'-r-' ^^. K v23 4* PRINCETON, N. J. 5/5^^ Division Jj) J-J [ / .-_) , Number V..»..^L..^ GENESIS CRITICALLY AND EXEGETICALLY EXPOUNDED PRINTED BY MORRISON AND OIBB LIMITED FOR T. & T. CLARK, EDINBURGH LONDON- : SIMPKIX, MARSHALL, HAMILTON, 'KENT, AND CO. LIMITED NEW YORK : CHARLES SCRIBNER's SONS TORONTO : THE WILLARD TRACT DEPOSITORY GENESIS CRITICALLY AND EXEGETICALLY EXPOUNDED Dr. a. DILLMANN LATE I'ROFESSOll OF THEOLOGY IN BEIILIN 2Eranslatcti from tljc last lEtitliou BY WM. B. STEVENSON, B.D. ASSISTANT TO THE PROFESSOR OF HEBREW, ETC. EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY IN TWO VOLUMES Vol. II. EDINBURGH T. & T. CLABK, 38 GEOBGE STKEET 1897 CONTENTS. III. THE HISTORY OF ABRAHAM, XII.-XXV. 18. A. The Introductory Narratives. PAGE 1. The Call of Abram and liis Migration into Canaan, xii. 1-9 ; according to C (and A) . . . . .8 2. The Migration to Egypt and Sarai's Preservation there, xii. 10-20 ; according to C . . . . .16 3. Abram's Separation from Lot, ch. xiii. ; from E, following C and A . . . . . . . .22 4. Abram's unseltish Expedition to save Lot, and Melchisedek's Benediction of him, ch. xiv. ; from R, following B (?) . 29 B. The Trials of Faith, the Covenant, and the Proof. 1. The Promise of a Son as Heir, and its Confirmation by the Con- clusion of a Solemn Covenant, ch. xv. ; by li, following B and G . . . . . . . .53 2. The Birth of Ishmael, ch. xvi. ; following C and A . .67 3. God's Covenant with Abram, the Institution of Circumcision, and the Promise of Isaac, ch. xvii. ; following A . .75 4. Abraham and Sodom visited b}" Celestial Beings, the Destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, xviii. 1-xix. 28 ; from C . .89 5. Double Appendix, xix. 29, from A ; xix. 30-38 (the Origin of Moab- Amnion), from C . . . . .112 G. Sarah's Danger at the Court of Gerar, and her Preservation, ch. XX,; from B . . . . . . .110 7. Isaac's Birth and the Expulsion of Ishmael, xxi. 1-21 ; following ^, C, andL' 126 8. Abraham's Covenant with Abimeluch, and his Claim to Beer- sheba , xxi. 22-34 ; according to Ji ; the conclusion from li following G 133 9. The Sacrifice of Isaac, xxii. 1-19 ; following B and B . . 138 VI CONTENTS C. Closing Passages of Abraham's History, xxii. 20-xxv. 18. PAGE 1. Regcarding the Family of Ncalior, xxii. 20-24; according to C andi^ . ... . . . .147 2. The Death of Sarah and the Acfjuisition of the Field of Makh- pelah by Abraham, ch. xxiii. ; from yl . . . 151 3. Isaac's Marriage Mdth Rebecca, ch. xxiv. ; from C . . . 157 4. Abraham's Descendants by Keturah, his Death, xxv. 1-11 ; from R, following A, C, and i? (?) • • • • • 173 5. The Descendants of Ishmael, xxv. 12-18 ; following A . . 180 IV. THE HISTORY OF ISAAC, XXV. 19-XXXVII. 1. A. The History of Isaac and of Jacob's Youth, xxv. 19-xxviii. 9. 1. Birth and early Youth of the Twin Brothers, and Preludes of their future Contests, xxv. 19-34 ; according to A and C (and B) . . . . . . . .191 2. Isaac moves from Place to Place ; his Troubles ; God's Blessings and Promises to him, xxvi. 1-33 ; chiefly according to C {and R) . . . . . . .' . 200 3. The Cause of Jacob's Dejmrture to Mesopotamia ; he is blessed by Isaac, xxvi. 34-xxviii. 9 ; from A and B, C . .210 B. Jacob aavay from Home, and the Founding of his House, xxviii. 10-xxxii. 3. 1. Jacob's Dream at Bethel, xxviii. 10-22 ; from B and G . . 223 2. Jacob in Harran with Laban, ch. xxix.f. ; from B and C . . 230 3. Jacob's return from Harran, xxxi. 1-xxxii. 3 ; mostly from B (also from (7 and ^) ...... 252 C. Jacob from his Return to Canaan till the Death OF Isaac, xxxii. 4-xxxvii. 1. 1. Jacob meets Esau and wrestles with God, xxxii. 4-xxxiii. 17 ; from C'and B . . . . . . . 271 2. Jacob at Shechem, and the Dishonouring of Dinah, xxxiii. 18- xxxiv. 31 ; from R, following B, A, and G . . . 287 3. Jacob's Journey to Isaac by way of Bethel, and the end of Isaac's Life, ch. XXXV. ; from B, A, and G (R) . . .301 4. Esau and the Edomites, ch. xxxvi. (xxxvii. 1) ; mainly follow- ing ^ . . . . . . . .312 CONTENTS vii V. THE HISTORY OF JACOB, XXXVII.-L. A. From the Tiaie when Joseph was sold into Egypt until his Preferment there, Chs. xxxvii.-xli. PAGE 1. Joseph is sold into Egypt, xxxvii. 2-36 ; by A', from /; and C , 331 2. Judali and Tamar, cli. xxxviii. ; from C . . . . 342 3. Joseph in Prison, ch, xxxix. ; mostly from 0 . , . 350 4. Joseph interjn-ets the Dreams of the two Royal Servants, ch. xl. ; from B . . . . . . . . 359 5. Pharaoh's Dreams and Joseph's Elevation, ch. xli.; mostly according to Z? . . . . . . . 365 B. The Wanderings and Humiliations of Joseph's Brethren, UNTIL THEIR RECONCILIATION, ChS. XLII.-XLV. 1. The Humiliation and Punishment of Joseph's ten Brethren, ch. xlii. ; mostly according to J5 ..... 379 2. The Brothers' Second Visit to Joseph, and how he tests them, ch. xliii.f.; from C . . . . . . . 389 3. Josejih reveals himself, and invites Migration to Egypt, ch. xlv. ; following B and C . . . . . .401 C. From the Migration into Egypt to the end of Jacob's History, Chs. xlvl-l. 1. The Migration of Israel, xlvi. 1-27 ; according to B (C) and A . 410 2. Arrival, Meeting with Joseph, Assignment of Goshen, xlvi. 28- xlvii. 11 ; according to 6' and ^ . . . .418 3. Joseph's Support of Israel, and the Political Changes he makes in Egypt, xlvii. 12-27 ; from G (in ver. 12 B, in ver. 27 C, ^) . 424 4. Jacob's last Instructions and Arrangements, and his Death, xlvii. 28-xlix. 33 . . . . . . .431 5. Jacob's Burial and Joseph's Death, ch. 1.; from A, B, and G . 483 General Index ....... 493 Lexical Indexes ....... 502 CORRIGENDA. Page 91, line 5, /or W^p\^*n 'i'ead Pj^pj^Ni. „ 273, „ 23, for xxxi. read xxxiii. III. THE HISTORY OF ABRAHAM, XII.-XXV. 18. 1. Although the Israelites did not dispute the fact that it was only at a much later period that they became a nation, they derived the beginnings of their distinctive nationality and of their spiritual religion from ancestors who were immigrants from Mesopotamia long resident in Canaan. They regarded themselves as the last to emerge of a number of petty peoples who sprang from these immigrants, and, in fact, as what remained of the common stock after the others had branched off. They were also the purest of these peoples, that which contained least admixture of foreign blood, and preserved most faithfully the moral and religious charac- teristics of the common ancestry. The gradual separation of these Q-enuine descendants of the orimnal stock was completed in three stages, which connect themselves with the three names Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. Everything contained in the Israelite legends of the patriarchs circles round these three names. It is self-evident to us moderns that all these stories regarding the patriarchs belong to the realm of legend, not to that of strict history. To begin with, there is no nation on earth whose descent from an individual ancestor is capable of historical proof. A people does not grow as a family does, it arises from a combination of the most diverse elements, and in the case of Israel there is even yet historical proof that it, also, originated in this way. Again, according to the Book of Genesis, both Israel and the other Hebrew peoples are divided into twelve tribes. But the very fact that the division is not confined to Israel, is a plain indica- DILLMANN, — II. I 2 GENESIS XII.-XXY. 18 [218 tioii that it is not to be explained by actual descent from twelve brethren. The division is artificial, and is an expression of geographical, political, and religious relation- sliips. E(iually, it is to be assumed that the personification of peoples, tribes, districts, and historical periods, universally acknowledged to exist in the narratives of Genesis as far as eh. xi., will not all at once cease to be found in chs. xii. ff., but will reeur in the further course of the narrative. Again, it is undeniable that we frequently find mirrored in these patriarchal legends the events and circumstances of the later national history, and the likes and dislikes of the period of their authors. Lastly, now that we are able to survey the poetic legends of the most widely differing peoples, it no longer requires to be proved that the vivid- ness of these narratives is not in itself any proof of their historicity, but is, on the contrary, a characteristic peculiarity of all legend. But it may still be asked whether this criticism requires us to deny all historical foundation to the patriarchal legends of the Israelites. It has been even doubted or denied that the ancestors of Israel were ever in Canaan ,i and the stories about them have been explained as fictitious tendency-writings belonging to the period of the Israelite monarchy.- But when w^e acknowledge the presence of a substratum of historical fact in the epics of other peoples, why should we pronounce a less favourable judgment on the tribal legends of the very people which passed earliest out of its mythological period ? It is true that the reflected image of later persons, times, and circumstances is thrown back on the legendary figures of early times, so that the latter became types of the former ; but there must surely be a background to begin with, on to which the reflection may be cast. Tlie least concession we can make is, it may be 1 Nuldeke, Im neueii Reich., 1871, i. 497-511; Stade, Geschichte, i. 127 f, - A. Bernstein, Ur.'ipmng der Sagen von Ahr. Is. unci Jac, Berlin, 1871. 218, 219] GENESIS XII -XXV. 18 3 maintained, that the background of fact in the family histories of the patriarchal legend consists of dim niemories regarding certain movements of peoples which started from Meso- potamia, made their way through Canaan and the desert to Egypt, and led to the formation in these regions of new, Hebrew, national and tribal units. The temporary residence of the patriarchs in Canaan cannot be explained as a baseless fabrication, meant to justify the later occupation of the land or the incorporation of Canaanite sanctuaries in the religion of Israel. Such objects were capable of attainment in other and more effective ways, and, besides, in the legend as a whole and in its separate parts, we still find much of a historical character which stands in no relation to the supposed objects of the narrative. The acknowledgment that there exists in the patriarchal legends a background of historical fact, at once determines how we are to conceive of the leading characters in the legend. The bounds of possibility in the way of confound- ing things totally dissimilar, were reached by those few ^ who had the boldness to transform the patriarchs into powers of nature and their history into nature myths. But neither is there sufficient reason for conjecturing that they were originally tribal gods,^ or the spirits of ancestors worshipped as divine.^ It may perhaps be true that tribal communities were accustomed to name themselves from the god whose worship was their bond of unity. But the names of the patriarchal legends are in general not those of gods, but of earthly personages and peoples, and in the whole legend there is not even the slightest trace that these personages were once venerated as gods. Isaac and Jacob are quite usual designations for the people of Israel in later times. As ^ E.g. Goldziher, Mythos hei den Hebrdern, 1876, pp. 109 f., 154 [^Mythology among the Hebrews.^ London, 1877] ; J. Popper, UrsjJrung des Monotheisnius, 1879, p. 147 ff. - Dozy, Israelitea ?m Mekka, 1864, p. 21 ff. ; Xoldeke, Ini neuen lleich^ p. 508 If. ; ZDMG. xlii. 484. 3 Stade, Geschichte^ i. 406 ff. 4 GENESIS XIL-XXV. 18 [219 for mimes such as those of Lot, Islimael, Esau, and then- sons, it is sufficient to regard them as those of ideal persons taken from the names applicable to groups within the limits of the nation, or to the whole at various stages in its development. Eecently, in the list of 118 names of towns and tribes conquered by Thutmosis ill. during liis campaign against the Upper Paitena, No. 102, Y'lVar, and Ko. 78, Yqrr, have been rendered ^ Yakobel and Yosefel. If this conjecture be supposed correct, we are supplied with an external proof that the name Jacob, centuries before the time of Moses, was that of a tribe or locality in Canaan. It is otherwise with the case of Abraham. The name was never that of a tribe or people. But neither was it originally the name of a deity ,^ and it is not the case that Abraham is the latest figure to appear on the patriarchal scene, being a mere duplication of Isaac, a saint of Hebron and of Calebite origin ^ who only by degrees advanced to be the principal character. The silence of the older prophets regarding him proves nothing whatsoever against the agreement of all the Pentateuch writers. In B as much as in A, 0, and B, Abraham, whether considered as a national or as a religious hero, is the most important personage in the whole patriarchal history. He is the head and leader of the Hebrews in their migration from the land by the Euphrates, and in the mental and spiritual sphere also lias left a special impress upon them. When Israel became a nation it was upon him that they rested their divine election.* It is undeniably possible that in Abraham there may be preserved the memory of some important personage who took part in the Hebrew migration.-'" ^ E. Meyer in ZATJF. vi. Iff., viii. 42 tt'. ; contemporaneously W. Groft" in tlie Eevue Egyidologique, iv. 95 ff. See also JA. viii. 12, p. 104 f. 2 See notes on ch. xvii. 4 f. 3 Wellhausen, Geschichte, p. 338 [Prolegomena, 1885, p. 320] ; E. Meyer, and others. 4 Clis. xviii. 18 f., xxvi. 5, 24, xii. 2 f., xv. G; Josli. xxiv. 2 f . ^ Ewald, Kittel, Geschichte der Hehriier, i. 155 ff. [History of the Hebrews y vol. i. p. 172 ff.]. 219, 22o] GENESIS XII.-XXV. 18 5 But there is, of course, no proof of this, especially if Gen. ch. xiv. be regarded as fiction, for the statements regarding Abraham as king of Damascus ^ liave no historical value, not any more than the alleged witness of Berosus.- But even if he also is only an ideal personage, a personification of the yet undivided body of Hebrew emigrants, it is certain that all the narrators trace to him the origin or foundation of the development of the people of Israel and of its religious peculiarity. The picture which they draw of him corresponds to this special significance of his. '2. To particularise, Abraham in the ])iblical narratives may still indeed be recognised as leader of a Hebrew migra- tion which started from Harran, and as the meeting-point of a number of peoples who branclied off from liim. Here and there also, especially in B, we have glimpses of the attitude of these Hebrew immigrants in their relations with the inhabitants of the land. We read something of alliances and contracts, and even of deeds of war. But, in general, Abraham appears as an individual nomad chief, possessing great wealth in cattle and many dependants, who by occupation or purchase consecrates or acquires a few isolated spots in tlie country, and in religious matters goes his own way. In particular, he is represented to us as the head of a family who, through his children, becomes the ancestor of new peoples, and also as a highly favoured man of God and friend of God, who is the beginner of a new life of faith among men. Wliat is related of him are chiefly domestic and personal incidents, in which he establishes his worth more and more securely, and on his part makes possible the providential growth of Israel in its l^eginnings, and therewith the salvation of the world. Undoubtedly tlie legend had already tended to take this direction in the popular mouth. But the ideal elaboration of the picture and the collection 1 Josephus, Antiquities^ i. 7. 2 ; Justin, xxxvi. 2. 3. - Josei>liiis, Antiquities, i. 7 ; Ewald, Gesvhichte,^ i. 481 [History of Israel, vol. i. p. 335]. 6 GENESIS XII.-XXV. 18 [220 and anaiigemeiit of those materials in the legend which had reference to Abraham, can be due only to those who com- mitted it to writing. The three principal sources of the ])()ok of Genesis have all taken a share in this work. To A belongs the external, in the main chronological, framework, the brief account of the Ishmaelite Arabs de- scended from Abraham, and in especial the principal narrative reizarding the divine covenant, too-ether with the law of circumcision which belongs to it (ch. xvii.), and the narrative of the purchase of a family burying-place (ch. xxiii.). In general he has briefly and drily narrated the chief incidents in Abraham's life. Only where he came to speak of things so important for the Israel of later times as were the covenant, the birth of the son who was to inherit the promises, and the first acquisition of soil in the country, did he work out more detailed descriptions. Abraham is represented by him as a man of noble character, profoundly God fearing, and of exemplary life. But God's special revelation to the patriarch does not take place till he is well advanced in middle life, and the divine promises to him refer to a numerous posterity and the future possession of the land. His residence is in Mamre, or in the district round about Hebron. From B there are still preserved some passages which relate incidents in Abraham's life. They depict him in his intercourse with native chiefs, or as he ruled in his own household.^ They make prominent his dignity as a man of God and a prophet (xx. 7), his obedience to God and his virtues, the divine protection and blessing, also, which he everywhere enjoyed, and the esteem with which men regarded him. Frequently the account contains relatively precise statements of place, time, and circumstance, also names wanting elsewhere, and remarkable particulars of a geo- graphical and historical character, as well as very ancient linguistic expressions. The passages are valuable contribu- ^ As in chs. xx., xxi. 6 ff., xxii. 1-13. 220, 22l] GENESIS XII.-XXV. 18 7 tions to a completed picture of the man, and of these ancient times. In them Gerar and Beersheba are his usual places of residence. The passages taken from C are not characterised by such fulness of historical detail, but, we may say, by their didactic clearness of style which remains consistent witli the picturesque vividness of the narrative. They present us, on the one hand, with charmingly artistic pictures of particular events which are quite ideal,^ and, on the other, with a full record of the never resting divine agency which calls, educates, and blesses Abraham, and thereby moulds him into the perfect man of faith, who trustfully holds fast the word of promise, and becomes thereby worthy also to be a source of blessing to those about him and to future generations.^ It is, then, just those thoughts of C's which R has taken and made his ruling ideas. Guided by them, he has taken the narratives of the three narrators and united them or worked them over with the following result. (1) Abraham's call and his migration to Canaan are taken as the starting-point, and the first division of the history consists of certain narratives which, while describing how various of the most ancient sacred spots in the centre of the country were consecrated by him, make clear more especially the character of the man and the divine protection and blessing which followed him (chs. xii.-xiv.). (2) He is next described in the prime of his life, when by many tests and trials he is made worthy to be the first recipient of the covenant, and the subject of the most exalted promises (chs. xv.-xxii. 10). (3) This is followed by the narratives regarding himself, liis house, and Isaac's marriage, which belong to the last period of his life (chs. xxii. 20-xxv. 18). yl's distinction between Abram and Sarai as they were before the covenant, and Abraham and Sarah as they were after (ch. xvii. 5 and 15), has been at the same time consistently introduced by 11 into all the narratives. 1 Chs. xviii. f., xxiv. ^ q\^<^^ xii., xiii., xv. GENESIS XII [221 A. THE INTRODUCTORY NARRATIVES. 1. The Call of Abram and his Migration into Canaan, Ch. XII. 1-9 ; according to C (and A). The absence of a heading in the form D^n^^ mijin rh^ is surprising. There are headings to the histories of Isaac ^ and of Jacob,^ and the history of Abram in A must have been similarly introduced. We cannot say ^ that it was omitted by A either because Terah was still alive at the time of Abram's immigration, for Abram also, for example, was still alive at the time fixed in ch. xxv. 20 ; or because the history could not begin straightway wdth an account re^rardino; the birth of his sons, for the historv of Jacob commences in ch. xxxvii. 2 after the time has passed for recording the birth of his sons at all. Still less can we imagine * that the author regarded Abram's history as part of that of Terah. The latter has received its formal con- clusion in ch. xi. 32, and how can we suppose that Abram, the chief personage in the patriarchal history, is to be disposed of in a section of the history of Terah ? The only correct view is that B omitted the heading,^ because he wished to replace the whole of ^'s introduction to the history by another taken from C. The real cause of the migration accordingly, as A stated it, is no longer apparent.^ In the whole passage we recognise with certainty only vv. 4& and 5 as from A? The proof in their case is the mention of Abram's age, the repetition in dcc as compared with 4«, and the expressions itd-i and n^i, C'D], |j;:3 )ns, and also np^i.^ 1 Ch. XXV. 19. 2 cii, xxxvii. 2. 3 Hupfeld. 4 Delitzscli, Keil. ^ Ewald, Knoljel, WelDiausen, Bniston, and others. •5 Conjectures are given in Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 463 [History of Israel, i. p. 322 f.]. " Knobel, Hupfeld, Noldeke, Sclirader, Kayser, Wellliausen, and others. ^ Cf. chs. xi. 31, xxxvi. G, xlvi. 6. 221, 222] GENESIS XII. 1 9 It cannot be proved that vv. G, 8, as far as the Hccond ni\>J2, and 9 belong to ^ ; ^ and it is improbable, for the reason that A nowhere shows any interest in proving that the patriarchs consecrated all the places in the country wliich were afterwards sacred. It is more likely that B is the original of vv. G« and Sa,^ but (Jh and 81 cannot be separated from them and show that C had adopted these local names from B, The evidence for 6"s authorship of this section is found both in its contents (the divine call, the practice of divine worship) and in its use of the expressions mn% 'b:^ Vv. 1-3. The Call. According to A (xi. 31) even Terah when he set out with Abrani had Canaan in view as the goal of the migration. Here the migration is represented as one willed by God and made known by Him to Abram. It was part of the divine plan of salvation to use more active remedies in face of the growing deterioration of mankind,^ and in Abram to choose and prepare a man who should be the foundation-stone of a kingdom of God which was to be set up among men. Ver. 1. God summons Abram to go forth from his home. 1?""n?. — again in the Pentateuch in Gen. xxii. 2 (cf. Ex. xviii. 27) ; see Ewald, § 315a. From your country, and your kin, and your home — -the ■expressions are accumulated in order to point out that God made no small demand of him when He required him to sever his family ties and wander forth as a stranger into a land as yet unknown to him.* ^1^^^^ H^* and ^7?^^ TT)?? are used almost synonymously,^ so it was not unnatural to suppose that Ur Kasdim ^' was here intended ; ^ it follows, however, from xxiv. 4 and 7 that C meant Harran, and against this ^ Knobel. - Sclirader, Kittel, Geschichte, i. \i\i [History of the Hebrews, i. p. 13G]. '^ Ch. xi. 1-9. ' Tiich. 5 E.g. xxiv. 4 and 7, xxxi. 3 and 13. ^ Ch. xi. 28. '' Acts vii. 2 ; Mercerus, Bonfrere, Roseniuiiller ; Hupfeld, avIio appeals to xv. 7. ,^ 1 0 GENESIS XII. 2, 3 [222, 223 XV. 7 possesses no weight. See, further, the notes on ch. xi. 28. It is not Mesopotamia in general, to which both Harran and Ur Kasdim belonged, that is referred to.^ Which I shall show you — definite information regarding the goal of the journey is reserved to a later time.'^ This makes God's demand appear all the harder. It was therefore, the more necessary to intimate the purpose and object of the demand in the form of a promise, and this follows in ver. 2 f. Ver. 2 f. S"iJ ^)yb ib^yxT ^ — " the promise of numerous descendants is frequent in the history of the patriarchs." * Bless you — i.e. prosper you.^ 3fake yoitr name great — glorify it, make it honoured and praised ; see ver. oh. And he a blessing — i.e. you shall be a blessing, an object of blessing, evXoyrjfjbivof; (Sept.),*^ a bearer of blessing, as it were blessing incarnated, on whom not only God has poured out His full blessing, but whom men also bless in that they use his name in their formulas of blessing ; ^ one also who even becomes to others a source of blessing.^ Ver. 3. A continuation of ver. 26, as ] shows, not an explanatory clause. A7id I will bless those that bless you — extend Abram's blessing to those also who adopt a friendly attitude to him. On the other hand, he will " lay on his enemies a curse which will evidence itself in their misfortunes. The curse calls other passages to mind." ^ As compared with the Septua- gint, Samaritan, Peshitta, and Vulgate, which render T^)?.^^ (cf. xxvii. 29), the Massoretic reading is finer; God will not anticipate that many will so far forget themselves as to revile him. 1 Knobel. 2 g^^ ^.^j. ^^ 3 Ex. xxxii. 10 ; Num. xiv. 12. * Chs. xiii. 16, xv. 5, xvii. 2, 6, 16, xviii. 18, xxi. 13, xxii. 17, xxvi. 4, 24, xxxv. 11, xlvi. 3. Knobel. ^ Chs. XXX. 27, xxxix. 5. e cf. Vs. xxi. 7 [ 6 ] and Isa. xix. 24. '■ Ver. 3 and Zecli. viii. 13. ^ Cf. ver. 3a and cases like xix. 29 and xxvi. 5. ^ Chs. iii. 14, 17, iv. 11, v. 29, ix. 25, xxvii. 29. Knobel. 223] GENESIS XII. 3 11 *]3 1313:1 — the Septuagiiit rendering, koL 6V€v\oy7]6i]crovTat ev aoL, is representative of others.^ It is the interpretation of all the ecclesiastical expositors, who have generally followed the lead of the New Testament,^ and referred the words to the communication to the peoples of the salvation coming from Abram's seed. Now it is true that such a reference to the final goal of the old covenant would not in itself be surprising in the case of a prophetic writer like C, although there are nowhere else in Genesis ^ intimations of such a far-reaching character. The context is also well fitted to receive it as an intensification of what is said in ver. 3 a. Even the possibility of construing the Niphal as a passive both here and in xviii. 18 and xxviii. 14, is to be acknow- ledged. But in chs. xxii. 18 and xxvi. 4 the equivalent reading is P^'"i '""^ ^^ IJ^i^- ''^-l.?'?^'^ which cannot be under- stood passively ^ but only refiexively, " all people will bless themselves with your seed," i.e.^ desire for themselves good fortune like that of Israel, and in so doing use its name as a formula of blessing. There seems no good reason why less should be said of the seed of Abram than of Abram himself, especially as the formula in ch. xxviii. 14 is used, not merely of Abram, but also of his seed. Even were it true that chs. xxii. 18 and xxvi. 4 are from another hand than chs. xii. 3, xviii. 18, and xxviii. 14,^ namely, from E, it does not on that account follow that there is a difference in the meaning of the formula. Hence most modern expositors '^ have decided for the reflexive force of the Niphal ; Tuch gives both Hithpael and Niphal the meaning " count one's self fortunate, feel one's self blessed in (3) another," — a meaning 1 (Ecclus. xliv. 21 ; Acts iii. 25 ; Gal. iii. 8) ; Targums, Vulgate, Kimclii, Ibn Ezra. 2 Cf. besides the passages in the preceding note, Kom. iv. 13 and 16 also. 2 Ch. ix. 26 included. ^ Sept., Targums. ^ In accordance with Gen. xlviii. 20 ; Jer. xxix. 22 ; Isa. hxv. 15 f. « G. Baur. ^ After Rashi's example, e.j Bxcc7. by Dillmann in MBAJV. 1881, ix 619. 225] GENESIS XII. 7, 8 15 The remark that the Canaanite, not to be taken in the narrower sense ^ of Num. xiii. 29 and xiv. 25, but m its widest signification as in ch. x. 18, was then m the land,^ apparently unnecessary, has in view the promise of ver. 7 ; the land whose possession God promises to Abram's posterity was not at the time ownerless ; on the contrary, those very Canaanites were already settled in it who, according to God's plan,^ were afterw^ards to give place, and did give place, to Abram's seed. Comp. ch. xiii. 7, also xxiv. 3 and 37. Ver. 7. At Shechem, in a theophany, Abram is given the assurance that God will bestow the possession of this land on his descendants. He is thus given the information, withheld in ver. 1, regarding what land is to be the goal of his wander- ings, and the series of promises contained in ver. 2 f. is com- pleted. The assurance is several times afterwards repeated in A ^ and the other writers.^ The Septuagint, Samaritan, Peshitta, and Vulgate add ib to i^ii.'). According to the belief of antiquity, the place where there has been a theophany is a sacred spot. So Abram erects an altar at Shechem, as Jacob ^ also did (a nnvc). The building of a sanctuary was a less simple form of the same practice. " In later times there was a sacred spot just beside Shechem ; ^ it was necessarily consecrated as such by the patriarchs themselves, for they were regarded as patterns for a later time, and the author's opinion regarding the antiquity of the worship of Jahve allowed of it." ^ For other places of this kind see ver. 8, xiii. 18, xxi. 33, xxii. 1 ff., xxvi. 25. l''^t^ r]^'\:n — as in ch. xxxv. 1. Ver. 8. From Shechem, Abram moved on, southward, to the hill country east ^ of Bethel, and encamped in a place where Bethel lay from the sea, i.e. west of him, while Ai 1 Knobel. - Of Canaan, not Sliechem, Halevv, Recherches JJibliqucs, x. 261. 3 Ch. XV. 16 f. * Chs. xvii. 8, xxxv. 12. 5 Chs. xiii. 15 ff., xv. 18 ff., xxvi. 3, xxviii. 13. « Ch. xxxiii. 20. ^ Joi^ll. xxiv. 1, 26. 8 Ch. iv. 6. Knobel. ^ Chs. ii. 8, iii. 24, xi. 2. 1 G GENESIS XII. 9 [225, 226 was to the east. Eegarding the situations of Bethel and Ai, see commentary ^ on Josh. vii. 2 and the Bible dictionaries. p-'nyn — move on a journey ; in this sense again only in xxvi. 22. 7b7\^ D'l — again in chs. xxvi. 25, xxxiii. 19, xxxv. 21. Abram consecrated this place also by an altar and the celebration of cluinc service?' Bethel was an Israelite place of public worship, and a very ancient holy place.^ In the kingdom of the ten tribes it was the seat of a royal sanctuary.* Its consecration for Israel is ascribed to Jacob ; -' to Abram no more is attributed than the consecration of a place be- tween Bethel and Ai. Eegarding the relation of Bethel to Luz, see note on ch. xxviii. 19. Ver. 9. Abram gradually, i.e. in nomadic stages, journeyed farther and farther south. The verse is not from B or B,^' but was originally 6''s introduction to ver. 1 0 ff. For yo'^i, see xi. 2 ; and for yiDii ybn, ch. viii. 3, 5, 7. '^}}. — properly dryness, harren land, with the article is the name " of the most southerly part of the land of the Hebrews, and borders in the north on the lowlands, the hill country, and the desert of Judah. It is pasture land, only in parts capable of cultivation, and is the transition from the cultivated land to the desert. To the south of it, as far as Sinai, there is only unmitigated desert." "' The use of the word in the sense of south is a purely Palestinian usage, like that of d^ for west. 2. The Migkation to Egypt, and Saeai's Preservation THERE, Ch. XIL 10-20; according to C. This section is in general ascribed to C. The expressions njn>, h n^DM, t;: and i<3 mn, i^nyn and *^^?2, n^b'y nxrnD, exclude ^ [Dillmann's.] 2 gg^ j^q^q q^ cli. iv. 26. 3 Judg. XX. 18, 26 ff. ; 1 Sam. x. 3. ^ 1 Kings xii. 26 ff.; Amos vii. 10 ff. ^ q\^^^ xxviii. 22, xxxv. 7 ff. *"' Kittel, Geschichte, i. pp. 123, 135 [History of the Hebrews, vol. i. pp. 137, 149]. 7 See Josh. xv. 21 ff. Knobel. 226] GENESIS XII. 10-20 17 A and betray the hand of C. According to Wellhausen/ the whole, with the inclusion of ver. 9, is from B, and was only afterwards inserted into C. He deduces tliis from the artificial bringing back of the narrative in ch. xiii. 1-4 to the point reached in ch. xii. 8, and from the absence of Lot in vv. 9—20, whereas he appears along with Abram in ch. xiii. The observations are correct, but not the conclusions. For vv. 10—20, at least, B is excluded by ch. xx., and the language is that of C. The fact that Abram journeys alone may be explained by C"s not having had the narrative till after the separation from Lot, perhaps in the same situation as B's ch. XX. E placed the passage in an earlier context, partly because he wished to separate it as far as possible from its analogue in ch. xx., and partly because he thereby somewhat lessened its incompatibility with the chronological statements which were to be taken from A. But, on the other hand, it was an established part of the tradition, that the neighbour- hood of Bethel was the scene of the separation of Abram and Lot. Accordingly, B has taken the narrative back to that point by means of ch. xiii. 1, 3 f. No conclusion can be deduced from ch. xxvi. 1 f.^ Sarai is carried off by the Egyptian king, but has to be restored to Abram as a result of God's interposition and punishment. The patriarch issues from the danger only the richer. The aspect of the story kept in view, in the present setting of it by B, is not so much that it is a trial of faith. It is viewed rather as a proof of how God, whO' has chosen Abram and given him the promises, now also watches over him and his wife, to the extent even of rescuing him from dangers which he has brought on himself by short- sighted policy, and thus gives him an actual proof of the Divine Providence, in which he will yet learn to believe more and more firmly. The actual contents of the narrative, i.e. the danger which met or threatened the patriarch's wife at the hands of a foreign prince, and her preservation by God's 1 JBDTh. xxi. 413 f., 419. - See note there. DILLMANN. IF. 2 18 GENESIS XII. 10-12 [220, 227 interposition, was a favourite subject in the legend. What happened here in Egypt " is related to have befallen Abram and Sarai (ch. xx.), and Isaac and Eebecca (ch. xxviii.) at the court of Abhuelckli in Gerar."^ It has been rightly long assumed that these three narratives are variants of the same original story, and a special confirmation of this is that in all three the husband gives out that his wife is his sister. Ver. 10. Famine is a cause of nomadic migration in ch. xxvi. 1 and xli. 54 f. also. Egypt, the granary of Canaan in times of famine,^ was the point to which the nomad naturally gravitated in such a case. The stereotyped expression for a journey from the hilly land of Canaan to the Nile valley is *n% and for the journey from Egypt to Canaan nhv-^ Ver. 11. i^)J? I'^ipn, he ap2J7vacJied} ^i^'^'O r\^\ of heautiful appearance.^ ^':'T\:^t\, " elsewhere only in purely Jehovistic passages, i.e. in C." ^ " According to another writer,^ Abram had made the agreement with Sarai here mentioned before this time." It o is to be observed that the statement about Sarai's beauty proves that this narrative was not originally written out in connection with the passages from A, inasmuch as, according to these,^ Sarai was at the time sixty-five years old. Ver. 1 2 f. " Abram requests Sarai to pass as his sister in Egypt, so that he may not be murdered. If she were supposed to be his wife, an Egyptian could only have her by accomplishing her husband's death ; if she passed as his sister, there was a prospect of obtaining her from her brother in an honourable way. riN 'nnwS — i.e. you are my sister. "3 may be omitted in oratio oUiqua, as in ch. xli. 15.^ The statement, at least ^ Kuobel. 2 Ch. xlii. 1 ff.; Josepluis, Antiquities, xv. 9. 2. ^ E.(j. cli. xliv. 23 f., xlvi. 4. Knobel. "* Gesenius, Grainmatik,^^ 120. 1. ^ Gesenius,^^ 128. 3. ^ Chs. xvi. 2, xviii. 27, 31, xix. 2, 8, 19?^, xxvii. 2. 7 Ch. XX. 13. 8 Chs. xii. 4, xvii. 17. *• Gesenius 25 157. 227] GENESIS XII. 14 -K; 19 according to B's account, was not untrue,^ but also not the whole trutli. Li order that it may (jo well with me on your account — in order that people may show a friendly interest in the brother for the sake of his beautiful sister, and I may prosper.^ ^rr'- — iu chs. XXX. 27, xxxix. 5, and in Deuteronomy."^ Yer. 1 4 f. Sarai's beauty is praised to the king by the royal officials, and she is brought to the palace to be there- after one of the women of the royal household. Similar stories are told by modern travellers of Oriental kings who (piite at their own pleasure introduce the beauties of their land into their harem.^ An old Egyptian story of the same kind is given by Ebers.^ nv")Q~ps — they praised her toivarcls Pharaoh, spoke in praise of her to him; cf. Judg. xi. 36.^ Pharaoh, according to Josephus, means the Idng? The hieroglyphic prototype has been shown by Stern to be p-itr-ct, i.e. great prince,^ most mighty of princes. From the time of Shishak it became a usual designation of the Pharaohs, and passed into Koptic in the form n-OYpo, Jl-eppo, the king.^ Others,^^ basing on a statement of Horapollo, prefer the derivation from ijcro (lier-aa ^oer-ao), great house, which was in use as a circuni- location for the sovereign, somewhat as we use " Sublime Porte." l^^n"*!, see note on ch. ii. 23. ri^?, accusative of place ; ^^ in the Samaritan nn"'3. Yer. 16. "For the sake of his supposed sister Abrani receives from the king presents in men and cattle. The 1 Cli. XX. 12. 2 Ch. xl. 14. '" Kiiobel. "* Olearius, Reiseheschreihung, p. 664 ; Kampi'er, Amoenitatuuh Exotic- arum^ ]). 203 ; Jauhert, [Vo^jatje^ 301], Germ. tr. p. 220 f. 5 Aegyyttn, 2G2 f. ^' Tuch. ^ Antiquities, viii. 6. 2. See Gesenius, Thesaurus, p. 1129. ^ Grossfiirst. '•' Peyron, Lexicon Koptic urn, 150, 181. ^^^ Lauth, de Eouge, Brugscli, Ebers, Aegi/pten, j). 263 fl. ; Erniaii, Aegypten, p. 92. ^^ As in elis. xviii. 1, xxiv. 23, xxxviii. 11 ; Gesenius, Graunnatik,'-'^ 118. 2. 20 GENESIS Xir. IG [227, 228 animals here named appear elsewhere also, along with slaves, as the chief wealth of the nomadic patriarchs,^ as also in the case of Job ; ^ horses are never included. According to Burckhardt ^ and Eobinson,* it is not every Beduin band which possesses horses. Strabo,^ in his time, makes the same remark regarding the Nabateans." ^ Against the objections of von Bohlen, that sheep and asses were not among the Egyptian domestic animals, see the note on ch. xlvi. 34.'^ But the horse was unknown to the ancient Egyptians, and does not appear on the monuments till the time of the New Empire, from the 18th dynasty onwards.^ Nor is there any trace of the camel in inscriptions or pictures dating earlier than the Greek period.^ Ex. ix. 3 also presupposes that it was found in Egypt ; the rearing of it was never indigenous to Egypt proper ; on the contrary, the ass was always the animal used by the Egyptians as a means of transport through the desert. )b''T\^^ — ccnd there became to him, he received.^^ The mention of the male and female slaves between the mention of the he-asses and the she-asses is inexplicable ; in chs. xxiv. 35 and xxx. 43 there is less difficulty. The words are either an ancient gloss, or have been misplaced by a transcriber ; ^^ yet perhaps D'^DJl runxi have been tacked on to the list. " The author represents Abram in an unfavourable light, inasmuch as so far from making him protest against Pharaoh's action in ver. 15, he allows him to accept presents from the king. In the light of the high opinion he held of the piety of the patriarch, as elsewhere expressed,^- he doubt- 1 Chs. xxiv. 35, xxxii. 15 f. - Job i. 3, xlii. 12. 3 [Notes on the Bedoiiins and JVaMhys, 1831, vol. ii. p. 50 ff.], Germ, tr. 343, 347. ^ Palestine, i. 343. ^ xvi. 4. 2G. <5 Knobel. 7 Ebers, Aeijy^ten, p. 265 if. ® Erman, Ae(jyi)ten, p. 649 ; E. Meyer, Geschichte, § 211. ^ Ebers in Rielim's Handworterhucli, p. 314 ; Erman, Aegypten, j). 652. '^^ Gesenius, Orammatik,-'^ 145. 7. ^^ Olsliaiisen. 12 Chs. XV. 6, xxii. 12. 228] GENESIS XII. 17-20 21 less assumed that Abram expected direct divine protection for Sarai if matters came to an extremity." ^ Ver. 17. "This was actually what happened. In order to punish the infringement of Abram's right of property, to secure Sarai's honour, and bring about her restoration to her husband, God caused heavy Noius to fall on l^haraoh and his house, i.e. inflicted diseases upon them.^ Derivatives from yj: and similar expressions are frequently used of disease, e.g. of leprosy and pestilence,^ and such diseases are elsewhere recorded as the punishment for profanation of what was sacrosanct." * •n^n-nsi — in spite of its position need not be an addition to the text;^ see note ch. ii. 9. Yer. 1 8 f. " The king summons Abram before him, reproves his conduct, and bids him depart. The plagues led to the conclusion that God was angry, and that sin had been committed ; interrogation of Sarai, the recent arrival in the royal household, might lead to an explanation.^ This is doubtless the course of events implied by the narrator." '^ Josephus ^ represents the king as learning the cause of his afflictions from the priests.^ And I took her to me to wife — included her among my wives. Connection with Sarai was prevented by the illness of Pharaoh ; see ch. xx. 4, 6.^^ After ']T\'^^ r\:^7\ the Septuagint adds Ivavrl aov, T.^?f. Ver. 20. Pharaoh summoned over him, i.e. on his account or for his protection, men to escort his journey home.^^ For ^^' comp. chs. xxxi. 27 and xviii. 16, also irpoTrefnTeLv.^^ At the end of the verse the Samaritan and some MSS. of the Septuagint add iDy ni^i ; see ch. xiii. 1. 1 Knobel. - Cf. ch. xx. 17. 3 Ex. xi. 1 ; 1 Sain. vi. 9 ; 2 Kings xv. [5], 9 ; Job xix. 21. * Num. xii. 10 ; 1 Sam. v. 12 ; 2 Cliron. xxvi. 19. Knobel following Tuch. ^ As Kautzscli-Socin^ make it. ^ Cf. Jonah i. 7 if. ' Knobel. '^ Antiquities, i. 8. 1. 9 Tuch. ^« Knobel. " Cf. Ezra viii. 22. ^- Acts xv. 3, xxi. 5. Knobel. 22 GENESIS XIII [228, 229 3. Abram's Separation from Lot, Cii. XIII. ; from E, FOLLOWING C AND A. Abrani having returned from Egypt to the neighbourhood of Bethel (along with Lot), disposes of the disputes which had arisen between his herdsmen and those of Lot by pro- posing that Lot should leave him. Unselfishly enough he leaves to Lot the well-watered valley of the Jordan which he chose, and himself now remains alone in Canaan proper. Immediately after, the future possession of the land is anew promised to him. By thus voluntarily quitting Canaan, Lot resigned his claim to it, and the later territorial relations of Moab— Amnion and Israel are determined in prototype.^ At the same time, by the separation of this branch of the migration, Abram becomes the one central figure of the succeeding narrative. This historically important event is, further, narrated in such a way that new proof is given of Abram's spiritual greatness in his self-denying and peace-loving disposition, and at the same time of God's providential care for him. Ch. xix. 29 is evidence that A also contained an account of Lot's separation from Abram. On examination vv. 6, lib, and 12 are proved to be from A by the analogy of xxxvi. 7 f., by the expressions K^'l^n, SK'i, 2^\ jy^D, jnx, "^s^n ny, and by the divergences which they reveal from other statements in the passage.^ Knobel felt himself obliged to assume, because of vyOD^ that ver. 3 a, and in that case also ver. 1 and xii. 9 f., was from A. If so, we should have so much the better an explanation of why E inserted the episode xii. 11-20 just in this place. At the same time, except for vyDD^J none of the special marks of ^'s presence are found in these verses, and this solitary exception may have been adopted by B from ^'s vocabulary. It is therefore safer to assume (p. 17) that E in ver. 1 (but without loy O)^)) has 1 Cf. ch. xxxvi. 6. 2 Hupfeld, Die Quellen der Genesis, p. 21 If. 229] GENESIS XIII. 1-3 23 retained C's original conclusion of xii. 11-20, but in order to lead the narrative back to the point reached in xii. 8 has inserted ver. 3 f. and the words loy D^i5l in ver. 1. Yv. 2 and 5 may then have been the original continuation of ch. xii. 8. They and ver. 7 ff. (with the omission of llh and 12) form a well-connected sequence, and contain suflicient evidence of their derivation from 0, viz. the reference (ver. 10) to ch. ii. f., the anticipation (ver. 13) of ch. xix., the commands and promises of God in vv. 14-17 (cf. xxviii. 14), the expressions of ver. 9, and the fre(|uent i^\^ There are no valid reasons for assigning to B some isolated verses in the chapter. Just as little need we regard vv. 14—17 as a later addition.^ Ver. 1. Abram went up ^ from Egypt back"* to the Negeb. The statement that Lot was with him is not contained in ch. xii. 10—20, and may be taken to be a redactional addition. Ver. 2. Now he was very heavy hy reason of, rich in, cattle,^ silver, and gold. Silver and gold are mentioned again as patriarchal possessions only in chs. xxiv. 35 and xxii. 53 (from 6');*^ but comp. ch. xx. 16. Eegarding the generic article see Gesenius,^ but the Massoretes may here have intended a reference to the possessions acquired in Egypt. Ver. 3 f. vyoD^ — does not mean keeping to the stages by which he had previously journeyed,^ but, in accordance with his departures or marches, by stages, and so by degrees, marching in stages such as suited a nomad and his cattle.^ Abram now journeyed vyDroi' from the Negeb on to Bethel, to the place he had formerly ^^ occupied, and again celebrated divine service there. This rendering follows the present text, 1 Vv. 8, 9, 14. 2 Wellhaiisen, JBDTh. xxi. 414. 3 Cf. xii. 10. ^ Cf. xii. 9. * See note ch. iv. 20. ^ Knobel. 7 Grammatik,^-^ 126. 36. » Sept., Yulg. 9 Cf. Ex. xvii. 1, xl. 36, 38 ; Xuin. x. 2, 6, 12, 28, xxxiii. 1 f., all in A ; Knobel. 10 Ch. xii. 8. 24 GENESIS XIII. 5-10 [229, 230 but perhaps D"i3N is a later interpolation, and ver. 45 was meant originally as a continuation of the relative sentence. Ver. 5. Lot also, who iccnt with him, accompanied him on his journeyings, like Abram (ver. 2), was rich in herds and in tents,^ i.e. slaves and liousehold goods as well. Ver. 6. From A ; and the land did not hear them so that they dwelt together, was incapable of sustaining them, seeing it had not sufficient pasture for so many cattle, and so did not permit of their remaining together. Comp. chs. xxxvi. 7 and xii. 5, both from A. '2.&, too, is a favourite word of his,^ though it is found in B (xx. 1) and in C (xviii. 18). — sb*:, masculine, see Gesenius.'^ Ver. 7. " For this reason there was strife between their herdsmen, i.e. regarding the pasture grounds and the wells,^ which were all the less sufficient for their requirements, see- ing that Abram and Lot were not the only occupants of this part of the country." ^ — Eegarding '•ps see note on x. 1 7. It and ^:yjD together describe the ancient population of the country in ch. xxxiv. 30 also; in ch. xii. 6 ^jyjan is named alone. A^er. 8 f. Abram feels it to be unseendy that there should be disputes between men who are brothers, i.e. relatives,^ and so proposes a separation. He leaves Lot the choice of locality, though he himself is the older of the two and the leader ; the land is hefore you, lies open to you.^ ^SDU'n, p?o^n — locatives, "i^sn is to be supplied with them. i*9*n and ^''pp'n are denominatives from them. To take the right side or the left means to go right or left ; for the phrase comp. ch. xxiv. 49 (in C). Ver. 10. Lot turns his eyes to the well-watered plain of the Jordan. ^ D*i5ni<, Geseniiis,25 23. 3A, 2. 2 Hupfeld, Qnellen, p. 22. Comp. ver. 12, xxxvi. 7 f., and xxxvii. 1. ^ Grammatih,-^ 145. *la. ^ Clis. xxi. 25, xxvi. 20 ff.; cf. xxix. 3, 8. ^ Kiiobel. ^' Clis. xiv. 16, xxix. 15, xxiv. 27. ' Similarly chs. xx. 15, xxxiv. 10, xlvii. 6. 230] GENESIS XIII. 10 25 iTi'n 132 ^ — more frequently simply '^3?'?,- ^^^^ Jordan district^ is the land on both sides of the Jordan from Lake Tiberias to the Dead Sea, the modern el Ghor, in Josephus ^ called TO fie^ya irehiov. Elsewhere in the Old Testament it is commonly named •^J'^Vj^, but that name also includes the 'Araba between the Dead Sea and the Gulf of Akaba.^ The valley of Siddim,^ i.e. the region at the south of the Dead Sea, was also included in the "ip?, and it is it which the author has here specially in mind. It was all, he tells us, r\\>^C'0 ru/itum, regio rig^ia? The restrictive note of time, hcforc God destroyed Sodom and Gomorrah,^ is referred by the accents to the comparison with the garden of God, but is perhaps ^ an explanatory in- terpolation, although we do find once in 0, in ch. xix. 13, r\m* instead of n\Tj'n. The inverted climax, like the garden of God}^ like the land of Egypt, may lie tolerated because the first comparison was pitched too high. It is not permissible to get rid of it by a linguistically impossible translation, like a garden of Gud^'^ which besides leaves the difficulty largely untouched, seeing •that a garden planted by God Himself^'' would still be superior to Egypt. It is improbable that DnvD pi^D is due to a later hand.^^ In the direction of^^ Soar, on the south-east shore of the Dead Sea.^^ This determines the southern extremity of the region so resplendent in the beauty and wealth of its plant life, and therefore beloncrs to the whole sentence and not to ^ Also in 1 Kings vii. 4G (cf. Matt. iii. 5). 2 Ch. xix. 17, 25, 28 ; Deut. xxxiv. 3 ; 2 Sam. xviii. 23. ^ Lit. circle or circuit, Kreis. "* Wars of the Jews, iv. 8. 2. 5 Deut. i. 1, ii. 8. •' Cli. xiv. 3. ' Regarding the abundance of water due to the brooks which flow down from the hills, see Burckhardt, [Travels in Syria, p. 390], Germ, tr. p. 658 f.; Seetzen, Beisen, i. ]). 417. « Ch. xix. 24 ff. '• Olshausen. 10 Ch. ii. 8ff. " Schumann, Delitzsch^ 12 Num. xxiv. 6. ^•' Olsliausen, Kautz. (xix. 22), nni hv2 (13), Tj^pn (14), \>>-^j}^ with a jiersonal object (14). ^ As p^^V bx (18-20, 22), |2p (20), nv^«yn (22). 'Ver. 14. 5 Vv. 2, 7f., 14, 17. « Hupfekl, Ka}ser, Delitzscli ^ [New Comment, on Genesis, vol. i. p. 393]. " Vv. 3, 8, 10. « Ch. xiii. 10 f. » Hgen. 233, 234] GENESIS XIV 31 by the words nDi ^ and c*D3,^ but the former is found also in ch. XV. 14, from R, and C'£: as a word for individuals of both sexes, free and slave, could hardly be avoided. As for in'3 ^Th\ it appears to be merely an explanatory gloss, and the use of t^iDD ''D^'N is evidence against him.^ Besides, it is not characteristic of A to enter into such fulness of detail unless the subject has a ceremonial or legal interest, and the literary style is very different from his writing. On the other hand, much may be said for ^'s authorship.^ Else- wdiere, also, his narratives are marked by the distinctive character of their contents and expressions. In ch. xxi. he tells of alliances with native princes, and in ch. xlviii. 22 mentions a warlike exploit of Jacob's against Sliechem. It is not impossible that he had other incidents of this char- acter which have been omitted by R as not serviceable for his purposes. In particular, while n"'^£) ^ and mo ^ are no evidence for him, the rare word '^'^v?'^'^ doubtless is, and certainly ncxn,^ which B'^ writes for the usual •'jyj::. The mention also of Adma and Seboyim,^^ compared with ch. xix., where C speaks only of Sodom and Gomorrah, is most easily explained on the supposition of i>'s authorship.^i The enumeration of primitive peoples, contained in ver. 8 f., re- minds us forcibly of Deut. ii. 10-12, 20, and these verses, we may suppose, were from one of i>'s sources. It is no objection to i/'s authorship that he elsewhere pictures Abram " as a Moslem and a prophet " ; ^^ did not Mohammed, too, on occasion wage war ? But it must be acknowledged that the passage in its present form cannot be attributed even to B, partly in view of the many explanatory additions, partly 1 Vv. 11 f., 16, 21. 2 Ver. 21. ^ See ch. xiii. 18. ^ Ewald, Bohiner, Sclirader, Kittel, Geschirhte, vol. i. p. 124 [History of the Hebrews, vol. i. p. 137]. ^ Ver. 13. c Knobel, Sclirader. '"Ver. 24; cf. ch. xli. 16. « Vv. 7, 13 (Num. xxi. 21 ; Josh. xxiv. 8, 12). ^ And D following him. 1^ See vol. i. p. 313, note 5, regarding ch. x. 19. " Cf. Hos. xi. 8. ^2 Wellhausen, JBDTh. xxi. 414. 32 GENESIS XIV [234 because of vv. 17-20, wliich can only have been written by a Judiean. Nor is it anywhere apparent that B knew of Abrani's residence in Mann-e. So the narrative must have been given its present shape by a later hand, by E or perhaps EK But, unless the narrative is fiction from beginning to end, there is no occasion for declaring it to be one of the latest parts of the Old Testament, and a product of recent Midrash writing.^ 2. The narrative, because assigned its place in the wider movement of international history, makes on the reader the impression that it is historical in a stricter sense than the other narratives regarding xibram. We have to ask whether and how far this impression remains on a more careful examination. The question has been very decidedly answered in the negative by many ,2 and the nar- rative declared to be an invention for the sake of Abram's o-lorification. We are told^ that contests with the in- habitants of the land were not thought sufficiently imposing for a picture of Abram in the character of a mighty warrior, so the most far-fetched names were sought out and intro- duced into it. In every other particular, also, the endeavour was made to preserve the appearance of antiquity. As a matter of fact, it is true that the narrative contains far too many definite names and statements to be an unsophisticated popular legend. If not based on actual fact, it must be the artificial construction of a writer of romance who has made use of material of an antiquarian character.^ E. Meyer,^ who adopts this view, believes that the Jew who wrote the piece got detailed information about the ancient history of Canaan in Babylon. But it has not yet been proved that we have 1 Kuenen, Onderzoel;- vol. i. p. 314; Wellhaiisen, Comyosition des Hexateuchs, p. 312 ; Vatke, ZPTh. xxviii. 157. - Not only by von Bolilen, but by Hit/ig, Ge-^clnchte, 4:4:i. and 20, by Noldeke in especial, Untersuchumien, 15611'., ZlVTh. 1870, p. 213 ff. ; also by Kuenen, ThT. v. 262 f., and Wellhausen, Comjiosition, p. 310 ff. ■" Noldeke. ^ So also Stade, ZATJF. vi. 323, and E. Meyer. ^ Geschichte des Alterthums, 1. § 136. 234, 235] GENESIS XIV 33 here an account which is actually impossible. In tlie first place, the four kings from the east, nowhere else mentioned either separately or together, and their campaign against tlie west must have an historical foundation. Several of the royal names have recently been brought into the light of history by the cuneiform inscriptions. It was already to be conjectured from ch. x, 22 that Elam was once a sovereign power, in part before Babel, and this is now confirmed l^y the monuments.^ We need no longer doubt that the Elamitic- Babylonian sphere of empire extended to Syria and as far as Egypt ; - even already the conjecture is gaining ground that the Hyksos invasion of Egypt had its origin in the same quarter.^ Equally, in later times, every power of any conse- quence in the district of the Euphrates-Tigris basin sought to extend itself to the west. It is clear from the narrative itself that the campaign of Gen. xiv., also, was not a mere plunderhig expedition, but was undertaken to maintain an overlordship previously established in the west. This makes it all the more credible that the memory of what occurred should be preserved in the west for a length of time. As late as about the year 1400 B.C. there were still, we know,* people in Canaan masters of the Babylonian language and its written character. In Num. xiii. 22, also, another fragment of ancient political history has been preserved (comp. also Judg. iii. 8). The exclusively religious purpose of the biblical writings explains why more of a similar character has not been preserved. But although the setting of the narrative cannot be seriously called in question, when these facts are considered, it is not itself thereby guarded from all objection. Because of Abram's being introduced in ver. 13 as '•layn, Ewald ^ Regarding the Elamite invasion and dynasty in Babylon, see Meyer, § 135 ff. ; Miirdter-Delitzsch, Bahyl.-Assyr. Geschichte,^ p. 82 f. 2 Regarding Kudur-Mabug, ruler of the west, see note on "iDyi^mZr ver. 1. 3 Naville, Buhastis, London, 1891, pp. 16-29 ; Meyer, §§ 109, 137. * From the Tell-Aniarna letters. DILLMANN. II. ^ 34 GENESIS XIV [235 regarded the whole narrative as taken from an ancient forei2:n source, and believed himself entitled to find in it a proof of Abram's actual historical existence.^ But now it is because of this very mention of Abram and of the kings of the Pentapolis that the impugners of the narrative regard the whole as a romance. In truth, it must be admitted to be possible that the original account spoke only of the successful part played by the Hebrews of the country in tlie contest with the eastern kings, and that everything else is due to an interweaving of new materials and amplification of the old on the part of the Israelite narrator or narrators. Proof one way or another is impossible. At the same time, the objections which have been advanced are little to the point. The course of the campaign as described in vv. 5-9 is not out of harmony with its intention, nor in itself absurd. There is no attempt to represent the battle in the valley of Siddim as a great international contest.^ It is in no way surprising that the author is silent regarding operations against the Canaanites proper, for it was not part of his purpose to enter on their relations with the eastern kings. Xor is it even in itself incredible that Abram, having com- bined his forces and those of his allies, rescued a part of the captives and of the booty from the victorious army on its way home. It is nowhere said that he overcame in open battle the united army of the four kings, still less does the narrative display the intention of glorifying him as a great hero in war ; in ver. 1 5 f. the successful exploit is recorded without a single word of ostentatious parade. On the contrary, the narrative has its whole point in Abram's self- sacrificing friendship for Lot and in the restoration of the captives, and not in an empty boast of warlike fame. The whole campaign is narrated, not for its own sake, but only 1 Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. pp. 80, 431 f., 440 ff. [History of Israel, vol. i. pp. 52, 301, 307 fF.]; similarly Kittel, Geschichte, 1. 158 ff. [History of the Hebrews, vol. i. p. 175]. 2 " Vdlkerschlacht," Noldeke. 235, 23(1] GENESIS XIV. 1 35 in so far as it contributes to an understanding of Abram's deed of rescue, and there is no pretension of completeness about the story. Even if the four names of the kings of the cities in the plain of Siddim are an addition supplied by the fancy of later writers, the tradition of war between the eastern kings and those of the Pentapolis may yet be well based — assuming that we do not regard the existence of the cities tliemselves as also a fiction. Nor is it of importance if Mamre, Eshkol, and 'Aner were originally place names,^ for it makes no difference whether Mamre or the lord of Mamre assisted Abram. The account regarding Melchisedek we may suppose to have been introduced only by the latest redactor, but, even then, only with the justification of tradi- tion for this new " figure " ; nothing compels us to assume that he is an independent invention of the redactor's own. Literature on ch. xiv. : Krahmer in Illgen's Zeitschrift far historische Theolofjie, vii. 4, pp. 87-106 ; Tuch in ZDMG. i. 161—194; Noldeke, Untcrsuchungen zur Kritik des Altcii Testaments (Grotefend in ZDMG. viii. 800 ff.); Rosch in St. Kr. 1885, p. o21ff. ; Haluvy, Rechcrches BiUiques, x. 247-263 {REJ. xv. 161 ff.). Vv. 1-12. The war which resulted in Lot's captivity. Yer. 1 f. belong together, inasmuch as the principal sen- tence to which the temporal clause of ver. 1 is subordinate, comes only in ver. 2. 'P"*^ is not to be emended into ^0'3 D^as,^ nor are the first and second names alone,^ for instance, to be subordinated to the construct, but the whole four. Still the subject of ib'y is only to be found in the names of these four kings ; conip. in ch. ix. 6 the subject of 7\t'V-^ -)y:tj' — see notes on x. 10 and xi. 2. For all the names of ver. 1 comp. also Schrader.-^ 1 Koldeke. - Clericus, Ewald, Composition der Genesis, p. 220, Olsliauseii ; against this Hitzig, Begriff der Kritik, p. 149. ^ Sept. ; see, on the other liand, vv. 5 and 9. "* Ewald, Syntax, § 3036. ^ SBAJV. 1887, pp. 600-G05, in wliich lie corrects KAT.'- 130 ff. [Cuneiform Inscriptions, vol. i. p. 120 ff.]. 36 GENESIS XIV. 1 [236 7DT0X — Sept. 'AfiapcfjciX, now identified by Schrader ^ with the great Babylonian king Hammurabi, circa 2100 B.C., it being assumed that the text is corrupted from an original ^2ir^N\ Hammurabi reigned fifty-five years, put an end to the dominant power of Elam and of the various princedoms in Babylonia itself, and created the united kingdom with Babel as its capital,- thougli at first for a time obliged to tolerate the rival existence of Eriaku of Larsaw and others. -iD^x — is not the I'^^Jji of Isa. xxxvii. 12,^ still less Bontus ; ^ nor is it Artemita, which was also called XaXdaap,^ and was situated in the south of Assyria ^ to the north of Babylonia,' for in Syriac that is written "iDi'in ; ^ just as little can it be the old imperial capital of Assyria, Asshur = KaFah Shirgat.^ With more probability it is now identified ^^ with the old Babylonian city of Larsam or Larsaw, south- east of Uruk, the ruins of which are found in the modern Senkereh.^^ The easing of pronunciation in the Hebrew combination of sounds, loh from D'h,^'^ is explicable ; Halevy ^^ believes, besides, that he has discovered that the original form of La-arsa was EUa-arsa. 'n^^'j^* — known from Dan. ii. 14 as a personal name. It is now believed that the name Ariokh, and indeed the actual individual, has been found in the inscriptions ^^ in the person ^ Op. cit. p. 603 ff. (Halevy, x. 254 f.). 2 Tiele, Geschichte, p. 124 ff. ; Murdter-Delitzsch, Gesch. Babylon, u. Assijr. p. 85 tf. ^ Jerusalem Targum. ^ Synimaclius, Vulgate. ^ According to Isidorus Characenus (in Geographi mijwres, ed. Miiller, p. 251). ^ Ptolemy, vi. 1. 6 ; Strabo, xvi. 1. 17. " Kiiobel. « Noldeke, op. cit. p. 160. '•> Sayce, SEAT. ii. 1873, p. 244. ^° H. Rawlinson, Norris, Lenormant, Schrader in Rielim's Hand- ivorterbuch, p. 1495, and in KAT.^ p. 135 f. [Cuneiform Inscriptions, i. p. 121] ; Delitzsch, Paradies, p. 224. ^1 Loftus, Travels, p. 244 ff. ^2 Lenormant, La langue primitive de la Chaldee, p. 377 ff. 13 Op. cit. p. 253. 1^ Lenormant, op. cit. p. 377 ff. ; Oppert, J A. vii. 5, p. 277 f. ; Schrader, KAT.- 135 [Cuneiform Inscriptions, vol. i. p. 120 f.] ; Delitzsch, Paradies, p. 224. 23G, 237] GENESIS XIV. I 37 of Eri-aku or liiw-akii, i.e. servant of the moon god, vassal king of Larsani under his father Kudur-Mabug, king of Elani, and himself the last king of Larsa. The objections of Tiele^ and others to the accuracy of the reading Eiw-aku, have been met ^ by the help of fresh discoveries. DVy — see note on ch. x. 22. "'PV/i^s — Sept. XoBoWoyo/jLop. From the cuneiform in- scriptions we are now acquainted with several compound names of early Elamite kings in which Kudur is one element, and also with an Elamite deity Lagamar.^ It is also related in the inscriptions of Asshurbanipal that he brought back from Susa to Babylon the statue of a god which had been carried off by the Elamite king Kudur-Nahundi 1635 years before his time ; and in Mugheir, bricks have been found due to a king Kudur-Mabug who calls himself adda-martu, ruler of tlie west country, Canaan.* ^yj^ — Sept. &apjdX, as yet unknown. D'^3 — iOvwv, meaningless as a nomcn appelativum with- out further qualification, and not to be identified with Galilee ^ nor Pamphylia,^ nor D^ian ^^^« of Gen. x. 5 ; ^ it must be a proper name though the reading may be corrupt. It has been conjectured ^ that we here find the Guti or Kuti, a powerful people often mentioned in the inscriptions.^ They inhabited the country between the Zab and the Diyala (Gyndes), were the northern neighbours of the Kossseans, and are perhaps the VSp of Ezek. xxiii. 23.^^ The principle followed in the arrangement of the names is not obvious, in ver. 9 it is different ; Delitzsch supposes it 1 GescMchte, p. 124. 2 By Schrader, op. cit. p. 601 f. ; Fried. Delitzscli in excursus to Delitzsch,^ p. 539 ff. [not translated in Nev' Commentanj]. ^ A goddess according to Jensen, WZKM. vi. p. 64. ^Schrader in Rielini's Hamhcdrterbmh, p. 819; KAT.- p. 13G f. [Cuneiform Inscriptions, vol. i. p. 121 f.]. ^ Josh. xii. 23 ; Matt. iv. 15 (Glericus, Rosenmiiller). ^ Symmaclius. ^ Gesenius, Noldeke. ^ H. Eawlinson. 9 Schrader, KGF. pp. 258, 271, 294, 451, 473. ^0 Delitzsch, Paradies, p. 223 ff. 38 GENESIS XIV. 2 ['237 to be alphabetical. From what follows it is clear that Kedorlaomer was the leader in the group of kings. Comp. also passages like Josh. x. 3, 5, 23.^ Ver. 2. These kings waged war^ with the kings of the five cities. The expedition, as we learn from ver. 5 fC., was not directed against them alone, but the war with them was to be the chief theme of the narrative, in accordance with the author's aims. " The five cities ^ seem to have formed a confederation. The first four ^ afterwards perished,^ but not so Bela', i.e. So'ar. Those in the first rank were Sodom and Gomorrah, which are elsewhere always mentioned by themselves, as they are here in ver. 10 f. To judge from the situation of So'ar ^ and of Sodom ,'^ the cities occupied the position of what is now the southern part of the Dead Sea. For further particulars see ch. xix. 22."^ It may be noted that the inhabitants are nowhere called Canaanites, and that their territory is not reckoned part of the land of Canaan.^ The position of affairs, in which each of those towns had its own king, is precisely as it is found later, in the time of Joshua. De Saulcy ^^ imagined that he had discovered ruins of the five cities still by the Dead Sea ; others wish to recognise in the names DID and 7r\'0V a description of their fate,^^ and thus prove the names fictitious. Jewish humour ^^ caught the sound of the words Vl and V^_ in the names of the first two kings ; and seeing that ? is not elsewhere used in the formation of personal names, Tuch has conjectured a contrac- tion from VT^, yc'Vl^ (similarly Halevy ^^ from n ^3X, ^3^? 1 Knobel. 2 JqsIi. xi. 18. ^ Pentapolis, Wisd. x. 6. * Ch. X. 19. 5 Deut. xxix. 22, cf. Hos. xi. 8. ^ See ch. xix. 22. " See cli. xiii. 12. ^ Knobel. ^ According to ch. xiii. 12. ^^ Revue Archeologiqne, nouv. serie, xxx. 295 ff. ^^ Gesenius, Thesaurus; Hitzig, Gesch-ichte, p. 25, in all four, siibmerged, overu-Jielmed, destroyed, sivalloiced by the earth, with Arabic as the alleged authority. ^- Jerusalem Targum, Bereshith Rabba. ^^ RE J. X. 1885, p. 3. 237, 238] GENESIS XIV. 3-5 FF. 39 V^'"}). Hitzig gave his help to the cause by the discovery of the meanings " serpent- tooth " and " scorpion-venom " in the other two. But the Septuagint has BaXXa (BaXuK) for yin and Xevaap (Samaritan IXJC^) for 3xrJ', and pronounces "inxJOL'S Xvfiopop (Peshitta ;-»]lQ-»). When the tradition is so uncertain an interpretation of the names from Hebrew roots is, to say the least, a doubtful proceeding. Conversely, the Samaritan reading nnsDD' for "i3XD*c^ is evidence that the thirst for interpretation made early attempts on the names. See further regarding the first two names, e.g. Gesenius, Thesaurus. V?^ — only here. The name of its king is entirely wanting, it can hardly have merely fallen out of the text. Yer. 3. All these, four, allied themselves, i.e. marched in confederacy against ^ the valley of Siddim, i.e. the valley of the level fields,- ivhich is the Salt Sea, i.e. against the district where the enemies' towns lay, and where afterwards, it is supposed,^ the Dead Sea (its southern part) came to be. Speaking generally, the valley of Siddim is here used to describe the same tract of country as that named -)33 or 133 pTH in ch. xiii. Yer. 4. " The cause of hostilities w^as that the kings of Siddim, who had paid tribute for twelve years, refused in the thirteenth year to do so any longer. This is the meaning given by the Hebrew."* -no — " only found elsewhere in the Hexateuch in Num. xiv. 9 ; Josh. xxii. 16, 18 f., 29." ^ '}) C'i?cn — see note on ch. xv. 16;*^ the Samaritan, more correctly,^ has c6tJbl. Yer. 5 ff. At once, in the year following, Kedorlaomer appeared with the other kings. They subdued, one after ^ Ewald, Syntax, § 282('. 2 Acpiila, Onkelos, Samaritan, Saadia ; but the Septuagint lias rrrj (pctpotyycc rvi'j u'Kvk'/iv, and Hitzig parallels D''nc^ with Arabic sadhcim, salt. •^ See note under ch. xix. 28. * As in 2 Kings xviii. 7, xxiv. 1, 20, etc. ^ Knobel. 6 Ewald, Syntax, §§ 287/;, 300a. ^ Olshausen, Nokleke. 40 GENESIS XIV. 5FF. [238 another, the people dwelling in the country east of Jordan, in Se'ir, and in the desert, which fact makes it clear that the campaign was not directed against the Pentapolis alone. " They came, without doubt, by the usual road, up through the countries bordering on the Euphrates,^ till they reached Syria. From this point, which was that to which they afterwards directed their backward march (ver. 1 4 f.), they moved southwards, and attacked tlie rebels as they came to them, first the Eephaim in Bashan, the north of the Trans- jordan country, and then the Zuzim and the Emim, who lived farther south." ^ These peoples, all three, belong to the primitive inhabitants of the country. Eephaim, or sons of Eapha, i.e. giants, men of the heroic age, was both the general name of the primitive giant population which occupied the land west ^ and east ^ of the Jordan, and the special name for the giants of Bashan.^ ^.T.i? rhn^^v — only here. The Vatican Septuagint, how- ever, has ^Aarapcod koX Kapvatv, which is perhaps the original.^ In that case, 'Ashtaroth was one of the principal cities of Bashan, Og's royal residence,'' and only six Eoman miles,^ over two hours, distant from Edrei.*^ The spot has been found, once more, in Tell 'Ashtere, two and a half hours from Nawa, and almost between Nawa and M'zarib ; it lies on a hill in the midst of a plain rich in pasture ground, is well supplied with water, and has extensive ruins.^^ Con- trary to this usual assumption,^^ Wetzstein i- looked for it in Bosra, the capital of the Hauran,^^ but the view has been 1 Strabo, xvi. 1. 27. 2 Knobel. ^ Josh. xvii. 15 ; 2 Sam. xxi. 16 ; Gen. xv. 20 ; Isa. xvii. 5. ^ Deut. ii. 11, 20. 5 j^eut. iii. 11, 13 ; Josli. xiii. 12. ^' Kiieiien, Bulil in ZBPV. xiii. 42 f., and Kasteren, ihid. 213. ^ Deut. i. 4; Josh. ix. 10, xii. 4, xiii. 12, 31. « Onomasticon. 9 See Com. Num. xxi. 33 [Dilhn.]. 10 Ritter, ErdJcunde, xv. 819 fF. (Knobel). 11 Baedeker, Palastiiia,^ p. 303. 12 Haurdn, p. 108 ff. ^3 So, too, Arnold in Herzog, Real-Encydopfcdie, xiv. 728 f., and Miihlau in Riehm, Handivorterhuch, p. 115. 238,239] GENESIS XIV. 5 FF. 41 already refuted by Noldeke.^ Kabbath 'Ammon - has no claim at all. — Karnaim by itself is not mentioned in the Old Testament, but, no doubt, in 1 Mace. v. 43 f.* We may think of it as being in the neighbourhood of 'Ashteroth, in such a way that 'Ashteroth Karnaim might be conceived of as a double city, or as 'Ashteroth beside Karnaim. D\nT — presumably the same as the giants in the land of 'Amnion of later date, named by the Ammonites D'^^J^t.^ " The name is recalled by Zl^a,^ a place which held a Roman garrison,^ in the Middle Ages Ziza, between Bosra and Lejun,"^ one stage distant from 'Amman,^ and stiir^ in existence." ^^ Dn2 — by the versions for the most part vocalised QJ??, " amooig or with them " ; better in Ham, a place otherwise unknown. It was perhaps the ancient name of the Ammonite capital, Rabbath 'Ammon.^^ D''p^x — properly " the terrible ones," though it is to be remembered that the Septuagint here and in Deuteronomy has 'Ofi/jLaloL, 'Ofifilp. They were farther south, and their name is that of the original inhabitants of the land of Moab,^^ ^yj^o before Moses' time extended also north of the Arnon.^^ It is there we have to look for the lolain (p)}^^^ only again in ver. 17) of Kiryathaim. The town, at one time Eeubenite,^^ at another Moabite,^^ lay, according to the Onomasticon (Kapiadaelfi, Kapidda), 10 Eoman miles (south) west of Medaba. The modern name of the ruins is Kareyat ; ^^ they lie somewhat south-west of Makaur (Maclutrus) and south of Jebel 'Attarus. 1 ZDMG. xxix. 431. 2 Schenkel, Bibellexicon, i. 279. 3 Cf. Carnea in Lagarde, Onomastica Sacra,^ 108. 18, and Carneas in Sylvice peregrination ed. Gamuriini, p. 57. * Dent. ii. 20. ^ Ptolemy, v. 17. 6. ^ Notitia digiiitatum, i. 81 f. ^ Ibn Battita, i. 255 ; Mardsid, Lex. georj. (ed. Juynboll), i. 526. ^ Abulfida, Tabula Syrur, ed. Kohler, ]). 91. ^ Robinson, Palastina, iii. 923. [In Eng. map.] i" Knobel. 11 Tuch. ^2 Deut. ii. 10 f. 13 Num. xxi. 26. 1* Not pyramid^ Hitzig, Geschichte, p. 36. 15 ]s[^^u^ xxxii. 37 ; Josh. xiii. 19. i^' Jer. xlviii. 23 ; Ezek. xxv. 9. 1^ Seetzen, Burckliardt, Baedeker. 42 GENESIS XIV. G, 7 [239 Against Knobel's identification of the city with et-Teim or et-Tuaime, half an hour west of Meclaba, see Dietrich.^ Ver. G. Advancing farther through the country south of Anion tliey came on the Horini, the primitive inliabitants of Edomitis,- the hill country between the Dead Sea and the Elanitic gulf, and defeated them upon this their mountain land ^ Seir as far as El Paran, ivhich is at (the entrance to) the desert, i.e. as far as Elath or Aila on the east side of the desert of Paran,* at which point anyone approaching from the east reached that desert. ^'5^ — not plain,^ but, like ^^^, a large tree or large trees (? palms, see ch. xii. 6). The word became the name of the well-known harbour situated on the Elanitic gulf. It is known in the Old Testament as n^s»,« n^>;/ ^nd rcb'^ ; s the Septuagint in Deut. has further Al\(ov, which points to a form f^^^^ ; in the classical authors it is called AtXava, "EXava, Aelana, names which follow the Aramaic 1^^!^, '^f^'^, tree. These shortened designations are, doubtless, later forms of the fuller name I'^i<2"?^5<. Istachri ^ mentions palms in the neighbourhood of Aila, and the modern 'Akaba is surrounded by extensive woods of date palm.^*^ At every period of history the place was counted of great importance, and the possession of it was much contested from the earliest times.^^ Yer. 7. Here the kings ceased their march south, turning first to the west and then to the north. They thus reached 'Ain Mishpat, or Kadesh, which is the Ivadesh mentioned in 1 In Merx' Archiv, i. 337 f. 2 Ch. XXX vi. 20 ff. ; Deut. ii. 12, 22. ^ Ewald, § 22')h ; Init KSaniar. and Sept. have mni- ■♦ See Num. x. 12. ^ Targums, Jerome, Samaritan, Luther, also in cli. xii. 6. ^ Ch. xxxvi. 41. ' Deut. ii. 8 ; 2 Kings xiv. 22, xvi. 6. ^ 1 Kings ix. 26 ; 2 Kings xvi. G. ^ Edit. Mordtmann, p. 19. ^^ Burckhardt [Syria, p. 509], Germ. tr. p. 828 ; Riippell, Nuhien, p. 248 ; Robinson [Palestine,^ i. 171 f.], Germ. tr. i. 268 f. i» Tuch, Knobel. 239, 240] GENESIS XIV. 7 43 clis. xvi. 14 and xx. 1, and frequently in tlie history of Moses, where it is also called Kadesh Barnea'. It is here given the name Well of decision, so that it was a place with a spring of water, where decisions were given to those who soufdit advice or were at variance. It was, without doubt, o tlie seat of an ancient oracle or sanctuary, of which the name Kadesh is also a confirmation, as well as being the point of meeting of important commercial higliways. Its situation was long undetermined. Eobinson's opinion, that it was to be looked for in 'Ain el Weibeh, near the 'Aralja, about 30° 42' north latitude, may be regarded as now disposed of. Kadus also, about eleven kilometres north of the hill of Madara, in the neighbourhood of the Wadi el Yemen, a day's journey from Hebron,^ is too far north, and suits neither Gen. xvi. 14 nor the passages in the history of Moses. It is best looked for ^ on the western slope of the plateau of 'Azazimeh (Machra), and identified with the modern 'Ain Kudes, the source of the Wadi Kudes, which, after a course of four hours, joins the Wadi esh-Sheraif. Trumbull,^ after personal inspection, has given a full descrip- tion of the spot.* Eegarding ^\P., the name given in the Targums, see Tuch.^ All the open country of'Amaleh — the meaning is not the land of Amalek later so called,^ as if the ancient people of the Amalekites was not then in existence,^ but the Amalekites in the whole extent of the settlements then occupied by them,^ in the Negeb and as far as Egypt.^ Hasason-Tamar — according to 2 Chron. xx. 2, 'Aingedi 1 AVetzstein in Dehtzscli,* after el Mukaddasi (ed. Goeje, p. 192), Keil. - Rawlinson, E. H. Palmer, The Desert of the Exodus, 1871, p. 517 (Germ. tr. p. 269) ; Palestine Explor. Fund, 1871, Jan., p. 20 ff.; Knobel on Josh. XV. 3. •" Kadesh Barnea, New York, 1884. 4 See ZDPV. viii. 18411'., 210 f., 326. ^ ZDMG. i. 179 ; also Comm. on Num. xxxiv. 4 [Dilliuann]. '• Hengstenberg, Beitriifje, ii. 305 ; Keil. 7 See Gen. xxxvi. 12. "^ Num. xiii. 29, xiv. 43, 45. 3 1 Sam. xxvii. 8 (cf. Ex. xvii. 8 ff. ; Diuit. xxv. 1711'.). 44 GENESIS XIV. 8-10 [240 on the west side of the Dead Sea, a place abounding in pahns.^ Knobel, on the other hand, on the ground that 'Aingedi lies too far north, would understand D^Dnn Ty^ or ">^J^ on the south-eastern border of the Holy Land,^ identical with ©afiapo), some distance south-west of the Dead Sea,* on the road from Hebron to Aila, and occupied by troops in Eoman times,^ the modern Kurnub.^ He is correct in say- ing that the Amorites were found as far south as this place.^ Ver. 8 f. The kings of the Pentapolis now advanced to meet and engage the enemy. Four kings with the five, an incomplete sentence in which the subject is changed. The author intends to suggest that here the conquerors were met by a force which at least fairly matched their own. But it may originally have been merely a marginal note. Ver. 10. The valley of Siddim, where the battle took place, was wells, wells of bitumen, i.e. full of them, and these proved the ruin of the fugitives, for they fell into them. For the construct repeated to denote distribution, see Ewald ^ and Gesenius.^ According to the statement here, the mineral pitch still welled up from the ground in many parts of the valley, and that from cavities of considerable depth. " The account is confirmed by the quantity of bitumen found in the Dead Sea. According to the reports of the Arabs, it issues in especial from a steep wall of rock on the east side of the sea almost opposite to 'Aingedi, falls into the sea in a solidified state, and is thrown up by it on its western shore.^^ But there must also be considerable deposits at the bottom of the lake, which detach 1 Pliny, V. § 73. 2 j^^^g. i. 16. 3 Ezek. xlvii. 19, xlviii. 29. ^ Ptolemy, v. 16. 8 ; Tabula Pentinger, ixe. ^ Onoiiiasticon, sub ' Aaccauv Q^x/aecp. ^ Robinson, Palestine,^ vol. ii. p. 202 ; see also Wetzstein in Delitzscli,* p. 581 f. 7 Deut. i. 44 ; Judg. i. 36. « Syntax, §§ 313a, 289c. » 130. 5. ^^ Burckhardt [Sijria, p. 394], Germ. tr. p. 664 ; Seetzen, Reisen, ii. 218, 227 ; Robinson [Palestme, i. 517], Germ. tr. ii. 463 ; Russegger, Reisen^ iii. 253. 240, 241] GENESIS XIV. 11 F. 45 tliemselves when an eartliquake occurs,^ and then float in hunps on the surface of tlie waves.- Ancient writers also re})ort that the lake casts out quantities of bitumen.^ It is found at different points on the shores, especially on its southern bank."* Masses of large size are found only after violent earthquakes, and then only in the southern portion of the lake,^ and so in the situation which was occupied by the valley of Siddim. Eeaders may also be reminded of the expanse of black slime or salty morass at the south end of the lake, into which one may sink deeply,^ and where at times many beasts of burden and cattle are lost.^ See further on ch. xix. 28." § Both the leading kings took to flight, but must have saved themselves by so doing, at least the king of Sodom did so, as we see from ver. 17. Consequently, we have to understand as subject to n^^ "ifj^^l, rather their people than themselves. — mcyi is to be read niDV i?^), as by the Septuagint and Samaritan. . ^"^^ — to the mountains^ doubtless those of Moab,^^ seeino- TV ' ' O the enemy made their attack from the west. Ver. 1 1 f. " The enemy plundered the conquered towns, carried off with them the provisions and property they con- tained, and, as we see from vv. 16 and 21, prisoners also, amongst them Lot from Sodom." ^^ TOwS — Halevy ^^ wishes to emend into D^^^**. It is true, we miss any mention of the captives such as is found in vv. 16 and 21, but in vv. 10, 12, and 14 (cf. ver. 24), also, the narriitive is not very precise in its statements. 1 Kobinson, vol. iii. p. 191 (Germ. iii. 1G8) ; Russegger, p. 254. 2 Josephus, Jewish JFars, iv. 8. 4. 3 Strabo, xvi. 2. 42 ; Diodoriis Siculus, ii. 48, xix. 98 ; Pliny, vii. § 65. * Seetzen, Reisen, i. 417 ; Lynch, Exi)edition to the Dead Sea and the Jordan, 1850, pp. 303, 306, 309, 319 (Germ. 183, 187, 191, 201). ^ Robinson, Palestine,yol. i. p. 518, vol. ii. p. 189 (Germ, ii.464 f.,iii. 164). ^ Roljinson, ojj. cit. ii. pp. 112, 115 (Germ. iii. 30) ; Lynch, op. cit. p. 309 f. ^ Roth in Petermann, Geographische Mitfheilungen, 1858, p. 258. 8 Knobel. '•> Ewald, § 216f. I'J Ch. xix. 20. 11 Vv. 12, 13, ch. xix. 1. Knobel. ^- Becherches Bibliques, x. 248. 46 GENESIS XIV. 13, 14 [241 Dins T.s-p — we expect these words rather after tDii5, as in the Septuagint, but a consideration of ver. 13 shows that they are merely a gloss.^ ".^ j^^ni — is also an awkward and halting addition. Vv. 13-24. Abram's deed of rescue, and the acknow- ledeiment made to him. Ver. 13. Abram, in the grove of Mamre,^ received news of the disaster. The cscaiiccl one, who always appears in such a case,^ D'^^D also in Josh. viii. 22 and Num. xxi. 29. >-,3yn — epithet applied to Aljram, who is here mentioned for the first time in the chapter (see note on ver. 12). Else- where the Israelites are named Hebrews only by foreigners, or in antithesis to them.* For the conjectured reason of its use here, see p. 33f. Regarding the word nny, see ch. xi. 16. snpp — in A the old name of Hebron, or of a part of it,^ appears here as a chief or prince. ^'^C'n*, too, occurs as the proper name of a place near Hebron in Num. xiii. 23. hn^ "^DD'S, " the brook of the vine clusters." See further on ch. xxiii. 20. "The Amorites of this district*^ \\qvq j^^ssessors'^ of Ahrams covenant, i.e. allied with him, and so bound to stand by him in case of need, as they actually did (ver. 24). Tlie patriarchs had similar treaties with others." '^ -i3y — Septuagint Avvav, Samaritan D"i:y, both here and in ver. 24. See Eosenmiiller ^ regarding a mountain summit, Ne'ir, beside Hebron. Ver. 14. Abram involved himself in the contest for the sake of his hrothcr, i.e. relative, cousin ,^'^ and he e^njHied out his men, as arrows from the quiver or a sword from its 1 Olshausen. - Ch. xiii. 18. 3 2 Sain. XV. 13 ; Ezek. xxiv. 26 f.; Ewald, Syntax, § 277a ; Geseniiis,-^ 126. 4. * Eg. 1 Sam. xiii. 3, 7, xiv. 21. ^ See ch. xxiii. 2. « Cf. ver. 7. ^ Chs. xxxvii. 19, xlix. 23. 8 Chs. xxi. 22 ff., xxvi. 28 ff., xxxviii. 12. Knobel. 9 ZDMG. xii. 479. ^" Cf. ver. 16 and ch. xiii. 8. 241. 242] GENESIS XIV. 15 F -17 47 scabbard,^ i.e. marched them out in liaste and in force. Tlic Samaritan, however, has pyX '^^^^^ the Septuagint 7)pL6/jL7]a€, mustered.^ V^'^pn — his lyrovcd or tried men, comp. Arabic hanih\ others render less well, " his trained warriors." The word is explained by those horn in his house, ^ i.e. the slaves born and brought up in his household, contrasted with those who had been purchased ; as such they were regarded as specially attached and trustworthy. The fact that 318 fighting men were immediately at his disposal, is proof that Abram was a chieftain of consequence ; ver. 24, how^ever, shows that he was assisted by his allies. Warlike exploits of the patriarchs are also recorded in chs. xxxiv. 25, xlix. 5 f., xlviii. 22. To Dan — " to Laish on the north-eastern border of Canaan ; it received the name Dan in the time of the Judges,* and is here so named proleptically." ^ Ver. 1 5 f. " Abram divided himself against them by night, i.e. divided his men into bands, which fell on the enemy by night from different directions. The same manoeuvre occurs in Job i. 17; 1 Sam. xi. 11. The captured men and pro- perty he recovered from the enemy and brought back. nnin — to the left, i.e. north of Damascus. Eusebius and Jerome ^ mention a Hoba as a place where in their day Ebionites lived, and von Troilo'' names a village of Hoba about a mile north of Damascus." ^ But this is unsuitable, because too near Damascus : and Wetzstein ^ points to a more likely place, a Hoba twenty hours north of Damascus, west of Karyetain.^^ Ver. 17. "The king of Sodom advanced to the valley of Shaweh, or the kings valley, to meet Abram on his return from 1 Ex. XV. 9 ; Lev. xxvi. 33 ; Ps. xxxv. 3. 2 See Geseniiis, Thesaurus, 330. 3 So chs. xvii. 12 f., xxiii. 27 ; Lev. xxii. 11, from A. * Josh. xix. 47 ; Judg. xviii. 29. ^ Knobel. ^ In the Onomasticon. ^ Ileiseheschreihumj^ p. 684. ^ Knobel. ^ In Delitzsch, Genesis,* p. 561 ff. ^^ For tliis place see Sachau, lleisen, p. 28 ff. 48 GENESIS XIV. 18 [242 the encounter, to congratulate him and to receive from him the rescued captives. This valley of the king is mentioned again in 2 Sam. xviii. 18 as the place where the childless Absalom erected a monument." ^ It follows that nvf P»y is not identical with the D^nnp n^c* of ver. 5,^ partly from the appended explanation, which implies that it is not already known from what precedes, and partly from ver. 18, which shows that Salem must have lain in its neighbourhood. The king's valley (pDV), accordingly, being mentioned nowhere else, is usually assigned to the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, because of a statement of Josephus^ that Absalom's monu- ment stood about two stadia from Jerusalem. We cannot, however, straightway take it to be the valley of the Kidron,* which was a hn: ; it remains a matter of surprise that, if so near Jerusalem, it should be nowhere else mentioned, and we do not know on w^hat authority Josephus made his statement. At the same time, there is little probability in the assertion that because Absalom's personal estate was situated in Ba'al Hasor,^ we should look for it there on his own property.^ Yer. 18. To this place Melchisedek, king of Salem, and at the same time priest of the Most High God, brought out provisions for Abram and his men. nh^ — most ancient and modern expositors, beginning with Josephus,"^ understand this of Jerusalem ; " others, however, of ^aXel/jL, in the neighbourhood of which, according to John iii. 23, John baptized,^ and which, according to Eusebius and Jerome,^ lay eight Koman miles south of Skythopolis ; ^^ 1 Knobel. ^ Rodiger in Gesenius, Thesaurus ; Hitzig. 3 Antiquities, vii. 10. 3. * Knobel, Thenius (on 2 Sam. xviii.), Delitzscli, Rielim, Handioorter- buch, p. 844. 5 2 Sam. xiii. 23. ^' Tucli, Winer, Ewald. 7 Antiquities, i. 10. 2. They include Knobel, Delitzscli, Keil ; also the Targums (Jerome, Qucestiones), Ibn Ezra, Kimchi, etc. 8 But see Eiehm, Handworterhuch, p. 32 f. [Dillmann]. ^ In the Onomasticon, sub Aivat/. 10 Jerome, Epistolce Ixxxiii. 7, ad Evangel i^resbyt. ; Reland, Robinson, 242, 243] GENESIS XIV. 18 49 see now also the pilgrimage of Silvia.^ No decision can be come to by the help of nvj' pny, which is itself unknown, nor in view of the words invj' nns% which can only mean after lie had turned hack, and not after he had returned to Manire, which translation would leave the words (nvj' pDy~7S) insipt' nsv quite out of place. Jerome says, Salem 7ion, ut Josephus et nostri omnes arhitrantur, est Jerusalem, seel oppidum jitxta Seythojiolim, qua) usque hodie appelatur Salem et ostenditur ihi palatium Melehizedeeh. This Salem, with the situation of which the av\(ov ^a\i]fi of Judith iv. 4 would agree very well, need not be thought too far north, seeing that the king of Sodom could, after all, cover the much greater extent of ground in- volved, while Abram w^as leisurely returning laden with the booty. Nor would it be out of the natural line of march, seeing that the 'Araba had to be traversed, we must suppose, in the neighbourhood of Beth Shean (Skythopolis). On the other side, it is no special recommendation in favour of Jerusalem that it is called Salem only in a (late) poem, Ps. Ixxvi. 3, while elsewhere in the Old Testament, the passages being in prose, Yebusi (Yebus) always appears as the older name of Jerusalem. Still, as early as about 1400 B.C., the name Urusalim is attested by the Tell Amarna letters as the name of the city,- and other considerations tell in its favour. In Josh. x. 1 a king of Jerusalem has the name i'''3 """^'^'^ ' which is a compound similar to piV"^3p??. We are not, however, to lay any special stress on this fact, seeing it is now maintained that pnv "'nx is due to a late alteration of the Septuagint reading pra ^:"ix (cf. Judg. i. 5).^ But the com- parison between David and Melchisedek in Ps. ex. 4 appears to have more force if the latter were king in the same city as the former, and vv. 18-20 have surely quite clearly their Bleek, Tuch, Ewald, Geschichte, i. 441, 470 [History of Israel, vol. i. pp. 307,332]. Knobel. 1 Gamurrini,! p. 58 ff. - ZDPV. xiii. 138 f. 3 Wellhausen, Budde, BUcher Richter u. Samuel, 1890, p. G3 ff.; on the other side, see Kittel, Geschichte, i. 277 f. [History of the Hebreics, vol. i. p. 307]. DILLMANN. IT. A 50 GENESIS XIV. 19 F. [243 whole point in the effort to represent Jerusalem as a primitive seat of pure religion, and as a place to which Abram also paid tithes (as Jacob did to Bethel ^). So we have, after all, to decide in favour of Jerusalem, with the assumption that the rare name nh^ has been purposely chosen to secure a covert allusion,' just as the name Moriah in ch. xxii. 2. pDi'^Jpr^ — perhaps " my king is Sidik (name of a deity)." ^ He is designated priest of El 'Elyon, whom Abram, as we see from ver. 22, could in a general way acknowledge as his god. This agrees very well with the findings of the history of rehgions. There is abundant evidence for the name El or II as the oldest proper name of deity among the Baby- lonians, Assyrians, Phoenicians, and Sabeans. Seeing, how- ever, that among foreign peoples he was early pushed into the background by younger gods who only expressed particular aspects of his being, it was necessary to declare more explicitly by means of descriptive epithets the con- ception which one associated with his name. As the patriarchs had their '"^t^^ W,^ DPiy i?