immortal spirits may possess, become our pun- 
 isliors ? Let us be niiridriil that tlic regal pomp, the ensigns of 
 majesty, wliicli now surroJinil us, will be no security against 
 tlie demands of Justice, in the hand of omnipotence. 
 
 ** let us hasten, by reparation to the Jiving, to save our- 
 selves from the terrible reparation due to the dead. Has not 
 the system of war been sulficiently proved to show its de- 
 structive and disgraceful nature ? What miseries do not mark 
 its progress ? What vices do not follow in its train ? It threatens 
 alike destruction to conquerors and conquered. In vain do 
 we seek to cement the fuundations of our thrones in blood. 
 < For he that takes the sword, shall perish with the sword.* 
 
 *< It is time that the earth had rest from the commotions of 
 war. It is time VvC began to teach our children, that they 
 are born for other and nobler purposes than shedding human 
 blood. We earnestly invite the nations of the earth to join 
 with us in the bonds of peace. We solemnly pledge ourselves 
 to live in amity with all nations, and that this may be mutual 
 and permanent, we cordially invite them to send their dele- 
 gates, who may represent them in the Congress of Peace, now 
 assembled, or hereafter to assemble, to co-operate with us in 
 promoting peace and prosperity through the world. 
 
 ** People of Europe ! we address you as our beloved chiK 
 dren ; and we congratulate you on the glorious events of this 
 day. You are now alive, and survive the desolating war of 
 many years, which has overthrown and re-established states 
 and kingdoms, and filled every corner of Europe with slaugh- 
 ter and mourning; you, we are persuaded, are prepared for a 
 new order of things. You have had full opportunity to see 
 to what purpose it is that men fight and destroy each other. It 
 is to gratify the ambition of men who have no regard for your 
 welfare. Let national animosities and jealousies be forgotten 
 in perpetual peace, let them be superseded by the nobler af- 
 fection of brotherly love. 
 
 «« Let Englishmen, Frenchmen, Germans. Russians, Span- 
 iards, and Italians, view each other as brethren. As friends, 
 you can benefit each other ; but as eneinies you have no 
 power to benefit yourselves. In a scene of general prosperi- 
 ty, a man is secured in the prosecution of laudable enter- 
 prises. But moral virtue, social principle, humane feelings 
 every valuable interest, every thing which makes man great 
 and good ! is forgotten and for ever lost in war. Children of 
 our love, you occupy that region of the earth where the hu 
 man mind has displayed its highest excellencies, its strongest 
 powers. You cannot boast the fertile plains and streams of 
 
86 
 
 Asia, nor the raullifarious forms of vegetable and animal pro- 
 ductions of Africa. But you possess lulls and vallies, moun- 
 tains and forests, seas, rivers, and islands, w hose diversified 
 form and features indicate and promote the plenitude and ver- 
 satility of your genius. You doubtless deem it a felicity that 
 the progress of religion, of reason, and civilization, has gieatly 
 softened the ferocious and savage dispositions of man. In our 
 own times the principle and practice of slavery are abolished, 
 a change which once was thought impracticable. 
 
 ** Monarchs have been justly accused as the authors and 
 abettors of war : we now are determined to wipe away that 
 repmach, though it does not belong exclusively to us ; and we 
 now announce to you an improvement of more vital impor- 
 tance to your present and eternal happiness than all others, 
 which have ever yet been made. Tijink not that we ascribe 
 it too much to the progress of reason and civilization. The 
 religion we profess, is a religion of perfect benevolence ; and 
 .we this day restore that religion to its pristine form and primi- 
 tive beauty. Our great Redeemer is the Prince of Peace, 
 and our God is Love. War is inconsistent with the precepts 
 and spirit of the Gospel. 
 
 <* In the name of God and of Jesus Christ, we command 
 you, each one, to love his neighbour as himself; to lay aside 
 the dispositions of war : « Beat your s^vords into ploughshares, 
 your spears into pruning hooks, and learn war no more.** Let 
 it he regarded as a first principle, that as life is given by God 
 alone, he alone has a right to take it away. Let the man- 
 slayer be held in universal abhorrence ; and it shall be our 
 care to secure men of that description, in a place of confine- 
 ment, where they may render some benefit to society, and be 
 allowed a season for repentance. We cannot now detail to you 
 the reasons at length, on which we adopt a change so material 
 in our policy. 
 
 " Turn your attention to cultivate the arts of peace, the 
 liberal sciences, and those improvements which aim at the 
 happiness and not the destruction of men. Listen not to the 
 cruel and insidious voice that may tell you that war is neces- 
 sary to your safety. Look back to the ancient empires, 
 whose foundations were laid, and whose walls were cemented 
 in blo()d. Did they ever enjoy rest ? Look at the warlike and 
 powerful nations, since the fall of Rome, — the Saracens and 
 Turks. Have they not been perpetually at war ? Have they 
 not been a scourge and curse to the human family ? Where 
 is their honour and their glory ? Does not the narrative of 
 their actions blacken the pages of history, and sink man to a 
 
 i 
 
87 
 
 level with those accursed spirits, whose work it is to torment 
 ami destroy ? Of what avail were all the Tartan wars, led on 
 by tlje fierce and bloody spirits of Ghenghis and Tamerlane, 
 whose course was marked with the flame of fifty thousand 
 cities, and the blood of millions of human beings? 
 
 " Learn to abhor their actions, and shun their examples j for 
 were devils to become incarnate, they could not spread wider 
 mischief or occasion more misery. O hasten to escape the 
 retribution that fell on them, and the eternal cloud of infamy 
 that will ever rest on their names and achievements. Give 
 the rains of heaven time to blanch the fields of Europe, long 
 stained with blood ; give the angels of mercy and of peace 
 time to visit your dwellings, and the blessings of the Father 
 of heaven to descend on your children." 
 
 Sir, would not such a manifesto as this, coming from the 
 grand potentates and nations of Europe, make many converts 
 to peace in our country ? I presume we should hear many a 
 Christian say, »< Well, really, I always had doubts about war: 
 now 1 see clearly that war is wrong, and wholly unbecoming 
 the Christian character." Many people are not waiting foi; 
 evidence, but authority and example. 
 
 If there be any thing truly abhorrent from the moral sense 
 of mankind, in an individual murder : any thing which ought 
 to be the subject of earnest and solemn investigation, when 
 one man takes the life of another, it certainly would require 
 no great stretch of improvement, from the present state of 
 Europe, for nations to become as scrupulous on this subject 
 as individuals. Little more seems requisite, than some ge- 
 neral shock of public feeling, to change the current of opinion;, 
 prejudice, and expectation. If individual assaults, assassi- 
 nations and murders, would be an inconvenience in civil so- 
 ciety, they are no less, but far more so among nations. A 
 private murder extends to the loss of one life only, but a war 
 to the loss of multitudes of lives on both sides : to immense 
 expense, and a general depravation of morals. 
 
 I have dwelt on the preceding supposition, not altogether 
 as an impossible, I hope not totally improbable case, merely 
 with a view to promote a train of thought, on a subject of 
 such deep importance. I will not enter into any consider- 
 ation of what would be the probable state of Europe, pro- 
 vided all its inhabitants should adopt the pacific system. 
 Though, I think, whatever partial inconveniences might be 
 apprehended, yet, all things considered, the state of Europe, 
 under such circumstances, would be far happier than it ever 
 has been. 
 
88 
 
 But our argument is to rest on a much lower supposition ; 
 a single nation a<!o]iting the j»aeific princij)le and practice. 
 And to suppose the strongest case possible, let Great Britain 
 be that nation. 
 
 It will be said, " If Great Britain were to disclaim war of 
 all kinds, and on every ground, that she would fall an im- 
 mediate prey to her neigiibours ; be plundered, subjugated* 
 and dismembered." There are several reasons which in- 
 duce me to believe this would not take place, which I will state 
 separately. And, 
 
 1. Neither Great Britain nor any other nation will deter- 
 mine to lay aside war, but w ith a simultaneous resolution to 
 treat all nations in a just and amicable manner. Moral and 
 religious motives, iii tiiat case may be presumed to direct 
 her conduct. Complaints would receive a due attention, ag- 
 grievanees be redressed, and speedy reparations made, for 
 all offences, or aggressions of her subjects. It must be con- 
 fessed, that ambitious nations do, sometimes, make war on 
 their neighbours, without any pretence of complaint. But 
 more generally there is some infraction of justice plead, 
 which, if suddenly and cheerfully removed, the sanguinary 
 consequences would not follow. Were Great Britain evi- 
 dently and promptly just to all her neighbours, many causes 
 of war would certainly be removed, and, of course, the proba- 
 bility of her being invaded, diminished. 
 
 It might, indeed, be said, if Biitain will not defend her- 
 self, who will defend her? But should she be derided for 
 her simplicity, the world would be astonished at her justice, 
 and the name of a Christian nation would begin to have some 
 import. 
 
 2. Jealousy of rivalship in arms, and the fear of a power- 
 ful and warlike nation, very frequently calls forth invasion, 
 and exposes a nation to tlie intrigues, coalitions, and offen- 
 sive alliances of neighbouring states, entertaining a spirit of 
 revenge for previous injuries, or determined to repel any 
 future aggression by anticipation. But when a people have 
 apparently abandoned war, by discontinuing military prepar- 
 ation, and ceasing to cultivate a martial spirit, they are no 
 longer objects of jealousy, or fear, or resentment. The 
 ground on which they stand, their attitude, their temper and 
 conduct will do more towards dissolving a hostile coalition, 
 calming old resentments, appeasing jealousies, and quieting 
 the fears of their neighbours, than the most specious and 
 skilful negotiation, or the most active preparations for war. 
 
 What then becomes of the maxim, that <^ to be prepared 
 
89 
 
 fnr war is the best security of peace ?" To which I answer : 
 there has never been a fair experiment on the gromul for 
 which 1 plead. This maxim probably is not true anxmg 
 fighting nations, whose ultimate reliance for security is on 
 war. Jt has never been tried by a nation known to be pacific 
 in its principles and conduct, which relies for defence on 
 its own innocence, the justice of its neighbours, and the pro- 
 tection of heaven. 
 
 A truly pacific nation will certainly never be invaded from 
 jealousy of its powers — never to retaliate injuries, for it will 
 commit no aggressions. As far, therefore, as fear, jealousy, 
 and revenge, are concerned, the peaceful nation will need 
 no warlike preparations ; of course the above maxim does 
 not apply to such a nation, in these cases. In the present 
 state of Europe, neither avarice, nor the hope of conquest, ai'e 
 very frequently the direct occasions of war. 
 
 3. Were an independent state to assume such ground, and 
 maintain such a character, as to excite neither fear, jealousy, 
 nor a desire of revenge, she would be able to make a pow- 
 erful appeal to the justice of all mankind, as her safeguard : 
 nay, her appeal could not fail to be effectual in very many in- 
 stances; and would give her greater security than the wooden 
 walls of Athens, or the steel clad armies of Rome. 
 
 ■ " Abash'd the Devil stood, 
 "And felt liow awful goodness is." 
 
 The whole world would say, " These people make no war : 
 they even refuse to shed blood in their own defence ; their 
 dealings are just and honourable; they live in peace; they 
 iiijure nobody ; and shall we invade and seek to destroy them ? 
 God forbid!" 
 
 The conqueror, burning with ambition, and driving from war 
 to war, in pursuit of empire, perhaps might invade such a 
 nation, if nothing but a sense of justice stood in his way. 
 Yet it is certain, no conqueror ever did fall upon such a na- 
 tion, and whether such an event would occur if such a nation 
 existed, we may be better able to conjecture in the sequel of 
 these remarks. 
 
 4. We may perhaps illustrate this subject by noticing ho# 
 an individual, refusing from principle to fight or take life on any 
 account, fares among warriors and fighting men. Let that 
 man go through the world, among all nations, both civilized 
 and savage, and his person will be considered as sacred. 
 This is a known fact, which no one will controvert. He may 
 meet with ignorant savages, who will mistake him for a spy, 
 
 M 
 
00 
 
 or an enemy in disguise, and may take his life. But let tliem 
 once understand tiiat he is perfectly harmless, and they will 
 not hurt him, but treat him with kindness. It must be allow- 
 ed, that tiicy may sometimes lay hands on his property by 
 stealth, or by violence, and may on that account take his 
 life ; but this is not common. A man known to be a son of 
 peace, in China, India, Persia, Turkey, Tartary, and among 
 the rudest savages of Africa and America, as well as through 
 all Europe, is, generally speaking, considered inviolable, 
 l)otb in his person and property. 
 
