.m^ W::]\\ m txhxaxy of Che t:heoio0ical ^tminavy PRINCETON • NEW JERSEY Pprt of Acc'ison Alexpnc'er libr?.ry. Presented by R. L. and A. Stuart THE ANCIENT CHURCH: ITS HISTOEY, DOCTEINE, WOESHIP, AND' CONSTITUTION, TRACED FOE THE FIRST THREE HUNDRED YEARS. W. D. KILLEN, D.D., PROFESSOR OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY AND PASTORAL THEOLOGY TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH IN IRELAND. ' Glorious tilings are spoken of thee, O city of God." Psalm Ixxxvii. 3. NEW YOEK: CHAELES SCEIBNEE, 124 GEAND STEEET. M.DCCC.LIX. edinburgh : . priktkd by ballantynk and company, Paul's work. PEEFATOEY NOTE. I CANNOT permit this Edition of " The Ancient Church " to appear before the citizens of the United States without acknowledging my obligations to Mr Charles Scribner of New York. Mr Scribner was the first gentleman con- nected with the noble profession to which he belongs, either in the Old or in the New World, from whom I received encouragement in this undertaking ; and his prompt and generous offers aided me materially in making arrangements for the publication of the work in Great Britain. Every line of the present impression has been corrected by myself, and should my life be spared, any futiu-e Edition which Mr Scribner may publish is to appear under the same supervision. I trust that the Trade throughout the Union will recognize the debt of gratitude which I owe to my American friend. There is a higher law than the law of international copyright, and I feel confident that no Publisher of honour and integrity in the Great Republic will repudiate its claims. W. D. KILLEN. 17 University Square, Belfast, Ireland, July 1859. PREFACE. The appearance of another history of the early Church reqmres some explanation. As the progress of the Chris- tian commonwealth for the first three hundred years has been recently described by British, German, and American writers of eminent ability, it may, perhaps, be thought that the subject is now exhausted. No competent judge will pronounce such an opinion. During the last quarter of a century, various questions relating to the ancient Church, which are almost, if not altogether, ignored in existing his- tories, have been earnestly discussed; whilst several docu- ments, lately discovered, have thrown fresh light on its transactions. There are, besides, points of view, disclosing unexplored fields for thought, from which the ecclesiastical landscape has never yet been contemplated. The following work is an attempt to exhibit some of its features as seen from a new position. The importance of this portion of the history of the Church can scarcely be over-estimated. Our attention is here directed to the life of Christ, to the labours of the apostles and evangelists, to the doctrines which they taught, to the form of worship which they sanctioned, to VI PREFACE. the organization of the community which they founded, and to the mdomitable constancy with which its members suffered persecution. The practical bearing of the topics thus brought imder review must be sufficiently obvious. In the interval between the days of the apostles and the conversion of Constantine, the Christian commonwealth changed its aspect. The Bishop of Eome — a personage unknoTVTi to the writers of the New Testament — meauAvhile rose into prominence, and at length took precedence of all other churchmen. Eites and ceremonies, of which neither Paul nor Peter ever heard, crept silently into use, and then claimed the rank of divine institutions. Officers, for whom the primitive disciples could have found no place, and titles, which to them would have been altogether unintelligible, began to challenge attention, and to be named apostolic. It is the duty of the historian to endeavour to point out the origin, and to trace the progress of these innovations. A satisfactory account of them must go far to settle more than one of our present controversies. An attempt is here made to lay bare the causes which produced these changes, and to mark the stages of the ecclesiastical revolution. When treating of the rise and growth of the hierarchy, several remarkable facts and testimonies which have escaped the notice of preceding historians are particularly noticed. Some may, perhaps, consider that, in a work such as this, undue prominence has been given to the discussion of the question of the Ignatian epistles. Those who have care- fully examined the subject will scarcely think so. If we accredit these documents, the history of the early Church is thrown into a state of hopeless confusion ; and men, taught and honoured by the apostles themselves, must have PREFACE. Vll inculcated the most dangerous errors. But if their chxims vanish, when touched by the Avand of truthful criticism, many clouds which have hitherto darkened the ecclesiastical atmosphere disappear ; and the progress of corruption can be traced on scientific principles. The special attention of all interested in the Ignatian controversy is invited to the two chapters of this work in which the subject is investi- gated. Evidence is there produced to prove that these Ignatian letters, even as edited by the very learned and laborious Doctor Cureton, are utterly spurious, and that they should be swept away from among the genuine remains of early Chm^ch literature with the besom of scorn. Throughout the work very decided views are expressed on a variety of topics ; but it must surely be unnecessary to tender an apology for the free utterance of these senti- ments; for, when recording the progress of a revolution affectine^ the hio-hest interests of man, the narrator cannot be expected to divest himself of his cherished convictions; and very few will venture to maintain that a writer, Avho feels no personal interest in the great principles brought to light by the gospel, is, on that account, more competent to describe the faith, the struggles, and the triumphs of the primitive Christians. I am not aware that mere prejudice has ever been permitted to influence my nar- rative, or that any statement has been made which does not rest upon solid evidence. Some of the views here pre- sented may not have been suggested by any previous inves- tigator, and they may be exceedingly damaging to certain popular theories; but they should not, therefore, be sum- marily condemned. Surely every honest effort to explain and reconcile the memorials of antiquity is entitled to a Vlll PREFACE. candid criticism. Nor, from those whose opinion is really worthy of respect, do I despair of a kindly reception for this volume. One of the most hopeful signs of the times is the increasing charity of evangelical Christians. There is a growing disposition to discountenance the spirit of reli- gious partisanship, and to bow to the supremacy of truth. I trust that those who are in quest of the old paths trodden by the apostles and the martyrs will find some light to guide them in the following pages. CONTENTS. PERIOD I. FROM THE BIRTH OF CHRIST TO THE DEATH OF THE APOSTLE JOHN, A.D. 100. SECTION I. HISTORY OF THE PLANTING AND GROWTH OP THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH. CHAPTEK I. THE ROMAN EMPIRE AT THE TIME OF THE BIRTH OF CHRIST. The boundaries of the Empire, Its population, strength, and grandeur, Its orators, poets, and philosophers, The influence of Kome upon the provinces, The languages most extensively spoken. The moral condition of the Empire, . The influence of the philosophical sects- Stoics, the Academics, and Plato, The influence of the current Polytheism, The state of the Jews — the Pharisees, the Sadducees, and the Essenes, ........•• Preparations for a great Deliverer, and expectation of His appear- ance, .......... -the Epicureans, the PAGE 3 ib. 5 ib. 6 ib. 7 9 ib. 11 CONTENTS. CHAPTER II. THE LIFE OF CHRIST. The date of tlie Birth of Christ, .... The place of His Birth, ...... The visit of the angel to the shepherds. The visit of the ]\Iagi — the flight into Egypt — and the murder of the infants at Bethlehem, .... The presentation in the Temple, .... The infancy and boyhood of Jesus, .... His baptism and entrance upon His public ministry. His mysterious movements, ..... The remarkable blanks in the accounts given of Him in the Gospels, His moral purity, ....... His doctrine and His mode of teaching, . His miracles, ....... The independence of His proceedings as a reformer, . The length of His ministry, ..... The Sanhedrim and Pontius Pilate, .... The Death of Christ, and its significance, . His Eesurrection, and His appearance afterwards only to His own followers, ....... His Ascension, ....... His extraordinary character, . . . . r SuppLEMENTAKY NoTE ou the year of the Birth of Christ CHAPTER III. THE TWELVE AND THE SEVENTY. Our Lord during His short mmistry trained eighty-two preachers — the Twelve and the Seventy, Various names of some of the Twelve, Relationship of some of the parties, Original condition of the Twelve, Various characteristics of the Twelve, Twelve, why called Apostles, Typical meaning of the appointment of the Twelve and the Seventy, ..... In what sense the Apostles founded the Church CONTENTS. XI Why so little notice of the Seventy in the New Testament, No account of ordinations of pastors or elders by the Twelve or the Seventy, ......... No succession from the Twelve or Seventy can be traced, . In what sense the Twelve and Seventy have no successors, and in what sense they have, PAGE 46 47 48 50 CHAPTER IV. THE PROGRESS OF THE GOSPEL FROM THE DEATH OF CHRIST TO THE DEATH OF THE APOSTLE JAMES, THE BROTHER OF JOHN. A.D. 31 TO A.D. 44. The successfid preaching of the Apostles in Jerusalem, The disciples have aU things common, . . . . , The appointment of the deacons, ..... The Apostles refuse to obey the rulers of the Jews, The date of the martyrdom of Stephen, .... The gospel preached in Samaria, ..... The baptism of the Ethiopian eunuch, and of Cornelius the cen turion, ......... The conversion of Saul, his character, position, and suffermgs, His visit to Jerusalem, and vision, ..... His ministry in Syria and Cilicia, ..... His appearance at Antioch, ...... Why the disciples were called Christians, .... Paul and Barnabas sent from Antioch with relief to the poor saints in Judea, ....... The Apostles leave Jerusalem — why no successor aj^pointed on the death of James the brother of John, WTiy Paul taken up to Paradise, ...'.. 52 ib. 54 55 ib. 56 51 59 62 63 ib. 64 Q5 68 CHAPTER V. THE ORDINATION OF PAUL AND BARNABAS ; THEIR MISSIONARY TOUR IN ASIA MINOR; AND THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. A.D. 44 TO A.D. 51. Previous position of Paul and Barnabas, . . . . . 70 Why now ordained, ........ 71 Import of ordination, ........ 73 By whom Paul and Barnabas were ordained, . . . . 74 They visit C3rprus, Perga, Antioch in Pisidia, Iconium, and other places, .......... 75 Ordain elders in every Church, 76 XU CONTENTS. PAGE Opposition of the Jews, and clangers of the missionaries, . . 77 Some insist on the circumcision of the Gentile converts, and are resisted by Paul, ........ 79 Why he objected to the proj)Osal, ...... ib. Deputation to Jerusalem about this question, , . . . 81 Constituent members of the Council of Jerusalem, ... ib. Date of the meeting, ........ 82 Not a popular assembly, ....... 83 In what capacity the Apostles here acted, .... 85 Why the Council said " It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us," .......... 86 The decision, 87 Why the converts were required to abstain from blood and things strangled, ......... 88 Importance of the decision, ....... 89 CHAPTER Vl. THE INTRODUCTION OF THE GOSPEL INTO EUROPE, AND THE MINISTRY OF PAUL AT PHILIPPL A.D. 52. Date of Paul's first appearance in Europe, History of Philippi, Jewish Oratory there, Conversion of Lydia, The damsel with the spirit of divination, Paul and Silas before the magistrates, Causes of early persecutions, Paul and Silas in prison. Earthquake and alarm of the jailer, . Remarkable conversion of the jailer. Alarm of the magistrates, Liberality of the Philippians, , 90 ib. 91 ib. 92 93 ib. 94 95 99 CHAPTER VII. THE MINISTRY OF PAUL IN THESSALONICA, BEREA, ATHENS, AND CORINTH. A.D. 52 TO A.D. 54. Thessalonica and its rulers, The more noble Bereans, Athens and its ancient glory, . Paul's appearance among the philosophers, 100 101 ib. 102 COIN' TENTS. XIU His speech on Mars' Hill, Altar to the unknown God, The Epicureans and Stoics, The resurrection of the body, a strange doctrine, Conversion of Dionysius the Areopagite, . Corinth in the first century, Paul's success here, .... Works at the trade of a tent-maker, Corinth a centre of missionary operation, The Corinthian Church, and its character. Opposition of Jews, and conduct of the Proconsul Gallic, Paul wiites the First and Second Epistles to the Thessalonians, PAGE 104 ib. 105 106 107 ib. 109 110 111 112 ib. 113 CHAPTER VIII. THE CONVERSION OF APOLLOS ; HIS CHARACTER ; AND THE MINISTRY OF PAUL IN EPHESUS. A.B. 54 TO A.D. 57. Paul's first visit to EjDhesus, ...... Aquila and Priscilla instruct Apollos, .... Position of the Jews in Alexandria, ..... Gifts of Apollos, ........ Ministry of Apollos in Corinth, ..... Paul returns to Ephesus, and disputes in the school of Tyrannus, The Epistle to the Galatians, ...... Paul's visit to Crete, and perils in the sea. Churches founded at Colosse and elsewhere, Temple of Diana at Ephesus, and the Ephesian letters, Apollonius of Tyana, and Paul's miracles. First Epistle to the Corinthians, ..... Demetrius and the craftsmen, ...... The Asiarchs and the town-clerk, ..... Progress of the gospel in Ephesus, ..... 115 116 ib. 117 ib. 118 119 120 121 ib, 122 123 124 125 127 CHAPTER IX. Paul's epistles ; his collection for the poor saints at Jerusalem ; HIS imprisonment there, and at C^SAREA and ROME." — A.D. 57 TO A.D. 63. Paul preaches in Macedonia and Illyricum, 128 XIV CONTENTS. sends Writes the First Epistle to Timothy, and the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, ...... Arrives in Corinth, and writes the Epistle to the Romans, Sets out on his return to Jerusalem ; and, when at Miletua to Ephesus for the elders of the Church, The collection for the poor saints of Jerusalem carried by commissioners, ..,.,. Riot when Paul appeared in the Temple at Jerusalem, Paul rescued by the chief captain and made a prisoner, Paul before the Sanhedrim, Removed to Csesarea, Paul before Felix and Festus, . Appeals to Caesar, .... His defence before Agrippa, His voyage to Rome, and shipwreck, His arrival in Italy, Greatness and luxury of Rome, Paul preaches in his own hired house, His zeal, labours, and success, . Writes to Philemon, to the Colossians, the Ephesians, and the Philip- pians, CHAPTER X. PAUL S SECOND IMPRISONMENT, AND MARTYRDOM ; PETER, HIS EPISTLES, HIS MARTYRDOM, AND THE ROMAN CHURCH, Evidences of Paul's release from his first Roman His visit to Spain, .... Writes the Epistle to the Hebrews, . Revisits Jerusalem, and returns to Rome, His second Roman imprisonment. Writes Second Epistle to Timothy, . Date of his martyrdom, . Peter's arrival in Rome, . His First Epistle written from Rome, Why Rome called Babylon, Peter writes his Second Epistle, His testimony to the inspiration of Paul, His martyrdom, .... Circumstances which, at an early period, g Church of Rome, Its remarkable history, . ave p; mprisonment, ommence to the ib. 162 CONTENTS. XV CHAPTER XI. THE PEESECTJTIONS OF THE APOSTOLIC CHCTRCH, AXD ITS CONDITION AT THE TERMINATION OF THE FIRST CENTURY. PAGE The Jews at first the cliief persecutors of the Church, . . 163 Their banishment from Rome by Claudius, , . . . 164 Mart}Tdom of James the Just, , . . . . . 165 Why Christians so much persecuted, . . . . . 166 Persecution of Xero, ........ ib. A general iiersecutiou, . . . . . . . . 10T Effect of the fiill of Jerusalem , . . . . . . 168 Persecution of Domitian, . . . . . . . 169 The grandchildren of Jude, ib. Flavins Clemens and Flavia Domitilla, , . . . . 170 John banished to Patnios, . . . . . . . 171 His last days, and death, . . . . . . . 172 State of the Chiistian interest towards the close of the first century, ib. Spread of the gospel, . . . . . . . . 173 Practical power of Chiistianity, 174 SECTION II. THE LITERATURE AND THEOLOGY OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH. CHAPTER I. THE NEW TESTAMENT, ITS HISTORY, AND THE AUTHORITY OF ITS VARIOUS PARTS. THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT OF ROME. Why our Lord wrote nothing Himself, . . . . . 176 The order in which the Gospels appeared, . . . . 177 Internal marks of truthfulness and originality in the writings of the Evangelists, ......... 178 The Acts of the Apostles treat chiefly of the acts of Peter and Paul, 179 On what principle the Epistles of Paul arranged in the New Tes- tament, .......... 180 The titles of the sacred books not appended by the Apostles or Evangelists, and the postscripts of the Epistles of Paul not added by himself, and often not trustworthy, . . . 181 XVI CONTENTS. The dates of the Catholic Epistles, The authenticity of the various parts of the New Testament, Doubts respecting the Epistle to the Hebrews, and some of the smaller Epistles, and the Apocalyi^se, Division of the New Testament into chapters and verses, . All, in primitive times, were invited and required to study the Scriptures, ........ The autographs of the sacred penmen not necessary to prove the inspiration of their writings, ..... The Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians, The truth of the New Testament established by all the proper tests which can be applied, ....... PAGE 182 ib. 183 184 ib. 185 186 187. CHAPTER 11. THE DOCTEINE OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH. Same system of doctrine in Old and New Testaments, The New Testament the complement of the ,01d, The views of the Apostles at first obscure, . New light received after the resurrection, . In the New Testament a full statement of apostolic doctrine, Sufl&ciency and plenary inspiration of Scripture, State of man by nature, ...... Faith and the Word, All the doctrines of the Bible form one system, The Deity of Christ, The Incarnation and Atonement, .... Predestination, ....... The Trinity, Creeds, Practical tendency of apostolic doctrine. 188 ib. m 190 I ib. 191 192 ib. 193 194 195 197 ib. 198 ib. CHAPTER III. THE HERESIES OF THE APOSTOLIC AGE. Original meaning of the word Heresy/, ..... 200 How the word came to signify something wrong, . . . 201 The Judaizers the earliest errorists, ...... ib. Views of the Gnostics respecting the present world, the body of Christ, and the resurrection of the body, . . . . 202 CONTENTS. XVll Simon Magus and other heretics mentioned in the New Testa- ment, .......... Carpocrates, Cerinthus, and Ebion, The Nicolaitanes, ......... Peculiarities of -Jewish sectarianism, ...... Unity of apostolic Church not much affected by the heretics. Heresy convicted by its practical results, 205 206 ib. 207 208 ib. SECTION III. THE WORSHIP AND CONSTITUTION OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH. V< CHAPTER I. THE LOKD S DAY ; THE WORSHIP OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH : SYMBOLIC ORDINANCES, AND ITS DISCIPLINE. Christians assembled for worship on the first day of the week, Our Lord recognized the permanent obligation of the Fourth Com- mandment, ......... Worship of the Church resembled, not that of the Temple, but that of the Synagogue, .... No Liturgies in the apostolic Church, No instrumental music, ..... Scriptures read publicly, ..... Worship in the viilgar tongue. Ministers had no official dress, .... Baptism administered to infants, Mode of Bajitism, ...... The Lord's Supper frequently administered. The elements not believed to be transubstantiated. Profane excluded from the Eucharist, Cases of discipline decided by Church rulers. Case of the Corinthian fornicator. Share of the people in Church discipline, . Significance of excommunication in the apostolic Church, Perversion of excommunication by the Church of Rome, h 210 211 214 21.5 216 217 ib. 218 219 220 221 222 ib. 22.3 ib. 226 228 229 XVIU CONTENTS. CHAPTEE II. THE EXTRAOKDINAEY TEACHERS OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH ; AND ITS ORDINARY OFFICE-BEARERS, THEIR APPOINTMENT, AND ORDINATION. PAGE Eimmeration of ecclesiastical functionaries in Ephesians iv. 11, 12, and 1 CorintMans xii. 28, ...... Ordinary Church officers, teachers, rulers, and deacons. Elders, or bishops, the same as pastors and teachers, . Different duties of elders and deacons, ..... All the primitive elders did not preach, ..... The office of the teaching elder most honourable. Even the Apostles considered preaching their highest function, . Timothy and Titus not diocesan bishops of Ephesus and Crete, . The Pastoral Epistles inculcate all the duties of ministers of the Word, Ministers of the Word should exercise no lordship over each other, .......... The members of the apostolic Churches elected aU their own office-bearers, ......... Church officers ordained by the presbytery, .... The office of deaconess, ........ All the members of the apostolic Churches taught to contribute to each other's edification, CHAPTER III. THE ORGANIZATION OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH. Unity of the Church of Israel, ....... Christian Church also made up of associated congregations. The Apostles act upon the principle of ecclesiastical confedera- tion, .......... Polity of the Christian Church borrowed from the institutions of the Israelites, ......... Account of the Sanhedrim and inferior Jewish courts. Evidences of similar arrangements in the Christian Church, How the meeting mentioned in the 15th chapter of the Acts dif- fered in its construction from the Sanhedrim, Why we have not a more particular account of the government of the Christian Church in the New Testament, No higher and lower houses of convocation in the apostolic Church, CONTENTS. XIX PAGE James not bisliop of Jerusalem, 256 Origin of the story, ........ lb. Jerusalem for some time the stated pLice of meeting of the highest court of the Christian Church, 257 Traces of provincial organization in Proconsular Asia, Galatia, and other districts, among the apostolic Churches, . . . 258 Intercourse between apostolic Churches by letters and deputa- tions, 2G0 How there were preachers in the apostolic Church of whom the Apostles disapproved, 261 The unity of the apostolic Church — in what it consisted, to what it may be compared, . . . . . . 262 CHAPTER IV. THE ANGELS OF THE SEVEN CHURCHES. The mysteiious symbols of the Apocalypse, .... 263 The seven stars seven angels, . . . . . . . 264 These angels not angelic beings, and not corporate bodies, but in- dividuals, . . . . . . . . . 265 The name angel probably not taken from that of an officer of the synagogue, ......... ib. The angel of the synagogue a congregational officer, . . . 26Q The angels of the Churches not diocesan bishops, . . . 267 The stars, not attached to the candlesticks, but in the hand of Christ, 268 The angels of the Churches were their messengers sent to visit John in Patmos, ........ ib. Why only seven angels named, . . . . . . 271 PEEIOD IL FROM THE DEATH OF THE APOSTLE JOHN TO THE CONVERSION OF CONSTANTINK— A.D. 100 TO A.D. 312. J SECTION I. THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. CHAPTER I. THE GROWTH OF THE CHURCH. Prospects of the Church in the beginning of the second century, . Christianity recommended by its good fruits, . . . . Diffusion of Scriptures and preparation of versions in other lan- guages, Doubtful character of the miracles attributed to this jDeriod, Remarkable progress of the gospel, ...... Christianity propagated in Africa, France, Thrace, and Scotland, . Testimonies to its success, ....... Gains ground rapidly towards the close of the third century, Its progress, how to be tested, ....... N CHAPTER II. THE PERSECUTIONS OF THE CHURCH. Spectators impressed by the suff"erings of the Christians, The blood of the martyrs the seed of the Church, Persecution promoted the purity of the Church, Christian graces gloriously displayed in times of persecution. Private sufferings of the Christians, ..... How far the Romans acted on a principle of toleration, CONTENTS. Christianity opposed as a " new religion," . Correspondence between Pliny and Trajan, Law of Trajan, ..... Martyrdom of Simeon of Jerusalem, Sufferings of Christians under Hadrian, Hadrian's rescript, ..... Marcus Aurelius a persecutor, . Justin and Polycarp martyred. Persecution at Lyons and Vienna, Absurd passion for martyrdom, Treatment of the Christians by Septimius Severus, The Libellatici and Thuriticati, Perpetua and Felicitas martyred, Alexander Severus and Philip the Arabian favourable Christians, ..... Persecution under Decius, Persecution under Valerian, Gallienus issues an edict of toleration. State of the Church during the last forty years tury, .... Diocletian persecution, . The Traditors, Cruelties now practised, . Not ten general persecutions, . Deaths of the persecutors, Causes of the persecutions. The suflferings of the Christians did not teach them toleration of the third cen to the XXI PAOE 288 289 ib. 290 291 ib. 292 293 294 296 297 298 ib. 299 300 302 303 ib. 304 305 306 307 308 309 310 / CHAPTEPt III. FALSE BEETHREN AND FALSE PRINCIPLES IN THE CHURCH ; SPIRIT AND CHARACTER OF THE CHRISTIANS. Piety of the early Christians not superior to that of all succeeding ages, ....... Covetous and immoral pastors in the ancient Church, Asceticism and its pagan origin. The unmarried clergy and the virgins, Paul and Antony the ftrst hermits. Origin of the use of the sign of the cross. Opposition of the Christians to image-worship. Image-makers condemned, .... 312 313 314 315 ib. 316 319 320 xxu CONTENTS. Objections of the Christians to the theatre, the gladiatorial shows, and other public spectacles, .... Superior morality of the mass of the early Christians, How they treated the question of polygamy, Condemned intermarriages with heathens, How they dealt with the question of slavery, Influence of Christianity on the condition of the slave, Brotherly love of the Christians, .... Their kindness to distressed heathens, Christianity fitted for all mankind, .... CHAPTER IV. THE CHURCH OF ROME IN THE SECOND CENTURY, Weak historical foundation of Romanism, Church of Rome not founded by either Paul or Peter, Its probable origin, ....... Little known of its primitive condition, .... Its early episcopal succession a riddle. Martyrdom of Telesphorus, . . . . * . Heresiarchs in Rome, ....... Its presiding presbyter called bishop, and invested with additional power, .... ..... Beginning of the Catholic system, ..... Changes in the ecclesiastical constitution not accomplished without opposition, ........ Visit of Polycarp to Rome, ...... Why so much deference so soon paid to the Roman Church, Wealth and influence of its members, .... Remarkable testimony of Irenasus respecting it, Under what circumstances given, ..... Victor's excommunication of the Asiatic Christians, Extent of Victor's jurisdiction, ..... Explanation of his arrogance, ...... First-fruits of the Catholic system, ..... CHAPTER V. THE CHURCH OF ROME IN THE THIRD CENTURY. Genuine letters of the early bishops of Rome and false Decretal epistles, CONTENTS. XXm PAGE Discovery of tlie statue of Hippolytus and of his " Philosophu- mena," • . . . . 344 The Roman bishops Zephyrinus and Callistus, .... 345 Heresy of Zephyiinus, . . . . . . . . 346 Extraordinary career and heresy of Callistus, .... ib. The bishop of Rome not a metropolitan in the time of Hip- polytus, 348 Bishops of Rome chosen by the votes of clergy and people, . 349 Remarkable election of Fabian, ...... ib. Discovery of the catacombs, . . . . . . . 350 Origin of the catacombs, and how used by the Christians of Rome, .......... ib. The testimony of their inscriptions, . . . . . . 351 The ancient Roman clergy married, ...... 353 Severity of persecution at Rome about the middle of the third cen- tury, 354 Four Roman bishops martyred, . . . . . . 355 Statistics of the Roman Church about this period, ... ib. Schism of No vatian, . . . . . . . . 35 G Controversy respecting rebaptism of heretics, and rashness of Ste- phen, bishop of Rome, ....... ib. Misinterpretation of Matt, xvi. 18, . . . . . . 357 Increasing power of Roman bishop, . . . . . . 359 The bishop of Rome becomes a metropolitan, and is recognized by the Emperor Aurelian, . . . . . . . 3 GO Early Roman bishops spoke and wi-ote in Greek, . . , ib. Obscurity of their early annals, ...... ib. Advancement of their power during the second and third centuries, 3G1 Causes of their remarkable progress, ..... ib. SECTION II. THE LITERATURE AND THEOLOGY OF THE CHURCH. CHAPTER I. THE ECCLESIASTICAL WRITERS. The amount of their extant writings, 3G4 The Epistle of Poly carp, 365 Justin Martyr, his history and liis works, .... ib. XXIV CONTENTS. PAGE The Epistle to Diognetus, 367 Tatian, Athenagoras, Tlicoplulus, and Hernias, .... ib. The Epistle of Barnabas and the Shepherd of Hermas, . . ib. Papias and Hcgesippus, ........ ib. Irenaeus and his Works, . . . . . . . . 368 Tertullian, his character and writings, . . ... . 370 Clement of Alexandria, . . . . . . . . 373 Hippolytus, .......... 374 Minucius Felix, . . . . . „ . . . 3" 5 Origen — his early history and remarkable career — his great learning — his speculative spirit — his treatise against Celsus and his " Hexapla " — his theological peculiarities, ... ib. Cyprian — his training, character, and writings, . . . . 381 Gregory Thaumaturgus, . . . . . . . . 383 The value of the Fathers as ecclesiastical authorities, . . . 384 Their erroneous and absurd expositions, ..... 385 The excellency of Scripture, ....... 387 CHAPTER II. THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES AND THEIR CLAIMS THE EXTERNAL EVIDENCE. The journeys undertaken in search of the Ignatian Epistles, and the amount of literature to which they have given birth, . . 389 Why these letters have awakened such interest, . . . . 390 The story of Ignatius and its difficulties, ..... ib. The Seven Epistles known to Eusebius and those which appeared afterwards, ......... 394 The different recensions of the Seven Letters known to Eusebius, 395 The discovery of the Syriac version, ...... ib. Diminished size of the Curetonian Letters, .... 397 The testimony of Eusebius considered, ..... 398 The testimony of Origen, . . . . . . . 399 The Ignatian Epistles not recognised by Irenaeus or Polycarp, . 400 These letters not known to Tertullian, Hippolytus, and other early writers, .......... 408 The date of their fabrication. Their multiplication accounted for, 409 Remarkable that spurious works are often found in more than one edition, .......... 411 CHAPTER III. THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES AND THEIR CLAIMS — THE INTERNAL EVIDENCE. The liistory of these Epistles like the story of the Sibylline books, 413 CONTENTS. XXV PAGE The three Curetonian Letters as objectionable as those formerly piiblished, 414 The style suspicious, challenged by Ussher, . . . . 415 The Word of God strangely ignored in these letters, ... ib. Their chronological blunders betray their forgery, . . . 417 Various words in them have a meaning which they did not acquire until after the time of Ignatius, . . . . . 419 Their puerilities, vapouring, and mysticism betray their spurious- ness, 422 The anxiety for martyrdom displayed in them attests their forgery, 423 The internal evidence confirms the view already taken of the date of their fabrication, ........ 425 Strange attachment of Episcopalians to these letters, . . . 426 The sagacity of Calvin, 427 CHAPTER IV. THE GNOSTICS, THE MONTANISTS, AND THE MANICH^ANS The early heresies numerous, .... The systems with wliich Christianity had to struggle, The leading peculiarities of Gnosticism, The Aeons, the Demiurge, and the Saviour, Saturninus, Basilides, and Valentine, Marcion and Carpocrates, .... Causes of the popularity of Gnosticism, and its defects Montanus and his system, .... His success and condemnation, Mani and his doctrine of the Two Principles, The Elect and Hearers of the JManichieans," Martyrdom of ]\Iani, ..... Peculiarities of the heretics gradually adopted by the Catholic Church, ....... Doctrine of Venial and Mortal Sins, . Doctrine of Purgatoiy, ..... Celibacy and Asceticism, .... 429 430 ib. 431 433 ib. 434 436 437 438 439 440 441 ib. 442 443 CHAPTER V. THE DOCTBINE OF THE CHURCH. Leading doctrines of the gospel still acknowledged. Meaning of theological terms not yet exactly defined, 445 ib. XXVI CONTENTS, Scripture venerated and studied, ..... Extraordinary scriptural acquirements of some of the early Chris tians, ........ Doctrine of Plenary Inspiration of Scripture taught, . The canon of the New Testament, .... Spurious scriptures and tradition, .... Human Dei)ravity and Regeneration, Christ worshipped by the early Christians, Christ God and man, ...... The Ebionites, Theodotus, Artemon, and Paul of Samosata, Doctrine of the Trinity, Praxeas, Noetus, and Sabellius, .... Doctrine of the Trinity not borrowed from Platonism, The Atonement and Justification by Faith, Grace and Predestination, ..... Theological errors, ....... Our knowledge of the gospel does not depend on our i^roximity to the days of the Apostles, PAGE 446 447 448 ib. 449 450 451 452 453 454 455 457 458 ib. 459 4G1 SECTION III. THE WORSHIP AND CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH. CHAPTER I. THE WORSHIP OF THE CHURCH. Splendour of the Pagan and Jewish worship — simplicity of tian worship, .... The places of worship of the early Christians. Psalmody of the Church, No instrumental music, . No forms of prayer used by the early pastors, Congregation stood at prayer, . Worship, how conducted. Scriptures read in public worship, The manner of preaching. Deportment of the congregation, Dress of ministers, . Great change between this and the sixteenth century. Chr 462 463 464 465 466 ib. 467 468 469 ib. 470 ib. CONTENTS. XXVU CHAPTER II. Polycarp probably baptized in infancy, .... Testimony of Justin Martyr and Ireneeus for Infant Baptism, Testimony of Origen, Objections of TertiiUian examined, ..... Sponsors in Baptism, who they were, .... The Baptism of Blood, Infant Baptism universal in Africa in the days of Cyprian, The mode of Baptism not considered essential, . Errors respecting Baptism, and new rites added to the original in stitution, ........ The Baptismal Service the germ of a Church Liturgy, E\ils connected with the corruption of the baptismal institute. PAGE 472 473 474 475 ib. 477 478 479 480 481 ib. CHAPTER III. THE LORD S SUPPER. Danger of changing any part of a typical ordinance, How the Holy Supper was admmistered in Rome in the second century, ........ The posture of the communicants — sitting and standing. The bread not unleavened, Wine mixed with water, .... Bread not put into the mouth by the minister, Infant communion, ..... How often the Lord's Supper celebrated, . The words Sacrament and Tranmhstantiation, Bread and wine types or symbols. How Christ is present in the Eucharist, Growth of superstition in regard to the Eucharist, Danger of using language not warranted by Scripture, 483 484 48.5 ib. ib. 486 ib. ib. 487 ib. 488 489 ib. CHAPTER IV. CONFESSION AND PENANCE. Confession often made at Baptism by disciples of John the Baptist, and of Christ, ......... The early converts forthwith baptized, ..... 491 493 CONTENTS. In the second century fasting preceded Baptism, The exomologesis of penitents, Influence of the mind on the body, and of the body on the mind. Fasting not an ordinary duty, Fasts of tlie ancient Church, Fasting soon made a test of repentance, The ancient penitential discipline, Establishment of a Penitentiary, Different classes of penitents, . Auricular confession now unknown, Increasing spiritual darkness leads to confusion of terms, CHAPTER V. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH IN THE SECOND CENTURY. Statement of Justin Martyr, Great obscurity resting on the subject, .... Illustrated by the Epistles of Clement and Polycarp, . Circumstances which led to the writing of Clement's Epistle, Churches of Corinth and Eome then governed by presbyters, Churches of Smyrna and Philippi governed by presbyters The presbyters had a chairman or president. Traces of this in the apostolic age, .... Early catalogues of bishops — their origin and contradictions. The senior presbyter the ancient president. Testimony of Hilary confirmed by various proofs, Ancient names of the president of the presbytery, Great age of ancient bishops, ..... Great number of ancient bishops in a given period. Remarkable case of the Church of Jerusalem, No parallel to it in more recent times, ... Argument against heretics from the episcopal succession trated, ,......., The claims of seniority long respected in various ways. The power of the presiding presbyter limited, for the Church was still governed by the common council of the presbyters. Change of the law of seniority, Change made about the end of the second century. Singular that many episcopal lists stop at the end of the second century, ........ Before that date only one bishop in Egypt, In some places another system set up earlier. illus- CONTENTS. XXIX CHAPTER VI. THE RISE OF THE HIERARCHY CONNECTEB WITH THE SPREAD OF HERESIES. Eusebius. The defects of his Ecclesiastical History,. Superior erudition of Jerome, ...... His account of the origin of Prelacy, .... Prelacy originated after the apostolic age, ... Suggested by the distractions of the Church, , . . . Formidable and vexatious character of the early heresies, . Mode of aj^pointing the president of the eldership changed, Pojiular election of bishops, how introduced, The various statements of Jerome consistent. The primitive moderator and the bishop contrasted, . How the decree relative to a change in the ecclesiastical constitu tion adopted throughout the whole world. PAOK 599 CHAPTEPt VIL PRELACY BEGINS IN ROME. Comparative length of the lives of the early bishops of Piomc, Observations relative to a change in the organization of the Roman Church in the time of Hyginus, 1. The statement of Hilary will account for the increased average in the length of episcojial life, 2. The testimony of Jerome cannot otherwise be explained, 3. Hilary indicates that the constitution of the Church was changed about this period, ..... 4. At this time such an arrangement must naturally have sug- gested itself to the Roman Christians, ... 5. The violent death of Telesphorus fitted to prepare the way for it, ........ 6. The influence of Rome would recommend its adoption, 7. A vacancy which occurred after the death of Hyginus accords with this view. Valentine a candidate for the Roman bishopric, ........ 8. The letters of Pius to Justus corroborate this view, 9. It is sustained by the fact that the word hisho}) now began to be applied to the presiding elder, 10. The Pontifical Book remarkably confirms it — Not strange that history speaks so little of this change, Little alteration at first apparent in the general aspect of the Church in consequence of the adoption of the new principle, Facility with which the change could be accomplished. XXX CONTENTS. Polycarp probably dissatisfied with tlie new arrangements, . . 55G Change, in all likelihood, not much opposed, . . . . 558 Many presbyters, as well as the people, would be favourable to it, ib. The new system gradually spread, 559 CHAPTER VIII. THE CATHOLIC SYSTEM. History of the Avord Catholic, . . . . . . . 561 Circumstances in which the system originated, .... ib. The bishop the centre of unity for his district, . . . . 562 Principal or apostolic Churches — their position, . . . 564 The Church of Rome more potentially principal, , . . 566 How communion maintained among the Churches, . . . 567 Early jealousy towards the bishop of Rome, . . . . 568 The Catholic system identified with Rome, .... 569 Why the Apostle Peter everywhere so highly exalted, . . 570 Roman bishops sought to work out the idea of unity, . . 571 Theory of the Catholic system fallacious, . . . . . 572 How Rome the antitype of Babylon, . ... . . 573 CHAPTER IX. PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY AND PRESBYTERIAN ORDINATION. Where Christians formed only a single congregation Episcopacy made little change, ........ 575 The bishop the parish minister, ...... ib. Every one who could might preach if the bishops permitted, . 576 Bishops thickly planted — all of equal rank — the greatest had very limited jurisdiction, ....... 577 Ecclesiastics often engaged in secular pursuits, . . . . 578 The Alexandrian presbyters made their bishops, . . . 580 When this practice ceased, . . . . . . . 581 Alexandrian bishops not origuaally ordained by imposition of hands, 582 Roman presbyters and others made their bishojis, . . , 583 The bishop the presiding elder — early Roman bishops so called, 584 Bishops of the order of the presbytery, 585 All Christian ministers originally ordained by presbyters, , . ib. A bishop ordained by a bishop and a presbyter, . . . 586 Difference between ancient and modern bishops, . . . 587 CHAPTER X. THE PROGRESS OF PRELACY. Power of the president of a court, . . , . . . 589 CONTENTS. XXXI PAGE Power of the ecclesiastical president increased when elected by the peoi^le, 590 The superior wealth of the bishop added to his influence, . . ib. Appointment of lectors, sub-deacons, acolyths, exorcists, and jani- tors, 592 These new offices first appeared in Eome, ..... lb. Bishops began to appoint church officers without consulting the people, 593 New canons relative to ordination, . . . . . . 594 Presbyters ceased to inaugurate bishops, . . . . . 595 Presbyters continued to ordain presbyters and deacons, . . 596 Country bishops deprived of the right to ordain, . . . 597 Account of their degradation, . . . . . . , 598 Else of metropolitans, ........ 599 Circumstances which added to the power of the city bishops, . ib. One bishop in each province at the head of the rest, . . . GOl Jealousies and contentions of city bishops, . . . . 602 Great change in the Church in two centuries, .... 603 Reasons why the establishment of metropolitans so much opposed, 604 CHAPTER XI. SYNODS THEIR HISTORY AND CONSTITUTION. Apostles sought, first, the conversion of sinners, and then the edifi- cation of their converts, . . . . . . . 605 No general union of Churches originally, . . , . . 606 But intercourse in various ways maintained, .... ib. Synods did not commence about the middle of the second cen- tury, 607 A part of the original constitution of the Church, ... ib. At first held on a limited scale, 609 Reason why we have no account of early Synods, ... ib. First notice of Synods, 610 Synods held respecting the Paschal controversy, . . . 611 Found in operation everywhere before the end of the second cen- tury, ib. TertulKan does not say that Synods commenced in Greece, . 612 Why he notices the Greek Synods, . . . , . . 613 Amphictyonic Covmcil did not suggest the establishment of Synods, 615 Synods originally met only once a-year, ..... ib. Began to meet in fixed places in Greece and Asia Minor, . . 616 'Met twice a-year in the beginning of the fourth century, . . ib. Synods m third century respecting re-baptism, . . . . 617 Synods at An tioch respecting Paul of Samosata, . . . 618 CONTENTS. Early Synods composed of bishops and elders, . Deacons and laymen had no right of voting, Churches not originally independent. Utility of Synods, ....... Circumstances which led to a change in their constitution, Decline of jjrimitive polity, ..... PAOE G19 ib. 620 G21 ib. 622 CHAPTER XII. THE CEREMONIES AND DISCIPLINE OF THE CHURCH, AS ILLUSTRATED BY CURRENT CONTROVERSIES AND DIVISIONS. The rise of the Nazarenes, ....... 623 Lessons taught by their history, . . . . . . 624 The Paschal controversy and Victor's excommunication, . . 62.5 Danger of depending on tradition, . . . . . . 628 Institution of Easter unnecessary, ...... 629 The tickets of peace and the schism of Felicissimus, . . . ib. Schism of Novatian, . . . . . . . . 631 Controversy respecting the baptism of heretics, and Stephen's ex- communication, . . . . ' . . . . 632 Uniformity in discipline and ceremonies not to be found in the ancient Church, . . . . . . . . 633 Increasing mtolerance of the dominant party in the Church, . 634 CHAPTER XIII. THE THEORY OF THE CHURCH, AND THE HISTORY OF ITS PERVERSION CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS. The Church invisible and its attributes, ..... 636 The visible Church and its defects, 637 The holy Catholic Church — what it meant, .... 639 Church visible and Church in\isilDle confounded, . . . 640 Evils of the Catholic system, 642 Establishment of an odious ecclesiastical monopoly, ... ib. Pastors began to be called priests, . . . . . . 644 Arrogant assumptions of bishops, ...... 646 The Catholic system encouraged bigotry, ..... 647 Its ungenerous spirit, ib. The claims of the Word of God not properly recognized, . . 648 Many corruptions already in the Church, ..... 650 The establishment of the hierarchy a grand mistake, . . . 652 Only promoted outward, not real unity, 653 Sad state of the Church when Catholicism was f uUy developed, . 655 ErangeUcal unity — in what it consists, ..... 656 PEEIOD I. FEOM THE BIETH OF CHEIST TO THE DEATH OF THE APOSTLE JOHN, A.D. 100. r "^^^^^4 SECTION I. HISTORY OF THE PLANTING AND GROWTH OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH. CHAPTER I. THE ROMAN EMPIRE AT THE TIME OF THE BIRTH OF CHRIST. Upwards of a quarter of a century before the Birtli of Christ, the grandnephew of Julius Csesar had become sole master of the Eoman world. Never, perhaps, at any former period, had so many human beings acknowledged the au- thority of a single potentate. Some of the most powerful monarchies at present in Europe extend over only a fraction of the territory which Augustus governed : the Atlantic on the west, the Euphrates on the east, the Danube and the -, Khine on the north, and the deserts of Africa on the south, i were the boundaries of his empire. We do not adequately estimate the rank of Augustus among contemporary sovereigns, when we consider merely the superficial extent of the countries placed within the "range of his jurisdiction. His subjects probably formed more than one-third of the entire population of the globe, and amounted to about one hundred millions of souls.''' * Mr Merivale, in his " Histoi-y of the Romans under tha Empire," (voL iv. p. 450,) estimates the population in the time of Augustus at eighty-five millions, but in this reckoning he does not include Palestine, and perhaps 4 THE ROMAN EMPIRE AT His empire embraced within its immense circumference the Lest cultivated and tlie most civilised portions of the earth. The remains of its populous cities, its great fortresses, its extensive aqueducts, and its stately temples, may still be pointed out as the memorials of its grandeur. The capital was connected with the most distant provinces by carefully constructed roads, along which the lemons could march with ease and promptitude, either to quell an internal in- surrection, or to encounter an invading enemy. And the military resources at the command of Augustus were abun- dantly sufficient to maintain obedience among the myriads whom he governed. After the victory of Actium he was at the head of upwards of forty veteran legions ; and though some of these had been decimated by war, yet, when re- cruited, and furnished with their full complement of auxili- aries, they constituted a force of little less than half a million of soldiers. The arts of peace now flourished under the sunshine of imperial patronage. Augustus could boast, towards the end of his reign, that he had converted Eome from a city of brick huts into a city of marble palaces. The wealth of the nobility was enormous ; and, excited by the example of the Emperor and his friend Agrippa, they erected and decorated mansions in a style of regal magnificence. The taste cherished in the capital was soon widely diffused; and, in a comparatively short period, many new and gorgeous temples and cities appeared throughout the empire. Herod the Great expended vast sums on architectural improve- ments. The Temple of Jerusalem, rebuilt under his ad- ministration, was one of the wonders of the world. The century terminating wdth the death of Augustus some of his calculations are rather low. Greswell computes the population of Palestine at ten millions, and that of the whole empire at one hundred and twenty millions. ("Dissertations upon an Harmony of the Gospels," vol. iv. p. 11, 493.) THE TIME OF THE BTKTH OF CHRIST. 5 claims an undisputed pre-eminence in tlie history of Koman eloquence and literature. Cicero, the prince of Latin orators, now delivered those addresses which perpetuate his fame ; Sallust and Livy produced works which are still regarded as models of historic composition ; Horace, Virgil, and others, acquired celebrity as gifted and accomplished poets. Among the subjects fitted to exercise and expand the intellect, reli- gion was not overlooked. In the great cities of the empire many were to be found who devoted themselves to meta- physical and ethical studies; and questions, bearing upon the highest interests of man, were discussed in the schools of the philosophers. The barbarous nations under the dominion of Augustus derived many advantages from their connexion with the Eoman empire. They had, no doubt, often reason to com- plain of the injustice and rapacity of provincial governors; but, on the whole, they had a larger share of social comfort than they could have enjoyed had they preserved their inde- pendence ; for their domestic feuds were repressed by the presence of their powerful rulers, and the imperial armies were at hand to protect them against foreign aggression. By means of the constant intercourse kept up with all its dependencies, the skill and information of the metropolis of Italy were gradually imparted to the rude tribes imder its sway, and thus the conquest of a savage country by the Romans was an important step towards its civilisation. The union of so many nations in a great state was otlierwise beneficial to society. A Roman citizen might travel without hindrance from Armenia to the British Channel ; and as all the countries washed by the Mediterranean were subject to the empire, their inhabitants could carry on a regular and prosperous trafiic by availing themselves of the facilities of navigation. The conquests of Rome modified the vernacular dialects of not a few of its su1)jugatcd provinces, and greatly pro- 6 THE ROMAN EMPIRE AT moted the diffusion of Latin. Tliat language, whicli had gradually spread throughout Italy and the west of Europe, was at length understood by persons of rank and education in most parts of the empire. But in the time of Augustus, Greek was spoken still more extensively. Several centuries before, it had been planted in all the countries conquered by Alexander the Great, and it was now, not only the most general, but also the most fashionable medium of communi- cation. Even Eome swarmed with learned Greeks, who employed their native tongue when giving instruction in the higher branches of education. Greece itself, however, was considered the head-quarters of intellectual cultivation, and the wealthier Eomans were wont to send their sons to its celebrated seats of learning, to improve their acquaintance with philosophy and literature. The Koman Empire in the time of Augustus presents to the eye of contemplation a most interesting spectacle, whether we survey its territorial magnitude, its political power, or its intellectual activity. But when we look more minutely at its condition, we may discover many other strongly marked and less inviting features. That stern patriotism, which imparted so much dignity to the old Eoman character, had now disappeared, and its place was occupied by ambition or covetousness. Venality reigned throughout every department of the public administration. Those domestic virtues, which are at once the ornaments and the strength of the community, were comparatively rare ; and the prevalence of luxury and licentiousness pro- claimed the unsafe state of the social fabric. There was a growing disposition to evade the responsibilities of marriage, and a large portion of the citizens of Eome deliberately pre- ferred the system of concubinage to the state of wedlock. The civil wars, which had created such confusion and in- volved such bloodshed, had passed away ; but the peace which followed was, rather the quietude of exhaustion, than the repose of contentment. THE TIME OF THE BIRTH OF CHRIST. 7 The state of the Roman Empire about the time of the\ birth of Christ abundantly 23roves that there is no necessary \ connexion between intellectual refinement and social re- j generation. The cultivation of the arts and sciences in the " reign of Augustus may have been beneficial to a few, by diverting them from the pursuit of vulgar pleasures, and opening up to them sources of more rational enjoyment ; but it is a most humiliating fact that, during the brightest i period in the history of Roman literature, vice in every form \ was fast gaining ground among almost all classes of the population. The Greeks, though occupying a higher position as to mental accomplishments, were still more dissolute than the Latins. Among them literature and sensuality appeared in revolting combination, for their courtesans were their only females who attended to the culture of the intellect.''" Nor is it strange that the Roman Empire at this period exhibited such a scene of moral pollution. There was no- thing in either the philosophy or the religion of heathenism sufficient to counteract the influence of man's native depra- vity. In many instances the speculations of the pagan sages had a tendency, rather to weaken, than to sustain, the authority of conscience. After unsettling the founda- tions of the ancient superstition, the mind was left in doubt and be^vilderment ; for the votaries of what was called wisdom entertained widely di9"erent views even of its ele- mentary principles. The Epicureans, who formed a large section of the intellectual aristocracy, denied the doctrine of j Providence, and pronounced pleasure to be the ultimate 1 end of man. The Academics encouraged a spirit of disjDU- tatious scepticism; and the Stoics, who taught that the: practice of, what they rather vaguely designated, virtue,], involves its own reward, discarded the idea of a future re- tribution. Plato had still a goodly number of disciples; * Sec the article 'Eralpai in Smith's " Dictionary of Greek and Roman Anti- quities." 8 THE ROMAN EMPIRE AT and thougli his doctrines, containing not a few elements of suljlimity and beauty, exercised a Letter influence, it must be admitted, after all, tliat they constituted a most unsatis- factory system of cold and barren mysticism. The ancient philosophers delivered many excellent moral precepts; but, as they wanted the light of revelation, their arguments in support of duty Avere essentially defective, and the lessons which they taught had often very little influence either on themselves or others.'"' Their own conduct seldom marked them out as greatly superior to those around them, so that neither their instructions nor their example contributed efficiently to elevate the character of their generation. Though the philosophers fostered a spirit of inquiry, yet, as they made little progress in the discovery of truth, they were not qualified to act with the skill and energy of en- lightened reformers ; and, whatever may have been the amount of their convictions, they made no open and reso- lute attack on the popular mythology, A very superficial examination was, indeed, enough to shake the credit of the heathen worship. The reflecting subjects of the Roman Empire might have remarked the very aAvkward contrast between the multiplicity of their deities, and the unity of their political government. It was the common belief that every nation had its own divine guardians, and that the religious rites of one country might be fully acknowledged without impugning the claims of those of another ; but still a thinking pagan might have been staggered by the consi- deration that a human being had apjDarently more extensive authority than some of his celestial overseers, and that the jurisdiction of the Roman emperor was established over a more ample territory than that which was assigned to many of the immortal gods. * " We desiMse," says an early Christian writer, " the suiierciUous looks of philosophers, whom we have known to be the corrupters of innocence, adul- terers, and tyrants, and eloquent declaimers against vices of which they thcm- sols'es are guilty." — Octavius of Miiiucius Felix. THE TIME OF THE BIRTH OF CHRIST. 9 But the multitude of its divinities was by no means tlie most offensive feature of heathenism. The gods of anti- quity, more particularly those of Greece, were of an infamous character. Whilst they were represented by their votaries as excelling in beauty and activity, strength and intelli- gence, they were at the same time described as envious and gluttonous, base, lustful, and revengeful. Jupiter, the king of the gods, was deceitful and licentious ; Juno, the queen of heaven, was cruel and tyrannical. What could be ex- pected from those who honoured such deities 1 Some of the wiser heathens, such as Plato,'"' condemned their mytho- logy as immoral, for the conduct of one or other of the gods might have been quoted in vindication of every species of transgression; and had the Gentiles but followed the ex- ample of their own heavenly hierarchy, they might have felt themselves warranted in pursuing a course either of the most diabolical oppression, or of the most abominable pro- fligacy, t At the time of the birth of our Lord even the Jews had sunk into a state of the grossest degeneracy. They were now divided into sects, two of which, the Pharisees and the Sadducees, are frequently mentioned in the New Testament. The Pharisees were the leading denomination, being by far the most numerous and powerful. By adding to the writ- ten law a mass of absurd or frivolous traditions, which, as they foolishly alleged, were handed down from Moses, they completely subverted the authority of the sacred record, and changed the religion of the patriarchs and prophets into a * " De Republ.," ii. t In the " Octavius of Minucius Felix " (c. 25), we meet with the following startling challenge — " Where are there more bargains for debauchery made, more assignations concerted, or more adultery devised than b>/ the priests amidst the altars and shrines of the gods?" This, of course, refers to the state of things in the thiixl century, but there is no reason to believe that it was now much better. TertuUian speaks in the same manner (" Apol". c. 15). See also " Juvenal," sat. vi. 488, and ix. 23. 10 THE EOMAN EMPIRE AT wearisome parade of superstitious observances. The Sad- ducees were comparatively few, but as a large proportion of them were persons of rank and wealth, they possessed a much greater amount of influence than their mere numbers would have enabled them to command. It has been said \ that they admitted the divine authority only of the Penta- teuch,* and though it may be doubted whether they openly ventured to deny the claims of all the other books of the Old Testament, it is certain that they discarded the doctrine of the immortality of the soul,t and that they were disposed to self-indulgence and to scepticism. There was another still smaller Jewish sect, that of the Essenes, of which there is no direct mention in the New Testament. The members of this community resided chiefly in the neighbourhood of the Dead Sea, and as our Lord seldom visited that quarter of the country, it would appear that, during the course of His 23nblic ministry, He rarely or never came in contact with these religionists. Some of them were married, but the greater number lived in cehbacy, and spent much of their time in contemplation. They are said to have had a com- \ mon-stock purse, and their course of life closely resembled \ that of the monks of after-times. Though the Jews, as a nation, were now sunk in sensuality or superstition, there were still some among them, such as Simeon and Anna, noticed in the Gospel of Luke,f who were taught of God, and who exliibited a spirit of vital piety. " The law of the Lord is perfect converting the soul," and as the books of the Old Testament were committed to the keeping of the posterity of Abraham, there were " hidden ones" here and there who discovered the way to heaven by the perusal of these "lively oracles." We have reason to believe that the Jews were faithful conservators of the inspired volume, as Christ uniformly takes for granted the * " Origen. Contra Celsum," lib. i. c. 49. t Mat. xxii. 23. J Luke ii. 25, 36. THE TIME OF THE BIRTH OF CIiraST. 11 accuracy of their "Scriptures.""' It is an imjiortant fact that they did not admit into their canon the writings now known under the designation of the Apocrypha.