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 SOME ACCOUNT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 LIFE AND WRITINGS xi^%'|(;^ 
 
 OF 
 
 ^^ 
 
 y 
 
 JAMES BENIGN E BOS SUET, 
 
 BISHOP OF MEAUX. 
 
 By CHARLES BUTLER, Esq. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PHINTED FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, OllME, & BilOWN, 
 PATERNOSTER ROW. 
 
 1812. 
 
Quare quis tandem rae repreliendat, si quantum 
 cacteris, ad festos dies ludorum celebrandos, quantum 
 ad alias voluptates, et ad ipsam requiem animi et cor- 
 pores, conceditur temporis, quantum alii tempestivis 
 conviviis, quantum aleae, quantum pilae, tantum mihi 
 egomet, ad haec studia recolenda, surapsero. 
 
 Cic. pro Archid. 
 
 Le changement d'etude est toujours un delassement 
 pour moi. D'Aguesseau. 
 
 Printed by Luke Hansard ^ Sons, 
 
 iitar Lincnln's-lnn FkldS, London. 
 
TO 
 
 JOHN WEBBE WESTON, Esq. 
 
 OF 
 
 SUTTON PLACE IN SURRY; 
 
 THIS BOOK IS INSCRIBED, 
 (With a pleasing recollection of their long Friendship), 
 
 BY 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 
By the same Author, 
 
 I. HOR.^ BIBLIC.E,— being a succinct Account 
 of the Text, and literary History, of the Bibles, or 
 Sacred Books of the Jews and Christians: and of 
 the Bibles, or Books accounted sacred, by the Maho- 
 metans, Hindus, Parsees, Chinese, and Scandinavians. 
 
 Part the First, — containing a succinct Account of 
 the Original Text, early Versions, and printed Edi- 
 tions of the Old and New Testament. The Fourth 
 Edition. 
 
 II. HOR.E BIBLICiE, Part the Second ; being a 
 succinct Account of the Koran, Zend-Avesta, Vedas, 
 Kings, and Edda. Second Edition. With Two Dis- 
 sertations : 
 
 1. On the Council, said to have been held by 
 the Jews at Ageda, in Hungary, in 1650, with the 
 original Narrative of that Council. 
 
 2. An Historical Outline of the Disputes respect- 
 ing the Authenticity of 1 John, chap. v. ver. 7. 
 
 III. HORiE JURIDIC^ SUBSECIViE; being 
 succinct Account 01 the Geography, Chronology, and 
 Literary History of the principal Codes, and original 
 Documents of the Grecian, Roman, Feudal, and 
 Canon Law. Second Edition. 
 
IV. A succinct History of the Empire of Germany, 
 (or the principal States which composed the Empire 
 of Charlemagne), from his Coronation in 814, to its 
 Dissolution in 1806; — Of the Genealogies of the 
 Imperial House of Hapsburgh, and the Six Secular 
 Electors of Germany ; and on Roman, German, 
 French, and English Nobility. Second Edition. 
 
 V. The Life of Fenelon, Archbishop of Cambray. 
 
 VI. The Life of the Reverend Alban Butler. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 I. The Family of Bossuet - - - ^ page i 
 
 II. The early Studies of Bossuet - - - . 2 
 
 III. The first Appearance of Bossuet in public 
 
 Life ------ -__._y 
 
 IV. Bossuet's Classical Studies - - - - _ g 
 
 V. Bossuet's Condemnation of Stage Entertain- 
 
 ments --------_»_ ij^ 
 
 VI. Bossuet's " Exposition of the Doctrine of the 
 
 Roman Catholic Church" ----- ^^ 
 VII. Conference of Bossuet with M. Claude - 43 
 VIII. Bossuet's History of the Variations of the 
 
 Protestant Churches ------ yo 
 
 IX. Bossuet's personal Conduct towards Protes- 
 
 tants;— his Principles respecting Religious 
 Toleration -----_-__y6 
 
 X. The Correspondence of Bossuet and Leibniz, 
 
 on the Re-union of the Lutheran Protestants 
 to the Roman Catholic Church - - - 81 
 XL The Part taken by Bossuet, in the Declaration 
 of the General Assembly of the Gallican 
 Clergy in 1682, respecting Ecclesiastical 
 Power _._..pp 
 
CONTENTS, 
 CHAt*. 
 
 XII. The other Controversial Writings of Bos- 
 
 suet -------- page 111 
 
 XIII. Funeral Orations of Bossuet - - - - 113 
 
 XIV. The Sermons of Bossuet - - - - -131 
 
 XV. The Biblical Works of Bossuet - - - 143 
 
 XVI. The other Devotional Works of Bossuet 145 
 
 XVII. Bossuet appointed to be Preceptor to the 
 
 Dauphin ---------156 
 
 XVni. Bossuet solicits the Canonization of St.Vincent 
 of Paul ---------161 
 
 XIX, Bossuet as Bishop ; -his last Years and 
 Death 168 
 
LIFE OF BOSSUET. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 THE FAMILY OF BOSSUET. 
 
 Tl OS SUET descended from an antient 
 and noble family in Burgundy. Several 
 members of it had filled, with credit, offices 
 of distinction in the Parliament of Dijon. 
 On the first estabhshment of the Parliament 
 of Metz, the dignity of its first President 
 was conferred on the uncle of Bossuet ; and 
 the father of Bossuet was appointed one of 
 it's Counsellors. He had two sons; Anthony, 
 the eldest of them, became Master of Re- 
 quests, and afterwards Intendant of Sois- 
 sons ; the second of them is the subject of 
 these pages; he was born on 27th of Sep- 
 tember 1627. 
 
 B 
 
 .=M 
 
CHAP. II. 
 
 THE EARLY STUDIES OF BOSSUET. 
 
 An ardour for study was discovered in 
 Bossuet, in his very earliest years. He was 
 first placed under the care of his uncle ; 
 who, being himself a man of learning, quickly 
 perceived the great natural talents of his 
 nephew, and took pleasure in cultivating 
 them. While he was a mere boy, Bossuet 
 accidentally opened, in his uncle's library, 
 the Old Testament; he devoured it with 
 avidity, and, in his old age, frequently men- 
 tioned the pleasure which he had received 
 from its perusal. He used to say, that no 
 work had given him such exquisite delight, 
 as he had felt on his first perusal of the 
 Bible. This was equally a proof of his good 
 sense, and true piety. The exquisite de- 
 scriptions of domestic life and manners, with 
 which the Old Testament abounds, the in- 
 teresting narratives which it contains, of the 
 pubhc events in the history of the chosen 
 
3 
 
 seed, the countless beauties and frequent 
 sublimity of its poetical and prophetic parts ; 
 and, above all, the affecting simplicity which 
 is spread over the whole of the sacred vo- 
 lume, make it, even as mere literary compo- 
 sition, the delight of every man of real taste. 
 The beauty and sublimity of the New Tes- 
 tament are still more strikinij. — It was na- 
 tural therefore that the divine pages should 
 captivate such a mind as Eossuet's, even in 
 his very earliest years. It is to his praise, 
 that this attachment to them increased with 
 his years. In time, they became so familiar 
 to him, that the verse, the line, the word 
 w^hich he wished to remember, was ever 
 present to his memory ; and it w as generally 
 supposed by his friends, that he knew the 
 whole contents of the sacred volumes by 
 heart. 
 
 He was placed, by his uncle, at the 
 College of the Jesuits at Dijon. His labori- 
 ous apphcation to his tasks, was the wonder 
 of his schoolfellows, and procured from them, 
 in allusion to the surname of his family, the 
 nick-name of Bos Suetus Aratro. The 
 Jesuits wished to retain him among them; 
 but, as soon as he had reached the class of 
 
 B 2 
 
4 
 
 rhetoric, his uncle, who had other views for 
 him, removed him to Paris, and entered him 
 in the Colleo-e of Navarre. Nicholas Cornet 
 
 o 
 
 was principal of that college. He shewed 
 a marked affection for Bossuet, and directed 
 his studies. He was a person of great learn- 
 ing ; and one of the earliest and most formi- 
 dable antagonists of the Jansenists. Bossuet 
 always spoke of him, in terms of the highest - 
 esteem, and, at his decease, pronounced 
 his funeral oration. He mentions in it a 
 circumstance greatly to the praise of M, 
 Cornet. One of his friends having a law- 
 suit, M. Cornet exerted his interest in 
 favour of his friend, with the judge, who 
 was to try the cause ; and it was decided 
 in his favour. Some time afterwards, M. 
 Cornet had doubts of the justice of the 
 decision ; and, being apprehensive that it had 
 been influenced by his conversations with the 
 judge, he paid to the adversary the whole 
 amount of the sum in dispute. 
 
 The manner in which Bossuet defended 
 his Philosophical Thesis, first brought him 
 into notice. Throui^h life, he was a warm ad- 
 vocateofthe Cartesian Philosophy; "Friend- 
 ly, but warm disputes," says Huet, the cele- 
 
5> 
 
 brated Bishop of Avranches, " frequently 
 took place between us, on the subject of 
 Cartesianism." Bossuet's Defension of Uni- 
 versal Theology was honoured by the pre- 
 sence of the great Conde; who w^as at that 
 time a student at the College of the Jesuits 
 at Paris. It is related of the prince, as an 
 early instance of his glorious impetuosity, 
 that, during Bossuet's Defension, he was re- 
 strained, with difficulty, from rising in the 
 assembly, and disputing in form with him. 
 A compliment, w hich Bossuet took an op- 
 portunity of paying the prince, w as univer- 
 sally admired. An intimate friendship soon 
 took place between them, and only ended 
 with the prince's life. In 1652, Bossuet 
 received the order of priesthood. 
 
 He had previously taken the degree of 
 doctor. In the discourse, which, according 
 to custom, he pronounced on that occasion, 
 he solemnly devoted himself to the cause of 
 Religion. — '^ Under thy auspices," he ex- 
 claimed, "O sacred Truth! I will joyfully 
 " approach those altars, which are to wit- 
 '^ ness the oath which I am about to take ; 
 " an oath, which our ancestors have often 
 '' heard. — That most pleasing and most 
 
 B3 
 
^'^ sacred oath, by which I am to bind myself? 
 " even to death, to the holy cause of Truth. 
 '* O Words, rather of a martyr, than a doc- 
 '* tor of truth! Yet, surely not less becom- 
 ^' ing the latter than the former! For both 
 are equally to testify to truth. Where- 
 fore, O Divine Truth! O Truth conceived 
 in the eternal Father! Who, descend- 
 " ing from him to mortals, deliveredst 
 " thyself to us in the holy Scriptures! To 
 " Thee, we bend ourselves, wholly and un- 
 '^ reservedly: To Thee, we dedicate our 
 " very existence! Never shall we forget, 
 " that those, who should be prodigal of 
 " life, should never spare exertion in thy 
 
 " cause." 
 
CHAP. III. 
 
 THE FIRST APPEARANCE OF BOSSUET 
 IN PUBLIC LIFE. 
 
 The first preferment of Bossuet was a 
 Canonicate in the cathedral church of 
 Metz ; and he was successively raised to 
 the rank of Archdeacon, and Dean in that 
 Church. The affairs of the cathedral^ 
 making it necessary that he should go to 
 Paris, he frequently preached in the Capital. 
 His sermons were universally applauded, 
 and he was appointed to preach the sermons 
 of the Lent of 1663, before Lewis the XIV, 
 in the chapel of the Louvre. His majesty 
 was so pleased with his sermons, that he 
 ordered M. Rose, his private secretary, " to 
 " write, in his name, to the father of Bossuet, 
 " and congratulate him on the great talents 
 " displayed by his son ; and to mention 
 " the pleasure, which his majesty received 
 " from his sermons." In 1669, the king 
 nominated Bossuet to the Bishoprick of 
 Condom. 
 
 B 4 
 
Having led Bossuet to this important 
 epoch of his hfe, we shall attempt to some 
 view of his character, — as a man of let- 
 ters, — a controvertist, a preacher, and a 
 prelate. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 eossuet's classical studies. 
 
 All the Bibliographers of Bossuet men- 
 tion, that, in the early part of his studies, 
 he acquired a perfect knowledge of the greek 
 and latin languages ; that he had repeatedly 
 perused the works of the principal poets, 
 historians and orators of antiquity, and that 
 Homer and Demosthenes, among the greeks, 
 and Virgil among the latins, were his fa- 
 vorite authors. His acquaintance with them, 
 gave him that chaste and nervous style,' 
 which is so seldom attained by persons, who* 
 have not formed themselves on those models.' 
 In the works of such writers, brilliant, pa- 
 thetic, and even sublime passages are often 
 found ; but that, which constitutes the per- 
 
9 
 
 fection of style, and alone enables it to 
 engage attention, when it is not excited by 
 a sentiment, an image, or a turn of phrase 
 particularly striking, the indescribable charm 
 of the proper word in the proper place, is 
 learned nowhere, but in the greek and 
 roman school. With how much difficulty 
 it is attained, Bossuet himself is a striking 
 example. The Benedictine editors of his 
 works, inform us, that his manuscripts are 
 so much disfigured by obliterations, inser- 
 tions and corrections of every sort, as to be 
 almost illegible. This is the case of almost 
 all writers, whose works reach a future age. 
 It was particularly the case of a celebrated 
 orator and author of our times. Nothing 
 seems more flowing or more easy than the 
 style of the late Mr. Edmund Burke ; it has 
 all the appearance of an effusion of unpre- 
 meditated eloquence. But we are informed, 
 that, almost every period in his writings^ 
 was written over three times, at least, 
 before it satisfied its author ; and that, even 
 in that state, the work was printed, with 
 a large margin, for the purpose of a still 
 further revision ; and was, even then, once 
 more corrected before it was submitted to 
 
10 
 
 the public eye.- — Such is the toilsome drud- 
 gery, to which every writer must submit, who 
 aspires to be numbered among the classical 
 writers of his country. — Yet, after all the 
 labour we have mentioned, the writings of 
 Bossuet, those even, which he polished with 
 the greatest care, are not wholly free from 
 sins against syntax and grammar. 
 
 Through life, Bossuet was a very early 
 riser : and if, while he was in bed, his 
 sleep was delayed or interrupted, he availed 
 himself of it, to write his letters, or to com- 
 mit to paper, any interesting thought which 
 occurred to him ; he also frequently gave 
 this time to prayer. No portion of time, he 
 used to say, was so favourable to devotion, 
 as the stillness of the night; none, when 
 the Holy Spirit was more propitious to those, 
 who invoke him. 
 
 He had no regular hours for his meals ; 
 visits of ceremony, which the most im- 
 perious etiquete did not prescribe, he neither 
 received, nor paid : but it appears that he 
 was easy of access, and affable in conver- 
 sation. — He was so covetous of his time, 
 as to deny himself the blameless recreation 
 of a walk in his garden. Once, however. 
 
11 
 
 he fell into conversation with his gardener ; 
 and remarked that his garden had few of 
 his visits. — " That is very true," said the 
 gardener; ^' but, if the trees bore Chrysos- 
 " toms or Austins or Ambroses, you would 
 ^' be devouring their fruit, from morning 
 " to night." 
 
 After he had compleated his studies, 
 classical literature seems to have had little 
 of Bossuef s attention. He not only blamed 
 the introduction of pagan mythology into 
 works of religion, but thought, tliat it should 
 be sparingly and guardedly used, even in 
 mere works of taste. 
 
 On the publication of M. de la Quinti- 
 naye's work on gardening, the celebrated 
 Santeuil addressed to him, some elegant 
 latin verses, in which he introduced the 
 goddess Pomona, applauding the work, and 
 exulting in its success. Santeuil w^as en- 
 gaged, at that time, in composing hymns 
 for the new Breviary of Cluni ; but it too 
 often happened, that some profane subject 
 attracted his attention, and made him truant 
 to his sacred muse. On this, his friends 
 often expostulated with him ; he always 
 professed to repent, and promised amend- 
 
12 
 
 ment, but too soon repeated the offence. 
 The verses to M. de la Quintinaye were a 
 new crime : Bossuet affected to be violently 
 angry at them ; and both Fenelon and 
 Fleury gave the poet a tenible account of 
 the Prelate's anger. To sooth it, Santeuil 
 addressed to Bossuet a poem of exquisite 
 art and beauty. He begins by professing 
 his zealous and unvaried attachment to 
 religion; mentions his sacred labours; ob- 
 serves that some relaxation from them was 
 tiecessary; and where, he asks, can a poet 
 seek relaxation, better, than in the sportive 
 strains of poetic personification? — " And, 
 after all, was there any thing really alarm- 
 ing in mentioning Pomona .^^ Was Bos- 
 suet, the glory of the gallican hierarchy, 
 the oracle of the whole church, to whom 
 even royalty listened with respect, was he 
 to be scared at the name of Pomona? But 
 the poet would never be guilty of the like 
 offence : he would dedicate himself entirely 
 to holy themes. — As a penance for his of- 
 fence, he would sing the praises of the eter- 
 nal Father, his coeternal Son, and the Spirit 
 which proceeds from both in strains, which 
 Eossuet himself would vouchsafe to hear. — 
 
13 
 
 Would not this atone for Pomona? — If it 
 did not, he would dress himself in sackcloth, 
 sprinkle his head with ashes, tie a rope 
 round his neck, and hold, like a criminal, a 
 burning taper in his hand : At the head of 
 an immense multitude, who were to serve 
 for witnesses of his humiliation, he would 
 present himself before the Prelate, at the 
 threshold of the altar, and, on his knees, 
 confess his fault, and implore it's forgive- 
 ness." — To these verses, Santeuil prefixed an 
 etching, in which he himself appeared the 
 dismal figure described in his verses. With 
 one hand, he seemed to strike his breast; 
 and, with the other to hold a burning taper, 
 with which he burnt his guilty verses. Bossuet 
 was drawn in his episcopal robes, with his 
 mitre and crosier, and seemed to stretch out 
 his hand to the humbled and contrite bard. 
 It is needless to say, that Bossuet's wrath 
 was appeased, and that he took the bard 
 into favour. " Behold !" said Bossuet in a 
 letter which he writ to him, on receiving the 
 verses, — " Behold, what is gained by a little 
 " humility. —You were guilty of a little 
 " fault; humbled yourself a little for it; — 
 " and in the instant, you compose the finest 
 " verses which you have yet produced." 
 
M 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 bossuet's condemnation of stage 
 entertainments. 
 
 If Bossuet censured, with so much se- 
 verity, a mere casual allusion to pagan my- 
 thology, no indulgence could be expected 
 from him to Stas^e Entertainments. A 
 letter, which Father CafFaro, a Theatine 
 Monk, published in their defence, produced 
 from him a very eloquent reply. As the 
 subject is interesting, and Bossuet's reply to 
 Father Caffaro, is a fair specimen of his 
 eloquence in controversy, an account of it, in 
 this place, may be acceptable to the reader. 
 
 The scenic exhibitions of Rome did not 
 survive her: the theatres themselves and all 
 their pride, pomp and circumstance, perished 
 in the general wreck, to which, the irrup- 
 tions of the barbarians reduced the arts and 
 sciences of the Roman world. 
 
 The first glimmering of the restoration 
 of the drama is discernible in some exhi- 
 bitions, which generally made a part of the 
 national feasts of the Carlovingian monarchs. 
 
15 
 
 These feasts were opened by a grand high- 
 mass ; the dehberation followed, and was 
 succeeded by a sumptuous dinner. After 
 dinner, shows of foreign beasts, and of ani- 
 mals, trained to do particular tricks and 
 exercises, were exhibited ; and ballad singers, 
 harpers and jugglers, the rude forefathers of 
 the modern drama, also attended, and con- 
 tributed their share to the festivities of the 
 day. 
 
 Chivalry introduced into them, magnifi- 
 cence, order and refinement. It is probable, 
 that the tilts and tournaments of the feudal 
 ages excelled, ^vhatever antient or modern 
 times have produced, in the form of public 
 spectacle ; and to them, we owe the revival 
 of the scenic art. The provencal bards often 
 appeared at them, in companies, and recited 
 tragic or comic poems. By degrees, they 
 formed them into dialogues, and, to make 
 their dialogues more interesting, put on a 
 dress and gait suitable to those of the persons, 
 whose characters they assumed. From this, 
 the passage to an exhibition, possessing all 
 the substantial requisites of a scenic enter- 
 tainment, was easy ; and, as nothing could 
 be more congenial than these exhibitions, to 
 
i6 
 
 the taste and manners of a chivalrous age, 
 they soon attained a high degree of order. 
 But there was more pageantry in them, 
 than of dialogue, and every thing about 
 them had a military air. Devotion, how- 
 ever, had some share in them ; so that there 
 w^ere both secular and religious dramas. 
 They were distinguished into Mysteries, in 
 which, remarkable events in the Scriptures, 
 or in the lives of the saints, were repre- 
 sented; Allegories, in which Faith, Hope, 
 Charity, Sin and Death, and other mystic 
 beings, ^vere introduced to speak and act 
 in personification ; and Moralities, in which, 
 sometimes real, and sometimes fictitious 
 characters were brought into scenic action, 
 and a general moral was drawn from the 
 exhibition. Of these entertainments, the 
 Mysteries were most popular : they were 
 sometimes performed in churches. " We 
 '^ cannot sufficiently wonder," says the Pre- 
 sident Renault (Remarques particulieres 
 sur V histoire de Finance, troisieme race), 
 ^' that these mysteries were represented 
 " under the sanction of the most respec- 
 " table magistrates. — Jesus Christ, the 
 " Holy Virgin, whatever is most sacred in 
 
17 
 
 " religion, was brought on the stage in a 
 " guise of familiarity, to which we cannot 
 *' reconcile ourselves. But the ditference 
 " of the times solves the enigma ; and, while 
 " it shews the ignorance and simplicity, 
 " proves the good-humoured innocence of 
 " the age, which w^as fond of such exhibi- 
 " tions. We must not suppose that they 
 " were profanations of religion ; they were 
 " spectacles, which, by placing rehgious 
 " subjects before their eyes, in a manner 
 highly calculated to impress them on 
 their conceptions and feelings, conveyed 
 instruction to a gross and ignorant people. 
 — And, after all, are we not fallen on 
 " times, which make us regret this age of 
 " simplicity, in which there was so little of 
 " false reasoning, and so much of honest 
 " belief;' 
 
 . A confraternity, under the appellation of 
 the Confraternity of the Holy Passion, ob- 
 obtained from the Parliament of Paris, a 
 patent, which conferred on the members of 
 it, the exclusive right of representing dra- 
 matic exhibitions in the City of Paris ; but 
 the disorders, to which they gave rise, 
 induced the Parhament, in 1541 and 1548, 
 
 C 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
i8 
 
 to forbid their representing sacred subjects. 
 — At a much eadier period, the exhibition 
 of them in churches, had been absolutely 
 prohibited by the clergy. — When these sa- 
 cred exhibitions were interdicted to the 
 Confraternity of the Holy Passion, they 
 assigned their privilege to a troop of comic 
 actors, called the '■ Enfans sans Sou(^i.' There 
 were other companies, but the Enfans sans 
 Soil^i were always the favorite performers. 
 Their privilege was revoked in 1584. They 
 were succeeded by a company called the 
 * Gelosi ;' and those, by the company called 
 ' L'Elite Royal,' which, in 1641, was indi- 
 rectly sanctioned by an edict of Lewis the 
 13th, — the Magna Charta of the French 
 theatre. This company afterwards divari- 
 cated into two branches ; one established 
 itself at the Hotel de Bourgogne, and the 
 other at the Hotel d'Argent aux Marais, 
 The abolition of tilts and tournaments, the 
 revival of the arts and sciences, the merit 
 of some dramatic writers, the great exten- 
 sion of the City of Paris, the encrease of 
 its wealth and of the number of its idle 
 inhabitants, and the consequential diffusion 
 of gallantry ; produced, in the capital, an 
 
19 
 
 universal passion for stage entertainment. 
 It rapidly pervaded every part of the king- 
 dom, so that, towards the end of the reiffli 
 of Lewis the 14th, there scarcely was, in 
 his dominions, a town of any consequence, 
 which had not its theatre. — The introduction 
 of the Italian opera into France, in 1 ^y^^ 
 carried dramatic song and dance to their 
 utmost pitch of refinement. 
 
 Such was the rise and progress of the 
 French stage. It was always viewed by 
 the State, with a considerable degree of 
 jealousy. A capitulary of Charlemagne, 
 of the year 809, ranks theatrical performers 
 among discreditable persons. In 1181, 
 Philip Augustus banished actors from his 
 court; St. Lewis would never admit 
 them to it; Lewis the 13th subjected the 
 theatre to severe regulations: — those were 
 adopted, and others provided by a legisla- 
 tive enactment, which, in 1680, Lewis the 
 14th addressed, in the form of a letter, to 
 the Lieutenant-General de Police. It 
 seems to carry precaution, for the pre- 
 vention of improper representations on 
 the stage, and repressing immorality among 
 
 c 2 
 
20 
 
 the actors, as far as practical precaution, in 
 these respects, can be carried. 
 
 It will be readily conceived, that the 
 Church of France was more severe on sce- 
 nic exhibitions, than the state. A multitude 
 of French provincial councils, are men- 
 tioned by French writers on this subject, 
 which speak harshly of them : their 
 censures of ecclesiastics, who frequent 
 the theatre, are pointedly severe. The 
 passages against the stage, which are cited 
 from the rituals of particular churches of 
 France, are numerous. Among the wri- 
 ters against the stage, it's adversaries are 
 proud to mention, one of the royal blood 
 of France, Francis-Lewis, Prince of Conti. — 
 The uniform practice of the curates of the 
 Gallican church, was, to refuse the sacra- 
 ments to theatrical performers, even in their 
 last moments, unless they made a public 
 promise that they would not appear again on 
 the theatre ; and, if they did not make this 
 declaration, christian burial was denied to 
 their remains. 
 