 There is no general remark more true, tlianthat the man who 
 is harmless, passes without harm. He may suffer, at times, 
 as the innocent often suffer, through suspicion, for the guilty; 
 and he may be attacked through avarice, malevolence, or en- 
 vy at his virtue ; but such attacks are unfrequent ; and it is a 
 general truth the world over, that he who injures no one, will 
 not be injured. Though we cannot certainly infer thence, 
 how a nation would fare among warring nations, we may 
 approximate^ to that conclusion, by considering the prin- 
 ciples and condition of the Quakers. They disclaim all war, 
 and never resort to violence, yet they are treated, even 
 among nations at war, as general Friends, agreeably to the 
 noble appellation they have selected for themselves. They 
 have sometimes been allowed to pass and repass the lines of 
 armies in the field, and suffered to prosecute their own busi- 
 ness, simply because they are known not to interfere with 
 war. 
 
 5. Should Great Britain declare for peace and non-resist- 
 ance, it is not pi'obable she would long remain alone, on that 
 ground. The force of example, in great and magnanimous 
 actions, is no less powerful among nations, than individuals. 
 Scarcely was any respectable nation ever known to adopt any 
 great measure relative to science, arts, politics, or religion^ 
 without being followed by others. Thus when Athens adopt- 
 ed the republican form of government, the states of Greece 
 aoon concurred. When one state or nation received Chris- 
 tianity, others followed. When one nation undertook a 
 crusade, all Europe flocked to the standard of the cross. 
 When one nation rose in the reformation, she did not long 
 stand alone ; and I only add, when one nation abolished ne- 
 gro slavery, all Europe followed the example. 
 
 The friends of peace are numerous, though little known 
 as such. The real Christian does not love war and blood- 
 shed, and can find it no easy matter to love his enemies, to 
 ^ray for, and do good to them, and yet kill them. These 
 
91 
 
 points in the character of the warrior and the Christian, are 
 like iron and clay ; they will not amalgamate ; no art can 
 make them harmonize together. The Cliristian, in view of 
 war and bloodshed, has many a struggle. What time his 
 soul ascends to God in prayer and devotion, when he falls in 
 humility before the throne of eternal mercy, when he melts 
 in heavenly love, and feels a little foretaste of the serene and 
 eternal joys of the blessed— ! how unlike to such feelings 
 is the rage of battle] How can ho lift his hand to send the 
 soul of his worst enemy to everlasting death ? 
 
 Such being the feelings and character of every true Chris- 
 tian ; I say there are more friends of poace in the world than 
 we can imagine. Should one nation, should Britain, in all 
 the pride of her power, and splendour of her wealth, come 
 out and declare for peac€, I fancy I can perceive how the 
 sons of peace would emerge to light, and lift up their joy- 
 ful voices in every corner of Europe. Yea, and they would 
 flock to her white and lovely banner; and strangers would 
 seek her shores from every corner of the globe. And I feel 
 the strongest persuasion, that other nations, more or less, 
 would adopt the same ])iinciple. 
 
 ' Who does not feel grateful to the memory of Egypt and 
 Greece for their arts and sciences, to Great Britain for her 
 wise and salutary laws? But the nation which shall first 
 come forward and declare for perpetual, for Christian peace, 
 will deserve more lasting gratitude and honour. 
 
 She might indeed encounter some trouble, as perfect tran- 
 quillity is not the lot of this mortal life. But I doubt not she 
 would be protected, and would find herself greatly improved 
 and benefitted by the change. Hence I observe, 
 
 6. There is such a thing as a divine protection exercised 
 over nations. Were the history of all nations as truly known 
 as that of the Hebrew nation, there no doubt would appear 
 as continual an interference of the divine hand, as there was 
 in the case of the Hebrews. The only difference is, the 
 agency of God in tlie Hebrew history, was recorded, and we 
 can read it; but in the affairs of other nations, it is gene- 
 rally unpprceived, and altogether unrecorded. That God, 
 by whose favour and providence kings reign and princes de- 
 cree justice, holds nations in his hands ; and his language is, 
 «< O ! that they had barkened unto my commandments, then 
 had thoir peace been as a river, and their righteousness as 
 the waves of the sea !" 
 
 Every Christian ought to know and feel, that God can 
 protect a nation, and that he ordinarily deals with nations ac- 
 
OS 
 
 «;/)«lijig to their visible conduct. The single circumstance^ 
 that a nation should renounce war, still remaining jjrotiigate 
 and abandoned to other vices, would surely not screen them 
 from the divine displeasure, and from calamity. But here 
 it is proper to remark, that, probably, no nation, as such, 
 will renounce war, but from motives of religion, which will 
 indicate, and in fact, ensure a general spirit of reformation. 
 So great a change, and so magnanimous a resolution, will 
 never be taken by a weak, vicious, and profligate govern- 
 ment. But however vicious a nation renouncing war might 
 be, in other respects, this act would, at least, not be in the 
 catalogue of her vices, and as the sovereign Arbiter awards 
 national retribution in this life, he might determine to set the 
 seal of his approbation on the principles of peace ; and 
 I am inclined to think would do it, wherever they might be 
 adopted. 
 
 But m how many ways God can build and plants or pluck 
 up and destroy human institutions ! And they shall, one 
 day, become as chaff of the summer threshing-floor, and the 
 "wind shall c^rry them away. In the mean time, their origin, 
 their progress, and various fortunes, are all in the hands of 
 God. The boasted efficacy of self-defence, the vast and san- 
 guinary art of war, which has engrossed, at least, one half 
 the efforts of the human race, cannot save a nation one mo- 
 ment, without the panoply of divine protection. Without a 
 miracle, the great Jehovah can protect a pacific nation. 
 He that toucheth the hills, and they tremble— the mountains, 
 and they smoke, can scatter nations by the blast of his breath; 
 can humble nionarchs by his frown. He can change times, 
 sind withdraw man froni his purpose. 
 
 It surely is reasoning which neither departs from experi- 
 ence, nor the oracles of truth, that if it would be pleasing to 
 God to see his creatures on earth lay aside their hostile dis- 
 positions, and live in love and peace, he woijld make a nation, 
 so professing and so conducting, the object of his care and 
 fg^vour; and if it be a fact, that half the vices which distract 
 and destroy men, proceed from war; we may conclude, that 
 whatever nation shall reform in so grand an article, will not 
 only escape its train of evil consequences, but will amend its 
 inorals in other respects. 
 
 But, what if a nation pj'ofessing peace, should be at times 
 injured, or even subjugated? What then? Is this any argu- 
 ment in favour of war? Are warlike nations never invade^ 
 HOP conquered? Where is Babylon, Persepolis, Athens? 
 Jlpine^ the imperial; « eternal" city, was besieged, t?iken 
 
93 
 
 by storm, plundered, and subjected to the horrors of war 
 five times in the space of twenty years. How often have the 
 streets of tliat warlilcc city flowed with blood, since the day 
 that Romulus laid its foundation in tiie blood of his brother 
 Remus? How often has that city, that grand school and 
 mistress of war, been conquered since the days of Alaric ? 
 Aad in modern Europe, has war proved a security ? Great 
 Britain has been conquered, has drunk the bitter cup of sub- 
 jugation, four times; has slain millions of her enemies, and 
 lost millions of her subjects in war. France lias been con- 
 quered live times, and has shed still more blood than Britain^ 
 as her inhabitants have been more numerous. In short, there 
 is not a nation worth a conqueror's notice, that has not been 
 conquered. Even China, though containing three hundred 
 millions of people, has not escaped the fury and ambition of 
 the conqueror. 
 
 But that nation which God shall favour, no enemy shall 
 invade, no hostile foot shall visit ; and no weapon formed 
 against it shall prosj)cr. I proceed to observe, 
 
 7. In the last place, Christ said, " My kingdom is not of 
 this world, else wouhl my servants fight." This declaration 
 speaks a volume. They did not fight whilst that kingdom 
 continued obedient to its king, and acted upon his maxims. 
 But that kingdom shall be restored, raised to a far great- 
 er glory, and spread to a nobler dominion. And the time 
 is near. Some nation must soon come forward and espouse 
 the cause of peace. Some nation must awake to the true 
 dignity and happiness of our race, to the dictates of common 
 sense and reason ; awake to the soul's immortal interests and 
 destinies ; awake to the wisest and best policy of nations ; 
 must soon lift its voice against war, in every form, and against 
 taking away tlie life of man on any occasion. 
 
 The present state of nations and passing events, as well 
 as the predictions of Scripture, give some ground to 
 hope that nations convinced of the evils of war, will 
 sheathe their swords for ever ; and that tlie Church of Christ 
 will return to her truly primitive pacific character. And 
 should Great Britain, or any other nation, be the first in that 
 grand movement, as I said above, I should feel my fortunes 
 more safe in that nation, than in one as warlike and ambitious 
 as ancient Rome. Her principles would induce her to be 
 just and amicable ; the rectitude of her conduct, grounded on 
 principles so extraordinary, would form an irresistible appeal 
 to the justice and magnanimity of neighbouring powers. 
 The simple grandeur of the character to which she would rise. 
 
94 
 
 under a change so astonishing and so novel, would excite 
 the attention of all nations, and some would, no doubt, follow 
 her example. She would never be invaded from fear, jeal- 
 ousy, or resentment, and being harmless, would not be likely 
 to suffer injury. On the whole, I feel the highest confidence, 
 that Almighty Providence would extend to her efficient pro- 
 tection, in those cases where she was exposed to the fury of 
 nations and conquerors, whom no sense of justice or hu- 
 manity could restrain. And they might read in the fate of 
 Pliaraoh or Sennacherib, an example of their own temerity, 
 and destruction. 
 
 Sir, views of truth, duty and divine Providence, such as 
 the foregoing, have brought me to a firm and unshaken belief, 
 that any nation fully espousing the cause of peace, would 
 prove to be flouiishing, happy, and secure, beyond parallel. 
 
 <« Thou wilt keep him in perfect peace whose mind is stay- 
 ed on thee, because he trusteth in thee." And shall we dis- 
 trust a promise in which eternal veracity is pledged ? Will 
 it not do. Sir, for a nation liumbly to repose confidence in 
 the protection of the Almighty ? Does not such a pledge as 
 this, import more security to liim, who holds it, than the 
 united powers of all creatures could give ? I shall waste no 
 lime in considering what Britain, as a pacific nation, might 
 do with her fleets and armies. Suffice it to say, that the in- 
 calculable treasures before expended on the schemes of war, 
 might with ease be turned to promote the arts and enterprises 
 of peace. 
 
 Perhaps one might wish his own country to be the first, 
 honoured, and happy subject of conversion to peace. But in 
 this, as in every thing wliicli concerns his great kingdom, the 
 blessed God will overrule and direct. We ought to wish the 
 glorious prospect to open first, where it will shine with the 
 greatest lustre, and progress with most extended influence. 
 While with agonies of desire, every Christian should direct 
 Ills eye to the Redeemer's throne, and his prayer to the great 
 Intercessor, that he would hasten the day, let every one say, 
 «< Thy kingdom come, thy will be done." Sir, let us rejoice, 
 in full assurance, that He will in his own times declare who is 
 that blessed and only potentate. The King of kings and 
 Lord of lords. 
 
 I am, Sir, yours, &c. 
 
95 
 
 LETTER XV. 
 
 War incompatible with the highest good of all nations. 
 Sir, 
 
 It will doubtless be seen, that, if the preceding grounds 
 I have taken have been maintained, the proposition now to be 
 considered, is already substantiated. Yet, while the topics on 
 which this proposition depends, are not brought fully into view, 
 and as public utility is generally admitted as a good rule to 
 try public measures by, I consider it due, and even essentially 
 important to the cause of truth, to show in what respects war 
 is inconsistent with the best interests of nations, whether 
 considered as bodies politic, or subjects of God's moral gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 At the same time candour and fairness require that we 
 give full weight to the arguments drawn from several im- 
 portant advantages supposed to result from war, both to na- 
 tions and individuals. My object is to show, that na- 
 tions, even as the world now is, and depraved as hu- 
 man nature is, would better consult their own interest 
 and happiness by renouncing war. Whereas the popu- 
 lar sentiment is, that, although war is a very great evil, 
 yet the condition of nations is such, that they must of neces- 
 sity fight, at least in their own defence. And it is this senti- 
 ment which keeps the door of war as wide open as any 
 warrior on earth can desire. Indeed, if the line of what may 
 be called lawful war, drawn by the author of the five ser- 
 mons already alluded to, be correct, no nation that -wishes 
 to be at war, can long want a pretext. For, although he 
 admits none but defensive war, yet, to fight for money, for 
 honour, for any right or privilege, at home or abroad, on 
 land or on sea, is, in his sense, defensive war. Of course, 
 David's invasion of Moab, because his servants had the 
 skirts of their garments cut off there, was defensive war. 
 And the Roman war on Corinth, because the Roman Ambas- 
 sadors had a filthy vessel emptied on their heads in the street, 
 warf defensive war, and in it, that splendid capital of Greece, 
 was razed to the ground. And, what is still more wonderful, 
 the author of the five sermons expressly declares, as I have 
 before noticed, that, " as to the equity of the war, little de- 
 pends upon the magnitude of the injury." « If the evil in- 
 flicted be small, there is less excuse upon the part of the 
 aggressor, for persisting in it, at the risk of an appeal to 
 arms." Of course, I presume if our ambassador should 
 chance to hare his dog killed, or even kicked in the streets 
 
96 
 
 of London, it would be thought a sufficient cause of war, «< if 
 persisted in." 
 