\ Nearly three hundred years before the appearance of our Lord, the Old Testament had been translated into the Greek language, and thus, at this period, the educated portion of the popula- tion of the Roman Empire had all an opportunity of becoming acquainted with the religion of the chosen people. The Jews | were now scattered over the earth, and as they erected synagogues in the cities where they settled, the Gentile world had ample means of information in reference to their faith and worship. AVhilst the dispersion of the Jews disseminated a know- ledge of their religion, it likewise suggested the approaching dissolution of the Mosaic economy, as it was apparent that their present circumstances absolutely required another ritual. It could not be expected that individuals dwelling in distant countries could meet three times in the year at Jerusalem to celebrate the great festivals. The Israelites themselves had a presentiment of coming changes, and anxiously awaited the appearance of a Messiah. They were actuated by an extraordinary zeal' for proselytism,| and though their scrupulous adherence to a stern code of cere- * See ]\Iatt. v. 18 ; John v. 39, and x. 35. + See Josephus against Apiou, i. § 8. Origan says that the Hebrews had twenty-two sacred books corresponding to the number of letters in their alphabet. Opera, ii. 528. It would appeal- from Jerome that they reckoned in the following manner : they considered the Twelve Minor Prophets only one book ; First and Second Samuel, one book ; First and Second Kings, one book ; First and Second Chronicles, one book ; Ezra and Nehemiah, one book ; Jere- miah and Lamentations, one book ; the Pentateuch, five books ; Judges and Ruth, one book ; thus, with the other ten books of Joshua, Esther, Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Isaiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel, making up twenty-two. The most learned Roman Catholic wi'iters admit that what are called the apocryphal books were never acknowledged by the Jewish Church. See, for example, Dupin's " History of Ecclesiastical Writers," Pre- liminary Dissertation, section ii. See also Father Simon's " Critical History of the Old Testament," book. i. chap. viii. X Matt, xxiii. 15. 12 THE ROMAN EMPIRE AT monies often exposed tliem to much obloquy, they succeeded, notwitstanding, in making many converts in most of the places where they resided.* A prominent article of their creed was adopted in a quarter where their theology other- wise found no favour, for the Unity of the Great First Cause was now distinctly acknowledged in the schools of the philosophers.! From the preceding statements we may see the peculiar significance of the announcement that God sent forth His Son into the world " vjhen the fulness of the time ivas come."\ Various predictions § pointed out this age as the period of the Messiah's Advent, and Gentiles, as well as Jews, seem by some means to have caught up the expectation that an extraordinary personage was now about to appear on the theatre of human existence. || Providence had obviously prepared the way for the labours of a religious reformer. trhe civil wars which had convulsed the state were now ialmost forgotten, and though the hostile movements of the /Germans, and other barbarous tribes on the confines of the I empire, occasionally created uneasiness or alarm, the public ;■ mind was generally unoccupied by any great topic of ! absorbing interest. Iii the populous cities the multitude \ languished for excitement, and sought to dissipate the time Vin the forum, the circus, or the amphitheatre. At such a prisis the heralds of the most gracious message that ever greeted the ears of men might hope for a patient hearing. Even the consolidation of so many nations under one government tended to " the furtherance of the gospel," for * ]\Iany proofs of this occur in the Acts. See Acts x. 2, xiii. 43, svi. 14> xvii. 4. t See Cudworth's " Intellectual System," i. 318, &c. Edition, London, 1845, Warburton has adduced evidence to 2'rove that this doctrine was imjiarted to the initiated in the heathen mysteries. " Divine Legation of Moses," i. 224. Edit., London, 1837. J Gal. iv. 4. § Gen. xlix. 10 ; Dan. ix. 25 ; Ilaggai ii. 6, 7. II Virgil. Ec. iv. Suetonius. Octavius, 94. Tacitus. Histor. v. 13. THE TIME OF THE BIRTH OF CHRIST. 13 tliG gigantic roads, which radiated from Rome to the distaiit regions of the east and of the west, facilitated intercourse ; and the messengers of the Prince of Peace could travel from country to country without suspicion and without passports. And well might the Son of God be called " The desire of all nations." ^'' Though the wisest of the pagan sages could not have described the renovation which the human family required, and though, when the Redeemer actually appeared, He was despised and rejected of men, there was, withal, a wide spread conviction that a Saviour w^as required, and there was a lonmnci: for deliverance from the evils which oppressed society. The ancient superstitions were rapidly losing their hold on the affection and confidence of the people, and whilst the light of philosophy was sufficient to discover the absurdities of the prevailing polytheism, it failed to reveal any more excellent way of purity and com- fort. The ordinances of Judaism, which were " waxing old " and " ready to vanish away," were types which were still unfulfilled ; and though they pointed out the path to glory, they requii^ed an interpreter to expound their import. This Great Teacher now appeared. He was born in very humble cii'cum stances, and yet He was the heir of an empire be- yond comparison more illustrious than that of the Csesars. " There was given him dominion, and glory, and a kingdom, that all people, nations, and languages, should serve him ; his dominion is an everlasting dominion, which shall not pass away, and his kingdom that which shall not be de- stroyed." t * Haggai ii. 7. t Dan. vii. 14, CHAPTER 11. THE LIFE OF CHRIST. Nearly three years before the commencement of our era,''' Jesus Christ was bom. The Holy Child was introduced into the world under circumstances extremely humiliating. A decree had gone forth from Csesar Augustus that all the Roman Empire shoidd be taxed, and the Jews, as a con- quered people, were obliged to submit to an arrangement which proclaimed their national degradation. The reputed parents of Jesus resided at Nazareth, a toAvn of Galilee ; but, as they were " of the house and lineage of David," they were obliged to repair to Bethlehem, a village about six miles south of Jerusalem, to be entered in their proper place in the imperial registry. " And so it was, that, while they were there, the days were accomplished that Mary should be delivered, and she brought forth her first-born son, and wrapped him in swaddling clothes, and laid him in a manger; because there was no room for them in the inn."t This child of poverty and of a despised race, born in the stable of the lodging-house of an insignificant town belong- ing to a conquered province, did not enter upon life sur- rounded by associations which betokened a career of earthly prosperity. But intimations were not wanting that the Son of ]\Iary was regarded with the deepest interest by the inhabitants of heaven. An angel had appeared to announce * See Supplementary Note at the end of this chapter on the year of Christ's Birth. f Luke ii. 6, 7. THE LIFE OF CHRIST. 15 the conception of the individual who was to be the herald of his ministry '/' and another angel had been sent to give notice of the incarnation of this Great Deliverer.t When He was born, the angel of the Lord communicated the tidings to shepherds in the plains of Bethlehem ; " and suddenly there w^as with the angel a multitude of the heavenly host praising God and saying — Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good will toward men." J Inanimate nature called attention to the advent of the illustrious babe, for a wonderful star made known to wise men from the east the incarnation of the King of Israel ; and when they came to Jerusalem " the star, which they saw in the east, went be- fore them, till it came and stood over where the young child was."§ The history of these eastern sages cannot now be explored, and we know not on what grounds they regarded the star as the sign of the Messiah ; but they rightly inter- preted the appearance, and the narrative warrants us to infer that they acted under the guidance of divine illumi- nation. As they were " warned of God in a dream " || to return to their own country another way, we may presume that they were originally directed by some similar commu- nication to undertake the journey. It is probable that they did not belong to the stock of Abraham ; and if so, their visit to the babe at Bethlehem may be recognised as the harbinger of the union of Jews and Gentiles under the new economy. The presence of these Orientals in Jerusalem attracted the notice of the watchful and jealous tyrant who then occupied the throne of Judea. Their story filled him A\dth alarm ; and his subjects anticipated some tremendous outbreak of his suspicions and savage temper. " When the king had heard these things he was troubled, and all Jeru- salem with him." IF His rage soon vented itself in a terrible * Luke i. 11, 19. t Luke I. 26, 31. t Luke ii. 13, 14. § Matt. ii. 9. || Matt. ii. 12. 1" Matt. ii. 3. The evangelist does not positively assert that the wise men 16 THE LIFE OF CHRIST. explosion. Having ascertained from the chief priests and scribes of the people where Christ was to be born, he " sent forth and slew all the children that were in Bethlehem, and in all the coasts thereof, from two years old and under." '"' Joseph and Mary, in accordance with a message from heaven, had meanwhile fled towards the border of Egypt, and thus the holy infant escaped this carnage. The wise men, on the occasion of their visit, had " opened their trea- sures," and had " presented unto him gifts, gold, and frank- incense, and myrrh," t so that the poor travellers had provi- dentially obtained means for defraying the expenses of their journey. The slaughter of the babes of Bethlehem was one of the last acts of the bloody reign of Herod ; and, on his demise, the exiles were divinely instructed to return, and the child was presented in the temple. This ceremony evoked new testimonies to His high mission. On His ap- pearance in His Father's house, the aged Simeon, moved by the Spirit from on high, embraced Him as the promised Shiloh ; and Anna, the prophetess, likewise gave thanks to God, and " spake of him to all them that looked for redemp- tion in Jerusalem." J Thus, whilst the Old Testament pre- met Herod at Jerusalem. On their arrival in the holy city he was probably at Jericho — distant about a day's journey — for Josephus states that he died there. (" Antiq." xvii. 6. § 5. and 8, § 1.) We may infer, therefore, that he " heard " of the strangers on his sick-bed, and " privily called " them to Jericho. The chief priests and scribes were, perhaps, summoned to attend him at the same place. * Matt. ii. 16. The estimates formed at a subsequent period of the number of infants in the village of Betlalehem and its precincts betray a strange ignorance of statistics. " The Greek Chm-ch canonised the 14,000 innocents," observes the Dean of St Paul's, " and another notion, founded on a misrepre- sentation of Revelations (xiv. 3), swelled the number to 144,000. The former, at least, was the common belief of our Church, though even in our liturgy the latter has in some degree been sanctioned by retaining the chapter of Revela- tions as the epistle for the day. Even later, Jeremy Taylor, in his " Life of Christ," admits the 14,000 without scruple, or rather without thought." — Mil- man's History of Christianity, i. p. 113, note. f Matt. ii. 11. X Luke ii. 38. It is a curious fact that in the year 751 of the city of Rome, the year of the Birth of Christ according to the chronology adopted in this THE LIFE OF CHRIST. 17 dictions pointed to Jesus as tlie Christ, living prophets appeared to interpret these sacred oracles, and to bear wit- ness to the claims of the new-born Saviour. Though the Son of Mary was beyond all comparison the most extraordinary personage that ever appeared on earth, it is remarkable that the sacred writers enter into scarcely any details respecting the history of His infancy. His youth, or His early manhood. They tell us that " the child grew and waxed strong in spirit,"* and that He " increased in wisdom and stature, and in favour with God and man ; "t but they do not minutely trace the progress of His mental development, neither do they gratify any feeling of mere curiosity by giving us His infantile biography. In what is omitted by the penmen of the New Testament, as well as in what is written, we must acknowledge the guidance of inspi- ration; and though we might have perused with avidity a description of the pursuits of Jesus when a child, such a record has not been deemed necessary for the illustration of the work of redemption. It would appear that He spent about thirty years on earth almost unnoticed and unknown ; and He seems to have been meanwhile trained to the occupation of a carpenter.J The obscurity of His early career must doubtless be regarded as one part of His humiliation. But the circumstances in which He was placed enabled Him to exhibit more clearly the divinity of His origin. He did not receive a liberal education, so that when He came forward as a public teacher " the Jews marvelled, saying — How knoweth this man letters havmg never learned f'^ When He was only twelve years old, He was " found in the temple volume, the passover was not celebrated as usual in Juclea. Tlie disturbances which occurred on the death of Herod had become so serious on the arrival of the paschal day, that Archelaus was obliged to disperse the people by force of arms in the very midst of the sacrifices. So soon did Christ begin to cause the sacrifice and the oblation to cease. See Greswell's " Dissertations," i. p 393, 394, note. * Luke ii. 40. t Luke ii. 52. ; Mark vi. 3. § John vii. 15. B 18 THE LIFE OF CHRIST. sitting in tlie midst of the doctors, Loth hearing them, and asking them questions ; and all that heard Him were as- tonished at His understanding and answers."'"' As He grew up, He was distinguished by His diligent attendance in the house of God ; and it seems not improbable that He was in the habit of officiating at public worship by assisting in the reading of the law and the prophets ; for we are told that, shortly after the commencement of His ministry, " He came to Nazareth, where he had been brought up, and, as his custom was, he went into the synagogue on the Sabbath- day, and stood up for to read."f When He was about thirty years of age, and immediately before His public appearance as a prophet, our Lord was bap- tized of John in Jordan. J The Baptist did not, perhaps, preach longer than six months,§ but it is probable that during his imprisonment of considerably upwards of a year, he still contributed to prepare the way of Christ; for, in the fortress of Machaerus in which he was incarcerated, || he was not kept in utter ignorance of passing occurrences, and when permitted to hold intercourse with his friends, he would doubtless direct their special attention to the pro- ceedings of the Great Prophet. The claims of John, as a teacher sent from God, were extensively acknowledged; and therefore his recognition of our Lord as the promised Messiah, must have made a deep impression upon the minds of the Israelites. The miracles of our Saviom- corroborated * Luke ii. 46, 47. f Luke iv. 16. t Luke iii. 21-23. " It became Him, being in the likeness of sinful flesh, to go through these appointed rites and purifications which belonged to that flesh. There is no more strangeness in His having been baptized by John, than in His keeping the Passover. The one rite, as the other, belonged to sinners, and among the transgressors He was numbered." — Alford, Greek Testament, Note on Matt. iii. 13-17. § See Greswell's " Dissertations upon an Harmony of the Gospels," vol. i. p. 362, 363. John probably commenced his ministry about the Feast of Taber- nacles, A.D. 27. y See Josephus, " Autiq." xviii. 5, § 2. THE LIFE OF CHRIST. li) the testimouy of His forerunner, and created a deep sensa- tion. He healed "all manner of sickness, and all manner of disease."'" It was, consequently, not strange that "His fame went throughout all Syria," and that " tliere followed him great multitudes of people, from Galilee, and from Decapohs, and from Jerusalem, and from Judea, and from beyond Jordan."! Even when the Most High reveals himself there is some- thing mysterious in the manifestation, so that, whilst we acknowledge the tokens of His presence, we may well exclaim — " Verily thou art a God that hidest thyself, 0 God of Israel, the Saviour." J When He displayed His glory in the temple of old, He filled it with thick darkness ;§ when He delivered the sure word of prophecy, He employed strange and misty language; when He announced the Gospel it- self. He uttered some things hard to be understood. It might have been said, too, of the Son of God, when He ap- peared on earth, that His " footsteps were not known." In early life He does not seem to have arrested the attention of His own townsmen ; and when He came forward to assert His claims as the Messiah, He did not overawe or dazzle his countrymen by any sustained demonstration of tremendous power or of overwhelming splendour. To-day the multi- tude beheld His mii^acles with wonder, but to-morrow they could not tell ^^diere to meet with Him; || ever and anon He appeared and disappeared; and occasionally His own dis- ciples found it difficult to discover the place of His retire- ment. Wlien He arrived in a district, thousands often hastily gathered around Him; IF but He never encouraged the attendance of vast assemblages by giving general notice that, in a specified place and on an appointed day. He would deliver a pubhc address, or perform a new and unprece- • Matt. iv. 23. + Matt. iv. 24, 25. % Isaiah xlv. 15. § 1 Kings viii. 10-12. II John V. 13, vi. 15, viii. 59, xii. 3G ; Mark i. 45, vii. 24. 1 Mark ii. 1, 2 ; Matt. xiv. 13, 14, 21, xv. 32, 38, 39. 20 THE LIFE OF CHRIST. dented miracle. We may here see the wisdom of Him who " doeth all things well." Whilst the secresy with which He conducted His movements baffled any premature at- tempts on the part of His enemies, to effect His capture or condemnation, it also checked that intense popular excite- ment which a ministry so extraordinary might have been expected to awaken. Four inspired writers have given separate accounts of the life of Christ — all repeat many of His wonderful sayings — all dwell with marked minuteness on the circumstances of His death — and all attest the fact of His resurrection. Each mentions some things which the others have omitted ; and each apparently observes the order of time in the details of his narrative. But when we combine and arrange their various statements, so as to form the whole into one regular and comprehensive testimony, we discover that there are not a few periods of His life still left utterly blank in point of incidents ; and that there is no reference what- ever to topics which we might have expected to find par- ticularly noticed in the biography of so eminent a person- age. After His appearance as a public teacher, He seems, not only to have made sudden transitions from place to place, but otherwise to have often courted the shade ; and, instead of unfolding the circumstances of His private his- tory, the evangelists dwell chiefly on His Discoiu\ses and His Miracles. During His ministry, Capernaum was His head- quarters ;'"' but we cannot positively tell with whom He lodged in that place ; nor whether the twelve sojourned * ilatt. iv. 13. Hence it is said to have been "exalted unto heaven" in the way of privilege. ]\Iatt. xi. 23 ; Luke x. 15. It was the residence as well of Peter and Andrew (Matt. xvii. 24), as of James, John (Mark i. 21, 29), and Matthew (Mark ii. 1, 14, 15), and there also dwelt the nobleman whose son was healed by our Lord (John iv. 46). It was on the borders of the Sea of Galilee, so that by ci-ossing the water He could at once reach the territory of another potentate, and withdraw Himself from the multitudes drawn together by the fame of His miracles. See Mill nan's " History of Christianity," i. 188. THE LIFE OF CHRIST. 2 1 there under the same roof with Him ; nor how much time He spent in it at any particular period. We camiot point out the precise route wliich He pursued on any occasion when itineratino' throusjhout Galilee or Judea ; neither are we sure that He always journeyed on foot, or that He ad- hered to a uniform mode of travellino;. It is most sinmilar that the inspired writers throw out no hint on which an artist might seize as the groundwork of a painting of Jesus. As if to teach us more emphatically that we should l3eware of a sensuous superstition, and that we should direct our thoughts to the spiritual features of His character, the New Testament never mentions either the colour of His hair, or the height of His stature, or the cast of His countenance. How wonderful that even " the beloved disciple," who was permitted to lean on the bosom of the Son of man, and who had seen Him in the most trying circumstances of His earthly history, never speaks of the tones of His voice, or of the expression of His eye, or of any striking peculiarity pertaining to His personal aj^pearance ! The silence of all the evangelists respecting matters of which at least some of them must have retained a very vivid remembrance, and of which ordinary biographers would not have failed to pre- serve a record, supplies an indirect and yet a most power- ful proof of the Divine origin of the Gospels. But whilst the sacred writers enter so sparingly into per- sonal details, they leave no doubt as to the perfect integrity which marked every part of our Lord's proceedings. He was born in a degenerate age, and brought up in a city of Galilee which had a character so infamous that no good thing was expected to proceed from it ;* and yet, like a ray of purest light shining into some den of uncleanness. He contracted no defilement from the scenes of pollution which He was obliged to witness. Even in boyhood, He must have uniformly acted mth supreme discretion ; for * John i. 46. 22 THE LIFE OF CHRIST. tliougli His enemies from time to time gave vent to their malignity in various accusations, we do not read that they ever sought to cast so much as a sohtary stain upon His youthful reputation. The most malicious of the Jews failed to fasten upon Him in after life any charge of immorality. Among those constantly admitted to His familiar inter- course, a traitor was to be found ; and had Judas been able to detect anything in His private deportment inconsistent with His public profession, he would doubtless have pro- claimed it as an apology for his perfidy ; but the keen eye of that close observer could not discover a single blemish in the character of his Master ; and, when prompted by covetousness, he betrayed Him to the chief priests, the thought of having been accessory to the death of one so kind and so holy, continued to torment him, until it drove him to despair and to self-destruction. The doctrine inculcated by our Lord commended itself by the lio'ht of its own evidence. It was nothino- more than a lucid and comprehensive exposition of the theology of the Old Testament; and yet it presented such a new view of the faith of patriarchs and of prophets, that it had all the freshness and interest of an original revelation. It dis- covered a most intimate acquaintance with the mental con- stitution of man — it appealed with mighty power to the conscience — and it was felt to be exactly adapted to the moral state and to the spiritual wants of the human family. The disciples of Jesus did not require to be told that He had " the key of knowledge," for they were delighted and edified as " He opened" to them the Scriptures.'"' He taught the multitude "as one having authority ;"t and they were " astonished at His doctrine." The discourses of the Scribes, their most learned instructors, were meagre and vapid — they were not calculated to enlarge the mind or to move the affections — they consisted frequently of doubtful disputa- * Luke xxiv. 32. t Matt. vii. 29. THE LIFE OP CHRIST. 23 tions relating to the ceremonials of their worship — and the very air with which they were delivered betrayed the insig- nificance of the topics of discussion. But Jesus spake with a dignity which commanded respect, and with the deep seriousness of a great Teacher delivering to perishing sinners tidings of unutterable consequence. There was something singularly beautiful and attractive, as well as majestic and impressive, in the teaching of our Lord. The Sermon on the Mount is a most pleasing speci- men of His method of conveying instruction. Whilst He gives utterance to sentiments of exalted wisdom, He employs language so simple, and imagery so chaste and natural, that even a child takes a pleasure in perusing His address. There is reason to think that He did not begin to speak in parables until a considerable time after He had entered upon His ministry.''' By these symbohcal discourses He at once blinded the eyes of His enemies, and furnished materials for profitable meditation to His genuine disciples. The parables^) like the light of prophecy, are, to this very day, a beacon to' the Church, and a stumbling-block to imbelievers. The claims of Jesus as the Christ were decisively esta- blished by the Divine power which He manifested. It had been foretold that certain extraordinary recoveries from disease and infirmity would be witnessed in the days of the Messiah ; and these predictions were now literally fulfilled. The eyes of the blind were opened, and the ears of the deaf were unstopped ; the lame man leaped as an hart, and the tongue of the dumb sano-.t Not a few of the cures of our Saviour were wrought on individuals to whom He was per- sonally unlmown;;]: and many of His works of wonder were performed in the presence of friends and foes.§ Whilst His * According to Mr Greswell our Lord adopted this method of teaching about eighteen months after the commencement of His ministry, and the Parable of the Sower was the first delivered. " Exposition of the Parables," vol. i. p. 2. t Isa. XXXV. 5, G. X See John v. 13, ix. 1, 6, 25, 3G. ^ Mark ii. G, 7, 10, 11, iii. 5, 22. 24 THE LIFE OF CHRIST. miracles exceeded in numLer all those recorded, in the Old Testament, they were still more remarkable for their variety and tlieir excellence. By His touch, or His word, he healed the most inveterate maladies; He fed the multitude by thousands out of a store of provisions which a little boy could carry ; '"' He walked upon the waves of the sea, when it was agitated by a tempest ; t He made the storm a calm, so that the wind at once ceased to blow, and the surface of the deep reposed, at the same moment, in glassy smooth- ness;! He cast out devils; and He restored life to the dead. Well might the Pharisees be perplexed by the inquiry — "How can a man that is a sinner do such miracles "?"§ It is quite possible that false prophets, by the help of Satan, may accomplish feats fitted to excite astonishment ; and yet, i n such cases, the agents of the Wicked One may be expected to exhibit some symptoms of his spirit and character. But nothing diabolical, or of an evil tendency, appeared in the miracles of our Lord. With the one exception of the cursing of the barren fig-tree || — a malediction which created no pain, and involved no substantial loss — all His displays of power were indicative of His goodness and His mercy. No other than a true prophet would have been enabled so often to control the course of nature, in the production of results of such utility, such benignity, and such grandeur. The miracles of Christ illustrated, as well as confirmed, His doctrines. When, for instance. He converted the water into wine at the marriage in Cana of Galilee,1" He taught, not only that He approved of wedlock, but also that, within proper limits. He was disposed to patronise the exercise of a generous hospitality. In some cases He required faith in the individuals whom He vouchsafed to cure,'""" thus dis- * John vi. 9. t Matt. xiv. 24, 25. X Mark iv. 39 ; Matt. viii. 26, 27. § John ix. 16. II Matt. xxi. 19. Neander has shewn that this was a tj\Ac2i\ action pointing to the rejection of the Jews. See his " Life of Christ." Bohn's Edition. T John ii. 9. ** Matt. ix. 28, 29 ; Mark vi. 5, ix. 23, 24. THE LIFE OF CHRIST. 25 tinctly suggesting the way of a sinner's salvation. Many of His miracles were obviously of a typical character. When He acted as the physician of the body, He indirectly gave evidence of His efficiency as the physician of the soul ; when He restored sight to the blind. He indicated that He could turn men from darkness to light ; when He raised the dead, He virtually demonstrated His ability to quicken such as are dead in trespasses and sins. Those who wit- nessed the visible exhibitions of His power were prepared to listen with the deepest interest to His w^ords when He de- clared— " I am the light of the world ; he that followeth me shall not walk in darkness, but shall have the light of life." "'" Though oiu' Lord's conduct, as a public teacher, fully sustained His claims as the Messiah, it must have been a complete enigma to all classes of politicians. He did not seek to obtain power by courting the favour of the great, neither did He attempt to gain popularity by flattering the prejudices of the multitude. He wounded the national pride by hinting at the destruction of the temple ; He gave much ojffence by holding intercourse with the odious pub- licans ; and with many, He forfeited all credit, as a patriot, by refusing to affirm the unlawfulness of paying tribute to the Eoman emperor. The greatest human characters have been occasionally swayed by personal predilections or an- tipathies, but, in the life of Christ, we can discover no memorial of any such infirmity. Like a sage among chil- dren. He did not permit Himself to be influenced by the petty partialities, whims, or suj)erstitions of His country- men. He inculcated a theological system for which He could not expect the support of any of the existing classes of religionists. He differed from the Essenes, as He did not adopt their ascetic habits ; He displeased the Sadducees, by asserting the doctrine of the resurrection ; He provoked the Pharisees, by declaring that they worshipped God in * John viii. 12. 26 THE LIFE OF CHRIST. vain, teaching for doctrines the commandments of men ; and He incurred the hostility of the whole tribe of Jewish zealots, by maintaining His right to supersede the arrange- ments of the Mosaic economy. By pursuing this indepen- dent course He vindicated His title to the character of a Divine lawgiver, but at the same time He forfeited a vast amount of sympathy and aid upon which He might other- wise have calculated. There has been considerable diversity of opinion regard- ing the length of our Saviour's ministry.""" We could ap- proximate very closely to a correct estimate could we tell the number of passovers from its commencement to its close, but this point cannot be determined with absolute certainty. Four are apparently mentioned t by the evangelist John; and if, as is probable, they amounted to no more, it would seem that our Lord's career, as a public teacher, was of about three years' duration.| The greater part of this period was spent in Galilee ; and the sacred writers intimate that He made several circuits, as a missionary, among the cities and villages of that populous district. § Matthew, Mark, and Luke dwell chiefly upon this portion of His history. Towards the termination of His course, Judea was the principal scene of His ministrations. Jerusalem was the centre of Jewish power and prejudice, and He had hitherto chiefly laboured in remote districts of the land, * Several of the early fathers imagined that it continued only a year. Some of them, such as Clemens Alexandrinus, drew this conclusion from Isaiah Ixi. 1, "To preach the acceptable year of the Lord." See Kaye's "Clement of Alexandria," p. 347. t John ii. 13, v. 1, vi. 4, xii. 1. Eusebius argues from the number of high priests that our Lord's ministry did not embrace four entire years. " Ecc. Hist." i. c. X. X He hved, therefore, about thirty-three years. According to Malte Brun (" Universal Geography," book xxii.), " the mea^i duration of human hfe is be. tween thhty and forty years," and, in the same chapter, he computes it at thirty-three years. It would thus appear that, at the time of His death, our Lord was, in point of age, a fitting representative of the species. § Luke iv. 44, viii. 1 ; Matt. ix. 35. THE LIFE OF CHEIST. 27 that He might escape the malignity of the scribes and Pharisees; but, as His end approached, He acted with greater publicity, and often taught openly in the very coiu'ts of the temple. John supplements the narratives of the other evangelists by recording our Lord's proceedings in Judea. A few members of the Sanhedrim, such as Nicodemus,"^"' believed Jesus to be " a teacher come from God," but by far the majority regarded Him with extreme aversion. They could not imagine that the son of a carpenter was to be the Saviour of their country, for they expected the Messiah to appear surrounded with all the splendour of secular magni- ficence. They were hypocritical and selfish ; they had been repeatedly rebuked by Christ for their impiety ; and, as they marked His increasing favour with the multitude, their envy and indignation became ungovernable. They accord- ingly seized Him at the time of the Passover, and, on the charge that He said He was the Son of God, Pie was con- demned as a blasphemer, t He suffered crucifixion — an igno- minious form of capital punishment from which the laws of the empire exempted every Koman citizen — and, to add to His disgrace. He was put to death between two thieves.^ But even Pontius Pilate, who was then Procurator of Judea, and who, in that capacity, endorsed the sentence, was con- strained to acknowledge that He was a "just person "in whom He could find " no faidt." § Pilate was a truckling\ time-server, and he acquiesced in the decision, simply be- cause he was afraid to exasperate the Jews by rescuing from ] their grasp an innocent man whom they persecuted with' unrelenting hatred. || The death of Christ, of which all the evangelists treat so particularly, is the most awful and the most momentous • John iii. 1,2. t Matt. xxvi. G3-G6. t Matt, xxvii. 38. § Matt, xxvii. 24; John xviii. 38. II Mark xv. 10, ]r>. 28 THE LIFE OF CHRIST. event in the history of the world. He, no doubt, fell a vic- tim to the malice of the rulers of the Jews ; but He was delivered into their hands " by the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God ;" '"' and if we discard the idea that He was offered up as a vicarious sacrifice, we must find it impossible to give anything like a satisfactory account of what occurred in Gethsemane and at Calvary. The amount of physical suffering He sustained from man did not exceed that endured by either of the malefactors with whom He was associated; and such was His magnanimity and forti- tude, that, had He been an ordinary martyr, the prospect of crucifixion would not have been sufficient to make Him " exceeding sorrowful " and " sore amazed."! His holy soul must have been wrung with no common agony, when " His sweat was as it were great drops of blood falling down to the ground," J and when He was forced to cry out — " My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken meV § In that hour of "the power of darkness" He was "smitten of God and afilicted," and there was never sorrow like unto His sorrow, for upon Him were laid " the iniquities of us all." The incidents which accompanied the death of Jesus were even more impressive than those which signalised His birth. When He was in the garden of Gethsemane there ap- peared unto Him an angel from Heaven strengthening Him.|| During the three concluding hours of His intense anguish on the cross, there was darkness over all the land,ir as if nature mourned along with the illustrious sufferer. When He bowed His head on Calvary and gave up the ghost, the event was marked by notifications such as never announced the demise of any of this world's great potentates, for " the veil of the temple was rent in twain," and the rocks were cleft asunder, and the graves were opened, and the earth * Acts ii. 23. t IMatt. xxvi. 38 ; Mark xiv. 33. t Luke xxii. 44. § Matt, xxvii. 46. II Luke xxii. 43. H Luke xxiii. 44 ; Mark xv. 33. THE LIFE OF CHRIST. 29 trembled.^' " The centurion and they that were with him," in attendance at the execution, seem to have been Gentiles; and though, doubtless, they had heard that Jesus claimed to be the Messiah of the Jews, they perhaps very imperfectly comprehended the import of the designation ; but they were forthwith overwhelmed with the conviction, that He, whose death they had just witnessed, must have given a true ac- count of His mission and His dignity, for " when they saw the earthquake, and those things that were done, they feared greatly, saying — Truly this was the Son of God!'\ The body of our Lord was committed to the grave on the evening of Friday, and, early on the morning of the following Sunday, He issued from the tomb. An ordinary individual has no control over the duration of his existence, but Jesus demonstrated that He had power to lay down His life, and that He had power to take it again.J Had He been a deceiver His delusions must have terminated with His death, so that His resurrection must be regarded as His crowning miracle, or rather, as the affixing of the broad seal of heaven to the truth of His mission as the Messiah. It was, besides, the fulfilment of an ancient prophecy ;§ a proof of His fore -knowledge ; || and a pledge of the resurrection of His disciples.lF Hence, in the New Testament/""" it is so often mentioned with marked emphasis. There is no fact connected with the life of Christ better attested than that of His resurrection. He was put to death by His enemies ; and His body was not removed from the cross until they were fully satisfied that the vital spark had fled.tt His tomb was scooped out of a solid rock ;\\ the stone which blocked up the entrance was sealed with all * Matt, xxvii. 51, 52. t Matt, xxvii. 54. t John X. 18. § Ps. xvi. 10 ; Acts ii. 31. II Johnii. 19 ; Markviii. 31 ; Luke xviii. 33. IT John xiv. 19 ; 1 Thess. iv. 14. ** Rom. i. 4 ; 1 Cor. xv. 14, 17 ; 1 Pet. i. 3 ; Rev. i. 18. tt John xix. 33, 34. Xt ^^att. xxvii. GO. 30 THE LIFE OF CHRIST. care ; and a military guard kept constant watch to pre- vent its violation.""' But in due time an earthquake shook the cemetery — " The angel of the Lord descended from hea- ven, and came and rolled back the stone from the door and sat uj)on it . . . and for fear of him the keepers did shake, and became as dead men."t Our Lord meanwhile came forth from the grave, and the sentinels, in consternation, hastened to the chief priests and communicated the astound^ ing intelligence.^ But these infatuated men, instead of yielding to the force of this overwhelming evidence, endeavoured to conceal their infamy by the base arts of bribery and falsehood. " They gave large money unto the soldiers, saying — Say ye — His disciples came by night and stole him away while we slept ... so they took the money, and did as they were taught." § Jesus, as the first-born of Mary, was presented in the temple forty days after His birth ; and, as " the first-begot- ten of the dead," II He presented Himself before His Father, in the temple above, forty days after He had opened the womb of the grave. During the interval He appeared only to His own followers.il Those who had so long and so wilfully rejected the testimony of His teaching and His miracles, had certainly no reason to expect any additional proofs of His Divine mission. But the Lord manifests Him- self to His Church, " and not unto the world," ■^''"' and to such as fear His name He is continually supplying new and inte- resting illustrations of His presence. His power, His wis- dom, and His mercy. Whilst He is a pillar of darkness to His foes. He is a pillar of light to His people. Though Jesus was now invisible to the Scribes and Pharisees, He admitted His disciples to high and holy fellowship. Now their hearts burned within them as He spake to them " of * Matt, xxvii. 66. f Matt, xxviii. 2, 4. + Matt, xxviii. 11. § Matt, xxviii. 12, 13, 15. || Eev. i. 5. ^ Acts x. 40, 41. ** John xiv. 22. THE LIFE OF CHRIST. 31 the tilings pertaining to the kingdom of God/*'''' and as " He expounded unto them in all the Scriptures the things con- cerning Himself/' t Now He doubtless pointed out to them how He was symbolised in the types, how He was ex- hibited in the promises, and how He was described in the prophecies. Now He explained to them more fully the arrangements of His Church, and now He commanded His apostles to go and " teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost." J Having assured the twelve of His presence with His true servants even unto the end of the world, and hav- ing led them out as far as Bethany, a village a few furlongs from Jerusalem, " he lifted up his hands and blessed them. And it came to pass, while he blessed them, he was parted from them, and carried up into heaven." § Thus closed the earthly career of Him who is both the Son of man and the Son of God. Though He was sorely tried by the privations of j)overty, though He was exposed to the most brutal and deoTadino; insults, and thouoh at last He was forsaken by His friends and consigned to a death of lingering agony, He never performed a single act or uttered a single word unworthy of His exalted and blessed mission. The narratives of the evangelists supply clear internal evi- dence that, when they descril^ed the history of Jesus, they must have copied from a living original; for otherwise, no four individuals, certainly no four Jews, could have each furnished such a portrait of so great and so singular a per- sonage. Combining the highest respect for the institutions of Moses with a spirit eminently catholic, He was at once a devout Israelite and a large-hearted citizen of the world. Eising far superior to the prejudices of His countrymen, He visited Samaria, and conversed freely with its population; and, whilst declaring that He was sent specially to the seed * Acts i. 3. t Luke xxiv. 27. + Matt, xiviii. 19. § Luke xxiv. 50, 51. 32 THE LIFE OF CHRIST. of Abraham, He was ready to extend His sympathy to their bitterest enemies. Tlioiigh He took upon Him the form of a servant, there was nothing mean or servile in His be- haviour; for, when He humbled Himself, there was ever about Him an air of condescending majesty. Whether He administers comfort to the mourner, or walks upon the waves of the sea, or replies to the cavils of the Pharisees, He is still the same calm, holy, and gracious Saviour. When His passion was immediately in view, He was as kind and as considerate as ever, for, on the very night in which He was betrayed. He was employed in the institution of an ordi- nance which was to serve as a sign and a seal of His grace throughout all generations. His character is as sublime as it is original. It has no parallel in the history of the human family. The impostor is cunning, the demagogue is turbu- lent, and the fanatic is absurd ; but the conduct of Jesus Christ is uniformly gentle and serene, candid, coui-teous, and consistent. Well, indeed, may His name be called Wonderful. " He was in the world, and the world was made by him, and the world knew him not. He came unto his own, and his own received him not. But as many as received him, to them gave he power to become the sons of God, even to them that believe on his name."* SUPPLEMENTAEY NOTE TO CHAPTEE 11. THE YEAR OF CHRIST's BIRTH. The Christian era commences on the 1st of January of the year 754 of the city of Piome. That our Lord was born about the time stated in the text may appear from the following considerations — The visit of the wise men to Bethlehem must have tcdrn i^lace a very few days after- the hirth of Jesus, and before His prese7itation in the temple. Bethlehem was not the stated residence of Joseph and Mary, either before * John i. 10-12. THE LIFE OF CHRIST. 33 or after the birth of the child (Luke i. 26, ii. 4, 39; Matt. ii. 2). They were obliged to repair to the jilace on account of the taxing, and immediately after the presentation in the temple, they returned to Nazareth and dwelt there (Luke ii. 39). Had the visit of the wise men occurred, as some think, six, or twelve, or eighteen months after the birth, the ques- tion of Herod to "the chief priests and scribes of the people" where " Christ should be horn " — would have been quite vain, as the infant might have been removed long before to another part of the country. The wise men manifestly expected to see a newly horn infant, and hence they asked — " where is he that is born King of the Jews?" (Matt. ii. 2.) The evan- gelist also states expressly that they came to Jerusalem " ivhen Jesus u>as born" (Matt. ii. 1). At a subsequent period they would have found the Holy Child, not at Bethlehem, but at Nazareth. The only plausible objection to this view of the matter is derived from the statement that Herod " sent forth and slew all the cliildren that were in Bethlehem and in all the coasts thereof, from two years old and tender, according to the time which he had diligently enquired of the wise men" (Matt. ii. 1 6). The king had ascertained from these sages " what time the star appeared " (Matt. ii. 7), and they seem to have informed him that it had been -visible a year before. A Jewish child was said to be two years old ivhen it had entered on its second year (see Greswell's " Dissertations," vol. ii. 136); and, to make sure of his prey, Herod murdered all the infants in Bethlehem and the neighbourhood under the age of thirteen months. The wise men had not told him that the child was a year old — it was obvious that they thought very differently — but the tyrant butchered all who came within the range of suspicion. It is highly probable that the star announced the appearance of the Messiah twelve months before he was born. Such an intimation was given of the birth of Isaac, who was a remarkable type of Christ (Gen. xvii. 21). See also 2 Kings iv. 16, and Dan. iv. 29, 33. The presentation of the infant in the temple occurred after the death of Herod. This follows as a corollary from what has been already advanced, for if the wise men visited Bethlehem immediately after the birth, and if the child was then hurried away to Egy])t, the presentation could not have taken place earlier. The ceremony was performed /or^y days after the birth (Luke ii. 22, and Lev. xii. 2, 3, 4), and as the flight and the return might both have been accomplished in eight or ten days, there was ample time for a sojourn of at least two or three weeks in that part of Egji^t which was nearest to Palestine. Herod died during this brief exUe, and yet his demise happened so soon before the departure of the holy family on their way home, that the intelligence had not meanwhile reached Joseph by the voice of ordinary fame; and until his arrival in the land of Israel, he did not even know that Archelaus reigned in Judea (Matt. ii. 22). He seems to 34 THE LIFE OF CHRIST. have inferred from the dream that the dynasty of the Herodian family had been completely subverted, so that when he heard of the succession of Archelaus " he was afraid" to enter his territory; but, at this juncture, being ''counselled of God" in another dream, he took courage, proceeded on his journey, and, after the presentation in the temple, " returned into the parts of GaUlee."' That the presentation in the temple took place after the death of Herod is further manifest from the fact that the babe remained uninjured, though his appearance in the sacred courts awakened uncommon interest, and though Anna " spake of him to all them that looked for redemption in Jeru- salem " (Luke ii. 38). Herod had his spies in all quarters, and had he been yet living, the intelligence of the presentation and of its extraordinary accompaniments, would have soon reached his ears, and he would have made some fresh attempt upon the life of the infant. But when the babe was actually brought to the temple, the tyrant was no more. Jerusalem was in a state of great political excitement, and Archelaus had, perhaps, already set sail for Rome to secure from the emperor the confirmation of his title to the Idngdom (see Josephus' Antiq. xvii. c. 9), so that it is not strange if the declarations of Simeon and Anna did not attract any notice on the part of the existing rulers. Assuming, then, that Christ was born a very short time before the death of Herod, we have now to ascertain the date of the demise of that monarch. Josephus states (Antiq. xiv. 14, § 5) that Herod was made king by the Roman Senate in the 184th Olympiad, when Calvinus and Pollio were con- suls, that is, in the year of Rome 714; and that he reigned thirty-seven years (Antiq. xvii. 8, § 1). We may infer, therefore, that his reign termi- nated in the year 751 of the city of Rome. He died shortly before the passover; his disease seems to have been of a very Hngering character; and he appears to have languished under it upwards of a year (Josephus' Antiq. xvii. 6, § 4, 5, and xvii. 9, § 2, 3). The passover of 751 fell on the 31st of March (see Greswell's " Dissertations," vol. i. p. 331), and as our Lord was in all likelihood born early in the month, the Jewish king probably ended his days a week or two afterwards, or about the time of the vernal equinox. According to this computation the cancelation took place exactly at the feast of Pentecost, which fell, in 750, on the 31st of May. This view is corroborated by Luke iii. 1, where it is said that the word of God came to John the Baptist "in \h& fifteenth i/earoi the reign of Tiberius Cesar." John's ministry had continued only a short time when he was imprisoned, and then Jesus "began to be about thirty/ years of age" (Luke iii. 23). Augustus died in August 767, and this year 767, according to a mode of reckoning then in use (see Hales' " Chronology," i. 49, 171, and Luke xxiv. 21), was the^rs^ year of his successor Tiberius. Thefifteenth year of Tiberius, THE LIFE OF CHRIST. 35 according to the same mode of calculation, commenced on the 1st of Jan- uary 781 of the city of Kome, and terminated on the 1st of January 782. If then our Lord was born about the 1st of March 751 of Rome, and if the BaiDtist was imprisoned early in 781, it could be said ■with perfect propriety that Jesus then " began to be about thirty years of age." This view is further confirmed by the fact that Quirinius, or Cyrenius, mentioned Luke ii. 2, -wasjirst governor of Syria from the close of the year 750 of Rome to 753. (See Merivale, iv. p. 457, note.) Our Lord was born under his administration, and according to the date we have assigned to the nativity, the "taxing" at Bethlehem must have taken place a few months after Cyrenius entered into office. This view of the date of the birth of Christ, which differs somewhat from that of any A\Titer with whom I am acquainted, appears to meet all the difficulties connected with this much-disputed cjuestion. It is based partly upon the principle, so ingeniously advocated byWhiston in his "Chronology," that the flight into Egypt took place before the presentation in the temple. I have never yet met with any antagonist of that hypothesis who was able to give a satisfactory explanation of the text on which it .rests. Some other dates assigned for the birth of Christ are quite inadmissible. In Judea shepherds could not have been found " abiding in the field, keeping watch over their flock by night" (Luke ii. 8) in November, December, January, or, perhaps, February ; but in March, and especially in a mild season, such a thing appears to have been quite common. (See GresweU's " Disserta- tions," vol. i. p. 391, and Robinson's "Biblical Researches," vol. ii. p. 97, 98.) Hippolytus, one of the earliest Christian writers who touches on the sub- ject, indicates that our Lord was bom about the time of the passover. (See GresweU, I 461, 462.) THE TWELVE AND THE SEVENTY. CHAPTER III. THE TWELVE AND THE SEVENTY. It has often been remarked that the personal preaching of onr Lord was comparatively barren. There can be no doubt that the effects produced did not .at all correspond to what might have been expected from so wonderful a ministry ; but it had been predicted that the Messiah would be " despised and rejected of men," '"' and the unbe- lief of the Jews was one of the humiliating trials He was ordained to suffer during His abode on earth. " The Holy Ghost was not yet given, because that Jesus was not yet glorified." t We have, certainly, no e^ddence that any of His discourses made such an impression as that which accompanied the address of Peter on the day of Pentecost. Immediately after the outpouring of the Spirit at that period an abundant blessing followed the proclamation of the gospel. But though Jesus often mourned over the obduracy of His countrymen, and though the truth, when preached by His disciples, was often more effective than when uttered by Himself, it cannot with propriety be said that His own evangelical labours were unfruitful. The one hundred and twenty, who met in an upper room during the interval between His Ascension and the day of Pentecost,^ were but a portion of His followers. The fierce and watch- ful opposition of the Sanhedrim had kept Him generally at a distance from Jerusalem ; it was there specially dangerous * Isa. liii. 3. t John vii. 39. % Acts i. 15. THE TWELVE AND THE SEVENTY. SY to profess an attacliment to His cause; and we may thus, perhaps, partially account for the paucity of His adherents in the Jewish metropolis. His converts were more nume- rous in Galilee; and it was, probably, in that district He appeared to the company of upwards of five hundred brethren who saw Him after His resurrection.* He had itinerated extensively as a missionary; and, from some statements incidentally occurring in the gospels, we may infer, that there were individuals who had imbibed His doctrines in the cities and villages of almost all parts of Palestine.t But the most signal and decisive proof of the power of His ministry is presented in the fact that, during the three years of its duration. He enlisted and sent forth no less than eighty-two preachers. Part of these have since been known as " The Twelve," and the rest as " The Seventy." The Twelve are frequently mentioned in the New Testa- ment, and yet the information we possess respecting them is exceedingly scanty. Of some we know little more than their names. It has been supposed that a town called Kerioth,| or Karioth, belonging to the tribe of Judah, was the birthplace of Judas, the traitor ; § but it is probable that all his colleagues were natives of Galilee. || Some of them had various names; and the consequent diversity which the sacred catalogues present has frequently perj^lexed the reader of the evangelical narratives. Matthew was also calledLevi;ir Nathanael was designated Bartholomew;^'* and * 1 Cor. XV. 6. t See Matt. xv. 31 ; Jolin ii. 23, vii. 31, viii. 30. X See Joshua xv. 25, § Hence called Iscariot, that is, Ish Kerioth, or, a man of Kerioth. See Alford, Greek Test., Matt. x. 4. II Acts ii. 7. m Compare Matt. ix. 9, 10, and Mark ii. 14, 15. ** " As St John never mentions Bartholomew in the number of the apostles, so the other evangelists never take notice of Nathanael, probably because the same person under two several names ; and as in John, Philij) and Nathanael are joined together in their coming to Christ, so in the rest of the evangelists, Philip and Bartholomew are constantly put together without the least varia- 38 THE TWELVE AND THE SEVENTY. Jiicle had the two other names of Lebbseus and Thaddseus.* Thomas was called Didymus,t or the tivin, in reference, we may presume, to the circumstances of his birth ; James the son of Alphseus was styled, perhaps by way of distinction, James "the Less" J — in allusion, it would seem, to the inferiority of his stature; the other James and John were surnamed Boanerges, § or the sons of thunder — a title pro- bably indicative of the peculiar solemnity and power of their ministrations ; and Simon stands at the head of all the lists, and is expressly said to be "first" of the Twelve, || because, as we have reason to believe, whilst his advanced age might have warranted him to claim precedence, his superior energy and promptitude enabled him to occupy the most prominent position. The same individual was called Cephas, or Peter, or Stone,^ apparently on account of the firmness of his character. His namesake, the other Simon, was termed the Canaanite, and also Zelotes,''"' or the zealot — a title expressive, in all likelihood, of the zeal and earnestness with which he was wont to carry out his prin- ciples. AYe are informed that our Lord sent forth the Twelve " by two and two,"tt but we cannot tell whether He tion." — Cave's Lives of the Apostles. Life of Bartliolomew. Compare Matt. x. 3; Acts i. 13 ; and John i. 45, xxi. 2. * Compare Matt. x. 3, and Acts i. 13. + John xi. 16, xxi. 2. J Mark xv. 40. He was in some way related to our Lord, and hence called His brother (Gal. i. 19). But though Mary, the mother of our Saviour, had evidently several sons (see Matt. i. 20, 25, compared with Matt. xiii. 55 ; Mark vi. 3 ; Matt. xii. 46, 47), they were not disciples when the apostles were ajj- pointed, and none of them consequently could have been of the Twelve. (See John vii. 5). The other sons of Mary, who must all have been younger than Jesus, seem to have been converted about the time of the resurrection. Hence they are found among the disciples before the day of Pentecost (Acts i. 14). § Mark iii. 17. || Matt. x. 2. H John i. 42. ** Matt. X. 4; Mark iii. 18; Luke vi. 15; Acts i. 13. Some think that Kananites is equivalent to Zelotes, whilst others contend that it is derived from a village called Canan. See Alf ord, Greek Test., Matt. x. 4 ; and GresweU's " Dissertations," vol. ii. p. 128. Some MSS. have Kavavaios. +t Mark vi. 7. " Although no two of these catalogues (of the Twelve) agree precisely in the order of the names, they may all be divided into three THE TWELVE AND THE SEVENTY. 3^ observed any general rule in the arrangement of those who were to travel in company. The relationship of the parties to each other miglit, at least in three instances, have suggested a classification ; as Peter and Andrew, James and John, James the Less and Jude, were, respectively, brothers. James the Less is described as " the Lord's brother,"* and Jude is called "the brother of James," t so that these two disciples must have been in some way related to our Saviour ; but the exact degree of affinity or consanguinity cannot now, perhaps, be positively ascertained. J Some of the dis- ciples, such as Andrew, § and probably John, I| had previously been disciples of the Baptist, but their separation from their former master and adherence to Jesus did not lead to any estrangement between our Lord and His pious forerunner. As the Baptist contemplated the more permanent and im- portant character of the Messiah's mission, he could cheer- fully say — "He must increase, but I must decrease." H All the Twelve, when enlisted as disciples of Christ, appear to have moved in the humbler walks of life; and yet we are scarcely warranted in asserting that they were extremely indigent. Peter, the fisherman, pretty plainly indicates that, in regard to worldly circumstances, he had been, to some extent, a loser by obeying the call of Jesus."'''" Though James and John were likewise fishermen, the family had at least one little vessel of their own, and they could afi"ord to quatei-nions, -whicli are never interchanged, and the leading names of which are the same in all. Thus the first is always Peter, the fifth Philip, the ninth James the son of Alpheus, and the twelfth Judas Iscariot. Another difference is that Matthew and Luke's Gospel gives the names in pairs, or two and two, while ]\Iark enumerates them singly, and the list before us (in the Acts) fol- lows both these methods, one after the other." — Alexander on the Acts, vol. i. p. 19. * Gal. i. 19. t Acts i. 13. See also Jude v. 1. X Upon this subject see the conjectures of Greswell. " Dissertation," vol. ii. p. 120. § John i. 35, 40. II From the gi-eat minuteness of the statements in the passage, it has been conjectured that the evangelist himself was the second of the two disciples mentioned in John i. 35-37. t John iii. 30. ** Matt. xix. 27. 40 THE TWELVE AND THE SEVENTY. pay "liired servants" to assist them in their business.* Matthew acted, in a subordinate capacity, as a collector of imperial tribute; but though the Jews cordially hated a functionary who brouglit so painfully to their recollection their condition as a conquered people, it is pretty clear that the publican Avas engaged in a lucrative employment. Zacchseus, said to have been a "chief among the pub- licans," t is represented as a rich man; J and Matthew, though probably in an inferior station, was able to give an entertainment in his own house to a numerous company.