 . Still, the theatre was always frequented, 
 and, among those who frequented it, per- 
 
21 
 
 sons of the highest character, for probity, 
 honor, and an exemplary discharge of duty, 
 were always found. This was admitted by 
 Bossuet. " Great examples," he told Lewis 
 the 14th, "may be cited in defence of the 
 " Theatre; but the reasons against it, are 
 " still stronger than these examples." 
 
 In this conflict of example and argu- 
 ment, on the la^vfulness of stage entertain- 
 ments, Father Caffaro undertook their de- 
 fence, and proved himself an able advocate 
 of their cause. The successive examples of 
 Corneille, Quinault and Racine, who had 
 quitted the theatre to lead a life of religious 
 retirement, and who had publicly expressed 
 repentance of their dramatic performances, 
 (and whose example was followed, in 1760, 
 by Gresset, the author of the immortal 
 Vert- Vert,) — awakened similar sentiments 
 of compunction in Boursault, a dramatic 
 Avriter of some eminence in his day, and he 
 confided his scruples to Father CafFaro. 
 The father's reply to Boursault first appeared 
 with the title, " LeWx d'un Thtoloiikn, 
 " illustre par sa qualite et par so?i 7nerite, 
 " consulte pour sgavoir si la comedie pent 
 ^' etre permise, ou doit etre ahsolumcnt de- 
 
 C3 
 
22 
 
 ^'fendue ;" but, after the first edition of it, the 
 words " Theologien illustre par sa qualite,'' 
 were dropt in the title, and the work 
 was announced as the letter " crun hoimne 
 d' erudition et de merited It is generally 
 prefixed to the ' Theatre de Boursault:' in the 
 edition of that work in i 725, it is now before 
 the writer's eye. 
 
 Father CafFaro bedns his letter with an 
 acknowledgement, which may be thought 
 to make the defence of the stage, an arduous 
 undertakino;. '' The more I examine the 
 " holy fathers," — these are his own expres- 
 sions, — " the more I read the works of Theo- 
 logians, the more I consult the causists, 
 the less I feel myself able to form any 
 conclusion. The school divines are some- 
 what less hostile to the theatre ; but I 
 hardly find a passage in them, which 
 sounds in its favour, when I feel myself 
 overwhelmed by a torrent of passages 
 from Councils and fathers of every age, 
 who have thundered against the theatre, 
 and employed all the fervour of their 
 zeal and powers of their eloquence, to 
 make it an object of horror to chris- 
 tians." He eludes the sentence, which 
 
23 
 
 these high authorities seem to pronounce 
 against the stage, by bringing before the 
 reader, the abominations, with which the 
 theatrical representations of Rome abound- 
 ed, and from which the theatre of his 
 and our times are certainly free. — " But, 
 you must read the fathers very carelesly, ' 
 Bossuet indignantly replies, " if you find 
 " that, in the theatrical exhibitions of their 
 " times, the fathers condemned nothing 
 '^ more than their idolatrous representations, 
 *^ or their scandalous and open impurities. 
 " — They equally condemn the idleness, the 
 '' enormous dissipation of spirit, the violent 
 " emotions so little becoming a christian, 
 " whose heart should be the sanctuary of 
 " the peace of God, the desire of seeing 
 " and being seen, the criminal occurrence 
 " of looks, the being engrossed with va- 
 " nity, those bursts of laughter, which ba- 
 " nish from the heart, all recollection of 
 " God, of his holy presence, of his awful 
 " judgments. In the midst of all this pomp 
 " and agitation, w ho, they ask, can raise his 
 " heart to God ? Who would be bold 
 " enough to address himself to the deity, 
 " and say to him, ' O my God, I am here, 
 
 C4 
 
24 
 
 '^ because it is thy holy will ?' In the midst' 
 *' of the silly joy, and siily tenderness of the 
 " stage, who can preserve a spirit of pray- 
 " er? St. John (Ep. I. ch.ii. 15,16,) cries 
 ^' out to all the faithful, 'Love not the world, 
 ' nor that which is in the world : for every 
 " thing in it is concupiscence of the liesh, 
 " concupiscence of the eyes, or the pride 
 " of life.' In these words, the world, and 
 '' the theatre, Avhich represents the world, 
 " are equally reprobated. In the theatre, 
 " as in the world, all is sensuality, osten- 
 " tation and pride ; in the theatre, as in the 
 *' w orld, nothing but a love of these wretched 
 " things, is inculcated. — All this and much 
 " more is said by the holy fathers, and 
 *' all of it is applicable to the theatres of 
 " the present day." 
 
 Father Caffaro cites, in favour of the 
 theatre, several passages in the works of 
 St. Thomas of Aquin, St Antoninus, Bishop 
 of Florence, St. Charles Borromeo, and 
 St. Francis of Sales. In answer to the 
 arguments, drawn by him from these pas- 
 sages, Bossuet observes, that, in all of them 
 comedies are mentioned abstractedly, that 
 is, not as they actually exist, but as, by 
 
25 
 
 possibility, they might be constructed. In 
 respect to the passages cited from St. 
 I'homas, Bossuet particularly observes, that 
 St. Thomas cannot be understood, to speak, 
 in them, of comedies, in the actual accep- 
 tation of that word; as comedies, in that 
 acceptation of the word, did not exist in 
 St Thomas's day. '^ At all events," Eos- 
 suet says to Father Caffaro, '^ you confess 
 '' that the writers, whom you cite, allow no 
 *' scenic representation to be innocent, which 
 " contains any thing contrary to good mo- 
 ^' rals: Now, whether the scenic repre- 
 " sentations of the present times, are con- 
 '' trary to good morals, is the point in dis- 
 *' cussion between us; your citations, there- 
 " fore, prove nothing." 
 
 In reply to an argument, which Father 
 Caffaro urges in favour of theatrical repre- 
 sentations, from their being tolerated by the 
 civil government of every country, Bossuet 
 observes, that, if the state permits them, it 
 is not because the state approves of them, 
 but because the state is apprehensive that 
 the absolute interdiction of them, might, in 
 great cities, always abounding in vice and 
 luxury, occasion still greater disorders. 
 
26 
 
 After thus endeavouring to remove, what 
 he insinuates to be an unwarrantable pre- 
 judice against the theatrical representations 
 of modern times, in consequence of the harsh 
 terms, in which the antient fathers con- 
 demned the stage, — Father Caftaro proceeds 
 to state, that the theatre of his day con- 
 tained nothing contrary to decency or mo- 
 rality. " Can you," exclaims Bossuet, — 
 " Can you then really assert, in the face 
 " of heaven, that dramatic compositions, in 
 " which the virtue and piety of a christian, 
 " are generally held out to ridicule ; in which 
 " what the Gospel pronounces to be cri- 
 " minal, is generally defended and made 
 " agreeable; in which virgin purity is so 
 *' often blurred by impudent acts and 
 " words; — Can you really assert that such 
 " compositions are free from crime? — Does 
 *' it become the habit or name of a priest, 
 *' to defend the silly gallantry, the maxims 
 '^ of love, the invitations to enjoy the gay 
 " hours of youth, which for ever resound 
 ^^ in the operas of Quinault, — of Quinault, 
 " whom I myself have seen a hundred 
 .^* times bewaihng these follies? — Is it for 
 " you, to recal him to compositions, which, 
 
, 27 
 
 since he has begun to think seriously 
 ot his salvation, he so bitterly laments? 
 " You say, that stage entertainments, 
 only excite those passions, indirectly, 
 distantly and accidentally. But, what is 
 the direct object of those who compose, 
 of those who act, and of those who at- 
 tend these representations ? The wish of 
 the author and the actor is, that the spec- 
 tator should be enamoured of the heroes 
 and divinities of the theatre ; that he 
 should be taught the duty of sacrificing 
 all but glory, and even glory itself, to 
 love. Is it their wish that this should 
 be taught, indirectly, distantly and ac- 
 cidentally ? 
 
 " You are sensible that immodest paint- 
 mgs are universally condemned. But, 
 how much more horrid is the indecency 
 of theatrical representations ! There, it is 
 not an inanimate marble, it is not a dry 
 tint; all is action itself. The persons are 
 alive ; the eyes, the tongue, the gestures 
 are real, — and, while they seduce every 
 imagination, and inflame every heart; 
 talk not to me of passions which they 
 excite, indirectly, distantly and acciden- 
 
28 
 
 tally ! — What are those speeches, which 
 excite youth to love, (as if youth of itself, 
 were not sufficiently inconsiderate), which 
 make them envy the very birds, whom 
 nothing disturbs in their loves, and which 
 prompt them to rebel against the laws of 
 reason and modesty ? — Do these, and a 
 hundred lessons of the kind, only excite 
 passion, indirectly, distantly and acciden- 
 tally ? If they do not excite it instantly 
 and outrageously, the author, the per- 
 former and the spectator, are equally dis- 
 appointed. 
 
 " After this, — do you dare say, either 
 that the end and aim of the theatre is not 
 to excite directly, and, by its own very 
 pow ers, the fire of concupiscence ? Or do 
 you dare say, that concupiscence is not 
 evil? Can you say, that the virgin mo- 
 desty of a well educated daughter, is 
 only distantly and accidentally offended, 
 by the dramatic heroines, who talk over 
 their combats, their resistances, and their 
 defeats. The modest, amiable, virtuous 
 heroine of the theatre, confesses her fail- 
 ings, the seductions of her heart; and 
 the whole theatre applauds her. What 
 
29 
 
 " a lesson does she give ? — how well does 
 *' she enforce it?" 
 
 Father CafFaro then remarks, that, he 
 did not discover, from what he heard in 
 confession, the wonderful mahgnity of 
 the theatre, or the crimes, of which it is 
 said to be the source: "Probably," says 
 Bossuet, '' when you say this, you are not 
 " thinking of what actresses, and singers, 
 " have to confess, or of the scandals of 
 " their loves. Is it nothinoj to sacrifice 
 " the sex to public sensuality, in a manner, 
 " still more fatally dangerous, than is done 
 " in places which cannot be named? What 
 " christian mother, or, if she were a pagan, 
 " what decent mother, would not behold her 
 " child in the grave, sooner than behold 
 " her on the stage? — Was it for this dis- 
 " grace, she would say, that I reared her, 
 " with so much tenderness and care? Did 
 I preserve her, day and night under my 
 wings, for this public prostitution ? Who 
 does not look on these christians, — (if, 
 living in a profession so opposite to their 
 baptismal vows, they may yet be called 
 christians), — who, I say, does not look on 
 them as slaves exposed to sale, in a pub- 
 
 ■cc 
 
30 
 
 " lie market? Their sex consecrated them 
 " to modesty, to the retirement of a well 
 " regulated house, and how do they appear 
 " on the theatre? Do they not appear 
 " with all the parade of those Sirens in the 
 " temple of Vanity, so well described by 
 ** Isaiah, whose looks are deadly, and who 
 " receive back, in the applause which is 
 *' given them, the poison which they fling 
 " among the spectators ? Is it no crime, for 
 " a spectator to pay for this luxury? — none, 
 " to nourish this corruption? — none, to 
 " teach them or learn from them, what 
 " ought never to be known ?" 
 
 " But," says Father Caffaro, '^ you 
 " can't take a step, open a book, or even 
 " enter a church, without meeting with 
 " something which excites your passions; — 
 " it is therefore no objection to the Theatre, 
 " that you find in it objects which excite 
 " them." — " The reasoning is excellent," 
 says Bossuet: — " the world abounds with 
 " unavoidable dangers, therefore you should 
 " multiply them. Every creature you meet 
 " with is a snare to man, you may therefore 
 " invent new snares, for his ruin. Every 
 " object that meets your eyes, may excite 
 
31 
 
 " your passions, you may therefore add to 
 " your dangers by seeking objects, whose 
 " eleo-ance and refinement, make them more 
 " dangerous. — Rather say, — the dangers of 
 '' the world are ah^eady too great, let us 
 " not add to them : — God vouchsafes his 
 " assistance to us, in dangers inseparable 
 '' from our condition, but he abandons us 
 *' in dangers of our own seeking; he has 
 " assured us that all who love danger shall 
 " perish in it." 
 
 Such is the general tone of Bossuet's 
 Reply. It was communicated privately to 
 Father CafFaro. He, almost immediately, 
 answered it, by a letter, in which he pro- 
 tested that the letter, which he had ad- 
 dressed to Boursault, in defence of the 
 theatre, was not designed for publication; 
 and intimated, that it had been altered, in 
 some respects, in the impression; but he 
 seems to admit that the alterations in it 
 were not of importance. He professes to 
 be convinced by Bossuet's arguments, of the 
 errors of the doctrines contained in it, and 
 promises to retract them. This promise, he 
 performed by a letter addressed by him, a 
 few days after, to the Archbishop of Paris. 
 
32 
 
 He expresses in it, the great concern, which, 
 his having written the letter in question, had 
 given him ; he retracts it unequivocally, and 
 concludes by saying, that, after a full exa- 
 mination of the subject, he was perfectly 
 convinced, that the reasons, urged in de- 
 fence of Stage Entertainments, were frivo- 
 lous; and that the reasons, given by the 
 Church, for her condemnation of them, were 
 solid and unanswerable. 
 
 The dispute w^as renewed several times, 
 in the course of last century. In the first 
 year of it, the actors on the French theatre 
 presented a petition to the pope, in which, 
 they represented to his holiness, that it was 
 the year of the Church's centenary jubilee, 
 and therefore a time of indulgence and 
 benignity; that, since the church had first 
 passed her censure on theatrical exhibitions, 
 they had undergone a complete alteration, 
 and been purged from the indecency and ri- 
 baldry, which had provoked those censures ; 
 they prayed therefore for a removal of them. 
 But his holiness was inexorable ; and, by 
 his direction, some works were published to 
 justify the church's severity. — Towards the 
 jniddle of the century a contest, on the 
 
33 
 
 tendency of Stage Entertainments, took place 
 between Rousseau and D'Alembert. — The 
 latter, in an article in his Miscellanies, 
 censured the magistrates of Geneva, for 
 not permitting a theatre within that city. 
 Rousseau undertook the defence of the ma- 
 gistracy, and replied to D'Alembert in a let- 
 ter, which has been much admired, both for 
 its eloquence and argument. The principal 
 object of it, is to shew, that the morality of 
 the Stage is not the morality of real probity ; 
 that comedy places virtue in a ridiculous 
 light, and makes immorality agreeable ; 
 and that tragedy makes crime an object 
 of admiration, by the splendor of talents 
 and glory, with which she radiates it. 
 D' Alembert replied to Rousseau : his letter 
 contains many sensible observations, but, 
 as a literary composition, sinks before that 
 of his antagonist. In 1761, the celebrated 
 ]VP"* Clairon, professionally consulted with 
 M. Huerne de la Motte, a French avocat, 
 on the reprobation of actors by the civil 
 law^ of France, and the supposed ex- 
 communication of them by the Galilean 
 Church. M. Huerne de la Motte delivered 
 his opinion, in a long dissertation, in which 
 
 D 
 
34 
 
 he attempted to shew, that the laws both 
 of the State and the Church against the 
 Theatre, were founded in prejudice; and 
 that the supposed excommunication of the 
 actors was an invasion of the Hberties of 
 the GaUican Church. On the motion of 
 M. Joly de Fleury, the Procureur General 
 of the King, the Parhament of Paris ordered 
 this dissertation of M. Huerne de la Motte 
 to be burned by the hangman ; and, on a 
 general requisition of the French bar, M. 
 Huerne de la Motte was expelled from it. 
 
 M. Desprez d'Boissy, in his " Lettres sur 
 les Spectacles," (ed. 1774, 2 part, pa. 673) 
 mentions, that two individuals having en- 
 tered into an agreement to establish a new 
 theatre, one of them, from motives of con- 
 science, declined the adventure; that the 
 other instituted, in one of the civil courts of 
 Paris, a suit to compel him to perform his 
 part of the contract ; and that the Court 
 was of opinion, that the contract was 
 morally vicious, and therefore legally void. 
 
 It only remains to observe on this head, that 
 Bossuet moulded his letter to Father Caffaro 
 into the form of an Essay, and published it 
 with the title " Maximes sur la Com^die." 
 
35 
 
 CHAP. vr. 
 
 BOSSUET's '^' EXPOSITION OF THE DOCTRINE OF 
 THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH." 
 
 Of all Bossiiet's controversial Works, this 
 is the most valuable. In disputes of every 
 kind, the first object of those, who really 
 seek for truth, is to ascertain the precise 
 points in difference between them and their 
 adversaries ; then to see that they are ex- 
 pressed with precision, both in words and 
 substance ; and then to confine the discussion 
 to them, with as little divergence as possible, 
 into extraneous matter. It is surprising 
 how much, by attending to these rules, good 
 sense and good humour will lessen the 
 number of apparent articles of disagree- 
 ment, and reduce their weight. 
 
 On the part of the Roman Catholics, 
 this, by their universal consent, has been 
 admirably performed by Bossuet, in the Work 
 of which we are now speaking. It was 
 composed originally for the private use of 
 the Marquis de Dangeau ; and, having been 
 
 D 2 
 
3<5 
 
 comnmnicated by him to the Marechal de 
 Turenne, that great man was sensible of 
 it's merit, and circulated it every where : 
 and thus, it became generally known. 
 Copies of it got into many hands ; and a 
 surreptitious edition of it, with several errors, 
 w^as printed at Toulouse. This made it 
 necessary that Bossuet himself should pub- 
 lish an authentic edition of it. In composing 
 it, he was sensible, how important it was, 
 not only to himself, but to the w hole Church, 
 that it should be absolutely free from error. 
 With this view, he caused a small number 
 of copies of it to be privately printed, and 
 he circulated them among several persons 
 of acknowledged learning and piety in the 
 Galilean Church, with a request from him, 
 that they would favour him with their re- 
 marks, on any parts of it, that should appear 
 to them obscure, erroneous or imperfect. — - 
 After he had received their communications, 
 he published the Work, and prefixed to it 
 the formal approbations of the Archbishops 
 of Rheims and Tours ; of the Bishops of 
 Chalons, Usez, ]\leaux, Grenoble, Tulle, 
 Auxerre, Tarbes, Beziers, and Autun. 
 Soon after it's pubhcation, Bossuet re- 
 
37 
 
 ceived from Cardinal Bona, Cardinal Chim, 
 and Hyacinth Li belli, then Master of the 
 Sacred Palace, afterwards Archbishop of 
 Avignon, the most unequivocal and un- 
 qualified approbations of it; and it was 
 twice formally approved by Pope Innocent 
 the nth, first, by a brief, dated the 2 2d of 
 November 1678, and afterwards, by a brief 
 dated the 12th of July 1679. The Clergy 
 of France, in their Assembly of 1682, sig- 
 nified their approbation of it, and declared 
 it to contain the doctrines of the Roman 
 Catholic Church. It is translated into the 
 language of every country, where the Roman 
 Cathohc religion is either dominant or 
 tolerated. 
 
 Roman Catholics have but one opinion 
 of it: — in public and in private, by the 
 learned and unlearned, it is equally ac- 
 knowledged to be a full and faultless Ex- 
 position of the Doctrine of their Church. 
 
 A translation of it was published, in 
 English, by the Abb6 Montagu, in 1672; 
 in Irish, by Father Porter at the press of 
 the Propaganda, in 1673; in German, by 
 the Prince Bishop of Paderborn, in the 
 same year; in Dutch, by the Bishop of 
 
 i> 3 
 
38 
 
 Castorie, in 1678; in Italian, by the Abbe 
 Nazari, under the inspection of the Cardinal 
 d'Etr6es, who, himself, corrected the proofs 
 of the impression. This translation was 
 formally approved of by Ricci, the secretary 
 of the Sacred Congregation of Indulgences, 
 and by Father Laurence Brancati, librarian 
 of the Vatican ; and, with their permission, 
 was dedicated to the Congregation of Pro- 
 paganda. It was translated into Latin, 
 under the immediate inspection of Bossuet, 
 by the Abbe de Fleury, the author of the 
 invaluable History of the Church. The 
 Abb6 Lenglet du Fresnoy mentions (Me- 
 moires d'Artigny, tom. 1. p. 336, note 6.), 
 that the celebrated M. Basnage assured 
 him, that, in the opinion of Protestants, it 
 had injured their cause more than all other 
 Roman Catholic works of controversy, col- 
 lectively taken. — It is much to be lamented 
 that tlie English translation of it is very 
 ill executed. 
 
 Several answers to it by Protestants were 
 published : all of them agree in accusing 
 Bossuet of disguising the tenets of the Ro- 
 man Catholic Church, in order to make 
 them more palatable to Protestants. But 
 
39 
 
 surely, this charge cannot be supported. 
 When a body of men, so numerous and so 
 respectable as the Roman Catholics, (what 
 candid Protestant does not allow them to be 
 both numerous and respectable?), declare, 
 without a single dissenting voice, that a par- 
 ticular Work expresses their tenets, fully and 
 unequivocally, it is indecent and unfair in 
 the extreme, to charge it with disguising 
 them. Should not those, who make the 
 charge, rather acknowledge, that they had 
 misconceived them ^ 
 
 It is generally understood, that the Ro- 
 man Catholic Church owes, to this invalua- 
 ble exposition of her Faith, one of her most 
 distinguished proselytes. The circumstance 
 is thus related by the Cardinal Maury in 
 his " Essai sur I'Eloquence de la Chaire," 
 (ed. 1810. I vol. p. 252). 
 
 Marshal Turenne was educated in the 
 Protestant religion, and long continued at- 
 tached to the principles of Calvin. While 
 he adhered to them, he rendered his party 
 every service which might be expected from 
 his sincerity, his credit^ and his glory. So 
 highly was his probity respected by Lewis 
 14th, that the monarch never expected 
 
 D4 
 
40 
 
 from the ambition or politics of Turenne, 
 that change of his reHgious principles, which 
 he so earnestly desired, but which, he 
 knew, could only be expected from Tu- 
 renne's real conviction. The king repeated 
 often, but never in the presence of Turenne, 
 that, in the war of the Fronde, when it was 
 of so much importance to oppose Turenne 
 to the great Conde, the Queen Regent had 
 promised him the dignity of High Con- 
 stable of France, the highest which a subject 
 could fill, in the old government, and the 
 monarch used frequently to declare, that he 
 was ever ready, if, by a change of religion, 
 Turenne would remove the only obstacle in 
 its way, to perform the engagements of his 
 mother. — One day, a sword of the most 
 costly and exquisite workmanship, was pre- 
 sented to Lewis the 1 4th to be worn by him, 
 for the first time. The king extolled the 
 workmanship of it ; and Turenne, who was 
 present, took it out of the hands of the 
 monarch, considered it with attention, and 
 expressed his opinion of the beauty of its 
 workmanship, in terms of admiration, which 
 were not common to him. — " It gives me 
 .^'. great pleasure," Lewis said to him with a 
 
41 
 very serious look, " that you are satisfied 
 " witli ,the workmanship of this sword. I 
 " gave particular directions that it should 
 " be finished in the highest degree of per- 
 '' fection — Now hear my motive for it. It 
 " is the sword, ^hich I designed for the 
 " High Constable of France ; I shall only 
 " wear it, while that office continues va- 
 '^ cant. — It will suit you wonderfully ; and 
 " it is your's whenever you please to receive 
 *^ it. You know, there is an obstacle to it ; 
 " (but it is an obstacle, which you yourself 
 " can remove, when you will); and to 
 " my most sincere regret, this circum- 
 " stance alone prevents me from delivering 
 " it, at this very moment, into your hands." 
 Turenne immediately returned the sword to 
 his majesty, saying, " that he felt himself 
 " more honoured, than he could express, by 
 '^ so flattering an expression of his majesty's 
 '' kindness towards him, and that, in his 
 " heart, he preferred it to all dignities." 
 " But," added Turenne, " the attachment 
 " which your majesty shews to your reli- 
 *' gion, proves to me, how I should preserve 
 " my attachment to mine." 
 
 Some years after this circumstance took 
 
4'i 
 
 place, Bossuet's " Exposition of the Roman 
 Catholic Doctrine," appeared. In it's ma- 
 nuscript state, it was put, by the Marquis de 
 Dangeau, into the hands of Turenne. He 
 read it over and over again ; and, was sur- 
 prised to find the statement, which it gives of 
 the Roman CathoHc faith, so different from 
 the hideous representation given of it, by 
 the Huguenot ministers. At first, in unison 
 with their language respecting it, he consi- 
 dered it as a softened and unfair account of 
 the doctrines, which it was intended to ex- 
 hibit. — But, when it afterwards appeared in 
 print, authenticated by the approbations of 
 universities, doctors, bishops, cardinals, and 
 the Pope himself, he was satisfied that it con- 
 tained the doctrine of the Council of Trent, 
 the real doctrine of the Roman Catholic 
 church. From that moment, he determined 
 to embrace the Roman Catholic religion; 
 and Bossuet was the first person, to whom 
 he communicated the important secret. He 
 desired him to make the circumstance known 
 to his majesty; and, at the same time, 
 opened to him his whole mind. " His ma- 
 " jesty," he said to Bossuet, " has, more 
 " than once, intimated to me, his intention 
 
43 
 
 *' of conferring on me the dignity of High 
 
 *' Constable of France, when I should ab- 
 
 " jure the Huguenot rehgion. Say, from me, 
 
 *' to him, that I abjure the Huguenot and 
 
 " embrace the Roman Catholic religion from 
 
 '^ conviction. But I rely on his majesty's 
 
 *^ kindness to me, that he will never men- 
 
 '' tion to me the dignity of High Constable." 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 CONFERENCE OF BOSSUET WITH M. CLAUDE. 
 