«,^ S^Nib'^ \-^s hii,^ ^Nn>3 hi^,^ so the Canaanite here has his l^vj; biij The- subordinate deities, inferior in position or rank, might indeed be already differentiated from him, but Melchisedek in his worship still held fast to him as the old sovereign god, the ruler of the universe (ver. 19). It is to be observed that P\?y stands without the article, in accordance with the oldest idiom of the language, and that as an epithet of Jahve in the Old Testament it is still always so used.^ Yer. 19 f. This Melchisedek desires for Abram salvation and blessing from God because of his deed, and praises God 1 Chs. xxviii. 22, xxxv. 1. 2 See Baudissin, Studien zur Semit. Eeligionsgeschichte, i. 15. 3 Ch. xvii. 1. ^ Ch. xxi. 33. 5 Ch. xxxiii. 20. 6 ch. xxxv. 7. ^ Cf. the Phoenician Eliun in Eusebius, Prceimratio Evangelica^ 1. 10. 11 ff. 8 E.g. Ps. vii. 18 [17], Ivii. 3 [2]. 243,244] GENESIS XIV. 21, 22 F. 51 for its success. According to usage, the words of blessing are uttered in a more elevated rhythmical style. ^N^J — Deo = a Deo.^ ^p, see ch. iv. 1 ; it means both creator (Sept. Vulg.) and possessor or lord (Targum). — 13^, found besides only in Hos. xi. 8 ; Prov. iv. 9. Abram by accepting the gift and the blessing acknow- ledged Melchisedek as God's priest, and now on his part gave to the priest, and in his person to God, as a thanksgiving, the tenth of all, i.e. not of all he possessed," but of all he had with him when the meeting took place, i.e. of the booty.^ He thus became a pattern to the Israelites,* both in his receiving the blessing from the priest and in his payment of tithe to him (so Jacob in ch. xxviii. 22). There is little difficulty in seeing that this tithing of the spoil presents no insoluble contradiction to ver. 23 f.^ Regarding the conception of Melchisedek as a type of Christ, which is found in the Epistle to the Hebrews, and has been elicited by a combination with Ps. ex., see tlie commentaries on the Epistle. For the extraordinary ideas entertained regarding his person by the later Jews and Chris- tians, see Winer and the other biblical encyclopi^dias. Yer. 21. " The king of Sodom, encouraged by Abram's generosity, proposes to him that he should restore the souls, i.e. persons, that is, the rescued captives, while retaining the other rescued property." Ver. 22 f. "But Abram raises his hand to God,^ and thus swears that he will keep nothing of the king's property, although he has no obligations to the people of Sodom, and might keep the spoil he had taken in battle. The king of Sodom is not to have' the opportunity of saying that he made Abram rich. Abram shows himself sensitive to the want 1 Cf. chs. XXV. 21, xxxi. 15 ; Ex. xii. 16 ; Gesenius,25 121. 3. - Wellhausen, Composition, p. 311. ^ Heb. vii. 4. ^ Cf. Lev. xxvii. 30 ff. ; Num. xxxi. 31 ff. ; 2 Sam. viii. 11 f. ; 1 Cliron. xxvi. 27 ; Num. vi. 23 ff. ; Lev. ix. 22 ff. •■^ Bohmer. '^ Deut. xxxii. 40 ; Dan. xii. 7 ; also Ex. xvii. 16 [Dillmann]. 62 GENESIS XIV. 24, 25 [244 of confidence that he will voluntarily restore the property which belonged to others." DN* — " used in oaths in which a negation is expressed." ^ From a thread to a shoe-latchet — " i.e. nothing of his most worthless possessions, much less any of value, nyi with a pre- ceding p used to express the total sum of things of a kind." ^ Abram swears by the God whom Melchisedek worships ; in this way ver. 2 1 ff. is linked to ver. 1 8 ff. The word mni is wanting in the Septuagint, Codex Alexandrinus, and in the Lucian text, also in the Peshitta. The Samaritan has DTii^Nn. It accordingly appears to be a later insertion.^ In any case, whether original ^ or an insertion, it is intended to suggest that the god of Abram is not quite identical with the god of Melchisedek. Ver. 24. Abram asks something only for his companions in the fight. nyp3 — not so far as me, i.e. " that be far from me," or " nothing for me." ^ " The words which follow are in the absolute case (nominativus 2^endens), and the concluding words their necessary complement ; they may take their share, i.e. my servants may have what they consumed of the recaptured provisions (vv. 11, 16), and my confederates may receive the customary share of the spoil." ^ Ver. 14 neglected to state that Abram's allies marched with him ; for a similar instance of clumsy stylism, comp. ch. XX. 17 with ver. 3. B.^ THE TRIALS OF FAITH, THE COVENANT, AND THE PROOF. In what has gone before, Abram has shown himself to be a man conspicuous for piety and virtue in various forms, and 1 As chs. xxi. 23, xxvi. 29, xlii. 15 ; Gesenius,^^ 149. 2 Of. Deut. xxix. 10 ; Judg. xv. 5 ; Isa. xxii. 24. Knobel. 3 Hgen. * Delitzsch, Halevy. ^ Cf. ch. xli. 16. fi Num. xxxi. 26 ff. ; 1 Sam. xxx. 26. Knobel. '' [See p. 8.] 244, 245] GENESIS XV 53 he has experienced at God's hands so much favour in tlie shape of special providences, promises, and blessings, that every preparation required for the moment in which he could be installed as the head of a new divine covenant and receive the promised seed, the foundation of the covenant race, seems to have been made. But at this very point, before such eminence is attained, delays, hindrances, and dis- appointments set in like a storm. Their purpose was to allow Abram's faith to manifest its strength in overcoming them, and also to give visible evidence of the controlling power of divine grace. Even after the summit has been attained, Abram, in the midst of new dangers, must give yet higher proof of himself, until at last the perfected man of God and hero of faith, who is to serve as a pattern to all coming generations, stands fully developed before us. Viewed thus, the separate narratives in this section, in themselves of very dissimilar character, unite to present the continuous development of the central figure. The external subject, however, round which most of these trials and tests centre, is Abram's attainment and possession of a son of his own, who should be the first of the covenant race. The very first section introduces the theme. 1. The Promise of a Son as Heir, and its Confirma- tion BY THE Conclusion of a Solemn Covenant, Ch. XV. ; BY R, FOLLOWING ^ AND C. A feeling of gloom comes over Abram at the thought that, being childless, he must bequeath to strangers all the divine blessings. Upon this, God in a vision promises him a son, and that this seed of his will greatly multiply (vv. 1—5). Then, seeing Abram accepts the promise in faith (ver. 6), the future possession of the land by his posterity is assured to him by the solemn conclusion of a covenant (vv. 7-21), and at the same time a glimpse is given him of the fortunes of his descendants up to that time (vv. 12-16). 54 GENESIS XV [245, 246 In this way the hero is shown in outline the progress and provisional end of the whole development in order that he may hold fast to it in faith, and thus successfully pass through tlie trials that are to follow. This section, which is ascribed by Ilgen and Bohmer to B in the main, but generally to' 67 is not a self-consistent unity. In ver. 5 Abram is told to look at the stars, while in ver. 12 the sun is just setting, and only in ver. 17 actually set. There is nowhere any remark to the effect that the events of ver. 10 ff. belong to another day. It is also surprising that in ver. 6 Abram simply believes the promise, and then immediately after in ver. 8 asks confirmation of a further promise. The formula, too, with which Grod introduces Himself in ver. 7 is such as we expect at the beginning of a theophany, not in its middle.^ It naturally suggests itself, in view of these facts, to analyse the chapter into two parts, vv. 1-6 and vv. 7-21.^ Where this is done the first section is explained to belong to E, but to have under- gone a Jehovistic redaction,"^ or it is said to be a compilation from J and E.^ Vv. 7-21 are represented as an un- adulterated J section, but transferred by Pi from another context,^ or as a tT" section expanded by later hands in vv. 7 f., 13—16, and 19—21.^ But if so, it is incomprehensible how R could simply attach the alien section ver. 7 ff. to that preceding it by the words vi^s* nr^N^i, not even writing '^^ fiDVi vi^N -im!?. As little can we understand what occasioned the numerous interpolations in vv. 7-21. Moreover, it is incredible that vv. 2a, 3&, 4, and 6 originally stood in / after ver. 18;^ for if so, the promise of a son would stand iwst fcsturn. In disagreement with the writers quoted, 1 E.g. by Hupfekl, Kayser, Sclirader ; mn^ is the divine name nsed. 2 Cf. chs. xlvi. 3, xvii.^1, xxviii. 13. ^ Wellhausen ; Kautzsch-Socin, Kittel, Geschichte, i. 136 [History of the Hebreics, vol. i. p. 150] ; B. Bacon, Hebraica, vii. 1, p. 75 f. * Wellhausen. ^ Kautzsch-Socin, Kittel, Bacon. *^ Kittel. 7 Wellhausen, Kautzsch-Socin, Bacon. "Bacon 246] GENESIS XV 55 Budde,^ after subtracting vv. 12-16 and 19-21, would assign the whole chapter to J {C), and only vv. 25, oa, 5 to E (B). Similarly Delitzsch^, who is of opinion that elements from U are still discernible hi vv. 2 and 16. But this assumption does not take any account or give any ex- planation of the above distinguished discrepancies between vv. 1—6 and vv. 7—21. Everything considered, a different judgment must be passed on the chapter. We may conclude as follows. As introducing ch. xvi., the promise of an heir, i.e. ver. 4, can hardly be dispensed with in C's narrative, whereas the solemn pledge regarding the possession of the land, vv. 8-18, following ch. xii. 7 and xiii. 14 ff., is less necessary, although in view of ch. xxiv. 7 ^ not impossibly his. In the next place, ver. 2 is certamly ^'s, seeing that C in ch. xxiv. 2 ff. is not acquainted with any Eliezer.^ Again, the writer of ver. 9 ff. cannot also be the author of ver. 5, i.e. ver. 9 ff. will belong to C, and ver. 5 to B. Finally, it is clear from Dnb'a 11X (ver. 7), c'lDi (ver. 14), and nmo nn^b'a (ver. 15), that a redactor, acquainted with A, has made independent alterations in the chapter. It accordingly appears that vv. 1-6 are a compilation from B and C, in such a way that vv. 2 and 5 are from the text of B, ver. 3 from that of C, while ver. 1, originally ^'s,^ has undergone linguistic alteration ('^l'"i\ "^Jtip) which assimilates it to C ; ver. 4 in its essentials is common to the two narrators. But while B reached his conclusion in the con- firmation of the promise of an heir given in ver. 5, in C the promise (ver. 4) seems to have been ratified by the formal conclusion of a covenant, it, however, instead of simply attaching the covenant narrative to B's account, transformed it, with ^'s parallel (ch. xvii.) in mind, into a solemnly assured promise of the future possession of the land (vv. 1 Biblische Urcjeschichte, pp. 416 f., 439. - If the words i^ ynC'J ll^H.) are there oriT is the heir; and that the whole phrase, nnip-}^ ni without article and suffix would be too indefinite. Seeing that a given name has to be explained, it is not in the circumstances a matter of importance that Tin is never found in the Old Testament as a name for God, and that M t'N itself is not found in the Pentateuch.^ If there is to be emendation of the text, the proposal of Wellhausen ^ has most to recommend it. He reads, ''Ni nns* (^ns^) ^n^Ki D(n*::x) djh, have I seen (God) (and remain alive) after (my) seeing, therefore the well is called ivell of " he lives who sees me'' But the meaning " jawbone of the antelope," given by Wellhausen * as the original signification of '•^^1 ""n^, is purely imaginative. Gesenius offers a similar conjecture.^ Halevy ^ wishes to render by puits de la saillic (!) dc vision. Beerlahairoi is again mentioned in the history of Isaac.'^ It was probably at one time held sacred by the Israelites (and Beduins ^). It lay between Kadesh to the east and Bered (Sept. BapdS) to the west. Bered does not occur elsewhere ; Onkelos gives ^"^^n, as for nv^ in ver. 7, while the Jerusalem Targum has Elusa. Gildemeister ^ wishes to refer us to a place i^o^ ,», south of Ghazza ; Wellhausen ^^ to BTjpBdp,^^ kco/jlt] €v ttj TepapLTLKfj. In Jerome's time ^- a Hagar 1 As in xxxii. 31, in accordance with the well-known idea (clis. xix. 17, xxxii. 27, 31 ; Ex. iii. 6, xix. 21, xxxiii. 20) that the sight of what is holy has injurious consequences for man. Knobel, Tuch, Keil. 2 Keil. 3 Geschichte, i. 329 [Prolegomena, 1885, p. 326]. * Op. cit. and Prolegomena, p. 344. ^ Thesaurus, 175. « Revue critique, 1883, p. 287. ^ xxiv. 62, xxv. 11. 8 Stade in ZATJF. i. 347 ff. « ZDPV. xiv. 82. 1° Samuel, p. 213. ^^ Lagarde, Onomastica sacra,^ 299. 74, 145. 3. 12 Onomasticon, sub Barad. 256, 257] GENESIS XVII 75 well was still shown. The Beduins even yet associate with Hagar's name a well a considerable distance south of Beersheba', in Muweilih, one of the principal stations on the caravan road,i and also a rock dwelling, Bait Hagar, in the neighbourhood.- Ver. 15 f. Ishmael is born in his father's house, Abrani being then eighty-six years old.^ Ishmael was therefore thirteen years old when circumcision was instituted (xvii. 1 ff.). These verses are from A, as, e.g., the contrast of 'y^ N"ip""i with ver. 11 shows. 3. God's Covenant with AbrAxM, the Institution of Circumcision, and the Promise of Isaac, Ch. XVII. ; FOLLOWING A. Thirteen years after Ishmael's birth God appears to Abram, promises him a numerous posterity, changes his name in accordance with this promise, assures Canaan to him and his descendants, and concludes a covenant with him for all time, according to which He will be his God and the God of his descendants (vv. 1-8). He institutes circum- cision as the sign of the covenant (vv. 9-14). But the covenant is only to include within its scope the descendants of the son whom Sarai will bear to him ; she is to be the ancestress of the covenant people, and she, like her husband, receives another name (vv. 15-22). After the divine appari- tion Abram at once proceeds to circumcise his household (vv. 23-27).* In this manner the development commenced in ch. XV. progresses towards its proper goal ; yet at the same time a new test of faith, patience, and obedience is laid on Abraham, who believed that in Ishmael he already had the son who was to be his heir. 1 Russegger, Reisen in Europa, Asien, a. Afrika, iii. 66, 246 ; Robinson, [Palestine, i. 190] Germ. tr. i. 315. 2 Rowlands in Ritter, Erdkxuide, xiv. 1086 ; ZDMG. i. 175 f. 3 Comp. xii. 4 and xvi. 3. "* Knobel. 76 GENESIS XVII [257 The significance of the passage is seen to be more com- prehensive when viewed in its original connection apart from the position assigned it by R. It is easy to see that the covenant, introduced in ver. 2 ff. as something quite new, must be described by a writer other than the author who described the covenant of ch. xv., and it is equally apparent that afterwards the promise of Isaac in ch. xviii. 9 fi'. is expressed as if ch. xvii. 15 ff. had not preceded it at all. Ch. xvii. is a passage from A which has been preserved unchanged, and is presupposed in the later portions of his narrative.^ It ])ears on it the unmistakable marks of its origin as seen in the character of its contents, " in its breadth of style, and in its language." Among the peculiarities of its contents are " its promise of i^eoioles^ and of kings and princes,^ its notes of time,"^ and the resemblance of the covenant with that described in ch. ix. 9 ff. " Linguistic peculiarities are its use of Eloliim, El Shaddai (ver. 1) 7\^n\^ and nnis (8), ^}\^^ (12 f., 28, 27), T^^^n and x^b': (20), n^rp (12, 27), Dvy (2;3, 26), iDrb (10, 12, 23), nnii nna (20), nnn |n3 and D^pn (2, 7, 19, 21), compounds with ^h^,v (7, 8, 13, 19), tliou and thy seed after thee (7-10, 19), nrrrh (7, 9, 12), 'J^ nn™ (14), also of |yj3 ps (8), iso ind (2, 6, 20), and other expressions." ^ It shows a trace of i?'s hand only in the mn'' of ver. 1. Up to this point A has narrated only external incidents in the life of Abram,^ he has told us nothing regarding his relation to God. All that he has to say on this point is compressed into ch. xvii., where Abram receives the first divine manifestation granted to him, and with it all the promises at once. What A here records is of unique importance in his narrative. It was now that God, with Isaac and Israel definitely in view, entered into that 1 Chs. xxi. 2, 4, xxviii. 4, xxxv. 12 ; Ex. ii. 24, vi. 3 f.; Lev. xii. 3. 2Vv. 4f., 16. • Yv. 6, 16, 20. 4 Vv. 1, 17, 24 f. ^ See on vv. 20 and 23. Knobel. '' Ch. xii. 4f., xiii. 6, 11 f., xvi. 3, 15 f 257, 258] GENESIS XVII 77 special relationship with Abram on wliich depends every- thing that follows, not excluding the whole Mosaic covenant. From the time of the Noahic covenant with mankind, to which this attaches itself as a further stage in the develop- ment of the divine purpose, A has had nothing of similar importance to recount. His mode of statement is permeated by a consciousness of the importance of the occasion. It is to be observed that, as elsewhere in A, the covenant is not simply a solemn pledge on God's part, as it was in ch. xv., but the establishment of a reciprocal relationship in which both parties undertake obligations. In the details of his account A, as usual, commits himself to the guidance of well-founded traditions regarding the past. Among the particulars thus derived is not only the divine name El Shaddai, but in a certain sense the ascription to the patriarchs of the practice of circumcision.^ It is true that circumcision was not normally established among the Israelites even in Egypt,^ and not till they reached Canaan,^ and that to this extent A anticipates a later period. But, on the other hand, the existence of the practice among all the peoples who come into connection with the migration of Terah and among the Canaanites, though not among the Babylonians and Assyrians, nor among the Philistines, points to its pre-Mosaic dissemination, and in so far A has an historical point of departure for his representa- tion. It has been asserted that it became possible to regard circumcision as the sign of a covenant only from the time of the Babylonian exile.^ This might be maintained with some appearance of truth if only it were proved that among the Canaanites circumcision was practised as a religious observance on children eight days old, and with as much regularity as among the Israelites. But this cannot be ^ Comp. also xxi. 4 and xxxiv. 13 tf. 2 Ex. iv. 25 f. 3 Josh. V. 2 f., 8 f. * Lagarde, Symmicta, i. 117; GGN. 1889, p. 821; Wellhauseii, Geschichte, i. 365 [cf. Prolegomena, 1885, j). 341 f.] ; Stade, Geschichte,- i. Ill ; Kuenen, Onderzoek;^ i. 206. 78 GENESIS XVII [258 proved : and, on the contrary, there are passages ^ which show that even comparatively early circumcision was regarded as the external mark of those who belonged to the people of Jahve. The practice was in use among the Arabs before the advent of Islam : - " it is attributed, in particular, to the Ishmaelites,^ the Saracens,^ the Sabeans,^ and to all of them together, along with the Samaritans and Idumeans.^ The Old Testament suggests that it existed among the descend- ants of Lot, and also among the Edomites," '' although the later (Nabatean) " Idumeans were introduced to the practice only by Hyrcanus,^ and the Itureans by Aristobulus." ^ Its original home appears to have been in Africa among the Ethiopians and the Egyptians,^^ from whom it is said to have been adopted by the Kolchians as well as by the Phoenicians and Syrians of Palestine.^^ It may with certainty be maintained that there was an historical connection between circumcision as practised by Asiatic peoples and its existence in Egypt. The Hyksos may have been the connecting link. It has not, however, been shown ^^ that in Egypt all males, and not merely the priests, were circumcised. In any case circumcision in Egypt, and, indeed, doubtless in all cases except that of Israel, was not performed until the child was between his sixth and his fourteenth year.^^ The national contempt for the uncircumcised Philistines,^^ and the figurative 1 As Jer. iv. 4, ix. 24 f.; Deut. x. 16, xxx. 6 ; Ezek. xliv. 7, 9. - Sharastani (ed. Haarbriicker), ii. 354 ; see also ZDMG. xli. 718. ^ Joseplius, Antiquities, i. 12. 2 ; Origen, nd Genesin, i. 14 ; Eusebius, Prce'paratio JLvangel. vi. 11, ^ Sozoiiien, Hist. Eccles. vi. 38. ^ Philostorgius, Hist. Eccles. iii. 4. ^ Epiphanius, Adversus Hrrreseos, i. 33. '' Jer. ix. 25. Knobel. ^ Josephus, Antiquities, xiii. 9. 1. ^ Op. cit.xiii.U.:^ ; Vita, 23. Knobel. 10 Jer. ix. 25. " Herodotus, ii. 104 ; comp. Diodorus Siculus, iii. 31. 12 In spite of Ebers, Aegyptian, 278 ft"., Lagarde, and others. 13 Comp. further, Winer, Realworterhuch, i. 156 ff. ; Ewald, Alterthiimer,^ 120 ff. [Antiquities, pp. 89-97]; Riehm, HandwOrterhuch, 168 ff.; regard- ing the significance of the rite, see on Lev. xii. 3. ^^ Judg. xiv. 3, XV. 18 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 6, xvii. 26, 36 ; 2 Sam. i. 20. 259] GENESIS XVII. 1 79 use of the words ?"]y,^ and ^^yj ^ are proofs of Iiow general and deep - rooted the custom early became among the Israelites. It is to be observed that A uses this opportunity to state the complete law of circumcision as it was to be valid among the Israelites. He does not repeat it afterwards, but assumes a knowledge of it (in Lev. xii. 3). Ver. 1. The date was determined partly by ch. xxi. 5, partly by a comparison of chs. xvii. 25 and xvi. 16. nin* — for Elohim, is due to B,^ who wished to indicate the identity of the mn^ of the preceding sections with the n^r\h^ of the following narrative.^ On the other hand, the originality of 'Jl ^^7*^. is defended by the ^Vl] of v. 32,^ and the statement of age, although repeated in ver. 24, has a meaning of its own as an antithesis to xvi. 16. ••■nr PX — " A, also, records apparitions of deity ,^ but they are rare, and always of a simple character. This is the first in his narrative." " God announces Himself as ""i^* bx, and thereby inaugurates it as the divine name of the patriarchal covenant. It recurs in ^ ^ and elsewhere.^ There is no certain tradition regarding the meaning of the name. The Targum does not replace it by anything. The Septuagint renders in Genesis and Exodus by 6 Geo*; fjLov, gov, avTcov, in Num. xxiv. 4, 16 and Isa. xiii. 6 by 0eo9, in Ps. Ixviii. 15, xci. 1 by 6 eiTovpdvLO'^ (06o<; rod ovpavov), in Ezek. x. 5 by ^aBSai, in Job 9 or 10 times by Kvpto^, and 14 or 15 times by TravTOKpdrcop. Similarly the Peshitta, where it does not retain nc' ^N* (in Genesis and Exodus), replaces it by "[mVyQ or ] > V^/^ or ]i > on .J- From the time of Aquila,who,however, 1 Ex. vi. 12, 30 ; Jer. vi. 10 ; Lev. xxvi. 41. 2 Lev. xix. 23 ; Deut. x. 16, and other passages. •"' Comp. cli. xxi. 16. * Comp. note on ii. 46. Knobel. ^ Comp. xxxv. 9 ff. *"' Clis. xxxv. 9, xlviii. 3 ; Ex. vi. 3. " Knobel. ^ Clis. xxviii. 3, xxxv. 11, xlviii. 3 ; Ex. vi. 3. •' Gen. xliii. 14, xlix. 25 ; comp. note on Ex. vi. 3. "^ Numbers, Psalms, Job 12 times. ^^ Joel i. 15 ; Isa. xiii. 6 ; Job vi. 14. i- In Job 12 times. 80 GENESIS XVII. 1 [259, 2G0 according to Jerome,^ also had oKkl^o^;, Uavo^ is the render- ing given.^ The Vulgate has omnipotens ; and so, doubtless, Theodotion occasionally la'xypo'^.'^ In the circumstances we might doubt whether the Massoretic pronunciation 'T^' rests on an old tradition, or whether it has been concocted * only on the assumption of the interpretation Uavo^, i.e. f and ^"1 = avTcipKTj^.^ But the pronunciation ^1'^' or ^Tr, proposed by Noldeke, and his interpretation my lord (T^, Arabic sayyid)^ cannot be accepted in view of Gen. xvii. 1 and XXXV. 11, where nc^* is used by God Himself, and also because the word is never used in addressing God. The interpretation exalted one, from Assyrian kuhl^ supposes a signification of mu', he high, which is not only unknown in Hebrew but unproved in Assyrian.^ Derivations from the Aramaic 1,^ resulting in renderings like {lightning-) hiirler^ or {rain-) pourcr^'^ Q?iYTy us completely away from the analogy of other Hebrew divine names. They are of no more assistance than the meaning Deus promissiomtm, divined by the Syrians with the help of the Aramaic word^ja^,^^ and used by Lagarde ^^ [^ supporting his conception of nin^ as Beus stator promissorum. We can hardly avoid connecting the word ^TC' with the root mc^.^^ But we are not on that account to interpret 1 Ejnst. 136. 2 Symmadius, Theodotion, in the hexaplar interpolations of the Septuagint, e.g. Euth i. 20 f. ; Job xxi. 15, xxxi. 2, etc. 3 See Field's Genesis, xliii. 14, xlviii. 3 ; Ex. vi. 3. 4 A. Geiger; Noldeke in MBAW. 1880, p. 775; ZDMG. xl. 73G, xlii. 481. 5 Also in Saadia, Rashi, and other Rabbinical writers ; still api^roved by Valeton in ZATW. xii. 11 f. 6 But comp. also Assyr. sldu in Schrader, KAT.- 160 [Cun. Tmcript. vol. i. p. 148] ; Delitzsch, Paradies, p. 153. 7 Fried. Delitzsch, Prolegomena, 96 ; ZKSF. ii. 291 ff. 8 Halcvy in ZKSF. ii. 405 fF. ; Jensen in ZA. i. 251. 9 S. Schmid, Deyling. ^^ Cheyne, Isaiah,'^ on ch. xiii. 6. ■^1 Payne Smith, Thesaurus, i. 151. 12 Mittheilungen, iii. 71 ; Bilduvg der Nomina, p. 138, and Register, p. 68. 13 Joel i. 15. 260] GENESIS XVII. 1 81 it clcsolator} for tliis among other reasons, that mc' (comp. it:') does not origmally mean destroy or desolate, but oveiyower. We are led, on the contrary, to the meanmg, the. wielder of 'povjcr, the all-powcrfid (Sept., Viilg.). The ''--, or tlie ■•— , of ^"^^ was the original pronunciation, is either an adjectival ending,- though not to be pronounced an Aramaism,^ or serves to form an abstract noun. All-power.'^ It would also be appropriate to regard it as an intensive adjectival form from mc*,^ if we might assume a root mt:^'=nTL"'. The more precise definition of p^ by means of til*' is similar to that in chs. xiv. 18 (xxi. 33, xxxiii. 20, xxxv. 7). Ch. xlix. 25 is evidence that it is an ancient divine name. Compound per- sonal names, in which it is one of the elements, are found in Num. i. 6, ii. 25, i. 5, ii. 10. God's announcement of Himself as the one who has power over all,^ is especially appropriate here, where He promises to perform such great things." After His announcement of Himself God declares what is required of Abram under the covenant.^ It is not obedience to a series of laws as under the Mosaic covenant, it is one fundamental demand, as is appropriate to a com- mencement, and to the fact that one individual only is dealt with: loalk hefore Me, i.e. in My sight, as contrasted with the man who withdraws himself from God, and in the conscious- ness of My presence, looking up to Me ^ (there is a perceptible difference of meaning between this and *' walk with God " ^^), and he perfect, i.e. here not merely upright and at one with God, but morally blameless, i7Te2)roaehahle.^'^ The covenant duty which he is to undertake is that of a pious upright life; another, special, obligation follows in ver. 10 ff. 1 Duhm, Theol. der Projjheten, 303 ; Wellhausen, Geschichte, i. 359. 2 Ewald, § 164 ; Olshaiisen, 216d. ^ Baethgen, Beitnige, 294, * Stade, Lehrhuch, § 301. 5 Ewald, § 155c. ^ Comp. xviii. 14. 7 Vv. 2, 5-8, 16. ^ Comp. ix. 8. 9 Ch. xxiv. 40, xlviii. 15 ; Isa. xxxviii. 3. i<> Ch. v. 22, vi. 9. 11 Ch. vi. 9. DILLMANN. II. 6 82 GENESIS XVII. 2-4 FF. [260,261 Ver. 2. Upon this condition God grants ^ His covenant,- and promises on His part, at first quite generally, that He will greatly ^ multiply Abram's posterity.* Ver, 3. Abrani falls on his face to express his reverential thanks for the divine graciousness ; ^ he afterwards, as ver. 17 shows, stood up again.^ Ver. 4 11'. God now further addresses Abram, and unfolds more particularly the nature and contents of the covenant. First comes, as far as ver. 8, what God will perform, the promise, ''r*^ is put at the commencement of the sentence in antithesis to nnx in ver. 9. In virtue of the relationship which from now onwards will exist between him and God, Abram is to become the father of a multitude of i^oples. " Other peoples than Israel were also reckoned among the descendants of Abram,^ and a numerous posterity was regarded as a divine blessing granted to those who enjoyed God's favour.^ 3N for "'?^? is chosen because of the name Abraham ; it occurs elsewhere in proper names, as "^.^?^? Dvw 3« and others." ^ For the word D^ia comp. XXXV. 11, also in A, though in xlviii. 4 he has ^''^V. The rare word |i^n, properly tumult, for ^\}?, is chosen with reference to the interpretation of the name Abraham in ver. 5. ^v''Jfl^' — the name Abram is changed to Abraham, because in the latter form we may hear the nn of the word ]S'or\, This is a mere play on the sounds of the words in order to connect the thought contained in |',»n with the name D^1n^5 ; -^^ it is not etymology. There is no instance of a word Dni with the meaning multitude; the author could not have had in mind the word ridtdm = numerus copiosus, found in the Kaniiis. In this passage, in particular, it is quite improbable 1 Ch. ix. 12 ; Num. xxv. 12. -' Cf. ix. 9 ff. 3 Ch. vii. 9. 4 Cf. xii. 2. 5 Ruth ii. 10 ; Lev. ix. 24. « Knobel. 7 Ch. xxv. 36. « Chs. xxiv. 60, xlviii. 16, 19; Ps. cxxviii. ; Eccles. vi. 3. '■' Knoltel. 10 Cf. xxix. 32. 2Gl] GENESIS XVII. 4 FF. 83 that there has been mutilation of the text (Halevy ^ wislies to restore "^^^f for 2i6, " cJiff cVunc multitude "). It is a question whether Dn")3i< is tlie original ^ and Disx the con- tracted Hebrew form, or wdiether Dn-i2S is only an expansion of D13N*. Seeing that no instance of Dni = Dn can be found either in Hebrew or elsewhere, the former is the more probable. But Dmns is not susceptible of interpretation, or could be explained at best only by the Arabic hunya'^ Abu Euhm,^ whereas D"i3K has the meaning great father, or, if the pronunciation were Di''3t<,^ " father of Eam," or " the exalted is father " ; ^ comp. the Assyrian man's name Ahu-ra- mu? Dn~i3N and D"i3N allow of being simply classed with the many other personal names compounded with 3X as the first element ; max as a divine name ^ would be without any Semitic analogy. From now" onwards, accordingly, Abraham, as the higher or covenant name, is to be the one in legitimate use.'-^ The change of name w^as the more appropriate because at this same time circumcision was introduced, and " the Hebrews named their children when they were circumcised,^^ as the Persians also did." ^^ ^o::^-nN — see ch. iv. 18. hmi, see ch. xlii. 10. Only in A is the promise always of a number of peoples ;^- the others use the singular.^^ The special mention of kings ^ " Recherches Bibliques," xi. in REJ. xv. 177 f. ' Ewaltl, Geschirhte,^ i. 465 [History, i. 324, note] ; Stade in ZATJF. i. 349. " [rp3.3 Ver. 12f. Two further particulars. "Every male child is to be circumcised when eight days old. This was the age prescribed to the Israelites by law,* and conscientiously observed.^"^ The Arab custom was different, see ver. 25."^ Secondly, circumcision is also to be obligatory on all slaves, whether these are horn in the household ^ or hought for money.^ "larp occurs elsewhere in the Pentateuch in ver. 27 ; Ex. xii. 43, and Lev. xxii. 25. j. ^ Jiidg. v. 29. 10 Noldeke in ZDMG. xl. 183, xlii. 484. ii Ch. xxxii. 29. 263] GENESIS XVII. 17 87 as the Sept. in Xdpa, and conceived of it as meaning contentious, eager for combat} In the latter case the absence of any indication of the feminine would be surprising though possible, but not if ■•-- were merely an adjective ending.- The interpretation of ^ib' as joyous, and of mb* as delightful^ following Arabic sarra, is against the laws of phonology and word - formation. The remark that mL" and ^sib'"' are essentially the same name,^ is one which does not carry us far, but it is worthy of more attention than the conceit,-'' that the Nabatean god Dusares, i.e. siC' n, ^j^\ ^ J, worshipped in Petra, Bostra, and other places,^ is the husband of ni::^, i.e. Abraham, and that n~ib was originally the name of a locality, more exactly, " of the barren and stony hills." ^ n^m^m — vmDai, the reading of Sept., Samaritan, Book of Jubilees, Peshitta, and Jerusalem Targum, is a correction ; ^ the Septuagint and Pesliitta continue it throughout the verse. Yer. 17. Abraham falls down for the same reason as in ver. 3. He laughed, not from joy, but in astonishment, as is shown by his words which follow. As in xviii. 1 2 {0) and xxi. 6 {B), it is intended to explain the name Isaac. For pi^n, see Gesenius,-^ 100. 4; and for n— DSi, Ewald, § 3246*. Seeing that A makes the length of Abraham's life 175 years,^ there is nothing so very surprising in the mere fact of his begetting a son in his 99th year. The question may therefore be put whether the words from pnvn onwards are an interpolation.^^ But if we compare in clis. v. and xi. ^ Comp. ^'i^ and otlier words. -' Delitzsch,-' Keil. s pfeiffer in St. Kr. 1871, p. 145 ff. ^ Robertson Smith, Kinshiii and Marriage in Early Arabia, p. 30. 5 Lagarde, Armenische Studien, p. 162 ; GGN. 1886, p. 565 ; Bildung der Nomina, 92 ff. ; E. Meyer in ZA TJV. vi. 16. " Regarding him see J. H. Mordtniann, ZDMG. xxix. 99 ff. ; Well- liausen, Ski:^zen, iii. 46 ff. ; Xuldeke, ZDMG. xli. 711 f. ; Baethgen, Beitrcifje, 92 ff. '' Lagarde, Bildung der Nomina, p. 94. 8 Geiger, Urschrift, p. 458. •' Cli. x\v. 5. ^" Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 468 [History, i. 320, note 5]. 88 GENESIS XVII. 18-24 [2G3, 264 the ratios of the ages attained when children were born and when death took place, the expression of surprise may be justified. Apart from this, we cannot readily do without the statement of Sarah's age, and 9 0 years "^ made her really old to have children. Besides, nxD for ns?3 - is found in A ^ in ch. xxiii. 1 also, at least in the Massoretic text. Ver. 18. Immediately on this there rises in Abraham's mind a feeling of solicitude regarding Ishmael, whom he does not wish to lose. He tells God this concern of his. y:zh — under thy protection and care.^ Yer. 19. Thereupon God expresses Himself still more distinctly, and dwells first on what had been said in regard to Sarah's son. His covenant with Abraham will be continued in the line which begins with Isaac, y^^, certainly, notwithstanding } Isaac, see ch. xxi. 3. obiy, the Septuagint adds elvai avrci QeoJ2; comp. Lev. xxvii. 24. 4. Abraham and Sodom visited by Celestial Beings ; THE Destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, Ch. XVIII. 1-XIX. 28; FROM C. Jahve, accompanied by two angels, presents Himself on a day about noon at Abraham's tent in the grove of Mamre, accepts the patriarch's friendly hospitality, and promises him a son by Sarah, who laughs at the promise (ch. xviii. 1-15). On the way to Sodom and Gomorrah, where He purposes to investigate the conduct of the profligate inhabitants, Jahve 1 Arvieux [Memoires, iii. 172], Germ. tr. iii. 14G. - Manners and Customs,^ i. 71 ; pop. ed. p. 47 [5tli to 6tli]. 3 Russell [^/ej3j90,2 1794, i. 202], trans. 282. ^ M. d'Ohsson [UEmjnre Othornan, ii. 285], trans, i. 385. ^ Rauwoltf, Reisen, i. 85. ^ Tournefort [Relation d'un voyage, 1717, ii. 59], trans, ii. 431. ' Liidecke, Das turkische Reich, i. 241. s Chardin, Voijages, x. 75 ; comp. von Schubert, ii. 48. » Antiquities, i. 12. 2. ^o Ad Genesin, i. 14. ^1 Bedouins [i. 87], trans, p. 70. '^- Wanderumjen, ii. 173. 13 Knobel. ^^ Ewald, § 140(r. 90 GENESIS XVIII [204,205 is accompanied by Abraham, and informs the patriarch of his intention. He listens to Abraham's intercession, and promises that He will not destroy Sodom if there are even so many as ten righteous men among its wicked inhabitants. After this agreement Jahve and Abraham part from one another (xviii. 16—33). Meanwhile the two angels had gone on before ; they reach Sodom in the evening and are hospitably received by Lot, but are threatened with shameful ill-treat- ment by the inhabitants of the town (xix. 1-11). Convinced by this of the terrible depravity of the inhabitants, they proceed to execute the punishment. First, however, they bring Lot, his wife, and his two daughters out of the city, and, at his request, assign him So'ar as his place of refuge. Then Jahve rains down brimstone and fire on the sinful cities and totally destroys them (xix. 12-26). When, in the morning, Abraham looks down on Sodom from the heights above, he sees thick clouds of smoke rising up (xix. 27 f.). The story thus outlined has an independent unity of its own, and is a product of highly developed epic art. It starts from Abraham, and in its conclusion returns to him ; the catastrophe in the plain has also a relation to him. Abraham, God's friend, radiant in moral beauty, the cities of the plain sunk in utter moral corruption ; God in Abraham's tent, visiting him as one friend does another, lavishing on him His promises and revealing His purposes, and at the same time descending to judgment against the cities of the plain with fire from heaven : these are the contrasts by which the worth and significance of the man of God are manifested the more clearly, and the light they cast on the justice and compassion of the divine dealings with friends and foes is given for the sake of Abraham and his descendants.^ The author is, without question, the one to w^hom we owe, for example, chs. ii. 4-iii. 2-1 and xi. 1-9. There is the same beauty and transparency of description, the same vividness of delineation, the same depth and fulness of thought, and 1 Ch. xviii. 19. 265] GENESIS XVII I 01 the same naive anthropomorphism so suited for popular currency. The reference of xviii. 18 to xii. 2 f., as well as the mode of expression both in general and in particular, also identify tlie writer. Examples of his vocabulary are " Jalive and Adonai,! t^'^sn.^ D^•^•J•^,^ npij-^^^ n^^jn/* Dyan^^ Nrn:n/ luya,^ -ivs,9 D-10,1'^ Mb^,'i 'h)i^,^'^ nx-ipi?,^^ nr no^^^ p-^v ^3/^ cix,i'> p-i,i' t<: ; ^^ of special granniiatical forms, those in p,^'-^ and the use of ^^ for n^s ; 20 of pliraseology, thy servant;-^ used for * I,' all 2JC02)les of the earth^^'^ to rise 7ip ea^iy in the morning ^-^ to prostrate ones self on the ground r^ to find gracef^ magnify kindness-^ mn without r^^^ the disjunctive question of xviii. 21, D''D''l NU.-^ The relation of the narrative to ^'s account in xix. 29, and the difference between xviii. 12 and xvii. 17, is also to be remarked." -^ "VVellhausen =^^ wishes to separate xviii. 17-19 and 225- 33a^^ as later insertions, and to assign the latter paragraph to the time of Jeremiah and Ezekiel. But there is no linguistic support for this (on the contrary, note "iDiDJ in ver. 18 and not the Hithpael), and the material reasons are insufficient. It is only natural that in vv. 18, 23 ff. Abraham should address God otherwise than in ver. 2 ff. (see notes on vv. 2 1 Ch. xviii. 27, 30 ff., xix. 18. 2 Ch. xix. 17, 26. -^ Ch. xviii. 16, xix. 2S. ^ Ch. xviii. 21, xix. 13. ^ Ch. xviii. 25. '' Ch. xviii. 32. '' Ch. xviii. 27, 31, xix. 2, 8, 19 f. « Ch. xviii. 26, 29, 31 f. '■^ Ch. xix. 3, 9. 10 Ch. xix. 4. 11 Ch. xix. 21. 12 Ch. xviii. 24, 28 ff. i-'5 Ch. xviii. 2, xix. 1. 1-* Ch. xviii. 13. i^ Ch. xviii. 5, xix. 18. ic Ch. xviii. 13, 23 f. i' Ch. xix. 8. 18 Ch. xviii. 3f., 21, 30, 32, xix. 2, 7, 18, 20, etc. i» Ch. xviii. 28-32. 20 ch. xix. 8, 25. 21 Ch. xviii. 3, 5, xix. 2, 19. 22 ch. xviii. 18. 23 Ch. xix. 2, 27. 24 Qh. xviii. 2, xix. 1. 25 Ch. xviii. 3. 26 ch. xix. 19. 2' Ch. xviii. 30, 32. 28 cj^^ ^viii. 11. 2'-^ Knohel. 30 JBDTii. xxi. 415 ff. (Kuenen, Onderzoek;- i. 141 ; Fripp in ZATIV. xii. 23 ff.). "1 Kautzsch-Socin at least ch. xviii. 17-19. 92 GENESIS XVIII. 1, 2 [2G5, 26G and 13): the renewed presence of God in the persons of the tico angels of ch. xix. is in perfect agreement with ch. xvi. 11 ff. ; people had reflected regarding God's justice and compassion before tlie time of Jeremiah ; ^ regarding the possibility of intercession for the guilty, see, e.g., oh. xx. 7, 17 and Ex. xxxii. 11 ff. On the other hand, God's revelation to Abraham in ch. xviii. 20 f. is quite aimless and completely disconnected without vv. 17-19 and 23 ff. B, for his part, has inserted the passage in the only possible place as regards suitability. The promise of a son to Sarah is a repetition in the face of the doubt expressed in ch. xvii. 17, and is confirmed by the repetition. The history of Abraham's testing and education is continued. He is given the opportunity of proving practically his hospitable nature and his love of his fellow-men, and thus of making himself w^orthy anew of the divine blessing. The punish- ment executed before his eyes on the cities of the plain will leave on him, and through him upon his posterity, only the most wholesome impressions. Vv. 1-15. Celestial beings visit Abraham; the promise of Isaac. " Comparisons have been made from the classical mythology with the w^anderings of the gods among men that they might learn their pride and their piety ;2 and with the hospitable reception once found by Jupiter and Mercury in the house of the aged and childless couple Philemon and Baucis;^ and on another occasion, when Neptune was with them, in the house of the aged Hyrieus, who received a son as his reward." ^ Yer. 1. Jahve a})peared to Abraham in the grove of Mamre,^ as he was sitting at ^ the entrance of the tent, i.e. outside in front of his tent, at the heat of the day, at midday.^ Ver. 2. Abraham looked up and saw three men standing ^ E.(j. Gen. xx. 4. -' Homer, Odyssey, xvii. 4SG f. •' Ovid, Metamorplioses, viii. 626 ff. ^ Paltcpliatiis, Licredibilia, v. ; Ovid, Fasti, v. 494 ff. Knobel. ^ Ch. xiii. 18, xiv. 13. c yer. lo ; Ewald, § 204^. " 1 Sam. xi. 11 ; 2 Sam. iv. 5. 266] GENESIS XVI 11. 3 93 over him, as he sat, above, and so in front of him,^ yet at the same time at some distance. This standing still of tlieirs was to see if they should be invited.- Abraham hastens to them, and by his obeisance pays them the usual mark of courtesy. In these three, of whom one has a more dis- tinguished appearance than the others,^ Jahve is present/ as again in the two of ch. xix. It is purely arbitrary to strike out the three here and the two in ch. xix., and to substitute in both cases one, namely, Jahve.'' pii — used with nsipi? as in xxiv. 17, xxix. 13, xxxiii. 4. Ver. 3. He hospitably invites them to enter. He addresses one only, but afterwards, in ver. 4, the three together. We are given the explanation if one of them was externally recognisable as the principal personage, so that the reading of the Samaritan, wdiich uses throughout the 2nd pers. plur., is not to be preferred. But, on the other hand, the Massoretic ^^"1^, already given by the Targum, is incorrect, and we should read ''nx.c Dalman ^ maintains without effect that " the narrator introduces Jahve as known to Abraham from the beginning." If Abraham had from the beginning recognised the divinity of the strangers, his action would have displayed no great merit, for what man would refuse honour to God when He reveals Himself. His very offer of food and drink would have been meaningless, and there could have been no question of any test or trial of him. As a matter of fact, the revelation begins only in the course of conversation (ver. 13), and the case is exactly as in ch. 19, where the angels make themselves known as such (ver. 1 2 f.) only after they have put their host to the test. NrDX does not mean oh, ivould that ; ^ N3 imparts a delicate 1 1 Sam. xxii. 6. - Dehtzsch, following Daumas, Chevaux du Sahara,''' p. 423 (Ger. tr. 195). 3 Ver. 3 ff. ^ Ver. 1. ^ Fripp, ZA TJF. xii. 24 ff. ^ Against Tucli, Knobel, Delitzscli, Keil. ' Adonai, p. 16. 8 Knobel. 94 GENESIS XVIII. 4, 5 [2G6, 267 shade of meaning to the condition ; Gesenius ^ rightly renders, si — quod opto magis quam sumere audeo — gratiam inveni ; similarly elsewhere,- and even in Gen. xxx. 27, although there the apodosis is omitted. Ver. 4. He desires to entertain them. np' — " let there be brought." It is unnecessary for Abraham to name those who bring the water. " Nothing was worn on the feet but sandals, so that it was necessary for travellers to have their feet washed on their arrival ; it was especially usual before meal-time." ^ " Recline yourselves under the tree — sit down under it, resting on your arms. Meals were taken in a reclining posture,^ but sitting is not infrequently mentioned." ^ }*yn — the singular is quite to be expected, for three persons would not dismount for a meal under several trees. It follows, therefore, that we cannot conclude from the use of the singular that '^ ^P'^, in ver. 1, and chs. xiii. 18, xiv. 13, is a late correction for ^ P^^?,^ all the less seeing that the reading would then have been, not 'bxzi, but '^^^ ^^*n* ^ or '^.s-Dy.s The Septuagint singular hpv^ (similarly the Peshitta), everywhere given, had reference to the great tree, which still survived on the spot in the time of the translators.^ Ver. 5. A morsel of hread — modest expression for the ample meal he intends to set before them, ^wppovt your heart, refresh yourselves with food.^*^ Each of the different kinds of food is a staff or support of vital energy ; ^^ so Pliny ,i'- corporis fulturcc qiiihus animus sustinetur}^ ^ Thesaurus. 2 Ch. xxiv. 42, xxxiii. 10, xlvii. 29, 1. 4 ; Ex. xxxiii. 13, xxxiv. 9. 3 Ch. xix. 2, xxiv. 32, xliii. 24 ; Judg. xix. 21 ; 2 8aiii. xi. 8. * Amos vi. 4. ^ E.g. cli. xxvii. 19 ; Judg. xix. 6 ; see Winer, Eeahuorterbuch, ii. 48. Knobel. ^ Wellliausen in Bleek, Einleitumj^^ p. 643 ; Baudissin, Studien, ii. 224. 7 Dent. xi. 30. » Judg. ix. 6. 9 Joseplius, Jewish Wars, iv. 9. 7. 10 Ps. civ. 15 ; Judg. xix. 5. 8. ^^ Isa. iii. 1 ; Lev. xxvi. 26. 12 Ejnstolce, i. 9. ^^ Knobel. 267] GENESIS XVIII. G-9 F. 95 ]^~bv ^^ — for for this reason = now that you liave.^ Yy. 6_8. " The meal is quickl}' prepared, for one cannot allow guests of quality to wait long. It consists of cakes of bread, meat, and curdled and sweet milk, and is a genuine Eeduin repast,- but exceptionally bountiful in honour of the guests." ^ ''Hasten three sdm of meal, fine meal, bring quickly three setm," '^ or, perhaps, hasten three sctm of meal! ripD as in Lev. ii. 1. Calces, small round ember-cakes, which were p^repared on hot stones.^ He, the servant, hastened to make, to prepare, it (the young heifer), and he set {gave) in front of thc7n, served up the food and set it before them,^ while he himself remained standing 'before'' them, i.e. "waited on them.^ It remains so in the East. The Arab sheikhs when they have guests of quality do not sit down to eat with them, but remain standing, in order to serve their guests.-^ Strabo ^^ gives a similar account of the Nabatean kings." " And they ate, which celestial beings on other occasions refuse to do.^^ Ancient commentators ^^ suppose that they only appeared to partake of the food." ^^ Ver. 9 f. In the conversation which the strangers begin, they make Sarah the subject, because God wishes to announce that she will have a son. For iidn''1 the Septuagint has here already, incorrectly, the singular, elvre he. It is not till ver. 10 that the leading personage^* takes up the conver- sation. 1 Gesenius, Thesaurus, G82 ; Ewald, § 353rt (comp. xix. 8, xxxiii. 10, xxxviii. 26 ; Num. x. 31, xiv. 43). 2 Lane, Manners and Customs, 1871, i. 364, pop. ed. p. 268. 3 See ch. xliii. 34. ■* Isa. v. 19 ; 1 Kings xxii. 9. 5 Winer, Realworterhuch,^ i. 95. ^' Comp. xxiv. 33 ; Ex. xxv. 30. 7 Ver. 2. ^ Jer. Hi. 12; 1 Kings x. 8. » Shaw, Travels, 1738, p. 301 f. ; Buckingliam, Mesojwtamia, 1827, p. 18 (Germ. tr. 23) ; Seetzen, i. 400. 10 xvi. 4. 26. ^^ Jndg. xiii. 16. 12 Josephus, Antiquities, i. 11. 2 ; Targ. of Jonathan, Raslii, Kimchi. 1" Knobel. ^' Ver. 3. 96 GENESIS XYIII. 11-13 [267, 268 i^i^N — the points above the « and •• of this word ^ doubtless indicate a reading ib.- >^l^ ^J/J — at this time, it being alive again, i.e. when this time revives,^ i.e. a year from now.'^ In ver. 14 the words 1vi?d^ are added, and in 2 Kings iv. 1 6 f. ^V'^'oh np, and the translation becomes, " a year from now at this time." Ch. xvii. 2 1 also makes, the meaning clear. V"in&5 J:D-by, xiv. 3, xix. 28 ; :N'um. xxi. 20." ^ 1 Deut. xvii. 8, xxx. 11. 2 y^y. 12. 3 Ch. xix. 2, xlii. 12. Knobel. * Ver. 21. 5 See ch. xix. 27 f. « Ch. xix. 28. ' Kuol.el. DILLMANN. II. 7 98 GENESIS XVIIl. 17-19 [268, 269 Yv. 17-19 break the sequence of the narrative in order to furnish an explanation of what follows in ver. 20 ff. God says, not to Abraham, but ^3?"5X,^ i.e. reflects, ought I indeed to conceal My intention from Abraham, seeing that after all Abraham will become a great people,^ and all peoples will bless themselves with him,^ so that he is of sufficient import- ance, and worthy of being initiated into God's plans. For / have recognised him, i.e. entered w^ith liim into a more than usually close relationship,'* with the intention that he should command his posterity, and that they should keep the w^ay of Jahve, so that they will practise justice and righteousness, in order that God, on His part, may fulfil to Abraham all His promises to him. C here distinctly declares that the purpose of the whole relationship entered into with Abraham is the founding of a house, later it will be a people and a kingdom, in which the life of true piety and morality, true religion, shall have its abode.^ It is Abraham's task to implant this disposition and way of life in his house ; this is the condition of the fulfilment of the promise.^ For a man with this task before him, it is beyond doubt of importance that he should reach a clear understanding of the justice of God's rule in the world. The destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah is in- tended as a memorial to Abraham's house of the stern punitive justice of God which shall wholesomely affect its piety.7 \V'oh — wrongly impugned by Lagarde,^ is, in view^ of the foregoing explanation, quite in place. The Septuagint (Vulgate, Peshitta), like the Targum, has simply failed to understand the words jyD^ vnyn"' ; ivoh was not wanting in its text. Eegarding the addition by the Sept. and Pesh. of ^"^^V 1 Cli. viii. 21. 2 cii. xii. 2. ^ Cli. xii. 3. * Amos iii. 2 ; Hos. xiii. 5. ^ See ch. iv. 20, and in A^ xvii. 1. ® Comp. xvii. 1 ff. in ^. "^ Amos iv. 11 ; Hos. xi. 8 ; Isa. i. 9f., iii. 9; Deut. xxix. 33 ; Jer. xxiii. 14, etc. ^ Onomastica sacra, ii. 95 ; Olshaiisen also. 2G0] GENESIS XVIII. 20-22 99 after Dmns^ in ver. 17, see Ewald,^ and compare xxvi. 24. It is incoiTect to say that mn*' in "lot:^ and DStTDl np^^^ r\)bv^ are Deuteronomistic phrases.- Ver. 20. God accordingly makes His disclosure. If "TiycL'' has not fallen out at the beginning of the sentence,^ ''3 must be taken as meaning, " it is the case that," or " truly."'* The cry regarding (genit. of obj.)^ Soclom, which ascends to heaven and demands vengeance,^ has in truth become large, great ; nm is perf. of the verb. The interpretation,^ " there is a report regarding Sodom and Gomorrah that their sin is great, that it is very grave," which omits the ] before Dns*Dn, fails because np]:)^ does not signify report.^ Ver. 21. But He desires to investigate before judging, so He will go down ^ and see whether they have done entirely in accordance with the cry against it (them) which has come before Him. The Sept. has Dnpyvan ; the "^^^ of the Mas- soretic text is Sodom. nP3 — omnino, as in Ex. xi. 1, and not as in Nah. i. 8 ; Zeph. i. 18; Jer. iv. 27, etc.; hence the paseq after i:^j;.^^ Olshausen conjectures Dps and Wellhausen i^/S. ^i?^*^, a trifle, so that he did not ask more than the preserva- tion of an insignificant little town. Being small, also, So'ar did not contain so much godlessness, and might, it was allowable to think, be excepted from the overthrow. The angel grants the request, but urges haste, because he can do nothing before Lot's arrival in So'ar. This history explains why the name "iVV, iKttincss, or we may say, petty town, was given to the place formerly called V??.^ The incident related in vv. 19-22 rests on the significance of the name." '^ The h of nmb as in xvii. 20 ; for ^n^n^ see iii. 11 ; for &<-ip, xvi. 14. 1 Gesenius,-^ 107. 4, note. 2 Theocritus, lihjll, xxiv. 93 ; Vergil, Eclogues, viii. 102 ; Ovid, Fasti^ V. 437 tf. ^ Vergil, Georgics, iv. 491 ; Ovid, Metamorphoses, x. 51. * See ver. 30, cli. xiv. 10. ^ Knobel. « Ch. liv. 2. ^ Knobel. 273] GENESIS XIX. 23 F. 107 In recent times So'ar has been looked for ^ in the beauti- fnl oasis of el-Mezra'a, on the tongue of land (el-lisan) or peninsula which projects into the Dead Sea from its eastern shore.- But Knobel has rightly kept to the older view, which AYetzstein ^ has further established, tliat So'ar lay about an hour south-east of the Dead Sea in the part of the 'Araba now called Ghor es-Safia, at the point where Wadi el-Ahsa leaves the border hills of Moab and enters the plain under the name el-Kurahi. Its modern name is Chirbet es-Safia, and it is buried under the alluvium of the water which abounds. The region is well watered, but the climate tropical. It was the most southern point of the Jordan district, of the 133.* The Dead Sea, then 580 stadia or 2 9 hours long, once extended as far as this point,^ but now, in consequence of the alluvial deposits, has retreated north- wards; the sea we are told lay between Jericho and So'ar.^ In the Pioman period there was a castle to protect the city,'' and traces of it still remain. Dates and balsam trees were cultivated there.^ In the Middle Ages it was still of importance. It was one of the six stages on the caravan road from Aila to Jerusalem, and an important commercial centre.^ The name still existed in the time of the Crusades in the form Segor, and the Arabic geographers name it Soghar or Zoghar, and the Dead Sea the Sea of Zoghar. It and the palm trees which were there have now alike vanished. Ver. 23 f. Tlie sun had risen over the earth, and Lot 1 Especially by Robinson, Ritter, Winer, Tucli, and others. -' See Baedeker, Paliisthia,^ p. 181 ; ZDPV. ii. 212 f. 2 In DeUtzscli, Geyicsis,^ 564 f. ; see also de Saulcy in lievue Archeol. xxxiii. 193 ff. •* Cli. xiii. 10 ; Deut. xxxiv. 3. ^ Joseplius, Jewish Wars, iv. 8. 4. ^ Onomasticon, siih Qcchccoacc. "^ Notitia digriatatum, i. 78 f. ; Steplianus Byzant,, sub Zoupx. ^ Onomasticon, sub BxT^a. ; Talmud, Y'bamoth xvi. 7 ; Istachri (ed. Mordtmann), xxxix. 41 ; Edrisi, trans, hy Jaubert, i. 338 ; William of Tyre, xxii. 30, in Gesta Dei 'per Francos, i. 1041. ^ Mukaddasi in Wetzstein. 108 GENESIS XIX. 23 F. [273,274 had reached So'ar, when Jahve sent down the rain. Taken with ver. 15 this statement allows ns to determine the distance of So'ar from Sodom. Jahxe, who is present in the angels, according to ver. 17 ff'., caused it to rain doivii from JaJicc, from the sky. mn'' nXD seems,^ like the Greek e'/c J to?, to have been a pecnliar expression of the same meaning as D^oc*n"p by which it is explained.- Bnt the anthor lays stress on the fact that it was really from the sky that the rain came down. By this rain of sulphur and fire from the sky God turned upside doivn, completely destroyed, so that what had been beneath lay on the top and the top lay below, these cities and the whole district,^ with its inhabitants and all that grew in it. The expression "jsn, one little suited to the sulphur rain,"^ is used because it had long held its place in the legend. " It was supposed that the district, which abounded in bitumen,^ after being kindled by a burning sulphureous material which fell from the sky, burned itself out, and thereafter was overspread by water which rose from beneath.*^ The fire and sulphur were easily suggested by the phenomena of thunderstorms. Josephus,^ too, thought of lightning ; and Tacitus ^ tells that the district fuhninum jactu arsisse, and the cities i(/7ic ccelesti flagrasse. Fire and brimstone are also the instruments of divine judgment in Ps. xi. 6 and Ezek. xxxviii. 22."^ The connection of the catastrophe with the bituminous character of the soil,^^ is not amiss.^^ The text offers no hint of volcanic action. 1 Comp. Micali v. 6. - Ewald, Geschichte,^ ii. 223 [History, ii. 157, note 3]. ^ Ver. 17. ■* Nokleke, Untersuchungen, p. 22. 5 Ch. xiv. 10. 6 JoIj xviii. 15, xxii. 16. ^ Antiquities, i. 11. 4 ; Jewish TFars, iv. 8. 4. * Histories, \. 7. ^ Knobel. ^^ Rielim, Handivdrterhuch, 97'Sa. 1^ Recently defended anew l^y Dawson in tlie Expositor for 1886, Jan. p. 69 ff. 274, 27o] GENESIS XIX. 2G 109 Ver. 2G. " Wliile this went on, his wife, heliind him, looJiCd hack, i.e. she was walkmg to So'ar behind Lot, and took a look round, impelled by a woman's curiosity. And she hccame a jnllctr of scdt, was changed into a pillar of rock-salt, because she disobeyed the command of ver. 17. The punishment harmonises with the locality, where things are easily covered with a saline crust, due to the salty evaporation of the Dead Sea, and where rock-salt abounds.^ The lecyend orio-inated in the existence of some i)illar of rock-salt. In Wisd. x. 7 a o-Tr/Xr) aXo? beside the Dead Sea is mentioned as [xvrjixelov d7rLaT0vcr7]<; '^vx^]'^) ^ii^^ it still existed in the time of Josephus.^ Something of the kind may still be found. At the south-west end of the Dead Sea there is a long narrow ridge of rock, about 100 to 150 ft. high, which stretches from north to south or south-east, and is about 21 hours in length. It is called Hill (rock, ridge) of Usdum or Salt Hill, and consists entirely of mineral salt,^ or at least contains thick layers of mineral salt. It is quite bare, decomposed, and friable, and full of caves, seams, fissures, peaks, and indentations.^ Its distance from the sea is at one point only 200 ft., and in the rainy season the ground there is flooded.^ " The denuding action of the rain forms on the ridge isolated peaks and knolls and pillars of various forms. They doubtless pass away to be replaced by others. Thus there is standing at present on the east side of the hill a high round pillar of crystalline salt about 40 ft. high.^ We cannot say whether this be the same as that of which Josephus and others speak.^ 1 Seetzen, ii. 240 ; Lynch, Exped. to Jordan and Dead Sea,- 2G9, 272^ 274, 281, 287, 297 f., 306. - Antiquities, i. 11. 4. 3 Palestine, i. 502, ii. 107 fF. (Germ. tr. ii. 435, iii. 22 f.). ^ Seetzen, i. 428, ii. 227, 240. ^ Roth in Petermann, Geograph. Mittlieilv.nrjen, 1858, p. 2G8 f. Knol>eL ^ Lynch, op. cit. p. 307. '' Clement of Rome, 1 Cor. xi. [ed. Lightfoot, vol. ii. p. 46] ; L'ena'us, Adv. Hcereseos, iv. 31. 3 ; Carmen de Sodoma in TertuUian {Opera, etL Oehler, ii. 773). 110 GENESIS XIX. 27 F. [275 Eegardiiig the various interpretations of the passage, see Eosenmiiller, etc.^ The rather unfavourable estimate of woman in the legend is to be noted (comp. xviii. 12 and iii. 6). A^er. 27 f. Abraham, believing what God had said, and full of interest in the fate of the cities of the plain, betakes himself, while it is yet early, to the place on the height where he had made intercession the day before.^ Looking down,^ he saw now only the thick smoke of the earth, a thick smoke rising from the earth, like that wdiich rises from a furnace.* Amongst others, Wisd. x. 7 and Philo ^ speak of a smoke which still continued to rise from the ground.^ " Modern travellers, on the other hand, report only a dense vapour or a thin veil of mist,'"' ^ which is explained by the rapid evaporation of the water in the terrible heat. — With this return to Abraham the narrative concludes, and is rounded off. " There is no doubt that the account has a basis in actual fact. Deut. xxix. 22^ tells of the destruction of Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, and Seboim.^ Hos. xi. 8 names only the last tw^o ; elsewhere the first two, as the most important, are generally named,^^ but occasionally Sodom by itself.^^ The statement in Wisd. x. 6 is inexact, seeing that So'ar was spared. Sodom, which is always named first, and more often than the others alone, was plainly the most important. This is confirmed by Strabo,^^ ^yj^o, however, puts the number of the cities at thirteen." ^^ The usual supposition, that the cities stood where the Dead Sea now is, rests on ch. xiv. 2 f. 1 Eosenmiiller, ad loc. ; Grimm on Wisd. x. 7 ; Winer, Realworterhich, ii. 32f. 2 Ch. xviii. 22. ^ Ch. xviii. 16. ^ Ex. xix. 18. 5 De Ahrahamo, p. 21 ; Vita Mosis, ii. p. 143. ^ Comp. Isa. xxxiv. 10. '' Ptobinson, Palestine, i. 512 ; Lynch, op. cit. p. 311 ; Ritter, Erdkunde, XV. 762 ff. ; cf. Joseplius, Jeu-ish Wars, iv. 8. 4. Knobel. 8 Comp. Jude 7. ^ Comp. Gen. xiv. 2. 10 Isa. i. 9f., xiii. 19; Jer. xxiii. 14, xlix. 18, 1. 40; Amos iv. 11; JZeph. ii. 9 ; Matt. x. 15 ; 2 Pet. ii. 6. 11 Isa. iii. 9 ; Lam. iv. 6 ; Ezek. xvi. 48 fF. ; Matt. xi. 23 f . 12 xvi. 2. 44. ^^ Knobel. 275, 276] GENESIS XIX. 27 F. Ill But the older view, that the whole of the Dead Sea originated in this catastrophe, and that before then the course of the Jordan was through the 'Araba to the Gulf of 'Akaba, is quite untenable, for the level of the southern 'Araba at the lowest point of the water-shed, somewhat north of Tetra, is 240 metres above the surface of the Mediterranean, whereas the surface of the Dead Sea is 394 metres beneath that level; and it has been proved geologically that the southern 'Araba has not been elevated since the formation of the present basin. On the other hand, the view of Eussegger and Eobinson ^ is confirmed, that the Dead Sea, in the greater part of its extent, has existed from the earliest times, and that only its southern part can be of later origin. Accord- ingly, most writers now localise the cities in the region of the southern gulf of the Dead Sea. This section, as far as the Lisan, is much shallower than the northern part. The latter is on the average about 329 m. deep, whereas the former is never more than 3*6 m., and is still less at its extreme end, where it may be waded through.^ The position thus assigned finds support in the situation of Soar (ver. 22), and of the pillar of salt (ver. 26), and also, if we approve of the bitumen hypothesis, in the circumstance that the bitumen is specially prevalent in the southern part of the sea.^ The latest hypotheses, e.g. that the cities lay on the east side of the sea in the Wadi Zerka Ma'hi, and were destroyed by volcanic action,'* or that Gomorrah is to be found in the modern 'Ain Ghamr, near the 'Araba, almost half-way between the Dead Sea and the Gulf of 'Akaba,^ have against them vv. 22 and 26. 1 Palestine, ii. 187 ft", (trans, iii. 162 fF.). 2 Lynch, op. cit. 306 f ., 378 f. ; further, regarding tlie Dead Sea, Winer,^ ii. 73 f.; Furrer in Schenkel's BiheUexicon, iv. 153 fF.; 0. Fraas in Kiehm, Handicorterhuch, 972 ft'. ; C. Hull in Ausland, 1883, p. 375 f. 3 Comp. ch. xiv. 10. * F. Notling in the MontagsUatt oi tlie Berliner Taghlatt, August 1886, Xos. 27, 31, 33. ^ Clermont Ganneau in Quarterhj Statement of Pal. Explor. Ftuul, Jan. 1886, p. 19 ff. 112 GENESIS XIX. 29 [276 Noldeke has discussed the uiihistorical character of the legend of the overthrow of the cities,^ and Cheyne its probable 5. Double Appendix, Cft. XIX. 29, from A; XIX. 30-38 (the OpIGIN of MOxVB-AiMMON), fpom C. Yer. 29 is taken from A. Without any close connection with what precedes, it shortly reports to us the information already just given, that when Elohim destroyed^ the cities of the Kikkdr,^ Elohim in kindness rememhercd '^ Abraham, with whom he had entered into a covenant relation,^ and, for his sake, sent Lot out of the midst of the overthrow, i.e. allow^ed him to escape or depart ^ wdien He overthrew the cities in which ^ Lot had heen settled.^ There are here five characteristic expressions of A^^ and there is this agreement with his story as to matter of fact that Lot does not dwell in Sodom alone, but in the cities of the Kikkar.^^ The reason assigned for Lot's deliverance also is not that of C, at least it is unmentioned in the preceding section. As for the word "jsn, it and its derivatives had long become standing expressions for this peculiar destruction of the ground, and are found in Deuteronomy, Lamentations, Amos, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and even in the Koran. ^2 We are no longer able to determine the further point whether A, in connection with this narrative, or elsewhere in his narrative, gave his readers information regarding Moab- Ammon and their relationships, as he has done in the case of Ishmael and Edom. The narrative of vv. 30-38, regarding 1 Im neuen lieich, 1871, ii. 41-48. 2 New World, June 1892, p. 236 ff. » nnp as vi. 17, ix. 11, 15. * As xiii. 12. ^ As viii. 1. 6 Oh. xvii. " 1 Sam. xxiv. ^ \X\2, is not " in one of wliich," with a construction like that of ch. viii. 4 or Judg. xii. 7. ^ As xiii. 12. ^0 [^Tiie words in italics.] ^1 Ch. xiii. 12. ^^ ggg Gesenius, TJiesaurus. 276, 277] GENESIS XIX. 20 113 the incest of Lot's two diiiighters witli tlieir fatlier, and the origin of Moab-Ammon, is in any case not from A. It passes back over ver. 29, and connects itself with the preceding passage (vv. 23, 17), whicli it presupposes. In so far, also, there is reason for the current view ^ that it is from the same author, C, as was the preceding section. The expressions ^"^^?3 and nTyy in w. ;]1, 33 f., and 37,- and n.T r^in in ver. 32,=^ may be used as special proofs of tliis, though yj ^^^3, ver. ol,'^ is not found elsewhere in C. In cli. xix. 1 if. 6' portrays Lot, not, indeed, as one of tlie heroes of faith, but yet as a rii^hteous man, who detested the dissolute character of the inhabitants of Sodom, and as one whom God Himself honoured with a visit and a miraculous deliverance ; so, of course, he did not himself compose this odious story about him, but only adopted it, thereby giving expression to the abhorrence which Israel felt for the dissolute character of the people of Moab- Ammon. The narrative itself, unlike C's delineations, which are artistically true to life, is marred by internal improb- abilities. The irritation against Moab-Ammon, which grew more bitter as time went on, especially from the date of the S}Tian wars waged under the house of Jehu, and which has received legislative expression in Deut. xxiii. 4 ff., makes itself plainly and directly felt in the story. It was the coarse humour of the people which put into words its hatred of Moab-Ammon by means of this narrative. Although, with the exception of Xum. xxv. 1 ff., we have no definite informa- tion regarding unchaste practices prevalent among them, we must still conclude that this story about them would not have taken the shape it did among the Israelites if con- sanguineous marriages, such as were proscribed in Israel, had not been customary among them.^ It is not probable that the 1 Knobel, Hupfekl, Sclirader, Kayser, Wellliausen. - As in xxix. 26 ; comp. xxv. 23, xhii, 33, xlviii. 14. 2 Comp. vii. 3. "* Coinp. Deut. xxv. 5. ^ Comp. Deut. xxiii. 4 with vv. 1-3 ; and regarding Reuben, ch. xxxv. 22. See Smend, Moses apud Propheta^, p. 73 ; Bertheau in Sclienkel's Bihellexicon, iv. 230. DILLMANN. — II. 8 114 GENESIS XIX. 30-32 [277 legend made Lot's wife, the mother of his daughters, a native of Sodom ; ^ in ch. xii. f., before his migration to Sodom, Lot appears in possession of a house, just as Abraham does. But the daughters are doubtless regarded as having been influenced by the morals of Sodom. The conjectures that R was the first to insert the passage,^ or that it is derived from B^ have no sufficient reason in their favour. The episode stands in no connection with the history of the trials of Abraham's faith. Ver. 30. "The author, continuing the narrative from the point reached in ver. 23, relates that Lot left Soar and proceeded to the hills, because he feared that this city also might be destroyed. At the same time, the angel (ver. 21) had assured him of its permanent safety." ^ He dwelt in the cave, was a cave-dweller ; the article is generic.^ Still some particular cave,^ with which legend associated the events related, may be intended.^ " Even yet the people of those regions inhabit caves and grottoes." ^ Compare also the name Lotan mentioned among the Horites (cave-dwellers) in Gen. xxxvi. 20, 22, 29.^ But it is to be remarked that 'y\ 'y?oa n'J'^i after nnn ac'^l is surprising, and the w^ords may be a later addition. Yer. 31. The elder daughter makes a proposal to the younger.^*^ Our father is old, and so wdll not be able to look out another place of residence, aiid there is no one in the land to €07ne upon us, to cohabit with us. There is no alternative for us but to have connection with our father. For ^n, tuay, procedure, or manner in general, comp. ch. vi. 12. Yer. 32. " But since Lot, the opponent of the immorality of Sodom,^^ w^ould not, so long as sober, agree to such an immoral connection, he must be intoxicated." 1 Knobel and others. ^ Ewald, Bohmer, Kautzscli-Socin. 3 Ilgen. ^ Knobel. ^ Chs. xiv. 13, x v. 11. Knobel. ^ Comp. xvi. 7. 7 Delitzsch. ^ Buckingham, Syria, Germ. tr. ii. 53 f., 61, 81 ; Lynch, op. cit. p. 355 (Germ. 221). 9 Kiehm, Handwurterhuch, § 26. ^^ Ch. xxix. 26. ^ Ch. xix. 9. 277, 278] GENESIS XIX. 33-37 115 Aiid wc will call to life seed from our father, through hhn propagate our race : the expression as in eh. vii. o. For n^!? the Samaritan has ^^h. Vv. 33—36. "The plan is executed. Lot is so intoxi- cated that lie does not observe when his daughter lies beside him and rises again. At the same time he is capable, thouc^h an old man too, of besrettingj children. It is most improbable." ^ According to Jerome,- it was this very incredi- bility of the statement which accounts for the Jews having placed tlie supralinear point over ^^^P in ver. 33 ; but in view of the ^pp3 of ver. 35 it seems rather to indicate an ortho- graphical variant. nn^C'n — the Sept. strangely renders iv rep KoifiTjOfjvat avTov. T|'pD'ni — also in ver. 3 5 ; comp. Gesenius^"''. ^ N^n nWn — as in XXX. 16, xxxii. 23 (1 Sam. xix. 10);^ otherwise in ver. 35. Yer. 36. jn^nx^D — the d for ^5 is intentional, because of the etymology in ver. 37. Ver. 37 f. "The author takes the name Moab either in the sense 3^?p, from the father, which accounts for the ex- pression ^^''?^!? in vv. 32, 34,^ or as compounded from io for ^fp, w^ater, corresponding to Aramaic ^io, and from 25<, so that it signifies something like ' seed of the father.' ^ In any case he connects it with the fact that the ancestress of the Moabites became pregnant by her father. The name i^'^V he explains by ^^V"|3, son of my pcojjle ; it is thus taken to express the fact that the ancestor of the Ammonites w\as entirely the son of his people, inasmuch as his mother's father w^as also father of her child. Both interpretations are very forced." '' We are compelled to add, in imagination, the very point it is desired to find in the names, for " seed of the father " or 1 Knobel. - Qucestiones. ^ 47A. 3. * See Ewald, 293a. ^ So Sept. Ly its insertion T^iyovau, Ik 'Trurpog fcov [DiUmannJ. ^ Comp. Isa. xlviii. 1, and Gesenius, Thesaurus^ 774 [Dillmann]. 7 Knobel. 116 GENESIS XX [278 " son of my people " might be the name of any male child whatsoever. Eegardmg the \yord Dy, see note on ch. xvii. 14. Its collective meaning, according to which it denotes the sum of those connected by blood, suffices here. The phrase \»2y"p does not require us to assume that nv was originally jj«?^r?n/.s and then pater,^ for the word Moab also is interpreted only in a general way, 2^;? io, not ''?^^ i^. Derenbourg '-^ wishes to infer the name of an Anniionite god ^^^ from the Ammonite royal name ^'^^^'^J^ which occurs in the cuneiform inscriptions, and may be paralleled by the Moabite niJD'ios.s Until io-clay — as in ch. xxxv. 20, elsewhere r^\n DVn ^V-^ The phrase is here, perhaps, added to indicate that the characteristic feature of their oricfin still manifests itself in o the nature of the people. 6. Sarah's Danger at the Court of Gerar, and her Preservation, Ch. XX. ; from B. Abraham moves towards the south country, and takes up his residence in Gerar. He there gives it out that Sarah is his sister, and for a time loses her to King Abimelech ; but receives her back, and is compensated by presents after God has brought illness on the unlawful possessor and his wives.^ In this way, even after the reiterated promise of a son by Sarah, and before her pregnancy,^ Abraham's hope, though not without fault on his part, is once more in appearance dashed, and his faith and patience are once more put to the proof. It is, however, the occasion, more- over, of his receiving anew proof of God's graciousness and almighty protection. 1 Krenkel, ZATIV. viii. 282 ff. 2 Revue des etudes juives, 1881, j). 123 f. 3 Similarly Halevy in J"^. vii. 19, p. 480 f., regarding Aiuiuon and Moab. ^ Chs. xxvi. 33, xxxii. 33, xlvii. 26, xlviii. 15, and frequently. 5 Knobel. <■- Ch. xxi. 2. 278, 279] GENESIS XX 117 Such is the significance of the passage in its present position. Ihit at one time it stood in another context before being transferred liere by R. According to ch. xvii. 17 (^-1), Sarah is ninety years old ; according to xviii. 1 1 f . (6') aged, and naturally incapable of bearing children ; she cannot, therefore, still liave been an object of desire to strangers.^ But there are other reasons which completely exclude the possibility of the passage being from A or C. A is excluded, notwithstandino^ tlie use throu<>liout of the word D'Tii'X, be- cause '"ill his history Abraham dwells in Mamre-Hebron,^ and there is no trace elsewhere in his narrative that he was ever resident in Gerar or Beersheba'. The passage is also in other respects alien to A, e.g. Abraham is represented as a prophet (ver. 7); God appears in visions by night (vv. 3, 6); the moral character of the people of Gerar is represented unfavourably (ver. 11), and expressions A does not use are found, e.g. ^n« (ver. 4), tlie lanel is heforc you (ver. 15), rise vp eeirly in the viorning (ver. 8), do kinehicss (ver. 13), P"! (ver. 11), and n^?^n (ver. 16)."^ As little can C be its author, above all because the parallel narrative xii. 10-20 belongs to him, and because ver. 13 is not in harmony with it. Another proof is the use of the divine name Elohim ; for in view of ch. xxvi. 28 f. it cannot be assumed that C here intentionally avoids the use of the name Jahve because the events related took place at a heathen court. Further, C expresses himself otherwise* than in ver. I'Sa regarding Abraham's removal from his original home, the style is less smooth and flow- ing than 6"s, being even awkward,-"^ and the words 22^^ for 2.^, and n^x 7 fQp nnDC', are unused by him." ^ Modern critics are therefore rightly of opinion that another source, namely B, has here been used,^ one which writes D"'n!?s, not nin% and r]'Oii. for nnn*t:\ Here, as elsewhere, he uses all sorts of rare 1 Ch. XX. 2, 4, 11. 2 Ch. xxiii. 1 ff., xxv. 9 ; cf. xiii. 8. 3 Knobel. * Cli. xii. 1 ff. ^ See vev. 17. c Yer. 5 f. '^ Ver. 17. « Knobel. » Ilgen, Hupfeld, Bohmcr, Knobel, Ewald, Sclirader, Kayser, Well- hausen, Kuenen. 118 GENESIS XX. 1 [-270, 280 expressions,^ in tins respect contrasting considerably ^Yith C\ and ver. 1 6 offers an example of his many ancient forms of speech. In his narrative Abraham dwells in the Negeb ; he speaks much of revelations from God in dreams (here vv. o, 6), re- presents Abraham as a prophet (ver. 7), and construes U'rh)!^ with a plural verb.- Eegarding 3::n px and hhtiT\n, see vv. 1, 7. But ver. 18 ^ is from R\ see also notes on vv. 1 and 14. Yer. 1. Abraham goes from there to the land of the south.* He settled, took up his residence, between Shur^ and Kadesh,^ and led a nomadic life for a time in the region of Gerar. n^'is — the construct state with the locative termination n— as in xi. ol? 3:i:n ]*nx — for n:iin, as in ch. xxiv. 62 ; Xum. xiii. 29 ; Josh. XV. 19 ; Judg. i. 15, and nowhere else. D*C70 — in the present context refers to the grove of Mamre,^ and is quite possibly an insertion of i^'s. If it stood in ^'s text, we can no lonojer discover its reference.^ There is no reason for attributing it to C}^ Gerdr — According to the Ommasticon, 25 Ptoman miles south of Eleutheropolis ; in recent times ^^ generally supposed to be the ruins of Umm el-Jerar,^- three hours S.S.E. of Gaza, situated on a broad, deep torrent which comes from the south- east, the Jurf el- J era r, the upper portion of the Wadi Gazzeh ; the Wadi Gazzeh receives in it, some distance above Jerar, the Wadi esh-Sheri'a, which comes from the north-west.^^ But unless "nn "iri implies a complete change of locality, as compared with -\^^* — 2'C'^^, this situation is too far north. If we take our starting-point " between Shur and Kadesh," ^ Ji^i^:, ver. 5; njox, ver. 12 ; i? or S^ -ipx, vv. 2, 13. 2 Ver. 30 (ch. xxxv. 7). ^ See notes. ^ Ch. xii. 9. 5 Ch. xvi. 7. « Ch. xiv. 7, xvi. 14. 7 Geseiiius,25 90. 2a. » Ch. xviii. 1. 9 Kittel, Geschichte, i. 125, conjectures xiv. 13 [History of the Hebrews, vol. i. p. 136, note 4], ^^ Hupfeld, Quellen der Genesis, p. 172 f. ^^ Since Kowlands. ^2 Robinson, Knobel, Keil, Kiepert, Baedeker,- 207 ; Rielini, Hand- worterhuch, 489, and others. ^3 ZDMG. i. 175 ; Ritter, Erdkunde, xiv. 1084 f. 280] GENESIS XX. 2, 3 1 1 9" Gerar must be placed farther south, not, indeed, in el-'Arish,^ but in all likelihood - south-west of Kadesh in or beside the Wadi Jerfir,^ a side valley of the Wadi esh-Sheraif which opens into the Wadi el-'Arish.'* It must, however, be ad- mitted that this locality is not compatible with C's statement in ch. xxvi. that a Philistine king ruled in Gerar. Elusa for Gerar, given by Saadia and Abusaid, seems to he only a conjecture. Ver. 2. p^, like ?,^ following "idn*, means " in reference to," " regarding." Abraham gives out that his wife is his sister^ and Abimelech takes her away from him. Both statements are very curtly made. The first does not find its explana- tion until ver. 1 1 ff". in the Massoretic text,^ and the second leaves it unexplained why the king took Sarah away, whether because of her beauty, as in ch. xii. 11, or for the sake of a marriage connection with the stranger cliief, or because it was his habit. " Elsewhere Abimelech is called king of the Philistines ; ^ his land, land of the Philistines ; ^ and his people, Philis- tines.^ Oar author does not use the name so early as for the patriarchal period." ^^ Yer. 3. But God interferes on Abraham's behalf, appears to Abimelech in a dream, and announces to him that he will die because he has taken a married woman,^^ and has thus in- fringed a sacred right. In this author God frequently comes and speaks in a dream}'^ * Kneucker in Sclienkel's Bibellexicon, i. 385. 2 Thomson, Trumbull, Gutlie in ZDPV. viii. 215. 3 Described in llobinson [Falestine, i. 188 f.], Germ. tr. i. 311 ff., 438, 44-2 ; Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, 1871, p. 34911". ^ See, further, ch. xxvi. 1, 6, 17, 23. ^ Yer. 13, xxi. 7. ^ The Septuagint supplies here already an explanation from ver. lift'., i — ill ver. 11 (comp. xix. 17) "i?^"''!/; the Samaritan has nhx r; (comp. xxi. 11, 25). Ver. 4 f. turns back the course of the narrative wlien it remarks, l)ut Abimelech had not yet aj'ij^iroached her, had not yet had connection witli her ; ^ and it is not till vv. 6 and 17 that we learn that he was restrained from this by ill- ness sent on him by God. After the parenthesis Abimelech pleads his innocence. ■•^"^^f — used in addressing Jahve ; - here put in the mouth of a heathen. A righteous iKO'ple also ? — i.e. righteous people ^ also ; comp. the use of nv in Ps. xviii. 28, xxii. 7, Ixii. 9 ; Geiger* regards ^IJ as a later interpolation. " Abimelech is righteous, because he acted m innocency of heart and cleanness of hands, i.e. in the belief that he was takmg Abraham's sister, an act which cannot have been regarded as unjust by the morality of the time." ^ 33^ — used for ^p, elsewhere also in B.^ Ver. 6. God acknowledges that he acted in good faith. Therefore I cdso, on My part, restraiiied you from sinning against Me, i.e. by illness which I sent upon you.'^ ^^n for ^^b^.8 For this reason, i.e. in order that you might not sin against Myself by violating the rights of My chosen, I allowed you not, put it not in your power,^ to touch her. Ver. 7. But Abimelech must now forthwith restore Sarah, because Abraham is a iiroiihet. This title is applied to Abraham here only, comp. Ps. cv. 15, though in effect he is represented as such in ch. xviii. 17 ff. It designates one who is God's intimate, whose possessions dare not be touched 1 Isa. viii. 3. 2 q\^^ ^v. 2. -'' [Lcate ; tlie English \vord people lias tlie doiiLle meaning.] ^ Urschrift, p. 365. ^ See xii. 14. Knobel. ^' E.g. ver. 6, xxxi. 26 ; Josh. xiv. 7, xxiv. 23. ^ Ver. 17. 8 Gesenius,25 75A. 21. ^ Ch. xxxi. 7 ; Num. xx. 21, xxi. 23 in B. 2Sl] GENESIS XX. 8-11 F. 121 with impunity, and on tlie other side as one also who has intiuence with God, who, in virtue of his prayers, may be 4in intercessor between God and man. As such, Abraham will pray for Abimclech, i.e. make intercession for him in the matter of his illness. See Knobel ^ regarding intercession as part of the prophetic calling. G. Baur- and Konig^ give a wider meaning to the word prophet. n';n) — a consecutive imperative;* thus thou slialt not die, of the illness, but become well again. bb^T\r[ — strictly prove one's self an arbiter or mediator, is the word for intercede,^ and differs from "iny, ch. xxv. 21. Ver. 8. Abimelech obeys the nocturnal warning as from God; his servants also, the officials, whom he informs of what has occurred, are affected by a like wholesome fear, and agree that he should act as he has been directed. Ver. 9 f. Abraham is summoned, but in the first pLice upbraided by the king for his conduct. You have done deeds which arc not done, i.e. acted in a way contrary to the practice (morality) of men everywhere.^ What have you seen, had in view, intended, by your false statement. In Arabic ^^^5■J is also thus used. Ver. 11 f. Abraham justifies himself. '•n^b'y must be supplied before •rncN* ^'^J P"] — the signification eertaiidy^ is not proved even by Xum. XX. 19 and Ps. xxxii. 6 ; only, in the sense of at least, suits everywhere. Owing to the general absence of piety among the population,^ he was apprehensive of being murdered if he acknowledged himself to be Sarah's husband. ^^ Besides, Sarah was really his sister, though her mother was not his. The latter statement is not made in xi. 29, and is not necessarily implied in xii. 13. " Marriages of the kind thus implied are ^ Prophetismu^, i. 213. ^ On Amos iii. ^ Offenharuwj, i. 69. ^ Ewakl, § 235rt. 5 Ver. 17 ; Num. xi. 2, xxi. 7 ; Deut. ix. 20, 26. ^ Comp. xxxiv. 7. ' Comp. xxvii. 20, xxxi. 31. « Knobel, Delitzsch. '* See xv. 16. ^« Comp. xii. 12. 122 GENESIS XX. 13, 14 F. [281 forbidden in the law,^ but occurred among Canaanites, Arabs, Egyptians, Assyrians, and Persians,- and according to this passage also among the Hebrews of pre-Mosaic times " ; ^ they are, of course, however, to be judged * in accordance with their original ethnological significance ; it was intended to represent the blood of the race as pure and unmixed. 'Ml'bv — see ch. xii. 17. njDX — as in Josh. vii. 20 ; the Samaritan has ^i'^^, as in xviii. 13. Ver. 13. The matter had been arranged between him and Sarah so long ago as when tliey migrated from their ancestral home. The account of xii. 11 is different. It is also to be remarked that nothing is here said of a call, as in ch. xii. 1 ft'., Ijut that God nynn, hd him astray, or away from known paths, to foreign parts, i.e. sent him forth to wander without a definite goaL Comp. ^V'^ in xxxvii. 15, and how Jacob is called ^?j< in Deut. xxvi. 5. lynn, plural, because heathen are addressed ; ^ ver. 6 is, of course, no proof against this explanation. The same construction occurs again in B in ch. xxxv. 7, but for a different reason. D'!p?2^"i?D"i5^< — ^5< for 2 is due to the attraction of the relative clause. •'ij'ncK — see note on ver. 2. Yer. 14 f. Abimelech is satisfied with Abraham's ex- planation, accompanies Sarah's restoration with gifts (as in xii. 16), and allows Abraham to reside undisturbed in the territory of Gerar. y:ih — see xiii. 9. The establishment of a prospective claim to this territory ^ can hardly be intended by the expression.'^ 1 Lev. xviii. 9, 11, xx. 17 ; Deut. xxvii. 22. 2 See Lev. xviii. 6 ff. ^ Knol)el. * Like xi. 29 and xxix. 26 ff. ^ Ewald, § 318a. '■ Hupfeld, Genesis, p. 169. ^ Comp. xiii. 9, xxxiv. 20 f. 2S1, 282] GENESIS XX. 16 123 Before |xv the Samaritan and Septuagint add i r]DD ^hii from ver. 16; mnstr is surprising in i> (vnn^x in ver. 17); it is either a late alteration, or along with i onip due to B. Ver. 16. Formal acknowledgment is made that Sarah's honour is untouched, it is confirmed by a special gift. The thousand shekels of silver ^ are not the value of the presents mentioned in ver. 14,'' for we see no reason for such a calculation of their value ; and these were, besides, out of consideration for Abraham himself, to propitiate and honour him, whereas the silver is a special and very liaudsome gift to Abraham, the object of which is explained by Abimelech to Sarah in the following sentence. It is for you a covering of the eyes to all ivlio are icith you — it is given for Sarah and on her account, and is intended to veil the eyes of all those about her, so that they may become blind to what has occurred, and may no longer see the dishonour she has met.^ ^nx "irx hzh cannot signify in reference to all that has occurred to youj" nor can ^37 = ?37T,^ which is indeed the reading of the Samaritan and Septuagint. Consequently, bs^ must express those whose eyes are to l)e covered, and "H? must be clativits commocli ; "^ cannot be the one who is to be made blind,*^ for 'ji h:h would then have no meaning. " For many reasons w^e cannot suppose that the thousand shekels were to procure a veil wdiich Sarah was afterwards to wear."^ Nor can xin be intended for Abraham himself,^ for then the purpose of the thousand shekels would not be stated at all. The present may be rightly taken to be a covering of the eyes, inasmuch as Abimelech by it, as if bv a witness,^ confirms his confession of the wrong he had 1 Geseniiis,25 134. 3A. 3. ^ Knobel, Keil. ' Comp. xxxii. 21 ; Job ix. 24. So Hofmann, SchriftJieiceis,- ii. 1, 233. ^ Schumann, Gesenius, ThesaAiriis ; Tuch, Knobel. ^ Delitzsch"*. ^' Delitzsch^. ' J. D. Michaelis, Dathe, Rosenmiiller, von Bohlen, Baumgarten, Knobel. 8 Ibn Ezra, Ewald, § 1236. .;. » Cli. xxi. 30. 124 GENESIS XX. 17 [282,283 done Sarah ; and tins witness in the liand of her brother, accepted and acknowledged by him, prevents any dishonour to Sarah being afterw^ards seen. i'DTixl — not co-ordhiate with '^^^,'^ so that we translate " what has happened to you and to all " ; for nx does not allow of this sense at all, and nothing had taken place affecting " all." Nor is it co-ordinate with D^J^y niDD i?,^ it is to be taken with nn^Ji as the Massoretes direct, and hcforc all, thou, etc. nn3:i — for the construction with i, thus, see Ewald;^ nn33 meaning attainted or convicted of wrong,"^ is linguistic- ally possible, but unsuitable seeing that Abimelech cannot here be reproving Sarah. Taken as passive of n^3in, cum accusativo rei,^ we may translate evidenced, demonstrated, sc. as one to whom wrong has been done, or as passive of h n'^n^n ^ it will mean in the rigid, justified. In this case it is best to point ^"Dbi/ for after waiv consecutive a perfect, 2 f. s., is alone in place, not a participle feminine, as if that could stand for Ji^?:? ^n?^2],^ or even signify, and as for every tliinrf it is arranged, decided.^ It is syntactically impossible also to take the word as a feminine substantive, decision. Olshausen doubts the correctness of the readino^. Yer. 17. " After this reconciliation, Abraham makes inter- cession for Abimelech,^^ and Grod removes his illness and that of his wives. As in ch. xii. 17, our author does not indicate precisely the nature of the illness ; according to ver. G it was at all events one which prevented sexual intercourse. Compare the plague sent on the Philistines,^^ and Herodotus' account ^^ of certain diseases among the Scythian women." ^^ ^ Tuch, Knobel. 2 Qesenius. 3 § ZUh. 4 Gesenius. ^ E.g. Jol) xiii. If), xix. 5. ^ E.g. Isa. xi. 4 ; Job xvi. 21. 7 Ewald, § 195/;. « Delitzsclr\ ^ Hofiiiami, Bunsen ; Bottclier partially. 10 See ver. 7. ii 1 Sam. v. 6, 9, 12, vi. 4f. 12 i. 105, iv. G7. 13 Also AViner," ii.2o4f. Knobel. 283] GENESIS XX. 18 125 It is to be noted that we were not told np to this point that Abimelech and liis wives were nnwell ; the style is awkw\ard.^ n^n — and tlicij lore children^- ur better, and they had children f so that Abimelech is included in the subject ; comp. 1^"' in Hos. ix. IG and Zech. xiii. 3. The reading Th\ ^ would introduce an alien element. n^S — common in this writer for nnDC','* altliough strictly ^ there is a distinction between the two words. Yer. 18 explains what has just been said by the state- ment that Jahve had on Sarah's account dosed every womb in the household of Abimelech. The expression is used elsewhere of incapacity to conceive/ possibly ^ also of in- capacity on the part of a pregnant woman to bring forth. The explanation therefore, so far as it refers to the wives of Abimelech's household, is general enough to be appropriate, but it overlooks the fact that according to ver. 17 Abimelech himself was prevented by illness from sexual intercourse,^ and it leaves the impression that the cause of children not being born lay only in the women. For this reason, and because of the use of the word nin\ the verse is to be regarded as an addition by B}^ In consequence of the position given to the passage Ijy B, Sarah could not have been long at the royal court,^^ and the incapacity of the women to conceive could not have been so quickly noticeable. Accordingly, 11 desired to lay stress on their incapacity to hear children, and has therefore ^"- taken nny in this latter sense. 1 See on xiv. 24. 2 Ewakl, § 1916. ^ Knobel. ^ Bredenkamp, ZKW. 1882, p. 671 f. ^ Ch. xxi. 10-13, XXX. 3, xxxi. 33 ; Ex. ii. 5, and frefjuently ; see ver. 14. '"' 1 Sam. XXV. 41. " See on xvi. 2. 8 Isa. Ixvi. 9, xxxvii. 3. " Ver. 6. ^^' Tuch, Knobel, Hupfeld, Delitzsch, Schrader, Wellliausen, Kuenen. ^^ See xxi. 2. '- Tiicli, Knobel. 