§ Still, however, the Twelve, as a body, were qualified, neither by their education nor their habits, for acting as popular instructors; and had the gospel been a device of human ■wisdom, it could not have been promoted by their advocacy. Individuals who had hitherto been occupied in tilling the land, in fishing, and in mending nets, or in sitting at the receipt of custom, could not have been expected to make any great impression as ecclesiastical reformers. Their position in society gave them no influence; their natural talents were not particularly brilliant; and even their dialect betokened their connexion with a district from which nothing good or great was anticipated. || But God exalted these men of low degree, and made them the spiritual illu- minators of the world. Though the New Testament enters very sparingly into the details of their personal history, it is plain that the Twelve presented a considerable variety of character. Thomas, though obstinate, was warm-hearted and manly. Once when, as he imagined, his Master was going forward to certain death, he chivalrously proposed to his brethren that they should all perish along with Him; IT and though at first he doggedly refused to credit the account of the resur- * Mark i. 20. + Luke xix. 2. + Luke xix. 2. § Mark ii. 15. || John vii. 52. 1 John xi. 16. See also v. 8. THE TWELVE AND THE SEVENTY. 41- rection,"^'' yet, when his doubts were removed, he gave vent to his feelings in one of the most impressive testimonies t to the power and godhead of the Messiah to be found in the whole book of revelation. James, the son of Alphteus, was noted for his prudence and practical wisdom ; ;{; and Natha- nael was frank and candid — " an Israelite indeed, in whom was no guile." § Our Lord bestowed on Peter and the two sons of Zebedee peculiar proofs of confidence and favour, for they alone were permitted to witness some of the most remarkable scenes in the history of the Man of Sorrows. || Though these three brethren displayed such a congeniality of disposition, it does not appear that they possessed minds of the same moidd, but each had excellencies of his own which threw a charm around his character. Peter yielded to the impulse of the moment and acted with promptitude and vigour; James became the first of the apostolic martyrs, probably because by his ability and boldness, as a preacher, he had provoked the special enmity of Herod and the Jews ;*!! whilst the benevolent John delighted to meditate on the " deep things of God," and listened with profound emotion to his Master as He discoursed of the mystery of His Per- son, and of the peace of believers abiding in His love. It has been conjectured that there was some family relation- ship between the sons of Zebedee and Jesus; but of this there is no satisfactory evidence.** It was simply, joerhaps, the marked attention of our Saviour to James and John which awakened the ambition of their mother, and induced * John XX. 25. t John xx. 28. + Some -^Titers have asserted that he is a difterent person from James "the Lord's brother" mentioned Gal. i. 19, but the statement rests upon no sohd foundation. Compare John vii. 5 ; 1 Cor. xv. 7 ; Acts i. 14, xv. 2, 13. See also note p. 38 of this chapter. § John i. 47. || IMark v. 37, ix. 2 ; Matt. xxvi. 37. 1 Acts xii. 2, 3. " It is remarkable that, so far as we know, one of these inseparable brothers (James and John) was the first, and one the last, that died of the apostles." — Alexander on the Acts, i. 443. ** See Greswell's "Dissertations," vol. ii. p. 115. 42 THE TWELVE AND THE SEVENTY. her to bespeak their promotion in the kingdom of the Son of Man/' Though none of the Twelve had received a hberal educa- tion,! it cannot be said that they were literally " novices" when invested with the ministerial commission. It is probable that, before they were invited to follow Jesus, they had all seriously turned their attention to the subject of religion ; some of them had been previously instructed by the Baptist ; and all, prior to their selection, appear to have been about a year under the tuition of oiu' Lord himself. From that time until the end of His ministry they lived with Him on terms of the most intimate familiarity. From earlier acquaintance, as well as from closer and more con- fidential companionship, they had a better opportunity of knowing His character and doctrines than any of the rest of His disciples. When, perhaps about six or eight months J after their appointment, they were sent forth as missionaries, they were commanded neither to walk in "the way of the Gentiles," nor to enter "into any city of the Samaritans," but rather to go "to the lost sheep of the house of IsraeL''§ Their number Twelve corresponded to the number of the tribes, and they were called apostles probably in allusion to a class of Jewish functionaries who were so designated. It is said that the High Priest was wont to send forth from Jerusalem into foreign countries certain accredited agents, or messengers, styled apostles, on ecclesiastical errands. I| During the personal ministry of our Lord the Twelve seem to have been employed by Him on only one missionary * Matt. XX. 20, 21. t Some writers have asserted that Phihp and Nathanael were learned men, but of this there is no good evidence. See Cave's " Lives of the Apostles," Philip and Bartholomew. :|: Greswell makes it nine months. See his " Harmonia Evangelica," p. xxiv. xxvi. § Matt. X. 5, 6. II See Vitriuga "De Synagoga Vetere," p. 577, and Mosheim's "Commen- taries," by Vidal, vol. i. 120«2, note. THE TWELVE AND THE SEVENTY. 43 excursion. About twelve months after that event* He "appointed other seventy also" to preach His Gospel. Luke is the only evangelist who mentions the designation of these additional missionaries ; and though we have no reason to believe that their duties terminated with the first tour in which they were engaged,! they are never subsequently noticed in the New Testament. Many of the actions of our Lord had a typical meaning, and it is highly probable that He designed to inculcate an important truth by the appoint- ment of these Seventy new apostles. According to the ideas of the Jews of that age there were seventy heathen nations;;]; and it is rather singular that, omitting Peleg the progenitor of the Israelites, the names of the posterity of Shem, Ham, and Japheth, recorded in the 10th chapter of Genesis, amount exactly to seventy. "These," says the historian, " are the families of the sons of Noah, after their generations, in their nations; and by these ivere the nations divided in the earth after the flood." § Every one who looks into the narrative will perceive that the sacred writer does not propose to furnish a complete catalogue of the descend- ants of Noah, for he passes over in entire silence the posterity of the greater number of the patriarch's grandchildren ; he apparently intends to name only those who were thefounders of nations; and thus it happens that whilst, in a variety of instances, he does not trace the line of succession, he takes * This is tlie calculation of Greswell. " Harmonia Evangelica," p. xxvi. xxxi. Robiuson makes the interval considerably shorter. See his " Harmony of the Four Gospels in Greek." t They received new powers at the close of their first missionary excursion. See Luke x. 19. t Selden in his treatise " Do Synedriis " supplies some curious infoi-mation on this subject. See lib. ii. cap. 9, § 3. See also some singular speculations respecting it in Baumgarten's " Theologischer Commentar zum Pentateuch," i. 153, 331. Some of the fathers speak of seventy-two disciples and of seventy- two nations and tongues. See Stieren's "Irenseus," i. p. 544, note, and Epi- phanius, torn. i. p. 50, Edit. Colonice, 1682 ; compared with Greswell's " Dissertations," ii. p. 7. § Gen. x. 32. 44 THE TWELVE AND THE SEVENTY. care, in others, to mention tlie father and many of his sons/'^ The Jewish notion current in the time of our Lord as to the existence of seventy heathen nations, seems, therefore, to have rested on a sound historical basis, inasmuch as, according to the Mosaic statement, there were, beside Peleg, precisely seventy individuals by whom " the nations were divided in the earth after the flood." AVe may thus infer that our Lord meant to convey a great moral lesson by the appointment alike of the Twelve and of the Seventy. In the ordination of the Twelve He evinced His regard for all the tribes of Israel; in the ordination of the Seventy He inti- * The following tabular view of the names of the descendants of Shem, Ham, and Japheth, mentioned in the 10th chapter of Genesis, will illustrate this statement : — SHEII. HAM. Elam.Asshur.Arijhaxad, Lud Aram, Gush, Mizraim, Phut . Canaan, Salah, Uz, Seba, Ludim, Sidon, Eber, Hul, Havilah, Anamim, Heth, Peleg, Gether, Sabtah, Lehabim, Jebusite, Joktan, Mash. Raamah, Najihtuhim, Amorite, Almodad Sabtechah, Pathrusim, Girgasite, Sheleph, Sheba, Casluhim, Hivite, Hazarmaveth, Dedan, Caphtorim, Arkite, Jerah, Nimrod. Philistim. Sinite, Hadoram, Arvadite, Uzal, Zemarite, Diklah, Hamathite. Obal, Abimael, Sheba, Ophir, Havilah, Jobab. JAPH ETH. Gomer, Magog. Madai. Javan, Tubal. Meshech. Tiras. Ashkenaz, Elishah, Riphath Tarshish, Togarmah. Kittim, Dodanim. It often happens that one branch of a family is exceedingly prolific whilst another is barren. So it seems to have been with the descendants of the three sons of Noah. Thus, Elam, Ashur, and others, appear each to have founded only one nation, whilst Arphaxad and his posterity founded eighteen. THE TWELVE AND THE SEVENTY. 45 mated that His Gospel was designed for all the nations of the earth. When the Twelve were about to enter on their first mission He required them to go only to the Jews, but He sent forth the Seventy " two and two before His face into every city and place whither He himself ivould come." ^'' Towards the commencement of His public career, He had induced many of the Samaritans to believe on Him,t whilst at a subsequent period His ministry had been blessed to Gentiles in the coasts of Tyre and Sidon;J and there is no evidence that in the missionary journey which He contem- plated when He appointed the Seventy as His pioneers, He intended to confine His labours to His kinsmen of the seed of Abraham. It is highly probable that the Seventy were actually sent forth from Samaria,\ and the instructions given them apparently suggest that, in the circuit now assigned to them, they were to visit certain districts lying north of Galilee of the Gentiles. || The personal ministry of our Lord had respect primarily and specially to the lost sheep of the house of Israel,1[ but His conduct in this case symbolically indicated the catholic character of His religion. He evinced His regard for the Jews by sending no less than twelve apostles to that one nation, but He did not Himself refuse to minister either to Samaritans or Gentiles ; and to shew that He was disposed to make provision for the general diffusion of His word. He " appointed other seventy also, and sent them two and two before His face into every city and place whither He himself woidd come." It is very clear that our Lord committed, in the first instance, to the Twelve the organisation of the ecclesiastical commonwealth. The most ancient Christian Church, that of the metropolis of Palestine, was modelled under their * Luke X. 1. t John iv. 39. J Mark vii. 24, 26, 30, 3L § This is the oi3inion of Dr Eobiusou. See his "Harmony." See also Luke ix. 51, 52, X. 33. II Luke X. 13, 17, 18. 1 Matt. xv. 24. 46 THE TWELVE AND THE SEVENTY. superintendence; and the earliest converts gathered into it, after His ascension, were the fruits of their ministry. Hence, in the Apocalypse, the wall of the " holy Jerusalem " is said to have " twelve foundations, and in them the names of the twelve apostles of the Lamb/''"' But it does not fol- low that others had no share in founding the spiritual structure. The Seventy also received a commission from Christ, and we have every reason to believe that, after the death of their Master, they pursued their missionary labours with renovated ardour. That they were called apostles as well as the Twelve, cannot, perhaps, be established by dis- tinct testimony ;t but it is certain, that they were furnished with supernatural endowments ; J and it is scarcely probable that they are overlooked in the description of the sacred writer when He represents the New Testament Church as " built upon the foundation of the apostles and j^^ophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner stone."§ The appointment of the Seventy, like that of the Twelve, was a typical act; and it is not, therefore, extraordinary that they are only once noticed in the sacred volume. Our ^Lord never intended to constitute two permanent corpora- /tions, limited, respectively, to twelve and seventy members, I and empowered to transmit their authority to successors • from generation to generation. In a short time after His death the symbolical meaning of the mission of the Seventy was explained, as it very soon appeared that * Rev. xxi. 14. f It is certain that some were called apostles who were not of the number of the Twelve. See Acts xiv. 4. In 1 Cor. xv. 5, 7, both " the Twelve," and " all the apostles," are mentioned, and it may be that the Seventy are included vmder the latter designation. Such was the opinion of Origen — eVeira rots erepois irapa tovs ScoSeKa airoaroXois iraari, raxa Tois e^dofirjKovTa. " Contra Celr sum," lib. ii. 65. See also " De Recta in Deum Fide," sec. i.. Opera, tom. i. p. 806. t Luke X. 9, 16, 19, 24. § Eph. ii. 20. See also Eph. iii. 5. It is evident, especially from the latter passage, that the prophets here spoken of belong to the New Testament Church. THE TWELVE AND THE SEVENTY. 47 the gospel was to be transmitted to all the ends of the earth ; and thus it was no longer necessary to refer to these representatives of the ministry of the universal Church. When the Twelve turned to the Gentiles, their number lost its significance, and from that date they accordingly ceased to fill up vacancies occurring in their society ; and, as the Church assumed a settled form, the apostles were disposed to insist less and less on any special powers with which they had been originally furnished, and rather to place themselves on a level with the ordinary rulers of the ecclesi- astical community. Hence we find them sitting in church courts with these brethren,''^ and desirous to be known not as ajDostles, but as elders.t We possess little information respecting either their oflacial or their personal history. A very equivocal, and sometimes contradictory, tradition J is the only guide which even professes to point out to us where the greater number of them laboured ; and the same witness is the only voucher for the statements which describe how most of them finished their career. It is an instructive fact that no proof can be given, from the sacred record, of the ordination either by the Twelve or by the Seventy, of even one presbyter or pastor. With the excep- tion of the laying on of hands upon the seven deacons,§ no inspired writer mentions any act of the kind in which the Twelve ever engaged. The deacons were not rulers in the • Acts XV. 6, sxi. 18. + 1 Pet. V. 1 ; 2 John v. 1 ; 3 Jolin v. 1. It is remarkable that Papias, one of the very earliest of the fathers, actually speaks of the apostles simply as the ciders. See Euseb. book iii. chap. 39. X Thus, Simon Zelotes is said to have travelled into Egypt and thence passed into ^lesopotamia and Persia, where he suffered martyrdom ; whilst, according to others, he travelled through Egypt to Mauritania and thence to Britain, where he was crucified. See Cave's " Lives of the Apostles," Life of Simon the Zealot. No weight can be attached to such legends. Origen states that the Apostle Thomas labom-ed in Parthia, and Andrew in Scj'thia. " In Genesim," 02)era, tom. ii. p. 24. § Acts vi. G. 48 THE TWELVE AND THE SEVENTY. Church, and therefore could not by ordination confer eccle- siastical power on others. There is much meaning in the silence of the sacred writers respecting the official proceedings and the personal career of the Twelve and the Seventy. It thus becomes impossible for any one to make out a title to the ministry by tracing his ecclesiastical descent ; for no contemporary records enable us to prove a connexion between the in- spired founders of our religion, and those who were subse- quently entrusted with the government of the Church. At the critical point where, had it been deemed necessary, we might have had the light of inspiration, we are left to wander in total darkness. AVe are thus shut up to the conclusion that the claims of those who profess to be heralds of the gospel are to be tested by some other cri- terion than their ecclesiastical lineage. It is written — " By their fruits ye shall know them." "'^ God alone can make a true minister ; t and he who attempts to establish his right to feed the flock of Christ by appealing to his official genealogy miserably mistakes the source of the pastoral commission. It would, indeed, avail nothing though a minister could prove his relationship to the Twelve or the Seventy by an unbroken line of ordina- tions, for some who at the time may have been able to deduce their descent from the apostles were amongst the most dangerous of the early heretics.J True religion is sustained, not by any human agency, but by that Eternal Spirit wdio quickens all the children of God, and who has preserved for them a pure gospel in the writings of the apostles and evangelists. The perpetuity of the Church ♦ Matt. vii. 16. + Acts xxvi. 16 ; Luke x. 2 ; 1 Tim. i. 12. :J: Such was Valentine, the most formidable of the Gnostic heresiarchs, said to be a disciple of Theodas, the companion of Paul. Clem. Alex. Strom, vii. Paul of Samosata and Arius were able to boast, at least as much as their antagonists, of their apostolic descent. THE TWELVE AND THE SEVENTY. 49 no more depends on the uninterrnpted succession of its ministers than does the perpetuity of a nation depend on the continuance of the dynasty which may happen at a particuhar date to occupy the throne. As plants possess powders of reproduction enabling them, when a part decays, to throw it off, and to supply its place by a new and vigorous vegetation, so it is with the Church — the s^^iritual vine which the Lord has planted. Its government may degenerate into a corrupt tyranny by which its most pre- cious liberties may be invaded or destroyed, but the free- men of the Lord are not bound to submit to any such domination. Were even all the ecclesiastical rulers to become traitors to the King of Zion, the Church would not therefore perish. The living members of the body of Christ would be then required to repudiate the authority of over- seers by whom they were betrayed, and to choose amongst themselves such faithful men as were found most competent to teach and to guide the spiritual community. The Divine Statute-book clearly warrants the adoption of such an alter- native. " Beloved," says the Apostle John, " believe not every spirit, but try the spirits whether they are of God. .... We are of God, he that hioiveth God heareth its, he that is not of God heareth not us. Hereby know we the spirit of truth and the spirit of error." ''' " If there come any unto you, and bring not this doctrine, receive him not into your house, neither bid him God-speed; for he that biddeth him God-speed is partaker of his evil deeds." t Paul declares, still more emphatically — " Though we, or AN ANGEL FROM HEAVEN, preach any other gospel unto you than that which we have preached unto you, let him be accursed. As we said before, so say I now again, If any man preach any other gospel unto you than that ye have received, let him be accursed!' \ * 1 John iv. 1, 6, t 2 John 10, U. X Gal. i. 8, 9. D 50 THE TWELVE AND THE SEVENTY. In one sense neither the Twelve nor the Seventy had successors. All of them were called to preach the gospel by the living voice of Christ himself; all had " companied" with Him during the period of His ministry; all had listeued to His sermons; all had been spectators of His works of wonder ; all were empowered to perform miracles ; all seem to have conversed with Him after His resurrection ; and all appear to have possessed the gift of inspired utter- ance/" But in another sense every " good minister of Jesus Christ" is a successor of these primitive preachers; for every true pastor is taught of God, and is moved by the Spirit to undertake the service in which he is engaged, and is warranted to expect a blessing on the truth which he disseminates. As of old the descent from heaven of fire upon the altar testified the Divine acceptance of the sacri- fices, so now the descent of the Spirit, as manifested in the conversion of souls to God, is a sure token that the labours of the minister have the seal of the Divine approbation. The great Apostle of the Gentiles did not hesitate to rely on such a proof of his commission from heaven. " Need we," says he to the Corinthians, " epistles of commendation to you, or letters of commendation from you 1 Ye are our epistle written in our hearts, knowni and read of all men ; forasmuch as ye are manifestly declared to be the epistle of Christ ministered by us, Avritten, not with ink, but with the Spirit of the living God, not in tables of stone, but in the fleshy tables of the heart." t No true pastor will be left entirely destitute of such encouragement, and neither the Twelve nor the Seventy could produce credentials more trustworthy or more intelligible. * Luke X. 16. t 2 Cor. iii. 1-.3. CHAPTER IV. THE PROGRESS OF THE GOSPEL FROM THE DEATH OF CHREST TO THE DEATH OF THE APOSTLE JAMES, THE BROTHER OF JOHN. A.D. 31 TO A.D. 44. AVhen our Lord bowed His head on the cross and " gave up the ghost," the work of atonement was completed. The ceremonial law virtually expired when He explained, by His death, its awful significance; aud the crisis of His passion was the birthday of the Christian economy. At this date the history of the New Testament Church properly commences. After His resurrection Jesus remained forty days on earth,''" and, during this interval. He often took occasion to point out to His disciples the meaning of His wonderful career. He is represented as saying to them — " Thus it is written, and thus it behoved Christ to suffer, and to rise from the dead the third day, and that repentance and re- mission of sins should be preached in His name among all nations, heg inning at Jerusalem!' t The inspired narratives/ of the teaching and miracles of our Lord are emphatically! corroborated by the fact, that a large Christian Church wasj established, almost immediately after His decease, in the metropolis of Palestine. The Sanhedrim and the Roman governor had concurred in His condemnation ; aud, on the night of His trial, even the intrepid Peter had been so * Acts i. 3. t Luke xxiv. 40, 47. 52 THE FIRST THIRTEEN YEARS intimidated that lie had been tempted to curse and to swear as he averred that he knev>^ not " The Man." It might have been expected that the death of Jesus would have been fol- ■ lowed by a reign of terror, and that no attempt would have been made, at least in the place where the civil and ecclesiasti- cal authorities resided, to assert the Divine mission of Him whom they had crucified as a malefactor. But perfect love casteth out fear. In the very city where He had suffered, and a few days after His passion. His disciples ventured in the most public manner to declare His innocence and to proclaim Him as the Messiah. The result of their appeal is as wonderfid as its boldness. Though the imminent peril of confessing Christ was well known, such was the strength of their convictions that multitudes resolved, at all hazards, to enrol themselves among His followers. The success which accompanied the preaching of the apostolic mission- aries at the feast of Pentecost was a sign and a pledge of their future triumphs, for " the same day there were added unto them about three thousand souls." '" The disinterested behaviour of the converts betokened their intense earnestness. "All that believed were together and had all things common, and sold their possessions and goods and parted them to all men, as every man had need."t These early disciples were not, indeed, required, as a term of communion, to deposit their property in a common stock- purse; but, in the overflowings of their first love, they spontaneously adopted the arrangement. On the part of the more opulent members of the community residing in a place which was the stronghold of Jewish prejudice and influence, this course was, perhaps, as prudent as it was generous. By joining a proscribed sect they put their lives, as well as their wealth, into jeopardy; but, by the sale of their effects, they displayed a sj^irit of self-sacrifice Avhich must have astonished and confounded their adversaries. * Acts ii. 41. t Acts ii. 44, 45. OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 53 They thus anticipated all attempts at spoliation, and gave a proof of their readiness to submit to any suffering for the cause which they had espoused. An inheritance, when turned into money, could not be easily sequestered; and those who were in want could obtain assistance out of the secreted treasure. Still, even at this period, the principle of 1 a community of goods was not carried out into universal 1 operation ; for the foreign Jews who were now converted to the faith, and who were "possessors of lands or houses"'"' in distant countries, could neither have found purchasers, nor negotiated transfers, in the holy city. The first sales must obviously have been confined to those members of the Church who were owners of property in Jerusalem and its neighbourhood. The system of having all things common was suggested in a crisis of apparently extreme peril, so that it was only a temporary expedient; and it is evident that it was soon given up altogether, as unsuited to the ordinary circum- stances of the Christian Church. But though, in a short time, the disciples in general were left to depend on their o^Am resources, the community continued to provide a fund for the help of the infirm and the destitute. At an early period complaints were made respecting the distribution of this charity, and we are told that " there arose a murmuring of the Grecians against the Hebrews because their widows were neglected in the daily ministration." t The Grecians, or those converts from Judaism who used the Greek lan- guage, were generally of foreign birth ; and as the Hehreivs, or the brethren who spoke the vernacular tongue of Pales- tine, were natives of the country, there were, perhaps, sus- picions that local influence secured for their poor an undue share of the puljlic bounty. The expedient employed for the removal of this "root of bitterness" seems to have been * See Acts iv. .34. Barnabas was probably obliged to go to Cyprus to com- plete the sale. t Acts vi. 1. 5 4 THE FIRST THIRTEEN YEARS completely successful. " The twelve called the multitude of the discij)les unto them and said, It is not reason that we shoidd leave the word of God and serve tables. Where- fore, brethren, look ye out among you seven men of honest report, full of the Holy Ghost and wisdom, whom we may appoint over this business."'"' Had the apostles been anxious for power they would themselves have nominated the deacons. They might have urged, too, a very plausible apology for here venturing upon an exercise of patronage. They might have pleaded that the disciples were dissatisfied with each other — that the excitement of a popular election was fitted to increase this feeling of alienation — and that, under such circumstances, prudence required them to take upon themselves the re- sponsibility of the appointment. But they were guided by a higher wisdom ; and their conduct is a model for the imi- tation of ecclesiastical rulers in all succeeding generations. It was the will of the Great Lawgiver that His Church should possess a free constitution ; and accordingly, at the very outset, its members were intrusted with the privilege of self-government. The community had already been in- vited to choose an apostle in the room of Judas,t and they were now required to name office-bearers for the manage- ment of their money transactions. But, whilst the Twelve, on this occasion, appealed to the sufii-ages of the Brother- hood, they reserved to themselves the right of confirming the election; and they might, by withholding ordination, have refused to fiat an improper appointment. Hapj^ily no such difficulty occurred. In compliance with the instruc- tions addressed to them, the midtitude chose seven of their number "whom they set before the apostles, and, when they had prayed, they laid their hands on them." J * Acts vi. 2, 3. t Acts i. 15, 23. They selected two, and not knowing which to prefer, they decided finally by lot. X -A-cts vi. 6. OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 55 Prior to tlie election of the deacons, Peter and John had been incarcerated, TlieSanhedrim wished toextortfroni them a pledge that they would " not speak at all nor teach in the name of Jesus," ^' but the prisoners nobly refused to consent to any such compromise. They "answered and said unto them — Whether it be right in the sight of God to hearken unto you more than unto God, judge ye." t The apostles here disclaimed the doctrine of passive obedience, and asserted principles which lie at the foundation of the true theory of religious freedom. They maintained that " God alone is Lord of the conscience " — that His command overrides all human regulations — and that, no matter w^hat may be the penalties which earthly rulers may annex to the breach of the enactments of their statute-book, the Christian is not bound to obey, when the civil law would compel him to violate his enlightened convictions. But the Sanhedrim ob\T.ously despised such considerations. For a time they were obliged to remain quiescent, as public feeling ran strongly in favour of the new preachers; but, soon after the election of the deacons, they resumed the work of persecution. The tide of popularity now began to turn; and Stephen, one of the Seven, particularly distinguished by his zeal, fell a victim to their intolerance. The martyrdom of Stephen ajDpears to have occurred about three years and a half after the death of our Lord.]^/ Daniel had foretold that the Messiah would " confirm the covenant with many for one iveeJc " § — an announcement which has been understood to indicate that, at the time of * Acts iv. 18. t Acts iv. 19. J That is, A.D. 34, dating the crucifixion a.d. 31. Tillemont, but on entirely difierent gi-ounds, assigns the same date to the martyrdom of Stephen. See " Memoires pour servir a L'Histoire Ecclesiastique des six premiers siecles," tome prem. sec. par. p. 420. Stephen's martyixlom probably occm-red about the feast of Tabernacles. § Daniel ix. 27. A dai/ in prophetic language denotes a ^ear. Ezek. iv. 4, 5. A prophetic week, or seven days, is, therefore, equivalent to .seven years. 56 THE FIRST THIRTEEN YEARS his manifestation, the gospel would be preached with much success among his countrymen ybr seven years — and if the prophetic week commenced with the ministry of John the Baptist, it proljably terminated with this bloody tragedy.'^^ The Christian cause had hitherto prospered in Jerusalem, and there are good grounds for believing that, meanwhile, it had also made considerable progress throughout all Pales- tine ; Ijut, at this date, it is suddenly arrested in its career of advancement. The Jewish multitude bemn to regard it with aversion ; and the Eoman governor discovers that he may, at any time, obtain the tribute of their applause by oppressing its ablest and most fearless advocates. • After His resurrection our Lord commanded the apostles to go and " teach all nations'^ t and yet years rolled away before they turned their thoughts towards the evangelisa- tion of the Gentiles. The Jewish mind was slow to appre- hend such an idea, for the posterity of Abraham had been long accustomed to regard themselves as the exclusive heirs of divine privileges ; but the remarkable development of the kingdom of God gradually led them to entertain more enlarged and more lil^eral sentiments. The progress of the gospel in Samaria, immediately after the death of Stephen, demonstrated that the blessings of the new dis- pensation were not to be conj&ned to God's ancient people. Though many of the Samaritans acknowledged the divine authority of the writings of Moses, they did not belong to the Church of Israel; and between them and the Jews a bitter antipathy had hitherto existed. When Philip ap- * " The one week, or Passion-week, in the midst of which our Lord was crucified a.d. 31, began with His pubhc ministry a.d. 28, and ended with the martyrdom of Stephen a.d. 34." — Hales' Chronology, ii. p. 518. Faber and others, who hold that the one week terminated with the crucifixion, are obliged to adopt the imtenable hypothesis that John the Baptist and our Lord together preached seven years. The view here taken is corroborated by the statement in Dan. ix. 27 — " In the midst of the 'week he shall cause the sacrifice and the oblation to cease," — as Christ by one sacrifice of Himself " perfected for ever them that are sanctified." f Matt, sxviii. 19. OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 57 peared among tliem, and preached Jesus as the promised Messiah, they listened most attentively to his appeals, and not a few of them gladly received Christian baptism/"' It coidd now no longer be said that the Jews had " no deal- ings with the Samaritans," t for the gospel gathered both into the fold of a common Saviour, and taught them to keep " the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace." AVhen the disciples were scattered abroad by the perse- cution which arose after the martyrdom of Stephen, the apostles still kept their post in the Jewish capital ; | for Christ had instructed them to begin their ministry in that place : § and they perhaps conceived that, until authorised by some further intimation, they were bound to remain at Jerusalem. But the conversion of the Samaritans must have reminded them that the sphere of their labours was more extensive. Our Lord had said to them — " Ye shall be witnesses unto me both in Jerusalem, and in all Judea, and in Samaria, and unto the iittermost part of the earth" || and events, which were now passing before their view, were continually throwing additional light upon the meaning of this announcement. The baptism of the Ethiopian eunucli,1[ about this period, was calculated to enlarge their ideas; and the baptism of Cornelius pointed out, still more dis- tinctly, the wide range of their evangelical commission. The minuteness with which the case of the devout centu- rion is described is a proof of its importance as connected with this transition-stage in the history of the Church. He had before known nothing of Peter; and, when they met at Csesarea, each could testify that he had been prepared for the interview by a special revelation from heaven."'"^" Cornelius was " a centurion of the band called the Italian band " tt — he was a representative of that military power * Acts viii. 6, 12. f John iv. 9. J Acts viii. 1. § Luke xxiv. 47 ; Acts i. 4. || Acts i. 8. IT Acts viii. 27-38. ** Acts X. 19, 30, 32. ft Acts x. 1. 58 THE FIRST THIRTEEN YEARS which then ruled the world — and, in his bajDtism, we see the Roman Emj^ire presenting, on the altar of Christianity, the first-fruits of the Gentiles. It was not, however, very obvious, from any of the cases already enumerated, that the salvation of Christ was designed for all classes and conditions of the human family. The Samaritans did not, indeed, worship at Jerusalem, but they claimed some interest in "the promises made unto the fathers;" and they conformed to many of the rites of Judaism. It does not appear that the Ethiopian eunuch was of the seed of Abraham; but he acknowledged the inspiration of the Old Testament, and he was disposed, at least to a certain extent, to observe its institutions. Even the Eoman centurion was what has been called a proselyte of the gate, that is, he professed the Jewish theology — "he feared God with all his house"*— though he had not received circumcision, and had not been admitted into the congre- gation of Israel. But the time was approaching when the Church was to burst forth beyond the barriers within which it had been hitherto inclosed, and an individual now appeared upon the scene who was to be the leader of this new movement. He is "a citizen of no mean city^t — a native of Tarsus in Cilicia, a place famous for its educational institutes J — and he is known, by Avay of distinction, as "an apostle of the natio7is."^ The apostles were at first sent only to their own country- men ;1| and we have seen that, for some time after our Lord's death, they do not appear to have contemplated any more comprehensive mission. When Peter called on the disciples to appoint a successor to Judas, he seems to have acted under the conviction that the company of the Twelve must still be maintained in its integrity, and that its num- bers must still exactly correspond to the number of the * Acts X. 2. t Acts xxi. 39. J Strabo, xiv. p. 673. § Rom. xi. 13; 1 Tim. ii. 7; 2 Tim. i. 11. || Matt. x. 5, 6. OF THE CHEISTIAN CHURCH. 59 tribes of Israel. But the Jews, after the death of Stephen, evinced an increasing aversion to the gospel ; and as the apostles were eventually induced to direct their views else- where, they were, of course, also led to abandon an arrange- ment which had a special reference to the sectional divisions of the chosen people. Meanwhile, too, the management of ecclesiastical affaii-s had partially fallen into other hands; new missions, in which the Twelve had no share, had been undertaken; and Paul henceforth becomes most conspicuous and successful in extending and organising the Church. Paul describes himself as "one born out of due time."'^ He was converted to Christianity when his countrymen seemed about to be consigned to judicial blindness; and he was "called to be an apostle" f when others had been labour- ing for years in the same vocation. But he possessed pecu- liar qualifications for the office. He was ardent, energetic, and conscientious, as well as acute and eloquent. In his native city Tarsus he had probably received a good ele- mentary education, and afterwards, "at the feetof GamalieVJ in Jerusalem, he enjoyed the tuition of a Rabbi of unrivalled celebrity. The apostle of the Gentiles had much the same religious experience as the father of the German Reforma- tion ; for as Luther, before he understood the doctrine of a free salvation, attempted to earn a title to heaven by the austerities of monastic discipline, so Paul in early life was " taught according to the perfect manner of the law of the fathers," § and "after the strictest sect of his religion lived a Pharisee." II His zeal led him to become a persecutor; and when Stephen was stoned, the witnesses, who were required to take part in the execution, prepared themselves for the work of death, by laying down their upper garments at the feet of the "young man" Saul. IF He had established himself in the confidence of the Sanhedrim, and he appears * 1 Cor. XV. 8. + Rom. i. 1. J Acts xxii. 3. § Acts xxii. 3. II Acts xxvi. 5. IT Acts vii. 58. C)0 THE FIRST THIRTEEN YEARS to have been a memlier of that influential judicatory, for he tells us that he "shut up many of the saints in prison," and that, when they were put to death, "he gave his voice, or his vote/' against them" — a statement implying that he belonged to the court which pronounced the sentence of condemnation. As he was travelling to Damascus armed with authority to seize any of the disciples whom he dis- covered in that city, and to convey them bound to Jeru- salem,t the Lord appeared to him in the way, and he was suddenly converted. J After reaching the end of his journey, and boldly proclaiming his attachment to the party he had been so recently endeavouring to exterminate, he retired into Arabia,§ where he appears to have spent three years in the devout study of the Christian theology. He then returned to Damascus, and entered, about a.d. 37,|| on those missionary labours which he prosecuted with so much effi- ciency and perseverance for upwards of a quarter of a century. Paul declares that he derived a knowledge of the gospel immediately from Christ ;1[ and though, for many years, he had very little intercourse with the Twelve, he avers that he was "not a whit behind the very chiefest apostles.""^''^ * Acts xxvi. 10. "'irrj^ov. See Alford on Acts xxvi. 10, and Acts viii. 1. See also " The Life and Epistles of St Paul" by Conybeare and Howson, i. 85. Edit., London, 1852. Paul says that "all the Jews" knew his manner of life from his youth — a declaration from which we may infer that he was a person of note. See Acts xxvi. 4. There is a tradition that he aspired to be the son-in- law of the high priest. Epiphanius, " Ad Haer.," 1, 2, § 16 and § 25. t Acts ix. 2, and xxii. 5. % ^cts ix. 3-21. § Gal. i. 17, 18. II This date may be established thus : — Stephen, as has been shewn, was martyred a.d. 34. See note, p. 55 of this chajiter. Paul seems to have been converted in the same year, and therefore, if he returned to Damascus three years afterwards, he must have been in that city in a.d. 37. It would appear, from another source of evidence, that this is the true date. The Emperor Tiberius died a.d. 37, and Aretas immediately afterwards seems to have obtained possession of Damascus. He was in possession of it when Paul was now there. See 2 Cor. xi. 32, 33. It is probable that he remained master of the place only a very short time. IT Gal. i. 12. ** 2 Cor. xi. 5. OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 61 Throughout life he was associated, not with them, but with others as his fellow-hibourers ; and he obviously occupied a distinct and independent position. When he was baptized, the ordinance was administered by an individual who is not previously mentioned in the New Testament,''^ and when he was separated to the work to which the Lord had called him,t the ordainers were " prophets and teachers," respect- ing whose own call to the ministry the inspired historian supplies us with no information. But it may fairly be pre- smned tliat they were regularly introduced into the places which they are represented as occupying; they are all de- scribed by the evangelist as receiving the same special in- structions from heaven ; and the tradition that, at least some of them, were of the number of the Seventy, J is exceedingly probable. And if, as has already been suggested, the mission of the Seventy indicated the design of our Saviour to dif- fuse the gospel all over the world, we can see a peculiar propriety in the arrangement that Paul was ushered into the Church under the auspices of these ministers.§ It was most fitting that he who was to be, by way of eminence, the apostle of the Gentiles, was baptized and ordained by men whose own appointment was intended to symbolise the catholic spirit of Christianity. In the treatment of Paul by his unbelieving countrymen we have a most melancholy illustration of the recklessness of religious bigotry. These Jews must have known that, in as far as secular considerations were concerned, he had everything to lose by turning into "the way which they * Acts ix. 17, 18. + Acts xiii. 1, 2. X Simeon or Niger, according to Epiphanius, was one of the Seventy. " Hseres," 20, sec. 4. Luke, the writer of the Book of the Acts, is said to have been one of the Seventy, and some have asserted that he is the same as Lucius of Cyrene, mentioned Acts xiii. 1. § Ananias, by whom he was baptized, was, according to the Greek martyro- logies, one of the Seventy. See Burton's " Lectures," i. 88, note. It is evident that Ananias waa a person of note among the Chiistians of Damascus. 62 THE FIRST THIRTEEN YEARS called heresy;'* they were bound to acknowledge that, by connecting himself with an odious sect, he at least demon- strated his sincerity and self-denial; but they were so exas- perated by his zeal that they " took counsel to kill him."^* When, after his sojourn in Arabia, he returned to Damascus that city was in the hands of Aretas, the king of Arabia Petrsea ;t who seems to have contrived to gain possession of it during the confusion which immediately followed the death of the Emperor Tiberius. This petty sovereign courted the favour of the Jewish portion of the popvdation by permitting them to persecute the disciples; J and the apostle, at this crisis, would have fallen a victim to their malignity had not his friends let him down " through a window, in a basket, by the wall,"§ and thus enabled him to escape a premature martyrdom. He now repaired to Jerusalem, where the brethren do not appear to have heard of his conversion, and where they at first refused to acknow- ledge him as a member of their society ;|| for he had been obliged to leave Damascus with so much precipitation that he had brought with him no commendatory letters; but Barnabas, who is said to have been his school-fellow,1[ and who had in some way obtained information respecting his subsequent career, made the leaders of the Mother Church acquainted with the wonderful change which had taken place in his sentiments and character, and induced them to admit him to fellowship. During this visit to the holy city, while he prayed in the temple, he was more fully instructed respecting his future destination. In a trance, he saw Jesus, who said to him — " Depart, for I will send thee far hence unto the Gentiles.'"'"' Even had he not received this intima- * Acts ix. 23. t See Josepliiis' "Antiquities," xviii. 5. X See Burton's "Lectures," i. 116, 117. § 2 Cor. xi. 32, 33. || Acts ix. 26, 27. IF This statement rests on the authority of a monk of Cyprus, named Alex- ander, a comparatively late writer. See Burton's " Lectures," i. 56, note. ** Acts xxii. 21. OF THE CHRISTIAN CHUHCH. 63 tion, the murderous hostility of the Jews would have obliged him to retire. " When he spake boldly in the name of the Lord Jesus, and disputed against the Grecians, they went about to slay him — which, when the brethren knew, they brought him down to Ccesarea, and sent him forth to Tarsus." '' The apostle now labom^ed for some years as a missionary in " the regions of Syria and Cilicia." t His native city and its neighbourhood probably enjoyed a large share of his ministrations, and his exertions seem to have been attended with much success, for, soon afterwards, the con- verts in these districts attract particidar notice. J Mean- while the gospel was making rapid progress in the Syrian capital, and as Saul was considered eminently qualified for conducting the mission in that place, he was induced to proceed thither. " Then," says the sacred historian, " Bar- nabas departed to Tarsus to seek Saul, and when he had found him he brought him unto Antioch. And it came to pass that a whole year they assembled themselves with the Church, and taught mucli people ; and the disciples were called Christians first in Antioch." § The establishment of a Church in this city formed a new era in the development of Christianity. Antioch was a great commercial mart with a large Jewish, as well as Gen- tile, population; it was virtually the cajDital of the Roman Empire in the East — being the residence of the president, or governor, of Syria ; its climate was delightful ; and its citizens, enriched by trade, were noted for their gaiety and voluptuousness. In this flourishing metropolis many pro- selytes from heathenism were to be found in the synagogues of the Greek-speaking Jews, and the gosj)el soon made rapid progress among these Hellenists. " Some of them (which were scattered abroad upon the persecution that arose about * Acts ix. 29, 30. t Gal. i. 21. X Acts XV. 23, 41. § Acts xi. 2-5, 2U. 64 THE FIRST THIRTEEN YEARS Stephen) were men of Cyprus and Cyrene, which when they were come to Antioch, spake unto the Grecians/'^ preaching the Lord Jesus. And the hand of the Lord was with them, and a great number l^elieved and turned unto the Lord." t The followers of Jesus at this time received a new designation. They had hitherto called themselves "brethren" or "disciples" or "believers," but now they " were called Christians " by some of the inhabitants of the Syrian capital. As the unconverted Jews did not admit that Jesus was the Christ they were obviously not the authors of this appellation, and, in contempt, they probably styled the party Nazarenes or Galileans ; but it is easy to understand how the name was suggested to the Pagans as most descriptive and appropriate. No one could be long in comj)any with the new religionists without perceiving that Christ was " the end of their conversation." They delighted to tell of His mighty miracles, of His holy life, of the extraordinary circumstances which accompanied His death, of His resurrection and ascension. Out of the ful- ness of their hearts they discoursed of His condescension and His meekness, of His wonderful wisdom, of His sublime theology, and of His unutterable love to a world lying in wickedness. When they prayed, they prayed to Christ; when they sang, they sang praise to Christ; when they preached, they preached Christ. Well then might the heathen multitude agree with one voice to call them Chris- tians. The inventor of the title may have meant it as a nickname, but if so, He who overruled the waywardness of * Griesbach, Lachmann, Alford, and other critics of great note, here pre- fer "EXXr/fas to 'YXk-qviaras, but the common reading is better sixjjported by the authority of manuscripts, and more in accordance with Acts xiv. 27, where Paul and Barnabas are represented, long afterwards, as declaring to the Church of Antioch how God " had opened the door of faith unto the Oentiles?'' See an excellent vindication of the textus receptus in the Journal of Sacred Lite- rature for January 1857, No. VIIL, p. 285, by the Rev. W. Kay, M.A., Prin- cipal of Bishop's College, Calcutta. f Acts xi. 20. OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 65 Pilate so that lie wrote on the cross a faithful inscription,* also caused this mocker of His servants to stumble on a most truthful and complimentary designation. From his first appearance in Antioch Paul seems to have occupied a very influential position among his brethren. In that refined and opulent city his learning, his dialectic skill, his prudence, and his pious ardour were all calculated to make his ministry most effective. About a year after his arrival there, he was dej^uted, in company with a friend, to visit Palestine on an errand of love. " In those days came prophets from Jerusalem unto Antioch. And there stood up one of them, named Agabus, and signified by the Spirit that there should be great dearth throughout all the world ; which came to pass in the days of Claudius Csesar. Then the disciples, every man according to his ability, de- termined to send relief to the brethren which dwelt in Judea. "Which also they did, and sent it to the elders by the hands of Barnabas and Saul." t This narrative attests that the principle of a community of goods was not recognised in the Church of Antioch, for the aid administered was supplied, not out of a general fund, but by " every man according to his ability." There was here no " murmuring of the Grecians against the Hebrews," as, in the spirit of true brotherhood, the wealthy Hellenists of Antioch cheerfully contributed to the relief of the poor Hebrews of their fatherland. It does not appear that " the elders " in whose hands the money was deposited, were all office-bearers connected with the Church of Jerusa- lem. These would, of course, receive no small share of the donations, but as the assistance was designed for the " bre- thren which dwelt in Judea,'' and not merely for the dis- ciples in the holy city, we may infer that it was distributed among the elders of all the Churches now scattered over the * John xix. 19-22. t Acts xi. 27-30. 66 THE FIRST THIRTEEN YEARS southern part of Palestine/^ Neither would Barnabas and Paul require to make a tour throughout the district to visit these various communities. All the elders of Judea still con- tinued to observe the Mosaic law, and as the deputies from Antioch were in Jerusalem at the time of the Passover,! they would find their brethren in attendance upon the festival. It is reported by several ancient writers that the apostles were instructed to remain .at Jerusalem for twelve years after the crucifixion of our Lord,J and if the tradition is correct, the holy city continued to be their stated residence until shortly before the period of the arrival of these depu- ties from the Syrian capital. The time of this visit can be pretty accurately ascertained, and there is perhaps no point connected with the history of the book of the Acts respect- ing which there is such a close approximation to unanimity amongst chronologists ; for, as Josephus notices § both the sudden death of Herod Agrippa, grandson of Herod the Great, which now occurred, || and the famine against which this contribution was intended to provide, it is apparent from the date which he assigns to them, that Barnabas and Saul must have reached Jerusalem about a.d. 44.11 At this juncture at least two of the apostles, James the brother of John, and Peter, were in the Jewish capital; and it is pro- bable that all the rest had not yet finally taken their de- parture. The Twelve, it would seem, did not set out on distant missions until they were thoroughly convinced that they had ceased to make progress in the conversion of their * It is obvious from Acts ix. 31, xxvi. 20, and Gal. i. 22, that such churches now existed. t Acts xii. 3, 24, 25. X Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. p. 742, note ; Edit. Potter. Eusebius, v. 18. § " Antiquities," xix. c. 8, § 2, xx. c. 2, § 5. || Acts xii. 20-23. IF From the comparative table of chronology appended to Wieseler's " Chro- nologic des apostolischen Zeitalters," it appears that the date given in the text is adopted by no less than twenty of the highest chronological authori- ties, including Ussher, Pearson, Spanheim, Tillemont, Michaelis, Hug, and De Wette. It is also adopted by Bui'ton. Wieseler himself, apj)arently on insufficient grounds, adopts a.d. 45. OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 67 countrymen in the land of their fathers. And it is no trivial evidence, at once of the strength of their convictions, and of the truth of the evangelical history, that they continued so long and so efficiently to proclaim the gospel in the chief city of Palestine. Had they not acted under an over- whelming sense of duty, they would not have remained in a place where their lives were in perpetual jeopardy; and had they not been faithful witnesses, they could not have induced so many, of all classes of society, to believe state- ments which, if unfounded, could have been easily contra- dicted on the spot. The apostles must have been known to many in Jerusalem as the companions of our Lord ; for, during His public ministry, they had often been seen with Him in the city and the temple; and it was to be, there- fore, expected, that peculiar importance would be attached to their testimony respecting His doctrines and His miracles. Their preaching in the head-quarters of Judaism was fitted to exert an immense influence, as that metropolis itself con- tained a vast population, and as it was, besides, the resort of strangers from all parts of the world. And so long as the apostles ministered in Jerusalem or in Palestine only to the house of Israel, it was expedient that their number, which was an index of the Divine regard for the whole of the twelve tribes, should be maintained in its integrity. But when, after preaching twelve years among their country- men at home, they found their labours becoming compara- tively barren ; and when, driven by persecution from Judea, they proceeded on distant missions, their position was quite altered. Their number had now at least partially"^' lost its original significance ; and hence, when an apostle died, the * Though Peter was taught, by the case of Cornelius, that " God also to the Gentiles had granted repentance unto life " (Acts xi. 18), and though he doubt- less felt himself a debtor, both to the Greeks and to the Jews, yet still he continued to cherish the conviction that his mission was, primarily to his kinsmen according to the flesh. James and John had the same impression. See Gal. ii. 9 ; James i. 1 ; 1 Pet. i. 1. I 68 THE FIRST THIRTEEN YEARS survivors no longer deemed it necessary to take steps for the appointment of a successor. We find accordingly that when Herod "killed James, the brother of John, with the sword,"* no other indi\ddual was selected to occupy the vacant apostleship. It has been already stated that when Paul appeared in Jerusalem for the first time after his conversion, he received, when prating in the temple, a divine communication in- forming him of his mission to the heathen. t It would seem that, diu'ing his present \dsit, as the bearer of the contribu- tions from Antioch, he was favoured with another revela- tion. In his Second Epistle to the Corinthians he apparently refers to this most comfortable, yet mysterious, manifesta- tion. " I know," J says he, " a man in Christ fourteen years ago § (whether in the body, I cannot tell, or whether out of the body, I cannot teU; God knoweth) such an one caught up to the third heaven. And I know such a man (whether in the body, or out of the body, I cannot tell ; God know- eth) that he was caught up into paradise, and heard un- speakable words which it is not la^\^id for man to utter." || The present position of the apostle explains the design of this sublime and delightful vision. As Moses was en- couraged to undertake the deliverance of his countrymen when God appeared to him in the burning bush, !! and as Isaiah was emboldened to go forth, as the messenger of the Lord of hosts, when he saw Jehovah sitting upon His throne attended by the seraphim,** so Paul was stirred up by an equally impressive revelation to gird himself for the * Acts xii. 2. t Acts xxii. 17-21. % I here partially adopt the translation of Conybeare and Howson. Their work is one of the most valuable contributions to sacred Uterature which has appeared in the present centuiy. § The Second Epistle to the Corinthians was written about fourteen years after this, or towards the close of a.d. 57. See Chap. IX. of this Section. The Jews often reckoned current time as if it were complete. II 2 Cor. xii. 2-4. IF Exodus iii. 2-10. ** Isaiah vi. 1, 2, 8, 9. OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 69 laboiu's of a new appointment. He was about to commence a more extensive missionary career, and before entering upon so great and so perilous an undertaking, the King of kings condescended to encourage kim by admitting him to a gracious audience, and by permitting him to enjoy some glimpses of the glory of those reahns of light where " they that be wise shall shine as the brightness of the firmament, and they that turn many to righteousness as the stars for ever and ever." CHAPTEE V. THE ORDINATION OF PAUL AND BARNABAS ; THEIR MISSIONARY TOUR IN ASIA MINOR ; AND THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. A.D. 44 TO A.D. 51. Soon after returning from Jerusalem to Antioch, Paul was formally invested with his new commission. His fellow- deputy, Barnabas, was appointed, as his coadjutor, in this important service. " Now," says the evangelist, " there were in the church that was at Antioch -certain prophets and teachers, as Barnabas, and Simeon that was called Niger, and Lucius of Cyrene, and Manaen, which had been brought up with Herod the tetrarch, and Saul. As they ministered to the Lord and fasted, the Holy Ghost said — Separate me Barnabas and Saul for the work whereunto I have called them. And when they had fasted, and prayed, and laid their hands on them, they sent them away." * Ten years had now elapsed since the conversion of Paul ; and during the greater part of this period, he had been busily engaged in the dissemination of the gospel. In the days of his Judaism the learned Pharisee had, no doubt, been accustomed to act as a teacher in the synagogues, and, when he became obedient to the faith, he was permitted, as a matter of course, to expound his new theology in the Christian assemblies. Barnabas, his companion, was a Levite ; t and as his tribe was specially charged with the * Acts xiii. 1-3. f Acts iv. 36. ORDINATION OF PAUL AND BARNABAS. 