 1 H E account, which Bossuet has given of 
 this Conference is extremely interesting. It 
 turned on some points of the most important 
 of all the articles in dispute between Ro- 
 man Catholics and Protestants, — the autho- 
 rity, by which Jesus Christ directed Chris- 
 tians to be governed, in the disputes, which 
 he foresaw, would arise on his doctrine. 
 All Roman Catholics, and all the Protes- 
 tants of the old school assert, that these 
 disputes should be decided by the church. 
 But, when churches themselves are divided, 
 
44 
 
 the question must be, which of them is to 
 be obeyed. The Roman CathoHc says, it 
 is that church, which existed before all 
 other churches, and from which all churches, 
 not in union with her, have separated. This 
 description, they assert, applies to the Ro- 
 man Catholic Church, and to no other. 
 She therefore, in their opinion, is the mis- 
 tress and judge of controversies. Her au- 
 thority, the separatists from her, deny ; and 
 the dispute on this point is the most impor- 
 tant of all their differences, as the decision 
 of it involves the decision of every other ar- 
 ticle in dispute between them. 
 
 M. Claude, the antagonist of Bossuet in 
 this Conference, enjoyed the highest reputa- 
 tion in his party. Bossuet speaks of his 
 learning, polite manners and mildness, in high 
 terms of praise. He mentions, that, through- 
 out the Conference, M. Claude listened with 
 patience, expressed himself with clearness 
 and force, pressed his own objections with 
 precision; and, never eluded an objection 
 made to him, which admitted of an answer. 
 
 The Conference was held, at the request 
 of Mademoiselle de Duras, a niece of the 
 great Turenne. Several Huguenots of dis- 
 
45 
 tinction assisted at it; the Countess de 
 Lorges, a sister of Mademoiselle de Duras, 
 was the only Roman Catholic present. 
 
 On the day preceding the Conference, 
 Bossuet, by the desire of Mademoiselle de 
 Duras, waited on her, and explained to her, 
 what he understood by the words, " Catho- 
 '' lie Church," which he foresaw, would 
 frequently occur in the Conference. He 
 explained to her, that, in his controversy 
 with M. Claude, he should not a[)propriate 
 these words to the Roman Catholic Church, 
 but use them to denote generally, what both 
 M. Claude and he admitted, — an external 
 and visible society, which professed to 
 believe the doctrine of Jesus Christ, and 
 to govern itself by his word. That, to 
 found this society, the Son of God issued 
 from his eternal Father; that, while he was 
 on earth, he gathered round him certain 
 men, who acknowledged him for their mas^ 
 ter ; that, in subsequent times, the faithful 
 aggregated themselves to that society, and 
 formed, what is called in the Apostles' Creed, 
 the Catholic or Universal Church : — Thatj 
 sometimes surrounded by infidels, some- 
 times torn into pieces by heretics, there had 
 
46 
 
 not, from the first moment of her divine 
 origination, been one instant of time, in 
 which she had not possessed the faith, the 
 doctrine, and the sacraments of Christ ; or 
 in which, she had not been protected by him, 
 or had not been visible, as the meridian 
 sun, to all on earth : Had there been 
 but a single instant, in which, she ceased 
 to profess the faith or possess the sacra- 
 ments of Christ, it would necessarily follow- 
 that, the promises of Christ, to teach her 
 all truth, to be with her to the end of the 
 world, and to prevent the powers of hell 
 from prevailing against her, would have 
 failed. That there is such a Church, M. 
 Claude admits. But it cannot, says Bossuet, 
 be the church of M. Claude. — " The re- 
 " formed Church, to justify her separation 
 " from the Roman Catholic Church, must 
 " either charge the Son of God with a 
 " breach of his promise ; or shew the 
 " other great and visible church, in which 
 " the true faith has been uninterruptedly 
 " preserved. — To assert the former, would 
 " be blasphemy ; to assert the latter, would 
 " be to deny historical evidence. When 
 " the church of the Reformers first sepa- 
 
47 
 
 " rated from the one, the holy, the Roman 
 " CathoHc church, then' church, by their 
 '' own confession, did not enter into com- 
 " m union with a single Christian church 
 " in the whole world." 
 
 On the day after this conversation took 
 place, Mademoiselle de Duras called on 
 Bossuet, in company with M. de Coton, 
 a Huguenot minister of distinction, per- 
 sonally known to Bossuet, and esteemed 
 by him. By her desire, Bossuet repeated 
 to him, what he had mentioned to her on 
 the preceding day. M. Coton objected 
 to Bossuet, the promises of God to the 
 Jews, and the frequent revolts of the gene- 
 ral body both of the people of Israel, 
 and the people of Judah, from the true 
 worship : and concluded from it, that 
 there might be a temporary interruption of 
 the church of God, without a breach of 
 the divine promise. To this, Bossuet re- 
 plied, that it was evident from Scripture, 
 that, though a great, or even the greater 
 part of the chosen people had apostatized, 
 still the true worship of God never was 
 extinguished, never ceased to be gloriously 
 discernible either in Israel or Judah; — 
 
48 
 
 that, in the times of their greatest aposta- 
 sies, the true worship was retained by a 
 great portion of the people of each king- 
 dom ; and that each of them had a regular 
 succession of prophets ; so that the in- 
 spired writers (Paral. xxxvi. 5. Jo. xi. 7. 
 XXV. 1.4.) scrupled not to say, that, every 
 mornino; and night, the Almighty Word arose 
 and warned the chosen seed, by the mouths 
 of his prophets, against the surrounding 
 idolatry. " These prophets," continued 
 Bossuet, " were themselves a part of the 
 " people of God ; they kept the people to 
 *^ their duty ; and preserved a large part 
 " of them from corruption : and thus, 
 " though a frightful portion of them, and 
 *' perhaps even the mass of them, fell 
 " into idolatry, there Avere always among 
 *' them, those, who preserved pure, and 
 " visible to all, the deposit of the true 
 " worship." "To them," Bossuet said, " Eze- 
 " chiel (xliv. 13.) alluded, when he men- 
 " tioned the Priests and Levites, who, when 
 " the children of Israel went astray, al- 
 " ways observed the ceremonies of the 
 " sanctuary ; served the Lord, and ap- 
 " peared before him, to offer him victims." 
 
49 
 
 Here, the conversation with M. Coton 
 finished. — While they waited the arrival of 
 M. Claude, to open the Conference, Bos- 
 suet took occasion to mention to Mademoi- 
 selle de Duras, that, in the course of the 
 proposed Conference, he would prove to her 
 satisfaction, three things; — the first, that 
 the Huguenots acted, as if they believed 
 that the authority of their church was infal- 
 lible ; the second, that, though they acted 
 in this manner, it was a maxim among them, 
 that every individual, however ignorant, 
 was obliged to believe he understood the 
 scriptures, better than all the rest of the 
 church. — This seemed to surprize her 
 much: — He proceeded to mention to her 
 the third, which she thought was still more 
 strange ; — that it was an article of the 
 Huguenot creed, that there was a period of 
 time, during which, a Christian was obliged 
 to doubt, whether the scripture were inspired 
 by God, whether the Gospel were a truth or 
 a fable, and whether Jesus Christ were an 
 impostor, or the teacher of salvation. He 
 undertook to force M. Claude to confess 
 all this, or to convince her, that all of it 
 
 E 
 
50 
 
 was an evident and direct consequence of 
 his principles. 
 
 After this, they were informed that M. 
 Claude was come, and the Conference 
 began. We can only pretend to present 
 the reader, with a short outhne of it : but 
 we can confidently assure him, that, if he 
 takes an interest in such polemic discussions, 
 he will be abundantly gratified by perusing 
 the whole of the account given of it by 
 Bossuet. M. Claude's account of it has 
 not fallen into the hands of the writer. 
 
 Bossuet began the Conference, by asking, 
 " if it were not among the Articles of the re- 
 ^' formed church of France, that disputes on 
 ** faith should be determined, if possible, by 
 *^ the Consistory ; that, if they were not de- 
 ^^ termined by the Consistory, they should be 
 " determined by the Provincial Synod ; that, 
 " if they were not determined by the Pro- 
 *' vincial Synod, they should be determined 
 *' by the Holy National Assembly; and 
 ** that those, who refused to acquiesce in 
 " the determination of the National As- 
 ^' sembly, were to be declared out of the 
 *• pale of the church, and excommunicated." 
 
51 
 
 He further asked, " if the Circular Letter of 
 ' the reformed churches, when they sent 
 ' their deputies to the National Assembly, 
 ' were not expressed in the following words: 
 ' We promise, before God, to submit to all 
 ' that shall be resolved in your Holy As- 
 ' sembly; convinced, as we are, that God 
 ' will preside over it, and guide you by his 
 ^ Holy Spirit, into all truth and equity, by 
 ' the rule of his word." Bossuet concluded 
 by observing, that by this, the reformed 
 church appeared to act as if they acknow- 
 ledged the infallibility of the National 
 Assembly. — This was the first of the three 
 points, which he had undertaken to Made- 
 moiselle de Duras, to bring M. Claude to 
 confess. 
 
 The facts, mentioned by Bossuet, were 
 candidly admitted by M. Claude: but he 
 denied the conclusion, which Bossuet drew 
 from them; and, in a speech of some 
 length, which Bossuet praises for its neat- 
 ness and method, explained the nature of 
 the arrangements mentioned by J]ossuet. 
 He said, that the different Assemblies, men- 
 tioned by Bossuet, had different degrees of 
 jurisdiction; but that, in all of them, it was 
 
 E 2 
 
52 
 
 a jurisdiction of discipline ; and that the in- 
 trinsic value of the truth of their decisions, 
 and even of the decision of the National 
 Assembly, depended solely, on their confor- 
 mity to the word of God : and thus, accord- 
 ing to M. Claude, an ultimate power of 
 enforcing discipline, but no infaUibity in 
 doctrine, was vested by them in the National 
 Assembly. A discussion then took place, 
 between Bossuet and M. Claude, to bring 
 this to issue, and every word of it is highly 
 interesting. At the end of it, Bossuet ob- 
 served to M. Claude, that, if he understood 
 him rightly, both the intermediate submis- 
 sion required to the Consistory and Pro- 
 vincial Synod, and the ultimate submission 
 required to the National Assembly, w^ere 
 conditional ; or, in other words, that a con- 
 scientious submission could only be required, 
 if the party thought their determinations 
 were conformable to the word of God. — • 
 To this, M. Claude assented : " Then," said 
 Bossuet, " the profession of submission 
 " might be equivalently couched, in these 
 " words ; — I swear to submit to what you 
 " shall decide, if I shall think your de- 
 " cision is comformable to the word of 
 
53 
 
 " God. — What does this really amount 
 " to ?" A short silence ensued : Bossuet re- 
 newed the Conference, by saying, — " You 
 " believe, that an individual may call in 
 " question the sentence of your church, 
 *^ even when your church pronounces in the 
 " last resort." " No, Sir," answered M. 
 Claude, " it should not be said, that an 
 " individual can lawfully doubt in such a 
 " case, as there is every appearance that the 
 " judgment of the Church will be right." — 
 " To say that there is an appearance,'^ Bos- 
 suet replied, " is to say that there is a doubt." 
 " But," answered M. Claude, " there is 
 " more than an appearance. Jesus Christ 
 " has himself promised, that those who 
 " truly seek him, shall find him. Now, 
 " it should be presumed, in favour of the 
 " Assemblies, that they seek him truly ; and 
 " will, therefore, be certain of finding him. 
 *^ To be sure, if it should appear that there 
 " are cabals, or any other suspicious cir- 
 " cumstance in the National Synod, the 
 " confidence in it might be lessened, or ab- 
 " solutely withdrawn." "Then, let us leave 
 " these factions and cabals," said Bossuet, 
 " out of the question. Let us suppose, 
 
 E 3 
 
54 
 
 " that there is no faction, no cabal, nothing 
 " improper ; and that every thing passes in 
 *'' perfect order: must its decision be re- 
 " ceived without examination ?" M. Claude 
 admitted that the right of examination 
 existed. " Then," said Bossuet, " you ad- 
 mit, that every individual, whoever he be, 
 may believe, and even ought to believe, 
 that it may happen to him to understand 
 the word of God better than the National 
 Assembly ; and even better than a coun- 
 cil assembled from the four quarters of the 
 world. — For, on what can this right or 
 duty of examination be founded, but be- 
 cause the individual may justly conceive, 
 that he himself understands the word of 
 God better than those, whose decision 
 he has a right to examine ?" 
 This was the second point, which Bossuet 
 had promised Mademoiselle de Duras to 
 make M. Claude admit. 
 
 Bossuet now considered that he had set 
 M. Claude between the horns of a perfect 
 dilemma. — If M. Claude contended for the 
 duty of submission, to the sentence of the 
 National Assembly, under pain of excom- 
 munication, Bossuet opposed to him his 
 
55 
 
 acknowledgment of the right of individuals 
 to try the propriety of that sentence by 
 their private judgments ; — if M. Claude 
 admitted this right of private judgment in 
 an individual, Bossuet opposed to him the 
 Assembly's right to excommunicate him for 
 exercisintr it. — Contending; for the former, 
 M. Claude admitted the first, — contending 
 for the latter, M. Claude admitted the 
 second of the positions, which Bossuet had 
 promised INIademoiselle de Duras to make 
 him confess. 
 
 The Conference, however, proceeded. 
 " Surely," said Bossuet, " this right of 
 " individual examination, which you re- 
 " cognize in each individual, must be ac- 
 " companied with the highest individual 
 " presumption." — " That, by no means 
 " follows," replied M. Claude ; '' When 
 " the synagogue declared that Jesus Christ 
 " was not the Messiah, promised by the 
 " prophets, and condemned him to death, 
 " would not an individual, who believed 
 " him to be the true Christ, have judged 
 *' better than the synagogue ? Could you 
 " accuse such an individual of presumptu- 
 " ously believing, that he understood the 
 " scriptures better than all the synagogue ?" 
 
 E 4 
 
5^ 
 
 A more able reply than this of M. Claude 
 cannot be conceived. It produced a great 
 effect on all the persons present.— Bossuet 
 informs us, in his relation of the Conference, 
 that this effect of it was observed by him : 
 that, though he himself was fully aware of the 
 answer which he ought to give to it, he was 
 afraid that he might not express it properly ; 
 and that he therefore made a silent prayer to 
 God, that he would inspire him to express 
 it, in such terms, as would remove the im- 
 pression, made by M. Claude on the minds 
 of the audience. — After a moment's silence, 
 he addressed M. Claude in these words : 
 *' You say, that my assertion, that the in- 
 " dividual, who sets up his own private 
 " opinion, in opposition to that of the whole 
 " church, must be guilty of intolerable 
 " presumption, fixes the charge of equal 
 " presumption on those, who believed in 
 " Jesus Christ, in opposition to the sen- 
 *^ tence of the synagogue, which had pro- 
 " nounced him guilty of blasphemy. Most 
 " certainly, my assertion proves nothing of 
 " the kind. When an individual nozo sets 
 " up his own private opinion in opposition 
 " to that of the whole church, he sets it 
 ^* up against the highest authority on earth, 
 
57 
 
 "as the earth contains no authority, to 
 " which an appeal from that authority can 
 *' be made. But, when the synagogue 
 " condemned Jesus Christ, there was on 
 *' earth a much higher authority than the 
 " synagogue ; to that authority the indi- 
 " vidual, who reprobated the proceedings 
 " of the synagogue, might appeal. Truth 
 " herself then visibly existed among men ; 
 " the Messiah, the eternal Son of God, — 
 " He, to whom a voice from above had 
 " rendered testimony, by proclaiming before 
 *' the whole people, that he was the well- 
 '^ beloved Son of God, — He, who restored 
 " the dead to life, gave sight to the blind, 
 *' and did so many miracles, that the Jews 
 " themselves confessed no man had done 
 " the hke before him, — -He, the Jesus him- 
 *' self, then existed among men ; and was 
 " the visible external authority, to whom 
 ^' there was a lawful appeal from the 
 ^' synagogue.— rHis authority was infallible. 
 " I hear you say that it was a contested 
 " authority. I know that it was contested ; 
 " but, as a Christian, you are bound to say, 
 " that no individual could reasonably or 
 " conscientiously contest it. — It was not 
 
58 
 
 therefore presumption, it was duty to 
 disobey the synagogue and to believe in 
 Christ. Bring back to me Jesus Christ 
 in person ; bring him teaching, preaching, 
 and working miracles, I no longer want 
 the church. — But don't take the church 
 from me, unless you give me Jesus Christ 
 in person. You say you have his word. 
 Yes, certainly ! we have his holy, adorable 
 word ! But, what is to be done witli 
 those w^ho understand it in a wrong sense? 
 Jesus Christ is not present in person 
 to set them right; they must therefore 
 obey the church. Before Jesus Christ 
 appeared among the Jews, they w^ere 
 bound to obey the synagogue : When 
 the synagogue failed, Jesus Christ came 
 among men, to teach them all truth, 
 and they were bound to obey his voice : 
 When he returned to his Father, he left 
 us his church, and we are bound to obey 
 her voice. There is not, — no, there is 
 not on earth, any visible higher authority, 
 to which you can appeal from her." 
 This, according to Bossuet's account, set 
 Claude within a second dilemma : — if he 
 said that the sentence of the National 
 
59 
 
 Assembly was not to be questioned, Bossuet 
 proved his assertion to Mademoiselle de 
 Duras, that the Huguenots acted, as if they 
 believed the authority of their church was 
 infallible ; if he said the sentence of the 
 National Assembly might be questioned, 
 Bossuefs assertion, that it was a maxim of 
 the Huguenot church, that every individual 
 might believe that he understood the scrip- 
 tures, better than the highest authority in 
 his communion, was equally proved. — With 
 much apparent reluctance, M. Claude veered 
 to the latter position ; — and thus Bossuet 
 professes to have performed his second 
 promise to Mademoiselle de Duras. 
 
 We now come to the last of the three 
 points, which Bossuet had promised Made- 
 moiselle de Duras, to make M. Claude 
 confess, and which appeared to her the 
 strangest of the three ; — that, " in the opi- 
 " nion of Huguenots, there is a period, during 
 " which a Christ icm is under a necessity 
 *' of doubting, whether the Bible be inspired 
 " by God, whether the Gospel be truth or 
 " fable, and whether Jesus Christ were a 
 " teacher of truth or an impostor." — Bossuet 
 opened the discussion of this point by asking 
 
6o 
 
 M. Claude, " if a Christian, when he has 
 " the Gospel put, for the first time, into his 
 " hands, must necessarily doubt, whether 
 " it be divinely inspired, before he can make 
 *' an act of faith of its being the word of 
 " God." M. Claude replied, that " in such 
 " a situation, a Christian does not doubt, 
 " but is ignorant, whether the Gospel is 
 " divinely inspired. And permit me," he 
 said to Bossuet, " to put the same ques- 
 " tion to you, substituting, in my question, 
 " the church, whenever, in yours, you 
 " introduce the Gospel. I therefore ask 
 " you, in my turn, whether a Christian, who 
 " has the authority of the church, for the 
 " first time, proposed to him, must not, 
 " before he makes an act of faith of it, 
 ^' necessarily doubt and examine the grounds 
 " of that authority ? You see that the ques- 
 " tion forces each of us into the same diffi- 
 " culties ; — whatever you say on the sub- 
 " ject, in reference to the Gospel, I shall 
 " say upon it, in reference to the church." 
 The disputants were now fairly at issue 
 on two points; — the first, whether, in respect 
 to the Gospel, M. Claude, by acknowledg- 
 ing the right of previous examination, 
 
6\ 
 
 admitted, that, while that examination 
 lasted, a Christian must necessarily doubt 
 that the scripture was the word of God; the 
 second, whether, in respect to the church, 
 the same arguments should not force a si- 
 milar confession from Bossuet. They were 
 distinct points, and Bossuet appears to have 
 been anxious to keep them distinct. 
 
 " I perceive," he said to M. Claude, " the 
 " tendency of your expressions. — Whether 
 " you will argue, or will have a right to 
 *^ argue, from my doctrine, respecting a 
 " Christian's faith in the church, as I shall 
 '^ argue from your doctrine respecting a 
 " Christian's faith in the Gospel, we shall 
 *' quickly see. For the present, let us stick 
 " to the fact. — I aver that, according to 
 " the principles of your church, there is a 
 ^' moment, (I mean the period of examina- 
 " tion) in which a Christian, (Idont speak 
 " of an injidel) must doubt of the Gospel 
 " and of Christ." " I have said," M. Claude 
 answered, " that he is ignorant; he 
 " does not doubt." " Can he then," said 
 Bossuet, " when the Gospel is thus, for the 
 " first time, presented to him, make an act of 
 " divine faith, that the book presented to 
 
62 
 
 " him, is the word of God." '' He cannot ;" 
 answered ]\I. Claude, "he can only beUeve it 
 " out of deference to the authority of his 
 " parents, or of some other person. He is 
 " a catechumen." — "No," said Bossuet, 
 " he is not a catechumen; he is a Christian; 
 " he has been baptized, and the aUiance 
 " which baptism externally sealed on him, 
 " has been internally sealed on his heart, 
 " by the Holy Ghost."—" On that point," 
 said M. Claude, "there are two opinions;" 
 but M. Claude ingenuously added, " I 
 " admit it." — " Then," said Bossuet, " it 
 " follows, that, in virtue of the faith infused 
 " into him in his baptism, a Christian, who 
 " has attained the use of reason, is qualified 
 " to make an act of faith, when it is 
 ;" presented to him. I therefore, ask you, 
 " whether, before he has examined the 
 " Gospel, a Christian can make this act 
 " of faith" — " I believe the scripture to be 
 " the word of God, as I believe God to 
 " exist." — M. Claude said that, after the 
 Christian had read the scripture, he believed 
 it to be the word of God by divine faith ; 
 but that, until he had read it, he could not be 
 led to this conclusion by human reasoning 
 
63 
 
 only. " But human reason," said Bossuet, 
 " is always fallible, and therefore always 
 " doubtful. And thus, according to your 
 " principles, there is a moment, — (that of 
 " examination), during which, the Christian 
 " necessarily doubts, or, if you prefer the 
 " expression, is ignorant of what you call 
 " the fundamental article of faith, — that 
 " the scripture is the word of God, and 
 " therefore, during the whole time of exa- 
 *' mination, is an infidel." 
 
 In this manner, Bossuet professes to have 
 performed his third promise to M"" de Duras : 
 it remained for him to defend himself against 
 JVI. Claude's intimation, that, in maintaining 
 a Christian's obligation to believe, with di- 
 vine faith, the authority of the church, it 
 would be necessary for Bossuet to admit 
 that he must previously examine the point, 
 as he must doubt it, during the continu- 
 ance of such an examination, and be there- 
 fore, during the whole of that period, an 
 infidel. 
 
 " No such consequence attends the Ro- 
 '' man Catholic doctrine," said Bossuet. 
 " The first instant after a Roman Catholic 
 " or any Christian comes to the use of rea- 
 ^^ json, he may make this act of divine 
 
(( 
 
 64 
 
 " faith, — I believe the church.— I entreat 
 " you to observe, that I am speaking of a 
 " baptized person, of a Christian, not of an 
 *' infidel. In virtue of his baptism, theChris- 
 " tian has the habit of true faith, and there- 
 fore believes, when he attains the use of 
 " reason, in God the Father, in God the 
 " Son, in God the Holy Ghost, and in the 
 " holy Catholic Church. The Apostles' 
 " creed contains all these articles: and 
 " the Apostles' creed is not a set of conclu- 
 " sions, to which a child arrives by exami- 
 " nation, but a declaration of the faith in- 
 " fused into him at his baptism by the Holy 
 " Ghost. Against this, the Infidel may 
 " argue consistently with his tenets; a 
 " Christian cannot. Thus the doctrine of 
 " Roman Catholics is wholly free from the 
 " difficulty you have intimated. All Roman 
 '' Catholics, all Christians, except Protes- 
 " tants, believe the divine authority of the 
 " church to be an article of faith, infused 
 " by the Holy Ghost into every Christian at 
 " his baptism. Now, it is a tenet of the 
 " church, that the scripture is the word 
 " of God. — Thus, from the first instant of 
 " their reason, the Roman Catholics believe 
 " their church and the tenets of their church; 
 
65 
 
 " SO that, as there never is a moment, in 
 '^ which a Roman Cathohc doubts of the 
 " church, there never is a moment, in 
 *' which he doubts of the divine inspiration 
 " of the scripture, v»hich is a tenet of his 
 " church. But you, who deny the autho- 
 " rity of the church, are driven to the 
 " terrible inconvenience of being obHged to 
 " admit, thatthereisaperiod, during which, 
 " it is in the necessity of things, that the 
 " Christian doubts, or, if you prefer the 
 *' expression, is without the belief of this 
 " fundamental article of faith,^ — the divine 
 " inspiration of the scripture." 
 