126 genesis xxi [283, 284 7. Isaac's Birth and the Expulsion of Ishmael, Ch. XXL 1-21; FOLLOWING A, C, and B. Sarah's long-promised son comes at last, is circumcised when eight days old in accordance with the covenant, and is named Isaac (vv. 1-7). After Isaac is weaned, Abraham, on Sarah's demand, is obliged to send from the house Ishmael and liis mother, in order that the former may not inherit along with Isaac. In the wilderness, Hagar, thus cast out, has experience of God's care. Her son grows up under God's protection and settles in the desert of Paran, where he takes an Egyptian to be his wife (vv. 8-21). Thus Abraham, after God's great central promise has been fulfilled to him, must yet soon resign another possession which had become dear to him, and by this obedience testify his faith in the realisation of the divine covenant in Isaac. In the passage, vv. Ih and 25-5 are to be assigned to A ^' because of the reference of vv. 2h and 4 to ch. xvii., because of the statement of age in ver. 4, the expanded style of ver. 3, and the form nxp in ver. 5." -^ The account was his continuation of ch. xvii. and ch. xix. 29 ; but It, as in ch. xvii. 1, must have altered the original n^"^i^^^ of ver. Ih into n^rw C, of course, also wrote an account of the birth of Isaac, but E has taken nothing from it except vv. la, 2a, 7. At least, la would be incomprehensible as an unconstrained addition of it's not found in C, but nevertheless put alongside of ver. Ih ; in vv. 2h and 7 Vip6 is evidence for C, and in ver. 7 the duplication of ver. Ih. Vv. 6 and 8-21, are on the other hand, in spite of their use of D^ni'i^, not from A. The apparition of the "liih^ (ver. 17), the explanation of the name Isaac (ver. 6), the whole story of the expulsion of Hagar and Ishmael, and, in particular, the age of Ishmael at the time of the expulsion (see ver. 15), conflict with ^'s author- ship. "Expressions also like God was with him (vev. 20), rh)\>2 v^y (ver. 12), -ipaa d^sc'h (ver. 14), vryn yi^i (ver. 11 f.), ^ Knobel. [For nXD see note on xvii. 17.] 284] GENESIS XXI. 1-3 F. 127 una (ver. 10), and *i^.; (vv. 8, 14 If.), are alien to him." i Against (7's authorship there is, besides the divine name used, the difference of his explanation of the name Isaac- from that in ver. 6, and, above all, the fact that vv. 9-21 are a variant of the legend regarding Hagar and Ishmael which has already been narrated by C in ch. xvi. Accord- ingly, only B can be the author. Evidence for him, apart from the use of the word wrh^, is found in the locality of the incident, the Negeb,^ and in the use of the rare words npn (vv. 14 f., 19), nno (ver. 16), ni-'p nnh (ver. 20), and of expressions such as n»N (vv. 10, 12 f.), ^\:h Dib' (vv. 13, 18), pnnn (ver. 16), and nn^^-i'y (ver. 11). Only in ver. 14 the hand of B or of a later editor has interfered, and after ver. 17 somethmg has been omitted. Beyond all doubt in A and C, Isaac was born in Mamre. Vv. 1-7. The birth of Isaac. Ver. 1«, is certainly not from A, who writes ")3T,^ not npD ; it refers back to xviii. 1 0 ff. and is from C, who, like B, uses "ipD. Ver. 1& is from A, and the reference is to xvii. 16 and 21. But B has put niiT* for u^rh^, as in xvii. 1, because two divine names in sentences otherwise of the same meaning would have produced erroneous impressions. The Sept. has Kupio<; in vv. 2 and 6 also. A similar tautology between two parts of the same verse is found in Num. xxii. 3. Ver. 2& is certainly from A. Comp. lV)^b in xvii. 21, found, however, in xviii. 14 also. The first part of the verse, because of )^:p]h, in his old age,^ must be from C. Only if V:pT^ has been introduced by B from ver. 7 could it belong to A. Ver. 3 f. The naming and circumcision of Isaac as required by xvii. 12, 19. "i^-li'ljn — the perf. with an article instead of a relative ; but see ch. xviii. 21. 1 Knobel. 2 q]^^ xviii. 12. 2 Comp. XX. 1. ^ Cli. viii. 1, xix. 29. ^ Cf. ver. 7, xxxvii. 3, xliv. 20. 128 GENESIS XXT. 5-8 [2S4, 285 Ver. 5. Comp. ch. xvii. 1, 2-1. The accus. with the pass, as in ver. 8, iv. 18, xvii. 5. Ver. 6 is from B, who explains Isaac's name, otherwise than A ^ or 6',- by the joyful utterance of the mother on the birth of her son. God, she says, has prepared laughter for her, everyone who hears of her son will laugh at lier^ in wonder. So understood, the two parts of the verse do not exclude one another. What God has done to her is a subject for laughter to herself and to others. It is therefore unnecessary to assign 6& to C and to put it after ver. *1 } — • pnv;., see ch. ii. 12, 23. Ver. 7. Another saying of Sarah's, introduced by a second "i?osm, is reported ; it gives expression to lier joyful surprise, and is in poetical form ; hence the use of ^!?P, not found else- where in the Pentateuch. i'^o "'D — who ever said,^ i.e. who would ever have said,^ have thought that he might say. So the Vulgate ; the Septuagint ^ has wrongly t/? dpa-^yeXel. D^n — generic plural.^ V^plh — the Sept. has eu rch ^inpa yiov, but comparison with ver. 2 and the repetition of -"i^osni make it probable that the verse is from C. Vv. 8-21. Expulsion of Hagar and her son. It is from B, and parallel to the narrative of xvi. 4 If. ; in A nothing is found regarding an expulsion of Hagar and Ishmael.^ Ver. 8. Isaac is weaned after he has grown big.^^ " Children were often late in being weaned, sometimes after the age of three ^^ or four ^- years. The occasion was cele- 1 Ch. xvii. 17. 2 cIj. xviii. 12. 3 Job V. 22, xxxix. 7, xviii. 22 ; Ps. lix. 9, etc. ■* Budde, Urgeschichte, p. 224 ; Kittel, Geschichte, p. 137 [History of the Hebrews, vol. i. p. 152]. ^ Comp. Num. xxiii. 10 ; Prov. xxx. 3f.; Job xli. 5. 6 Gen. xviii. 12 ; Geseniiis,25 106. 4. ^ So Tucli. 8 As Ex. xxi. 22 ; 1 Sam. xvii. 43 ; Song ii. 0. 9 See XXV. 9. ^^ 1 Sam. i. 23 f. 11 2 Mace. vii. 27 ; Mungo Park, Travels (1799), ]). 235 (Germ. tr. 237). 12 Paissell, Aleppo (1794), i. p. 303 (Germ. tr. i. 427). 285] GENESIS XXI. 9-12 129 brated by Abraham as a family festival, as it still is in the East." 1 ijin, as ill ver. 20; ^^J'l, see Gesenius;" nnc'D, see ch. xix. 3. Yer. 9 f. " On this occasion Sarah sees Hagar's son PPVP, making fun,^ i.e. playing ^ as lively children do, skipping about and dancing ; ^ her maternal jealousy is aroused, and she demands his expulsion and that of Hagar, that he may not inherit along with her son.^ pnv cannot be explained as implying that Ishmael mocked,^ for the word without a preposition is not so used. Still less can we suppose that Isaac was persecuted,^ or that there was a quarrel about the inheritance,^ or that idol worship is implied," ^^ the less seeing that, according to ver. 14 ff., Ishmael was still very young. pn>'p is the pausal pronunciation.^^ It is to be observed that neither here nor in the con- tinuation of the narrative is Hagar's son named by his name Ishmael ; see, further, the note on ver. 17. Ver. 11. Abraham is displeased with the demand, not so much on account of Hagar, though see ver. 12, as on account of the son whom he now loved as his own. rniK bv — on account of the turnings or circumstances = because of, a rare expression, elsewhere found in B.^'^ Ver. 12. But what a woman's jealousy impels Sarah to 1 Morier, Second Journey through Persia, etc., p. 107 ; von Schubert. Eeisen, ii. 48. Kiiobel, 2 51A. 2. ^ Cli. xix. 14. * Zech. viii. 5 (Dillinann) ; Sept. and Gra^ciis Venetus, tui^outx i the Sept. adds f^srci, ' laxccK tov vlov etvryig ; Yulgate, ludentem. 5 Ex. xxxii. 6 ; Judg. xvi. 29 ; 2 Sam. vi. 5. ^ So, rightly, Ilgen, Gesenius, Tuch. '' As Kimchi, Vatabhis, Piscator, Grotius, J. D. Micliaelis, Schumaniu von Bohlen, Baumgarten, Keil. ^ Gal. iv. 29, Rosenmiiller, Dehtzsch. ^ Ancient Jewish expositors, Fagius. ^^ Jonathan, Rashi, Knobel. 1^ As Ex. xxxii. 6 ; Deut. xxxii. 11 ; see Gesenius,^^ 52, 2A. 2, 12 Ver. 25 (xxvi. 32), Ex. xviii. 8 ; Num. xii. 1, xiii. 24 ; Josh. xiv. 6 ; also in the Samaritan of Gen. xx. 3. DILLMANN. — II. 9 130 GENESIS XXI. 13, 14 [285, 286 wish is for other reasons in accordance with God's will. Abraham is instructed by God to deny his paternal feelings and to obey his wife in all. ^y.P^ — impersonal, let it not make you sorry ; whatever she says to you, listen to her voice. For in or through Isaac ivill seed he named to you, i.e. " in the line of Isaac those will be descended from you who will bear your name, the Abrahamites proper, who as such are the heirs of the divine promise, namely, the Israelites, who were the descendants of Abraham chosen by God." ^ Ch. xvii. 19 and 21 are explanatory of this in A. Ver. 13. " Ishmael, however, as Abraham's offspring, will also become a great people ; comp. xvii. 1 9 f. in A. This promise makes it easier for the father to send away his son." ^):h DT' — " as in ver. 1 8 and xlvi. 3 from the same author";- comp. Josh. vi. 18. ^)ib rii2isn — the Samaritan and Septuagint have nxrn 7M:^ii7] ^n: '^ih; see ver. 18. Ver. 14. "Directly on the morning after this revelation, which, therefore, took place in the night,^ Abraham carries out the divine command. He takes bread and a skin of water ; both, along with the boy, he hands over ^ to Hagar, who, being thus driven out, wanders about in the desert of Beersheba'." ^ The last statement makes it probable that in ^'s account Abraham was then in Beersheba' ; see ver. 22ff. npn — for non, because of the following tone syllable, -construct from ri»n ; 6 the word only occurs in this passage.^ Db — perfect, in explanatory apposition to i!ii*V^ 1 Knobel. Comp. Isa. xli. 8 ; Rom. ix. 7 ; Heb. xi. 18. - Knobel. 3 Chs. XV. 1, XX. 3, 6, xxii. 1, xxvi. 24, xxxi. 11, 24, xlvi. 2. * Ch. xviii. 7. ^ See ver. 31. Knobel. 6 Vv. 15, 19; Ewald, §2116. '' See, further, Wellsted [Travels in Arabia, 1838, vol. i. p. 89 f.], <3}erm. tr. i. 66 fF. 8 Ewald, § 346a. 28G] genesis XXI. 15, 1(> 131 "i^\i"nN1 — a second object to the veil) ;n'% not to n?^DC'"^i; Dw',^ at least not in the present text. There is no reason for explaining the words nr^nc'"^!; Db' to be a glt.)ss l:)y R? but n?::3C'~i'y Dt:' may well be a harmonistic correction for ob'^l n^'n-nx r\^'2^'bv, which is the reading of tlie Septuagint. Tlie transposition of n^^n-nxi to a place after nni?'j'''i ^ is un- called for. Ver. 15. The water in the skin having been exhausted, Hagar throws the boy down in the sluule under a bush. Eegarding n^b* (ch. ii. 5), the desert shrul), see on Job XXX. 4.4 The expositors make vain endeavours to transmute the msting doivn of the child into a quicMy dispose of, in order to get rid of the representation that Hagar had before carried her son. According to A, Ishmael would Ije at least sixteen years old at the time.^ But the very fact tliat he is tired out before his mother, apart from the ^nn of ver. '20, shows that B regards hun as younger,*^ as a yet tender Ijoy who must be carried or helped along by his mother. Ver. 16. She herself sat down opposite him, e conspectn^ making a distance ^ like hovwien, i.e. a bowshot away. ^^, as in C'li. xii. 1. \"inpp — const, plur. partic. Pilel from ^k}"^? not a sub- stantive, bowshot ; ^*^ it is found only here. r ^^"^ — as in ch. xliv. 34 ; she acts thus that she may not have to ivitness the death of her child. The second part of the verse, according to Knobel, is an insertion of the Jehovist, who alone writes hp xbo,^^ and has been added by him because he missed a mention of the 1 Rashi, Ilgen, Schumann, von Bolilen, Tucli. - Knobel. ^ Olsliau^en. •* [Dillmann's Commentary.] ''' Cli^. xvi. 16, xvii. 25, xxi. 5. « Tuch. ' Kum. ii. 2 ; 2 Kings ii. 7 ; Obad. 11. ^ Ewald, § 280a; comp. Ex. xxxiii. 7 in B, and Jo^^li. iii. 16. '^ Gesenius,25 75 A. 18. ^"^ Bottclier. ^1 Chs. xxvii. 38, xxix. 11. 132 GENESIS XXL 17-20 [286, 287 mother's ^yeeping, which would be natural m the circum- stances. The Septuagint gives 12') nt^ip'ris J^b^^i ; and this may have been the original reading,^ which was corrected because of the (supposed) age of the ni?^ ; - comp. ver. 14. In that case the words iJiO cc'm, which are in the Septuagint text also, mean " so that she then sat, and while she so sat the boy began to cry loudly." If the Sept. reading be not adopted we must, in explaining ver. 17a, help ourselves out by recourse to the fact of B's awkward stylism remarked in ch. XX. 17. Ver. 17. God hears the voice of the weeping boy, and the angel of God ^ calls from the sky * and speaks words of encouragement to Hagar, telling her that God has heard the voice of the boy vjJicre he is, i.e. " the answer to the cry is on the spot where he is lying." ^ Taken along with what has been remarked on ver. 10, the conjecture forces itself upon us that an explanation of the name Ishmael was here given by B, but that B omitted the sentence or sentences in which he did so in consequence of the insertion of the passage in its present context. U^rhi^ *]N^D — '■' found in the Pentateuch only in the work of this author.'* ^ Ver. 18. He instructs her to take up the boy and make her hand fast on him, take him by the hand, for he is not to perish, but to become a great people (comp. ver. 13). Ver. 19. God opened her eyes, caused her to perceive what she had not seen before (comp. ch. iii. 5, 7). The spring which she now saw is the answer to the boy's cry, spoken of in ver. 17. Ver. 20. God icas with the boy, "was his attendant and protector, so that he grew up prosperously. The phrase is. ^ See ver. 17. - Kautzscli-Socin. 3 Comp. xvi. 7 ff. ^oi^xxi. 11. 5 Ver. 19. Knobel. ^ Clis. xxviii. 1^, xxxi. 11, xxxii. 2 ; Ex. xiv. 19. KnobeL 287] GENESIS XXI. 21 133 never found in A, but frequently in the nther writers."^ For bi:\ see ver. 8. He dwelt in the desert south of Canaan,- and hccame, as he grew np^ an archer. This is the interpretation of the Massoretes and of Jerome also. " But the fact of growth has already been stated in the word ^n:^i, and it is better to read nrp nnh = archer." * nm is then taken as = nm ^ and nm : ^ so the Septuagint and Onkelos. Kimchi, Delitzsch, and others declare for the same sense, but with the retention of the Massoretic punctuation ; a marlxsman, a hoivman (comp. ch. xiii. 8). " Several of the Ishmaelite tribes, e.g. the Kedar- enes and the Itureans/ distinguished themselves in the use of this weapon ; their ancestor is delineated accordingly ; comp. xvi. 12." ^ A^er. 21. He settled in the desert of Paran, west of Edom,^ and his mother, who was herself an Egyptian/^ took for him 11 an Egyptian wife (see note on ch. xvi. 1). 8. Abraham's Covenant with Abimelech, and his Claim TO Beersheba, Ch. XXL 22-34 ; according to B, the Conclusion from E follo^ving C. At this time Abimelech, influenced by Abraham's good fortune, made a covenant of friendship with the patriarch, and on the occasion Abraham recovered a well which Abimelech's people had taken from him. Hence the name of the place Beersheba' (vv. 22-31). Abraham dwelt a long time in the land of the Philistines, and worshipped Jahve at Beersheba' (vv. 32-34). This narrative stands in no very close connection with the history of how Abraham w^as proved by God. It bears 1 Ver. 22, ch. xxvi. 3, 24, 28, xxviii. lo, xxxi. 3, xxxv. 3, xxxix. 2 f., 21, 23, xlviii. 21 ; Ex. iii. 12, 18, 19, and frequently. Knobel. 2 Ver. 14. 3 joij xxxix. 4. * Knobel. 5 See Gen. xhx. 23. '• Comp. Jer. iv. 29 ; Ps. Ixxviii. 9. 7 See ch. xxv. 13, 15. « Knol.el. ^ See Num. x. 12. 1^' Ver. 9, xvi. 1. ^^ Cf. xxxiv. 4, xxxviii. 6 ; Judg. xiv. 2. 134 GENESIS XXL 22, 23 [287,288 witness to the coiisuleration eiijo3'ed among the natives of the countr}' by the man of God,^ and to the prudent wisdom with whicli he Uved among them, and at the same time estabhshes Abraham's right to the possession of Beersheba. It has been placed in its present position because it ah^eady followed the preceding incident in ^'s own writing. It cannot come from A'^ hand.- The proofs of ^'s authorship are found in the vocalailary,^ and in the coincidences of its scene and personages with those of ch. xx., as well as in the highly peculiar description of the conclusion of the covenant. In view of ch. xxvi. 27 ft', the narrative cannot belong to C. Only ver. o2 f. may be taken to be an insertion from C, and ver. 34 to be added by it as a preparation for ch. xxii. Ver. 22. " Abimelech ^ has a special leader for his fighting men, and is thus more powerful than Abraham (ch. xiv. 14), who is never called prr. But he thinks a treaty with the patriarch advisable, seeing that God is with Abraham in all his undertakings,^ and makes him continually stronger "^ (comp. ch. xiv. 13). hy^'^ — the name only occurs again in ch. xxvi. 26. Abimelech and Phikhol," i.e. along icith, or in the presence of, Phikhol. Phikhol is present as witness, because the intentiuu is to make a treaty. Here and in ver. 32, according to the Septuagint, inyn^ nrnj^ was also present, as in ch. xxvi. 26. Ver. 23. Abraham is asked to take an oath. njn — ]iere, strictly hither^ with a reference to Beersheba, the name of which the author means to explain,^ and the scene of the occurrence (comp. ver. 14). □i< — see ch. xiv. 23 : that you ivill not lie to me nor to 1 Comp. cli. xiv. 2 Comp. e.(j. do kiadne^>> (ver. 23) nnn mD (vv. 27, 32), ninyn (ver. 30), ^n^n (ver. 26), njn (ver. 23). •" Eloliim (ver. 22), Guil is vrith him (ver. 22), especially n'liX ^y (ver. 25), and the rare 1331 pj (ver. 23). ^ Cli. XX. 2. 5 Yer. 99. « Kno]>e]. '' [Dill., consistently, writes Al>imelekli.] « Ch. XV. 16. ' '-' Knol)el. 288] GENESIS XXI. 24-20 135 my sons and scions, will not be false to me or my descendants, who expect kindness from you. Their relationship was already friendly, it was only to be formally secured for the future.^ For the kindness already rendered, see xx. 15. "iD^j pj — alliteration, as in xviii. 27 ; the phrase is also found in Job xviii. 19 ; Isa. xiv. 22. Ver. 24 f. " The peace-loving and upright patriarch is at once ready to accede to the proposal, but wishes first that they should be agreed regarding a well which he had dug, and which Abimelech's servants had taken from him,- so that afterwards there should be no disturbance of their compact of friendship by any strife." ^ y^w'S 0:x — not " I swear herewith," but, " I (on my part) will swear." n^ui — not nzvi, because this calling of Abimelech to account comes before the actual oath ; for the verb, see XX. 16. D^cn 1X3 — for the article, comp. xvi. 7. nnx hv — see note, ver. 11. Yer. 26. Abimelech excuses himself on the score of ignorance. What follows implies that he gives back the well. Ver. 27. "Abraham gives presents, as was customary when treaties were made,^ in order that he may dwell in Gerar undisturbed, and be under the protection of Abimelech." Yer. 28. But, besides, he placed apart separately tlic seven lambs, i.e. those used when the oath was taken. yz'J' riN jSiH nb'a::, not " seven lambs of the flock," ^ for ns marks determination. Xor need we assume that there is a refer- ence to something omitted in the working together of two accounts.*^ See on D"'Dn "it^n in ver. 25. Yer. 29. Abraham is asked what these are, i.e. what their meaning is. 1 Knobel. - See clis. xiii. 7, xxvi. 15 ft". '' Kiiobel. * Isa. XXX. 6, xxxix. 1 ; 1 Kings xv. 19. ^ Delitzscli. " Kautzscli-Socin. 136 GENESIS XXI. 30, 31 [288, 289 nsn — as in xxv. 16, Zech. i. 9, iv. 5, and not meaning here. ncQD — without article,^ but the Samaritan has nbODH here and in ver. 30. Ver. 30. He explains, in order that it may he a ivitness to me that I have dug this well. ■ " By his acceptance of the gift, Abimelech will declare that Abraham is its rightful possessor." - The feminine n^nn hardly refers to nb'3D,^ but to the whole act."^ iH'i^p and !^^^^?^ — see Gesenius,^^ 91. 1, and comp. ch. xlii. 36. Ver. 31. From this occurrence the place received its name icell of the seven, heeause there hoth pledged themselves, or swore, Inj seven things. We here obtain a glimpse of one of the oldest ways of solemnly affirming the sincerity of one's pledge,^ and at the same time a glimpse into the origin of the word J;3U'^ " A parallel is found in Herodotus,^ where we are told that the Arabs took as their witnesses seven stones, which lay between the contracting parties, and were smeared with their blood." There is a similar ceremony in the Iliad ; ^ ■" according to Pausanias,^ Tyndareus made Helen's wooers swear to protect her over the divided body of a horse slain in sacrifice ; seven pillars were erected on the spot in memory •of the act." ^ The government of a numeral by a construct was probably once usual in Canaanite but not in Hebrew.^*' This explains all the more naturally why, as is shown by 'ji D'C' ''3, the Hebrews found in the word ync^ ^xn not so much the numeral 7 as the idea of oath, and that although ynt*' does not occur 1 Gesemus,25 126. 5 A. la; comp. Num. xi. 25. 2 Knobel. Comp. xx. 16, and Ewald, Alterthiimer,^ 24 [Antiquities, p. 18]. 3 On the principle explained in Gesenius,^^ 145. 4. ^ Comp. Job iv. 5 ; Micah i. 9, etc. ^ On the same subject, see notes on ch. xv. 9. ^' Ch. iii. 8. 7 xix. 243 ff. ^ iii. 20. 9. '' Knobel. See, further, Ewald, Alterthiimer,^ 24 [Antiquities, p. 18]. 1" Ewald, § 293/j ; Geschichte,^ i. 488, 494 [History, vol. i. p]). 340, 344]. 289] GENESIS XXI. 32-34 137 in the Old Testament in the sense of "^y^r. It is by no means clear that the text contains a double derivation of the name, from V2l^* and yac'J ; ^ and C, to whom alone the doublet might be due, is excluded by ch. xxvi. 33 from being the author of an explanation here. " Ch. xxvi. 33 contains another view as to the origin of the name." " Beersheba', according to the Onomasticon,\dij 20 Koman miles south of Hebron. According to Eobinson,^ the modern Bir es-Seba', interpreted as ' tlie lion well,' ^ is twelve hours from Hebron. There are still ruins there, in the neighbour- hood of which are two wells (cisterns) with excellent water." * Vv. 32—34. See general remarks above. Ver. 32« is not tlie original continuation of 31?^, and still dependent on ^3.^ The words ya"' "t^na prevent our supposing so. It appears rather to have been inserted from C by B, as ver. 33 certainly was. C\ in that case, also recounted a stay of Abraham's in Beersheba' and a covenant with Abimelech, but without here, thus early, explaining the origin of the name of the place (comp. ch. xii. 8 with xxviii. 19). It is in any case certain that ver. 32& does not belong to B, for he does not anywhere speak of Abimelech's coming to where Abraham was,^ and Abimelech is king of Gerar in his narrative,'' and not king of the Philistines, as in C.^ Ver. 33 is from C, as is indicated by the words nin^ D'Jb N^p^l.^ At most, the first clause of the verse may have stood in B}^ " Near Beersheba' a famous tamarisk tree seems to have stood. According to the legend, it was planted by Abraham, who had lived there. In later times there existed a sanc- tuary and a priesthood in Beersheba'.^^ Legend, therefore made it a place consecrated by the patriarchs as a place of 1 Kautzsch-Socin. 2 Palestine,^ ii. 568. 3 But see ZDMG. xxii. 177 [refer, by Dillmann]. * See Robinson, Palestine,^ i. 204 ; Riissegger, Beisen, iii. 71 ; Seetzen, iii. 31 f. 5 Wellhausen. ^ y^j. 22. ' Ch. xx. 8 Ch. xxvi. 8 ff. 9 See ch. iv. 26. ^^ Wellhausen, JBDTh. xxi. 408. ^^ Amos v. 5, viii. 14. 138 GENESIS XXI. 34-XXlI [289, 290 worship." ^ The identity of this Beersheba with that men- tioned by Amos has been disputed.- X'tf — tamarisk? The renderings dpovpa (Sept.'*), SevBpcov (Aquila), and ^vrela (Sym. Onkelos, Pesh.) seem due to the same intentional avoidance of the mention of a sacred tree, as in the transhition j^n'j'vo forji'^x (see ch. xii. 6). Dpiy -IS — see notes on chs. xvii. 1 and xiv, 18. The name is quite appropriate here, where the context concerns an oath and contract ; but it also vividly reminds one, like \'bv in ch. xiv. 18, of the Canaanite Kpovo^,^ Xpovo^ ayyjparo^.^ Ver. 34. Abraham dwells for a lono; time in the land of the Philistines. This is remarked because in ch. xxii. 6 Isaac is already fairly grow^n up. Vv. 33 and 34 are hardly to be transposed," for although Dn"i2N would be more in place at the beginning than in the following verse, ver. 33 attaches itself to ver. 32 in its mention of locality, and not to ver. 34. The Septuagint, Samaritan, Peshitta, and Yulgate have an Drn35< after yD"") (as also in ver. 30 after n?o.s"i). 9. The Sacrifice of Isaac, Ch. XXII. 1-19; FOLLOWING B AND i?. Isaac had now^ grown to be a lad when Abraham receives from God a command regarding him. The boy is his only son, yet he is told to offer him to God in sacrifice. Obedient and devoted, he makes the necessary preparations, and betakes himself to the appointed place of sacrifice, resolved to satisfy even this extreme demand. His hand is even raised to slay ^ Comp. xxvi. 25, xlvi. 1 : see on cli. xii. 7. Knobel. - E.g. by Halevy, BE J. 1885, No. xxi. p. 75 ff. 3 Low, Aramdische PJlaiizennamen, p. 65 f. ; Mordtmanii-Miiller, Sabiiische JJenhndler, p. 65. ^ Also 1 Sam. xxii. 6, xxxi. 13. ^ Eusebius, Prcepar. Evangelint, i, 10. 13 ff. ^' Damascius, De Principiis, 123 (}). 381 f. ed. Kopp). ' Hupfeld, Quellen der Genesis, p. 148. 290] GENESIS XXII 139 his son when he hears the divine voice, clear and distinct, saying that God does not desire the completion of the sacrifice, but is satisfied with the proved willingness of the patriarch to surrender even his dearest to Him. The animal which is to be substituted in his son's place stands there ready by Divine Providence, and is sacrificed for him. The reward of his perfected obedience and faith is a solemn renewal of all the divine promises hitherto given him. The spot where this all took place was Moriah. By it (1) Abraham's faith is triumphantly established in the face of the most severe test of all; (2) his son is a second time granted to his faith, and preserved as the foundation-stone in the build- ing of the Church of God; (o) above all, in contradistinction to Canaanite practice, the knowledge that God does not desire human sacrifices is acquired and secured for all time to come. The memory that, in the matter of child sacrifice, the Hebrews once stood on a level with the other Semites and Canaanites, distinctly shines through the narrative. But it is equally clear that a higher faith must long have been common property in the Jsraelitish community, before it could reflect itself in such a story in the legends regarding Abraham. Human sacrifice, and especially child sacrifice, was widely spread among the Canaanites,^ " Phoenicians," Carthaginians,^ and Egyptians,^ and among the ]Moabites ^ and Ammonites, who were akin to Israel and by these sacrifices honoured Moloch ; ^ it was also practised among Aramean and Arabian peoples."' The legal enactments 1 " 2 Kings xvi. 3 ; Ps. cvi. 37 f.^' - Porphyry, De Abstinentia, ii. 56 ; Eiisebius, Pra'paratio Evangelica, i. 10, and De Laudibus ConstaiitiHi, xiii. 4. •'• Diodorus, xx. 14 ; Plutarch, De Sujierstitioiie, 12 ; Pliny, Hist. Nat- xxxvi. § 39 ; Silius Italicus, iv. 767 If. ; Justin, xviii. 6, xix. 1 ; Lactantius, Institt. i. 21. ^ Diodorus, i. 88 ; Plutarch, De huh, 73. 5 2 Kings iii. 27. ''' Lev. xviii. 21, xx. 2 ff. " 2 Kings xvii. 31 ; Luciaii, De cha Sijrifi, 58 ; Porphyry, loc. cit.; Eusebius, Prcqmr. Evann. iv. 10. Knobel. See also Wellhausen, Skk::en, iii. 37, Si), 11 2 f. 140 GENESIS XXII [290, 291 against the practice,^ and Judges, ch. xi., show that the Israelites of even post-Mosaic times had not entirely shaken off such practices. Child sacrifice continually threatened to re-establish itself, being aided in especial by the recognised sanctity attaching to a firstborn ; ^ and it again gained wider currency from the time of Ahaz.^ It was, without doubt, of the highest importance in the struggle with this error which it was so difficult to eradicate, that the writers of the earliest history of Israel clearly taught in Abraham's life, and by his example, in what sense it is that God desires the sacrifice even of one's dearest child, and in what sense He does not ; and also that they proved that the full truth on the matter in dispute had long ago been attained. The narrative was originally composed hy B^ and not by C,'' altliough much in the language reminds us of the latter. The proofs are the prevailing use of D^ni'S or D^npsn, the revelation in a nocturnal vision (ver. 1),^ the calls and replies (vv. 1, 11),^ in particular, the angel's calling from the sky (ver. 11),^ the use of nb in a local sense (ver. 5), and the result of a comparison of ver. 13 with ch. xxi. 19. But vv. 15—18, to begin with, are not from B, seeing that the second angelic revelation which they contain is appended in the manner of an afterthought, instead of continuing ver. 12,^ and connects itself in expression and thought with C"s writing. Similarly also ^I'V^^, in ver. 2, the related ver. 14, and the name ^}i}l in ver. 11. It is certain, therefore, that the text of B has undergone revision, partly that Moriah might be introduced as the scene of the sacrifice (vv. 2, 14), partly that this greatest act of faith on Abraham's part might 1 Lev. xviii. 21, xx. 2 ff. ; Deut. xii. 31. - Comp. Ezek. xx. 26 with Ex. xxii. 28, xiii. 12, and Micah vi. 7. ^ 2 Kings xvi. 3, xvii. 17, xxi. 6, xxiii. 10 ; Ps. cvi. 37 f. ; Jer. vii. 31, xix. 5, xxxii. 35 ; Ezek. xvi. 20 f. * Hupfeld, Sclirader, Kayser, Wellhausen, Kuenen, Ouderzoek,^ i. 141, 247 ; Kittel, Delitzsch,^ Kautzsch-Socin. 5 Knobel, Bohmer. « Comp. xx. 3, xxi. 12. ' Ch. xlvi. 2. » Ch. xxi. 17. « Hitzig, Begriff cler Kritik, p. 167 f. 291] GENESIS XXII. 1, 2 141 be crowned by a ceremonious repetition of all the promises (vv. 15-18). C himself cannot have carried out this revision, partly because vv. 15-18 are added in too external a fashion, partly because he would not have left the divine name D^-!^s unchanged. We must rather recognise the hand of 11, to whom the expressions ^nyac'j ^2, nin^ dxj, nc*x |y\ '\^^ 3py, l-innn, are most easily attributed. It is indeed in itself possible that C should have contained a similar narrative, and that R should have inserted from it the parts in question. ^ But we cannot see why, in that case, he should not rather have adopted the whole of Cs narrative in place of that of B, and so return to the conclusion that these are additions of the redactor himself. For the various views of earlier scholars regarding the narrative, see Schumann in Winer's Realwdrterhuch^ and Ewald 2 and Baudissin ^ regarding the remarkable and much- quoted account of Sanchuniathon, which relates how Kronos Israel sacrificed his only son Yeud, whom the nymph Anobret had borne him.^ Ver. 1. After these things — see note on ch. xv. 1. HDJ DMi^i^m — circumstantial clause introductory to ICN^, ivhen God temjjted Abraham, He said, noj,^ " put to the test in order to see (ver. 12) whether he would obey Him to the uttermost " ; ^ it is a word never found in A. The vision is by night (ver. 3), as in xxi. 1 2 ff. In the Sept- uagint God calls 'A/Spadfj. 'A^padfi, as in the Hebrew of ver. 11. Yer. 2. The severity of the demand is indicated by the emphatic accumulation of the three accusatives. Thim only one, who still remains to you after the dismissal of Jshmael,* and has the whole of your paternal love.^ / 'Vx — see ch. xii. 1. 1 Delitzsch,^ [Neio Commentary, ii. p. 84] ; Kittel, Geschichte, p. 138 [History, vol. i. p. 152]. - I. 13 f. •"' Geschichte,^ i. 517 f. [History, i. p. 361]. ^ Studien, ii. 154 f. » Eusebiu.'', Prcepar. Evangel, i. 10. 29 f. « Ex. XV. 25, xvi. 4, xx. 20. 7 Knobel. «Ch. xxi. 14 ff. '•> Knobel. 142 GENESIS XXII. 2 [201, 292 Land of Moriali — i.e. neiirhbourhood of Moriah.^ r\'^-\i:i:>r\ with article, is the name of the temple hill in Jeriisalem,^ from the tune of Solomon the most important place of worship in the country. In spite of the objections raised,^ this is the place we must suppose to be intended here, for no other place of the name is found, and Abraham's greatest deed of faith was best localised in a sacred spot of import- ance. Besides, the indications of ver. 14 point to it at least not less plainly than the play on the word in 2 Chron. iii. 1.* Moreh, beside Shechem,^ mentioned in ch. xii. 6, is too un- known in Israelitish history, and is too far from Beersheba' to be reached from it so soon as by the third day (ver. 4).*^ There are, indeed, difficulties in the identification. Moriah, as a name for the temple hill, even though it be not an invention of the Chronicler suggested by this passage,''' was never in common use. It was all the less allowable, then, to name the whole district after it, and speak of r\^'\'OT\ ps<, and then by inversion from this to designate Moriah itself as " one of the hills of that region." But no other place of the name is known, and the translations of the word as a common noun by the Septuagint,^ Aquila,^ and Symmachus,^^ give no tolerable sense even if the consonants of the text permitted of them. We may therefore assume that some other word stood in ^'s original text, though, if so, certainly not f*TS onon, i.e. Shechem (xxxiii. 19) ; ^^ for although the Samaritans 1 Comp. Num. xxxii. 1 ; Josh. viii. 1, x. 41. 2 2 Chron. iii. 1 (Josephus, Antiquities, i. 13. 1 f.) ; for the name see Bertheau on 2 Chron. iii. ^ J. D. Michaelis, Siipplementa ad Lexica Hehraica, 1551 tf. ; Janisch trans, of Hamelsveld, Bibl. Geog. ii. 40 f. * Knobel, Delitzsch, Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 476, iii. 313 [History of Israel, i. p. 332, iii. p. 230, note 4]. 5 Preferred by Bleek, St. Kr. 1831, p. 520 ff., and Tuch. ^ According to Robinson (Itineraries, in Palestine ^), about thirty-five liours. " Wellhausen, JBDTh. xxi. 409 ; Baudissin, StucHen, ii. 252. ^ E/g rvju yvjp rvju vt^n'hTju ; comp. its translation of n~\S'0 in ch. xii. 6, and the nN~lV3n of the Samaritan. ',(^xyyi. 1^ TV}; oTrrurrtx;. ^^ Wellhausen. 292] GENESIS XXII. 3-() 143 take Gerizim to be Moriah/ it is doubtless only by having brought ch. xii. 6 into consideration, n^xn |*ix, the reading of the Peshitta, is more likely.- I^i^x n^x I'J'N* — as in xxvi. 2 ; conip. xii. 1. Ver. 3. Abraham forthwith obeys ; straightway in the morning he sets off with Isaac and two servants. " He takes the ass to carry the wood (ver. 6) and other sacrificial requirements and provisions. The author does not say that Abraham was repelled by the terrible character of the sacrifice as such. Human sacrifices were usual among the people in the midst of whom Abraham lived." ^ It is to be remarked that the words ':ii idx "1C•^< do not very well harmonise with 's iDX "i:^\s in ver. 2, probably because the text has been altered there. Ver. 4. By the third day he sees the spot from a distance. The Septuagint wrongly takes " on the third day " with the "li^n of ver. 3. For n)pD see ch. xii. 6. According to the Oiiomasticon,^ the distance from Beersheba' by Hebron to Jerusalem amounted to 42 Eoman miles, about seventeen hours' journey, according to Robinson somewhat more.^ Ver. 5. Some distance from the place he leaves the servants and the ass behind, saying that he and the boy wish to pray there alone and undisturbed, and would come back again. " An untrue statement, as in xii. 30 and xx. 12."^ But there may lie in it the unexpressed hope that the heavy task may still somehow be remitted to him ; comp. ver. 7. n3""iv — so far, i.e., in antithesis to nb, to that spot? Ver. 6. " The two continue their way alone. Isaac, already a fairly grown boy,^ carries the wood, Abraham, a knife and the fire, i.e. a glowing ember which will kindle the fire." 1 ZDPV. vi. 198, and vii. 133. - But see Geiger, Urschrift, p. 278. ^ Knobel. "* See Bersabee and Arboch. ^ See ch. xxi. 31. Knobel. ^ Knobel. ^ Comp. xxxi. 37 ; Ex. ii. 12 ; Num. xxiii. 15 (in B), 8 Ch. xxi. 34. 144 GENESIS XXII. 7-13 [292, 293 Vor. 7 f. " Isaac has seen his father offer sacrifice before now, so he asks about the animal to be offered." nN"i' — " look Old, provide^ or see to."- See, further, ver. 14. In this word also ^ there lies a quiet hope that God may yet determine otherwise. " The author beautifully pictures the patriarch maintaining himself unshaken by the talk of the innocent boy, his only and much loved son. His obedience to God triumphs over the paternal feeling of his heart. The expressions ' my father,' ' my son,' bring this into prominence." " The second -i?on'"i in ver. 7 only repeats the first." ^ Vv. 9-11. Having reached the place he makes the necessary preparations. The deed is practically accomplished when Abraham stretches out his hand to slay his son. In spirit he has severed himself even from his dearest for the love of God. God does not wish more. The angel calls down from the sky,^ and stays him. The repetition of the word Abraham,^ expresses urgency, as in ch. xlvi. 2 and Ex. iii. 4, from the same author; so in 1 Sam. iii. 10. It is R who names the angel mn> '^^h'O for dm^x "la^l^, because he wishes to prepare for ver. 14 f. Ver. 12. The angel speaks in God's name.'^ God is satisfied with Abraham's readiness to obey, with the dis- position he has manifested; his perfect piety is demonstrated.^ God does not require human sacrifice. Ver. 13 is attributed to G by Kittel,^ because of the expression n^m ^^n^i ; but it is a common phrase, and is found in B in ch. xl. 6 and Ex. iii. 2 as well as here. An animal victim is found for the sacrifice instead of the human being. Abraham sees it behind him on looking up. Behold a ram was held ^^ hy its horns in the thicket 1 Cli. xh. 33 ; 1 Sam. xvi. 1,17. - Ch. xxxix. 23. ^ Comp. ver. 5. ^ Knobel. ^ As xxi. 17. •' Comj). ver. 1, Sept. '' As xvi. 10, xxi. 18 ; cf. note on Ex. iii. 2 [Dillmann, Com.]. ^ Comp. ver. 1. ^ Geschichte, j). 138 [History, vol. i. p. 152]. 1" Another reading is Tnts3, held. 293] GENESIS XXII. 14 145 hehind^ i.e. there was found, by God's arranging, a ram which had caught itself by its crooked horns in the buslies at Abraham's back. For simihir divine aid comp. ch. xxi. 19. "In like manner by divine providence a stag was substituted as victim in the place of Iphigenia, whom her father Agamemnon wished to sacrifice in Aulis."" The reading ^l^, proposed for this passage also,^ would not harmonise with Israelitish sacrificial customs. "inx — not temporal, whether in the sense of poska taken with Nb'^i;"* 01' hi tlie sense of 2^ostquam,^ but local. The reading ^ nnx ^ is preferred by sonie,^ as supported by better authority. But it adds nothing to the sense, and is, we may hold, a secondary reading from "inx ; ins itself, at the same time, may be an ancient gloss to explain why Abraliam only now noticed the ram. The reading "inis*^ another,^ was certainly never intended. Ver. 14. Abraham names the spot Jahve sees, nxi'' is used in the sense it bears in ver. 8, and is punctuated as it is with reference to that verse. So also the Septuagint, but in view of what follows we should rather expect nsT nin^_. The passage continues, so tliat^^ it is said to-day, the expression is a current one,^^ on the hill where ^- Jahve is seen. Other translations ^^ are incorrect. Both this and the first part of the verse are allusions to r\^'^i27\ in ver. 2, but they do not 1 Ps. Ixviii. 26. - Euripides, Iphigenia in Aulis, 1591 ff. Iviiobel. " Ganneau in J A. vii. 11, 510. ^ Saadia, Rashi, Abarbanel, Rosenmiiller. ^ Ibn Ezra, Kiinchi, Schumann. " Samarit. Sept. Book of Jubilees, Targg. Pesli. Graecus Venetus, and a number of Hebrew MSS. In most of the Firkowitsch ]\ISS. which have it, it is forged ; see Harkavy-Strack, Catalogue, p. iii. ' Ex. xxix. 3 ; 1 Sam. i. 1, and elsewhere. ^ J. D. Michaelis, Olshausen, Ewald, Kautzsch-Socin. '^ Geiger, Urschrift, p. 244. i" Ch. xiii. 16. 11 See on ch. x. 9. 12 Ewald, § 332d. 1^ On the hill of Jahve he appears (Massoretes), h ru opei Kvpto; u^^dn (Sept. ; quite impossible), on the hill of Jahve there is seeing, i.e. providence is exercised (Knobel, there is no instance of the Niph. in this sense). DILLMANN. II. lO 146 GENESIS XXIT. 15-18 [293, 294 harmonise unless we read nxT in the second sentence, with the Vulgate, or n6 Knobel. '^' Yakfit, ii. 263. II Schrader, KGF. p. 399 ; DeUtzscli, Paradies, p 306 f. 12 De cedijiciis, ii. 4 ; proposed by Knobel. 150 GENESIS XXII. 23, 24 [295, 296 has been read in Nabatean inscriptions,^ and Hali^vy believes that he has found it in the Safa inscriptions also.^ ^by_ — Sept. 'leXSdcj), unknown. 7N^n3 — not identified as the name of a place. Bethallaha, in Mesopotamia,^ is proposed by Knobel, but only doubtfully. In A, Bethuel is an Aram?eail,^ as Laban is in B.^ Ver. 23. See preliminary remarks above. Ver. 24. And as to his concubine^ Eeiimah (Sept. 'Pev/jua, Samar. n'0'\'\), she also bare.''' n?^ — Sept. Ta/SeK] to be read also in 2 Sam. viii. 8,^ in accordance with the Septuagint, Peshitta, and 1 Chron. xviii. 8, which have nnto for ni:>2. It is therefore probably known to us as the name of one of the towns of the Syrian king Hadadezer, and therefore cannot be connected with Thsebata in north-west Mesopotamia,^ nor with QejBrjOd, south of Nisibis.i*^ Dn2 — Sept. TadfM, unknown. The mention of the Banu Juhmd^^ a tribe between the Hieromax and the Yabbok,^^ gives no additional light. cnn — Sept. To^o^, unknown. ^"^V^P — in 1 Chron. xix. 6 Aram Ma'akha, a sufficiently well-known place.^^ " The tribe must have been situated on ^ermon.i^ The situation of Abel ^^ or Abel Mayim,^*^ which is generally named Abel by Beth Ma'akha, to distinguish it from other places of the name, and which is mentioned 1 ZDMG. xiv. 440. 2 J A. vii. 19, 467 ; but in vii. 17, 194 vhv- ^ Notitia dig)iitatum, i. 93 (ed. BOcking). ^ Chs. XXV. 20, XX viii. 5. ^ Ch. xxxi. 20, 24 ; comp. 47. 6 See XXV. 6. ^ Ewald, § 344&. « Ewald, Geschichte,^ iii. 207 [History, iii. p. 153]. » Pliny, Hist. Nat. vi. § 120. 10 Peiitinger Table, xi.e ; Arrian in Steph. Bvzant. Knobel. 11 Knobel. 1- Burckliardt [Travels in Syria, pp. 268, 287], Germ. tr. pp. 423 f., 449. 13 Deut. iii. 14 ; Josh. xii. 5, xiii. 11, 13 ; 2 Sam. x. 6, 8. 1* Onomasticon, suh Muxcc^i. i^ 2 Sam. xx. 14, 18. I*' 2 Chron. xvi. 4. 296] GENESIS XXIII 151 along with lyyon, Dan, Kedesh, and Hasor,^ suits this situation." - " In ch. xxxi. 52 Gilead appears as the boundary between the descendants of Abraham and Nahor."^ 2. The Death of Sarah and the Acquisition of the Field OF Makhpelah by Abraham, Ch. XXIII. ; from A. On Sarah's death, Abraham, for her place of burial, acquires from 'Ephron the Hittite, with all due legal formality, the piece of land beside Hebron called Makhpelah and the cave in it. There he buries his wife. The narrative is ^'s, as we cannot fail to recognise from many indications, from the chronological statement of ver. 1, from the whole purpose of the narrative, the juristic exactness and formality of statement, " the use of the names cliildren of Hcth,^ and Makhpelah,^ and of the expressions 'd ^^n ^^^ (ver. 1), r]]r]^ (vv. 4, 9, 20), ^C'in (ver. 4), ^<^bo (ver. 6), D^p, to come to he (vv. 17, 20), 'Q-^^^ V^^ (ver. 16), and n^ipp (ver. 18), as well as from his later references ^ to what is here recounted." ^ We learn afterwards, from these later references, that Abraham, Isaac and Eebecca, Jacob and Leah, were also buried in this cave. Later generations regarded it as their forefathers' ancestral burial vault, and as such it was a sacred and precious memorial to them. The actual cave is the certain and stable element in the story ; " the details are a free expansion by the hand of the narrator. He takes the opportunity afforded him of showing how the Hittites met Abraham in the most obliging and friendly fashion, but how the patriarch would neither use their burial-places nor accept from them the gift of a piece of land. The field was publicly 1 2 Sam. XX. 15 ; 1 Kings xv. 20 ; 2 Kings xv. 29. 2 Cf. Seetzen, i. 118, 338; Kobinson, Later Biblical Researches in Palestine, p. 372. 3 Knobel. ^ See ver. 3. 5 See ver. 20. « E.g. xxv. 9 f., xlix. 29 ff., 1. 13. 7 Knobel. 152 GENESIS XXIII. 1 F, [296, 297 handed over to Abraham in the presence of all the people, who were onlookers and listeners to the transaction. The price was duly paid, and so the field was legally and validly acquired by Abraham as heritable property in Canaan." ^ In ^'s narrative Jacob acts similarly in the neighbourhood of Shechem.2 On the textual criticism of this chapter see Egli in Hilgenfeld's Zeitsclirifl fur Wisscnscliaftlichc Thcologie, xxiii. 344 ff. Yer. 1 f. Sarah dies at the age of one hundred and twenty-seven. ^^^p — the Samaritan has nt^o, as elsewhere in A.^ nib^ ^""n ^:\^ — wanting in the Septuagint, and almost too redundant even for A. Arhct-toivn — said to be so called from Arba', the father of 'Enak,^ originally more probably four-town'-* Here and elsewhere A ^ and B^ ^ explain it of Hebron,^ which, according to Josh. xiv. 15 and Judg. i. 10, was the later name. But in the same author, A, we also read jnan sin n^dd (ver. 19) and p-ian Kin ym^n nnp 'HCs'tyo (ch. xxxv. 27), according to which Mamre, if not another name for Hebron itself, must, it seems, have been part of it or have belonged to it.^ A, intentionally, we may be sure, nowhere speaks of the " terebinths of Mamre." ^^ The addition by the Septuagint of r) ianv iv toj KOLkco/jLarc and of pDV ha, by the Samaritan between yniN* (Samar. ynixn) and Nin, is probably due to the desire to define more closely, in accordance with ch. xxxvi. 14, the relations of Mamre and Hebron. ij;:3 psn — as in ver. 19, written with a definite purpose. K3"'"! — he ivent in, not he came from the field where he was 1 Knobel. 2 q\^ xxxiii. 19. ^ See note, cli. xvii. 17. ^ Josh. XV. 13, xxi. 11 ; cf. xiv. 15. ^ Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 494 [Histonj, i. 344] ; Furrer in Sclienkel's Bibellexico7i, ii. 628. ^ Ch. xxxvii. 27 ; Josli. xx. 7, xxi. 11. ^ Josh. XV. 13. 8 gee on Num. xiii, 22. » Cf. xiii. 18. 10 See on xiii. 18. 207 GENESIS XXIII. 3-5 F. 153 with the flocks,^ or from Beersheba ;2 if this last were correct, E must have substituted STi for some other verb because of ch. xxii. 19. Ver. 3. After having bewailed Sarah he sees to the acquisition of a burial-place. He betakes himself^ to the gate of the city, where all business and legal transactions are settled.^ From before his dead — from the dead body by which ^ he had mourned, rip is used of both sexes.^ nn ^n — found in the Old Testament only in AJ For nn see ch. x. 15. In ch. xiv. 13 the inhabitants are called Amorites, and in Judg. i. 10 Canaanites, which are both general names for the people of the country. Stade,^ Budde,^ E. Meyer, and others know without a trace of doubt that A has made a very bad blunder in using the name Hittite here.io Ver. 4. As a stranger residing among them he has no property in land, so he desires to become possessor of a burial j^rojm'ty, i.e. of land which he may use as a place of burial for his family. Families of consequence all had their hereditary burial vaults.^^ Ver. 5 f. Obligingly and politely the sons of Heth offer liim their own family burial-places. The phrase 1^ -)Dsb is not in use, and at the best can only be justified by an appeal to Lev. xi. 1 , so that here and in ver. 1 4^^ ^^ is to be read ^h, as in ver. 13, and to be taken with the verses which follow. In each case ^h is construed with the imperative, and not, as in xvii. 18 and xxx. 34, with the imperfect or jussive. The text thus arrived at, _2^my hear us, suits the 1 Knobel, Keil. 2 R^shi. 3 See ver. 10. ^ Winer,^ i. GIG. ^ 2 Kings xiii. 14. 6 Lev. xxi. 11 ; Num. vi. 6 (Gesenius,^^ 122. 2). 7 Vv. 5, 7, 10, 16, 18, 20, xxv. 10, xlix. 32. Knobel. 8 Geschichte,^ 143. » Uryeschichte, 347 f. ^° Of. also xxvi. 34 f. and xxvii. 46 with xxviii. 1. 11 Winer,3 i. 444 ; Bottcher, Dc inferis, i. p. 41. 12 Hitzig, Berjriffdcr Kritik, 140 f. ; Tuch, Knobel, Delitzsch. 154 GENESIS XXIII. 7-10 [297, 298 polite tone carefully observed by both parties, whereas the reading of the Septiiagint and Samaritan,^ n^, not, requires also the Septuagint transposition of 'jy^C' ^pIN, as in ver. 11. A prince of God — " a prince belonging to God, protected and blessed by Him, and therefore distinguished, glorious." - In the choiee of our graves-. — " in the choicest or best of our burial vaults.^ See ch. xvi. 2 for the use of p before "^^p. The offer is a token of esteem, for it was not a habit to allow strangers to be interred in a family place of burial." ^ Ver. 7. Abraham rises and prostrates himself in order to express liis thanks ; but he does not accept the ofter, for he does not wish to mingle with them. Ver. 8 f. " He therefore asks them to use their intkience with their fellow-townsman 'Ephron, that he may make over to him, at its full value, the cave of Makhpelah, which lay at the end of his field, and might therefore be more readily parted with than a place in the middle." ^ Caves were much used as burial-places in Palestine, where they abound.^ If it is in (apud) your soid — " if you are minded, if it is your intention." '' To hury my dead — "The context shows that we must supply among you." ^ )? lyjD — approach him, solicit him, for me. Giesebrecht scents out a late Aramaic expression in this too.^ nfjSDD — see ver. 20. Ver. 1 0 f. 'Ephron is present in the gathering, and immediately offers the cave and field to Abraham as a gift. "■^^ ^'"^^ — for h see ch. ix. 1 0 ; in so far as they entered the gate of his city, were in the habit of entering, i.e. his fellow-townsmen ; the b may be more distributive, like 3 in 1 Egli, op. cit. p. 348 ; Scliroring also in ZJFTh. xxiii. p. 388 f. ■' Of. Ps. xxxvi. 7, Ixviii. IG, Ixxx. 11. Knobel ; see also ch. xxi. 22, •' Isa. xxii. 7. ^ Knobel. ^ Knobel. 6 ggg Bible Dictionaries. ' Cf. Job X. 13, xxiii. 14. » Knobel. " See, on the contrary. Driver, Journal of Philology, vol. xi. 1882, p. 210. 298] GENESIS XXIII. 12-16 155 ver. 18, as many of them as. The ny^i'n '•xa (ver. 18) or "lyu'n ^X^"' (xxxiv, 24) are the citizens who have the right of entrance to the communal assembly, and a voice in its deliberations. ^nn: — ver. 13 ; see on ch. i. 29. Ver. 12f. Abraham refuses the gift (comp. ch. xiv. 23), and presses for leave to purchase. With a display of polite- ness which outdoes that of 'Ephron, he says, good, only (or hid), if yoii will, i^ray hear me. The optative sentence begun with Di< is broken off, and the speaker continues with the still more delicate construction with "h and the imperative. This, at least, is the Massoretic text. It is not necessary to suppose that some words have fallen out after ^^^,^ nor to take nnx Dt5 as the perf. Kal of n^N% if you agree? Ikit the Septuagint and Samaritan read 'h nns D^5, iireihr] irpo^ ifjLov el. The money of the field — its price. Ver. 14f. See ver. 5. " 'Ephron yields the point; a land of 400 shekels of silver, what is that between yoit and me, a piece of land worth so little cannot be a subject of much bargaining between two rich men. In this way he politely indicates the price." ^ The same forms of speech and formulas of politeness are still in general use in tlie East (Egypt, Syria, etc.) between buyer and seller.^ Ver. 16. " Without delay, Abraham weighs out to 'Ephron the 400 shekels. At that time there were no coins minted by the state, but the requirements of commerce had called into existence pieces of metal of definite weight, and, doubtless, marked accordingly. These pieces were weighed to the seller in order to afford security against cheating." ^ ^ Olshausen. - Hitzig, Begriff der Kritik, p. 141 ; see ch. xxxiv. 15. ^ Knobel. * Lane, Manners and Customs, 1871, ii. 13, }iop. ed. p. 293 ; ZDMG. xi. 505 ; Dieterici, Reisebild, ii. 168 f. 5 Knobel. Sec Winer and Richni, sub " Geld " ; for an early example of the practice, ZA. iii. 392. 156 GENESIS XXIII. 17-20 [298, 209 Compare the expressions " aere ad libra " or " per aes et libram." inbp "iny — -current with the merchant/ passing from one hand to another, accepted by business men, who take nothing which is under w^eight. Vv. 17-19. "So Abraham acquired possession of tlie piece of land in Makhpelah, which lies before Mamre, with the cave in it and all the trees on it. For the use of Dip comp. Lev. xxv. 30, xxvii. 14, 17, 19,"^ from A. For ^:zh the Samaritan has ^JD'i'y (comp. ver. 19). In ^N2 h:i2 the ^ corresponds to the ? of ver. 10, and is distribu- tive, as ch. ix. 10 and elsewhere. Ver, 20. "The legal ac(}uisition of landed property in Canaan was important, hence the repetition. n^DDDH — found in the Old Testament only in A.^ We learn from him that it was the name of a locality in Hebron in which lay 'Ephron's land with the cave in it. It and 'Ephron's field lay j^iOD ^jsb or j^-irjD ^2^~bv, on the front side, i.e. east "* of Mamre. Mamre w^as therefore w^est of it." For Mamre as a part of Hebron, see note on ver. 2. Hebron^ — " eight hours south of Jerusalem, lies in a deep, narrow valley which runs from N.W. to S.E., and is built on both sides of the valley, but principally on the eastern side. The mosque which encloses the cave, and is built on the south-western slope of the eastern ridge, is in the south- east end of the town." It was formerly inaccessible, except to Moslems, but in April 1862 it was opened to the Prince of Wales and his retinue.*^ This visit proved the existence of a great natural (double) cave under the 1 2 Kings xii. 5. 2 Knobel. 3 Vv. 9, 17, 19 ; also chs. xxv. 9, xlix. 30, 1. 13. '^ Cf. xvi. 12, xxv. 18 ; Num. xxi. 11 ; 1 Kings xi. 7. ^ See fiirtlier, reguiding the situation, Robinson, Palestine,^ i. 213 f., ii. 73 ff. ; von Schubert, Eeiseii, ii. 462 ff. ; Ritter, Erdkunde, xvi. 209 fF. ; especially Rosen in ZDMG. xii. 477 fF. <"■ In Nov. 1869 to the Crown Prince of Prussia, and in the year 1882 also to the sons of the Prince of Wales. 299, 300] GENESIS XXIV 157 Haram.^ Eiant has published an account, which belongs to the Middle Ages,^ regarding the appearance of the cave in 1119. To all appearance this spot was regarded as the patriarchal burying-place even at an early date. Josephus localises the fjivrj/juela of the })atriarchs in tlie little town itself, but the great terebintli tree outside it.*'^ There are no reasons for our not accepting this. Mamre, which lay to the west, is probably to be found on the eastern slope of Eumeidi,"^ an elevation to the west which extends as far as the west side of Hebron, and contains a remarkable rock-spring. This elevation is only a spur of the hill-top Ne'ir, the name of which might be compared with i.^y.-'* The valley of Eshkol lay somewhat farther nortli.^ ^{^?o?o may also, however, be compared with Nimre, an elevation situated only a short distance north of Hebron, with a spring of the same name.''' In that case '•JS-^y would mean simply in front of, in sight of. On the other hand, it may be held that the Wadi er-Eame or Eamet el-Chalil, to the north, an hour away from the town, is too far distant to be spoken of as |mn3, and to be regarded as the biblical Mamre. But since patristic times it has been, and is even now, generally assumed to have been Abraham's residence.^ 3. Isaac's Marriage with Eebecca, Cii. XXIV. ; from C. Abraham's steward is sent to Mesopotamia, and there in Harran obtains, as bride for his master's son, Eebecca, daughter of Abraham's nephew Bethuel. He brings her to Canaan, and she becomes Isaac's wife. These incidents are ^ See Kosen in Zeitschrift fiir allgemeine Erdkunde, 18G3, p. 3G9ff. 2 Archives de VOrient Latin, ii. 411-421 ; see also ZDPW vii. 252, viii. 328. 2 Wars, iv. 9. 7 ; comp. Antiquities, i. 14. * Rosen. 5 Ch. xiv. 13. ^ Num. xiii. 23. '' Mentioned by Rosen, ZDMG. xii. 480, and Seetzen, ii. 51. ^ Von Schubert, Robinson, Seetzen, Ritter. Knobel. See also Baedeker, Palcistina,^ p. ]73f. 158 GENESIS XXIV [nOO described by the narrator in a beautiful idyllic story, in which it is his special interest to trace God's guiding hand in all that led up to the marriage. It was God who brought it about that Abraham's envoy at once found the right place and the right maiden, that he forthwith recognised her as the chosen bride, and that, in addition, her family and the maiden herself willingly followed the indications of the divine will. It was by God's guidance that Eebecca became Isaac's wife, and an ancestress of the people of God. Against B's authorship of the passage there is to be put the absence of any name for Abraham's steward,^ and the notice regarding Eebecca's nurse, wliich contradicts ch XXXV. 8. ^'s authorship is also out of the question. From ch. XXV. 20 w^e may conclude that he narrated the fact of the marriage without much detail ; we cannot say definitely whether between chs. xxiii. and xxv. 19,^ or betw^een vv. 19 and 20 of ch. xxv.^ The character and workmanship of the idyll point us to the narrator of ch. xviii. f., and its exalted conception of marriage to the author of ch. ii. 2o ff., that is, to C. Other characteristics, especially linguistic, agree with this.^ Some unevenness in the style ^ may be attributed to errors in the text rather than to the union of two accounts.^ There may seem more reason for assigning vv. 62-67 to another writer,'^ to B, on the ground that the envoy was sent by Abraham (vv. 1-9), but here returns to Isaac, and, besides, calls Isaac his master (ver. 65), and not, as hitherto,^ Abraham. 1 Otherwise in ch. xv. 2. ^ Knobel. ^ Wellhausen. ^ E.g. the cmgel of Jalive (w. 7, 40), Isaac the servant of Jahve (ver. 14), D^nj DIX (ver. 10), ^jyj3n m^n (ver. 3), tT'' with suff. (vv. 42, 49), s: (vv. 2, 12, 14, 17, 23, 42 f., 45), p-| (ver. 8), ''^1^< (vv. 5, 39), ion nb'y (vv. 12, 14, 49), riD^I non (v^^ 27, 49), D^OU xn (ver. 1), nsnp^ I'n (ver. 17), nSID n3D (ver. IG), j;n> (ver. IG), nnpH (ver. 12), n^^-^n (vv. 21, 40, 42, 56), ):ih-hi^ -im (ver. 45), .sy^* for a\S* (ver. GO), nVK'n-ns ::'i^ (ver. go), njnnDni iip^ (w. 28, 48), nvis mnnc'n (ver. 52), and the use of the name nin"* tliroughout. 5 Vv. 22, 29 ff. c Knobel. '' Knobel. ^ Thirteen times. 300, r>Ol] GENESIS XXIV. 1, 2 159 The words nr?n (ver. 05) and 33^n )*"!« (ver. G2) are also elsewhere found in B. Still wliat is surprising in these concluding verses (62 ff.), ceases to be so if we reflect that in ver. 1 Abraham's death is approaching, that in ver. 36 Isaac appears already independent and in possession of his paternal inheritance, and that accordingly cli. xxv. 5 and llh must have preceded ch. xxiv. in 0} It is sufficient to assume that R has made some changes of his own in these verses, especially in vv. 62 and 67. Similarly, but for other reasons, R seems to have made some harmonistic additions in vv. 15, 24, 47, and 50. Vv. 1—9. Abraham's commission to his steward to seek a wife for Isaac among his relatives in Mesopotamia, and the significance of the mission. Ver. 1. A circumstantial clause preparatory to the principal sentence in ver. 2. DV:}''3 N3 in ch. xviii. 11 in C. God had blessed him in all, hence the wish by his son's marriage to have further heirs to inherit this blessing. Ver. 2. He desires to commit this mission to his servant, the oldest in his house, in standing, not in actual age, who had the management - of all his property. In C he is un- named, in B the steward is called Eliezer.^ The matter is one of great moment, for the object is in part to preserve the son of promise from an alien union with the daughters of Canaan around him,^ in part to prevent his return to the land from which God brought Abraham out,^ and if it is unattained, the promises will thereby become of no effect. Abraham, therefore, exacts from the servant an oath that lie will in every particular fulfil his mission. Pray iJiit thy hand under my thigh — i.e. to take an oath. The custom is mentioned again only in cli. xlvii. 29. The organ of generation as such, because the mark of manly vigour, had a certain sacredness attributed to it by the ^ Hupfeld, Quellen der Genesis^ p. 145 f. 2 ps cv. 21. ^ Ch. XV. 2 f. 4 Cf. xxviii. 2 ff., xxxiv. 1 ff. ^ ch. xii. 1. 160 GENESIS XXIV. 3-5 [301 ancients, and in the worship of Phallus had every religious veneration paid to it. But the unmediate reference here is neither to this nor to any special sacredness due to the ceremony of circumcision,^ nor to both together.^ It is from the thighs that one's descendants come, so that to take an oath with one's hand upon the thighs could be equivalent to calling upon these descendants to maintain an oath which has been fulfilled and to revenge one which has been broken. Here as in ch. xlvii. 29 it is a case of ensuring something, the performance of which the exactor of the oath does not live to see or is uncertain of living to see. " A modern instance is recorded of an Egyptian Beduin who in making a solemn asseveration laid his hand upon the organ of genera- tion."^ Ewald refers to a Kaffir analogue.* Yer. 3 f. " God of the heavens and of the earth," whose knowledge and power nothing can escape.^ Similarly in ver. 7 "God of the heavens"; comp. xviii. 25 (also xiv. 19, 22). "1^'n;— ch. xxii. 14, xi. 7. "•jyj^n n):! — "here and in ver. 37; A speaks of ni:3 In this passage Abraham plainly does not expect to live long, and makes the steward the executor of his will, so to say. The representation is independent of ^'s chronology, according to which Abraham had still thirty-seven years to live.'^ For ver. 4 comp. xii. 1. Ver. 5. The servant raises a difficulty ; if no woman will come from there, is he to take Isaac to the spot, n inter- rogative.^ 1 The Jews, on tlie authority of Jerome, QiLcestiones ; Targ. Jonathan, Raslii, Scliumann, Tucli, Delitzscli. 2 Von Bohlen, Gesenius, Knobel. ^ Sonnini, Voyage, Germ. tr. ii. 474; Eiclihorn, Allyemeine Bibliothek, X. 464. Knobel. * Ewald, Alterthiimer,^ 26 [Antiquities, p. 19, note 6]. ^ Knobel. ^ Ch. xxviii. 1, 6, 8, xxxvi. 2. Knobel. 7 Ch. xxi. 5, XXV. 7, 20. « Gesenius,^^ 100. 4. 301, 302] GENESIS XXIV. 6-10 161 Yer. 6. Abraham answers the question with an emphatic negative ; Isaac would in that case surrender the hind of promise. Ver. 7. " The case put by the servant will, besides, not occur. The God, who led Abraham out from the land of his birth,^ who has promised him Canaan,- and even confirmed the promise by an oath, will also prosper the servant's mission ^ by sending His angel before him to protect him, to bring him to the very place he desires, and to secure him the wished-for reception. Abraham is confident that the goodness and providence of God hitherto manifested will continue."^ ''h V2\y: "iC'SI — if not an insertion by E with a reference to ch. xxii. 16, must refer to ch. xv. 17 f. ^ Ver. 8. Should, however, no woman be willing to come, the servant is released from the obligation of ver. 4. Abraham, therefore, does not regard his plan as willed by God.« For n^i?3l see Gesenius,^^ 75A. 7; for ni^T, 126. 5A. lb; and for 2L;'n N7, ch. iv. 12, and Ewald, § 320«. Ver. 9. The servant takes the oath. For vnx see Gesenius,-^ 124. Ic. Vv. 10-27. He sets off on his journey, and is granted the experience of God's guidance and direction, as Abraham had trusted. Ver. 10. He takes camels with him for himself and his escort,'' for the maiden he is to bring, and for her com- panions,^ for all sorts '^ of 'projpcrty, i.e. various articles which he takes as presents,^*^ and for the provisions necessary for the journey. — The Septuagint omission of the first *]^^i in the verse is preferable to the Massoretic text. Aram of the, two streams — Sept. Meaoirora/biLa.^'^ In any ' Ch. xii. I. 2 Qijg xii. 7, xiii. 15. •"' Ver. 40. * Knobel. ^ Page 55 f. '■•Knobel. ^ yy. 32, 54. ^Vv. 59, 61. » Ch. ii. 9. 10 Vv. 22, 30, 47, 53. ^^ Deut. xxiii. 5 ; Judg. iii. 8 ; Ps. Ix. 2. DILLMANN. — II. II 162 GENESIS XXIV. 11-14 [302 case this is not the country between the Euphrates and Tigris, Babylonia being excluded, though that has been the general opinion.^ As little is it the region between the Euphrates and the Chrysorrhoas, the river of Damascus.^ Most probably it is the country which lay between the Euphrates ^ and Chaboras, "^^^'7,'^ including also, perhaps, what bordered nearest to it. It may be almost identical with the land of Naharina, so often mentioned in the accounts of the campaigns of the ancient Egyptian kings,^ but it cannot be admitted that D^nn^ is a locative and not a dual.^ It is more possibly a plural, inasmuch as the Belih and the tributaries of all three rivers are included in the district. Eegarding Paddan Aram, which A writes, see ch. xxv. 20. The city of Nalior is Harran ; *" see note on ch. xi. 31. Ver. 11. He makes his camels lie down in front of the city, by the fountain usually found beside a town, and here in Harran also. Towards evening — " when the girls and women are accustomed to fetch the water required for the household wants.^ In the east this is still part of their work,^ as it was in ancient times." ^^ Yv. 12-14. He asks God to make known to him by a given sign the maiden, among those who come out to draw water, who is destined for Isaac.^^ '^"]i?L' — let it come to jJCtss, hring it about. So in ch. xxvii. 1 Still found in DeUtzsch^ ; against it see Halevy, Melanges d'Epi- graphie, p. 72 ff. 2 Halevy's view, o}). cit. p. 81 ; comp. ZDPV. iii. 224. ^ See ch. xxxi. 21. ^ Kie2)ert, Alte Geographic, p. 154. ^ Brugsch, Geschichte, 235 ff. ; E. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, § 180 ; Erman, Aegypten, p. 680. ^ E. Meyer. ^ Chs. xxvii. 43, xxviii. 10 ; see also Budde, Urgeschichte, p. 445. ^ Shaw, Travels,^ p. 241 ; Burckliardt, Bedouins and Wahdbys, i. p. 351. ^ Von Schubert, Beisen, ii. 401, iii. 134 ; Eobinson, Palestine,"^ i. 473, 549, ii. 33, Germ. tr. ii. 385, 519, 628 f. 10 1 Sam. ix. 11. Knobel. 11 Cf. Judf?. vi. 36 fF. : 1 Sam. xiv. 9. 302,303] GENESIS XXIV. 15 F. 163 20. "Let it be the one who at his request gives him a drink of water, and then of her own accord waters his camels. The sign is suitably chosen ; it must be the most gracious maiden who is to be Isaac's." lyj — in the Tentateuch for nnyj also.^ Similarly tethuel as " son of Milkah ," here and in ver. 24, is surpris- ing, for elsewhere such an appellation is taken from the father's name, not from the mother's,*" and the intention to distinguish Bethuel as the son of Milkah and not of Keiimah (ch. xxii. 23 f.) is not a sufficient explanation. Seeing that, in addition, Laban is called " son of Nahor " in ch. xxix. 5,^ and not son of Bethuel, it is at least probable that p ^Ninni5 is a later interpolation, and that the original text was n2^p nnp; iti^N*. n?3 — the perfect, objected to by Wellhausen ^ and Gesenius^ because of ver. 45, is effectually supported by Prov. viii. 25. nt06] GENESIS XXIV. 54-59 1G9 and thus made the engagement bmding." ^ But the iweciovs things which he gives to Eebecca's brother and mother are the bride's purchase price.^ Ver. 54. Only after that does he partake of food and drink, and he wishes to start next morning, even, in order to reach Abraham again as soon as possible. Vv. 55-61. The bride herself, with most ready acquies- cence, hastens the preparations for her departure. Ver. 55. The brother and mother ask that the departure should be postponed for some days^ or a decade of days,^ i.e. as we say, indefinitely, ten days.^ The reading is, however, uncertain. The Samaritan has c^'in in Dno% the Septuagint r)/jbepa<=: coo-el BeKa, the Peshitta » Vnn > k>o^ ; it is not im- possible that a t^'tn 6 ^^s fallen out before n^D\'^ Ver. 56. The servant does not wish to be delayed, since, ),^ God has prospered his journey. Ver. 57 f. Eebecca herself, when asked, decides for an immediate departure. Ask her mouth, ask herself, so that she may say what she thinks on the subject. Ver. 59. They let her go. The expression, their sister, is used because Laban everywhere^ appears as the principal personage. And her nurse — " there were nurses in families of conse- quence ; ^*^ they preserved their attachment to their foster children, remained by them, and were held by them in turn in high esteem." ^^ Like Abraham's servant, the nurse here is 1 See xxxiv. 12, della Valle, Viaggi, Germ. tr. ii. 225 ; Tavernier, Voyages [Eng. tr. 1678, pp. 172, 243]^ Germ. tr. i. 282 ; Jaubert [Voijage, 1821, p. 301], Germ. tr. 220 f. ; Burckliardt, Bedouins, i. 109. - See Winer, '^ under Ehe. •" See note on iv. 3. ^ Ex. xii. 3 ; Lev. xvi. 29. ^ Eine grosse Woche ; lE,wa\d, Alterthumer,^ p. 131 [Antiiimties, ]). 98, note 4]. ''• Ch. xxix. 14. '' Olsliausen. 8 Chs. XV. 2, xviii. 13, 18, xx. 3, etc. '•• Vv. 50, 53, 55. 10 2 Kings xi. 2. 11 Odysseij, ii. 362 ff. ; Euripides, Hippolytus, 28611".; A^neid, vii. 1 fl". Knobel. 170 GENESIS XXIV. GO-62 [30G nameless in C ; in B ^ she is called Deborah, and comes to Canaan only with Jacob. For nnpJO the Septuagint has ra virdp^ovra avTrj<^ (? njpO"). Ver. 60. They give her their blessing, expressed in rhythmical form, which serves^ at the same time as a benediction on her marriage. Thousands of myriads — mother of innumerable descend- ants. " This was a Hebrew woman's greatest good fortune ; ^ it is still the same in the East." ^ The gate of those who hate her — see ch. xxii. 17. Ver. 61. "As the daughter of a rich man, Eebecca receives with her a number of girls to be companions and attendants.6 Laban, on the marriasje of his daua;hters, however, gave each only one maid." ^ The second part of this verse, as the text now stands, summarises what occurred. But it is not unlikely that originally something stood between it and wdiat goes before,^ for ver. 62 ff. also show traces of -K's hand. Vv. 62-67. liebecca reaches Isaac in safety and becomes liis wife. Ver. 62. Introductory circumstantial clause mainly from R, rendered necessary because he required to give a later position to xxv. 5 and llh, which in C preceded this point. 6''s original text may have been something like (pnv^) i<3^i 'y\ i is in the main original, and not an addition of i^'s. The reading of the Peshitta Dltr^, to take a walk, is worthy of iDehtzscli^; cf. n3N3, cli. x. 19, 30; su^, Num. xiii. 21; ,SU^D, 1 Kings viii. 65. - Houbigant, following xxv. 11. ^ Lagarde, Onomast. sacra,^ ii. 95; Olsliauscn. "^ Ewald, § 136/t ; Hupfeld, Quellen, p. 29. 5 Ch. xvi. 14. « Oil. XX. 1. ' Cf. xxv. 11. 8 Knobel, Ewald, Alterthiimer,^ 271 [Antiquities, p. 203]; conip. n^bS Ps. Iv. 3, 18, cxlii. 3; Job vii. 11, 13 ; Prov. xxiii. 29. 3 Sept., Vulg., Clericus, RosennuiUer, Vater, Maurus, Tuch, Baiun- garten, Delitzsch. 1" Targg., Arabic trans., Grace. Yenet., Rashi, Luther. ^^ Aquila, Symmaclius, von Bohlen. 1^ Bottclier.' '^ Tuch. !■* Delitzsch, Knobel. 172 GENESIS XXIV. (54-06 F. [307 observation ; Gesenius ^ calls attention to the mb*n "i^^nn of ver. 65, and approves of this reading. y\V niJD^ — " about the time of the approach of evening,'^ when the Oriental goes out." ^ Isaac sees the caravan coming. Ver. 64. Almost at the same time Rebecca sees Isaac, and, without knowing him, but, doubtless, with a presenti- ment of the truth, she fell from the camel, i.e.* sprang quickly down from the animal she rode. She did so primarily " as a sign of respect to Isaac, whom she recognised as a man of distinction. The custom is several times mentioned in the Old Testament,-'* and it was the practice among other ancient peoples, e.g. the Romans,^' and still exists in the East.'^ Jews and Christians are required to dismount when they meet a Moslem of distinction." ^ Ver. 65. "When Rebecca learned who Isaac was, she covered herself with her veil. The bride appeared before the bridegroom veiled, hence also the expression mtbere vivo. Only after they were alone together was the veil removed. This is still the custom in the East." ^ ^p^^ — explained by ver. 36 and xxv. 5, even if Abraham's death had not yet been related. ^'VV — in the Old Testament only in ch. xxxviii. 14, 19 besides here. HTpn — the man there, also in xxxvii. 19, in B.^^ Ver. 66 f. The servant recounts all that happened to him, and then Isaac marries Rebecca. ^ Thesaurus, p. 1322. - Ex. xiv. 27 ; Deut. xxiii. 12. 3 Ch. iii. 8. Knobel. ^ £ Kings v. 21. ^ 1 Sam. xxv. 23 ; 2 Kings v. 21 ; Josh. xv. 18. •• Livy, xxiv. 44. '' Niebulir, Arahien, p. 50 ; Eeisebeschreibung, i. 239 ; JoHffe, Travels, Germ. tr. p. 174. ^Niebulir, Arahien, p. 44; Reiseheschreihung, i. 130 f.; Scliiiltz, LeitiLiKj (les Hochsten, iv. 358 ; Sonnini, Voyage [Eng. tr. 1799, ii. 206, 309], Germ. tr. ii. 54, 92 ; Seetzen, Reisen, iii. 190. 9 UusseW, A lejJi^o (1794), i. 287 f. ; Jaubert, Voyage, p. 303 ; Burckhardt, Proverbs, pp. 137, 139 ; Came [Letters from the East, jx 92], Ger. Lehen u. Sitte, i. 88; Lane, Manners and Customs, ch. vi., 1890, p. 15G. Knobel. Also Munzinger, Ostafrik. Studien, p. 147. 10 Gesenius,25 § 34 . Ewald, § 1836. 307, 308] GENESIS XXV 173 n^JHsn — the article before the construct cannot be explained.^ It may be conjectured tliat vox mb' is a gloss,^ to make the connection with ch. xxiii. closer. There is no difficulty in the mention of a special tent belonging to Sarah. "Jacob's wives have also separate tents (xxxi. 33). Similarly the w^ves of Beduin chiefs." ^ And he comforted Jiimself, after his mother, i.e. after her decease, and accordingly now ceased to mourn for her ; with nns compare ''JS^ in ch. xxx. 30. Tliis may also be a gloss, like "iDX nib'.'^ It is equally possible ^ that originally V3X stood where 1C5< now is, and that somewhere in the narrative, perhaps at ver. 62, Abraham's death, which had meanwhile occurred, was related. With ch. xxiv. in its present position, preceded by ch. xxiii., Isaac must have mourned for his mother three or four years,^ — an unusually long time. "Thirty and seventy days, even, were long periods of mourning."'^ 4. Abeaham's Descendants by Ketueaii, his Death, Ch. XXV. 1-11 ; FEOM it, FOLLOWING A, G, AND i>(?). Tuch, Knobel, Ewald, and Noldeke attribute the whole of this passage to A. Eegarding the authorship of vv. 7-lla there can l^e no doubt. Its statement of Abraham's age, " the mention of Ishmael as still living with Iiim (ver. 9), the reference to the cave of Makhpelah (ver. 9 f.), the redundant style (ver. 9 f.), the expressions nn ^:n (ver. 10), VDy ^N' fiDNJ and V5? (ver. 8), •'^n '•yj' ^d^ (ver. 7), as well as QTibn (ver. 11)," and the reference of ch. xlix. 31 to ver. 9,^ furnish the proof. But the case is otherwise with vv. 1-6.^ In 1 Ewald, § 290d ; Gesenius,^^ 127A. 4. '^ Wellhaiisen, JBDTh. xxi. 418. ^ Arvieux [MemoM'cs, iii. 254], Merhwardiye Nachrichten, iii. 214. Knobel. ^ Bulimer, J^rste Buck der Tliora, p. 213. ^ Wellliausen. ^' Clis. xvii. 17, xxiii, 1, xxv. 20. '' Ch. 1. 3 ; Num. xx. 29 ; Dent. xxi. 13, xxxiv. 8. Knobel. « Knobel. " Hupfeld, Bolimer, Schrader, Wellliausen. 174 GENESIS XXV. 1 [308 the first place ver. 5 is secured for Chy the coincidence with ch. xxiv. 36 ; ver. 6 is less certain, though it cannot be from A in view of the contradiction with ver. 9, where Ishmael still lives with Abraham, and because of the word D'':^oi5^D. If it were certain that ver. 6 is from C, it would follow that C also had an account of Keturah ; ver. 3 f. cannot at least be from A, both because of the use of ih"" and because of the contra- diction with X. 7. On the other hand, ver. 1 f., apart from f\0^), which A does not use, might very well be from A, and nc'N even points with certainty to another author than that of ver. 6. Ch. xvii. 4 f. might also commend ^'s authorship, though ch. xxv. 9, where only Isaac and Ishmael are mentioned, is rather against it. In addition, seeing that A makes Abraham's full age 175 years, the birth of sons to him after Sarah's death, i.e. after he was 137 years old, would be least surprising ; in C the account would have to stand before the birth of Isaac.^ The words n-^)Dp ^Jl nbi^ b (ver. 4)2 may, in particular, be advanced to support C's authorship of vv. 1-6 ^ or of 1-5.'^ But the descent of ^^^' from Yokshan, while against ^'s authorship, is also decisive against C (ch. x. 28). For these reasons we may best suppose that vv. 1-4 are from B, who in ch. xxxvii. 28 and 36, also, mentions Midian instead of G's Ishmael ; or that they are an independent contribution from E himself, following B and A. Ver. 6 we must hold to ow^e its present form to B. For ver. lib see below. Vv. 1-4. Abraham takes Keturah to be his wife, and has six sons by her, who have become the ancestors of Arab peoples. Ver. 1. '2X c]D^i — due to B, connects the narrative with ch. xxiii. iTTiDp — properly frankincense. Sprenger^ is of opinion 1 Chs. xviii. 12 fF., xxi. 7. ^ q^ x. 29 f., ix. 19. ''' Budde, Urgeschichte, 225 ; Kiienen, Onderzoek,^ i. 144, who yet on p. 315 regards the verses as a stray passage picked up by the last redactor. ■* Kautzsch-Socin. ^ Geoyraphie Arabiens, p. 295. 308, 309] GENESIS XXV. 2 175 that the miop ^:3 were made the descendants of Keturah because the author knew them as traders in spices. The Arab genealogists of later times do not speak of Keturean Arabs, but they mention " a tribe Katiira, which dwelt in the neighbourhood of Mekka, along with the tril)e Jurluim." ^ Tlie names of the Keturah tribes also are only in part capable of identification. Tlie list is also given in 1 Chron. i. 32 f., but in an abbreviated form. Yer. 2. Firstly, six principal tribes, a half dodecad, are given as descended from Keturah. i^P? — from ^pT, a species of antelope. The Septuagint has Zo/ji^pdv, Ze/jiPpdfi. Knobel compares ZajSpd/uu, the capital of the KLvacBoKoXTrlraL, west of Mekka on the Bed Sea." Some identify this people with the Kinda, Blau and Sprenger with the Kinana.^ Grotius has drawn attention to the Zamareni of Pliny.* pot has nothing to do with Shammar,^ and it is questionable if it is connected with the ^7pr of Jer. XXV. 25.6 J^p; — Sept. 'le^dv, 'le^dv; Tuch compares i?p; (x. 26), Ewald ^ rf'iS (Hab. iii. 7), Knobel the Kaao-avlrat of Ptolemy.^ The last named lived south of the KivaihoKoXirlrai on the Eed Sea, and correspond rather to the Ghassan.^ Arabic genealogists identify jtrp^ with the tribe Yakish in Yemen,^^ perhaps because in ver. 3 i<3tr is descended from it. i^p — of all the descendants of Keturah these are the best known. They were a powerful people down to about the time of the Hebrew monarchy. In Gen. xxxvii. 28, 36 {B) they are engaged in caravan trade with Egypt ; in Ex. ii. and xviii. they are found in the peninsula of Sinai ; in 1 See Ibn Coteiba, ed. Wiistenfeld, 14 ; Ritter, Erdkunde, xii. 19 ff. Knobel. 2 Ptolemy, vi. 7. 5. » q^^ cit. § 30 ff. ; see ZDMG. xxii. 6G3. 4 Hist. Nat. vi. § 138. ^ Sprenger, oj). cit. p. 295. 6 See Delitzsch, Paradies, 237. ^ Geschichte,^ i. 451 [History, vol. i. p. 315]. 8 vi. 7. 6. 9 ZDMG. xxii. 668 ; Sprenger, op. cit. §§ 43, 52. 10 Osiander in ZDMG. x. 31. 176 GENESIS XXV. 2 [309 Numbers ^ they appear in the country east of the Jordan, in conflict with the Israelites ; in the time of the Judges their hordes overwhelmed Palestine ; ^ even in Isa. Ix. G they are mentioned as an Arab merchant people.^ {"ip — Sept. MaSaX, are nowhere else mentioned, for we are entitled to assume that the ^\^*JP of Gen. xxxvii. 36 ought to be identical with the ^'^pp of ver. 28.'* Yet it may be thought that the tribes here mentioned alongside of one another were also neighbours. Ptolemy ^ mentions a place MaBiava on the east coast of the Gulf of 'Akaba (as well as^ a Mahidfia in Arabia Felix). The Onomasticon^ knows a place MaScavy] there also, and " the Arabic geographers ^ a Madian, which they place five days south of Aila on the east side of the sea." ^ Wetzstein ^^ and Sprenger ^^ compare a Wadi Medan ^^ in the neighbourhood of the ruined city of Dedan.^^ Osiander ^"^ and Hitzig ^^ have drawn attention to a Jurhamite idol named Madan. P^f\ — wrongly identified by Knobel with Shaubak in the Jebel esh-Shera,^^ which is not heard of till the Middle Ages. It is now believed to have been also found in the cuneiform inscriptions as YashukP ™' — mentioned in Job ii. 11 as a tribe, in the neigh- bourhood of the land of py. The Septuagint has ^wte, in Job '^av^eh. It may be taken to be the Suchu of the cuneiform inscriptions,^^ on the right bank of the Euphrates, 1 Chs. xxii. 4, 7, xxv. 6, 17 f., xxxi. 1 ff. - Judg. vi. fF. ^ See, further, the Biblical Dictionaries. "* Ewald, § 1646. 5 vi. 7. 2. " vi. 7. 27. ^ Buh Muh»/Lc. ^ Istachri (ed, Mordtmann, p. 10) ; Edrisi (trans. Ijy Jaubert, i. 328, 333) ; Kazwini, ii. 173 ; Aljulfida, Arab., ed. Rommel, p. 77 f. ; Mardsid, iii. 64. 9 Knobel. Comp. also IKings xi. 18, and Ewald, Geschichte,^ ii. 473 f. [History, vol. ii. p. 107 f.], also Wetzstein in Zeitschriftfiir Allgem. Erdkunde, 1865, p. 115 f. 10 In Delitzscli, Isaiah,^ p. 665. ^^ GeograjMe Arabiens, p. 295. 12 In YakAt, iv. 445. i3 gge notes on x. 7. 14 ZDMG. vii. 492. ^■> On Prov. vi. 19. 1*^^ E.g. Burckliardt, Syria, p. 416. 1^ Fried. Delitzscb in ZKSF. ii. 92. is Op. cit. p. 91 f. m9, mo] GENESIS XXV. 3 177 approximately between the mouths of the l^elih and the Chabor.i The " Arab tribe Syayhe, east of Aila,- or even Sihan, a place in the north of Edom,"^ cannot be thought of. ^avrj, mentioned by Ptolemy,* deserves more considera- tion, but not XoaKa} We cannot say if the enumeration of the Ketureans proceeds from south to north ; ^ and the statement of Josephus/ that they included Troglodytis and the part of Arabia Felix lying along the Eed Sea, is not very reliable. Ver. 3. Sons and grandsons of Yokshan. For Sheba and Dedan see notes on ch. x. 7. The genealogy here seems to be constructed by one with a narrower horizon than that shown in ch. x. Eegarding the three sons of Dedan nothing further is known. Induced by the plural form of the names, even ancient expositors,^ and more recently Hitzig,^ have regarded them as appelatives to be interpreted of the occupations or modes of life adopted by certain offshoots of Dedan. Knobel's view was that by the D^'i^ti'N, who are not, it may be re- marked, to be identified with the '^'^'^^ of Ezek. xxvii. 23, or with the corrupt "''}i^*'^f} of 2 Sam. xxix., were to be under- stood the tribes of the 'Asir in Tihrmia,!'^ by the D^'^^^ the Banu Laith in the Hijaz,^^ and by the D^rsNp the IJanu Lam,!- all of which is phonologically impossible. For what the Arabic genealogists made of the last two, see the ZDMG}^ rw^ and it^'D^', as names of persons, have been read on 1 Sclirader, KGF. 142 f., 222 ; Delitzscli, Paradies, p. 297 f. 2 Burckhardt, Syria, p. 594; Bedouins and Wahahyi^^ vol. ii. p. 10. •" Burckhardt, Syria, p. 414. ^ V. 19. 5. ^ Ptolemy, vi. 7. 29; Sprenger, op. cit. § 22. *' Knobel. ' Antiquities, i. 15. 1. ^ Targg., Jerome, Qucestiones and Onomasticon. ^ Schenkel, Bibdlexikon, suh. Dedun. 10 Bitter, Erdhunde, xii. 983 If. 11 Ibn Coteiba, ed. Wiistenfeld, p. 32. 12 Ritter, Erdkunde, xii. 913, xiii. 234, 438, 451, 458, xiv. 45. 13 XX. 175, xxiii. 298. DILLMANN. II. 12 178 GENESIS XXV. 4 [SIO Nabatean inscriptions.^ Hommer- and Glaser^ have a peculiar conjecture regarding D''iC'i< based on a Minean inscription. Ver. 4. Five sons or offshoots of the important people of Midian are named. HD^y — mentioned also in Isa. Ix. 6 along with Midian as a tribe engaged in commerce, which brought gold and incense from Sheba, and had great wealth in camels. The Septuagint reads Fecj^dp, in Isaiah Faccpd. It is now identified with the Hayapa, Ha apa of the cuneiform inscriptions,^ a people of North Arabia.^ Halevy reads a personal name nsy in the Safa inscriptions.6 "isy — Sept. 'A(f)6ip. Knobel identifies with the Banu Ghifar of the Kinana tribe in the Hijaz/ Wetzstein,^ with 'Ofr, a place between the hills of Tihama and Aban ; ^ Glaser,^^ with the Apparu of the inscriptions of Asshurbanipal.^^ ■=1^^ — perhaps ^^ to be explained of Hanakiya, a place three days' journey north of Medina,^^ in the neighbourhood of 'Ofr.i4 Seeing that ns^y, iQj;, and "i^n also occur as family names in Judah, East Manasseh, and Eeuben, it is quite possible that offshoots from these Midianitish tribes were absorbed in Israel.^^ Nothing is known of ^y?^ and ^^i^^, Sept. 'A^eiSd and i ZDMG. xiv. 403 f., 447, 477 f. 2 Aufsdtze u. Ahhandlunyen, 1890, p. 8f. 3 In Ausland, 1891, No. 3, p. 48. ^ Sclirader, KGF. p. 262 f. ; for the phonetic possibihty, P. Hanpt in ZA. ii. 267. sSchrader, KAT.^ 146 f., 613 [Cuneiform Inscri^p. vol. i. p. 132]; Delitzsch, Paradies, 304 ; Hommel, 02^. cit. p. 5, between Mekkaand Medina. « J A. vii. 10, pp. 394 f., 418, vii. 17, pp. 186, 208. "^ Ibn Coteiba, p. 32 ; Abulfida, Histor. anteislam. p. 196. 8 Zeitschrift fiir Allg. Erdkunde, 1865, p. 102. 9 YakCit, iii. 688, iv. 750. i" Geog. Arabiens, ii. 44. ^1 Sclirader, Keilschriftliche Bihliothek, ii. 223. ^- Knobel. 13 Burckliardt, Arabia, ii. 396 (Germ. tr. p. 610 f.). 1* Wetzstein as in note 8. 15 Noldeke in Schenkel's Bibellex. iv. 218. 310, .Sll] GENESIS XXV. 5-8 179 'EXSayu. In Sabe.'in inscriptions vn^3wS is found as tlie name of a person.^ The concluding words of the genealogy, as in X. 29. Ver. 5. Word for word as in xxiv. .'JG, and therefore from C. The Samaritan and Septuagint add i^? after pnv^^. Ver. 6. Abraham gave Isaac his whole property, and, while yet alive, disposed of the sons of his concubines, Hagar and Keturah, by gifts of servants, cattle, etc.- According to B (xxi. 20 f.), Ishmael had long left his father's house. Nor can C have written this verse, if xvi. 8-10 is a harmonistic interpolation. Seeing, further, that Hagar is called nnstr and HDX in C and B, while Keturah in ver. 1 is even termed nc'X, and that t':h''^ in xxxv. 22, and no doubt also in xxxvi. 12 and xxii. 24, is due to E, we are led to the conjecture that E has recast this verse wholly or in part. He dismissed them eastvjards, to the land of the cast, i.e. in general to Arabia, with Arabia Deserta or the Syrian desert included.^ Ver. 7 f. Death and burial of Abraham, from A. Ver. 7. ^^, ch. iii. 22. Abraham's age of 175 years takes him fifteen years beyond the birth of his grandsons Esau and Jacob (ver. 2G). His history is nevertheless here brought to its conclusion, as in the similar case in ch. xi. 32. Ver. 8. nro^l i?i:i^"i, as in ver. 17 and xxxv. 29. In a good old age (ch. xv. 15). For J^^'fl. the Samaritan and Septuagint have D^D^a yaD'i ; comp. xxxv. 29. Gathered to his kinsfolk * — i.e. " united to them in Sheol. The expressions vduk-^n* sn (ch. xv. 15), vnux-^^x ^dnj ('^^^dg. ii. 10), and the frequent vnni<-Dy 2y^ (Deut. xxxi. IG), have the same meaning. They do not simply signify die, for vii and TWO are frequently used along with them,-'' nor to he 1 ZDMG. xxvii. 648, xxxvii. 399 ; Glaser, Arahieu, ii. 449. 2 Comp. xxi. 10 ; Judg. xi. 2. •" Winer,^ ii. 107. * See ch. xvii. 14. 5 Vv. 8, 17, chs. xxxv. 29, xhx. .33 ; Num. xx. 20 ; Deut. xxxii. 50. 180 GENESIS XXV. 1)-11 [311 hitried in the family burying-place, for the interment often receives separate mention,^ and they are also used of those not buried beside their ancestors,^ or of those in whose place of burial only one ancestor already lay.^ But they were originally used of burial in a common spot, and were then applied, secondarily, to denote arrival in Sheol. In Sheol those who are related are found together.* See, further, Bottcher, De Infer is,'' ^ Ver. 9 f. See notes on ch. xxiii. 20. Ver. 11. The first part of the verse is still from A, as is shown by D\"i^x. The divine blessing which had hitherto rested on Abraham continued with Isaac. The second part agrees with ch. xxiv. 62 in C, and was originally a con- tinuation of ver. 5. In ^, Isaac's residence seems to have been Hebron (xxxv. 27). ••N"! ^rh "1N2 — see notes on ch. xvi. 14. 5. The Descendants of Ishmael, Ch. XXV. 12-18; FOLLOWING A.^ Ch. XXV. 11 made the transition to the history of Isaac. But before A can quite pass over to it he must add, in accordance with his custom, what was to be said resjardincf the branch line of Ishmael.^ Ishmael was a leading char- acter in the patriarchal legends, and he had received such great promises in ch. xvii. 20 ^ that it was quite essential to trace their fulfilment, especially as it was also the fulfilment of part of the divine word spoken to Abraham in ch. xvii. 5 f. This in itself leaves no doubt that the passage belongs to A,^ ^ Yer. 9, chs. xv. 15, xxxv. 29 ; 1 Kings ii. 10, xi. 43, and frequently 2 Deut. xxxi. 16 ; 1 Kings ii. 10, xvi. 28 ; 2 Kings xxi. 18. ^ 1 Kings xi. 43, xxii. 40. 4 Ch. xxxvii. 35 ; Ezek. xxxii. 22 IF. ; Ps. xlix. 20. 5 1. 54ff. KnobeL ^ Excepting ver. 18. ' Comp. xxxvi. 1 alongside of xxxvii. 2. ^ As in B and C, chs. xxi. 18, xvi. 10. ^ Knobel, Noldeke, Schrader, Wellhausen. 311, 312] GENESIS XXV. 12, 13 181 and contirmatioii is found in the heading, in the statement of Ishmael's age, and in the formuhe and expressions used ; comp. also especially ver. 12 with ch. xvi. 3 and 15, ver. 13 (the firstborn) witli xxxv. 23, and the twelve princes of ver. 16 with xvii. 20. Hupfeld ^ and Buhmer^ are wrong in denying to A, in the one case vv. 13-1 6a and 18, in the other, all except ver. 17. A separate paragraph, with the heading m^n n^JX, yet consisting only of vv. IQh and 17, would be singularly wanting in sense. Regarding ver. 18, see below. The list in 1 Chron. i. 28-31 is to be compared with that here. Ver. 12. See ch. xvi. 3, 15. Ver. 13. Comp. chs. xxxvi. 10, 40, xlvi. 8. Vv. 13 and 17 are partial headings subordinate to the general heading in ver. 12. DnD:^'2 — is surprising, and is only saved from being completely superfluous if it be taken closely with the following Dmi'in!:' : " after their names, according to their genealogical order," i.e. their names in their genealogical order. It is reasonable to maintain that the duodecimal number of the Ishmaelite tribes is not simply due to a baseless schema- tism of ^'s,^ or to a transference to Ishmael of a division existing in Israel,* but had its historical ground in the fact that political or religious federations divided duodecimally were not infrequent among Hebrew peoples.^ But we may admit that the Israelite author's preconceptions had pretty free scope when he came to arrange the individual names as parts of the duodecimal whole. It is either this fact or a generalisation of the word Ishmaelite to mean Bedouin or desert Arab,^ which accounts for the Midianites, who were ^ Quellen, p. 58 tf, ; similarly Kayser, p. 22. 2 Erste Buck der Thora, p. 84. •" Nuldeke. "* Knobel. ^ Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 520-532 [Histury, vol. i. pp. 3G2-371]; Reuss, Ueschichte des Alt. Test.^ p. 40 f. 6 Ch. xvi. 12. 182 GENESIS XXV. 13 [.312 Ketureans according to ver. 2, being also named Ishmaelites.^ It may be concluded, moreover, from the fact that the name Ishmaelite, apart from its artificial resuscitation in Ps. Ixxxiii. 1 and Judith i. 13, does not occur after the time of David,^ that this confederation early lost its individual existence.^ ri^J3 and "I'Ji^ are the best known and the most important of the twelve tribes. The former is expressly designated the firstborn, and the two are conjoined in the inscriptions of Asshurbanipal * and in Isa. Ix. 7. Similarly, Pliny ^ mentions the NabataBi along with the Cedrei. The Arabic genealogies ^ make Kaidar and Nabit Ishmael's eldest sons, but they are simply drawn from the Old Testament. n^ap — The only further Old Testament statements re- garding Nabaioth are to the effect that Esau made a marriage alliance with them,^ and that they were a tribe rich in flocks (Isa. Ix. 7). They are nowhere mentioned in the history of Israel down to the Persian period, though, doubtless, the same as the Nabaitai of the Assyrian monuments.