7l duty of public instruction, * lie too liad probably been a preacher before liis conversion. Both these men had been called of God to labour as evangelists, and the Head of the Church had already abundantly honoured their ministra- tions; but hitherto neither of them seems to have been clothed wdth pastoral authority by any regular ordination. Their constant presence in Antioch was now no lono-er necessary, so that they were thus left at liberty to prosecute their missionary operations in the great field of heathendom ; and at this juncture it was deemed necessary to designate them, in due form, to their "ministry and apostleship." " The Holy Ghost said — Separate me Barnabas and Said for the work whereunto I have called them.'' When we con- sider the present circumstances of these two brethren, we may see, not only why these instructions were given, but also why their observance has been so distinctly registered. It is apparent that Barnal^as and Saul were now called to a position of higher responsibility than that which they had previously occupied. They had heretofore acted simply as preachers of the Christian doctrine. Prompted by love to their common Master, and by a sense of individual obli- gation, they had endeavoured to difiiise all around them a knowledge of the Eedeemer. They taught in the name of Jesus, just because they possessed the gifts and the graces required for such a service ; and, as their labours were acknowledged of God, they were encouraged to persevere. But they were now to go forth as a solemn deputation, under the sanction of the Church, and not only to proclaim the truth, but also to baptize converts, to organise Christian congregations, and to ordain Christian ministers. It was, therefore, proper, that, on this occasion, they shoidd be regularly invested with the ecclesiastical commission. On other grounds it was desirable that the mission of Barnabas and Paul should be thus inaugurated. Though * Deut. xsxiii. 10. 72 ORDINATION OF PAUL AND BARNABAS. the apostles had been lately driven from Jerusalem, and though the Jews were exhibiting increasing aversion to the gospel, the Church was, notwithstanding, about to expand with extraordinary vigour by the ingathering of the Gentiles. In reference to these new members Paul and Barnabas pursued a l^old and independent course, advocat- ing views which many regarded as dangerous, latitudinarian, and profane; for they maintained that the ceremonial law was not binding on the converts from heathenism. Their adoption of this principle exposed them to much suspicion and obloquy ; and because of the tenacity with which they persisted in its vindication, not a few were disposed to question their credentials as expositors of the Christian faith. It was, therefore, expedient that their right to per- form all the apostolic functions should be placed above challenge. In some way, which is not particularly described, their appointment by the Spirit of God was accordingly made known to the Church at Antioch, and thus aU the remaining prophets and teachers, who officiated there, were warranted to testify that these two brethren had received a caU from heaven to engage in the work to which they were now designated. Their ordination, in obedience to this divine communication, was a decisive recognition of their spiritual authority. The Holy Ghost had attested their commission, and the ministers of Antioch, by the laying on of hands, set their seal to the truth of the oracle. Their title to act as founders of the Church was thus authenti- cated by evidence which coidd not be legitimately disputed. Paul himself obviously attached considerable importance to this transaction, and he afterwards refers to it in language of marked emphasis, when, in the beginning of the Epistle to the Komans, he introduces himself as "a servant of Jesus Christ, called to be an apostle, separated unto the gospel of God:"' * Bom. i. 1. ORDINATION OF PAUL AND BARNABAS. 73 In the circumstantial record of this proceeding, to be found in the Acts of the Apostles, we have a proof of the wisdom of the Author of Kevelation. He foresaw that the rite of "the laying on of hands'' would be sadly abused; that it would be represented as possessing something like a magic potency ; and that it would be at length converted, by a small class of ministers, into an ecclesiastical monopoly. He has, therefore, supplied us with an antidote against delusion by permitting us, in this simple narrative, to scan its exact import. And what was the virtue of the ordina- tion here described'? Did it furnish Paul and Barnabas with a title to the ministry^ Not at all. God himself had already called them to the work, and they could receive no higher authorisation. Did it necessarily add anything to the eloquence, or the prudence, or the knowledge, or the piety, of the missionaries '? No results of the kind could be produced by any such ceremony. What then was its meaning'? The evangelist himself furnishes an answer. The Holy Ghost required that Barnabas and Saul should be separated to the work to which the Lord had called them, and the laying on of hands was the mode, ovform, in which they were set apart, or designated, to the office. This rite, to an Israelite, suggested grave and hallowed associations. "When a Jewish father invoked a benediction on any of his family, he laid his hand upon the head of the child ; "'" when a Jewish priest devoted an animal in sacrifice, he laid his hand upon the head of the victim ;t and when a Jewish ruler invested another with office, he laid his hand upon the head of the new functionary.;]: The ordination of these brethren possessed all this significance. By the laying on of hands the ministers of Antioch implored a blessing on Barnabas and Saul, and announced their separation, or dedication, to the work of the gospel, and intimated their investiture with ecclesiastical authority. * Gen. xlviii. 13-15. t Lev. viii. 18, and iv. 4. X ^"•^i^i- ^=^^ii- 18. 74 ORDINATION OF PAUL AND BARNABAS. It is worthy of note that the parties who acted as or- dainers were not dignitaries, planted here and there through- out the Church, and selected for this service on account of their official pre-eminence. They were all, at the time, con- nected with the Christian community assembling in the city which was the scene of the inauguration. It does not ap- pear that any individual amongst them claimed the prece- dence; all engaged on equal terms in the performance of this interesting ceremony. We cannot mistake the official standing of these brethren if we only mark the nature of the duties in which they were ordinarily occupied. They were " prophets and teachers ;" they were sound scriptural expositors ; some of them, perhaps, were endowed with the gift of prophetic interpretation ; and they were aU employed in imparting theological instruction. Though the name is / not here expressly given to them, they were, at least vir- l tuaUy, " the elders who laboiu'ed in the word and doctrine."'"" / Paul, therefore, was ordained by the laying on of the hands I of the Presbytery of Antioch.t J If the narrative of Luke was designed to illustrate the question of ministerial ordination, it jDlainly suggests that the power of Church rulers is very circumscribed. They have no right to refuse the laying on of hands to those whom God has called to the work of the gospel, and who, by their gifts and graces, give credible evidences of their holy vocation ; and they are not at liberty to admit the irreligious or incompetent to ecclesiastical offices. In the sight of the Most High the ordination to the pastorate of * 1 Tim. V. 17. t This portion of the apostoHc history may iUustrate 1 Tim. iv. 14, for Paul had official authority coufen-ed on him " by jjrophecy," or in consequence of a revelation made, perhaps, through one of the prophets of Antioch, " with the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery." Something similar, probably, oc- curred in the case of Timothy. But, in ordinary circumstances, the rulers of the Church must judge of a divine call to the ministry from the gifts and graces of the candidate for ordination. PAUL AND BARNABAS IN ASIA MINOR. 75 an indmdual morally and mentally disqualified is invalid and impious. Immediately after their ordination Paul and Barnabas entered on their apostolic mission. Leaving Antioch they quickly reached Seleucia'"' — a city distant about twelve miles — and from thence passed on to Cyprus,t the native country of Barnabas.J They probably spent a considerable time in that large island. It contained several towns of note ; it was the residence of great numbers of Jews ; and the degraded state of its heathen inhabitants may be in- feiTcd from the fact that Venus was their tutelary goddess. The preaching of the apostles in this place appears to have created an immense sensation ; their fame at length attracted the attention of persons of the highest distinction ; and the heart of Paul was cheered by the accession of no less illus- trious a convert than Sergius Paulus,§ the Eoman proconsul. Departing from Cj-prus, Paul and Barnabas now set sail for Asia Minor, where they landed at Perga in Pamphylia. Here John Mark, the nephew of Barnabas, by whom they had been hitherto accompanied, refused to proceed further. He seems to have been intimidated by the prospect of ac- cumulating difficulties. From many, on religious grounds, they had reason to anticipate a most discouraging reception ; and the land journey now before them was otherwise beset with dangers. Whilst engaged in it, Paul seems to have experienced those "perils of waters," or of " rivers," || and " perils of robbers," which he afterwards mentions ; for the hiohlands of Asia IVIinor were infested with banditti, and the mountain streams often rose with frightful rapidity, and swept away the unwary stranger. John Mark now returned * Acts xiii. 4. t Acts xiii. 4. X Acts iv. 36. § Until this date we read of " Barnabas and Saul," now of " Paul and Bar- nabas." Paul was the Roman, and Saul the Hebrew name of the gi-eat apostle. His superior qualifications had now full scope for development, and accord- ingly, as he takes the lead, he is henceforth generally named before Barnabas. 11 2 Cor. xi. 26, — norafiiov. 76 PAUL AND BARNABAS IN ASIA MINOR. to Jerusalem, and, at a subsequent period, we find Paul refusing, in consequence, to receive him as a travelling companion.'"' But though Barnabas was then dissatisfied because the apostle continued to be distrustful of his relative, and though " the contention was so sharp " between these two eminent heralds of the cross that "they departed asunder one from the other,"t the return of this young minister from Perga appears to have led to no change in their present arrangements. Continuing their journey into the interior of the country, they now preached in Antioch of Pisidia, in Iconium, in " Lystra and Derbe, cities of Lyca- onia," and in " the region that heth round about."j: When they had proceeded thus far, they began to retrace their steps, and again visited the places where they had previously suc- ceeded in collecting congregations. They now supplied their converts with a settled ministry. When they had presided in every church at an appointment of elders,§ in which the choice was determined by popular sufirage,|| and when they had prayed with fasting, they laid their hands on the elected ofiice-bearers, and in this form " commended them to the Lord on whom they believed." Having thus planted the gospel in many districts which had never be- fore been trodden by the feet of a Christian missionary, they returned to Antioch in Syria to rehearse " all that God had done with them, and how he had opened the door of faith unto the Gentiles."1[ Paul and Barnabas spent about six years in this first tour ; ■^'''"" and, occasionally, when their ministrations were * Acts XV. 38. t Acts xv. 39. + Acts xiv. 6. § Acts xiv. 23. II XfipoTovTjo-avTes Se avrols Kar eKKXrjcrlav TrpeajBvTepovs. — The interpretation given in the text is sanctioned by the highest authorities. See Rothe's " Anfange cler Christlichen Kirche," p. 150 ; Alford on Acts xiv. 23 ; Burton's " Lectures," i. 150; Baumgarten's "Acts of the Apostles," Acts xiv. 23; Litton's " Church of Christ," p. 595. IT Acts xiv. 27. ** They set out on the mission probably in a.d. 44, and returned to Antioch in A.D. 50. The Council of Jerusalem took place the year following. ? ^ PAUL AND BARNABAS IN ASIA MINOR. 77 likely to exert a wide and permanent influence, remained long in particular localities. The accomit of their designa- tion, and of their labours in Cyprus, Pamphylia, Lycaonia, and the surrounding regions, occupies two whole chapters of the Acts of the Apostles. The importance of their mis- sion may be estimated from this lengthened notice. Chris- tianity now greatly extended its base of operations, and shook paganism in some of its strongholds. In every place which they visited, the apostles observed a uniform plan of procedure. In the first instance, they made their appeal to the seed of Abraham; as they were themselves learned Israelites, they were generally permitted, on their arrival in a town, to set forth the claims of Jesus of Nazareth in the synagogue; and it was not until the Jews had exhibited a spirit of unbelief, that they turned to the heathen popula- tion. In the end, by far the majority of their converts were reclaimed idolaters. " The Gentiles were glad, and glorified the word of the Lord, and as many as were or- dained to eternal life, believed."'" Astonished at the mighty miracles exhibited by the two missionaries, the pagans imagined that " the gods " had come down to them " in the likeness of men ; " and at Lystra the priest of Jupi- ter " brought oxen and garlands unto the gates, and would have done sacrifice with the people ; " t but the Jews looked on in sullen incredulity, and kept alive an active and im- placable opposition. At Cyprus, the apostles had to con- tend against the craft of a Je^vish conjuror; if at Antioch, " the Jews stirred up the devout and honourable women, and the chief men of the city, and raised persecution " against them, " and expelled them out of their coasts ; " § at Iconium, the Jews again " stirred up the Gentiles, and made their minds evil affected against the brethren ; " || and at Lystra, the same parties " persuaded the people, and having * Acts xiii. 48. t Acts xiv. 13. X Acts xiii. G-8. § Acts xiii. 50. || Acts xiv. 2. 78 PAUL AND BARNABAS IN ASIA MINOR. stoned Paul, drew liim out of the city, supposing he had been dead."'"' The trials through which he now 2:>assed seem to have made an indelible impression on the mind of the great apostle, and in the last of his epistles, written many years afterwards, he refers to them as among the most formidable he encountered in his perilous career. Timothy, who at this time must have been a mere boy, appears to have witnessed some of these ebullitions of Jew- ish malignity, and to have marked with admiration the heroic spirit of the heralds of the Cross. Paul, when about to be decapitated by the sword of Nero, could, therefore, appeal to the evangelist, and could fearlessly declare that, twenty years before, when his life was often at stake, he had not quailed before the terrors of martyrdom. " Thou," says he, " hast fully known my long-suffering, charity, patience, persecutions, afHictions, which came unto me at A^itiocli, at Iconium, at Lystra, what persecutions I en- dured, but, out of them all, the Lord delivered me." t The hostile efforts of the Jews did not arrest the gospel in its triumphant career. The truth prevailed mightily among the Gentiles, and the great influx of converts began to impart an entirely new aspect to the Christian com- munity. At first the Church consisted exclusively of Israel- ites by birth, and all who entered it still continued to observe the institutions of Moses. But it was now evident that the number of its Gentile adherents would soon very much preponderate, and that, ere long, the keeping of the typical law would become the peculiarity of a small minor- ity of its members. Many of the converted Jews were by no means prepared for such an alternative. They prided themselves upon their divinely-instituted worship; and, misled by the fallacy that whatever is appointed by God can never become obsolete, they conceived that the spread of Christianity must be connected with the extension of * Acts xiv. 19. t 2 Tim. iii. 10, 11. THE CIRCUMCISION CONTROVERSY, 79 their national ceremonies. They accordingly asserted that the commandment relative to the initiatory ordinance of Judaism was binding upon all admitted to Christian fellow- ship. " Certain men which came down from Judea " to Antioch, " taught the brethren, and said, Except ye be circumcised after the manner of Moses, ye cannot be saved." '" Paul was eminently qualified to deal with such errorists. There was a time when he had valued himself upon his Pharisaic strictness, but when God revealed to him His glory in the face of Jesus Christ, he was taught to distin- guish between a living faith, and a dead formalism. He still maintained his social status, as one of the " chosen people," by the keeping of the law ; but he knew that it merely prefigui'ed the great redemption, and that its types and shadoAVS must quickly disappear before the light of the gospel. He saw, too, that the arguments m'ged for circum- cision could also be employed in behalf of all the Levitical arrangements,! and that the tendency of the teaching of these " men which came down from Judea " was to encum- ber the disciples with the weight of a superannuated ritual. Nor was this all. The apostle was well aware that the spirit which animated these Judaising zealots was a spirit of self-righteousness. When they " taught the brethren and said, Except ye be circumcised after the manner of Moses, ye cannot he saved," they subverted the doctrine of justification by faith alone. | A sinner is saved as soon as he believes on the Lord Jesus Christ,§ and he requires neither circumcision, nor any other ordinance, to complete his pardon. Baptism is, indeed, the sign by which beUevers solemnly declare their acceptance of the gospel, and the seal by which God is graciously pleased to recognise them * Acts XV. 1. t This inference was indeed admittetL See Acts xv. 5, 24. X Gal. V. 2-4, vi. 13, 14. § Acts xvi. 31 ; John iii. 36. 80 THE CIRCUMCISION CONTROVERSY, as lieirs of tlie righteousness of faith ; and yet even baptism is not essential to salvation, for the penitent thief, though unbaptizecl, was admitted into paradise.""' But circumcision is no part of Christianity at all; it does not so much as indicate that the individual who submits to it is a believer in Jesus. Faith in the Saviour is the only and the perfect way of justification. " Blessed are all they that put their trust in him," t for Christ will, without fail, conduct to glory all who commit themselves to His guidance and pro- tection. Those who trust in Him cannot but love Him, and those who love Him cannot but delight to do His will ; and as faith is the root of holiness and happiness, so unbe- lief is the fountain of sin and misery. But though the way of salvation by faith can only be spiritually discerned, many seek to make it palpable by connecting it with cer- tain visible institutions. Faith looks to Jesus as the only way to heaven; superstition looks to some outward obser- vance, such as baptism or circumcision, (which is only a finger-post on the way,) and confounds it with the way itself. Faith is satisfied with a very simple ritual ; super- stition wearies itself with the multij^licity of its minute observances. Faith holds communion with the Saviour in all His appointments, and rejoices in Him with joy un- speakable; superstition leans on forms and ceremonies, and is in bondage to these beggarly elements. No wonder then that the attempt to impose on the converted Gentiles the rites of both Christianity and Judaism encountered such resolute opposition. Paul and Barnabas at once withstood its abettors, and had " no small dissension and disputation with them." J It was felt, however, that a matter of such grave importance merited the consideration of the collective wisdom of the Church, and it was accordingly agreed to send these two brethren, " and certain other of them " " to * Luke xxiii. 43. + Ps. ii. 12. J Acts xv. ii. THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. 81 Jerusalem uuto the apostles and elders about tliis ques- tion." * It is not stated that the Judaising teachers confined their interference to Antioch, and the subsequent narrative aj^pa- rently indicates that the deputation to Jerusalem acted on behalf of all the Churches in Syria and Cilicia.t The Chris- tian societies scattered throughout Pamphylia, Lycaonia, and some other districts of Asia Minor, do not seem to have been directly concerned in sending forward the commis- sioners; but as these communities had been collected and organised by Paul and Barnabas, they doubtless considered that they were represented by their founders, and they at once acceded to the decision of the assembly which met in the Jewish metropolis.| That assembly approached, per- haps, more closely than any ecclesiastical convention that has ever since been held, to the character of a general coun- cil. It is pretty clear that its deliberations must have taken place at the time of one of the great annual festivals, for, seven or eight years before, the apostles had commenced their travels as missionaries, and except about the season of the Passover or of Pentecost, the Syrian deputation could have scarcely reckoned on finding them in the holy city. It is not said that the officials who were to be considted belonged exclusively to Jerusalem. § They, not improbably, included the elders throughout Palestine who usually re- paired to the capital to celebrate the national solemnities. This meeting, therefore, seems to have been constructed on a broader basis than what a superficial reading of the nar- • Acts XV. 2. t Acts XV. 2.3, 24, 41. X Acts xvi. 4. § Paul aud Barnabas, with the other deputies, were sent " to Jerusalem unto the apostles and elders " (Acts xv. 2) ; " when they were come to Jerusalem, they were received of the church, and of the apostles and elders " (Acts xv. 4) ; aud the decrees are said to have been ordained " of the apostles and elders which were at Jerusalem " (Acts xvi. 4) ; but not one of these statements necessarily implies that these rulers were exclusively elders of the Church of Jeruscdem. F 82 THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. rative might suggest. Amongst its members were tlie older apostles, as well as Barnabas and Paul, so that it contained the principal founders of the Jewish and Gentile Churches : there were also present the elders of Jerusalem, and depu- ties from Antioch, that is, the representatives of the two most extensive and influential Christian societies in exist- ence : whilst commissioners from the Churches of Syria and Cilicia, and elders from various districts of the holy land, were, perhaps, likewise in attendance. The Universal Church was thus fairly represented in this memorable Synod. The meeting was held a.d, 51, and Paul, exactly fourteen years before,* had visited Jerusalem for the first time after his conversion.! So little was then known of his remark- able history, even in the chief city of Judea, that when he "assayed to join himself to the disciples,, they were all afraid of him, and believed not that he was a disciple;" J but now his position was completely changed, and he was felt to be one of the most influential personages who took part in the proceedings of this important convention. Some have maintained that the whole multitude of believers in the Jewish capital deliberated and voted on the question in dis- pute, but there is certainly nothing in the statement of the evangelist to warrant such an inference. It is very evident that the disciples in the holy city were not prepared to * It has been argued by Burton (" Lectures," vol. i. p. 122), that the first visit of Paul to Jerusalem after his conversion took place about the time of one of the great festivals, as he is said, on the occasion, to have " disputed against the Grecians" (Acts ix. 29), who were likely then to have been very numerous in the city. If he arrived now at the time of the same festival, the interval must have been precisely fourteen years. t Gal. ii. 1. Some make these fourteen years to include the three years mentioned Gal. i. 18, but this interpretation does violence to the language of the apostle. The system of chronology here adojjted requires no such forced expositions. Paul came to Jerusalem three years after his conversion, that is, in A.D. 37; and fourteen years after, that is, in a.d. .51, he was at this Synod. X Acts ix. 26. THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. 83 approve unanimously of the decision which was actually adopted, for we are told that, long afterwards, they were " all zealous of the law," ^'^ and that they looked with ex- treme suspicion on Paul himself, because of tlie lax prin- ciples, in reference to its obligation, which he was under- stood to patronise. t When he arrived in Jerusalem on this mission he found there a party determined to insist on the circumcision of the converts from heathenism ; | he com- plains of the opposition he now encountered from these "false brethren unawares brought in;"§ and, when he re- turned to Antioch, he was followed by emissaries from the same bigoted and persevering faction. || It is quite clear, then, that the finding of the meeting, mentioned in the fifteenth chapter of the Acts, did not "please all the mem- bers of the church of the metropolis. The apostle says expressly that he communicated "privately" on the subject with " them which were of reputation," II and in the present state of feeling, especially in the head-quarters of Judaism, Paul would have recoiled from the discussion of a question of such delicacy before a promiscuous congregation. The resolution now agreed upon, when subsequently mentioned, is set forth as the act, not of the whole body of the disciples, but of "the apostles and elders,"** and as they were the arbiters to whom the appeal was made, they were obviously the only parties competent to pronounce a deliverance. Two or three expressions of doubtful import, which occur in connexion with the history of the meeting, have induced some to infer that aU the members of the Church of Jeru- salem were consulted on this occasion. It is said that " all * Acts xxi. 20. t Acts xxi. 21. % Acts xv. 5. § Gal. ii. 4. It is here taken for granted that the visit to Jerusalem, men- tioned in the second chapter of the Epistle to the Galatians, is the same as that described in the fifteenth of Acts. Paul says that he went up " by reve- lation " (Gal. ii. 2), — a statement from which it appears that he was divinely instructed to adopt this method of settling the question. II GaL ii. 12. IT Gal. ii. 2. ** Acts xvi. 4, xxi. 25. 84 THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. the multitude kept silence and gave audience to Barnabas and Paul;'"' that it "pleased the apostles and elders with the whole church to send chosen men of their own company to Antioch : " t and, according to our current text, that the epistle, intrusted to the care of these commissioners, pro- ceeded from "the apostles and elders and brethren."^ But " the whole church," and " all the multitude," merely sig- nify the whole assembly present, and do not necessarily imply even a very numerous congregation. § Some, at least, of the " certain other" deputies || sent with Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem, were, in all likelihood, disposed to doubt or dispute their views; as it is not probable that a dis- tracted constituency would have consented to the appoint- ment of commissioners, all of whom were already committed to the same sentiments. AVhen, therefore, the evangelist reports that the proposal made by James "pleased the apostles and elders with the whole Church," he thus designs to intimate that it met the universal approval of the meet- ing, including the deputies on both sides. There were prophets, and others possessed of extraordinary endowments, in the early Church,1[ and, as some of these were, no doubt, at this time in Jerusalem,** we can scarcely suppose that they were not permitted to be present in this deliberative assembly. If we adoj)t the received reading of the super- scription of the circular letter,f t the " brethren," who are there distinguished from " the apostles and elders," were, in all likelihood, these gifted members.Q But, according to * Acts XV. 12. t Acts XV. 22. J Acts xv. 23. § The expression here used — "the multitude" (to ttX^^os) — is repeatedly applied in the New Testament to the Sanhedrim, a court consisting of not more than seventy-two members. See Luke xxiii. 1 ; Acts xxiii. 7. There were probably more individuals present at this meeting. II Acts XV. 2. IT 1 Cor. xii. 28 ; Eph. iv. 11. ** In Acts xi. 27, we read of " prophets" who came " from Jerusalem unto Antioch." tt Acts XV. 23. " The apostles, and elders, and brethren." XX The context may appear to be favourable to this interpretation, for the THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. 85 the testimony of the l)est and most ancient manuscripts, the true reading of the commencement of this encyclical e23istle is, "The apostles and elders hretliren."^^ As the Syrian deputies Avere commissioned to consult, not the general body of Christians at Jerusalem, but the apostles and elders, this reading, now recognised as genuine by the highest critical authorities, is sustained by the whole tenor of the narrative. The same parties who " came together to consider of this matter" also framed the decree. The apostles and elders brethren were the only individuals offi- cially concerned in this important transaction, t In this council the apostles acted, not as men oracularly pronouncing the will of the Eternal, but, as ordinary church rulers, proceeding, after careful inquiry, to adopt the sug- gestions of an enlightened judgment. One passage of the S}Tiodical epistle has been supposed to countenance a dif- ferent conclusion, for those assembled " to consider of this matter" are represented as saying to the Syrian and Cili- cian Churches — " It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us to lay upon you no greater burden"^ than the restrictions which are presently enumerated. But it is to be observed two deputies now cliosen — " Judas surnamed Barsabas, and Silas " — who are said to have been " chief men among the brethren " (ver. 22), ai'e Hkewise described as " prophets also themselves" (ver. 32). In Acts xviii. 27, " the brethren" appear to be distinguished from "the disciples." * This reading, which is adopted by Mill in the Prolegomena to his New Testament, as well as by Lachmann, Neander, Alford, and Tregelles, is sup- ported by the authority of the Codex Vaticanus, the Codex Alexandrinus, the Codex Ephrsemi, and the Codex Bezse. It is likewise to be found in by far the most valuable cm-sive MS. yet known. It is confirmed also by the early testimony of Irenseus, and by the Latin of the Codex Beza), a version more ancient than the Vulgate, as well as by the Vulgate itself. The reading in the textus receptus may be accounted for by the growth of the doctrine of aposto- lical succession ; as, when the hierarchy was in its glory, transcribers could not vmderstand how the apostles and elders could be fellow presbyters. t It is worthy of note that Peter, fourteen or fifteen years afterwards, speaks in the style here indicated. Thus he says — " The elders which are among you, I exhort, who am also an elder'''* (a-vfiTrpfo-^vTepos). — (1 Pet. v. L) X Acts XV. 28. 86 THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. that this is the lanejuasfe of " the elders brethren," as well as of the apostles, so that it must have been used by many who made no pretensions to inspiration ; and it is apparent from the context that the council here merely reproduces an argument against the Judaizers which had been always felt to be irresistible. The Gentiles had received the Spirit " by the hearing of faith," '" and not by the ordinance of circumcision; and hence it was contended that the Holy Ghost himself had decided the question. Peter, therefore, says to the meeting held at Jerusalem — "God, which knoweth the hearts, bare them witness, giving them the Holy Ghost, even as he did unto us; and put no difference be- tween us and them, j)urifying their hearts by faith. Now, therefore, why tempt ye God, to put a yoke upon the neck of the disciples, which neither our fathers, nor we, were able to bear T't He had employed the same reasoning long be- fore, in defence of the baptism of Cornelius and his friends. *' The Holy Ghost," said he, " fell on them Forasmucli, then, as God gave them the like gift as he did unto us, who believed on the Lord Jesus Christ, — ivhat ivas I that I could withstand Godf'\ When, then, the members of the council here declared, " It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us,"§ they thus simply intimated that they were shut up to the arrangement which they now announced — that God himself, by imparting His Spirit to those who had not re- ceived the rite of circumcision, had already settled the con- troversy— and that, as it had seemed good to the Holy Ghost not to impose the ceremonial law upon the Gentiles, so it also seemed good to " the apostles and elders brethren." But whilst the abundant outpouring of the Spirit on the Gentiles demonstrated that they could be sanctified and * Gal. iii. 2. t Acts xv. 8-10. :|: Acts xi. 15, 17. § This style of speaking was used by councils in after-ages, and often in cases when it was singularly inappropriate. THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. 87 saved without circumcisiou, and whilst the Most High had thus proclaimed their freedom from the yoke of the Jewish ritual, it is plain that, in regard to this point, as well as other matters noticed in the letter, the writers sjDeak as the accredited interpreter's of the will of Jehovah. They state that it seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to them to re- quire the converts from paganism " to abstain from meats offered to idols, and from blood, and from things strangled, and from fornication."'' And yet, without any special revelation, they might have felt themselves warranted to give such instructions in such language, for surely they M^ere at liberty to say that the Holy Ghost had interdicted forni- cation ; and, as the expounders of the doctrine of Christian expediency,! their views may have been so clear that they could speak with equal confidence as to the duty of the disciples imder present circumstances to abstain from blood, and from things strangled, and from meats offered to idols. If they possessed " the full assurance of understanding " as to the course to be pursued, they doubtless deemed it right to signify to their correspondents that the decision which they now promulgated was, not any arbitrary or hasty de- liverance, but the very " mind of the Spirit" either expressly communicated in the "Word, or deduced from it by good and necessary inference. In this way they aimed to reach the conscience, and they knew that they thus furnished the most potential argument for submission. It may at first sight appear strange that whilst the apostles, and those who acted with them at this meeting, condemned the doctrine of the Judaizers, and affirmed that circumcision was not obligatory on the Gentiles, they, at the same time, required the converts from paganism to observe a part of the Hebrew ritual ; and it may seem quite as ex- traordinary that, in a letter which was the fruit of so much deliberation, they placed an immoral act, and a number of * Acts XV. 29. t See 1 Cor. x. 23, 31, 32. 88 THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. merely ceremonial usages, in the same catalogue. But, on mature reflection, we may recognise their tact and Christian prudence in these features of their communication. Forni- cation was one of the crjdng sins of Gentilism, and, except when it interfered with social arrangements, the heathen did not even acknowledge its criminality. When, therefore, the new converts were furnished with the welcome intelli- gence that they were not obliged to submit to the painful rite of circumcision, it was well, at the same time, to remind them that there were lusts of the flesh which they were bound to mortify; and it was expedient that, whilst a vice so prevalent as fornication should be specified, they should be distinctly warned to beware of its pollutions. For another reason they were directed to abstain from " meats offered to idols." It often happened that what had been presented at the shrine of a false god was afterwards ex- posed for sale, and the council cautioned the disciples against partaking of such food, as they might thus appear to give a species of sanction to idolatry, as well as tempt weak brethren to go a step further, and directly countenance the superstitions of the heathen worship.''" The meeting also instructed the faithful in Syria and Cilicia to abstain from " blood and from things strangled," because the Jewish con- verts had been accustomed from infancy to regard aliment of this description with abhorrence, and they could scarcely be expected to sit at meat with parties who partook of such dishes. Though the use of them was lawful, it was, at least for the present, not expedient ; and on the same principle that, whether we eat, or drink, or whatever we do, we should do all to the glory of God, the Gentile converts were admonished to remove them from their tables, that no * " Since the eating of such food, as Paul expressly teaches (1 Cor. x. 19, 33), was not sinful in itself, and yet to be avoided out of tenderness to those who thought it so, the abstinence here recommended must be understood in the same manner." — Alexander on the Acts, ii. 84. THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. 89 barrier might be raised up in the way of social or ecclesias- tical communion with their brethren of the seed of Abraham. It was high time for the authoritative settlement of a question at once so perplexing and so delicate. It already- threatened to create a schism in the Chiu'ch; and the amtation, which had commenced before the meetino; of the council, was not immediately quieted. When Peter visited Antioch shortly afterwards, he at first triumphed so far over his prejudices as to sit at meat with the converts from paganism; but when certain sticklers for the law arrived from Jerusalem, " he withdrew, and separated himself, fear- ing them which were of the circumcision." * The " decree " of the apostles and elders undoubtedly implied the lawful- ness of eating with the Gentiles, but it contained no express injunction on the subject, and Peter, who was now about to " go unto the circumcision," t and who was, therefore, most anxious to conciliate the Jews, may have pleaded this technical objection in defence of his inconsistency. It is said that others, from whom better things might have been expected, followed his example, " insomuch that Barnabas also was carried away with their dissimulation." \ But, on this critical occasion, Paul stood firm; and his bold and energetic remonstrances appear to have had the effect of preventing a division which must have been most detri- mental to the interests of infant Christianity. * Gal. ii. 12. t Gal. ii. 9. X Gal. ii. 13. CHAPTER VL THE INTRODUCTION OF THE GOSPEL INTO EUROPE, AND THE MINISTRY OF PAUL AT PHILIPPI. A.D. 52. After the Council of Jerusalem, the gospel continued its prosperous career. When Paul had remained for some time at Antioch, where he returned with the deputation, he set out to visit the Churches of Syria and Cilicia; and then travelled through Lycaonia, Galatia, and some other por- tions of Asia Minor. He was now directed, by a vision,"^'^ to pass over into Greece ; and about the spring of a.d. 52, or twenty-one years after the crucifixion, Europe was entered, for the first time, by the Apostle of the Gentiles. Paul commenced his ministry in this new sphere of labour by announcing the great salvation to the inhabitants of Philippi, a city of Macedonia, and a Eoman colony.t Nearly a century before, two powerful factions, contend- ing for the government of the Roman world, had converted the district now visited into a theatre of war; immense armies had been here drawn out in hostile array; and two famous battles, which issued in the overthrow of the Republic, had been fought in this very neighbourhood. The victor had rewarded some of his veterans by gi'^ang them possessions at Philippi. The Christian missionary entered, as it were, the suburbs of the great metropolis of * Acts xvi. 9. t Acts xvi. 12. PAUL AT PHILIPPI. 91 the West, when lie made his appearance in this military colony; for, it had the same privileges as the towais of Italy,'" and its inhabitants enjoyed the status of Eoman citizens. Here he now originated a spiritual revolution which eventually changed the face of Europe. The Jews had no synagogue in Philippi; but, in places such as this, where their numbers were few, they were wont, on the Sabbath, to meet for worship by the side of some river in which they could conveniently perform their ablutions; and Paul accordingly repaired to the banks of the Gangi- tas,t where he expected to find them assembled for devo- tional exercises. A small oratory, or house of prayer, seems to have been erected on the spot; but the little society connected with it must have been particularly apathetic, as the apostle found only a few females in attendance. One of these was, however, the first-fruits of his mission to the Western continent. Lydia, a native of Thyatira, and a seller of purple, — a species of dye for which her birthplace had acquired celebrity, — was the name of the convert ; and though the gospel may already have made some progress in Eome, it must be admitted that, in as far as direct historical testimony is concerned, this woman has the best claim to be recognised as the mother of Euroj^ean Christi- anity. It is said that she "worshi23ped God,"| that is, though a Gentile, she had been proselyted to the Jewish faith ; and the history of her conversion is given by the evangelist with remarkable clearness and simplicity. " The Lord (ypened her heart that she attended unto the things that were spoken of PauL"§ When she and her family were baptized, she entreated the missionaries to "come into her house and abide there" during their sojourn in * " The Jus Italicum raised provincial land to the same state of immunity from taxation which belonged to land in Italy." — Conyheare and Jlowson, i. *^ 302, note. t Not the Strymon. See Conybeare and Howson, i. 316. X Acts xvi. 14. § Acts xvi. 14. 92 PAUL AT PHILirPI. the place; and, after some hesitation, they accepted the proffered hospitality. Another female acts a conspicuous part in connexion with this apostolic visit. " It came to pass," says Luke, " as we went to prayer, a certain damsel possessed with a spirit of divination met us, which brought her masters much gain by soothsaying : the same followed Paul and us, and cried, saying, These men are the servants of the Most High God, which shew unto us the way of salvation. And this did she many days." '"" It is quite j)ossible that even daemons have the power of discerning certain classes of future events with the quickness of intuition ; t and if, as the Scriptures testify, they have sometimes entered into human bodies, we can well understand how the individuals thus possessed have obtained credit for divination. In this way the dam- sel mentioned by the evangelist may have acquired her celebrity. We cannot explain how disembodied spirits maintain intercourse; but it is certain that they possess means of mutual recognition, and that they can be im- pressed by the presence of higher and holier intelligences. And as the approach of a mighty conqueror spreads dismay throughout the territory he invades, so when the Son of God appeared on earth, the devils were troubled at His pre- sence, and, in the agony of their terror, proclaimed His dignity.J It would appear that some influence of an ana- logous character operated on this Pythoness. The arrival of the missionaries in Philippi alarmed the powers of dark- ness, and the damsel, under the pressure of an impulse which she found it impossible to resist, told their commis- sion. But neither the apostles, nor our Lord, cared for * Acts xvi. 16-18. f They may have perceptive powers of which we can form no conception, and may thus discern the approach of particular events as distinctly as we can now calculate the ebb and flow of the tides, or the eclipses of the sun and moon. X Matt. viii. 28, 29 ; Mark i. 24, 25 ; Luke iv. 34, 35. PAUL AT PHILIPPI. 93 credentials of siich equivocal value. As this female fol- lowed the strangers through the streets, and in a loud voice announced their errand to the city, " Paul, being grieved, turned and said to the spirit, I command thee, in the name of Jesus Christ, to come out of her, and he came out the same hour." '' The unbelieving Jews had hitherto been the great perse- cutors of the Church; but now, for the first time, the apostles encountered opposition from another quarter; and the expulsion of the spirit from the damsel evoked the hos- tility of this new adversary. When the masters of the Pythoness " saw that the hope of their gains was gone, they caught Paul and Silas, and drew them into the market- place unto the rulers." t We here discover one great cause of the sufferings afterwards endured by the disciples of our Lord under the government of the pagan emperors. The Jews were prompted by mere bigotry to display hatred to the gospel, but the Gentiles were generally guided by the still more ignoble principle of selfishness. Many of the heathen multitude cared little for their idolatrous worship ; but all who depended for subsistence on the prevalence of superstition, such as the image-makers, the jugglers, the fortune-tellers, and a considerable number of the priests,^ were dismayed and driven to desperation by the progress of Christianity. They saw that, with its success, " the hope of their gains was gone ; " and, under pretence of zeal for the public interest, and for the maintenance of the " law- ful " ceremonies, they laboured to intimidate and oppress the adherents of the new doctrine. The appearance of the missionaries at Philippi must have created a profound sensation, as otherwise it is impossible * Acts xvi. 18. t Acts xvi. 19. X In some parts of the Empire magistrates and men of rank acted gratui- tously, but a large portion of the priests subsisted on the emohunents of office. 94 PAUL AT PHILIPPI. to account for the tumult which now occurred. The " mas- ters " of the damsel possessed of the " spirit of divination/' no doubt, took the initiatory step in the movement; but had not the public mind been in some degree prepared for their appeals, they could not have induced all classes of their fellow-citizens so soon to join in the persecution. " The multitude rose up together" at their call; the duum- , viri, or magistrates, rent off the clothes of the apostles with their own hands, and commanded them to be scourged ; the lictors " laid many stripes upon them ; " they were ordered to be kept in close confinement; and the jailer exceeded the exact letter of his instructions by thrusting them " into the inner prison," and by making " their feet fast in the stocks."* The power of Imperial Rome arrayed itself against the preachers of the gospel, and now distinctly gave note of warning of the approach of that long night of affliction throughout which the Church was yet to struggle. If the proceedings of the missionaries, before their com- mittal to prison, produced such a ferment, it is clear that the cii'cumstances attending their incarceration were not calculated to abate the excitement. It soon appeared that they had sources of enjoyment w^hich no human authority could either destroy or disturb; for as they lay in the pitchy darkness of their dungeon with their feet compressed in the stocks, their hearts overflowed Avith divine comfort. " At midnight Paul and Silas prayed, and sang iircdses unto God: and the prisoners heard them."t What must have been the wonder of the other inmates of the jail, as these sounds fell upon their ears ! Instead of a cry of distress issuing from " the inner prison," there was the cheerful voice of thanksgiving ! The apostles rejoiced that they were counted worthy to suffer in the service of Christ. The King of the Church sympathised with His oppressed saints, and speedily vouchsafed to them most wonderful tokens of encourage- * Acts xvi. 24. t Acts xvi. 25. PAUL AT PHILIPPI. 95 ment. Scarcely had they finished their song of praise when it was answered by a very significant response, pro- claiming that they were supported by a power which could crush the might of Kome. " Suddenly there was a great earthquake, so that the foundations of the prison were shaken, and immediately all the doors were opened, and every one's bands were loosed." '' It is not improbable that the mind of the jailer had already been ill at ease. He must have heard of the ex- traordinary history of the damsel with the spirit of divina- tion who announced that his prisoners were the servants of the Most High God, and that they shewed unto men the way of salvation. Eumour had, perhaps, supplied him with some information in reference to their doctrines ; and dm^ing even his short intercourse with Paul and Silas in the jail, he may have been impressed by much that he noticed in their spirit and deportment. But he had meanwhile gone to rest, and he remained asleep until roused by the noise and tremor of the earthquake. When he awoke and saw " the prison doors open," he was in a paroxysm of alarm ; and concluding that the prisoners had escaped, and that he might expect to be punished, perhaps capitally, for neglect of duty, he resolved to anticipate such a fate, and snatched his sword to commit suicide. At this moment, a voice issuing from the dungeon where the missionaries were con- fined, at once dispelled his fears as to the prisoners, and arrested him almost in the very act of self-murder. " Paul cried with a loud voice, saying — Do thyself no harm, for we are all here."t These words operated on the unhappy man like a shock of electricity. They instantaneously directed * Acts xvi. 26. t Acts xvi. 28. " By a singular historical coincidence, this very city of Philippi, or its neighbourhood, had been signalised within a hundred years, not only by the gi-eat defeat of Brutus and Cassius, but by the suicide of both, and by a sort of wholesale self-destruction on the part of their adherents." — Alexander on the Acts, ii. 122, 123. 96 PAUL AT PHILIPPL his tlioiiglits into another channel, and imparted intensity to feelings which had hitherto been comparatively dormant. The conviction flashed upon his conscience that the men whom he had so recently thrust into the inner prison were no imj^ostors; that they had, as they alleged, authority to treat of matters infinitely more important than any of the passing interests of time; that they had, verily, a commis- sion from heaven to teach the way of eternal salvation; and that he and others, who had taken part in their impri- sonment, had acted most iniquitously. For what now could be more evident than that the aj)Ostles were the servants of the Most High God'? When everything around them was enveloped in the gloom of midnight, they seemed able to tell what was passing all over the prison. How strange that, when the jailer was about to kill himself, a voice should issue from a diff'erent apartment saying — Do thyself no harm ! How strange that the very man whose feet, a few hours before, had been made fast in the stocks, should now be the giver of this friendly counsel ! How remark- able that, when all the doors were opened, no one attempted to escape ! And how extraordinary that, during the very night on which the apostles were imprisoned, the bands of all the inmates Avere loosed, and that the building was made to rock to its foundations ! Did not the earthquake indi- cate that He, whom the apostles served, was able to save and to destroy *? Did it not proclaim, trumpet-tongued, that He would surely punish their persecutors ? When the jailer thought on these things, well might he be paralysed with fear, and believing that the apostles alone could tell him how he was to obtain relief from the anxiety which oppressed his spirit, it is not strange that " he called for a light, and sprang in, and came trembling, and fell down before Paul and Silas, and brought them out, and said — Sirs, what must 1 do to be saved 1 " ''' * Acts xvi. 29, 30. PAUL AT PHILIPPI. 97 The missioDaries were prepared with a decisive reply to this earnest inquiry, and it is probable that their answer took the jailer by surprise. He expected, perhaps, to be called upon to do something, either to propitiate the apostles themselves, or to turn away the wrath of the God of the apostles. It is obvious, from the spirit which he manifested, that, to obtain peace of conscience, he was ready to go very far in the way of self-sacrifice. He may have been willing to part with his property, or to imperil his life, or to give " the fruit of his body for the sin of his soul." What, then, must have been his astonishment when he found that the divine mercy so far transcended anything he could have possibly anticipated ! With what satisfaction must he have listened to the assiu^ance that an atonement had already been made, and that the sinner is safe as soon as he lays the hand of faith on the head of the great Sacrifice! What delight must he have experienced when informed that imbelief alone could shut him out from heaven ; that the Son of God had died the just for the unjust; and that this almighty Saviour now waited to be gracious to — himself! How must the words of the apostles have thrilled through his soul, as he heard them repeating the invitation — " Be- lieve on the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved, and thy house."'" The jailer joyfully accepted the j^rofiered Deliverer; and felt that, resting on this Rock of Salvation, he was at peace. Though well aware that, by openly embracing the gospel, lie exposed himself to considerable danger, he did not shrink from the j)osition of a confessor. The love of Christ had obtained full possession of his soul, and he was quite pre- pared to suff"er in the service of his Divine Master. He took Paid, and Silas " the same hour of the night, and washed their stripes, and was baptized, he and all his, straightway ; and when he had brought them into his house, he set meat * Acts xvi. 31. G 98 PAUL AT PHILIPPI. before them, and rejoiced, believing in God with all his house." '"' It is highly probable that the shock of the earthquake was felt beyond the precincts of the jail, and that the events which had occurred there had soon been communicated to the city authorities. We can thus best account for the fact that "when it was day, the magistrates sent the Serjeants saying, Let those men go." t As it is not stated that the apostles had previously entered into any vindication of their conduct, it has been thought singular that they now declined to leave the prison without receiving an apology for the violation of their privileges as Eoman citizens. But this matter presents no real difficulty. The magistrates had yielded to the clamour of an infuriated mob; and, instead of giving Paul and Silas a fair opportunity of defence or explanation, had summarily consigned them to the custody of the jailer. These functionaries now seemed prepared to listen to remonstrance ; and Paul deemed it due to himself, and to the interests of the Christian Church, to complain of the illegal character of the proceedings from which he had suffered. He had been punished, without a trial; and fjcourged, though a Pom an citizen.;|: Hence, when informed that the duumviri had given orders for the liberation of himself and his companion, the apostle exclaimed — " They have beaten us openly uncondemned, being Romans, and have cast us into prison, and now do they thrust us out privily 1 Nay, verily, but let them come themselves, and fetch us out."§ These words, which were immediately reported by the Serjeants, or lictors, inspired the magistrates with apprehension, and suggested to them the expediency of conciliation. "And they came" to the prison to the * Acts xvi. 33, 34. t Acts xvi. 35. : X Paul says that he was " free bom " (Acts xxii. 28). It was unlawful to scourge a Roman citizen, or even, except in extraordinary cases, to imprison him without trial. He had also the privilege of appeal to the Em2)eror. § Acts xvi. 37. PAUL AT PHILIPPl. 99 apostles, " and besought them, and brought them out, and desired them to depart out of the city." ''' The missionaries did not, however, leave Philippi until they had another oppor- tunity of meeting with their converts. " They went out of the prison, and entered into the house of Lydia, and when they had seen the brethren, they comforted them and departed." t On the whole Paul and Silas had reason to thank God and take courage, when they reviewed their progress in the first European city which they visited. Though they had met with much opposition, their ministry had been greatly blessed; and, in the end, the magistrates, who had treated them with such severity, had felt it necessary to apologise. The extraordinary circumstances accompanying their im- prisonment must have made their case known to the whole body of the citizens, and thus secured a degree of attention to their preaching which could not have been otherwise expected. The Church, now established at Philippi, con- tained a number of most generous members, and Paul afterwards gratefully acknowledged the assistance he re- ceived from them. " Ye have well done," said he, " that ye did communicate with my affliction. Now, ye Philippians, know also, that in the beginning of the gospel, when I departed from Macedonia, no church communicated with me, as concerning giving and receiving, but ye only. For, even in Thessalonica, ye sent once and again unto my necessity." \ * Acts xvi. 39. t Acts xvi. 40. J Phil. iv. 14-16. CHAPTER VII. THE MINISTRY OF PAUL IN THESSALONICA, BEREA, ATHENS, AND CORINTH. A.D. 52 TO A.D. 54. After leaving Philippi, and passing through AmphipoHs andApoUonia, Paul made his way to Thessalonica. In this city there was a Jewish synagogue where he was permitted, for three successive Sabbaths, to address the congregation. His discourses produced a powerful impression ; as some of the seed of Abraham believed, " and, of the devout Greeks, a great multitude, and of the chief women, not a few." ""'■ The unbelieving Jews attempted to create annoyance by representing the missionaries as acting "contrary to the decrees of Csesar, saying — that there is another king, one Jesus ;"t but though they contrived to trouble "the rulers "| and to "set all the city in an uproar," they could not succeed in preventing the formation of a flourishing Chris-, * Acts xvii. 4. f Acts xvii. 7. J Acts xvii. 8. irdpa^av — tovs TroXirapxas. It has been remarked that the name here given to the magistrates (politarchs), does not occur in ancient literature ; l)ut it is a curious and important fact that a Greek inscription, on an arch still to be seen at this place, demonstrates the accuracy of the sacred historian. This arch supplies evidence that it was erected about the time when the Republic was passing into the Empire, and that it was in existence when Paul now preached there. It appears from it that the magistrates of Thessalonica were called politarchs, and that they were seven in number. What is almost equally striking is that three of the names in the inscription are Sopater, Gains, and Secundus, the same as those of three of Paul's friends in this district. Conybeare and Howson, i. 360. PAUL AT ATHENS. 101 tian commimity. Paul appeared next in Berea, and, wlien reporting liis success here, the sacred historian bears a remarkable testimony to the right of the laity to judge for themselves as to the meaning of the Book of Inspiration; for he states that the Jews of this place " were more noble than those in Thessalonica, in that they received the word mth aU readiness of mind, and searched the scriptures daily "'^ to ascertain the truth of the apostolic doctrine. Paul now j)roceeded "to go as it were to the sea," and soon afterwards arrived at Athens. The ancient caj^ital of Attica had long been the literary metropolis of heathendom. Its citizens could boast that they were sprung from a race of heroes, as their forefathers had nobly struggled for freedom on many a bloody battle- field, and, by prodigies of valour, had maintained their independence against aU the might of Persia. Minerva, the goddess of wisdom, was their tutelary deity. The Athenians, from time immemorial, had been noted for their intellectual elevation; and a briUiant array of poets, legis- lators, historians, philosophers, and orators, had crowned their community with immortal fame. Every spot con- nected with their city was classic ground. Here it was that Socrates had discoursed so sagely ; and that Plato had illustrated, with so much felicity and genius, the precepts of his great master ; and that Demosthenes, by addresses of unrivalled eloquence, had roused and agitated the assemblies of his countrymen. As the stranger passed through Athens, artistic productions of sujDcrior excellence everywhere met his eye. Its statues, its public monuments, and its temj)les, were models alike of tasteful design and of beautiful workmanship. But there may be much intellectual cultiu-e where there is no spiritual enlightenment, and Athens, though so far advanced in civilisation and refinement, was one of the high places of pagan superstition. Amidst the * Acta xvii. 11. 