 Ah, Sir, the men that breathe the spirit of war, never are at 
 a loss for a sufficient cause ; and so lonij; as defensive war is 
 admitted, all wars can easily be proved to be defensive, by a 
 system of martial logic. 
 
 But the autlior of the five sermons goes even much further 
 than all this, and swells the boundaiies of defensive war so 
 as to take in what may be called *« j)recautiojiary wars." 
 Sir, I presume there has not been a war in Europe since Ku~ 
 ropa fled to tliat continent on the tergum Tauri,* but m hat 
 could, at this rate, easily be proved to be a defensive war. 
 
 All war is wrong, and wliile permitted, was permitted as a 
 scourge and judgment on a birwdy race of creatures; and 
 now, that it is persisted in by professing Christians, when for- 
 bidden, it is suffered to pour its plagues, mingled with divine 
 wrath and indignation, upon ificir heads. 
 
 No pencil can draw in its true colours the portrait of war. 
 It is all extreme, all horrible, all devilish. It is a sight suffi- 
 ciently odious and repulsive, to see two men quarrel and 
 fight, even without any real intention of killing; but when a 
 great many thousands on each side, and the late armies in 
 Europe have consisted often of some hundreds of thousands, 
 meet for the known purpose of killing each other; to see 
 them by thousands dashed in pieces by cannon balls and grape 
 shot, pierced by musket bullets, cut down by swords — trans- 
 fixed by bayonets, crushed by carriages, and trampled by 
 horses ; to hear their groans and cries, their curses and exe- 
 crations ; to see them rushing on with fury, or retreating with 
 precipitation and despair ; presents a scene, which neither 
 tongue, pen, nor pencil, can reach. 
 
 The wounded, the dying, and dead, lie mingled and totally 
 disregarded. Thousands, whose limbs and bodies are torn 
 mangled and cut in pieees with disfiguring and ghastly wounds, 
 in torments which none can conceive, lie neglected, writhing 
 and bleeding to death, for hours, and often for days, till they 
 perish in slow and lingering tortures. T4unk, Sir, of the great 
 hattles of Thymbrse, of Issus and Arbelae ; where Cyrus and 
 Alexander slaughtered incredible multitudes of men, and 
 gained themselves immortal renown among wretched infatua- 
 ted mortals, but I think eternal infamy even among devils. 
 Think of the thousand battles of Julius Cjesar and Hanni- 
 bal, those thunderbolts of war. Think of the millions slain 
 
 •. Back of a Bull. 
 
97 
 
 fey the Goths, Saracens, and Turks; by Attila, Ghenghis, and 
 Tamerlane j nay, by Charles, Lewis, and Bonaparte. 
 
 my God ! what an eternity does the history of our vile 
 race seem to indicate to the greatest portion of men ! thou 
 infinite Father of all worlds and creatures, hear the prayer 
 of a helpless worm : bow thy heavens in mercy and say it is 
 enough ; bid the tumult of battle cease ; say to her billows, 
 "hitherto shalt thou come, but no further, and here shall thy 
 proud waves be stayed." 
 
 1. Sir, the first and most prominent feature of war, is its 
 destruction of human life. But whoever would attempt an 
 estimate of this, must not limit his calculation merely to such 
 as fall in battle ; but must extend it to all whose ordinary 
 term of life is cut short by means of war. In this view of 
 the question, I should not hesitate a moment to say, that war 
 has destroyed a third part of the iiuman race. For, it often 
 brings pestilence and famine in its train. Now the first ob- 
 ject of society is to render life secure and happy j we see by 
 what means this object has been frustrated. 
 
 But the objector will say, tl»e blame of war must be charged 
 to the original aggressor. Sir, the spirit of resistance is a 
 spirit of violence ; and in those cases where money, interest, 
 honour, ambition, and intrigue, are at bottom, there is often 
 scarce a shade of difference between the two sides of conten- 
 tion in point of blame. There have been but few wars in 
 which the blame lay chiefly on one side. Let us look for a 
 moment, at some of the most destructive wars that history re- 
 cords. Who can settle the precedency of blame between the 
 Assyrians and the Medes and Persians ? between the Persians 
 and Greeks? Even Alexander plead powerfully, and with 
 some appearance of justice, his right to punish the Persians 
 for their invasions of Greece, Who can adjust the question 
 of blame between Rome and Carthage, or between Greece 
 and Rome ? Who, between Rome and Rome, in the horrible 
 civil wars of the triumvirates ? Who, between Rome and the 
 Gauls and Germans, or Goths and Vandals ? Who, between 
 the Guelphs and Ghibbillenes, or between France and Eng- 
 land, or Francis and Charles ? 
 
 Wars, instead of promoting security and happiness, impair 
 both; neither can we criminate one side and exculpate the 
 other. The blame of war is, on a large scale, as chargeable 
 to resistance as aggression ; and were the principle of resist- 
 ance and retaliation to cease, war would cease. But they are 
 kept up to preserve life and happiness. How do ^they do it ? 
 By the destruction of a third part of men. But, 
 
 N 
 
2. Perhaps it will be said, " Tliougli many are slain, and 
 destroyed by war, yet it renders the remnant more comforta- 
 ble and happy." What has been the comfort and happiness 
 of Europe for the last twenty years ? On the contraiy, what 
 mourning, lamentation, and misery, have pervaded nearly all 
 that quarter of the globe! The single article of fear attend- 
 ant on the course and operations of two great armies, absorbs 
 and annihilates more domestic happiness alone, than to coun- 
 tervail all the good which can arise during the same time, 
 fi-ora those operations. Draw round each of those armies a 
 circle whose diameter is one hundred miles, and you will en- 
 compass a region of perpetual alarms, ravages, pillage, c(m- 
 sternation, sleepless nights, joyless anxious days. The peo- 
 ple are fled into wretched exile ; or perhaps, hardened into 
 despair, they wait in their houses the wreck and ruin of their 
 effects. They are paralyzed by continual, dreadful expecta- 
 tion ; skirmishes near them, the thunder of cannon at a dis= 
 tance ; parties driving by like a tornado every hour ; what- 
 ever they have which can be turned to military service put 
 in requisition ; they have no rest, no comfort. 
 
 The decisive battle at length is fought. Does joy return 
 to the nation whose army is victorious ? Why then do we see 
 whole cities in mourning? The flying colours and ringing 
 bells, those external tokens of joy, do but ill express the 
 feelings of thousands of families, when they read the mourn= 
 ful list of fathers, brothers, husbands, and children slain. 
 Alas ! the splendour of a triumph is dim, in the eyes of some 
 noble family, whose only son is fallen in battle. They can 
 indeed rejoice that their country was victorious, but O, at 
 what a price, for them, was victory bought ! And now, 
 childless their grey hairs must descend with sorrow to the 
 grave. Many a lovely family of children, whose only stay 
 was their father, are, by this bloody day, left orphans, aban- 
 doned to poverty- — to misery — perhaps to infamy. 
 
 Sir, one great battle, however victory may turn» plants 
 stings of sorrow, in many a bosom, never more to be with- 
 drawn ;— sorrows which can render those that feel them care^ 
 less of victory or defeat— yea, careless of life or death. 
 War to remedy evils, real or imaginary, brings, on those that 
 enter the bloody list, sorrows and calamities, intense, intoler» 
 able and interminable. « O my soul, come thou not into 
 their secret, unto their assembly ; mine honour, be not thou 
 united ; for in their wrath they slew a man^ and in their anger 
 they digged down a wall. Cursed be their wrath for it was 
 fierce, and their anger? for it was crueU" Si|ch are the effects 
 
 I 
 
99 
 
 of war tliat, often, vliile tlic arms of a nation trimnpji, that 
 nation mourns, and A\liilc tlio eas?lc of victory. |h ichts on the 
 eapitol, a vulture of grief preys on every liciut; nay, while 
 tJiey gain partial advantages for which they fought, they lose 
 essential advantages which they never can gain. 
 
 *• For glittering clouds, they leave the solid shore^ 
 And wonted hapi»iness returns no more." 
 
 But, Sir, it is still urged, that though wars take off many peo- 
 ple, among whom sOme are important members of society, and 
 though they cause many privations, and much sorrow and 
 mourning, yet they free the world of many useless people^ 
 and in'short, prevent the world from being over stocked with 
 inhabitants. A surprising argument ! Would it not be better 
 to leave it to the great creator and preserver of men to 
 provide room for his creatures ? Shall we go to killing off the 
 .supposed surplus of useless people, or rather the surplus 
 which is apprehended, while it is a certain fact, that in a 
 perpetual and universal peace, the earth might support at 
 least as many hundreds as it does now individuals? Be- 
 sides, what prospect is there of a surplus of inhabitants ou 
 the globe ? Has there been any probable increase for two 
 thousand years ? Will any man undertake to say, that there 
 are now more people on the globe, than there were in the 
 Augustan age, or a thousand years before that age ? I pre- 
 sume not. I give it as my opinion, Sir, that both Asia and 
 Africa are amazingly depopulated. What armies did the Ro- 
 mans find in Carthage andNumidia? The peace establish- 
 ment of ancient Egypt was four hundred thousand men. Thie 
 Israelites went outof Egypt under Moses with six hundred thou- 
 sand fighting men : and with what an army did Pharaoh pursue 
 them ? The Assyrian armies were still larger. Could a Persian 
 monarch now invade Greece with an army of five millions, or 
 half that number ? which all ancient historians agree Xerxes 
 brought into Europe. Could Asia Minor now raise such 
 armies as were brought into the field by Priam king of Troy, 
 by Crcesus king of Lydia, by Mithridates king of Pontus, 
 who shook the Roman empire in the zenith of its power ? And 
 even in the north of Europe, styled by Dr. Robertson ** the 
 vast store-house of nations," it is doubtful whether population 
 has increased. 
 
 But should it be admitted, that there has been, on the 
 wliole, a gradual increase of people in modern times, how 
 many ages must elapse before the world ia full ? The vast 
 
100 
 
 regions of America, are Jstill but tliinly sprinkled over with 
 people, and no doubt tbis globe might sustain many thousands 
 of millions of inhabitants. And what is it but the destruc- 
 tive and demoralizing spirit of war, that increases the vicious 
 class of wretched beings, who are such a burden to the earth 
 that wars are necessary to cut them off and send them in haste 
 to endless perdition ? The authors of war are accountable 
 for occasioning millions of that miserable class, and for the 
 method .f destroying them. 
 
 Sir, if the rulers and governments of nations would put a pe- 
 riod to w ar, and turn their attention as earnestly to the arts of 
 peace, and to the. happiness of their people, as they have to 
 cultivate the art of killing, that wretched class of people would 
 be soon exterminated, not by falling in battle, but by being 
 restored to usefulness and happiness. 
 
 3. While war cuts off from society both good and bad, and 
 while it opens to nations an immense common sewer, or drain, 
 filled with numberless myriads of wretched people, fit for 
 nothing, but to fill the ranks of armies, and fall in battle, it 
 strikes a deeper and more deadly plague through every rank 
 and order of men. It diminishes the estimate of life, and 
 brings nations to that state in which they can see thousands 
 after thousands bleed with as much indifference as they see 
 an ox led to slaughter. It disrobes society of humanity itself, 
 familiarizes human beings to every thing horrid, and con- 
 verts them, if 1 may so say, to monsters, as much more terri- 
 ble than wild beasts of prey, as they have more knowledge 
 and power to hurt. 
 
 They stop at no assignable degree of vileness and depra- 
 vity, at no vice in speculation, at no enormity in practice. 
 The more frequent and near the scene of war, the less differ- 
 ence is seen between the army and the people, in point of 
 morals. Pillaging, theft, and robbery increase ; profaneness 
 lifts its audacious and blasphemous voice,-~-drunkenness, and 
 lewdness, revel and riot in their obscenity, and idleness slum- 
 bers in the day, that it may lift its head ajid perpetrate the 
 deeds of horror and darkness by night. 
 