^ But in the period which followed the death of Alexander the Great an important part is played by the Nahateans. They were an Arab people who occupied Idumea, and Petra its capital, after the Idumeans settled in the south of Canaan.^ Afterwards, on the decay of the Seleucide monarchy, they made themselves supreme in the country east of the Jordan, and in the Syrian desert,i^ as far as the Hauran and Damascus,^^ while southwards they extended, not merely to Elath, but even a considerable distance into Arabia proper.^^ They were 1 Judg. viii. 24, comp. vii. 25, viii. 22, 26 ; Gen. xxxvii. 25, 27, xxxix. 1. 2 1 Chrou. ii. 17, 27, 30. •' Nokleke, Amalelc, p. 5. ^ Schrader, KAT.^ p. 147 [Gun. Inscrijoj^. vol. i. p. 133]. 5 Hist. Nat. V. § 5. ^ E.g. Ibn Coteiba, pi.. 18, 30 (ed. Wiistenfeld), and Abulfida, Historia anteislamica, p. 192. 7 Gen. xxviii. 9, xxxvi. 3. « Sclirader, KGF. p. 102. 3 Diodorus, xix. 94-100 ff. lo 1 Mace. v. 25, ix. 35. " Josepkus, Antiquities, xiii. 15. 2. 12 Diodorus, iii. 43 ; Stephanus Byzantinus, sub Qoty.ovQc/.. 312, 313] GENESIS XXV. 13 183 SO widely spread that all the Arab peoples who then bordered on the Syrians passed for ISTabateans,^ and the whole country from the Euphrates to the Eed Sea was called Nabatene.^ They had kings of their own, and were as warlike as they were distinguished commercially and by their achievements in the other pursuits of peace. The ruins of their principal town, Petra, and the Nabatean coins and inscriptions, which date from the first century B.C. and the first century A.D., are evidences of their culture.^ Very numerous Nabatean inscriptions have been recently found in North Arabia, especially in el-Hijr or Madain Salih, and in el-'Dla, south of Teima.* Their empire was destroyed by Trajan,^ and fresh Arab tribes pressed into the broad territories of their former dominion. It is still a debated question whether these later Nabateans are to be identified with the ri''n3. On the Nabatean inscriptions and by the Arabs their name is written DDJ, but the Talmudic Jews write it with n as well,^ and Josephus ^ regards it as identical with n'l: (comp. the Targum to Isa. Ix. 4). This would not carry us far if it were certain that the later Nabateans were Arameans.^ But judging from what is contained in the Nabatean inscriptions, it is more probable ^ that they were Arab by race while using Aramaic as a commercial people and in writing. If that be so, the interchange of n and to being presupposed, we may still assume that in name and in fact the ancient n^3: are found in 1 Strabo, xvi. 4. 18, 21 ; Plin}^ xii. § 73. 2 Josephus, Antiquities, i. 12. 4 ; Jerome, Qiicestiones, ad loc. 3 Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 451 ff., iv. 458 [History, i. 316, v. 351]; Noldeke in Schenkel's Bibellex. iv. 269. ■* See Documents epigr. recueillis par Doughty, Renan, Paris, 1884 ; Euting, Nabat. Inschriften aus Arahien, Berlin, 1885. ^ Dio Cassius, Ixviii. 14 ; Ammianus, xiv. 8. 13. c ZDMG. xiv. 371, xv. 413, xxv. 123 f. '' Antiquities, i. 12. 4. ^ Quatremere in Journal Asiatique, 1835 ; C. de Perceval, Essai sur Vhistoire des Arabes, i. 35 ff.; Ritter, Erdkunde, xii. 128 ff.; Halevy, Revue Critique, 1887, No. 32, p. 104 ; R. Duval, JA. viii. 11, p. 107. 9 Noldeke, ZDMG. xvii. 706 f., xxv. 122 f.; Semit. Sprachen, ]). 31; Euting, 025. cit. p. 73 ff. 184 GENESIS XXV. 13 [313 the more modern D33, who were a blending together of the n^3: and other Arab peoples, and, doubtless, of Arameans also. But the distinction of the two peoples is insisted on by some.^ In any case, the Aramean JVahatu, mentioned in the inscriptions of Tiglath Pilesar ii. and of Sanherib, dwelling in or near South Babylonia,^ are to be distinguished from the nuj, although later the Moslem Arabs also applied the name D3J to the peasantry who had a fixed residence in the Ara- mean lands, especially of Babylonia.^ "'li? — often mentioned in the Old Testament in the time of the Israelite monarchy, when Midian had now lost its former importance, and especially from the eighth century onwards. They are spoken of as good bowmen, and as the first to be exposed to the attacks of the Assyrians and Babylonians,'* as dwelling in black tents ^ and open villages,^ as rich in camels and flocks,'^ and as trading in these possessions.^ They were situated between Arabia Petrea and Babylonia.^ In the cuneiform inscriptions the Kidri are mentioned alongside of the Nabaitai, and their principal deity is given as Atar-samain.^^ Their name is used in the Eabbinical writers, like the name Ishmaelite, for Arab in general; the language of Kedar is the Arabic language. Even the Targums explain Kedar by " Arabs," once by t:3i (Ezek. xxvii. 21). ^^?>* — Sept. Na/38€7]\, identified by Delitzsch ii and Schraderi2 as the Idihiil of a text of Tiglath Pilesar ii.^^ 1 E.g. again by Glaser, Geschichte und Geographie Arahiens, ii. 409 f. 2 Sclirader, KGF. p. 105 fF. 3 Nokleke, ZDMG. xxv. 122 ff. * Isa. xxi. 16 f. ; Jer. xlix. 28 ff. ^ Song i. 5. ^ Isa. xlii. 11 ; Jer. xlix. 31. 7 Jer. xlix. 32 ; Isa. Lx. 7. « Ezek. xxvii. 21. ^ Onomastico7i, ed. Lagarde,i i. Ill ; Jerome ad Isa. xlii. 10, regio inhahitabilis trans Arabiam Saracenorum ; cf. also Jer. ii. 10 ; Ps. cxx. 5, and the comm. of Theodoret ; also Suidas, sub K/i^xp. 10 Schrader, KGF. 52 ff. 101 ff.; KAT.'~ 147 f. [Eng. tr. vol. i. p. 134] ; comp. Glaser, oj). cit. ii. 439. 11 Paradies, 301 f. i^ KAT.-^ p. 148 [Cun. Inscripp. i. 135]. 13 Cf. Glaser, oij. cit. ii. 439. 313,314] GENESIS XXV. 14 185 Db'^p — Sept. Maaadfi, unknown. In 1 Chron. iv. 25 it is the name of a family in the tribe of Simeon. VOpip — Sept. Maafjid, also the name of a Simeonite family.^ The MaLaaifiaveU,^ north-east of Medina, and the place called el-Mismiye in the Leja,^ south of Damascus, have no connection with this name. The maps* mark a Jebel Misma' south-east of Kaf, east of the Wadi Sirlian, in the latitude of Idumea, and another farther south, west of the Shammar capital, Hayel, towards Teima, where in- scriptions have also been found. It is possible that in one or other of them a trace of yroti'D remains. nm — hardly the Duma situated in the east of the Hauran,^"* but probably Aovfiada,^' Domata, AovjxeOa^ AovfxalOa^ or L^^^i;^ " seven days' journey from Damascus, and thirteen from Medina, on the borders of Sham (Syria) and Irak. According to Edrisi,^*^ this same place was four days north of Teime, and it has been found there by modern travellers ^^ in the district of el-Jauf ; its usual name is Dumath el-Jandal," ^^ but it is to be distinguished from the nm of Isa. xxi. 11. Quite a number of other places of the name Duma are known. ^^ m^ — usually connected with the Maaavoi of Ptolemy,!"^ • north-east of Duma. In the inscriptions of Asshurbanipal, Mas'u also appears along with the Nabaitai and Kidri.^^ For ^ 1 Cliron. iv. 25 ; E-ieluu, Handiodrterhucli, p. 993. 2 Ptolemy, vi. 7. 21. Knobel; see ZDAIG. xxii. 672. ^ Delitzsch. •^ E.g. Stieler's Handatlas, No. 70 ; Euting in Nabat. Inschriften, p. 2. ^ Pointed out by Wetzstein, Haurdn^ p. 93. « Stephanus Byzantinus. '' Pliny, vi. § 157. ^ Ptolemy, v. 19. 7, viii. 22. 3 ; lie puts it at one time in Arabia Felix, at another in Arabia Deserta. 9 Abulfida, ed. Rommel, p. 89 ; Yakut, ii. 625 tl". [Dillmann]. ^^ Translation by Jaubert, i. 335. ^1 Niebuhr, Arahien, p. 344 ; Burckliardt, Syria, p. 662. 12 Knobel. 1^ Enumerated in MUlilau, De lyrov. Aguri, 1869, p. 19 f. " V. 19. 2 ; so by Knobel. 15 Schrader, KGF. 102; KAT.- 148 f. ICunciform Inscripp. i. 135]. 186 GENESIS XXV. 15 [314 a refutation of Hitzig's conjectures regarding Massa, see Miihlau/ whose own opinion, however, that it was situated near the Duma of the Hauran, has also no good foundation. ^^.^ — this is the correct reading ; ^ the Septuagint has XoSSdv, in Chronicles XovSdv, XoSSdS ; it is otherwise un- known. ^?''^ — not Taima, three-quarters of an hour from Duma in the Hauran,^ nor Satfiol north of the Gherrheans on the Persian Gulf,^ nor the Banu Taim in the same locality.^ It is the trading people mentioned in Jer. xxv. 23 and Job vi. 19, whose land (Isa. xxi. 14) is to be identified with the Taima'u of the Arabic geographers ^ on the western border of the Nejd, south-east of the northern extremity of the Gulf of 'Akaba ; it is also mentioned in the cuneiform inscriptions along with the Mas'u.^ This Teima has been recently proved by inscriptions found there ^ to have been the seat of an ancient civilisation. YHur and Ndphtsh were neighbours of Trans -Jordan Israel, which made war on them and on the Hagrites (? in Saul's time), and partially expelled them.'^ Nothing further is known of &t}^. "'^^j — The Iturcans, on the other hand, are frequently mentioned from 105 B.C. onwards. They are spoken of as a rude, wild, mountain people addicted to robbery, and as good bowmen. Their proper home in the Eoman period was in the hills of Lebanon and Antilebanon,i^ but in earlier times they may also have occupied districts farther south. The Jewish king, Aristobulus I., took from them part of their 1 0^. cit. p. 22 f . 2 Given by the Massora, 1 Chron. i. 30, Samaritan, and Josephus for -Tin. 2 Wetzstein, Hauran, p. 94. -^ Ptolemy, vi. 7. 17. 5 Yakut, Mushtarik, pp. 310, 352, 413. Knobel. « Gesenius, Thesaurus, 600. '^ Schrader, KGF. p. 262 f . 8 By Huber and Euting, SB AW. 1884, p. 813 ff. •' 1 Chron. v. 18 ff. ; comp. Bertlieau on Ezra ii. 50. 10 Strabo, xvi. 2. 10, 18 ; Pliny, v. § 81 ; Josephus, Vita, 11 ; and Dio Cassius, lix. 12. 314, 315] GENESIS XXV. IC. 187 land, and compelled tliem to be circnmcised or to emigrate.^ It cannot be proved from any authority ^ that they occupied Trachonitis and the Hauran as late even as the Koman period.^ It remains, however, possible that the modern Druses are descended from them.* Y^^tiir has no connection with Jediir.^ i'i^'ip — mentioned nowhere else. The ^^p, \^?, who are distinguished from Midian and Amalek,^ and again mentioned alongside of Edorn, Moab, and Amnion,^ are not an in- dividual Arab tribe, but as in 1 Kings v. 10 [iv. 30] and Job i. 3, the Arabs of the East collectively ; and the name might also include ^ Amalek, Midian, and Kedar. Compare the ^^'"f^l?. of ch. xv. 19. The ^^']^^ or C3^t5"};in^ mentioned in the sources of the Chronicler as neighbours of the tribes east of Jordan,^ in one case along with a separate mention of the name Ishmael,^^ are not here included among the Ishmaelites. In Ptolemy ^^ they are set alongside of the Bataneans, and in Eratosthenes ^^ occur as ''AypaloiP It is questionable if the name has any connection with that of Hagar, the mother of Ishmael.^* Yer. 16. "These are the sons of Ishmael in their enclosures and their tenting ^:>/«ccs, i.e. who dwell some in permanent villages or small unwalled towns,^^ others simply in movable encampments.'^*^ " ^y^, derived from "i^D, a word 1 Joseplius, Antiquities, xiii. 11. 3. 2 Strabo, xvi. 2. 20 included. ^ Wetzstein, Hauran, p. 90 ; even the Onomasticon regards Itursea and Trachonitis as identical ; see Schiirer, Geschichtej^ i. 594 ff. [History of Jewish Peoijle, Div. I. vol. ii. p. 325 ff.] ; Riehm, Handioorterbuchj 783. 4 Knobel. ^ See Dent. iii. 14, and AVetzstein, Hauran, p. 91. « Judg. vi. 3, 33, vii. 12. ' ^ isa. xi. 14 ; Ezek. xxv. 4, 10. ^ Judg. viii. 10 ; Jer. xlix. 28. •' 1 Chron. v. 10, 18 ff., xi. 38, xxvii. 31. 1^ 1 Cliron. xxvii. 30 f. ; conip. Ps. Ixxxiii. 7. 11 V. 19. 2. 12 stral)0, xvi. 4. 2. i"^ 'Aypkg, Dionysius, Periegetes, 956. 1^ Baruch iii. 23 ; Noldeke, Amalek, p. 6 f. 1^ Lev. xxv. 31 ; Isa. xHi. 11. i^ Num. xxxi. 10: Ezek. xxv. 4. 188 GENESIS XXV. 17, 18 [315 related to in, to circle, means camp ; a camp is usually pitched in a circular form, and is called ,\,^>." ^ It is un- questionably a technical expression,'^ just as n^s is. Twelve tribal princes; comp. ch. xvii. 20. n^x — a rare word, and more Arabic than Hebrew; purposely used by A here and in Num. xxv. 15 of the Arab peoples in question. Ver. 17. Compare ver. 8. Ver. 18. The country they occupied. Eegarding Sh'iir in front of Egypt, see ch. xvi. 7 ; and for n^')n,3 the notes in vol. i. pp. 129 and 382. In the direction * of Assliur — words in themselves surpris- ing, for Asshur is used in its political signification, and especially so in this context. They are probably a gloss intended to intimate that the Ishmaelites extended nearly as far as the Euphrates.^ Hupfeld^ regards them as a corruption of rrm np«3 ; 7 Wellhausen,^ as a dittography of i^C'-nj; ; while Noldeke ^ holds that ^-l1C^^^ is a corruption of the name of some Egyptian locality. 'y\ ^3 ^^^'hv — see ch. xvi. 12. ^d: — fell or alighted}^ i.e. settled.^^ The first part of the verse in no case belongs to A, who does not use i?^, nor does it attach itself to ver. 17.^^ It is doubtless from C, and a continuation of ver. 6. The second part of the verse, where the third personal singular is surpris- ing, appears to be an addition introduced by R or a later hand from ch. xvi. 12, with pL*' varied to ^d:, because it had been used just before. 1 See Burckhardt [Bedouins and TVahdhys, p. 33], Germ. tr. 26. Knobel. 2 In spite of Giesebrecht. "[Here given by Dillmann as Cliavila (? = Hawilali), previously transliterated Havila.] 4 Chs. X. 19, 30, xiii. 10. ^ Josephus, Antiquities, i. 12. 4. *' Qiiellen der Genesis, p. 150. ' 1 Sam. xv. 7. « JBDTh. xxi. 410 (Delitzscli, Famdies, p. 131). '' Op. cit. p. 26. 10 [Cf. ch. xxiv. 64.] iiJudg. vii. 12. i^Hupfeld. IV. THE HISTORY OF ISAAC, XXV. 19-XXXVII. 1. Isaac occupies a very secondary position in the patri- archal history. No one of the three sources has much to tell of him, and what is told is exactly paralleled in the narratives of the life of Abraham. There is the unfruitfulness of his marriage at first, his wife's exposure to danger, the respect paid him by Abimelech, the strife regarding wells with the people of Abimelech, and even the domestic unpleasantness arising from the dissimilarity of his two sons, — all repetitions of Abraham's history. This remains true, whether or not in an earlier form of the legend Isaac was the original and Abraham only the copy ; ^ and our materials are not suffi- cient to decide such a question. In Genesis, as we now have it, Isaac appears throughout as the pale copy of his father. He is the son of promise, and inherits his position and the possession of the blessings won by his father. He follows in Abraham's footsteps, without his strength of character and purpose. In quietness and patience he faithfully preserves his inheritance, serves his father's God, and in turn, like Abraham, is guided, protected, and blessed by Him. His trials meet him at tlie hands of strangers, the Philistines, and from his own house also, but he overcomes them by his mild and docile disposition. The localities also, which tradition pointed out as connected with incidents in Isaac's life, are confined to a narrower circle than in the case of Abraham; in the more detailed narratives he is found always in the extreme south and in the oases of the desert. Beer ^ Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 338 [Eng. tr. p. 320] ; Kueneii, Onder- zoeh- i. 228 f. 190 GENESIS XXV [316 Lachairoi, Genir, and ]^>eershebaV though A takes him to Mamre,- like Abraham, latterly at least. It was in that which remained of the original Abrahamite immigration after the separation of the people of Lot, and of the Ishmaelites and Ketureans, and which now, for a length of time, settled down in these southern steppe lands, that those of later time recognised that part of the Hebrews which best preserved the type of Abraham, and was their own proper ancestry. The less there was to tell of Isaac the more there was to say of both his sons, Esau and Jacob ; ^'s work is even so planned that their history is part of the Toledoth of Isaac. Jacob-Israel is the real father of the people of Israel, the representative of a fresh immigration of Hebrews from Mesopotamia, from which, in union with the people of Isaac, Israel grew ; the scene of his history is in the centre (Bethel, Shekhem) and east (Mahanaim, Peniel, Sukkoth) of the land. Beside him, as the other principal personage, stands Esau- Edom, brother of Jacob-Israel, and born before him ; he became powerful, and grew to be an independent people before Jacob, but afterwards was pushed into the background by the younger and more energetic brother, who served also higher ends. The contest for supremacy between these two related peoples, or men, as they appear in the legend, is a main part of the contents of the Toledoth of Isaac, and it gains an added interest and importance from the fact that Isaac, whose birthplace was in Canaan, stands on the side of Esau, whereas Eebecca, of Harran, is for Jacob. But this contest between Esau and Jacob, of which the underlying national significance, as a picture of the relations of the Edomite and Israelite peoples, is still readily perceptible,^ does not exhaust the contents of the history of Isaac. The greater part of -the history was originally in B and C, and li, in his selection from their material, has been guided by the same principle which he followed in the history of Abraham, where his 1 Clis. xxiv. 62, XXV. 11, xxvi. 1-33. ^ (j]^ ^xxv. 27-29. 3 Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 492-504 [History, vol. i. pp. 348-359]. 31G, 317] GENESIS XXV 191 chief interest lay in the divine training of the patriarch as a religious hero. He has selected and arranged such narratives as helped liim to show how from the first Jacob was destined and fitted to be the heir of the promises, and yet had to pass through a long series of humiliations, trials, and purifications, until at length he became the man with whom God could renew His covenant made with Abraham, and who could succeed at last as Isaac's heir. In the course of the history also the characters of the two brothers are admirably delineated. The one is hearty and straightforward, upright, and good-natured, but yet rude and rough, and heedless of the future and of all that is not at once apparent to him, and so in the end the loser in the contest. The character of the other is ignoble, cunning, and crafty, and he is therefore involved in a tangle of struggles and difficulties ; yet with stratagem and strength ^ he strives to the highest ends, and so in the end, after a long course of inward purification, he is the victor. This section of the history, like that of Abraham, falls into three parts: (1) the history of Isaac and of Jacob's youth to the time of his departure to Harran, xxv. 19- xxviii. 9 ; (2) Jacob away from home, and the founding of his house in Harran in the midst of strife with Laban, xxviii. 10-xxxii. 3; (3) Jacob's return as one who has successfully contended with God, and before whom Esau must yield, xxxii. 4-xxxvii. 1. A. THE HISTORY OF ISAAC AND OF JACOB'S YOUTH, CH. XXV. 19-XXVIII. 9. 1. Birth and eakly Youth of the Twin Brothers, and Preludes of their future Contests, Ch. XXV. 19- 34 ; according to A and 0 (and B). Isaac, after his wife has been barren for twenty years, at length receives twin sons, Esau and Jacob, in answer to his prayer; even at birth the latter seeks to precede the former. 1 Hos. xii. 4 f . 192 GENESIS XXV. 19 F. [.",17,318 Esau grows up a huntsman, and his father's favourite ; Jacob, a shepherd, and the favourite of his mother. On an occasion Esau returns home hungry, and sells his birthright to Jacob for a dish of lentils. Beside the headings in vv. 19f. and 266, there are certainly fragments of ^'s work in this, as is proved by the chronological statements and the use of the expressions i^i^in, Paddan Aram, and Bethucl the Aramean. What remains forms a well-connected whole, and in view of the vocabulary,^ and the resemblance of vv. 24-26 to xxxviii. 27 ff., is to be asssigned in the main to C} But vv. 25 and 27 contain redundancies, which are doublets from B ; this is confirmed by the fact that B in ch. xxvii. presupposes the essential parts of ver. 27 f., and that Hos. xii. 4 is evidence that ver. 26ft is part of the tradition of North Israel. We may say, there- fore, that C has made use of B as a source, but that B made further additions from B, hence the doublets ; Kittel ^ assigns vv. 24 and 27 f. to -5 and Cm common, and vv. 25 and 26a to B. It is certain, however, that in C this whole section did not stand before but after ch. xxvi. (see note on xxvi. 7), and has been transposed by B that he might fit it into ^'s schematism (vv. 19 f., 26&). Ver. 19 f., according to A ; judging from the form of tlie sentence, as well as from ^'s custom elsewhere,* it is probable that he also had a brief mention of Isaac's marriage, which, however, has been omitted by B.^ We may suppose that in it, or elsewhere,^ he also gave some account of Abraham's relation to Bethuel the Aramean ; it is too much to say ^ that this would take him out of his way, and ch. xxvi. 34, 1 nin'' (in ver. 22 f.), nny (ver. 21), n^yv (ver. 23). 2 Hupfeld, Schrader, Kayser, Budde, Urgeschichte, 217 ; Kuenen, Onderzoek,' i. 144. 3 Geschichte der Hebrlier^^ p. 127 [Eng. tr. vol. i. p. 140]. 4 Chs. xxvi. 34, xxviii. 2 flf., xxxvi. 2 f. ^ See p. 158. '' In connection, perhaps, with Abraham's residence in Harran, xi. 31, xii. 4. '' Budde, Urgeschichte, p. 423 f . 318] GENESIS XXV. 21 193 where only Ishmael is in question, does not support tlie assertion. ^^1^[} ^ — epithet also applied by A in xxviii. 5 to Bethuel- and Laban,and to the latter by B in xxxi. 10, 24.^ DIN* j-HQ — in the Old Testament only in A.^ i^s in Aramaic signifies yoke ; in Arabic, where it is a loan word from the Nabatean,^ it means oxen for the plough and their harness, and then a certain measure of land, V\kQ jugiim and jugerum ; ^ it is regarded by Lagarde ^ as Persian. But Eawlinson ^ gives padanu, which in the form j^cicldnu signifies in general road or path,^ the force of gimt, garden, and iklu, field,^^ and it may therefore, even in Assyrian, have had the meaning field or plain. It remains the most probable view that D^^ nnb in Hos. xii. 13 is the Hebrew translation of the expression. In xxiv. 1 0 it is replaced in C by D'^nj D^^:, and the Septuagint and Vulgate render it by Mesopotamia Syrite or Mesopotamia.^^ It does not, however, follow that the two expressions are completely identical, still less that Paddan Aram was the district round Harran. Yet it is noteworthy that " the name ps, which stands without Dii< in xlviii. 7 also, survives in the name of a place Fadddn, and a Tell Fadddn in the neic^hbourhood of Harran.^- The district of Edessa or Harran is, we are told,^^ a plain surrounded by mountains." ^^ Ver. 21. Eebecca is also barren, like Sarah and Eachel,^^ iCh. X. 23. 2 See p. 147 f. 3 Cf. Dent. xxvi. 5 ; Ewald, Geschichte,- i. 490 f. [History, vol. i. p. 342]. 4 Chs. xxviii. 2, 6f., xxxi. 18, xxxiii. 18, xxxv. 9, 26, xlvi. 15 (xlviii. 7). ^ Jawaliki, cxii. 2. " Lane, Dictionary, p. 2353 ; ZDPV. ix. 54. ^ Projjhetre Chaldaice, p. 43. » H. Eawlinson, Gun. Inscrip. 1866, p. 62, line 33. •• Schrader, KAT:- p. 612 \Cun. Inscrijx ii. 295]. i« Delitzsch, Paradies, 135. 11 Com p. Curtius, iii. 2. 3, v. 1. 16, campos Mesopotamicc. 12 Peregrinatio Sylvice, in Gamurrini, p.72; W. Wright, Catalog. Syr. MSS. iii. 1127; Yaktit, iii. 355 ; also Cliwolsolm, Die Ssahicr, i. 304, and Ncildeke in ZDMG. xxix. 443 ; comp. Sacliau, Reise in Mesopot. p. 222. [Dillmann.] 12 Edrisi, trans. Jaubert, ii. 153 ; Wm. of Tyre, x. 29 ; Buckingham, Mesopotamia, pp. 78, 132 f. 14 Knobel. i^ Chs. xi. 30, xxix. 31. DILLMANN. IL 1$ 194 GENESIS XXV. 22, 23 [318,319 for nearly twenty years according to ver. 26. This was to prove Isaac's patience, and to make his oflspring the gift of grace and not the fruit of nature. " He prays then to Jahve, and is heard by Him." Sh — "with the passive, as in xiv. 19." nt^^s n^jb — " literally, opposite to his wife, so that she was in view ; with regard to her. n^bp only here and in xxx. 38 ; A has ^'^^r 1 -iny^l— as in Ex. viii. 4 f., 25 f., ix. 23, x. 17 f., from G. Ver. 22. She becomes pregnant with twins, who jostle one another in the womb. It is a prelude to the future contests of the men and peoples. " In like manner the brothers Akrisius and Proetus, who were rivals for supremacy, strugaled with one another even in the womb."^ "7/" so, ivliy then am I — if that is the way of things, why do I exist ? Slie attributes a sinister meaning to the occur- rence."^ The expression ^::jx nr r\r}> is concise, but after all not more so than |3 ON*. To set Q5< after nr would necessitate '^)J)'^ also, and would not be good Hebrew. It is obvious that nr cannot be predicate,* and it is more natural to supply a njn than either "Ti^in or ^0'?^^?. In xxvii. 46, also, Eebecca is ready with a similar speech, as if it were better not to live at all rather than to live and see misfortune. Thus disturbed in mind she goes to make inquiry of Jahve. It is implied that there already existed places where divinely-inspired responses were given, ^ or that there were seers and priests of the true God^ to whom people might apply for explanation and advice in such circumstances. If ch. xxvi. originally stood before xxv. 21 ff. it naturally suggests itself that the sanctuary here thought of is Beer- sheba'.'^ But it does not seem to be the author's intention to trace the origin of the oracle in Beersheba'.^ Ver. 23. The answer or oracle is rhythmical. In its 1 Knobel. - Apollodorus, ii. 2. 1. ^ Knobel. "^ Sept., de Wette. ^ Ch. xiv. 7. ^' Ch. xiv. 18. 7 Wellhausen, JBDTh. xxi. 418. « Stade, Geschichte,^ p. 474. 319] GENESIS XXV. 24, 25 195 explanation of the cliildren's jostling one another, it describes the relations of tlie peoples Edoni and Jacob as they will be in the far future ; the younger is to overcome the elder and make him serve him.^ We cannot conclude ^ that because the author, otherwise than in xxvii. 40, says nothing of the ulti- mate independence of the elder brother, he therefore lived before Edom gained its freedom. This was not the place for such an exact description of the future as that given in ch. xxvii. From thy womh they icill separate from one another — on leaving the womb they will be at discord (ver. 26). QN^ — in the Pentateuch again only in xxvii. 29. ■T-VV — as in xix. 31 ff. applied to age ; comp. also xxix. 26, xliii. 33, xlviii. 14. m — so Job xxxii. 9. The article may be omitted in poetry. Ver. 24. Comp. xxxviii. 27. ixi'tt^l — hecame fnll, of the passage of time,^ here the time of her pregnancy. D^?pin — contracted from Dnp^xn, xxxviii. 27. Ver. 25. The first boy is born ruddy. ^i\oi^, doubtless not to be understood of red hair,* but, as in the case of David,^ of a reddish-brown complexion. " There are Arabic writers ^ who account for those Orientals who have red hair by their descent from Esau." ^ In any case, the word contains an allusion to the name D■^^f ; and this fact betrays the presence of a different source, seeing that a different explanation of that name is given in ver. 30. The word is not simply a corruption from some other such as '^''W^ for the words '^' Tm^'2 'h'2 are quite sufficient when alone to explain the name I'pv ; nor is it a gloss,^ but rather a supplement by R from B. ^ Comp. the similar amiouncement in xxvii. 29, 40. 2 With Knobel. ^ As in xxix. 21, 1. 3. * Gesenius, Tuch, Knobel, etc. ^ 1 Sam. xvi. 12, xvii. 42, in liarmony with xix. 13. « Ibn Coteiba, p. 19 ; Abulpharagius, Hist Orient, pp. 22, 42. ' Knobel. ^ Budde, Urgeschichte, p. 217. '' Kaiitzsch-Socin, Genesis-. 196 GENESIS XXV. 20 [319, 320 All like a mantle of hair or fur,'^ i.e. his whole body covered with hair. The word "^0 contains a play on "iW,^ the liill-country which Esau's descendants inhabited.^ But the name which it is the intention to explain is ib'y, the name by which he was known, which would accordingly signify rough, hairy. Comparison has therefore commonly been made with ,JU^ ^^^t against phonological law.^ Eecent writers ^ are of opinion that Esau and Edom were originally gods. Against gods of such a character, eponymous heroes reverenced as divine, Euhemerus would be in the right after all. Ver. 26. "The second comes into the world with his hand holding his brother's heel ; he seeks to hold back Esau, who is pressing before him, and to be himself the firstborn. 3py^ — the author takes ^i^P as a denominative from ^\>V, heel, and ^?T., as the catcher ly the heel.^ But the incident is very improbable. When twins are born the birth of the second child follows as a rule in the course of an hour after the birth of the first, and very often even later.^ Perhaps npr means one vjho follows after^ for the root 3py signifies to he behind, follow, track out, ivorh against, em^doy cunning against','' ^ comp. also the use of the word in xxvii. 36. If, again, npr is contracted for an original bs3py^•^^ other interpretations are also possible.^^ j^np'l — after the isip^i of ver. 25 is surprising, but no doubt to be explained by Eq having drawn on A, as he has certainly done in the second part of the verse (comp. xvi. 16), 1 Zecli. xiii. 4. - Cf. xxvii. 11, 23. 3 q\^^ ^xxvi. 8. ■* See Fleisclier in Levj^'s Neuhehr. Worterhuch, iii. 732. Cf. also the Pha'ii. Ovamg (vol. i. p. 37), and Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 494 f. [Eng. tr. i. 344f .]. 5 Wellhausen, JBDTh. xxi. 435; Stade, GescUcUe,^ p. 120 f.; Eob. Smith, Religion of the Semites, jd. 43 ; Baudissin, Studie7i, i. 40 ; Kosch in ZDMCr. xxxviii. 646 ; but on the other side, Biithgen, Beitrage, p. 10 ; Noldeke, ZDMG. xhi. 470. 6 Cf. Hos. xii. 4. ^ According to Busch, Lehrhuch der Gehurtshunde, § 289. « So Beiiss, Geschichte des Alt. Test.^ p. 52. [Dillmann.] ^ Knobel. ^^ See p. 4. ^^ Biithgen, Beitrage, p. 158. 320] GENESIS XXY. 27 F. 197 for A must also Iiave had an account of the birth of these sons. n^^3_Ewald, § 304a. Ver. 27 f. As Esau grows up ^ he becomes an expert liunter, a man of the Jlelcl. mb' &^ means huntsman, one who traverses the fields m pursuit of game ; it is not the same as the nonx tr\s of ix. 20. He was therefore his father's favourite, /o?' venison was in his mouth, according to his taste ; Isaac was fond of venison.- VQ3 would have another meaning, and it is no improvement to refer the suffix to Esau, " because he was a venison eater, had always much venison."^ 2^ — in the present context can neither mean morally blameless nor aTrXaaro^, aTrXoO?, simplex, simple, unsophisti- cated ; * for Jacob, in what follows, appears always, on the contrary, as sly and cunning. It must be nearly equivalent to Tjfjbepo^;,^ and parallels are found in the use of the German fromm (pious), meaning quiet or peaceful in antithesis to wild, and in the development of the word tb^" from a similar significance to that of peaceable. Jacob is called a dweller in tents, not as being domesticated (Sept.), but as a sheioherd (comp. iv. 20), because of his occupation. " Hunting when engaged in for sport, as by Esau, and not in self-defence or because of necessity, is regarded by the author as something savage, inhuman, and barbarous, especially in contrast with the life of a shepherd, which was much esteemed by the Hebrews." ^ It is to be noted that r\i\y C'^x alongside of T'V yn**, as well as Dn &^ alongside of D'^nx 2.'^\ are most probably doublets from the other source already noted in ver. 25. Vv. 29-34. A first outbreak of the contest which the 1 Ch. xxi. 8, 20, xxxviii. 14. - Cf. xxvii. 5. 7. •' Abulwahd, see J.A. iv. IG, p. 231 ; Biittcher. ■* Septuagint, Aqiiila, Tlieodotion, Vulgate. ^ Philo, Geseniiis. Thesaurus ; Ewald, (Jcsrliicliic,^ i. 505 [History, vol. i. p. 352, note 4]. « Knobel. 198 GENESIS XXV. 29-32 [320, 321 brothers carry on against one another. The verses are also a contribution to the delineation of their characters. Ver. 2 9 f . " Esau returns home hungry one day, from the hunt, just as Jacob is preparing a dish (of lentils, ver. 34), and wishes to ' swallow some of the red stuff.' In his hungry eagerness he does not say ^35< but Dvh, swallow,^ and he cannot at once give the lentils their proper name, but calls them, just as they appear, ' red stuff,' or a cj^oivlklSlov.^ This is said to have been the origin of his name Edom." ^ " But should we not read 2D'"iKp? The Arabic ^♦L^^ is still a common expression in the East for anything eaten along with bread, and it is clear from ver. 34 that d^'lTIJ; I^TJ was an idd7n of this kind. The Septuagint translation, eyfrrjfjLa, seems to have understood it in this way." ^ This seems, in fact, to be the best explanation.^ Ver. 31. " Jacob selfishly demands in return Esau's resig- nation of his rights as eldest son. These involved, with other things, a more respected position in the family and tribe, and a larger inheritance.^ The author has specially in mind the fact that the divine promises belonged to those in the direct line of descent, as exemplified in Shem, Abraham, and Isaac." ^ Ch. xxvii. 27 ff. gives the best explanation of what was involved. nn^p — see Gesenius,^^ 48. 5. DVD — now, at this moment (Isa. Iviii. 4) ; here, and frequently elsewhere, in antithesis to a later time = first of all, in the first plaee^ Ver. 32. Esau is willing. / am going to die, must die, sc. if I do not get something to eat now ; ^ or, perhaps better, 1 See Gesenius, Thesaurus. - As Crates in Diog. Laert. vii. 1.3. ^ Knobel. ^ Thomas D. Anderson, Edinburgh, in a letter of 26th June 1883. ^ Proposed previously by Boysen in Sijmh. p. 13 (see Schleusner, Novus Thesaurus, ii. 595). « Chs. xliii. 33, xlviii. 13 ff., xlix. 3 ; Dent. xxi. 17. ^ Knobel. ^ Ver. 33 ; 1 Sam. ii. 16, ix. 27 ; 1 Kings i. 51, xxii. 5 (Gesenius, TJiesaurus, 584 ; Wellhausen, Biicher Saniuelis, 37). 9 Schumann, Tuch^. 32l] GENESIS XXV. 33 199 my manner of life, as a huntsman, leads me into constant danger, and, sooner or later, to my death ; ^ why then should I desire advantages T cannot fully enjoy ? Ver. 33. " Only after the birthright has been assured to him by oath does the prudent Jacob hand over his dish of lentils. It is a thing he attaches importance to, whereas Esau, as the author adds in censure, despises it. HD occurs in the Pentateuch again only in Num. xv. 31."2 Comp. Ps. xlviii. G for the word painting by means of five successive verbs. Esau here shows himself a man of shortsighted heedless- ness, ruled by his desires and carried away by the impulse of the moment ; one without any apprehension for higher things, and a man of common grain,^ therefore one lightly to cast away that which is really best in life. Jacob acts selfishly and immorally, inasmuch as he takes advantage of his brother's need ; but his cunning and cleverness are directed to higher ends, and he thereby proves himself to be the fitter for God's purposes if only he were purified from his faults. The brothers are presented as typical representatives of the characters they exemplify. But the incident has no further significance. Jacob does not afterwards anywhere claim the birthright because of it, nor does his father take any account of it, still less God. It was an actual fact that Jacob in time not only wrested from Esau a superior national position, but also became the heir and mediator of the promises, God's chosen. But tradition made Esau indubitably the elder, so that when Jacob was chosen the right of the firstborn was not regarded as before.^ This had to be explained, and it is done in various ways. According to C, in ver. 22 f., Jacob's pre-eminence was foreordained by God ; according to B and C, in ch. xxvii.,it was a consequence of the paternal blessing^ which Jacob got by guile ; according to A, Isaac himself gives 1 RosenmiiHer, Vater, Kiiobel. ^ Knobel. 3 Heb. xii. 16. '' Mai. i. 2 f. ^ Gf. xlviii. 8ff., where Epliraim is preferred to Manasseh. 200 GENESIS XXVI [321,322 the preference to Jacob, because Esau married foreign wives (xxvii. 46, xxviii. 9), and his choice is contirmed by God (xxxv. 9 ff.). Here, however, the explanation refers essentially to the character of the peoples as they are typically repre- sented in the persons of their ancestors.^ 2. Isaac moves from Place to Place ; his Troubles ; God's Blessings and Promises to him, Oil XXVI. 1-33 ; CHIEFLY ACCORDING TO C (AND E). " In consequence of a famine in the country, Isaac journeys to Gerar, is the recipient there of a divine promise, gives out that his wife is his sister, engages in agriculture with great success, and becomes so rich and powerful that the Philistines envy him and request his departure. He moves towards the Nachal (Wadi) Gerar, and digs there two wells, regarding which there follows a quarrel with the herdsmen of Gerar. Thereupon he journeys still farther off and digs a well, which is left him this time uncontested. Finally, he settles in Beersheba', where he worships Jahve, and again receives a divine promise. He digs a well there, and is visited by Abimelech, with wdiom he concludes a treaty of friendship. Hence the name Beersheba'." ^ This account contains all that is ever told us of Isaac himself apart from the history of his sons. We might therefore suppose that it contains contributions from all the different sources in union. In fact, however, we find that almost everything is from C \^ Kittel alone minimises C"s share."* It is indeed certain that A also had some history of Isaac ; he related, in particular, a tlieophany of '•nc' bx which 1 Comp. ix. 20 ff., xvi. 12. - Knobel. 2 Hupfeld, Schrader, Kayser, Wellliausen, Kuenen, Kautzscli-Socin. '^Assigning liim only vv. If., 12-14, 16 f., 19-22; the rest lie regards as the work of B^ who has here inserted parts of Z?'s history of Abraham, e.g. vv. 7ff., 20, 28-33; Geschichte, pp. 127, 138 f. [History, vol. i. pp. 140 note 4, 153 note 4]. 322,323] GENESIS XXVI 201 appeared to him ; ^ and B, too, iiiiist have liad some account regarding his stay in the Negeb, in Beersheba' in especial.^ But R has adopted nothing from their narratives, and has rested content with C"s account. There is a good deal indeed, which in expression reminds us of B ; ^ but this is sufficiently explained by the use which C himself had already made of ^'s work, and by the fact of his incorporation of much from it in what he wrote. Apart from this, the vocabulary is plainly that of C,"^ and the account of liebecca's danger,^ and of the origin of the name Beersheba',^ can only be due to him, even though it be possible that B also related how Abimelech continued to hold witli Isaac the friendly relations he had with Abraham. At the same time, vv. 1—6 do not contain 6"s narrative without admixture." Yer. 25 is inconsistent with 3a and \h^ and cannot simply be an addition made by B on his own ac- count. It indicates that (7's text has been united with another, to which pS2 ayi M"*") in la also belongs (see note). According to this second source, Isaac intends to leave the country for Egypt because of a famine in the land, but is instructed by God to remain in a place He will tell him of ; so he remained in Gerar. It is found in the first three words of ver. 1, in ver. 2 from i^S'1 onwards, and in ver. 6, and is to be attributed to B (com p. ver. 21 with xxii. 25). On the other hand, ver. 11, the first three words of ver. 2, and ver. 3« go together as 6"s account; in harmony with xxiv. 62 and xxv. 11, it begins by telling that Isaac changed his place of abode. The theophany in Gerar can only be from C, for in B Isaac receives God's instruction in Canaan ; but the words of the promise in 1 See XXXV. 12; Ex. vi. 3. - Cli. xlvi. 1-4. 3 E.g. ver. 10 of xx. 9, ver. 28 of xxi. 22, ver. 29 of xxi. 23 ; particularly nnt^'i^V, ver. 32 (xxi. 11, 25), and the names of ver. 26. 4 E.g. mn^ ; nsnD nnio (ver. 7), cj^pc'n (ver. 8), n^JN* (ver. 28), mn^ yni (ver. 29), np^ DC'3 Sip^l (ver. 24). ^ Vv. 7-11 compared with ch. xx. « Vv. 25-33 compared witli cli. xxi. 22 ff. " Already Hitzig, Begriff der Kritik, p. IGO ff. *=* Knobel. 202 GENESIS XXVI. 1-3 [.323 vv. 35—5 are due to a later expansion (see below), probably from R^, just as, of course, the words onn^N — I3^p in la are from R. Of the verses which follow, 15 and 16 are also redactional insertions to secure harmony with ch. xxi. It is unmistakably clear that in C ch. xxvi. stood before XXV. 21 ff. (see note on ver. 7). Vv. 1-6. Isaac journeys to Abimelech in Gerar ; the promises of Jahve to him. Ver. 1. psn nv"! M""! — from B, for p.sa cannot well mean anything except " in Canaan," and in C Isaac is not in Canaan but in ^n"i ^rh "15<3.^ '^^f'P — for jp l?p ; 2 mostly in A and R.^ This reference to the famine in Abraham's time (xii. 10 ff.) can only be an insertion of i^'s, for up to this point B has recorded none. 'Jl li^^l — -from C, a continuation of xxv. 11. In ^ Abimelech belongs to Abraham's time,* in C to Isaac's ; but it does not follow that there were two different individuals of the name,^ only that there are variations in the legend. Nor does Ps. xxxiv. 1 prove that Abimelech was a common name of the kings of Gerar, still less a royal title. Are we to be asked also to believe that Phikhol (ver. 26) was a standing name for the leader of the royal troops ? Regarding Gerdr and the Philistines, see notes on xx. 1 f. Ver. 2. Isaac must not go to Egypt. The intention to do so is not previously intimated. The words are a fragment from a narrative differing from that of G, from ^'s namely (see above). For the phrase 'y\ ^^^, comp. xxii. 2. Ver. ?)a presupposes that Isaac is already in Gerar, and therefore connects itself with Ih. -1^3 is found, for example, in xii. 10 and xix. 9 [in C\ but also in xx. 1 and xxi. 23 [in B\ y2V nMNi — see note, xxi. 20. 1 Chs. xxiv. 62, xxv. 11. 2 Ewald, § 276/1 ; Gen. xlvi. 26. •^ Also in Deut. iv. 35, xxviii. 69; Josh. xxii. 29. •* Ch. xii. 10 ff. 5 Knobel. 323] GENESIS XXVI. 3-5 203 Yer. 31) gives a reason for obeying the injunction in the assurance of all these lands to Isaac and his descendants. By all these lands is meant Canaan and the districts bor- dering on it. The plural n^^*")^<, elsewhere used of real countries/ signifies the different parts of the future land of Israel only here and in ver. 4, as it does in 1 Chron. xiii. 2 and 2 Chron. xi. 23. It is a late usage, and proves, along with ver. 5, that the passage has been worked over by a more recent hand.^ The special purpose appears to have been to secure that Isaac's history also should contain an explicit assurance that the land in its widest sense would belong to his descendants.^ But the Septuagint and the Book of Jubilees here and in ver. 4 have only iraaav tyjv :i^^ — comp. xviii. 16 and xix. 28. ii?n — see viii. 6. nt< pnvo — iilaying^ with Eebecca, in a way natural to husband and wife, not to brother and sister. There is a play on the name pn^'"" also. The author no doubt conceived of Isaac and Eebecca as in a garden beside the king's house, and not of the king's looking in through the window of Isaac's house ('y^ Ver. 9 f. Abimelech reproaches Isaac. He is repre- sented, as in ch. xx., as a God-fearing king, desirous of maintaining justice and virtue in his land. '^^ — so she is after all your wife, though you told us otherwise. Found elsewhere in 6'^^ and also in BP- ^ Cf. XX. 11 [their character]. 2 Chs. xxxii. 30, xliii. 7 ; Samaritan, ^y. 3 Cf. XX. 5. 4 Of. xii. 12. ^ "jy as in ver. 9 and xx. 3. ^ Hupfeld, Quellen der Genesis, p. 155, ^ Riehni in St. Kr. 1872, p. 304. ^ See, furtlier, Num. ix. 19, 22. 9 Ch. xxi. 9. 10 ]],iliiner. 11 Chs. xviii. 32, xxix. 14, xliv. 28. 12 Chs. XX. 12, xxvii. 13, 30. 324] GENESIS XXVI. 11-13 F. 205 2yc DyD3 — Ewakl, § 135^^; ns 33C^ see note on xxxiv. 2. 'J1 nxnn^ as in xx. 9, only that here in C the technical legal term 2^•^5 is used. Ver. 11. All molestation of Isaac and his wife is for- bidden, on pain even of death. This verse is strong evidence against the alleged ^ greater age of this variation of the legend compared with that of XX. 2 ff. Vv. 12-17. Isaac is greatly blessed in every respect by God, becomes increasingly wealthy, and so incurs the enmity of the Philistines, in the face of which he withdraws to the Wadi Gerar. Ver. 12. Isaac sowed in the land of Gerfir, and that same year, the year of his sowing, he obtained one hundred measures, i.e. reaped a hundredfold, a most unusual yield. So rich a harvest is not unknown at the present day, at least in the Hauran.^ The Septuagint and Peshitta wrongly read D''")Tf . The expression " in that year " cannot well refer to the year of the famine in ver. 1 in view of ver. 8, unless, that is, we assume ver. 12 to have been at one time more closely united to ver. 6. " Jacob ^ also, but not Abraham, is said to have engaged in agriculture. Many Arab nomads similarly combine agriculture and the breeding of cattle." ^ Ver. 13 f. Thus, blessed by God, Isaac became greater and greater ^ till he became very great, i.e. very powerful, because rich in cattle and servants, and the Philistines in consequence envied his prosperity and good fortune. 1 Wellhausen, Prolegomena, p. 338 [Eng. tr. p. 320] ; Kueneii, Ondercoek,- i. 228 f. - Burckhardt, Syria, p. 296 f. Kiiol)el. "Wetzstein, Keisehcricht, p. 30 ; ZDPV. ix. 51. 3 Ch. xxxvii. 7. ■* Burckhardt, Syria, \x 273 i.; Bedouins and TFahahys [vol. i. p. 22], (jeriu. tr. p. 17 ; Berggren, Reisen, i. 325 ; Robinson, Paledine,"' i. 53 ; Buckingham, Syria, 1825, p. 9 ; Seetzen, i. 339, 409, ii. 335 ; Bitter, Erdkunde, xiv. 978 tf. Knobel. ^ For the idiom, comp. viii. 3, 5, xii. 9; and for the use of ^"jj, xxiv. 35, xlviii. 19 ; 2 Sam. xix. 33 [32]. 206 GENESIS XXVI. 15-18 [324,325 For the participle instead of tlie intin. absol., comp. Judg. iv. 24.1 ^}-,(3 collocation jxv n^pD and ipa n^p^ occurs again in the Pentateuch only in xlvii. 1 7 f. ^3~"iy — ii-lso in xlix. 10. n^py — only here in the Pentateuch ; recurs in Job i. 3. It is a collective to "i?y ; see commentary on Isa. iii. 25.^ Ver. 1 5 attached without waw consecutive is a redactional addition preparatory to ver. 18. It explains that the wells dug by Abraham had been destroyed by the Philistines to make it impossible for Isaac to move about as a nomad in their neighbourhood. " Such a device was used in war,^ and the Arabs fill up the wells on the pilgrimage (hajj) road if they do not receive the toll they demand." * DiDriD and ^^^)>^\ with masculine suffix, as in ver. 1 8 and ch. xxxiii. 1 3 ; see Gesenius.^ Ver. 16 continues ver. 14. Abimelech also shares the jealous feeling, and goes so far as to bid Isaac take his departure, on the ground that he has become too powerful for them. Ver. 17. In consequence of the command of the king, and not because of the filling up of the wells, which affected also his new place of residence (ver. 18), Isaac leaves for the Wadi Gerar. Piegarding the topography, see note on ch. xx. 1. " Sozomen knows a monastery iv Tepdpoi^ iv tm ')(^6ifjLdppa)." ^ ]m — as in ch. xxxiii. 18. Vv. 18—22. Isaac's stay in the wadi of Gerar, and his digging of wells there. nini^n — the punctuation as in Deut. x. 6 ; otherwise in Gen. xiv. 10. Ver. 18. Isaac redigs^ his father's wells, which the Philistines had filled up after Abraham's death (ver. 15), and 1 Ewald, § 280/;. ~ [Dillinann's.] ^ 2 Kings iii. 25 ; Isa. xv. 16. 4 Von Troilo, Reisehcschreibuiuj [1G7G], p. 682 ; Niebulir, Arabian, j). 382. Knobel. 5 135. 5A. 1. " Hist. Eccles. vi. 32, ix. 17. Knobel. ^ Gesenius, 120. 2a. 325] GENESIS XXA'I. 10-22 207 gives tliem their old names. In the history of Abmliaiu nothing is said regarding siicli wells in the Wadi Gerar, but it is nevertheless probable that B possessed some accomit of tliem in one of his sources (B), without, however, inserting it in his general narrative at the point where he found it. Another of his sources (C) referred these wells to Isaac, so he compromised between the two statements in liis own way, with the result in the text. His reading of the history in this way makes it clear liow he conceived of the possibility of a double origin to the name Beersheba' (given in ver. 33 and in xxi. 31). But then the three wells, also, of vv. 19-22 are not to be thought of as quite new,i but simply as repaired,- for we do not read, then he iwoceeded further to dig, etc. ''^''? — Sept. Samar. Vulg. and Book of Jubilees read Vv. 19-21. " In the case of two of the wells Isaac's men have strife with tlie shepherds of Gerar, who demand them for their own use.^ For this reason he names them pb'V, strife, and ^^'^^^\ enmity." U^>r] DV3 — " living ivater, i.e. moving, flowing water as opposed to standing water ; here spring water is intended." ^ Ver. 22. Isaac journeys further "and digs a well, regarding which there is no dispute ; he names it n^rri, wideness, because God has made it wide for them, i.e. given them room, and they are able to be fruitful, i.e. to multiply, in the land." ^ '^'^1 — accented on the ultimate because of the follow- ing y.^ ^'^ — causative, or possibly particle of quotation ; compare ch. xxix. 32 f. 1 Delitzscli. 2 K,,ii^ •' C.'f. xiii. 7f. ; also Ex. ii. 17 ; Burcklianlt, Sijria^ p. 368, Genu. (r. 628; Bedouins and JVahdhys, vol. i. j). 146, Germ. tr. p. 118. ■* Cf. Lev. xiv. 5 ; Jer. ii. 13 ; Zecli. xiv. 8 ; Song iv. 1.5. Knobel. 5 Knobel. " Ewakl, §§ 63r, 193^. 208 GENESIS XXVI. 23-25 [325, 32() The well has been usually ^ identified with Euhaibe, a place about three hours south of Elusa, and eight south of Beersheba', where there are remains of wells.^ When we consider the words Li^D pny^i and compare ver. 23, this identification is quite possible. n^Dir may even be the Wadi Shutnet er-Euheibe.^ 'Esek cannot be found. Vv. 23-25. From there Isaac r/oes uj) to Beersheba' and receives again divine promises in a vision by night.* As in ver. 5, they are given him for Abraham's sake, the servant of God. In Genesis, Abraham is so designated only here, but compare i^^?^ in ch. xx. 7. Ver. 25. " The theophany leads Isaac to build an altar, and Beersheba' is thereby consecrated as a place of worship.^ It is surprising that he should build the altar before setting up his tent ; " *" but we cannot therefore conclude, with Knobel, that vv. 24 and 25, as far as ^1^^ are an interpolation from C, for the text of C is certainly continued in what immediately follows. It is rather, we may think, intended to represent Isaac's permanent settlement in the place as a consequence of the vision which appeared to him on the first night. I^ns 12^) — xii. 8, xxxiii. 19, xxxv. 21. mD — as in ch. 1. 5 f. (Ex. xxi. 23 ; Num. xxi. 18) ; else- where in this chapter always isn.^ It is incorrect to say that mD means set about digging, and nan, dig out completely ; ^ it is more nearly true to say that iDn is dig for, search by digging, and niD, holloiv out, dig outP Vv. 26-33. Abimelech's covenant with Isaac and the 1 Knobel and others. 2 Robmson, Palestine,"' i. 196 f.; Russegger, Reisen, iii. 69; Palmer, Desert of Exodus, p. 384 f. ^ Given by Palmer, p. 385 ; and perhaps the same as the Wadi Sliutein, Robinson, i. p. 200. * See ch. xv. 1 ; more frequent in B, see xx. 3, 6, xxi. 14, xxii. 1, xxxi. 11, 24, xlvi. 2. ^ See xxi. 33, xii. 7. ^ Knobel. 7 Vv. 15, 18 f., 21 f., 32. « Bohmer. •> Dehtzscli in ZKJV. iii. 452. 326] GENESIS XXVI. 20-30 209 explanation of the name Beersheba'.^ It is not the case thaO the narrative here is simpler and, therefore, older than that of ch. xxi. 22 tl'.2 111 xxi. 27 ff. the form in which the parties pledge themselves is more antique, and in xxvi. 26 the journey of the Philistine king (!) from Gerar to Beersheba' has little motive. Ver. 26. Abimelech comes from Gerar to Isaac in Beersheba' with Phikhol ^ and Aliuzzath his T}}^, i.e. his friend, " confidant, who stood by him ready to give him counsel or render him other services." ^ V"]^ is found only here in the Pentateucli. ^ifns is of the same form as rivj. Ver. 27. See vv. 14 and 16. For the 1. in D^l^^'l, see note on xxiv. 56. Ver. 28. ^oy mn\ compare xxi. 22. npx — oath, see ch. xxiv. 41 ; here equivalent in meaning to a covenant confirmed by solemn curses, as in Deut. xxix. 11, 13; Ezek. xvi. 59. iyniJ''n — no doubt intentionally used to vary the form i:^rn which follows; compare, further, ch. xlii. 23. Ver. 29. D^5, as in xxi. 23, xiv. 23. nLvx;n for r\mr\.^ When it is said that they had shown Isaac only good, their dismissal of him from the country,^ Dl!?Db,'^ it is true, is disregarded; the redactional additions of vv. 15 and 18 are, of course, not part of the situation. Thou art indeed hlessed of Jahve — and therefore it is desirable to be on good terms with you ; also in ch. xxiv. 3 1 . Vv. 30-33. "Isaac and his guests partake together of a covenant feast,^ and next morning swear to one another tlie covenant oath. After this the visitors return to Gerar, and Isaac sees them on their way. The same day Isaac receives news that his servants, who were digging the well (ver. 25), have found water ; he therefore names the well '"'J^^y', i.e. 1 Cf. xxi. 22-31. ^ Kiienen, Onderzoek,^ 229. "^ Cf. xxi. 22. "* 1 Kings iv. 5 ; 1 Chron. xxvii. 33. ^ Gesenius, 75A. 17 ; Ewald, § 224c; Kunig, Lehrgehaude, p. 831. 6 Vv. 16, 27. ^ As in ver. 31, xxviii. 21. « gge ch. xxxi. 54. DILLMANN. — II. 14 210 GENESIS XXVII [326, 327 according to our autlior's interpretation oath, for he takes it to be equivalent to '"ij-'?'^'. This was the origin of the name Beersheba' ; ch. xxi. 3 1 contains another legend regarding its orisjfin." ^ nnx-^y — ch. xxi. 11, 25. 3. The Cause of Jacob's Departure to Mesopotamia ; he IS BLESSED BY IsAAC, Ch. XXVI. 34-XXVIII. 9 ; FROI\I A AND B, C. ;' E '^ Esau marries two Hittite wives to the discontent of his parents (xxvi. 34 f.). Jacob, helped by his mother, cheats Esau of his father's blessing, and to escape his revenge must decide on a journey to Harran (xxvii. 1—45). At Eebecca's instigation Isaac sends Jacob to Paddan Aram to bring back a wife for himself. Esau marries once more, now a daughter of Ishmael (xxviii. 1—9). The first and the last of the sections thus marked out ^ belong to one another, and contain -4's account of the occasion and object of Jacob's journey. This follows, without doubt,^ from the unadorned character of the narrative, from the mention of Esau's age, and from the vocabulary.'* Ver. 46 in ch. xxvii. (see below) forms the transition from wliat precedes to ch. xxviii. 1 tf. ; comp. also inN-i:'Ni in xxviii. 7. Between the divided parts of ^'s narrative is interpolated the detailed account of how Jacob filched from Esau his father's blessing (xxvii, 1—45). It not only gives another reason for Jacob's departure from home, his deceit, namely, and Esau's hate, and even a difierent account of the paternal blessing, it does not agree with A in its statements about Isaac's age, blindness, and approaching death,^ for in A Isaac 1 Knobel. 2 ch. xxvi. 34 f. and xxviii. 1 ff. ^ Tuch, Knobel, Hupfeld, Sclirader, Kayser, Wellhausen. ^ }yj3 ni^n (xxviii. 1, 6, 8), D-iN pD (vv. 2, 5 ff.), ^r^j^ ^^ and D^tDy hr\\> (ver. 3), D^Jjp and U^rh^ (ver. 4), M^nxH (ver. 5). 5 Vv. If., 7, 10, 41.'" 327,328] GENESIS XXVII 211 is not much over middle age. This is suthcieiit to prove that it must be from an author otlier tlian A, who, moreover, speaks nowhere of the brothers being at enmity. This conchision is confirmed by the linguistic evidence. C has been generally designated the author,^ but we know - that Jj also had an account of Jacob's flight from Esau, and the passage contains a number of doublets.^ It must therefore be a combination from B and C* Their accounts were, without doubt, very like one another, and E was therefore able to content himself with introducing into each some differences as to matters of fact found in the other. An accurate separation of the component parts is no longer possible, but following the indications which we have,^ we may assign, e.g., vv. 7, 15*, 20, 24-27, 29^ 30a (as far as 3pr-nx), 35-38, and 45, to 0; and vv. U, 4&, 8a, 11-13, 16, 18, 19, 21-23,28, 305, 3U, 33 f., 39, 42, and 44, to B. This analysis differs little from those of Kautzsch-Socin and Kittel.^ The significance and purpose of the narrative are found in the explanation it offers of how Jacob was able to gain precedence of his brother, and so, in particular, to secure a better land and greater power, and even to exercise sovereignty over him. The explanation lies in the efficacy of the paternal blessing,'' and in so far there is resemblance ^ Tuch, Knobel, Hupfcid, Sclirader, Kavser. - From ch. xxxii. (see) and xxxv. 3, 7. 3 Especially vv. 24-27« alongside of 21-23 ; ver. 30a and 30/y ; vv. 35-38 alongside of 33 f . ; vv. Uh and 4:5aoi. 4 Wellhausen. •^ E.g. nin% vv. 7, 20, 27 ; nnpn, ver. 20 ; rhp -1L*'ND, ver. 30 ; irox 13^3, ver. 41 ; the house, ver. 15 ; '}) imN, ver. 296 (xii. 3),— indicate Cs presence ; while B is revealed by, e.g., DTli^SH, ver. 28 ; Tjjsi, vv. 13 (unlike xix. 9, xxiv. 8), 30 ; D"1D2, vv. 4, 33 (contrast ••jrj^, vv. 7, 10) ; '■\)2V2, vv. 4, 19, 31 (contrast ]]}Dh, ver. 24) ; J^ppn, vv. 16, 42; ^)p2 y^L*', vv. 8, 13, 43, the mode of address in ver. lb and ver. 18 like xxii. 2, 7, 11, xxxi. 11 (Wellhausen) ; nso'iy, ver. 33 f. (at least never found in C). '"' Geschichte, pp. 127, 139 [History, vol. i. i)p. 141, 154] ; comp. B. W. Bacon, Hehraica, vii. 2, p. 143 ff. 7 Cf. vol. i. p. 304. 212 GENESIS XXVII [328 to ^'s account in ch. xxviii. 3 f. But the blessing is here obtained by underhand and deceitful means, in accordance with Jacob's name, the crafty. It may appear surprising that a writer with C's capacity of moral judgment should relate such a popular legend without a word of disapproval, and should attach importance to a blessing obtained thus deceitfully. But it is evident that in C's estimation Isaac's blessing accomplished the designs of a higher will. God willed that Jacob should be exalted over Esau ; the history of the two peoples up to this time put it beyond dispute. In the accomplishment of His will God makes use even of men's sins (ch. 1. 20). Isaac in blessing Jacob against his desire, in place of Esau, is no more than God's instrument ; and Kebecca's preference for Jacob is of more than merely earthly origin (in (7, ch. xxv. 23). Still Eebecca's fraudulent deceit and Jacob's sin are not unpunished. The after bless- ing of Esau (ver. 40), still more Jacob's flight and the separation of mother and son, and the many struggles, anxieties, disappointments, and humiliations wliich all at once descend on Jacob, are the just punishments of their sin. They are at the same time the means of Jacob's education, by which his ignoble nature is to be done away and himself made worthy of being one in the line of those who inherit the promises. Viewed in this light the occur- rence is the effective impulse to the course of education on which Jacob now started. The part which Isaac plays in it, of one who must serve the advancement of God's purposes against his will, is indeed less honourable ; but in all the legend he is, after all, no more than Abraham's feeble duplicate. Ch. xxvi. 34 f. Esau in his 40 th year, and so in Isaac's 100th year,^ marries two Hittites. See notes on ch. xxxvi. 2 f. They were a litterness of spirit, a subject of sorrowful displeasure and grief, to his parents, who did not desire alliance with the natives of the land. 1 Ch. XXV. 26. 328, 321>] GENESIS XXVII. 1-0 213 pMni — comp. xix. :>)> and xxvii. 1. Ch. xxvii. 1-4. Isaac, who is old, nearly blind, and not far off his death, asks Esau to hunt some venison for him and prepare it. After partaking of his favourite dish,^ he will impart his blessing to him. His eyes ivere gone out {extinguished), dim,- away from seeing^ so that they no longer saw.* Isaac's blindness in B and C is what renders the deception possible. ^rri^r\ — see ch. xii. 11. vJJi — " only here, from n^n, to hang, and so literally a pendant ; used of the quiver, which is suspended on one's person,^ not of the sword,^ which is girded on. Bows and arrows were the usual weapons of the Hebrew huntsman." ^ HTV — elsewhere 'provision, here nomcn unitatis^ to the collective "I'V which stands in vv. 5, 7, and 33, and which, according to the Kere, ought to be read here also. D'pvpp — literally, something tasty, and so a dainty or savoury dish.^ Isaac desires to impart his blessing only after he has been gratified and attuned to it by the dish of venison. ■)Uya — as in xix. 31, xxi. 30, xlvi. 34; in ver. 10 -irs* n3j;3, in ver. 25 ]V^h. Vv. 5-13. Rebecca overhears Isaac's request, and pro- poses to Jacob that he should endeavour to secure the blessing by bringing to her two kids, which she will prepare as venison, and which he will then offer to his father as such. 2 T\V^^ — as in 1 Sam. xvii. 28. i<^?np — in harmony with vv. 4 and 7 the Septuagint reads '»'?^?. Ver. 6. Her son — as in ver. 5 Ais son, " as we also say ^ Ch. XXV. 28. 2 Dent, xxxiv. 7 ; Zecli. xi. 17. 3 Ch. xvi. 2, xxiii. 6. * Cf. xlviii. 10 If. ^ Sept., Vulg., Graec. Venet., Targ. of Jonath., Ilm Ezra, Kiinclii. *' Onkelos, Pesh., Pers., Arpoiiiiis' Arabic, Raslii. 7 isa. vii. 24. « Tuch, Ewald, § 176a. 3 Prov. xxiii. 3, 6. 214 GENESIS XXVII. 7-17 [329 his father's, or his mother's, boy, i.e. darling ; ^ comp. ch. XXV. 28." But the Septuagint here has rov vVov avri)^ tov iXdacrco. Ver. 7 mn^ ^:d^ — Jova ^jrceseiite ac teste ; cornp. 1 Sam. xxiii. 18. Stade 2 is of opinion that an image of Jahve in Isaac's house is implied. Ver. 8a as vv. 13 and 43ft; B, D, and B write b^pi v?3:i\ In the next clause the preposition is ?, '^1 "li^'J^^, to that lohicli I hid you, and it is in C elsewhere that h VO^ is found (iii. 17, xvi. 2). ^n2_Ewald, § 212J. / shall make them a savoury dish — prepare ^ them as such.'^ "The repast is a bountiful one in honour^ of the head of the family who is to give his blessing." Ver. 1 1 f. " The only scruple that Jacob has is due to his foresight that Isaac may recognise him by feeling his neck and hands, which are not rough with hair like Esau's,^ but smooth, and may then curse him, as one who makes sport of (from yyn) his half -blind father. He is not afraid of being treated as guilty of imposture, only as guilty of mockery ; for he would not avow more than his intention to carry out a jest." ^ But Eebecca takes on herself his curse,^ ie. its consequences; for she is convinced because of ch. xxv. 23 that Jacob must, and will, have the blessing. Vv. 14-17. "She prepares the kids, gives Jacob Esau's holiday attire to dress in, covers his neck and hands with goat-skin, and having thus made him ready, sends him to his father with the food." " With n'-inn we must supply '^}} ; Esau's better clothes,^ which he used on festive occasions, are what is meant." A Jewish interpretation in Jerome, Qumstiones, makes it his priestly dress. " Esau's clothes had an odour of the fields ^ [In German, des Vaters, der Mutter Sohn.] 2 ZATJF. xi. 182. 3 ^-^.^^ ^s in xviii. 7 f. * Gesenius,25 117. 5c. 5 qi ^viii. 6, xliii. 34. 6 Ch. xxv. 25. 7 Knobel. 8 Cf. xvi. 5. 9 Judcr. xiv. 12 f. 329, 330] GENESIS XXVII. 18-24 215 about them (ver. 27), while those of Jacob smelt of the Hocks and herds." n''3 — " The Jahvist (C) speaks of Isaac's house, not of his tent ; in xix. 2 ft'., similarly. Lot dwells in a house ; and Jacob (xxxiii. 17) builds a house at Sukkoth." ^ jtopn nn — appears, in view of xxix. IG, 18, to belong to B, as the whole of ver. IG does. It is in B that the blind father satisfies his doubts by feeling Jacob's neck and hands, and ver. 16 is his on that account. Vv. 18-29. Jacob carries out the scheme, satisfies Isaac's suspicions, and receives the blessing. For i^ijl in ver. 18 the Sept. and Vulg. read ^1^* in ver. 295 point to C ; D\ii5Xn (ver. 28) and ^)>}. (ver. 29a), to £. It is in poetical form, because of its higher strain.^ The odour of his son's raiment still lingers in Isaac's sense, and supplies his starting-point ; he compares the smell, which was that of a hunter who roams the fields," to the smell of a field which Jahve has blessed, i.e. richly decked with glorious plants, with fragrant herbs and flowers in especial.^ The Samaritan, Septuagint, and Vulgate add 5<5?? to ^^'JP. Ver. 28. As suggested by this thought, his first wish for his son is a land in which the dew from heaven and a fruitful soil beneath will in union bring forth a rich yield of corn and new wine. Canaan is the land thought of ; regarding its great fruitfulness, see Ex. iii. 8.* 1^! — optative, not future; compare n).! in ver. 29. ''^P — IP, partitive, as in iv. 4, xxviii. 11, xxx. 14. "In Palestine dew represents rain during the rainless summer, and is the principal condition of a fruitful season ; for this reason it is here mentioned in place of rain." ^ ^.^P^'P — not from ipfp (Dan. xi. 24), but necessarily, because of the sense and the parallelism, for '^Pfp,^ a portion of the fat, i.e. fruitful/ places, or fertile fields of the earth. Ver. 29. The second wish has a reference to the future position of Jacob among the nations. May nations serve you, and peoples hoiv dovm to you — be subject to you, and pay you homage. The wish was realised 1 Cf. iv. 23 f., ix. 25 f., xiv. 19 f., xxiv. 60. 2 Ch. XXV. 27. 3 Hos. xiv. 7 ; Song iv. 11. ^ Also Winer, llealencydoimdie,^ ii. 188. ^ Cf. xlix. 25; Deut. xxxiii. 13, 28; Hos. xiv. 6; Zech. viii. 12. Knobel. « Ewald, § 83rt. 7 iga. y. 1, xxviii. 1. 330, 331] GENESIS XXVII. 30-33 217 from Joshua's time, still more from that of David. D'^^xi', see XXV. 23. innc'% anomalous for 'l1^n^^ as in xliii. 28. Be a lord to your hrcthi^en, and may your mother s sons how down to you. " We must, of course, think of Jacob's descend- ants as possessors of this lordship, and therefore of Esau's descendants, the Edomites, as being the brethren in question. They were subdued in David's time,^ and long remained under Israelite rule; see ver. 40." ^ Comp. Ps. 1. 20 for the rhythmic interchange of 7ni< and ■^D^< "'ia. ^)\}. — North Palestinian (Isa. xvi. 4) and late Hebrew ; only here in the Pentateuch, although the Samaritan has it also in Gen. xii. 2, xxiv. 60, and elsewhere; but comp. Ex. iii. 14. "i''3:i — also only found poetically, here and in ver. 37. The third wish is that people may be cursed or blessed according as they behave towards Jacob; comp. ch. xii. 3. For the singulars i^"iN* and ^113, comp. Ex. xxxi. 14; Lev. xix. 8 ; Num. xxiv. 9 ; Deut. vii. 10 ; Gesenius, 145. 5. Vv. 30-40. Immediately afterwards Esau appears, but too late. Isaac's blessing is given beyond recall, and Esau's requests and entreaties can only procure him an after blessing. Ver. 30. ii begins with a sentence from C,^ but then gives a still more exact definition of time from B. "n^ — only, just, i,e. scarcely, had Jacob gone out, when Esau came.^ Ver. 33. Isaac is greatly startled when he discovers the deceit, but can change nothing. " The author regards the patriarchs as men of God,^ and attributes the same effect to their sayings as to the divine mandates of the prophets. A divine word once spoken is a power which inevitably and unchangeably accomplishes that which it declares. God's word cannot fail of its effect." ^ Isaac views it as having 1 2 Sam. viii. 14; 1 Kings xi. 15 f.; Ps. Ix. 2. 2 Knobel. ^ Of. n^3 in xviii. 33, xxiv. 15, 19, 22, 45, xliii. 2. 4 Ewald, § 341(/. ^ cii. xv. 1, xx. 7. ^ Cf. ix. 18 ff.; Num. xxii. G; 2 Kings ii. 24; Isa. ix. 7 f . Knobel. 218 GENESIS XXVII. 34-37 F. [331 been God's will that it should be so. He does not become angry, but submits in patience. For ^sp, Kautzsch-Socin conjecture /bN. -i^^ ^y only here and in ver. 34 in the Pentateuch. He shall also he blessed, remain so ; 03 at the beginning of the sentence, as in xliv. 10, 1 Sam. xii. 16, and xxviii. 20. Ver. 34. Without copula; compare xliv. 3. But prob- ably we should insert M^i ^ as the first words, with the Septua- gint and Samaritan ;^ it may easily have dropped out after the n'^n'' of ver. 33. It is not probable that the present reading has arisen^ or been moulded* from an original — 'l^^"l2^^^ M'l "rinn DJ — for it is insufficient^ to say, and I have also really blessed him. " Esau is passionately grieved at his father's statement. With patriotic satisfaction the author pictures the deep distress then experienced by the ancestor of the people of Edom." ^JS D3 — comp. ver. 38, ch. iv. 26 ; Num. xiv. 32 ; Pro v. xxii. 19.^ Vv. 35—38 connect themselves again with ver. 32 and give 6"s account in supplement to vv. 33 and 34 in order to include his special reference to ch. xxv. 29-34, and also his interpretation of npyv Ver. 36. Esau says that his brother has not without reason been named 2\>v\ The word is taken in the sense of one who overreaches another, or iises artifice against him, not as in xxv. 26. ^^i} — is it that he has been called ? ^ Isn't it likely that he has been called Jacob seeing that he overreached me, was destined to overreach me, now, i.e. already,^ two ^ times ? Ver. 37f. "In reply to Esau's question whether he had 1 Ch. xxiv. 30, 52, xxix. 13, xxxix. 13, 15, 19. - Schumann, Tuch, 2 Hitzig, Begriff der Kritih, 127. * Geiger, Urschrift, p. 377. 5 Delitzsch^ c Gesenms,25 135. 2. 7 As in xxix. 15 ; Ewald, § 324b. » Ch. xxxi. 38, 41. 9 Cf. xxv. 31 ff. 331,332] GENESIS XXVII. 38, 39 F 219 not ^72^^ aside, i.e. reserved, a blessing for liim, Isaac replies that he has made Jacob his lord, and given him all his brethren, the Edomites, to be his servants, as well as assigned to him the most fertile land;"^ what then could there be remaining ? 1DD with double accusative, Ew^ald, § 2835.^ For nap, see ch. iii, 9. Ver. 38. Esau is at one with Isaac in the assumption that the blessing once given cannot be recalled, but thinks there must be more than one. b)p sbo — as xxi. 16, xxix. 11. Ver. 39 f. Isaac is persuaded to give an after blessing, which is, however, more of the nature of the contrary, and is therefore not in the form of a wish or prayer, but of a prophecy. " The expressions of the previous blessing are used, but in another sense." ^ 1^ here is not partitive * but privative,^ as is clear from vv. 37 and 40.^ Away froin tlie fertile regions of the earth your dwelling shall he, and away from the deio of heaven from ahove? " You will dwell remote from the lands which have a fertile soil and a productive climate, and debarred from them. Palestine is especially referred to ; it was from it that Esau withdrew to Mount Se'ir,^ which was, in general, an arid, rocky, and sterile region.^ According to Shaw,^*^ Edom is a bare, lonely wilderness ; and, according to Burckhardt,^^ we may shortly describe the tableland north of 'Akaba a stony desert." ^- Of course it is only a general distinction I Knobel. 2 p., H, 14 ; Judg. xix. 5. 3 Cf. vv. 13 and 19 of cli. xl. Tucli. ^ Viilg., Luther, etc. ^ As Num. XV. 24 ; Prov. xx. 3; Job xi. 15, xxi. 9, and elsewhere. ^ Tucli, Baumgarten, Knobel, Ewald, Delitzsoli. 7 Ch. xlix. 25. 8 Ch. xxxvi. 8. ^ Strabo, xvi. 4.21, describes it as being, beyond the neighbourliood of Petra, xupoc spyi/ao; v^ Tr'Kiiaryi, kuI /aa.'AKjTot ^ Trpog 'lov^uict. Diodorus, ii. 28, speaks of the Nabatean country as -^cuoci'j rYtu yJv ipn/nov, rY,u 6i duvooov, 10 Travels,'^ 1757, p. 438. II [Syria, p. 436] Germ. tr. 723. 12 Knobel. 220 GENESIS XXVII. 40 [332 that is drawn between Palestine and the land of Edom. The fact that there are fertile wadis in the latter ^ and barren spots in Palestine, is not taken account of. There is no reference to Mai. i. 3. Ver. 40. Because of the unfruitfulness of the land he will live tcpoii his sivord, i.e. " support himself by his sword,^ live by war, plunder, and robbery. So Ishmael in ch. xvi. 12, and the tribes who now inhabit the old land of Edom." ^ The last clause of the blessing does not, indeed, recall the necessity of subjection to his brother, but it grants a limitation of its continuance, and that is of evil omen for Jacob. Wlien you exert yourself yon shall hreak his yoke from your neck} The reference is to the reign of King Yoram, in which Edom freed itself from Judah for the first time ; ^ it was, indeed, again subdued under Amasyah (2 Kings xiv. 7), 'Uzziah, and Yotham ; ^ but it finally gained its freedom under Ahaz.'^ m — in the sense of roaming about masterless and un- bridled, which it has,^ is inappropriate here, even if it be granted that Num. xxvii. 1 4 covers the use of il*'S3 ; ^ a yoke is not broken by mere roaming about, and it is already broken when one can roam at liberty. The translation, to he refractory, ^^ gives a better sense ; but, after all, every conquered people is unsubmissive, yet does not gain its liberty. So we should rather render ,^^ career about, i.e. make exertions, jmt forth a7i effort : comp. (^R; and ao^f!^i and Arabic nida iv.^"2 The word has not the meaning shake.^^ The versions have 'T'")i'^, ^1"], and T]^ in mind, but had no otlier reading 1 E.g. Robinson, Palestine,^ ii. 154. 2 Deut. viii. 3; Isa. xxxviii. 16. ^ Burckliardt, Syria, p. 507 f. ; Eitter, xiv. 266 ft". Knobel. * Isa. X. 27. 5 2 Kings viii. 20 ft'. ^ 2 Kings xiv. 22; Isa. ii. 16, xvi. 1, 5. ' '2, Kings xvi. 6. ^ Jer. ii. 31 ; Hos. xii. 1. " Knobel, Delitzscli. 1" Tucli, Hupfeld on Ps. Iv. 3. 11 In spite of Noldeke, ZDMG. xxxvii. 540. 1- De Dieu on Jer. ii. ; Rosenmiiller, Winer in Lexicon ; Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 159 [History, vol. i. p. 108, note 1]. 1^ Hengstenberg, Keil. 332, 333] GENESIS XXVII. 41-40 221 than mn or mn ; the Samaritan -nxn, also in the Book of Jubilees, is evidently only an emendation. i Vv. 41-45. The immediate results of the whole incident, Esau's deadly hatred of Jacob, and Eebecca's advice to the latter to flee to Harran. Ver. 41. DDb* found in 1. 15, in B\ n^'i^x "i?DN*, comp. viii. 21. The days of mourning for my father — not, my father's days of mourning, as if Esau wished to avenge himself on his father also by slaying his brother.^ He intends to wait till his father's death, which is not far off (vv. 4 and 7), and so spare him the sorrow of his deed ; but he will not delay so long as till the conclusion of the usual period of mourning.^ A^er. 42 f. " Esau doubtless gave verbal expression to his intention, and so Rebecca learned of it." For the accusative with a passive, see ch. iv. 18. With the Hithpael Dn:nn, to console one's self by taking vengeance, compare the Niphal in Isa. i. 24. For nnn, see xi. 31. Ver. 44. " He will have to remain in Harran only some days, i.e. quite a short time. Eebecca speaks in this minimis- ing way to persuade him the more easily." Dnnx — as in ch. xxix. 20; and Dan. xi. 10 ; ch. xi. 1 is different. Ver. 45. The words 'y\ avj'"nj; are unnecessary merely as an explanation of 44^, and seem to have been incorporated from the other source, not for their own sake, but because of their sequel 'y\ nsiri. D3'3C' DJ — she would lose loth on one day, i.e. at one time, inasmuch as Esau as a murderer would be liable to suffer at the hands of the avengers of blood (ch. ix. 6). Ver. 46 is the transition to xxviii. 1 ff., and doubtless an insertion by 11.'^ " Eebecca tells Isaac that Esau's Hittite 1 See Geseniup, Be Pentat. Samarit. 38. 2 Luther. •*' Ch. xxiv. 67. ^ Bohmer, Kuenen, Onderzoek,^ p. 315 ; Kautzsch-Socin. 222 GENESIS XXVIII. 1-3 F. [333 wives poison the pleasure of her life, and that if Jacob makes a similar marriage she wishes to live no longer." ^ The reference to xxvi. 34 f. is plain; but it does not follow, therefore, that the verse is from ^,- or even from A and C.^ Nor are the expressions nn n^33 * and y^^r] nm any proof so long as A, in chs. xxviii. 1, 6, 8, and xxxvi. 2, writes throughout jj;:d m:3 ; they might be imitations of A by ii ; G uses '•jyjDn nija.^ On the contrary, in ch. xxvi. 35 these wives of Esau were a grief to both his parents ; and while Eebecca's initiative is quite in accordance with the re- presentation of the writers of ch. xxvii., Isaac in A, xxviii. 1 ff., acts independently ; D^^n ^h no!?, too, finds its analogy in ch. XXV. 22. "Moreover, the conjunction of the ex- pressions nn n^:3D and y-\^r\ nm?:: arouses suspicion ; the Septuagint omits the former."^ Ch. xxviii. 1-9. ^'s account of how Jacob was sent to Paddan Aram for his marriage, and how he was blessed by Isaac. Ver. 1. Isaac blesses Jacob, and gives him a charge. For iVJD m^n, see note on ch. xxiv. 8 [xxvii. 46, above]. Ver. 2. Q■J^^ nnQ — see ch. xxv. 20. For the construct in n — , comp. xx. 1 and nn^n here; for the -— , ch. xiv. 10 ; for the accentuation of H-— before ^?,Ewald, §§ 216c and 63c; similarly n^^? in xxvii. 45, nan in xxix. 21, etc. Ver. 3 f. " The blessing consists in the desire that God may prosper him with fruitfulness and a numerous posterity, and may give him and his descendants the land granted to Abraham." nc^ h\!i, — see ch. xvii. 1. D''OV hr\\>, as in xxxv. 11, xlviii. 4, in A. D''?Dy is also used of the tribes of Israel, e.g. in Deut. xxxiii. 3 ; see also Gen. xvii. 14, xxv. 8. Abraham's bless- ing, in ch. xvii. 8, where also see for 2"'"}JP. 1 Knobel. 2 Knobel, Schrader, Kayser, Wellhausen, Kittel. 2 Delitzsch^. * For ^'s nn "'OH see ch. xxiii. 3. 5 Ch. xxiv. 3, 37. ^ Qlshausen. 333, 334] GENESIS XXVIII. 5-9 223 Ver. 5, Jacob obeys and departs. For '•rsnx, see note on xxii. 23. Vv. 6-9. Esau learns from the example ; and in order to gain the satisfaction and good pleasure of his parents, and in some measure to repair his error, he marries again ; in this case a relative, a daughter of Ishmael's, and granddaughter of Abraham's. n^in — instead of n^'J''^! may be explained by its depend- ence on ""P, though farther on, in ver. 7, we find yoc^^i, which is also still dependent on ''3 ^^1!l in ver. 6. "iDK~i?&<"i — probably due to H, and inserted with reference to xxvii. 4o f. Ver. 8. X"i''i introduces a second consideration. Ver. 9. The expression, he went to Ishmacl, does not imply that Esau now left his father's house entirely ; ^ on the contrary, see ch. xxxvi. 6 f . ; he went only to obtain a wife. Ishmael was accordingly still alive ; and this agrees very well with xxv. 26 and xxvi. 34 (comp. xxv. 17 and xvii. 24 f.). Apart from devotion to a chronology compiled by harmonistic devices,^ there is no reason for discoverinsf that Ishmael means the family of Ishmael, or for going the length of striking out i?Nj;?o*i:'"'"i'N*, as in the Samaritan text. Eegarding the chronology, see note at the conclusion of ch. xxxv. Sister of Nehayotli — comp. note on xxiv. 50. Up to his wives — in addition to them, xxxi. 50 ; Lev. xviii. 18. Eegarding Machalath, see note on ch. xxxvi. 3. B. JACOB AWAY FROM HOME, AND THE FOUNDING OF HIS HOUSE, CH. XXVIII. lO-XXXII. 3. 1. Jacob's Dream at Bethel, Ch. XXVIII. 10-22; FROM ^ AND 0. Jacob leaves Beersheba', passes the night at Luz, there dreams of the ladder reaching to heaven, receives divine 1 Tuch. - Delitzsch, Keil, Kohler, Geschichte, i. 135. 224 GENESIS XXVIII [334 promises, names the place Bethel, and makes a vow regarding it. He had been destined by his father's blessing to be heir and transmitter of the promises, but now for the first time receives confirmation of it from God. His journeyings are beginning, and the period of his education also ; so the certainty of the divine protection and of his exalted destiny is given him to go with him as the guiding star of his wanderings. It was the same in Abraham's case, xii. 1 ff., and in Isaac's, xxvi. 2 ff. The origin also of the sanctity of Bethel is here made clear. The passage connects itself with xxvi. 23 ff. and xxvii. 43 by the ]}2^ li^^D and n:-in of ver. 10. The use of r\)r\\ the contents and expression of the promises in vv. 13—16,^ and the words ^V 2^: (ver. 13), pD (ver. 14), and n^li^ (ver. 14 f.), reveal the hand of C. Vv. 11 f. and 17-22, however, have D\-ii?N* ; and while ch. xxxv. 9-15 prohibits our thinking of ^'s authorship, the later reference to the verses in xxxi. 13 and xxxv. 3, 7 proves that they belong to B',^ this is confirmed by the expressions n yjD (ver. 11)^ and npnn D''DK^n (ver. 18),* as well as by the mention of tenths in ver. 22 and the dream of ver. 12.^ B, accordingly, has worked together a narrative of ^'s whose special interest was in the sanctity of Bethel and of the stone of Jacob, and in Jacob's vow ; and one of C's, which laid emphasis on God's promises to Jacob. In the case of ver. 19a we may be in doubt to which source to assign it ; probably it belonged to both, for neither can do without it ; B, in particular, in xxxi. 13 and xxxv. 3, presupposes the name Bethel to be already in existence.^ But the use of nmsn and the needlessness of ver. 16 alongside of ver. 17 prevent our attributing ver. 15 f. to B? It is just this parallelism of vv. 16 and 17 1 Cf. xiii. 14, 16, xii. 3, xviii. 18. 2 Knobel, Hupfekl, Bc3hiner, Sclirader, Wellhausen, Kittel, Kautzsch- Socin. 3 Ch. xxxii. 2. 4 Chs. xx. 8, xxi. 14, xxii. 3. ^ Ch. XX. 3 and frequently. ^ Contrary to Hupfeld's view. 7 Knobel. 334, 335] GENESIS XXVIII. 10-12 225 which proves, also, that two sources have been conjoined, and that it is not simply a narrative of ^^'s worked over by E,^ or by the harmonist of JB.^ The contents, too, of ver. 16 are too naive for E or JL', and C in xxxii. 1 3 has a reference to xxviii. 14 (cf. also xxxii. 10 with xxviii. 15). In ch. xii. 8, in C, it is not Bethel itself, but only a place in its neighbourhood, which is consecrated by Abraham. Ver. 19b is from B ; 216 is either from C, or owes its present form to R. Ver. 10, from C, attaches itself, though not directly, to ch. xxvii. 45. In A, Jacob's departure has been already recounted xxviii. 5 (7). In B, his destination is given a different name (xxix. 1). ync* "1^530 — Isaac's place of residence, according to C.^ Ver. 1 1 f. from B, though C also must have had some- thing corresponding. Jacob hits on the {sacred) spot} DIpD is better so translated than ^ by the place suited for passing the night. This very coincidence was itself a divine provi- dence. He takes of the stones^ one (ver. 18) and lays it at Ms head-place^ the place where he laid his head, at his head. This was already some days' journey from Beersheba'.^ Ver. 12. In the night, in a dream,^ he sees a ladder resting on the earth and reaching to the sky ; the angels of God ^^ are climbing up and down on it. The author does not say down and up, the angels are already below when he sees them ; they ascend, and afterwards return. " This ladder symbolises the thought that heaven and earth, God and men, stand in communication ; ^^ that God sways the earth from heaven by the agency of His Spirit, and guides the destinies of men." It suggests to the dreamer the double conviction tliat, though he is a fugitive and lonely wanderer, God's ^ Bohmer. - Kuenen, Onderzoek,- j^p. 145, 247. - Ch. xxvi. 23 (also xxv. 21 ff.). * See xii. 6. 5 As in 5th ed. '' Chs. iv. 4, xxvii. 28. 7 Ewald, § I60b. » Ch. xxii. 4. 0 Ch. XX. 3. i» Ch. xxi. 17. 11 Cf. ix. 17. DILLMANN. — II. I 5 226 GENESIS XXVIII. 13-lG [335 angels are already with him to protect and support him,^ and that this place where he rests is a true Divine sanctuary ,2 where there is communication between heaven and earth. The communication is by means of a ladder, because the angels were not at first thought of as having wings.^ Vv. 13-15, from C. This author narrated a Divine manifestation, and the giving of a promise to Jacob during his sleep (ver. 16), but nothing of any dream of a heavenly ladder. R, by his insertion of the account here, intends God's words to be taken as an interpretation (ver. 15) and expansion (ver. 13f.) of what was implicit in the dream of the heavenly ladder. vhv — generally translated ^ up above on it, the ladder ; but the up above is the very thing not expressed, and it is impossible to see why Jahve should stand on the ladder. Besides, the whole verse is from C, so translate JaJive stood above (before) Jii7n.^ God of the patriarchs Abraham and Isaac, cf. xxvi. 24. I give you the land, as xii. 7, xiii. 15, and frequently. As the dust of the earth, see xiii. IG. nviDl, xxx. 30, 43 ; Sept. and Book of Jubilees have psv '^1 ^1^1, see xiii. 14. 13"i3Jl, xii. 3, xviii. 18. lyiTDI — does not make the impression of being a subse- quent addition ^ more than ']])i]h) in ver. 13 ; ^ see note on ii. 9. Ver. 15. God also expressly promises His protection to Jacob during the period of his wanderings, loherever he goes. Dx ic'i< ny — until that, wJien,'N\im. xxxii. 17 ; Isa. vi. 11 ; shorter in xxiv. 19. Ver. 16, from C. Jacob on awaking is astonished that Jahve is present in this place, and not merely in the sacred seats where Isaac worshipped Him, e.g. at Beersheba', xxvi. 24 f. 1 Cli. xxiv. 7. ^Yer. 17 ff. 2 Cf. also Enoch Ixi. 1. ^ As by Sept. Vulg. Pesh. ^ As in xviii. 2, xxiv. 13, xlv. 1 ; cf. xviii. 8, xxiv. 30. Tuch, Hupfeld, etc. « Wellhausen, JBDTh. xxi. 421 ; Kautzscli-Socin. '' Also, however, regarded by Wellhausen as a supplement. 335, 33G] genesis XXVIII. 17, 18 227 To his joy he has learned that his separation from liome has not yet carried him from tlie sphere of Jahve's presonce. i?^^* — in trittk, elsewliere in the Pentateuch only in Ex. ii. 14. Ver. 1 7. i)'s statement of the impression the vision made on Jacoh. The place is sublimely awful, a true abode of deity (ver. 19), the gate of heaven, where, as is proper in a real sanctuary (abode of deity), heaven opens to men, and true intercourse with the upper world is possible. Ver. 18, from B. In C and E the patriarchs erect altars, where theophanies have appeared to them. Similarly, Jacob here sets up the stone he slept on as a memorial or monu- ment, and sprinkles it with oil to consecrate it.^ Stade ^ finds in this a rudimentary form of sacrifice to a spirit dwelling in the stone. This Jacob-stone in Bethel was regarded by the patri- arch and his house as deeply sacred.^ Sacred stones are not spoken of in the history of Abraham, but for the first time in that of Jacob, whose home was in central Palestine, and then several times.* This leaves the impression that the need felt for such signs of the Divine presence belonged, after all, to a later stage of the religious development, and was not independent of Canaanite affinities. But the stones are not reverenced as deities, they are only sacred stones, stones to mark the sanctity of a place. It was an ancient custom to erect stones in memory of remarkable events, and especially in memory of miraculous Divine help.^ In the case of theophanies it was a natural addition to the custom to consecrate the stones themselves, and to reverence them as sanctuaries or places of sacrifice where Divine worship was paid.^ More than this is not said of the Jacob-stone. 1 See Comm. on Ex. xxx. 30. 2 Geschichte,'^ i. 4G0-494f.; but see Heriiuinn, Gottesdienstliche Alfer- thlimer,^ p. 139. ^ See also xxxv. 14, and comp. xlix. 24. ^ Cf. xxxiii. 20. ^ Ch. xxxi. 45 ; Josh. iv. 9, 20, xxiv. 2G f.; 1 Sam, vii. li'. « Yer. 22. 228 GENESIS XXVIII. 18 [33G Memorial stones of this kind long continued beside the sanctuaries of the Israelite cultus, especially in the northern kingdom ; ^ even to Isaiah - they are not objectionable as memorials of Jahve. Among the Canaanites, however, tliey were inseparably bound up with the worship of Baal, and the popular consciousness readily thought of them as Baal pillars. For this reason even laws ^ and prophets ^ of early date are opposed to them, and Deut. xvi. 22 ^directly forbids such Masseboth to be placed beside the altars of Jahve. Stones holy in another sense, namely, stones which had Divine honours paid to them as being deities in corporeal form, or stones animated by deity, or which were applied to all kinds of magical purposes, are of frequent occurrence among heathen peoples, not only in Canaan and among the Syrians and Arabs, but elsewhere in the East and in the West. They are termed " XlOol Xiirapol or aXrjXifi/jiivoL, lapidcs tcncti.^ They include also the so-called ^alrvkoi, /SacrvXta, haetyli^ of Western Asia, which were, in part, aerolites ; there were instances of these in Pessinus, in Phrygia,^ among the Phoenicians,^ among the Syrians in Heliopolis ^^ and P2niesa,^^ among the Egyptians ^- and the Arabs,^^ e.g. in Nabatean Petra,^'* and in Mekka, the black stone of the Kaaba." ^^ We do not know whether the Hebrews, like the other Semites, once 1 Hos. iii. 4, X. 1 f. ; cf. Ex. xxiv. 4. 2 q\^_ ^ix. 19. 3 Ex. xxiii. 24, xxxiv, 13; Lev. xxvi. 1. ^ Mic. v. 12. ^ See Comm. ad loc. [Dillmann's]. *^ Pausanias, x. 24, 6 ; Minucius Felix, iii. 1 ; Apuleius, Florida (at l)egin.) ; regarding their religious veneration, see Theophrastus, Characteres, 16; Lucian, Alex. 30, Gone. deor. 12 ; Clem, of Alex. Strom. 7 (p. 713, ed. Sylburgius) ; Arnob. Adv. (jent. i, 39. '' Phny, xxxvii. § 135. "' Herodian, i, 11 ; Livy, xxix. 11. ^ Sanchuniathon, ed. OrelU, p. 30. 10 Photiiis, Biblioth. pp. 557, 568. 11 Herodian, v. 3. ^2 Gale on Jamblicus, Ve Mijsteriis, p. 215. ^^ Maximus Tyrius, Disser. 38 ; Arnobiiis, vi. 196. ^* Suidas, sub (divaocpnc. 15 Knobel. Cf. Winer,^ ii. 521; Riehm, Handworterhuch, 1330 f.; Ewald, Altherthumer,^ 158 ff. [Antiquities, p. 118 f.]; JB. x. 17 f. and V. 287 f.; Grimmel, De lapidurti cultii apud patriarchas, 4", 1853; Ph. Berger in JA. vii. 8, p. 253 ft".; Halevy in JA. vii. 18, p. 252 ft". 336, 337] GENESIS XXVIII. 19, 20 FF. 229 practised this stone worship. If (BaiTvXo^ be identified as ^^ ^""2, it is not a far-fetched assumption that Jacob's Bethel stone was originally a stone fetish of this character,' which B only transformed into a nnsr^p in the sense above described. But the connection of ^airvXo^ and i?s n^n is at least very questionable ; ^ there is no stone worship in the public worship of Israel in historical times ; ^ the nnVD, whose origin the writer here wishes to relate, was undoubtedly still in existence in his time as a navro, and its shape must have been that of a ni'^D, not of a stone fetish. Ver. 19a — essential to C's narrative, but also suitable in B (comp. ver. 17), and in expression rather from him.* Ver. 19& is doubtless a gloss from B. Jacob names the place Bethel; in A he does not do so till his return (xxxv. 15). Dhsi — as in xlviii. 19 ; Num. xiv. 21 ; Ex. ix. 16. ^^ ^^^ — see xii. 8. The statement that Bethel was earlier called Luz,*'' is to be understood in the sense that the more modern Bethel lay in the neighbourhood of the more ancient Luz. The place where Jacob passed the night was also not in Luz, but near it.