102 PAUL AT ATHENS. splendour of its architectural decorations, as well as sur- rounded with proofs of its scientific and literary eminence, the apostle mourned over its religious destitution, and " his spirit was stirred in him, when he saw the city wholly given to idolatry."* On this new scene Paul exhibited his usual activity and earnestness. " He disputed in the synagogue with the Jews, and with the devout persons, and in the market daily with them that met with him."t The Christian preacher, doubt- less, soon became an object of no little curiosity. He was of diminutive stature ; J he seems to have laboured under the disadvantages of imperfect vision ; § and his Palestinian Grsek must have sounded harshly in the ears of those who were accustomed to speak their mother tongue in its Attic purity. But, though his "bodily presence was weak,"|| he speedily convinced those who came in contact with him, that the frail earthly tabernacle was the habitation of a master mind; and though mere connoisseurs in idioms and pronunciation might designate "his speech contemptible," IF he riveted the attention of his hearers by the force and impressiveness of his oratory. The presence of this extra- ordinary stranger could not remain long unknown to the Athenian literati ; but, when they entered into conversation with him, some of them were disposed to ridicule him as an idle talker, whilst others seemed inclined to denounce him as a dangerous innovator. " Certain philosophers of the Epicureans and of the Stoics encountered him; and some said— What will this babbler say'? other some — He seemeth to be a setter forth of strange gods, because he preached unto them Jesus and the resurrection." ** Upwards of four hundred years before, Socrates had been condemned * Acts xvii. 16. t Acts xvii. 17. % See Conybeare and Howson, i. 241. § See Alforcl on Acts xiii. 9, and xxiii. 1. II 2 Cor. X. 10. IT 2 Cor. x. 10. ** Acts xvii. 18. PAUL AT ATHENS. 103' to death by the Athenians as "a setter forth of strange gods,"'"" and it may be that some of these philosophers hoped to intimidate the apostle by hinting that he was now open to the same indictment. But it is very improbable that they seriously contemplated a prosecution; as they had them- selves no faith in the pagan mythology. They were quite ready to employ their wit to turn the heathen worship intO' scorn; and yet they could point out no "more excellent way" of religious service. In Athens, philosophy had demonstrated its utter impotence to do anything effective for the reformation of the popular theology ; and its pro- fessors had settled down into the conviction that, as the current superstition exercised an immense influence over the minds of the multitude, it was inexpedient for wise men to ^^thhold from it the tribute of outward reverence. The discourses of Paul were very far from complimentary to parties who valued themselves so highly on their intellec- tual advancement ; for he quietly ignored all their specula- tions as so much folly; and, whilst he propounded his own system with the utmost confidence, he, at the same time, supported it by arguments which they were determined to reject, but unable to overturn. It is pretty clear that they^ were to some extent under the influence of pique and irrita- tion when they noticed his deviations from the established faith, and applied to him the epithet of "babbler;" but Paul was not the man to be put down either by irony or insult ; and at length it was found necessary to allow him a fair opportunity of explaining his principles. It is accord- ingly stated that " they took him and brought him unto Mars Hill saying — May we know what this new doctrine, whereof thou speakest, is, for thou bringest certain strange things to our ears — we would know, therefore, what these things mean." t * 'ASi/cet 2a)KpaTT]s erepa 8e kolvo. haijiovia dacfyepav. — Aen. Mem. i. 1. + Acts xvii. 19, 20. It is very evident that he was not arraigned l^efore the court of Areopagus as our English translation seems to indicate. 104 PAUL AT ATHENS. The speech delivered hj Paul on this memorable occasion has been often admired for its tact, vigour, depth, and fidelity. Whilst giving the Athenians full credit for their devotional feeling, and avoiding any pointed and sarcastic attack on the absurdities of their religious ritual, he con- trives to present such an outline of the prominent features of the Christian revelation, as might have convinced any candid and intelligent auditor of its incomparable supe- riority, as well to the doctrines of the philosophers, as to the fables of heathenism. In the very commencement of his observations he displays no little address. " Ye men of Athens," said he, " I perceive that, in every point of view, ye are carrying your religious reverence very far; for, as I passed by, and observed the objects of your worship, I found an altar with this incription — To the unknown God — whom, therefore, ye worship, though ye know him not, him declare I unto you." '"" The existence in this city of inscriptions, such as that here given, is attested by several other ancient witnesses t as well as Paul, and the altars thus distinguished appear to have been erected when the place was afflicted by certain strange and unprecedented calamities which the deities, already recognised, were sup- posed to be unable to remove. The auditors of the apostle could not well be dissatisfied with the statement that they carried their " religious reverence very far ; " and yet, per- haps, they were scarcely prepared for the reference to this altar by which the observation was illustrated; for the inscription which he quoted contained a most humiliating confession of their ignorance, and furnished him with an * Acts xvii. 22, 23. This translation obviously conveys the meaning of the original more distinctly than our English version. See Alford, ii. 178; and Conybeare and Howson, i. 406. t It is a curious fact that the impostor ApoUonius of Tyana, who was the contemporary of the apostle, speaks of Athens as a place " where altars are raised to the iinknown Gods." " Life," by Philostratus, book vi. c. 3. See also Pausanias, Attic, i. 4. PAUL AT ATHENS. 105 excellent apology for proposing to act as their theological instructor. His discourse, which treats of the Being and Attributes of God, must have been heard with no ordinary interest by the polite and intelligent Athenians. Its reasoning is plain, pertinent, and powerful; and whilst adopting a didactic tone, and avoiding the language and spirit of controversy, the apostle, in every sentence, comes into direct collision, either with the errors of polytheism, or the dogmas of the Grecian philosophy. The Stoics were Pantheists, and held the doctrine of the eternity of matter;'"' whilst the Epicureans maintained that the universe arose out of a fortuitous concurrence of atoms ;t and therefore Paul an- nounced his opposition to both these sects when he declared that " God made the world and all things therein." | The Athenians boasted that they were of nobler descent than the rest of their countrymen ;§ and the heathen generally believed that each nation belonged to a distinct stock and Avas under the guardianship of its own peculiar deities ; but the apostle affirmed that " God hath made of one hlood all nations of men to dwell on all the face of the earth." || The Epicureans asserted that the gods did not interfere in the concerns of the human family, and that they were destitute of foreknowledge; but Paul here assured them that the great Creator " giveth to all life and breath and aU things," and " hath determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of their habitation." IF The heathen imagined that the gods inhabited their images ; but whilst Paul was ready to acknowledge the excellence, as works of art, of the statues which he saw all around him, he at the same * See Cudwortli's " Intellectual System, with Notes by Mosheim," i. 513, 111. Edition, London, 1845. t See Mosheim's " Commentaries on the Affairs of the Christians before Constantine," by Vidal, i. 42. X Acts xvii. 24. § See Alford on Acts xvii. 2G. II Acts xvii. 26. % Acts xvii. 25, 26. 106 PAUL AT ATHENS. time distinctly intimated that these dead pieces of material mechanism conld never even faintly represent the glory of the invisible First Cause, and that they were unworthy the homage of living and intellectual beings. " As we are the offspring of God," said he, " we ought not to think that the Godhead is like unto gold, or silver, or stone, graven by art and man's device." * After having thus borne testimony to the spirituality of the I am that I am, and asserted His authority as the Maker and Preserver of the world, Paul proceeded to point out His claims as its righteous Governor. " He hath appointed a day, in the which he will judge the world in righteousness by that man whom he hath ordained, whereof he hath given assurance unto all men in that he hath raised him from the dead." t The pleasure-loving Epicureans refused to believe in a future state of rewards and punishments; and concurred with the Stoics in denying the immortality of the soul.J; Both these parties were, of course, prepared to reject the doctrine of a general judgment. The idea of the resurrec- tion of the body was quite novel to almost all classes of the Gentiles; and, when at first propounded to the Athenians, was received, by many, with doubt, and by some, with ridicule. " When they heard of the resurrection of the dead, some mocked, and others said. We will hear thee again of this matter. So Paul departed from among them." § The frivolous spirit cherished by the citizens of the ancient capital of Attica was exceedingly unfavourable to the progress of the earnest faith of Christianity. " All the Athenians, and strangers which were there, spent their time in nothing else but either to tell or to hear some new thing." II Though they had acquii-ed a world-wide reputa- * Acts xvii. 29. t Acts xvii. 31. X Cudworth, with Notes byMosheim, ii. 120, and Mosheim's "Commen- taries," by Vidal, i. 42. § Acts xvii. 32. || Acts xvii. 21. PAUL AT CORINTH. 107 tion for literary culture, it is an instructive fact that tlieir city continued for several centuries afterwards to be one of the strongholds of Gentile superstition. But the labours of Paul at this time were not entirely unproductive. " Cer- tain men clave unto him and believed, among the which was Dionysius, the Areopagite, and a w^oman, named Da- maris, and others with them." * The court of Areopagus, long the highest judicial tribunal in the place, had not even yet entirely lost its celebrity; and the circumstance that Dionysius was connected with it, is a proof that this Christian convert must have been a respectable and influen- tial citizen. He appears to have occupied a very high place among the primitive disciples ; and the number of spurious writings ascribed to him t shew that his name was deemed o a tower of strength to the cause with which it was asso- ciated. He seems to have been long at the head of the Athenian presbytery ; and to have survived his conversion alDout forty years, or until the time of the Domitian persecution.}: From Athens Paul directed his steps to Corinth, w^here he appears to have arrived in the autumn of a.d. 52. Nearly two hundred years before, this city had been completely destroyed ; but, after a century of desolation, it had been rebuilt; and having since rapidly increased, it was now flourishing and populous. As a place of trade, its position, near an isthmus of the same name, gave it immense advan- tao-es ; for it had a harbour on each side, so that it was the central depot of the commerce of the East and West. Its inhabitants valued themselves much upon their attainments in philosophy and general literature ; but, whilst, by trafiic, they had succeeded in acquiring wealth, they had given * Acts xvii. 34. t These writings, which made their appearance not earher than the fourth or fifth century, were held in great reputation, particularly by the Mystics, in the Middle Ages. X Burton's " Lectures," i. 183. 108 PAUL AT CORINTH. way to the temptations of luxury and licentiousness. Co- rinth was, in fact, at this time one of the most dissohite cities of the Empire. It was the capital of the large pro- vince of Achaia, and the residence of the Roman pro- consul. When Paul was at Athens he was led to adapt his style of instruction to the character of his auditors, and he was thus obliged to occupy much of his time in discussing the prin- ciples of natural religion. He endeavoured to gain over the citizens by shewing them that their views of the Godhead could not stand the test of a vigorous and discriminating logic, and that Christianity alone rested on a sound philo- sophical foundation. But the exposition of a pure system of theism had comparatively little influence on the hearts and consciences of these system-builders. Considering the time and skill devoted to its culture, Athens had yielded perhaps less spiritual fruit than any field of labour on which he had yet operated. AVhen he arrived in Corinth he resolved, therefore, to avoid, as much as possible, mere metaphysical argumentation, and he sought rather to stir up sinners to flee from the Avrath to come by pressing home upon them earnestly the peculiar doctrines of revelation. In the first epistle, addressed subsequently to the Church now esta- blished in this place, he thus describes the spirit in which he conducted his apostolical ministrations. "And I, bretliren," says he, " when I came to you, came not with excellency of speech or of wisdom, declaring unto you the testimony of God — for I determined not to know any tiling among you save Jesus Christ and Him crucified ; and my speech and my preaching was, not with enticing words of man's wisdom, but in demonstration of the Spirit and of power — that your faith should not stand in the wisdom of men, but in the power of God."'"' The result demonstrated that the apostle thus pursued * 1 Cor. ii. 1, 2, 4, 5. PAUL AT CORINTH. 109 the most effective mode of advancing tlie Christian cause. It might, indeed, have been thought that Corinth was a very ungenial soil for the gospel, as Venus was the favourite deity of the place; and a thousand priestesses, or, in other words, a thousand prostitutes, were employed in the cele- bration of her. orgies/"' The inhabitants generally were sunk in the very depths of moral pollution. But the preach- ing of the Cross produced a powerful impression even in this hotbed of iniquity. Notwithstanding the enmity of the Jews, who " opposed themselves and blasphemed,"t Paul succeeded in collecting here a large and prosperous congre- gation. " Many of the Corinthians hearing, believed, and were baptized."| Most of the converts were in very humble circumstances, and hence the apostle says to them in his first epistle — " Ye see . your calling, brethren, how that not many wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble are called ;"§ but still a few persons of distinction united themselves to the despised community. Thus, it appears 1 1 that Erastus, the chamberlain, or treasurer, of the city, was among the disciples. It may be that this civic functionary joined the Church at a somewhat later date; but, even now, Paul was encouraged by the accession of some remarkable converts. Of these, perhaps, the most conspicuous was Crispus, " the chief ruler of the synagogue," who, " with all his house," submitted to baptism.lF About the same time Gains, who seems to have been an opulent citizen, and who rendered good service to the common cause by his Christian hosj^itality,"^''^^ openly embraced the gospel. Two other converts, who are often honourably mentioned in the New Testament, were now likewise added to the infant Church. These were Aquila and Priscilla.tt * Strabo, lib. viii. vol. i., p. 549 ; Edit. Oxon. 1807. t Acts xviii. 6. t Acts xviii. 8. § 1 Cor. i. 26. II Rom. xvi. 2.3. This epistle was written from Corinth. ^ Acts xviii. 8. ** 1 Cor. i. 14 ; Rom. xvi. 23. +t Acts xviii. 2, 26; Rom. xvi. 3; 1 Cor. xvi. 19; 2 Tim. iv. 19. 110 PAUL AT CORINTH. Some have, indeed, supposed that this couple had been akeady bajDtized; but, on the arrival of Paul in Corinth, Aquila is represented as a Jeiv'' — a designation which would not have been descriptive of his position had he been pre- viously a believer — and we must therefore infer that the conversion of himself and his excellent partner occurred at this period. In this city, as well as in many other places, the apostle supported himself by the labour of his own hands. It was now customary, even for Israelites in easy circumstances, to train up their children to some mechanical employment, so that should they sink into penury, they could still, by manual industry, procure a livelihood. t Paul had been taught the trade of a tent-maker, or manufacturer of aAvnings of hair-cloth — articles much used in the East as a protec- tion against the rays of the sun, by travellers and mariners. It was in connexion with this occupation that he became acquainted with Aquila and Priscilla. " Because he was of the same craft, he abode with them, and wrought."^ The Jew and his wife had probably a large manufactory, and thus they could furnish the apostle with remunerative em- ployment. Whilst under their roof, he did not neglect the opportunities he enjoyed of presenting the gospel to their attention, and both soon became his ardent and energetic coadjutors in missionary service. The conduct of Paul in working with his own hands, whilst engaged in the dissemination of the gospel, is a noble example of Christian self-denial. He could, it appears, expect little assistance from the mother church of Antioch ; and had he, in the first instance, demanded support from those to whom he now ministered, he would have exposed * Acts xviii. 2. t " Rabbi Judah saith, ' He that teaclieth not his sou a trade, doth the same as if he taught him to be a thief ;' aud Eabbau Gamahel saith, ' He that hath a trade in his hand, to what is he hke? He is hke a vineyard that is fenced.'" — See Al ford on Acts, xviii. 3. % Acts xviii. 3. PAUL AT CORINTH. Ill himself aud his cause to the utmost suspicion. In a com- mercial city, such as Corinth, he would have been regarded by many as a mere adventurer who had resorted to a new species of speculation in the hope of obtaining a mainte- nance. His disinterested behaviour placed him at once beyond the reach of this imputation ; and his intense love to Christ prepared him to make the sacrifice, which the course he thus adopted, required. And what a proof of the humi- lity of Paul that he cheerfully laboured for his daily bread at the trade of a tent-maker ! The Rabbi who was once admired for his genius and his learning by the most distin- guished of his countrymen — who had once sat among the members of the great Sanhedrim — and who might have legitimately aspired to be the son-in-law of the High Priest of Israel""' — was now content to toil " night and day " at a menial occupation sitting among the workmen of Aquila and Priscilla ! How like to Him, who, though He was rich, yet, for our sakes, became poor, that we, through His poverty, might be rich ! Paul was well aware of the importance of Corinth as a centre of missionary influence. Strangers from the East passed through it on their way to Rome, and travellers from the Western metropolis stopped here on their way to Asia Minor, Palestine, or Syria, so that it was one of the greatest thoroughfares in the Empire; and, as a commercial mart, it was second to very few cities in the world. The apostle therefore saw that if a Church could be firmly planted in this busy capital, it could scatter the seeds of truth to all the ends of the earth. We may thus understand why he remained in Corinth so much longer than in any other place he had yet visited since his departure from Antioch. " He continued there a year and six months teaching the Word of God among them."t He was, too, encouraged by a special communication from Heaven to prosecute his labours with * Epiphaiiius, " Ilaer.," xxx. IG. + Acts xviii. 1 1. 112 TAUL AT CORINTH. zeal and diligence. " The Lord spake to Paul in the night by a vision — Be not afraid, but speak, and hold not thy peace — for I am with thee, and no man shall set on thee to hurt thee, for I have much people in this city." '"' Though the ministry of the aj)Ostle was now attended with such remarkable success, his converts did not all continue to walk worthy of their profession. But if in the Church of this flourishing mercantile metropolis there were greater disorders than in perhaps any other of the early Christian communities,t the explanation is obvious. Even in a degenerate age Corinth was notorious for its profligacy ; and it would have been indeed marvellous if excesses had not been occasionally committed by some of the members of a religious society composed, to a considerable extent, of reclaimed libertines. J The success of the gospel in Corinth roused the unbe- lieving Jews to opposition; and here, as elsewhere, they endeavoured to avail themselves of the aid of the civil power; but, in this instance, their appeal to the Eoman magistrate was signally unsuccessful. Gallio, brother of the celebrated Seneca the philosopher, was now " the deputy of Achaia;"§ and when the bigoted and incensed Israelites "made insurrection with one accord against Paul, and brought him to the judgment-seat, saying — This feUow persuadeth men to worship God contrary to the law" || the proconsul turned a deaf ear to the accusation. When the apostle was about to enter on his defence, Gallio intimated that such a proceeding was quite unnecessary, as the afi"air did not come within the range of his jurisdiction. " If," said he, " it were a matter of wrong, or wicked lewdness, 0 ye Jews, reason would that 1 should bear with you; but if it be a question of words and names and of your laiv, * Acts xviii. 9, 10. t See 1 Cor. i. 11, and xi. 20, 21 ; and 2 Cor. xii. 21, and xiii. 2. X See 1 Cor. vi. 9-11. § Acts xviii. 12. || Acts xviii. 13. PAUL AT CORINTH. 113 look ye to it, for I will be no judge of sncli matters. And he drave them from the judgment-seat."* On this occasion, \ for the first time since the arrival of Paul and his brethren \ in Europe, the mob was on the side of the missionaries, and I under the very eye of the proconsul, and without any effort / on his part to interfere and arrest their violence, the most / prominent of the plaintiffs was somewhat roughly handled.' " Then all the Greeks took Sosthenes, the chief ruler of the synagogue, and beat him before the judgment-seat. And Gallio cared for none of these things." t When Paul was at Corinth, and probably in a.d. 53, he A\'rote his two earliest letters, that is, the First and Second Epistles to the Thessalonians. These communications must, therefore, have been drawn up about twelve months after the original formation of the religious community to which they are addressed. The Thessalonian Church was already fully organised, as the apostle here points out to the disciples their duties to those who laboured among them and who were over them in the Lord. J In the meantime several errors had gained currency ; and a letter, announcing that the day of Christ was at hand, and purporting to have been penned by Paul himself, had thrown the brethren into great consternation. § The apostle accordingly deemed it necessary to interpose, and to point out the dangerous character of the doctrines which had been so industriously promulgated. He now, too, delivered his famous prophecy announcing the revelation of the " Man of Sin " before the second coming of the Eedeemer.|| Almost all the members of the Thessalonian Church were probably converted Gen- tiles, H who must still have been but little acquainted with the Jewish Scriptures; and this is perhaps the reason why there is no quotation from the Old Testament in either of / these letters. Even the Gospels do not seem to have been * Acts xviii. 14-16. t Acts xviii. 17. i 1 Thess. v. 12, 13. § 2 Thess. ii. 2. |1 2 Thess. ii. 3-12. D 1 Thess. i. 9. H 114 PAUL AT CORINTH. yet written, and hence Paul exhorts the brethren " to hold fast the traditions," or rather "ordinances,"""" which they had been taught, " whether by word or his epistle." t * Tay TrapaBoaeis. t 2 Thess. ii. 15. Paul is here speaking, not of what had been handed down from preceding generations, but of what had been estabhshed by his own apostolic authority, so that the rendering "traditions" in our English version is a peculiarly unhappy translation. CHAPTER VIII. THE CONVERSION OF APOLLOS, HIS CHARACTER, AND THE MINISTRY OF PAUL IN EPHESUS. A.D. 54 TO A.D. 57. The Apostle " took liis leave " "^^ of the Corinthian brethren in the spring of A.D. 54, and embarking at the port of Cenchrea, about eight or nine miles distant, set sail for Ephesus. The navigation among the islands of the Greek Archipelago was somewhat intricate ; and the voyage appears to have not unfrequently occupied from ten to fifteen days.t At Ephesus Paul "entered into the syna- gogue, and reasoned with the Jews." J His statements produced a favourable impression, and he was solicited to prolong his visit ; but as he was on his way to Jerusalem, where he was anxious to be present at the approaching feast of Pentecost, he could only assure them of his inten- tion to return, and then bid them farewell. He left behind him, however, in this great city his two Corinthian converts, Aquila and Priscilla, who carried on w^ith industry and success the work which he had commenced so auspiciously. Among the first fruits of their pious care for the spread of Christianity was the famous Apollos, an Alexandrian Jew, who now arrived in the metropolis of the Proconsular Asia. The seed of Abraham in the birthplace of Aj^ollos spoke * Acts xviii. 18. t See Conybeare and Howson, i. 4.54. t Acts xviii. 19. 116 APOLLOS. the Greek language, and were in somewhat peculiar circum- stances. They were free from some of the prejudices of the Jews in Palestine ; and, though living in the midst of a heathen population, had advantages which were enjoyed by very few of their brethren scattered elsewhere among the Gentiles. At Alexandria their sumptuous synagogues were unequivocal evidences of their wealth; they consti- tuted a large and influential section of the inhabitants; they had much political power; and, whilst their study of the Greek philosophy had modified their habits of thought, they had acquired a taste for the cultivation of eloquence and literature. ApoUos, the Jew "born at Alexandria,"'"" who now became acquainted with Aquila and Priscilla, was an educated and accomplished man. It is said that "he was instructed in the way of the Lord, and being fervent in the spirit, he spake and taught diligently the things of the Lord, knoiving only the baptism of John." t The influ- ence of the preaching of the Baptist may be estimated from this incidental notice; for though the forerunner of our Saviour had now finished his career about a quarter of a century, the Alexandrian Jew was only one of many still living witnesses to testify that he had not ministered in vain. In this case John had indeed " prej)ared the way " of his Master, as, under the tuition of Aquila and Priscilla, ApoUos was led without difiiculty to embrace the Christian doctrine. It is said of this pious couple that " they took him unto them, and expounded unto him the way of God more perfectly." \ Priscilla was no less distinguished than her husband § for intelligence and zeal; and though she was prevented, as much, perhaps, by her native modesty, as by the constitution of the Church, || from officiating as a * Acts xviii. 24. + Acts xviii. 25. J Acts xviii. 26. § It is worthy of note that she is named before Aquila in Acts xviii. 18 ; Eom. xvi. 3 ; and 2 Tim. iv. 19. II 1 Cor. xiv. 34, 35 ; 1 Tim. ii. 12. APOLLOS. 117 public instructor, she was, no doubt, " apt to teacli ; " and tliere must liave been something most interesting and impressive in her private conversation. It is a remarkable fact that one of the ablest preachers of the apostolic age was largely indebted to a female for his acquaintance with Christian theology. The accession, at this juncture, of such a convert as ApoUos was of great importance to the evangelical cause. The Church of Corinth, in the absence of Paul, much required the services of a minister of superior ability ; and the learned Alexandrian was eminently qualified to promote its edification. He was " an eloquent man, and mighty in the Scriptures." "' After sojourning some time at Ephesus, it seems to have occurred to him that he would have a more extensive sphere of usefulness at Corinth ; and " when he was disposed to pass into Achaia, the brethren wrote exhorting the disciples to receive him." t It soon appeared that his friends in Asia had formed no exaggerated idea of his gifts and acquirements. When he reached the Greek capital, he " helped them much which had believed through grace; for he mightily convinced the Jews, and that pub- licly, shewing by the Scriptures that Jesus was Christ."J: His surpassing rhetorical ability soon proved a snare to some of the hypercritical Corinthians, and tempted them to institute invidious comparisons between him and their great apostle. Hence in the first epistle addressed to them, the writer finds it necessary to rebuke them for their folly and fastidiousness. " While one saith, I am of Paul, and another, I am of Apollos, are ye," says he, " not carnal? Who then is Paul, and who is Apollos, but ministers by whom ye believed, even as the Lord gave to every man? I have planted, ApoUos watered, but God gave the in- crease." § * Acts xviii. 24. t Acts xviii. 27. X Acta xviii. 27, 28. § 1 Cor. iii. 4-0. 118 PAUL AT EPHESUS. When Aquila and Priscilla were at Ephesus expounding " the way of God more perfectly " to the Jew of Alexan- dria, Paul was travelling to Jerusalem. Three years before, he had been there to confer with the apostles and elders concerning the circumcision of the Gentiles; and he had not since visited the holy city. His present stay seems to have been short — apparently not extending beyond a few days at the time of the feast of Pentecost, — and giving him a very brief opportunity of intercourse with his bre- thren of the Jewish capital. He then " went down to Antioch " '* — a place with which from the commencement of his missionary career he had been more intimately asso- ciated. "After he had spent some time there, he departed and went over all the country of Galatia and Phrygia in order, strengthening all the disciples." t On a former occa- sion, after he had passed through the same districts, he had been " forbidden of the Holy Ghost to preach the word in (the Proconsular) Asia ; " J but, at this time, the restriction was removed, and in accordance with the promise made to the Jews at Ephesus in the preceding spring, he now re- sumed his evangelical labours in that far-famed metropolis. There must have been a strong disposition on the part of many of the seed of Abraham in the place to attend to his instructions, as he was permitted " for the space of three months " to occupy the synagogue, " disj^uting and persuad- ing the things concerning the kingdom of God." § At length, however, he began to meet with so much opposition that he found it expedient to discontinue his addresses in the Jewish meeting-house. " AVhen divers were hardened and believed not, but spake evil of that way before the multitude, he departed from them, and separated the dis- ciples, disputing daily in the school of one Tyrannus." || This Tyrannus was, in all probability, a Gentile convert, * Acts xviii. 22. f Acts xviii. 23. % Acts xvi. 6. 5 Acts xix. 8. II Acts xix. 9. PAUL AT EPHESUS. 119 and a teaclier of rhetoric — a department of education very mucli cultivated at that period by all youths anxious to attain social distinction. What is here called his " school," appears to have been a spacious lecture-room sufficient to accommodate a numerous auditory. About this time the Epistle to the Galatians was, in all likelihood, written. The Galatians, as their name indicated, were the descendants of a colony of Gauls settled in Asia Minor several centuries before ; and, like the French of the present day, seem to have been distinguished by their lively and mercurial temperament. Paul had recently visited their country for the second time,* and had been received by them with the warmest demonstrations of regard; but meanwhile Judaizing zealots had appeared among them, and had been only too successful in their efiforts to induce them to observe the Mosaic ceremonies. The apostle, at Antioch, and at the synod of Jerusalem, had already pro- tested against these attempts; and subsequent reflection had only more thoroughly convinced him of their danger. Hence he here addresses the Galatians in terms of unusual severity. " I marvel,'' he exclaims, " that ye are so soon removed from him that called you into the grace of Christ unto another gospel " — " 0 foolish Galatians, who hath be- witched you that ye should not obey the truth, before whose eyes Jesus Christ hath been evidently set forth, cru- cified among you?"t At the same time he proves that the sinner is saved by faith alone ; that the Mosaic institu- tions were designed merely for the childhood of the Church ; and that the disciples of Jesus should refuse to be " en- * That this epistle was written after the second visit appears from Gal. iv. 13. Mr EUicott asserts that " the first time" is here the preferable ti'ausla- tion of TO TTpoTfpop, and yet, rather inconsistently, adds, that " no historical conclusions can safely be di'awu from this expression alone." See his " Criti- cal and Grammatical Commentary on Galatians," iv. 13. t Gal. i. 6, iii. 1. 120 PAUL AT EPHESUS. tangled " witli any such " yoke of bondage." * His epistle throughout is a most emphatic testimony to the doctrine of a free justification. Some time after Paul reached Ephesus, on his return from Jerusalem, he appears to have made a short visit to Corinth.t There is no doubt that he encountered a variety of dangers of which no record is to be found in the Acts of the Apostles ; J and it is most prol^able that many of these disasters were experienced about this period. Thus, not long after this date, he says — " Thrice I suffered shipwreck, a night and a day I have been in the deep." § There are good grounds for believing that he now visited Crete, as well as Corinth; and it would seem that these voyages exposed him to the " perils in the sea " which he enume- rates among his trials. || On his departure from Crete he left Titus behind him to " set in order the things that were wanting, and to ordain elders in every city;" H and in the spring of a.d. 57 he wrote to the evangelist that Ijrief epistle in which he points out, with so much fidelity and wisdom, the duties of the pastoral office.** The silence of Luke respecting this visit to Crete is the less remarkable, as the name of Titus does not once occur in the book of the Acts, though there is distinct evidence that he was deeply interested in some of the most important transactions which are there narrated. ft Paul, about two years before, had been prevented, as has * Gal. ii. 16, iv. 1-4, v. 1. t 1 Cor. xvi. 7 ; 2 Cor. xii. 14, xiii. 1. J The Acts take no notice of various parts of his early career as a preacher. Compare Acts ix. 20-26 with Gal. i. 17. § 2 Cor. xi. 25. || 2 Cor. xi. 26. 1 Titus i. 5. ** See Titus i. 6-11, ii. 1, 7, 8, 15, iii. 8-11. The reasons assigned in sui> port of a later date for the writing of this epistle do not appear at all satisfac- tory. Paul directs the evangelist (Titus iii. 12) to come to him to Nicopolis, for he had " determined there to winter." This Nicopolis was in Greece, in the province of Achaia, and we know that Paul wintered there in a.d. 57-58 Acts XX. 2, 3. See Schaff's " Apostolic Church," i. 390. tt 2 Cor. ii. 13, vii. 6, 13, viii. 6, 16, 23, xii. 18 ; Gal. ii. 1, 3. PAUL AT EPHESUS. 121 been stated, by a divine intimation, from preaching in the district called Asia; but when he now commenced his ministrations in Ephesns, its capital, he continued in that city and its neighbourhood longer than in any other place he had yet visited. After withdrawing from the synagogue and resuming his labours in the school of Tyrannus, he re- mained there " by the space of tivo years; so that all they which dwelt in Asia heard the word of the Lord Jesus, botli Jew^s and Greeks."* Meanwhile the churches of Laodicea, Colosse, and Hierapolis appear to have been founded.t The importance of Ephesus gave it a special claim to the atten- tion Avliich it now received. It was the metroj)olis of the district, and the greatest commercial city in the whole of Asia Minor. Whilst it was connected by convenient roads with all parts of the interior, it was visited by trading ves- sels from the various harbours of the Mediterranean. But, in another point of view, it was a peculiarly interesting field of missionary labour; for it was, perhaps, the most celebrated of all the high places of Eastern superstition. Its temple of Artemis, or Diana, was one of the wonders of the world. This gorgeous structure, covering an area of upwards of two acres,J was ornamented with columns one hundred and twenty-seven in number, each sixty feet high, and each the gift of a king.§ It was nearly all open to the sky, but that part of it which was covered, was roofed with cedar. The image of the goddess occupied a comparatively small apartment within the magnificent enclosure. This image, which was said to have fallen down from Jupiter, || was not like one of those pieces of beautiful sculpture which Acts xix. 10. t See Col. iv. 13, 15, 16. These churches were not, however, fouudecl by Paul. See Col. ii. 1. X " This was the largest of the Greek temples. The area of the Parthenon at Athens was not one fourth of that of the temple of Ephesus." — Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, Art. Ephesus. § Conybeare and Howson, ii. 72. || Acts xix. 35. 122 PAUL AT EPHESUS. adorned tlie Acropolis of Athens, but rather resembled an Indian idol, being an unsightly female form with many breasts, made of wood, and terminating below in a shape- less block,''' On several parts of it were engraved myste- rious symbols, called " Ephesian letters."! These letters, when 'pronounced, were believed to operate as charms, and, when written, were carried about as amulets. To those who sought an acquaintance with the Ephesian magic, they con- stituted an elaborate study, and many books were composed to expound their significance, and point out their appli- cation. About this time the famous ApoUonius of TyanaJ was attracting uncommon attention by his tricks as a conjuror; and it has been thought not improbable that he now met Paul in Ephesus. If so, we can assign at least one reason why the apostle was prevented, from making his appearance at an earlier date in the Asiatic metropolis. Men had thus an opportunity of comparing the wonders of the greatest of magicians with the miracles of the gospel ; and of marking the contrast between the vainglory of an impostor, and the humility of a servant of Jesus. The attentive reader of Scripture may observe that some of the most extraordinary of the mighty works recorded in the New Testament were performed at this period; and it is not unreasonable to conclude that, in a city so much given to jugglery and superstition, these genuine displays of the power of Omni- potence were exhibited for the express purpose of demon- strating the incomparable superiority of the Author of Christianity. It is said that " God wrought special miracles by the hands of Paul, so that from his body were brought unto the sick handkerchiefs or aprons, and the diseases departed * Conybeare and Howson, ii. 73. Minucius Felix in his Octavius speaks of Diana as represented " at Ephesus with many distended breasts ranged in tiers." t Conybeare and Howson, ii. 13. X His Life, written by Philostratus about a.d. 210, is full of lying wonders. His biographer mentions his visit to Ephesus, book iv. 1. PAUL AT EPHESUS. 123 from them, and the evil spirits went out of them."* The disastrous consequences of an attempt, on the part of the sons of a Jemsli priest, to heal the afflicted by using the name of the Lord Jesus as a charm, alarmed the entire tribe of exorcists and magicians. " The man, in Avhom the evil spirit was, leaped on them, and overcame them, and prevailed against them, so that they fled out of that house naked and wounded. And this was known to all the Jews and Greeks also dwelling at Ephesus, and fear fell on them all, and the name of the Lord Jesus was magnified." t The visit of Paul told upon the whole population, and tended greatly to discourage the study of the " Epliesian letters." " Many of them also which used curious arts brought their books together and burned them before all men; and they counted the price of them, and found it fifty thousand pieces of silver. J So mightily grew the word of God and prevailed." § Some time before the departure of Paul from Ephesus, he wrote the First Epistle to the Corinthians. The letter con- tains internal evidence that it w^as dictated in the spring of A.D. 57.JI The circumstances of the Corinthian disciples at this juncture imperatively required the interference of the apostle. Divisions had sprung up in their community ;1[ the flao-rant conduct of one member had brought dishonour on the whole Christian name;'"'""' and various forms of error had been making their appearance.tt Paul therefore felt it * Acts xix. 11, 12. t Acts xix. 16, 17. X The piece of silver here mentioned was worth about tenpence, so that the estimated value of the books burned was about ,£2()00. § Acts xix. 19, 20. II It was wTitten not long before Paul left Ephesus, and probably about the time of the Passover. 1 Cor. v. 7, xvi. 5-8. ir 1 Cor.i. 11. ** 1 Cor. V. 1. tt 1 Cor. XV. 12. This passage supplies e^^dence that errorists very soon made their appearance in the Christian Church, and furnishes an answer to those chronologists who date all the Pastoral Epistles after Paul's release from his first imprisonment, on the ground that the Gnostics had no exist- ence at an earlier period. 124 PAUL AT EPHESUS. right to address to them a lengthened and energetic remon- strance. This letter is more diversified in its contents than any of his other epistles ; and presents us with a most inte- resting view of the daily life of the primitive Christians in a great commercial city. It furnishes conclusive evidence that the Apostolic Church of Corinth was not the paragon of excellence which the ardent and unreflecting have often pictured in their imaginations, but a community compassed with infirmities, and certainly not elevated, in point of spiritual worth, above some of the more healthy Christian congregations of the nineteenth century. Shortly after this letter was transmitted to its destina- tion, Ephesus was thrown into a ferment by the riotous proceedings of certain parties who had an interest in the maintenance of the pagan superstition. Among those who derived a subsistence from the idolatry of its celebrated temple were a class of workmen who " made silver shrines for Diana," '"' that is, who manufactured little models of the sanctuary and of the image which it contained. These models were carried about by the devotees of the goddess in proces- sions, and set up, in private dwellings, as household deities.t The impression produced by the Christian missionaries in the Asiatic metropolis had aff"ected the trafiic in such articles, and those who were engaged in it began to apprehend that their trade would be ultimately ruined. An individual, named Demetrius, who appears to have been a master-manufac- turer, did not find it difiicult, under these circumstances, to collect a mob, and to disturb the peace of the city. Calling together the operatives of his own establishment, " with the workmen of like occupation," J he said to them — " Sirs, ye know, that by this craft we have our wealth. Moreover, ye see and know, that not alone at Ephesus, but almost through- out aU Asia, this Paid hath persuaded and turned away * Acts xix. 24 t Conybeare and Howson, ii. 74. X Acts xix. 25. PAUL AT EPHESUS. 125 mucli people, saying that tliey be no gods which are made with hands — so that not only this our craft is in danger to be set at nought, but also that the temple of the great god- dess Diana should be despised, and her magnificence should be destroyed, whom all Asia and the world worshippeth." '''■ This address did not fail to produce the effect contem- plated. A strong current of indignation was turned against the missionaries; and the craftsmen were convinced that they were bound to support the credit of their tutelary guardian. They were " full of wrath, and cried out saying — Great is Diana of the Ephesians." t This proceeding seems to have taken place in the month of May, and at a time when pu1)lic games were celebrated in honour of the Ephesian goddess, J so that a large concourse of strangers now thronged the metropolis. An immense crowd rapidly collected ; the whole city was filled with confusion ; and it soon appeared that the lives of the Christian preachers were in danger; for the mob caught " Gains and Aristarchus, men of Macedonia, Paul's companions in travel," and " rushed with one accord into the theatre." § This edifice, the largest of the kind in Asia Minor, is said to have been capable of containing thirty thousand persons. || As it was sufficiently capacious to accommodate the multitudinous assemblage, and as it was also the building in which public meetings of the citizens were usually convened, it was now quickly occupied. Paul was at first prompted to enter it, and to plead his cause before the excited throng; but some of the magistrates, or, as they are called by the evangelist, " certain of the chief of Asia, which were his friends, sent unto him, desiring him that he would not adventure him- self" into so perilous a position.il These AsiarcJis were * Acts xix. 25-27. -f- Acts xix. 28. X See Conybeare and Howson, ii. 79-81. § Acts xix. 29. II See Hackett's " Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles," p. 273. IT Acts xix. 31. 126 PAUL AT EPHESUS. persons of exalted rank who presided at the celebration of the public spectacles. The apostle was now in very humble circumstances, for even in Ephesus he continued to work at the occupation of a tent-maker ; * and it is no mean testimony to his worth that he had secured the esteem of such high functionaries. It was quickly manifest that any attempt to appease the crowd would have been utterly in vain. A Jew, named Alexander, who seems to have been one of the craftsmen, and who was, perhaps, the same who is elsewhere distinguished as " the coppersmith," t made an effort to address them, probably with the view of shewino; that his co-relioionists were not identified with Paul ; but when the mob perceived that he was one of the seed of Abraham, they took it for granted that he was no friend to the manufacture of their silver shrines; and his appearance was the signal for increased uproar. " When they knew that he was a Jew, all with one voice, about the space of tivo lioui^s, cried out — Great is Diana of the Ephe- sians." J At length the town-clerk, or recorder, of Ephesus, contrived to obtain a hearing; and, by his prudence and address, succeeded in putting an end to this scene of confu- sion. He told his fellow-townsmen that, if Paul and his companions had transgressed the law, they could be made amenable to punishment; but that, as their own attach- ment to the worship of Diana could not be disputed, their present tumultuary proceedings could only injure their reputation as orderly and loyal citizens. " We are in * Acts XX. 34. The Asiarchs " derived their title from the name of the province, as the corresponding officers in Cyprus, Syria, and Lydia, were called Cypriarchs, Syi-iarchs, Lydiarchs. Those of Asia are said to have been teri in number As the games and sacrifices over which these Asiarchs pre- sided, were provided at their own expense, they were always chosen from the richest class, and may be said to represent the highest rank of the community. — Alexander on the Acts, ii. 210. f 2 Tim. iv. 14. % Acts xix. 34. It has been observed that, according to the ideas of the heathen, this unintermitted cry was, in itself, an act of worship ; and hence we may understand why it was so long continued, but it is surely a notable example of " vain repetitions." See Hackett, p. 275. PAUL AT EPHESUS. 127 danger," said lie, " to be called in question for tliis day's uproar, there being no cause whereby we may give an ac- count of this concoiu'se." * The authority of the speaker imparted additional weight to his suggestions, the multi- tude quietly dispersed, and the missionaries escaped un- scathed. Even this tumult supplies evidence that the Christian preachers had already produced an immense impression in this great metropolis. No more decisive test of their suc- cess could be adduced than that here furnished by Deme- trius and his craftsmen; for a lucrative trade connected with the established superstition was beginning to languish. The silversmiths, and the other operatives whose interests were concerned, were obviously the instigators of all the uproar ; and it does not appear that they could reckon upon the undivided sympathy even of the crowd they had con- gregated. " Some cried one thing, and some another, for the assembly was confused, and the 7nore ijcirt knew not wherefore they were come together." t A number of the Asiarchs were decidedly favourable to the apostle and his brethren; and when the town-clerk referred to their pro- ceedings his tone was apologetic and exculpatory. " Ye have," said he, " brought hither these men Avho are neither profaners of temples,J nor yet blasphemers of your god- dess." § But here we see the real cause of much of that bitter persecution which the Christians endured for the greater part of three centuries. The craft of the image- makers was in danger; the income of the pagan priests was at stake; the secular interests of many other parties were more or less affected; and hence the new religion encountered such a cruel and obstinate opposition. * Acts xix. 40. t Acts xix. 32. X Our English version " robbers of churches " is obviously incorrect. § Acts xix. 37. It is plain from this passage that the apostle, when refer- ring to the Gentile worship, avoided the use of language calculated to give unnecessary offence. CHAPTER IX. Paul's epistles; his collection for the poor saints at jerusalem ; his imprisonment there, and at C^SAREA and ROME. A.D. 57 TO A.D. 63. Paul had already determined to leave Epliesas at Pente- cost,'"' and as the secular games, at which the Asiarchs presided, took place during the month of May, the dis- orderly proceedings of Demetrius and the craftsmen, which occurred at the same period, do not seem to have greatly accelerated his removal. Soon afterwards, however, he "called unto him the disciples, and embraced them, and departed to go into Macedonia." t When he reached that district, he was induced to enter on new scenes of missionary enterprise; and now, "round about unto lUyricum," he "fully preached the gospel of Christ." J Shortly before, Timothy had returned from Greece to Ephesus,§ and when the apostle took leave of his friends in that metropolis, he left the evangelist behind him to ]3rotect the infant Church against the seductions of false teachers. || He now addressed the first epistle to his " own son in the faith," H and thus also supphed to the ministers of all succeeding generations the most precious instructions on the subject of pastoral * 1 Cor. xvi. 8. t Acts xx. 1. % Rom. xv. 19. S See Acts xix. 22. || 1 Tim. i. 3. IT 1 Tim. i. 2. PAUL S EPISTLES. 1 29 theology."' Soon afterwards lie wrote the Second Epistle to the Corinthians. This letter throws much light on the private character of Paul, and enables us to understand how he contrived to maintain such a firm hold on the affections of those among whom he ministered. Though he uniformly- acted with great decision, he was singularly amiable and gentle, as well as generous and warm-hearted. No one could doubt his sincerity; no one could question his dis- interestedness; no one could fairly complain that he was harsh or unkind. In his First Epistle to the Corinthians he had been obliged to employ strong language when rebuking them for their irregularities ; but now they exhibited evidences of repentance, and he is obviously most willing to forget and forgive. In his Second Epistle to them he enters into many details of his personal history * According to the chronology adopted in our Enghsh Bihle, all the Pas- toral Epistles were written after Paul's release from his first imprisonment, and this theory has recently been strenuously advocated by Conybeare and Howson, Alford, and Ellicott ; but their reasonings are exceedingly unsatisfac- tory. For, I. The statement of Conybeare and Howson that " the three epistles were nearly contemporaneous with each other " is a mere assertion resting on no solid foundation ; as resemblance in style, especially when all the letters were dictated by the same individual, can be no evidence as to date. II. There is direct evidence that heresies, such as those described in these' epistles, existed in the Church long before Paul's first imprisonment. See 1 Cor. iii. 18, 19, xv. 12; 2 Cor. xi. 4, 13, 14, 15, 22, compared with 1 Tim. i. 3, 7. III. The early Churches were very soon organised, as appears from Acts xiv. 23 ; 1 Thess. v. 12, 13 ; so that the state of ecclesiastical organisation described in the First Epistle to Timothy and the Epistle to Titus is no proof of the late date of these letters. IV. But the grand argument in support of the early date, and one with which the advocates of the later chi'onology have never fairly grappled, is derived from the fact that Paul never was in Ephesus after the time mentioned in Acts xx. When he wrote to Timothy he intended shortly to return thither. See 1 Tim. i. 3, iii. 14, 15. It is evident that when the apostle addressed the elders of Ephesus (Acts xx. 25) and told them they should " see his face no more," he considered himself as speaking propheti- cally. It is clear, too, that his words were so understood by his auditors (Acts XX. 38), and that the evangelist, who wrote them down several years afterwards, was still under the same impression. I agree, therefore, with Wieseler, and others, in assigning an early date to the First Epistle to Timothy and the Epi.stle to Titus. 130 Paul's epistles. unnoticed elsewhere in the New Testament,'"' and through- out displays a most loving and conciliatory spirit. He states that, when he dictated his former letter, it was far from his intention to wound their feelings, and that it was with the utmost pain he had sent them such a communica- tion. " Out of much affliction, and anguish of lieai^t," said he, " I wrote unto you ivitli many tears, not that ye should be grieved, but that ye might know the love which I have more abundantly unto you." t The Corinthians could not have well resented an advice from such a correspondent. When Paul had itinerated throughout Macedonia and lUyricum "he came into Greece, J and there abode three months." § He now visited Corinth for the third time ; and, during his stay in that city, dictated the Epistle to the Eomans.ll At this date, a Church "spoken of throughout the whole world " H had been formed in the great metropo- lis ; some of its members were the relatives of the apostle ; ''"'' and others, such as Priscilla and Aquila,tt had been con- verted under his ministry. As he himself contemplated an early visit to the far-famed city,|J he sent this letter before him, to announce his intentions, and to supply the place of his personal instructions. The Epistle to the Romans is a precious epitome of Christian theology. It is more syste- matic in its structure than, perhaps, any other of the writings of Paul ; and being a very lucid exposition of the leading truths taught by the inspired heralds of the gospel, it remains an emphatic testimony to the doctrinal defec- tions of the religious. community now bearing the name of the Church to which it was originally addressed. The apostle had been recently making arrangements for another visit to Jerusalem ; and he accordingly left Greece * 2 Cor. xi. 9, 24-28, 32, 33, sii. 2, 7-9. The Second Epistle to the Cor- inthians was written late in a.d. 57. f 2 Cor. ii. 4. % eis TTjv 'EXXdBa, i. e., Achaia. § Acts xx. 2, 3. II Eom. xvi. 1, 2, 23. IF Rom. i. 8. ** Rom. xvi. 7, 11. t+ Rom. xvi. 3. tX Acts xix. 21 ; Rom. i. 10, 11, xv. 23, 24. Paul's joueney to Jerusalem. 131 in the spring o± a.d. 58 ; but the malignity of his enemies appears to have obliged him to change his plan of travelling. " When the Jews laid wait for him as he was about to sail" from Cenchrea, the port of Corinth, " into Syria," he found it expedient "to return through Macedonia."* Proceeding, therefore, to Philippi,t the city in which he had commenced his European ministry, he passed over to Troas ; J and then continued his journey along the coast of Asia Minor. On his arrival at Miletus " he sent to Ephesus, and called the elders of the Chm-ch ; and, when they were come to him," he delivered to them a very pathetic pastoral address, and bade them farewell. § At the conclusion, " he kneeled down and prayed with them all, and they all wept sore, and fell on Paul's neck, and kissed him, sorrowing most of all for the words which he spake that they should see his face no more : and they accompanied him unto the ship." || He now pursued his course to Jerusalem, and after various delays, arrived at Csesarea. There, says Luke, " we entered into the house of Philip, the evangelist, which was one of the seven, and abode with him."1I In Csesarea, as in other cities through which he had already passed, he was told that bonds and afflictions awaited him in the place of his desti- nation;** but he was not thus deterred from pursuing his journey. " When he would not be persuaded," says the sacred historian, " we ceased, saying. The will of the Lord be done, and after those days, having packed up,tt we went up to Jerusalem." || The apostle and his companions reached the holy city about the time of the fe^st of Pentecost. ♦ Acts XX. 3. t Acts XX. 6. J Acts xx. 6. § Acts XX. 17-35. II Acts xx. 36-38. 1 Acts xxi. 8. ** Acts XX. 23, xxi. 10, 11. tt fnia-Kevaa-dfifvoi — the reading adopted by Lachmann and others. The word " carriages " used in the authorised version for baggage, or luggage, is now unintelligible to the English reader. The word " carriage " is also used in our translation in Judges xviii. 21, and 1 Sam. xvii. 22, for something to be carried. Xt Acts xxi. 15. 132 THE COLLECTION FOR THE POOR SAINTS. Paul was well aware that there were not a few, even among the Christians of Palestine, by whom he was re- garded with jealousy or dislike; and he had reason to believe that the agitation for the observance of the ceremo- nial law, which had disturbed the Churches of Galatia, had been promoted by the zealots of the Hebrew metropolis. But he had a strong attachment to the land of his fathers ; and he felt deeply interested in the well-being of his brethren in Judea. They were generally in indigent cir- cumstances; for, after the crucifixion, when the Spirit was poured out on the day of Pentecost, those of them who had property " sold their possessions and goods, and parted them to all men, as every man had need;''""" and, ever since, they had been harassed and persecuted by their unbe- lieving countrymen. " The poor saints " that were in Jerusalem! had, therefore, peculiar claims on the kind con- sideration of the disciples in other lands; and Paul had been making collections for their benefit among their richer co-religionists in Greece and Asia Minor. A consi- derable sum had been thus provided ; and that there might be no misgivings as to its right appropriation, individuals chosen by the contributors had been appointed to travel with the apostle, and to convey it to Jerusalem.]: The number of the deputies appears to have been seven, namely, " Sopater of Berea; and of the Thessalonians, Aristarchus and Secundus; and Gains of Derbe, and Timotheus; and of Asia, Tychicus and Trophimus." § The apostle knew that he had enemies waiting for his halting; and as they would willingly have seized upon any apology for accusing him of tampering with this collection, he, no doubt, deemed it prudent to put it into other hands, and thus place him- self above challenge. But he appears to have had a farther reason for suggesting the appointment of these commis- * Acts ii. 45. t Rom. xv. 26. t 1 Cor. xvi. 3 ; 2 Cor. viii. 19. § Acts xx. 4. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. 133 sioners. He was, in all likelihood, desirous that his brethren in Judea should have a favourable specimen of the men who constituted " the first fruits of the Gentiles ;" and as all the deputies selected to accompany him to Jerusalem seem to have been persons of an excellent spirit, he pro- bably reckoned that their wise and winning behaviour would do much to disarm the hostility of those who had hitherto contended so strenuously for the observance of the Mosaic ceremonies. Solomon has said that " a man's gift maketh room for him ;"^'' and if Gentile converts could ever expect a welcome reception from those who were zealous for the law, it was surely when they appeared as the bearers of the liberality of the Gentile Churches. When the apostle and his companions reached the Jewish capital, " the brethren received them gladly." t Paul was, however, given to understand that, as he was charged with encouraging the neglect of the Mosaic ceremonies, he must be prepared to meet a large amount of prejudice; and he was accordingly recommended to endeavour to pacify the multitude by giving some public proof that he himself "walked orderly and kept the law." J Acting on this advice, he joined with four men who had on them a Nazaritic vow ; § and, " purifying himself with them, entered into the temple." || When there, he was observed by certain * Prov. xviii. 16. f Acts xxi. 17. J Acts xxi. 24. § " It was customary among the Jews for those who had received deliver- auce from any great peril, or who from other causes desired publicly to testify their dedication to God, to take upon themselves the vow of a Nazarite No rule is laid down (Numb, vi.) as to the time during which this life of ascetic rigour was to continue ; but we learn from the Talmud and Josejjhus that thirty days was at least a customary period. During this time the Nazarite was bound to abstain from wine, and to suffer his hair to grow uncut. At the termination of the period, he was bound to i^resent himself in the temple, with certain offerings, and his hair was then cut off and burnt upon the altar. The offerings required were beyond the means of the very poor, and consequently it was thought an act of piety for a rich man to pay the necessary expenses, and thus enable his poorer countrymen to complete their vow." — Conyhcare and Howsoii, ii. 2jO, 2-51. || Acts xxi. 26. 134 PAUL AT JERUSALEM. Jews from Asia Minor, who had probably become acquainted with his personal appearance during his residence in Ephe- sus; and as they had before seen him in the city with Trophimus, one of the seven deputies and a convert from paganism, whom they seem also to have known,'"' they immediately concluded that he had now some Gentile companions along with him, and that he was encouraging the uncircumcised to pollute with their presence the sacred court of the Israelites. A tumult forthwith ensued; the report of the defilement of the holy place quickly circulated through the crowd; "all the city was moved;" t the people ran together; and Paul was seized and dragged out of the temple. J The apostle would have fallen a victim to popular fury had it not been for the prompt interference of the officer who had the command of the Eoman garrison in the tower of Antonia. This stronghold overlooked the courts of the sanctuary; and, no doubt, some of the sentinels on duty immediately gave notice of the commotion. The chief captain, whose name was Claudius Lysias,§ at once "took soldiers and centurions," and running down to the rioters, arrived in time to prevent a fatal termination of the affray; for, as soon as the military made their aj)pearance, the assailants " left beating of Paul." || " Then the chief captain came near, and took him, and commanded him to be bound with two chains, and demanded who he was, and what he had done. And some cried one thing, some another, among the multitude, and when he could not know the certainty for the tumult, he commanded him to be carried into the castle." H In proceeding thus, the commanding officer acted illegally ; for, as Paul was a Ptoman citizen, he should not, without a trial, have been deprived of his liberty, and put in irons. But Lysias, in the hurry and confusion * Acts xxi. 29. + Acts xxi. 30. t Acts xxi. 30. § Acts xxiii. 26. || Acts xxi. 32. IT Acts xxi. 33, 34. There were barracks in the tower of Antonia. I PAUL AT JERUSALEM. 135 of the moment, had been deceived by false information; as he had been led to believe that his prisoner was an Egyptian, a notorious outlaw, who, " before these days," had created much alarm by leading "out into the wilderness four thousand men that were murderers."'"" He was quite astonished to find that the individual whom he had rescued from such imminent danger was a citizen of Tarsus in Cilicia who could speak Greek ; and as it was now evident that there existed much misapprehension, the apostle was permitted to stand on the stairs of the fortress, and address the multitude. When they saw him preparing to make some statement, the noise subsided ; and, " when they heard that he spake to them in the Hebrew tongue," that is, in the Aramaic, the current language of the country, " they kept the more silence." t Paul accordingly proceeded to give an account of his early life, of the remarkable circum- stances of his conversion, and of his subsequent career; but, when he mentioned his mission to the Gentiles, it was at once apparent that the topic was most unpopular, for his auditors lost all patience. " They gave him audience unto this word, and then lifted up their voices and said. Away with such a fellow from the earth, for it is not fit that he should liA^e. And as they cried out, and cast ofi" their clothes, and tkrew dust into the air, the chief captain commanded him to be brought into the castle." | The confinement of Paul, which now commenced at the feast of Pentecost in a.d. 58, continued about five years. It may be enough to notice the mere outline of his history during this tedious bondage. In the first place, for the purpose of ascertaining the exact nature of the charge * Acts xxi. 38. " Assassins is in the original a Greek inflection of the Latin word Sicarii, so called from Sica, a short sword or dagger, and described by Josephus as a kind of robbers who concealed short swords beneath their garments, and infested Judea in the period preceding the destruction of Jerusalem." — Alexander on the Acts, ii. 289. t Acts xxii. 2. X A-cts xxii. 22-24. 136 PAUL AT C^S AREA. against him, he was confronted, with the Sanhedrim; but when he informed them that " of the hope and resurrection of the dead he was called in question,* there " arose a dis- sension between the Pharisees and the Sadducees " t con- stituting the council ; and the chief captain, fearing lest his prisoner " should have been pulled in pieces of them, com- manded the soldiers to go down, and to take him by force from among them, and to bring him into the castle." J Certain of the Jews, about forty in number, now entered into a conspiracy binding themselves " under a curse, say- ing, that they would neither eat nor drink till they had killed Paul ; " § and it was arranged that the bloody vow should be executed when, under pretence of a new exami- nation, he should be brought again before the Sanhedrim ; but their proceedings meanwhile became known to the apostle's nephew; the chief captain received timely infor- mation; and the scheme thus miscarried. || Paul, protected by a strong military escort, was now sent away by night to Csesarea; and, when there, was repeatedly examined before Felix, the Eoman magistrate who at this time, under the title of Procurator, had the government of Judea. The historian Tacitus says of this imperial functionary that " in the practice of all kinds of cruelty and lust, he exercised the power of a king with the mind of a slave ; " H and it is a remarkable proof, as well of the intrepid faithfulness, as of the eloquence of the apostle, that he succeeded in arrest- ing the attention, and in alarming the fears of this worth- less profligate. Brasilia, his wife, a woman who had deserted her former husband,** was a Jewess ; and, as she appears to have been desirous to see and hear the great Christian preacher who had been labouring with so much * Acts xxiii. 6. t Acts xxiii. 7. J Acts xxiii. 10. § Acts xxiii. 12, 21. |1 Acts xxiii. 16, 23, 30. IT " Per omnem ssevitiam ac libidineni jus regium servili ingenio exei'cuit." — Hist. V. 9. ** Josephus' " Aiitiq." xx. c. 7. § 1, 2. PAUL AT C/ESAREA. 137 zeal to propagate his principles throughout the Empire, Paul, to satisfy her curiosity, was brought into her presence. But an interview, which seems to have been designed merely for the amusement of the Procurator and his part- ner, soon assumed an appearance of the deepest solemnity. As the grave and earnest orator went on to expound the faith of the gospel, and " as he reasoned of righteousness, temperance, and judgment to come, Felix trembled." * His a^^prehensions, however, soon jjassed away, and though he was fully convinced that Paul had not incurred any legal penalty, he continued to keep him in confinement, basely expecting to obtain a bribe for his liberation. When dis- appointed in this hope, he still perversely refused to set him at liberty. Thus, " after two years," when " Porcius Festus came into Felix' room," the ex-Procurator, " willing to shew the Jews a pleasure, left Paul bound." f The apostle was soon required to appear before the new Governor. Festus has left behind him the reputation of an equitable judge; | and though he was obviously most desir- ous to secure the good opinion of the Jews, he could not be induced by them to act with palpable injustice. After he had brought them down to Csesarea, and listened to their complaints against the prisoner, he perceived that they could convict him of no violation of the law; but he pro- posed to gratify them so far as to have the case reheard in the holy city. Paul, however, well knew that they only sought such an opportunity to compass his assassination, and therefore peremptorily refused to consent to the arrangement. " I stand," said he, " at Caesar's judgment- seat, where I ought to be judged. To the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest. For if I be an offender, or have committed anything worthy of death, 1 refuse not to die; but if there be none of these things * Acts xxiv. 25. + Act.s xxiv. 27. J See some account of hiui in Jo.sephu.s' " Autiq." xx. c. 8, §. 9, 10. 138 PAUL AT CyESAREA. whereof these accuse me, no man may deliver me unto them. / appeal unto C^sar." '"' The right of appeal from the decision of an inferior tri- bunal to the Emperor himself was one of the great privi- leges of a Eoman citizen ; and no magistrate could refuse to recognise it without exposing himseK to condign punish- ment. There were, indeed, a few exceptional cases of a flagrant character in which such an appeal could not be received; and Festus here consulted with his assessors to ascertain in what light the law contemplated that of the apostle. It appeared, however, that he was at perfect liberty to demand a hearing before the tribunal of Nero. " Then," says the evangelist, " when Festus had conferred with the council, he answered, Hast thou appealed unto Csesar '? Unto Caesar shalt thou go." t The Procurator was now placed in a somewhat awkward position ; for, when sending Paul to Eome, he was required at the same time to report the crimes imputed to the pri- soner; but the charges were so novel, and apparently so frivolous, that he did not well know how to embody them in an intelligible document. Meanwhile King Agrippa and his sister Bernice came to Caesarea " to salute Festus," J that is, to congratulate the new Governor on his arrival in the country; and the royal party expressed a desire to hear what the apostle had to say in his vindication. Agrippa was great-grandson of that Herod who reigned in Judea when Jesus was born in Bethlehem, and the son of the monarch of the same name whose sudden and awful death is recorded in the twelfth chapter of the Acts. On the demise of his father in A.D. 44, he was only seventeen years of age ; and Judea, which was then reduced into the form a Koman province * Acts. XXV. 11. t Acts XXV. 12. X Acts XXV. 13. Festus appears to have been Procurator from the beginning of the autumn of a.d. 60 to the summer of a.d. 62. Felix was recalled a.d. 60. See Conybeare and Ilowson, Appendix ii. note (C). PAUL AT C^ESAREA. 139 with Csesarea for its capital, had remained ever since under the government of Procurators. But though Agrippa had not been permitted to succeed to the dominions of his father, he had received various proofs of imperial favour; for he had obtained the government, first of the principality of Chalcis, and then of several other districts ; and he had been honoured with the title of King.* The Gentile Pro- curators could not be expected to be very minutely ac- quainted with the ritual and polity of Israel; but as Agrippa was a Jew, and consequently familiar with the customs and sentiments of the native population, he had been entrusted with the care of the temple and its treasures, as well as with the appointment of the high priest. Festus, no doubt, felt that in a case such as that of Paul, the advice of this visitor should be solicited; and hoped that Agrippa would be able to supply some suggestion to relieve him out of his present perplexity. It was accordingly arranged that the apostle should be permitted to plead his cause in the hearing of the Jewish monarch. The affair seems to have created unusual interest; the public appear to have been partially admitted on the occasion; and seldom, or, perhaps, never before, had Paul enjoyed an opportunity of addressing such an influential and brilliant auditory. " Agrippa came, and Bernice, "ivith great 2^omp, and entered into the place of hearing, with the chief captains, and prin- cipal men of the city."t Paul, still in bonds, made his appearance before this courtly throng ; and though it might have been expected that a two years' confinement woidd have broken the spirit of the prisoner, he displayed powers of argument and eloquence which astonished and con- founded his judges. The Procurator was quite bewildered by his reasoning, for he appealed to " the promise made unto the fathers," \ and to things which " Moses and the * Josephus' " Wars," ii. c. 12, § 8 ; " Antiq." xx. c. 6, § 2, t Acts XXV. 23. t Acts xxvi. 6. 140 PAUL AT (J^SAllEA. prophets did say should come ; " "'^ and as Festus could not appreciate the lofty enthusiasm of the Christian orator (for he had never, when at Kome, been accustomed to hear the advocates of heathenism plead so earnestly in its defence), he " said with a loud voice — Paul, thou art beside thyself ; much learning doth make thee mad." t But the apostle's self-possession was in nowise shaken by this blunt charge, " I am not mad, most noble Festus," he repHed, " but speak forth the words of truth and soberness;" and then, turn- ing to the royal stranger, vigorously pressed home his argument. " King Agrippa," he exclaimed, " believest thou the prophets'? I know that thou believest." J The King, thus challenged, was a libertine; and at this very time was believed to be living in incestuous intercourse with his sister Bernice; and yet he seems to have been staggered by Paul's solemn and pointed interrogatory. " Almost," said he, " thou persuadest me to be a Christian." § It has been thought by some that these words were uttered with a sneer; but whatever may have been the frivolity of the Jewish King, they elicited from the apostle one of the noblest rejoinders that ever issued from human lips, " And Paul said, I would to God that not only thou, but also all that hear me this day, were both almost and altogether such as I am, except these bonds." || The singularly able defence now made by the apostle convinced his judges of the futility of the charges preferred against him by the Sanhedrim. But at this stage of the proceedings it was no longer practicable to quash the pro- secution. When Paul concluded his address " the king rose up, and the governor, and Bernice, and they that sat with them. And when they were gone aside, they talked between themselves, saying — This man doeth nothing * Acts xxvi. 22. t Acts xxvi. 24. | Acts xxvi. 27. § Acts xxvi. 28. Some would translate iv oXiyco "in short," instead of " almost." II Acts xxvi. 29. PAULS IMPRISONMENT. .141 worthy of death or of bonds. Then said Agrippa unto Festus — This man might have been set at liberty, if he had not appealed unto Caesar." * At first sight it may appear extraordinary that so emi- nent a missionary in the meridian of his usefulness was subjected to so long an imprisonment. But " God's ways are not as our ways, nor His thoughts as our thoughts." When thus, to a great extent, laid aside from official duty, he had ample time to commune with his own heart, and to trace out, with adoring wonder, the glorious grace and the manifold wisdom of the work of redemption. Having himself partaken largely of affliction, and experienced the sustaining power of the gospel so abundantly, he was the better prepared to comfort the distressed; and hence his letters, written at this period, are so full of consolation.t And apart from other considerations, we may here recog- nise the fidfilment of a prophetic announcement. When Paul was converted, the Lord said to Ananias — " He is a chosen vessel unto me to bear my name before the Gentiles, and kings, and the children of Israel, for I will shew him hoiv great things he must suffer for my name's sake."| During his protracted confinement he exhibited alike to Jew and Gentile an illustrious specimen of faith and constancy; and called attention to the truth in many quarters where otherwise it might have remained unknown. Though he was chained to a soldier, he was not kept in very rigorous custody, so that he had frequent opportuni- ties of proclaiming the great salvation. He was peculiarly fitted by his education and his genius for expounding Christianity to persons mo^dng in the upper circles of society; and had he remained at liberty he could have expected to gain access very rarely to such auditors. But • Acts xxvi. 30-32. t Eph. vi. 22 ; Phil. ii. 1, 2 ; Col i. 24, iv. 8 ; Philem. 7, compared witli 2 ( 'or i. 3, 4. X Acts ix. lo, IfJ. 142 • Paul's shtpwkeck. already, as a prisoner, he had pleaded the claims of the gospel before no inconsiderable portion of the aristocracy of Palestine. He had been heard Ijy the chief captain in command of the garrison in the castle of Antonia, by the Sanhedrim, by Felix and Drusilla, by Festus, by King Agrippa and his sister Bernice, and probably by " the prin- cipal men " of both Csesarea and Jerusalem. In criminal cases the appeals of Koman citizens were heard by the Emperor himself, so that the apostle was about to appear as an ambassador for Christ in the presence of the great- est of earth's potentates. Who can tell but that some of that splendid assembly of senators and nobles who sur- rounded Nero, when Paul was brought before his judgment- seat, will have reason throughout all eternity to remember the occasion as the birth-day of their blessedness ! The apostle and " certain other prisoners " embarked for Eome in the autumn of a.d. 60. The compass was then unknown ; in weather, " when neither sun nor stars in many days appeared,"* the mariner was without a guide; and, late in the season, navigation was peculiarly dangerous. The voyage proved disastrous ; after passing into a second vessel at Myra,t a city of Lycia, Paul and his companions were wrecked on the coast of the island of Malta ; | when they had remained there three months, they set sail once more in a corn ship of Alexandria, the Castor and Pollux ;§ and * Acts xxvii. 20. This part of the history of the apostle has been illus- trated with singular ability by James Smith, Esq. of Jordanhill in his " Voyage and Shipwreck of St Paul." t Acts xxvii. 5, 6. X Acts xxviii. 1. That Melita is Malta has been conclusively established by Smith in his " Voyage and Shipwreck of St Paul." " Dissei-tation," ii. § Acts xxviii. 11. "With regard to the dimensions of the ships of the ancients, some of them must have been quite equal to the largest merchant- man of the present day. The ship of St Paid had, in passengers and crew, 276 persons on board, besides her cargo of wheat, and as they were carried on by another ship of the same class, she must also have been of great size. The ship in which Josephus was wrecked contained 600 people," — Smith's Voyage and Shipiorcck of St Paxil, p. 147. PAULS SHIPWRECK. 143 at length in the early part of a.d. 61, reached the harbour of Piiteoli,"^'' then the great shipping port of Italy. The account of the voyage from Csesarea to Puteoli, as given in the Acts of the Apostles, is one of the most curious passages to be found in the whole of the sacred volume. Some may think it strange that the inspired liistorian enters so much into details, and the nautical terms which he employs may puzzle not a few readers ; but these fea- tures of his narrative attest its authenticity and genuine- ness. No one, who had not himself shared the perils of the scene, could have been expected to describe with so much accuracy the circumstances of the shipwreck. It has been remarked that, after the lapse of eighteen hundred years, the references of the evangelist to prevailing winds and currents, to the indentations of the coast, to islands, bays, and harbours, may still be exactly verified. Recent investigators have demonstrated that the sailors, in the midst of danger, displayed no little ability, and that their conduct in " undergirding the ship,''t and in casting "four anchors out of the stern," | evidenced their skilful seaman- ship. Luke states that, after a long period of anxiety and abstinence, " about midnight the shipmen deemed that they drew near to some country." § The headland they were approaching is very low, and in a stormy night is said to be invisible even at the distance of a quarter of a mile ; || but the sailors could detect the shore by other indications. Even in a storm the roar of breaker's can be distinguished * Acts xxviii. 13. f Acts xxvii. 17. :J: Acts xxvii. 29. " The ancient vessels did not carry, in general, so large anchors as those which we employ; and hence they had often a gi-eater number of them. Athenseus mentions a ship which had eight iron anchors." Hackett, p. 372. § Acts xxvii. 27. II " When the Lively, frigate, unexpectedly fell in with this very point, tho quarter-master on the look-out, who first observed it, states, in his evidence at the coui'f^martial, that, at the distance of a quarter of a mile the land could not be seen." — Smith's Voyage and Shipwreck of St Paul, pp. 89, 90. 144 PAULS SHIPWRECK. from other sounds by tlie practised ear of a mariner;* and it can be shewn that, with such a gale as was then blowing, the sea still dashes with amazing violence against the very same point of land off which Paul and his com- panions were that night labouring. In the depth of the water at the place there is another most remarkable coin- cidence. We are told that the sailors " sounded and found it twenty fathoms, and when they had gone a little farther, they sounded, and found it fifteen fathoms." \ " But what," observes a modern writer, " are the soundings at this point ? They are now twenty fathoms. If we proceed a httle farther we find fifteen fathoms. It may be said that this, in itself is nothing remarkable. But if we add that the fifteen-fathom depth is in the direction of the vessel's drift (W. by N.) from the twenty-fathom depth, the coincidence is startling."! It may be stated also that the "creek with a shore "§ or sandy beach, and the "place where two seas met," II and where "they ran the ship aground" may still be recognised in what is now called St Paul's Bay at Malta.H Even in the nature of the submarine strata we have a most striking confirmation of the truth of the inspired history. It appears that the four anchors cast out of the stern retained their hold, and it is well known that the ground in St Paul's Bay is remarkably firm ; for in our English sailing directions it is mentioned that " while the cables hold, there is no danger, as the anchors will never start." ''''"' Luke reports that when the ship ran aground, " the fore-part stuck fast and remained unmoveable"tt — a statement which is corroborated by the fact that "the bottom is mud * Hackett, p. 371. t Acts xxvii. 28. X Conybeare and Howson, ii. 351. § Acts xxvii. 39. || Acts xxvii 41. IT Smith's " Voyage and Shipwreck of St Paul," p. 102. ** Smith's " Voyage and Shipwreck of St Paul," p. 92. tt Acts xxvii. 41. THE CITY OF ROME. 145 graduating into tenacious clay""^" — exactly the species of deposit from which such a result might be anticipated. When Paul landed at Puteoli, he must have contemplated with deep emotion the prospect of his arrival in Ptome. The city to which he now approached contained, perhaps, upwards of a million of human beings. f But the amount of its inhabitants was one of the least remarkable of its extraordinary distinctions. It was the capital of the mightiest empire that had ever yet existed; one hundred races speaking one hundred languages were under its dominion ;t and the sceptre which ruled so many subject provinces was wielded by an absolute potentate. This great autocrat was the high priest of heathenism — thus combining the grandem^ of temporal majesty with the sacredness of religious elevation. Senators and generals, petty kings and provincial governors, were all obHged to bow obse- quiously to his mandates. In this vast metropolis might be found natives of almost every clime; some engaged in its trade; some who had travelled to it from distant countries to solicit the imperial favour; some, like Paul, conveyed to it as prisoners; some stimulated to visit it by curiosity; and some attracted to it by the vague hope of bettering their condition. The city of the Caesars might weU be described as "sitting upon many waters ;"§ for, though fourteen or fifteen miles from the mouth of the Tiber, the mistress of the world was placed on a peninsula stretching out into the middle of a great inland sea over which she reigned without a rival. In the summer months almost every port of every country along the shores of the Medi- * Smith's " Voyage and Shipwreck of St Paul," p. 104. t Conybeare and Howson make the population more than 2,000,000 (ii. 376). Merivale reduces it to something less than 700,000 (iv. 520). In Smith'.s "Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography" it is stated as upwards of 2,000,000. Greswell makes it about 1,000,000 ("Dissertations," iv. 46). Dean Milman reckons it from 1,000,000 to 1,500,000 ("History of Latin Christi- anity," i. 23). J Merivale, iv. 391. § Rev. xvii. 1. K 146 THE CITY OF ROME. terranean sent fortli vessels freighted with cargoes for the merchants of Eome/" The fleet from Alexandria laden with wheat for the supply of the city was treated with peculiar honour; for its ships alone were permitted to hoist their topsails as they approached the shore; a deputation of senators awaited its arrival; and, as soon as it appeared, the whole surrounding population streamed to the pier, and observed the day as a season of general jubilee. But an endless supply of other articles in which the poor were less interested found their way to Kome. The mines of Spain furnished the great capital with gold and silver, whilst its sheep yielded wool of superior excellence; and, in those times of Roman conquest, slaves were often transported from the shores of Britain. The horses and chariots and fine linen of Egypt, the gums and spices and silk and ivory [and pearls of India, the Chian and the Lesbian wines, and \the beautiful marble of Greece and Asia Minor, all met with purchasers in the mighty metropolis, t As John surveyed in vision the fall of Rome, and as he thought of the almost countless commodities which ministered to her insatiable luxury, well might he represent the world's trafiic as destroyed by the catastrophe ; and well might he speak of the merchants of the earth as weeping and mourning over her, because " no man buyeth their merchandise any more." J Paul had often desired to prosecute his ministry in the imperial city ; for he knew that if Christianity could obtain a firm footing in that great centre of civilisation and of power, its influence would soon be transmitted to the ends of the earth: but he now appeared there under circum- stances equally painful and discouraging. And yet even in this embarrassing position he was not overwhelmed with despondency. At Puteoli he "found brethren," § and through the indulgence of Julius, the centurion to whose * Merivale, iv. 412. + Merivale, iv. 414-420. J Kev. xviii. 11. § Acts xxviii. 14. PAUL AT KOME. 147 care lie was committed, lie was courteously allowed to spend a week ^'' with the little Church of which they were members. He now set out on his way to the metropolis; but the intelligence of his arrival had travelled before him, and after crossing the Pomptine marshes, he was, no doubt, delighted to find a number of Christian friends from Eome assembled at Appii Forum to tender to him the assurances of their sympathy and affection. The place was twenty- seven miles from the capital; and yet, at a time when travelling was so tedious and so irksome, they had under- taken this lengthened journey to visit the poor, weather- beaten, and tempest-tossed prisoner. At the Three Taverns, ten miles nearer to the city, he met another party of disciples t anxious to testify their attachment to so dis- tinguished a servant of their Divine Master. These tokens of respect and love made a deep impression upon the susceptible mind of the apostle ; and it is accordingly stated that, when he saw the brethren, " he thanked God and took courage." J The important services he had been able to render on the voyage gave him a claim to particular indulgence ; and accordingly, when he reached Eome, and when the centu- rion delivered the prisoners to the Prsetorian Prefect, or the commander-in-chief of the Prpetorian guards, § " Paul was suffered to dwell by himself with a soldier that kept him." || But though he enjoyed this comparative liberty, he was chained to his mihtary care-taker, so that his position must still have been very far from comfortable. And yet even thus he continued his ministry with as much ardom' as if he had been without restraint, and as if he had been cheered on by the applause of his generation. Three days after his * Acts xxviii. 14. + Acts xxviii. 15. + Acts xxviii. 15. § Called in our English version " the captain of the guard." The celebrated Bumis was at this time (a.d. 61) the PrBctoriau Prefect. Wieseler, p. .393. See also Greswell's " Dissertations," iv. p. 199. II Acts xxviii. 16. 148 PAUL AT ROME. arrival in the city lie " called the chief of the Jews to- gether," ''• and gave them an account of the circumstances of his committal, and of his appeal to the imperial tribunal. They informed him that his case had not been reported to them by their brethren in Judea; and then expressed a desire to hear from him a statement of the claims of Chris- tianity. " And when they had appointed him a day, there came many to him into his lodging ; to whom he expounded and testified the kingdom of God, persuading them con- cerning Jesus, both out of the law of Moses and out of the prophets from morning till evening." t His appeals pro- duced a favourable impression upon only a part of his audience. " Some believed the things which were spoken, and some believed not." J Several years prior to this date a Christian Church existed in the Western metropolis, and at this time there were pro- bably several ministers in the city ; but the apostle, in all likelihood, now entered upon some field of laboiu^ which had not hitherto been occupied. He " dwelt two whole years in his own hired house, and received all that came in unto him — preaching the kingdom of God, and teaching those things which concern the Lord Jesus Christ with all confidence, no man forbidding him." § All this time Paul's right hand was chained to the left hand of a soldier, who was responsible for the safe keeping of his prisoner. The soldiers relieved each other in this duty.|| It would appear that Paul's chain might be relaxed at meal-times, and per- haps he was occasionally granted some little additional indul- gence ; but day and night he and his care-taker must have remained in close proximity, as the life of the soldier was forfeited shoidd his ward escape. We can well conceive that the very appearance of the preacher at this period invited special attention to his ministrations. He was now * Acts xxviii. 17. t Acts xxviii. 23. J Acts xxviii. 24. I Acts xxviii. 31. || Conybeare and Howson, ii. 296. PAUL AT ROME. 149 " Paul the aged ; " * he had perhaps passed the verge of threescore years; and though his detractors had formerly objected that " his bodily presence was weak," f all would at this time have, probably, admitted, that his aspect was venerable. His life had been a career of unabated exer- tion; and now, though worn down by toils, and hardships, and imprisonments, his zeal burned with unquenched ardour. As the soldier who kept him belonged to the Praetorian guards, it has been thought that the apostle spent much of his time in the neighbourhood of their quar- ters on the Palatine hill,J and that as he was noAv so much conversant with military sights and sounds, we may in this way account for some of the allusions to be found in his epistles written during his present confinement. Thus, he speaks of ArchijDpus and Epaphroditus as his " fellow-sol- diers ; " § and he exhorts his brethren to " put on the whole armour of God," including " the breastplate of righteous- ness, the shield of faith, the helmet of salvation, and the sword of the Spirit." || As the indefatigable old man, with the soldier who had charge of him, passed from house to house inviting attendance on his services, the very appear- ance of such " yoke-fellows " H must have created some interest; and, when the congregation assembled, who could remain unmoved as the apostle stretched forth his chained hand,'"""" and proceeded to expound his message ! He seems himself to have thought that the very position which he occupied, as " the prisoner of the Lord," tt imparted some- what to the power of his testimony. Hence we find him sapng — " 1 would ye should understand, brethren, that the things which happened unto me have fallen out rather unto * Pliilem. 9. +2 Cor. x. 10. X See Conybeare and Howson, ii. 428. § Phil. ii. 25 ; Philem. 2. II Eph. vi. 13, 14, 16, 17. IF Phil. iv. 3. When speaking of a " true yoke-fellow," he may here refer to the way in which he was himself unequally yoked. *♦ See Acts xxvi. 1, 29. +t Eph. iv. 1. l50 Paul's epistles. the furtherance of the gospel, so that my bonds in Christ are manifest in all the Prsetorium/"" and in all other places; and many of the brethren in the Lord waxing confident by my bonds are much more bold to speak the word without fear." t During this imprisonment at Eome, Paul dictated a number of his epistles. Of these, the letter to Philemon, a Christian of Colosse, seems to have been first written. The bearer of this communication was Onesimus, who had at one time been a slave in the service of the individual to whom it is addressed ; and who, as it appears, after robbing his master, had left the country. The thief made his way to Eome, where he was converted under the ministry of the apostle; and where he had since greatly recommended himself as a zealous and trustworthy disciple. He was now sent back to Colosse with this Epistle to Philemon, in which the writer undertakes to be accountable for the property that had been pilfered, J and entreats his correspondent to give a kindly reception to the penitent fugitive. Onesimus, when conveying the letter to his old master, was accom- panied by Tychicus, whom the apostle describes as "a beloved brother and a faithful minister and fellow-servant in the Lord " § who was entrusted with the Epistle to the Colossians. Error, in the form of false philosophy and Judaizing superstition, had been creeping into the Colossian Church, II and the apostle in this letter exhorts his brethren to beware of its encroachments. About the same time Paul wrote the Epistle to the Ephesians; and Tychicus was also the bearer of this communication.^ Unlike most of * eV oXo) Tw TrpatrojpiQ) — " We never find the word employed for the Impe- rial house at Rome ; and we believe the truer view to be^— that it denotes here, not the palace itself, but the quarters of that part of the Imperial guards which was in immediate attendance on the Emperor." — Conybeare and How- son, ii. 428. t Phil. i. 12-14. X Philem. 18, 19. § Col. iv. 7. II Col. ii. 8, 16, 18, 23. 1 Eph. vi. 21, 22. PAULS EPISTLES. 151 the other epistles, it has no salutations at the close; it is addressed, not only " to the saints which are at Ephesus " in particular, but also " to the faithful in Christ Jesus " ""' in general; and as its very superscription thus bears evidence that it was originally intended to be a cir- cular letter, it is probably " the epistle from Laodicea " mentioned in the Epistle to the Colossians.f The first division of it is eminently distinguished by the profound and comprehensive views of the Christian system it exhibits ; whilst the latter portion is no less remarkable for the variety, pertinency, and wisdom, of its practical admoni- tions. The Epistle to the Philippians was likewise written about this period. Paul always took a deep interest in the well-being of his earliest European converts, and here he speaks in most hopeful terms of their spiritual condition. J They were less disturbed by divisions and heresies than perhaps any other of the Apostolic Churches. * Eph. i. L t Col. iv. 16. % Phil. i. 3-7. CHAPTER X. Paul's second imprisonment, and maetyrdom; peter, HIS epistles, his martyrdom, and the ROMAN church. The Book of the Acts terminates abruptly ; and the subse- quent history of Paul is involved in much obscurity. Some have contended that the apostle was never released from his first imprisonment at Rome, and accordingly consider that he was one of the earliest Christian martyrs who suflfered under the Emperor Nero. But this theory is encumbered with insuperable difficulties. In his letters written after his first appearance in Rome, Paul evidently anticipates his liberation;'"" and in some of them he ap- parently speaks prophetically. Thus, he says to the Philip- pians — " I am in a strait betwixt two, having a desire to depart and to be with Christ, which is far better — never- theless to abide in the flesh is more needful for you — and having this confidence / know that I shall abide and con- tinue with you all for your furtherance and joy of faith." f The apostle had long cherished a desire to visit Spain; J and there is evidence that he actually preached the gospel in that country ; for Clemens Romanus, who was his contemporary and fellow-labourer, positively affirms that * Phil. ii. 24 ; Philem. 22. + Phil. i. 23-25. X Rom. XV. 24, 28. Paul's second imprisonment. 153 lie travelled "to tlie extremity of the west.'"" Clemens appears to have been hhnself a native of the great me- tropolis;! and as he makes the statement just quoted in a letter written from Eome, it cannot be supposed that, under such circumstances, he would have described Italy as the boundary of the earth. The Second Epistle to Timothy, which is generally admitted to have been written immediately before Paul's death, contains several passages which obviously indicate that the author had been very recently at liberty. Thus, he says — "The cloak J (or, as some render it, the case) § that I left at Troas, with Carpus, when thou comest bring with thee, and the books, but especially the parchments." || These words suggest that the apostle had lately visited Troas on the coast of Asia Minor. Again, he remarks — "Erastus abode at Corinth, but Trophimus have I left at Miletum sick."1I Any ordinary reader would at once infer from this observation that the writer had just arrived from Miletum.'""" The lano;ua2;e of the concludino; verses of the Acts warrants the impression that Paul's confinement had ended some time before the book was completed ; for had the apostle been still in bondage, it would scarcely have been said that, * eVi rb repjia t^s dvaecos — Epist. to the Corintliians V. Clement in the same place mentions that Paul was seven times in bonds. See also Greswell, " Dissertations," vol. iv. p. 225-228. t See Cave's "Fathers," i. 147. Oxford, 1840. J Toc v eKK\r)(Tia(TTiKa>v opav. + " Philosopliumena," book ix. ZEPHYrJNUS AND CALLISTUS. 347 distiu'bance that he was seized and dragged before the city- prefect. The magistrate ordered him first to be scourged, and then to be transported to the mines of Sardinia. He does not appear to have remained long in exile; for, about this time, Marcia procured from the Emperor Commodus an order for the release of the Christians who had been banished to that unhealthy island; and Callistus, though not included in the act of grace, contrived to prevail upon the governor to set him at liberty along with the other pri- soners. He now returned to Eome, where he appears to have acquired the reputation of a changed character. In due time he procured an appointment to one of the lower ecclesiastical offices; and as he possessed much talent, he did not find it difficult to obtain promotion. When Zephy- rinus was advanced to the episcopate, Callistus, who was his special favourite, became one of the leading ministers of the Eoman Church; and exercised an almost unbounded sway over the mind of the superficial and time-serving bishop. The Christians of the chief city were now split up into parties, some advocating the orthodox doctrine of the Trinity, and others abetting a different theory. Callistus appears to have dexterously availed himself of their divi- sions; and, by inducing each faction to believe that he espoused its cause, managed, on the death of ZephjTinus, to secure his election to the vacant dignity. When Callistus had attained the object of his ambition, he tried to restore peace to the Church l^y endeavouring to persuade the advocates of the antagonistic principles to make mutual concessions. Laying aside the reserve which he had hitherto maintained, he now took up an intermediate position, in the hope that both parties woidd accept his own theory of the Godhead. " He invented," says Hippolytus, " such a heresy as follows. He said that the AVord is the Son and is also the Father, being called by difierent names, but being one indivisible spirit; and that the Father is not 348 CALLISTUS. one and the Son another (person), but that they both are one and the same The Father, having taken human flesh, deified it by uniting it to Himself, and so he said that the Father had suffered with the Son." ""' Though Calhstus, as well as Hippolytus, is recognised as a saint in the Romish Breviary ,t it is thus certain that the bishop of Portus regarded the bishop of Rome as a schemer and a heretic. It is equally clear that, at this period, all bishops were on a level of equahty, for Hippolytus, though the pastor of a town in the neighbourhood of the chief city, did not acknowledge Callistus as his metropolitan. The bishop of Portus describes himself as one of those who are "successors of the apostles, partakers with them of the same grace both of principal priesthood and doctorship, and reckoned among the guardians of the Church." | Hippoly- tus testifies that Callistus was afraid of him,§ and if both were members of the same synod, || well might the heterodox prelate stand in awe of a minister who possessed co-ordinate authority, with greater honesty and superior erudition. But still, it is abundantly plain, from the admissions of the " Philosophumena," that the bishop of Rome, in the time of the author of this treatise, was beginning to presume upon his position. Hippolytus complains of his irregularity in receiving into his communion some who had been "cast out of the Church " of Portus " after judicial sentence." IT Had the bishop of the harbour of Rome been subject to the bishop of the capital, he would neither have expressed himself in such a style, nor preferred such an accusation. * " Philosopliumena," book ix. t 14tli October. X " Philosophumena," book i., prooemium. § SeSotxcby efxe. II Bunsen describes Hippolytus as "a member of the Roman presbytery" (" Hiiipolytus," i. 313), but he is here evidently mistaken. Hippolytus was at the head of a presbytery of his own, the presbytery of Portus. The pres- bytery of Rome was confined to the elders or presbyters of that city. The presbyter Hippolytus mentioned by some ancient writers seems to have been a quite different j^erson from the bishop of Portus. "TI " Philosophumena," book ix. FABIAN. 349 Various circumstances indicate, as has already l3een suggested, that the bishop of Eome, in the time of the Antonines, was chosen by lot ; but we may infer from the " Philosophumena " tliat, early in the third century, another mode of appointment had been adopted/"' It is obvious that he now owed his advancement to the suffrages of the Church members, for Hippolytus hints very broadly that Callistus pursued a particular course with a view to pro- mote his popularity and secure his election. It is beyond doubt that, about a.d. 236, Fabian was chosen bishop of Rome by the votes of the whole brotherhood, and there is on record a minute account of certain extraordinary cir- cumstances which signalised the occasion. " When all the brethren had assembled in the church for the purpose of choosing their future bishop, and when the names of many worthy and distinguished men had suggested themselves to the consideration of the multitude, no one so much as thought of Fabian who was then present. They relate, however, that a dove gliding down from the roof, straight- way settled on his head, as when the Holy Spirit, like a dove, rested upon the head of our Saviour. On this, the whole people, as if animated by one divine impulse, with great eagerness, and with the utmost unanimity, exclaimed that he was worthy; and, taking hold of him, placed him forthwith on the bishop's chair." t Some time after the resurrection of the statue of Hippo- lytus, another revelation was made in the neighbourhood of Rome which has thrown much light upon its early ecclesi- astical history. In the latter part of the sixteenth century, the unusual appearance of some apertures in the ground, not far from the Papal capital, awakened curiosity, and led * It is probable tbat the bishop was at first chosen by lot out of a leet of three selected by the presbytery from among its members. (See preceding chapter, p. 333, note.) An appointment was now made out of this leet of three, not by lot, but by popular suftVage. t Euseb. vi. 29. 0.50 THE CATACOMBS. to the discovery of dark subterranean passages of immense extent filled with monuments and inscriptions. These dismal regions, after having been shut up for about eight hundred years, were then again re-opened and re-explored. The soil for miles around Rome is undermined, and the long labyrinths thus created are called catacombs.'"' The galleries are often found in stories two or three deep, com- municating with each other by stairs; and it has been thought that formerly some of them were partially lighted from above. They were originally gravel-pits or stone- quarries, and were commenced long before the reign of Augustus.! The enlargement of the city, and the growing demand for building materials, led then to new and most extensive excavations. In the preparation of these vast caverns, we may trace the presiding care of Providence. As. America, discovered a few years before the Reformation, furnished a place of refuge to the Protestants who fled from ecclesiastical intolerance, so the catacombs, re-opened shortly before the birth of our Lord, supplied shelter to the Chris- tians in Rome during the frequent proscriptions of the second and third centuries. When the gospel was first propagated in the imperial city, its adherents belonged chiefly to the lower classes; and, for reasons of which it is now impossible to speak with certainty,^ it seems to have been soon very generally embraced by the quarrymen and sand-diggers.§ Thus it was that when persecution raged in * Evidently from Kara, down, and Kvfi^os, a cavity. Mr Northcote, in his work on the "Koman Catacombs," published in 1857, calculates that the streets in all, taken together, are 900 miles long ! t See " Three Introductory Lectures on Ecclesiastical History," by William Lee, D.D., of Trinity College, Dublin, p. 27. J It is probable that many were condemned to labour in these mines as a punishment for having embraced Christianity. See Lee's " Three Lectui-es," p. 28. § Maitland's " Church in the Catacombs," p. 24. Dr Maitland visited Eome in 1841, but his inspection of the Lapidarian Gallery seems to have been regarded with extreme jealousy by the authorities there. After having THE CATACOMBS. 351 tlie capital, tlie Christian felt himself comparatively safe in the catacombs. The parties in charge of them were his friends; they could give him seasonable intimation of the approach of danger ; and among these " dens and caves of the earth," ^Yith countless places of ingress and egress, the officers of government must have attempted in vain to overtake a fugitive. At present their appearance is most uncomfortable ; they contain no chamber sufficient for the accommodation of any large number of worshippers; and it has even been questioned whether human life could be long supported in such gloomy habitations. But we have the best authority for believing that some of the early Christians remained for a considerable time in these asylums. '"' Wells of water have been foimd in their obsciu'e recesses ; fonts for bap- tism have also been discovered; and it is beyond doubt that the disciples met here for religious exercises. As early as the second century these vaults became the great ceme- tery of the Church. Many of the memorials of the dead which they contained have long since been transferred to the Lapidarian Gallery in the Vatican; and there, in the palace of the Pope, the venerable tombstones testify, to all who will consult them, how much modern Eomanism diflfers from ancient Christianity. Though many of these sepulchral monuments were erected in the fourth and fifth centuries, they indicate a remarkable freedom from superstitions with which the religion of the New Testament has been since defiled. These witnesses to the faith of the early Church of Eome obtained a licence " to make some memoranda in drawing in that part of the Museum," he was officially informed that "his permission did not extend to the inscriptions^^ and the communication was accompanied by a demand that " the copies ah-eady made should be given up." To his refusal to yield to this mandate we are indebted for many important memorials to be found in his interesting volume. * See Maitland, pp. 27-29. 352 THE CATACOMBS. altogetlier repudiate the worship of the Virgin Mary, for the inscriptions of the Lapiclarian Gallery, all arranged under the papal su^Dervision, contain no addresses to the mother of our Lord."' They point only to Jesus as the great Mediator, Redeemer, and Friend. It is also worthy of note that the tone of these voices from the grave is eminently cheerful. Instead of speaking of masses for the repose of souls, or representing departed believers as stiU doomed to pass through purgatory, they describe the de- ceased as having entered immediately into the abodes of eternal rest. " Alexander," says one of them, " is not dead, but lives beyond the stars, and his body rests in this tomb." "Here," says another, "lies Paulina, in the place of the blessed." "Gemella," says a third, "sleeps in peace." "Aselus," says a fom^th, "sleeps in Christ." f We learn from the testimony of Hippolytus that, during the episcopate of Zephyrinus, Callistus was "set over the cemetery."! This was probably considered a highly impor- tant trust, as, in those perilous times, the safety of the Christians very much depended on the prudence, activity, and courage of the individual who had the charge of their subterranean refuge. § The new curator seems to have signalised himself by the ability with which he discharged the duties of his appointment ; he probably embellished and enlarged some of these dreary caves; and hence a portion of the catacombs was designated " The Cemetery of Callistus." Hippolytus, led astray by the ascetic spirit beginning so strongly to prevail in the commencement of the third cen- * Maitlaud, p. 14. t Maitland, pp. 33, 41, 43, 170. J " Philosophumena," book ix. § As Carthage now funiislied Rome with marble and granite, it is probable that the quarrymen and sand-diggers of the catacombs came frequently into contact with the Carthaginian sailors ; and we may thus see how, in the time of Cyprian, there were such facilities for epistolary intercourse between the Churches of Rome and Carthage. Under favourable circumstances, the mariner could accomplish the voyage between the two ports in two or three days. THE CATACOMBS. 353 tiiry, was opposed to all second marriages, so that lie was sadly scandalized by tlie exceedingly liberal views of his Koman brother on the subject of matrimony; and he was so ill-informed as to pronounce them novel. " In his time," says he indignantly, " bishops, presljyters, and deacons, though they had been twice or three times married, began to be recognised as God's ministers ; and if any one of the clergy married, it was determined that such a person should remain among the clergy, as not having sinned."* We cannot tell how many of the ancient bishops of the great city were husbands ;t we have certainly no distinct evi- dence that even Callistus took to himself a wife ; but we have the clearest proof that the primitive Church of Eome did not impose celibacy on her ministers; and, in support of this fact, we can produce the unimpeachable testimony of her own catacombs. There is, for instance, a monument "To Basilus the Presbyter, and Felicitas his wife;" and, on another tombstone, erected about a.d. 472, or only four years before the fall of the Western Empire, there is the folio wino; sino'ular record — " Petronia, a deacon's wife, the type of modesty. In this place I lay my bones : spare your tears, dear husband and daughters, and believe that it is for- bidden to weep for one who lives in God." J " Here," says another epitaph, " Susanna, the happy daughter of the late Presbyter Gabinus, lies in peace along with her father." § In the Lapidarian Gallery of the j^apal palace, the curious visitor may still read other epitaphs of the married minis- ters of Rome. * '' Philosophumena," book ix. TertuUian corroborates the charges of Hip- polytus. See " De Pudicitia," cap. i. t We know, however, that, long after this period, married bishops were to be found almost everywhere. One of the most eminent martyrs in the Dio- cletian persecution was a bishop who had a wife and children. See Eusebius, viii. c. 9. Clemens Romanus, i-eputed one of the early bishops of the Western cai:)ital, speaks as a married man. See his "Epistle to the Corinthians," § 21. X Maitland, pp. 191-193. These inscriptions may be found also in Aringhi, 421, 419. § Aringhi, ii. jjp. 228 ; Rome, 1651. Z 354 ROMAN BISHOPS MARTYRED. Thougli the gospel continued to make great progress in the metropolis, there was perhaps no city of the Empire in which it encountered, from the very first, such steady and powerfid opposition. Tlie Sovereign, being himself the Supreme Pontiff of Paganism, might be expected to resent, as a personal indignity, any attempt to weaken its influence; and the other great functionaries of idolatry, who all resided in the capital, were of course bound by the ties of office to resist the advancement of Christianity. The old aristocracy disliked everything in the shape of religious innovation, for they believed that the glory of their country was in- separably connected with an adherence to the worship of the gods of their ancestors. Thus it was that the intoler- ance of the state was always felt with peculiar severity at the seat of government. Exactly in the middle of the third century a persecution of unusual violence burst upon the Roman Church. Fabian, whose appointment to the bishopric took place, as already related, under such extra- ordinary circumstances, soon fell a victim to the storm. After his martyrdom, the whole community over which he presided seems to have been paralysed with terror ; and six- teen months passed away before any successor was elected ; for Decius, the tyrant who now ruled the Roman world, had proclaimed his determination rather to sufter a compe- titor for his throne than a bishop for his chief city.* A veritable rival Avas quickly forthcoming to ^^rove the false- hood of his gasconade ; for when Julius Yalens appeared to dispute his title to the Empire, Decius was obliged, by the pressure of weightier cares, to withdraw his attention from the concerns of the Roman Christians. During the lull in the storm of persecution, Cornelius was chosen bishop ; but after an official life of little more than a year, he was thrown into confinement. His death in prison was, no doubt, occasioned by harsh treatment. The episcopate of his suc- * Cyprian to Antoniaims, Epist. lii. p. 151. STATISTICS OF THE ROMAN CHURCH. 355 cessor Lucius was even shorter than his otvti, for he was martyred about six months after his election.'" Stephen, who was now promoted to the vacant chair, did not long retain possession of it; for though we have no reliable in- formation as to the manner of his death, it is certain that he occupied the bishopric only between four and five years. His successor Xystus in less than twelve months finished his course by martyrdom.! Thus, in a period of eight years, Eome lost no less than five bishops, at least four of whom were cut down by persecution : of these Cornelius and Stephen, by far the most distinguished, were interred in the cemetery of Callistus. There is still extant the fragment of a letter written by C*ornelius furnishing a curious statistical account of the strength of the Eoman Church at this period.j; According to this excellent authority it contained forty-six presbyters, seven deacons, seven sub-deacons, forty-two acolyths, fifty-two others who were either exorcists, readers, or door-keepers, and upwards of fifteen hundred besides, who were in indigent cu'cumstances, and of whom widows constituted a large pro- portion. All these poor persons were maintained by the libe- rality of their fellow- worshippers. Eome, as we have seen, was the birthplace of prelacy ; and other ecclesiastical or- ganisms unknown to the New Testament may also be traced to the same locality, for here we read for the first time of such officials as the acolyths.