 This was strong reasoning ; but M. 
 Claude rallied. — "This way of reasoning," 
 he shrewdly observed, " must make every 
 " person decide in favour of his own church. 
 " The Greeks, Arminians, ^Ethiopians, even 
 *' we, whom you think so much in the 
 " wrong, are baptized ; by your account, 
 " therefore, all of us actually have the 
 " true faith, the true scriptures, and the 
 " true interpretation of them." 
 
 Bossuet's acknowledgment of the force 
 of this argument, and of the great impres- 
 sion which it made on the persons, present 
 
 F 
 
66 
 
 at the conference, should be mentioned in 
 his own words. — " A more forcible ob- 
 " jection than M. Claude's could not be 
 '' urged. The answer to it immediately oc- 
 ** curred to me, but I was apprehensive of 
 " not expressing it in a manner to make it 
 '' fully understood. I trembled as I spoke, 
 " for I thouo[ht the salvation of a soul was 
 " at stake ; and I offered a prayer to God, 
 " that, as he made the truth known to me, 
 " he would furnish me with words, that 
 " would enable me to present it, in its full 
 " light, to my hearers. My dispute was with 
 " a man, who listened patiently, expressed 
 " himself with clearness and strensjth, and 
 " was able to avail himself of any thing, 
 " which, the least want of precision, opened 
 " to attack." 
 
 Such were Bossuet's feelings, as he him- 
 self has expressed them, on M. Claude's ob- 
 servation : the reader probably, is curious 
 to see how he delivered himself from the 
 consequences to which it seemed to lead. 
 He remarked to M. Claude, that the re- 
 formed church was to be distinguished from 
 the Greek, and from all the other churches, 
 which he had mentioned ; as the members of 
 
67 
 
 all those churches professed both to receive, 
 at thdr baptism, the faith of the true church, 
 and to believe, with divine faith at their first 
 use of reason, her divine authority : so 
 that, in their own opinion, there never was 
 a moment, in which the members of those 
 churches were without faith in the true 
 church, or faith in her authority, or faith in 
 her scriptures : — while, on the other hand, 
 M. Claude, and all the communicants with 
 his church, admitted it to be an article of 
 their doctrine, that, during all the period 
 w'hich preceded, or was employed in exa- 
 mination, they had not faith in the true 
 church, in her authority, or in her scrip- 
 tures ; and thus, as to the point immedi- 
 ately under discussion, all those churches 
 might be cited against M. Claude. 
 
 After this preliminary observation. Bos- 
 suet proceeded to consider M. Claude's 
 assertion, that, as the members of all those 
 churches, and also the members of the 
 Huguenot churches were baptized, it neces- 
 sarily followed from Bossuet's own doc- 
 trine, that they continued, while they were 
 members of the church, in w^hich they were 
 baptized, to possess the true faith, the true 
 
 F 2 
 
68 
 
 scriptures, and the true interpretation of them. 
 — This brought the disputants to immediate 
 issue : — Bossuet repHed, that, when a person 
 is baptized, the Holy Ghost confers on him, 
 without regard to the faith of the person 
 w^ho baptizes him, or the church, in which 
 he is baptized, the faith of the church men- 
 tioned in the Apostles' creed ; the faith of 
 the holy Catholic Church: — that the baptized 
 person continues a member of that true 
 church, till the example of his parents, 
 or some other circumstance, seduces him 
 from it. " Thus," said Bossuet, " the mem- 
 bers of the churches, which have been 
 mentioned, and the members of your 
 church, are in error, not on account of 
 an erroneous faith, which they received 
 in baptism, but because they have aban- 
 doned the true faith, ^ — the faith of the 
 holy Catholic Church, which they re- 
 ceived in baptism." 
 This was Bossuet's reply to his adversary's 
 attack : — and the Conference now drew to 
 its conclusion. 
 
 Both Bossuet and M. Claude published 
 accounts of it ; and, as it generally happens 
 in such cases, their accounts disagreed. 
 
69 
 
 On this circumstance, Bossuet expresses 
 himself with great good temper and mode- 
 ration. — " It is not my intention," he says, 
 " to accuse M. Claude of wilful misrepre- 
 " sentation. It is difficult to remember, 
 " with precision, the things which have 
 " been said, or the order in which they 
 " were spoken ; the mind often confounds 
 " things that were spoken, with things that 
 " occurred afterwards ; and thus, without 
 "^ the slightest intentional aberration from 
 " it, truth is often disfigured. — All I say of 
 " M. Claude, he has my leave to say ot 
 " me." This is the language of a Christian 
 and a gentleman. Violence ever injures 
 the cause, which it is intended to support, 
 and often refutes the accusation, in aid of 
 which it is used. 
 
 F 3 
 
70 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 bossuet's history of the variations of 
 the protestant churches. 
 
 1 HIS is the most considerable, in size, of 
 the Controversial Works of Bossuet. — In 
 the five first books of it, Bossuet gives a 
 succinct account of the rise and first pro- 
 gress of the Reformation in Germany. In 
 the sixth, he professes to expose the con- 
 duct of Luther and Melancthon, in sanction- 
 ing, with other divines of their party, the 
 marriage of the Landgrave of Hesse, with 
 a second wife, during the life of his first 
 wife. The seventh and eighth books are 
 confined to the Reformation in England, 
 during the reigns of Henry the 8th and 
 Edward the 6th. The history of the Re- 
 formation in Germany is resumed in the 
 eighth book ; the ninth gives an account 
 of the rise and first progress of the 
 Calvinists in France ; the tenth is employed 
 gn the Reformation in England, during the 
 
71 
 
 reign of Queen Elizabeth, and on the civil 
 wars of France, which he accuses her of 
 fomenting, and which, he affirms, were pro- 
 duced by a leading principle of the early 
 Reformers, that it is lawful for subjects to 
 levy war against their Sovereign, on account 
 of religion. 
 
 Here, Bossuet breaks off, to give, in his 
 eleventh book, an account of the Albigenses 
 and other sects, who separated from the 
 church of Rome, in the ninth, tenth, eleventh 
 and twelfth centuries, and were said by 
 the Huguenots, to be their religious an- 
 cestors. The twelfth and thirteenth books 
 contain an account of the Huguenots from 
 the period, in v/hich his eighth book left 
 them, till the Synod of Gap. The four- 
 teenth book, contains an account of the 
 disputes between Arminius and Gomar, the 
 wars, more than civil, between the Synods 
 of Dordrecht, Charenton and Geneva ; and 
 the reprobation of them all, by the Hugue- 
 not churches of France. 
 
 The fifteenth book is of the dogmatical 
 Mnd ; its object is, to shew the divine autho- 
 rity of the church of God ; her marks, and 
 Ihe claims of the church of Rome to thp 
 
 F4 
 
72 
 
 exclusive possession of them. — It should be 
 observed, that, in every part of the Work, 
 with the exception of the eleventh book, 
 in which Bossuet professes to give an ac- 
 count of the predecessors of Luther, he re- 
 lates the events, which are the subjects of 
 his history, in chronological order. 
 
 Most readers of the present times, will pro- 
 bably think, that the eleventh and fourteenth 
 are the most interesting books of this cele- 
 brated work. A full and impartial history 
 of the irregular attempts at reformation, as 
 they are termed by Dr. Robertson, which 
 are the subject of the eleventh book, has em- 
 ployed several pens in Germany and Hol- 
 land, but has not attracted as much atten- 
 tion, either in France or England, as the 
 subject seems to deserve. Some modern 
 writers have professed to deduce the authors 
 of the tremendous revolution of our times, 
 from the ancient Manichees, through the 
 Knights-Templars, the sectaries of the middle 
 ages, and some of the Reformers of the six- 
 teenth century. In their attempts to establish 
 this system, they have maintained several ex- 
 travagant opinions : but arguments, plausible 
 at least, are not wanting to support its ge- 
 
73 
 
 neral probability. — There seems reason to 
 believe, that, after the death of Manes, the 
 European ]\Ianichees retreated, and earned 
 their doctrines with them, into the East; 
 that they made a second appearance in Eu- 
 rope, about the beginning of the ninth cen- 
 tury ; that, under the various appellations of 
 Paulicians, Albigenses, Waldenses, Hus- 
 sites, Bohemians, Bogards, Brethren of the 
 Free Spirit, Wickliffites and Lollards, they 
 and their disciples, during that and the three 
 ensuing centuries, spread themselves over 
 Europe; that they diverged into sects, 
 some of whom were hostile to the con- 
 stituted authorities of the times, both in 
 church and state; and that, after various 
 vicissitudes of fortune, the disciples of some 
 of those sects finally triumphed, in the six- 
 teenth centui-y, in a considerable portion 
 of Europe, and filled it, with disorgan- 
 izing principles, which were never wholly 
 eradicated. The doctrines and adven- 
 tures of these sectaries, from the time of 
 their return to Europe, till the commence- 
 ment of Luther's Reformation, are shortly 
 related by Bossuet. H^re, he is met by many 
 Protestant adversaries ; the ablest of whom, 
 
74 
 
 confessedly is, M. James Basnage, who 
 published, in opposition to the ^' Variations," 
 his " History of the Reformed Churches," 
 a learned work ; but which, even in the opi- 
 nion of some writers of his own communion, 
 is not entitled to the praise of impartiaUty. — 
 Bossuet is also opposed by Mosheim ; but 
 both Basnage and Mosheim concede much 
 to him : See the interesting chapter of 
 the latter, on the History of the Anabap- 
 tists or Memnonites, in Doctor IVlaclaine's 
 Translation, vol.4, page 129. 
 
 The fourteenth book of Bossuet's " History 
 of the Variations" is particularly interesting, 
 as he attempts to shew in it, by much cu- 
 rious and instructive evidence, a natural 
 gravitation of every sect, which separates 
 from the church of Rome, into Socinianism. 
 Some time after Bossuet's " History of the 
 Variations" made its appearance, he pub- 
 lished his six eloquent Addresses to the 
 French Protestants. In the last, he treats, at 
 length, of this supposed Socinian tendency 
 of the Reformation. He proves in it, from the 
 confessions of the celebrated Jurieu, that, 
 before the close of the seventeenth century, 
 Socinianism abounded in the United PrO' 
 
75 
 
 vinces; and that the dispersion of the 
 French Huguenots, in consequence of the 
 Edict of Nantes, revealed to the terrified re 
 formers of the original school, the alarming 
 secret of the preponderance of Socinianism, 
 even in the reformed churches of France. 
 The members of them, being, by Jurieu's 
 account, no longer under the control of 
 the civil power, disseminated their Socinian 
 principles, every where, with the greatest 
 activity and success. Even in England, Ju- 
 rieu pretended to discover the effect of their 
 exertions. He mentions, that, in 1 698, thirty- 
 four French refugee ministers, residing in 
 London, addressed a Letter to the Synod, 
 then sitting in Amsterdam, in which they 
 declared that Socinianism spread so rapidly, 
 that, if the Ecclesiastical Assembhes applied 
 no remedy to it, or used only palliatives, the 
 evil would be incurable. — Of these lamen- 
 tations of Jurieu, Bossuet avails himself with 
 the greatest skill : — they brought Jurieu into 
 great disgrace among his own brethren. 
 
 It has often been observed, that contra- 
 ries meet in their extremes. Two writers 
 more contrary, in every sense of that word, 
 to each other, than Bossuet and the late 
 
76 
 
 author of the " Decline and Fall of the Ro^ 
 man Empire," cannot be mentioned : yet, in 
 one of the most cmious passages of that 
 extraordinary work, Mr. Gibbon ado})ts and 
 aggravates all these charges of Bossuet. (See 
 ch. Liv). 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 bossuet's personal conduct towards 
 
 protestants ; — his principles respecting 
 
 religious toleration. 
 
 In the general conduct of Bossuet to- 
 wards Protestants, there was nothing to 
 censure, and much to praise. When the 
 Edict of Nantes brought the question of 
 Religious Toleration into discussion, his 
 personal conduct towards the sufferers 
 under that Edict, appears to have been 
 highly commendable. 
 
 As to his general conduct ; — all Protes- 
 tant writers, who have mentioned it, agree 
 that it was marked with good breeding 
 and moderation ; and, while they allow, 
 that there was warmth and earnestness in 
 
77 
 his religious disputes with them, confess 
 that he wiUingly admitted equal warmth and 
 earnestness in his Protestant opponents. 
 This is particularly noticed by Saurin, in 
 his Factum against the celebrated Jean 
 Baptiste Rousseau. He mentions in it, 
 that he found Eossuet a rough disputant, 
 but that Bossuet permitted him to be equally 
 rough. A Protestant minister, of great re- 
 putation among his party, mentions Bos- 
 suet in a Letter printed by his Benedictine 
 editors, as a prelate, " whom God had 
 " wonderfully gifted ; and who was held, 
 *' in particular veneration, even by Protest- 
 ^^ ants." — Alluding to a controversial work 
 of his own, the same gentleman mentions, 
 " that the high breeding and Christian man- 
 " ners of Bossuet had greatly contributed 
 " to overcome his repugnance to every 
 " thing which savoured of controversy." 
 " If yoi4 consider with attention," he writes 
 to his correspondent, " what is passing, 
 '' you will find, that Bossuet employs no 
 " means for procuring our conversion, which 
 " are not agreeable to the spirit of the Gos- 
 '' pel. He preaches, composes works, writes 
 ■^ letters, and endeavours by means, worthy 
 
78 
 " of his character and the true spirit of 
 " Christianity, to make us quit our faith. 
 ^' We should be grateful for the charitable 
 " intentions of the great prelate, and, 
 " without prejudice, examine writings that 
 " evidently come from a heart, which loves 
 *' us and desires our salvation." (Ben. ed. 
 of Bossuet's works. Tom. ix. pp. 429. 490.) 
 In all his controversies with the Protestants, 
 he abstained from personalities, injurious 
 language and insult. — " With the strictest 
 " truth," these are his expressions in a ser- 
 mon preached by him, on the religious pro- 
 fessions of a young lady, recently converted 
 to the catholic religion, — •" With the strictest 
 " truth, I can declare, that the most tender 
 " desire of my heart, the most ardent of 
 " my daily prayers, is the Salvation of our 
 " separated brethren. I am touched to 
 " my very soul, when I behold persons 
 " so honourable^ mid, as God well kjioxvs, so 
 " loved and revered by me, walking in dark- 
 " ness. — I trust that I shall always express 
 " myself in such a manner, as will give my 
 " arguments, (all which shall ever be drawn 
 " from the scriptures, and the holy fathers, 
 '^ the best interpreters of the scriptures), 
 
79 
 
 '^ their full weight, without using an in- 
 " jurious expression." 
 
 The revocation of the Edict of Nantes, 
 brought Bossuet's principles on Religious 
 Liberty to the test. — The persecution of the 
 Huguenots, which followed, (called from the 
 dragoon troops employed in it, the Dra- 
 gonade) — was condemned by the greatest 
 and best men in France. M. d'Aguesseau, 
 the father of the celebrated chancellor, 
 resigned his office of Intendant of Langue- 
 doc, rather than be a witness of it : his son 
 repeatedly mentions it with abhorrence. 
 Fenelon, Flechier and Bossuet, confessedly 
 the ornaments of the Gallican Church, 
 lamented it. To the utmost of their power, 
 they prevented the execution of the edict, 
 and softened its severities, when they could 
 not prevent them. 
 
 This practical condemnation of the resort 
 to temporal power, in effecting religious 
 conversion, does all these illustrious charac- 
 ters the greater honour, as the doctrine of 
 religious toleration was, at that time, little 
 understood. It is painful to add, that, in 
 a studied letter, written to M. de Basville, 
 Intendant of Languedoc, (Ben. ed. vol. x. 
 
8o 
 
 p. 293), Bossuet seems to admit, in theory, 
 the general right of christian princes, to en- 
 force acts of religious conformity, by whole- 
 some severities ; and thus allows them, for 
 effecting a spiritual good, a resort to tem- 
 poral means, which the Divine Founder of 
 our faith so explicitly disclaimed for him- 
 self. Nothing, surely, can be more contrary 
 than such a proceeding, to the precept of 
 the Prince of the Apostles, (1 Ep. c. 3. v. 2.) 
 which recommends " the leading of the fold 
 " of Christ to their pastures, according to 
 " the order established by God himself, 
 " that is, voluntarily, and never by com- 
 " pulsion/' 
 
81 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF Bt)SSUET AND LEIBNIZ, ON 
 THE REUNION OF THE LUTHERAN PROTESTANTS, To 
 THE ROMAN-CATHOLIC CHURCH. 
 
 Ihis correspondence forms one of the 
 most interesting events in the Hfe of Bossuet ; 
 and the letters, of which it consists, and the 
 other written documents, which relate to it, 
 are highly interesting- The writer will 
 attempt to present the reader with a short 
 account, i st, of the circumstances which led 
 to this correspondence; 2dly, of the project 
 of Re-union, deUvered by JVIolanus, a Lu- 
 theran divine, and Bossuet's sentiments on 
 that project; 3dly, of the intervention of 
 Leibniz in the negotiation; and, 4thly, of 
 the project suggested by Bossuet, and the 
 principal reasons, by which he contended 
 for its reception. 
 
 1st, It appears that, towards the seven- 
 teenth century, the emperor Leopold, and 
 several sovereign princes in Germany, con- 
 ceived a project of re- uniting the Roman 
 
 G 
 
82 
 
 Catholic and Lutheran churches. The 
 duke of Brunswick, who had recently em- 
 braced the Roman Cathohc religion, and 
 published his " Fifty Reasons" for his conver- 
 sion, (once a popular work of controversy), 
 and the duke of Hanover, the father of the 
 first prince of the illustrious house, which 
 now fills the throne of England, were the 
 original promoters of the attempt. It was 
 generally approved; and the mention of it 
 at the Diet of the Empire, was favourably 
 received. Some communications upon it 
 took place, between the emperor and the 
 ducal princes : and with all their knowledge, 
 several conferences were held, upon the 
 subject, between certain distinguished Ro- 
 man-Cathohc and Protestant divines. In 
 these, the bishop of Neustadt, and Molanus 
 the abbot of Lokkum, took the lead. The 
 first had been consecrated bishop of Tina 
 in Bosnia, then under the dominion of the 
 Turks, with ordinary jurisdiction over some 
 parts of the Turkish territories. His con- 
 duct had recommended him to Innocent 
 the 11th, and that pope had directed him 
 to visit the Protestant states in Germany, 
 and inform him of their actual dispositions, 
 
83 
 
 in respect to the Church of Rome. In 
 consequence of this mission, he became 
 known to the emperor, who appointed him 
 to the see of Neustadt, in the neighbour- 
 hood of Vienna. Molanus was Director of 
 the Protestant Churches and Consistories 
 of Hanover. Both of them were admirably 
 calculated for the office intended for them 
 on this occasion. Each possessed the con- 
 fidence of his own party, and was esteemed 
 by the other: each was profoundly versed 
 in the matters in dispute; each possessed 
 good sense, moderation, and conciliating 
 manners, and each had the success of the 
 business at heart, and a fixed purpose, that 
 nothing, but a real difference on some 
 essential article of doctrine, should frustrate 
 the project. 
 
 The effect of the first conferences was so 
 promising, that the Emperor and the two 
 princes resolved, that they should be con- 
 ducted in a manner more regular, and more 
 likely to bring the object of them to a con- 
 clusion. With this view, the business was 
 formally intrusted, by both the princes, to 
 Molanus alone ; and the Emperor published 
 a rescript, dated the 20th March 1691, by 
 
 G 2 
 
84 
 
 which, he gave the bishop of Neustadt, full 
 authority to treat, on all matters of religion, 
 with the states, communities, and individuals 
 of the empire; reserving to the ecclesiastical 
 and imperial powers, their right to confirm 
 the acts of the bishop, as they should judge 
 advisable. Under these auspicious cir- 
 cumstances, the conference between the 
 bishop of Neustadt and Molanus began. 
 
 But, before the events, which we have 
 mentioned, took place, a correspondence, on 
 the subject of a general re-union between Ca- 
 tholics and Protestants, had been carried on 
 for some time, between Pelisson and Leibniz. 
 The former held a considerable rank amon^ 
 the French writers, who illustrated the reign 
 of Lewis the fourteenth; the latter was 
 eminently distinguished in the literary world. 
 In the exact sciences, he was inferior to 
 Newton alone; in metaphysics, he had no 
 superior; in general learning, he had scarcely 
 a rival. He had recommended liimself to 
 the Brunswick family, by three volumes, 
 which he had recently published, on the 
 antiquities of that illustrious house; and 
 was then engaged in the investigation of its 
 Italian descent, and early German shoots. 
 
85 
 
 The result of it, under the title of Ormnes 
 Guelphicce, was published after his decease, 
 by Scheidius, and is considered to be a per- 
 fect model of genealogical history. He was 
 also thoroughly conversant in the theological 
 disputes of the times; and, in all the ques- 
 tions of dogma or history, which enter into 
 them. 
 
 His correspondence with Pelisson, came 
 to the knowledge of Louisa, princess Pala- 
 tine and abbess of ^faubrusson. She was 
 a daughter of Frederick, the elector and 
 count Palatine of the Rhine, and a sister 
 of the dutchess of Hanover. In early life, 
 she had been converted to the Roman 
 Catholic religion, and had the conversion 
 of her sister very much at heart. With this 
 view, she sent to her, the correspondence 
 between Leibniz and Pelisson, and received 
 from her, an account of what w^as passing 
 between the bishop of Neustadt and Mo- 
 lanus. Both the ladies were anxious to 
 promote the measure, and that Bossuet 
 should take in it, the leading part, on the 
 side of the Catholics. This was mentioned 
 to Lewis the fourteenth, and had his ap- 
 probation. The Emperor and both tiie 
 
 G 3 
 
86 
 
 princes, by all of whom Bossuet was per- 
 sonally esteemed, equally approved of it; 
 and it was finally settled, that Bossuet and 
 Leibniz should be joined to the bishop of 
 Neustadt and Molanus, and that the corre- 
 spondence with Bossuet, should pass through 
 the hands of madame de Brinon, who acted 
 as secretary to the abbess of Maubrusson, 
 and is celebrated, by the writers of the 
 times, for her wit and dexterity in business. 
 Thus the matter assumed a still more regu- 
 lar form, and much was expected from the 
 acknowledged talents, learning, and modera- 
 tion of the actors in it, and their patrons. 
 
 2. The conferences between the bishop 
 of Neustadt and Molanus, continued for 
 seven months, and ended in their agreeing 
 on twelve articles, to sei^e for the basis of 
 the discussion, on the terms of the re-union. 
 
 The bishop of Neustadt communi- 
 cated these articles to Bossuet. He seems 
 to have approved of them generally, but 
 to have thought, that some alteration in 
 them was advisable. This being mentioned 
 to Molanus, he published his Cogitatmies 
 Pmat(2, a profound and conciliating dis- 
 sertation. Without entering into any dis- 
 
87 
 
 cussion, on the points in dispute between 
 the churches, he suggested in it, a kind of 
 truce, during which, there should be eccle- 
 siastical communion between them : the 
 Lutherans were to acknowledge the pope, 
 as the first of bishops in order and dignity : 
 the Church of Rome was to receive the 
 Lutherans, as her children, without exacting 
 from them, any retractation of their alleged 
 errors, or any renunciation of the articles in 
 their creed, condemned by the Council of 
 Trent. The anathemas of that council were 
 to be suspended, and a general council was 
 to be convened, in which, the Protestants 
 were to have a deliberative voice : the 
 sentence of that council was to be definitive, 
 and, in the mean time, the members of each 
 party were to treat the members of the 
 other as brethren, whose errors, however 
 great they might appear, were to be tolerated 
 from motives of peace, and in consideration 
 of their engagements to abandon them, if 
 the council should pronounce against them. 
 To shew the probability of a final accommo- 
 dation, Molanus notices in his Dissertation, 
 several points, in which, one party imputed 
 to the other, errors not justly chargeable on 
 
 G4 
 
88 
 
 them ; several, on which they disputed merely 
 for want of rightly understanding each other; 
 and several, in which the dispute was of 
 words only. 
 
 It appears that the bishop of Neustadt 
 communicated this dissertation to Bossuet, 
 and that Bossuet was delighted with the 
 good sense, candour, and true spirit of con- 
 ciliation which it displayed. He frequently, 
 and always in terms of the highest praise, 
 mentions its author in his letters. His own 
 language was equally moderate and con- 
 ciliating. " The Council of Trent," he says 
 in one of his letters," is our stay ; — but we 
 " shall not use it to prejudice the cause. 
 " This would be to take for granted, what 
 " is in dispute between us. We shall deal 
 " more fairly with our opponents. We 
 " shall make the council serve for a state- 
 " ment and explanation of our doctrines. 
 " Thus, we shall come to an explanation on 
 '■ those points, in which either of us imputes 
 " to the other, what he does not believe, 
 ^' and in which we dispute only because we 
 " misconceive each other. This may lead 
 *' us far ; for the abbot of Lohkum has 
 ^^ actually conciliated the points so essential^ 
 
89 
 
 " of Justyication and the Eucharist : nothing 
 " is wanting to him, on that side, but that 
 ^' he should be avoxved. Why should ice not 
 " hope to conclude, in the same manner, dis- 
 " putes less difficult and of less importance 9 
 " Cela se pent pousser si avant, que M, 
 " Vabbe de Lokkum a concilie actuellement 
 " les points si essentiels de la Justification et 
 " da sacrifice de fEucharistie, et il ne lid 
 " manque de ce cote la, que de se faire 
 '^ avouer. Pourquoi ne pas esperer defnir 
 ''' par les memes moyens des disputes moins 
 " difficiles et moins import antes ? " 
 
 With these rational and conciHatory dis- 
 positions, Bossuet and Molanus proceeded. 
 But, after this stage of the business, Molanus 
 disappears, and Leibniz comes on the scene. 
 