 The moral character of armies, so uniform and universal, 
 is, alone, sufficient to show, that the Almighty frowns on wars. 
 And the astonishing rapidity with which war spreads its vices 
 through a nation, is the seal of heaven's curse impressed on 
 mankind. Can you imagine. Sir, that the infinitely holy and 
 omnipotent God, will ultimately make an army a blessing to a 
 nation, whose horrid oaths and incessant blasphemies, like 
 the hoarse murmurs of the angry sea^ continually ascend be- 
 
 m 
 
101 
 
 fore him ? Whose course is marked with every atrocity and 
 every abominaticii ? AVill such means of defence give health 
 and prosperity to a nation ? As soon miglit you expect the 
 bli'.sts Irom the ini'trnal pit to waft music, fragrance, anrt 
 pleasure, on their stygian wings. 
 
 " Nou tali auxilio, nee defensoribus istiS 
 Tenipus eget" 
 
 Christians, Sir, are infatuated on this subject. They seem 
 to imagine, that it is no matter how abandoned to all wicked- 
 ness an army is, provided it be well armed and trained, and 
 led by able officers. Never was there a greater mistake, 
 and Cliristians who fear God, had thej their senses about 
 them, would fear such an army, as the sure conductor of di- 
 vine wrath to a nation, rather tlian confide in it, as a channel 
 or instrument of divine blessing. I am surprised this matter 
 has never been regarded more in its true light. Such armies 
 may indeed gain victories, and their operations often result, 
 apparently according to the proportion of physical causes; 
 but still the moral order of events takes its invariable course j 
 and such munitions, and such protection, combines with other 
 causes, whereby all wai's accelerate the prostration and ruin 
 of nations. 
 
 4. The enormous expense of military operations, while at the 
 same moment business is interrupted, and a habit of idle- 
 ness and dissipation prevail, hastens the poverty and bank- 
 ruptcy of a nation. Restless and ambitious men, and espe- 
 cially youth, from love of noise and tumult, and the hope of 
 promotion, drop all other pursuits, and Hy to the standard ; 
 and the artful voice of flattery inflames their desire to receive 
 the appellation of patriots and friends, and defenders of their 
 country. Ambitious governments here find the means of in- 
 creasing their power, and they never fail to employ them to 
 their full extent. They sacrifice the lires of thousands, and 
 the repose of millions, to their lawless ambition : they con- 
 template, without regret, the spread of idleness and vice, of 
 dissipation, povertj', and indigence ; they see the resources 
 of a nation melt awaj^ in the expenditures of war, her youth 
 swept off in battle, lier territories laid waste by fire and 
 sword, and her national existence put at hazard. How blind 
 is such ambition ! Yet we see it continually displayed. And 
 I remark in the last place, 
 
 5. Whatever may be the origin of nations, they generally 
 end in war. 
 
lOS 
 
 This is a just retribution of Provitleiice, ho less than the 
 natural effect of the course they pursue. Having perpetrated 
 cruelties and shed blood to an enoruious amount, they gene- 
 rally sink in a hoirible scene of carnage, and miserably perish 
 in their own blood. There is a strong resemblance in many 
 respects between nations, considered as public bodies, and an 
 individual. 'l'li< y liave their infancy, youth, and manhood. 
 
 But in an important respect they differ from one man ; that, 
 whereas a man is mortal and has his period, a nation has 
 naturally a lower kind of immortality, or perpetual existence. 
 They seem to termmate by no natural necessity, but generally, 
 if not always, by tlieir own vices. Of this all history bears 
 the most ample testimony. And the closing period of empires 
 and nations, is replete with wretchedness which can be known 
 only to the individual sufferers, which terminates in death, and 
 is covered from mortal eyes under the impenetrable shadows 
 of oblivion. 
 
 It is the characteristic of man to be amused with great 
 names and sounding words. We dwell much on kingdoms, 
 and empires, and nations ; whereas they consist of single 
 creatures of moral characters and immortal destinies ; of in- 
 dividuals who will be known only in a future state, or as sub- 
 jects of the Divine government. Men who fail of rectitude 
 of heart and character, who esteem their own moral conduct 
 of no importance, while they make high professions of patriot- 
 ism, and give great attention to public concerns, quite mis- 
 take their object. Societies and empires are certainly impor- 
 tant, because they can produce by united efforts, what indi- 
 viduals cannot. But societies small or great which consist of 
 corrupt and depraved individuals, are regarded with anger 
 and indignation by him who holds the seven stars in his 
 right hand, and at whose rebuke the pillars of heaven tremble 
 and are astonished. The man that would build up a nation, 
 must be a good man in the sight of God. If in his heart and 
 conduct he is wicked, let his professions of patriotism be what 
 they may, let his public career be what it will, he is contri- 
 buting his weight to the ruin of his country. But as nations, 
 as bodies politic, (though the individuals who compose them 
 are accountable and will be judged for all their actions,) are 
 not known in a future state, they receive the retribution 
 awarded to them in this world, and they appear to be dealt 
 Irith according to their outward conduct. If, therefore, they 
 are externally just and pacific, they shall receive according 
 to the measure they mete. 
 
 As war, therefore, destroys human life j as it fills nation^ 
 
 1 
 
with mourning and misery ; as it infects them with destruc- 
 tive vices, and exposes thena to the divine wrath ; as it 
 plun.^es multitudes into poverty, and renders nations poor 
 and bankrupt, and thereby paves the way for oppression and 
 shivery ; it tends directly to the destruction of nations, and 
 accordingly nations have been exterminated and abolished by 
 oo other means. 
 
 War is, therefore, incompatible with the best interests of 
 nations. And as we have already shown, that even one na- 
 tion alone, would be better, far better, without war than with 
 it, how powerful is the conclusion, that were all nations to 
 abandon war, tiie world would be far happier than it ever 
 was. 
 
 Some person perhaps will say, *' How happy it would be 
 for the world if no more unjust wars were waged ! Ah! happy 
 indeed : but, Sir, would it not be still happier for the world if 
 the spirit of resistance and retaliation were banished from 
 nations ? Resistance and retaliation are certainly branches of 
 the tree, from which springs unprovoked aggression and vio- 
 lence ; and they grow hard by each other. Nor is the differ- 
 ence between them so immense as many imagine. The first 
 oifensive war ever waged was by Cain on his brother Abel, 
 and I ask the strenuous advocates for the defensive system, 
 whether they imagine that Abel's character would have de- 
 scended with equal glory to posterity, if he had adopted their 
 principles, had laid about him, in his own defence, and per- 
 chance had slain the first aggressor? Abel surely needed 
 neither permission nor instruction, since nature itself, say the 
 advocates for self-defence, teaches all creatures to defend 
 themselves. You remember. Sir, " Non docti, sed nati ; non 
 instituti, sed imbuti sumus." Yes ; had Abel resisted, and 
 prevailed against the murderous Cain, and killed him, would 
 the word of God have recorded his name with such honour ? 
 Would he have worn the bright and glorious crown of the first 
 martyr to eternity in heaven ? 
 
 Sir, I think there is odds in this controversy ; and I fancy 
 the defeiidei's of defence, in view of this simple fact, feel their 
 strength withered and their confidence fail. But the conduct 
 of Abel was the pattern of the primitive Christians, who acted 
 fully up to his illustrious example. Pattern, did I say ? No : 
 they had before their eyes, an infinitely more glorious pattern 
 in the person of the Son of God, who in all his conduct set be- 
 fore them the true import of his precepts. 
 
 Many persons will reply to all this, and say, « I would be 
 willing that war should cease, and I pray God it may cease, 
 
104; 
 
 but nations will fight, and how shall we prevent it ?" I answer, 
 Christians can set them an example of peace, and if they will 
 not follow it, they at least cannot plead the example of Chris- 
 tians in vindication of violence and bloodshed. 
 
 I am. Sir, yours, &c. 
 
 LETTER XVI. 
 
 ifar inconsistent with the Christian Character. 
 
 SlB, 
 
 Since the commencement of these Letters, (in 1815,) 
 which have been interrupted by ill health, and by otlier avo- 
 cations, successive numbers of " The friend of Peace" have 
 appeared, together with other Judicious and able productions, 
 on the same subject ; in which, the point now before us, has 
 been treated in a far more copious and satisfactory manner, 
 than would consist with the brevity 1 intended in these ob- 
 servations. My remarks, therefore, will he very limited. 
 Yet a topic so radical to the system, cannot be passed over 
 in silence. 
 
 It is remarked by the celebrated Soame Jenyns in his 
 " Internal Evidences of the Christian religion," that the single 
 precept of love to enemies, so frequent and vitally impor- 
 tant, in the gospel scheme, was sufficient to give mankind 
 new views of religion. So that Christianity, not only because 
 in it life and immortality were brought to light, but because 
 it commanded universal love, might be called, in a sense, a 
 new religion. On this, inore than any other account, it had 
 to conflict with all the habits and prejudices of the human 
 mind. 
 
 Before I attempt to give a sketch of the Christian charac- 
 ter, I think it necessary to premise, that the various grand 
 traits of that character are required to be constant and uni- 
 Ibrm ; not to be assumed for an hour, and neglected for a 
 month ; not to be practised at home and dropped in an ar- 
 my ; not to be mere show and tinsel, but to be radical and 
 deep 5 springing from the heart, and forming the grounds and 
 rudiments of character. Hence it was, that a conversion to 
 Christianity was a change so deep and so important, affecting 
 so essentially the heart, life, and conversation, that it was 
 called a second birth;—- a new creation. But let us look at 
 
 J 
 
'-*? 
 
 105 
 
 the Christian character, ami sec liow it can be made to Com- 
 port with war. I shall consider it by parts ; selecting some 
 of the most important. And, 
 
 1. Christ commands his followers to be meek. "Take my 
 yoke upon you, and learn of me, for / am meek and lowly of 
 heart, and ye shall find rest to your souls." 
 
 Now, there is scarcely a trait in the character of Christy 
 more frequently mentioned, or manifested, than his meeknesso 
 AVhat is meekness? Every body knows the meaning of the 
 word. It is mildness, softness, gentleness of manners. It stands 
 opposed to harshness, asperity, cruelty, and haughtiness-." 
 Tiiis does not look much like 
 
 " Tlie soldier, 
 
 " Full of strange oaths, and beartled like the pard, 
 " Jealous in honour, sudden and quick in quarrel-, 
 " Seeking the bubble reputntion, 
 " Even ill the cannon's mouth." 
 
 How does the soldier's character, here drawn by the pen 
 of a great master, resemble the Saviour's character? "As a 
 lamb led to the slaughter, and as a sheep dumb before her 
 shearers, so he opened not his mouth." And will it be de- 
 nied, that the primitive Christians were like their great lead- 
 er? How would two armies of meek and gentle Christians 
 act, were they drawn up in order of battle ? Would they 
 act like Christ and like Abel, or like Cain and Judas ? Would 
 they render evil for evil, blow for blow, and death for death? 
 Ah! Sir, I fancy the war would be bloodless : I fancy both 
 would come off conquerors. Were they led by the Spirit of 
 God, the thunder of artillery, the clash of armour, the groans 
 of the dying, would not be heard. Angels from the regions 
 of peace and love might hover over two such armies with 
 delight. 
 
 2. Patience is the kindred virtue of meekness, and they 
 are seldom far asunder. How does this comport with the 
 character and feelings of a soldier ? It is very easy to say 
 that a soldier may be a ])atient man. I grant a soldier may 
 have fortitude ; but as for patience, it is little known in war 
 or in armies. If I mistake not it is a very popular law in 
 most armies, that a duel must follow an insult, and that a man 
 who declines a challenge, given under certain prescriptive 
 forms, is liable to be disgi'accd. These may indeed be 
 among the leges non scriptcef but they are laws founded in 
 custom, so that *< the memory of man runneth not to the 
 contrary." There seldom, if ever, was a war, which Chris* 
 tian meekness and patience, uniting their mild influenee, might 
 
 O 
 
106 
 
 wot have prevented ; and which, if we take into the estimate 
 both parties, woukl not certainly have prevented. 
 
 Impatience of injury and insult is genei'ally the source of 
 protracted contentions and quarrels. *' / cannot bear all 
 this," is the common language. The influence of this demon 
 througJi all ranks and orders of people, and through every 
 human dwelling on earth, is extensive and dreadful. O ! 
 M hat a sweetener of the life of man would a small degree of 
 Christian patience prove! What vexations and toils, what 
 tempests of passion and fevers of anxiety do men endure through 
 impatience ! 
 