§ We may infer from the details supplied by the letter of Cornelius, that there were now fourteen congregations 1| of the faithful in the great city; * C}-pi-ian speaks of " the blessed martyrs, Cornelius and Lucius." Epist. Ixvii. p. 250. t See Cyprian's " Epistle to Successus," where it is stated that " Xystus was martyred in the cemetery [the catacombs] on the eighth of the Ides of August, and with him four deacons." t This fragment may be found in Euseb. vi. 43. § For an account of their duties see Period II. sec. iii. chap. s. II According to some manuscripts, there were, not forty-six, but forty-two presbyters, seven deacons, seven sub-deacons, and forty-two acoljiihs. At a 356 SCHISM OF NOVATIAN. and its Christian population lias been estimated at about fifty thousand. No wonder that the chief pastor of such a multitude of zealous disciples all residing in his capital, awakened the jealousy of a suspicious Emperor. A schism, which continued for generations to exert an unhappy influence, commenced in the metropolis during the short episcopate of Cornelius. The leader of this seces- sion was Novatian, a man of blameless character,"'" and a presbyter of the Eoman Church. In the Decian persecu- tion many had been terrified into temporary conformity to paganism ; and this austere ecclesiastic maintained, that persons who had so sadly compromised themselves, should, on no account whatever, be re-admitted to com- munion. When he found that he could not prevail upon his brethren to adopt this unrelenting discipline, he per- mitted himself to be ordained bishop in opposition to Cor- nelius ; and became the founder of a separate society, known as the sect of the Novatians. As he denied the validity of the ordinance previously administered, he rebaptized his converts, and exhibited otherwise a miserably contracted spirit; but many sympathised with him in his views, and Novatian bishops were soon established in various jDarts of the Empire. Immediately after the rise of this sect, a controversy relative to the propriety of rebaptizing heretics brought the Church of Eome into collision with many Christian communities in Africa and Asia Minor. The discussion, which did not eventuate in any fresh schism, is chiefly remarkable for the firm stand now made against the as- sumptions of the great Bishop of the West. When Stephen, later period, we find three presbyters connected with each Eoman church. There were fourteen regions in the city, and supposing a congregation in each, there would now be three presbyters, one deacon or sub-deacon, and three acolyths belonging to each church. See Blondel's " Apologia," p. 224. * Cornelius (Euseb. vi. 43) calls him " a malicious beast," but he evidently J writes under a feeling of deep mortification. THE CHURCH ON THE EOCK. 357 who was opposed to rebaptisin, discovered that he could not induce the Asiatics and Africans to come over to his sentiments, he rashly tried to overbear them by declaring that he would shut them out from his communion ; but his antagonists treated the threat merely as an empty display of insolence. " What strife and contention hast thou awakened in the Churches of the whole world, 0 Stephen," said one of his opponents, " and how great sin hast thou accumulated when thou didst cut thyself off from so many flocks ! Deceive not thyself, for he is truly the schismatic who has made himself an apostate from the communion of the unity of the Church. For whilst thou thinkest that all may be excommunicated by thee, thou hast excommunicated thyself alone from all." * When the apostle of the circumcision said to his Master — " Thou art the Christ, the Son of the living God," Jesus replied — ''Blessed art thou, Simon Bar-jona,ybr j^es/i a/ic? hloocl hath not revealed it unto thee, hut my Father which is in heaven" To this emphatic acknowledgment of the faith of His disciple, our Lord added the memorable words — " And I say also unto thee, that thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it." t As the word Peter signifies a stone,X this address admits of a very obvious and satisfactory expo- sition. ' " Thou art," said Christ to the apostle, " a lively stone § of the spiritual structure I erect ; and upon this rock on which thy faith is established, as witnessed by thy good confession, I will build my Church ; and though the rains of affliction may descend, and the floods of danger may come, and the winds of temptation may blow, and beat upon this * Firmilian, " Cypriani Epistoloe," Ixxv. t Matt. xvi. 16-18. X John i. 42. § See 1 Pet. ii. 5. Peter adds, as if to illustrate Matt. xvi. 18 — " Where- fore also it is contained in the Scripture — Behold I lay in Ziou a chief corner stone, elect, precious ; and he that helieveth on him shall not be confounded." 1 Pet. ii. 6. I. 358 THE CHURCH BUILT ON PETEPw house, it shall remain immoveable/'''" because it rests upon an impregnable foundation." But a different interpretation was already gaining wide currency; for though Peter had been led to deny Christ with oaths and imprecations, the rapid growth and preponderating wealth of the Roman bishopric, of which the apostle was supposed to be the founder, had now induced many to believe that he was the Rock of Salvation, the enduring basis on which the living temple of God was to be reared ! Tertullian and Cyprian, in the third century the two most eminent fathers of the West, countenanced the exposition ; t and though both these writers were lamentably deficient in critical sagacity, men of inferior standing were slow to impugn the verdict of such champions of the faith. Thus it was that a false gloss of Scripture was already enthralling the mind of Christen- dom; and Stephen boldly renewed the attempt at domina- tion commenced by his predecessor Victor. His opponents deserved far greater credit for the sturdy independence with which they upheld their individual rights than for the scriptural skill Avith which they unmasked the sophistry of a delusive theory; for all their reasonings were enervated and vitiated by their stupid admission of the claims of the chair of Peter as the rock on which the Church was supposed to rest.J This second effort of Rome to establish her ascend- ancy was, indeed, a failure ; but the misinterpretation of Holy Writ, by which it was encouraged, was not eff'ectively cor- * Matt. vii. 24, 25. t See Tertullian, " De Prsescrip." xxii. ; and Cyprian to Cornelius, Epist. Iv. p. 178, where he says — " Petrus, tamen, super quern sedificata ab eodem Domino fuerat ecclesia." See also the same epistle, pp. 182, 183, and many other passages. % Thus, Cyprian in his letter to Quintus (Epist. Ixxi. p. 273) makes the following awkward attempt to get over the difficulty : — " Nam nee Petrus, quem primum Dominus elegit, et super quern, oedificavit ecclesiam suam, cum secum Paulus de circumcisione postmodum disceptaret, vindicavit' sibi aliquid insolenter aut arroganter assumpsit, ut diccret se primatum tenere et ohteni- perari a novellis et posteris sibi potius oportere." rOWER OF THE ROMAN BISHOP. 359 rectecl and exposed ; and tlius the great Western prelate was left at liberty, at another more favourable opportunity, to wrest the Scriptures for the destruction of the Church. From the middle of the third century, the authority of the Roman bishops advanced apace. The magnanimity with which so many of them then encountered martyrdom elicited general admiration; and the divisions caused by the schism of Novatian supplied them with a specious apo- logy for enlarging their jurisdiction. The argument from the necessity of unity, which was urged so successfully for the creation of a bishop upwards of a hundred years before, could now be adduced with equal plausibility for the erec- tion of a metropolitan ; and, from this date, these prelates undoubtedly exercised archiepiscopal power. Seventy years afterwards, or at the Council of Nice,* the ecclesiastical rule of the Primate of Rome was recognised by the bishops of the ten suburbicarian provinces, including no small portion of Italy.t For the last forty years of the third century the Church was free from persecution, and, during this long period of repose, the great Western see enjoyed an unwonted measure of outward prosperity. Its religious services were now conducted with increasing splendour, and distressed bre- thren in very distant countries shared the fruits of its munificence. In the reign of Gallienus, when the Goths burst into the Empire and devastated Asia Minor, the bishop of Rome transmitted a large sum of money for the release of the Christians who had fallen into the hands of the barbarians. J A few years afterwards, when Paul of Samosata was deposed for heresy, and when, on his refusal to surrender the property of the Church of Antioch, an * A.D. 325. f The Suburbicarian Provinces comprebended the three islands of Sicily, Corsica, and Sardinia, and the whole of the southern part of Italy, including Naples and nearly aU the territory now belonging to Tuscany and the States of the Church. See Bingham, iii. p. 20. t Basil, Ep. 220. 360 EARLY EOMAN BISHOPS. application was made to the Emperor Anrelian for his interference, that prince submitted the matter in dispute to the decision of Dionysius of Eome and the other bishops of Italy/'' This reference, in which the position of the Eoman prelate was publicly recognised, perhaps for the first time, by a Roman Emperor, was calculated to add vastly to the importance of the metropolitan see in public estimation. When Christianity was established about fifty years after- wards by Constantine, the bishop of the chief city was thus, to a great extent, prepared for the high position to which he was suddenly promoted. None of the early bishops of Rome were distinguished for their mental accomplishments ; and though they are commonly reputed the founders of the Latin Church, it would appear that, for nearly two hundred years, they all wrote and spoke the Greek language. The name Pope, which they have since appropriated, was now common to all pastors.t For the first three centuries almost every question relating to them is involved in much mystery; and, as we approach the close of this period, the difiiculty of unravelling their perplexed traditions rather increases than diminishes. Even the existence of some who are said to have now flourished has been considered doubtful.| It is alleged that the see was vacant for upwards of three years and a half during the Diocletian persecution in the beginning of the fourth century ; § but even this point has not been very clearly ascertained. The Roman bishopric was by far the most important in the Church; and the * Euseb. vii. 50. t Thus we read of " the blessed Pope Cyprian," bishop of Carthage. Cyp- rian, Epist. ii. p. 25. The name was sometimes given to the head of a monastery. In the catacombs there was found an inscription probably to the memory of a Pope of this description. See Maitland, p. 185, See also Eouth's " Peliquise," iii. pp. 256, 265. X See Bower, " Marcellus," 29th Bishop. § That is, from the autumn of a.d. 304 to the s^jring of a.d. 308. See Bur- ton's " Lectures on the Ecc. Hist, of the First Three Cent." ii. p. 433. RISE OF THE PAPACY. 361 obscurity which overhangs its early histor}^, cannot but be embarrassing to those who seek to establish a title to the ministry by attempting to trace it up through such dark annals. On looking back over the first three centuries, we may remark how much the chairman of the Eoman eldership, about the time of the death of the Apostle John, differed from the prelate w^ho filled his place two hundred years afterwards. The former was the servant of the presbyters, and appointed to carry out their decisions; the latter was their master, and entitled to require their submission. The former presided over the ministers of, perhaps, three or four comparatively poor congregations disj)irited by recent persecution ; the latter had the charge of at least five-and- twenty flourishing city churches,* together with all the bishops in all the surrounding territory. In eventful times an individual of transcendent talent, such as Pepin or Napoleon, has adroitly bolted into a throne ; but the bishop of Eome was indebted for his gradual elevation and his ultimate ascendancy neither to extraordinary genius nor superior erudition, but to a combination of circum- stances of unprecedented rarity. His position furnished him with jDeculiar facilities for acquiring influence. Whilst the city in which he was located was the largest in the world, it was also the most opulent and the most powerful. He was continually coming in contact with men of note in the Church from all parts of the Empire; and he had fre- quent opportunities of obliging these strangers by various ofiices of kindness. He thus, too, possessed means of * In the life of Marcellus -sve read of so many places of worship in Rome. See " Hist. Platinse De Vitis Pontif. Roman," p. 40, Colonise, 1593. Oj^tatus speaks of forty churches in Rome at this time ; but he is probably mistaken as to the date. There may have been so many after the establishment of Christianity by Constantino. There were only fifty churches in the Western capital in the beginning of the fifth century. See Neander, i. 276; Edit. Edinburgh, 1847. 362 ROME WANTS THE KEY OF KNOWLEDGE. ascertaining the state of the Christian interest in every land, and of diffusing his own sentiments under singularly propitious circumstances. When he was fast rising into power, it was alleged that he was constituted chief pastor of the Church by Christ himself; and a text of Scripture was quoted Avhich was supposed to endorse his title. For a time no one cared to challenge its application; for mean- while his precedence was but nominal, and those, who might have been competent to point out the delusion, had no wish to give offence, by attacking the fond conceit of a friendly and prosperous prelate. But when the scene changed, and when the Empire found another capital, the acumen of the bishop of the rival metropolis soon dis- covered a sounder exposition; and Chrysostom of Constan- tinople, at once the greatest preacher and the best com- mentator of antiquity, ignored the folly of Tertullian and of Cyprian. "Upon the rock," says he, "that is, upon the faith of the apostle's confession/'* the Church is built. "Christ said that he would build His Church on Peter's confession." t Soon afterwards, the greatest divine con- nected with the Western Church, and the most profound theologian among the fathers, pointed out, still more dis- tinctly, the true meaning of the passage. " Our Lord declares," says Augustine, " On this rock I will found my Church, because Peter had said : Thou art the Christ, the Son of the living God. On this rock, tvhich thou hast con- fessed, He declares I will build my Church, for Christ was the rock on whose foundation Peter himself was built ; for other foundation hath no man laid than that which is laid, which is Christ Jesus." ;|: In the Italian capital, the words on which the power of the Papacy is understood to rest are * In Matt. xvi. 18. Opera, torn. ii. p. 344 ; Edit. Eton, 1612. + In Job. i. 50. Opera, torn. ii. p. 637 ; Edit. Eton, 1612. X "In Johann. Evang. Tractat." 124, § 5. Oj)era, torn. ix. c. 572. Augus- tine had before held the more fashionable \'iew. See " Barrow on the Pope's Supremacy," by Dr M'Crie, p. 78. ROME WANTS THE KEY OF KNOWLEDGE. 3G3 exliibitecl in gigantic letters within the dome of St Peter's ; but their exhibition only proves that the Church of Eome has lost the key of knowledge; for, though she would fain appeal to Scripture, she shews that she does not understand the meaning of its testimony ; and, closing her eyes against the light supplied by the best and wisest of the fathers, she persists in adhering to a false interpretation. SECTION II. THE LITERATURE AND THEOLOGY OF THE CHURCH. CHAPTER L THE ECCLESIASTICAL WKITERS. By " the Fathers" we understand the writers of the ancient Christian Church. The name is, however, of rather vague application, for though generally employed to designate only the ecclesiastical authors of the first six centuries, it is extended, occasionally, to distinguished theologians who flourished in the middle ages. The fathers of the second and third centuries have a strong claim on our attention. Living on the verge of apostolic times, they were acquainted with the state of the Church when it had recently passed from under the care of its inspired founders; and, as witnesses to its early tradi- tions, their testimony is of peculiar value. But the period before us produced comparatively few authors, and a consi- derable portion of its literature has perished. There have been modern divines, such as Calvin and Baxter, who have each left behind a more voluminous array of publications than now survives from all the fathers of these two hundred years. Origen was by far the most prolific of the writers who flourished during this interval, but the greater number JUSTIN MARTYK. 365 of his productions have been lost ; and yet those which re- main, if transhited into English, would amount to nearly triple the bulk of our authorised version of the Bible. His extant works are, however, more extensive than all the other memorials of this most interesting section of the history of the Church. Among the earliest ecclesiastical writers after the close of the first century is Polycarp of Smyrna. He is said to have been a disciple of the Apostle John, and hence he is known as one of the Apostolic Fathers''' An epistle of his addressed to the Philippians, and designed to correct certain vices and errors which had been making their appearance, is still pre- served. It seems to have been written towards the middle of the second century;! its style is simple; and its general tone worthy of a man who had enjoyed apostolic tuition. Its venerable author suffered martyrdom about a.d, 167, ^ at the advanced age of eighty-six. § Justin Martyr was contemporary with Polycarp. He was a native of Samaria, and a Gentile by birth; he had travelled much ; he possessed a well-cultivated mind ; and he had made himself acquainted with the various systems of philosophy which were then current. He could derive no satisfaction from the wisdom of the pagan theorists ; but, one day, as he walked, somewhat sad and pensive, near the sea shore, a casual meeting with an aged stranger led him to turn his thoughts to the Christian revelation. The indi- vidual, with whom he had this solitary and important inter- view, was a member and, perhaps, a minister of the Church. After pointing out to Justin the folly of mere theorising, * The references in this work to the Apostolic Fathers by Cotelerius are to the Amsterdam Edition, foUo, 1724. + This is the date assigned to it by Bunsen. " Hippolytus," i. 309. It is not probable that Polycarp was at the head of the eldership of Smyrna much earlier. See Period II. sec. iii. chap, v., note. X According to Ussher in a.d. 169. § See Pearson's " Minor Works," ii. 531. 366 JUSTIN MARTYll. and recommending him to study tlie Old Testament Scrip- tures, as well on account of tlieir great antiquity as their intrinsic worth, he proceeded to expatiate on the nature and excellence of the gospel. '"" The impression now made upon the mind of the young student was never afterwards effaced ; he became a decided Christian; and, about a.d. 165, finished his career by martyrdom. Justin is the first writer whose contributions to ecclesias- tical literature are of considerable extent. Some of the works ascribed to him are unquestionably the productions of others ; but there is no reason to doubt the genuineness of his Dialogue with Trypho the Jew, and of the two Apo- logies addressed to the Emperors, t Though the meeting with Trypho is said to have occurred at Ephesus, it is now perhaps impossible to determine whether it ever actually took place, or whether the Dialogue is only the re^^ort of an imaginary discussion. It serves, however, to illustrate the mode of argument then adopted in the controversy between the Jews and the disciples, and throws much light upon the state of Christian theology. Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius ajDpear to have been the Emperors to whom the Apologies are addressed. In these appeals to Imperial jus- tice the calumnies against the Christians are refuted, whilst the simplicity of their worship and the purity of their mo- rality are impressively described. Justin, even after his conversion, still wore the philoso- pher's cloak, and continued to cherish an undue regard for the wisdom of the pagan sages. His mind never was com- pletely emancipated from the influence of a system of false metaphysics ; and thus it was that, whilst his views of various doctrines of the gospel remained confused, his allu- sions to them are equivocal, if not contradictory. But it has been well remarked that conscience, rather than science, * The original narrative may be found in the Dialogue with Trypho. + The references to Justin in this work are to the Paris folio edition of 1615. BARNABAS. 367 guided many of the fathers ; and the case of Justin demon- strates the truth of the observation. He possessed an ex- tensive knowledge of the Scriptures; and though his theo- logical views were not so exact or so perspicuous as they might have been, had he been trained up from infancy in the Christian faith, or had he studied the controversies ^vhich subsequently arose, it is beyond doubt that his creed was substantially evangelical. He had received the truth " in the love of it," and he counted not his life dear in the service of his Divine Master. The Epistle to Diocjnetus, frequently included amongst the works of Justin, is apparently the production of an earlier writer. Its author, who styles himself " a disciple of apostles," designed by it to promote the conversion of a friend ; his own views of divine truth are comparatively correct and clear; and in no uninspired memorial of anti- quity are the peculiar doctrines of the gospel exhibited with greater propriety and beauty. Appended also to the com- mon editions of the works of Justin are the remains of a few somewhat later writers, namely, Tatian, Athenagoras, Theophilus, and Hermas. Tatian was a disciple of Justin;'"' Athenagoras was a learned man of Athens ; Theophilus is said to have been one of the pastors of Antioch; and of Hermas nothing whatever is known. The tracts of these "^ authors relate almost entirely to the controversy between Christianity and Paganism. Whilst they point out the folly and falsehood of the accusations so frequently preferred against the brethren, they press the gospel upon the accept- ance of the Gentiles with much earnestness, and support its claims by a great variety of arguments. The tract known as the Epistle of Barnabas was probably composed in A.D. 135.t It is the production apparently of * He afterwards became the founder of a sect noted for its austere dis- cipline. His followers used water, instead of wine, at the celebration of the Lord's Supper. They lived in celibacy, and observed rigorous fasts. t The writer says of the temple (chap, xvi.) — " It is now destroyed by their 368 IREN^US. a convert from Judaism who took special pleasure in alle- gorical interpretations of Scripture. Hermas, the author of the little work called Pastor, or The Shepherd, is a writer of much the same character. He was, in all likelihood, the brother of Pius,* who flourished about the middle of the second century, and who was, perhaps, the first or second individual who was officially designated Bishop of Rome. The writings of Papias, said to have been pastor of Hiera- polis in the time of Polycarp, are no longer extant, t The works of Hegesippus, of a somewhat later date, and treating of the subject of ecclesiastical history, have also disappeared. | Irenceus of Lyons is the next writer who claims our special notice. He was originally connected with Asia Minor; and in his youth he is said to have enjoyed the tuition of Polycarp of Smyrna. We cannot tell when he left his native country, or wdiat circumstances led him to settle on the banks of the Rhone; but w^e know that, to- w^ards the termination of the reign of Marcus Aurelius, he was appointed by the Gallic Christians to visit the Roman Church on a mission of importance. The Celtic language, still preserved in the Gaelic or Irish, was then spoken in France, § and Irenseus found it necessary to quahfy himself (the Jews) enemies, and the servants of their enemies are building it upP Jerusalem was rebuilt by Hadrian about a.d. 135, and the name M\\& given to it. * Two short letters ascribed to Pius are mentioned Period II. sec. iii. chap. vii. For a long time Barnabas, the author of the epistle, was absurdly confounded with the companion of Paul mentioned Acts xiii. 1, and elsewhere ; and Hermas was supposed to be the individual saluted in Rom. xvi. 14. Hence these two writers have been called, hke Polycarp and others, Apostolic Fathers. t Eusebius, who has preserved a few fragments of this author, describes Mm as a very credulous person. See his " Hist." iii. 39. :tl In the text it has not been considered necessary to mention all the writers, however small their contributions to our ecclesiastical literature, who appeared during the second and third centuries. Hence, Melito of Sardis, Caius of Home, and many others are unnoticed. The remaining fragments of these early ecclesiastical writers may be found in Routh's " Reliquiae," and elsewhere. § r]fjiwv, Tav ev KeXroTs biarpi^ovrMv Koi irepl jiap^apov didXeKTov to nXelaTOV acrxo^ov/iieVwj'. — Contra Hcereses, lib. i. Praef. IRENiEUS. 369 for the duties of a preacher among the heathen by studying the barbarous dialect. His zeal, energy, and talent were duly appreciated ; soon after the death of the aged Pothinus he became the chief pastor of Lyons ; and for many years he exercised considerable influence throughout the whole of the Western Church. When the Paschal controversy created such excitement, and when Victor of Eome threatened to rend the Christian commonwealth by his impetuous and haughty bearing, Irenseus interposed, and to some extent succeeded in moderating the violence of the Italian prelate. He was the author of several works,'"" but his only extant production is a treatise "Against Heresies." It is divided into five books, four of which exist only in a Latin version ; f and it contains a lengthened refutation of the Valentinians and other Gnostics. Irenseus is commonly called the disciple of Polycarp; but it is reported that he was also under the tuition of a less intelligent preceptor, Papias of Hierapolis.J This teacher, who has been already mentioned, and who was the author of a work now lost, entitled, " The Explanations of the Discourses of the Lord," is noted as the earliest eccle- siastical writer who held the doctrine of the personal reign of Christ at Jerusalem during the millennium. " These views," says Eusebius, " he appears to have adopted in con- sequence of having misunderstood the apostolic narratives. .... For he was a man of very slender intellect, as is evident from his discourses." § His pupil Irenoeus pos- sessed a much superior capacity ; but even his writings are not destitute of puerilities; and it is not improbable that he derived some of the errors to be found in them from his weak-minded teacher, il * The references to Irenseus in this work are to Stieren's edition of 1853. i Wordsworth has remarked that in the " Philosophumena" of Hippolytua we have some of the lost text of Irenaeus. St Hippolytus, p. 15. X Such is the testimony of Jerome. See Cave's " Life of Ii-enseus." § Euseb. "Hist." iii. 39. II Irenseus adopted the millenarianism of Papias. 2 A 370 TERTULLIAN. Irenseus is supposed to have died in tlie beginning of tlie third century; and, shortly before that date, by far the most vigorous and acute writer who had yet appeared among the fathers, began to attract attention. Tliis was the celebrated Tertullian. He was originally a heathen,'"" and he appears in early life to have been engaged in the profession of a la^^yer. At that time, as afterwards, there was constant intercourse between Kome and Carthage; t Tertullian seems to have been well acquainted with both these great cities ; and he had probably resided for several years in the capital of the Empire. J But most of his public life was, perhaps, spent in Carthage, the place of his birth. In the beginning of the third century clerical celibacy was beginning to be fashionable ; and yet Tertullian, though a presbyter, § was married ; for two of his tracts are addressed To his Wife; and it is apparent from his works that then no law of the Church prohibited ecclesiastics from entering into wedlock. The extant productions of this writer are numerous ; and, if rendered into our language, would form a very portly volume. But though several parts of them have found translators, the whole have never yet appeared in English ; and, of some pieces, the most accomplished scholar would scarcely undertake to furnish at once a literal and an intel- ligible version. || His style is harsh, his transitions are abrupt, and his inuendos and allusions most perplexing. * This is evident from his own statements. See his " Apology," c. 18, and " De Spectaculis," c. 19. The references to Tertullian in this work are either to the edition of Oehler of 1853, or to that of Eigaltius of 1675. i- According to some the population of Carthage at this time amounted to hundreds of thousands. " The intercourse between Carthage and Rome, on account of the corn trade alone, was probably more regular and rapid than with any other part of the Emijire." — MilmanHs Latin Christiayiity, i. p. 47. X See Euseb. ii. 2, 25. § Such is the testimony of Jerome, who asserts farther that the treatment he received from the clergy of Rome induced him to leave that city. II Such as the tracts "De Pallio" and " De Jejuniis." TEETULLIAN. 371 He must have been a man of very bilious temperament, who could scarcely distinguish a theological oj^ponent from a personal enemy ; for he pours forth upon those who differ from him whole torrents of sarcasm and invective.* His strong passion, acting upon a fervid imagination, com- pletely overpowered his judgment; and hence he deals so largely in exaggeration, that, as to many matters of fact, we cannot safely depend upon his testimony. His tone is dictatorial and dogmatic ; and, though we cannot doubt his piety, we must feel that his spirit is somewhat repulsive and ungenial. Whilst he was sadly deficient in sagacity, he was very much the creature of impulse; and thus it was that he was so superstitious, so bigoted, and so choleric. But he was, beyond question, possessed of erudition and of genius; and when he advocates a right principle, he can expound, defend, and illustrate it with great ability and eloquence. Tertullian is commonly known as the earliest of the Latin fathers.f The writer who first attempted to supply the rulers of the w^orld with a Christian literature in their own tongue encountered a task of much difiiculty. It was no easy matter to conduct theological controversies in a language which was not remarkable for flexibility, and which had never before been employed in such discussions ; and Tertidlian seems to have often found it necessary to coin unwonted forms of expression, or rather to invent an ecclesiastical nomenclature. The ponderous Latin, hitherto accustomed to speak only of Jupiter and the gods, engages * As a choice specimen of his vituperative ability his denunciation of Iklarcion may be quoted — " Sed nihil tarn barbarum ac triste apud Pontum quam quod illic Marcion natus est, Scytha tetrior, Hamaxobio instabilior, Massageta inhumanior, Amazona audacior, nubilo obscurior, hieme frigidior, gelu fragilior, Istro fallacior, Caucaso abruptior." — Advenes Marcionem, lib. i. c. 1. t Victor of Eome, who was contemporary with Tertullian, is said to have written in Latin, but the extant letters ascribed to him are considered spurious. 372 TERTULLIAN. somewliat awkwardly in its new vocation ; and yet con- trives to proclaim, with wonderful power, tlie great thoughts for which it must now find utterance. Several years after his appearance as an author, TertuUian lapsed into Montan- ism — a species of heresy peculiarly attractive to a man of his rugged and austere character. Some of his works bear clear traces of this change of sentiment; but others furnish no internal evidences warranting us to pronounce decisively respecting the date of their composition. It is remarkable that though he identified himself with a party under the ban of ecclesiastical proscription, his works still continued to be held in high repute, and to be perused with avidity by those who valued themselves on their zeal for orthodoxy. It is recorded of one of the most influential of the Catholic bishops of the third century that he read a portion of them daily ; and, when calling for his favourite author, he is reported to have said — " Give me the Master!' """ TertuUian flourished at a period when ecclesiastical usur- pation was beginning to jDroduce some of its bitter fruits, and when religion was rapidly degenerating from its primi- tive purity.t His works, which treat of a great variety of topics interesting to the Christian student, throw immense light on the state of the Church in his generation. His best known production is his Apology, in which he pleads the cause of the persecuted disciples with consummate talent, and urges upon the state the equity and the wisdom J of toleration. He expounds the doctrine of the Trinity / more lucidly than any preceding writer; he treats of Prayer, of Eepentance, and of Baptism; he takes up the I controversy with the Jews; J and he assails the Valentinians * Suet, according to Jerome, was the practice of Cyprian. t He is sui)posed to have died at an advanced age, but the date of his demise cannot be accurately determined. Most of his works were written between a.d. 194 and a.d. 217. + The part of the work " Adversus Judeeos," from the beginning of the CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. 373 and other heretics. But the way of salvation by faith seems to have been very indistinctly apprehended by him, so that he cannot be safely trusted as a theologian. He had evidently no clear conception of the place which works ought to occupy according to the scheme of the gospel; and hence he sometimes speaks as if pardon could be pur- chased by penance, by fasting, or by martyrdom. Clement of Alexandria was contemporary with Tertul- lian. Like him, he was a Gentile by birth; but we know nothing of the circumstances connected with his conversion. In early times Alexandria was one of the great marts of literature and science; its citizens were noted for their intellectual culture ; and, when a Church was formed there, learned men began to pass over to the new religion in con- siderable numbers. It was, in consequence, deemed expe- dient to establish an institute where catechumens of this class, before admission to baptism, could be instructed in the faith by some well qualified teacher. The plan of the seminary seems to have been gradually enlarged; and it soon supplied education to candidates for the ministry. Towards the close of the second century, Pantsenus, a dis- tinoidshed scholar, had the charofe of it ; and Clement, who had been his pupil, became his successor as its president. Some of the works of this writer have perished, and his only extant productions are a discourse entitled "What rich man shall be saved V his Address to the Greeks or Gentiles, his Paedagogue, and his Stromata. The hor- tatory Address is designed to win over the pagans from idolatry; the Paedagogue directs to Jesus, or the Word, as the great Teacher, and supplies converts with practical precepts for their guidance ; whilst in the Stromata, or Miscellanies, we have a description of what he calls the Gnostic or perfect Christian. He here takes occasion to ninth chapter, is taken chiefly from the third book of the Treatise against Marcion, and has apparently been added by another hand. 874 HIPPOLYTUS. attack those who, in his estimation, were improperly desig- nated Gnostics, such as Basilides, Valentine, Marcion, and others. Clement, as is apparent from his writings, was extensively acquainted with profane literature. But he formed quite too high an estimate of the value of the heathen philosophy, whilst he allegorized Scripture in a way as dangerous as it was absurd. By the serpent which deceived Eve, accord- ing to Clement, "pleasure, an earthly vice which creeps upon the belly, is allegorically represented."* Moses, speaking allegorically, if we may believe this writer, called the Divine Wisdom the tree of life planted in paradise; by which paradise we may understand the world, in which all the works of creation were called into being, t He even interprets the ten commandments allegorically. Thus, by adultery, he understands a departure from the true know- ledge of the Most High, and by murder, a violation of the truth respecting God and His eternal existence. J It is easy to see how Scripture, by such a system of interpretation, might be tortured into a witness for any extravagance. In the early part of the third century Hippolytus of Portus exerted much influence by his writings. It was long believed that, with the exception of some fragments and a few tracts of little consequence, the works of this father had ceased to exist ; but, as stated in a preceding chapter, § one of his most important publications, the " Philosophumena, or Kefutation of all Heresies," has been recently recovered. The re-appearance of this production after so many centu- ries of oblivion is an extraordinary fact; and its testimony relative to historical transactions of deep interest connected with the early Church of Kome, has created quite a sensa- tion among the students of ecclesiastical literature. * " Aclmonitio ad Gentes," Opera, p. 69. Edit. Coloniae, 1688. t " Stromata," book v. J See Kaye's " Clement of Alexandria," p. 378. § Period II. sec. i. chap. v. p. 344. ORIGEN. 375 Hippolytus was the disciple of Irenaeus, and one of tlie soundest tbeoloo-ians of liis p-eneration. His works, which are written in Greek, ilhistrate his learning, his acuteness, and his eloquence. His views on some matters of ecclesi- astical discipline were, indeed, too rigid; and, by a writer of the fifth century,* he has been described as an abettor of Novatianism; but his zeal and piety are universally admitted. He is said to have lost his life in the cause of Christianity; and though he attests the heretical teaching of two of her chief pastors, the Church of Eome still honours him as a saint and a martyr. Minucius Felix was the contemporary of Hippolytus. He was a Eoman lawyer, and a convert from paganism. In his Dialogue, entitled " Octavius," the respective merits of Christianity and heathenism are discussed with much vivacity. In point of style this little work is surpassed by none of the ecclesiastical writings of the period. Another and a still more distinguished author, contem- porary with Hippolytus, was Oeigen. He Avas born at Alexandria about a.d. 185 ; his father Leonides, who was a teacher of rhetoric, was a member of the Church ; and his son enjoyed the advantages of an excellent elementary education. Origen, when very young, was required daily to commit prescribed portions of the Word of God to memory ; and the child soon became intensely interested in the study of the sacred oracles. The questions which he proposed to his father, as he repeated his appointed tasks, displayed singular precocity of intellect; and Leonides rejoiced exceedingly as he observed from time to time the growing indications of his extraordinary genius. But, before Origen reached maturity, his good parent fell a victim to the intolerance of the imperial laws. In the persecution under Septimius Severus, when the young scholar was about seventeen years of age, Leonides was put * Prudentius. See Wordswortli's "Hippolytus," p. 105-112. 376 OKIGEN. into confinement, and then beheaded. He had a wife and seven children who were likely to be left destitute by his death; but Origen, who was his first born, afraid lest his constancy should be overcome by the prospect of a beggared family, wrote a letter to him when he was in prison to encourage him to martyrdom. " Stand steadfast, father," said the ardent youth, " and take care not to desert your principles on our account." At this crisis he would have exposed himself to martydom, had not his mother hid his clothes, and thus prevented him from appearing in public. When Leonides was put to death his property was con- fiscated, and his family reduced to poverty. But Origen now attracted the notice of a rich and noble lady of Alex- andria, who received him into her house, and became his patron. He did not, however, remain long under her roof; as he was soon able to earn a maintenance by teaching. He continued, meanwhile, to apply himself with amazing industry to the acquisition of knowledge ; and at length he began to be regarded as one of the most learned of the Christians. So great was his celebrity as a divine that, more than once during his life, whole synods of foreign bishops solicited his advice and interference in the settle- ment of theological controversies. Whilst Origen, by intense study, was constantly adding to his intellectual treasures, he also improved his mind by travelling. When about twenty-six years of age he made a journey to Eome ; and he subsequently visited Arabia, Palestine, Syria, Asia Minor, and Greece. As he passed through Palestine in a.d. 228, when he was in the forty- third year of his age, he was ordained a presbyter by some of the bishops of that country. He was now teacher of the catechetical school of Alexandria — an office in which he had succeeded Clement — and his ordination by the foreign pastors gave great offence to Demetrius, his own bishop. It has been said that this haughty churchman was galled ORIGEN. 377 by the superior reputation of the great scholar ; and Origen, on his return to Egypt, was exposed to an ecclesiastical per- secution. An indiscreet act of his youth was now converted into a formidable accusation,'" whilst some incautious specu- lations in which he had indulged were urged as evidences of his unsoundness in the faith. His ordination was pro- nounced invalid; he was deprived of his appointment as president of the catechetical school; and he was excommu- nicated as a heretic. He now retired to Csesarea, where he appears to have spent the greater portion of the remainder of his life. The sentence of excommunication was an- nounced by Demetrius to the Churches abroad ; but though it was approved at Rome and elsewhere, it was not recognised in Palestine, Phoenice, Arabia, and Achaia. At Csesarea, Origen established a theological seminary such as that over which he had so long presided at Alexandria; and, in this institute, some of the most eminent pastors of the third century received their education. This great man throughout life practised extraordinary self-denial. His clothing was scarcely sufficient to protect him from the cold; he slept on the ground; he confined himself to the simplest fare; and for years he persisted in going l)arefoot.t But his austerities did not prevent him from acquiring a world-wide reputation. Pagan philoso- phers attended his lectures, and persons of the highest dis- tinction sought his society. When Julia Mammsea, the mother of Alexander Severus, invited him to visit her, and when, in compliance with this summons, he proceeded to Antioch J escorted by a military guard, he must have been an object of no little curiosity to the Imperial courtiers. It could now no longer be said that the Christians were an illiterate generation; as, in all that brilliant throng sur- ■ rounding the throne of the Master of the Roman world, * He had acted literally as describe:!. Matt, xix. 12, t Euseb. vi. 3. X Euseb. vi. 21. 378 OPJGEN. there was not, perhaps, one to be compared with the poor catechist of Alexandria for varied and profound scholarship. But his theological taste was sadly vitiated by his study of the pagan philosophy. Clement, his early instructor, led him to entertain far too high an opinion of its excellence; and a subsequent teacher, Ammonius Saccas, the father of New Platonism, thoroughly imbued his mind with many of his own dangerous principles. According to Ammonius all systems of religion and philosophy contain the elements of truth; and it is the duty of the wise man to trace out and exhibit their harmony. The doctrines of Plato formed the basis of his creed, and it required no little ingenuity to shew how all other theories quadrated with the speculations of the Athenian sage. To establish his views, he was obliged to draw much on his imagination, and to adopt modes of exegesis the most extravagant and unwarrantable. The philosophy of Ammonius exerted a very pernicious influence upon Origen, and seduced him into not a few of those errors which have contributed so greatly to lower his repute as a theoloo;ian. Origen was a most prolific author; and, if all his works were still extant, they would be far more voluminous than those of any other of the fathers. But most of his writings have been lost; and, in not a few instances, those which remain have reached us either in a very mutilated form, or in a garbled Latin version. His treatise " Against Celsus," which was composed when he was advanced in life, and which is by far the most valuable of his existing works, has come down to us in a more perfect state than, perhaps, any of his other productions. It is a defence of Christianity in reply to the publication of a witty heathen philosopher who wrote ao-ainst it in the time of the Antonines.* Of i * He says Celsus lived in the reign of Hadrian and afterwards. " Contra Celsum,"i. § 8 ; Opera, tom.i. p. 327. The references to Origen in this worl are to the edition of the Benedictine Delarue, 4 vols, folio. Paiis, 1733-59. ' ORIGEN. 379 his celebrated "Hexapla," to wliicli lie is said to have devoted much of his time for eight and twenty years, only some fragments have been preserved. This great work appears to have been undertaken to meet the cavils of the Jews against the Septuagint — the Greek translation of the Old Testament in current use in the days of the apostles, and still most appreciated by the Christians. The unbelieving Israelites now pronounced it a corrupt version; and, that all might have an opportunity of judging for themselves, Origen exhibited the text in six consecutive columns — the first, containing the original Hebrew — the second, the same in Greek letters — and the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth, four of the most famous of the Greek translations, including the Septuagint."^'* The labour employed in the collation of manuscripts, when preparing this work, was truly prodi- gious. The expense, which must also have been great, is said to have been defrayed by Ambrosius, a wealthy Chris- tian friend, who placed at the disposal of the editor the constant services of seven amanuenses. By his " Hexapla " Origen did much to preserve the purity of the sacred text, and he may be said to have thus laid the foundations of the science of Scripture criticism. This learned writer cannot be trusted as an interpreter of the inspired oracles. Like the Jewish Cabbalists, of whom Philo, whose works he had diligently studied,! is a remarkable specimen, he neglects the literal sense of the "Word, and betakes himself to mystical expositions.^ In this way the divine record may be made to support any crotchet which happens to please the fancy of the commen- tator. Origen may, in fact, be regarded as the father of Christian mysticism; and, in after-ages, to a certain class * The three other Greek versions were those of Aquila, of Symmachus, and of Theodotion. t Origen, in his writings, repeatedly refers to Philo by name. See Opera, i. 543. :;: See Euseb. ii. c. 17. 380 ORIGEN. of visionaries, especially amongst the monks, his writings long continued to present peculiar attractions. On doctrinal points his statements are not always con- sistent, so that it is extremely difficult to form anything like a correct idea of his theological sentiments. Thus, on the subject of the Trinity, he sometimes speaks most dis- tinctly in the language of orthodoxy, whilst again he employs phraseology which rather savours of the creed of Sabellius or of Arius. In his attempts to reconcile the gospel and his philosophy, he miserably compromised some of the most important truths of Scripture. The fall of man seems to be not unfrequently repudiated in his re- ligious system; and yet, occasionally, it is distinctly recog- nized.* He maintained the pre-existence of human souls; he held that the stars are animated beings ; he taught that all men shall ultimately attain happiness; and he believed \ that the devils themselves shall eventually be saved. t It is abundantly clear that Origen was a man of true piety. His whole life illustrates his self-denial, his single- mindedness, his delight in the Word of God, and his zeal for the advancement of the kingdom of Christ. In the Decian persecution he suffered nobly as a confessor; and the torture which he then endured seems to have hastened his demise. But with all his learning he was obviously deficient in practical sagacity; and though both his genius and his eloquence were of a high order, he possessed scarcely even an average share of prudence and common sense. His writings diffused, not the genial light of the Sun of Kight- eousness, but the mist and darkness of a Platonized Chris- * Thus lie declares — " The prophets indicating what is wise concerning the circumstances of our generation, say that sacrifice is offered for sin, even the sin of those newly horn as not free from sin, for it is written — ' I was shapen in wickedness, and in sin did my mother conceive me.'" — Contra Celsum, vii. § 50. + He held, however, that Satan is to be excepted from the general salvation. See " Epist. ad Amicos Alexandrinos," Opera, i. p. 5. CYPRIAN. 381 tianity. Thoiigli lie induced many philosophers to become members of the Church, the value of these accessions was greatly deteriorated by the daring spirit of speculation which they were still encouraged to cultivate. Of his Christian courage, his industry, and his invincible perse- verance, there can be no doubt. He closed a most labo- rious career at Tyre, a.d. 254, in the seventieth year of his age. About the time of the death of Origen, a Latin author, whose writings are still perused with interest, was begin- nino- to attract much notice. Cyprian of Carthaoje, before his conversion to Christianity, was a professor of rhetoric and a gentleman of property. When he renounced heathen- ism, he is supposed to have reached the mature age of forty- five or forty-six; and as he possessed rank, talent, and popular eloquence, he was deemed no ordinary acquisition to the Church. About two years after his baptism, the chief pastor of the metropolis of the Proconsular Africa was removed by death; and Cyprian, by the acclamations of the Christian people, was called to the vacant office. At that time there seem to have been only eight presbyters,''^' or elders, connected with the bishopric of Carthage; but the city contained probably some hundreds of thousands of a population; and, though the episcopal dignity was not without its perils, it did not want the attractions of wealth and influence. The advancement of Cyprian gave great oifence to the other elders, who appear to have conceived that one of themselves, on the ground of greater experience and more lengthened services, had a better title to promo- tion. Though the new bishop was sustained by the enthu- siastic support of the multitude, the presbytery contrived, notwithstanding, to give him considerable annoyance. Five of them, constituting a majority, formed themselves into a * See Sage's " Vindication of the Principles of the Cyprianic Age," p. 348. London, 1701. 382 CYPPvIAK regular opposition; and for several years tlie Carthaginian Church was distracted by the struggles between the bishop and his eldership. The pastorate of Cyprian extended over a period of about ten years ; but meanwhile persecution raged, and the bishop was obliged to spend nearly the one-third of his episcojDal life in retirement and in exile. From his retreat he kept up a communication by letters with his flock.* The worship and constitution of the Church about the middle of the third century may be ascertained pretty clearly from the Cyprianic correspondence. Some of the letters addressed to the Carthaginian bishop, as well as those dictated by him, are still extant; and as he maintained an epistolary intercourse with Rome, Cappadocia, and other places, the documents known as the Cyprianic writings,! are amongst the most important of the ancient ecclesiastical memorials. This eminent pastor has also left behind him several short treatises on topics w^hich were then attracting public atten- tion. Among these may be mentioned his tracts on " The Unity of the Church," " The Lord's Prayer," " The Vanity of Idols," "The Grace of God," " The Dress of Virgins," and " The Benefit of Patience." The writings of Cyprian have long been noted for their orthodoxy ; and yet it must be admitted that his hierarchi- * In the case of these epistles, much confusion arises, in the way of refer- ence, from their various arrangement by different editors. The references in this work to Cyprian are to the edition of Baluzius, folio, Venice, 1728. Balu- zius, in the arrangement of the letters, adopts the same order as Pamelius, but Epistle II. of the latter is Epistle I. of the former, and so on to Epistle XXIII. of Pamelius, which i.s Epistle XXII. of the other. Baluzius here con- forms exactly to the numeration of the preceding editor by making Epistle XXIV. immediately follow Epistle XXII., so that from this to the end of the series the same references apply equally well to the work of either. The numeration of the Oxford edition of Bishop FeU is, with a few exceptions, quite different. + Mr Shepherd has completely failed in his attempt to disprove the genuine- ness of these writings. They are as well attested as any other documents of antiquity. CYPRIAN. 383 cal prejudices stunted liis charity and obscured liis intellec- tual \asion. Tertullian was his favourite author; and it is evident that he possessed much of the contracted spirit and of the stiff formalism of the great Carthaginian presbyter. He speaks in more exalted terms of the authority of bishops than any preceding writer. It is not improbable that the attempts of his discontented elders to curb his power in- flamed his old aristocratic hauteur, and thus led to a reac- tion ; and that, supported by tlie popular voice, he was tempted absurdly to magnify his office, and to stretch his prerogative beyond the bounds of its legitimate exercise. His name carried with it great influence, and from his time episcopal pretensions advanced apace. CyjDrian was martyred about a.d. 258 in the Valerian persecution. As he was a man of rank, and perhaps per- sonally related to some of the imperial officers at Carthage, he seems to have been treated, when a prisoner, with un- usual respect and indulgence. On the evening before his death an elegant supper was provided for him, and he was permitted to enjoy the society of a numerous party of his friends. When he reached the spot where he was to suffer, he was subjected to no lingering torments; for his head was severed from his body by a single stroke of the execu- tioner.* The only other "\*\Titer of note who flourished after Cyprian, in the third century,t was Gregory, surnamed Thaumatur- gus, or The Wonder -Worker. He belonged to a pagan family of distinction ; and, when a youth, was intended for the profession of the law; but, becoming acquainted with Orio;en at Caesarea in Palestine, he was induced to embrace * See Period II. sec. i. chap. ii. p. 302, note. -|- It has not been thought necessary in this chapter to notice either Arnobins, an African rhetorician, who wrote seven Books against the Gentiles ; or the Christian Cicero, Lactantius, who is said to have been his pupil. Both these authors appeared about the end of the period embraced in this history, and consequently exerted little or no influence during the time of which it treats. 384 GREGORY THAUMATURGUS. the Christian faith, and relinquish flattering prospects of secular promotion. He became subsequently the bishop of Neo-Csesarea in Pontus. When he entered on his charge he is said to have had a congregation of only seventeen indivi- duals; but his ministry must have been singularly success- ful; for, according to tradition, all the inhabitants of the city, with seventeen exceptions, were, at the time of his death, members of the Church. The reports respecting him are obviously exaggerated, and no credit can be attached to the narrative of his miracles.* He wrote several works, of which his " Panegyric on Origen," and his " Paraphrase on Ecclesiastes," are still extant. The genuineness of some other tracts ascribed to him may be fairly challenged. The preceding account of the fathers of the second and third centuries may enable us to form some idea of the value of these writers as ecclesiastical authorities. Most of them had reached maturity before they embraced the faith of the gospel, so that, with a few exceptions, they wanted the ad- vantages of an early Christian education. Some of them, before their conversion, had bestowed much time and atten- tion on the barren speculations of the pagan philosophers; and, after their reception into the bosom of the Church, they still continued to pursue the same unprofitable studies. Cyprian, one of the most eloquent of these fathers, had been baptized only about two years before he was elected bishop of Carthage; and, during his comparatively short episco- pate, he was generally in a turmoil of excitement, and had, consequently, little leisure for reading or mental cultivation. Such a writer is not entitled to command confidence as an expositor of the faith once delivered to the saints. Even in our own day, with all the facilities supplied by printing for the rapid accumulation of knowledge, no one would expect much spiritual instruction from an author who would un- dertake the office of an interpreter of Scripture two years * His life was written by Gregory Nysseu about a centui-y after his death. ABSURDITIES OF THE EARLY FATHERS. 385 after his conversion from heatlienism. The fathers of the second and third centuries were not regarded as safe guides even by their Christian contemporaries. Tatian was the founder of a sect of extreme Teetotallers.'"" Tertullian, who, in point of learning, vigour, and genius, stands at the head of the Latin writers of this period, was connected with a party of gloomy fanatics. Origen, the most voluminous and erudite of the Greek fathers, was excommunicated as a heretic. If we estimate these authors, as they were appre- ciated by the early Church of Kome, we must pronounce their writings of little value. Tertullian, as a Montanist, was under the ban of the Eoman bishop. Hippolytus could not have been a favourite with either Zephyrinus or Callis- tus, for he denounced both as heretics. Origen was treated by the Roman Church as a man under sentence of excom- munication. Stephen deemed even Cyprian unworthy of his ecclesiastical fellowship, because the Carthaginian pre- late maintained the propriety of rebaptizing heretics. Nothing can be more unsatisfactory, or rather childish, than the explanations of Holy Writ sometimes given by these ancient expositors. According to Tertullian, the two sparrows mentioned in the New Testament t signify the soul and the body; J and Clemens Alexandrinus gravely pleads for marriage § from the promise — " Where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst of them." II Cyprian produces, as an argument in support of the doctrine of the Trinity, that the Jews observed " the third, sixth, and ninth hours " as their " fixed and la^vful seasons for prayer." H Origen represents the heavenly bodies * See a preceding note in this cliapter, p. 367. t Matt. X. 29. J iScorpiace, c. ix. § Stromata, book iii. II Matt, xviii. 20. IT " For," says he, " from the first hour to the third, a trinity of nnrnber is manifested ; from the fourth on to the sixth, is another trinity ; and in the seventh closing with the ninth, a perfect trinity is numbered, in spaces of three hours." — On the Lord's Prayer, p. 426. 2b 386 ABSURDITIES OF THE EAELY FATHERS. as literally engaged in acts of devotion. ''• If these authori- ties are to be credited, the Gihon, one of the rivers of Para- dise, was no other than the Nile, t Very few of the fathers of this period were acquainted with Hebrew, so that, as a class, they were miserably qualified for the interpretation of the Scriptures. Even Origen himself must have had a very imperfect knowledge of the language of the Old Testament. | In consequence of their literary deficiencies, the fathers of the second and third centuries occasionally commit the most ridiculous blunders. Thus, Irenseus tells us that the name Jesus in Hebrew consists of two letters and a half, and de- scribes it as signifying " that Lord who contains heaven and earth !"§ This father asserts also that the Hebrew word Adonai, or the Lord, denotes "utterable and wonderful." || Clemens Alexandrinus is not more successful as an inter- preter of the sacred tongue of the chosen people; for he asserts that Jacob was called Israel " because he had seen the Lord God,"^ and he avers that Abraham means "the elect father of a sound !""''* Justin Martyr errs egregiously in his references to the Old Testament; as he cites Isaiah for Jeremiah,tt Zechariah for Malachi,JJ; Zephaniah for Zechariah,§§ and Jeremiah for Daniel. 1||| Irenseus repeats, as an apostolic tradition, that when our Lord acted as a * " Contra CeLsum," v. § II. t Theophilus to Avitolycus, lib. ii. § 24. X In proof of this3 see his treatise " Contra Celsum," i. 25, also " Opera," iii. p. 616, and iv. p. 86, § " Contra Hajreses," ii. c. xxiv. § 2. See Matt. i. 21. II " Contra Hpereses," ii. c. xxxv. 3. He seems to have confounded Adonai and Yehovah. The latter word was regarded by the Jews as the " unutterable " name. Hence it has been thought that in the Latin version of IrenfEus we should read "inuominabile" for " nominabile." SeeStieren's "Irenseus," i. 418. H ^ Peedagogue," book i. See Gen. xxxii. 28. ** " Stromata," book v. See Gen. xvii. 5. Not a few of these mistakes may be traced to Philo Judaeus. Thus, this interpretation of Abraham may be found in his " Questions and Solutions on Genesis," book iii. 43. tt " Apol." ii. p, 88, XX " Dialogue with Trypho," Opera, p. 268. ^§ " Apol" ii. p. 76, 1111 " Apol." ii. p. 86. ABSURDITIES OF THE EARLY FATHERS. 