^ Ver. 20 ff., from B. Further, Jacob vows that if God protect him, and bring him home again safe and sound,'^ he will make the stone a sanctuary, etc. The apodosis begins with ^l\^\^ not with ver. 22,^ as even the order of the words sliows. But we must regard the words i Q\"ii?Ni5 ''h nM\ in which he binds himself to venerate the god who has appeared to him, as an interpolation of B's (? from C). For the expression, see xvii. 7. The stone is to be a house of God, i.e. a place of Divine worship ; it is made so in xxxv. 7, when Jacob erects an altar there. 1 Dozy, Israeliten zu Meklm, 1864, p. 18ff.; Nuldeke in ZDMG. xlii. 482.^ 2 See Griinmel and Halevy as just quoted. ^ Isa. Ivii. G is different. ■* See note on xxxii. 31. 5 Chs. xxxv. 6, xlviii. 3; Judg. i. 23 ; cf. Josli. xviii. 13. « Ewald, Geschichtr,^ i. 435 f. [Hidory, vol. i. p. 304]. ^ Ch. XX vi. 29, 31. » gept. Pesh. Vulg. » Tuch, Hengstenberg. 230 GENESIS XXIX [337, 338 Jacob's words now take the form of address to the god. He will give Him the tenth of all that God gives him.^ The sequel is not related, perliaps it was omitted by B. It is not clear liow the author thought of the tenth, perhaps in the form of an offering or of a tithe to a priest (comp. Book of Jubilees, ch. xxxii.). What the story of the vow chiefly has in view is in any case the time in which Bethel really was an Israelite sanctuary ,2 where tithes also were paid. 2. Jacob in Harkan with Laban, Ch. XXIX. f. ; FKOM B AND C. Jacob arrives in the country of the sons of the east, meets liachel (Piahel), Laban's daughter, even before he reaches Harran, and goes to live in Laban's house (xxix. 1—14). He serves him as shepherd for seven years to obtain Eachel as his wife, but is overreached by Laban and given Leah, the elder daughter, whom he does not love. After the wedding with Leah is over, however, he receives Eachel also, in return for a promise of seven years of further service (xxix. 15-30). By Leah, by Eachel's maid, by Leah's, and, lastly, by Eachel herself, he obtains in all eleven sons and one daughter (xxix. 31-xxx. 24). He now wishes to return home. But Laban is unwilling to let him go, for he has been of much service to him. Jacob agrees to serve him longer for what is apparently an insignificant wage, but by his cunning he so increases it that in a short time he acquires very large possessions (xxx. 25-43). The leading thought in the narrative remarks the pre- sence of God's protection and blessing (xxviii. 15) which follow Jacob everywhere, in his contest with Laban's cunning and selfishness as well as in the rest. But Jacob's merited punishment for the deceit he had practised at home is also brought to notice, though less prominently, in the service to 1 See xiv. 20. 2 Judg. XX. 18, 26 ff.; 1 Sam. x. 3; 1 Kings xii. 29. 338] GENESIS XXIX 231 which he must submit, extended by Laban's fraud to double its original length, and in the long continued barrenness of his favourite wife. The punishment as well as the protection are to be the means of teaching him to cling closely to his God. But the standpoint is more national than it is ethical ; Jacob is glorified as the ideal of a Hebrew shepherd, and an account is given of the origin of the Hebrew tribes. The narrow limits of these two chapters, supplemented in ch. xxxi., contain in a compressed form the essential points regarding Jacob's deeds and contests in Mesopotamia. Oral tradition at one time told the story more fully. Some features of that story are still plainly recognisable in the condensed account. Examples are the contest in which Hebrew and Aramaean cunning are matched against one another, and Jacob's many discoveries in the contrivances of a shepherd's skill (xxx. 37 ff.). Other features have almost vanished beyond recognition, e.g. the representation of the hero's giant strength (xxix. 10, cf. xxxii. 25 ff.). In the written sources, also, this part of the Jacob legend was at one time more fully detailed. Ch. xxx. 35—42, for example, presents all the appearance of being an extract from a fuller narrative.^ It was B, without doubt, who gave the fuller description of these events (cf. ch. xxxi.). Even G, who was acquainted with ^'s work, laid less stress on such merely secular materials ; R, above all, made the ethico-religious points of view so dominant that he did not consider it worth his while to record much of the secular tradition. The present text is from C and B, and is worked together in a way similar to that of ch. xxvii. Only chs. xxix. 24, 29,- xxx. 22a, remind us of A] ch. xxx. 4« and ^h might possibly also be from him. In analysing what remains, Wellhausen ^ makes xxix. 1-30 essentially the text of B. But we cannot fail to recognise an artificial transition in ver. 15; ver. 16 f. proceeds as if Eachel had not hitherto 1 Cf. notes on iv. 17 and vi. 1-4. 2 Knobel, AVellliausen. 3 JBDTh. xxi. 425 f. 232 GENESIS XXIX [338, 339 been mentioned. It will therefore be more accurate, while giving xxix. 1 to B (see note), to assign xxix. 2-14 or l^a to C7 and xxix. 15?>-30^in the main, without vv. 24 and 29, and without ver. 2 6, because of m^yv and nTDn, to B. In xxix. 31-xxx. 24, which relates the birth of Jacob's children, the foundation narrative is in the main from (7, as nin*' and nnstr make plain; in xxix. 31-35 and xxx. 9-16 he is the only source, but in xxx. l-3a (dm^k, n^N) there is a characteristic description from B, and in vv. 6 and 8 two etymologies substituted for 6''s ; in xxx. 17-24 the thread of the narrative, even, belongs to B (wrh^) and the divergent etymologies of C (vv. 20& and 24), and one or two fragments from the same source (vv. 21, 22c) are inserted in his text.^ it's procedure shows that the course of the narrative and its material were very much the same in both sources ; that they were, in fact, essentially alike except for certain noticeable variations in the etymologies, so that either B or C might be drawn upon in it's compilation. The concluding paragraph, xxx. 25—43, telling of Jacob's acquisition of flocks of his own, is decisively 6"s, as is proved by the want of agreement with i>'s chronology * and with his parallel state- ments in xxxi. 6 ff., as well as by the linguistic evidence.^ But here also parallels have been worked in from B^ and isolated expressions of his are found which have been adopted by C or inserted by B, e/j. D^pni (vv. 38, 41 in contrast to xxiv. 20), ^^^"^ (ver. 35), ^pV (ver. 35). It is to be remarked that the text in this concluding paragraph is in several instances distorted. The analysis given of the whole is followed in almost every particular by Kittel and Kautzsch- Socin. 1 Cf. h -lk^♦^< (ver. 9), r\\r\\h yr\ (ver. 13), nb'ni vo^-y (ver. 14). - Cf. niDb'O (ver. 15), rhl^ and HDDp (vv. 16, 18), nS"*! "ixn T\V nXl^ (ver. 17). •" Regarding ^rniD'^:* in xxx. 18, see note there. ■* See note on xxx. 25. 5 i7p:i2 and 'ji |n TlNVrO i^rON* in ver. 27, jns in vv. 30, 43. 6 Vv. 26, 28 ; hardly 32-34, as Wellhausen tldnks. 339] GENESIS XXIX. 1, 2 F. 233 Ch. xxix. 1-14. Jacob safely reaches his relatives in Harran. Ver. 1. He lifted Ms feet, i.e. continued his journey, which was a long one, and went, not came, to the land of the sons of the east. \hy\ xb'3 only here. The Septuagint at the end of the verse has a long harmonising addition, Trpo? Aa^dv, K.T.\. Dip ^:2 — see notes on xxv. 15. The expression is surprising in itself, because it nowhere else designates the inhabitants of Mesopotamia, which might, however, be termed an Dip ps,^ and because it offers a third variant to the nix n^'na i?^) of xxviii. 7 and the n^in i?^) of xxviii. 10. The Septuagint reads D^p |ns without ':2. The sentence does not belong to C,^ but along with xxviii. 20 ff., to B, who accordingly differed somewhat from A and C in his ideas regarding the place of residence of Jacob's kinsmen.^ This makes it tlie less possible to lay down the rule ^ that C only writes city of Nahor ^ and not Harran.^ Ver. 2 f. The journey itself is not described, any more than in ch. xxiv. But Jacob is just as fortunate as Abraham's steward was in the other case. He arrives at once at the right well, and finds kinsmen there. It is not, however, the city well of Harran, as in ch. xxiv. lOf. Three flocks were lying at the time beside the well, from which it was the custom to give them water at certain times. Thc'^ stone, with which wells were habitually covered,*^ was large, in order that only those who had a right, and these altogether, might be able to use the well. The perfects in ver. 3 with waw consecutive are co- 1 Num. xxiii. 7 ; cf. Gen. xi. 2. ^ Delitzscli^. 3 Cf. xxxi. 21 and 23. 4 Wellhausen, JBDTJi. xxi. 42G. 5 Ch. xxiv. 10. ^ Clis. xxvii. 43, xxviii. 10, xxix. 4. ^ See xiv. 13. ^ Robinson [Palestine,"' i. 490], Germ. tr. ii. 414. 234 GENESIS XXIX. 4-9 [.339, 340 ordinate with iptr% and express custom or habit.^ The description is given with a view to ver. 10. "Such scenes at the well were usual,^ and are so still.^ Troughs of stone are set up beside the wells, and the rule is that the first comer waters his flocks first.* Among the Beduin Arabs the wells belong to particular tribes or families. Strangers may only use them in return for presents, in effect a payment ; ^ they are therefore often the occasion of contention.^ The Arabs are skilled in covering them over ^ so that they remain unperceived by strangers." ^ Vv. 4—6. Jacob inquires of the shepherds regarding Laban ; they point him out his daughter Eachel, who is just approaching with her flock. Mjj brothers — see ch. xix. 7. Nahors son — p must be son in the widest sense, i.e. grandson ; ^ but as a matter of fact in 6"s original narrative Laban was really Nahor's son.^^ Is he well .? — see xliii. 2 9 f. Ver. 7 f. Jacob thinks they have driven the cattle together (?iDx) for the night, and proposes that they should water the sheep and then pasture them, for the day is still large, i.e. it is still a long time till evening. They reply that they must wait till all are together to be able to roll away the heavy stone by their united strength. Dmyn — the Septuagint reading cy'^n is easier ; the Samaritan reads the same in ver. 3 also. Ver. 9. Meanwhile Eachel arrives at the well (for the perf. comp. xxvii. 30). She is a shepherdess. Among the 1 Gesenius,25 112. 3. 2 ci^^ xxiv. 11 ff\ ; Ex. ii. 16 ff. 3 Robinson, Palestine,^ i. 201, 204, ii. 22, 26, 35, 226. ^ Schubert, Reisen, ii. 453 ; Burckhardt [Syria, 1821, p. 63], Germ. tv. 128 f. ^ Burckhardt, Bedouins, i. p. 228 f. ; Robinson [Palestine,^ ii. 99], Germ. tr. iii. 7 ; cf. Num. xx. 17, 19, xxi. 22. « Ch. xxvi. 19 ff. 7 Diodorus, ii. 48, xix. 94. s Knobel. ^ 2 Kings ix. 20 and ix. 14 ; Ezra v. 1 comjDared with Zech. i. 1. 10 See xxiv. 15, 24, 47, 50. 340] GENESIS XXIX. 10-13 F. 235 Arabs of Sinai it is the rule that the unmarried daugliters drive the cattle to pasture.^ For the form of the sentence, see Ewald.- h "iC'N*, as in xl. 5, in C. Yer. 1 0 f. " One look at Eacliel affects and inspires Jacob ; with determination and strength he singly rolls away the stone, and with willing hands waters her cattle. The thrice repeated i^N Tit^ is an indication that he gave his service as her cousin."^ The interpretation just given is of the present text ; in the background we may justifiably find the representation to be that Jacob was a man of herculean strength ; comp. ch. xxxii. 26. "Jacob, as Eachel's cousin, may also kiss her openly, as a brother his sister.^ His tears are those of joyful emotion, as in xlv. 14 and xlvi. 29."^ For h)p Sbo, see XX i. 16. Ver. 12. Brother = cousin, as in ver. 15, xiv. 16, xxiv. 48. Ver. In i. Laban at the news of him, i.e. of his arrival, hastens to meet him, embraces and kisses him much and long,^ takes him to his house, and, from what he learns, con- vinces himself that Jacob is really his hone and flesh, i.e. his blood relative or kinsman.^ " The expressions of the passage recall ch. ii. 23, and nsipij p"i, xviii. 2 and xxiv. 17. Jacob remains with Laban a whole inonth's time." ^ There is nothing which requires us to attach this last statement to ver. 15, i.e. to B, as is done by Kautzsch-Socin. \>m — with h, as xxxi. 28, xxxii. 1, xlviii. 10 ; in xxxiii. 4 with accusative. "n^* — only, i.e. no other than ; see also note, xxvi. 9. 1 Burckhardt, Bedouins, i. 351 f. ; see, further, on Ex. ii. 16. Knobel. 2 Syntax, § 341(?. 3 Knobel. ^ Canticles viii. 1. ^ Knobel. « Piel. '' Ch. xxxvii. 27; Judg. ix. 2; 2 Sam. v. 1, xix. 13 f. ^ Cf. xli. 1; Num. xi. 20 f. Knobel. For D'^DS see Gesenius,^^ 131. 2c. 236 GENESIS XXIX. 15, 16 F. [340,341 Vv. 15-30. Jacob marries two wives, sisters. In this respect he is not a model for Israel (Lev. xviii. 18), but the double marriage was at least not of his own choice ; one of the sisters was forced on him by the cunning of Laban, and so the marriage has more the aspect of a Harran custom. See note on ch. xx. 12 regarding the consanguineous marriages of the patriarchs. While, however, the excuse lies in Laban's deceit, there is also perceptible the ethical consideration that Jacob's own fraud on Esau and Isaac is avenged by the deception he himself must now suffer. Ver. 15. A small gap is here visible, inasmuch as it has not been said that Jacob has entered Laban's service as shep- herd, or even that he wished to do so. Laban's offer of v/ages is apparently unselfish ; but, in truth, is doubtless due to his observation of Jacob's skill as a shepherd, and to his desire to retain his service. Ought you to serve me for nought vjJicn you arc my hrothcr ? — to whom more rather than less is given. ^?n, as in xxvii. 36. Kittel therefore makes ver. a still C's. Jacob is asked to choose his own reward. mbb'C, as in xxxi. 7, 41; elsewhere i?'^, e.g. xxx. 28, 32 f., xxxi. 8. Ver. 1 6 f. Circumstantial clauses regarding Laban's daughters required to make the answer in ver. 18 compre- hensible. " The narrator who had already spoken of Eachel in ver. 9 ff. could not very well introduce both daughters as is done here." ^ Probably E here extracts from his other source. ^f?l — ewe (Rah el). '"^^.^ — perhaps gazelle (oryx leucoryx), like Arabic laYit^^K'^ Paul Haupt ^ makes it mistress, in view of Assyrian Wat. 71^ and \i:)p — as in xxvii. 15, 42. The younger is beauti- ful in figure '^ and appearance,^ the elder had weak (lit. tender) eyes, " without brightness or brilhancy of lustre. Among Orientals, and especially Arabs, the chief point of a woman's 1 Knobel. 2 g^t see Nuldeke, ZUMG. xl. 167. 3 GGN. 1883, p. 100. ^ Ch. xxxix. 6, xli. 18. ^ Ch. xii. 11; nxno nniD, xxiv. 16, xxvi. 7. 34l] GENESIS XXIX. 18-24 2 37 beauty consists in bright, fiery, clear, and expressive black eyes, the eyes of a gazelle." ^ Ver. 1 8 f. " Jacob is willing to serve Laban as shepherd seven years, and asks in return his loved Eachel to be his wife. Laban is content, for he prefers to give his daughter to a kinsman rather than to a stranger (^ns 2^. Among all Beduin Arabs a cousin has a prior claim ; ^ the Druses in Syria always prefer a relative to a rich stranger.^ When cousins are married they often address one another as such, even after marriage." ^ Jacob's service represents the custom- ary hridc price for the woman.^ Modern parallels are to be found. ^ Ver. 20. " The seven years of service are like a few days^ to Jacob, for he is happy because near Eachel ; and time passes quickly when one is happy." ^ Vv. 21—24. At the end of the time he asks for ^^ his wife, for his days, i.e. his time of service, are full, have expired.^^ Laban acquiesces, and prepares the customary wedding-feast ; but he puts Leah, not Eachel, in the marriage chamber. The deception was possible in the evening, especially as Leah came veiled.^^ She receives only one maid for her service ; Eebecca had more.^^ Ver. 24, like ver. 29, is loosely attached, and unrequired by XXX. 2, 4, 9 f . ; the style of both reminds us of A, and they are to be regarded as introduced from him by R.^^ ^ Hmnasa, i. pp. 557, 584, 596, 622 ; Haitmann, Idcalc, p. 77 ft\ Knobel. 2 As Jer. vi. 12, viii. 10. ■"' Burckhardt [Bedouins, i. 272], Germ. tr. 219. •* Volney [Voijages, ii. 74, Eng. tr. ii. 80], Germ. Ir. ii. 62. ^ Ikirckhardt, Bedouins, i. 113 ; Proverbs, p. 218 ; Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, 185.3, p. 294 ; Lane, Manners and Customs, eli. vi. poj). ed. j). 143. Knobel. c Winer,3i. 296f. '' Ritter, Erdkunde, xv. 674; I3urckliai'(It, Syria, 297 f. Knoliel. « Ch. xxvii. 44. « Knobel. ^" 7]2n, xxviii. 2. 11 Ch. xxv. 24, 1. 3. '2 Cf. xxiv. 65. i^ (J], xxiv. 61. Knol)el. 14 Knobel, Wellliausen ; cf. xlvi. 18, 25. 238 GENESIS XXIX. 25-30 [341, 341 Ver. 25 f. Laban excuses the deception by the custom of the country,^ which was not to give a younger daughter in marriage before an elder. This was law in India,'^ and is known sporadically elsewhere.^^ But Laban had said nothing of this before. iiTy:; and htdi, as xix. 3 Iff., xxv. 23. Ver. 27. But Jacob will obtain Kachel also in return for further service of seven years. Make full the week of this {one) — complete the celebrations of your marriage week with this one. The wedding festivities usually lasted a week.*^ We luill give — " I and my family "; ^ but the Septuagint and Samaritan have jnxi. Vv. 28-30. At the end of the week he obtained Eachel, who also was given a maid with her. He thus married two wives within eight days. For ver. 29, see ver. 24. He went in to Eachel also, and loved her more than Leah, preferred her to Leah. 7n"i"ni<-Da — the dj, we are told, is simply to emphasise !?n-i,^ or along with p to express "etiam, still, more than." '^ Either explanation is against usage. Nor can it belong to ans^^i as if it were : he did not merely go in to her, but loved her also.^ The only translation possible is, he loved Eachel also, not only Leah, and more than Leah. But this contradicts ver. 31, therefore omit DJ, as do the Sept. and Vulg. Ch. xxix. 31 -XXX. 24. Jacob's eleven sons and one daughter by these two wives and their maids. The account is short and bare. The explanation given of the sons' names is a chief feature ; in some cases two interpretations are given. The children are named by the mothers in each instance, as elsewhere in B, etc. But the narrative has also an ethical 1 Ch. xxiv. 7; 2 Sam. xiii. 12. 2 Maim, 3. IGO. 2 E.g. Lane, Maimers and Customs, ch. vi. pop. ed. p. 144 ; Book of Julnlees, ch. 28, wishes even to make it the law for Israel. * Judg. xiv. 12; Job xi. 18. ^ See xxiv. 50. Knobel. ^ Gesenius, Thesaurus, 294. '' Delitzsch. s Knobel; see against this xxxi. 15, xlvi. 4; 1 Sam. i. 6. 342] GENESIS XXIX. 31-33 239 content. Where there are two wives it is not right to prefer one to another. Jacob does that, and is corrected by- God through tlie long-continued barrenness of his favourite wife ; the other is also compensated for the want of her husband's love by the number of her children. Joseph, too, the best of his sons and the most populous of the tribes, is, like Isaac and Esau- Jacob, born only after long waiting, as a specially precious gift from God. The arrangement of the sons is as in A in xxxv. 23 ff., except that the maids' four sons are interpolated between the first four and the last two by Leah. All the sources are at one in their division of the twelve sons among the four wives.^ Ver. 31. ^^"^^i'f — because of ver. 30, to be understood relatively, less loved.^ Opened her womh, made her pregnant, and a mother.^ By this God restored the balance between the sisters ; for a wife is valued by her husband if she has children. "^ Ver. 32. She names her son ]^^^\ The word in appear- ance means, see a son, but is presented as an allusion to nsi ^^2V2, for Leah said, Jahve has seen my need,^ for now my husband will love me. The original meaning of the name is not clear. No result is got by deriving it from Arabic ractba!" It is more possibly a variant of ^:ii5<-i7 In that case its meaning would be lion or wolf, like Arabic ri'hdl; the el is sufficient to exclude its being a name of deity. ^ For ''3 after ^y?^, comp. ver. 33 and xxvi. 22. "^janN^ see xix. 19. Ver. 33. t^V^p — hearing (favourably); Jahve heard and took notice that she was unloved. Ewald ^ conjectures that 1 This alone disposes of Stade's remarks, O'eschichte,'^ i. 145 If.; Reuss is more cautious {Geschichte des Alt Test. § 63). 2 Deut. xxi. 15 ; Matt. vi. 24. » gee xvi. 2. -^Ch. xvi. 4. 5 0]^, xvi. 11. '' As pi"* from "n"*, Baetligen, Beitnuje, 159. ^ Lagarde, Onomastica sacra,^ ii. 95 ; it is tlie substitute of Joseplius, Pesh., Arabic, and Etliiopic versions and Greek MSS. ('Pof/3/A, 'roiz/S^jA). 8 Kuenen, ThZ v. 291. » § 167a. 240 GENESIS XXIX. 34-XXX. 1 [342, 343 the word is a diminutive from ^^Vpti'^ ; Hitzig ^ and Eobertson Smith,2 that it comes from Arabic sim'u, a cross between wolf and hyena. Ver. 34. ^v — adherent, for Leah hopes that from now her husband will adhere to her in affection. It is regarded by many ^ as a nomen gentile from Leah ; Lagarde ^ interprets the name of foreigners who joined themselves to Israel, or alternatively of the attendants and escort of the ark of the covenant ; Hommel ^ draws attention to a supposed Minnean word laic'dn, priest. See further regarding Levi, Kuenen.^ Dysn, as in ii. 24. iSip should be read ^^^"'.P^, with the Peshitta, Samaritan, and Septuagint (eKaXeae not ekXtJOt]) ; comp. ver. 35. Ver. 35. nnin^ — subject of laud and praise,^ for Leah praised ^ God for him. The name is taken as a Hophal derivative.^ Steinthal ^^ tried to prove the existence of a God i^n^. Leah now paused from bearing ; ^^ the interval is doubtless to be put at not less than a year,i" to be noticeable as such. Ch. XXX. 1-8. Birth of Dan and Naphtali, by Bilhah. Yer. 1 f. " Eachel, jealous ^^ of her sister's fertility, demands children from her husband, otherwise she will die of grief. He angrily checks her with the words. Am I in God's plaee, who is the cause of death and life,^^ and can alone grant such a request ? The same words occur in 1. 19, from the same author." ^^ 1 Geschichte, 47. ^ Journal of Phiiology, ix. 80, 96. ^ Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 150 [Eng. tr. p. 145]; Stade in ZATh. i. 112 ff.; cf. Literar. Centralblaff, 1879, p. 828; Noldeke in ZDMG. xl. 167. * Orientalia, ii. 20 f. ^ Aufsdtze U7id Abhandlungen, 1890, p. 30. •• Volksreligion, 1883, p. 312 ff. ^ Delitzsch. s Cf. xlix. 8. 9 For the n, cf. Ps. xxviii. 7, xlv. 18 ; Neli. xi. 17. 1" In Die Nation, 1891, No. 46, p. 716. " See xvi. 2. ^2 Knobel. ^^ N3p, as in xxvi. 14. 1"* Deut. xxxii. 39 ; 1 Sam. ii. 6 ; 2 Kings v. 7. ^^ Knobel. 343] GENESIS XXX. 3-11 241 Ver. P). Eachel lielps herself as Sarah had done (xvi. 2 f.), and gives Jacob her maid Bilhah to be his wife, that she may bear children on Eachel's knees, who will thus also be built up by her. The last clause is from C (cf. xvi. 2). ^3"in"?y^ Eachel will take the children on her lap,i and acknowledge them as her own.^ r\i2^ — as in xx. 17, xxi. 10, 12 f., from B. Ver. 4r<^. Because of its repetition of ver. 3 and its use of nnsL*' from C, or perhaps from A, who speaks of Hagar also as Abraham's nr^^x (xvi. o). So ver. 96. Ver. 6. V\ — j^t^d'jc, is the name she gives the child, for God has judged her, i.e. decided her case as she wished. Kuenen ^ here also conjectures a name of deity. hS?2 v^^ — as iii. 17, xxi. 12, xxvii. 13. Ver. 7, from C ', at least one cannot see why nnsti^ nni^i ^m should be an addition to the original text^ when ns^T hrr\ nn^ in ver. 12 is not. Ver. 8. vJ^SJ — combatant, for she has contended with Leah in a wrestling match of God, and has come off the victor. The genitive D''n^N* does not express the idea that the contest was of divine importance, as the founding of Israel was,^ nor that God brought it to a decision,^ but that it was one for God's grace and blessing ; ^ cf. xxix. 3 1 , XXX. 2. Vv. 9-12. Leah, also, now gives her maid to Jacob, seeing she obtains no more children,^ and Gad and Asher are the fruit of the marriage. For ver. 9, see note on ver. 4. Ver. 11. "JJ — child of fortune ; she says "JJ?,^ ivith good fortune, iv tv'^t) ; ^^ comp. n::'Kn in ver. 1 3 ; the Massoretes would read "fj ^J, fortune is come ; ^^ so at least the Targums 1 Job iii. 12. 2 Ch. 1. 23 ; cf. Stode in ZATJF. vi. 143 ff. 3 TJiT. V. 291. * Wellliaiisen, JBDTh. xxi. 427. ^ Knobel. ^' Hengstenberg. '^ Tuch, Delitzsch. » Ch. xxix. 35. ■' 132, pausal. ^" Sept. ^1 Cf. Isa. Ixv. 11 and the name Baal-gad in Jo.sh. xi. 17, xii. 7. PILLMANN. — II. 1 6 242 GENESIS XXX. 13 [343, 344 and Peshitta ; the Samaritan -iid3, and Graecus Venetus 7]Ke(, (TTpcirev/jLa, interpret as in xlix. 19. There was a god of good fortune, Gad, Tv-^rj, whose worship was widely spread among the Aranueans.^ Ver. 1 o. "i^i;^ — of even tenor, i.e. both fortunate and propitious, lucky, comp. nntTN^the goddess of fortune; as one may the star of fortune for Gad. Leah says, unt/i my good fortune, i.e. it is my good fortune, for daughters - call mc haiii^y, as the mother of many children. ^:nC'N% perfect of certainty.^ Vv. 14-20. Birth of Leah's fifth and sixth sons. Vv. 14-16 give 6"s explanation of the name Issachar (Yissakhar), and " tell the story of the D>ni^,4 ^y^ich Eeuben, still a young child, found in the fields and brought home in the days of the wheat harvest,^ i.e. in May." D'S*!^"! — "according to the versions, the yellow apple- shaped fruit of the Mandragora vernalis or mandrake, a shrub which is common in Palestine, or in Galilee, and so was well known to the Hebrews. Its fruit is the size of a nutmeg, and has been found ripe by travellers as early as the month of May.^ They say that the Arabs are fond of it, and believe that it inclines to love, and gives vigour in the production of children.'^ Its roots were used in love-potions,^ and, according to Hesychius, MavSpayoplrL^; was among the names of the goddess of love. It is therefore to be rendered amatoria, love-apples, from '1^^." '^ 1 Cf. on Isa. Ixv. 11; see Lagarde, GesammeUe Ahhandlungen, 16; Symmida, i. 87 ; Mordtmann in ZDMG. xxxi. 89 f. ; Halevy, Melanges de critique, 183, 212 ; Siegfried in JPTh. 1875, p. 361 if. ; Baethgen, Beitrtige, 77, 159 f. ; Nuldeke, ZDMG. xlii. 474, 478 f. 2 Song vi. 9, ii. 2. » Gesenins,25 106. 3h. ^ Song vii. 14. ^ Judg. xv. 1. ^' ^fariti, Viaggi, Germ. tr. 564 ; Scliultz, Leitungen des Hochsten, v. 197; Hasselr|uist [Eng. tr. Travels, 1766, p. 160]; Seetzen, ii. 98; Von Scliubert, ii. 457. '' So also Maiindrell, Narration, ji. 82. *^ Dioscorides, iv. 76. Theophrastus, Hist, 'plant, ix. 10. ^ Ewald, § 189r;. See further Tuch, Gesenius, Thesaurus; Chwolsolin, Die Ssabier, ii. 725 f. Knobel. AVetzstein in Delitzsch, Hohelied u, Koheleth, 439 ff. ; also Winer,-"^ i. 43 ; Rielmi, Handioorterbuch, 48, 344,345] GENESIS XXX. 18, 19 F. 243 Eachel wishes some of these love-apples in order to nse this means also to attain her object. Leah at first refuses : is it too little to have taken my husband, who preferred Eachel's company, that yon wish to take the mandral'es also .? But she tinally gives her some in return for Jvachel's renunciation of their husband for the following night. Leah's words to Jacob in ver. 1 6 are an obvious allusion to the name Issachar, hired. ^^\i^\ — the infinitive expresses intention more decisively than the more obvious perfect with waw consecutive ^^\i>\ ; and to take = and you wish to take? See xx. 16. xin nWn — see xix. 33. Eachel's second expedient also fails, she does not become pregnant. But Leah does. The result, however, is not said to be a consequence of eating the love-apples. On the contrary, ver. 17 continues, God heard Leah, which pre- supposes the offering of a prayer of which there has been no account. E is therefore now quoting from a different source, namely, from B. Knobel advances ^x y^u* as evidence for A, but the expression is occasionally found in the other writers also ; ^ the mention, also, of the fact that this was Leah's fifth son,2 ^yg^g almost a necessity imposed by the interval from here back to xxix. 35.^ Ver. 18. "i3trb'\4 — i.e. '^^^ ^l there is a reivard;^ God has given her her reward because ^ she gave her maid to her husband (ver. 9 ff.) ; plainly not the same reference of istr as that given in ver. 16. Ewald ' interprets the name as reioard ; Wellhausen,^ as '^'^^ ^^^. TinDtr — must have been altered by R, or a copyist, from ^T\^^', SO in xxxi. 33 in the Samaritan. Ver. 19 f. Two explanations are also given of the name Zebulun. In B Leah says, God has gifted me vnth a good gift ; 1 Ch^^. xvi. 11, xxi. 17, xxxix. 10. 2 So ver. 19, the sixth. ^ Cf. xxix. 34. "* For another punctuation, see Baer's Genesis, p. 84. 5 Cf. Jer. xxxi. 16. ^' Chs. xxxi. 49, xxxiv. 13, 27. ^ § 273a ; Lohnding. ^ Samuel, p. 95 f . and preface. 244 GENESIS XXX. 21-24 [345 the T of n3T ^ in made equivalent to !?.- In C she says, this time ^ my husband will dwell (lie) witli me ; ^ Zebulun is thus given a meaning like ncighhour or horderei\ comp. xlix. 1?k An Assyrian root has led to the proposal ^ of the meaning K'ill excdt (esteem) me, l)nt it has been contested/^ The Septnagint renders freely aipercet fie. Regarding the term- ination 1^, see Stade.' Ver. 21. The mention of Jacob's daughter Dinah is inserted in preparation for ch. xxxiv. ; other daughters are presupposed in xlvi. 7 (A) and xxxvii. 35 (C), but without their names being anywhere given. Though A speaks of Dinah (ch. xxxiv., cf. xlvi. 15), the present notice is not from him, for in his narrative it is always the father who names his children. Vv. 22-24. At last Eachel also receives a son, though not by her human devices, but by God's grace and favour. Ver. 22a is at least unrequired alongside of n''^5< yoc^^l D^ni^x ; ^ it certainly reminds one of A,^ and may be regarded as from him, while ver. h a is from B and h /S from C. For yoc'^l, see ver. 17, and for nna^i, xxix. 31. Ver. 23 f. God has taken away m,y reproach of childless- ness ; ^^ from B, who thus interprets ^pi'' as ^D^^\ May Jahve add to me another son}'^ is from C, and gives Joseph the meaning more. Sayce ^- thinks fjD^ = Assyrian asipu, sooth- sayer. See also p. 4 (Yosefel). Vv. 25-43. Jacob continues to serve Laban under a new contract. The wage agreed upon is in appearance small, but Jacob by cunning and skill so increases it that he ^ See Gesenius, Tliesaurus, p. 401. 2 For the interchange, see Gesenius, Tlicmurus, p. 727, and Ewald, § 516. 3 Ch. xxix. 34 f . * For the accus., see Judg. v. 17 ; Prov. viii. 12 ; Ps. v. 5, cxx. 5 ; for a parallel to the thought, xxix. 34. ^ St. Guyard in J A. vii. 12. 225 ; Fried. Delitzsch, Hehnw Laiujuage, 38, and Prolegomena, 62 (Delitzsch ^ ; Kautzsch-Socin). c Halc'vy, RE J. 1885, p. 299 ; Noldeke in ZDMG. xl. 729. 5" Lehrhuch, § 298. » Cf. xxi. 1 and xxvii. 44 f. '•^ Knobel ; see note on viii. 1, but cf. also 1 Sam. i. 19. 10 Ch. xvi. 14. 11 Cf. XXXV. 18, '2 ^A. iv. 387 f, 345, S-IG] genesis XXX. 25-27 245 succeeds in possessing himself of a great part of the wealth of his selfish father-in-law and becomes very ricli. Ver. 25 f. After Joseph's birth Jacob asks to be per- mitted to return home. ^oip?:) — comp. xxix. 22 and 2G. 7/s chronology as given in xxxi. 41 cannot be assumed here. Jacob's first child was born in the first year of his second period of service, and if the other births followed in the order in which they are enumerated in this chapter it is impossible that Leah could have borne her six sons and Eachel afterwards Joseph ^ by the end of the period, so that the new contract could be made at the beginning of the 15th year. We must therefore either insert xxx. 1 ff. before xxix. 35 and xxx. 9 f. before ver. 7,^ and so acliieve the possibility, or we must allow the births to occur in part in the third period of service.-'^ The latter alternative is the more natural, and has nothing against it in the text ; for the expression, my service, i.e. my time of service, need not necessarily be restricted to the seven years of ch. xxix. 18 and 27. It is thus clear that this verse is not from the author of xxxi. 41. Yer. 26 coincides in its contents with vv. 2oh and 29«, and is a doublet from B\ so ver. 28«, which is coincident with ?)la. ni?^ nsi — subordinate, ivitli my children. Ver. 27. Laban does not wish to allow the departure of his valuable servant. His selfishness makes him polite, and his perplexity occasions his speaking brokenly or stammeringly. 'y\ 5 Song iv. 2, vi. 6 ; Dan. vii. 9. '' Songiv. 1; Arvieiix [Memoires, iii. 254], Germ. tr. iii. 214 ; Berggren, Reisen, i. 326 ; Burckhardt, Bedoains, i:)p. 42, 67, 201; Lynch, Exjmlition, 205 f . ^ Intin. absoL, as in xxi. 16. 340,347] GENESIS XXX. 32 F. 24? of the unusual parti-coloured animals which were to be separated tliat day} But neither ver. 31, nniNC ^h, nor ver. 35 f., in which (ver. 36&) the unusually coloured animals separated by Laban still belong to his flock, harmonise with this ; on the contrary, ver. 37 ff. represents that Jacob's share was to consist of those lambs and kids, still to be born, which should be of the unusual colours. But of this nothing is said in ver. 32, nor could it be implied in n^ni ■•iDb' '-^ without express mention. Wellhausen ^ is therefore of opinion that a statement has fallen out after ver. 34, to the efiect that after Jacob had separated the rarely coloured animals, Laban found they were too many, and the wage, therefore, too high, and so required Jacob to make another proposal to him ; comp. xxxi. 7 f . But it is incomprehensible how such a gap could originate, and the contradiction with HDIXD ^^'inn'^i? in ver. 31 w^ould be really too obvious. We must rather assume ^ that before or after ^Db' n^ni a whole series of words has fallen out, in consequence it may be of homoioteleuton, or that, despite the Massoretic punctuation, the Athnach is to be set at the first x^^Dl, so that we should render : everyone black among the sheep and parti-coloured among the goats, that shall be my wage (in future, "inp, ver. 33). We might also delete nDb' n\"ii as a gloss,-^ but the words 1 xii'Dl npj rw b2 would still remain a difficulty. Bacon's proposal,^ to strike out ver. 32 f. as an insertion from i>, leaves things in unrivalled confusion. Ver. 31 leaves only one possibility regarding 6"s account, viz. that he wrote, noio you need give me nothing ; but whatever afterwards, after the flocks have Ijeen purged of all tlie unusually coloured animals, is born (becomes) of that character, sliall be my wage. All the rest is in agreement with this. In the case of the sheep no other word than D^n is 1 Knobel, Delilzscli, Tveil. - As Tiich, Baiiingarten, Knobel, Delitzsch maintain. 3/7?Dr/i. xxi. 429f. ^ As was done even in the 3rd ed. of commentary. ^ Kautzscli-Socin. " Ilebraica, vii. 22G f. 248 GENESIS XXX. 34-30 [347 required,^ for Din is equivalent to S2 Din "iC'X,^ on which there is black; neither here nor in vv. 33 and 35 are entirely white goats presupposed. In the sentence nb'"^D U^'D "ion i^ii^D"! nipj the absence of Din is explained because nb> includes sheep and goats, and black goats are normally coloured, not abnormally ; parti-coloured is shortly used for all that is abnormally coloured, and is, besides, more closely defined in ver. 35. The Septuagint and Vulgate render respectively the simpler readings ^Z) 13^ and ^3n IDV, and both take "ion as an imperative (because of ver. 35). ^np"iv — Jacob says further, that his integrity will easily show itself, will be its own witness, or sjjcak for him ; n n^y is a legal term.^ Animals other than those agreed on, i.e. sheep entirely white or goats entirely black, if found in his Hock will be self-evidently stolen property. It is unnecessary to take '•npl^* in the sense of ""piv,^ my right, that which right- fully belongs to me. ^^nD Dvn— to-morrow, i.e. hereafter, as crastinnm tempns.^ When you come over my wage heforc you — ^when you go through my flocks to inspect them, they being, of course, near you and accessible.^ The Septuagint has eari, and the Samaritan siT for Sy ^un. Dim = Din IDJ^NIV Vv. 34-36, Laban agrees: good, may ^ it be so. But, for security's sake, he himself makes the separation, and gives liis sons charge of the animals thus separated. It is clear from the word vn that Laban is the subject in ver. 35 ; comp. ch. xxxi. 1. He also put a distance of three days' journey between himself ^ and the remaining normally coloured animals which Jacob had charge of, in order that 1 Cf. vv. 33 and 35. 2 See ver. 35. ^ See Lexicons. 4 As in 2 Sam. xix. 29 [28] ; Neh. ii. 20. So Knobel. 5 Ex. xiii. 14 ; Deut. vi. 20. « Ch. xiii. 9. Knobel. 7 Chs. xvii. 18, xxiii. 13. ^ Sept., Samar., D3''2, between liis sons. 347,348] GENESIS XXX. 37, 38 F. 249 there might be no interniixture of the two parts in the matter of procreation. C';ri — as in xxxii. 15. Ipy — strijjcd, here apparently synonymous with "^'p^, l)iit distinguished from it in ver. 39 f., ch. xxxi. 8-10, 12. Ver. 37. " But Jacob has the skill to turn tlie agreement to his own advantage by the use of artificial aids. He takes green ^ rods of poplar, almond, and maple,^ and peels on them white 2:>cdings, a laying hare of the tvhite on the rods, i.e. he strips off the dark coloured bark or skin, l)ut only in alternat- ing strips, so that each rod is both dark coloured and white, and so parti-coloured." ^ b\^D — collective and feminine, as is seen from jni (Samari- tan Dna) ; elsewhere masculine. nni? — generally regarded as the storax, from the Arabic ;^ but more probably, in view of Hos. iv. 13, the |;ojm/^(s alha.^ f]b'n^ — Ewald, § 239a. Ver. 38 f. "These rods he set up by the watering-places to which the flocks came to drink, and that in face ^ of them, so tliat tliey had them in view." But they were in the habit of interbreeding when they came to drink, so they interbred in the direction of or heside ^ the rods, and afterwards bore parti-coloured young. D^pni, — trenches, rare and rather Aramaic, also found in Ex. ii. 16; here explained by d;?? ninpc* (from ni^b').^ Begard- ing the watering-trenches or troughs by the wells, see note on xxix. 3. ^^■^f],;.! — for ^^n *^., comp. Judg. v. 2 8 ; Ps. li. 7 ; ^ masculine, because tlie males are referred to also. The emphasis in 39a falls on ni^p^n-^s, which contains something additional ^ Num. vi. 3. - Gesenius, Thcsaaras. 3 Kuobel. ■* Gesenius, Thesauruts, 740. ^ See Riehm, Handwdrterhuch, 113G, 15G7f. " See XXV. 21. '' Ch. xxiv. 11 ; Samar. i?i'. 8 Ch. xxiv. 20; see Ewald, §§316, 2Ub. '' Ewald, § 103a. 250 GENESIS XXX. 40 [348 to the ninc6 jxnn njcn^i of ver. 38, and so is not exactly a doublet,^ though the expression is heavy. " The striking, parti-coloured rods made a vivid impression on the animals in their state of passion, and this had its effect on the character assumed by the foetus. A nervous impres- sion was produced by the rods." ^ Jerome gives a more complicated explanation.^ " Old writers ^ say that the colour of the lambs is influenced by the river from which the parents drink during the breeding time ; and, according to Oppi- anus,^ it was customary, in order to obtain fine, variously- coloured foals, to allow an ardent mare when breeding to see the figure of a handsome, variously-coloured stallion.^ Dove breeders obtained purple-coloured young in a similar fashion. Ancient writers, however, allude more frequently to the effect of such nervous impressions in the case of human births." ^ Ver. 40. Jacob sets apart the specially coloured D''b'33, kids as well as lambs, and turns the looks of the (rest of the) flock towards the striped and black animals, which were Laban's, i.e. towards those whom he had just separated and, as we are now told, placed in front of the others, that they might be constantly in sight of them and stir their imagina- tion. This second device successfully supplements the first, with the rods, and Jacob forms special flocks of his own from ^ Wellliausen. - Knobel. 3 " Observabat ergo Jacob, et tempore, quo ascendebantur pecora et post calorem diei ad potanduni avida pergebant, discolores virgas ponebat in canalibus et ad missis arietibus et liircis in ipsa potandi avi(htate oves et capras facieljat ascendi, ut ex duphci desiderio, dum avide bibunt et ascend until!' a maribus, tales foetus conciperent, quales, umbras arietum et hircorum desuper ascendentium in aquarum speculo contemplabantur. Ex virgis enim in canalibus positis varius erat etiam imagiuum color." — Quxestiones. * Aristotle, Hist. Anim. iii. 12, and .Elian, Hut. Animal, viii. 21; cf. Strabo, x. 1. 14; Pliny, xxxi. 313 f. ^ Cynegetic. i. 331 ff. ^ E.g. in Spain, according to Jerome (Quccstiones). '' Pliny, vii. § 52 ; Oppianus, 358 ff., and others in Bocliart, Hierozoicon i. 618 If. (ed. Rosenuuiller). Knobel. 348,340] GENESIS XXX. 41-43 251 the animals he has thus acquired, and does not place them with ^ Laban's flocks. Such is the account of the Massoretic text ; nor does it help matters if we read y^ for p^ (Sept., Samar.), or with others,^ b^. In that case \^2 would mean before and in sight off and 'y\ "73 would be object to |n^l. Tlie difficulty lies in the fact that the coloured animals which have been set apart are still called p^ JNVD Dim ^"^^i,^ whereas in the circumstances we should expect 'y\ nti'n immediately to follow "man. The whole mention of the second device, from ;n"i to p^, seems to be a secondary addition to the original text.-'* Ver. 4 If. "He also secured his becoming possessed of strong offspring only. It was only when strong adults were breeding that he placed his rods before them." If they shoiced iveahiess, i.e. were weakly, so that only weakly lambs might be expected, he did not do so. The distinction drawn between weak and strong animals is perhaps ^ to be explained from the fact that the stronger animals breed in summer, the weaker ones not till autumn, and that the offspring of the former, born in winter, are counted stronger than the offspring of the latter, born in spring."^ Q'^*!, perf. and waw consecutive = DV^ '^JPr'-r, infin. Piel of Dn^ (xxxi. 10), with ord plur. fem. suffix; comp. nj _ in xli. 21.8 Ver. 43. By the success of his devices Jacob becomes possessed of large pro})erty. "It is worthy of remark that the narrator makes no such allusion to God as the writer of xxxi. 9 ff. does. A similar case in his narrative is found in vv. 14-16."^ ' "jy as ill xxviii. 9, in addition to. - Targums, Saadia, Houbigaiit, Knoljcl. ^ As Ex. xxiii. 15 ; Ps. xlii. 3. * See, on the other hand, ver. 36. ^ Hupfeld, Olshausen, Delitzsch ; also Buhiner, Wellliausen. ^' A(|uila, Symmaclms, Onkelos, Jerome, Saadia. ^ Columella, Res rus. vii. 3 ; Varro, Res rus. ii. 2 ; Pliny, viii. § 187, '"* Gesenius,-^ 91. lA. 2. '•* Kiiol>ul. 252 GENESIS XXXI [349 pD, as in ver. 30. nsD "IND, see cli. vii. 19. For other points, see note on xii. IG. 3. Jacob's Eeturn fkom Harran, Ch. XXXI. l-XXXII. 3 ; MOSTLY FROM B (ALSO FROINI C AND A). After having served twenty years with Laban, Jacob, with the concurrence of his wives, resolves to return to Canaan with all his possessions. The jealousy of Laban and his sons, and an admonition from God, were what decided him (vv. 1-16). His departure was like a flight, without Laban's knowledge, and Eachel took with them her father's household god. Laban set after liim, and overtook him on Gilead. They have a sharp discussion. But Laban had been warned by God, and has to be content with making a covenant of friendship with Jacob on Gilead. This is the origin of the name Gilead (vv. 17-54). They part in concord. A whole army of angels meets Jacob immediately on his entering the land of the Hebrew^s, at Mahanaim (xxxii. 1-3). The narra- tive here shows how God guided the object of His care to the last, guarded against his being overcome in the contest with the Aranictan, and brought him back in safety from the foreign land, the head of a large household and the possessor of much property.^ An explanation is also given of the origin of the worship of teraphim in Israel, of the boundary on Gilead between Aranueans and Hebrews, and of the sanctity of Mahanaim. The narrative is mostly from B. Only ver. 18, from S^-nxi onwards, is from A]^ the proof is found in the language,^ the redundancy of expression, and the reference to XXXV. 27. We need not suppose that ver. 17Z>"^ or the hole of ver. 17,-''' because of the repetition of Dp^i in ver. 21, ^ Cf. xxviii. 20 ff., also xxviii. 15. - Knobel, Wellliaust'ii. 3 cbn, cbn, j;jp, din* ps, jyjD pi<. "* Sclirader. ^ Hupfeld, Qitellen, p. 32. w 340, SMt] GENESIS XXXI. 1, 2 253 is also from A. Vv. 1^ and o,- prol)al)ly tho words -iny^i Dp^"i -in:n nx in ver. 21,^ certainly vv. 25 and 27,* are insertions from 0; vv. 46 and 48-50 are also doublets from C ; and in the working u^) of the texts of B and C in vv. 44-50, tlie hands of 7*.* and of one or more annotators have made considerable modifications. Vv. 10 and 12 also, altlion^di from B, have received their present position only from B. What remains forms a well-connected whole, and is certainly due to B, as is proved by the use of DMi?N,''^ by the different explanation it gives regarding the manner of Jacob's acquisi- tion of wealth (vv. 7-12), by the reference in ver. 13 to xxviii. 20 fi\, by the dream revelations it contains,^ the mention of teraphim,' and the expressions used.^ Ch. xxxi. 1-1 G. Jacob resolves to return home. Ver. 1, to be joined with ver. 3, is from C. Laban's sons^ declare that Jacob has taken away their father's property, and in this way has made his great wealth. Jacob hears of it. After v^^*^ the Septuagint read npr. It is doubtful if ver. h be a doublet to ver. pi< of ver. 3 0 are not certain evidence that there were more than one,^ still less is xxxv. 2. Aramcaii — as in ver. 24. See note on xxv. 20. Laban ]ias been frequently named in what goes before, and the epithet is here attached, not so much because of any Hebrew national self-consciousness, as to explain the difference of rehgion, and perhaps also to prepare for ver. 44 ff. ; so in ver. 24. Budde ^ would explain it to be from A, but it is presupposed in ver. 47 ; see also Deut. xxvi. 5. :h 333 — also in ver. 26, delude one' s {intellect ital) perception \ comp. KkeiTTeLV voov in Hesiod ; ^ in ver. 2 7 more shortly with accus. of person, like KkeTrreLv rtvd and decipere,^ v3"?y — because of the want of, i.e. because or inasmuch as he did not ; ^ only here in this sense. That he intended to flee, i.e. depart, make off (cf. ver. 27). Ver. 2 1. "in^n is generally assumed ^ to be the Euphrates ; ^ if so, the words "injn-nt^ ■i3i;''i Dp^l must be an insertion from C \ see ver. 23. And set his face — took his course, towards the mountains of Gilead ; comp. 2 Kings xii. 18. Ver. 22 f. It is not till the third day after that Laban learns of his flight ; he sets after him with his brothers, i.e, his kinsmen.8 After seven days' march he overtakes him on the mountains of Gilead. At whatever speed (ver. 36), it is impossible to reach Gilead from Harran in seven days, or with flocks ^ in from ten to twelve. It follows, seeing the number cannot be impeached, in agreement with xxix. 1, that B thought of Laban's home as much nearer Gilead ; ^^ and also that "in:n-ns -i3j;"'i Dp^i in ver. 21, where "inM can only be the Euphrates, must be from another source {C). Ver. 24. Laban and his people are much stronger than Jacob (ver. 29), who is in danger of falling a victim to his ^ Ewald, Syntax, § 31 Set. ^ UryeschicJite, p. 422. 3 Theolog. 613. ^ Knobel. 5 Ewald, Sy7itax, § 322«. « See xxiv. 10. ^ As Ex. xxiii. 31 ; Mic. vii. 12. « Lev. x. 4 ; 2 Sam. xix. 3. 3 Ch. xxxiii. 13 f. lo Against Delitzscli^ DILLMANX. — II. 17 258 GENESIS XXXI. 25-27 [352, 353 vengeance. But God intervenes before they meet, and warns Laban in a dream ^ by night not to speak, much less take action, against Jacob yrny 310D. These words do not mean beginning with good and passing to evil,^ but ^ anythmy at all, i.e. evil ; this follows from i^ "iDL^'n. The Septuagint rightly has irovTjpd; so in ver. 29. Ver. 25. C's account of the meeting, unlike 2 oh. A distinction between p^2in, to he close hehind, and ytJ^n, to over- take,^ cannot be maintained. Jacob had pitched his tent on or beside "inn^ and Laban and his brethren theirs on or beside iv^in "in. Taken in connection with vv. 21 and 23, '^n^^ can only be understood as ivb^n in, and we should require to render, Laban encamped on the same spot.^ But no writer could express himself in this way. Either in had a qualification attached to it,^ which li has omitted because of the dis- cordance with B'q text, or C delayed mention of the name because he wished to relate its origin in ver. 48 ; in the latter case, ver. 255 must be from B. Eegarding Gilead, etc., see p. 268 f. ^HN* ypn — only here in the Pentateuch. vns — it is unnecessary to replace this by ^^'Jl^.^ Vv. 26-42. Discussion between Jacob and Laban ; abash- ment of the latter. Vv. 26—28. Laban first reproaches him with the un- becomingness of his secret escape. Withal, he has acted foolishly. Ver. 27 is in part a variant to ver. 26, and probably an insertion from C ; note n:: without 22b. In the Septuagint things are made easier by the transposition of the first five words of ver. 27 after n^b'V of ver. 26. ^nni?, see note on xx. 5. CajJtives of the sword, gained in 1 Cli. XX. 3. 2 Knobel, Biinsen. 3 As xxiv. 50, xiv. 23. ^ Knobel. ^ Vulgate, Knobel. ^ Ace. to Lagarde, Aijathamjdus, p. 157, naVDH ; cf. ver. 49, ^ Lagarde, Buhl, Kanon, p. 250. 353] GENESIS XXXI. 29, 30 259 war.i n-i3i5 nxnm, verb as adverb.^ m:in iO]^ Septuagint ^i^ with 'in^t:'jv'b "in^i — iv. 5. .ID (2nd) — Samar. Sept. Pesh. Targ. of Jonath. and many Hebrew codices n^i. 's nnt^ [hn — " to flame, he hot ^ after one = follow one hotly; cf. 1 Sam. xvii. 53."^ ""3 (v. 37) — Sam. Sept. and Vulg. not so well, ^31. nb, as xxii. 5: Decide hetiveen us — as arbiters ; * n''3in, in B, in xx. 1 6 and xxi. 25 has another meaning; also in C in xxiv. 14, 44. Vv. 38-42. In order to set Laban's conduct in its proper light, Jacob, in language which is eloquent and at times even poetical, recalls his twenty years of earnest, unselfish, and toilsome service, and Laban's many attempts to deprive him of his merited reward, which were frustrated only by the intervention of Jacob's God. Ver. 38. ^l as ver. 41, xxvii. 36. They made no mis- carriages, as Ex. xxiii. 2 6 ; Job xxi. 1 0 ; the care of the shepherd was so great. Ver. 39a is to be interpreted in the light of Ex. xxii. 12. 1 Burckhardt [Bedouins, vol. ii. p. 85], Germ. tr. 370 f. ; W. G. Brown [Travels,^ p. 453], Germ. tr. p. 473 ; Ker Porter [Travels, London, 1821-22, ii. 232], Germ. tr. ii. 239 ; and others in Jahn, Bihl Arch. i. 1, 285 f. [Eng. tr.^ p. 54, without references]. Knobel. 2 Isa. V. 11. 3 Knobel. ^ Isa. ii. 4 ; Job xvi. 21. 262 GENESIS XXXI. 40-43 [354, 355 na^HN — for naxtsnsi ;i here in the sense make amends for, re]_olace, for which D^tr is the usual word. njtJ'pnn — wanting in Sept. and Samar. ; Laban required him to make good the losses. This and tlie preceding impf., as it were set before our eyes the events as they occurred ; we must not translate, I will make good, thou mayest demand.- Stolen hy day and stolen hy night — I replaced, as you required, the missing animals, whether they were stolen by day or night; comp. Ex. xxii. 11. For the V of ^DDDJ, see Gesenius.^ Yer. 40. The service was a trying one. / was — hy day heat consumed me, I was wasted by the heat by day.'* " It is well known that in the East the nights are cold to a degree corresponding to the heat of the day.^ My sleep, that which was my due, which I ought to have had." ^ Ver. 41 f. Because ver. 38 opens as this verse does, we need not therefore assign vv. 38-40 to a different author;" in such vivid speech the repetition is quite in place. Eegarding the tiuenty years' service, see note on xxx. 26. Ten times, as in ver. 7. The second ••n^s* in ver. 42 is wanting in Sept. and Vulg. The Fear of Isaae — the object of his fear and awe, numen o^everendum, aejBa^ ; an ancient name for God ; so ver. 5 3 (comp. Isa. viii. 13). "h — for me, favourable to me ; as Ps. cxxiv. 1 f., Ivi. 1 0. nny ^3 — then in truth ^ yon would have sent me away empty? "•23 j;"'^^ — the toil of my hands, my toilsome work ; God saw, considered,^^ and so decided.^^ Ver. 43. Ashamed and overcome by Jacob's speech, 1 Gesemus,25 74A. 4. 2 Tuch. 3 Grammatik,^^ 90. 3. 4 Ewald, § I28a. ^ Of. Jer. xxxvi. 30; Morier [Second Journey, 1818, p. 97], Germ. tr. p. 104 ; Wellsted [Travels in Arabia, i. 86], Germ. tr. i. 64 ; Katte, Reise in Ahyssinieyi, pp. 12, 56 ; Eosenmiiller, ad he. « Isa. xxi. 14, xxxi. 9. Knobel. ' Wellhaiisen. s Ewald, Syntax, § 358ft. » Cf. xhii. 10 ; Num. xxii. 29 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 30 ; 2 Sam. ii. 27. 1" Chs. xvi. 11, xxix. 32. n Ver. 37. 355] GENESIS XXXI. 44 263 Laban begins, indeed, by an attempt to maintain his paternal right to all that Jacob had, wives, children, and property ; but immediately opens the way for a reconciliation by saying, yet wliat can I do to-day to these my daughters and their sons, i.e. how do them any evil ? For h nby in its bad sense, comp. xxii. 12, xxvii. 45 ; Ex. xiv. 11. Ver. 44. He proposes that they should conclude a covenant of peace and friendship.^ np7 — come ! as in xxxvii. 1.'^) ; Ex. iii. 10, in B. n\Ti — the subject cannot be nna, which is feminine, nor the action,^ which itself, as something transitory, requires a permanent witness. We must therefore either delete the following ^,'" or assume that before hm some w^ords have fallen out, such as ?^ ^'PV^'^. or nn5k?p nc'Vil, according as the verse was originally 6"s or i>'s ; comp. the omission in ver. 25. The narrative which follows in vv. 45-54, regarding the conclusion of the covenant, is disconnected and full of duplications, and is certainly the result of a union of several sources, besides containing^ several glosses. The Septuagint^ unsuccessfully tried to reduce it to order by transpositions. Various attempts at analysis have been made,^ in part too complicated, in part insufficient. 6"s account is found in vv. 48-50^ and ver. 46.^ According to it the witness they erected was a ^^, and the promise made was that Jacob would treat Laban's daughters well ; the navp is a harmon- istic interpolation. i?'s account, contained in vv. 45, 51-54, speaks of a n35f^ being erected, and that as a witness that the Arameans and Hebrews should respect the spot where it stood as the boundary between them. The covenant is 1 Cf . xxi. 23 ff., xxvi. 28 ff. - Delitzsch^. ^ Olshausen. 4 Wellhausen, JBJDTh. xxi. 431. ^ Ilgen. « Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 498 [Eiig. tr. i. 347] ; Hupfeld, Quellen, p. 161. Bohmer. '' Astruc, Schrader, Dehtzsdi. ^ Wellhausen. 2G4 GENESIS XXXI, 45, 4G [855, 350 sealed, in both accounts,^ by a meal which they partake of together. G (ver. 48) accounts for the name Gilead by the incident. Kittel's analysis^ assigns vv. 45 f., 48a, 50, 53 f. to B, and ver. 5 1 f., without the n3i*D, to C. It would have this advantage that the DM^x of ver. 50 would have a simple explanation. But the boundary between Arameans and Hebrews (ver. 52) is more in place in B, who names Laban ^?2~iiS*n ; and if ver. 46 were i>'s continuation of ver. 45, we should expect nr^j^ apyi there instead of 2\>T "iroN""!. Besides, B has already mentioned the nybj in in vv. 21, 23 (256), and seems to have had no special explanation of the name nyi?! Ver. 45. From B. A stone is set up as a memorial by Jacob, according to the text, but by Laban according to ver. 51. We must assume^ that the original continuation of ver. 44 was simply ps ni5*1, and that npi;^ is a later and erroneous expansion. The na^o here referred to was certainly in an elevated position, visible from far off; Q'")n is therefore a rightly chosen expression, and is no proof that the author is not the writer of ch. xxviii. 18, 22, where ^V is used.* Ver. 46 presents once more the text of C. Stones are collected to form a ^:i or mound on which, then, the covenant meal is held. The Septuagint has iJip^^i for ini3''i.^ It is not so clear as in ver. 45 that 3py> is here an erroneous gloss,^ but it is probable because, in ver. 48 ff., it is Laban who explains the meaning of the h^. There would be no difficulty if Jacob's people gave their help. The meal can only have taken place after the oaths had been taken, but might easily be mentioned by the narrator beforehand. Still, the second part of the verse may, perhaps, originally in C, like ver. 48Z>, have stood after ver. 50, and 1 Ver. 46 in C, ver. 54 in B. 2 Geschichte, pp. 129, 140 f. [Eng. tr. vol. i. pp. 143, 156]. 3 Astruc, Ilgen, Wellhausen. ■* Against Knobel. ^ Approved by Pliisclike, Lagarde, Onomas. Sac^ ii. 95. Olshausen, Kautzsch-Socin. ^ Wellliausen, 35G] genesis XXXI. 47-49 265 have been transposed by B to allow of the two promises, vv. 48-50, and vv. 51-53, followmg one another directly. Ver. 47. Neither from C, in view of ver. 48&, nor from B, who only spoke of a r\2}iD, not of a ^i It is therefore an independent insertion, snggested by '•Dit^n in vv. 20, 24, and with the object of defining more precisely the words of 48Z^. «nnnK; — regarding the t^ for D, see note on Job xvi. 19.^ Both names, the Hebrew and the Aramaic, denote hillock or mound of witness. " The situation of the place on the border seems to have occasioned the double designation. The country north of Gilead was inhabited in part by Aramaic speaking tribes,^ while there is no trace of them in the southern part of the country east of Jordan. The Arameans of Damascus at times also extended their sovereignty as far as Gilead.^ In what follows also Gilead is regarded some- what as a boundary." * Ver. 4:8a was doubtless originally, in C, followed by ver. 50 ; ver. 48& is also from C, but, like 46&, owes its present position to B. "ly^ii — from the same stem as Arabic jal'ad = diirus, firmus, is explained by C as "'VpS, although this is not very consistent with the ordinary usage by which the article was prefixed {e.g. vv. 21, 25). lOD'-&<"ip p-Sy — always in C.^ Ver. 49. The words nDV^ni are surprising, because nothing has been said before of a nsv^, ^>/acc of observation, watch-tower,^ though a nni'D, here the reading of the Samaritan, has been spoken of. As to the grammatical con- struction, we can scarcely doubt that navD is co-ordinate with the ny^j of ver. 48Z^ — he named the place,^ or the Massebah,^ Mispah, for this construction alone suits the following i [Dillm. Com.] 2 (jj^^ ^xii. 24. 3 1 Kings xxii. 3 ff. ; 2 Kings ix. 14 f. 4 Knobel. ^ Chs. xi. 9, xix. 22, xxv. 30, xxix. 34 f. ^ But see note on ver. 25. 5" Knobel, Keil. ^ Saadia, Ewald, Comjjos. der Genesis, G4 ; Gesenius, Thesaurus. 266 GENESIS XXXI. 50 [350, 357 because ^ he saidr But the sentence is so loosely joined to ver. 481), that we are driven to the conclusion that in its present form it is not from C, but has been touched up by B to suit the tradition of his time, whicli spoke rather of a Mispah than of a Massebah, and had, perhaps, transferred the scene of the legend to' another spot. Wellhausen's supposition is that B interpolated nni'Joni, and that afterwards another writer was induced by the bad odour of the nnSkD to change it into nsvroni ; the words ':i r\)n^ c]^;^i, along with ver. 501), were also an addition by this later hand. But the explanation is improbable, because in vv. 45, 51 ff. the word nnsfD has been left untouched. The only question is, whether from siv^ to iny-i^ in ver. 49, and the related ver. 50h, are an independent insertion of it's, or are based on something he found in C. If we consider that in B ver. 53 follows ver. 51 f., it is quite possible that in C, similarly, there was something to follow 50a, such as 'ji irni ^:^2 nin^ nNiS and that E has only redacted and transposed his original with an eye to nsvroni. ^IV* — God is to sjjy out between him and Jacob, keep watch that each fulfils his covenant duty, because they are to be out of sight of one another,^ and so will be unable to watch one another. n):]"" — the Septuagint has o ©eo?. Ver. 50. The special point in the promise, according to C, was that Jacob should not oppress or ill-treat Laban's daugliters in revenge for their father's deception, nor take other wives in addition to them. ^V, as in ch. xxviii. 9. DN* in an oath, as xiv. 23, XX vi. 29. No one is vnth us, as witness and arbiter ; God, therefore, is to be witness between them. The original idea (ver. 48), that the h^ will be witness, falls completely away. nNW as xxvii. 27, xli. 41. 1 Cli. XXX. 18. -' Cf. X. 9, xvi. 13, xxii. 14. 3 Ch. iv. 14. 357] GENESIS XXXI. 51-53 2G7 n^rht^ — surprising after the nin^ of ver, 49, and no doubt a proof that the words have been inserted or revised by 11. Vv. 51-53. The contents of the agreement, according to B. Laban and Jacob, the descendants of Nahor and of Abraham, will not in future engage in hostilities against one another, nor cross Gilead with such an end in view. As in C, ver. 48 ff., it is Laban, the one who proposed the covenant, who is rightly made to define for Jacob the words of the oath he is to take.^ But the words 1 nrn bin n^n (ver. 51) and i ntn 5^.in iv (ver. 52) are an interpolation by E^- for B, we may assume (p. 263), contained no mention of a bi. B harmonised B and C by adding C's bi to B's na^D, as in ver. 48 f. he put nsVD alongside of b:. In ver. 52?^ the twice repeated nrn i?jn-nx had been nrn ivh^^ ns in B, for we can hardly suppose he could, with- out more ado, call nj;i>j the i?^ The words nxrn ni^^^n riNi must be an addition by B. Ti'*'!'' — Job xxxviii. 6 ; m^ does not mean throw stones together, and is therefore no proofs that ni^ir^n nm is an interpolation. 2^5 — DN = sive — sive,'^ but in an oath probably rather as in ver. 50a, to emphasise the double negation, / certainly will not, etc. ^Vy — for evil, i.e. with hostile intentions (2 Sam. xviii. 32). Yer. 53. Laban invokes the God of Abraham and the God of Nahor to judge between them. Jacob now also swears ^ by the Fear^ i.e. the God of his father. Dnux Ti^x — unifies the conjugate expression " God of Abraham and God of Nahor," to which it is in apposition, as if Terah's God had become a duality in his sons' lives (cf. Josh. xxiv. 2). But it has a halting appearance, is 1 Cf. chs. xxi., xxvi. 2 Ewald, Wellliaupen. 3 Kittel, Geschichte, p. 141 [Eng. tr. vol. i. p. 15G, note 1]. ^ DeUtzsch, Keil. ^ Ch. xxi. 24. " Ver. 42. 268 GENESIS XXXI. 54 [357, 358 wanting in the Septuagint and certain Hebrew MSS.,^ and is doubtless a gloss.^ IDSK^'' — Sept. Samar. Pesh. Vulg. DStj'^.^ Ver. 54. After the taking of the oath there follows the covenant mcal,^ anticipated in ver. 46 : it is prepared by Jacob,^ and the very expression employed (n2T) ^ shows that it was a sacrificial feast. Jacob invites those who were with him (ver. 46), and Laban's presence may be inferred from the purpose of the meal. Afterwards they spent the night on the hill. Eat hread — partake of a meal ; the principal food is put for the whole meal.''' The mere " act of eatincj together is O CD among the Arabs one of friendship," ^ between those who have been at enmity it is one of reconciliation ; here it plainly forms an integral part of the ceremonial observed in making the covenant. ^t(^^ ID — in the Old Testament generally, like nyb:in ps*, a designation for the whole mountain district and country south of the Yarmuk as far as the plains of Heshbon.^ At present the name Jebel Jirad is that of a mountain range eight kilometres south of Wadi Zerka (the Yabbok), which stretches from east to west a distance of about nine kilo- metres. " On it are situated the ruined cities of Jirad and Jil'aud ; ^^ it is north of Salt,^^ and east of 'Allan,^^ and its 1 In the Samaritan, DiTlliX M^^X- ~ Kennicott, Honbigant, Olshausen, Wellhaiisen, Geiger, Urschrift, 284. ^ But see Josh. xxiv. 2. 4 Cf. xxvi. 30 ; Ex. xxiv. 11 ; 2 Sam. iii. 20 f. 5 Cf. xxvi. 30. « Cf. xlvi. 1. '' Cf. xxxvii. 25, xliii. 25 ; Ex. ii. 10, xviii. 12 ; Matt. xv. 2. ^ Niebulir, Arahien, p. 48 ; Sonnini [Voyage, ii. 129], Germ. tr. i. 439 ; Volney [Voyage,^ i. 395, Eng. tr. i. 412], Germ. tr. i. 314; Buckingham [Syria, 1825, p. 15], Germ. tr. ii. 18; Burckliardt [Bedouins, i. 164, 327 f., 336], Germ. tr. 140, 264, 270. Knobel. ^ Deut. iii. 12 f. ; Josh. xvii. 1, 5 ; 2 Kings x. 33, and frequently. 10 Burckhardt [Syria, p. 348], Germ. tr. 599 f. 11 Robinson, Paldstina, iii. 922 [on Eng. map cf. i. 570]. 12 Seetzen, Eeiseji, i. 393, 358] GENESIS XXXII. 1-3 269 highest point is Jcbel 'Oscha.^ Hosca (vi. 8) speaks of a town of Gilead.- We may conjecture that the Mispah of Judg. xi. 11, 34 was no other than the Mispeh-Gilead of Judg. xi. 29 ; and it was also doubtless one and the same as Eamath-Mispeh,^ the well-known Eamoth in or on Gilead,^ Eamoth of Gilead,^ which lay fifteen Eoman miles west (north-west) of Philadelphia, according to the Oiiomasticon." ^ According to most, this Mispah or Eamoth is to be looked for in the modern es-Salt,^ but more probably^ in the ruins of el-Jarud, eleven kilometres farther north. With these facts in view, Knobel believed himself entitled to identify "JV?^ (xxiii. 25) and '^V^} (ver. 47 f.) with the modern Jebel JiFad, and n^'^'on (ver. 49) with the ancient Mispah or Eamoth. But this is inconsistent with xxxii. 2, 23 f., which show that Jacob did not cross the Yabbok till afterwards. What is spoken of must be the part of Gilead which lies north of the Yabbok, i.e. the Jebel 'Ajlun, which alone is suitable as the boundary between Hebrews and Arameans. But we can no longer determine what locality in Jebel 'Ajlun the author had in mind. nsvD, which is due only to i^ (? C), can decide nothing; it may be that R was under the influence of a different tradition regarding the locality, and had Mispah - Eamoth in view ; but it is also possible he intended a Mispah in Jebel 'Ajlun. " Beke found on Jebel 'Ajlun a cromlech, one of those well-known monuments of the earliest time ; and the Consul Finn was assured by his Arab companions that there were quite a number of them on the hills there." ^ Ch. xxxii. 1—3. From B. Laban and Jacob separate. 1 Robinson {Palestine^^ i. 532], Germ. tr. ii. 481 ; Buckingham [Sijria, 1825, p. 20], Germ. tr. ii. 24. 2 Judg. X. 17 ? 3 Josh. xiii. 26. 4 Deut. iv. 43 ; Josli. xx. 8, xxi. 36. ^ 1 Kings iv. 13, xxii. 3 ff. ; 2 Kings viii. 28, ix. 1 ff. ^ Knobel. ^ Seetzen, i. 397 ; Buckingham, Syria [1825, p. 40], Germ. tr. ii. 45 ; Baedeker,^ 287 ; Bielim, Handivorterhuch, 1003. ^ Hitzig, Langer in Ausland, 1882, p. 181. '^ Schenkel, Bihellexicon, ii. 472. 270 GENESIS XXXII. 1-3 [358, 359 A host of angels meets Jacob on his way at Mahanaim. The encounter, which took place after the Araniean border had been crossed, corresponds to the vision of angels which Jacob had when he set out (xxviii. 10 If.); it reminds him of the divine protection which has followed him hitherto, and assures him of its continuance in the face of further dangers. Ver. 1. Laban says farewell, and returns home. DDK^^i, as in XX. 8, xxi. 14, xxii. 3, xxviii. 18. Kissed his sons, comp. xxxi. 28. Ver. 2. lyjD'"), as xxviii. 11. Angels of God, as xxi. 17, xxviii. 12. Ver. 3. ':) sip^l — as xxviii. 19. ^.l^fip — the Septuagint (Vulgate) irapefi^oXai understood a plural.^ It is in itself quite possible that the final syllable is due to a disintegration of an older iorm.^'^^^, camping 2^l(-tce, which has assumed a dual aspect. This is probably the case in other instances of the many pre-Israelite place names which once ended in D ^ or I ^ ,2 and it may be evidence here that we are only told of D^■I?X ^}.^^.^ But it follows from vv. 8-11 that in this particular word D^:nD the pronunciation as a dual is very old; and in this verse itself (ver. 3) a suggestion of the double camp may be found in the camp of the angels and in that of Jacob.'* The city was sacred from early times,^ one of the most important towns in Gilead, belonging to Gad but on the border of Manasseh,^ the capital of Ishbaal,^ and David's residence during Absalom's rebellion.^ It was also the principal town in one of the districts into which Solomon divided the country for fiscal purposes,^ but is unmentioned in the history of later kings and after the exile. There is therefore no tradition regarding its site. It cannot be ^ As Gesenius, Thesaurus, 49G. 2 See xxxvii. 17, xxxviii. 21 ; Philippi in ZI)MG. xxxii. 63 ff. 3 Wellhausen in JBDTh. xxi. 433. •* See also note on xxxii. 22. ^ Levitical, Josh. xxi. 36. « Josh. xiii. 26, 30. ' 2 Sam. ii. 8, xii. 29. « 2 Sam. xvii. 24, 27. » 1 Kings iv. 14. 350] GENESIS XXXII 271 Biickha.nll's ^ Meysera,- ruins two hours south of the Yabbok, but must liavo lain north of tlie Yabbok (ver. 23), not too far from the Jordan (ver. 11), and separated from the 'Araba by inn? (2 Sam. h. 29; cf. 2 Sam. xviii. 23 ff.). The rums of LW,«^ iu-e too far north and east to suit here ; it would at least, then, have been preferable for Jacob to descend to the Jordan by the Wadi Yabis rather than over the Yabbok. C. JACOB FEOM HIS RETURN TO CANAAN TILL THE DEATH OF ISAAC, CH. XXXII. 4-XXXVII. 1. 1. Jacob meets Esau and wrestles with God, Ch. XXXII. 4-XXXIIL 17 FiiOM C and B. A new danger threatens Jacob in the settlement with Esau which has yet to be made. He sends w^ord of his arrival to Esau in Se'ir, but learns from his messengers that his brother is already on the way with 400 men. In mortal fear of his vengeance, he takes precautions by dividing his servants and flocks into two camps, and implores God's help (xxxii. 4-13). He prepares rich presents for his brother, and sends them on in front (vv. 14-22). That night he crosses the Yabbok. During what remains of it, he wrestles alone at Peniel with a divine being who en- counters liim, and finally names him Israel, and blesses him (vv. 23-33). Jacob and those with liim now humbly advance to pay their respects to Esau, who is approaching. They meet, however, with a fraternal reception, and Esau accepts the presents prepared for liim only after repeated entreaty. Jacob prudently refuses the escort Esau offers, the latter returns to Se'ir, and Jacob settles in Sukkotli (xxxiii. 1-17). This incident is the crucial point in the history of Jacob's spiritual education. His last danger is his greatest, and its 1 [Syria, p. 347], Germ. tr. p. 597. 2 Knobel. ^ Mahneli (Robinson [on Eng. map], Germ. tr. iii. 920) ; Moblmy (Seetzen, i. 385); or Mihne {ZVFV. xiii. 2UG). 272 GENESIS XXXII [359, 360 issue, fortunate to a degree beyond hope, is a result of his prayer (xxxii. 10 ff.) and of his struggle with God (ver. 25 ff.). But he must first pass through this experience of earnest striving for God's grace, he must feel to its full extent the anxiety which the sin against his brother brought on him, and must seek his refuge in God alone before its consequences can be turned away. Only now, as one who has wrestled with God, as Israel, is he Jacob as God wished him to be. B and C gave an essentially similar account of the estrangement from Esau and the flight from his vengeance, and they seem to have agreed also in their accounts of how the brothers met again and were reconciled. It is from them that 11 has compiled the narrative just outlined ; A contributes nothing, for he had no story of any estrangement, and makes the separation of the brothers occur only at a later date (xxxvi. 6). The whole of the first paragraph, xxxii. 4—13, with the inclusion of ver. 14a, is to be assigned to C. Almost every word of the prayer in vv. 10-13 ^ is evidence for his authorship ; in ver. 8 f. the origin of the name Mahanaim receives a difterent explanation from that given by B (ver. 3); and, lastly, vv. 4-7 are preparatory to vv. 8-13, and betray (7's hand in the nriD'J' of ver. 6. Vv. 14&-22, regarding the propitiatory presents, are, on the other hand, to be attri- buted to B. It is true they form a suitable continuation of vv. 4— 14a, but ver. 221 takes us back to the point already reached in ver. lAa^ and the writer knows nothing (ver. 22&) of a division of Jacob's camp into two. B has not preserved i>'s parallel to vv. 4-7, the message to Esau and word regarding him, which must necessarily have preceded this point ; he may have blended it, however, into C's account.^ On the other hand, C also must have contained something regarding a present sent to Esau, as is clear from xxxiii. 8—10, and perhaps ver. 21 may be from him.^ But the presence of n3"jn in xxxiii. 1 1 (from B), instead of "^PP, is no proof that 1 See notes Lelow. - "Wellhaiisen. ^ See ver. 4. "* See below. nOO, 3(U] GENESIS XXXTI 273 all vv. 14?^- 2 2 is from C} In the verses which follow next, vv. 23 and 24, there is an evident duplication ; - ver. 23 is from C, ver. 24 from B. In the next place, ver. 25 ff., the story of the wrestling contest, can only be a continuation of ver. 24, not of ver. 23. 5's authorship is further indicated by ti^h^ in ver. 31;^ and from Hos. xii. 4 f. we learn that the lecrend of Jacob's wrestling was indigenous to North Israel, where B wrote and not C. Against C's authorship^ there is the underlying reference to b^'^^^ in xxxiii. 10,^ and xxxii. 31^ is linguistic evidence for B, seeing it cannot, without arbi- trariness, be regarded ^ as merely an insertion from him. Ver. 29 is not proved to be (7's, because in xxxv. 21 he puts the name Israel for Jacob ; if so, the substitution should have begun in xxxiii. 1 ff., which it does not. On the other hand, B in xxxiii. 20 doubtless presupposes the narrative here. The objection, that B has elsewhere no such material theophanies, more strictly angelophanies,^ is refuted by xxxii. 2 (cf. Ex. iii. 2), and the crossing of the river by night (ver. 2 3 f.) ^ is rather against C than for him.^^ We cannot decide whether C had also a similar story, and whether he accounted for the name of Israel in ^'s manner or ^'s ; ^^ the part played by the narrative in ^'s history is taken by the prayer of ver. 1 0 f. in C. Ch. xxxi. 1 ff. now continues xxxii. 23 (wives and children), and the thread of the narra- tive is taken up by G. The language ^^ is proof of this, and there is no express mention of the arrival of the presents which B spoke of as being sent in front. There are, indeed, 1 Bacon in Hehraica, vii. 278 ff. 2 ggg notes below. 3 Ilgen, Sclirader, Bohmer ; see, on the other hand, xxviii. 13, 16, where C continues to write mn"* in spite of liis mention of the name Bethel. * Maintained by Wellhausen, Kuenen, Kittel, Kautzscli-Socin, Bacon. ^ [From C, and irreconcilable with that here] ; see below. ^ See note below. '' As by Bacon. 8 Wellhausen. '•* Wellhausen. 1^ See below. ^^ But see note on xxxv. 10. ^2 mnsc^ (ver. 1 f., 6), n^?-lp> p-i (ver. 4), nvn (ver. 1), >y]}2 ;n ws:;^i5 (ver. 8, cf. xxxii. 6), yyv2 JH TIXVO «J DX (ver. 10). DILLMANN — II, 1 8 274 GENESIS xxxir. 4-8 f. [.sgi unmistakable phrases from B (vv. 5, 11a, dm^jn), but this only makes it clear that B and C had very similar accounts of the meeting of the brothers. Ch. xxxiii. 4 may be also a fragment from B. Ch. xxxii. 33 may be supposed to be from R. Ch. xxxii. 4-7. Jacob, on reaching the neighbourhood of the Jordan, sends messengers to Esau in Se'ir to announce his return. He learns from them that Esau is already advancing to meet him with 400 men. Dis mb* — for the use of mb^ comp. xiv. 7 and xxxvi. 35. The expression gives the impression of being a variant to nW pt^j and is perhaps from B. Esau's change of home to Edom must have been recorded in a passage from C or B not preserved ; when Jacob left, Isaac had not long to live (ch. xxvii.). ^'s account was different (xxxvi. 6). Ver. 5 f. piDi^n — xviii. 28 ff. "inx — impf. Kal syncopated from "iDi>?5:?, as in Prov. viii. 17.^ JSV — better |^?V1, as Sept. Samar. Vulg. Pesh. and some Hebrew MSS. The collective use of litr, etc., is here peculiar. Ver. 7. Esau had already set out to meet Jacob. We are not told his intention, but the fact that he brought 400 men allows us to infer that he intended under certain circumstances to assert his rights or show his power. It was just this uncertainty in regard to his intentions which was bound to awaken in Jacob pangs of conscience for his past misdeed (ch. xxvii.). •jbn D31 — without iNV-1.2 Vv. 8-1 4a. Jacob's precautions. Ver. 8 f. In his anxiety he takes the precaution, not uncommon, of dividing his people and flocks into two camps, so as not to lose all at a blow in the event of a hostile attack. It is certain that in C the name Mahanaim was explained by this incident. E must have omitted a definite statement on the subject because of ver. 3. The ^'^ of 1 Gesenius,25 G8. 1, - Geseuius,^^ ne, 5A, 3, 3G1, .%2] GENESIS XXXIT. 10-14 275 ver. 14« sliows tliat C really montionod a locality, namely, Mahanaim. In the enumeration of the animals, the asses, included in vv. 6 and 16, are left out; the camels, omitted in ver. 6, are named as in ver. 16; both are together in XXX. 43, where "ip^ is unmentioned. ■)^.*v_from "i>*.i nns — the feminine is surprising, for the masculine is immediately resumed ; the Samaritan has nnxn. Vv. 10—13. But Jacob feels that without God's help this precaution will avail him little. He therefore betakes himself to God in prayer, and, with humbleness and thankful- ness as well as faith, puts his trust in God's promises and in the help He has so often vouchsafed him in the past. Ver. 10. Comp. xxviii. 13 and xxxi. 3. My father Abraham, as in xxviii. 13, is to be specially observed. Ver. 11. p TiJlDp — / am too small, too insignificant, for,- i.e. unworthy of, all the manifestations of grace and faithfulness (to the promises).'" This Jordan — he was now once more in the basin of the Jordan and on the way to the river ; we may gather that Mahanaim was no great distance from it. Ver. 12. And slay me, mother and children together — as in Hos. X. 14, a proverbial expression denoting merciless cruelty. i'V pictures the mother leaning over her children for their protection.* Ver. 13. The promise of a numerous posterity (xxviii. 14 in C) would come to nought if God did not protect him. See xxii. 17 and xvi. 10 for the language. Ver. 14« is still part of the paragraph from C, and its original continuation is found in ver. 23 fi. Vv. 146-22. The preparations for meeting Esau, accord- ing to B. In ^'s narrative also the arrival of news regarding Esau's approach is implied. 1 Gesenius,25 67 A. 3. 2 chs. xviii. 14, iv. 13. 3 Cf. xxiv. 27, 49. ^ Tucli, Knobel ; cf. also Deut. xxii. G. 276 GENESIS XXXII. 14-21 [p.G2 Ver. 14&ff. Jacob prepares a present for Esau/ro??? what had come in his hand} in his possession ; from the property he had brought with him.^ According to B, it is a •^^P'P, a sort of tributary present,^ and in xxxiii. 11a i^?")?. G has a somewhat different representation (see ver. 21). The present is a very considerable one, in all 580 animals, containing a representation of all the five species of pastoral wealth, and with the males and females chosen in the right proportion determined by the superior value of the latter as regards breeding and milk.* D^i'-'Ti, XXX. 35. Dn^jn, masc. suffix, as xxxi. 9, Dn^yi Gesenius,25 28. 2. Ver. 17ff. He entrusts the selected animals to servants, herd, herd, alone, i.e. in herds separated from one another,^"* and tells them to leave free space between each herd on the road. By this he intends to make the procession long and imposing, and the effect surprising as one herd after another arrives. The delivery of presents by means of the greatest possible number of persons and beasts of burden is spoken of as a custom.^ Each servant is charged to explain when he meets Esau that his flock is a present from Jacob, who is behind him. DD^{ifb for D?^i!>*p.^ pmn, see jnosn, ver. 5. Ver. 21. After vv. 18-20 ver. a is superfluous, ver. h defines the present as a 'pro'pitiatory one. The verse seems, when we consider also v^N ^ and ^^a xtJ'\^ to be an insertion by R from G, After 3py\ the Samaritan and Septuagint have N*3. / vjill cover his face — bring it about that he will not see the injury done him (xx. 16). 1 Ch. XXXV. 4. - Rightly so translated by the versions. 3 Cf. 2 Kings iii. 4 ; 2 Cliron. xvii. 11, for tribute from nomads. * Job i. 3 ; 2 Cliron. xvii. 11 ; cf. Varro, De re rust. ii. 3 ; Tiicli. 5 Gesenius,25 123A. 2. 6 Delia Valle [Viaggi, 1650-53], Germ. tr. ii. 120, 165 ; Sonnini [Voijage, ii. 378], Germ. tr. ii. 108 ; Harmer, Observations,^ 1776, ii. 17ff. Knobel. '< Gesenius,''^ 74 A. 2, "^ See note xvi. 2, '' Ch. xix. 21, 302,303] GENESIS XXXTI. 22, 23 F. 277 Ver. 22. The animals for Esau pass on in front, icliilc he himself i^emained the same night in the camj?, i.e. with his people and flocks. The narrative thus comes back to what was said in ver. 14:a. nn^Da — Wellhausen ^ regards this as a proper name, Mahane, and refers to ver. 3, where he holds D:nQ denotes one camp only. But Mahane is nowhere else found in the Old Testament for Mahanaim ; and the appellative signification is quite in place. If B had intended a proper name he would have required to write D:nD, as in ver. 3. If (7 were the author,'^ would he not require to say in which of his two camps Jacob was ? Ver. 23 f. The crossing of the Yabbok, as related by B and C. According to ver. 23, Jacob takes his wives and children and crosses the Yabbok with them (himself) ; nothing is said of his property or the two camps. According to ver. 24, he takes his wives and children and sends them and all his possessions over the river ; it is not said that he himself crosses.^ Here, if anywhere, there are two accounts ; ver. 23 is pointed out as C'b, by mnDC^, so ver. 24 belongs to B. The first words, 'n '^3 Dp^l, perhaps belong to both, but certainly to ver. 24 fi'. (cf. vv. 27, 32). " Journeys by night are usual in the East '^," so that ver. 23 presents no difficulty; but the crossing of a river with large flocks (ver. 24) is different and unusual, and only required by the necessity of leaving Jacob alone during the night for his encounter with the "jx^D. It is not fear of Esau ^ that occasions the passage by niglit ; fear would have induced Jacob not to cross at all. Nin rh^h^ — chs. xix. 33, xxx. 16. i^-ic'N-nN — Sam. Sept. Pesh. Vulg. i!? -it:'N h:^ ns. P^\ — Samaritan, pn^n. According to Deut. iii. 10 and 1 JBDTIi. xxi. 433. ^ Bacon. ^ On the contrary, be stays behind, ver. 25 (cf. 32). ^ Von Troilo, Reiscbcschreihumj, 458 ; Burckbardt, Sijri((, 245 (Gurni. tr. 390). Knobel. •• Ver. 8. AVellbausen. 278 GENESIS XXXII. 25, 26 [363 Josh. xii. 2, once the boundary between 'Amnion and the Amorite kingdom, at least in its upper course ; ^ according to the Onomasticon^ inter Amman i. c. Fhiladelphiam et Gcresain in quarto milliaris ejus; the modern Wadi Zerka, which divides the districts of 'Ajlim and Belka, and falls into the Jordan in the latitude of Shechem.^ It flows in a deep ravine between steep hills with a somewhat rapid course. The ford was probably (ver. 11) somewhere just after it leaves the hills. Vv. 25-33. A continuation of ver. 24, from B. Jacob wrestles with the 1^6^, and receives the name Israel. Ver. 25. Jacob remained, or luas alone hchincl, on the right or north bank, of course, since this is a continuation of ver. 24. The march in any case was from north to south.'* Esau comes from Se'ir to meet Jacob (ver. 7), and not 1'"|nf:'!p. It was the natural duty of the head of the party and owner of the Hocks in such a case to be last on the ground and see that nothing was left behind. In the night, when thus alone by the Yabbok, one in appearance ^ a man wrestled with him till the coming up of the dawn, and so a long time ; it was only afterwards that he recognised in him the presence of a celestial being. P??*l — only here and in ver. 2 6 ; in its signification wrestle ^ related to pnn, or only a dialectical variant.'^ The clioice of the rare word is determined by the wish to play on the name P3^ as if it meant river of wrestlin//. In the legend tlie contest was associated sometimes with the river, sometimes with Peniel (ver. 31). Both associations were known to our author, but he preferred the former, and only hints at the latter. Ver. 26. The unknow^n sees that he is not a match for Jacob,^ cannot get the better of him, so strong is he,^ and so ^ But see coiiimeut. on Num. xxi. 24 and Deut. ii. 37. 2 Suh Jaboc. ^ gg^ Bible Dictionaries. * Against Knobel. ^ Clis. xviii. 2, xix. 5. 6 Sept. Pesh. Vulg. ^ Cf. Talmudic p2^, Levy, Neuheh. Wurterh. i. 14^. ^ Judg. xvi. 5; 1 Sam. xvii. 9. ^ Cli. xxix. 10. 363,301] GENESIS XXXII. 27 27 0 iiuiufiil ]iis wrealliiig. To gcL free of liiiii, for the time \Ylieii he must vanish is come (ver. 27), he touches him, i.e. strikes him (a blow) on the hollow of his hip, the socket of his thigh bone, so that in the struggle it was dislocated, put out of joint (impf. Kal of VP^- Ver. 27. "At the same time he asks Jacob to let him go, for tlie dawn is rising. Supernatural beings do not expose themselves to the eyes of mortal men. In Plautus,^ Jupiter says, Cw me tcnes ? tenipus est : exire ex urhe priusqnam litciseat volo. But Jacob recognises that he has encountered a being more than man ; he uses the opportunity for his advantage, and refuses the release unless he receive a blessing." ^ Vv. 28-30. He receives the blessing he asks. His name is changed to Israel. Tlie query as to his name is no more than an introduction to that. For you have contended with God and with man, and have heeii able, i.e. have conquered in your contests.^ The success- ful struggle with God has just taken place. He has had many contests with men before now, in especial with Laban * and Esau ; that with the latter is not yet finished. In reference to it the i'?^^!! obtains the significance of a promise ; having contended successfully with God he has as good as won the combat with men, which now concerns liini (cf. xxxiii. 1 ff.). The change of name to Israel is thus not merely an honourable recognition, but itself a valuable gift, a blessing. bt^nb'"' — the rare expression rrib'S is chosen, as in Hos. xii. 4, because of i'Xib'% whicli is therefore interpreted thea- fjonist, i.e. wrestler with God. The meaning is transmuted by many into God's combatant,^' one who fights on God's side and witli His help; otliers ''' render God's ruler. Tlie ^ Amphitr. i. 3. 35. ^ Kiiobel. 3 Ch. XXX. 8. 4 cii xxxi. 2G ff. ^ See Lexicons. ^'' E.fj. Redslob, Alttestament. Nanien, 1846; Tucli, Gesenius, Thesaurus-, Ewald, GescMchte,^ i. 493 [Eng. tr. i. 344] ; Reiiss, Geschichte des Alt. TesO 52. '' Ilgeii, (jlraiviberg. 280 GENESIS XXXII. 30 [.364 most likely conjecture is El is ruler, ^ or, El is conihalant ; comp. ^K5;»C'\ etc. Ver. 30. Jacob is now desirous of knowing his opponent's name, but he is not told.^ He must be satisfied with having gained the blessing, and the issue will not leave him in doubt. It was with God that he wrestled, according to vv. 29 and 31. The author might here have spoken of God's angel, for God presents Himself in the person of His angel, and God and His angel are always thus interchanged.^ But he has not done so. He felt a significance in the fact that Jacob had striven with God. The story is certainly, amongst other things, a glorification of the physical strength of this ancestor of Israel, and of his bold spirit, which quailed before nothing. But, still more, it celebrates his elevation of mind and the power of his faith, which set the highest ends before it, and would not let go God Himself till He blessed him. Men wrestle with God only that they may obtain from Him grace and blessings. This, when all is considered, is the end set before all men, and before Israel in chief. It is the real spirit of Israel which is here glorified and set before the people as in a mirror.'* But, from the context in which it is placed, the story acquires, besides, a special significance. Jacob has been guilty of wrong ; it is only because of this that he must so fear his brother, and find in God an adversary who comes against him. He has long to struggle with God. But after he has won His grace, the threatened danger from his brother has also vanished. Everything assumes a smiling aspect (xxxiii. 4 ff'.). It was to this result that the words D'^L-JN-oyi referred (see above). The struggle here is the last of the 1 Knobel. 2 qi Judg. xiii. 17. 3 Cf. xvi. 10 ff., xxi. 17 f., xxii. 15 f., xxxi. 11 ff., xhdii. 15 f., and how Hos. xii. 4 f., which in other respects varies somewhat from the account here, replaces QTihii, by TjxSd, having thus both. ^Hos. xii. 4f. ^'^*-^'''] . GENESIS~XXXII. 31 281 events by which Jacobs character was purified; now at length, Jacob has become Israel. It is indisputable that the wrestling with God, as under- stood by the legend, was a physical occurrence in the material world. The statement about Jacob's limping (ver 32) is more than sufficient to establish this. It is only entire misappreliension which can "explain the occurrence as some- thing purely subjective, such as a vivid dream,' or a fervent wrestling with God in prayer.'- The standard supplied in Jolm IV. 24 ^ IS not that by which we have to test those old ^gends. But it is no less certain that the writer, like Hosea, discerned spiritual truths in what is, to begin with a popular legend.^ It is against the text to interpret the c^^ of the guardian deity of the land of Canaan, who sought to oppose Jacob's entrance. Studer,= who does this, believes also that the whole legend is a transformation of a Canaanite temple myth regarding the contest of the Sun with the demon of Winter, told at Peuiel.« Ver. 31. 'ji xip^,_as in ver. 3, xxviii. 19, xli. 51 f • otherwise in xxxiii. 17. ' ' '>ii^:s--face of God, in ver. 32 and elsewhere i-NlJB • the name given by Jacob to the place of liis combat, " because he saw God face to face ^ without forfeit of his life.« Somewhat strange as the name of a locality. But the Phcenician promontory &eov np6.cono.o must have been the same or similar in Phoenician." lo There is no tradition whatsoever ■ J-n Genson J. D. MicLaelis, Hengler, Eichhorn, Gabler UryescMcUe, : £-• , '• ' ^'*=S'«^'' '" Heiike, Nmes May. ii. 35. -Herder, Geist dcr Heb. Pocsie i 9fir,f . ir,.,,,,. , „ ,., Bikam\5\. Knobel. ""«.'• -hot., Heiigstenbei'g, (,W/« See, further, Umbreit in S<. Kr. 1848 i, 113 ff n,,,! Fw,I,l ^ ; • ; , •■ fr.35-8!uife"l,:-.iVm;;~l^^- '"" '"™"^'» "-"■ -'^'■^"■'-^■' ^^^^ ' In JPTh. 1875, p. 53G it '■> See also Popper, Ursprung, p. 369 ff. ; see above, p. 3 hx. xxxiii. 11 ; Dent, xxxiv. 10. ^ See note on xvi. 13. a «^f. i ■ ^ . - .■ ^"Knobel. ^Strabo,xvi.2. 151. 282 GENESIS XXXII. 32-XXXITI. 1 [3G5 regarding the situation of Peiiiel ; what we may learn from the text has been stated under ver. 25. It is again mentioned in Judg. viii. 8 ff. and 1 Kings xii. 25, but not elsewhere. Its name and the narrative here show that it was regarded as a holy place. Ver. 32. The sun rose after Jacob had passed Peniel on his way to overtake the others. But the combat had left a lasting mark upon him. He limped on his thigh, " as if the crookedness, which had previously adhered to the moral nature of ' the wily ' Jacob, had now passed over into an external physical attribute only." ^ Ver. 33. No doubt from RP- The Israelite custom of not eating the sinew of the thigh of slain animals is ascribed to this incident. Having been touched by God it was sacrosanct. The custom is not mentioned elsewhere in the Old Testament ; it is prescribed by the Mishna.