 3. A letter, written by Bossuet to M. de 
 Brinon, having been communicated by her 
 to Leibniz, opened the correspondence be- 
 tween him and Bossuet. In that letter, 
 Bossuet declared explicitly, that the Church 
 of Rome was ready to make concessions on 
 points of discipline, and to explain doc- 
 trhies, but would make no concession in 
 respect to defined articles of faith ; and, in 
 particular, would make no such concession, 
 
90 
 
 in respect to any, which had been defined 
 by the Council of Trent. Leibniz's letter 
 to M. de Brinon, in answer to this com- 
 munication, is very important. He ex- 
 presses himself in these terms : " The bishop 
 " of Meaux says, 1st, That the project 
 " delivered to the Bishop of Neustadt, 
 " does not appear to him quite sufficient ; 
 " 2dly, That it is nevertheless very useful, 
 " as every thing must have its beginning ; 
 '' 3dly, That Rome will never relax from 
 " any point of doctrine, defined by the 
 " church, and cannot capitulate, in respect 
 " to any such article; 4thly, That the 
 " doctrine, defined in the Council of Trent, 
 " is received in and out of France by all 
 " Roman Catholics; 5thly, That satisfac- 
 " tion may be given to Protestants, in 
 " respect to certain points of discipline, or 
 " in the way of explanation, and that this 
 " had been already done in an useful man- 
 " ner, in some points, mentioned in the 
 " project of the bishop of Neustadt. 
 " These are the material propositions in 
 " the letter of the bishop of Meaux, and 
 " I believe all these propositions true. 
 " Neither the bishop of Neustadt, nor 
 
9* 
 
 * those who negotiated with them, make 
 ' any opposition to them. There is nothing 
 ' in them, which is not conformable to the 
 ' sentiments of tliose persons. The third 
 ' of them in particular, which might be 
 ' thought an obstacle to these Projects of 
 ' Accommodation, could not be unknown 
 ^ to them ; one may even say that they 
 ' built on it." 
 
 It seems difficult to deny, that, in this 
 stage of the business, much had been gained 
 to the cause of re-union. The parties were 
 come to a complete understanding on the 
 important articles of Justification, and the 
 Eucharist; and it was admitted both by 
 Leibniz and Molanus, that, in their view 
 of the concern, an accommodation might 
 be effected between the Roman Catholic 
 and Lutheran Churches, though the former 
 retained all her defined doctrines, and, in 
 particular, all her doctrines defined by the 
 Council of Trent. The question then was, 
 what should be done in respect to the re- 
 maining articles in diflTerence between the 
 churches. It is to be wished that it had 
 been left to Bossuet and Molanus to settle 
 them, in the way of amicable explanation, 
 
92 
 
 in which, they had settled the two important 
 articles, which we have mentioned. It is 
 evident, from the passages, which we have 
 cited from Bossuet, — that it was his wish 
 that the business should proceed on that 
 plan, — and that he had hopes of its success. 
 Unfortunately, the business took another 
 direction: Leibniz proclaimed, that, after 
 every possible explanation should be given, 
 the Lutheran church w^ould still retain some 
 articles, contrary to the defined doctrines 
 ■of the Church of Rome, and anathematized 
 by the Council of Trent. To remove the 
 iinal effect of this objection, Leibniz held 
 out Molanus's first project, that the Luthe- 
 rans should express a general acquiescence 
 in the authority of the church, and promise 
 obedience to the decisions of a general 
 council, to be called for the purpose of 
 pronouncing on these points ; and that, in 
 consequence of these advances on their 
 part, the anathemas of the Council of 
 Trent should be suspended, and the Luthe- 
 rans received, provisionally, within the pale 
 of the Catholic Church. To bring over 
 Bossuet to this plan, he exerted great elo- 
 <juence, and displayed no common learning. 
 
93 
 
 4- But, the eloquence and learning of 
 Leibniz were without effect. In language, 
 equally temperate and firm, Bossuet ad- 
 hered to his text, that, in matters of disci- 
 pline, or any other matter, distinct from 
 faith, the Church of Rome would shew the 
 utmost indulgence to the Lutherans ; but 
 that, on articles of faith, and especially, on 
 those, propounded by the Council of Trent, 
 there could be no compromise. But this, he 
 confined to articles of faith alone ; and, even 
 on articles of faith, he wished to consult the 
 feelings of Protestants, as much as possible. 
 He offered them every fair explanation of 
 the tenets of the council ; he required from 
 them no retractation of their own tenets : 
 " INIolanus," he says, " will not allow re- 
 " tractation to be mentioned. It may be 
 " dispensed with ; it will be sufficient that 
 '^ the parties acknowledge the truth, by way 
 '' of declaration or explanation. To this, 
 " the symbolical books gave a clear open- 
 ^' ing, as appears by tlie passages, which 
 " have been produced from them, and will 
 '' appear, by other passages, which may be 
 " produced from them." 
 
 If Bossuet was thus considerate in what 
 
94 
 
 regarded faith, it will easily be supposed, 
 how indulgent his sentiments were, in re- 
 gard to all that merely regarded discipline. 
 A complete confession of faith being once 
 obtained from the Lutherans, he was willing 
 to allow them, if they required it, commu- 
 nion under both kinds ; that their bishops 
 should retain their sees; and that, where 
 there was no bishop, and the w hole body of 
 the people was Protestant, under the care of 
 a superintendant, that superintendant should 
 be consecrated their bishop ; that, where 
 there was a Catholic bishop, and a consi- 
 derable part of the diocese was Lutheran, 
 the superintendant should be consecrated 
 priest, and invested with rank and office; 
 that the Lutheran ministers should be con- 
 secrated priests; that provision should be 
 made for their support ; that such of their 
 bishops and ministers as were married, might 
 retain their wives ; and that the consciences 
 of those, who held possessions of the church, 
 should be quieted, except in respect to hos- 
 pitals, whose possessions, he thought, could 
 not conscientiously be withheld from the 
 poor objects of their foundations ; and that 
 every other arrangement should be made, 
 
95 
 
 by the church and state, which would be 
 agreeable to the feelings and prejudices of 
 their new brethren. 
 
 Such were the advances made by Bossuet; 
 and much discussion on them, took place 
 between him and Leibniz. They continued 
 ten years. 1 hey are very learned, and a 
 scholar will read them with dehght; but, 
 unfortunately, they rather retarded, than 
 promoted their object. The real business 
 ended, when Molanus quitted the scene. — 
 We shall close this article, with the follow- 
 ing extract from the last letter but one, 
 written by Bossuet, on the subject. It is 
 addressed to Leibniz, and bears date the 
 12^'' August, 1701, ten years after his first 
 letter on it was written. 
 
 " Among the divines of the Confession of 
 " Augsburgh, I always placed M. Molanus, 
 " in the first rank, as a man, whose learn- 
 " ing, candour and moderation, made him 
 " one of the persons, the most capable I 
 " have known, of advancing the noble 
 " PROJECT OF RE-UNiON. — In a letter, 
 " which I wrote to him some years ago, 
 ''' by the Count Balati, I assured him, that, 
 '^ if he could obtain the general consent of 
 
96 
 
 his party, to what he calls his Private 
 Thoughts, Cogitationcs Privatce^ I pro- 
 mised myself, that, by joining to them 
 the remarks, which I sent to him, on the 
 Confession of Augsburgh, and the other 
 symbolic writings of the Protestants, the 
 work of the re-union would be perfected, 
 in all its most difficult and most essential 
 parts; so that well-disposed persons might, 
 in a short time, bring it to a conclusion." 
 The passage is so important, that it is pro- 
 per to present it to the i^eader, in Bossuet's 
 own words. '^ Parmi les Theologiens de la 
 Confession d'Ausbourg, j'ai toujours mis 
 au premier rang, j\I. TAbbe de Lokkum, 
 comme un homme, dont le scavoir, la 
 candeur, et la moderation le rendoient 
 un des plus capables, que je connusse, 
 pour avancer ce beau dessein. Cela 
 est si veritable, que j'ai cru devoir assurer 
 ce docte Abb6, dans la r^ponse que je lui 
 fis, il y a deja plusieurs annees, par M. le 
 Comte Balati, que s'il pouvoit faire passer 
 ce qu'il appelle, ses Pensees Particuli^res, 
 Cogitationes Prwatce, a un consentement 
 suffisant, je me promettois qu'en y joi- 
 gnant les remarques que je lui envoyois 
 
97 
 
 *' sur la Confession d'Ausbourgh, et les 
 " autres Merits symboliques cles Protestans, 
 " I'ouvrage de la Reunion seroit achev^ dans 
 " ses parties les plus difficiles et les plus 
 " essentielles ; en sorte, qu'il ne faudroit a 
 " des personnes bien disposees, que tres 
 " peu de terns pour la conclure.' 
 
 This article is extracted from Oeuvrts 
 Posthumts de Bossuet, i vol, ; — A^oiweUe 
 edition des Oeuvres de Bossuet, 1 1 "vol. ; — 
 Leihnizii Opera, studio Liid. Dutens, i t^* 5 
 vol.; — and the Pensees de Leibniz, 2 vol. ^vo. 
 
 Dom de Foris, the Benedictine Editor 
 of the new adition of the works of Bossuet, 
 and the Abbe Racine, Abrege de Lliistoire 
 Ecclesiastique, Tom. 1 3, are very severe in 
 their censures of the conduct of Leibniz, in 
 the negotiations for the re-union, and at- 
 tribute its failure to his presumption and 
 duplicity. To the writer of these pages, 
 it appears clear, that Leibniz was sincere, 
 in his wishes for the re-union ; and that, if 
 he occasioned its failure, it was uninten- 
 tionally. While the business was in the 
 hands of Bossuet and Molanus, it was a 
 treaty, not for the re-union of the Roman 
 
 Catholic church, and all Protestant churches, 
 
 H 
 
98 
 
 but for the re-union of the Roman Catholic 
 church and the Lutheran church; and to 
 this, Molanuss endeavours to reconcile 
 differences were directed. Leibniz, whose 
 principles in religion were much wider, than 
 those of Molanus,' seems to have wished 
 that the negotiation should be placed on a 
 broader basis, and extended to a re-union 
 of the Church of Rome, with every deno- 
 mination of Christians. This gave the nego- 
 tiation a different direction, and in 3 great 
 measure undid what had been so happily 
 begun. — We have seen that, to the very last, 
 Bossuet called out for Molanus, and enter- 
 tained great hopes, that, if the matter were 
 left to Molanus, and him, the noble project 
 of Re-union would be crowned with success. 
 There is no part of Bossuefs literary or ac- 
 tive life, in which he appears to greater ad- 
 vantage, or in a more amiable light, than 
 on this occasion. 
 
99 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 THE PART TAKEN BY BOSSUET, IN THE DECLA- 
 RATION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF TH^ 
 GALLIC AN CLERGY IN l68'2, RESPECTING 
 ECCLESIASTICAL POWER. 
 
 Though Lewis the fourteenth shewed, 
 in every part of his hfe, a sincere respect for 
 rehgion, he was frequently at variance with 
 the pope. — At the time, of which we are 
 now speaking, there was a considerable de- 
 gree of irritation between him and the See of 
 Rome. One of the principal points, in con- 
 test between them, respected the Regale, or 
 a right, claimed by the kings of France, to the 
 revenues of every vacant see within their do- 
 minions, and to collate to the simple benefices 
 within its jurisdiction. This was always 
 viewed with jealousy, not only by the pope 
 and foreign divines, but by the general body 
 of the church of France; and its warmest ad- 
 vocates treated it, rather as a tolerated, than 
 an acknowledged claim. As such, it was 
 admitted by the second council of Lyons; 
 
 H 2 
 
100 
 
 but, with an express limitation of it to the 
 territories, within which it was then actually 
 exercised, and a denunciation of excom- 
 munication of those, who carried it beyond 
 them. It was generally considered, that 
 the provinces, bordering on the Alps and 
 Pyr^n^es were not subject to it: and, on this 
 , ground, when Lewis the fourteenth attempt- 
 ed to exercise it, during the vacancy of the 
 see of Pamiers, the chapter resisted it; and, 
 after the bishop elect took possession of his 
 see, he pronounced, in his episcopal court, a 
 sentence in favour of the proceeding of his 
 chapter. An appeal from that sentence 
 was carried to the court of his metropolitan, 
 the archbishop of Narbonne. There, the 
 sentence of the bishop was reversed ; but the 
 archbishop's sentence was reversed at Rome. 
 Upon this, the king issued an edict, by 
 which he asserted his prerogative: the 
 edict was immediately registered by the 
 parliament, and acquiesced in by the assem- 
 bly of the French clergy, which was then 
 sitting at Paris. 
 
 It was foreseen by them, that their con- 
 duct would give great offence to the pope, 
 and they feared that he would proceed to ex- 
 
101 
 
 treme measures against them. To ward them 
 off, the archbishop of Rheims addressed 
 to the pope, a letter, in the names of him- 
 self and the other prelates, of whom the as- 
 sembly was composed; in which, without pre- 
 tending absolutely to justify their conduct, he 
 said every thing which was likely to extenuate 
 it, in the eyes of the pontiff, and to sooth 
 his displeasure. — It was the composition of 
 Bossuet, and written with equal force and 
 address. The great services rendered by 
 the king to religion, the magnitude of his 
 power, and the possible consequences of 
 incurring his displeasure, are held out in a 
 strong point of view; but in terms, which 
 would rather lead the pope to feel them, 
 from his own conclusions, than by any di- 
 rect expression of them in the letter. The 
 real encroachment on the rights of the 
 church was said to be small, and some ad- 
 vantages were alleged to result from the 
 modifications, which the edict made in the 
 exercise of the right. Several examples 
 were cited of popes, and other eminent 
 personages, who had waved their clear- 
 est rights, rather than provoke dangerous 
 discussion. 
 
 H 3 
 
102 
 
 At thjs time, pope Innocent the twelfth 
 filled the papal chah\ He was born in the 
 dominions of Austria ; — Father d'Avrigni 
 describes him as a person, warmly attached, 
 in politics, to the interests of that house, 
 and ill disposed towards France : easily car- 
 ried away by first impressions ; inflexible in 
 what he thought his duty, and had once 
 resolved upon ; lofty in his carriage ; of 
 great austerity, both in principles and con- 
 duct, and of repulsive manners. A pope 
 of such a character was likely to be much 
 offended by the king's extension of the 
 Regale, and the prelates' acquiescence in it. 
 Immediately, on the receipt of their letter, 
 the pope answered it by a very angry^ 
 brief, in which he reproached them in. 
 severe terms, for their pusillanimity ; an- 
 nulled their proceedings ; and required them 
 to return to their duty, without delay; — 
 and, in hopes of it, gave them his bene- 
 diction. 
 
 The contents and style of the brief had. 
 bteen foreseen by the prelates. The public 
 attention was engaged by the dispute ; and 
 the worst consequences were feared, as it 
 was thought improbable, that either the 
 
103 
 
 pontiff or the monarch would recede from 
 his pretensions. 
 
 Without expecting the answer of the 
 pope, the prelates petitioned the king 
 to call a National Council, or a Ge- 
 neral Assembly of the Clergy of France. 
 The king preferred the latter, and it was 
 opened on the 9^^ of November, in the year 
 1682, by a solemn high mass, at which 
 Bossuet pronounced an eloquent sermon. 
 He divided it into three parts. The first, 
 was a panegyric of the church in general, 
 and of the church of Rome in particular; 
 he professes to establish, in this part of his 
 sermon, the spiritual supremacy conferred 
 on St. Peter, notwithstanding his faults, — 
 faults, he says, which should teach his suc- 
 cessors, to exercise their gi^eat power with 
 the humility and condescension, of which 
 St. Peter left so admirable an example, in 
 the manner, in which he listened to St. Paul, 
 when he was reproved by him for not walk- 
 ing in the right path, according to the 
 Gospel. The second part of Bossuet's ser- 
 mon, is a panegyric on the kings and church 
 of France. Here, he places in the strongest 
 light, the services rendered by the kings of 
 
 H4 
 
104 
 
 France to the Holy See, and their constant 
 care to maintain, in their dominions, the 
 rights and powers of the bishops, according 
 to the General Councils and Institutions of 
 the Holy Fathers. These, he calls the Li- 
 berties of the Gallican Church ; and, by his 
 account, they consist, in being subject to the 
 Canons, in a religious adherence to them, 
 and a careful preservation of those precious 
 remains of ancient piety. — In the third part 
 of his sermon, Bossuet proceeds to suggest 
 the best means for preventing division and 
 trouble. The most effectual, he says, of 
 these means, are assemblies of bishops, the 
 natural guardians of the Canons and disci- 
 pline. Thus, a council, held in the pro- 
 vince of Lyons, in 1025, stood up against 
 a privilege obtained from Rome, which was 
 thought to be contrary to order ; thus, the 
 second council of Limoges, in the same 
 century, complained of a sentence, which, in 
 a moment of surprise, John the eighteenth 
 had given, conti^ary to the rules of the 
 Church : Bossuet quotes other examples of 
 a similar nature ; and thus, he says, in every 
 age, the church of France has known how 
 to preserve her liberties, without failing in 
 
105 
 
 respect to the See of Rome, the mother and 
 mistress of all churches. In this manner, 
 while Bossuet expressed his respect to the 
 Holy See, in the strongest terms, he in- 
 sensibly disposed the minds of his audience, 
 for the resolutions, which should be pre- 
 sented them. His sermon has always been 
 admired for its learning and eloquence, and 
 for the lucid order of its arrangement. One 
 of the most splendid parts of it, is that, in 
 which he describes the beauty and dignity 
 of the Church of God. 
 
 The assembly then proceeded to the bu- 
 siness before them ; and, as it branched into 
 many different matters, they referred each 
 of them to a separate committee. That, 
 which related to the affair of the Regale, 
 was considered of the greatest importance : 
 M. Gilbert de Choiseul de Plessis-Praslin, 
 bishop of Tournay, was placed at the head 
 of that committee. He prepared their re- 
 port, which is a perfect model of that difficult 
 style of composition. The assembly then 
 drew up their celebrated Declaration, which, 
 confessedly, was penned by Bossuet: it 
 consists of four articles. 
 
 The first article declares, that the power, 
 
io6 
 
 which Jesus Christ has given to St. Peter 
 and his successors, vicars of Christ, relates 
 only to spiritual things, and those, which con- 
 cern salvation ; and not to things, civil and 
 temporal : so that, in temporals, kings and 
 princes are not subject to the ecclesiastical 
 power, and cannot, directly or indirectly, be 
 deposed by the power of the keys ; or their 
 subjects discharged, by it, from the obedi- 
 ence, which they owe to their sovereigns, or 
 from their oaths of allegiance. 
 
 The second article declares, that the ple- 
 nitude of the power, w^hich resides in the 
 Holy See and the successors of St. Petery. 
 in respect to spiritual concerns, does not 
 derogate from what the Council of Con- 
 stance has defined, in its fourth and fifth 
 sessions, on the superior authority of general 
 councils. 
 
 The third article declares, that the exer- 
 cise of the apostolical power of the Holy 
 Siee, should be governed by the Canons, 
 which have been enacted by the Spirit of 
 God, and are respected by all the Christian 
 world; and that the rules, customs and 
 usages, received by the kingdom and 
 churches of France, and approved by 
 
107 
 
 the Holy See, should be inviolably pre- 
 served. 
 
 The fourth article declares, that, in ques- 
 tions of faith, the pope has the principal 
 authority, and that his decisions extend 
 over the universal church, and each church 
 in particular ; but that, unless they have the 
 consent of the church, they are not irre- 
 fonnable. 
 
 These articles passed unanimously, and 
 the monarch was desired to publifh them 
 throughout his kingdom. He immediately 
 issued an edict, by which, he ordered the 
 Declaration to be registered by all the Parlia- 
 ments, Bailliwicks, Stewarties, Universities 
 and Faculties of Divinity and Canon Law, 
 within his dominions. The edict forbad all 
 persons, secular or regular, to write or teach 
 any thing contrary to the Declaration ; and 
 that no person should be appointed pro- 
 fessor of Theology, who did not previously, 
 engage to teach no other doctrine. 
 
 The Declaration met with little oppo- 
 sition in France. Out of France, the case 
 was very different, and an interesting and 
 instructive narrative might be framed of the 
 contests to which it gave rise : but the sub- 
 
io8 
 
 ject of these pages requires no more than a 
 short mention of the part which Bossuet 
 took in it. The most voluminous, bv 
 far, of the adversaries of the Declaration 
 was Thomas Roccaberti, General of the 
 Dominican Friars, archbishop of Yalen- 
 tia, and Inquisitor General. He signahzed 
 his zeal against it by three folio volumes of 
 his own composition, and by publishing, in 
 21 volumes folio, with the title Bibliotheca 
 Maxima Pontificia, a compilation of all the 
 tracts, which he could discover, in favour 
 of the pontifical claims. Bossuet replied 
 to the former of the works, by a treatise 
 intitled, " La France Orthodoxe^ ou Apo- 
 " log'ie de rEcole de Paris, et le Clerge de 
 '^ Finance, contre plusieiirs Ad'versaires :'' — 
 and by the desire of Lewis the fourteenth, 
 he afterwards composed his larger work, 
 Defense de la Declaration de rAsse7nble 
 Gcnerale de France, de 1682, touchant la 
 Puissance Ecclesiastique. — Neither of these 
 works were published in his life-time ; the 
 last was written by him in Latin, and tran- 
 slated into French, by the Abbe Leroy, 
 under the direction of Bossuet's nephew, 
 the bishop of Troyes. 
 
109 
 
 In the " Annales Philosophiques Morales 
 et Litteraires, ou suite des Annales Catho- 
 liques^' torn. I. 503, mention is made of a 
 manuscript of the celebrated Fleury, which 
 contains an historical account of this 
 important Declaration. The Annalist men- 
 tions, that it appears from this manuscript, 
 that Bossuet wisely moderated the too 
 ardent spirit of some of the leading mem- 
 bers of the assembly, who proposed much 
 stronger terms, for the language of the 
 Declaiation, than those, which were after- 
 wards adopted by the assembly. 
 
 A good history of this interesting church 
 document is wanting ; a general notion of 
 the points in dispute, of the import of the 
 Declaration, and the arguments for and 
 against the opinions, which it expresses, may 
 be formed by perusing, on the cisalpine side 
 of the question, the Report of the Bishop of 
 Tournay, and the fourth, seventh and twelfth 
 Discourses of Fleury ; and by perusing, on 
 it's transalpine side, the Memoires Chrono- 
 logiques et Dogmatiques of Father d'Avrigni, 
 and tlie celebrated Treatise, Quis est Petrus? 
 
 The pope's claim to temporal power by 
 divine right, has not perhaps at this time, 
 
no 
 
 a single advocate : but the other articles of 
 the Declaration are still a subject of dispute. 
 It should be observed, that the members 
 of the assembly never proposed to hold out 
 their Declaration, as a decree respecting 
 faith : they indeed considered it to be 
 founded on the Scripture, on tradition, on 
 solid and unanswerable arguments, but still 
 to be no more than an opinion. The Ul- 
 tramontanes predicate the same of their 
 tenets. Moderate men of neither side tax 
 the opposite tenets with heresy or schism. 
 Each considers his own and his adversary's 
 doctrine on these points, to be in the class 
 of opinions, on which the church has not 
 yet pronounced, and which, therefore, any 
 individual may conscientiously hold. 
 
11 1 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 THE OTHER CONTROVERSIAL WRITINGS OF BOSSUET. 
 
 1 HE principal controversial discussions in 
 which Bossuet was engaged, have now been 
 detailed ; it remains to mention some in 
 which he took a part, and which, though 
 they are not of equal importance, have their 
 interest, and attracted great attention in 
 their time. 
 
 One of them turned on the signature of 
 the celebrated Formulary, which condenmed 
 the Book of Jansenius. Five propositions 
 in it, were extracted from that famous book, 
 and condemned as heretical. That they 
 were erroneous, none explicitly denied ; but 
 some controverted the existence of them 
 in the work itself; some questioned the right 
 of the Church, to pronounce, on that fact, 
 dogmatically ; and, on both or one of these 
 grounds, several refused to sign the For- 
 mulary. Among them, the nuns of the 
 Convent of Port Royal were particularly 
 
112 
 
 noticed. By the desire of the archbishop of 
 Paris, Bossuet waited on them, and exerted 
 all his eloquence to induce them to sign it. 
 With the same view, he addressed to them 
 a letter, printed in the i oth volume of the 
 Benedictine edition of his works, in which, 
 with great strength of reasoning, but in very 
 conciliating language, he states the grounds, 
 upon which the signature of the Formulary 
 might be required. 
 