 The ground of the Christian's patience, in one word, is his 
 hope and prospects. The awful eye which is upon him, an 
 impression of the grandeur of his own immortal powers and 
 faculties, the thought of entering an eternal state, and the 
 hope of enjoying everlasting felicity, enables him to bear the 
 evils of life, makes him esteem all temporal afflictions light«. 
 and fortifies him against the sudden shocks of passion ; so 
 that he can bear to be insulted, abused, and injured, without 
 rising up to seek revenge. But I must not enlarge. This is 
 contrary to the spirit of war, and all the maxims of armies. 
 
 3. What shall we say. Sir, to Forgiveness, as relating to 
 war and bloodshed ! In this respect the Christian and the 
 soldier are antipodes ; nothing can be more opposite than 
 war and Christianity, forgiveness and revenge. <» Forgive 
 lis our trespasses as we forgive them that trespass against 
 us :'* and again, saith the Saviour* " If ye forgive not men 
 their trespasses, neither will your heavenly Father forgive 
 you." But here the advocate of war presently finds a door 
 of escape, by saying, there must be repentance in order to 
 forgiveness. Did the Saviour regard this distinction when in 
 his dying agonies he cried, *♦ Father, forgive them, for they 
 know not what they do?" Did the divine plan of mercy pro- 
 ceed on this principle, and do nothing for the sinner till he 
 repented? How then could the Redeemer himself declare, 
 *< I was found of them that sought me not ?" 
 
 1 appeal. Sir, to the man of honour, the man of exalted 
 sentiments and generous feelings, and I ask him to say whe- 
 ther forgiveness does not spring from a nobler source than 
 revenge; whether it does not indicate a greater soul and a 
 purer heart? Are not the worst dispositions capable of re- 
 venge ? the best only habitually forgive. However sweet 
 revenge may be in the moment of rage and fury, or to the 
 soul poisoned by habitual hatred and malice, after those dire 
 passions are passed away with the causes that gave them 
 
 i 
 
107 
 
 hirtli, who can look back on the gratifications of a revenge- 
 ful spirit, with pleasure ? Suppose of two men on a death- bed^ 
 the one had never failed to take revenge for insults and in- 
 juries given him ; while the otber had as habitually triumphed 
 over his resentment, and had cordially forgiven the injuries 
 he had suffered. Which of these men would look back on 
 the various passages of his life with most pleasure ? The re- 
 vengeful man might say to himself, At such a time and place, 
 I chastised an insult— I retaliated an injury ; there 1 killed a 
 man in a duel, I put a man to great expense who had slan- 
 dered me. But, alas ! these reflections of a dying man are 
 like the dark images of troubled and feverish dreams. It is 
 but the recollection of wretchedness endured and misery in- 
 flicted. 
 
 At the moment a soul is to appear before God, conscious 
 of its infinite need of forgiveness, how soothing to run back 
 on a life spent in the exercise of that heavenly temper ! 
 That soul will often say, «« Wbat offences, what injuries could 
 I not forgive ? I, whose transgressions nothing but infinite 
 mercy can pardon, whose guilt the sand of the sea shore could 
 not outweigh." The miseries and calamities we have, by our 
 revengeful passions, inflicted on the children of our common 
 Father, can never be the subject of pleasing recollection in 
 eternity ; can never be classed among our great and honour- 
 able actions. 
 
 4. Let us, Sir, in the next place inquire how humility 
 would agree to the character of soldiers and of war. Humility 
 is one of the most distinguishing of all the Christian virtues ; 
 it shines with the brightest lustre in our Saviour's character, 
 who descended from the throne of heaven to unite himself to 
 our fallen and ruined nature. But his humility did not stop 
 at a union so condescending, he sustained the humblest rank 
 in life, and in the end, humbled himself still more deeply to 
 become obedient unto death, even the death of the cross. 
 Therefore his followers are commanded to be humble. And 
 surely the duty comports with their condition. 
 
 There is not a creature in God's kingdom in which pride 
 is less becoming than in man. Born to die, his nature is frail 
 and crushed before the moth. Perpetually liable to disease 
 and death, and condemned by the holy law of God, he has 
 no hope but in sovereign mercy. Eternal truth regards him 
 as a criminal bound over, not to trial, but to execution ; for 
 he is condemned already. Yet mercy is set before him, a 
 propitiation is made for his sins, and he is invited to return 
 to God, and fore- warned T)f the consequences of refusal. He 
 
108 
 
 ^>xpeets soon to leave this woild, and go before the eternal 
 Judge to receive liis imaltcriible sentence. 
 
 How becoming would humility be in a creature of such a 
 character, whether his guilt or his danger, his condition or 
 his prospects, were considered. Accordingly no disposition 
 of mind is inculcated more frequently or on stronger reasons 
 than humility. And, Sir, the Christian possesses it Where- 
 fore nothing is more unsuitable to him than the habits of an 
 army, and tlie very object and intention of war. Shall a 
 Christian take up the trade of killing men? He had better 
 fall down humbly before God, and beg for his own life. Shall 
 a Christian shed liis brother's blood ? Far better had he ap- 
 ply to the blood of tlie atonement to obtain his own pardon. 
 Shall a Christian attempt to seize the rod of vengeace and 
 send the wicked to endless perdition ? God forbid it : rather 
 let him devote his time, and the remainder of his probationary 
 state to deprecate the wrath of Him who hath said, ♦' Ven- 
 geance is mine ; I will repay, saith the Lord." 
 
 Sir, nothing is more remote from the end and design, and 
 all the measures and operations of war, than humility. Nei- 
 ther war nor warriors, as such, have any tiling to do with hu- 
 mility. They are as remote from it, I might almost say, as 
 heaven is from hell. The spirit of war is a spirit of pride, 
 loftiness, and self-sufficiency. Of course it diffuses that spirit 
 over nations. It seizes the versatile powers and vivid fancy 
 of youth, and where the mind is corroborated by age, the 
 yanity and pride of youth is settled into haughtiness, contempt^ 
 and all their kindred train. 
 
 5. Sir, I come to another eminent trait in the Christian cha- 
 racter, with which I scarcely know what the soldier can doj 
 or what he can say about it. I mean self-denial. And this 
 has much to do with meekness, patience, forgiveness, and hu- 
 mility, and goes into the very nature of them all. They are 
 contrary to man's depraved nature, and at every step in them, 
 he must *' deny himself." What saith our blessed Lord ? 
 « He that denieth not himself, taketh not up his cross and fol- 
 ioweth me, is not worthy of me." If man is a selfish creature, 
 and sets too high a value on his own interest and pleasures, 
 then the whole of religion which labours to raise him above 
 his narrow selfishness, and reform bis passions and inelina- 
 iions, is a self-denying religion. And this is the fact. 
 
 The precepts by which the military man is formed, know 
 tiothing of this. They teach him to aim at little else but vic- 
 tory and vengf ancc. The submission which they inculpate 
 to superiors may sometimes require a degree of self-denial in 
 
109 
 
 the exterior, but they have nothing to do with the heart. The 
 nature and j)rogrcss of war does not repress, but gratifies 
 every corrupt and sensual passion. Need I notice the scenes 
 which occur when a city is taken by storm, and the vanquish- 
 ed garrison and helpless inhabitants are devoted to the fury 
 of a hrutal soldiery ? Neither age nor innocence afford any 
 security from the horrible and diabolical })assions of the vic-» 
 torious army. All that is usually said of it is, *' It is the for- 
 tune of war." JJut I need not enlarge. The laws of war 
 impose no self-denial, and the spirit of war neither feels nor 
 inspires any. 
 
 6. Heavenly mindedness, an idea which it is the misfortune 
 of our language to have no term to express, is also frequently 
 mentioned as belonging to the Ciiristian. " Let your conver- 
 sation be in heaven." Heavenly mindedness, is that state of 
 the mind occasioned by its being much occupied and delighted 
 with heavenly objects. Hovv little of this is found among 
 Christians, even in the most retired and tranquil circumstan- 
 ces. Man, though with an earthly body, was at first endowed 
 with a mind capable of soaring in delightful contemplation of 
 the divine glories, and of conversing with beings of superior 
 natures in a holy and immortal union. But sin has rendered 
 him earthly, sensual, and devilish. Restored by grace, his 
 conversation is once more in heaven, and he has a heavenly 
 mind ; and thus he is prepared in due time for the glorious 
 inheritance of the saints in light. 
 
 War renders the bands of human depravity stronger, if 
 possible, than any other device ever set on foot by men or 
 devils ; it sinks our nature lower. And whereas man in a 
 fallen state is divested of all true holiness, yet not of all the 
 amiable traits and humane sensibilities which the God of na- 
 ture bestowed to beautify and adorn his creatures ; by this 
 device of Satan, thorough work is made with absolutely every 
 thing lovely and estimable in human beinjys. Multitudes of 
 men of the lowest order are huddled together in an army; 
 without the more delicate example, the finer feelings, and 
 softening influence of the female sex ; without the endearing 
 ties of wedlock, or parental and filial affection ; under the stern 
 and summary despotism of military law ; with violence, plun- 
 dering, devastation, and killing men, for their i)rofessed and 
 only object; to which state their minds are wrought up by the 
 military manoeuvres and evolutions of every day; and wliat is 
 to be expected but such effects as are visible ? And what a 
 place is this for heavenly mindedness ? Without the despair 
 and torments of hell, they come as near to the vileness of de- 
 
110 
 
 vils as earthly beings can. On the tongue ther-e is no re- 
 straint ; the licentious passions know no limits. They rush 
 to every excess without apprehensions of sin or shame, and 
 probably without fear or remorse. 
 
 I am fully aware, Sir, that there are shades of difference in 
 the moral character of armies, but nothing is more certain 
 than that *< bad is the best." The maxim, that the army is a 
 school of politeness, will do well to subserve the policy of 
 nations, who wish to keep armies on foot ; and I will have the 
 candour to say, that the maxim in a sense is true. But it ap- 
 plies to the /ew, and not to the many. In the higher ranks of 
 an army, there is an open frankness, a generosity, a magna- 
 nimity and ease, in the deportment of a military man ; and if 
 the discerning eye camv*! perceive blended with it a lurking 
 menace, a daring boldness, and Gallio-like air, it is very 
 pleasing and fascinating. 
 
 But an army is not tlie school of Christ, and though a place 
 in which men are peculiarly exposed to death, there is no 
 place in which a preparation for death is less thought of; none 
 more incongenial to the heavenly mind. 
 
 7. *< But I say unto you, love your enemies." What pains 
 have been taken to prove this precept consistent with Avar, 
 and killing our enemies ! But I presume. Sir, no force of lo- 
 gic, no skill of casuistry, no compass of sophistry, no labour 
 of criticism, is equal to the task. 
 
 The connexion of this passage gives a force and perspi- 
 cuity to its import, which I am astonished should ever have 
 been assailed, or attempted to be impaired. "But I say unto 
 you, love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good 
 to them that despitefully use you and persecute you." Now, 
 can I love my enemy, do good to him, and bless him, and at 
 the same time kill him ? Absurd ! Love has for its object the 
 good of the person, or being, loved. What love can I feel for 
 a man, when I stretch forth my hand and stab him to the 
 heart ? Do I love his character ? No ; that is not required ; for 
 Christ does not love the sinners whom he died to save. Do I 
 Jove his life ? No ; for I destroy it. Do I love his soul ? No ; 
 for I have every reason to believe, if I kill a wicked man, I 
 shall send his soul to hell. 
 
 All this is commonly evaded by alleging, that, though I 
 may love my enemy and wish to do him good, yet, a greater 
 good requires that 1 kill him. Ah ! Sir, will that be the judg- 
 ment of eternal Justice in the great day ? Nothing can be 
 more false or fallacious than such reasoning. In killing an 
 impenitent sinner, an evil is done to him, which far out-weighs 
 
 I 
 
Ill 
 
 all the temporal good ever to be enjoyed, not only by one 
 man, but by all men on earth. The highest temporal pros- 
 pciity of all the kingdoms on earth, would be a trivial sacri- 
 fice to save one immortal being from eternal misery. But 
 this point has been sufficiently illustrated in a former letter. 
 I can have no love to that being I kill. I deliberately sur- 
 render him up, and give him over to an amount of misery 
 which I would not encounter for as many millions of years of 
 pleasure and prosperity, as there are stars in heaven or sands 
 on the sea shore. To talk of such love to enemies, is an abuse 
 of language, an insult to reason, and mocks the authority of 
 Jesus Christ. 
 