^ Eegarding T\^'^r\ n^2^ the sinew of the thigh muscle, see Gesenius.* It is the 7iervus ischidiaciis, the most prominent of the thigh muscles. Its injury involves limping.^ Ch. xxxiii. 1-16. The meeting of Esau and Jacob turns out amicably. Mainly (7's account. Vv. 1—4. Having reached the other side of the Yabbok with his wives and children (xxxii. 23), Jacob sees his brother approaching with his company of 400 (xxxii. 7). He resolves to meet him, and separates (xxxii. 8) his wives and children' into tliree groups,^ for the same reason as in xxxii. 9, giving each mother her own children. He places tliose whom he cared less for in front, his better loved ones behind. He himself precedes them and makes a sevenfold prostration as he approaches his brother, i.e. approaches in the most submissive manner, such as only fear and prudence could have induced. 1 Ewald, GescMchte,^ i. 513 [tr. vol. i. p. 358]. 2 See X. 9, xix. 37 f ., xxvi. 33. ^ cimllin 7. ^ Thesaurus, 921. ^ Knobel. ^ There is nothing about a division of the camp into three parts (as by Wellhausen, JBDTh xxi. 435). 365, 360] GENESIS XXXIII. 1-0 283 Ver. 4. But Esau hastens whole-lieartedly to meet hini,-^ embraces him, falls on his neck and kisses him. Both weep from joy at meeting again. inpnn^l — being before 'Ji i'S'^i may be attributed to B (ch. xlviii. 10). vnx^r^y ^55^1 — as in xlv. 14, xlvi. 29, in C. In these passages the weeping immediately follows the falling on the neck, so that the supra-pointed ^ inpb'^i may well be un- authentic; it is wanting in certain MSS. of the Septuagint.^ The Jews had, indeed, another view of the word. " From Bereshith Eabba and Kimchi ^ we see that even at an early date ^n?^'!!, and he hit him, was thought of ; the Jerusalem Targum explains Jacob's weeping from pain in his neck " (?), " Esau's from pain occasioned in his teeth." ^ Vv. 5—7. Jacob's wives and children now approach, and also salute Esau by prostrating themselves. At least ver. hh is from B in view of D'^n^x. i^n — as in ver. 11. Here with double accusative, to favour one with something.^ ^}\] — not hither^ any more than in xxi. 29, but the personal pronoun.^ Vv. 8-11. Esau accepts the present of cattle only at liis brother's urgent request. It had previously met him, but whether exactly in five herds, as in B (xxxii. 1411'.), is ques- tionable. njriuD — ca.mp or Iwst ; in C the animals were therefore all together. The Sept., because of xxxii. 14 11'., corrects into avrat at TrapejJL^oXaL. Who to yon is all this host ? what do you intend hy it ? A question as to Jacob's object. Hlio for irhat gives promi- nence to the persons present.^ " rlacob, with unattractive humility, does not venture to call his very considerable gift 1 See xviii. 2. 2 Chs. xvi. 5, xviii. 9, xix. 33, xxxvii. 12. ^ In Lagarde's Genesis, AEcmtz. •* [Dill, here Kimhi.] ^ Knobel. ''' Geseniu.s,-^ 117. 5/a " Delitzsch. '^ See xiii. 1, xiv. 15, etc. '•' Ewald, § 325a. 284 GENESIS XXXIII. 10, 11 [360 a present ; he replies only that I might find grace} be treated with kindness by you."- Ver. 10. Further, Jacob asks his brother to accept the l)resent, seeing that he has now had the fortune to see his face, to be received by him and not repulsed, and that he has been kindly welcomed ^ (cf. Job xxxiii. 26). He desires his brother to continue the kindness he has shown by accepting the gift. As one sees the face of God, strictly, face of a heavenly being,'* i.e. so propitious ; for celestial beings only show them- selves to those to whom they are well disposed. Esau met him with a kindness which was divine. Such an explanation is not absurd,^ and more in place than the rendering, for this reason I have appeared before you as one appears before God (and not before kings ?), sc. with a gift. Wellhausen ^ has acutely, and no doubt rightly, remarked here the presence of an allusion to the name Peniel different from that of xxxii. 31. But, along with the whole of ver. 10, it is from (7, not from B ; for 'y\ «: dn* ^ and p-i5i;-^D ^ are phrases of (7's as well as ^JD r\\r\,^ and rx\7\'' could not be here written for D^ni^N, because an angelic being is intended. The thought lying at the root of both variations of the legend is that at Peniel the unfriendly God was found to be a friendly one. It does not follow that in the original Peniel form of the legend Esau himself, as the wild huntsman, was this God.^^ 'y\ *JD niS")D — infinitive without subject.^^ Ver. 11«. A doublet from B. nuin — blessing ; " here the present, which accompanied a salutation which consisted in invocations of blessing.^^ j^ the Middle Ages the presents of ecclesiastics were called hencdic- tiones." ^^ ^ Ch. xxxii. 6. 2 Knobel. " Sept. and Vulg. incorrectly "'^^"in"!. ■* 1 Sam. xxix. 9. ^ Bacon, Genesis, 280. '' JBDTh. xxi. 435. ^ See note on xviii. 3. ^ See xviii. 5, xix. 8. » Cli. xxxii. 21. 10 See above, p. 196. ii Ewakl, § 304«. ^- 1 Sam. XXV. 27, xxx. 26. '•^' Knol)e]. 3(;0, 3G7] GENESIS XXXIIL 12-17 285 nxan^i vocalised nsnn by the Septuagint. ^:3n, see ver. 5. "•31, and because (Josh. vii. 15; Jiidg. vi. 30; 1 Sam. xix. 4; Isa. Ixv. 16). I have everything, I am rich enough. n^;D, in xix. 3, 9, in C. Ver. 12 f. Esau offers, for Jacob's protection, to travel the rest of the way on 'before him, so tliat Jacol) might have him in view (not eV evOeiatv, Sept.). But although Esau was pledged to peace by his acceptance of the present (cf. xxi. 30), Jacob, still addressing him as lord, refuses the escort. He was doubtless influenced, not merely by mistrust,- but by the wish to be under no obligations to his brother, and to preserve his independence.^ He gives the excuse that his children are still of tender age, and that his sheep and cattle are suckling, i.e. include many suckling mothers,^ who would die if they were driven hastily even a single day. Dlpan — for the masculine suffix, see xxvi. 15; and for the 3rd pers. plur., Ewald, Syntax, § S57b. But the Samar. Sept. Pesh. have D^npsiv Ver. 14. He wishes to continue his march according to^ his ease, i.e. slowly, as it suits him, and according to the foot of his flocks and children, according as they are able to march. He concludes by speaking of his intention to visit him in Se'ir. The author does not say whether this was a mere pretence, or whether he really wished to visit Esau in acknow- ledgment of his friendly reception of him.^ n3&57p — in ch. ii. 2 f. ^oork, here goods or iwoi^erty, in especial property in cattle, like •^ppp.'' Ver. 1 5 f. Esau offers him some of his followers as an escort. This also Jacob refuses, and Esau returns to Se'ir. ri-n — XXX. 38, xliii. 9, xlvii. 2. Ver. 17. Jacob, on his part, continues his journey as far as Sukkoth. He builds a house there,^ and makes booths for 1 Gesenius,25 74A. 1. 2 TucIi, Knobel. 3 Delitzsch. ^ j^^. xl. 11. ^ 7 of the norm, as Isa. xi. 3, xxxii. 1. « knobeL ^ Cf. Ex. xxii. 7, 10; 1 Sam. xv. 9. ^ g^e xxvii. 15. 286 r.ENESis xxxiii. i: [sgt, sgs his cattle ; hence the name of the place. This residence in Sukkoth is, however, only an intermediate pause on the homeward journey, whose proximate goal was Bethel.^ A stay of some time had to be assumed, because in ch. xxxiv. the young children are grown up. The verse is probal:)ly still C's. Besides the use ofn^3, the expression p-^V is evi- dence for him or for lir rii3p — lay on the east side of the Jordan,^ in an open valley,* west of Penuel.^ There is, indeed, a modern Sakut west of the Jordan, south of Bethshean.^ It is an open question if this western Sukkoth was intended in 1 Kings vii. 46 (comp. iv. 12); if so, there were two places of the name."^ But the second cannot be thought of in the present connection, because quite out of the line of Jacob's march. The eastern Sukkoth is alone suitable.^ But it cannot be localised trans Jordanem in parte Scythopoleos^ or at Abu Obeida, where the valley broadens,^^ which would be north of the Yabbok, nor yet so far south as between the Wadi Nimrin and the Wadi Mojib.^^ It must be placed ^^ south of the Yabbok, near the ford of Damie, on the road from es-Salt to Nablus.^^ For recent discussions regarding the situation of Penuel and of Sukkoth, see ZDPV. i. 44, iii. 80. 1 Ch. xxxi. 30, xxviii. 21 f., xxxv. Iff. 2 Unlike xxxii. 3 and 21; cf. xi. 9, xvi. 4, xix. 22, xxviii. 30, 1. 11. ^ Josh. xiii. 27 ; Judg. viii. 5. 4 Ps. Ix, 8 [6]. ^ For Gideon when pursuing the Midianites eastwards marched uj) from Sukkoth to Penuel (Judg. viii. 8). ^ Burckhardt [Syria, p. 345], Germ. tr. p. 595 ; Lynch [Expedition, 1849, p. 221], Germ. tr. p. 133; Eobinson [Later Researches, p. 30911] Germ. tr. p. 406 ff. ; Van de Velde, Reise, ii. 301 ff. 7 Kitter, Erdkunde, xv. 446 f. ; Knobel ; Ewald, Geschichte,^ ii. 546 [Eng. tr. ii. 158 f.]. ^ Book of Jubilees, ch. 29. '* Jerome, Qiicestiones, 10 Knobel. 11 Arnold in Herzog, Eealencyclopcedie,^ xiv. 764; Delitzsch"*. 12 Kohler, Geschichte, i. 147; Keil. 13 Lynch [Expedition, 1849, p. 248], Germ. tr. p. 150, 308] genesis xxxitt. 18 2"s hand, and in vv. 18?^ and 20 there may be traces of C. In ch. xxxiv.^ 1 See note below. 2 Assigned by Ilgen to B ; b}- Ewald and Delitzscli^ to A ; by Knobel to A and C; by Hupfeld, Schrader, Boliiner, Kayser, to C ; by Kuenen to 288 GENESIS XXXIIT. IS [3(38,309 vv. 27-29 are a loosely-attached addition to the rest.^ What remains falls into two divisions. In the one Hamor conducts the negotiations with Jacob regarding Dinah for his son (vv. 4, 6, 8-10); he receives a reply (15 (14)-17), and in due course lays it before the assembled citizens of the town for their approval (vv. 20—24); In the other, Shechem him- self asks Dinah from her father and brothers, and after their reply (ver. 1 1 f.) immediately submits to the conditions they require (ver. 19). In the first account Dinah is still with her family (ver. 17), in the second she is already in the town in Shechem's hands. Ver. 2h, therefore, which speaks of her being carried away and ravished, must belong to the latter ; and it carries with it all the verses (5, 7, 13, 31) in which the anger and malice of Dinah's brothers are spoken of, for it provides their explanation. There are linguistic differences corresponding to these differences in the story. In the first account i^''^: (ver. 2) (p:rn in ver. 8 compared with pai in ver. 3), thn: (ver. 10), i^rb D2h ^irsn (w. 15, 22), -iDri'3 (ver. 24), i;?!? and nJ2n2 (ver. 23), ii^:; lyc^ ^sv^-i?^ (ver. 24), etc., are indubitable signs of ^'s authorship. The diffuseness of style (e.g. ver. 1), the value attached to circumcision, and the resemblance of the proceedings in the popular assembly to what is found in ch. xxiii. are also evidence for A. In the other account we find pm (ver. 3), nyj (vv. 3, 12, and 19; contrast nih'' in ver. 4), n^ynn^ li? nnn, and nby^ J<^ p (in ver. 7), nyrv2 in xvo (ver. 11), nnn ^?:h (ver. 26), -isy (ver. 30), which all belong to C"s special vocabulary. We may therefore without any hesitation attribute vv. la, 2a, 4, 6, 8-10, 15 (14)-17, 20-24, to A. Hamor wishes Dinah to be Shechem's wife, i.e. he desires the amalgamation of part of the house of Jacob with Shechem,^ and the citizens even agree to be circumcised in order to C and a very late redactor; by Wellhausen {Composition, 312 f.), and, following him, Cornill {ZA TW. xi. 1 ff.), to C, i>, and a late redactor. 1 See below. 2 See Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 541 f. [Eng. tr. i. 378 f .]. 360] GENESIS XXXIII. 18 289 keep the house of Jacob amongst theiii.^ It is luicertaiii what A'a account of the upshot of the matter was, for vv. 2 5 f . and 3 0 f . are in the main from 0. But it seems as if he also related ^ that Simeon and Levi spoiled the whole plan. In C, to whom vv. 2h, 3, 5, 7, 11-13 (14), 19, 25*, 26, 30 f. belong in the main, Shechem carried off Dinali and dishonoured her ; but as his love for her grew he asked her in marriage from Jacob and his sons, and offered to accept what conditions they pleased. Dinah's brothers were fuming at the outrage to their sister, and treacherously made Shechem's circumcision their condition (ver. 19). He cir- cumcised himself, and Simeon and Levi then murdered him (and the other Shechemites) while in a state of fever from the wound ; they carried off Dinah, but were severely blamed by their father, who feared the consequences of their deed. In putting the tvvo accounts together B had, of course, to make certain changes, e.g. in vv. 13 f. and 18, where Hamor and Shechem, Jacob and Jacob's sons are put in one, or in ver. 25, where the circumcision of the townspeople is pre- supposed, as it was in A. He has also interpolated vv. 27—29,^ and the emphatic addition there of Dnint^ ix^ld "iu''&< (ver. 27) leads us to conclude that lob and xDt: in ver. 5, perhaps also 14&, are due to him ; stronger expressions of this kind betray his later point of view. Wellhausen ^ and Kuenen ^ raise objections to this analysis, ^'s authorship, it is said, is not to be thought of, for elsewhere his story proceeds in a peaceful and orderly fashion,^ and he could not make circumcision the instrument of treachery/ But there is no treachery in ^'s account, and it is, on the other hand, in agreement with liis characteristics that the legal question of procedure on the occasion of a daughter's marriage should be treated of. The assumption 1 Cf. ill B and C, clis. xxi., xxvi., tlie trouble Abiinelecli takes to secure the friendship of Abraham and Isaac. ^ For ver. 256 may be from A . ^ See above. * JBDTh. xxi. 435 ff. ^ ThT. xiv. 256-281. ^' Kuenen, op. cit. p. 277. ^ Hupfeld, Qucllen, j). 18G. DILLMANN. — II. T9 290 GENESIS XXXIII. IS [369, 370 that all that is not from C has been interpolated by a late diaskeuast of ^'s school, is refuted by the fact ^ that we have before us, not simply a redacted narrative, but, plainly, two narratives welded together. It is further asserted that the conception of circumcision as the condition of membership in the community could - only exist after the exile,^ and that C could not * have had any such implication in his narrative. His account must then have been somewhat to the effect that a man named Shechem carried off Dinah and seduced her, then asked her family to condone the act and legitimise the union, and paid the bride-price ^ which they asked of him ; when all was amicably settled, Simeon and Levi slew him in his own house, and brought back their sister to Jacob's great displeasure. But does not ver. 25 {C) presuppose the fever caused by circumcision ? If (7's original narrative had nothing of this, how did it occur to the late diaskeuast to drag in circumcision and alter the whole story? In ver. 30, also, it is not the vengeance of the Shechemites which Jacob fears, but that of the people of the country, so that G cannot merely have related Shechem's death and that of some of his relatives. Kuenen,^ accordingly, finally leaves it undecided whether G had anything regarding Shechem's circumcision as a condition of the marriage, and attributes vv. 1*, 2*, 4—6, 8-10, 13*, 14*, 15-17, 20-24, 25*, 27-29, to the late redactor. Following this, Wellhausen ^ and Cornill now acknowledge that ch. xxxiv. contains two narratives, but from G and B^ the redaction of which is on the lines of A, and that in B circumcision was made a condition of the marriage with a treacherous intention. In 6', ^^'s predecessor, the circumcision of Shechem only, not of all the Shechemites, 1 See above. 2 g^^g above, p. 77 f. ^ Kuenen, p. 276 ; Wellhausen, p. 437 ; Geschichte, i. 365. ^ In view of Ex. iv. 25 f. ; cf. Josh. v. 2 ff. ^ Replacing the agreement to circumcision. ^ Onderzoek,- i. 316. '' Composition, p. 318 f. 8 According to Cornill, vv. 1, 2^, 3* 4, 6, 8-10, 13* 14, 16 f., 18(t, 20-24, 25"^, 27a, 28, 29a, without the phrases from A, are from B. 370] GENESIS XXXIII. 18 291 was demanded, and that in its more primitive form/ the circumcision of a bridegroom before his wedding ; '^ or the demand was something quite different, such as for a formal transfer of some property beside Shechem.^ But B's author- ship of one of the two narratives in vv. 1-26 cannot be granted. The mere possibility of attributing some of the expressions to B cannot prevail against the fact that the verses in question are saturated with ^'s characteristic expressions without there being any perceptible cause to account for their later admixture. In B circumcision would be a wholly anomalous phenomenon ; in A it has a meaning (ch. xvii.). It cannot be proved from xxxv. 5 * and xxxiv. 27-29 that B had a story of this character in the present context, and it is rendered improbable by xxxvii. 12 as well as by xxxi. 41 (see note on xxxiv. 1). Ch. xxxiii. 18. Jacob's arrival in Shechem. Ver. a, at least, is certainly from A, in view of jy^D pN3 "l:^'^? ^ and DIN pSD 1^^3n,^ and is not a continuation of ver. 1 7 ; ver. b may be from C. If the verse were from B'^ it would not be possible to understand why anyone should have inserted the wholly superfluous words D"in p20 1N23. City of Shechem — cf. ver. 19 and xxxiv. 2. nijt:^ — Samaritan ri'h'C\ as in xliii. 27, not a name for Shechem or of a place near Shechem,^ which in that case would occur only here in the Old Testament, although east of Nabliis there is a modern village called Salim.^ It has the meaning unharmed, safe and sound, and is equivalent to the nSbfii of xxviii. 21, to which it is possibly a backward reference added by E. Geiger ^^ gives various strange con- 1 Ex. iv. 25 f. - Wellhausen. ^ Cornill. * See note, ad loc. 5 See xi. 31. ^' See xxv. 20. " Wellhausen. « Sept., Book of Jubilees, Pesli., Vulg., Luther, Mercerus ; cf. Onomasticon, sub Salem and '2ot?.7)/^. 3 Robinson [Palestine,^ ii. 275, 279, 291 f.]. Germ. tr. iii. 314, 322, 330. 1'^ Urschrifl, p. 75. 292 GENESIS XXXIII. 19 [370, 371 jectures regarding the word ; Wellhausen's ^ correction to n^p does not commend itself. \n^) — as xxvi. 17. Jacob encamps before^ the city, where previously Abraham had also halted (xii. 6). In the plain east of Shechem Jacob's well was shown in later times. Ver. 19. He buys the piece of ground where he pitched his tent.^ Later on Shechem was still a place where he had flocks stationed.* The Bene Hamor were the clan settled in and around Shechem,^ and in this way Hamor was father of Shechem and prince of the district (xxxiv. 2) ; similarly, Shechem himself in his turn is regarded (xxxiv. 2 ff.) as lord of Shechem.^ There is no mistake in the statement that Jacob bought the field from the iiDH ^^2 ; the Sept. omits '•n in order to harmonise with xxxiv. 1 ff. nD"'b'i5 — elsewhere only in Josh. xxiv. 32 and Job xlii. 11, where it is a repetition from here, literally perhaps something weighed out, or according to rule, vo/jucr/jLa (D^p, n^), in any case a piece of money. We cannot be certain if it was the same as hp^, or perhaps larger. It has no connection with Koptic CKiTG, KiTe, i.e. the Alexandrian drachme, double drachme.'' An old tradition ^ gave it as being lamh, it may be without knowing why.^ The purchase of property in land beside Shechem corre- sponds to what A has in ch. xxiii,, and has the same meaning ; it was there that Joseph's bones were to be interred (Josh, xxiv. 32). Everything points to this being a tradition of Northern Israel, so that the verse is to be assigned to B. There is no real contradiction with xlviii. 22, B presupposes in XXXV. 4 a residence of Jacob's in Shechem, A and C ^^ 1 Comioosition, p. 316. ^ q\-^^ xix. 13 ; Lev. iv. 6. 2 The statement is repeated in Josh. xxiv. 32. 4 Ch. xxxvii. 12 f. ^ Judg. ix. 28. ^' Cf. notes on xiv. 13 and xxiii. 20. 7 E. Meier, Heh. Worterhuch, 394. 8 Sept. Vulg. Onkelos. ^ See also Madden, Jewish Coinage, 1864, p, 6. i« Ch. xxxvii. 28. 37l] GENESIS XXXITT. 20-XXXIV. 1 293 reckon liy shokols. The words DDC' ''3t^ alone may be an addition of E's occasioned by ch. xxxiv., but tliey are found in Josh. xxiv. 32 also. Ver. 20. nV"! — never elsewhere with nilD as object, but found certainly with l^^Jk^p.i Kither,^ therefore, nntD is a correction for n32;o, and 1^ for nh or n)\)'ch, or E has run together nD^'C av^l from B with n3TD p""! from C ; it is hardly likely that B contracted ^ an original naro p"'l ni^iD 2)i^) into Jacob names "^ the altar (or standing-stone) M, the God of Israel ^sib^ ^ni'N* is not predicate to i?^,^ but in apposition ; ^ in any case Israel in B is thus early a reference to xxxii. 29. The altar bears the name of the god to whom it is dedi- cated ; ^ the name is a contraction for altar of El, etc. Tlie Septuagint wrongly reads bi< for ?^ i?. Ch. xxxiv. 1. Dinah ^ goes out one day, from the camp,^ to look at ^^ the daughters of the country, i.e. to look about among them and make their acquaintance. She is here supposed to be of marriageable age. In B ^^ there would be difficulty in such a supposition, for Jacob in his account cannot have delayed his journey to Bethel too long ; ^^ but not in C (B), who records a long intermediate residence in Sukkoth (xxxiii. 17). According to the Book of Jubilees (ch. xxix. f.), Jacob makes a stay in Sukkoth, then, after crossing the Jordan, for seven years pastures his tlocks between the Dead Sea and Bethshean till he reaches Salem (Shechem) ; Dinah, when seduced, was twelve years old. Daughter of Leah, ivhom she had home to Jacob — compare xvi. 15 f. and xxv. 12 in ^ as parallels to this expanded style; see also, however, xxi. 9 and xli. 50, in B. Daughters of the country — see note on xxvii. 46. 1 Ch. XXXV. 14, 20. 2 Wellhausen. 2 Kautzsch-Socin. '* See xxxv. 7. ^ Knobel. ^ Cf. notes on xvii. 1 and xiv. 18. 7 Ch. xxxv. 7 ; Ex. xvii. 15. » Ch. xxx. 21. 9 Ch. xxxiii. 18. i« Judg. xvi. 27 ; Cant. vi. 11. 11 Cf. xxxi. 41 with xxx. 21. 12 cji_ ^xxv. 1 ft". 294 GENESIS XXXTV. 2, 3 [372 Ver. 2a. Certainly from A, because of s^b':.^ iu A (and C ?), Shechem is son of Hamor, prince of the district,^ and the Bene Hamor are Hivvites,^ otherwise tlian in B (xlviii. 22). It is a mere assertion that A, or one of liis school, wrote ^^^\^. psn — in xxii. 2, xxxv. 22, etc., also used of districts of small extent. Ver. 21, from C. He tooh her, i.e. carried her off, and seduced her.* Compare ver. 26, where Dinah is in Shechem ; ver. 1 7 is different. " Such conduct \vas not unusual in those times, we learn from xii. 15, xx. 2, xxvi. 10."^ nnx 33C'''i — :^ is construed witli Dy and nx ; the question remains whether nx is the preposition with or the sign of the accusative. The Massoretes understand the latter, and always point it as such before suffixes.® We cannot decide whether they were right ; the Kere of Deut. xxi. 30 proves nothing regarding the older language. If the tradition is justified, nx 2'2^\ in which the verb is transitive, is plainly the coarser expression, and quite in place here and in 2 Sam. xiii. 14, where it is a case of violation. It is useless to maintain that C could not write this,'^ for, of course, in xxx. 15 f., xxxix. 7, 12, 14, only ^V was appropriate,^ and C also, in xxvi. 10, has 33L^^ with nx and a following noun (comp. ver. 7 and xxxv. 22). Ver. 3. Love for Dinah follows his violation of her. A doubtless had something corresponding to ver. a, such as 'y\ Vki'DJ p^nn*- (ver. 8). P?7^1 — ii. 24 (xix. 19), in C. 3nN''i, xxiv. 67, xxix. 30, 32. iy^ as vv. 12, 24, 14, 16, 28, 55, 57, in C. ^ Chs. xvii. 20, xxiii. 6, xxv. 16. 2 cf. xxxiii. 19. 3 Ch. X. 17. * Deut. xxii. 24 ; Judg. xix. 24, and frequently. ^ Knobel. « Lev. XV. 18, 24 ; Num. v. 13, 19 ; 2 Sam. xiii. 14. 7 Cornill. ^ Ch. xix. 32 ff., where the woman is subject, is not a parallel. 372] GENESIS XXXIV. 4-7 295 lie spohe to the heart of — sought to hearten, to quiet, by his love and the prospect of the future, the feehng aroused by what had occurred.^ Ver. 4. In any case not from tlie source whose account precedes, in view of tlie use of rrh'' for lyj, and because in G Shechem himself seeks Dinah in marriage (ver. 11). Shechem asks his father to get him Dinah to be his wife ; it was the business of the parents to do such a thing (xxi. 21). There is no hint of the occurrences of ver. 2 ; the wooing is proceeded with as if there had been no previous motion, and as if the girl were still in her parents' house. Ver. 5. Belonging to the narrative of vv. 21 and 3. Jacob had learned, indeed, of the occurrence, but had A'cp^ silenee, i.e. had made no movement,^ demanded no account, because his sons were absent with the flocks, and he wished to await their return. This explains why what happened led to no immediate action on the part of Jacob and his sons. The brothers' judgment w^as of consequence (xxiv. 50). Ntsp — dishonour, defile (Ezek. xviii. G ff., xxxiii. 2G), as vv. 13, 27 ; comp. ver. 31. t^•■n^^ — xxiv. 21 ; Ex. xiv. 14. Ver. 6. ^'s continuation of ver. 4. Ver. 7. C's continuation of ver. 5 ; all the expressions used are foreign to ^'s vocabulary. By the time Hamor came out from the city the sons had heard the news, and returned home full of anger. uvyn^l — as in ch. vi. 6, from C. The Sept. translates as if the text were I35fvnn Dypcb^ -in''i — see ch. iv. 5. For he has done in Israel an act of folly — committed what is regarded in Israel as an infamous deed. The expression is the stereotyped one for such an offence between the sexes.^ " Bather naively the author applies the ex- 1 Knobel. Cf. 1. 21 ; Hos. ii. IG, and frequently. -' 2 Sam. xix. 11 [10]. 3 Dent. xxii. 21 ; Judg. xx. 6, 10 ; 2 Sam. xiii. 12 ff. . 2 9 G GENESIS XXXIV. 8-11 F. [.S72, 373 pression of a later time to that of the patriarchs, when there •was as yet no IsraeKtish people."^ And thus it is not done — it is contrary to recognised usage and practice (current morahty).^ Vv. 8-10. Hamor's proposal, according to A, with the exception that B has changed iP^5 (ver. G) into ^J^^. Besides proposing that there should be intermarriage between them, he offers a permanent settlement in the land, which, as prince, he could do.^ nf^trn — Deut. xxi. 11 ; a different expression in ver. 3. Your daughter — plural suffix, see ch. xxiv. 59 f.; 2nd pers., because the father is addressed, but plural, because the brothers are also in mind. I3nj< IJnnnn — ally us in marriage, n^^ being, according to the Massoretic punctuation, the sign of the accusative ; ^ but the writer may have intended the preposition luith. 1 Kings iii. 1 allows either construction. The verb is found again in the Hexateuch only in Deut. vii. 3 and Josh, xxiii. 12. uy'i^h — hefore you, ver. 21 and xlvii. G, in A; else- where in xiii. 9, xx. 15. nnno — in xlii. 34, in B, but "inb in xxiii. 16, in A. Bass through it, quite at your will, with your flocks (cf. ver. 21). nn irnxni— a?if? settle yourselves in it, take abiding posses- sion in it; so TnN3 again, in A, in xlvii. 27 ; Num. xxxii. 30 ; Josh. xxii. 9, 19. Ver. 11 f., from C. In ver. G Hamor came alone. When, accordingly, Shechem now appears conducting his own suit, there is want of agreement with vv. 4 and G, and proof that we have here the account of another source. Shechem declares himself ready to carry out anything they may impose. The language is that of C. \n «VD — in vi. 8, xviii. 3, and frequently ; especially xxxii. G, xxxiii. 8, 15. 1 Knobel. ^ Ghs. xx. 9, xxix. 6. 2 See XX. 15. 4 Ewald, § 124Z;. 373] GENESIS XXXIY. 13-17 297 "^^b — tlie price of the bride paid to lier parents.^ I^p is the present to tlie bride. The words are distinguished in xxiv. 53 also. "^V: — see ver. 3. Ver. 13. Introduction to the reply given to Shechem and Hamor together ; from 0 and E. The sons of Jacob, who were directly addressed by tlie wooer in ver. 11, esteem the honour and purity of their tribe more than material gain, and are determined not to accede to the proposal. The condition of circumcision, which they are about to make, is an intentional device on their part. Their whole thought was to revenge a disgrace which they have already incurred. The present text speaks of all the brothers being concerned ; we cannot decide whether, in C, only Simeon and Levi were originally named ; in ver. 1 4 the Septuagint expressly gives their names. 113T'1 — the meaning, act in a Ichmd-lmnd manner {■ cannot be proved for i?1.^ so we are most justified in restoring niDpn lin'1^5.4 it may be, however, that nan^l is an insertion by the hand to which ':i ir'i^ is due ; this is more likely than that the word is a survival from another source.^ For (-113^3, comp. xxvii. 35 ; and for nD'5< = hecause, ver. 27 and xxxi. 49 (from E). Vv. 14-17. The reply itself; only in vv. 15-17 in the original form which it had in A, in ver. 14 mixed and redacted ; the expressions Qn^i^.s nDS"""! (inconsistent with ver. 6) and ^^nins (in vv. 17 and 8 ^Jj^i?) are on the lines of C"s narrative, and n^i]} li? ■lt^'^^ stands apart from both narratives. Hamor had not only asked Dinah in marriage, but had proposed connubium between the clans, and that they should dwell together from now onwards; vv. 15—17 are the reply to this. They will agree to amalgamate as one 1 Ex. xxii. 15 f.; 1 Sam. xviii. 25. - Schultens, Gesenius, Knobel, Delitzscli^. ^ Regarding 2 Chron. xxii. 10, see Bertheaii. ^ Schumann, Schrader, Olshaiisen. ^ Cornill. 298 GENESIS XXXIV. 18-24 [373, 374 people and settle together only if the Shechemites circumcise themselves. Otherwise they will take Dinah, and, i.e. with her, leave the district. According to this Dinah is not in Shechem, as in vv. 2 and 26. rmv^ ^213 vh — see xix. 22. They regard marriage with those who are uncircumcised not merely as objectionable,^ but as a disgrace, which is a later view of the matter.^ riNtB — _ pretii, in exchange for this, i.e. on this condition, as ver. 22 and 1 Sam. xi. 2. rii^P. — we will agree, only here, ver. 22 f. and 2 Kings xii. 9 ; impf. Niph. of nii< (according to Hitzig intrans. impf. Kal; see xxiii. 13). 'ji i?bn^_as xvii. 10. ^3ri3 — see ver. 8. Ver. 18. In no case from A, in view of 'ji utD^'^l.^ It introduces ver. 18. They are willing to agree to this condition. Ver. 19. Belongs to the account of ver. llf., in which Shechem is himself the negotiator. He does not hesitate to do the thing, i.e. to accept the condition proposed. As he was the most esteemed of all his people, this was a great honour for the house of Jacob ; it is uncertain if we should also supply the thought that he also easily induced the others to follow his example. "iHN, for "ins, because of t^.^ fsn, Num. xiv. 8. Vv. 20-24 continue vv. 15-17 (18*), and are therefore from A. According to him, Hamor (and Shechem) first of all lays the matter before the assembly of the people in the gate ^ at Shechem for their decision, and is successful in getting the doubtful condition accepted. He recalls the friendly disposition of the people of Jacob, they are on good, terms with us, on a friendly footing ; further, that the land is wide,^ and has room enough for them left and right,'^ and ^ Judg. xiv. 3. 2 Knobel. ^ See Lev. x. 19. ■* Kbnig, Lehrgehaude, p. 397. ^ Ch. xxiii. 4, 10. ^ Judg. xviii. 10 ; Isa. xxii. 18, xxxiii. 21. '' Cf. ver. 10. 374] GENESIS XXXTV. 24, 25 F. 299 then impresses the advantage they will secure, inasmuch as that the people, being very rich, will increase the prosperity of Shechem by amalgamation with it. n^J2h^' — Geiger ^ gives a strange rendering. )2'C^p — Sam. Sept. Pesh. and Vulg. have simply l^c;, which would then be taken with^i:n&5. D^y?3p — xvii. 26. 'Jl DHJpo — also in xxxvi. 6 and Josh. xiv. 4, in ^ (comp. Gen. xxxi. 18). As distinguished from n^ptD, ^P\}} are the beasts of burden (camels and asses), as in Num. xxxii. 26 ; p:p is other property. Ver. 24. The Shechemites accept the proposal, and have themselves circumcised. It is assumed that they were hitherto uncircumcised, but that they found nothing strange in the custom.^ Their circumcising of themselves all on one day (ver. 25) is as in xvii. 23 and Josh. v. 3 ff. "W^ \sv^ ^3 — comp. xxiii. 10, 18. Ver. 25f. From C (comp. 266 with 2b) and A (at least 256 indicates his hand).^ On the third day after the circum- cision, when the pain and illness are greatest in the case of grown-up persons,* Simeon and Levi, doubtless with followers, fall on the Shechemites, kill all the male inhabitants of the town, and carry Dinah off with them from Shechem's house. In this way they prevent Dinah's being given to her lover (^'s account), or took on themselves to revenge her dishonour (according to Cy There must be a historical explanation of Eeuben's not having participated in the deed of Smieon and Levi (cf. xlix. 6 f.). npn — elsewhere i^P??, tintroubled, in fancied security ; to 1 Urschrift, p. 76. - See above, p. 77 f. ^ Assigned to R in 5tli edition. * Arvieux [Me'moires, iii. 172], Germ, tr., Merkiviirdige Nachrichten, iii. 146; Winer,^ i. 160. ^ Cf. 2 Sam. xiii. 28 f.; Niebiihr, Arabien, p. 39; Burckhardt [Syria, p. 224], Germ. tr. 361 f.; Bedouins, pp. 116, 278 f., Germ. tr. 89, 224 f. Knobel. 300 GENESIS XXXIT. 27-^0 F. [.374,375 be taken with "i^yn, us in Ezek. xxx. 9/ Ijeing accusative of condition.^ mn ^^b — according to the sivord's moutlb, as much as it can devour, as it does in war ; as in a war, and without mercy. Only here with :-in, frequent witli other verbs, especially ^'^^, but not in ^. 1S^"'1 — fi'om the city (ver. 25), not from the house. Vv. 27-29. Attached without "i,^ is seen to be an addi- tion to the oric^inal text. Ver. 30 f. continues 2 of. without any consciousness of 27-29; and if the text were from one hand we should have either ^^2 h'2 or D^")N*l*'3n 3pr ^^3. The addition is from R or from a redactor, inserted perhaps to harmonise with xlviii. 22, and"* to give the rest of Israel also a share in the honour associated (by a later time) with the deed. The clause Dninx INistD "ic^s reveals the same hand as 13& and 5a. A is out of the question, if only because i-'W and i^^i? are wanting. It cannot be proved that the verses are what suggested Num. xxxi.;^ they might as readily be themselves a copy, or be due to the same late hand.^ The sons of Jacob come down on the slain, plunder the city, carry otf the cattle, and take away captive the women and children. Ver. 3 0 f . From C. Jacob blames Simeon and Levi for the mischief they have wrought in exposing him to the hate and revenge of the inhabitants of the district. " Jacob does not here blame the wrongfulness of the deed (as in xlix. 6f.), but the thoughtlessness of his sons which brings calamity upon him." '^ 1 Knobel. 2 Geseniiis,^^ 118, 5a. ^ The "ija!! of the Sept. Samar. and Pesh. for "iX2''1, which we expect, is only an attempt to get out of the difficulty. ^ Bohmer, Merx in Bibellexicon, ii. 5 f . ^ Gornill. ^ Cf. pTl, possessions, property (ver. 29 and Num. xxxi. 9, and nowhere else in Pent.; ? Deut. viii. 17f.); D^IDm Ipl) |S^* (ver. 28 and Num. xxxi. 28 ff.; Gen. xii. IG), )2^ Dn''S^3 DJ^I DDtO n&< (ver. 29 and Num. xxxi. 9). Gornill. 7 Knobel. 375] ■ GENESIS XXXIV. 31-XXXV. 301 I3y — again in the Hexateiicli in Josli. vi. 18 and vii. 25. C'"'N3n — make to stink, i.e. bring into bad odour witli someone, make an object of aversion and liatred.^ Kanaani and Pcrizzi — see xiii. 7. While I avi people of a numher — I and my people are computable, few, a mere handful,- easily overpowered if the inhabitants of the country attack. ^rn?:)L*':"i — Lev. xxvi. 30, but especially in Deuteronomy. Ver. 31. But the honour of their tribe stands above every other consideration with the sons. May he treat our sister as a prostituted have liberty to do with lier^ as one does with a street girl.* 3. Jacob's Journey to Isaac by way of Bethel, and the END OF Isaac's Life, Ch. XXXV.; from B, A, and C{B). All the remaining narratives which belong to the Toledoth of Isaac are here grouped together, {a) Jacob removes every sign of idolatry in his family, and having done so journeys from Shechem to Bethel, and there builds an altar to his God. Deborah, Eebecca's nurse, dies below Bethel (vv. 1-8). A B section, with ver. 5 inserted by R, and 6 a in accordance with A. ih) El Shaddai appears to Jacob in Luz, changes Ins name to Israel, and promises him a numerous posterity and the possession of the land of Canaan. Jacob erects a memorial stone, consecrates it by a libation and oil, and names the place Bethel (vv. 9-15). From A, except niy in ver. 9, and perhaps ver. 14. (c) Farther on the journey, Eachel dies in giving birth to Benjamin, and is buried by Jacob on the road from Bethel to Ephrath. Beyond Migdol 'Eder, Iicuben commits an offence with his father's concubine (vv. 16-22«). A compilation by R from G {A) and B. (d) 1 Ex. V. 21 (1 Sam. xiii. 4 ; 2 Sam. x. 6). 2 Deut. iv. 27; Ps. cv. 12 ; Isa. x. 9. » Cf. Lev. xvi. 15. ^ Cli. xxxviii. 15. 302 GENESIS XXXV. 1-4 [376 Jacob and his twelve sons finally reacli Isaac in Hebron. The account of Isaac's death and burial follows (vv. 22&-29). From A. (a) Vv. 1-8. Jacob moves on to Bethel ; the death of Deborah. Yer. 1. God's command tliat Jacob should set out for Bethel. The use of n^rh^ shows that C is not the author ; but neither is A,'^ for whom Bethel did not yet exist (vv. 6, 15). Bis the author. But there is no connection, causal or otherwise, with the events of ch. xxxiv. This shows that in the present context (between xxxiii. 20 and xxxv. 1) B had no account of hostilities with Shechem,^ but, on the contrary, placed his parallel history (xlviii. 22), if he had one, elsewhere (see also note on xxxvii. 13). Jacob is still on his return journey, according to ^'s narrative, and the command is explained by the vow of xxviii. 20 ff. (comp. xxxi. 13). Jacob is commanded to make a stay in Bethel, and erect an altar there. The temple which he had vowed (xxviii. 22) is here made an altar by divine order. n^V — Bethel was situated on the hills.^ ^bi^ ns"i:n h^n — compare xii. 7. Vv. 2-4. Jacob makes in his family the necessary preparations. He requires them to put out of their midst the foreign gods} Kachel had teraphim f Jacob's servants had other gods;^ and ver. 4 includes in what was put away objects of heathen superstition, like earrings, which served as amulets and charms."^ Anything connected with heathenism is incompatible with the worship of the one God, whose worshipper he had vowed his willingness to be.^ Further, as was customary and necessary before acts of divine worship,^ 1 Knobel. 2 Against Wellhausen, JBDTh. xxi. 437. 3 Ch. xii. 8, xiii. 15. ^ Josh. xxiv. 20, 23, in B. 5 Ch. xxxi. 19. ^ Ch. xxxi. 53 ; Josh. xxiv. 2, 14, in B. 7 Winer,3 i 5^. 8 ch. xxviii. 21 ; cf. also xviii. 19. 'J Ex. xix. 10 ff. ; Josli. vii. 13, and frequently. 37(;] GENESIS XXXV. 5 303 Jacob requires them to purify themselves, e.g. by ablutions, and by keeping free from all that renders unclean, and to ehatige their garments, dress in their best ^ (elsewhere, wash their clothes "'). He desires to erect an altar (ver. 1), and, of course, also sacrifice, to the God who listened to him in the day, i.e. the time, of his distress {pressure)^ e.g. when needing help against Laban,'* and %uas with him^ on the way, homewards also,^ He buries ' the heathen symbols under the terebinth beside Shechem.^ He certainly does not thereby consecrate the spot — rather he debases it ; but this does not provide a reason against i>'s authorship ; ^ as a matter of fact, it is in B that the place is, so to speak, consecrated anew for Israel (Josh. xxiv. 20—26, wliere the Massoretes punctuated ^?^*, oak). The Septuagint adds, as a concluding sentence, koI cLTTOikeaev avra eo)? t?)? arjixepov r)/jL6pa<;. Ver. 5. After these preparations, and so without hurry or haste, they start on the way. The author accounts for their exemption from pursuit by the neighbouring towns by a terror of God, i.e. a state of fear brought on them by God, which made them faint-hearted.^^ D^n^s suffices to express the idea supernatural.^^ The verse is an interpolation into ^'s text,^^ for in vv. 4 and 6 f. Jacob is subject, but here a plural (the sons of Jacol), as in ver. 16. Ch. xxxiv. is presupposed by it, and it is an insertion by B}^ hardly from A^^ in spite of d\i^n*, more possibly from C, who in any case also recounted Israel's journey from Shechem by Bethel to Isaac. 1j;d»1 — see xvi. 21, xxxiii. 17, xlvi. 1. nnn — only here. 1 Ch. xxvii. 15. 2 Ex. xix. 10, 14; Num. viii. 7. 3 Ch. xhi. 21. ■* Ch. xxxi. 24, xxix. 42. ^Seexxi. 20. « Ch. xxxii. Iff. ^ Ex. ii. 12. 8 See xii. G. '■^ Bohmer. ^^ Ex. xxiii. 27; 2 Chron. xiv. 13. Knobel. 11 2 Chron. xx. 29 alongside of xiv. 13, and Zech. xiv. 13. 12 Against Wellliaiisen. i^ So also Kuenen, Ondcrzoek,- 316. 14 Knobel. 304 GENESIS XXXV. 6-8 [377 Ver. 6. Arrival in Lnz (Betliel). In ^'s narrative the place spoken of liad long held the name Bethel,^ so that he could not write ver. a as it has heen written, while A could certainly."' kxn'3 xin is a gloss from R, who reverts to B in what follows. JJ may be supposed to have had ^j^n^n sa"*"!.^ )^V "^^i^ Dyn"^3 — see ver. 2, and in 0 xxxii. 8. Ver. 7. He builds there an altar. Nothing is said regarding the worship itself, nor, in particular, regarding the giving of a tithe, promised in xxviii. 22. E may have con- densed the original ; the Book of Jubilees ■* contains expan- sions. He named the spot (D1P?.Dn)^ God of Bethel (cf. xxxiii. 20). This is the name of the altar, or of the sacred spot, which comprised, we may suppose, more than the altar. For 'y\ \r\p\ see xxxii. 3, 31. The Sept. Vulg. and Pesh. find a difficulty in Dip?on, and therefore omit Sx before i^xn^a, unlike xxviii. 19. ibjii — plural, because the angels ^ are included in the meaning of D^ni^x (see also xx. 13). Ver. 8. Below Bethel the death of Deborah, Eebecca's nurse, takes place. Her name is mentioned only here ; con- trast xxiv. 59 in G. She was doubtless a character of some importance in the old heroic legends.7 Her memory was kept alive by the oak of iveeinng, or mourning, below Bethel, where her grave was shown. BehoraJis yalm^ (J^dg. iv. 5), also, will be the same tree ; ^ compare, too, Tabors terehinth in 1 Sam. x. 3.^^ According to G, Eebecca's nurse had come with her to Canaan (xxiv. 59). Weak attempts have been made to reconcile B and G by supposing that the ^ Ch. xxviii. 19, xxxv. 1, 3. 2 Cf. ver. 15 and xlviii. 3, and tlie addition in xxxiii. 18, in A, in the land of Canaan. ^ Kautzscli-Socin. *Cli. xxxi.f. ^ See xii. 6, xxviii. 11. ''' Ch. xxviii. 12. '^ Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 421 [History, i. 293 f.]. ^ See note xiv. 6. ^ Bolilen, Tuch, Ewald, Delitzsch, Wellhausen. 1" Ewald, Geschichte,^ iii. 31 [History, iii. 21]. 377] GENESIS XXXV. <), 10 305 nurse h;ul returnod to Mesopotamia in the interval,"^ or liad been the messenger sent by liebecca, in accordance witli her promise in xxvii. 45,- or had come from Hebron to Bethel to meet Jacob.^ We must recognise tliat there is divergence in the tradition,"^ and this is an additional reason for not ascribing ver. 8 to C.^ {h) Vv. 9-15. A passage from A originally introduced by 6rt, and referred to again in xlviii. 3 f. The subject is Jacob's installation as mediator of the promises, and it has the same significance in Jacob's history that ch. xvii. had in Abraham's. Ver. 9. See ch. xvii. 1. niy, once more, does not refer to ver. 1 a,^ but to xxviii. 1 1 ff., and is an insertion by E (? fol- lowing C). For inx, the Sept and Samar. read D^ni'X inx. Ver. 10. Tlie want of any explanation of the name Israel is, we may suppose, not original," but due to an excision by B, occasioned by xxxii. 29. At least the significance of the name was by no means clear, as it was in xvii. 15 and Num. xiii. IG. We are doubtless to explain the fact that A continues to name the patriarch Jacob ^ and not Israel, just as IJ does,^ although he calls the sons i^Nni"^ ^:d,^^ by the usage, never departed from, by which Israel was more a national than a personal name.^^ It is all the more remark- able that C and E from now onwards use Israel for Jacob.^^ We may conclude from this that C, as well as A, here for the first time spoke of the change of name (see, further, ver. 14). 1 Nachmann, Abarl^anel. - Rashi, Kimclii, Delitzsch^ ; imagine a woman, and one more tlian a hundred years old, sent through the desert as a messenger. 3 Mercerns, Keil. ^ Knobel. ^ As Hupfeld does. ^ Tucli, Knobel. '' Cf. xvii. 5. ^ E.g. ver. 15. ^ But see xxxiii. 20. 10 Ch. xlii. 5, xlv. 21, xlvi. 5, 8, xHx. 28, 1. 25 ; but see xxxv. 22, xlvi. 2G, in A, where 2p])'^ ''^3 is still used. 11 Tuch. 12 Ch. xxxv. 21 f., xxxvii. 3, 13, xliii. G, 8, 11, xlv. 28, xlvi. If., 30, xlvii. 29, 31, xlviii. 2, 8, 10, 13, 21, 1. 2. PILLMANN, — II, 20 30 G GENESIS XXXV. 11-14 F. [378 If not, we require to assume ^ that R only now allowed i^Nib'" to stand in the passages from C, and had up to this point removed it out of consideration for ^'s account. Geiger's ^ explanation is untenable, and Kuenen^ does not do full justice to the facts. Nip''"! — not fhorforc he isnamed,^ but and he named. This is the reason that ver. 1 1 begins afresh with 'y\ i?rj<"'V Ver. 11. The promise of multiplication and of royal descendants, as in xvii. 6, 16. For the phraseology, comp. also xxviii. 3 and xlviii. 4. For T'^'^^P, comp. xlvi. 26 and Ex. i. 5 ; see note on xxiv. 2. '•■nt^' ^N, see xvii. 1. Ver. 12. The assurance of the future possession of the land ; comp. xvii. 8 and xii. 7. Up to this point A has not expressly recorded a promise of the land to Isaac, nor does Isaac in xxviii. 4 (from A) claim any such promise ; still it is implicit in the covenant promise given to Isaac in xvii. 19, 21-5 See also p. 200 f. Ver. 13, as xvii. 22. Kuenen^ regards ver. h as a ditto- graphy from ver. 14. Ver. 14f. As a memorial of the theophany, Jacob erects a monumental stone, as in xxviii. 18 {B), and consecrates it, not only (as in xxviii. 18) by pouring oil over it, but also by a libation, of wine if the ordinary linguistic usage is followed.^ There is no reason for taking p^ rxhv P^^l as epexegetical to ■jD^l, and understanding a libation of oil.^ Sacrifices, altars, and standing stones are mentioned by A nowhere else in the patriarchal histories, and it is therefore questionable if this verse is from him.^ It may be an insertion by R, but not in independence of his sources, for he himself no longer possessed 1 Kittel, Geschichte, p. 142 [Eng. tr. vol. i. p. 156, note 3]. 2 Urschrift, p. 37 If. 3 Onderzoek,^ 310 f. * Kautzscli-Socin. ^ Knobel. ^ Onderzoek,^ 316 ; Kautzsch-Socin. ^ Targ. Jon., wine and water. ^ Winer, Knobel, Kohler, Wellhausen. 3 Wellhausen, Kuenen, etc., 378, 371)] GENESIS XXXV. 1(5 307 any interest in standing stones. It is not from /?/ but from C^ wlio gave liere ]iot, intleed, the tlieoi)hany whicli now stands in xxviii. lo If.,^ but perhaps, we may su])pose, an account of a new manifestation of God in Bethel, parallel Lo ^I's, and doubtless also an account of ffacob's change of name (see ver. 10). It was then in consequence of this that Jacol) erected and consecrated the nn^'D already referred to by B in xxviii. 18. The expression px nn^'D is also remarkable, as if the wish were to mark it as a mere stone monument. For ver. 15, see xxviii. 19. (c) Yv. 16-22n^. Continuation of the journey. First, Benjamin's birth and the death and burial of Eachel are recounted (vv. 16-20). In A also (xlviii. 7) the death and burial of Eachel in Ephrath are mentioned, but vv. 24 and 26 exclude his having related Benjamin's birth in Ephrath. For this and other reasons* vv. 16-19 are from (7, but ver. 20, because of 1\>T, from B, who, however, must have had the notice in another context.^ Ver. 16. 'I'd lyo^l, as in ver. 5. X'^)!iX\ mn3 — the length of the land, the stretch of road still to be covered before Ephrath was reached. The distance cannot be exactly determined, even from (xlviii. 7 and) 2 Kings V. 19, where the expression (without the article) again occurs. In any case it was not great ; ^ the Septuagint makes it a iTnroBpofxo^;, the Peshitta a parasang.^ Ephrath — in ver. 19 (xlviii. 7), identified^ with Bethlehem, two hours south of Jerusalem. But 1 Sam. x. 2 f f . puts Eachel's grave much farther north in the territory of ^ Cornill in ZATIV. xi. 15 if., who imagines ver. 14 to have been originally a continuation of ver. 8, the HD^'D to have been a gravestone, and tlie offering one to the dead. 2 Kuenen, Onderzock,' 222-316 ; Wellhausen, Composition, 319. •^ Bacon in Hebraica, vii. 283. ■* lyb''"), ver. 17, compared with xxxvii. 10; the scene laid in Ephrath, ^ Because of xxxvii. 10. ^ Knobel. "^ See, further, Jerome, Qucestiones, and Gesenius, Thesaurus ; also Schumann. ^ Originally according to Keil, and Kuliler, Geschichte^ i. 150. 308 GENESIS XXXY. 17-11) F. [379 Benjamin, or on the border between Benjamin and Ephraim, on the way between Eamah of Samuel and Gibeah of Saul, not very far from Bethel ; and Jer. xxxi. 1 5 agrees with this. That also suits the requirements of tlie case, for Kachel was the ancestress of Joseph and Benjamin. But there is as yet no trace of an Kphrath on the borders of Ephraim and Benjamin.! The name Ephrath here must therefore really have been intended for Bethlehem, and the interpretation of ver. 19 will be, in so far, original. In that case we have to assume ^ a Judean tradition other than the Ephraimite, according to which the grave was situated near the Judean Ephratli, and tliat it is this which the Judean writer C (and A) records. Their tradition has prevailed among Jews, Christians, and Moslems.^ The harmonistic device of extend- ing pN* niDD to be a distance of several miles, so as to allow Ephrath to be the place beside Bethel, makes shipwreck on the meaninglessness of a statement of distance from Bethlehem. She loas hard set in giving hirth — she had a hard or difficult delivery. Ver. 17. The midwife, a woman skilled in such matters, " encourages her with the prospect of a son : for this one too is a son for you, in this as in your first birth you will have a boy, a child of the preferred sex.""* Ch. xxx. 24 was the expression of her hope. m^''?D in Ex. i. 15ff. in B, and Gen. xxxviii. 28 in C. Ver. 18. But she dies, and when dying names her child my son of misfortune, inasmucli as he brings her death to her. In place of this nomcn infaustum the father chooses the name son of the right, or ckild of fortune, seeing the right side was the lucky one to the ancients.^ Ver. 1 9 f. Ptcbecca dies, and is buried on the road which 1 Tlienius, Knobel, Graf, Hitzig, etc. 2 Nbldeke, Delitzscli^. 3 See Matt. ii. 18 ; Winer,^ i. 334 ; Eiehm, Handioorterbuch, 1263. 4 Cf. iv. 1, xxix. 32 ; 1 Sam. iv. 20. Knobel ^ Gesenius, Thesaurus, 559 ; also ZDMG. xxi. GOl ff, 370, 3S0] GENESIS XXXV 21, 22 309 leads (from ])ethel) to Ephratli. Jacob erects a monumental stone over her grave.^ Kegarding the Christian tradition about the grave half an liour north of ]>etlilehem, see Robinson.- n^3p, also in xlvii. 30; Deut. xxxiv. 6. DVn'ny, as xix. 37f. (? from E). Ver, 21, from C. yD*"), as vv. 5 and 16. hii.ib^ see note on ver. 10 ; rbr^i^ D"*!, see note on xxvi. 25. Beyond a cattle tower — such towers, used for pastoral purposes, were numerous, at least in later times ; ^ that here intended, though without the article, is defined by the context as lying between Ephrath and Hebron. The earliest exposi- tors •* gave its situation as at Jerusalem ; and so more recent writers.^ With this idea the Septuagint has even set ver. 21 after hii, nUD in ver. 16. But the figurative language of Mic. iv. 8 does not prove that it was a tower on one of the hills of Jerusalem. Later tradition localises the tower in the neighbourhood of Bethlehem.^ Yer. 22a seems to have been remodelled by R, as cbi^^D indicates,'^ even though in its origin from C. Eeuben lies with his father's concubine, Bilhah.^ The ultimate meaning of this brief statement is presumably that the ancient custom of marriage with the wives or concubines of one's father, which long continued an Arab practice also,'^ and is even mentioned as occurring in the history of the Israelite kings,^*^ continued notoriously prevalent in the tribe of Eeuben. ^^ The abrupt conclusion, and Israel heard (it), is doubtless not due to a 1 Cf. ver. 14, but also xxviii. 18, xxxi. 45, xxxiii. 20, from B. 2 Palestine;^!. 218 f. ^ 2 Kings xvii. 9, xviii. 8 ; 2 Cliron. xxvi. 10. •* Jews in Jerome's Qaa'stiones. ■'' Von Bolilen, Knobel, Wellhausen, and otliers. '' Tobler, Bethlehem, 255 ff. '' See note on xxv. 6, xxii. 24. « See xlix. 3f. » Stral)o, xvi. 4. 25. '° Kuran, iv. 26 ; Abiilfida, Hist. Anteisl. p. 180, ed. Fleischer. ^^ See above, p. 113, and Robertson Smith in Journal of Philology, ix. 86 nr. 310 GENESIS XXXV. 27 FF. [SSO mutilation of the text/ but is an intentional reference to xlix. of. The sentence and paragraph ends here; but later, when the text was read in public, the reader did not linger over such a doubtful passage, but hurried on ; and this practice has found its expression in the second accentuation of the Massoretes (placed before the earlier).^ (d) List of Jacob's twelve sons, his arrival at Manire where Isaac was, Isaac's death and burial, vv. 22?;— 29, from A. The list of sons suitably follows the account of the birth of the last. They are arranged according to their maternal parentage, and the order of age within this arrange- ment agrees with that of ch. xxix. f. All the twelve sons, including, therefore, Benjamin, are born in Paddan Aram, according to this statement. H has silently excepted Benjamin, and so most modern expositors. "^p.^ — Samar. and some Hebrew MSS. ^'^?.^, as in xxxvi. 5 ; for ^?\ see iv. 18, xvii. 5, xxi. 5, xlvi. 28. A^er. 27 ff. At last Jacob, with all his following, reaches Isaac in Mamre, the Arba' town.^ After pnv'' ''D'' the Sept. adds ^^ "iK^'i^.^ Isaac is buried by Esau and Jacob, as Abraham had been by Isaac and Ishmael (xxv. 9). From ch. xlix. 31 we learn it was in the cave of Makhpelah. For Vi3j?"i'«, see xxv. 8. "The writer gives thus early his account of Isaac's death because he wishes to conclude his history of him.^ According to his chronology, Isaac was still alive at the date of the occurrences in ch. xxxvii. At Isaac's death Jacob was 120 years old, and when he migrated to Egypt he was 130.^ But his loOtli year coincided nearly with Joseph's 40th, and the latter was only 17 years old in xxxvii. 2."^ In these statements Knobel assumes that the chronology of xxxvii. 2 f. and of xli. 46, regarding Joseph, is from A, and 1 Comp. the addition by the Sept. ^ Geiger, Urschriff, 373. 2 See xxiii. 2. ^ See xxv. 7. 5 See xi. 32. ^ Chs. xxv. 26, XXXV. 28. xlvii. 9. ^ Knobel. 380,381] GENESIS XXXV. 27 FF. 311 he brings to his help the years of blessing and of famine in Egypt/ of which nine or ten had passed- since Joseph's preferment.^ But it is questionable if we are entitled to do this, seeing that we cannot certainly prove that all these numbers are from A. What we learn from him with certainty is as follows. Ch. xlvi. states that in his 130th year •* Jacob's sons had all already sons of their own, Benjamin as many as ten, and that Judah and Asher had each two grandsons. If, however, we put its testimony aside " on the ground that the list caimot in any way be fitted into the historical framework of Genesis," ^ and is marked by the work of a later hand, other evidence remains. Chs. XX vi. 34 f., xxvii. 46, and xxviii. 1 ff. make it clear that years, and xxviii. 9, regarding Ishmael, agrees with this. Between this migration and that to Egypt there is, then, an interval of over 80 years. How much of this period belongs to the stay in Paddan and how much to the time spent afterwards in Hebron we cannot now say. But it is clearly sufficient to allow of his having many grandsons and even great grandsons, and to dispose of the assertion that ch. xlvi. cannot be fitted into the historical framework of Genesis. Ch. xlvi. may be given its place even if the figure given in xxxvii. 2 is from A as well as that in xli. 26 ; for in 13 + 9 years *^ after the date fixed by xxxvii. 2 even Benjamin who was younger than Joseph (xxxv. 24), might have ten children. The assumption of the harmonists,^ tliat Jacob, when he migrated to Harran, was over 70 years old, more exactly 76, makes no distinction between the sources, does not do justice to the statements of xxvi. 34, xxvii. 46, xxviii. 1 fr, contradicts xxviii. 9, must unduly prolong the stay in Sukkoth and Shechem (xxxiii. 1 7 IT.), and after all 1 Chs. xli. 47 f., 53 f., xlv. G. - Ch. xlv. fi. 3 Ch. xh. 46. ' Ch. xlvii. 9. 5 Wellhausen, JBDTh. xxi. 440 f. « Chs. xxxvii. 2, xli. 40, xlv. G. ^ See in Delitzsch, Keil, Kdhler, Geschichte, i. 135 f., 1501'. 312 GENESIS XXXVI [381 docs not explain how in ch. xlvi. Judali could already have grandchildren, and Benjamin, even, ten sons. 4. Esau and the Edomites, Cii. XXXVI. ; mainly FOLLOWING A. Before the transition is made to the Toledoth of Jacob the collateral line of Esau is disposed of. First we are told how Esau, while still in Canaan, had five sons by three wives, then how he gave place to Jacob and departed to the mountain land of Se'ir with his dependants and all his property (vv. 1—8). There follows an enumeration of Esau's sons and grandsons in Se'ir, and of the Edomite tribes descended from them (vv. 9-19), also of the aboriginal Horite tribes of Se'ir (vv. 20-30). Finally, there is a list of the Edomite kings (31-39), and a second enumeration of the territorial division of the Edomite tribes of later date (vv. 40-43). The amount of detail devoted to these various matters is explicable from the fact that Edom was always counted Israel's brother, and was of the greatest importance in the history of Israel. The Horites were the original inhabitants of the land in the mountain country of Se'ir (ver. 20). The Hebrews under Esau entered their country and amalgamated with them, Esau married the Horite Oholibamah (ver. 2), and his son Eliphaz the Horite Timna' (vv. 12, 22). But the Esauites became the rulers of the land in Se'ir as the Israelites did in Canaan ; Jahve gave them Se'ir,^ the whole country as far as the Gulf of 'Akaba.^ Yet clearly defined Horite communities must still have continued to exist under their supremacy, so that it was not only possible to give a separate description of their tribal divisions, but of sufficient moment also. They were only by degrees absorbed or expelled by the new masters of the country until those of a ^ Deut. ii. 5 ; Josh. xxiv. 4. - Num. XX i. 4 ; Deut. ii. 1 IF. : 1 Kinr^s ix. 26. 381, 382] GENESIS XXXVI 313 later date, on looking back,^ could say that l^doni liad extirpated the Horites. The information about the Horites, as well as that regarding the ancient kings of Edom, is evidence that this passage, or at least its sources, is of a relatively ancient date. ^'s authorship of the chapter has been much disputed since Hupfeld's time, only portions of it being still assigned to him,- while the rest is pronounced to be by li from C and B or other sources. There is, indeed, hardly any linguistic evidence against A, althougli the language is not everywhere so decisively testimony in his favour as it is in vv. 6-8, 30, 40, and 43. See below regarding linguistic usages which prove redaction. The formal chronicle-like way of statement also pervades the whole {e.g. also vv. 31-39). The objections are drawn from the subject-matter. It is said that it was not part of ^'s scheme to mention the Horites, or that he holds much too steadily to his archaic standpoint, and has too little objective, historical interest to allow of our suppos- ing that the list of Edomite kings is his (see on vv. 29 and 40 for other points). But A is in no degree archaic in the sense that he puts forward his writing as the composition of Moses ; he, and he only, makes quite open allusions to tlie kings of Israel (xvii. 6, 16, xxxv. 11); if any writer, it is A who takes pleasure in material which is statistical or genealogical or chronological, which means that he is influenced by the motive of historical interest. General considerations are exactly what requires us to assign the passage to A. Edom in the time of the monarchy was a dependency of Israel, and this it was which compelled A to be more minute regarding it than regarding Ishmael. But it has to be acknowledged tliat the chapter has been pretty extensively revised by R on the basis of another source (? C). The double heading in 1 Dent. ii. 12, 22. - E.g. vv. 1-8 (Hupfeld, Kayser), 6-8 (Bohmer), 1-14 (Nuldeke, Reuss), 6-8 and 40-43 (Wellhausen, JBDTh. xxi. 438 ff. ; Kueneu, Onder::oeh,^ i. G8). 314 GENESIS XXXVI [382, 383 vv. 1 and 9 is what first surprises us. But the solution is not that ver. 9 ff. are not from A, and that vv. 1-8 are his only with the deduction that A' has altered the names of the wives in accordance with the other source, ver. 9 ff.^ The list of wives in ver. 2 f. cannot even be taken from that in vv. 10 and 13, seeing that the former is fuller than the latter. r)esides, the expressions of vv. 10 and 15 (see below) are certainly those of A, and there is no sense in denying to him, because of vv. 40-43, all vv. 15-19, and, similarly, vv. 9-14, if the names of the sons in ver. 4 f. are still allowed to be his. Finally, the use of Dnx ""ix (see ver. 43) makes the case for ^'s author- sliip stronger in ver. 9 tlian in ver. 1 (comp. ver. 8 for its Dnt^ i^in). Positively, we may assert not only that vv. Q—8a are indubitably from A, but also that the formulas of 5b ^ and 2a ^ reveal his presence. Vv. 2-8 are accordingly, in the main, the names of the wives being excepted, to be attributed to him. But then we are best to assume ■* that these notices, like xxxvii. 1, were originally, in A, part of the pn:*^ nn^n, and were included in the iry nn^n by the heading of ver. 1 from B, wdio, at the same time, revised them and expanded ver. 9 by the addition of 9/'. He then altered in the beginning of A's Toledotli (vv. 9-19) the names of the wives (vv. 10, 13 f., 16-18), to be in accord- ance witli his additional source, and added ver. 12, and, doubtless, also ver. 14, as w^ell as p^DV ^'hi^ (ver. 16), and cnt^ Nin (ver. 19). In the list of Horites, also (vv. 20-30), only ver. 29 f. can be certainly reckoned A'&; ver. 20 f. is a doublet to ver. 29 f.^ and the contents of vv^ 22—28 show a close connection with the second source of vv. 1-19. It is questionable if, in the list of kings, there is matter, cjj. ver. 35, 'ji n^r^n, due to insertion.*^ Most of the names wliicli occur here are found nowliere 1 Budde, Urgescliichte, 347 f. 2 Cf. XXXV. 266. 3 ci xxviii. ], 6, 8. ^ With Bruston in Eevue Theol. 1882, pp. 18 ff., 134 ff. 5 With DIN 'sn in ver. 20 contrasted with '■\'^]:\y 'j. 135 f. 383] GENESIS XXXYI. 1, 2 F. 315 else. When the people disappeared so also did the names, so far as they were not place-names. Even of the place- names only a few are now traceahle. A part of the records of the chapter is re])eated in 1 Chron. i. 35—54. (a) Vv. 1-8. Esan's wives and sons as they were in Canaan ; his departnre to Se'ir. Yer. 1. DHN Nin, repeated in ver. 8, and somewhat differ- ently in ver. 19. It agrees with xxv. 24 ff. (7>, C), accord- ing to which Edom is another name for Esau, whereas in vv. 9 and 43 (A) Esau is father of Edom, so that Esau is a personal and Edom a national name.^ Ver. '2 f. Esau's wives. Their marriages have been already related ;2 this explains why instead of np^l (cf. x. 1) the author writes Esau had taken his luives, etc. The start- ing-point in a discussion of the verse is the fact that "''n is an error for ''")n,3 seeing that 'Anah, whose daughter Oholibamah is said to be, is in vv. 20, 25 a son, in ver. 24 a grandson of Se'ir the Horite. It is now at once evident that the expression jyjD ni:30 is no longer suitable, for only one Canaanite woman has been married. The words my nx '}) have therefore not been written by tlie author of ver. 2a. But, further, in ^I's text (xxvi. 34 f., xxviii. 9) the three wives married by Esau in Canaan are the Hittites nx3 r\2 nn^n^ and |i^'^ nzi n^b'ii, and the Ishmaelite nins n^np nVDJ, whose names are cither wholly different or only partially in agreement with those here. Attempts have been made to reconcile " the discrepancy either l)y supposing that Esau had five wives, or that they had double names, or had been renamed," ^ or that errors have been introduced by copyists,^ which must then have been very extensive. A difference of tradition or of tlu^ory can alone satisfactorily • See, further, Ihvuld, fksvhichtc^' i. -194 [Kng. Ir. i. 34 1 f.J. - Chs. xxvi. 34, xxviii. 9. 3 J. D. Michaelis, Tuch, Bertlieau, Knobel, Ewald, Delil/sch. Cf. Sept. reading in Josh. ix. 7. ^ Ilgen, Rosenniiiller, Scliuiuaiin, Ilent^stenberg, Kurtz. •' Knobel, Ewald, Geschuhtc,^ i. 533 [Eug. tr. i. 37i:, note 2]. 316 GENESIS XXXVI. 4-0 [383, 384 explain the discrepancy,^ and this requires us to give up any idea of identity of authorship ; - i.e. either here or in xxvi. 34 f. and xxviii. 9, tlie names must have been inserted from another source into ^'s text by R. The former is in itself the more probable,^ and is reconniiended by ver. 2a, which, as has just been shown, does not agree with ver. 2&. We cannot decide whether B or C was this source ; in any case they too ^ have had something regarding Esau's domestic history and departure to Se'ir. r^iv — see iv. 19. nron^ijHS — words compounded with ^ns occur, as Israelite (Ex. xxxi. 6), Sabean,^ and Phoenician^ names. iiy3>'-n3 — after njy-nn as in ver. 14, but sufficiently surprising ; some have therefore corrected nn to p,'^ others translate it granddaughter (cf. ver. 39); perhaps it is only a variant to nj>-n3, which is dependent on vv. 20 and 25 (cf. ver. 18), taken from ver. 24 and finally allowed into the text. ^P^^ — also a Hebrew name in 1 Kings iv. 15; the Samaritan has everywhere ^ ri?no, following xxviii. 9. Ver. 4 f. Esau's five sons, all born while their father was still in Canaan. The correction of c^y, in vv. 5 and 14, to t^'1y^ is based on ver. 18, and on the form usually taken by the name, which was a common one in Israel also. The Sept. has 'Jeou? which prevents '-^ approval of the identifica- tion with the Arab deity laghuth}^ The words |yjD — 'ia rh^, in bh are identical with ^'s in xxxv. 26. Ver. 6. Esau departs with all his possessions. The phraseology as in xii. 5, xxxiv. 23 (in A). X^^'h^ — without meaning, for it is impossible to supply ^ Tucli, Noldeke, Delitzscli, Keil, Kijliler. ^ Hupfeld, Bohiuer, Kayser, Wellhauseii, Brustoii. '" Cf. the composition of x. and xi. 27 ff. * See xxxii, 4. ^ Journal Asiatique, vii. 4, i>. 554 f. ^ CIS. i. 1, p. 72. '' FolloAving Saniarit. Sei)t. Pesh. 8 Vv. 4, 9, 13, 17. » Lagarde, Bildung der Nomina, 133 ; Noldeke, ZDMG. xlv. 595. 10 Robertson Smith, Wellliausen, Skizzen, iii. 19 ; Noldeke in ZDMG. xl. 1G8. 384] GENESIS XXXYT. 7, 8 817 ^IC'^,^ ''ind the translations into a land heforc, i.e. east of, Jacoh" or remote from Jacob^ are negatived by tlie proper meaning of "".^Sip, or give no proper definition. A word has fallen out after jnx, probably "i^Vt**, which is given by the Peshitta-^ (comp. ver. 8), and not ^^'^^.^ because the land of Edoni expresses in itself a wider conception than land of Se'ir." The p3 )nx?o of the Sejjt. and Saniar. is a subsequent correction. Before his brother Jaeoh, i.e. because of Jacob,' who extended greatly, and required much land. Esau thus gave way to Jacob, and the passage leaves us in no doubt that it was after the return of the latter from Paddan Aram.^ Ver. 7. The cause of the emigration, viz. the insufficiency of the pasturage of the country for the flocks of both. For the phraseology, comp. xiii. 6 in A. nnG'p, see iv. 18. Ver. 8. Esau settles in the hill-country of Se'ir. This name in later times '•• included also the Edomite hill-country, east of the 'Araba, between the Dead Sea and the Gulf of 'Akaba, " known in its whole extent by the Arabic geo- graphers as the Jebel esh-Shera,^^ but more frequently named Jebal in its northern portion, and esh-Shera in its southern part/^ exactly in accordance with the distinction made in modern times." ^^ But originally ^^ the name belonged to the hilly country west of the 'Araba, which, though not so high as Jebfil and Shera, yet towers aloft in wildly torn masses of ^ Targg., Vulg., Clericus, Eosenmiiller, De Wette. 2 Geseniiis, Von Bohlen. ^ Bolmier. * Knobel ; against Noldeke's doubts see ver. 30 and xxxii. 4. 5 Cf. ver. 16 f., xxi. 31. « See ver. 8. '' Ch. vii. 7 ; Isa. xvii. 9. " Knobel. » E.g. Deut. ii. ; Ezek. xxxv. 15. 10 E.g. Edrisi, tr. Jaubert, i. 337 ; Yakut, Mmhtarih, 270. 11 E.g. Istachri, ed. Mordtniann, p. 34 f. 12 Seetzen, Reiseu, i. 415, 418, iii. IG ; Burckliardt [Syria, jip. 401, 410], Germ. tr. pp. 674, 688 ; Robinson [Palesfiue,^ ii. 154 f.], Germ. tr. iii. 103 f. 860 f. Knobel. See also Winer, "^ i. 397, ii. 442; Gesenius, Thesaurus, 258, 1335. 1^ Judg. V. 4 ; Dent, xxxiii. 2 ; comp. the statements of Num. xx. 16 : Josli. xi. 17, xii. 7, xv. 1. 318 GENESIS XXXVI. 10, 11 F. [384, 38 j rock of gleaming whiteness, south of the " hare liill," which forms the southern boundary of the hill-country of Juclah. It is a wild, desolate, mountani land now inhabited by the Arab tribe 'Azazime.^ DHS Sin )t'V — see ver. 1. (b) Vv. 9-19. List of. Esau's grandsons, and of the Edomite tribes which sprang from Esau's five sons in Seir. They are tw^elve, as in the cases of Nahor, Ishmael, and Israel, or thirteen when the related people of 'Amalek is added (so with Yoktan). See above, p. 148. They fall into three groups, as Esau has three wives. Ver. 9. Not " an erroneous repetition from ver. 1 and to be struck out," ^ but ^'s original heading to the passage, nna "i>yb, unlike ver. 5. DHi^ nN% see ver. 1. Ver. 10. ni^tr nbi^, see xxv. 13. The intention is to name only sons of Eliphaz and Ee'uel, which explains their being placed together here, and the separation from them of the sons of Oholibamah (ver. la). Ver. 1 1 f. The first or Canaanite line. Its ancestor is Eliphaz. His name did not become that of a tribe, any more than that of Ee'uel ; he only sums up a number' of tribes of whom he is the common ancestor. )D'n — " elsewhere in the Old Testament name of an Edomite district,^ which was celebrated for its wise men,'* and was the home of Job's discerning friend Eliphaz.^ Ezek. xxv. 13 points also to its being situated in northern Edom." "^ Ver. 42 does not require us to suppose ' there w\as also a city of Teman. Yet the Onomastica name a place Qaifidv, where there was a Eoman garrison, and place it 15 Koman miles from Petra (Jerome 5 miles).^ 1 See Bertheau in Bihellex. ii. 51. ["Bare hill," Josh. xi. 17; Dill. " platten Berg."] 2 Lagarde, Orientalia, ii. 40. 3 Jer. xlix. 20 ; Amos i. 12 ; Hab. iii. 3. 4 Jer. xlix. 7 ; Banich iii. 22 f. ^ Job ii. 11. 6 Knobel. ^ Knobel. ^ Coinp. further, Wetzstein in Zeitschrift fur Ally, Erdkunde, xviii. 52 f. 385] GEXF.STS XXXVI. 1l>, 1)5 :U !) Nothing fuithor is known of Omrir, Sc])ho (Sept. ^cocj^dp, 1 Chron. i. ;')G ^^V), and Ga'trmi. rp — explained by the Kenizzites of xv. 1 9, a jjfoplc wliich once dwelt south of Canaan. Kaleb (of Judah) ^ is called " the Kenizzite," and his yonjiger biolher, or son-in-law, a son of Kenaz;'-^ and we hear of a Kenaz who wjis Kaleb's grandson.^ These facts make it apparent that one ])art of this petty people was absorbed in the tribal union of Judah, while another, according to this passage, attached itself to Edoni, and therefore here appears as son of Eliphaz.'^ Ver. 12. 'Amalek is also a son of Eliphaz, but by a concubine {Timna), and so not a full son. What is intended is, of course, not the great people of 'iinialek, or their ances- tor,^ which is older,^ and had settled in the desert regions south of Canaan long before Esau,^ but only an ofi'shoot from it, which attached itself to the tribes of Eliphaz, or stood in some relation of subordination to them. What remained of them in Se'ir was driven away by the Simeonites in the time of Hezekiah (1 Chron. iv. 42 f.). 7Hmna, the mother (? a district, ver. 40), is included amomg the Horites in ver. 22, which implies that this branch of 'Amalek already stood in a somewhat close relationship with the Horites. The expression L""ji'''2 ^ shows that this verse is not from A ; and the same is then probably true of pbipy ^l^^x also, in ver. 16. Without 'Amalek the tribes are twelve in number, as elsewhere in A, with it thirteen. Ver. 13. The second or Ishmaelite line, namely, the four sons of Ke'uel. They are unknown elsewhere. The first three are also Israelite names ; the Septuagint gives Na'^66, Zape, Xofxe, Mo^e. ^ Xuiu. xxxii. 12; Josh. xiv. G, 14. - Jiulg. i. 13, iii. 9, 11; Jo.sli. xv. 17; 1 Climn. iv. i:3. 3 1 Cliron. iv. 13. 4 Ewald, Geschichte,-^ i. 3G1 [Kuy;. tr. i. l>51 f.] ; Beillicaii in Bihellex. iii. 521. ^ Winer, Hengstenberg, Keil, and (illic.r. ^ See also Num. xxiv, 20. " (Jli, .xiv, 7. '^ occ xxii. l'J, .\.w. 0. 320 GENESIS XXXV [. 14-19 [385, 386 Ver. 14. The third, or Horite line, is not composed of grandsons, but of Esau's three sons by Oholibamah, already named in ver. 5, and comprehended under the name Oholi- bamah. ^^V] and nnp were also Israelite names. QpV! is perhaps a derivative from an animal name, '^V) or npr ; ^ reorardincr t^^'^J?"', see ver. 5. Vv. 15-19. List of the trlhal jrrinccs of Edom, who are, with one exception, identical with the already-named grand- sons and sons of Esau. ?I^3)X — not tribe '^ or community or canton^ but as a denominative from f]i?x (see ver. 30), a thousand, or confeder- acy, a cMliarch or phylarch. The word in Zech. ix. 7, xii. 5f. is also used of the subdivisions of the tribe of Judah,"* and was in Edom, so far as we can judge,"'' the expression for tribal prince ; ^?^, itself being the designation for the largest subdivision of the nation, the tribe, as ^'^'^ was in the case of Ishmael (xxv. 16). The author's enumeration of tribal princes is at the same time an enumeration of tribes, and is paralleled by xxv. 16 and xvii. 20, where he speaks of the D\SV^ of Ishmael. In Ex. xv. 15 the parallelism of 3Xin "^s also makes it apparent that f)i^j< is the chief of the clan, and not the clan itself. WV "ii^a — see xxv. 13, xxxv. 23 (xxii. 21 is somewhat different). Ver. 16. n"ip fjl^X — wanting in the Samaritan, transferred by mistake from ver. 1 8 ; perhaps a gloss to the effect that Korath, according to another view, was reckoned one of the Eliphaz tribes. It is certain that two different tribes had not the same name. Ver. 19. DHt^ sin, a gloss to ib'y, put in at the wrong point (see xiv. 12), or it may be a mutilation of xin ib^y DHX.^' The Targum of Jonathan gives DIN ^3S xin (cf. ver. 9). 1 Robertson Smith. - Knobel. 3 Sprenger in ZDMG. xii. 315 fF. ; Bolinier. * Cf. Micali V. 1; Ewald, Alterthnmer,^ 321 f. [Eng. tr. 245, note 1]. s Cf. Ex. XV. 15. 6 Samar. ; cf. ver. 8. 386] GENESIS XXXVI. 20-23 821 (c) Vv. 20-30. The Horite tribes. Their ancestry is traced to Seir, elsewhere the name of a country.^ They arc spoken of as the inhabitants of the land^- as contrasted witli Esau's people, who came later and settled among them. They were the earliest population, as far as our knowledge goes.^ Their " name, ^")n, from nin, cave, designates them cave- dwellers, or troglodytes. Edom is full of caves.* The population used them as dwellings. They had in spccitbus hahitatiuncidas and tufjuria sithterranea." ^ Ver. 20 f. Seven sons of Se'ir are first enumerated, who are, however, identical with the alluyhim of ver. 29 f. Seeing now that in the words nnn ^si^x n^x (21&) these sons of Se'ir are even called aUuphim, and that we find DHN pN3 as com- pared with -i^i?b' inxa in ver. oO, we may rightly infer that these verses are due to another source than that of ver. 2 9 f. Each son has also sons of his own given, and some daughters ; these are to be understood as subdivisions of the tribes. Ver. 22. The first is Lotdn, rightly identified by Ewald '• with Lot, father of Moab-Ammon, and also a ''lin (xix. 30). The Arab tribe Liyathineh,'' in the neighbourhood of Petra,^ is excluded, even by its spelling. His sons are Hori, in whom the national name appears as a clan name, and Hi'mam,^ compared by Knobel with Humaimeh, a town south of Petra,^^ but against the phonology. A sister of Lotan's is Timna, the same as in ver. 12, and due to the same source. Ver. 23. The second is Shobal. There is no connection with Syria Sobal (i.e. npi^; Dn^{^• n ^^j if "the name Syria ^ Cf. in Gen. x. Assliur, Aram, Misraini, Canaan, etc. - Ex. xxiii. 31; Num. xxxii. 17; Judg. i. 33. 3 Ch. xiv. 6. < Robinson, Palestine,^ ii. 68 f. ; Hitter, xiv. 991. ^ Jerome, ad Obadiah 5. Knobel. 6 Geschichte,^ i. 448 [Eng. tr. i. 313]. ' Knobel. 8 Burckhardt, Syria, pp. 420 f., 433 ; Robin;>on, Palestine;-^ ii. 15G. ^ 1 Cliron. i. 39, Hoiuam ; Sept. in both cases, Aifx,uu. 1" Yaktit, Mushtarik, 146 ; Robinson [Palestine,^ ii. 168], Germ. tr. iii. 128, 861*. 11 Judith iii. 1, Vulgate. DILLMANN. — II. 21 322 GENESIS XXXVI. 24, 25 [SSG, 387 Sobal is applied by the historians of the crusades to the Shobek^ named above under xxv. 2,"^ there has been doubt- less a confusion (with Shaubak). Variants are given in Chronicles to two of the five names of his sons — ivu for \yV, and ^p^ for is^. Knobel hazarded a comparison of 'Alwan with the Beduin tribe Alawin, north of 'Akaba,^ and of Manachat with Menochia, a place in Edom ; * and Movvv- p^ittTi?, the region west of Petra.^ It is more worthy of note that in 1 Chron. ii. 52 (cf. 54) half of Manahat is derived from a Kalebite Shobal. Ver. 24. The third is Sibeon, Arabic hyena. His sons are n\\\6 Hebrew kite, and n^^ij ; not an animal name, for Arabic 'anah, compared in last edition, means only troop, herd.'^ Eegarding 'Anah, we are told that when watching his father's asses he found the op"; in the steppe land. Qp.l — not mulcs^ nor giants,^ nor ^"^l, lakes, or D^P, nriters}^ Hot luaters or thermal springs ^^ would be more in place, and would then be, not those of Kallirrhoe,^^ but others ; ^^ yet the translation ^* rests perhaps only on a confusion with Ver. 25. The fourth is 'Anah. This is a son of the Se'ir of ver. 20, and not the same as in ver. 24. From him Dishon is derived ; the name is that of an animal in Deut. 1 Robinson, Palestine,^ ii. 161 f., 163 f.; Eitter, Erdhinde, xiv. 61, 987. - Knobel. ^ Burckliaidt, Syria, pp. 508, 512; Robinson, Palestine,^ i. 165, 171; Seetzen, Reisen, iii. 10, 102. ^ Notitia dignitatum, i. 79, 343 (ed. Rocking). ^ Ptolemy, v. 17. 3. ^' To be read for n*S*l, with Samar. Sept. Pesli. Vnlg. Hebrew MSS. and 1 Cliron. i. 40, if a name has not rather fallen out before it. ^ Noldeke in ZDMG. xl. 168. ^ Jerus. Targ., Saadia, Kimclii, Luther ; see Lagarde, Orientalia, ii. 58 ; Levy, Neuheh. Worterh. i. 476a. '■^ □D''5<, Onkelos. lo See Jerome, Qucestiones. 1^ Vulgate; Gesenius, Thesaurus, 586. ^2 Delitzscli ; see note on x. 19. 13 E.g. Burckhardt, Syria, p. 401. Knobel. 1'* See Jerome. 387] GENESIS XXXVI. 2(3-28 323 xiv. 5. His appearing here as Se'ir's grandson, as'Anah does in ver. 24, whereas in ver. 20 f. they are both sons, is explained if a part of 'Anah was absorbed in Sibeon, and of Dishon in 'Anah. The Septuagint partially smooths away the difficulty by another punctuation. " The formula '^p^ ^^^ npK was a standing one in genealogies, and was even used where only one son had to be named." ^ Oholibaiiiah is Esau's wife (comp. ver. 18). There were either two traditions regarding her father ,2 or ver. 24& is to be placed after 25&.^ Ver. 26. The fifth is Dishon^ One of his four sons is r^pri ; Sept. 'AjjuaBd ; in Chronicles i7?n, parallel to l^f ^f , which in Arabic is also name of a colour. 1"^3 ; Sept. Xappdv, per- haps connected with "i3, agnus, aries. Ver. 27. The sixth is Eser; Sept. 'Aadp] in Chronicles 'fladp. He has three sons. ]^7^ is doubtless a derivative from t^^^'p' (xxix. 29); Sept. BaXaa/z,. ])V1_; Sept. Zof/ca/Lt ; Samarit. IvlT. \\>V in Chronicles is fpy without 1 ; but there the Sept. has Kal ''Aicdv, here it has Kal 'lovicdfi. Halevy ^ reads a name py in the inscriptions of Safa. The \\>T^_ ""J^ of Deut. XX. 6 and Num. xxxiii. 3 If. have been compared with the reading in Chronicles. Ver. 28. The seventh is Dishan. Here and in vv. 21 and 30, but not in Chronicles, the Septuagint gives 'Piaccv] and certainly \^^\ as a tribal name alongside ib'^'n, is some- what suspicious. His son 'Us is doubtless only a section of the well-known Aramiean py.e Aran is the second. The syllable an, as in many other of these names, appears to be formative, and therefore the interpretation chamois (from ]j5"|), for which the punctuation of 1 Chron. ii. 25, p.^*, is better suited, is very questionable.^ The reading pi^ ^ or 1 Ch. xlvi. 23 ; Num. xxvi. 8 ; 1 Chron. i. 41, ii. 8 Knobel. 2 See notes on vv. 2 and 14. ^ Delitzsch. * Beading |b''''n with 1 Chron. i. 41, and Sept. Pesli. Vulg. 5 J A. vii. 17, p. 236. 6 See note on x. 23. ^ ZDMG. xl. 168. ^ Samar. 324 GENESIS XXXVT. 29 F. [388 D"iK,i occasioned by py, is of no value. Knobel and Sprenger - compare ^l^. with the Arreni of Pliny.^ Ver. 29 f. Enumeration of the seven tribal princes of the Horites, who are, however, identical with the seven sons of Se'ir. DiT'Spsp, according to their tribal ijrinces, is taken to mean, enumerated one by one.* But seeing ^?vS is written without 1 only here in the whole chapter, we should rather read Dn^DPXp, according to their tribes (comp. Sept.). The fact that the total number of the sons of Se'ir is not very large,^ only proves that we must not look for sucli in these genealogies, and not that vv. 20-30 is a late addition. In the list the animal names, and those which terminate in I— (|i), are noteworthy. It is very natural for peoples amongst whom arts and manufactures have not yet been developed to take their names by preference from those of animals. There is no need to infer an original animal worship among the Semites.'^ For a comparison of the family names common to the Jewish family Hesron and the Edomites and Horites, see Wellhausen.''^ {d) Vv. 31-39. A list of the kings "who ruled in the land of Edom before an Israelite king ruled." The state- ment is generally taken absolutely, and then the period ends before the time of Saul ; if the words " over Edom " are to be supplied,^ the period ends before the time of David, which would determine a date more suited for the conclusion of the list. The heading shows that there were already kings in Israel in the author's lifetime, and xvii. 6, 20 and XXXV. 1 1 prove what value A attached to the monarchy. It shows equally that the last mentioned in the list lived immediately before the time of the Israelite monarchy or just at its beginning, and not, e.g., before or about Moses' 1 Heb. MSS., Targ. Jon. (also MSS. of Sept. and Vulg.). 2 Geocj. Arahiens, 145. ^ 6. § 157. * Knobel, Dehtzscb'*. ^ Noldeke. ^ R. Smith in Jour, of Philol. ix. 75 fF., and Kinship, 1885 ; Stade, Geschichte,^ i. 408 if. See also Noldeke in ZDMG. xl. 161 fF. ' l)e gentil. Jud. p. 38 f. ^ Bruston, op. cit. p. 133. 388, 389] GENESIS XXXVI. 32, 33 325 time.^ If it had been otherwise the author would have had to say, before Israel left Egypt or conquered Canaan, or something similar. In the development of a monarchy as well as in his settlement in the country he made his own, Esau preceded Israel ; he is the firstborn. Yet Israel in the end won from him his precedency. " There are in the list the names of eight kings, so that it might well extend back to the time of Moses. Num. xx. 14 and Judg. iv. 17 tell us that the Edomites had a king thus early. No one of the kings who are named is son of his predecessor. The Edomite monarchy was therefore probably elective (cf. Isa. xxxiv. 12). But it may also be assumed that princes of ability pushed themselves to the front by their own efforts, attained the dignity of royalty, and maintained it for the period of their lives." ^ Dn« psn as in ver. 216, unlike ver. 30h n^^J^ pi>?n ; right from A's point of view, because the kingdom embraced a wider country than the home of the Horites. See on ver. 8, and compare 40-43, where a like area is presupposed. Ver. 32. For V?^ the Sept. has BaXaK. Dinhahah, in the Sept. and Vulg. AevvajBd, is not to be found in Edom. " But the name occurred elsewhere, e.g. there was Aava^d in Palmyrene Syria,^ and Aavd^r) in Babylonia,^ Dannaia and Dannaba in Moab.^ The coincidence of the name Bela' be7i Be or with that of the seer BiVam hen Be or is remarkable ; he is thought of here by the Targum of Jonathan and by the Targum on 1 Chron. i. 44."^ Ver. 33. Yobab was later identified by the Greeks with Job (lyob)." Bosrah, his city, was one of the principal towns or the capital of the country ; ^ it is usually localised at 1 Hengstenberg, Delitzsck,'* Keil, and others. 2 Knobel. ^Ptolemy, v. 15. 24; Assemani, Bihliotli. Orient, iii. 2, pp. 595 f., 606. •* Zosimus, Hist. iii. 27. ^ Onomasticon, i. 114 f., ed. Lagarde. ^ Kuobel. ^ Sept. Job xlii. 18 [17(^ in Swete]. 8 Amos i. 12 ; Jer. xlix. 13, 22 ; Isa. xxxiv. 6, Ixiii. 1. 326 GENESIS XXXVI. 34-37 [389 el-Buseira, a small village in Jebal, two and three-quarter hours south of Taftla ; ^ but the identification is opposed by Wetzstein,^ who regards m^*a as the old name of Petra. Ver. 34. Q^'n ; Sept. 'Aacofx ; in Chronicles 'Ao-ofi ; com- pare the Jewish name CJC'n in Ezra and Nehemiah. For Teman, see ver. 11. Ver. 35. Hadad^ is also the well-known name of a Syrian deity."^ "^12 ; Sept. BapuS. One of this king's deeds is recorded, namely, his victory over Midian in the field ^ of Moab ; the exceptional notice taken of it *' was doubtless due to its being of importance to Israel also. Ewald ^ would make him flourish in the time of Gideon. ^^)V, Sept. TerOaliJb, is identified by Knobel with the hill-range Ghu- weithe on the eastern side of Moabitis.' Ver. 36. The Sept. has ^a/naSd €k MaaeKKa^. But in the Onomasticoii, MaapiKci' ttoXl^ j^aaCKeia^ 'EBcofi irepl ttjv Te^aXrivrjv. Ver. 37. "There are many places of the name Eehoboth.^ Probably there were several in Edom. That here intended was situated on a Nahr, here a small river, and so was called Relidbotli of tlie Biver}^ It is the place which the Notitia dignitatum ^^ cites among Edomite localities as Eobotha, and which Eusebius and Jerome ^^ quote as existing in their day in Gebalene." So far Knobel. But it is hardly credible that "injn is to be looked for in Edom. Following the indication it gives us, others understand a Eehoboth on the Euphrates, e.g. Eahaba ^^ on its western bank somewhat south ^ Burckhardt, Syria, p. 407 ; Rol)inson, Palestine,^ ii. 167 ; Seetzen, ii. 51, 357, iii. 17 ; Badeker,^ 191. 2 In Delitzsch, Isaiah,^ p. V04 f. » Cf. 1 Kings xi. 14 ff. ^ ZDMG. xxxi. 734 ; Bathgen, Beitrcige, p. 67. 5 Clis. xiv. 7, xxxii. 4 ; Num. xxi. 20 ; Rutli i. ff. 6 Cf. ver. 24. '' Geschichte,^ ii. 476 [Eng. tr. ii. 108] ; cf. Riehm, Handwdrterhuch, 996. ^ Burckhardt, Syria, 375. ^ Yakut, Mushtarik, 203 f . ^° But the Sei^t. lias 'Foufiad ryj; Trccpol 7rorxf/.6u and not Trupx rou. [Dillmann.] 11 i. 78. 346 f. 12 Onomasticon. i^ Sachau, Reisen, 279 f. 380, 3!)0] GENESIS XXXVI. 38-13 'A2*l of the mouth of tlie Chaboras,^ and hold that Shaul was a foreigner m spite of liis Hebrew name. Ver. o^. i^n 'pyzi. a formation like the Israelite IjnpN and ijnr and many similar Phoenician, Punic, and Sabean names ; it is evidence of the worship of Baal, "li^^i^, mouse, is also an animal name. Ver. 39. '^']i}; Se-pt 'ApaS; in 1 Chron. i. 50, some Hebrew MSS., and the Peshitta nnn ; in the Samaritan mn and mn ; ^ the variant is one elsewhere frequent in the case of this very name.^ ^PSij; Chronicles ''VS ; Sept. ^oycop,^ " with which we may compare the ruins of Phanara in Edom,"^ Hadar's successor is not given, nor is his death recorded, either because he ceased to reign before his death, or because he was the last who reigned in the author's lifetime (see on ver. 40). His wife's genealogy is also given, though this is not done in any other case ; the reason is not that he is the same as the Hadad of 1 Kings xi. 14 ff., and that his wife is therefore an Egyptian princess,*^' for that Hadad was 3.1JP 'n)'^'"?^ and the wife's names are genuinely Semitic ; it may be because descendants of this marriage, e.g. the Hadad of 1 Kings xi. 14, were not without importance for Israel. For 3nj ^12 nzi^ the Sept. and Pesh. have vlov Mai^ocoB ; see end of note on ver. 2. Elsewhere proper nouns compounded with ^^ are names of places. (e) Vv. 40-43. A list of the tribal princes of Esau according to their families, according to their localities, with their names. To take account only of the last part of the heading and regard this as only a list of the principal Edomite towns'^ has no justification, not even in ver. 43; ^ Gesenius, Thesaurus ; Riehm, Hanchuorterhuch , 1273. 2 See de Rossi. ^ E.g. 1 Kings xi. 14 ff., Sept.; see Baiidissin, Studien, i. 309 ff. ^ Cf. Sept. of Josh. XV. 59 ; (vv. 5—11). This makes it plausible that D^^3^5 — sini should be a later insertion ,i^ or should be from A. But the whole of ver. 2 ^^ cannot be from A, because the verse is not a unity, still less ^^ vv. 2—4. Joseph's age, seventeen years, may be from A,'^^ but also from B;^^ in the latter case, 2h would also be from B}^ 1 See i. 6. 2 1 Sam. xvi. 11, xvii. 34 ^ r^^^g. Pesh. ^ Ch. xxii. 3 ; Judg. vii. 11, ix. 54, xix. 13. ^ Gesenius, Knobel, Delitzsch^. ^' Sept. 5" Wellhausen. ^ Num. xiii. 32, xiv, 36 f., in A. » Gesenius,25 126. bA, 16. i" Kittel. ^^ Kiienen, Onderzoek,^ i. 317. ^^ Bruston. 13 Knobel. i^ See xli. 26. 15 See xxxi. 38, 41. i" Kittel, Kautzscb-Socin. 334 GENESIS XXXVII. 3F. [393 Ver. 3 f. A further cause for Joseph's unpopularity with {all) his brethren, was his father's preference for him. Jacob loved Joseph most because he was born late, and he had distinguished him in the matter of dress also. (Benjamin is left out of account as too young.) Because of ^i. |nM — with rn'l as a differentiated form,^ according to 2 Kings vi. 1 3 ff. not a very great distance from Samaria ; in Judith,^ Acorala or Aw6ai)jb. According to the Onomasticon, AcoOaieifi lay twelve Koman miles north of Sebaste (Samaria); its situation is marked by the modern ruins of Tell Dothan,^ one and a half hours south-west of Jenin. The road from Bethshean and Jezreel to Eamle and Egypt passes through the plain of Tell Dothan.