 Bossuet had serious skirmishes with the 
 celebrated Sbiion, the father of modern 
 bibhcal criticism, on the supposed Socinian 
 tendency of Simon's writings. That Simon 
 w as a bold writer, is admitted, even at this 
 time, when biblical criticism knows no re- 
 straint. It is easy to conceive, how bold 
 his writings must have been thought, at a 
 time when ancient and received opinions 
 were so much, and with so much justice, re- 
 spected. It was of his general propensity 
 to new opinions that Bossuet most com- 
 plains ; and in his contests with Simon he 
 frequently triumphed. But Simon's exten- 
 sive rabbinical learning and profound know- 
 ledge of the Oriental languages, in which 
 Bossuet had little skill, gave him an advan- 
 
113 
 
 tage over Bossuet, of which he sometimes 
 successfully availed himself. 
 
 A dangerous boldness of opinion was also 
 imputed by Bossuet to Du Pin, to Launoy, 
 and to some other writers of celebrity. The 
 acquaintance of the latter, he is said to have 
 declined. Against the BibUotheque des Peres 
 of the former, he presented a memorial, 
 which produced the seizure of the whole 
 impression of the work. 
 
 In the disputes on the Cerejnonies of 
 the Chinese, Bossuet sided with their op- 
 ponents. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 FUNERAL ORATIONS OF BOSSUET, 
 
 Funeral Orations, of the description of 
 those, of which we are now speaking, are 
 little known in England, and are not, per- 
 haps, a branch of oratory, the want of which 
 we should greatly lament. It is evident 
 that nothing should be heard from the 
 pulpit, but the language of the gospel; and 
 
 I 
 
114 
 
 nothing praised or blamed from it by any 
 other standard. 
 
 But, when the orator has to pronounce the 
 eulogy of a person, distinguished only by 
 Avorldly greatness, it must be difficult for 
 him to avoid speaking the language of the 
 world. " If," says Massilon, in his cele- 
 brated address to Lewis the fourteenth, in 
 the exordium of his sermon on the feast of 
 All-Saints — '^ if the world addressed your 
 " jNIajesty from this place, the world would 
 " not say, Blessed are they who mourn. The 
 " world would say. Blessed is the prince who 
 " has never fought, but to conquer; who has 
 " filled the universe with his name ; who, 
 " through the whole course of a long and 
 " flourishing reign, enjoys in splendor all 
 " that men admire ; — extent of conquest, 
 " the esteem of his enemies, the love of 
 " his people, the wisdom of his laws. But, 
 " Sir, the language of the gospel is not the 
 " language of the world." Here Massillon 
 contrasts the two languages : which of 
 them is the general language of funeral 
 oration ? Does it not almost always sound 
 like that, which Massillon puts in the mouth 
 of the world ? 
 
115 
 
 But this is not the only objection to Fu- 
 neral Orations. The life of hirn, who is to 
 be celebrated, though his achievements raise 
 him to the height of human glory, is olten 
 wholly sterile of those actions, which the 
 counsels, or even the precepts of the gospel 
 inspire. Perhaps even, his general remiss- 
 ness in religious duty is known to his hearers. 
 On such a life, what is to be said by him, 
 who should only speak the language of the 
 gospel ? Yet, when once funeral orations 
 become frequent, lives, such as these, will 
 regularly claim and receive the usual tribute 
 of funeral eulogy. 
 
 In another view, the frequency of funeral 
 orations must be mischievous. It is obvious, 
 that they are a tribute of distinction, which 
 should be paid to none, but the most exalted 
 characters. Exalted rank will soon be 
 thought a title to them : and the claim will 
 descend. Even extraordinary wealth will 
 sometimes put in and be allowed its claim. — 
 Thus praise will become too general to con- 
 fer honour ; and one of the strongest incite- 
 ments to virtue will be lost. Even on elo- 
 quence itself the eftbct of this promiscuous 
 praise will be baneful. When the demand 
 
 I 2 
 
ii6 
 
 for it becomes frequent, the necessity of 
 inventing a subject of praise, when it is 
 wholly wanting, and of amplifying it, where 
 it is merely of ordinary size, must fre- 
 quently occur. The consequence will be, 
 that the natural and easy will often be ex- 
 cluded from such compositions, and they 
 will be filled with that inflation of sentiment 
 and expression, which a continued state of 
 forced exertion makes unavoidable. That 
 this is not exaggeration, is evident from the 
 general style of funeral orations : — it may 
 be truly said, that, with some brilhant excep- 
 tions, they are the least pleasing composi- 
 tions to be found in French literature. 
 
 Among these exceptions, the funeral 
 orations of Bossuet hold confessedly the 
 first rank. The general style of them is 
 worthy of him : they abound with beautiful, 
 affecting, and sublime passages ; with short, 
 but interesting narratives and descriptions ; 
 and with characters, sketched by a master's 
 hand. 
 
 One of the finest of them, is the funeral 
 oration on the death of Henrietta- Ann, the 
 daughter of our Charles the first, and wife 
 of the duke of Orleans. On the 29th of 
 
117 
 
 June, 1670, after drinking a glass of cold 
 water, in her apartment of St. Cloud, 
 she Avas seized with a shivering, suc- 
 ceeded by a burning heat, which threw her 
 into the most excruciatinc^ torments. She 
 cried out that she was poisoned : the phy- 
 sicians were sent for ; when they saw her, 
 they w^ere struck with horror at her livid ap- 
 pearance, pronounced her beyond medical 
 aid, and advised her to receive, w ithout delay, 
 the last sacraments of the church. The 
 princess heard them pronounce her fate with 
 firmness: and recollecting the manner, in 
 which Bossuet had attended her mother, the 
 queen dowager of England, she desired that 
 not an instant should be lost in sending for 
 him. — Three couriers were successively 
 dispatched to him ; and he arrived between 
 11 and 12, at night, at St. Cloud. 
 
 In the interval, she suffered the most 
 dreadful pains, and, her immediate disso- 
 lution being apprehended, she made a ge- 
 neral confession of her sins to the Abb6 
 Feuillet, a person generally esteemed, but of 
 a harsh character. When her confession 
 was finished, her attendants were called in : 
 the whole scene was afflicting and horrible. 
 
 13 
 
ii8 
 
 The account, which her confessor gives 
 of his own conduct, makes us, perhaps un- 
 reasonably, blame his merciless austerity. 
 Her lamentable shrieks, he treated as acts 
 of rebellion against the divine will, and told 
 her, that her sins Avere not punished as they 
 deserved. In the midst of her convulsions, 
 she received his reproofs with mildness, but 
 often inquired of Madame de la Fayette^ 
 who was at her bed-side, if Bossuet were 
 not yet come. Before he came, she re- 
 ceived extreme unction from the Abbe 
 Feuillet.— Having exclaimed in an agony 
 of pain, " Will these torments never end !" — 
 " Don't forget yourself in this manner," 
 said the merciless Abbe, " you ought to be 
 " better disposed for suffering; but I must tell 
 ^' you, that your torments icill soon end." 
 
 At length, Bossuet arrived : — As soon as 
 the princess saw him, she made him promise 
 not to quit her, before she breathed her last, 
 — He knelt down, dissolved in tears, leaning 
 on her bed, and holding a crucifix in his 
 hand. AYith a tremulous voice, often in- 
 terrupted by his own feelings, he invited 
 her to join him, as far as her sufferings 
 allowed, in the reflections, prayers, and acts 
 
^'9 
 
 of contrition, faith, hope, and charity, which 
 he should address to God for her, and in 
 her name. He was exceedingly moved, and 
 every person present sympathized in the 
 scene. Nothing could exceed the tender 
 and affecting^ sentiments of devotion and 
 piety, which Bossuet suggested to her ; he 
 finally subdued by them, in a great measure, 
 her sense of the cruel sufferings, w^iich she 
 endured. — The princess heard him with 
 mild and composed constancy ; if he stopt 
 for a moment, she gently entreated him to 
 continue, assuring him, that his words were 
 of inestimable value to her. He then read 
 over to her, the recommendation of the soul 
 in the liturgy, explained it to her ; made her 
 gently repeat with him its soothing prayers, 
 softly instilled into her, the sentiments, which 
 they are intended to convey ; filled her soul 
 with faith, . with compunction, with calm, 
 with resignation, and above all, with divine 
 love for him, into whose hands, she was so 
 soon to yield her soul. — She herself, at last, 
 felt a consciousness of her serene triumph 
 over pain, — " O my God !" she exclaimed, 
 " why did I not always adhere to thee !" — 
 She recollected that the crucifix, which Bos- 
 
 14 
 
120 
 
 Buet had in his hands, was the same, which 
 he had given to her mother, the queen 
 dowager of England, to hold in her agony* 
 She took' it from him, and kept it m her 
 hands, till she breathed her last. 
 
 An hour before she died, she turned to 
 Madame de la Fayette, and, in the English 
 language, which Bossuet did not understand, 
 desired her to observe, that, " full of grati- 
 " tude for the spiritual assistance, which 
 " she had received from Bossuet, she re- 
 ^ ' quested that, after her decease, a particular 
 " emerald ring, set in diamonds of great 
 " price, might be presented to him." — Her 
 torments continued to the last, but her 
 patience remained ; she persisted to listen to 
 the exhortations, to repeat the prayers, and 
 make the humble and fervent offering of 
 herself to the divine will, which Bossuet 
 suggested to her. Those who heard them 
 never forgot them; — the Abbe Feuillet 
 declared he never heard any thing so com- 
 pletely fine. 
 
 At three, in the morning, the princess died. 
 The particulars of her death were immedi*- 
 ately related by Madame de la Fayette, to 
 Lewis the fourteenth* He sent for Bossuet^ 
 
121 
 
 heard them again from him, and then, with his 
 own hand, put the emerald ring, mentioned 
 by the Princess, on the prelate's finger, and 
 desired him to wear it for the rest of his 
 life, in remembrance of her. — He added, 
 that he himself could not better show his 
 regard for the memory of his sister-in-law, 
 than by desiring Bossuet to pronounce her 
 funeral oration. 
 
 Every tiling we know of Bossuet, leads 
 us to think that he had a very feeling heart ; 
 it certainly is discernible in every line of 
 his funeral oration on the princess. He 
 chose for his text the verse of Ecclesiastes 
 (i. 2.) so suitable to the occasion, " Vanity 
 *' of vanities! All is vanity!" — Having 
 pronounced these words, he remained for 
 some time in silence, evidently overpowered 
 by his feelings. " It was to be my lot " he 
 then exclaimed, " to perform this melan- 
 " clioly duty to the memory of this illus- 
 " trious princess ! She, whom I had observed 
 " so attentive while I performed the same 
 " duty to her royal mother, was herself so 
 ^' soon to become the theme of a similar 
 *' discourse I — And my voice was so soon 
 
122 
 
 ^' to be exerted in discharging the hke 
 " melancholy duty to her. O vanity ! O 
 " nothing! O mortals! ever ignorant of what 
 " awaits you ! — But a month ago, w ould she 
 " have thought it ! You, who then beheld 
 " her drowned in tears for her mother's loss, 
 " would you have thought it ! Would you 
 " have thought, that you were so soon to 
 " meet again to bewail her own fate ! Oh ! 
 " vanity of vanities ! all is vanity ! These are 
 *' the only words ! the only reflection, which, 
 " in such an event, my sorrow leaves me !' 
 
 After this eloquent exordium, Bossuet 
 pursues his dismal theme. He describes, in 
 strains, always eloquent, but always mourn- 
 ful, the short, but brilliant career of the 
 princess ;— so highly placed, so greatly 
 gifted, so widely admired, and so generally 
 loved ! The idol of the world ! The pride 
 of her august family ! The delight of all, 
 who approached her ! — " Yet, what," he 
 exclaimed, " is all this, which we, so much 
 " below it, so greatly admire ! While we 
 f' tremble in the view of the great, God 
 " smites them, that they may serve as 
 " warnings to us. Yes ! so little does he 
 
123 
 
 " consider these great ones, that he makes 
 " them often serve, as mere materials for 
 " our instruction ! — We have always suffi- 
 ^^ cient reason to be convinced of our no- 
 " thingness ; but if, to wean our hearts from 
 " the fascination of the world, the wonder- 
 " ful and astonishing is necessary, vvhat 
 " we now behold is sufficiently terrible. — 
 " O night of woe ! O night of horror ! 
 '' When, Hke a peal of thunder, the dread- 
 " ful cry bursts on us, on all sides ; — 
 " The Princess is dying ! — The Princess is 
 " dead ! Nothing could be heard but 
 " cries, nothing was discernible but grief, 
 " despair, and the image of death !" — The 
 writers of the time mention, that, when Bos- 
 suet pronounced these words, the whole au- 
 dience arose from their seats ; that terror 
 was visible in every countenance, and that, 
 for some moments, Bossuet himself was 
 unable to proceed. 
 
 Some of the other funeral orations of 
 Bossuet contain passages equally fine. 
 What an English reader will principally ad- 
 mire in them, are the portraits, which they 
 contain of several distinguished personages 
 of that time. In his funeral oration on 
 
124 
 
 Henrietta-Maria, the widow of our Charles 
 the first, and the mother of the princess, 
 who was the subject of the discourse which 
 we have just mentioned, Bossuet gives the 
 following description of Cromwell : " In 
 " those days, a man arose of unfathomable 
 " depth of thought ; as subtle a hypocrite, 
 " as he was a consummate politician. In 
 '' peace and war, equally enterprizing and 
 " impenetrable, he left nothing to Fortune, 
 " which he could keep from her power, by 
 " wisdom and foresight ; at the same time 
 " that he was so well prepared, as never to 
 " let slip any opportunity, of which he could 
 " avail himself to his advantage. In a 
 ** word, — one of those active and audacious 
 " spirits, who seem born for the disturbance 
 " of the w^orld. What do not such men 
 " achieve, when it pleases the Almighty to 
 " make them the instruments of his wrath !" 
 In his funeral oration on the chancellor 
 Le Tellier, Bossuet gives the following admi- 
 rable portrait of the celebrated Cardinal de 
 Retz : — " A man so faithful to individuals, 
 " so terrible to the state : of so lofty a cha- 
 " racter, that it was impossible to esteem, to 
 :*' fear, to love, or to hate him, in modera* 
 
125 
 
 " tion. Firm in himself, he shook the uni^ 
 " verse, and obtained a dignity, which he 
 " afterwards wished to resign, as unworthy 
 " of what it had cost him ; as an object be- 
 ^' neath his mighty mind. In the end, he 
 " was sensible of his errors, and of the va- 
 " nity of human greatness. But, while he 
 " was in search for what he was thus after* 
 " wards to despise, he shook every thing 
 '' by his secret and powerful means : — 
 " even in the universal overthrow of all 
 " around him, he still seemed to suffice for 
 " his own support; and his disappointed 
 " and intrepid aspect still breathed defiance 
 " on his successful adversary." 
 
 In his funeral oration on the prince of 
 Conde, Bossuet thus contrasts the prince 
 and the Marechal de Turenne : "It was a 
 *' sublime spectacle to behold, at the same 
 " time, and, on the same fields of war, two 
 " men, whom the universal voice of Europe 
 " equalled to the greatest genemls of past 
 " ages, sometimes united, sometimes com- 
 '' manding different bodies, and, sometimes 
 " opposed to each other ; possessed of 
 " virtues, at once so equal, and of so dif- 
 " ferent a character. One seemed to act 
 
126 
 
 '' from deep reflection, the other from a 
 " sudden illmnination of mind ; the lat- 
 " ter was most fiery, but had nothing of 
 " rashness; the former seemed cold, but 
 " was never slow ; and, while he appeared 
 " at a loss, was quietly determined on the 
 " boldest and most successful enterprizes. 
 " As soon as he began to act, something ex- 
 " traordinary was expected from him, and 
 " he advanced, in a kind of regular succes- 
 " sion, from prodigy to prodigy, till the very 
 " hour which terminated his conquests and 
 " his life. The first battle of the other 
 " placed him on a level with the greatest 
 " generals. One, by vigorous and inces- 
 " sant efforts, fixed the admiration of the 
 " world, and silenced envy ; the other, on 
 " his first appearance, threw out a lustre 
 " which filled the universe with his ascending 
 " glory, and envy dared not attack him. In 
 " fine, — one, by the depth of his genius and 
 '' the infinite resources of his mighty ener- 
 *' gies, was raised above danger, and even 
 " turned to his advantage the fickleness of 
 " fortune ; the other, by his illustrious birth, 
 '' the lofty conceptions of his mind, and a 
 ^' kind of divine instinct, the secret of which 
 
127 
 
 " was kept from man, seemed bom to bend 
 '^ fortune to his will, and enchain the fates." 
 
 The whole discourse abounds witli the 
 sublime, the beautiful, and the pathetic : it 
 is generally considered to be the master- 
 piece of Bossuet, in this branch of elo- 
 quence : but, by his own ingenuous confes- 
 sion, it was surpassed by the discourse which 
 Bourdaloue pronounced on the same oc- 
 casion. 
 
 Through life, the prince of Conde showed 
 great external reverence for religion ; but 
 his youth was dissolute ; during many years 
 he was untrue to his king and country, and, 
 for some time, commanded against them, 
 the armies of Spain, whom France then 
 considered, her natural and inveterate ene- 
 my. But the twenty last years of his life 
 were religious and exemplary, and his death 
 was edifying. On the criminal part of his 
 life, Bossuet employed only three lines, 
 Bourdaloue nobly plunged into it. The 
 prince's long profligacy, his neglect of reli- 
 gion, and his rebellion against his king, 
 Bourdaloue held up to his audience, in their 
 true colours, and dilated on them, through 
 all the second part of his discourse. At the 
 
128 
 
 same time, he showed, that in the midst of 
 his errors and his crimes, the prince preserv- 
 ed much of what was really great and good: 
 and thus, while he descanted, in the very 
 strongest terms, on the follies, the vani- 
 ties, and the crimes of his hero, he made 
 the audience lose sight of them, in the 
 blaze of glory, with which, in the midst of all 
 his crimination of the prince, he took care to 
 radiate him. When, after he had amply 
 descanted on this part of the subject, Bour- 
 daloue, described the prince, on the approach 
 of age, sitting down to the study of reli- 
 gion, making his peace with his God and his 
 king, and atoning by the retirement and re- 
 gularity of the twenty last years of his life, for 
 the errors and wanderings of his youth, and 
 show ed how honourable it was to the prince 
 to be so converted to religious duty, and 
 how honourable it was to religion, to have 
 3uch a convert, he filled the audience with ve- 
 neration for the illustrious subject of his dis- 
 course, and impressed on them, the most salu- 
 tary truths. Bossuet was so struck with the 
 noble candour and simplicity, with which 
 Bourdaloue opened this part of his dis- 
 course, that he turned to the prelates near 
 
129 
 
 nim, and cried out loudly enough to be 
 generally heard, " Voila, notre niaitre a 
 touts" — " Behold the master of us all !" 
 
 Yet, it may be questioned, whether this 
 celebrated oration of Bourdaloue contains 
 quite so fine a passage as that, with which 
 Bossuet concludes the oration pronounced 
 by him, on the same occasion. A few mi- 
 nutes, before the Prince of Conde expired, 
 his confessor exhorted him to repeat with 
 him the prayer of David, " O God ! 
 " create in me a clean heart, and renew 
 '^ a right spirit within my bowels." — 
 — The prince seemed lost in thought ; his 
 whole attention appeared to be fixed by 
 some great object. Then, raising himself 
 on his bed, and turning to the persons pre- 
 sent, he said, " I never doubted of the mys- 
 " teries of religion, — whatever may have 
 " been asserted to the contrary . ~ Now I 
 " doubt of them less than ever.- -How these 
 " truths now display themselves ! How they 
 *^ now unfold themselves to me !" Then, 
 lifting his eyes to heaven, he repeated, in 
 Latin, several times, the words of the apo- 
 stle, (i Cor. xiii. 12), " Facie ad faciem, — - 
 
 K 
 
130 
 
 Face to Face ;" and with tlio&e words on 
 his hps, expired. 
 
 Beautifully alluding to this interesting 
 scene, Bossuet thus concludes his funeral 
 oration on the prince : " For me, O Prince ! 
 *^ O worthy theme of our praise and re- 
 " grets ! In my memory, your image will 
 " ever live ! Not however with that air of 
 *' heroic ardour, which presaged your vic- 
 " tories ! — I desire to behold, about you, 
 " nothing which death effaces. In your 
 " image, as I wish to behold it, I shall see 
 " that, which is immortal. I shall behold 
 " you, as you were seen in your last mo- 
 " ments, when, full of faith and hope, you 
 " were under the powerful hand of God ; 
 " and his glory seemed to open on you. 
 " There I shall behold you infinitely more 
 " triumphant, than you were at Friedberg 
 " or Rocroy ! — Transported with the view, 
 " I shall pronounce the beautiful Avords of 
 *' the apostle, (i John. v. 4) — " The vic- 
 *^ tory which conquers this world, is our 
 ** faith." May this be your victory ! May 
 *^ you enjoy it eternally ! May the eternal 
 ** sacrifice which is now offered for you, 
 
*^ give you the immediate enjoyment of it '• 
 " — Accept, O Prince ! the last effort of a 
 *' voice which was known to you. — Yes, you 
 *' shall close these discourses. Instead of 
 " bewailing the deaths of others, I shall 
 ^' henceforth endeavour, in imitation of your 
 '■ example, to sanctify my own end, Happy 1 
 " if taking warning from these gray hairs, 
 ^- of the account, which I rnust soon render 
 " to God, I shall dedicate to the flock, 
 ** which he has committed to my charge, 
 " the remains of a voice, which begins to 
 " fail me, of a flame, that must soon expire !'* 
 — This is the true sublime ; the subUme of 
 nature, the sul^lime of taste, and, what 
 crowns it all, the sublime of religion,. 
 
 C II A P. XIV. 
 
 THE SERMONS OF BOSSUET. 
 
 The Sermons of Bossuet place him incon- 
 testibly, in the first line of preachers ; and 
 even leave it open to argument, whether he 
 is not the first in that line. Bourdaloue and 
 Massillon alone can dispute his preeminence. 
 
 K 2 
 
132 
 
 Nothing in the sermons of either equals, in 
 splendor or sublimity, a multitude of pas- 
 sages, which may be produced from the ser- 
 mons of Bossuet ; and he has little of Mas- 
 sillon's too frequent monotony, or of the 
 cold dialectic, which occasionally retards 
 the beautiful march of Bourdaloue. On the 
 other hand, Bossuet has not the continued 
 elegance and grace of Massillon ; and an 
 advocate of Bourdaloue might contend, that 
 if Bourdaloue appears to yield to Bossuet 
 in sublimity, it is only because the sublimity 
 of Bourdaloue is more familiar, and therefore 
 less imposing. 
 
 It seems to be admitted, that the sermons 
 of IVIassillon, the tragedies of Euripides and 
 Racine, and the Georgics of Virgil, are the 
 most perfect of human compositions. Those, 
 therefore, who read sermons, merely for 
 their literary merit, will generally prefer the 
 sermons of Massillon to those of Bourda- 
 loue and Bossuet. On the other hand, the 
 profound theology of the sermons of Bos- 
 suet, and the countless passages in them of 
 true sublimity, and exquisite pathos, will 
 lead many to give him a decided preference 
 over both his rivals. But those, who read 
 
133 
 
 sermons for instruction, and Avhose chief ob- 
 ject, in the perusal of them, is to be excited 
 to virtue, or confirmed in her paths, will ge- 
 nerally consider Bourdaloue as the first of 
 preachers, and every time they peruse him, 
 it will be with new deHght. No sermons 
 possess, in so great a degree, the indiscrib- 
 able charm of simplicity ; and no composi- 
 tion, sacred or profane, contains any thing, 
 which, in grace or effect, exceeds that in- 
 sensible rise from mere instruction into elo- 
 quence, of which Bourdaloue scarcely has a 
 sermon that does not furnish more than 
 one example — To these must be added, his 
 inestimable talent of conversing with his 
 hearers. — " Was Magdalen," he says in his 
 panegyric of her, " better acquainted with 
 " Jesus Christ, than we are ? On the con- 
 " trary, the mysteries and doctrines of 
 " Christianity, in which we have been in- 
 " structed, have discovered to us, wonders 
 " that w ere hidden from her eyes. Why, 
 " therefore, should we make a lonsier de- 
 ** lay ? Without going farther, why, before 
 " we quit this church, before we stir from 
 " this very altar, where Jesus Christ hin^- 
 ** self is present, — (not indeed as a guest, 
 
 K3 
 
i34 
 " wliich he was at the house of tlie Phari- 
 ** see, but, as our food and nourishment, as 
 *' a victim immolated for us, as our priest, as 
 *' our pastor,) — why should we not now give 
 •' ourselves up to him ? — Let us, for once, 
 '• conTpletelv do, what we have, so often, 
 " proposed to do ; — Let us say to him. No! 
 '' O Lord I It shall not be in a year's time; 
 *' at the end of a month ; it shall be to- 
 *' day. It is wrong for me to temporize 
 ^' with you. ^ — It shall not be, when I have 
 '• finished this or tliat business ; for it is 
 *' unjust that the concerns of the world 
 ** should make me postpone the concerns 
 ''' of God to them : It ihall not be, when 
 '•* age comes upon me, for yours, O God ! 
 '^ is everv acre : and it would be a sensible 
 " insult to vou that I should reserve for vou, 
 *' the last years, the refuse of my life. — It 
 " is xow, O God! — I am thine; and I 
 '' will be always thine. Receive the protes- 
 " tation I make to thee, and strengthen 
 " the resolution which I form in thy sight.'' 
 Can simplicity, can instruction, can elo- 
 quence go beyond this passage ? 
 