387 public teacher He M'as between forty and fifty years of age ;* and Tertullian affirms that He was about thirty years of age at the time of His crucifixion, t The opinion of this same writer in reference to angels is still more extraordinary. He maintains that some of these beings, captivated by the beauty of the daughters of men, came down from heaven and married them; and that, out of complaisance to their brides, they communicated to them the arts of polishing and setting precious stones, of preparing cosmetics, and of using other appliances which minister to female vanity. | His ideas upon topics of a different character are equally singular. Thus, he affirms that the soul is corporeal, having length, breadth, height, and figure. § He even goes so far as to say that there is no substance which is not corporeal, and that God himself is a body. || It would seem as if the Great Head of the Church per- mitted these early \^T:iters to commit the grossest mistakes, and to propound the most foolish theories, for the express purpose of teaching us that we are not implicitly to follow their guidance. It might have been thought that authors, who flourished on the borders of apostolic times, knew more of the mind of the Spirit than others who appeared in succeeding ages ; but the truths of Scripture, like the phenomena of the visible creation, are equally intelligible to all generations. If we possess spiritual discernment, the trees and the flowers A\dll display the wisdom and the good- ness of God as distinctly to us as they did to our first parents ; and, if we have the " unction from the Holy One," we may enter into the meaning of the Scriptures as fully * " Contra Hasreses," ii. c. xxii. § 5. t He thus makes His ministry about a year in length. " Adversus Judfecs," c. viii. t " De Cultu Feminarum," lib. i. c. 2, and lib. ii. c. 10. § See Kaye's " Tertullian," p. 196. See also Warburton's " Divine Legation of Moses," i. 510. Edit. London, 1837. II " Adver-sus Hermogenem," c. 35, and " Adversus Praxeam," c. 7v 388 THE BIBLE ITS OWN INTERPRETER. as did Justin Martyr or Irenseus. To assist us in tlie interpretation of the New Testament, we liave at command a critical apj^aratus of which they were unable to avail themselves. Jehovah is jealous of the honour of His Word, and He has inscribed in letters of light over the labours of its most ancient interpreters — " Cease ye from man." The " opening of the Scriptures," so as to exhibit their beauty, their consistency, their purity, their wisdom, and their power, is the clearest proof that the commentator is pos- sessed of " the key of knowledge." When tried by this test, Thomas Scott or Matthew Henry is better entitled to con- fidence than either Origen or Gregory Thaumaturgus. The Bible is its own safest expositor. " The law of the Lord is perfect, converting the soul; the testimony of the Lord is sure, making wise the simple." CHAPTER 11. THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES AND THEIE CLAIMS. THE EXTERNAL EVIDENCE. The Epistles attributed to Ignatius have attracted greater notice, and have created more discussion, than any other uninspired writings of the same extent in existence. The productions ascribed to this author, and now reputed genuine by the most learned of their recent editors, might all be printed on the one-fourth of a page of an ordinary newspaper; and yet, the fatigue of travelling thousands of miles has been encountered,'"' for the special purpose of searching after correct copies of these highly-prized me- morials. Large volumes have been written, either to establish their authority, or to prove that they are forgeries ; and, if collected together, the books in various languages to which they have given birth, would themselves form a considerable library. Recent discoveries have thrown new light on their pretensions, but though the controversy has * In 1842, Archdeacon Tattam, who had returned only about three years before from Egypt, where he had been searching for ancient manuscripts, set out a second time to that country, under the auspices of the Trustees of the British Museum, chiefly for the purpose of endeavouring to procure copies of the Ignatian epistles. On this occasion he succeeded in ol)taining possession of the Syriac copy of the three letters published by Dr Cureton in 1845. Shortly before the Revolution of 1G88, Robert Huntingdon, afterwards Bishop of Raphoe, and then chaplain to the British merchants at Aleppo, twice undertook a voyage to Egypt in quest of copies of the Ignatian epistles. On one of these occasions he visited the monastery in the Nitrian desert in which the letters were recently foimd. ii90 THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES. now continued upwards of tliree hundred years, it lias not hitherto reached a satisfactory termination/"'' The Ignatian letters owe almost all their importance to the circumstance that they are alleged to have been written on the confines of the apostolic age. As very few records remain to illustrate the ecclesiastical history of that period, it is not strange that epistles, purporting to have emanated from one of the most distinguished ministers who then flourished, should have excited uncommon attention. But doubts regarding their genuineness have always been entertained by candid and competent scholars. The spirit of sectarianism has entered largely into the discussion of their claims ; and, whilst certain distinct references to the subject of Church polity, which they contain, have greatly enhanced their value in the estimation of one party, the same passages have been quoted, by those who repudiate their authority, as so many decisive proofs of their fabrica- tion. The annals of literature furnish, perhaps, scarcely any other case in which ecclesiastical prejudices have been so much mixed up with a question of mere criticism. The history of the individual to whom these letters have been ascribed, has been so metamorphosed by fables, that it is now, perhaps, impossible to ascertain its true outlines. There is a tradition that he was the child whom our Saviour set in the midst of His disciples as a pattern of humility ;t and as our Lord, on the occasion, took up the little personage in His arms, it has been asserted that Ignatius was therefore surnamed Theophorus, that is, ho7^ne or carried hy God.l Whatever may be thought as to the * Of the writers who have taken a prominent part in the Ignatian contro- versy we may particularly mention Ussher, Vossius, Hammond, DaiUe, Pear- son, Larroque, Rothe, Baur, Cureton, Hefele, and Bunsea t Matt, xviii. 2-4 ; Mark ix. 36. J There has been a keen controversy respecting the accentuation of Qeo- (})opos. Those who place the accent on the antepenult (Qeocpopos) give it the meaning mentioned in the text; whilst others, placing the accent on the THE STORY OF IGNATIUS. 391 truth of tills story, it probably gives a not very inaccurate view of the date of his birth ; for he was, in all likelihood, iiiv advanced in life''" at the period when he is supposed to have written these celebrated letters. According to the current accounts, he was the second bishop of Antioch at the time of his martyrdom ; and as his age would lead us to infer that he was then the senior member of the presby- ter}^,! the tradition may have thus originated. It is alleged that Avhen Trajan visited the capital of Syria in the ninth year of his reign, or a.d. 107, Ignatius voluntarily presented himself before the imperial tribunal, and avowed his Chris- tianity. It is added, that he was in consequence condemned to be carried a prisoner to Eome, there to be consigned to the wild beasts for the entertainment of the populace. On his way to the "Western metropolis, he is said to have stopped at Smyrna. The legend represents Polycarp as then the chief pastor of that city; and, when there, Ignatius is described as having received deputations from the neigh- bouring churches, and as having addressed to them several letters. From Smyrna he is reported to have proceeded to Troas ; where he dictated some additional epistles, including one to Polycarp. The claims of these letters to be con- sidered his genuine productions have led to the controversy which we are now to notice. The story of Ignatius exhibits many marks of error and exaggeration; and yet it is no easy matter to determine how much of it should be pronounced fictitious. Few, perhaps, wiU venture to assert that the account of his peniilt {Qeo(J}6pos), understand by it God-hearing, the explanation given in the "Acts of the Martyrdom of Ignatius." See Daille, "De Scriptis quce sub Dionysii Areop. et Ignatii Antioch. nom. circumferuntur," lib. ii. c. 25 ; and Pearson's " Vindicite Ignatianse," pars. sec. cap. xii. * Cave reckons that at the time of his martyrdom he was probably " above fourscore years old." See his " Life of Ignatius." t See Period II. sec. iii. chap. v. Evodius is comraoidy represented as tho first bishop of Antioch. 392 THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES. martyrdom is to be rejected as altogether apocryplial; and still fewer will go so far as to maintain that he is a purely imaginary character. There is every reason to believe that, very early in the second century, he was connected with the Church of Antioch; and that, about the same period, he suffered unto death in the cause of Christianity. Pliny, who was then Proconsul of Bithynia, mentions that, as he did not well know, in the beginning of his administration, how to deal with the accused Christians, he sent those of them who were Roman citizens to the Emperor, that he might himself pronounce judgment.'"' It is possible that the chief magistrate of Syria pursued the same course; and that thus Ignatius was transmitted as a prisoner into Italy. But, upon some such substratum of facts, a mass of incongruous fictions has been erected. The " Acts of his Martyrdom," still extant, and written probably upwards of a hundred years after his demise, cannot stand the test of / chronological investigation; and have evidently been com- piled by some very superstitious and credulous author. \ According to these Acts, Ignatius was condemned by Trajan at Antioch in the 7i{ntJif year of his reign; but it has been contended that, not until long afterwards, was the Emperor in the Syrian capital. J In the " Acts," Ignatius is * " Fuerunt alii similis amentise : quos, quia cives Eomani erant, annotavi in Urbem remittendos." — Plinii, Epist. lib. x. epist. 96. f The Greek says the ninth, and the Latin the fourth year. According to both, the condemnation took place early in the reign of Trajan. See also the first sentence of the " Acts." In his translation of these " Acts," Wake, regardless of this statement, and in ojiposition to all manuscript authority, represents the sentence as pronounced " in the nineteenth year" of Trajan. t See Jacobson's " Patres Apostolici," ii. p. 504. See also Greswell's " Dis- sertations," vol. iv. p. 422. It is evident that the date in the " Acts" cannot be the mistake of a transcriber, for in the same document the martyrdom is said to have occurred when Sura and Synecius were consuls. These, as Greswell observes, were actually consuls " in the ninth of Trajan." Greswell's " Dis- sertations," iv. p. 416. Hefele, however, has attempted to shew that Trajan was really in Antioch about this time. See his " Pat. Apost. Opera Prolego- mena," p. 35. Edit. Tubingen, 1842. THE STORY OF IGNATIUS. 393 described as presenting himself before liis sovereign of Ids own accord, to proclaim his Christianity — a piece of fool- hardiness for which it is difficult to discover any reasonable | apology. The report of the interview between Ignatius and Trajan, as given in this document, would, if believed, abundantly warrant the conclusion that the martyr must j have entirely lost the humility for which he is said to have i obtained credit when a child ; as his conduct, in the pre- | sence of the Emperor, betrays no small amount of boast- / fulness and presumption. The account of his transmission to Eome, that he might be thrown to wild beasts, presents j difficulties with which even the most zealous defenders of / his legendary history have found it impossible to grapple. 1 He was sent away, say they, to the Italian metropolis that the sight of so distinguished a victim passing through so many cities on his way to a cruel death might strike terror into the hearts of the Christian inhabitants. But we are \ told that he was conveyed from Syria to Smyrna by water/'' j so that the explanation is quite unsatisfactory; and, had / the journey been accomplished by land, it would stiU be insufficient, as the disciples of that age were unhappily only too familiar with spectacles of Christian martyrdom. Our , perplexity increases as we proceed more minutely to inves- \ tigate the circumstances under which the epistles are re- J ported to have been composed. Whilst Ignatius is said to have been hurried with great violence and barbarity from the East to the West, he is at the same time represented, \ with strange inconsistency, as remaining for many days / together in the same place,t as receiving visitors from the * " Acts of his Martyrdom," § 8. t He is said, when at Smyrna, to have been visited by a deputation from the Maguesians. But had notice been sent to them as soon as he arrived at Smyrna, the messenger would have required three days to perforin the journey; and had the Magnesians set out instantaneously, they must have occupied three days more in travelling to him. Thus, notwithstanding all the precipitation with which he was hurried along, he could scarcely have been less than a week in Smyrna. See " Corpus Ignatianum," pp. 326, 327. 394 THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES. cliurclies all around, and as writing magniloquent epistles. AVhat is still more remarkal)le, though he was pressed by the soldiers to hasten forward, and though a prosperous gale speedily carried his vessel into Italy,'" one of these letters is supposed to outstrip the rapidity of his own pro- gress, and to reach Eome before himself and his impatient escort ! Early in the fourth century at least seven epistles attri- buted to Ignatius were in circulation, for Eusebius of CtBsarea, who then flourished, distinctly mentions so many, and states to whom they were addressed. From Smyrna the martyr is said to have written four letters — one to the Ephesians, another to the Magnesians, a third to the Tral- lians, and a fourth to the Eomans. From Troas he is reported to have written three additional letters — one to Polycarp, a second to the Smyrnseans, and a third to the Philadelphians.t At a subsequent period eight more epistles made their appearance, including two to the Apostle John, one to the Virgin Mary, one to Maria Casso- bolita, one to the Tarsians, one to the Philippians, one to the Antiochians, and one to Hero the deacon. Thus, no less than fifteen epistles claim Ignatius of Antioch as their author. It is unnecessary to discuss the merits of the eight letters unknown to Eusebius. They were probably all fabricated after the time of that historian; and critics have long since concurred in rejecting them as spurious. Until recently, those engaged in the Ignatian controversy were * " He was pressed by the soldiers to hasten to the pubHc sj^ectacles at great Eome." "And the wind continuing favourable to us, in one day and night we were hurried on." — Acts of his Martyrdom, § 10, 11. t Philadelphia is distant from Troas about two hundred miles. " Corpus Ignatianum," jjp. 331, 332. Here, then, is another difficulty connected with this hasty journey. How could a deputation from Philadelphia meet Ignatius in Troas, as some allege they did, if he did not stop a considerable time there ? See other difficulties suggested by Dr Cureton. " Cor. Ignat." p. 332. THE SYEIAC VERSION. 395 occupied chiefly \yitli tlie examination of the claims of the documents mentioned by the bishop of Csesarea. Here, however, the strange variations in the copies tended greatly to complicate the discussion. The letters of different manu- scripts, when compared together, disclosed extraordinary discrepancies; for, whilst all the codices contained much of the same matter, a letter in one edition was, in some cases, about double the length of the corresponding letter in another. Some writers contended for the genuineness of the shorter epistles, and represented the larger as made up of the true text extended by interpolations ; whilst others pronounced the larger letters the originals, and condemned the shorter as unsatisfactory abridgments."'' But, though both editions found most erudite and zealous advocates, many critics of eminent ability continued to look with distrust upon the text, as well of the shorter, as of the larger letters; whilst not a few were disposed to suspect that Ignatius had no share whatever in the composition of any of these documents. In the year 1845 a new turn was given to this contro- versy by the publication of a Syriac version of three of the Ignatian letters. They w^ere printed from a manuscript deposited in 1843 in the British Museum^ and obtained, shortly before, from a monastery in the desert of Nitria in Egypt. The work was dedicated by permission to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the views propounded in it were understood to have the sanction of the English metro- politan.t Dr Cureton, the editor, has since entered more fully into the discussion of the subject in his " Corpus Igna- tianum " J — a volume dedicated to His Eoyal Highness the * Such is the opinion maintained by the celebrated Whiston in his " Pri- mitive Christianity." More recently Meier took up nearly the same position. t See Preface to the " Corpus Ignatianum," p. 4. X Published in 1849. In 1846 he pubUshed his " Vindicire Ignatianse ; or the Genuine Writings of St Ignatius, as exhibited in the ancient Syriac version, vindicated from the charge of heresy." 396 THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES. Prince Albert, in which the various texts of all the epistles are exhibited, and in which the claims of the three recently discovered letters, as the only genuine productions of Ig- I natius, are ingeniously maintained. In the Syriac copies,'"" j these letters are styled " The Three Epistles of Ignatius, Bishop, and Martyr," and thus the inference is suggested that, at one time, they were the only three epistles in existence. Dr Cureton's statements have obviously made a great impres- sion upon the mind of the literary public, and there seems at present to be a pretty general disposition in certain f quarters t to discard all the other epistles as forgeries, and to accept those preserved in the Syriac version as the veritable compositions of the pastor of Antioch. It must be obvious from the foregoing explanations that increasing light has wonderfully diminished the amount of literature which once obtained credit under the name of the venerable Ignatius. In the sixteenth century he was re- puted by many as the author of fifteen letters : it was subsequently discovered that eight of them must be set aside as apocryphal : farther investigation convinced critics that considerable portions of the remaining seven must be rejected: and when the short text of these epistles was published, \ about the middle of the seventeenth century,' ; candid scholars confessed that it still betrayed unequivocal I indications of corruption. § But even some Protestant ' writers of the highest rank stoutly upheld their claims, and * In 1847 another copy of tlie Syriac version of the three epistles was deposited in the British Museum, and since, Sir Henry Rawliuson is said to have obtained a third copy at Bagdad. See " British Quarterly " for October 1855, p. 452. t Dr Lee, late Regius Professor of Hebrew in Canabridge, Chevalier Bun- sen, and other scholars of great eminence, have espoused the views of Dr Cureton. X By Archbishop Ussher in 1644, and by Vossius in 1646. § Such was the opinion of Ussher himself. " Concludimus nullas omni ex parte sinceras esse habendas et genuinas." Dissertation prefixed to his edition of "Polycarp and Ignatius," chap. 18. Pearson's "vindici^." 397 / the learned Pearson devoted years to the preparation of a N defence of their authority.'" His "Yindicise Ignatianse" , has long been considered by a certain party as unanswer- > able ; and, though the publication has been read by very /few,t the advocates of what are called " High-Church prin- i ciples" have been reposing for nearly two centuries under I the shadow of its reputation. The critical labours of Dr Cureton have somewhat disturbed their dream of security, as that distinguished scholar has adduced very good evi- dence to shew that about three-fourths of the matter J which the Bishop of Chester spent a considerable portion of : his mature age in attempting to prove genuine, is the work [ of an impostor. It is now admitted by the highest authori- \ ties that four of the seven short letters must be given up as spurious ; and the remaining three, which are addressed, respectively to Polycarp, to the Ephesians, and to the'> Eomaus, and which are found in the Syriac version, are ( much shorter even than the short epistles which had ( abeady appeared under the same designations. The Epistle to Polycarp, the shortest of the seven letters in preceding / editions, is here presented in a still more abbreviated form ; the Epistle to the Romans wants fully the one-third of its previous matter; and the Epistle to the Ephesians has lost nearly three-fourths of its contents. Nor is this all. In * Pearson was occui)ied six years in the preparation of this work. The publication of Daill6, to which it was a reply, appeared in 1666. Daille died in 1670, at the advanced age of seventy-six. The work of Pearson did not appear until two years afterwards, or in 1672. The year follo\ving he received the bishopric of Chester as his reward. t " In the whole course of my inquiry respecting the Ignatian Epistles," says Dr Cureton, "I have never met with one person xuho professes to have read Bishop Pearson's celebrated book; but I was informed by one of the most learned and eminent of the present bench of bishops, that Person, after having perused the ' Vindicise,' had expressed to him his opinion that it was a 'very unsatisfactory work.'" — Corpus Ignat., Preface, pp. 14, 15, note. Bishop Pearson's work is written in Latin. X The " Three Epistles " edited by Dr Cureton contain only about the one- fourth of the matter of the seven shorter letters edited by Ussher. 398 THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES. the Syriac version a large fragment of one of the four / recently rejected letters reappears; as the new edition of / the Epistle to the Eomans contains two entire paragraphs \ to be found in the discarded letter to the Trallians. It is only due to Dr Cureton to acknowledge that his publications have thrown immense light on this tedious and keenly agitated controversy. But, unquestionably, he has not exhausted the discussion. Instead of abruptly adojDting the conclusion that the three letters of the Syriac version are to be received as genuine, we conceive he would have argued more logically had he inferred that they reveal one of the earliest forms of a gross imposture. We are persuaded that the epistles he has edited, as well^as all the others previously published, are fictitious ; and we shall endeavour to demonstrate, in the sequel of this chapter, that the external evidence in their favour is most unsatis- factory. AVlien discussing the testimonies from the writers of antiquity in their support, it is not necessary to examine any later witness than Eusebius. The weight of his lite- rary character influenced all succeeding fathers, some of whom, who appear never to have seen these documents, refer to them on the strength of his authority.'"' In his " Ecclesiastical History," which was published as some think about A.D. 325, he asserts that Ignatius wrote seven letters, and from these he makes a few quotations.! But his ad- mission of the genuineness of a correspondence, bearing date upwards of two hundred years before his own appear- ance as an author, is an attestation of very doubtful value. He often makes mistakes respecting the character of eccle- siastical memorials ; and in one memorable case, of far more consequence than that now under consideration, he has * Dr Cureton lias shewn that even the learned Jerome must have known very little of these letters. " Corpus Ignat.," Introd. p. 67. t Euseb. iii. c. 3(5. TESTIMONY OF ORIGEN. 399 blundered most egregiously ; for he has published, as genuine, the spurious correspondence between Abgarus and our Saviour.""' He was under strong temptations to form an unduly favourable judgment of the letters attributed to Ignatius, inasmuch as, to use the words of Dr Cureton, " they seemed to afford evidence to the apostolic succession in several churches, an account of which he professes to be one of the chief objects of his history/' t His reference to them is decisive as to the fact of their existence in the early part of the fourth century; but those who adopt the views propounded in the "Corpus Ignatianum," are not pre- pared to bow to his critical decision; for, on this very occasion, he has given his sanction to four letters which they pronounce apocryphal. The only father who notices these letters before the fourth centm-y, is Origen. He quotes from them twice ; \ the citations which he gives are to be found in the Syriac version of the three epistles ; § and it would appear from his writings that he was not acquainted with the seven letters current in the days of Eusebius. || Those to which he refers were, perhaps, brought under his notice when he went to Antioch on the invitation of Julia Mammsea, the mother of the Emperor; as, for reasons subsequently to be stated, it is probable that they were manufactured in that neighbourhood not long before his visit. If presented to him at that time by parties interested in the recognition of their claims, they were, under the circumstances, exactly such documents as were likely to impose upon him; for the * Eu«eb. i. c. 13. t "Corpus Ignatianum," Introd. p. 71. it: Proleg. in " Cantic. Canticorum," and Homil. vi. in " Lucam." § In the Epistle to the Romans, and the Epistle to the Ephesians. II He quotes the words — "I am not an incorporeal demon," from the " Doctrine of Peter ; " but they are found in the shorter recension of the .seven letters in the " Epistle to the Smyrnajans," § 3. Had this epistle been known to him, he would certainly have quoted from an apostolic father rather than from a work whicli he knew to be spurious. See Oi'igcn, " Opera," i. p. 40, note. 400 THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES. student of Philo, and the author of the •' Exhortation to Martyrdom," could not but admire the spirit of mysticism by which they are pervaded, and the anxiety to die under persecution which they proclaim. AVhilst, therefore, his quotation of these letters attests their existence in his time, it is of very little additional value. Again and again in his writings we meet with notices of apocryphal works unaccompanied by any intimations of their spuriousness."^'' }, He asserts that Barnabas, the author of the epistle still extant under his name,t was the individual mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles as the companion of Paul ; and he frequently quotes the " Pastor" of Hermas J as a book given by inspiration of God.§ Such facts abundantly prove that his recognition of the Ignatian epistles is a very equivocal criterion of their genuineness. Attempts have been made to shew that two other writers, earlier than Origen, have noticed the Ignatian correspond- ence; and Eusebius himself has quoted Polycarp and Ire- nseus as if bearing witness in its favour. Polycarp in early life was contemporary with the pastor of Antioch; and Irenseus is said to have been the disciple of Polycarp ; and, could it be demonstrated that either of these fathers vouched for its genuineness, the testimony would be of peculiar importance. But, when their evidence is examined, it is found to be nothing to the purpose. In the Treatise against Heresies, Irenseus speaks, in the following terms, of the heroism of a Christian martyr — " One of our people said, when condemned to the beasts on account of his testi- mony towards God — As I am the wheat of God, I am also ground by the teeth of beasts, that I may be found the pure bread of God." || These words of the martyr are found in * " Opera," ii. 20, 21 ; iii. 271. •\ See Period II. sec. ii. chap. i. p. 367. Origen, " Opera," iv. 473. X Ibid. p. 368. § "Opera," i. 79; iv. 683. "Contra Hajreses," lib. v. c. 28, § 4. " Quidam de nostris dixit, propter QUOTATION FROM IEEN^>US. 401 tlie Syriac Epistle to tlie Eomans, and hence it lias l^een in- ferred that they are a quotation from that letter. But it is far more probable that the words of the letter were copied out of Irenoeus, and quietly appropriated, by a forger, to the use of his Ignatius, Avith a view to obtain credit for a false document. The individual who uttered them is not named by the pastor of Lyons ; and, after the death of that writer, a fabricator might put them into the mouth of whomsoever j he pleased without any special danger of detection. The Treatise against Heresies obtained extensive circulation; and as it animadverted on errors which had been promul- gated in Antioch,^' it, no doubt, soon found its way into the Syrian capital, t But who can believe that Irenaeus describes Ignatius, when he speaks of ''one of our people f" The martyr Avas not such an insignificant personage that he / could be thus ignored. He was one of the most eminent Christians of his age — the companion of apostles — and the presiding minister of one of the most influential Chu];ches in the world. Irenoeus is obviously alluding to some disciple who occupied a very different position. He is speaking, not of what the martyr turote, but of what he said — not of his letters, but of his words. Any reader who considers \ the situation of Irenseus a few years before he published this treatise, can have no difficulty in understanding the reference. He had witnessed at Lyons one of the most terrible persecutions the disciples ever had endured; and, in the letter to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia, he had graphi- cally described its horrors. | He there tells how his brethren had been condemned to be thrown to wild beasts, and he martyrium in Deum adjudicatiLS ad bestias : Quoniam frumentum sum Christi, et per dentes bestiarum molor, ut rnundus panis Dei inveniar." * Thus he speaks of " Saturninus, who was from Autioch." " Contra Ilaereses," hb. i. c. 24, § 1. t It seems to have been soon translated into Syriac. See Buusen's " Hip- polytus," iv. Preface, p. 8. X See large extracts from this letter in Euscb. v. c. i. Also Routh's " Rcliquiao," i. 329. 2 C 402 THE TGNATIAN EPI8TLES. records with simplicity and pathos the constancy with which they suffered. But in such an epistle he could not notice every case which had come under his observation, and he here mentions a new instance of the Christian cour- age of some believer unknoAvn to fame, when he states — " one of our people when condemned to the beasts, said, * As I am the wheat of God, I am also ground by the teeth of beasts, that I may be found the pure bread of God.'" The Treatise against Heresies supplies the clearest evidence that Irenseus was quite ignorant of the existence of the Ignatian epistles. These letters contain pointed references to the errorists of the early Church, and had they been known to the pastor of Lyons, he could have brought them to bear Avith most damaging effect against the heretics he assailed. Ignatius was no ordinary witness, for he had heard the truth from the lips of the apostles; he had spent a long life in the society of the primitive dis- ciples; •and he filled one of the most responsible stations that a Christian minister could occupy. The heretics boldly affirmed that they had tradition on their side,* and there- fore the testimony of Ignatius, as of an individual who had received tradition at the fountain-head, would have been regarded by Irenaeus as all-important. And the author of the Treatise against Heresies was not slow to employ such evidence when it was in any way available. He plies his antagonists with the testimony of Clement of Rome,t of Polycarp,| of Papias,§ and of Justin Martyr. 1| But throughout the five books of his discussion he never ad- j duces any of the words of the pastor of Antioch. He never throws out any hint from which w^e can infer that he was aware of the existence of his Epistles.H He never even * Irenseus, "Contra Hsereses," lib. iii. c. 2, § 1, 2. t Lib. iii. c, 3, § 3. J Lib. iii. c. iii. § 4. § Lib. V. c. xxxiii. § 3, 4. || Lib. iv. c. vi. § 2. II In his " Vindicise," (Pars. i. cap. 6,) Pearson attempts to parry this argu- TESTIMONY OF POLYCAEP. 403 mentions his name. Could we desire more convincing proof / that he had never heard of the Ignatian correspondence 1 / The only other witness now remaining to be examined is Polycarp. It has often been affirmed that he distinctly acknowledges the authority of these letters ; and yet, when honestly interrogated, he will be found to deliver quite a different deposition. But, before proceeding to consider his testimony, let us inquire his age when his epistle was writ- ten. It bears the following superscription : — " Polycarp, and the elders who are ivith him, to the Church of God which is at Philippi." At this time, therefore, though the early Christians paid respect to hoary hairs, and were not willing to permit persons without experience to take prece- dence of their seniors, Polycarp must have been at the head of the presbytery. But, at the death of Ignatius, when according to the current theory he dictated this letter, he was a young man of six and twenty.* Such a supposition is very much out of keeping with the tone of the document. In it he admonishes the widows to be sober; t he gives advice to the elders and deacons ; J he expresses his great concern for Valens, an erring brother, who had once been a presbyter among them;§ and he intimates that the epistle was written at the urgent request of the Philip- pians themselves.il Is it at all probable that Polycarp, at ment by urging that Irenoeus does not mention other writers, such as Barna- bas, Quadratus, Aristides, Athenagoras, and Theophihis. But the reply is obvious — 1. These writers were occupied chiefly in defending Christianity against the attacks of paganism, so that testimonies against heresy could not be expected in their works. 2. None of them were so early as Ignatius, so that their testimony, even could it have been obtained, would have been of less value. Some of them, such as Theophilus, were the contemporaries of Irenaeus. 3. None of them held such an important position in the Chm'ch as Ignatius. * He was martyred a.d. 167, at the age of eighty-six. According to the Acts of his Martyrdom, Ignatius was martyred sixty years before, or a.d. 107. Polycarp must, therefore, have been now about twenty-six. See more particularly Period II. sec. iii. chap. v. note. t Sec. 4. t Sees. 5, 6. § Sec. 11. || Sec. 3. 404 THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES. the age of six and twenty, was in a position to warrant him to use such a style of address'? Are we to believe he was already so well known and so highly venerated that a Cluistian community on the other side of the ^gean Sea, and the oldest Church in all Greece, would apply to him for advice and direction'? We must be prepared to admit all this, before we can acknowledge that his epistle refers to Ignatius of Antioch. Let us attend now to that passage in the letter to the Philippians where he is supposed to speak of the Syrian pastor. " I exhort all of you that ye obey the word of righteousness, and exercise all patience, which ye have seen set forth before your eyes, not only in the Messed Ignatius, a7id Zosimus, and Rufus, hut also in others ofyou!"^ These words would suggest to an ordinary reader that Poly carp is here speaking, not of Ignatius of Antioch, but of an Ignatius of Philippi. If this Ignatius did not belong to the Philippian Church, why, when addressing its members, does he speak of Ignatius, Zosimus, Eufus, and " others of YOU '? " Ignatius of Antioch could not have been thus de- scribed. But who, it may l^e asked, were Zosimus and Eufus here mentioned as fellow-sufferers with Ignatius'? They were exactly in the position which the words of Poly- carp literally indicate; they were men of Philippi; and, as such, they are commemorated in the " Martyrologies." f It is impossible, therefore, to avoid the conclusion that the Ignatius of Polycarp was also a Philippian. , It appears, then, that this testimony of the pastor of /Smyrna has been strangely misunderstood. Ignatius, as is well known, was not a very uncommon name ; and it would seem that several martyrs of the ancient Church bore this * ov jiovov iu ro'is fiaKaplois 'lyrnriw, kol Zuxrlfia, Kai Fov(j)a), dX\a Koi iv iiXXois Tols (^ vjiav. — § 9. t See Barouius, " Annal. ad Annum." 109, torn. ii. c. 48, anc] Jacobsou's " Pat. Apost." ii. 482, note 6. Edit. Oxon., 1838. TESTIMONY OF TOLYCAEP. 405 designation. Cyprian, for example, tells us of an Ignatius in Africa who was put to death for the profession of Chris- tianity in the former part of the third century.'"' It is apparent from the words of Polycarp that there was also an Ignatius of Philippi, as well as an Ignatius of Ajitioch. It may, however, be objected that the conclusion of this letter clearly points to Ignatius of Antioch, inasmuch as Polycarp there speaks apparently of Syria, and of some one interested about Ignatius who might shortly visit that countryf. Some critics of high name have maintained that this portion of the epistle is destitute of authority, and that it has been added by a later hand to countenance the Ignatian forgery.J But every candid and discriminating reader may see that the charge is destitute of foundation. An Ignatian interpolator would not have so mismanaged his business. He would not have framed an appendix which, as we shall presently shew, testifies against himself. The passage to which such exception has been taken is un- questionably the true postscript of the letter, for it bears internal marks of genuineness. In this postscript Polycarp says — " What you know cer- tainly both of Ignatius himself, and of those who are ivitli him, communicate." § Here is another proof that the Igna- * Epist. xxxiv. p. 109. t " Scripsistis milii, et vos et Ignatius, ut si quis vadit ad Syriam, deferat literas meas quas fecero ad vos." The Greek of Eusebius is somewhat differ- ent, but may express the same sense. See Euseb. iii. 36. There is an impor- tant variation even in the readings of Eusebius. See Cotelerius, vol. ii. p. 191, note 3. X Thus Bunsen, in his " Ignatius von Antiochen und seine Zeit," says — " At the present stand-point of the criticism of Ignatius, this passage can only be a witness against itself." And, again — " The forger of Ignatius has interpolated this passage." And, again — " The connexion is entirely broken by that interpolation." (Pp. 108, 109.) Viewed as a postscript, it is not remarkable that the transition should be somewhat abrupt. § " Et de ipso Ignatio, et de his qui cum eo sunt, quod certius agnoveritis, significate." 406 THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES. tius of Polycarp is not Ignatius of Antiocli. The Syrian pastor is said to have been hurried with the utmost expedi- tion to Eome that he might be thrown to tlie beasts before the approaching termination of the public spectacles; and it is reported that when he reached the great city, he was forthwith consigned to martyrdom* But, though letters had been meanwhile passing between Philippi and Smyrna, this Ignatius is understood to be still alive. It would appear, too, that Zosimus and Eufus, previously named as his partners in tribulation, continued to be his companions. Polycarp, therefore, must be speaking of the " patience '' of confessors who were yet " in bonds," t and not of a man who had already been devoured by the lions. Other parts of this postscript are equally embarrasssing to those who contend for the authority of the Ignatian Epistles. Thus, Polycarp says — " The Epistles of Ignatius which were sent to you by him, and whatever others we have by us, we have sent to you." \ If these words apply to Ignatius of Antioch, it follows that he must have written several letters to the Philippians; and yet it is now almost universally admitted that even the one extant epistle ad- dressed to them in his name is an impudent fabrication. Again, Polycarp states — " Ye have written to me, both ye and Ignatius, that when any one goes to Syria, he can carry my letters to you." § But no such suggestion is to be found, either in the Syriac version of the Three Epistles, or in the larger edition known to Eusebius. Could we desire * See the " Acts of his Martyixlom," § 10, 12. t See this" Epistle," § 1, 9. X " Epistolas sane Ignatii, qua3 transmissae sunt vobis ab eo, et alias, quan- tascunque apud nos habuimus, transmisimus vobis." According to the Greek of Eusebius we should read " The letters of Ignatius which were sent to us (f]ixiv) by him." Either reading is alike perplexing to the advocates of the Syriac version of the Ignatian epistles. See Jacobsou, ii. 489, not. 5. § See a preceding note, p. 405. TESTIMONY OF POLY CARP. 40 7 clearer proof that Polycarp must liere be speaking of an- other Ignatius, and another correspondence'? The words which we have hist quoted deserve an atten- tive consideration. Were a citizen of New York, in the postscript of a letter to a citizen of London, to suggest that his correspondent should take an opportunity of writing to him, when any common friend went to Jerusalem, the Englishman might well feel perplexed by such a communi- cation. Why should a letter from London to New York travel round by Palestine 1 Such an arrangement would not, however, be a whit more absurd than that seemingly pointed out in this postscript. Philippi and Smyrna were not far distant, and there was considerable intercourse between them; but Syria was in another quarter of the Empire, and Polycarp could have rarely found an individual passing to Antioch from " the chief city " of a *' part of Macedonia," and travelling to and fro by Smyrna. This difficulty admits, however, of a very simple and satisfactory solution. We have no entire copy of the epistle in the original Greek,* and the text of the old Latin version in this place is so corrupt that it is partially unintelligible ; t but as the context often guides us in the interpretation of a manuscript where it is blotted or torn, so here it may enable us to spell out the meaning. The insertion of one letter and the change of another in a single word| will * It would seem that only two Greek copies are known to exist, both want- ing the concluding part. See Cotelerius, vol. ii. p. 186, note 1. + It is not easy to understand the meaning of the passage — " Si habueri- mus tempus opportunum, sive ego, seu legatus quem misero pro vobis." Some words seem to be wanting to complete the sense. i 2fxvpvav for Supt'af. In the beginning of the Epistle from Smyrna con- cerning Polycarp's martyrdom, the Church is said to be — 17 TrdpoiKova-a 2p.vpuav. The very same mistake has been made in another case. Thus, in an extract published by Dr Cureton from a Syriac work, Polycarp is called Bishop in Hyria, instead of in Smyrna. See " Corpus Ignatianum," p. 220, line 5 from the foot. Such mistakes in manuscripts are of very frequent occurrence. See " Corpus Ignatianum," pp. 278, 300. A more extraordinary 408 THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES. render the passage intelligible. If we read Smyrna for Syria, the obscurity vanishes. Polycarp then says to the Philippians — " Ye have written to me, both ye and Igna- tius, that, when any one goes to Smyrna, he can carry my letters to you." The postscript, thus understood, refers to the desire of his correspondents, that he should write fre- quently, and that, when a friend went from Philippi to Smyrna, he should not be permitted to return without letters. As it can be thus shewn that the letter of Polycarp, when tested by impartial criticism, refuses to accredit the Epistles , ascribed to Ignatius of Antioch, it follows that, with the JO ' ' single exception of Origen, no father of the first three cen- , turies has noticed this correspondence. Had these letters, V at the alleged date of their appearance, attracted such at- tention as they would themselves lead us to believe, is it possible that no writer for upwards of a century after the demise of their rej)uted author, would have bestowed upon them even a passing recognition ? They convey the im- pression that, when Ignatius was on his way to Rome, all Asia Minor was moved at his presence — that Greece caught the infection of excitement — and that the Western capital itself awaited, with something like breathless anxiety, the arrival of the illustrious martyr. Strange, indeed, then that even his letter to the Romans is mentioned by no Western father until between two and three hundred years after the time of its assumed publication ! Nor were Western writers wanting who would have sympathised with its spirit. It would have been quite to the taste of TertuUian, and he could have quoted it to shew that some of the peculiar prin- ciples of Montanism had been held by a man of the apostolic era. Nor can it be said that had the letter then been in existence, it was likely to have escaped his observation. He blunder, which long confounded the critics, has been recently corrected by Dr Wordsworth. See his " St. Hippolytus," pp. 318, 319, Appendix. HISTORY OF THEIR FABRICATION. 409 had lived for years in Rome, and we have good reason to believe that he was a presbyter of the Church of the Imperial city. A man of his inquiring spirit, and literary habits, must have been well acquainted with the Epistle had it ob- tained currency in Italy. But in not one of his numerous treatises does he ever speak of it, or even name its alleged author.""' Hippo] ytus of Portus is another writer who might have been expected to know something of this production. He lived Avithin a few miles of Rome, and he was conversant with the history of its Church and with its ecclesiastical memorials. He, as well as Tertullian, could have sympathised with the rugged and ascetic spirit pervading the Ignatian correspondence. But, even in his treatise against all here- sies, he has not fortified his arguments by any testimony from these letters. He had evidently never heard of the now far famed documents, t The conclusion to be drawn from these facts must be sufiiciently obvious. The Ignatian Epistles began to be fabricated in the time of Origen ; and the first edition of them appeared, not at Troas or Smyrna, but in Syria or Palestine. At an early period festivals were kept in honour of the martyrs; and on his natal day,j; why should not the Church of Antioch have something to teU of her gi'eat Igna- tius ? The Acts of his Martyrdom were probably written in the former part of the third century — a time when the work of ecclesiastical forgery was rife§ — and the Epistle to the * Pearson alleges that the reason why TertuUian does not qiiote Ignatius against the heretics was because he did not require his testimony ! He had, forsooth, apostohc evidence. " Quasi vero Iguatii testimonio opus esset ad earn rem, cujus testem Apostolum habuit." "Vindicise," Pars. j)rima, caput, xi. He finds it convenient, however, to mention Hermas, Clement of Rome, Justin Martyr, and many others. t See also in Euseb. v. 28, a long extract from a work against the heresy of Artemon in which various early writers, who asserted that " Christ is God and man," are named, and Ignatius omitted. X See Neander's " General History," by Torrey, i. 455. Octavo Edition. Edinbm'gh, 1847. See also Kaye's "Tertullian," p. 415. § The number of spurious writings which appeared in the early ages was 410 THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES. Eomans, wliich is inserted in these Acts, is in all likelihood of earlier date than any of the other letters. The Epistle to the Ephesians, perhaps, next made its appearance, and then followed the Epistle to PolycarjD. These letters gradually crept into circulation as " The Three Epistles of Ignatius, Bishop, and Martyr." There is every reason to believe that, as edited by Dr Cureton, they are now presented to the public in their original language, as well as in their original form. Copies of these short letters are not known to be extant in any manuscript either Greek or Latin. Dr Cure- ton has not attempted any explanation of this emphatic fact. If the Epistle to the Romans, in its newly discovered form, is genuine, how does it happen that there are no pre- vious traces of its existence in the Western Church 1 How are we to account for the extraordinary circumstance that the Church of Rome can produce no copy of it in either Greek or Latin I She had every reason to preserve such a document had it ever come into her possession; for, even considered as a pious fraud of the third century, the address " to her ivho sitteth at the head in the place of the country of the Romans,"'"' is one of the most ancient testimonies to her early pre-eminence to be found in the whole range of ecclesiastical literature. Why should she have permitted it very great. Shortly after the date mentioned in the text it is well known that an individual named Leucius forged the Acts of John, Andrew, Peter, and others. See Jones on the " Canon," p. 210, and ii. p. 289. * This is a literal translation of jiart of the superscription of the letter as given by Dr Cureton himself in his "Epistles of Saint Ignatius," p. 17. In the " Corpus Ignatianum " he has somewhat weakened the strength of the expression by a more free translation — " To her who presideth in the place of the country of the Romans." " Corp. Ignat." p. 230. Tertullian speaks (" De Praescrip." c. 36) of the " Apostolic sees presiding over their oion flaces" — referring to an arrangement then recently made which recognised the prece- dence of Churches to which Apostles had ministered. This arrangement, which was unknown in the time of Ignatius, was suggested by the disturb- ances and divisions created by the heretics. Though the words in the text may be quoted in support of the claims of the bishop of Rome, they do not necessarily imply his presidency over all Churches, but they plainly ac- knowledge his position as at the head of the Churches of Italy. VARIOUS RECENSIONS. 411 to be supplanted by an interpolated document ? Can any man, who adopts the views of Dr Cureton, fairly answer such an inquiry ? It is plain that the mistake or corruption of a word in the postscript of the Epistle of Polycarp has had much to do with this Ignatian imposture. In some worn or badly Amtten manuscript, Syria was perhaps read instead of Sm}Tna, and the false reading probably led to the incuba- tion of the whole brood of Ignatian letters. The error, \ whether of accident or design, was adopted by Eusebius,* and from him passed into general currency. AYe may thus * best account for the strange multiplication of these Ignatian epistles. It was clear that the Ignatius spoken of by Poly- carp had w^ritten more letters than what first appeared, t and thus the epistles to the Smyrnaeans, the Magnesians, the Trallians, and the Philadelphians, in due time emerged into notice. At a subsequent date the letters to the PhiHp- pians, the Antiochians, the Virgin Mary, and others, were forthcomino-. The variety of forms assumed by this Ignatian fraud is not the least remarkable circumstance connected with its mysterious history. AU the seven Epistles mentioned by Eusebius exist in a Longer and a Shorter Kecension; whilst the Syriac version exhibits three of them in a reduced size, and a third edition. It is a curious fact that other spurious productions display similar transformations. " A great / number of spurious or interpolated works of the early ages ' of Christianity," says Dr Cureton, " are found in two Eecen- sions, a Shorter and a Longer, as in the instance of the Ignatian Epistles. Thus, w^e find the two Eecensions of the Clementines, the two Recensions of the Acts of St Andrew, the Acts of St Thomas, the Journeying of St John, the Letter of Pilate to Tiberius." J It is still more suspicious * See Euseb. iii. 36. + See preceding note, p. 406. X " Corpus Ignatianum," Intro, p. 86, note. 412 THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES. that some of these spurious writings present a striking simi- larity in point of style to the Ignatian Epistles."' The stan- dard coin of the realm is seldom put into the crucible, but articles of pewter or of lead are freely melted down and recast according to the will of the modeller. We cannot add a single leaf to a genuine flower, but an artificial rose may be exhibited in quite another form by a fresh process of manipulation. Such, too, has been the history of ancient ecclesiastical records. The genuine works of the fathers have come down to us in a state of wonderful pre- servation ; and comparatively few attempts have been made, by interpolation or otherwise, to interfere with their integ- rity ;t but spurious productions seem to have been consi- dered legitimate subjects for the exercise of the art of the fabricator ; and hence the strange discrepancies in their text which have so often puzzled their editors. * See " Corpus Ignatianum," pp. 265, 267, 269, 271, 286. t See Blunt 's " Eight Use of the Early Fathers." First Series. Lectures V. and vi. CHAPTER III. THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES AND THEIK CLAIMS. THE INTERNAL EVIDENCE. The history of tlie Ignatian Epistles may well remind us of the story of the Sibylline Books. A female in strange attire is said to have appeared before Tarquin of Rome, offering to sell nine manuscripts which she had in her pos- session; but the king, discouraged by the price, declined the application. The woman withdrew ; destroyed the one- third of her literary treasures; and, returning again into the royal presence, demanded the same price for what were left. The monarch once more refused to come up to her terms ; and the mysterious visitor retired again, and burnt the one-half of her remaining store. Her extraordinary conduct excited much astonishment; and, on consulting with his augurs, Tarquin was informed that the documents which she had at her disposal were most valuable, and that he should by all means endeavour to secure such a prize. The king now willingly paid for the three books, not yet committed to the flames, the full price originally demanded for all the manuscripts. The Ignatian Epistles have ex- perienced something like the fate of those Sibylline oracles. In the sixteenth century, fifteen letters were brought out from beneath the mantle of a hoary antiquity, and offered to the world as the productions of the pastor of Antioch. Scholars refused to receive them on the terms required, and forthwith eidit of them were admitted to be foroeries. In 414 THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES. tlie seventeentli century, tlie seven remaining letters, in a somewhat altered form, again came forth from obscurity, and claimed to be the Avorks of Ignatius. Again, discerning critics refused to acknowledge their pretensions ; but curio- sity was roused by this second apparition, and many ex- pressed an earnest desire to obtain a sight of the real epistles. Greece, Syria, Palestine, and Egypt were ransacked in search of them, and at length three letters are found. The discovery creates general gratulation; it is confessed that four of the Epistles, so lately asserted to be genuine, are apocryphal; and it is boldly said that the three now forthcoming are above challenge. '"' But Truth still refuses to be compromised, and sternly diso^ATis these claimants for her approbation. The internal evidence of these three epistles abundantly attests that, like the last three books of the Sibyl, they are only the last shifts of a grave imposture, t The candid investigator, who compares the Curetonian version of the letters with that previously in circulation, must acknowledge that Ignatius, in his new dress, has lost nothing of his absurdity and extravagance. The passages of the Epistles, which were formerly felt to be so objection- able, are yet to be found here in all their unmitigated folly. Ignatius is still the same anti-evangelical formalist, the same puerile boaster, the same dreaming mystic, and the same crazy fanatic. These are weighty charges, and yet they can be substantiated. But we must enter into details, * It would be very unfair to follow up this comparison by speaking of the Trustees of the British Museum, as the representatives of hierarchical pride and power, proceeding, like Tarquin at the instigation of his augurs, to give a high price for the manuscripts. We believe that these gentlemen have rendered good service to the cause of truth and literature by the purchase. + Bunsen rather reluctantly admits that the highest literary authority of the present century, the late Dr Neander, declined to recognise even the Syriac version of the Tgnatian Epistles. See " Hijipolytus and his Age," iv. Preface, p. 26. I THEIR STYLE. 415 that we may fairly exhibit the spirit, and expose the false- hood of these letters. I. The style of the Epistles is certainly not above sus- picion. On the ground of style alone, it is, unquestionably, somewhat hazardous to pronounce a decisive judgment upon any document ; but, if such an element is ever to be taken into consideration, it cannot, in this case, be over- looked. It is well known that, of the seven epistles men- tioned by Eusebius, there was one which scholars of the highest reputation always regarded with extreme dubiety. In style it appeared to them so difierent from the rest of the letters, and so unlike what might have been expected from an apostolic minister, that some who were prepared to admit the genuineness of the other documents, did not hesitate to declare it a forgery. We allude to the Epistle to Polycarp. Even Archbishop Ussher and Cardinal Bona ^'^ concurred in its condemnation. It so happens, however, that it is one of the three letters recently re-edited; and it appears that, of the three, it has been the least altered. If then such a man as Ussher be considered a safe and sufficient judge of the value of an ancient ecclesiastical memorial, the Epistle to Polycarp, published by Dr Cureton, must be jDronounced spurious. Their editor urges that the letters to the Ephesians and Romans, as expurgated in the Syriac version, now closely resemble the Epistle to Polycarp in style ; and if so, may we not fairly infer that, had they been presented, in their new form, to the learned Primate of Armagh, consistency would have bound him to denounce them as also forgeries 1 II. The way in which the Word of God is ignored in these Epistles argues strongly for their spuriousness. Every one acquainted with the early fathers miist have observed their frequent use of the sacred records. A considerable portion of a chapter is sometimes introduced in a quota- * See " Corpus Ignat." Introd. p. 51. 416 THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES. tion. ^'^ Hence it has been remarked tliat were all the copies of the Bible lost and the writings of these fathers preserved, a large share of the Holy Volume might thus be recovered. But Ignatius would contribute nothing to the work of restoration; as, in the whole of the three letters, not a single verse of Scripture is given at length. They, no doubt, occasionally use Bible phraseology, as without it an ecclesiastical document could not well be written ; but not one promise is quoted, and not one testimony from the Word is repeated for the edification of the faithful, t An apostolical pastor on his way to martyrdom would have written very differently. He would have reminded his brethren of the "lively oracles," and he would have men- tioned some of those precious assurances which now con- tributed to his own spiritual refreshment. He would have told them to have "no confidence in the flesh; ''J to take unto themselves " the sword of the Spirit which is the Word of God;"§ and to lay aside every weight and the sin which did so easily beset them, " looking unto Jesus." \\ But, instead of adopting such a course, this Ignatius addresses them in the style of a starched and straitlaced churchman. " Let your treasures," says he, " be your good works. Let your baptism be to you as armory." ''Look to the hisliop that God also may look upon you. I will be instead of the souls of those who are subject to the bishop, and the presbyters and the deacons." H What intelligent * Thus, in his "Epistle to the Corinthians," Clemens Romanus, on one occasion, (§ 16,) quotes the whole of the 53d chapter of Isaiah; and, on an- other, (§ 18,) the whole of the 51st Psalm, with the exception of the last two t How different from the course pursued by Clement of Rome and by Poly- carp ! Thus, Clement says to the Corinthians — " Let us do as it is written" and then goes on to quote several passages of Scripture. § 13. Polycarp says — " I trust that ye are well exer