^ This was the caravan road (ver. 25 ff.). Vv. 18-20. Joseph's brothers catch sight of him from a distance, and maliciously propose to put him to death. Ver. 18?; is from C, 19 f. from i> ; it is unnatural to reverse the analysis," for it is B, not C, who has descril^ed Joseph as the dreamer. The Sept. omits the i of Q"!9?i ; in C it may well have been originally q-iD3 M^v The bj of inx lija^n^l, they formed a malicious j^lccn against him^ occurs again only in Num. xxv. ^ Bacon. ^ Wellliausen, Kittel. ^ See note on xxxii. 3. * Chs. iii. 9f., iv. 6, vii. 3, viii. 3. ^ Kobinson, Later Bih. Researches, p. 122. Badeker,^ 237. « Robinson [Palestine,^ ii. 31G, 331], Germ. tr. iii. 161, 338, 413, 417, 481, 541, 552, 575. 7 Wellliausen. « Ewald, § 1246. DILLMANN. — II. 2 2 338 GENESIS XXXVII. 21-27 [305, 39G 18 ; Ps. cv., and Mai. i. 18 ; it is therefore natural to con- jecture, without assigning the phrase to a late diaskeuast,^ that it is an insertion by R, who did not wish to give in extenso the brothers' plan as C had it (alongside of ver. 20 from B). Master of dreams = dreamer .^ a mocking designa- tion, nr^n, see xxiv. 65. Ver. 2 1 f. " Eeuben opposes the suggestion ; as the eldest he has special obligations." ^ The text is a composite one from B and C ; this is the only explanation of the double n^K^i. But ver. 22 is certainly from B, in view of ver. 29 f., and therefore ver. 21 is from C, excepting that p1N"i V^^^) is an alteration ; in C, Judah is Joseph's friend, so that the first words must have been min'' yot^'^i ; part of Judah's proposal has been relegated by B to ver. 26 for harmonistic reasons. DTi^ ini'V^'i — Ex. ii. 19; he saved him, inasmuch as he prevented his instant death, and had him thrown into a pit,* without its being decided what should further be done with him. Slay him in respect of life = slay him dead.^ Ver. 22. Bo not lay hand on him, xxii. 12. There is not the slightest reason for pronouncing 'ii jyoi? to be a later insertion ; ^ ver. 2 9 confirms them. Ver. 23 f. They throw him into the empty cistern. For this use of cisterns, compare Jer. xxxviii. 6 and Lam. iii. 53.*^ Their stripping him of his garment is connected with the plan of vv. 20 and 31 ff. In ver. 23h the texts of B and of C (the sleeved garment of ver. 3) are placed alongside of one another. Vv. 25—27. The first three words, as the introduction to 28a a, are from B, the rest from C. The brothers partake ^ Kuenen, Onderzoeh,'^ 317. 2 Ch. xiv. 13. 3 Knobel. ^ This is contested by Bacon, but may be held to follow from ver. 236/3. ^ Deut. xix. 6, 11, and frequently; see Gesenius,^^ 117. M. 6 Knobel, "^ 7 Winer,^ i. 199, 39G] genesis XXXVIT. 28 339 of a meal.^ Suddenly they see ^ an Ishmaelite ^ caravan coming. It was from Gilead, doubtless by way of Bethshean,'^ and was laden with spices.^ " Judah takes the opportunity to make a proposal. They were going to gain nothing by killing Joseph ; let tliem rather sell him to the Ishmaelites, and not lay hands on one who is tlieir ilesh ^ and their brother." 7 Part of his speech has perhaps been transposed here by R from ver. 21 (see note). riN3: — tragacanth, the gum of the Astragalus gummifer^ " Three species of it were found in Lebanon by Eauwolff." ^ ^"^y — mastic, " indigenous to the land of the Hebrews, especially to Gilead, and exported to Phoenicia and Egypt." ^^ It is the balsamic gum (prjTLvij) of the mastic tree,^^ which, when dissolved in oil, was used also for salves, but is not to be confused with the true balm. It is not arpvpa^, which Lagarde ^^ supports for etymological reasons. \A — ladamim, XrjSov, \7j8avop, Assyrian ladumiP the fragrant gum of the cistus rose, which is indigenous to Crete, Cyprus, Arabia, Syria,^* and Palestine.^^ 'Jl I^DD — not " destroy without bloodshed," ^^ nor " bury properly," -^^ but " conceal the murder by covering up the blood." i« Ver. 28. The brothers agree to this, and sell him ^^ to the Ishmaelites for twenty (shekels ^*^) silver (Sept. p^puo-oO?, as in xlv. 22). For the price, compare Lev. xxvii. 5. 1 Ch. xxxi. 54. 2 ch. xxxi. 1. 3 Cli. XXV. 18. '* See note on ver. 17. ^ For the names, see Gesenius, Thesaurus. 6 Ch. xxix. 14. 7 Knobel. ^ Riehm, Handivorterhuch, 1682 f. 9 Reiseheschreihung, ii. 136 f. (ed. of 1852). 10 Ch. xliii. 11; Jer. viii. 22, xlvi. 11; Ezek. xxvii. 17- 11 Riehm, p. 959. 12 Mittheilangen, i. 234 f., 384. 13 Schrader in MBAJV. 1881, p. 413 ff. 14 Pliny, xxvi. § 47 f. 15 Von Schubert, Reiseii, iii. 114, 174. See Winer," ii. 2; Riehm, p. 877; and for the names, Schrader, op. cit. 16 Wellhausen. i^ Schwally, Lehen nach dem Tod, p. 52. 18 Bashi, Knobel, Delitzsch. i'-^ Ch. xlv. 4. 20 q^q ^x. 16. 340 GENESIS XXXVIT. 29-31 F. [aOG, 397 This is C's account ; what remains is from B. The words : a^id Miclianitc traders passed ly and dreto Joseph out of the pit, i.e. carried him off as a profitable prize, plainly give a different account of the incident. The subject to iDC'D^i in the present text is hideed vnj< ; but tlie actual presence of another source is made evident {a) by the variation in the name of the merchants ; -^ {h) by the absence of the article with '"ID 'j^, which prevents them being identified with the Ishmaelites of vv. 25 and 27; and (c) by xl. 15, according to which Joseph is not sold, but stolen. jB's speaking of Midianites suits his authorship in xxv. 2. It has to be left uncertain whether C intended Ishmaelites in the wider ^ or narrower sense. " Another version of the whole occurrence is given in Artapan ; ^ in it Joseph, to escape his brothers' plots, requests Arabs in the vicinity to take him with them to Egypt, and they do so."* Ver. 285 is also from B\ C does not write ^5^2^, but nnin (ver. 25 and xxxix. 1).^ Ver. 29 f. From B. When Eeuben, who had intended to rescue Joseph ^ (afterwards, when their meal ^ was over), looks for him in the cistern that he might set him free and send him home, he finds him gone, and is reduced to despair. And /, where shall I enter, turn myself ? B has nn in xxviii. 20 and xli. 42, as well as nppb', e.g., in xxxv. 2 and xli. 14. For the phrase inn inp, comp. Num. xiv. 6 ; iTifeb^ vip in ver. 34, xliv. 13, and Josh. vii. G. Ver. 3 If. The brothers dip Joseph's garment, which they had retained for the purpose (ver. 23), in the blood of a he- goat, which is killed, and they send it to their father. Ver. 3 1 is from B, 3 2 from G ; ^ each requires to be supplemented by the other, for in the one there is no mention of the garment being sent home, in the other of its being dipped in blood. ^J""'?0 as in C in xxxviii. 25; yet see xxxi. 32 1 The difference is maintained in ver. 36 from B, and xxxix. 1 from C, 2 See p. 181 f. ^ Eusebius, Prcep. Evaiig. ix. 23. 4 Knobel ; Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 588 [Eng. tr. i. 411]. 5 Hupfeld. 6 cf. xlii. 22. ' Yer. 25a, ^ Because of D^DDH n:in2. 397] GENESIS XXXVII. 33-3G 341 also. The disjunctive question is as in xviii. 21 and xxiv. 21, from C. Ver. 3o. Jacob at once draws the conclusion his sons had intended (ver. 20) from the blood-stained garment. The formula inni?3X n^ n\T is from B (see ver. 20); ^^b ^I'ltp, from C (see xliv. 28). For n:n:Dn, nn;3_*i, and fl^?, see Gesenius.^ Ver. 34 f. Jacob puts on mourning,^ and for long mourns his loved son disconsolately. He desires to die in his mourning dress, and go down to the shadow-land.^ " ^?^5 and ^3Nnn, of one who goes about in a mourning dress.* h?.^T\T\ recurs in the Pentateuch only in Ex. xxxiii. 4 and Num. xiv. 39." 5 The text is composite, and not wholly from B.^ But the division is not 34 and obh to B and ooa to C';'^ 34& and 35ffi are inseparable, and stand apart from 35&, which, with 34a is more likely from Bf" whereas 34Z) and 35a betray C's hand.» Ver. 36. From B. The Midianites sold Joseph to Poti- phar in Egypt. D^;)^- is a contraction^*^ or corruption from D^rnp^ which is rendered by all the versions. -iD^piB — identical with the V)^ 'J?i2 of xli. 45 and xlvi. 20, from which it is a contraction, only to distinguish the two persons in question ; at least the Septuagint gives ITere^/?^? or n€VT6(j)7]<; for both forms.^^ The name is Egyptian, Fetepre i.e. he whom the sun-god has given, gift of the sun. Pa or Pt] is the sun-god. Brugsch ^^ explains otherwise by louti-imr, gift of him who has appeared. See, further, regarding these Egyptian names the notes on xli. 45. " Potiphar is called circumcised, eunuch, court official ^^ of Pharaoh,^"* and head of 1 Gmmmatik,^^ lOOA. 4, 60A. 2, 113. 3A. 4. 2 Winer,3 jj 350. 3 g^^, ^^-^^^ §_ 4 Cf. 2 Sam. xiv. 2 ; Isa. Ixi. 3 ; P.s. xxxv. 14. ^ Knobel. ^' Bacon. ^ Kittel. *^ Because of 2PV\ '"in^l in spite of Vnteb^. 9 Because of n^NC» mt< ; cf. xlii. 38, xliv. 29, 31. i" Ewald, 1G46. " Lagarde, Genesis grccce, Preface, p. 20. 12 Geschichte, p. 248. 1=^ See xl. 2. i"* Cli. xii. 15. 342 GENESIS XXXVIII [397, 398 the slaugliterers, i.e. executioners, guards. He was therefore head of the palace-guard, one of whose duties was the exe- cution of the death penalty, from which accordingly it had its name. He also superintended the state prison (xl. 3 f.). The same office is found among the Babylonians,^ where the chief of the guards carried out arrests and executions as part of his duty." 2 2. Jqdah and Tamar, Ch. XXXVIII. ; from C. In the middle of the history of Joseph a narrative is inserted which deals with the origin of the three principal clans or kinships in the tribe of Judah.^ 'Er and Onan early disappeared, or survived only in fragments,* and two others, Peres and Zerach, took their places. These were not, how- ever, regarded as adopted grandsons, as Ephraim and Man- asseh were,^ but as later-born sons of Judah himself, not by his wife, however, but by his daughter-in-law.^ Peres, the younger of them, like Ephraim, finally gained precedence of his brother. The connection made with the history of Joseph is quite external (see ver. 1); but the chapter is like it, a contribution to the history of the growth of the Israelite tribes, and in especial to the history of their amalgamation with the people of Canaan. Judah here already appears on the point of separating himself from his brethren and of settling in the country which became his home. He marries a Canaanite woman, and his sons by her are 'Er, Onan, and Shelah. Er marries Tamar, but dies without children. Onan, although Tamar's brother-in-law, refuses to give her children, and is also soon carried off, Judah, for the time, hesitates to give Shelah to Tamar, because he fears for his life. Tamar in her widowhood long remains in expectation 1 2 Kings XXV. 8ff. ; Jer. xxxix. 9, Hi. 12 ff. ; Dan. ii. 15. 2 Knobel. 3 ^um. xxvi. 19-22. ■* 1 Chron. iv. 21, where an 'Er aj^pears under Shelah. 5 Gen. xlviii. 5 ff. ^' Ewakl, GeschicUc,^ i. 543 ff. [Eng. tr. i. 380 f .] 398] GENESIS XXXVIII 343 of Shelah, and finally employs a stratagem, which results in her pregnancy by Judali, her father-in-law. Twins, Peres and Zerach, are the result of the connection. A secondary purpose of the narrative is found in the desire it exhibits of impressing the duty of marriage with a deceased brother's wife.^ Such a marriage receives historical mention only once,^ and is not prescribed in the legisla- tion until Deut. xxv. 5 ff. ; but it was an ancient custom diffused among many other peoples of antiquity also. Stories of the kind exemplified here were not, we may suppose, unique in the ancient legendary cycle and in the legendary collections. But they have not survived, though xxxv. 22 and xlix. 4 may be regarded as a fragment of the kind. The only detailed narrative of its class is this of ch. xxxiv., which B preserved because of its importance to Judah. When Joseph's history had so much attention devoted to it, it w^as desired not to pass entirely over the tribe of Judah and the history of its development. C is, without doubt, the source of the narrative. The divine name used is sufficient to exclude A^ and the same usage puts B also out of the question. The Judean country was itself, without doubt, the original home of the legend ; it was not an invention* to cast reproach on Judah,^ nor prompted by the jealousy of the northern tribes. We cannot even conclude, from a couple of expressions, ntzi in ver. 21 f. and ^■'yy in xiv. 19, that B also told the story. "The inter- pretations of names in ver. 29 f. and the use of nin"' (vv. 7, 10), VJ'^yn y-i (ver. 10), nc'N* yn"* (ver. 26), Tsn (ver. 25 f.), n (vv. 12, 20), nnn come (ver. 16), ^nb (ver. 9), p-^y-^:D (ver. 26), s: (vv. 16, 25),"^ suit 6"s authorship. The chapter has been given its present position by B. 1 See Winer, "^ ii. 19 ; Ewald, Alterthiimer, p. 276 fF. [Eng. tr. 207 fF.]. - In Rutli, cli. iv., where in ver. 12 reference is made to Judali and Taniar. ^ Eegarding xlvi. 12, see note there. * Kuenen, Onderzoek,^ i. 226. ^ Reuss, Geschichte, 250. ''' Knobel. *544 GE^TESIS XXXVIII. 1-3 [398,309 Ver. 1. The words fc^'^nn nx?3 make the time of Joseph's loss the date of Judah's marriage, and not of the birth of Peres and Zerach (ver. 29 f.) as has been assumed for the purpose of removing chronological difliculties. In xxxvii. 26, as agam in ch. xlii. ff., Judah is still with the other brethren. " Here he separates from them and joins an 'Adul- lamite Hirah. The two seem to have had their Hocks in common (ver. 12), but Judah was the principal per- sonage." ''He vxnt doiun — from Hebron (? see xxxvii. 14) on the hill-land of Judah to 'Adullam which lay in the plain (She- phelah) of Judah." ^ ^.'1 — we are not to supply ^''p^,^ for that is not else- where omitted, and there is no place name after ^V. Trans- late devcrtit, acj^Uero,^ as in ver. 16, or inclined himself towciTcls, i.e. attached himself to,"* as ^pP ^^ns hdj elsewhere.^ For '^V, comp. 1 Sam. ix. 9. Vv. 2-5. There he marries the daughter of the Canaanite Shua' and has three sons by her, 'Er, Onan, and Shelah. The last is born at Kezib, a place in the plain of Judah, elsewhere named Akzib.^ It was therefore later held to be the original home of the clan Shelah.' There is no hesitation shown here in speaking either of Judah's marriage with a Canaanite, and so of the half Canaanite origin of Shelah,^ or of Judah's partnership with Hirah. Ver. 3. For Nnp^i the Samar., Targ of Jonathan, and some Hebrew Codd. have ^^npni ; comp. de Eossi, ad he., and the false reading in xxix. 34. ^^^ — Sept. ^T]\a} fjb, just as m^n may be supposed to be only a variant of Q^n ; comp. note on xxxvi. 14. The nomen gentile is ^^^^ (Num. xxvi. 20). ^ Josh. XV. 35. Knobel, See further [Dillinann's] Coiiiiu. on Josli. xii. 15. - DeUtzsch,4 Keil. » Targ. Pesh. Sept. ^ Knobel. 5 Ex. xxiii. 2 ; 1 Kings ii. 20. ^5 Josh. XV. 44 ; Micali i. 14. ^ See 1 Chron. iv. 22. 8 Cf. xlvi. 10. 399] GENESIS XXXVIIl. G-12 345 n'ni — uiicndiirable ; Saiiuir. \"T'i ; Sept. better, avrr) 8e tju, i.e. xMi/ Ver. 6 f. " According to Hebrew custom - he chooses a wife for his eldest son 'Er. She was a woman named Tamar, doubtless also a Canaanite. I>ut Jahve (Sept. 6 ©eo?) brought his death upon him because He was displeased with him. The author infers this from the principle that an early death is a punishment for sin." ^ Vv. 8-10. " Judah prompts Onan to agree to marry Tamar as her levir, that he may raise uj) seed to his dead brother, i.e. procure him descendants. The author is able to give particulars of what brought on him Jahve's (Sept. rov Qeov) displeasure." "^ He is unwilling to perform the service of begetting descendants for his brother, and of so preventing the extinction of his name.^ He lies, indeed, with Tamar, but intentionally avoids impregnating her ; he displays seltishness and want of love to his brother. For this sinful conduct God carries him away. 'y\ n^rVi — consecutive perfect in the sense of the habitual imperfect ; ^ as often as ^ he ivent in to her he let I'^crisli to the earth, allowed his seed to fall on the ground.^ P^ is found again only in Num. xx. 21. Ver. 11. " Judah regards Tamar as a woman with whom marriage is fatal,^ and does not wish to give her liis third son. He does not say this directly, but only that Tamar sliould remain a widow until Shelah is grown up. A widow, if she had no children, returned i?(fe a wrapping round her, as courtesans seem habitually to have done,^ and goes to 'Enaim, where she sits down at the entrance, i.e. before the place. She wishes to pass as a >^^f1P, one dedicated,^ who gave her person in honour of the goddess of love, Astarte.^ Such women made the sides of the roads a favourite haunt.^^ Such sanctified impurity was widely diffused in Canaan and elsewhere, and is here assumed for this early period ; it was certainly of very old standing. ^I*^^?/ — in ver. 21 with the article, doubtless only an expanded form of ^}^}!,^^ " which was a place in the plain of Judah,^^ and lay, according to this passage, on the road between Judah's home and Timnah." ^^ Eegarding the dual ending, see note on xxxii. 3. Some versions,^^ in spite of ver. 21, took the word as an appellative and translated n^:^V nns, cross- road. Ver. 15. Judah supposes her to be a prostitute. But 1 Cf. xxiv. 67. ~ Here and in ver. 20 in the Mass. text, riglitly following ver. 1 ; Sept. Vnlg. and Luther, wrongly, ^nv'"l. ^ Robinson, Palestine,^ ii. 17. •* Judith x. 3, xvi. 7. 5 Ch. xxiv. 65. « Job xxiv. 15. ^ Prov. vii. 10 ; but Sept. Pesli. Onkelos, adorns herself with dress. 8 Ver. 21 f. 9 Movers, Phonicien, i. 679 f. i« Jer. iii. 2 ; Ezek. xvi. 25 ; Epist. Jer. 42 f. [Baruch vi. 43]. ^1 See xxxvii. 17. 12 jogi^^ ^v. 34. 13 Knobel. 14 Targg. Pesh. Jerome, Saadia. 400, 40l] GENESIS XXXVIII. 1(5-22 347 the causal sentence '^1 ''3 does not give as the reason for his doing so that she was veiled ; it explains why he did not recognise her. To make this clear the Septuagint and Vulgate add koX ovk eTreyvco avTrjv (nyi^ vh's). Ver. 1 6 f. Judah turns aside to her, to the road} i.e. where she was sitting, and wishes to lie with her ; she asks a kid in return, and meantime a pledge that he will send it her. Kids and goats were favourite offerings to the goddess of love,^ especially from the hetairai.^ The goddess was also depicted sitting on a he-goat.* A kid appears also as a husband's gift to his wife (Judg. xv. 1). Ver. 18. The pledge consists of things well suited to be afterwards a convincing proof that Judah was the cause of Tamer's pregnancy, for they were always about their pos- sessor's person. They are a signet ring, which Judah carried on a cord about his neck, as the townspeople in Arabia still do,^ and a stick, which we have to think of as ornamented and valuable. The ancient Babylonians carried a signet ring and a stick, the latter with an ornamented carved top.^ The author supposes the existence of the same custom here.^ Eegarding walking-sticks among the ancient Egyptians and Hebrews, see also Chabas.^ The earliest interpreters took 7^nQ (in ver. 25, D^i^'Tis) to be ncck-cliain^ or armilla^^ ox cloth, mantle ; ^^ they were not familiar with the custom of carrying the njnh on the breast. Ver. 19. Tamar goes home with the pledge and resumes her widowhood. Vv. 20-22. Hirah brings from Judah the kid he had ^ Sejit. r^u ooou, bij the waij, witliout Sj< ; Lagardc {rruv. p. iii), and Olshansen prefer this reading. 2 Tacitus, Hist. ii. 3. ^ Lucian, Dial, meretr. vii. 1. ^ Pausanias, vi. 25. 2. ^ Robinson, Palestine,^ i. 36. « Herodotus, i. 195 ; Strabo, xvi. 1. 20. ^ Knobel. ^ Annales du Muse'e Guimet, i. 35 ff. ^ opi^idKo;, arpiTTTog, Sept. A({. Sym. 1" Jerome. ii Onkelos, Pesliitta. 348 GENESIS XXXVIII. 23-25 F. [401 promised in redemption of the pledge, but cannot find Tamar in 'Enaim, where she had only been for the moment. For N"in n::npn, see xix. 33. nrn in the Pentateuch only in xlviii. 9 ; Ex. xxiv. 14; Num. xxii. 19, xxiii. 1, 29. Ver. 23. Judah declares she may take and keep the pledge, which was of more value than the kid, in case they may be laughed at if they search further ; he had kept his promise. Ver. 24. After about three months Judah is told that Tamar is pregnant m the direction of prostitution} in conse- quence of it. In virtue of his power over her, as head of the family,- he decides to have her burned. She could be regarded as affianced to Shelah, and so as an adulteress. But the legal punishment for ordinary adultery is stoning,^ only priests' daughters who prostituted themselves were burned.'* Knobel, following the Targum of Jonathan, therefore supposes that we have here again a representation of the patriarchs as men of God.^ Such could hardly be in place, howev^er, in the case of Judah, the visitor of a prostitute. We must grant that the punishment is not that prescribed by the law. It may preserve the memory of what preceded the law or was practised in spite of it.^ ^'-'V"^?? — for the double preposition comp. trihps in the Sept. of 1 Sam. x. 27 ; also 1 Sam. xiv. 14 and Lev. xxvi. 37. For ^h^ the Samaritan has more correctly r\'^h\r. mn r\iir\ — see xxiv. 30. Ver. 25 f. For the construction, see xxix. 9. When she is being led out to death she sends the pledges to Judah, who acknowledges them to be his, and declares she is in the right, starting from me, against me^ ^arsD n\n^ does not so much mean " she is more righteous than I," i.e. has not acted so 1 Ps. xviii. 45 ; Num. xvi. 34 ; Saniar. D^Jt!?- 2 Ch. xxxi. 32. s Lev. XX. 10 ; Deut. xxii. 23 if. ; Ezek. xvi. 40 ; John viii. 5. ^ Lev. xxi. 9. s q\^^^ ^v. 1, xx. 7. ^ But see also Lev. xx. 14. ^ Of. Job iv. 17 ; Gesenius,^^ 133. lA. 1, footnote 3. 401,402] GENESIS XXXVIII. 27-30 849 badly in getting me to lie with her as I have in deprivino- her of Shelah.^ " Jndah does not lie with lier again, for that wonld have been incest." ^ p-^y-^3, see xviii. 5 ; srnsn, xxxi. 'A2, xxxvii. 32. For D^yns the Samaritan lias ^^ns ; Init see iMittcher.*" Vv. 27-30. Tamar bears twins. Tlie story of their birtli is much like that in Rebecca's case (xxv. 24 ff.). n^ jn^l — then he, se. jn^n, gave a hand, i.e. then one of them stretched out a hand. It is unnecessary to translate im- personally there a^ipeared a hand,^ and reasons may also be urged against it.'"^ The midwife ^ pronounces this the first- born, and ties a scarlet tlu'ead on his hand so as to recognise him again. It is not he, but the other, wlio first comes out of the womb. v\> ym'3 Nn^l — not, he was as one drawing back his hand,^ for he must have drawn back in reality, and not apparently, to allow of the other coming forward. ^^^"P? must be equivalent to 2^C'p ni^n3,8 as in post-biblical Hebrew : as {when) he drew hacJi. If there is to be correction, ^'V*?? ^ is not sufficient, because of the change of subject in what follows ; i^^tJ'ria is necessary. pQ yhv mna n» — the midwife's reproach to the second, how you have rent a rent for yourself (on your account, xx. 3), why need you press out in front with such violence ! ^*^ Hence the name oxnt (one who rends or presses forward). There is less likelihood in the view which takes p3 ^^Sy as an inde- pendent exclamation, a rent on yon}^ either, you must bear the blame of rending the vagina,^^ or, may you be fractured.-^^ 1 Knobel, Delitzsch. - Lev. xviii. 15, xx. 12. Knoliel. ^ Neue Aehrenlese, i. 23 (for ntDHn also). ^ Gesenius, Delitzsch, Keil. '' See Hitzig on Job xxxvii. 10. « Ch. XXXV. 17. 7 Delitzsch^. 8 Ch. xl. 10 ; Jer. ii. 17 ; Ewald, Syntax, § 337c. ^ Driver, Tenses,^ p. 172. ^0 Sept. Aq. Luther, Delitzsch, and others. " Cf. xvi. 5. ^- Clericus, Eosenmiiller, Gesenius, and otliers. 13 Jvnobel, 350 GENESIS XXXIX [402 An injury to the mother would require clearer statement, and the breaking off of the majority of the tribes from David's house after Solomon's time ^ did not befall Peres as distin- guished from Zerach, even if David were descended from him, but either the Davidic house or more truly all Judah. The reference is rather to nothing inore than the fact that Peres, although properly the younger, in time gained precedence of his rival, and doubtless gave rise also to complaints regarding his violence. n^T — there is no statement of the etymology such as rising, because he rose, or wished to appear, first ; or such as indigena (^1T^<) ; and a play on '?^, literally, hrilliant^ is simply absent. N-ip""i — both in vv. 29 and 30 read xipm by Samar., Targ. of Jonathan, and Peshitta. There is as little intention to disgrace Peres by this narrative as there was in the case of Jacob in xxv. 26. For what modern tendency criticism can make out of such naive tribal legends, full of popular wit, see Bernstein.^ 3. Joseph in Prison, Ch. XXXIX. ; mostly from G. 1. An Egyptian (Potiphar) buys Joseph from the Tsh- maelites, and finds him so qualified that he sets him over all the affairs of his house. The pious youth firmly puts aside the unchaste suggestions of his master's wife, is therefore falsely accused by her of an attempt on her chastity, and is put by her husband in the state prison. But God brings him the favour of the head of the prison, so that he is placed by him in charge of his fellow-prisoners. Joseph's purity makes a bright contrast to the conduct of Judah and Tamar. In ch. xxxvii. he appears merely as one persecuted without cause ; here he displays a strength of piety and a moral greatness which range him with the patriarchs, in the true 1 Knobel. - Delitzscli. ^ Ursprunc/ der Sagen, 1871, p. 52 ff. 402, 403] GENESIS XXXIX 3 5 1 sense of the term, and make us understand how the develop- ment of the fortunes of his house depends on him. After being so tried, he appears worthy of the advancement which awaits him. This narrative, although essential as part of the general story of Genesis, is not from the principal narrator of the history of Joseph, i>, but from C} The Ishmaelites, spoken of by C in xxxvii. 25 ff., are those who sell Joseph in ver. 1. His purchaser is "an Egyptian " (ver. 1, see below), afterwards called "Joseph's Egyptian master" (ver. 2) and " the Egyptian " (ver. 5), without his name and title being given (as in B, xxxvii. 36). Joseph is consigned for punishment to the royal prison (^nbn D''^)^ in charge of a governor (inon n^i ib') whose name is not given, and is entrusted by him with the supervision of the captives (xxxix. 20 ff.). In B, on the other hand (xl. 2—4), Potiphar, captain of the guard, has the state prison (^^PP) in his house, is himself governor of the prison, and sets Joseph, his slave (xli. 12), to ivait upon the king's prisoners. The passage differs therefore from B in regard to matters of fact, just as it shows linguistically that it belongs to C- Its delicate moral tone also suits (7's authorship best. Wellhausen ^ is of opinion that only vv. 1-5 and 20-23 are from C, and that 6-29 are in the main from B^ Some support is given to this view by the doublet in ver. 10& (see below), and by the expressions D^n^js* (ver. 9),^ rh^n Dnmn ins '•n'^i (ver. 7),^ and ns''"i i&^h ns'' r\^'\ip (ver. 6)."^ l^^'^. in ver. 14 is no support,^ and t^."; (ver. 8, as 4 f.), ">^'^.3:, because (ver. 9, as 23 ; never in B), and Dnm^ 1 Ewald, Hupfeld, Sclirader, Bolimer, Kuenen, Onderzoek,- p. 143. 2 nin^ (vv. 2f., 5, 21, 23), n'^h'^n (w. 2f., 23), ?_>n and TJJlp (ver. 5), ^nin (ver. 1), r\hi's account in xl. 3 f., if, at least, the former ended with Joseph's imprisonment. It is true, indeed, that in i>'s narrative we miss a statement between xxxvii. .' > 6 and xl. ?> f. regarding what the chief of the guard did with Joseph, and how the latter gained his master's favour by tact or virtue. Probably ^'s remarks on this point have not only been utilised by 0 himself, but have been in a fragmentary w^ay worked into C's text by B} B has also combined the divergent statements as to Joseph's master, in a sense favourable to B, by the insertion of — iD^tDia D'n^DH, and he has decided the difference regarding the prison governor in favour of C by admitting vv. 20-23 (with some redaction in ver. 20); the result is that there are two governors — one without name, who may be regarded as a subordinate official ; the other Potiphar, captain of the guard (xl. 4), head of the prison. This artificial reconciliation brings with it new difficulties only removable by harmonistic hypotheses. We find, namely, a Dnp witli a wife,^ and one Potiphar, who, as an outraged husband, imprisons Joseph (ver. 20), yet as head of the prison advances him to favour (xl. 4). Kittel and Kautzsch-Socin have given their adhesion to the analysis here presented. 2. The question as to whether it was under a native Egyptian king or under one of the Hyksos kings that Joseph came to Egypt and rose to power, cannot be answered from Genesis alone, and is of no essential importance in our interpretation of it. No attempt will be made here to give Joseph a place in the course of Egyptian history. As in the case of Abraham and the rest, Joseph must originally have 1 E.(j. rxh'i)^ &^ M^l (ver. 2), inS mD"") (ver. 4 ; cf. xl. 4 ; Ex. xxiv. 13, xxxiii. 11), or ver. 6a (mainly superfluous along with ver. 4), etc. 2 See note on ver. 1. 403, 404] GENESIS XXXIX 353 been the designation for a community of some size,^ but in Genesis he appears as no more than an individual, with a history whicli is purely a domestic one. The Egyptian king is called Pharaoh only ; his own name or that of his capital (xliv. 4) is not given. Our text gives no indication regard- ing the royal residence, except that it was in a city not extremely remote from Goshen,- so that we are unable to decide between the claims advanced for Soan ^ and for Memphis.^ Only three Egyptian names are mentioned, On, Asenath, and Potiphera' ; and the last quoted is that of two different individuals, though slightly varying in form in Hebrew. If we exclude the naturalised words i^<^. and ^^^, there are two other Egyptian words which occur (xli. 43, 45). The narrators show themselves well acquainted with Egyptian affairs, customs, and ideas ; there are no real lapses due to ignorance,^ and there are notes and descriptions which appear surprisingly faithful and happy. The legend may have had a certain Egyptian impress from the begin- ning, but individual traits may also have been added as the Israelites became increasingly acquainted with Egypt, which they did in the time of the Hebrew monarchy. For example, it is only in C^ that special stress is laid on the Egyptian dislike of the Hebrews and of shepherds ; and recently the age of several of the Egyptian proper names found in the text has been called in question.'^ In any case, the Egyptian colouring does not help us to determine Joseph's date, for life in Egypt remained much the same from age to age. Nor is a point of departure to be found in the statements of ch. xlvii. regarding the changes worked by Joseph's agrarian policy, for we have no definite in- 1 Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 580 ff. [Eng. tr. i. 405 if.]. 2 Chs. xlv. 10, xlvi. 28, xlviii. 1 f. 3 Hengstenherg, Kurtz, Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 571 [Eng. tr. i. 399J ; Bubastis also is a possible claimant, see Naville, Biihastisj 1891, p. 10 If. ^ E.g. Knobel, Delitzsch. ^ See, further, notes on xii. 16 and xlvii. 17. ^ Chs. xliii. 32, xlvi. 34. ^ See note on xli. 4.",. DILLMANN. — II. 2^ 354 GENESIS XXXIX. 1 [404, 405 formation on the subject elsewhere. We cannot even draw any conchisions from the mention in the inscription of El Kab ^ of a famine which lasted several years, and the rock inscription from the island of Sehel ^ is proved to be a forgery.^ Egyptian monuments and inscriptions tell us nothing of Joseph, and non-biblical writers^ depend on Genesis for their information. The only way of approaching the question is to argue back from the date of the exodus.^ From this starting-point it appears most probable, and is assumed by most, that Joseph rose to power in Egypt imder the Hyksos dynasty ; not in the time of their first wild conquest, when they were the foes and destroyers of all that was Egyptian, but in the period after their assimilation of Egyptian culture, which revived once more under their rule, while they themselves came more and more to occupy the places of the ancient Pharaohs. It may even be main- tained that this alone makes Joseph's advancement com- prehensible. " The elevation of a Semite shepherd to the highest office in the empire, his marriage with one who belonged to a leading priestly family, his becoming one of the priestly caste himself, and the very friendly reception accorded to the tribe of Hebrew shepherds, is almost in- explicable, when we consider the Egyptian hatred for strangers (xliii. 32), if native kings were then ruling, and more especially if it were just after the Hyksos domination, when the hatred of foreigners was particularly strong, above all towards Semites." ^ Ver. 1. Joseph is brought to Egypt by the Ishmaelites (xxxvii. 28) and sold to an Egyptian. Eegarding T}in and i"i"lin^ see xxxvii. 28. nv^ ti^'^s — is superfluous in the present text, and a proof 1 Brugscli, Geschichte, p. 244 fF. [Eng. tr. 1891, p. 121 f.]. 2 Brugscli, Vie bihl. 7 Jahre der Humjersnoth, 1891. 3 See Erman in LLZ. 1891, No. 37. ^ Ejj. Justm, xxxvi. 2. ^ See Comm. on Ex. i. 8, xii. 41. '^ Knobel. See, further, Rielim, p. 763 f. ; and Kittel, Geschichte, i. 166 ff. [Eng. tr. i. 184 ff.]. 405] GENESIS XXXIX. 2-(; FF. 355 that D^nnon — id^did is a later addition. It is as little intended to stand in antithesis to the Hebrew slave of vv. 1 4 and 1 7 ^ as to the Hyksos ; - the distinction between natives and dominant foreigners is nowhere made in these narratives. By this addition of jR's a married ono comes into tlie narrative. It is an uncertain way out of the difficulty to maintain that Dno denotes merely an ollicial of the royal court and ceases to mean eunuch.^ It is more to the point to recall that married eunuchs have existed and do exist.-* Ver. 2. " Joseph is fortunate in the business assigned to liini in his master's house, for Jahve is with him." ^ ^n"*") n^i?^;^ tr>x is perhaps from B, for G writes nin^ as subject to Ver. 3 f. " When his master observes this he grants him his special favour, makes him his personal attendant,'^ sets him in the position of steward of his household, and entrusts all his other possessions to his management also. Joseph thus comes to occupy a position like that of Eliezer in rela- tion to Abraham." ^ For VJ'V3, the Samar. and Sept. have v:is* '•rya. For in« m^\ see p. 352, note 1. v"^.. without the relative is rare in prose ; but the Samar. has "h & "iC'J^ ; cf. vv. 5 and 8. ^.1 is frequent in C^ but in xlii. 1 also in B. Ver. 5. " After this God's blessing dwells with him. In the house and in the field, so that he had possessions in land also. The autlior exhibits patriotic interest in showing how God held His protecting hand over one of their ancestors." ^^ TXp, Ex. iv. 10, V. 23, ix. 24. For hh:^"^, see xii. 13. Ver. 6 ff. With the story of Joseph's temptation by his mistress there is to be compared a very similar tale dating 1 Delitzscli'^. 2 Knobel. ^ See Gesenius, Thesaurus^ 973. ^ Winer,^ ii. 655. ^ See xxi. 20. ^ Ch. iii. 23 ; see note on xxiv. 21. ^ Job xix. 16. « Ch. xxiv. 2, xv. 2 f. Knobel. 9 Ch. xxiv. 23, 42, 49, xxviii. 16, xliii. 4, 7, xliv. 20, xlvii. 6. 10 Knobel. 356 GENESIS XXXIX. 6-10 F. [405,406 from the 19th dynasty.^ Egyptian women, at least of a later period, had not a very good reputation,^ least of all in the time of the Eoman empire.^ But we are not therefore entitled to conclude directly regarding ancient Egypt. A comparison of the state of society in Egypt under Islam ^ is quite too remote to be of value. Ver. 6. The Egyptian leaves ^ his whole property in Joseph's hand, under his control, and concerns himself for nothing ivith Jiim, i.e. when he had already looked to it (ver. 8), except for the food he ate, doubtless as being what he could not leave to another.^ Knobel's explanation would follow xliii. 32 and xlvi. 34, For nN"iD"ns\ see xxix. 17. Vv. 7-9. The lustful mistress directs her looks to the handsome youth, and makes unchaste proposals to him. He refuses, and speaks of his master's unlimited confidence in him, which he desires to merit by faithfulness and honesty, and of the heinous sin he would be guilty of towards God if he violated his master's marriage rights. For f^^P^, see Gesenius,^^ 48. 5. n^ presents no diffi- culty, whether taken as an interrogative or indefinite pronoun;.^ Samar. n»is*D. He is not great hcfore me, "he has not more control in his house than I have, having put under my authority all but his wife. The liirN* does not permit of the rendering, there is no one, or nothing, in this house greater than /."8 Y^n, XX. 6, xxii. 12. T^!, xliv. 8 and 34. ^€'^2, inasmuch as, or because, in the Pentateuch only here and in ver. 23. Ver. 1 0 f . While she was thus daily ^ urging him, without 1 Found by E. de Rouge in the Papyrus d'Orbiney, published, e.(j., in Eheis, y^gy^nen, i. 311ft'.; Brugscli, Geschichte, 249 ff. [Eng. tr. 123 f.]; Erman, y^gypteii, 505 ff. [Eng. tr. 1894, p 378 f.]. 2 Herodotus, ii. 111. 3 Diod. i. 59 ; Martial, iv. 42. 4; Dio Cassius, li. 15. * E.g. Barhebrseus, Chron. Sijr. p. 217; Burckhardt, Arabic Proverbs, p. 173 ff. 5 Isa. X. 3 ; Job xxxix. 11, 14. ^ Delitzsch. ^ Prov, ix. 13 ; Job xiii. 13. « Knobel. 9 Geseuius,25 123. Al. 406] GENESIS XXXIX. 12-15 357 his agreeing to her proposal ^ to lie down hcside her^ that he might be with her, have sexual intercourse with her,-^ it Iiappened like this time, i.e. just then,* that Joseph came into tlie house about his business without any of the household being there. At that time in Egypt it was not the custom strictly to seclude the women from the men.-'* nroy nrrh — would surely have been too trivial to be placed as a doublet to n?oy 2'2th ; ^ there is less objection to making it a gloss. Ver. 12. "She wishes to force him, but he frees himself, and hastens out, leaving his garment behind." Vv. 13-15. "To revenge the slight, and to secure herself by anticipating the possibility of an accusation by Joseph, she resolves to accuse him, although he was guiltless, of an attack on her chastity, and calls the servants forthwith to be witnesses."^ He has Ir ought in amongst us a Hcbreiv — " one of the impure Hebrew pastoral people.^ She desires to produce the impression that she is very discontented with Joseph's being there at all." ^ in \>r?h — to sport with, play the wanton on us. 1 has a different force from that of ni< in xxvi. 8.^^ She says us (ver. 17, ^?) not in the sense of me,^^ as is shown by what follows, but as including, in her evil case, those (women) whom she addresses. She lets it be understood that they are no doubt also exposed to similar insolence. In proof of her assertion, she points to the garment (hence ^^^l) which he had already laid aside and omitted to take with him on his flight. For vV^^ the Samaritan has wrongly "^y^, for this would have betrayed herself.^^ 1 Geseiiiiis,25 114. 3. 2 Vv. 15 f., 18, xli. 3. 3 2 Sam. xiii. 20. * Sept. then a day like this became, came again. ^ Ebers, ^f/ijpten, p. 205 fF. ^ Wellliausen. ' For parallels, see Kosenmiiller, ANM. i. 185 f. 8 Ch. xliii. 32, xlvi. 34. ^ Knobel. 10 Cf. Prov. i. 26; Sept. i/^Trxi^uu. ^ Knobel. ^- DehtzBch. 358 GENESIS XXXIX. 10-23 [40G, 407 Vv. lG-18. She lays the garment down beside her, and when Joseph's master, her husband, comes home, she relates the occurrence to him. u pn^h is to be taken with ''^k «3. Ver. 19. Tlie Egyptian is angry on hearing the story; but the writer does not say " with Joseph " ; probably because he was not the only object of his anger, which was also against his wife, whom he did not trust.^ r\^i59 harmonise with xl. 4." ^ This, in itself, is proof that vv. 20-23 are not an independent addition by E^ but existed in C as he had it. For D'b'y, see Gesenius,--''' IIG. 5. Ao. n?:)is:3-i'D after the negative nothing at all ; only liere in this sense. 4. Joseph iNTERrRETS the Dreams of the two Eoyal Servants, Ch. XL. ; from B. The turning-point of Joseph's fortunes begins by his gaining the opportunity to interpret correctly, in Potiphar's prison-house, the dreams of two royal officials who had fallen into disgrace. He thus establishes the fame of possessing a divinely inspired wisdom. At home he had already shown himself to be a dreamer of divinely sent dreams ; ^ he has also the gift of the interpretation of dreams given him by God (ver. 8). This is to be the means of bringing him to power and fame in Egypt, " that fairyland of supreme science and mysterious art " where also the belief in dreams was prevalent.^ The important part played by dreams in the course of the history is evidence for i>'s authorship.^* Furtlier proof is given by vv. )1« and 4, where Joseph is slave of the captain of the guard,^ and not in prison as in ch. xxxix., also by 'ri?J2 in ver. 15 (cf. xxxvii. 28), and by the connection of ch. xli. with ch. xl. The lini^uistic indications are not numerous, seeing that the subject-matter requires a variation in the vocabulary, and that wrh^ (ver. 8) is required by the nature of the case ; but the avoidance of verbal suffixes,^ which distinguishes B from C, is to be observed.^ One or two references to xxxix. 20 ff., found in vv. ?)h, oh, and lijh, are, ^ Knobel, ~ Bolimer. 3 Ch. xxxvii. 5 IV. ^ Ebers, ^Eyyijten, 321 f. ^ For the autlior of xx. 3, xxi. 12, xxviii. 12, xxxi. 11, 24, xxxvii. ;") (F., and so for B. « As in xxxvii. 3G (cf. xli. 12). ^ Yv. 3 f., G, H, 1 1 , 1 :., 17.]!). ^ Wellhansen. 360 GENESIS XL. 1-3 [407, 408 like ver. 1, taken by R from C to harmonise the narratives. Such fragments are proof, however, that C also had some similar account of the occurrence.^ Ver. 1. For the formula of transition, see note on xv. 1. The verse is to be regarded as an insertion by R from 6',- because of the use of npc^o and nax for the D^':)C'cn ~ic^ and n''S"iNn lb' in vv. 2, 4 ff., because instead of nj?-i2 we find D''"iV^ ^'O, and because the sentence from ISDH onwards is not really required before ver. 2. Dnvn "ji?D n\>€"0 — can only mean the cupbearer of the king, like nsxn, as in ver. 5 ; it cannot be a cupbearer,^ nor a collective the cupbearers (and bakers) ; * in the latter case the king must have made the heads responsible for their subordinates. The expression does not exclude, for either the cupbearer or the baker, that they had servants and subordinates under them. The Egyptian court was well supplied with all sorts of officials, but the title cupbearer has not yet been found in native sources,^ although the court bakers have, it seems.^ Comparison may be made with the Persian court ^ and its cupbearers,^ and with the Turkish court." ^ Ver. 2, from B. Both the officials are eunuchs.^*^ The construct of Dnp sometimes retains -:^, sometimes not.^^ fj^p*"! as ch. xli. 10. Ver. 3. The king places them in confinement in the house of the captain of the guard, where the state-prison, therefore, also was. " Nothing is said regarding a special 1 Knobel still assigned all cli. iv. except vv. 7 f. and 14 f. (partially) to A. 2 Wellliausen. ^ Ilgen. ■* Mercerus, Bottclier. ^ Ebers, ^gypten, 320. 6 J A. viii. 11, p. 259 ; Erman, y^gypten, 269 [Eng. tr. p. 191 f.]. ^ Xenophon, Hellenica, vii. 1. 38. ^ Herod, iii. 34 ; Xen. Cyropcedia, i. 3. 8 ; Neh. i. 11, ii. 1. ^ Tavernier [Voijages, cf. Eng. tr. AjDpendix], Germ. tr. iii. 2, G f. ; Klemm, Morgenland, p. 206 f. Knobel. 1® In ver. 7 also (see xxxix. 1). 11 See Gesenius, Thesaurus, and Ewald, § 2606. 408] GENESIS XL. 4-11 361 warden of this prison other than Potiphar." ^ Equally in ver. 7 ':i'i "inon nO"^x is an insertion by R from CP' Ver. 4. Potiphar makes his slave (ver. 7) Joseph the servant of the two distinguislied state prisoners.^ For D'rD\ see iv. .'>. Ver. 5. During one and the same night eacli dreams a dream, each according to the interpretation of his dream, i.e. " each a dream which had a special meaning and interpreta- tion for him." "^ Ver. h is superfluous, agrees in contents and expression with vv. 1, 3&, and xxxix. 20 ff., and is an insertion by R from C. h "itJ^N*, as xxix. 9, xli. 43, xlvii. 4. Ver. 6. They are troubled by the dream, and Joseph finds them next morning out of humour.^ Ver. 7 f. i^^* — with him, as he was with them (ver. 4). If we had to supply " as his fellow-prisoners," the words iriN* nc^s would be from C. See Neh. ii. 2 for n^jji D^DD (an ill-tempered expression). They believe that dreams are significant, and desire an interpreter. Joseph offers liis services after expressly stating that interpretation of dreams is of God, i.e. comes from God, is a gift of God. " As the ancients ascribed dreams to divine influence (xli. 25), so they regarded the privilege of interpret- ing them truly as also a gift by which God distinguishes individuals.^ The Egyptians held that the art of a seer was wholly from the gods." ^ For D"'JinD the Sept. has D3inD, rj ^ia(7d(j)r]aL<; avTcov. Vv. 9-11. The cupbearer in his dream saw a vine before him, with three shoots on it. It ivas just hudding, or putting out its leaves, i.e. had hardly put out its leaves, when its blossom shot out^ and its clusters ripened grapes. Further, he dreamed that, having Pharaoh's cup in his hand, he pressed the grapes into it and handed it to the king. 1 Knobel. 2 Of, xxxix. 20 ff. 3 Cf. xxxix. 4. ^ Knobel. ^ Cf. Prov. XXV. 23. 6 Ch. xli. 16, 38 f. ; Dan. i. 17, ii. 30, iv. G, v. 11 f. " Herod, ii. 83. Knobel. ^ Isa. xviii. 5. 362 GENESIS XL. 9-11 [408, 409 nn"}b3 — the 3 is not the ? of comparison ; ^ for while the whole dream was only an appearance, in the dream the occurrence actually took place, and did not merely appear to do so. It is a temporal 3, and rinnb is equivalent to ^'^is ; see xxxviii. 29. The perfects after the circumstantial clause express the immediateness with which the events follow one another. ^^^ — post-biblical Hebrew proves the existence of a singular 1*^ ; but that would be masculine, and there is difficulty in taking ^^^, alternatively, as accusative after *^^7V, and making i?3 the subject of the verb ; ^ it is easier to take ^'^^ as con- tracted from ^95:3.3 The Old Testament speaks elsewhere also of vines in Egypt.^ Classical writers distinguish different kinds of Egyptian wine, and localities distinguished for grape culture.^ The monuments and inscriptions show that what they say is not to be applied to a later period only.^ The culture of the vine and the use of wine was common under the ancient empire also. A further proof is found in the Egyptian belief that Osiris invented grape culture and drank wine first ^ in an Egyptian city.^ Accordingly we must limit the state- ment of Herodotus,^ ou V but also in xxx. 14. Dn^snn is sinoular.^ Vv. 22-24. The second dream. D^:v = hard, dried ; only here.*^ DiT'ins with masculine suffix, see xxxi. 9 ; only here in the chapter thus for the feminine. Ver. 25. Joseph declares that the two dreams have one meaning (cf. xxxvii. 5-11). Dreams which recur at a short interval are the same in meaning, the purpose of the repetition being to secure attention and belief.'^ By these dreams God reveals to the king what He is on the point of doing. 1 Cf. Jer. xxiii. 35 ; Micali iii. 7. ^ Knobel. - Knoltel. ^ Chs. xxi. 29, xxxi. 6, xlii. 36 ; regarding the ., , see Ewakl, § 247f^. 5 Gesenius,-^ 93. 3A. 3. ^' See Gesenius, Thesaurus. "* Artemidorus, Oneir. iv. 27. Knobel. 413] GENESIS XLT. 2G-3G 371 Vv. 2G-28. The seven cows and the seven ears of corn are both seven years ; see note on ver. 7. Ver. 2G. did miD, see xxi. 29.^ Ver. 27. nipn, unlike nipT in vv. 23 and 6 f., is a suit- able antithesis to nix^rp (w. 7, 22), but may be an erroneous transcription for riipT (see note on ver. 19). The words nun "^yc^ for wdiich we expect njn n''rc\ anticipate the more minute interpretation which is afterwards to be given (in ver. 29 ff.). Ver. 28. iim xin, referring to ver. 25. Vv. 29-31. Particulars are given: there w^ill be first seven years of plenty, then seven years of famine. Ver. 31 is somewhat superfluous after ver. 30, and may well be from the other source ; ^ it is to be understood in relation with 'Jl VTiJ i6) in ver. 21. With ^OPl, com p. Job xi. 17. The superfluity is forgotten, is so completely expended in the time of famine, that its existence is no longer remembered. Ver. 32. The repetition of the dream signifies that the decision on God's part is certain, and that the fulfilment will shortly come about (see ver. 25), For ?V, comp. Ruth iv. 7, and 7 in Gen. xvii. 20. "•3 = it is lecause (cf. xviii. 20). Vv. 33—36. "Joseph adds the advice that a wise intelligent man should be looked out, i.e. chosen,^ and set over the country, with overseers under him for each province. The proposal was that the king should flfth the country, i.e. in the years of plenty take from the cultivators of the land a fifth of their grain harvest and store it in granaries as provision for the unfruitful years'';^ see further, xlvii. 24. Egypt was so fertile that such a measure, especially in years of plenty, was not oppressive ; and then it was for the ultimate advantage of the people. 1 Gesenius,-^ 12G. 5 A. 1((. - 123, see xlvii. 4. " Ch. xxii. 8. ^ Ivnol)el. 372 GENESIS XLI. 37-40 [413, 414 NT — Ewald, § God; Baer's edition has xn^ nbT — Olsbausen reads nbT nb ; Delitzsch ^ translates it in close connection with "^p.^^l, may he mal-e ^ that he ajjpoint, i.e. let him take action and appoint. If we render constituat Pharao et frmficiat prsefectos,* either nb';;^ or npa"* is super- fluous. Perhaps the object of nby"* has fallen out or been omitted, and 34a may well be an insertion from G^ like the words nyis — nav^") ^ in 35&, where -'9^* is pleonastic alongside of ">?, and where the original reading was l^^^l (ver. 48). Ver. 35 may have undergone more alteration; in vv. 35 f. and 48 f. i'^^* {C) and "i? {B) seem quite arbitrarily inter- changed. Under the hand of Pharaoh — under his control and charge."^ In the towns — where the granaries were, and to wdiich the surrounding country was in each case attached as an administrative department (ver. 48). |hpQ — Again in the O.T. only in Lev. v. 20, 23. pt^n — the population of the country, as in x. 25. Ver. 37ff'. "Pharaoh and his courtiers think Joseph's proposal good. The king concludes that Joseph has received his interpretation from God ; for the dream was from heaven, they believed, as well the powder to interpret it,^ and they felt that Joseph's explanation recommended itself. He therefore sees in Joseph the man filled with the Divine Spirit ^ whom he ought to set over Egypt." ^*^ ^?vp3^ — 1 pers. pi. impf. Kal (ver. 38). Ver. 40. He resolves to set him over his house ^^ and people. 1 Gesenius,^^ 75A. 36 ; Kdnig, Lchryehuude, 5G1. 2 New Comm., following Gesenius, TJies. 1077. 3 1 Kings viii. 32. 4 With nb'y as 1 Sam. viii. IG ; 1 Kings xii. 31. 6 Kittel, Bacon. ^' Cf. ver. 49. ^ 2 Kings xiii. 5 ; Isa. iii. 6. « Note on xl. 8. » Dan. v. 11, 14. If KnoLel. ^^ Cf. Isa. xxii. 15, 414] GENESIS XLT. 41-43 373 P^] T^'^V — the kiss of liomagc ^ cannot bo intended, for that was not given on the month, least of all by all the people, and for the reason that ^V py'J is not so nsed. '^'B~7V is to be taken with tlie versions, as in xlv. 21 : Ex. xvii. 1 ; Nnni. iii. IG, and elsewhere. p^^ is, then, not shall run^ nor cqui}) self, arm^ but fit or submit itself:^ Translate, therefore, freely, my whole j^cojjIc shall suhmit itself to thy mouth (eommand),^ be guided by it. yz^ is not sulHciently definite to express the idea of kissing the written command, a well-known custom. Only to the extent of the throne ^ ivill I he greater than yon — surpass you in dignity and honour only by my seat on the throne. p"l is common in C ] it occurs in B, xx. 11. Ver. 41 ff. The carrying out of the resolve. Ver. 41, which is resumed in 43Z>, seems to be the parallel to ver. 40.'^ nx"i as xxvii. 27, xxxi. 50, xxxix. 14. ^nnj, I give you herewith.^ Ver. 42. To mark his rank the king gives him the royal signet ring,^ a vesture of byssus,^*^ such as the Egyptian priests wore,^^ and the golden nech-cliain ; they all belonged to the insignia of royalty.^'^ Ver. 43. Having thus arrayed him, the king sends Joseph in his chariot of second rank, in the second of his royal chariots, to make a public procession, with heralds before him calling on the people to pay him homage. — 1 1 Sam. X. 1 ; also 1 Kings xix. 18 ; Hos. xiii. 2. - From \>\>^^ Lud. de Dieu. ^ Grseciis Venetiis, Mercerus. ■* Intrans. of the trans, fit on, Jciss. ^ Tucli, Delitzscli ; Vulg. Sept, vTrciKomirut. ^' Gesenius,2'5 hq 2c. " So also Kittel and Bacon, 8 See i, 29, ^ In Estli. iii. 10, viii. 2, carried b}' the first minister of the Persian empire, and l)y the regent in 1 Mace. vi. 15. ^^ l^^, see Comm. on Ex. xxv. 4. .^1 Linen according to Herod, ii, 37 ; Plutarch, de hide, 4 ; cotton ace. to Phny, xix. § 14 ; cf. Philostratus, Apollonius, ii. 20. 12 Knol)el. 374 GENESIS XLI. 44 [414, 415 Eegarding the construct form J^5?")P, see Ewald ; ^ and regard- ing Egyptian chariots, Erman.^ For 1^5 ■i*t:'X, see xl. 5. "n^?^ — presumably an Egyptian word given a Semitic form. The interpretations, father of the hing,^ tender (young) father,^ and GocVs strong one,^ are without value. Various Egyptian explanations are offered : Aiie poK, caput in- clinarc,^ ap-re%-u, head of the ivise^ thy command is our desiref 2:)rostrate yourself P The last of these approaches most nearly a possible interpretation of the word from the Hebrew lend the Iznee}^ it being taken as infin. absol. Aphel, for Hiphil, used as imperat.^^ But the question of its correctness remains. Brugsch 12 holds it to be a Semitic word, hend your knees, adopted into Egyptian. The Assyrian ciharakku'^^ is too remote to allow of its being introduced into the discussion. ^^ \hy\ — no longer the words of the herald, but a continua- tion of the narrative, resuming where 22'\^) left off,^^ and as it were concluding the episode; it attaches itself to ver. 41 (an insertion by B). Ver. 44, in which Pharaoh confers supreme authority on Joseph, nearly coincides with ver. 40, and so is from C}^ I am Pharaoh, king, supreme ruler. You shall be ^ § 188c. 2 JEgypten, 650 f. [Eng. tr. p. 491 f.]. 3 Targ. "ji, XDn=recc, cf. xlv. 8. ■* Targ. II. ; Jerome, Qucestiones. ^ b"i3X, Book of Jubilees, cli. xL, ed. Kunsch, p. 158 f. <"' Rossi, Etym. ^Jgypt. pp. 1, 339. 7 Harkavy in B. Arj. Z. 1869, p. 132. 8 Lepage Renouf in ^BAP. 1888, xi. 1, p. 5 ff. '•^ A sign of the imper., BOJp ijrojicere, K sign of the second pers. Benfey, Verhdltn. der yEyyjjt. Sioraclic, 302 f . ; but see Eudiger in Gesenius, Thes. addit. p. 64. ^^ Afpiila in Jerome, Qiuestiones, et clamavit in conspectu ejus ad geniculationem. 11 Cf. tjjj^j in ver. 51. 12 Geschichte, 247. 1^ Delitzsch, Paradies, 225 ; Hehr. Language, 26 ; Prolegomena, 145. 14 See Sclirader, KAT.^ 152 [Eng. tr. i.], and Noldeke in ZDMG. xl. 734. 1^ Gesenius,25 113. 4a ; cf. Ex. viii. 11, and frequently. 1^ Kittel, Bacon, who compares Ex. x. 26, xi. 7. 415j GENESIS XLI. 45 375 regent ; no one in Egypt shall move (lift) lumd or foot without your will, do a single action, or take a single step. Ver. 45. The king gives him a suitable Egyptian name. mya n;BV — Sept. WovOoiK^avi]^. Jerome says ^ that in Egyptian Zapfanethfane, sive (Sept.) Psontonphanech, signifies salvator muncli. But the eflbrts to reach this meaning by means of c,(t)'r(3 7xdemptio, sahis, and (jiie? scecuhcm^ have been in vain,2 and the statement is perhaps of no more value than another in Philo.^ The proposal suslentatio or sustentator vitcv,^ from the Egypto-koptic cut, ccoirr sustentare, ?i\\?>* and 13) leads us to conjecture the other source (cf. ver. 35). As the sand of the sea, is like xxxii. 13 (from C\ xxii. 17); lt

*c\s, xxxiv^ 1. The 1 Ch. xlvii. 7. - As xlvii. K). . 3 Ex. vi. 11, 13, 27, 29, xiv. 8, in A. ^ Cf. xlvii. 7, 10. ^ 111 the laws of Lev. ii. 2, v. 12, vi. 8 ; Num. v. 26. Knobel. ^ Following ver. 53. Olsliaiisea. '' Hos. xiii. 15. 378 GENESIS XLI. 53-57 [417 punctuation of nt^_:, Pael for Piel (cf. ver. 43), is for the sake of the assonance with ni'jp,! and the Piel is used for the Hiphil for the same reason. Ver. 53 f. The seventh year brings the time of plenty to an end and the period of famine follows, affecting not only Egypt, but the otlier countries also. In Egypt, however, food has been stored in the granaries. HM, in ver. 53, refers to rnb'n. Ver. 55 is surprising after ver. 54r^ describes the situa- tion found in xlvii. 13ff., and may best be ascribed to Cr The Egyptians begin to starve ; they appeal to the king, and are referred by him to Joseph. Ver. 5G& attaches itself to ver. 55, and is an insertion from C. Ver. 56ft, on the other hand, was i/'s transition from ver. 54 to ver. 57 ; Olshausen wishes, therefore, to place it after 566. *p^'n, in ver. 56'is in place of, or along with, onn "it^'S. The text is corrupt. Wellhausen conjectures a derivative of la'J*, which should mean granary ; Lagarde,^ some such word as (!) N"i''2tJ^''K, sirus.^ in^;»1 — read "i?f :i, from xlii. 6 ; ^ he sold the Egyptians corn. 'J1 ptn^l — omitted by the Sept. as being an unsuitable transition to ver. 57, and emended by Ilgen by the substitu- tion of |j;j3 for D^n^»'D, conveys the meaning that in spite of the sale of grain to the people, tlie famine described in ver. 5 5 kept growing greater. Ver. 57 continues 56a, and tells how every country came to Joseph in Egypt to buy corn, because the famine scourge 1 Gesenius,-^ 52. 2 A. 1. ~ Kittel, Bacon. ^ Sept. {uiro(ho7^Zuig) Vulg. Pesli. Oiik. * Symmida, i. 57. s Buxtorf, Lex. Talmud, 2321. ''' Olslmiisen. 417, 418] GENESIS XLII 379 was everywhere. Brugscli^ gives instances of distributions of grain in Egypt from granaries in times of famine. n. THE WANDERINGS AND HUMILIATIONS OF JOSEPHS BRETHREN, UNTIL THEIR RECONCILIATION, CHS. XLII.-XLV. I) and C continue to be the narrators, as in wliat has preceded, and C complicates and heightens the interest, as before, by what he adds to i)'s narratives. So early as by Knobel the acknowledgment of fragments by A was with- drawn, in spite of the presence of El Shaddai in xliii. 14. The paragraphs from B and C are pretty completely preserved, and are distinguishable by a number of material and linguistic features. Yet the compiler has made changes here also. 1. The Humiliation and Punishment of Joseph's ten Brethken, Ch. XLII. ; mostly according to L\ Jacob suffers from tlie famine, and sends his ten elder sons to Egypt to buy corn. They arrive, and prostrate themselves before Joseph. He recognises them, but does not betray himself. He first puts them to the proof. He declares them to be spies, and arrests them. But he releases tliem on the third day, and they arc allowed to return home with their corn, all except Simeon, who is to be kept as a liostage until they bring their youngest brother with tliem. Tliey already recognise, in what has befallen them, a punisli- ment for their crime against Joseph. Ikit Joseph, without their knowledge, returns them their money in their sacks, that they, or at least their father, might surmise a brother's presence behind the aspect of the stern ruler. This very money, however, wlien discovered, causes fresh dismay to the conscience-stricken men, and is an additional cause of their father's refusal to let Benjamin go with them on the next 1 Geschichte, 130, 24G [Eiig. tr. i)p. GI L, 121 f.J. 380 GENESIS XLII. IF. [418 occasion. Here, as in ch. xli, Joseph appears as the instru- ment of providence. The distress which his brothers ex- perience was required in retribution of their evil deeds and to rouse their penitence. The execution of the punishment by Joseph's own hands was a consequence of the position he had attained. Even ver.' 24, still more the issue of events in ch. xlv., is an indication from the writer that Joseph played his part, not in a spirit of vengefulness, but against his natural feelings, and under the impulse of a higher will. Nor could the old father's suffering, endured by him along with his sons, be avoided without sacrifice of the primary end. In reality, however, it was for him the preliminary to that extreme happiness, which, in the divine provi- dence, is not attained except when deep depression has gone before. The reference in vv. 6 and 9 to Joseph's dreams at home, and in ver. 22 to Eeuben's intercession for him, as well as the part played by Eeuben as first among the brothers,^ are evidence of i?'s authorship. Equally the use of ib^ (ver. 22) for ny:, of npy^ - for hi^'\t'\ of pb'^ for ^l^^lrp^?^ of px ^j"ix C'^sn ^ instead of c*^nm alone, of irx^ro (vv. 17, 19), n^ib (ver. 36), and nn^* (ver. 25), as well as of niv (ver. 21), and "i^J (ver. 9). Still E has worked in some scattered sen- tences from the corresponding narrative of C regarding this first journey, namely, 2a, U (?), 5*, 6*, 7*' (ver. 10, ? ^.?^),and especially vv. 27f. and 38.^ The expression jyjD |nx, which repeatedly occurs here and later in B and C,^ is due to the antithesis with Egypt. Ver. 1 f. Jacob asks his sons to bring corn from Egypt. Ver. 2a adds nothing new to la, and is rendered surprising by its also having "iDS^l (omitted by tlie Sept.). It may be taken to be an insertion from C. 1 Ver. 37; otherwise in xliii. 3ff. 2 Vv. 1, 4, 29, 3G. 2 Vv. 25 (27), 35. 4 Vv. 30, 33. ^ See below. '• Vv. 5, 7, 13, 29, 32, xliv. 8, xlv. 17, 25, xlvii. 13, 15. 418, 419] GENESIS XLII. 3-G 381 "1?^ — used of corn, especially when it is an article of com- merce, and occurring more frequently from now onwards.^ Why do yoii gaze at one another ? in perplexity and help- lessness, each expecting advice and initiative from the other. Vv. 3-5. Ten of Joseph's brethren journey to Egypt. Benjamin is kept by their father to secure against any mis- adventure happening to him. He was a special favourite of Jacob's, because the youngest and the only surviving son of Ptachel.- Ver. 3. m 131*'^. Lagarde ^ wishes to read "^^^ i3Cv. Ver. 4:1) may be regarded as from 6',"^ since it is found elsewhere in his narrative (ver. 38 and xliv. 29); but there is a possibility of its having been taken by C from B. jiDN*, as early as in Ex. xxi. 22 f. sip for nip/' as in ver. 38, Ex. i. 10, and also Gen. xlix. 1. Ver. 5 may be ^ from C, because of the use of i?xib''' ^^li' and because it is unrequired along with ver. 3. In the midst of those coming, amongst the others who came from Canaan they came ; not definitely ^ in the same caravan. Ver. 6. It is questionable if the whole verse,-^ or at least clauses a and ha,'^^ are to be assigned to C. B must also have had some statement accountincj for the brethren cominji before Joseph himself ; and ha, especially if ver. 5 belongs to C\ along with &/3, is in any case indispensable for B. The most, therefore, that can be said is that there are elements from C in the verse. Joseph superintends the sale of corn, so that the arrivals from abroad have to make application to him. They appear before him and prostrate themselves ; ^^ Joseph's dreams ^- are thus fulfilled. 1 Vv. 2, 19, 20, xliii. 2, xliv. 2, xlvii. 14. - Ch. xhv. 20 ff. 3 Bilduiuj der Nomina, 230. * Wellliaii.sen, Kittel, Kautzsch-Socin, Bacon. •'' Ver. 29, xliv. 29. ''• Kautzscli-Socin, Bacon. '' See XXXV. 10 ; but also 1. 25. » Knobel. " Bacon. 10 Kittel, Kautzscli-Socin. ^^ Cf. xliii. 2G, 28. i- Cli. xxxvii. 7, 9. 382 GENESIS XLII. 7-1) [419 Dw — Joseph is emphatically described as lord or rider of Egypt. B uses D''P'^^! and x^^ ; ^ so the word is not from him. But it is questionable if it be any the more from C, for it occurs elsewhere only in the Aramaic parts of Ezra, Ecclesiastes, and Daniel. The surprising coincidence witli Salatis or Silitis, the name of the first of the Hyksos rulers of Egypt,^ suggests the conjecture that, in the present context, it is a technical expression, which the tradition has preserved. Otherwise it must be an insertion by a late reader in place of some other word.^ For the second sin the Samar. Pesh. and Targ. of Jonath. have «inv In xix. 1 n^ns n*Di^ ninntrn occurs in C, but in xlviii. 12 ii\ B also, with the slight variation Vas7. Ver. 7 f. 6"s authorship is indicated by nn^i?s "iDJn^l Dn:3^l, parallel to ver. 8, and by ^5^*, but it does not therefore follow that the whole verse ^ is from him ; the words "im^i 'y\ nvc'P Dn5< (cf. ver. 30) appear to have been transferred from their original place in B after 9a. " Joseph is unrecognised by his brothers, for in the twenty years which have passed since he left them^ the youth has become a man," ^ and his whole costume and bearing are those of an Egyptian. None the less he recognises them. But he conducts Jdmself as a stranger towards them, and speaks to them hard things, addresses them ungraciously and im- periously,^ bringing hard accusations (ver. 9 ff.) against them. " His questions are intended to ascertain at once how Benjamin is, for he does not see him among the others." ^ Ver. 9. As he sees his brothers standing humbly before him he recalls ^ the dreams ^^ he had had with reference to them}'^ " He accuses them of being spies who wish to see the 1 Vv. 30, 33, xlv. 8, 26. 2 Josepliiis, Contra Ap. i. 14 ; Eusebius, Chron. Armi. i. 224. "' Kuenen, OnderzoeJc,^ 318. 4 Kautzsch-Socin, Bacon. ^ Ch. xxxvii. 3, xli. 46. ^ Knobel. ^ 1 Sam. xxv. 3 ; Isa. xix. 4. « Knobel. 9 Ch. xl. 14, 23. 10 Ch. xxxvii. 5 fF. ^^ Chs. xvii. 20, xix. 21. •U!), 420] GENESIS XLII. 10-15 F. 383 naheclness of the land} to find out the districts which are unoccupied and easily accessible. The use of ^)'\V may be paralleled from the Koran,^ the Iliad^ and Ciosar's com- mentaries.'* The accusation comes naturally from the mouth of the first minister of the empire."^ Vv. 10-13. The brothers meet the accusation with protestations of their sincerity, and a statement of particulars reo;ardino- their home. ••inx x^, as xxiii. 11. y^i]:\ after the negation is used for the ordinary ^3, as xvii. 5 ; Isa. x. 20, etc.^ ^^nj for ^^^J^?, which the Samar. has.^ ^^}'^, straight, in the sense of upright, honouraUc, only here and in xix. 31-34 in the Pentateuch. Ver. 13. lin^tJ is either to be struck out as a gloss from ver. 32,^ or is to be taken with what goes before, contrary to the accents : ^ thy servants are tivelve, hrothers loe are. The little one, i.e. the youngest,i*^ is with their father, and oiie is not to be found, has vanished.^i " They avoid particulars so as. not to increase Joseph's distrust." ^^ Ver. 14. As one in high position, Joseph will not allow that he is in the wrong. It is what I have said, my asser- tion that you are spies remains true. For j^in compare XX. 16 ; Job xiii. 16.^^ Ver. 15f. He demands to see their youngest brother; one of them is to bring him from Canaan while tlie others remain his prisoners. By this ^* ye shall he proved, sc. whether your assurances are true or false.^^ He thinks it possible that they may have treated Benjamin as badly as they did himself, and desires to ascertain. But his ostensible pur- /o / 1 Cf. Num. xiii. 18 ; .Josh. ii. 1. ~ xxxiii. 13, i .t.^. 3 xii. 399, yvy.voua^cci. 4 j]^i^ ^j^n ^,jj_ -j:q^ nudari. 5 Knobel. c Ewald, § 354rt. 7 See Ges.25 32 A. 2. s Olshausen. » Delitzscli. 10 See ix. 24. 11 Cli. V. 24. 12 Knobel. ,13 Knobel. i4 See xv. 8. 15 Cf. XX. 33. 384 GENESIS XLII. 17-20 [420 pose is that he desires to see whether their statement is true. nyiD '•n — Pharaoh is living, i.e. by the ^ife of Pharaoh.^ The use of the pronunciation ''H for ^^^ when the word God does not follow, is a merely rabbinical distinction similar to that between '';J"i^ and '':3"'^'. The oath is the more appro- priate since the Egyptians reverenced their kings co? tt^o? a\r)Qeiav 6vTa<; Oeov^.^ The Israelites swore by the life of the king, at least when addressing him.* For DN* see xiv. 23 ; for njn, xxi. 23, xlv. 5, 8, 13. Vv. 17-20. He brings them together^ under guard *^ " that they may have the experience of a captive ^ who has the worst to expect." ^ But on the third day he announces that he will keep only one of them as a hostage while the others return home with the necessary supplies of corn, and fetch their youngest brother. The brothers agree to this proposal. It is unnecessary to reject p ibT")-^ Do this and live — you shall not be executed (as spies) if you do as follows, ib'y nt^t in xlv. 17 and 19, but also in xliii. 11.^^ I fear God, and so am unwilling to treat you with unnecessary severity on mere suspicion. The words, if you are true men, state a condition to all the proposal which follows ; we may supply. You will willingly accept the offer I make. inx — without the article,^^ as in xliii. 14; in xlii. 33, nnxn. pay"! — the corn for the famine ^^ of your houses, i.e. the corn required by your families during the famine ; cf. ">P^ ^i^">T in Isa. xxx. 23.^^ In ver. 33 juyi stands alone as if it 1 Ges.25 93. lA. 7, footnote. 2 See Lev. xxv. 36 where TI is verbal. 3 Died. i. 90. 4 I gj^i^^^ xvii. 55 ; 2 Sam. xi. 11. Knobel. 5 Ezek. xxiv. 4 ; Josh. ii. 18. <' Ver. 19, xl. 3, 7. '' Cf. his own case in xxxvii. 24. ^ Knobel. ^ Kautzsch-Socin. i" [Comp. note on xlv. 17.] 11 Ges.25 126. 5A. Ih. 12 Ewald, § 163(Z. 1^ Olshausen. 420, 421] GENESIS XLII. 21-25 385 could nieaii that tvhich is rcqiiircd for the famine ; but the Sept. Pesh. and Onkelos have, better, P^y-i -)3^. Ver. 21. Their conscience awakens to a sense of tlieir sin against Joseph,^ and they find that they are all at one in the thought that it is on his account that they have to sufter. Similarly in xliv. 16, in G. ?5^?, as xvii. 19; iTJV, as XXXV. 3. Ver. 22. Eeuben, as Joseph's protector,^ is conscious of innocence, and is in a position to reproach them with their crime. The words he attributes to himself are not literally those reported previously, but they express the spirit in which he acted, 'i?) in xxi. 8, 14, and frequently. And also his hlood, hchold it is demanded — his blood, his death which you occasioned, is now accordingly in due course being avenged (cf. ix. 5 f.). Eeuben assumes that Joseph's sudden disappearance from the pit was explained by his having been devoured by a wild beast, or having lost his life in some way. Everything agrees with ^'s account in ch. xxxvii. Ver. 23. The brothers' conversation is open and aloud, for they are unaware that Joseph hca7^s, i.e. understands^ them, seeing that the interpreter, customary in such cases,* was between them. ^^-''?, as in xxvi. 28. Egyptian was, of course, the language of the court.^ Ver. 24. Joseph is moved by their sorrow and penitence, and turns away from them that he may weep. Then he comes back and talks with them, and has Simeon bound before their eyes. -iD^5 may simply mean to make pinsoner.^ Joseph does not detain Eeuben, his defender, but the eldest of the others. Ver. 25. By Joseph's orders their corn sacks are filled, they are given provision for their journey, and inside each one's sack, on the top, the money is placed. 1 Ch. xxxvii. 21 ff. - Ch. xxxvi. 22, 29 f. 3 cii_ xi. 7. * See xiv. 13. fi See p. 354. c 2 Kings xxiii. 33. DILLMANN. — II. 25 386 GENESIS XLII. 2G, 27 F. [421 The finite verb isi?D^l is surprising because followed by infinitives. It cannot express the intention, but only the execution of the orders : he gave command, and accordingly they filled their sacks ; and, further, lie ordered them to replace, etc. Dn^3p3 — plural, to designate separate sums of money belonging to several individuals;^ cf. ver. 35. The in- flectional stem with sheva silent and daghesh in the D is occasional in the construct plurals of segholates, or before heavy suffixes.^ In each ones sack — as in ver. 35 ; see ix. 5. •^'J^*, as xlv. 21. t:>y>l — the indefinite subject is very awkward after lyp. ; the reading is probably an error for rcT"^ (of. ixi?^^l) ; the Septua- gint extricated itself by the pointing '^y*l Ver. 26. They load their animals and depart. Ver. 27 f. An insertion from C, according to whose account, otherwise than in ver. 35, the brothers discover at a halting-place on the way home that their money has been returned to them (cf. xliii. 21). The discovery was not made by one only, but by all of them, which better suits the statement that they all fell into a state of fear.^ But B has obliterated this feature in our present text for harmonistic reasons; it is presupposed, however, in xliii. 21. The ex- pressions P''?,^ xiQpp^s ^^^ nnnpt^ are evidence for C. But S^b in ver. 27 must be from R to secure the connection with ver. 25, and in ver. 28 the words from ■lD^^i' onwards are shown by D^n^s to be from a passage of i)'s ; they may have stood after ver. 35. nnsn, the one who commenced, i.e. the first ; ^ for originally the statement followed that the others then opened their sacks also, nnnox, a packing -cloth ^ or sack, used consistently i Ewald, § 176c. 2 Qes.^^ 93 A. 1 F. - Wellhausen, JBDTh. xxi. 44G. ^ Ex. iv. 24. 5 Ch. xxiv. 25, 32. « See ii. 11, iv. 19. "^ See Lexicon. 121, 422] GENESIS XLII. 29-37 387 ill cli. xliii. f. s,?, also, as in cli. xliii. 12 and 21. njn Dx, as in xxxviii. 24. And their heart went oict, their courage left them, they completely lost heart ; the idiom does not occur elsewhere. And they trembled one to another, turned to one another trembling ; a pregnant construction, similar to xliii. 33.^ They now feared that they would be treated as thieves, and in this new misfortune recognise God's chastising hand. nXT no, as in xxix. 25 ; in iii. 13, xii. 18, xxvi. 10, it is from C. Vv. 29—34. Having reached home they tell their father all that had occurred, and impress on him the necessity of taking Benjamin to the Egyptian ruler. ri'ipn, in a perfect sense.- ^.^'^^?, in ver. 33 also; for the form see xxxix. 20, and for the title ver. 6. After ^^nx the Sept. read nnc^"02 ^ (eV (pvXaKfj) ; translate the Mass. text gave us as sines, treated us as spies. D^ns l^mN* (ver. 32), Samari- tan ijms D^nx. For inyi (ver. 33) see note on ver. 19. "ino (ver. 34) with the accus. journey through for trading purposes.* Ver. 35. Only now that they have reached home do they empty their sacks, according to B, and their bundles of money are not found till the sacks are quite emptied out instead of being on the top CS?). They and their father take alarm at the discovery. Ver. 3G. The old father breaks into peevish complaint : Me you have made childless, " it is I who suffer, not you ; it is all very well for you to talk and make proposals when my children, not yours, are put to the hazard." ^ It is on me that cdl this has come, I alone have to bear the burden of these events ; comp. nhp in ver. 2 9 ; 'ijpa for 1?3, as Prov. xxxi. 29.^ Ver. 37. Thereupon Eeuben, who is spokesman here also (see ver. 22), offers loth his sons as pledges; the father 1 Ges.25 119. 4. 2 Qes.25 hq ^a. 3 See xl. 3. * Cf. xxxiv. 9, 21. ^ Knobel. « See note on xli. 21. 388 GENESIS XLIL 38 [422 may kill them if Benjamin perishes. According to A, Eeuben had fou7' sons at the time of the emigration to Egypt.i Give him on my hand — trust him to my power.^ Ver. 38. "Jacob refuses to allow Benjamin, who alone is left him (of Eachel's children), to go with them. Something might happen to him on the journey, and they would in this way hring his grey hair down to Shcol with sorrow^ grieve and sadden the closing days of his already far advanced life." 4 There is no mention here of Simeon, whose release was nevertheless in question, according to xxiv. 33. The reply is, therefore, not much in harmony with the preceding narrative, ^''s. It suits C alone, for in his account Simeon was not a captive, though the condition of seeing Joseph's face again was that Benjamin should be brought.^ The lanc^uage of the verse is also that of G, as determined in xliv. 29, 31. At ver. 37, therefore, ^'s narrative breaks off. We no longer know whether or when, or under what conditions, Jacob accepted Eeuben's offer as given in B. Instead of telling us this, B in ver. 38 has given the con- clusion of C's history of the adventures of the brothers in Egypt and of their report to their father, all of which has been omitted in what goes before, but may be reconstructed from xliv. 20-24 and xliii. 3, 7.^ B made the substitution in order to be able to proceed at once in ch. xliii. 1 ff. with the text of G. In G, ver. 38 was not the reply to an offer such as Eeuben's, but only to the announcement that they would not be able to see Joseph again without Benjamin. J Cli. xlvi. 9. 2 1 Sam. xvii. 22 ; Job xvi. 11. Kiiobel. 3 Cf. xxxvii. 35. "^ 1 Kings ii. 6, 9. Knobel. 5 Ch. xliii. 3, xliv. 23, 26. « Wellhausen. 422, 423] GENESIS XLIII 389 2. The BrtOTiiERs' Second Visit to Joseph and how HE TESTS TIIEM, ClI. XLIII F. ; FROM C. It becomes necessary to make fresh purchases of corn in Egypt, and Judah persuades Jacob to let Benjamin go. The brothers arrive in Egypt with a present for Joseph and double money for the corn. AVhen Joseph sees Benjamin he receives them kindly and invites them to a meal. In spite of the fears which the discovery of the money in their sacks had caused them, everything, to begin with, passes off well. Joseph's conduct towards his guests even gives some indication of how he stands towards them. But before they leave he orders his cup to be secretly concealed in Benjamin's sack, and then he sends in pursuit after them. Benjamin is found to be guilty of the theft of the cup. They are brought back to Joseph and sternly reproached by him ; he declares his resolve to punish Benjamin by detaining him as his slave. Judah thereupon endeavours, in touching words, to move Joseph's heart, and offers himself in his brother's place. This second journey accordingly not only results in fresh humiliation before eJoseph, in fresh distress and anxiety, it reveals the spirit the brothers cherish toward one another and toward their father, and so marks an advance as compared with the first journey, where they had not got beyond the stage of self-accusation. Forgiveness and salva- tion can be the portion only of those who have shown true amendment by their deeds. B also must have described the second journey (for Simeon's release), but R has not inserted his description. The account here is not from the author of cli. xlii.^ but from C, and not merely from C in the main,^ but entirely,^ apart from the fragments in xliii. 14 and 2oh^ The prin- cipal facts which prove this are the differences between the account of the first journey found in ch. xlii. and tliat pre- 1 Knobel, Bohmer. ^ Schrader. ^ Wellhausen, Kueiien. * See notes. 390 GENESIS XLITI. 1-5 [423 supposed here/ the substitution of Judah " for Eeuben ^ as leader of the brothers, and the consistent use of certain words in phice of others used in ch. xlii., viz. ^^ij^^ of Joseph, when Jacob and the brothers are the speakers ; ^ "lyj of Benjamin,^ nnn^X,'^ bir\'^\^ and i'^N (for i?).^ Besides, G's special diction is everywhere perceptible.^ On the "other hand, the use of D\n^x,^*^ where it is an Egyptian who is addressing the brothers, or conversely, is no evidence for B, and as little is the expression ^n?,^^ which belongs to C in XXX. 27 also. In general C's narrative style as known from chs. xviii. f., xxiv. etc., is apparent here also. Ver. 1 f. The famine ivas heavy in the land. After their purchase of corn is exhausted, Jacob calls on his sons to make a second journey to Egypt. 133, as in xii. 10, 47, iv. 13 ; on the other hand, prn in xli. 57. n^3, followed by h and an infinitive, is a favourite usage of C'^}- ^V^, in the construct, elsewhere ^^ always in a Vv. 3-5. Judah declares that they will not leave with- out Benjamin, since the man had expressly stated that they will not see his face,^'* will not be admitted to his presence,^^ nnless'^^ their youngest brother is with them. This was C's 1 Ch. xhii. 3, 5, 7, 21, xhv. 19 f., 22 f., 26. 2 Ch. xliii. 3 ff., xliv. 16, 18 ff. ^ q]^^ xxxvii. 26 ff. 4 Ch. xliii. 3, 5, 6 f ., 11, 13 f., xliv. 26. ^ Ch. xliii. 8, xliv. 22, 301, 33 f. ; for nj?^ in xliv. 20 see note. « Ch. xliii. 12, 18, 21-23, xliv. 1 f., 8, 11 f. ^ Ch. xliii. 6, 8, 11 . 8 Ch. xliii. 2, 20, 22, xliv. 1, 25 ^ 133, xliii. 1 ; rfpD, followed by ^ cum Infin., xliii. 2 ; tDVD, xliii. 2, 11, xliv. 25 ; t^»'' with suff. and partic, xliii. 4 ; nrOHDnn, xliii. 10; "-^tis, xliii. 12 ; ni^ and "T-nin of going to Egypt, xliii. 11, 'l5,' 20, 22 (xlii. 38) ; nnsi, xliii. 19 ; 5^i2pp, xliii. 24 ; mnnL''m lip, xliii. 28 ; '•a, xliii. 20, xliv. 18 ; ni5Nn nn3n3, xliv. 7 ; rh'bn followed by |D and infm., xliv. 7, 17 ; the termination \^ in xliii. 32, xliv. 1, 23, etc. ; observe also the names of the fruits of the country in xliii. 11 (cf. xxxvii. 25). 10 Ch. xliii. 29, xliv. 16. ^i Cli. xliv. 5, 15. 12 See note on xxvii. 30 ; in xvii. 22, xlix. 33, in A. 13 Ver. 11, xliv. 25, xviii. 4, xxiv. 17, 43. " Ch. xliv. 23, 26. is 2 Sam. iii. 13, xiv 14, 28. ^^ aes.25 i(j3. 2, 423, 424] GENESIS XLIIT. G-U 391 version ; in B^ their bringing Benjamin was to be the proof tliat they were not s])ies, and was to effect Simeon's release. 1y'^ — with partic., as in xxiv. 42, 41). Ver. 6 f. Israel '"^ reproaches them with having told the man whether ^ they had another brother. They defend them- selves by the plea that they required to answer the man's questions concerning"* their family, in accordance with^ these words w'hich he put to them; could we knoio^ then that he would demand to see Benjamin. Here, again, and also in xliv. 19 f., there- is some variation from i>'s account in xlii. 13, o'l, where the brothers speak of their home circle as part of their defence against the accusation of being spies. Vv. 8—10. Judah asks his father to entrust Benjamin to him. He will be surety for him, will answer for him. Ch. xlii. 37 is ^'s parallel to this. Eegarding nyj, see p. 390. Ver. 9. vnj^n, as in xxx. 38, xxxiii. 15, xlvii. 2. ']h \lSL:ni, then I sin to you for all time, will be convicted to you, will be your debtor,^ all my life, so that you may do with me according to your pleasure. Yer. 10. But for their excessive delay they might have been there and back twice. ijnnni^nn, as in xix. IC. nny "2, as xxxi. 42. d^d^D nt, see xxvii. 36. Ver. 11. Israel resigns himself to the inevitable, and tells his sons to take with them a present for the man. " The custom of making presents to exalted personages, to secure their favour, was and is seldom departed from in the East."^ 5. ^ Ch. xxiv. 10, XXXV. 4 ; Num. xxii. 7, 29. ^ Ch. xviii. 2, xix. 1, xxiv. 52, xxxiii. 3, xxxvii. 10. ^ GrammatiJc,-^ 14. lA. 2 [in printed texts only in four passages, l>ut in certain MSS. frequent, to denote consonantal power of t<]. '■ Ex. xviii. 7; Judg. xviii. 15, and frequently. ^ This agrees with xxxv. 17 f. ; coinp. note on xxxiv. 1. » Ges.25 67. 8A. 2. lo 1 Kings iii. 2G ; IIos. xi. 8. 396 GENESIS XLIII. 32-34 [426 feels the need of tears for the recovery of his composure. Then he returns, 2^ulls himself together, or puts constraint on himself,^ and orders the meal to be served. n^3i — Lam. V. 10 is sufficient evidence against Delitzsch's interpretation,"-^ he overcome, based on Assyrian kamdru. Ver. 32. He, the Egyptians who ate with him, and the brothers were served separately (at separate tables). " In his own case the explanation is found in his rank and in his membership in the priestly caste (xli. 45), which kept aloof from the laity ; ^ his Egyptian guests, though probably not priests, could not, i.e. might not, eat with the Hebrews.^ Egyptian national prejudice, and the narrowness with which they excluded everything foreign, were noted facts.^ The priests ate and drank nothing which came from abroad ; ^ an Egyptian would use none of a Greek's cooking utensils.^ This was their attitude towards the Hebrews also, more especially as they were a pastoral people." ^ Ver. 33. The brothers are assigned their places in the order of seniority ; they express to one another their astonish- ment at this. ks n^n, pregnant construction, as in xlii. 28. For -ii33 and '^^];^;, see note on xxix. 26. Ver. 34. " As a mark of special favour Joseph, in accord- ance with an ancient custom, sends them dishes ^ from his own table. That received by Benjamin amounts to five hands, i.e. handfuls,!*^ portions, more than that of any of the others. The most honoured guest was given the largest and finest pieces.ii Among the Spartans the king had a double portion,^^ ^ Oil. xlv. 1. 2 Hchrew Language, f). 41 f. •" Porphyry, de AhsHnentia, iv. 6. ■* Cf. Deut. xii. 17, xvi. 5, xvii. 15. ^ Diod. i. 67; Strabo, xvii. 1. 6. « PoriDliyry, iv. 7. ^ Herod, ii. 41. « See xlvi. 34. Knol)el. « Cf. 2 Sam. xi. 8. 1" Ch. xlvii. 24 ; 2 Kings xi. 7. 11 1 Sam. ix. 231; Iliad, vii. 321, viii. 1G2, xii. 310 ; Odyssey, iv. G5 f., xiv. 437; Diod. v. 28. 1- Herod, vi. 57; Xenoph. Laced, xv. 4. 427] GENESIS XLIV. 1-0 397 among the Kretans the archon four times more than others.^ The number five is specially Egyptian." '' Knobcl professed to explain this Egyptian preference for live by their assumption that there were five planets,'' which is also connected witli their designation of the number five by a star.'^ But we might equally well refer to their week of ten days/'' or still more simply make a connection with the five fingers of the hand. After the meal they drank largely together. i Wellhauseu wishes to oiuiL 7\1'\r\'' because of ver. 18, and to read 8 Ch. xhi. 21. ^ Sam. and Sept. QTli'Xni as circumstantial clause. 10 1 Sam. i. 17, xx. 42. 400 GENESIS XLIV. 19-29 [42S, 429 asks to be granted the favour of speaking freely before him.^ He is aware of the greatness of the request, for Joseph is like the king in authority and dignity, 3 — 3, as xviii. 25. For ""S, see xliii. 20. Ver. 1 9 K He first tells their whole history in so far as connected with Joseph's demand to see Benjamin, and explains liow and why it was with the utmost unwillingness that his father had allowed him to come with them. Ver. 19. A passage of C's, which has not been preserved, and which differed from i>'s account in ch. xlii., is here pre- supposed ; see note on xliii. G f. Ver. 20. Aiid a young hoy horn to him in his old age; cf. xxxvii. 3, in C. Probably the expression D'':ipT "lyj was not used ; hence lh\ thougli elsewhere in ch. xliii. f. Benjamin is always called nyi np, as in xlii. 38 ; in xlii. 13, 32, from B, 133''X is used. They regarded him as really dead.^ Ver. 21. / ^uish to set my eye on him, " to show him attention, take him under my protection.^ Judah ventures to interpret Joseph's request as a sign of favour towards Benjamin." * Ver. 22. At the time they had raised the objection that the boy could ^ not leave their father, for he would die in such a case. This was in C^'s account only (not in B, xlii. 13, 32). T\)y\ — nrvi [oiie type of conditional sentence, without special particle in protasis].^ For ver. 23, see xliii. 3, 5; for vv. 24-26, xliii. 2 ff. For "2^*, Samar. Sept. Pesh. Vulg. have li^ax. But see ver. 27. in"i^1 is apodosis to ':i'i u^ DX. Vv. 27-29. See xxxvii. 33 and xlii. 38. For ^x, see note xxix. 14; and for ^^T'^V, xv. 16. nyi3^ in evil, i.e. misfortune, which would cloud his closing days. The antithesis is in 'peace? 1 Ch. XX. 8, xxiii. 10, 1.4. ^ q\^^ ^lii. 22. 3 Jer. xxxix. 13, xl. 4 ; Ps. xxxiii. 18, xxxiv. 16. 4 KiiobeL ^ See xliii. 32. 7 Ch. XV. 15. Knobel. 429] GENESIS XLIY. 30-33 F. 401 Ver. 30 f. The inference from all this is now drawn: if Judah returns to his father without the son to lohose soul the father's soul is bound, i.e. to whom he was attached with all his soul/ it will cost him (the speaker) his life, — a result which Joseph cannot, so he assumes, desire. The principal clause, to which ver. 30 is subordinate, begins with riNTi in ver. 31; and within it, in turn, inisip is subordinate to H^i, It is not at all obvious why ic'Dil should be corrected to ^C'S31.2 After -ir^n pN the versions^ have iddn, as in ver. 30 ; but it is unrequired. See, further, xlii. 38. Ver. 32. Their father is hoping without misgiving that he will return, for your servant got the hoy for a 'pledge from his father, was trusted with him after giving a pledge.'* This, too, is the reason why he is making his appeal in this way. Ver. 3 3 f . His final appeal, which has been prepared for by the account of their father's love for Benjamin (vv. 19-29) and of his own suretyship (ver. 32). He asks to be allowed to take Benjamin's place as slave, and for permission to Benjamin to depart with the others. If his request is not granted,^ he will have to be a witness of his father's mis- fortune. Judah's speech is in the name of the others, and so an expression of their desires also. 3. Joseph eeveals himself, and invites Migration to Egypt, Ch. XLV. ; following B and C. Joseph is now convinced of his brothers' change of feeling, and at length reveals himself. At the same time he calms their fears regarding the consequences of their sin against him, and proposes to them to hasten back to Canaan and tell his father, and invite him to migrate to Goshen in Egypt. The king extends to them a similar invitation, 1 1 Sam. xviii. 1. ^ Wellliausen, JJWTh. xxi. 447. - Sam. Sept. Pesli. Vulg. ^ See xliii. 9. ^ For J2, cf. iii. 22, xxxviii. 11, xlii. 4. DILLMANN. — H. 26 402 GENESIS XLV. 1 [429, 430 and offers the waggons which would be required in the migra- tion. The brethren return home with presents from Joseph for themselves and their father. Jacob is overjoyed, and at once shows his resolution to go to be with Joseph. The whole tangled history is thus now unravelled, and the guiding influence of divine providence (vv. 5-8) streams out as a light from the obscurity which had enveloped the actions and fortunes of those involved. Both narrators must, of course, have written about this preliminary conclusion to the history. We find, as a matter of fact, that B has made i>'s account his main source, but has worked into it not a little from G. C is represented principally in vv. la} 2,^ 4&, and partially ba\^ traces are also present in vv. 7,* 13 f.,^ 28,^ and probably also ver. 10.^ What remains is a well-connected whole, which is proved to belong to B by its divergences from C^ by references to it afterwards,^ by the emphasis it lays on the agency of divine providence and on Joseph's high position in Egypt, and by its language.^*^ At least it offers no decisive reasons against ^'s authorship. Eegarding vv. 19-21 and a surprising expression in ver. 23, see below. Ver. la. Joseph has succeeded thus far in playing his part of stranger only because of his uncertainty regarding his brothers' state of mind. Now that Judah has spoken as he did he can no longer restrain himself}^ as he must do, because of all tJiose standing before Mm, He therefore com- mands all to withdraw except his brothers. rhv D'nvJ — in xviii. 2, xxviii. 13, from C (in Ex. xviii. 14, from B). ^ pQt^nn. 2 Contrast ver. 16. ^ Joseph's sale ; yi)i^. * Redundant. ^ Parallel to ver. 9 ; nmn, nsi^*-^y i?^^ ^ !?J^lb'"'- "^ See notes. 8 E.g. ver. 3 contrasted with xliii. 27 f. ; Pharaoh's offer (ver. I7ff.) contrasted with xlvi. 31 ft\, where it is not presupposed. 9 In xlvi. 5 to vv. 19, 21, in xlvii. 12, 1. 21 to ver. 11. 