 To Bourdaloue, other merits must be 
 added, particularly the pert'ection of his 
 
^S5 
 
 style. Always plain, always unambitious) 
 lie appears to strike, by what he says, and 
 not by the manner of his saying it. Upon 
 the whole, the public opinion, that, after 
 reading Bourdaloue, we lliall not think 
 liossuet the first preacher of the French 
 nation, seems to be founded. 
 
 Few sermons of Bossuet were published 
 before the Benedictine edition of his works 
 made its appearance. They fill three 
 volumes of that edition ; but many sketches 
 and extracts of sermons are inserted in them, 
 which, in that form, at least, lliould not have 
 been presented to the public. 
 
 The following passage is both beautiful 
 and sublime : " Human life resembles a 
 *' road, which ends in a frightful precipice. 
 ^' We are told of this, at the first step we 
 " take : but our destiny is fixed ; we must 
 " proceed. Advance ! Advance ! An in- 
 *^ vincible power, an irresistible force impels 
 us forward; and we must continually ad- 
 vance to the precipice. A thousand crosses^ 
 a thousand pains, fatigues and disturb- 
 ances, vex us on the road.— If we could 
 but avoid the terrible precipice ! No ! 
 Advance ! You must run on ; such is the 
 K 4 
 
 ii 
 
136 
 
 *' rapid flight of years. Still, on the way 
 '' we occasionally meet with some objects 
 " that divert us, a flowing stream, a passing 
 ^ flower : we are amused by them, and we 
 " wish to stop. Advance ! Advance ! We 
 " see that every thing around us tumbles 
 " down, a frightful crash ! an inevitable 
 " ruin! Still, here and there, we pluck 
 " some flowers, which fade in our hands; 
 " some fruits, which vanish, while we taste 
 " them, which, hovvcver, comfort us, for 
 " the moment. But, all is enchantment 
 " and illusion : we are still hurried on to the 
 " frightful gulph. By degrees, every thing 
 " begins to fade ; the gardens seem less fair, 
 " the flowers less lively ; the colours less 
 " fresh ; the meadows less gay ; the waters 
 ^' less bright; every thing decays, everything 
 *^ falls away. — At length the spectre of death 
 " rises upon us ! — We begin to be sensible 
 " of our near approach to the fatal gulph !— 
 " We touch its brink : — One step more ! — 
 " and ! — Horror now seizes our senses : the 
 " head turns, the eyes wander ' W^e must 
 " advance ! ! ! Oh that we might return ! 
 *^ But there are no means of returning; 
 " all is fallen ! All is vanished and gone !" 
 
137 
 
 It is impossible to deny the force or beauty 
 of this passage : The following, perhaps, is 
 in a finer manner : " The Discourses of 
 '' St. Paul," says Bossuet, " far from flowing 
 " with the agreeable softness, and tempered 
 '' equality, which we admire in the orators 
 " of Greece and Rome, appear unequal, and 
 " without connection, to those, who have not 
 ** sufficiently penetrated into them. The 
 '^ poHshed taste and delicate ear ofthepeo- 
 " pie of the world, are ofl:ended with the 
 " hardness of his irregular style. But, my 
 " brethren ! don't let us be ashamed of St. 
 " Paul ! the language of the Apostle is simple, 
 " but all his thoughts are divine. If he be 
 " ignorant of rhetoric, and despise philo- 
 " sophy, Jesus Christ stands to him, in the 
 " stead of all. The name of Christ, which 
 " he has always in his mouth, the mysteries 
 " of the Gospel, which he so divinely 
 " announces, make him omnipotent in his 
 " simplicity. Yes, he — this man, so ignorant 
 " of the art of fine speaking, will go with his 
 " homely language, and his foreign phrase, 
 «' into Greece, the mother of philosophers 
 " and orators ; and, in spite of the whole 
 *' world's resistance, will establish in her 
 
138 
 
 " more churches, than Plato, with all his 
 " divine eloquence, had scholars. — He will 
 " preach Christ, in Athens, and the most 
 *' learned of the Senators will pass over 
 " from the Areopagus to the School of this 
 *' barbarian. He will pursue his triumph, 
 ^'- and, in the very presence of her proconsul, 
 " will lay the fasces of Rome prostrate at 
 '* the feet of Christ ; and every judge before 
 " whose tribunal be is cited, will tremble. 
 " Rome herself shall hear his voice, and the 
 ^^ day will come, when this city, this mistress 
 " of the world, will esteem herself more 
 " honoured by a letter, addressed by him to 
 " her citizens, than by all the harangues 
 *^ which she heard from her Cicero. — A 
 ^' power, more than natural, is mixed in the 
 " divine simplicity of his words, and gives 
 " them a force, which does not, perhaps, 
 " flatter the taste, but goes directly to the 
 " heart. Like a great river, which preserves 
 " in the plains, through which it flows, the 
 " impetuous force, which it received in the 
 " mountains, whence it derived its source, the 
 " virtue, which St. Paul's Epistles contain, 
 " preserves, even in the simplicity of his 
 " style, all the vigour which it brought from 
 ^^ heaven, its divine original." 
 
139 
 
 The following is a more exact specimen of 
 Bossuet's general manner : 
 
 " I can scarcely listen to the idle ob^ 
 ^' jections, which worldly wisdom makes to 
 *' us, on the false supposition, that God 
 ^' ought to have manifested himself to the 
 " world, with a splendor and a train, that 
 "' should be thought worthy of his majesty. 
 " Miserably does opinion deceive us, if 
 ** we think that the splendor of this world 
 ^* contains any thing worthy of God, who 
 "^^ himself possesses sovereign greatness. 
 " Shall / mention what strikes me, in the 
 " Babe of Bethlehem, as great and admirable, 
 "^ and truly worthy of a God, descending 
 " from heaven, and conversing with man. 
 " From on high, he saw that man was 
 " touched by nothing, but sensual pleasure 
 " and external pomp. In his wisdom, he 
 " remembered, that he had created man 
 " for much more solid happiness ; and, be- 
 " ing resolved to show, as much by his 
 *' own example as his precepts, the folly of 
 " these notions, and his contempt of what this 
 *' world admires, he chose for his lot, what 
 " the world most despises. He was pleased 
 " therefore to be born in a wretched sta- 
 
140 
 
 " ble : but that stable becomes, as it were, 
 '^ a triumphal car, after which he drags the 
 " vanquished world. There, all that the 
 " world has of ignominy, is conquered ; all 
 " its terrors are treated Avith contempt, all 
 " its pleasures are spurned, all its torments 
 " are braved, the triumph of Christ over 
 *' them is complete ; nothing is left undone, 
 " nothing left unfinished : and it appears to 
 me, that, in the midst of this glorious 
 triumph, he turns to us his animating coun- 
 tenance, and loudly exclaims to us, " Take 
 courage ! I have vanquished the world !' 
 By the lowliness of my birth, by the ob- 
 scurity of my life, by the cruelty and igno- 
 miny of my death, I have triumphed over 
 all that men admire, all they esteem, all 
 they fear. This is the sign, by which you 
 " should know me !" — Yes, O my God 1 
 " by this sign / do know thee ! Thou art 
 " my Saviour and my God!" 
 
 With passages of beauty equal to any 
 transcribed in these pages, the Sermons of 
 Bossuet abound. 
 
 Their general merit is a subject of a parti- 
 cular Dissertation of the Cardinal ]\Iaury ; 
 -and fills many a page of his Essai sur 
 
141 
 
 J' Eloquence dela Chair e. The first edition 
 of that work was pubUshed, above 30 years 
 ago, without the Author's permission. The 
 last edition of it, is of the year 1810, and is 
 intitled ^' Essai sur V Eloquence de la Chair e; 
 " Panegyriques, Elogcs, et Discours, par 
 " S071 Eminence Monseigneur le Cardinal 
 " Maury, Arch-Eveque de Montejiascone 
 " et de Corneto, Membre de VInstitut Ini- 
 *^ perial, 8^x'' It abounds with curious and 
 useful information and judicious criticism. 
 But an Englishman, (however he may endure 
 what his Eminence says of the superiority 
 of the French over the English in pulpit 
 eloquence), must smile at the following ex- 
 clamation, which the Cardinal Archbishop 
 addresses to the English Nation, on the 
 general merits of their oratory. " Illustrious 
 " Insularies ! I try to discover an orator, a 
 " real orator, among your sacred ministers, 
 " your writers, your members of Parliament 
 ** of the highest celebrity : Be it said, witliout 
 *^ offence to your glory, I find no one, among 
 " you, worthy of that name." The intrepi- 
 dity of this address, is the more striking, as, 
 by the Cardinal Archbishop's own confession, 
 he is wholly ignorant of tlie English language. 
 
142 
 
 — It remains to give some account of 
 Bossuet's method of preparing his Sermons, 
 All his funeral orations, and some of his 
 sermons, were composed by him with ex- 
 treme care ; yet in those, he trusted some- 
 thing to the feelings of the moment : and, 
 so great was his opinion of the necessity of 
 attending to them, that, even in the ser- 
 mons, w hich he prepared with most preci- 
 sion, he inserted many duplicates of sen- 
 tences, of phrases and of w^ords, leaving the 
 choice of them to his actual feelings at 
 the instant of delivery. Of his other ser- 
 mons, he sometimes composed only the 
 skeleton. Sometimes he only committed to 
 paper, particular sentences of them ; and 
 sometimes he committed nothing of them to 
 paper : but, unless there was an absolute 
 necessity, he never preached, without much 
 serious preparation, and without arranging, 
 with a great degree of minuteness, the gene- 
 ral disposition of his discourse, in respect 
 both to its principal and its subordinate 
 parts. A considerable number of his ser- 
 mons have been preserved ; but many are 
 lost ; and among those, his panegyrics of 
 St. Augustine and St. Ignatius are particur 
 
143 
 
 larly regretted. His appearance in the pul- 
 pit was imposing, but graceful, his voice 
 was loud and clear, but too shrill, his ac- 
 tion was both vehement and dignified ; his 
 memory never failed him. 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 THE BIBLICAL WORKS OF BOSSLET. 
 
 1 HE early and continued attachment of 
 Bossuet to the sacred writings, has been 
 mentioned. — He formed a society of per- 
 sons distinguished for their learning, among 
 whom were Fenelon and Fleury, who met 
 regularly at his apartment at St. Germains, 
 for the purpose of reading together, the 
 whole of the Old and New Testament, and 
 framing a short, continued commentary on 
 them. The Bible of Vitre was the edition, 
 used at these conferences. The original 
 text was read, the ancient and modern 
 versions, transl^itions and commentaries 
 were consulted. The discussion was open 
 
144 
 
 to all : it was finally summed up by Bos- 
 suet, and the result committed to writing, 
 in the shortest possible terms, by Fleury. 
 The conferences lasted many years ; and 
 produced a continued series of notes on the 
 Pentateuch, Job, the Psalms, the Sapien- 
 tial books, and the Prophets. To eacli of 
 them, Bossuet prefixed a preface and gene- 
 ral observations. They have never been 
 printed ; the manuscript of them has been 
 lost, and the loss of it has not been ad- 
 counted for. But some short notes of Bos- 
 suet on the Psalms and some of the Sapien- 
 tial books have been printed. A preface, 
 composed by him, and which he probably 
 intended for the greater work, is prefixed to 
 the Psalms, and is much admired. 
 
 Bossuet kept an open table for such of 
 the persons who assisted at the conferences, 
 as pleased to dine with him. The Abb^ de 
 Longuerue, {Longuencana, p. 70), accuses 
 him of giving them very bad dinners. 
 
 Bosmex:^ Explanation of the Apocalypse, 
 as a refutation of Jurieu's distortions of it, 
 against the Church of Rome, is entitled to 
 the gratitude of every Roman Catholic. 
 
145 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 THE OTHER DEVOTIONAL WORKS OF BOSSUET. 
 
 It has been observed, that intense appU- 
 eation, even to sacred hterature, is often 
 unfavourable to devotion. " I was carried 
 " away," says Huet, the learned bishop of 
 Avranches, in his entertaining book, de rebus 
 ad eum pertlnentibus, " by the pleasures 
 " found in learning. The endless variety, 
 " which it affords, had so taken up my 
 ** thoughts, and seized all the avenues of 
 " my mind, that I was altogether incapable 
 " of any sweet and intimate communion 
 " with God. When I withdrew into reli- 
 " gious retirement, in order to recollect 
 " my scattered thoughts, and fix them on 
 " heavenly things, I experienced a dryness 
 " and insensibility of soul, by which the 
 *' Holy Spirit seemed to punish this exces- 
 " sive bent to learning." — This was not the 
 case with Bossuet. A considerable portion 
 of his time was always dedicated to prayer 
 and devotional exercises. All his writings, 
 
146 
 
 which admitted it, have not only a theolo- 
 gical, but a devotional tint : all breathe a 
 feeling spirit of piety, and discover a soul, 
 blessed with the internal reign of God. — 
 The most important of his spiritual works, 
 are his Elevations and Meditations. They 
 are evidently the work of a soul saturated 
 with theological and pious lore ; theology 
 predominates in them ; but they abound 
 with beauty and instruction. They were 
 first published, after his decease, by his ne- 
 phew, the bishop of Troyes. Some doubts 
 of their authenticity having been suggested, 
 in the Journal de Trevoux, it was esta- 
 blished beyond controversy, in a judicial 
 process ; and an authenticated copy, lite- 
 rally compared with the original, were de- 
 posited in the Greffes, a court of record, at 
 Paris. 
 
 We select, for the perusal of the reader, 
 two passages from these works ; one for its 
 singular beauty, the other, for its containing, 
 in a few lines, a fair specimen of their gene- 
 ral spirit. 
 
 In the former, (Elevations sur la Mys- 
 teries, XX Semaine L), Bossuet thus ad- 
 dresses the Saviour of the world, when the 
 
M7 
 
 hirelings of his childhood were first untied : 
 — '^ O amiable Infant ! Happy they, who 
 *^ then beheld you ! who saw you, for the 
 '^ first time, unfold your arms, open your 
 " little hands, caress your holy mother, 
 '^ and the holy old man who had adopted 
 " you ; or rather, to whom you had given 
 " yourself for a son ; who saw you make 
 " your first steps ; observed your tongue 
 " first beginning to loosen, heard your first 
 " lispings in the praise of your divine Fa- 
 " ther. Holy Infant ! in all the progress 
 " of your growth, I adore you ! Whether 
 *^ your infant cries call her to you, from 
 " whose breasts you received your first nou- 
 " rishment; — whether you repose on her 
 " breast, and within her arms, — in all you 
 " do, I adore you. I adore you in your 
 " silence : but begin : for it is time to let 
 *' us hear your voice. Who will obtain for 
 " me, to attend as I ought, to your first 
 '^ word ! Yes ! the grace of God is in you ! 
 " O divine Infant! Teach me to imitate 
 ** the innocence and simplicity of your in- 
 " fant years." 
 
 In the second of these passages, (Troi^ 
 sieme Meditation de la derniei^e SonaifieX 
 
 L 2 
 
148 
 
 Bossuet thus exclaims : " How comes it that 
 " the number of the disciples of Jesus is so 
 " small ? That the clamours of those who 
 ^' sent him to Calvary, so soon followed the 
 " hosannas of those who strewed his road 
 " with palms on his entry into Jerusalem ? 
 " That scarcely one hundred and twenty 
 " of his disciples were assembled in the 
 *^ upper chamber, in expectation of the de- 
 " scent of the Holy Ghost? — It is because 
 " the true disciples of Jesus are not they 
 " who are satisfied with admiring him, with 
 ^^ praising him, with celebrating him, who 
 " externally, or to a certain point, follow 
 '^ him. — His true disciples are those, who 
 " listen to him internally, and every where ; 
 '* w4io observe his precepts, who deny 
 " themselves, who take his cross on them, 
 " and follow him every where," 
 
 In the following passage, (Med. c.mi 
 jour) Bossuet beautifully addresses himself 
 to a class of persons, the number of whom, 
 even in this wicked town, as it is called, is 
 greater, (if the writer may be allowed to 
 speak from his own observation), than 
 is generally thought, — humble and un- 
 pretending individuals, whose earliest and 
 
149 
 
 latest thought is, what, the gospel teaches 
 us should be the great end and aim of us 
 all, to increase in ourselves and others 
 the love of God and our neighbour : who 
 become beggars for the poor, who enter into 
 all their wants, are unceasingly employed in 
 religious or charitable undertakings, take on 
 themselves the most irksome details, and 
 unnoticed, and almost unseen, are their real 
 support. — In the great day of retribution, 
 nothing of this will be forgotten by him, who 
 will then remember, even a cup of cold 
 water, given in his name. In the mean 
 time, they meet with nothing but coldness, 
 repulse, opposition and contumely. " Poor, 
 " suffering martyrs !" Bossuet exclaims, 
 " persist in suffering this lowly martyrdom, 
 " witliout murmuring ; and sincerely lov- 
 " ing those, who make you suffer. This 
 " was one of the distinctive marks of Jesus 
 " Christ ; and you have the honour of 
 " bearing it. For whom I am writing this, 
 *^ I know not ; I have none particularly in 
 " view, but I know there are many such.— 
 '^ Dear to them indeed should be their 
 " humiliations, whatever they are, and 
 " whatever occasions them." 
 
150 
 
 The voluminous correspondence of Bos- 
 suet, with nuns, is another monument of his 
 piety. In the midst of his vast variety of 
 occupation, he ahvays found time to corre- 
 spond with them ; to excite their fervour, 
 animate their devotion, sooth their anxie- 
 ties and confirm their virtues. It contains 
 not fewer than two hundred questions, put 
 to him, by the nuns, and his answers to them. 
 Some of the questions are trifling; many are 
 interesting, and many strike much by their 
 dehcacy and ingenuity. The profoundest me- 
 taphysician could not propose more search- 
 ing questions than those put to Bossuet by 
 ]\Iadame de Maisonfort, on the points in 
 contest between him and Fenelon, on the 
 disinterested love of God. Let those, who 
 think shghtly of cloistered piety, recollect, 
 that the very pen, which wrote these letters, 
 wrote also the Exposition of the Catholic 
 Faith, the Variations, the Funeral Oration 
 of the Prince of Conde, and, (sublimer than 
 all), the Introduction to Universal History. 
 
 His works contain many other particular 
 tracts : his explanation of the twenty-first 
 Psalm deserves particular mention. 
 
 Few of his writings do not contain pas- 
 
(.(, 
 
 ii. 
 
 151 
 
 sages of real grandeur and sublimity. They 
 abound with the pathetic, the graceful, the 
 easy, and even with the faniihar: but his 
 natural port is lofty. Even in the bits and 
 scraps of paper, preserved by the last edi- 
 tors of his writings, this loftiness is disco- 
 verable. " O sinner !" he writes in one of 
 them, (Reflexions sur le triste etat des Pe- 
 cheurs, viii. vol. p. 573.) " O sinner! 
 who readest these lines, contemplate 
 yourself, while your Judge contemplates 
 you. Behold, in your soul, what, at this 
 very moment, he beholds in her ; the 
 '* number and grievousness of your sins. 
 " Dwell on them ; God sees them all. 
 " He sees your thoughts ; consider what 
 " his thoughts are, w4iat his designs may 
 " be when he sees you. At least, consider 
 " what is near you, while you read these 
 " lines. The divine justice encompasses 
 " you, observes you, and writes down your 
 " life. His mercy retires from you : — but 
 " both his mercy and justice speak inter- 
 " nally to you ; they entreat you to consider 
 " what you may be to-morrow, what you 
 " may be this very night, and even what 
 " you may be in this very hour. You may 
 
152 
 
 '^ be dead, and judged, and condemned to 
 " everlasting flames, in a few minutes. In 
 *' the next instant, all this may happen to 
 " you.^ — O Christian soul ! it is not I ; it 
 " is not the voice of man ; it is something 
 " much more powerful, much more worthy 
 '^ of your attention, that now addresses 
 " you.— How numerous are your sins, from 
 *^ the first day on which you began to sin ! 
 " But, from that time, how great has been 
 " the goodness of God to you ! What day 
 *' has passed, in which this compassionate 
 " Father of all prodigal children has not 
 " sought you, has not stretched forth his 
 *"' hand to you ? — Wherever you turn, you 
 " can see in yourself nothing but enormous 
 " sin and frightful ingratitude. W^hat mercy 
 " do you not need ? — Go then to Calvary ! 
 " There, it is true, you will be accused of 
 " having spilt your Saviour's blood ; they 
 " will show you, on the redeeming rood, 
 " him, whom you have crucified ! — But 
 " be not terrified * acknowledge your sin ; 
 " be sorry for it : Say to him, whom 
 ^' you behold on the cross, O suffering, 
 " O dying, God ! the evil you behold in 
 " me, is not a passing evil ! a trifling evil 1 
 
153 
 
 ■^^ It is the death of my soul, her death for 
 " time and eternity ! Have pity on me ! 
 " Say this with a contrite and humble 
 ^' heart, and you will see that Mercy her- 
 *^ self will issue from the wounded side of 
 " your Redeemer, and truth and justice 
 " will meet in you, and seal your pardon." 
 The sublime pathos of this passage has not 
 often been surpassed : in the writings of 
 Bossuet, passages of equal greatness per- 
 petually occur. 
 
 The most finished passages in them, how- 
 ■ever, are those, in which he blends elo- 
 quence and argument together, and over- 
 whelms his adversary by their united power. 
 His variations, his addresses to the mem- 
 bers of the reformed church; his confer- 
 ences with M. Claude, abound with passages 
 of this nature. 
 
 They abound also in his controversial 
 writings on Quietism. In the life, wliich 
 the writer of these pages has pubhshed of 
 Fenelon, he has attempted to give a parti- 
 cular account of this controversy, and en- 
 deavoured to hold the scales, between the 
 two great antagonists, with impartiality. 
 That both of them were blamable must 
 
 J 
 
154 
 
 be admitted : — but, on the failings of such 
 men it is painful to dwell : the best reflec- 
 tion, suggested by them, seems to be that, 
 with \\hich father Bourdaloue opens the 
 part of his funeral oration on the prince 
 of Cond6, which turns on the failings of 
 his hero. 
 
 " There is not/' says that eloquent 
 preacher, " a luminary in the heavens, 
 " which does not sometimes suffer an 
 " eclipse ; and the sun, which is the most 
 " splendid of them, suffers the greatest 
 " and most remarkable. Two circum- 
 " stances in them particularly deserve our 
 " consideration ; — one, that, in these 
 " echpses, the sun suffers no substantial 
 " loss of light, and preserves its regular 
 " course ; the other, that, during the time 
 *' of its eclipse, the universe contemplates 
 " it with most interest, and watches its 
 " variations with most attention. — The 
 ^^ prince, whom we lament, had his 
 ^^ eclipses — it would be idle to attempt 
 concealing them : they were as visible as 
 his glory. But, he never lost the prin- 
 ciple of rectitude, which ruled his heart. 
 That preserved him in his wanderings, 
 
 ^6 
 
 ii 
 
155 
 
 " and restored him to religion and to 
 " loyalty, so greatly to his own honour 
 " and to our good." The faults of Fene- 
 lon and Bossuet, in their unfortunate con- 
 troversy, are entitled to the same benign 
 mention. The lustre of their characters 
 attracted universal attention, and made 
 their errors both more observable and 
 more observed. But the eclipse was tem- 
 porary, and the golden flood was unim- 
 paired. Those who are most disposed to 
 be severe on their variations, should reflect 
 on this circumstance : on a little self-exa- 
 mination, they will generally find, that, if 
 they themselves are not equally exposed to 
 public censure, it is less owing to the un- 
 deviating rectitude of their conduct, than 
 to the happy obscurity of their destinies. 
 
156 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 SOSSUET APPOINTED TO BE PRECEPTOR OF tHE 
 DAUPHIN. 
 
 1 HE important charge, of governor of the 
 dauphin, was conferred by Lewis the four- 
 teenth on the duke of Montausier, a noble- 
 man of cultivated mind and austere virtue, 
 with hberty to appoint the dauphin's pre- 
 ceptor, sub-preceptor, and subordinate at- 
 tendants. His choice fell, first on M. de 
 Perigny, president of the chambre des 
 comptes. On the death of the president, 
 the duke appointed Bossuet to fill his place. 
 He had been recently nominated to the 
 bishopric of Condom. His necessary at- 
 tendance on the dauphin being incompa- 
 tible with residence in his diocese, he re- 
 signed his bishopric ; and the king gave 
 him the priory of Plessis-Grimoux, which 
 produced him a yearly revenue of £. 300. 
 By that income, he modelled his establish- 
 ment. His Majesty afterwards gave him 
 
157 
 
 the abbey of St. Lucien de Beauvais, a 
 more considerable benefice. It was ob- 
 served on that occasion, that Bossuet did 
 not increase his expense ; and that the 
 poor only were the better for his increase 
 of income. M. Huet, afterwards bishop of 
 Avranches, and perhaps, at that time, the 
 most learned man in France, was the dau- 
 phin's sub-preceptor. 
 