 If we are commanded to do good to those that despitefully 
 use and persecute us, what becomes of robbing, wasting, ruin- 
 ing, nay killing them, and hurling them in a moment from the 
 worst evil we can do them on earth, to the consummation of 
 all misery, in hopeless, endless punishment ? O ye warriors, 
 ye heroes who hope to build your fame on the prowess of 
 your arms, could the veil which hides the secrets of eternity 
 be suddenly lifted — could you see to what end you consign the 
 victims of your ambition and revenge, even selfish and hard- 
 ened in blood as you are, the sword would drop from your 
 nerveless arm ; and you would say, " This surely is too vast a 
 price to be paid for my pleasure and grandeur !" I have that 
 opinion of your generosity, of your magnanimity, your humane 
 sentiments, that 1 believe, could you see the miserable wretches 
 you have consigned over to the horrors of eternal darkness, 
 you would be ready to exclaim, « my cursed ambition ! 
 would that I had been some peaceful shepherd, some humble 
 peasant, rather than to have been the instrument of such mi- 
 sery to my fellow-creatures." 
 
 Suffer me. Sir, to mention but one attempt more to evade 
 the force of these reasonings. It will be replied, " As to the 
 future misery of the wicked, we have nothing to do with that. 
 Whatever it is, it is inflicted justly." Why then is it said, 
 « Thou shalt not kill ?" Why did the divine law guard the 
 life of man with such solemn sanctions? Why does the gos- 
 pel require a still higher regard to man's life, enjoining it upon 
 us to love, and do good to those that despitefully use and per- 
 secute us ? It is no doubt because in the gospel the veil is 
 rent and the mysteries of eternity are disclosed to the eye of 
 faith ; because in the gospel the true destinies of the soul are 
 made known, and all the actions of our lives are to be regula- 
 ted, not by our temporal, but eternal interests. 
 What can the advocates for war, and killing men, understand 
 
11% 
 
 by love to enemies ? They surely will nut make it the lovo of 
 complacency, which takes delight in the object towards whicli 
 it is exercised. The love of God, which induced him to send 
 his Son to die for sinners, was not the love of complacency. 
 Can it be any other love than that described by an apostle, 
 which worketh no ill to its neighbour? " Ye have beard that 
 it hath been said by them of old time, thou shalt love thy 
 neighbour and hate thine enemy. But I say unto you, love 
 your tnemies,^^ The distinction « of old time" between a 
 neighbour and an enemy is repealed, and that love which 
 worketh no ill to its neighbour, which is the fulfilling of the 
 law, and whose fruits, as explained in the words following, are, 
 to do good, to bless^ and to pray for, is to be exercised to both. 
 No more can be said : no evidence more full ; no proof more 
 unequivocal. 
 
 " Of his fullness have we received and grace for grace.** 
 If the graces and virtues of the Christian character corres- 
 pond with those of Christ, if they all stand in direct opposi- 
 tion to the principles and practices of war, can there be a 
 doubt whether Christ himsflf is opposed to war, or whether he 
 is properly called the Prince of Peace. 
 
 I am. Sir, yours, &c. 
 
 LETTER XVII. 
 
 War contrary to the Laws of Christ.. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 The grand law of the Redeemer's kingdom is love; 
 nor does this materially differ from the law by which God go- 
 verns the intelligent universe. Love is declared to be the 
 fulfilling of the law : and consequently, if sin be defined a 
 transgression of the law, then all sin must consist in a depar- 
 ture from the rule of love. The most elaborate and minute 
 investigation would show this to be the true character of sin ; 
 nor would it show with less clearness, that a perfect conformi- 
 ty to the great law of love would exhibit all that is excellent 
 and morally beautiful in a rational creature, whether a re- 
 deemed sinner or a holy angel. 
 
 Under this glorious, immutable, universal and eternal law, 
 ^urise several precepts adapted to the condition and capacity 
 
of the r.cYoral orders of creatures which occupy the various 
 departmenls of God's kingdom. Since sin has found its way 
 amona; intelii^'eijt creatures, there are two moral principles 
 perfectly ojiposite to eaclj other; two dispositions wliich di- 
 vide rational ci'catures. Ihese are designated by the terms 
 lovt and hatred, or friendship and enmity. These disposi- 
 tions are as diftcrent in their nature as light and darkness, 
 or beauty and deformity ; nor are tliey more alike in their 
 effects ; one tending directly to iiappiness, the other to misery. 
 This difference and these opposite tendencies, are obvious 
 prior to tlie consideration of duty or obligation, or the promul- 
 gation of any di\ine law. The difference between love and 
 hatred is well understood ; and that one tends to happiness, the 
 other to misery, cannot be questioned. 
 
 . . We have before us, Sir, what I understand to be the true 
 distinction between sin and holiness ; or, in the more popular 
 style, virtue and vice. Man is a mystery to himself. Why, 
 or how it is, that such different dispositions should take the 
 ascendant in rational immortal creatures, lies beyond our re- 
 search. But how little we know of our outward and cor- 
 poreal being; and how much less of the nature and powers 
 of the soul, that mysterious intellectual being, which, as yet, 
 lies hidden from its own inspection. Whether sin is a dis- 
 ease, transferred through the immortal part by corporeal af- 
 finity ; whether derived from unknown influences, or propa- 
 gated by generation ; whether the result of constitution or 
 moral agency, docs not so much concern us to know, as how 
 to escape its fatal ])()r.utions, and eternal consequences. 
 
 All intellectual creatures are social, and formed for the 
 most happy and exalted union with the great Fountain of Be- 
 ing, and his glorious family. These are the grand objects of 
 love, and are infinitely wortliy of the regard which the divine 
 law claims for them. The sinner has withdrawn all regard 
 for these, and placed it supremely on himself. He therefore 
 hates every thing, QVf'vy creature, every being, every law or 
 principle, whicij stands opposed to his own interest and grati- 
 fication ; and would destroy them, were it in his power, as 
 things which prevent his happiness. He has revolted frona 
 the great society of beings, amX is actually at war with the 
 whole. But a sinner like himself, is no more the object of 
 his love, than a holy creature, because their interests are not 
 the same; the supreme objects of their pursuits are opposed 
 to each other. There may be a seeming union, but liable 
 every moment to interruption ; and it must soon suffer a final 
 rupture. The sinner, when his disposition becomes fullj 
 
114 
 
 manifested, will discover that lie hates every hc'mg in the uni- 
 verse, and is at open war with the wljole ; and hell will he a 
 place of everlasting discord. He therefore is a rehel against 
 the law and government of God. 
 
 There is a promise, that all things shall work together for 
 good to them that love God. This indicates a reciprocal union 
 of interest and aifection, between God and his holy creatures. 
 It clearly shows that he who loves God supremely, and his 
 neighbour as himself, does all he can to promote the glory 
 of the one, and the good of the other; and in return, all crea- 
 tures and events are caused to work together to promote his 
 good. 
 
 To love a heing, is hut another name for a disposition to 
 promote his happiness : while, on the contrary, to hate, is but 
 another name for a disposition to destroy him. The vilest sin- 
 ner is thus a proper object of the Christian's love, because he 
 is yet in a state of probation. God has not yet manifested 
 his determination to cast him off ; but is using an innumera- 
 ble variety of means to bring him to repentance. He is wait- 
 ing to be gracious, and inviting the rebel to return. 
 
 But, Sir, why should I hate my enemy and seek his de- 
 struction any more because he is my enemy, than because he 
 is the enemy of any other man ? — of my neighbour ? If the 
 law of Christ requires me to love my neighbour as myself, I 
 ought to feel as acutely for my neighbour as for myself. All 
 the resentment and desire of revenge which a man may feel 
 for an injury done to himself, more than he would feel for 
 another, is partial, and contrary to the laws of Christ ; and 
 the same is true in regard to nations. But, I ask, does a 
 man or a nation ever commit an injury for which they wish 
 some other man or nation to fall upon them and destroy them ? 
 I presume not. Then by what rule do they wish to fall on 
 others and destroy them, for their offences? Not surely by 
 the law of Christ which lays down tliis maxim : " Wherefore^ 
 all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do 
 ye the same to them." 
 
 Sir, from the grand law of love, by which Jesus Christ go- 
 verns his Church, the following principles or rules of con- 
 duct may be deduced ; on which I shall make no comment. 
 
 1. It is unlawful to hate an enemy ; for hatred is the dispo- 
 sition which tends to his destruction. ** I say unto you, love 
 your enemies, do good," &e. 
 
 2. The desire of revenge and retaliation is partial, and 
 therefore unlawful. « All things whatsoever ye would that men 
 
115 
 
 should do unto you, do ye the same to thcin.'* No man 
 wislies to be destroyed. And again, « Thou slialt love thy 
 neighbour as thyself." Because he is of as much impoi*'^ 
 tance. 
 
 3. Revenge and resistance are unlawful, because they in. 
 vadc the prerogative ©^ God. " Beloved, avenge not yoim*- 
 selves, but rather give place unto vi^rath, for it is written. 
 Vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith the Lord.'* Man can- 
 not avenge himself through defect of knowledge, power, and 
 justice ; he does not need to do it, because it is the work of 
 God. "But I say unto you, that ye resist not evil." I will 
 defend and deliver you. 
 
 4. Every object is to be estimated according to intrinsic 
 value and excellence. Therefore God is the supreme object 
 of love, because the infinite fountain of being and excellence, 
 and all holy creatures, according to the rank they hold in, 
 and the relations they bear to, his kingdom. 
 
 5. All dispositions and passions are unlawful, and to be 
 subdued, which we would not indulge in the presence of God, 
 and which, in their operation on the mind, do not tend to its" 
 preparation for heaven. 
 
 6. In a word, the Christian is required to live and act for 
 eternity ; regarding this life as a preparatory state, soon to 
 issue in the eternal and spiritual world. 
 
 Such, Sir, are my views of the laws of Christ. But every 
 wise legislator, in promulgating a system of law, together 
 therewith bestows privileges and immunities on the subject. 
 If my very limited knowledge. Sir, as a civilian, should ap- 
 pear in the arrangement of this important subject, I hope my 
 frankness in expressing my opinions, may be accepted, in 
 place of qualities more profound and more splendid. 
 
 Christ said to Pontius Pilate, ** iMy kingdom is not of this 
 world ;V and if we consider the character of his subjects, as 
 stated in the last letter, or his laws, as just stated in this, we 
 shall be ready to assent to the truth of his declaration. The 
 jealousy or fear of Pilate would not be alarmed at such a 
 king or kingdom, though rising in the midst of the Roman Em> 
 pire, But the proud and ambitious spirit of men is extremely 
 diffident of such laws, forbidding revenge and all resistance; 
 and the corrupt heart will often prompt them to say, «< such 
 harmless laws, such a tame and passive kind of government 
 will not do for me." 
 
 Let us then. Sir, consider the privileges guaranteed to the 
 subjects of Christ's kingdom^ under the administration of 
 these laws. And, 
 
116 
 
 1. They are assured j^enerally of his friendship and favour, 
 of his presence and his love. '< Lo! I am with j^ou always even 
 unto the end of the world. My peace I leave with you, my 
 peace I give unto you ; not as the world givcth give 1 unto you. 
 Let not your hearts be troubled." These engagements on 
 the part of Christ have been amply made good ; and the 
 countenance and favour of the Almighty Redeemer has prov- 
 ed an unfailing source of consolation to his people. AVhat 
 can it be less than such, since it is ever present in the hour 
 of trial, and shows its efficacy most where it is most neces- 
 sary? The perseverance and fortitude of Christians in the 
 ages of persecution, were considered as miraculous. It Avas 
 to the favour of the Prince of Peace they owed this amazing 
 support. They seemed to resemble the three Children walk- 
 ing in the midst of the fire unhurt, while one walked in the 
 jnidst of them whose glorious form declared hiui the Son of 
 God. 
 
 By the favour and love of Christ, the real sons of peace 
 enjoy an inward support which is far different from the hero's 
 "vaiour, or the soldier's courage. It is not that fever and de- 
 lirium of mind which the martial trumpet, the clash of armour, 
 and the shouts of battle, inspire. It is invisible to the eye 
 and UKiknown to the world, but it is an anchor to the soul, 
 and far more than countervails that boasted strength of nerves, 
 that brutal courage, which enables men to plunge in death, 
 "with no rational hope of salvation. 1 speak not against the 
 proper exercise of true courage and fortitude, considered as 
 natural endowments ; but, Sir, that courage, resembling the 
 ferocious boldness of the tyger, which induces men to set 
 death at defiance, when they have no reason to hope in God's 
 favour; that courage, which causes many to rush wantonly 
 on death, when they have the strongest reason to expect a 
 miserable eternity, deserves the name of madness ; it is in- 
 sanity of the most deplorable and frightful character. To all 
 eternity it will be bewailed as the highest and last act of des- 
 perate folly. But the Christian enjoys peace of mind, con- 
 tentment with his lot, confidence in God, and hope in futurity, 
 which no outward circumstances can overcome or destroy. 
 