 The education which the dauphin re- 
 ceived, was religious and learned. A par- 
 ticular account of it is given by Bossuet, in 
 a letter, written by him to pope Innocent 
 the eleventh. He mentions in it, with evi- 
 dent satisfaction, the harmony which always 
 subsisted between him and the duke of 
 Montausier. It was their wish, to make 
 the dauphin generally acquainted with an- 
 cient history, and the history of foreign na- 
 tions ; that he should be a complete master 
 of the history of his own country, and tho- 
 roughly informed of her constitution and 
 laws. He was also instructed in classical 
 literature, and, ostensibly for his use, the 
 celebrated edition of the Delphine classics 
 was published : Huet had th^ direction of 
 ihis edition. , Wi 
 
158 
 
 It was much desired by Lewis the four- 
 teenth, that the dauphin should be instructed 
 in natural history and anatomy. In a con- 
 versation which he had with Bossuet, to- 
 wards the end of the dauphin's education, 
 he mentioned to him, that he himself had 
 once wished to acquire a knowledge of the 
 organization of the human frame, but had 
 been frightened from it, by the repulsive 
 nomenclature of anatomy : he expressed, 
 however, a wish, that some tincture of this 
 science should be given to his son. Bossuet 
 undertook to be his instructor in it: and, 
 in order to qualify himself for it, he fre- 
 quented the lectures of Nicholas Steron, a 
 celebrated professor of anatomy at Paris. 
 Under his tuition, Bossuet soon acquired 
 so much anatomical knowledge, as to com- 
 pose, in about thirty-two octavo pages, a 
 short course of anatomy, which, if we be- 
 lieve cardinal Maury, is, even now, consi- 
 dered a complete elementally treatise, and 
 is often put into the hands of beginners. 
 Steron was great uncle to Winslow, an 
 anatomist of immortal name : Winslow was 
 educated a Lutheran, and converted to the 
 Roman Catholic religion by Bossuet. During 
 
159 
 
 the latter years of Bossuet's life, Winslow 
 lived in his house, and, after his death, 
 always spoke of him with affection and 
 veneration. 
 
 But, the principal work of Bossuet, which 
 we owe to his education of the dauphin, is 
 his immortal Introduction to Universal 
 History. The first part of it contains a 
 short abridgment of universal history, from 
 the creation of the world to Charlemagne, 
 so concisely expressed, that it might serve 
 for an index to a greater work : but it 
 scarcely contains a sentence, in which there 
 is not some noun, or verb, that conveys 
 an image or suggests a sentiment of the 
 noblest kind. The third part of it, is a 
 philosophical view of the causes of the rise 
 and decline of empires; it abounds with 
 ingenious and deep observation. But, in 
 the second part of it, the genius of Bossuet 
 takes its highest flight. He never appears 
 on the stretch of exertion ; he is never lost 
 in the mazes of argumentation ; but, in a 
 continued strain of sublime eloquence, he 
 displays the truths and proofs of the Chris- 
 tian religion, with a grandeur of thought, a 
 magnificence of language, and a force of 
 
i6o 
 
 evidence, which nothing can withstand. A 
 nobler work in support of Christianity has 
 never issued from the press. Referring to 
 it, Voltaire, in the first edition of his Siecle 
 Louis Quatorze, says, that France then 
 abounded with elegant writers, but that 
 Bossuet alone was eloquent. This passage 
 continued in all the editions of Voltaire's 
 works, till the Genevan edition of them in 
 1 760 : in that edition it was omitted, Vol- 
 taire being perhaps unwilling to render such 
 a tribute of praise to a prelate, who was one 
 of the brightest ornaments of that religion, 
 which it was the great object of his life to 
 destroy. Yet, in the article Elogiience, in 
 his Philosophical Dictionary, published by 
 him several years posterior to the Genevan 
 edition of his works, Voltaire again does 
 justice to Bossuet : " I have said it," these 
 are his words, " and I repeat it, — among 
 " all those elegant writers, Bossuet alone 
 *- was eloquent." 
 
 It seems proper to observe in this place, 
 that a reader accustomed only to those ele- 
 gant writers, should not be surprised, if, .. 
 when he first opens the pages of Bossuet, 
 be is insensible of their charms. Those^ > 
 
i6i 
 
 whose eyes have long been habituated to 
 the elegant softness and beauty of modem 
 gardening, are not, at the first view, sen- 
 sible either of the majesty or the loveliness 
 of forest scenery. 
 
 CHAP, xviri. 
 
 BOSSUET SOLICITS THE CANONIZATION OF 
 ST. VINCENT OF PAUL. 
 
 One of the last public acts of Bossuet's 
 life, was to solicit formally, at Rome, the 
 canonization of St. Vincent of Paul. It 
 was almost an act of gratitude, as, in early 
 life, Bossuet had been instructed by that 
 venerable man, in the duties of an active 
 clergyman. 
 
 Among the many excellent institutions, 
 for which the church of France stands in- 
 debted to St. Vincent, his religious retreats 
 and conferences may be particularly inen- 
 tioned. Every person, properly recom- 
 mended, was admitted to spend fourteen 
 days in an hospice, founded for that pur- 
 
 M 
 
l62 
 
 pose, by St. Vincent, at Paris. They were 
 provided with a comfortable apartment, 
 with candle, fire, and regular meals, with- 
 out the least expense. It was understood, 
 that an offer of a present from them, under 
 any form, was not to be made ; and that, 
 if it were made, it was to be refused. No- 
 thing was required of them in return, but 
 that they should attend the daily exer- 
 cises of prayer, self-examination, and me- 
 ditation, which were performed by the 
 community, under the direction of an expe- 
 rienced clergyman. 
 
 The Conferences, established by St. Vin- 
 cent of Paul, were public discussions, chiefly 
 of points arising in the ordinary discharge 
 of a clergyman's functions, which were car- 
 ried on, in a numerous assembly, under the 
 direction of experienced divines. In return 
 for the permission of attending them, the 
 persons, who attended them, were expected 
 to employ themselves, while they lasted, in 
 administering spiritual succours to prisoners, 
 the sick and the poor. 
 
 Of each of these excellent institutions, 
 Bossuet had availed himself. He frequently 
 mentioned his obligation to St. Vincent^ for 
 
i63 
 
 instilling into him, in his first entry into 
 the ecclesiastical state, a knowledge and 
 sense of its obhgations. 
 
 The annals of the world scarcely furnish 
 an instance of such a benefactor to huma- 
 nity as St. Vincent. He was the son of a 
 day-labourer in Gascony. When about 30 
 years of age, he was taken prisoner at sea, 
 and carried to Tunis, where he continued 
 two years a slave. Having escaped into 
 France, he entered into holy orders, and 
 devoted himself to the service of the unhap- 
 py persons, condemned to the gallies. The 
 reform, which he worked among them, the 
 decent and resigned demeanor, which he 
 produced in them, and the alleviations of 
 their sufferings, which his charitable exertions 
 in their favour, obtained for them, were 
 surprising. On one occasion, a poor young 
 man, having, for a single act of smuggling, 
 been condemned to the gallies, for three 
 years, complained to him, in such moving 
 terms, of his misfortune, and of the distress 
 to which it would reduce his wife and infant 
 children, that St. Vincent substituted him- 
 self in his place, and worked in the gallies, 
 during eight months, chained by the leg, to 
 
 M 2 
 
164 
 
 the oar. The fact was then discovered, and 
 he was ransomed. This circumstance w^as 
 juridically proved, on his canonization, and 
 he always retained, in one of his legs, a 
 soreness, from the chain, which he had 
 worn. He established the Foundling Hos- 
 pital at Paris; and raised, by a single speech, 
 which he made for it, in a moment of its 
 distress, an instant subscription of 40,000 
 French livres. In the war of the Fronde, 
 several thousand German soldiers, who had 
 been seduced, by great promises, into the 
 army of the Fronde, were placed in Paris 
 and its neighbourhood ; and, the war proving 
 unsuccessful, to those who had engaged 
 them, were abandoned by them, and left 
 to perish. St. Vincent stirred up such a 
 general spirit of charity in their behalf, as 
 enabled him to provide for the immediate 
 subsistence of them all, and to send them 
 back, clothed and fed, to their own country. 
 The calamities of the same war were terri- 
 ble in Champagne, Picardy, Lorraine and 
 Artois ; and, a year of great scarcity coming 
 on, famine and pestilence ensued ; numbers 
 perished for hunger, and their bodies lay 
 unburied. Information of this scene of woe 
 
i65 
 
 being carried to St. Vincent, he raised a 
 subscription of 1 2 millions of French money, 
 and applied it for the relief of the wretched 
 objects. These, and a multitude of other 
 acts of beneficence, were juridically proved, 
 on his canonization, and Bossuet, in his 
 letter of solicitation, dwells on them, with 
 great eloquence. St. Vincent was canon- 
 ized by Pope Clement XII, and his feast 
 fixed for the 19th of July. — Those, who 
 know the charities, charitable institutions, 
 and charitable assistants of the Abbe Caron, 
 in Somers Town, will easily believe what 
 history records of St. Vincent. 
 
 To the honour of France, it may be truly 
 said, that instances of heroic charity were, 
 by no means, rare in that great kingdom. 
 To the Cardinal Maury's Essay on the 
 Eloquence of the Pulpit, which has been 
 so often quoted in these pages, he has 
 added an Eloge, which he pronounced 
 before the French Academy, of the Abbe 
 de Radonvilliers, sub-preceptor to Lewis 
 XVI, and his Royal brothers. He mentions 
 in it, that, when he was collecting materials 
 for it, he found that the Abbe de Radon- 
 villiers had a general reputation of being 
 
i66 
 
 uncommonly charitable ; but that he could 
 discover no particular instances of his 
 charity, till it occurred to him to apply to 
 the curate of the parish of St. Roche, with 
 whom the Abbe was known to have been 
 intimate. From him, the Cardinal learned 
 that the Abbe regularly gave one fourth of 
 his ecclesiastical revenues to the poor of the 
 places in which it arose : that, during the 
 last thirty-three years of his life, he sent 
 one hundred guineas monthly to the poor 
 of the parish of St. Roche, and besides 
 that donation, had a weekly account of 
 charity with the curate, for uncommon 
 objects of relief; an application for whom, 
 the curate declared, he had never known 
 the Abbe to deny. The Abbe's own ex- 
 penses were limited to one fourth of his 
 income. What fills the measure, and sancti- 
 fies the merit of his great charities, is, that 
 they were concealed, and known to God 
 alone, and to the very few persons who 
 were concerned in the distribution of them. 
 
 It may be added, that, speaking generally, 
 a French curate, in the country particularly, 
 was the father of his poor parishioners ; 
 His zeal for their good, and their love and 
 
167 
 
 respect for him, cannot be described. All 
 the furniture of a late cur^ de St. Sulpice, 
 who had the richest curacy in France, con- 
 sisted of a bed, a table, and a few chairs. 
 Cardinal Maury relates, that, when the cure 
 de St. Roche refused to take the oath of 
 adherence to the civil constitution of the 
 clergy, he convened a meeting of some of 
 the principal parishioners to verify his 
 accounts : and that the celebrated M. Bailly, 
 the INIayor of Paris, attended the meeting. 
 The curate produced his accounts ; and it 
 appeared by them, that the charitable sub- 
 scriptions of the preceding year, all which 
 were purely voluntary, amounted to 130,000 
 French livres ; for every farthing of which, 
 the cure accounted most satisfactorily. All 
 these charities were absolutely private ; and 
 if the event, which has been mentioned, had 
 not brought them into notice, would have 
 remained unknown. — It is hoped, that the 
 pleasing and edifying nature of the facts, 
 which have been mentioned, will apologise 
 for this digression. 
 
 M 4 
 
i68 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 BOSSUET AS BISHOP; HIS LAST YEARS, AND DEATH. 
 
 ooox after the education of the dauphin 
 was finished, Lewis the fourteenth nominat- 
 ed Bossuet to the bishopric of ^leaux. He 
 was appointed successively, Almoner to the 
 dauphiness, — Superior of the College of 
 Navan'e, — Warden of the University of 
 Sorbonne, — Counsellor of State, and first 
 Almoner of the Duchess of Burgundy. 
 When that princess came from Bavaria 
 into France, for her marriage, Lewis XIV 
 appointed several persons of distinction at 
 his court, with ^Madame de ^lain tenon and 
 Bossuet at their head, to meet her. '' This," 
 Madame de Sengne wcoXe to her dauehter, 
 ^' is a great distinction. If the dauphiness 
 " thinks all the men and women in France 
 " resemble the two, which have been sent 
 " her, she will be greatly disappointed." 
 
 Through life, Bossuet was highly esteem- 
 ed by Lewis XIV, and his conduct in the 
 monarch's regard, showed, that he deser\-ed 
 
169 
 
 his esteem. No subject ever gave better 
 ad\'ice to his sovereign, or expressed it with 
 greater boldness, than Bossuet. ^' Your 
 '* majesty/' he says in one of his letters to 
 Lewis XIV, " is sometimes told that the 
 people are ever complaining, and that it 
 is impossible to satisfy them. — M'ithout 
 going back ven,' far, the present century 
 beheld Henn»- the fourth, your maiestv^'s 
 grandfather, whose wise and persever- 
 ing endeavour to discover the proper 
 remedies for the disorders of the state 
 completely succeeded, and made the peo- 
 ple both feel and acknowledge their hap- 
 piness. — Their love for him was extreme ; 
 and, when he died, you might see in all 
 the kingdom, and even in private fami- 
 hes, not only horror and indignation at 
 the tragic circumstances of his deatii, but 
 tliat desolation, which children show, at 
 the death of a father. There are few 
 among us, who have not heard their fathers 
 or grandfathers mention it, who have not 
 heard them dwell, with rapture, on the 
 goodness of this king to his people, and their 
 love for him. — Yes, Sir, you were formed to 
 have the love and respect of all your people. 
 
170 
 
 Be satisfied with being the terror of the 
 enemies of the state, of them who do 
 evil. Let all else love you ; let them 
 place their comfort and hope in you, and 
 receive from you the relief, which they 
 so much want. This is the most essen- 
 tial of all your duties : pardon my dwel- 
 ling so much on it. The evils of the 
 state are great, but it is impossible that 
 there should be no remedy for them. — I 
 know, — yes, I know for certain, that, if 
 your Majesty should show a fixed deter- 
 mination, that the abuses of office should 
 cease, that the remedies for them should be 
 discovered and applied, that you are no 
 longer to be trifled with, and that you will 
 not be satisfied till something effectual is 
 done, every thing will bend before you; 
 the calamities of France will end ; your 
 enemies, whose greatest hope is in the 
 disorder of your affairs, will be disap- 
 pointed. No king will be your equal, in 
 individual happiness, or the glories of his 
 reign." 
 
 Bossuet's residence in his diocese was con- 
 stant. Immediately after his consecration, 
 he re-assumed the function of preaching. 
 
171 
 
 His sermons were then in the nature of fa- 
 miUar discourses : full of unction and plain 
 instruction ; and breathing a pastoral solicit 
 tude for his flock, which gained their hearts. 
 He was particularly solicitous that the chil- 
 dren, within his diocese, should be assidu- 
 ously catechised, and thoroughly grounded 
 in their religion. He composed for their 
 use, three catechisms, for beginners, the 
 instructed, and the well-instructed. — They 
 are printed among his posthumous works ; 
 but they have been altogether superseded 
 by the excellent catechisms of Fleury. If 
 it were necessary to mention the book of 
 early instruction, the want of which, among 
 Roman-Catholics, it would be most diffi* 
 cult to supply, the Historical Catechism of 
 Fleury, would, perhaps, be the first thought 
 of Bossuet also composed for the general 
 use of his diocese, a prayer-book of the usual 
 devotions, and translated for its use several 
 hvmns of the Church. 
 
 He was attentive both to the spiritual 
 and temporal wants of the poor. He was 
 most kind to the inferior clergy of his 
 diocese, and drew many ecclesiastics of 
 distinction into it. He held religious con- 
 
 ^ 
 
172 
 
 ferences with the most learned of his clergy : 
 a Treatise on the Love of God, published 
 among his works, resulted from them. His 
 zeal for the conversion of the Huguenots, and 
 his dislike of compulsory methods in effect- 
 ing it, have been mentioned. M. de Bu- 
 rigny relates, that, in the year 1685, more 
 than goo Huguenots within the diocese of 
 Meaux, embraced the Roman Catholic re- 
 ligion. Bossuet officiated, in his cathedral, 
 on great solemnities, and frequently carried 
 the Blessed Sacrament in public processions. 
 He did not generally hear confessions ; but 
 he undertook the spiritual direction of some, 
 w hose piety particularly attracted his notice. 
 One of these, was a Madame Corneau, an 
 obscure woman of an exemplary life. He 
 kept up a regular correspondence with her 
 on subjects of piety. It is impossible to 
 read it, without being struck with his great 
 zeal, condescension and patience. That, 
 and his other correspondence, fill three 
 volumes of the Benedictine edition of his 
 works. Some curious facts and remarks 
 may be found in them ; but the general tone 
 of them is devotional : the fable of the world 
 has no place in any of them. 
 
173 
 
 In two long law-suits, he successfully 
 supported the spiritual jurisdiction of the 
 See of ^leaux, against the princely Ab- 
 besses of Jouarre and Faremoutiers. These 
 were the only contests, by which the ad- 
 ministration of his diocese was disturbed. 
 That there w^as a noble simplicity in all his 
 proceedings, that his manners were concili- 
 ating, that he confined himself within his 
 proper sphere of duty, that he was zealous 
 for the glory of God, officious to serve his 
 friends, charitable to the poor, and benevo- 
 lent to all, is proclaimed by the concurrent 
 testimony of all his contemporaries. He 
 enjoyed an uniform state of good health, till 
 the last year of his life. He was then af- 
 flicted with the stone. 
 
 It appears, (see M, de Burigny, Vie d^ 
 Bossuet) that, at once to beguile and sanc- 
 tify his sufferings in this cruel disorder, 
 Bossuet employed his intervals of ease, in 
 the composition of a commentary on the 
 Psalm, numbered 21, in the Vulgate, and 
 22, in the English Liturgy, That Psalm 
 has always been considered to be a pro- 
 phetic description, remarkably distinct and 
 clear, of the bodily and mental sufferings of 
 Christ on the Cross, of the resurrection of 
 
174 
 Christ, and of his estabhshment of his 
 church. It was the aim of Bossuet, by the 
 frequent meditation of the subject of this 
 Psahii, to raise himself to an imitation of 
 the great model of patience, which it de- 
 scribes. It appears to have been a favour- 
 ite theme of Bossuet : he has left us four 
 sermons upon it. In each of them, his elo- 
 quence takes its highest flight ; — and, each 
 of them abounds with those terrible beauties, 
 which Longinus so greatly admires in the 
 Grecian orator, and with that strong pathos, 
 which equally subdues and satisfies reason. 
 The commentary, of which we are now 
 speaking, is confined to the sufferings of 
 Christ, from the commencement of his 
 agony. Bossuet describes the agony of a 
 dying person, to be that interval of time, 
 in which the soul, being separated from all 
 the other parts of the human frame, and 
 having retreated to the heart, remains in 
 her, till the moment of death. He says, 
 that it was the sacred will of Jesus Christ, 
 that his human nature should suffer this 
 agony, and therefore experience the last 
 struggle of nature. He felt it, says Bossuet, 
 in all its bitterness, never ignorant of the 
 love, which his heavenly Father bore to 
 
^75 
 
 him, but receiving no comfort from it that 
 assuaged his sufferings. Then, says Bos- 
 suet, the wrath of the Divine Father burst 
 on the devoted Son. The tortures of his 
 body, the anguish of his mind, were then 
 at the highest. — He saw himself covered 
 with sin, the object of his Father's anger, 
 forsaken and rejected by him. The asto- 
 nishment, the horror, the dismay of his 
 soul were infinite. Bossuet even seems to 
 think, (Sur VAgoniedeJesus Christy viti.voL 
 ^eii, ed. p. 529), that, in this terrific hour, the 
 enemy of man was permitted to assail the 
 Son of God with the most violent tempta- 
 tions. " In whatever manner," adds Bossuet, 
 in the second of the four sermons we have 
 mentioned, " the Son of God could suffer 
 this complicated woe, whether it was that 
 his divinity retired, as it were, into itself; 
 or only permitted its sacred presence to 
 be felt in a particular part of his soul ; 
 or whatever other cause produced this 
 miraculous effect, certain it is that the 
 sufferings of Christ must have been in- 
 comprehensibly great, when he could cry 
 out, that he was rejected by his Father.'* 
 This cry, says Bossuet, the Royal Prophet 
 
176 
 
 heard ; he beheld the despised, the rejected 
 One, in his sufferings ; and, in a manner very 
 common among the prophetic writers, makes 
 him, centuries before the wonder of mercy 
 took place, himself describe them, in the 
 Psalm we have mentioned. He asks of 
 God, why he had forsaken him; he tells 
 him, that by day and night he calls on him 
 for relief: that his forefathers had never 
 prayed to him in vain. " But thou," he 
 says, " who didst always hear their prayers, 
 " art deaf to mine. I am a worm, not a 
 " man, the reproach and contempt of the 
 " people. All that see me, laugh me to 
 " scorn ; they shoot up the lip, they shake 
 " their head at me, saying, — He trusted in 
 " the Lord, that he would deliver him ! — 
 *' I am poured out as water, and all my 
 " bones are disjointed; my strength is 
 " dried up ; my tongue has cleaved to 
 " my jaws : thou hast brought me into 
 " the dust. Dogs have encompassed me ; 
 " the wicked have enclosed me ; they have 
 " pierced my hands and my feet. I can 
 " count my bones. They look and stare 
 " upon me : they divide my garments 
 " among them, they cast lots for my ves- 
 
177 
 
 " ture." Bossuet here brings before the 
 reader, the account, given by the EvangeHsts, 
 of our Saviour's sufferings on the cross ; and 
 then shows, that the Psalm is as historical 
 as it is prophetic- — If a stranger to its pro- 
 phetic nature should peruse it, would he 
 not, from the exactness of its prophetic re- 
 presentation of the sufferings of the Son of 
 God, consider it as a description of them, 
 written at a time subsequent to the accounts 
 given of them by the sacred penmen, and 
 taken from them ? 
 
 " At this place," says Bossuet, " the 
 " first part of the Psalm concludes. The 
 " despised, the rejected One, is nailed to 
 " the cross ; his agony is at its height ; his 
 '' suffering humanity appears to have no 
 
 " resource." 
 
 Then suddenly it changes into an hymn of 
 triumph. — ^The despised, the rejected One, 
 calls once more on God to save him ; — and 
 is now heard. " I will announce thy name," 
 he cries, " to my brethren ; in the midst of 
 " them, I will praise thee." He calls on 
 Israel to praise the Lord ; he foretells that 
 his own praise, and the mercies of his Father 
 to him, shall be the theme of the greater 
 
 N 
 
178 
 
 church; he foretells the spiritual banquet, 
 which shall be prepared in it ; that the ex- 
 tremities of the world, all the families of the 
 nations, shall worship the true God, and 
 that he shall eternally reign over them. 
 
 ^' But," says Bossuet, " who is to an- 
 ^•' nounce the name of God to his brethren? 
 '^ Is it he, whose hands and feet have been 
 " pierced ? who has been stript of his 
 *' clothes ? who is nailed to this cross ? 
 " whose clothes have been divided among 
 " the soldiers? — In a word, is it the de_ 
 *^ spised, the rejected One, who has been 
 " condemned and executed, and agonized 
 " on the cross? — How is he to announce 
 " the wonders of God to his brethren?" — 
 To do it, he must be raised from the dead. 
 " Here then," says Bossuet, '^ his resurrec- 
 " tion bursts on us, as a flood of light ; his 
 " resurrection is as clearly predicted as his 
 " death." 
 
 Such is Bossuet's view of this prophetic 
 P^alm : an introduction is prefixed to his 
 commentary upon it ; two versions of it are 
 given ; the various readings of the text are 
 discussed ; the whole commentary abounds 
 with learning and eloquence, and has all the 
 
179 
 
 vigour of his earliest compositions. It 
 affords a pleasing instance of the triumph 
 of genius and piety, over age, over pain, 
 and the near approach of death. 
 
 In this manner Bossuet employed his 
 latter days. — We have now reached the 
 term of our biography : it remains only to 
 add, that he died on the 12th of April 
 1 704, in the 76th year of his age, in the 
 arms of M. Hubert, who had been curate of 
 Versailles, and had then recently been ap- 
 pointed to the see of Agen. 
 
 Soon after the decease of Bossuet, a col- 
 lection of his printed works was pubhshed 
 in twelve volumes quarto. Three volumes 
 quarto of his posthumous Vvorks afterwards 
 made their appearance. To them must be 
 added, the Defensio Cleri GaUicani, which 
 has been mentioned. — A complete edition 
 of his works was begun by the Benedictine 
 monks, of the congregation of St. Maur, in 
 1772; twelve volumes of it only have come 
 into the writer's possession : he understands 
 that eight others have been printed. 
 
 " Bossuet," says the celebrated M. de la 
 Bruyere, " overwhelms us by the number 
 ** and greatness of his talents. Orator, his- 
 
i8o 
 
 torian, theologian, and philosopher ; sin- 
 gularly eloquent as a preacher, as a writer, 
 and in familiar discourse ; a defender of 
 religion, a light of the church. — Let us 
 speak, by anticipation, the language of 
 posterity, and call him a father of the 
 church ! — What may we not say of him ? 
 Can we mention a virtue, which he had 
 not r" 
 
 THE END. 
 
 Printed by Luke Hansard & Sons, 
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Corrected to February ^ 1812. 
 
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MEDICINE, SURGERY, AND CHEMISTRY. 15 
 
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MISCELLANEOUS. 35 
 
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MISCELLANEOUS. 35 
 
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