 ^2. The Christian is an adopted subject of the Prince of 
 Peace, and member of an everlasting kingdom. This implies 
 two grand objects, provision, and protection. UndeF other 
 relations, between Christ and his Church, noticed in the scrip- 
 tures, besides that of Prince and subject, other duties and 
 privileges might be considered^ But the relation of Ruler 
 ruled^ or Prince and people, is sufficient to my present 
 
117 
 
 purpose. Christ has engaged to make provision for all the 
 subjects of the kingdom ot Zion. 
 
 it is a great practici;! question, Sir, whether the laws of 
 Clirist do not require as much peculiarity in the conduct of 
 Christians in relation to property as to war. This point has 
 only been regarded, hitherto, in the light of general considera- 
 tions; nor shall I have leisure here to give it that attention 
 which its importance deserves. It is allowed that Christians 
 shoidd be Just, punctual, and liberal, in their dealings. But 
 these are terms capable of being used with latitude, and are 
 commonly understood as complied with when no flagrant vio- 
 lution is committed. 
 
 *< Be not anxious for your life, what ye shall eat, or what 
 ye shall drink, or wherewithal ye shall be clothed : for after 
 all these things do the Gentiles seek ; and your heavenly 
 Father knoweth that ye have need of these things." These 
 and similar directions given by Christ, and dictated by his 
 Spirit, are not without import. I am ready to grant, that 
 Christians are not to expect to be fed by miracles, as were 
 Elijah and others. At the same time they should bear it in 
 mind, that God has taught them in his word, that he will sup- 
 ply their temporal wants : and he knows what they need. 
 Resistance, retaliation, and war, have generally, some rela- 
 tion to property ; and the grand objection to the pacific sys- 
 tem, commonly arises from pecuniary considerations. Chris- 
 tians are apt to say, " If I make no resistance, they will take 
 all that I have." 
 
 Under a firm persuasion that Christ will provide for his 
 people, may I be permitted. Sir, to state briefly, in a few par- 
 ticulars, wherein it appears to me, that Christians come far 
 short of 'heir duty, in relation to property ; as this may ex- 
 pose their error in defending it by violence. 
 
 1. They fail in a lively apprehension of a universal, almighty, 
 and omnisci" nt providence, which is engaged to make pro- 
 vision for God's people. They do not seem to consider, that 
 the earth is the Lord's, and the fulness thereof; that in all 
 human concerns, his providence directs and overrules. Or, 
 if they allow this, yet their feelings revolt, and their hearts 
 grow faithless : nor can they feel such a degree of confidence 
 as to lessen, their anxieties about what they shall eat, and 
 drink, and wear, or their amhition to appear in style. While 
 they openly violate one duty, viz. trust in God, they cloak 
 covetousness under another, that of industry and diligence in 
 business. Hence, 
 
 %. They pursue the acquisition of property with too mueli 
 
118 
 
 ardour, not to say often, by unlawful means. It is painful to» 
 hear what character many high professors of religion bear on 
 this score. " Such a man," says one, " may he very honest, 
 for aught I know, but he is very hard in his dealings ; he is 
 tight in a bargain, he will stand for a penny, and he cuts very 
 close ; he will get a bargain of you, if he can. Besides, he 
 seems to have no feelings for the poor, he makes them work 
 cheap, and at the same time give a high price for what he 
 sells them ; and if they owe him, he is strict, driving, and 
 relentless." Thus by dealing hardly by the poor, and 
 successfully with the rich ,• pressing business with intense 
 anxiety of calculation, and activity in execution, he rises to 
 great wealth ; and though he never apparently cheats or steals, 
 yet he certainly appears to go on as though he were finally 
 settled here, and expected neither death nor eternity, and as 
 though his property and the accumulation of more, was as 
 important as his existence. 
 
 3. Those who are thus successful in acquiring, wealth, and 
 in the manner just noticed, commonly employ it in a way as 
 little agreeable to the laws of Christ. They pay their just 
 debts, indeed, and sometimes perform a liberal act. But what 
 do we see ? Settled in a palace, " clothed in purple and sear- 
 let, and faring sumptuously every day," every thing around 
 them declares their opulence and grandeur. And while they 
 would fight in defence of their wealth, they give themselves 
 little or no concern about their poor Christian brethren ; for. 
 Sir, these are professing Christians I am describing, I once 
 heard some person say of a man of this description, " If this 
 man could give a thousand dollars to some public purpose, 
 and knew his donation would be published in the Gazettes 
 through America, he would perhaps do it ; but if some worthy 
 but poor man should privately ask him the loan of five or ten 
 dollars, promising to pay him as soon as he could, he would 
 be frowned out of his sight, with a « No, I cannot spare it." 
 
 Sir, the intense ardour with which many professing C/hris- 
 tians pursue wealth, the luxurious purposes for which they 
 employ one part of it, and the adamantine gripe with which 
 they hold the other, and the desperate means they will take 
 to defend even what is superfluous, are contrary to the laws 
 of Christ ; and I fear that they are Christians only in name. 
 The love of money is truly described as the root of all evil j 
 and while it appears daily in the most flagrant crimes, it also 
 appears in a thousand ways that must be odious in the sight of 
 God, but which human laws cannot reach, nor human tribunals 
 punish. The spirit with which property is acquired, hoarded 
 
119 
 
 up, guarded and defended, and the dismay which the loss of 
 it occasions, shows iiow mucli it is loved, and what room there 
 is for censure on this subject. 
 
 •*. Tlie vast inequality in the pecuniary circumstances ol" 
 Christians, even members of the same Church, and the pain- 
 ful and humiliating facts arising from this difference, are 
 enough to prove the Church to be corrupt and unhealthful. 
 Far be it from me to advocate an equal division or distribu 
 tion of property among Christians. I am willing tliat those 
 who inherit or acquire wealth should enjoy the advantage God 
 has given them ; and I set that advantage over against the 
 great responsibility and severe trial to which they are ex- 
 posed by this trust. For who has holiness, self-denial, and 
 zeal enough to enable him to be a faithful steward of the gifts 
 of Providence ? 
 
 *< Ye are not your own, but are bought with a price, there- 
 fore glorify God with your bodies and spirits which are His." 
 If the Christian is not his own, what shall we say of his wealth ? 
 It is God's treasure put into his hands. " The silver and the 
 gold are mine, saith the Lord." Nothing is given to the 
 Christian to gratify his lusts ; nothing to cherish his pride ; 
 nothing to feed his wanton luxury. The great Lord of hea- 
 ven and earth has given him talents, and has said, «< Occupy 
 till I come." Out of his abundance he has a right to make 
 himself comfortable ; I desire not to restrict him unreasona- 
 bly ; but high and solemn obligations lie upon him. It cer- 
 tainly is not to be expected that he should make all his poor 
 brethren rich. But, Sir, there is an easier line of duty drawn, 
 to which he may come. He may take a deep interest 
 in the welfare of the poor, instead of affecting to despise 
 and neglect them for their seeming want of faculty to ac- 
 quire and retain property, he may devote a part of his 
 time, rather than to elegant amusements and what is called 
 refined society, in visiting their dwellings, inquiring into their 
 circumstances, advising and aiding in the education of their 
 children, comforting them when sick, devising means for their 
 relief and consolation. Did such views of this world's goods 
 prevail, were property employed in undertakings of this sort, 
 it would cease to be the occasion of perpetual jealousies, con= 
 tentions, quarrels, and wars. The express directions of Christ 
 himself are little regarded, in relation to the poor. « When 
 thou makest a feast," saith our Lord, " invite not thy rich 
 neighbours," but the poor, &c. I do not take it upon me to 
 say, that a feast may never be made for the rich ^ but how 
 seldom do we see the rich man make a feast for the poor ! 
 
1^0 
 
 Again, « Let liim tliat liatli two coats give to him tliat liatli 
 none." I feel satisfied, Sir, that you understand the import 
 of the figiii'ative style of Scripture, and will not suppose that 
 I urge a meaning in these passages which is forced and un- 
 natural. The most I would contend for is, that such passages 
 commonly mean rchat they say. Again, what direction did 
 our hlessed Lord give to tlie young man who came running 
 and kneeling to him, and asked him what good thing he must 
 do to inherit eten.al life ? ** Sell all that thou hast and give 
 to the poor, and come and follow me, and thou shalt have 
 treasures in heaven." The Saviour, it seems, does not lay 
 that stress on a man's having a great estate, that we do. But 
 that young man loved an eartlily, more than a heavenly, trea- 
 sure. Again, why did the rich Zaccheus, the day that salva- 
 tion came to his house, say, " The lialf of my goods I give to 
 the poor, and if I have wronged any one, I restore four fold." 
 "Why did the great Apostle of the Gentiles, speaking of all 
 worldly riches, and honours, and pleasures, say, *' I couiit 
 them all as loss, and dung, and dross, for the excellency of 
 the knowledge of Christ Jesus our Lord ?" Do the wealthy 
 Christians, Sir, with whom you are acquainted, appear to con- 
 sider their worldly possessions as dross ? And, finally, I ask, 
 what could be our Saviour's meaning by the surprising de- 
 claration, that, *' It is easier for a camel to go tiirough the eye 
 of a needle, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of 
 heaven ?" He doubtless intended to intimate the great and 
 dangerous temptation attending riches ; as also, that the 
 means by which wealth is generally acquired, and the manner 
 in which it is employed, are inconsistent with the character 
 and hopes of a Christian, 
 
 The ambition to gain wealth seems to have no limit. A man 
 wishes first to gain an independency for himself ; tlien for his 
 children, and for their's. Then he launches into schemes of 
 pomp and splendour, spreads out his possessions, builds, beau- 
 tifies, and adorns ; and perfectly overlooks and spurns the 
 object for whrch wealth is given. There is probably wealth 
 enough in every nation, were there equal honesty, public 
 spirit, magnanimity and love toman, to make every individual 
 of society easy and comfortable. 
 
 If the system of war were wholly laid aside, what would hin- 
 der nations from making the care of society the grand object 
 of legislative provision ? In this beneficent work, human 
 government would resemble the divine, which has, in the 
 stores of nature, made ample provision for the wants of a 
 i^orld of creatures; but which provision, through the ne- 
 
121 
 
 gligencc of some, the want of capacity in otliers, tlie avarice 
 of many, and pei-liai»s the selfishness of all, has become most 
 unequally distributed* If the contributions levied on nations 
 for the support of war, or but half the sum, were skilfully dis- 
 posed of for the aid of the indigent and poor, we would have 
 no poor. 
 
 I hope, Sir, you will excuse this digression. Among other 
 means of providing for his people, Christ has bestowed a great 
 abundance on some, has made them his treasurers for the bene- 
 iit of the poor and needy. If the rich refuse to discharge this 
 honourable office, which involves in it high and distinguishing 
 privileges, they must answer for their conduct, when they give 
 an account of their stewardship at his bar. And many, it is 
 to be feared, will there hear the dreadful declaration, <* I was 
 hungered and ye gave me no meat, I was thirsty and ye gave 
 me no drink, 1 was a stranger and ye took me not in, naked 
 and ye clothed me not ; 1 wfas sick and in prison, and ye 
 visited me not." " Go to — " «« weep and howl for your 
 miseries that shall come upon you." 
 
 O earth ! thou fleeting scene of danger and temptation* 
 rather let me be deprived of all thine enjoyments ; rather let 
 me be a beggar, an exile, an outcast, than by thy false charms 
 and delusive pleasures, to lose an eternal heaven ! 
 
 Christ will not only make provision for his people, hut he 
 will protect them. For this his word is pledged ; it is the 
 established order and rule of his kingdom. Those who, from 
 a misunderstanding of their duty, or distrust in their all- 
 powerful King, take in hand their own protection, will gain 
 nothing thereby but disappointment and shame. Whether 
 they seek to repel such violence as may be offered them by 
 the sword or by the coercion of the civil law, it will indicate 
 a distrust in his protection who has said ** I will never leave 
 thee, nor forsake thee ^ when thou passest through the waters 
 they shall not overflow thee, and through the fire it shall not 
 kindle upon thee : no weapon that is formed against thee shall 
 prosper, and every tongue which shall rise up in judgment 
 against thee, thou shalt condemn. This is the heritage of the 
 servants of the Lord, and their righteousness is of me, saith 
 the Lord." 
 
 It is enough for the Christian that God has told liini^ that 
 all things are working together for his good. What more 
 can he need? The most distant parts of the universe are 
 in the hands of God, the most distant worlds in creation are 
 under the Redeemer's control and direction. The most re- 
 mote and dissimilar events, creatures, from the highest to the 
 
 Q 
 
122 
 
 iawest, are under his omnipotent government. They are 
 parts of the mighty wheel which one spirit moves, and which 
 moves hut to glorify his name and exalt his kingdom. 
 
 Did Christ pay no regard to the protection of his people, 
 there would seem to he a necessity of their warding off vio- 
 lence, by whatever means they could, and perhaps some- 
 times of repelling force by force ; but as it is, the case is 
 quite different. He has provided the means of their defence, 
 and assured them, in what way, and from what source it must 
 eome. It must come, and it infallibly will come from his 
 own Almighty arm. I have. Sir, if I mistake not, observed in 
 some former Letter, that probably the defence of all holy 
 creatures is the established province of God himself, and that 
 they have no idea of using violence either as necessary or as 
 admissible. It seems when Michael the arch-angel and Satan 
 disputed about the body of Moses, that Michael durst not 
 bring a railing accusation eveVi against the devil, but said, 
 « The Lord rebuke thee." If he durst not use violent lan- 
 guage, is it probable he would dare to resort to violent ac- 
 tions ? 
 
 However that may be, the command of Christ to his fol- 
 lowers is, that " ye resist not evil, but whosoever shall smite 
 thee on the one cheek, turn to him the other also. If any man 
 shall sue thee at the law and take away thy coat, give him thy 
 cloak also ; and whosoever shall compel thee to go a mile, 
 go with him twain." In fine, the Christian is commanded to 
 overcome evil with good. But how is this to be done ? The 
 same inspired authority shall answer. « If thine enemy 
 hunger, feed him ; if he thirst give him drink." O ! how 
 unlike the spirit of resistance and revenge ! How unlike the 
 dictates of the human heart ! How unlike the conduct of 
 mankind ? 
 
 Suffer me. Sir, in the conclusion of this Letter, to repeat 
 what I have before said. The change of times, of manners 
 and customs, and of the established religion of nations, seems 
 to lay Christians now under incomparably stronger obligations 
 than ever before, to be pacific, and renounce war and resist- 
 ance. Surely, if the primitive Christians did not fight, when 
 they had no other way to save their lives, why should Chris- 
 tians resist and shed blood now, when their religion is estab- 
 lished by law, and persecution has ceased through Christen- 
 dom? 
 
 It will be quite unnecessary for me to go into a particular 
 consideration of the nature of that protection which Christ 
 gives his peo]^e as individuals or as a, body; as I presume 
 
123 
 
 it is well understood. It comprehends the care of their spi- 
 ritual interests, and tiie bcstovvment of such temporal bless- 
 ings as he sees will best promote their eternal welfare. But 
 this does not imply any certain measure of outward prosperity. 
 He did once indeed require them to sacrifice all worldly 
 comforts, and even to lay down their lives for his cause. But 
 now, when his religion is established, when the Christian 
 name is honourable, and every man is at liberty to worship 
 in what form he pleases, or even not to worship at all, if he 
 sees proper; when every sect of Christians is favoured with 
 equal protection. Christians, instead of laying xlown their lives 
 as martyrs, prefer to sacrifice them as soldiers, or to hazard 
 them in war. Alas ! Sir, they can no longer say, " Our 
 warfare is not carnal, but mighty to the pulling down the 
 strong holds of sin and Satan ;" but on the contrary, their 
 warfare is carnal and impotent, such as is most gratifying to 
 the powers and principalities of darkness, but will injure the 
 cause for which it is carried on. 
 
 The motto of every Christian should be, « We walk by faith, 
 not by sight : we look not at the things which are seen, but at 
 the things which are not seen ; for the things which are seen 
 are temporal, but the things which are not seen are eternal." 
 
 Sir, I have endeavoured to show that the taking away the 
 life of our fcllow-ereatures is not necessary under the supposed 
 authority of a divine command or permission ; that the best 
 interests of nations, would be promoted by the total discontin- 
 uance of war ; and, in fact, that admitting defensive war to be 
 right, the regulation of it according to acknowledged princi- 
 ples, would amount to a virtual prevention of it. I have also, 
 I hope, shown, that the usual mode of declaring war can have 
 no influence in diminishing the guilt of bloodshed, that shall 
 ensue : that there must be a real cause, and that cause duly 
 understood by all who destroy their fellow-creatures, in order 
 to vindicate their conduct, on their own principles. Were 
 taking life restricted to sucii limits, it would be in the next 
 remove to its total exclusion. I have, in fine, endeavoured to 
 show, that war is inconsistent with the Christian character, 
 and contrary to the laws of Christ. I can only commend my 
 remarks to your favourable consideration, and the blessing of 
 God. 
 
 I am. Sir, yours, &c« 
 
124 
 LETTER XVin. 
 
 COJ^CLUSIOJ^. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 Having accomplished the purpose I at first contem- 
 plated, 1 trust the extraordinary nature of the subject I have 
 considered, and the incalculable interests it involves, will 
 justify my design, and render any apolos^y needless, for such 
 defects as may appear in its execution. The current of 
 opinion, as wide as the world itself, and the force of habit, 
 corroborated by all th<^ years the world has existed, in favour 
 of the profuse destruction of life, by the hand of man, would 
 leave little for me to hope from my arguments, or from argu- 
 jnents drawn by abler pens, did I not believe that God rules 
 the world, and that the time is near when this disgraceful 
 practice shall come to an end. 
 
 Since the commencement of these Letters, T have had the 
 satisfaction to learn, that you. Sir, have publicly espoused 
 the pacific system ; declared your disapprobation of war, and 
 liave joined a society instituted for the purpose of promo- 
 ting peace. While you resigned the chair of state, which you 
 had filled with dignity and honour, you have assumed a cha- 
 S'acter which would have adorned that chair, and which, I 
 trust, will before long adorn many thrones, when " Kings 
 shall become nursing fathers, and Queens nursing mothers of 
 the Church." 
 
 The sudden and unexpected repose given to Christendom, 
 after the bloody wars and wasting revolutions of twenty years, 
 and the extraordinary efforts of Missionary and Bible Societies, 
 liave given an unusual shock to the minds of men, and brought 
 about a favourable moment for the fi'iends of peace to lift their 
 voices and unite their exerticms. I trust their activity and 
 co-operation, will show to the world that their opinions go 
 beyond mere theory, and are not wasted in empty speculation. 
 The expectation of the whole Christian Church, through near- 
 ly Jill its sections, grounded on sacred prediction, that a period 
 of peace and prosperity is near, cannot but awaken in every 
 pious mind, an a,ttention to the course of providence ; and 
 those whose attention is awake cannot but rejoice to see new 
 light breaking forth. 
 
 I have seen. Sir, the weakness and danger of local ap- 
 plications of prophecy, prompted by over-heated zeal, toe 
 
125 
 
 often exposed, to venture upon the bare supposition that a 
 period of outward prosperity to the Church is immediately 
 to be expected. Tlie kingdom of God cometh 'not with ob- 
 servation. I am not quite certain, that the usual conjectures 
 concerning tlie scenes introductory to the Millenium will 
 prove true. Several expositors, on this tract, have already 
 been sutliciently checked and humbled in their career of con- 
 jectures, by the sudden and total failure of a new empire in 
 Europe, which was to break and overturn the old establish- 
 ments, and introduce a new order of things. 
 
 But, Sir, it is evident there never was a time since nations 
 were formed, which promised more success to the endeavours 
 of the friends of peace, than the present ; and the simulta- 
 neous appearance of so many united in their opinion against 
 war, already evinces a hopeful progress of that opinion. I 
 have elsewhere intimated that there are probably few pious 
 persons who have not, at one time or another, had doubts of 
 the consistency of war with christian principles ; this indeed 
 seems an inevitable consequence of an attentive perusal of the 
 New-Testament. But I can go much further than this, and 
 say, that I have seen a very great number of persons, in the 
 course of my life, who, though tiiey made no pretences to re- 
 ligion, did not hesitate to declare that they thought war con- 
 trary to the gospel ; and that they were surprised that a Chris- 
 tian could fight and kill men, since Christ himself expressly 
 forbids it. 
 
 Wars are generally occasioned by a few designing and 
 ambitious men, by whom nations afe blinded and led ; but the 
 happy situation of our own country, remote from all other na- 
 tions, seems in a manner to exempt us from all necessity, and 
 from all the incitements to war. Were this subject once 
 fairly brought before the public, and set in its true light, the 
 friends and advocates of peace would become respectable by 
 their numbers, and influential by their exertions. Their num- 
 bers would be augmented by many whose candid and un-am- 
 bitious temper would allow them to give the subject due con- 
 sideration. 
 
 I have been much gratified to hear that several societies arc 
 already formed for the promotion of the principles of peace. 
 The effects of union and concentration are well known, and 
 were never more necessary than in this grand concern. I 
 trust that measures will not be delayed to let the remote and 
 solitary friends of peace, in various parts of the country, 
 know that the subject is under consideration, and that they 
 do not stand alone. It may prove that many persons are oti 
 
13G 
 
 the side of peace, whose silence has in some measure resulted 
 from that diffidence we naturally and perhaps justly feel of 
 avowing a singular opinion. 
 
 Methinks, Sir, that revenge and ambition might be well 
 nigh glutted with blood with slaughter. For nearly six thousand 
 years they have rendered the globe a Golgotha, and the sword 
 has shared with disease the empire of destruction. The pre- 
 sent period of peace is ushered in under peculiar circum- 
 stances ; nations are more ripe and ready for conviction, as cer- 
 tainly they have never seen ambition more insatiable or more 
 vain, more bloody or more abortive, than that which recently 
 agitated the world. The elements of society have undergone 
 some change ; and many fundamental errors which served as 
 fetters for the mind are broken up and done away. We have, 
 Sir, in our day, seen slavery abolished, or at least so far, as 
 that correct opinions concerning both the doctrine and prac- 
 tice on which it rested now prevail. Religious freedom has 
 in a good measure succeeded to that deplorable and shameful 
 despotism, which, in all ages, lield the human mind in the 
 chains of Satan. Christian nations are awakened in some 
 measure to feel the importance of spreading among the hea- 
 then the true knowledge of God. Missionaries are dispersed 
 through the interior regions of heathenish darkness, not for 
 sectarian but for Christian purposes ; and noble efforts are 
 making to furnish every nation with the oracles of God in 
 their own language. 
 
 While the spirit of war seems for a moment paralyzed, or 
 at a loss where next to point its bloody standard and destruc- 
 tive columns, would it not be a good time, Sir, for the Chris- 
 tian Church to hasten to her primitive ground, to that ground 
 she so shamefully deserted, and which desertion was among 
 the steps of her apostacy ? Never will nations cease to de- 
 stroy each other, whilst kept in countenance by the example 
 and authority of the Christian Church ; which, alas ! is fatal- 
 ly mistaken for the authority of Christ. Nations seem wait- 
 ing for, and expecting this movement ; and its effects would 
 be great. It is not impossible. Sir, but there may be even 
 monarchs who would rejoice to hear of the spread of pacific 
 principles. Why should they not, since war does but increase 
 their anxiety, their insecurity, and their guilt ? 
 
 O my country, latest in the annals of time, but first in the 
 discovery, and foremost in the career of civil and religious 
 liberty ; possessing a world replenished with the comforts and 
 blessings of life ! mayest thou also be foremost in this glorious 
 reformation j mayest thou be first to acknowledge the domin- 
 
127 
 
 ion, obey the laws, and enjoy the approbation of the Prince of 
 Peace ! 
 
 Let me close, Sir, by observing, there are powerful reasons 
 why the friends of peace should seize the present calm, while 
 for a moment the great ocean remains unruffled, besides those 
 which arise from their general duty and obligations, and those 
 which arise from favourable changes and general facilities. 
 Their union and activity might, at least, tend to the prolon- 
 gation of peace, if not to its final establishment ; and they 
 should bear it in mind, that in the agitations and turbulence 
 of war, they cannot hope to retire to the neutral and impar- 
 tial ground of peact without being followed by suspicions, and 
 reproached with coldness and disaffection to the honour and 
 interest of their country. 
 
 I am^ Sir, with great respect and esteem. 
 
 Your most obedient Servant, 
 
 PHILADELPHUS. 
 
.«■■ 
 
i 
 
Date Due 
 
 ( 
 
 ^fW*'****^** 
 
 « 
 
 
 
 
 ^..^^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 At^€-^HUd 
 
 >■«»•' 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 <|) 
 
 PRINTED 
 
 IN U. S. A. 
 
 
 1