10 E.g. D^nbt^ (vv. 5, 7f., 9), apy (ver. 25), V^yD niH (ver. 5), }Vn (ver. 17), mv (ver. 21), "i n (ver. 23). 11 Ch. xliii. 31. 430] GENESIS XLV. 1-7 403 Ver. 11) may also be from C, but may be taken from the introduction to B's recognition scene, yninn, make ones self IiRoiun, elsewhere only in Num. xii. G. Ver. 2, from C Joseph gave free vent to his voice in weeping, i.e. broke into loud weeping, so th.at Egypt, i.e. tlie Egyptians,^ outside or near by, heard it ; the court also heard it, i.e. probably learned of it. Comp. ver. IG. Joseph lived in the royal city (xlvi. 31). Dnvro has not the article, and so is not to be pointed Ver. 3 f. After thus revealing himself Joseph's first question is regarding his father; tliis is natural in B, in C it would be superfluous after xliii. 27 f. and xliv. 19—34. Their trepidation is so great they cannot reply. They had started back from him (John xviii. 6), and he now tells them to come nearer,^ so that they might gain confidence and courage. The further declaration, that he is Joseph whom^ they sold into Egypt,"* is taken from C.^ Ver, oaa and % also from C. He exhorts them not to be downcast and depressed because of what they had done, but to regard it as of God's working, and themselves as His instruments. God sent him before them to Egypt to preserve them and others alive. nvyn ^ and the sale recall 0 ; D^'^rya in' ' and dmS^n*, B. For 3n, see xlii. 15. Ver. 6. For now ^ the famine had lasted two years already (a period during which he had been the means of preserving people), and there still awaited them five years in which there would be no tillage and no harvest. Ver. 7. It was for this purpose God sent him before them to Egypt, that he might preserve them by his care. To place a remnant for you on the earth, " to bring it 1 Ch. xh. 55. 2 Ch. xliv. 18. 3 Geseiiius,25 i38. 1 A. 1. * Chs. xxxvii. 28, xxxix. 1. ^ Contrast xl. 15a. ^ Chs. vi. 6, xxxiv. 7. "^ Ch. xxxi. 35. 8 Chs. xxxi. 38, 41, xxvii. 3G, xliii. 10. 404 GENESIS XLV. 8, 9 F. [430, 431 about that you should have descendants on the earth, and that your race shoukl not be extirpated from the earth." ^ The words which follow, to give you life ni^HJ r^\yh^h., are very difficult, whether the untranslated words are taken in apposi- tion to DD^J," or as dative of the product, so that there may he a numerous rescued hand.^ The difficulty is increased by the fact that B elsewhere ^ uses n'^nn with the accusative, for it is even less easy to supply n''")^^'. In view of 2 Chron. xii. 7 we can hardly strike out ^ before nD''^D.^ Ver. h may be a mutilated insertion from C. The thought may be paralleled from 1. 20 (in B) ; for nt:i^^s, comp. xxxii. 9 (xiv. 13). Ver. 8. To execute this plan of His, accordingly, God sent him to Egypt, not the brothers, and has given him the needful position. Pharaoh's father — paternal councillor of the king ; a title of honour designating the king's chief minister.^ According to Brugsch,"^ ab en j^i'^'c'^o is an official title of the principal (house) minister in documents of the 19th dynasty; and " adon of the whole country " occurs in a similar sense in a document of the 18 th dynasty. Lord of his house, xli. 40. Eider (as ver. 26), see note xlii. 6. Ver. 9 f. The brothers are to hasten back to Canaan and invite Jacob, in Joseph's name, to migrate without delay to Egypt with all his possessions and dependants. We have to assign ver. 10 to 6',^ because it is presupposed in xlvi. 28. But we can scarcely doubt that Goshen was to be, and became, the place of residence in B also, for we cannot assume, in spite of Pharaoh's offer in ver. 17 tf., that Israel, according to his account, lived in the city beside Joseph. 1 2 Sam. xiv. 7 ; Jer. xliv. 7. Knobel. - Schumann. ^ Knobel, Delitzsch. "^ Chs. xlvii. 25, 1. 20. ^ Sam. Sept. Olshausen. ''' See Gesenius, Thes. p. 7, also Esther (Apocr.) xiii. 6, xvi. 1 1 ; 1 Mace. xi. 32. 7 UExode, p. 17 ; Geschichte, 207, 248, 252, 592, etc. [Eng. tr. i. 265, ii. 140, 180, 348]. ** Wellhausen, Kittel ; the first three words, Kautzscli-Socin, 43l] GENESIS XLV 405 fC^'a — in 0} wliereas A has Land of RamcscsP- " Both names refer to the same district, which permits of the Septua- gint rendering of |C':i in xlvi. 28 by 'Pafjueaarj. Its situation was at least on the eastern side of the Nile ; for while the Hebrews extended as far as the river,^ there is no mention of tlieir crossincc it either on the occasion of their arrival or departure." In xlv. 10 and xlvi. :U the Septuagint has Feae/j. 'Apa^la^. In the Greco-Koman period 'Apa/Sca was one of the twenty-three vofioi into wliicli the Delta was divided ; its prhicipal town was ^aKova-aa^ Even in the Pcrerjrinatio Si/lvicc,^ Arabia, in this sense, and Gesse are identified. During the 18th and 19th dynasties Lower Egypt had only fifteen novies, and the later vofiol of Arabia and Bubastis were still included in the great province of On (Heliopolis), which was bounded on the east by what was later the vo/jLo^ of Heroonpolis (Pithom). pi has not yet been found as a vo/jl6^ in the inscriptions of that date. But a text which dates from King Merenptah ^ says of the neighbourhood of Pi-Bailos (probably Bilbeis), " the country around was not cultivated, but was left as pasture for cattle, because of the strangers ; it was abandoned since the time of the ancestors." Now the Egyptian name of the region two or three hours east of Bubastis was Kesem or Kes ; and ^aKovaaa, already referred to, has long been supposed ^ to be a compound from this very Kes, in the form Pa-Kes, while Kes itself has been identified with p:.^ Naville's excavations have shown that Sopt, the modern Saft el-Renneh, was the religious capital of this district. The country round Sopt east of the canal Abu-1- Munac^o-e, between Belbeis on the south and Abbaseh on the 1 Chs. xlvi. 28 f., 34, xlvii. 1, 4, 6, 27, 1. 8 ; Ex. viii. 18, ix. 2G. - Ch. xlvii. 11 ; cf. Ex. xii. 37 ; Num. xxxiii. 5. 3 Ex. ii. 3 ff. ; Num. xi. 5. ^ Ptol. iv. 5. 53 ; cf. Strabo, xvii. 1. 2G. ^ Ed. Gamurrini, p. 46 ff. ^' Marietta, Karnak, Hi. line 8. ^ Yonder Hardt, Cliam])ollion, Brugscli, Ebers. s See Naville, Land of Gushen, 1887, pp. 15 ff. and 26. 406 GENESIS XLV. 11-13 [431, 432 east, would then be Kesem. We have accordingly to think of the Old Testament Goshen as lying east of Bubastis (Zagazig) in the direction of Tell el-Kebir, and as extending south to a point beyond Bilbeis. This does not deny that the Israelites may in time have extended farther east. " Saadia and Abusaid still put Sadir for jc^: : it is a place north-east of Bilbeis ^ between Abbasia and Chashbi.^ Mak- rizi^ defines Goshen as the land of Bilbeis, principal town of the modern province of esh-Sharkiye, as far as the country of 'Amalek. Goshen was counted one of the best parts of Egypt,* and was a pastoral country.^ The province of esh-Sharkiye is still reckoned the best and most productive in Egypt." ^ The name |C'J, which was also that of a city and district in southern Canaan,'^ may have been semitised from Kes, Kesem.^ Ver. 11. He will nourish^ Jacob here, beside him, during the five years of famine which remain. ^T!5^"i? — that you may not come to j)Oxerty, decline in wealth ; ^^ the Sept. has eKTpi^ri^, Aquila avaXcoOi]^, Yulg. and Pesh. pereas. The rendering, that you may not he pos- sessed, i.e. being pressed by want, become the property of others," is less natural. Ver. 12. He bids them be convinced, in spite of their surprise, of the truth of wliat they see (or hear). That it is my mouth ivhich sp)eaks to you, not that of another. Ver. 13. Commission to tell his father of his exalted station, and to bring him to Egypt with all speed. Practically a repetition of ver. 9 ff., and so, in Adew also of inin, no doubt an insertion from C}"^ 1 Ritter, Erdkunde, xiv. 59. - Yakut, Mnshtarik, p. 242. •" In Rosenmiiller, Alterthumshunde, iii. 247. ^Cli. xlvii. 6, 11. s Cli. xlvi. 34. '"' Robinson, Palestine,^ i. 54. Knobel. '' Josh. X. 41, xi. 16, XV. 51. ^ See also Riehni, Handivorterhuch, 528. ^ Chs. xlvii. 12, 1. 21. ^^ Qnkelos, Gesenius, Delitzscli, and others. ^^ Knobel, with reference to xlvii. 19 if. 12 Wellhausen. 432] GENESIS XLV. 14-10 407 Ver 14f. Now that he has made them fully comprehend the situation, the actual greeting is given them, by embraces, kisses, and tears of joy ; Benjamin receives the first and warmest welcome. After this pledge of reconciliation they venture, on their part, to address him. Ver. 14 is from 67 ver. 15 from B. ^\k^. — on them, while he embraced them. Ver. 16. The ncivs of the arrival of Joseph's brothers reaches the royal palace also, and pleases the king and his court. Joseph's person and services were duly esteemed. C, in ver. 2, has already shortly stated the same thing. ^TV2 3D"'*''! — as in xli. 37 ; still in xxxiv. 18 also. Ver 1 7 f. " Independently of Joseph's wishes, but in agreement with them, it occurs to the king to invite Jacob and his family to Egypt ; he empow^ers Joseph to make the necessary proposals." ^ Sm nsT, in xlii. 18, but also xliii. 11, xlv. 19. I^VLi, whereas in xliv. 13, in C, /V Droy. n^i3, see Ex. xxii. 4 ; else- where in the Pentateuch in Num. xx. 4, 8, 11 (in B). Dnv?D px ir^ — " not the lest j^c^rt of Egypt, Goshen,^ for which 3p^p is the correct expression,^ but tlce best things, possessions and products,^ afterwards the fat of the land, the finest products. The kmg does not think of the Hebrews dwelling in Egypt for long." ^ Ver. 19. In particular, he offers them waggons from Egypt for the conveyance of their family and father. T\r\''}^ HFix"! — can only mean and you have command, or are emiwicered. But in ib'y inp the brothers are addressed, not Joseph, so that the intermediate words ^^^^"''^ "^'^S/ a.re required. The text is therefore in confusion, more especially 1 Cf. xhi. 29 (xxxiii. 4). - Knobel. 3 Rashi, Fagiup, Vatabhis, Clericus, J. D. Micliaelis, Geseniiis, Rosen - iniiller, Schumann. *Ch. xlvii. 6, 11. 5 As vv. 20, 23, xxiv. 10 ; 2 Kings viii. 9 ; Sept., Vulg., Tuch, Knobel, Delitzsch. « Knobel. ^ Pcshitta. 408 GENESIS XLX. 20-22 [432, 433 as the use of the passive njv is very suspicious.^ We might read DHN mV from the Sept. (Vulg.) av Be evreikai. But the words DD^u'0^1 DDDd!? - are also surprising, for B does not else- where name D''C': specially along with pid.^ Further, bv 'CVr^ Dnn is written elsewhere in the Pentateuch only by D, 'y\ 31D ''3 in ver. 20 has already been expressed in ver. 18, and ^J3 p ib'y^l bxib^ in ver. 21 is absolutely proleptical. It may accord- ingly be conjectured that ver. 1 9 f. with ^N"ib'— ib^^l and ny"iD ^2 hv in ver. 2 1 * are due to insertion and redaction by R, who considered it of importance that Pharaoh himself should have given the orders related. Fs text, 'ji 5]dv 'h jn^l (ver. 21, cf. 27), was simpler. '■■/JiJ — a waggon, differs from the •^Jf'"'^ ^ among the Egyp- tians also.^ Nothing is said of horses being yoked to it ; ^ the use of other animals, oxen or asses, is presupposed ; in xlvi. 29 and 1. 9 it is different. Ver. 20. "They may leave their effects in Canaan, for in Egypt, the land of civilisation and industry, they will be able to procure the best there is. Let not your eye take pity on your effects, do not be so attached to them as to think you must take them with you. Compassion receives expression in the look." ^ Ver. 21. They act accordingly, ^i^'hv, xli. 40; "j-nb mv, xlii. 25. Ver. 22. Joseph also presents his brothers with new suits of clothes, in accordance with the Eastern custom of doing so.^ ni^Db' nia^^n, drcss-changcs, i.e. garments for change, valuable garments for which the ordinary dress was changed on holiday occasion s.^^ Each of the ten brothers received ^ See Num. xxxvi. 2. - Also in xlvi. 5. " See Comm. on Num. xxxii. 36. ^ And so, of course, also xlvi. 5?). ^ Cli. xli. 43. ^ Erman, zEgypten, p. 650 f. [Eiig. tr. 491]. ' See xii. 16. 8 Deut. vii. 16, xiii. 9, and frecpientlv. '•' Winer,3 i. 411, 663. i« Ch. xxvii. 15. See Judg. xiv. 12 f., 19 ; 2 Kings v. 5, 22 f. 433] GENESIS XLV. 23-28 409 the garments of a full suit ; Beujainiu is given five times as many,^ and 300 shekels- of silver in addition.^ Ver. 23. He also sends his father presents, namely, ten asses laden with Egyptian products, and ten she asses with corn and provisions for his journey. DNTD — in nice manner, equally,'^ not " gjirments and money also," but " also as a present." prp — more an Aramaic word ; perhaps a later gloss for an original nnv (ver. 21, xlii. 25). Ver. 24. " He sends them away. The words inin [?x do not mean tremhle not, i.e. fear not,^* for such encourage- ment was unnecessary in the case of men who had repeatedly made the journey, and to express it ^N"^^n would be used. Translate he not moved, do not get angry on the road." ^ They are to abstain from quarrelling about their offence against Joseph, " and make no reproaches." ^ The Samaritan has the reciprocal form of the verb, iT:nnn. Ver. 25 f. They return home and tell their father. ^pl. — and that, transition to the indirect speech. ^?;i — not remained cold,^ but became cold. A numbness of consciousness and sensation was the first result of the sudden news, which he could not at once believe. The ex- pression j^a ^ need not be assigned to B.^^ Ver. 27. Only after they repeat to him some of Joseph's words, in which he recognises him, and after he sees the waggons, does Jacob feel the news to be true. His spirit came to life ; 1^ the life of joyful emotion entered him. Ver. 28, from C. Now, putting aside every other thought, and dominated by the single idea that Joseph is 1 Cf. xliii. ?>A. 2 c^ee xx. 16. - Kiiobel. " Ewald, § 1056. ^ J. D. Micliaelis, Ilgen, Boldt-n, Tucli, Baumgarten, Gesenius. ^' Versions, Rabbinical writers, ^ Cf. xhi. 22 ; comp. Prov. xxix. 9 ; Isa. xxviii. 21. Knol)i-l. s Knobel, Keil. '^ Hab. i. 4 ; Ps. xxxviii. 9. 10 Giesebrecht, ZATW. 1881, p. 237. 11 Ps. xxii. 27, Ixix. 33. 410 GENESIS XLVI [434 alive, Jacob wishes to set out without delay to see him. Comp. xlvi. 30. ^1, much, i.e. enough} For niDN' D"!D3, cf. xxvii. 4. G. FEOM THE MIGRATION INTO EGYPT TO THE END OF JACOB'S HISTORY, CHS. XLVI.-L. From now onwards all three sources are again present. Three subdivisions are marked out. a. Chs. xlvi. 1-xlvii. 27, the immigration of the Israelites, their settlement in Goshen, and the course of affairs as long as the famine lasted. /3. Chs. xlvii. 28— xlix. 33, Jacob's last instructions and arrangements, and his death. 7. Ch. 1. 1-2 G, his burial, and events up to Joseph's death. The first two of these subdivide still further into several sections. 1. The Migration of Israel, Oil XLVI. 1-27; according TO B {C) AND A. Jacob journeys to Beersheba', offers God sacrifices, and in a vision by night receives encouraging revelations regarding his emigration. From here he sets out for Egypt with all his family and his possessions. The house of Israel at this date numbered seventy souls ; a list of all their names is given. Vv. 1-5 are from B; ^ the vision by night, the Egyptian waggons (ver. 5), the words D^n^x (ver. 2), '^):h n''^ (ver. 3), and more in ver. 3 f. prove his authorship. But B has made changes in vv. 1 f. and 5,^ and l "N^"' (ver. 26). - Ilupfeld, Bulimer. " Wellhausen. ^ Kayser. ^ Kuenen, Onderzoekf i. 69, 317 f. ^ Knobel, Noldeke, Sclirader. "> Nokleke, Bruston. ^ Knobel, Noldeke, Bruston. '•' Wellhausen, Kuenen. 10 Cf. XXXV. 5, xvi. 21. 11 Chs. xxxv. 27, xxxvii. 15. 12 Ver. 5. '■' Ch. xlviii. 22. . 14 Ch. xxvi. 25 ; cf. Abraham in xxi. 33. i« Cf. xxxi. 54, 42. ^^ Cf. also the sacrifices in Bethel, xxxv, 1, 3, 7. 412 GENESIS XLVI. 3-5 [435 the customary visions of night.^ Compare notes on xx. o and XV. 1. This is the last revelation. The immigration into Canaan rested on one,^ and now the emio;ration from it does so also. The phraseology is as in xxii. 11. For the repetition of -i^x^i see note on xxii. 7. ksib"* instead of 2pV\ which comes immediately after, is probably an expression carried on by B from ver. 1. Ver. 3. God announces Himself as M, God of your father,^ and takes away his fear * of migration to a foreign country by telling him that He will make him a great people. nn-i — for nni, as nr-i for nyi in Ex. ii. 4, also in B.^ ""la^ D^b^ — as in xxi. 13, 18. It is not apparent why '}) ^)ib ^:3 should be held to be an insertion by E.^ Ver. 4. God Himself will journey with him, and He, too, will be the one to bring liim back to Canaan. The refer- ence is to the return of his descendants, and not to the bringing back of Jacob's dead body.^ There is no mention of divine agency in connection with the latter event, while it is always emphasised in connection with the exodus from Egypt.^ His loved son Joseph will close his eyes (in the foreign land).^ " This last service of love was a custom among other peoples of antiquity." ^^ rOV Da — as in xxxi. 15, from B ; infin. Kal, although verb Hiphil, cf. xxxvii. 33. Ver. 5. Jacob sets out from Beersheba'. The w\aggons sent by Pharaoh are made use of.^^ Ver. h is probably redacted by B; see note on xlv. 19. 1 Job iv. 13. -' Cli. xii. 1 fF. ^ Cf. XXXV. 7, xxxiii. 20, and the note on xiv. 18. * Ch. xlv. 28 is not from B. ^ Knobel. « Kautzsch-Socin. ^ Chs. xlvii. 29 f., 1. 5 ff. ^ Ex. iii. 8, vi. 8, and frecjuentlv. Knobel. 3 Ch. 1. 1. 1" Iliad, xi. 453 ; Odyss. xi. 426, xxiv. 296 ; Euripides, Phan. 1465 ; Hecuba, 430 ; AJneid, ix. 487 ; Ovid, Heroid. i. 102. Knobel. 11 Ch. xlv. 21, 27. 435, 430] GENESIS XLYI. G-10 413 Ver. G f., from A} For ins Sv% cf. xvii. 7, 9 f., xxxv. 12, etc. Ver. 7. He took witli him ;ill liis (loscendants, including daughters and granddaugliters. Altliougli only one daughter plays a part in the legend,"-^ others are, of course, to be supposed.^ In the list which follows, one daughter and one granddaughter are named (vv. 15 and 17). The daughter's name is an interpolation ; the granddaughter must have possessed some significance in the tribal history of later times."* The other daughters, granddaughters, and daughters- in-law (ver. 26) are not named. Ver. 8. These are the names, as in xxv. 13, xxxvi. 10. Tlie list is said to contain the names of the sons of Israel who came to Egypt ; ver. 1 7 includes a granddaughter. The statement is corrected by the words Jacoh and his sons, which are doubtless an insertion of the redactor, who desired to retain the number thirty-three, given in ver. 15, in spite of his insertion of ver. 12h a. In the list tlie sons are arranged according to their mothers.^'* The names are repeated elsewhere with certain variations.^ 2p]!> -ib3 — as xxv. 13, xxxv. 23, xxxvi. 15 ; Num. iii. 2. Vv. 9-15. The sons of Leah. Ver. 10. ^^^i^] is replaced by h^"^^} in Num. xxvi. 12, 1 Chron. iv. 24. ink is not given in Num. and Chron. "inv in Ex. vi. 15 also, but nnr in Num. and Chron. Saul, son of the Canaanite'^ — her history is supposed to be known to us from the legends or genealogies. See ch. xxxviii. regarding the intermingling of the sons of Jacob with the Canaanites. J Cf. xii. 5, xxxi. 18, xxxvi. G. - Clis. xxx. 21, xxxiv. 1 11". 3 Ch. xxxvii. 35 ; as v. 4 ff., xi. 11 ff. * Num. xxvi. 46; see also Ewald, Geschickte,^ i. 541 fr. [Eng. tv. i. 378 f.], and cf. cases like Num. xxix. 1 ff.; 1 Chroii. ii. 34, iv. 3, vii. '2\, 32, xxv. 5 ; also Gen. xxxvi. 22, 25. 5 As xxxv. 23-26 and xxxix. 9-14. ^ Ex. vi. 14-16; Num. xxvi.; 1 Clirou. ii.-viii. ^ Also in Ex. vi, 1 5. 414 GENESIS XLVI. 12-22 [436 Ver. 12. Eegarcling Peres and Zerach, see xxxviii. 29 f. From DD^I to |yj3 is an insertion of the redactor from ch. xxxviii. as it is in Num. xxvi. 19. Descendants who died in Canaan could have no place here (see ver. 8). Seeing that A included 'Er and Onan, he was guided by a theory other than that of ch. xxxviii. Ver. 13. nj3 ; in 1 Chron. vii. 1, nx^s.i Lagarde^ makes njs mean sea-wrack, and Vjii^ the caririine worm (Furpurschnecke; cochineal insect). y\^ ; Sept. 'Aaovfi ; Samaritan, Num. xxvi. 24 and 1 Chron. vii. 1, 3^^;. Ver. 15. Concluding sentence, inn n^n nsi, is awkwardly attached,^ and without doubt an insertion by the redactor ; ^ Dinah was therefore not included by A in his enumeration, although he knew of her.^ vm^ai, which is out of harmony with ver. 8, will also be an insertion. Thirty-three is exactly the total of the " sons of Leah," Eeuben having four, Simeon six, Levi three, Judah seven, Issachar four, and Zebulun three, both sons and grandsons being reckoned. But the redactor, who could not count 'Er and Onan, must have included Dinah and Jacob himself. Vv. 16-18. The sons of Zilpah. Ver. 16. For P^^V the Sept. has Zacfxov, and the Samar. and Num. xxvi. 15, jisv, which is to be preferred because of ••jiaV.^ ii3V5< ; Samar. pyavs ; Sept. ©aao/3dv ; Num. xxvi. 16, ^?JN. 'in^f in Num. xxvi. 17 is ^n«. Ver. 17. ^}^''! is given in 1 Chron. vii. 30, but absent in Num. xxvi. 44. Jastrow^ suggests a connection between ■»?n and ^^?^??P and the much quoted Habiri and Milkil of the Tell Amarna letters. Ver. 18. The total sixteen agrees with the particulars which give seven sons to Gad, and four sons, a daughter and two grandsons to Asher. Vv. 19-22. The sons of Eachcl. Ver. 19 does not 1 Cf. Judg. X. 1. 2 In GGN. 1889, p. 282 [error]. •" Olshaiisen. "* In accordance with xxxiv. 26. 5 Ch. xxxiv, '■ Cf. Josh. xiii. 27. ' In JBL. xi. 120, I 436, 437] GENESIS XLVI. 20-2G 415 commence as before Dnsxi nt^JD P]DV '•^ni, because the in- formation that Josepli's two sons were born in Egypt is to be given here. Ver. 20. From nc'S to ;j< is an insertion of the redactor's from xli. 50 ; nrx must be made to refer to a D^p3 which may be supplied from ^^f}} Ver. 21. In the Septuagint only BaXd, Bo^op, 'Acr(37]\ are the sons of Benjamin ; Trjpd, Noe/idv, '^7;)^/?, 'P^, npnn n^p^, n^nnn mpro (ver. i7f., xxvi. 14), nn"" (ver. 24), DJ— DJ (ver. 19), i?nj (ver. 17, xxxiii. 14), the mention of horses (ver. 17, 1. 9). 42 G GENESIS XLVII. 12-17 [442, 44r, must therefore, after all, assign the passage to C. Ver. 21a is a combination from A and C^ and ver. 21h is from A? So far as ^'s, it is his continuation of ver. 11, and is not rendered superHuous by Ex. i. 7. Eegarding the historical foundation of the narrative, see the notes on vv. 22 and 26. Ver. 12. Joseph supports and maintains his relatives by supplies of food. According to the measure of the young, tlie provision was more or less according to the number of children (and wives). ^3?3, see xlv. 11, in i?; here with double accusative.^ "•sp, cf. Ex. xii. 4; Lev. xxv. 16, 51, and frequently. Fjon, also in ver. 24 ; see note on xlv. 19. Ver. 13. Introduction to what follows : in all the country there was no bread, and the lands of Egypt and Canaan were exhausted.* 'y\ 123 ^'2, in ver. 4 also ; a standing expression of C's. ^^^, only here; comp. nS7. Ver. 14. The people of both countries have no resource but to buy corn from Joseph, and expend their money in this way. Joseph collects the money in the king's house where the royal treasure is. Dp^^l, xxxi. 44. ^^V^fJC, which was (existed; xix. 15). Ver. 15 f. Their money being at an end, the Egyptians come before Joseph and ask bread. Wliy should ux die before you, when you are a witness of our perishing ? You will not surely let us die without help ? ^ But Joseph demands their cattle in return for further help. D3''JpD [plural ; form allows of being singular].^ DDN\ rare, and only here in the Pentateuch. After oy? the Sept. Samar. and Vulg. have ^n^'- Ver. 17. They bring their cattle and receive in return ^ p: )nxn alongside of DnVD )nS3. ^ Tns3, nnni rns. 3 GesenmB,25 117. 5a. * Cf. xli. 55. 5 Cf. ver. 19. « Gesenius,^^ 93. 3A. 3. 443] GENESIS XLVII. 18, 10 427 sufficient corn to last tlicm for that year. Tlie statement is not to be taken too strictly, for what could floseph liave done with all the cattle ? Horses, see note xii. 16. 'y\ jsv rM'p)^, see xxvi. 14. hn} — to 'pasture uxll ; ^ here and here only in sense of provide or maintain, tliough the Sept. renders Ps. xxiii. 2 l)y €Krp6(jj€il>. Ver. 18. In the second, i.e. the following year, not in the second of the seven,^ they appear again before Jose})h, and declare that they have now only themselves and their land to offer. IFe do not conceal heforc my lord, must frankly acknow- ledge to him ; the Sept. "inj; does not suit ^D"ind. 'y\ QX '•^ — □^s is not hecctuse^ for such a causal signification is not proved even by Ezek. xxxv. 6, but when: that when* the money and cattle are exhausted. We may even trans- late,^ rather (we have to say), the money is exhausted. ■•yiX'PN* — has all come to my lord, passed into his posses- sion, been used in paying him.^ The singular suffix used by one speaking on behalf of several.'^ DN \"i^a — also in Judg. vii. 14; in Gen. xxi. 26, xliii. 3 without DS. Ver. 19. They propose that Joseph should acquire them- selves and their land for the king, by providing them with food. They mean to be independent landowners no longer, but to cultivate the ffround for the king. Thev ask seed for the first year, i.e. to sow with.^ n^^J — used by zeugma ^ of the land also {perish). It is explained by the author himself by DJ^C'^ hecome waste, desolate ; uncultivated land is like a dead waste. A similar zeugma ^ See Delitzscli, Ileh. Lancj. p. 5 f. 2 See xlv. 6. ^ Gesenius, Knobel. ■» Sept. s Tar^. ^' Similar pregnant constructions in xiv. 15, xlii. 28, xliii. 33. Knobel. '' As Num. xxxii. 25, 27, xxxvi. 2. ^ Sept., aTTipfioc 'iuoc a'^sipa^usi/. 9 Cf. iv. 20. 428 GENESIS XLYII. 20 F. [443,444 is found in the use of ^^y ; as applied to the land it expresses the idea of appertainment.^ See also note on ver. 15. DJ — D3, see xlvi. 34. D^r'n, intrans. Kal (xvi. 4); "else- where in the Pent, only in Lev. xxvi. 22, 31 f., 34 f., 43; Num. xxi. 30.""-^ Ver. 20 f. Joseph accepts their proposal and acquires for the king all the landed property of Egypt, for everyone sells wliat belonc^s to him. pTn — hecame strong against tlicm, overpowered them ; different from 13D in ver. 13. Dny^ TiS y^ivn — read ^^^.}i^ ^^^ ^^?)^J?.? Ifut the people he made to serve ^ Mm for, or as, thralls, so that they became or were thralls, from one end of the frontier of the kingdom to the otlier. The Massoretic text is generally referred to a general trans- planting of the population from one place to another, but cannot express this, for "i^ayn does not in itself mean trans- jolant, and W\vh cannot be equivalent to '^^V'^ "'^^P.^ Besides, those in question are more the country than the town population. It should rather be translated, hut the p)eople he hrought into the toions, D''">j;^ being then explained as in place of D^"ivn-^x to secure a distributive sense.^ The purpose of this would not be that the people might receive his orders,^ but that they might obtain corn from the granaries.^ But the language is too condensed for all this, and such a state- ment would come rather after ver. 26.^ The position of Dyn-n8<1 at the commencement involves, as what should follow, a statement about the acquisition of the population correspond- ing to that regarding the ncTt?.^'^ A simultaneous and per- manent removal of the whole population of the country into the towns would be also unmeaning. For t\'^\>'0, see xix. 4. 1 Knobel. 2 Knobel. ^ In accordance with ver. 19, and as the Sam. Sept. Vulg. Houl)i- gant, Ilgen, Knobel, Olsliausen. ^ Jer. xvii. 4. ^ Onkelos, Rosenmiiller, Winer, Gesenius, Tncli. c Delitzsch'*. " Eave, Scliumann. 8 Ch. xli. 35, 48. 9 Knobel. ^" Cf. vv. 19 and 23. 444] GENESIS XLVII. 22, 23 F. 429 Ver. 22. "The lands of the priests were alone excluded from purchase. The priests had a detinite provision ^ from the king, and lived on what the king thus gave them. They did not therefore require to sell their lands in this time of distress." We know from other sources- that the lands of the priests were exempt from taxation. But Diodorus'^ statement, that they received definite payments from the king, applies only to the judges chosen from among the priests.* Ver. 23 f. Joseph makes an agreement with the Egyptians to give them seed for sowing the land, which now belongs to the king (i.e. when next they sow it). They are afterwards to pay the king one-fifth of their harvest. i's account. The situation presupposed here, in ver. 31, even requires xlviii. 1 f. (cf. xlix. 33) in ex- planation and supplement. The original connection of 6"s Mi. 141. ^ Knobel. •" Diod. i. 54 ; Sesostris, i.e. Set! i., and Raiuese.s ii. ■* Herod, ii. 109. As is apparently done by Arta})anns in Ensebius, Pra'par. Evaiuj. ix. 23. ^ See preliminary remarks. ^ As ver. 27 had been. 432 GENESIS XLVII. 28, 29 FF. [446 narrative has been dissolved by R to allow of his making a compilation from all the sources. Ver. 28. Jacob lives seventeen years after his migration, and reaches (xlvii. 9) the age of one Jiundred and forty-seven years. For \"T'i, see i. 14; Samar. has vn^l. Ver. 29ff. On the approach of his death Israel sends for Joseph and requires him to swear that he will bury him in Canaan, in the family burying-place. Ch. 1. 5 contains a slight variation. In xlix. 29, from A, Jacob directs this wish to all his sons, and requires no oath. b^'\b\ see note on xxxv. 10. 'ji nip^l, see xxvii. 41 (Deut. xxxi. 14), from C. 'ji j^rQN*, in xviii, 3 and fre- quently (from C), Pray, lay your hand under my thigh, xxiv. 2, from C. n^Ni ion, xxiv. 49, xxxii. 11, from C. "•nni^'Dy ^nnDt^n, as in Deut. xxxi. 16, from C ', regarding the meaning, see note on xxv. 7. '"'''?P, see note on xxxv. 20 ; see note on xlviii. 7 regarding the conjecture nn'J^pBj where the suffix is referred to Eachel.-"- Israel lowed himself towards the head of his heel, i.e. sat up on his couch while speaking to Joseph ; ^ but when their conversation was over prostrated himself towards its upper end and thanked God for listening to his last wish. David acted similarly in his old age in a similar situation.^ The versions^ render nt^p, not nipp^ as if Jacob bowed on the head of his staff. The staff may be understood as being Joseph's, carried as an emblem of dignity, and the reverence paid to it in accordance with xxxvii. 7 ; or we may think of Jacob's own shepherd staff (xxxii. 11) on which he had wandered through life. In either case no reasonable explanation of the reverence paid to the staff or to God over the staff is apparent, nor why its C'N*"i should be specially mentioned. Besides, a suffix (^n;pp) would be necessary, whereas " the bed " •' has a sufficiently obvious meaning from ^ Bruston 1 Kings i. 47 Knobel . 4 Sept. (Heb. xi. 21), Ital., Pesli. 2 Clis. xlviii. 2, xxvii. 19. 5 Ch. xlviii. 2. 440, 447] GENESIS XLVIII 433 the context, it is the bed on which the dying man lay, and so can do without a pronominal suffix. (b) Ch. xlviii. The adoption and l)lessing of Joseph's sons, Manasseh and Ephraim, by Jacob. A compilation by 11 from A, B, and C. Joseph is informed of Jacob's illness, and visits him with his two sons (ver. 1 f.). Jacob formally adopts the sons as his own, so that they should be no longer sons of Joseph, but sons of Jacob (vv. 3-7). Then in his joy at seehig them he bids Joseph set them before him, and imparts his solemn blessing to them. In doing so he gives Ephraim, the younger, the first place (vv. 8-20). His concluding words are to Joseph, to whom he gives Shechem as a future possession (ver. 21 f.). In this passage vv. 3—6 ^ and ver. 7 ^ belong to A. The name ^'^^ ^^ (ver. 3), the reference of ver. 3 f. to xxxv. 6, 9, 11, the expressions uh^v n-tnx, ^nns ^ynr (ver. 4), and '^^h^^^ (ver. 6), and ^'s liking for questions of a legal character, leave us in no doubt. What remains (vv. 8—22) along with ver. 11) is generally^ assigned to B. There is decisive evidence for him in the divine name D^ni?5< (vv. 9, 11, 15, 20 f.), in nx"i (ver. 11), "jNi^Dn, ^cc^' Dnn i^np^ (ver. 16) (words so rare as fe (ver. 11), and nn (ver. 16)), in the distinction given to Joseph by the special blessing of his sons (vv. 15, 21), and in the peculiar statement about Shechem (ver. 22). But the frequent designation of the patriarch by the name Israel^ is alone sufficient to make it improbable that the wliole passage is from B, for the assumption ^ " that from ch. xlviii. onwards the redactor has no longer preserved the distinction between Jacob and Israel," is untenable in view of xlix. 1, 33, 1. 2. Since, besides, the double presentation 1 Ilgen, Ewalcl, Knobel, Hupfekl, Sclirader, Nuldeke, Wellliausen. 2 See note below. 3 Knobel, Ilupfeld, Ewald, Sclirader, Wtdlhausen. ^ A cliaracteristic of C and R (vv. 2, 8, 10 f., 13 f., :21 ; comp. Jacob in ver. 2 f .). ^ Wellkausen. DILLMANN. — II. 28 434 GENESIS XLVIII. IF. [447 of the sons of Joseph (to be blessed) ^ points to there being two accounts of the same event, we cannot doubt that the text of vv. 8—22 is a compilation by R from B and C, as was ch. xxvii., for example. In B, Jacob embraces and kisses Joseph's sons, and expresses his joy at seeing them again ; but it is after all Joseph whom he blesses in his sons, and to him that he grants Shechem m anticipation (vv. 8,* 9a, 106, 11 f., 15 f., 20^ 21 f.). In C the central feature is Jacob's preference of Ephraim to Manasseh, and the blessing is made essentially of the sons of Joseph. Jacob's blindness also plays a part in the scene, and Joseph's objection to the changed places of liis sons gives it greater life (vv. 9?>, 10ft, 13 f., 17—19, 20c). The word dmS^j^ is a sure guide in the analysis, but h^'i^'' is not, for it has been introduced everywhere in vv. 8-22, and proves that the compiler made C the fundamental narrative, and only made insertions from B. It is true that something of C"s is wanting before vv. 96 and 10ft. We cannot assign the whole of ver. 8 f . to C'^ because of N'T"! (ver. 8 ; contrast 10ft) and W'rh^ (ver. 9), so that C's introduc- tion has been omitted in favour of i>'s. But the whole of ver. 10^ cannot be from B. On the other hand, there is no occasion to deny vv. 13 f., 17—19 to C, and regard them as a free interpolation by a later hand."* On the contrary, vv. 96 and 10ft, and still earlier ver. 26, prepare the way for them ; n^yv (ver. 1 4) reveals C"s hand (as does ixro'' in ver. 19); the passing remark of ver. 20c could not readily, in spite of xli. 5 1 f., be regarded as explaining Ephraim 's being afterwards set before Manasseh in B and C,^ even were it certain that ver. 20c belongs to B,^ and not rather to the author of vv. 13 f., 17-19. Eegarding redactional changes which may be conjectured in vv. 5 and 20, see below. Ver. 1 f. is also a compilation from B (vv. 1, 2 ft) and C (ver. 26). U intends it as his preface to all the instructions 1 Yv. 9 f., 13. 2 Budde in ZATW. iii. 58 f. 3 Budde, oj). cit. p. 59. ^ Kueneii, Onderzoel;- 144. ^ See note on ver. 5. ''' Kuenen. 417, 448] GENESIS XLYIII. 1, 2 435 and arrangements whicli follow as far as xlix. 32.^ They are represented by him as coming from Jacob on his sick-bed — during the time just preceding his death.- Vv. 1, 2a cannot be from 0,^ because in C* Joseph is summoned by Jacob before his death ; but nDDn-i^y 3C'^1 (ver. 2h), as the pre- supposition of ver. 13 f., is proof for C,^ and so also is the use of f55<-ib'\ Kautzsch-Socin and Kittel have adopted this analysis in its essentials. Ver. 1 f, Joseph's visit to Jacob ; the introduction to all that follows. Ver. 1, from B. Joseph visits his sick father, and takes with him both his sons.^ In ver. 8 ff., but not necessarily in vv. 3-7, they are presupposed as present in person. ':) nnj^ \-|^i, see note on xv. 1. "iON''"i, with indefinite sub- ject ; ^ so in ver. 2. The passive has been rejected by the Massoretes, though not in xxii. 20 OP!}) and Josh. ii. 2 Ver. 2. When Israel is informed of Joseph's arrival he summons up his strength and sits up on his couch to receive his son. Ver. 2a is from B (ip]}^), ver. 2h from Vv. 3-7. Jacob admits the two sons of Joseph to the status of sons of Jacob. From A and, in all probability, originally part of the context of xlix. 29 ff., where the words were addressed to Joseph in the presence of the other sons. Transposed here by E in order to have all that concerned Joseph in one place. Joseph, the chief of the tribes of Israel, along with Judah, and the most populous of all, received a double voice 1 Clis. xlviii. .3-7, 8-22, xhx. 1-28, 29-32. 2 See xhx. 33. » Budde. ^ Oil. xlvii. 29. ^ Against Kueiien. cell. xH. .'^Of. '' Geseniiis,-^ 144. 3rt ; 3 s. in. somewhat as in xlii. 25 and xhii. 34, and harsher than xi. 9, xvi. 14, and frecpiently. « Cf. xlvii. 31, xlix. 33. 436 GENESIS XLVIII. 3-0 [448 in the coinmiiuity of tlie twelve triljes after Levi was with- drawn from it. Its two sections, Ephraim and Manasseh, had the recognised position of two tribes, even from the time of Moses,^ and therefore received two portions when Canaan was divided,- although afterwards they are still not in- frequently comprehended in one under the name, tribe or house of fJoseph.^ ^'s intention here is to explain these facts. He relates that Jacob adopted Ephraim and ]\Ianasseh as sons, and so put them on the same footing as the ancestors of the other tribes. The actual effect of this was to elevate Joseph to the rank of firstborn, with a double portion for his inheritance ; ^ but such a mode of statement is not adopted here.^ Ver. 3 f. Jacob recalls the blessings and promises of God imparted to him in Luz.^ They had been to the effect that a community of tribes w^ould proceed from him and receive Canaan as its possession. n'^V br\\)^ xxviii. 3, xxxv. 11. D^ir n-in^*, xvii. 8. Ver. 5. With this future acquisition of territory in view (nnyi), Jacob declares that the two sons already born to Joseph in Egypt shall belong to himself, and be his sons, as Eeuben and Simeon, his eldest, are. This elevates them to be ancestors of distinct tribes, like the sons of Jacob, and to the possession of equal rights with these. The mention of Ephraim before Manasseh seems to be due to a silent change by it,^ for in A Manasseh always stands first ; ^ the same correction has been made in Num. i. 10. Ver. 6. But those born later are to count as sons of Joseph only ; upon (by) tJic name of their brothers they shall he called in their inheritance, i.e. " their descendants shall dwell ^ According to Num. i, ff. ^ Josh. xiv. 4, xvii. 14 ff. ^ Besides xlix. 22 ff. and Deut. xxxiii. 13 fF., cf. e.g. Josli. xvii, 14, 17, xviii. 5 ; Judg. i. 22 f. * Deut. xxi. 17. ^ But see 1 Cliron. v. 1 f. « Chs. xxxv. 11 f., xxxv. G, 15. "^ In accordance with ver. 19. ^ Num. xxvi. 28 fF., xxxiv. 23 f. ; Josh. xiv. 4, xvi. 4, xvii. 1. 448, 449] GENESIS XLVIII. 7 437 with Ephraiin and Manasseh, and be counted as of them." There is no mention elsewhere of sons of Joseph born after Ephraim and Manasseh. The meaning will therefore only be that all the later house of Joseph belonged either to Ephraim or Manasseh. Ver. 7. Jacob recalls Eachel's death in Canaan in the neighbourhood of Ephrath, and her burial there, during his journey back from Paddan. vV is not hesidc mc} but, to my sorrow, properly, to my l)urden. Paddan stands for Paddan Aram - only here ; the Samar. has din* pan. The verse used generally to be regarded as advancing a reason for the arrangement of ver. 5 f. In honour of his loved Piachel, who had died so soon, Jacob gives her grand- sons the position of sons, for the esteem in which a woman and an ancestress was held depended on the number of her children.^ But the prefixed absolute pronoun, ^p^^l, does not express a causal relation, nor is there any connection * between Eachel's burial and the adoption of her grand- children. On the contrary, the order in the original text of A was xlix. laa (v:n — Sip^l)' ver. 286/3 ('ji ']'\2')), ver. 29aa (□nt^ IV"'')), xlviii. 3—7, xlix. 29, and accordingly the continua- tion of this verse is contained in the words ':) ?1DS3 "'JS ('i^V^.) of xlix. 29, which were intended to form a transition to the command to bury Jacob in the family burying-place at Makhpelah.^ E's choice of a position for ver. 7 here rather than after xlix. 29 has been occasioned by the special connection between Piachel and Joseph, who is here addressed. The abrupt conclusion, which points to a continuation, receives in this context the explanation that Jacob's words are suddenly interrupted on his catching sight of Joseph's sons (ver. 8). The absence of any apparent motive prevents our regard- 1 Knobel, Keil. ~ See xxv. 20. " Kiiobel. ^ The insertion of Tjr^x nfter ^ni (Sept. Sam. Pesh.) does not help to make any. ^ Noldeke ; so now also Delitzscli^, 438 GENESIS XLVIIT. 7 [449 ing the verse as a mere gloss ^ taken from xxxv. 16, 20. But the words nrh JT'D t^in are out of place in Jacob's mouth, and are a late addition, as in xxxv. 19. Others have also denied the verse to A. According to Budde,^ it was origin- ally an interpolation by B^ placed after xlix. 32. Its removal later was due to II, who, at the same time, struck out ^niTiNl from the conclusion of ^'s text of xlix. 31, and was influenced by his desire to harmonise A with xxxv. 16-19 (B, C). How superfluous when the alleged contradiction had already been removed by the omission of hm nj^l ! And what an injustice to emend ^'s text into contradiction with the other sources, so as to have the pleasure of letting R put matters right again. According to Bruston " and Kautzsch-Socin, the verse is a fragment of C (with i"^? for \y}), which stood between xlvii. 29 and 30, where Jacob's request was originally that he should be buried in Rachel's grave ('^J^'^JPr^, in spite of ^nhx ny !). i^'s change in xlvii. 29, 30, and his transposition of xlviii. 7, were made on ^'s account. But why should the transposition have been made to this passage, and priD changed to pso ? Seeing, also, that Jacob is certainly a more prominent figure in the legend than Piachel, the grave in question would certainly have been called grave of Jacob, and not grave of Eachel. Vv. 8-22. The blessing of the sons of Joseph; from B and C. " Ephraim and Manasseh were among the most populous of the tribes, occupied a beautiful and extensive tract of country, possessed great power and importance, and so were specially blessed,* most of all Ephraim," whose ancestor was regarded as the younger of Joseph's sons. Ephraim gained in position particularly from the fact that Joshua was an Ephraimite, and because Shechem and Shiloh lay in its 1 Hupfeld, Quellen, p. 36. Schrader. 2 ZATW. iii. 62 ff. (Kuenen, Onderzoeh,^ 69, 317). 3^^r[F. vii. 207. 4 Cli. xlix. 22 ff. : Dent, xxxiii. 13 ff. 440, mo] GEJ^ESIS XLVIII. 8-11 F. 439 territor3\ In the time of the Judges ^ and in the time of the divided monarchy it was the real centre of Israel. The pre-eminence of the two tribes, and tlie priority of the younger Ephraim, are here l)()th ex[)laiiuMl Ity their ancestor's blessing, in accordance with the assumption ^ that words of blessing from men of God possess power and efficacy. Ver. 8. Israel remarks the presence of Joseph's sons, and breaks off what he is saying to ask who they are. His not knowing them is not caused merely by his weak eyesight, ver. 1 1 shows he had not seen them before. A's chronology,^ according to which Jacob had been in Egypt for seventeen years, and the sons were already out of their boyhood, is not that here presupposed. To nijs ^D the Samar. and Sept. add ']h ; cf xxxv. 5. Ver. 9 f. On Joseph's reply that these are his sons given him herc"^ by Eloliim,^ Israel (from C) asks him to bring them to him that he may bless them; ver. 18a explains the need for Joseph's doing so by the dimmed sight of the old man. Ver. 106 should be assigned to B (cf. ver. 12); the proper sequel to the request of ver. 9& (from C) is not given until ver. 13. W-DHi^ — [toneless suffix].^ DDiat^l, this Massoretic pausal pronunciation adopted by Baer and similar to pn>*rp in xxi. 9, and the frequent ^^J ob^V?, is peculiar, and has not everywhere prevailed."^ Were licavy from age, i.e. dull.^ Ver. 1 1 f. He expresses his joy at the unhoped for sight. \h^, judge, i.e. think, siLppose ; only here in this sense, nx"], xxxi. 28. In spite of the introductory bi<"ib^"' "i»5<'l what follows 'y\ HN-i is from B, who says nothing of Jacob's dulness of sight. So also ver. 12 (observe cni< instead of a suilix). 1 Judg. viii. 1 ff., xii. 1 fT. 2 See xxvii. 33. 3 Ch. xlvii. 9, 28 ; cf. xli. 50. ^ As xxxviii. 21 f. 5 Cf. xxxiii. 5. « Ewald, § 253a. 7 (Konig, Lehrgehiiude, p. 232) ; Geseniiis,^^ 58. 3A. 1. « Cf. xxvii. 1, 21 f. 440 GENESIS XLVIII. 13 F. [450,451 In B the sons are brought to Jacob that he may embrace and kiss them. After he does so Joseph takes them away again from his father's knees (this impHes the same situation as in vv. 2?) and 13 f.), for the blessing proper is given to Joseph himself (vv. 15 f., 21). In ii's context, Joseph, of course, takes them out only that he may place them suitably for receiving the solemn blessing (ver. 1 3 f.). But why did he not do that immediately on hearing the request of ver. 9Z^ ? V3N^ — in Num. xxii. 3 1 also (from C) ; ^ elsewhere simply n:2X, xix 1 ((7), xlii. 6 {B). In spite of 1 Sam. xxv. 23 we cannot make 'i^S^i'=1''DS7 2 gQ ^\^q alternative reading ^innc'>l ^ T T : ' o -: - : •- for inn::^") is to be rejected. Originally, in B, Joseph's prostration may have been preparatory to his receiving a blessing (ver. 15 f.) ; in the present text it is the expression of reverential thanks for the promise of blessing to his sons (vv. 9&, 13 f.). Ver. 1 3 f., from C. In obedience to the request of ver. 9&, Joseph places his sons so that Israel will find the elder (Manasseh) at his right and the younger (Epliraim) at his left, and takes them to him in this position. But Israel lays his right hand on the head of the younger,^ to whom he gives the preference, and his left hand on the head of the elder. Among the Hebrews also the right hand was preferred.^ VT'TiK hl^^ — explanatory apposition to what precedes. Not he made, or guided his hands understandingly , i.e. placed them so purposely ,<^ for even if hii^ could be proved = ^''Sf n, we should still have to expect VT3. Translate as jLi, ligavit plexuit : '^ he interlaced his hands, i.e. changed them, laid them crosswise. " The explanatory sentence which follows, for 1 Cf. 2 Sain. xiv. 33, xviii. 28, xxiv. 20; 1 Kings i. 23. - Delitzsch ^. 3 Sept. Sam. Pesli. ; Michaelis, Ilgen, Ewald, Geschichte,"' ii. 396 [History, ii. 52]. ^ "l^yv, see note on xxix. 26. ^ 1 Kings ii. 19 ; Ps. xlv. 10, ex. 1 ; see also xxxv. 18. c Onkelos, Saadia, Greec. Venet., Lutlier [AV., KV. text]. '' Sept. Pesh. Vulg. Targ. of Jonatli. and most moderns [RY. marg.]- 45l] GENESIS XLYIII. 15-17 F. 441 Manasseh was the firsthorn, supports this translation. The right was Manasseh's due, but he did not obtain it, for Israel changed his hands." ^ It is true that the laying on of hands is part of tlie ceremony of consecration to a calling,- but all laying on of hands is not therefore a consecration.^ Yet it is always the outward sign and means by which a man represents the feelings which move him and are finding external expression as directed towards the one on whom he lays hands, by which also he opens a channel of communication with liim.'^ As an example from the Christian era, when the custom was more widely spread, comp. Mk. x. 16 (Matt. xix. 13 f.). Yer. 15 f., from B. He blesses Joseph ; as the sequel of ver. 13 f. we expect blessed them,^ but the verses were originally from a dilTerent source. The prospective giver of the blessing is named three times, which is no mere accident any more than in the similar case in ch. ix. 25 ff.^ ^:zh ^rii'nnn, see note on xvii. 1. Who 7Xis^5?ire<^ ???c, protected and cared for me as a shepherd would ; ^ an appropriate metaphor in the mouth of the ideal shepherd Jacob.s nrn DVn-ny nij?^ only again in Num. xxii. 30 in the Old Testament. The angel, as whom God appeared to him and delivered him from his troubles.^ The expression here as elsewhere is used interchangeably with God Himself. ^"^ ^cc^ Diia ^'}j^\, see xxi. 12. Shall increase in nndtitude, multiply, become tribes of large size ; nn, only here in the Old Testament. Yer. 17 f., from C. Joseph thinks the position of the hands is due to error, and tries to change Jacob's right hand from Ephraim's head to Manasseh's, who is the firstborn.^ ^ 'y\ V-]'l xxxviii. 10 (xxi. llf.). 1 Knobel. - Num. viii. 10, xxvii. 18, 23 ; Dent, xxxiv. 9. 3 Schenkel, Bibellexicon, ii. 583 f. ^ See Comni. on Lev. i. 4. ^ The Sept. makes the change. ^ Vol. i. p. 308. 7 Ps. xxiii. 1, xxviii. 9 ; Isa. xl. 11. » Cf. xlix. 24. 9 Cf. xxxi. 11, xxxii. 25 ff., xxviii. 11 n'., xxxii. 2 f., all in B. ^0 See Comm. on Ex. iii. 2. ^' Knobel. 442 GENESIS XLYIII. 19-21 F. [451, 452 Ver. 19 (C). But Jacob puts aside the objection, and declares that he is aware of what he is doinc^. He j^oes on now (under tlie inlhience of the S})irit) to say distinctly that Manasseh will indeed be numerous and powerful, Init that his younger brother will excel him in greatness and numbers, i^^p'i, xxxix. 8 (xxxvii. 35). u?M<] as xxviii. 19. Dn:n iibr2 — not partitive, the fullest (5<^p) of the tribes, but he will become the fulness of the peoples, i.e. a multitude of peoples,^ or populousness itself. In xxxv. 11 D^ij is used of the tribes of Israel,- here of still smaller divisions. The condition of things in the Holy Land is here in view, and not Num. xxvi. 34, 37, i. 33, 35. Ver. 20. A further blessing from ^'s account. R has separated it from its proper context, ver. 15 f., and added the opening words, ver. 20^, -iDS^— DDin^i.^ The suffix D shows he intended it to be referred to the sons of Joseph, while ^3 shows that it was originally addressed to Joseph (as ver. 15 f.). The Septuagint altered ^n to 252, which Budde,^ holds to be oricjinal. Joseph's name will be used in Israel in formulas of blessing,^ because of the position and greatness of the two Joseph tribes. The formula quoted must once have been actually in use. In it Ephraim is placed before Manasseh ; but whether B wrote it so or R made the change (cf. ver. 5) we cannot say.^ In the former case, what follows, and he placed Ephraim lefore Manasseh, could also be from B ; ^ in the latter it would be from R, or is 6"s conclusion placed here b}^ R. Ver. 21 f. A last word of blessing, certainly from B (^^^")b'^ from R). Jacob, trusting in the promises of the future possession of the land ^ and looking forward to the return of his descendants to the land of the fathers^ grants to 1 Isa. xxxi. 4. 2 ^g Q,jpy jj^ xxviii. 3, xlviii. 4. 3 Cf. vv. 15, 18. •* Urgeschichte, 59. 5 See note on xii. 3. « But see 1. 23. "^ Kuenen. 8 Last given in xlvi. 3 {L), and xlviii. 4 (A). » Cli. xxxi. 3. I 452] GENESIS XLVIII. 21 F. 443 Joseph one shoulder ridge beyond ^ his brothers. '^^^^ for nnN2 T V ' C3L*' — inaccurately traiisLiled purtion;' and wrongly identified with Arabic shvbm (gii't)> It can only mean hill-slope or ridije, like ^^'-^ " and similar words in Arabic.'^ It is used with a reference to Shechem (Sh'^khem) in the territory of Ephraim (Sept. XUi^a), one of the most important towns in the country, Joseph's place of Inirial/ the place of meeting for national assemblies,^ and the earliest royal residence in Israel.^ Jacob gives this Shechem to Joseph as his advantage over the others, so that he towers above them by its height, as if by a shoulder or a ridge. Eidge cannot be transmuted into tribal territory j^*^ with the meaning that Joseph is to have a district more than the others, i.e. two in all (cf. ver. 5, from A). A complete district would not be merely one ridge, and Qjp' TnN cannot be a district in which Ci3y' lies. T V ■•■ • Jacob's choice of Shechem as his gift was owing to ■ his having taken it from the Amorite, i.e., in i>V^ the inhabitants of the country, by his sword and bow,^^ i.e. by force of arms. The reference is to a form of the legend which differs from that found in A and C (ch. xxxiv.).^-'^ It is not, however, inconsistent with xxxiii. 19 and Josh, xxiv. 32, the purchase of land in Shechem, because it is an essentially difi'erent legend. The conjecture 'Ji "'mnn t^^ fur ':i ^nnnn ^^ is therefore as unnecessary as the trans- 1 ^y, cf. P.S. xvi. 2 ; Eccles. i. 16 (2 Sam. xi. 23 ; Ps. cxxxvii. G). 2 Gesenius,25 130. 6. 3 Onkelos, Pesh., Saadia [A.V., R.Y. text]. ^ J. D. Micliaelis, Buhnier. ^ Num. xxxiv. 11 ; Josh. xv. 8 ; Isa. xi. 14. '' Gesenius, TJiesaurus, 1407. '' Josli. xxiv. 32. » Josh. xxiv. 1, 25 ; 1 Kings xii. 1. '•' Judg. ix. 1 ; 1 Kings xii. 25. See also note on Cen. xii. G f. i'» Tiicli, Knobel, Delitzscli,* and others. 11 See Josh. xxiv. 8, and cf. Gen. xiv. 7, xv. IG. 12 Josh. xxiv. 12. ^^ See notes on xxxiv. 27-29. 14 Kuenen, Th.T., 1880, p. 27 f. 444 GENESIS XLTX [452, 453 mutation or sword and l)ow into prayer,^ or righteousness or money ^ is inadmissible. Nor can "Tinpij any more than ••nnj 3 |3g prophetic perfect.'* If the reference were to a conquest still in the future, when Canaan was taken possession of, there would be no indication of why Shechem should be chosen as his gift,' and there could not be con- ceivably a more unsuitable expression than Tinp^ for nj^n or infpn (it is not even QJ^np^). Later Haggadic writers have an entirely original account to give of this war of Jacob's against the Amorites.^ See further, -p. 287. (c) Ch. xlix. 1-28. The utterances of Jacob regarding the future of his twelve sons or of the twelve tribes (ver. 28). In ver. 1 they are characterised as predictions. They are frequently ^ in the form of commands or wishes spoken with paternal authority, and so are better entitled the testament of Jacob. The title, Jacob's blessing, is not so good, for " the words contain also much that is of ill omen for the tribes ; the first three (Eeuben, Simeon, Levi) have nothing but evil " given tliem in prospect, and only Judah and Joseph are fully and exclusively blessed. In this respect the passage differs from the blessing of Moses in Dent, xxxiii.'^ The title has been given because of ver. 28Z),s which originally belonged to what follows (ver. 29 ff.). Jacob's twelve sons are here all before him (ver. 1), and he speaks regarding the future of each in turn, but with varying degrees of brevity or length. " When Eeuben, Judah, and Joseph are addressed, the foremost of his sons, the father's heart is roused and the language becomes more vigorous." ^ The names come in order of age ; but as in XXXV. 23 ff., all the Leah tribes are put together, and 1 Onkelos, Eashi, etc. - Jerome, Qucestiones. ■" See note on i. 29. ^ Eosenmiiller, Tuck, Knobel, Dehtzsch, Keil, and others. ^ Book of Jubilees, xxxiv. ; 2"est. Judce, iii.-vii. ; Yalkut Sinieoni, i. 132 ; Jelhnek, Beth ha-Midrasch, iii. 1 ff. (also Targ. of Jonat'li.). « Vv. 4, 6f., 17, 25f. 7 Knobel. ^ See notes. » Knobel. y 453] GENESIS XLIX 445 between them and the Eacbel tribes come tliose of sub- ordinate origin. Zebulun, however, comes before Issachar,^ perhaps because what was to be said of him was more honourable. The four secondary tribes also are not arranged in order of birth, but'geographically from south to north.- Jacob speaks throughout in the higher style of speech. ~ But ill' elevation, power, and richness of imagery his words surpass other similar poetic utterances,^ and evidence their grmter age by their special ideas and figures of speech, and b;^ the numerous rare expressions, some of which afterwards passed-- almost entirely out of use.* " In earlier times it was not doubted that Jacob actually spoke the words here attributed to him. Many modern expositors continued to maintain this view,^ and it has found defenders up to the present." ^ " It was assumed that Joseph wrote his father's words and handed them down to his posterity,^ or that each son preserved the utterance which affected himself, and that one afterwards wrote them down together.^ But such a prophecy as this, with its word plays and metaphors, its boldness and strength, its beautiful parallelisms and extremely poetical character, has rightly been pronounced unaccount- able in the mouth of an aged, weak, and dying man ; still more, the all-pervading knowledge of the localities and circumstances of the Israelite tribes, as they were only long after the time of Jacob. It has also been remarked how improbable it is that such predictions should come from a simple nomad, and that once he had commenced to prophesy, 1 Unlike xxx. 17 ff., xxxv. 23, xlvi. 13 f., but Deut. xxxiii. 18 foUoAvs tlii.s. J'EwaJd, Geschichte,^ ii. 435 [History, ii. 80]. 3 chs. i^. 25 ff., xiv. 19 ff., xxiv. 60, xxv. 23, xxvii. 27 If., 39 f . ^ ]nB and -i\-iin (ver. 4), nnso (ver. 5), pjphp (ver. 10), n^D (ver. 11), b'b:in (ver. 12), D^riQe^p (ver. 14), jiQ-'Ql^ (ver. 17), n^i^C' (ver. 21), and others in w. 22-26. 5 Veneina, Teller, J. D. Micluielis, Herder, Knapp, Hensler, and otliers. *■' Rosenmliller, Baunigarten, Delitzscli, Hengstenl)erg, Sack, Keil, Lange, and other.s ; most recently M. S. Terry. 7 Mossier. ^ Vogel on Grotius, J. E. Cli. Schmidt. 446 GENESIS XLIX [453, 454 it is astonishinc^ that he should conclude with the Davidic period and say nothing of what was to occur after that date. " The force of these considerations ^ led to an intermediate view, according to which, wdiile Jacob actually blessed his sons, his utterances received their present poetical form only at a later time.^ Most critics, however, entirely denied Jacob's authorship of the prophecy,^ and assigned it to some later period, e.g. to the Mosaic, with Moses even as its author,^ to the latter part of the time of the Judges,^ to that of Samuel^ or of David.^ The prophet Nathan even was recognised ^ as its author." ^ Eeuss ^^ conjectures the time of David or Solomon. The decisive feature of the case is, that all the utterances have in view the geographical and historical conditions of the period of the Judges, that they entirely pass over the period between that date and the time of Jacob, and advance no later than the very beginning of the period of the monarchy. This limitation of the ""speaker's horizon to a definite portion of Israelite history, which leaves what goes before and what comes after a complete and unnoticed blank, is the plainest proof that the utterances are no real prophecy. Only one who regards the prophets as mere soothsayers, will fail to find difficulty in the supposition that Jacob describes one sharply defined portion of Israelite history with the utmost exactitude, yet knows nothing of the intervening history which lies nearer to his own time. Prophecy, under the infiuence of the Spirit, takes the present for its point of departure, and while it gives surprising revelations regarding the inniiediate and the near future, regarding the distant and remotest future, ^ First definitely advanced by Heinriclis, 2 Plutsclike. ^ Eichhorn, Justi, Vater, de Wette, Schumann, Bleek, etc. •* Hasse, Sclierer. ^ Ewald, G. Baur. '• Tucli, E. Meier. '' Heinriclis, AVerliin, Kiiobel. ^ Friedricli, Bolden. '^ Knobel. 1" Geschichte des Alt. TesO 200 f. 451] GENESIS .XLIX 447 it proclaims only such certainties as follow from tlic eternal principles of the divine government of the world, and not particulars of a geographical or historical nature. But tliis connection with the present is liere strikingly absent. Except in the case of lieuben, Simeon, and Levi, tlie speaker does not take the special situation or actions of his sons as his point of departure, and in several cases ^ merely an inter- pretation of their names. The horizon of the utterances, therefore, shows that they have been composed and collected at (i date remote from tliat of Jacob, but yet before tlie dissolutiou of the tribal organisation under the monarchy. The Song of Deborah is used as a source,^ but there is no allusion to the kingdom of Saul (ver. 27), and what is said of Issachar and Dan (vv. 14-18) describes their circum- stances in the pre-monarchial period. There is ground, therefore, for maintaining the date of composition to belong to the close of the period of the Judges.^ But vv. 8-12 receive their most natural explanation only from the great gain in position which Judah made under David. We have therefore rather to decide for this Davidic period, or at la4:^stjbhat of Solomon. The period of the divided monarchy is excluded by ver. 8 (10). "The passage reveals no trace of the jealousy between Judah and Joseph which became so prominent after Solomon's death ; on the contrary, both tribes afe~tauded with equal enthusiasm."* In this respect Deut. xxxiii. (especially ver. 7) is a complete contrast. Joscph^designation as prince ("^7?, ver. 26) among his brethren, is due to his long-standing position, and need not be regardeZras^aTreference to the kingdom of the ten tribes. There is no foundation for referring ver. 23 ^ to the wars of Syria and Israel in the ninth century, and so none for assigning the poem to that period^ or to Aliab's reign." 1 Vv. 8, 13, IG, 19. 2 Yei-^ i^^ . ^f. Judg. v. IGf. ^ Comm. otli edition. ^Knoljel. ^ See notes. '"' Wellhaiisen, Geschichte, 1878, i. 375 ; Kueuen, 0 iuler::oeh,- p. 234. '■ Stade, Geschichte,^ 150. 448 GENESIS XLIX [454, 4: At such a time when Eeuben and Simeon had practically disappeared, and when tribal distinctions in both kingdoms had more and more lost their importance, the composition of such a poem is no longer comprehensible. It was different when, from the time of Samuel, after centuries of division and separation into isolated tribes and tribal groups, the feeling of national unity once more asserted itself, and the powerful tribe of Judah, hitherto apart from the rest of Israel, entered into its rightful relation- ship with the whole. Then was the right and proper time for a man, qualified by his position, his ideals, and his genius, to assemble the hitherto divergent tribes, by writing or speech, round the person of their common ancestor, and let them hear from his mouth what he had to say to them, as he looked back on their past. Their achievements and present circumstances are the theme. Eeligion is not referred to. Indeed, it is remarkable in the extreme that there is no expression of view regarding religious affairs (in contrast to Deut. xxxiii.). The tribal characteristics of the people are portrayed, and of these Jacob was regarded as the originator, just as Abraham had been of their more spiritual religion. There were some who had acted nobly ; there were others who, in much, had come short of their dignity as sons of Jacob. The early greatness of some had faded away ; others had advanced to honour. There were those who had been fortunate, and there were the more unfortunate. There were the active apd the indolent. All have a word spoken to them, according as they deserve it, in praise or blame, in blessing or curse. Even where little is said, or only some- thing apparently indifferent, it receives a peculiar sting from comparison with what is said of others. The song in Judg. V. 1 3 ff. had already enumerated the tribes and accorded them praise and blame in a similar manner. In this light the poem had a meaning and value for the time of its composition, and the introduction of Jacob as the speaker was uniquely suitable for a people amongst whom the feeling of union 455, 450] GENESIS XLIX 440 between an ancestor and his descendants was still un- broken/ and who believed in the actual efticacy of his blessing and curse.^ The peculiar variation in the character of the speech, where declarations, commands, and desires, blessings and curses, alternate with one another, finds a suit- able explanation in this view of the origin of the whole. We must reject the conjecture that it is a mere collection of utterances, which at first circulated independently.^ There is no reference except to the closing period of the Judges and to the beginnings of the monarchy ; there is an inner connection between the utterances regarding lleuben, Judah, and Joseph ; and some of the utterances when they are separated from the others sink to absolute insignificance. We are thus prevented from doubting that one author has composed the whole, and has given it definite and artistic shape, though he may at the same time have made partial use of older materials. The author was certainly a Judean, as we may infer from his warm eulogy of Judah. The glorification of Judah is not, indeed, more than was due. But we know the feelincr of the northern tribes to have been such that it is more diffi- cult to realise their making a worthy acknowledgment of Judah's position than to suppose that Joseph's rank was ungrudgingly acknowledged by Judah. Such an acknowledg- ment was a most necessary one during David's reign in par- ticular. The conclusion is also supported by the geographi- cal arrangement of the four secondary tribes. What has been said up to this point implies that whether the poem once circulated independently or has been taken from another context, it is at least older than either A, B, or C\ no one of whom, besides, was a poet. The only remaining question is whether one of these waiters inserted it in his own work, or whether R added it from some other source. ^ ^ is the least 1 Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 588 [History, i. 411]. 2 See above, pp. i. 304 ; ii. 217. » Land, Kuenen, 233. ^ Tnch, Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 591 [Eiig. tr. i. 413]. DILLMANN. — II. 29 •J: 50 • GENESIS XLIX [456 likely to have adopted it, " since the curse of ver. 7 and the name mn^ in ver. 18 are evidence against him, and the inser- tion of poetic pieces was foreign to his purpose " ; ^ he is also excluded by ver. 281). In view of xlviii. 22 ^ and xxxvii. 2 If., 29 f., xlii. 22, 37,^ and also because of vv. 8—12, we cannot think of B. Ch. xxxiv. 30 f. (xxxv. 22) makes it additionally probable that C, a Judean, borrowed, though he did not com- pose,* the piece. And this is the generally accepted view. E then included it in his work ; and to him ver. Ih is doubt- less due. Ver. la^ goes along with 28&, and will be from A. Ver. lb pronounces the passage to be a prophecy, and this is in accordance with the prevalent belief of antiquity in the prophetical power possessed by dying persons.^ Literature. — Venema, Dissert sel. 1750, i. 2; Teller, Segen Jacobs u. Mosis, 1766 ; 7iotce crit. ct cxeget. in Gen. xlix. 1766; Knapp, Disput. ad vatic. Jacobi, 1774; Aurivillius, Diss, ad sacr. litt., ed. Michaelis, pp. 178—267 (only vv. 1—10); Herder in Werhe zitr Bel. u. Theol. 1829, xiii. 61—79 ; Geist der hbr. Foes., edit, by Justi, ii. 175—196; Horrer, Ncdional- gesdngc der Isr. 1780; Hasse, Magazin filr die bibl. orient., Lit. i. 1., p. 5 ff. ; J. E. Chr. Schmidt, eins der dltesten u. schon- sten Idyllen, 1793; Scherer, Gescli. der Isr. i. 167-183; Pllischke, oratio Jacobi mor. 1805; Mossier, vatic. Jacobi, 1808, 2 partt. (only as far as ver. 12); Friedrich, Segen Jacobs, 1811; K. I. Fischer, diss, de benedictione Gen. xlix. 1814; Justi, Nationalgcsdnge der Hebr. ii. 1—94; Stahelin, animadv. in Jacobi vatic. 1827; Diestel, Sege7i Jacobs, 1853; Land, disj). de carmine Jacobi, 1858; E. Meier, Gesch. der poet. Nationalliter. 1856, p. 109 ff.; C. Kohler, Seg. Jac. mit Berilcks. des Midrasch, Berl. 1867; A. K Obbard, The Frophccy of Jacob, Cambridge, 1877. 1 Knobel. ^ Against clis. xxxiv. and xhx. 6. 2 Regarding Reuben. * Hupfeld, Bolimer. ^ See notes. c Iliad, xvi. 849 ff., xxii. 358 ft". ; Plato, Aiwlogia, p. 39, ed. Steph. ; Xenoph. Cyroi->. viii. 7. 21 ; Diod. xviii. 1 ; Cicero, De divin. i. 23, 30. Knobel. 45G, 457] GENESIS XLIX. 1 451 For other writings, see Justi and Tuch. Add M. S. Terry in MctJiodist Eevieio, V. ii. (1886) p. 847 if. ; J. P. Peters in J.B.L. vi. 1 (188G), p. 99t!'. ; Zimmern in ZA. vii. 161ff. (who attempts to trace references to the twelve signs of the zodiac). — PiCgarding the date of the prophecy : Heinrichs, Be auctore atque cetatc caj). Gen. xHx. 1790. Compare also Kurtz, Geschiclite des Alien Bundcs^ i. 31411*.; G. Baur, Gcschichtc des ATI Weiss, 1861, i. 216 fC; Ewald, GescUcMef i. 104 ff., 'S'^h-h^^, ii. 412, 463, 493 [Eng. tr. i. 69, 409- 412, ii. 63 f., 99 f., 121]; J.B. ii. 49 ff., xii. 189 if. ; GGA. 1873, p. 42 Iff.; Stade, GescMcUe} i. 150 ff.; Wellhausen, Comics. 320 ft'. Ver. 1. Jacob, on his couch,^ summons to him his other sons also, that he may tell them their future. Until now there has been nothing said of their being present. f'S xip"*! — lie called for, summoned ; frequently in A^ also in D and R\ B and C, on the other hand, generally have What luill hefall you — i.e. in the persons of your descend- ants; comp. ver. 28, according to which the real reference is to the tribes. The words D''rD>n nnni<2 are tlierefore essential, and not an interpolation.^ For iSip, lefall, see xlii. 4. D'D"'n nnnxa — in the sequel of the days, in time to come, " in the future." ^ n^ini< has an absolute or relative meaning, according to the context. The translation " last days " is out of place here,^ but in Messianic eschatological prophecies ^ the word denotes the last period in history, or at least the remotest point within the prophet's range of vision. As a 1 Ch. xlviii. 2. 2 Cf. Gen. xxviii. 1; Ex. xxxvi. 2 ; Lev. x. 4, etc. 3 Against Stiirk in ZATW. xi. 291. ^ Luther. 5 And in Num. xxiv. 14 ; Deut. iv. 30, xxxi. 29 ; Jer. xxiii. 30 (xxx. 24). '' E.(j. Hos. iii. 5 ; Midi. iv. 1 ; Ezek. xxxviii. IG. 452 GENESIS XLIX. 2, 3 F. [457 formula in use during the prophetic period, though not from Ezekiel's time only, it marks the verse as the addition of a narrator of that date. Ver. 2. The poem begins with an emphatic call to attention.^ They are to listen all together, for Jacob's words concern the relation of each to all. Ver. 3 f. Eeuben. In all the genealogies he appears as firstborn.^ This must have an historical reason ; but not, of course, that assigned by Stade,^ who says that Eeuben was given the place of honour because of his absolute insignifi- cance. On the contrary, Eeuben must at one time have exercised a sort of hegemony among the allied tribes, or have been the first among them to attain power and im- portance. In ^'s history of Joseph * he appears as mindful of this position of his, and in the Mosaic period lays claim to certain rights as firstborn.^ Eeuben and Gad were the first to settle in the southern part of the land east of Jordan, but from that time onwards Eeuben never distinguished itself either by populousness and power or by any service rendered to the whole people. The only accomplishment recorded of it is spoken of in 1 Chron. v. 10, 18 ff. Even so early as under the Judges it showed itself indifferent to the national struggles,^ and it continued to isolate itself more and more until in the period of the early monarchy it had practically disappeared as part of Israel.'^ Judah (ver. 8 ff.) and Joseph (ver. 26) shared the succession to his previous position.^ The early decadence of the tribe is here attributed to the paternal curse induced by his wanton arrogance, which impelled him to dishonour his father's marriage bed. The particulars of what he did are unknown ; ch. xxxv. 2 2 uses 1 Ch. iv. 23. 2 Chs. xxix. 32, xxxv. 23, xlvi. 8 ; Ex. vi. 14 ; Num. i. 20, xxvi. 5 ; 1 Chron. v. 3. 3 Geschichte,^ 151. ^ Clis. xxxvii. 21 ft'., xlii. 22. ^ Num. xvi., xxix. 6 f. [?] ; Deut. xi. 6. ^' Judg. V. 15 f. '' Deut. xxxiii. 6 ; Isa. xv. f. *^ ileir of tlic birtliriglit, I Chron. v. 1 f. 4-)7, 458] GENESIS XLTX. 3 F. 4 53 tlie same expression. The final meaning of the statement is not merely that Eeuben abused his power as head of the tribes/ but doubtless also that in this tribe sexual unions were customary whicli were un-Israelite, and immoral as judged by Israelite standards,- and that these gradually alienated Eeuben from the rest of Israel. In ver. 3 Eeuben receives the praise due to his position, in ver. 4 he is degraded from it. Yoit are my Jirsthorn, my strength, the product of my strength,^ of full and unimpaired virility, and the first-fruit of my power, procreative power> As firstborn and in con- sequence you are pre-eminence in rank^ and jpre-eminenee in strength, pre-eminent over all the brethren in position and power, superior to them. Exeess or pre-eminence is used poetically for pre-eminent ; comp. rnD in ver. 4. T^ is pausal, for ty as in ver. 27 ; see xliii. 14. No good sense is secured by taking d^dd THD with ver. 3.^ Overfiow as ivater, you shall have no 'pre-eminence, tna ^ is the abstract for the concrete ; as, because you are, an overflow, because you pour over like boiling water, you shall have no excess, preference, or pre-eminence. The reading J^jnsi § has come from a desire to make the text easier. The expression "inin is chosen with reference to the "in.' of ver. 3 ; it is found in this sense only here.^ " As water in a pot, set in motion by heat, boils up and bubbles over ; so Eeuben, excited by the flame of passion, transgressed the iDOunds of morality and 1 Knobel, Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 535 f. [Eng. tr. i. 374]. 2 See above, pp. 113, 309. 3 Ch. iv. 12. 4 Dent. xxi. 17 ; Ps. Ixxviii. 51, cv. 3G. 5 Ps. Ixii. 5 ; Job xiii. 11, xxxi. 23 ; Hab. i. 7. '■' Clericus, Venema, Herder, Ilgen, Jiisti, Pliisclike, Vater. " See Gesenius, Thesaurus ; it does not mean exhilation (Ilgen, de Wette, Schumann). ^ Samar. Sept. {iiviipiGo,;), and other versions. 9 Properly understood by Onkelos, Aq. Sym. Grsec. Yen. ; wrongly by the Sept. U^invj; (see Geiger, Urschrift, 373), ^-^at;; (see Scholion in Lagarde's Genesis c/rcece, p. 202) ; the Pesh. has rendered in^ri. 454 GENESIS XLTX. 3 F. [458 acted wantonly and arrogantly." ^ Eegarding the privilege attaching to the firstborn, see note on xxv. 31 ; the Targunis make it consist in hcereditas, regmtm, sacerdotium. D'^bv ""D — a statement of wherein the overflow consisted, and the cause of Eeuben's rejection; comp. xxxv. 22. " Phoenix was similarly cursed by his father Amyntor because he lay with his father's concubine." - >2^:^'}D — plural, because a double bed is intended. The Massoretes were doubtless right in avoiding a construct punctuation "'^- (cf. 1 Chron. v. 1). T55 — according to usage not thereupon, but then you profaned, did an act of profanation, defiled what was sacred. This was his crime. He ascended my led — Jacob has turned away from Eeuben and so uses the 3rd person ; ^ the feeling of wonder at the incredibility of the misdeed still fills him. The text is somewhat surprising, but ^yV"^ is less vigorous, ^'?V and npv are unpoetical and contrary to syntax, nnpn s ^ould be utterly prosaic, the transposition of n^y to a place before n^^y^ too violent, and the translation " my couch of eleva- tion," ^ insufficiently supported by the use of nVy for stejj ; even to read nVy ( = nb]y), and translate adverbially, wickedly, is no advantage. It may be a question, however, if i^fbn would not be a better punctuation : ive7'e dishonoured, made unfit to hold the position of firstborn. 'i?ir — elsewhere always punctuated a plur. by the Mass. Vv. 5-7. Simeon and Levi, Jacob's second and third sons. The poet is induced to group them together because they shared the same fate, and because legend preserved the story of an action in which they jointly shared. Perhaps a curse against them was also handed down with the story of the deed and^ is expanded here. In their relations with the 1 Knobel. 2 7;^-^^^ j^. 447 fp. Knobel. •■^ Tuch, Knobel. * Sept. Pesli. Targg. ^ Geiger, Urschrift 374, •' Olsliausen. '' Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 535 [Eng. tr. i. 373, note 4]. 8 Ch. xxxiv. 25 fF. 458, 450] GENESIS XLIX. 5 455 Shechemites they had both marked themselves out by their cruelty, and earned then- father's rebuke (xxxiv. 30) or his anger and curse (the tradition here followed). Ver. 5. Q^n^ would be trivial^ only if it were predicate ;2 it stands, however, in apposition to the subject, the predicate does not follow till vv. bb, 6. D''nj^ cannot in itself signify true, real brothers', it is in ver. 5& that we are told that the brothers by descent were brotliers in character and life also. Their nn;pp are iveapons of violence, cruel weapons. m^D is a haimx ciremcnon. The interpretation siuord ^ suits the con- text, but cannot, of course, be proved by the resemblance to /jLci'^^aLpa. Nor is it possible to suppose seriously that it is a semitised form of fid'^aipa,'^ although the Mass. vocalisation may have been influenced by acquaintance with the Greek word. Derivations from "i3D, which are grammatically pos- sible,^ e.g. loily plots, artifices,'^ and marriage contracts,^ do not suit the use of Dv?, which never means agencies.^ "^v^P might come from ti^, to he rounds but could not signify sinuosity, devious eourse of action^^ but only a round bent instrument, and so curved knife or sickle}'^ Shepherd's staff is not possible, but perhaps crook may be.^^ The meaning gladius can be obtained from a root, "i^B^nnj^ only if we assume that 1 Lagarde, Agath. 157. ^ Knobel, Delitzscli. ^ Easlii, Lutlier, Herder, Teller, Pliisclike, Ilgen, Friedrich, Delitzscli, Bunsen. * Hasse, Eosenmtiller ; still Lagarde, Eel. jur. eccles. p. xxxvii. 5 Ewald, § 260a. ^ To which there are Ethiopic and Arabic, but not Hebrew parallels in the use of "13q ; L. de Dieu, Scliultens, Knapp, Maurer, Halevv, and others. ^ Clericus, J. D. Michaelis, Aurivillius, Dalhe, Knobel, Luzzatto, Bottcher, § 791 ; Merx in Bihellcx. ii. 5, from ;*^V), desijonsavit, hut Heb. s Not even in Isa. xxxii. 7. ^ Olshausen, Lehrhuch, § 199cZ 10 Tuck. ^^ Cf. P2^, P.^i.LD, adopted in Arabic in the form minjal. 12 Ewald, Geschichte,^ ii. 493 [Eng. tr. ii. 121], 456 GENESIS XLIX. G [459 the root signified confodcrc} or cmclere^ and then the word would rather have the pronunciation iTjbrp.s The renderings of the Sept. Pesh. and Onk. are of no assistance, even if we adopt the reading ^ fe for ''?3.^ Ver. G. Jacob disclaims their deed, and all participation in it, with horror. Let my soul not enter into their council, where they planned their treachery, let my honour or nobility not icnite itself to their assembly, ""nus, corresponding in the verse parallelism to '•tJ^'sJ, and equivalent to spirit; comp. Ps. xvi. 9, Ivii. 9. But the feminine nnn ^ is surprising. The Sept. has yu-?) iplaai TO, rjirard fiov^ and as in Assyrian also kabidtu 0?3) inter- changes with napiltu (^*S^), the original writer may be supposed to have intended ''1?3, 77iy liver, i.e. my disposition (heart).^ For in their anger they slew man^ and in their desire they lamed ^^ the ox. D:V"i3, at their pleasure,^^ here, in accordance with the parallel ^ix, equivalent to self-will ; ^^ Lagarde ^^ proposes ^p^^. The act was one prompted by a vindictive love of destruction. " But according to the later legend (xxxiv. 28 f.), Jacob's sons stole the cattle and carried them off." ^^ It was, no doubt, only to avoid this discrepancy that the versions ^^ preferred the pronunciation n^ii:', luall, and interpreted npy, destroy, in accordance with Aramaic usage ; ^ Gesenius, TJiesaurus, 672. - Delitzsch, Proleg, 121, from the Assyrian. ^ But see m^D, Ezek. xvi. 3, xxi. 35 f., xxix, 14. ^ Sept. Samar. Onk. 5 See also Geiger, Urschrift, 374 f ., 442, and ZDMG. xx. 160 ff. ^ Samar., ^^^ ' From Tin, he shar2J, zealous ; others take from mn, see Geiger, Urschrift, 319. ^ Delitzsch, Assyr. Gram. § 68, end. ^ Generic singular. ^0 By severing the sinew of the thigh. Josh. xi. C, 9 ; 2 Sam. viii. 4 1^ Dan. viii. 4, xi. 3, 16 ; Neh. ix. 24, 37. 12 Cf. Esth. ix. 5. 13 jigcah. 157. 1* Knobel. 15 Aq. Syni. Pesli. Targ. Jerome, Vulg. 450, 4G0] GENESIS XLIX. 7 457 while more recent interpreters ^ strangely make lir, hero, prince,^ and refer it, e.g., to Shechem or Hamor (xxxiv. 2). Ver. 7.^ Such cruel rage brings on itself Jacob's curse. A much milder judgment is passed on it in ch. xxxiv., where a partial excuse is found for it in their zeal for the honour of their house. Tlie Samaritan by reading "l"^^5 for ■>11^5, and Dnnan for ^J^iny, and the Targ. of Jonath., have made the curse a eulogy. Others have found the text so offensive* that they have endeavoured to mend it by taking "^^i^J with "iVJ' in ver. 6. tV — pausal for the perf. Ty.^ Simeon and Levi are condemned to dispersion, and, theie- fore, to powerlessness. " Their descendants are not to possess any one district in the country, but are to live divided up amongst the other tribes, and scattered through the country." ^ Simeon was much weakened even at the close of the desert wanderings.'^ In the contests with the Canaanites it united with Judah,^ and received a number of cities in the Negeb,^ which, however, are elsewhere counted possessions of Judah.^^ Simeonites seem also to have been scattered among other tribes ; ^^ Eobertson Smith ^^ thinks this may be inferred from the presence of names like Shim'i,^^ Shaiil, and Yamin in other tribes also. Of the families enumerated in Gen. xlvi. 10 as those of the tribe, only that of Shaiil seems to have been later of importance,^'* and it was probably composed in part of Ishmaelites.i-'' At the time when the kingdom split in two,i^ Simeon was hardly counted a tribe ; in Deut. xxxiii. it is ^ Phischke, Mossier, Scliumann, Bolilen, etc. - Ps. Ixviii. 31 ; Deut. xxxiii. 17. ^ Cf. language of Song viii. G. 4 Cf. Judith ix. 2. ^ Cf. Ex. xxxii. 20 ; Gen. xxv. 7. 6 Knobel. ^ ^,1^^^^^ ^xvi. 14 ; cf. Num. i. 23. « Judg. i. 3, 17. » Josh. xix. 1-9 ; 1 Cliron. iv. 28-33. 10 Josh. XV. 26-32, 42 ; in 1 Sam. xxvii. 6, xxx. 30 ; 1 Kings xix. 3 also towns like Siklag, Beersheba', and Hormah are Judean. ^1 2 Chron. xv. 9, xxxiv. 6. ^^ Journal of Philol. ix. 9G. 13 Nom. gent, from pyD^. ^^ 1 Chron. iv. 25 ff. 15 See Gen. xxv. 13 f. ^'^ I Kings xii. 458 GENESIS XLIX. 7 [4G0 entirely absent. Towards the close of the monarchy frag- ments of the tribe made some small conquests beyond the boundaries of Canaan.^ It is well known that Levi had no tribal territory. In A ^ provision is made for his dwelling in forty- eight cities given up to him by all the tribes. It is surprising that here the dispersion of Levi is not connected with its exercise of priestly functions, but is regarded even as a curse. The attempt to discover in this a proof of the " authenticity of Jacob's blessing " ^ is unavailing. There could be no dispersion before Israel settled in Canaan, so that if the curse had been transformed to a blessing by Moses' time it would never have taken effect, and need never have been spoken. The explanation is found in the fact that in the post-Mosaic period the Levitical priesthood was restricted to certain families only, while the greater part of the tribe lived without possessions, power, or means of subsistence,* and in part in most wretched circumstances. Deut. xxxiii. 8 ff. speaks quite differently regarding Levi. It has been conjectured that Simeon and Levi, during the war of conquest which followed the Mosaic period, were so weakened in their attacks on Shechem as to be unable to maintain themselves as distinct tribes.^ Yv. 8-12. JuDAH, the fourth of the Leah tribes, is the first on whom the father can fully pour out his praise and blessing. Only the pressure of actual fact^ prevents the author from giving him Eeuben's old position as head of the tribes.^ In C he is leader of the others, even in the patri- 1 1 Chron. iv. 34 ff. See Bertlieau on Chronicles ; Graf, Der Stamm Simeon, 1886; Ewald, GeschicUe,^ ii. 405 ff. [Eiig. tr. ii. 59 ff.]; Eiehm, Handworterhich, 1480 f. 2 Nnm. XXXV. ; Josh. xxi. ^ Keil, BredenkamjD, Ges. u. Prof. p. 173. ■* Judg. xvii. f . 5 Wellhausen, Compos. 353 ff. ; Kittel, Geschichte, ii. 63 [Eng. tr. ii. 70]. Kegarding Levi in the period of the Judges, see also Baudissin, Attest. Priest. 69 ff. ^ Joseph in reality maintained the balance against him. 7 1 Chron. V. If. 46l] GENESIS XLTX. 8 459 archal period.^ According to A, he was the strongest tribe individually in the Mosaic period;^ Manasseh and Ephraim being reckoned apart ; and when camping, or on the march, he stood, with Issachar and Zebulun, at the head of all.^ During the conquest of Canaan he took the foremost part in the contests with the heathen,* and along with Joseph was the first to settle in his extensive territory in the south of Canaan.^ He is afterwards more than once again mentioned as leading the nation,*^ and maintains his inde- pendence,'^ though separated by intervening heathen territory from the rest of Israel, until, with the Davidic monarchy, he comes to be head of Israel. It is the power and success of the tribe and the choiceness of its land which form the theme of vv. 8-12. The Messianic character of the con- tents have led to many special interpretations of the passage.^ Ver. 8. In the absence of a special tradition regarding his earliest history, the utterance makes Judah's name its starting-point.^ He is praised as the mighty conqueror who is acknowledged and praised by the kindred tribes also. Jiiclah (praiseworthy) — thee ^^ ivill, or must, thy brothers praise, for thy hand is on the neck'^'^ of thine enemies, seizes them by the neck as they flee ; to thee sons of thy father ivill pay 1 Chs. xxxvii. 26 f., xUii. 8 ff., xhv. 14 ff., xlvi. 28. 2 Num. i. 27, xxvi. 22. ^ Num. ii. 3, x. 14. ^ Judg. i. ^ Josh. xiv. ff. ; cf. with xviii. 1 IT. 6 Judg. iii. Off., XX. 19 ff. '' Unless during the Pliihstine oppression, Judg. xv. 11 ff. ^ E.g. Zirkel, Su]}er hened. Judca, Wirceb. 1786; Werliin, de laud. Judxe, Havn. 1838 ; Hufnagel in Eiclih. Reijert. xiv. 235 ff. ; Muhlert in Keil u. Tzschirner, Anal. ii. 3. 46 ff.; Patterson, Comm. Grit. Phil, in Gen. xlix. 10, Lond. Goth. 1821 ; many others in Tuch, Gen.- 485 f. and G. Baur, Gesch. der Alttest. Weiss. 227 f. ; Hgst. Christ.^ 1. 54-104 ; Hofmann, Weiss, u. Erf. i. 112 ff.; Reinke, Weiss. Jacobs iiher Juda, 1849; Keil in Rudelbein u. Guericke's Lufh. Zeitschr. 1861, p. 30 ff.; Cheyne, Proph. of Isaiah, 1881, ii. 189 if. ; Driver in Journ. of Philnl. xiv.; also in the text-books on Dogmatics (Oehler, Schultz, Hitzig, etc.), and in writings on Messianic prophecy (Delitzsch, Orelli, Ch. Briggs, etc.). 3 See xxix. 35. 1° Gesenius,-^ 135. 2rt [practically emphatic accus.]. 11 Job xvi. 12. 460 GENESIS XLIX. 0 [401, 4G2 homar/c ; not the sons of Leah only, but all the tribes of Jacob. They bow before him, acknowledging his primacy and leadership. The utterance was fully realised in the reign of David. It was no longer applicable to the period after Solomon. Ver. 9. Judah is pictured in triumphant security as a lion which has returned to its lair from the hunt, and devours its prey aloft in security and ease. The metaphor of the lion frequently occurs,^ and does not need to be explained by the assumption that Judah thus early had a lion as the emblem on its tlag.^ A reference to the constellation of the lion and to the star Eegulus ^ is merely read into the verses. Judah is a lions lohelp. Jacob considers first his be- ginnings. The words also suggest that nhv should be inter- preted of growth} This is perhaps linguistically possible,^ though in general rhv is used only of plants, horns, etc. But it would be dubious praise to say he grew great by plunder, was a robber tribe; and, "if the poet were speaking of a growing lion, he would not afterwards call it a lion and lioness." ^ Translate, therefore : from the prey, my son, hast thou gone up. As the lion to his hills,"^ so Judah to his mountain land after his fights are over.^ He has couched^ and lain doion}^ occupied his land, like a lion and a lioness ; ^^ when he has done so, wJio will rouse him np ? " He dwells in the proud ease and confidence of one who is strong. ^ Dent, xxxiii. 20, 22 ; Num. xxiii. 24, xxiv. 9 ; Mich. v. 7. 2 Targ. of Jonatli. on Num. ii. ; Ewald, Geschichte,^ iii. 341 [Eng. tr. iii. 250]. ^ Zimmern. * Sept., wliicli interpreted f]-itD as in Ezek. xvii. 9 ; Grotius, Auri- villius. Teller, J. D. Micliaelis, Hensler, Justi, Gesenius, Ewald. ^ Ezek. xix. 3. (Deut. xxviii. 43, Prov. xxxi. 29, are less cogent). « Knobel. '' Song. iv. 8 ; Bochart, Hieru?:oicon, ii. 36 f . 8 Judg. i. 19. 9 Num. xxiv. 9. i« Cf. iv. 7. 11 Which is yet more terrible in attack, Herod, iii. 108 ; Aelian, Far. hist. xii. 39. 462] GENESIS XLIX. 10 461 feared by his enemies, and safe from their attacks."^ The character of the tribe as it was from the beginning is thus portrayed for us. Ver. 1 0 gives, without tlie use of metaphor, a description of his historical greatness. Ver. llf. follows in close con- nection with ver. 10, as the participial construction shows. The staff of rule will not depart from Judah, nor the staff of command from hetween his feet, he continues to hold and carry it. tDnc' is not peculiar to a king ; ^ it might belong to a prince, or the chief of a tribe, or of its larger sub- divisions ; ^ and, like Pp.np,^ fg to be thought of as a long staff of lance-like shape, or also, it might be, curved at the top, and perhaps with emblems attached. It was planted in the ground like a standard beside the prince, or between his feet as he sat.^ It is obvious that ppno, which is parallel to D2\^, cannot mean lawgiver or leader, and that v^ii p3?D cannot be fro77i his thighs, i.e. from his seed, descendants.^' The proposal VpJi \^2'0^from his l>a7iners,^ also is irreconcilable with the proper meaning of ppno ; and the rendering fro77i the midst of his footmen ^ is tasteless, and grammatically inadmissible ; for the contraction Q vJ"i ^ is allowable without ivJ"^ for V*P^i, beincr so.^^ The staff and dignity of leadership are not to depart from Judah until he comes to Shiloh having the obedience of peoples. 'J") i^l is a circumstantial clause. nnp% with dagesh forte dirimens,^^ signifies obedience, '^^ but not exj^ectatmi, hope^^ 1 Knobel. - Knobel. 3 Jiulg. V. 14. ^ Num. xxi. 18 ; Ps. Ix. 9. A word later disused. ^ Cf. also Wellsted, {Arabia, i. 178] Germ. tr. i. 126 ; Pausanias, ix. 40. 6 ; C. F. Hermann, De sceptri regii antiquitate, 1851 ; and the repre- sentations on ancient Persian and Assyrian monuments. ^ But so Sept. Vulg. Targg. and most older commentators, till Herder ; even Gesenius {Thesaurus, 220) keeps to tliis translation of VPJ") \'^212. "* Samar., Houl)igant, Clericus, Teller. « Veiel, Hutli, Tuch. '^ Jer. xii. 5. 10 Bottcher, § 827. 11 Gesenius,25 20. 26 ; as Prov. xxx. 17. . ^' Targg. 1' nipn, Sept. Vulg. Pesli., with reference to Isa. xlii. 4. 462 GENESIS XLIX. 10 [462, 463 or assembly, meeting} 2'^y is certainly heathen peoples, not Israelite tribes,^ which in this context would be expressed by vnN.3 The argument against this, that ^[}\^] expresses willing and not forced obedience, cannot be substantiated. The meaning of the circumstantial clause is " after subjugation of the peoples against whom he. has contended." It could not be better expressed, for Judah stands as one opposed to many. The clause following ''3 ^V * defines a point of time up to which he will not lay aside his staff of leadership. The meaning, as long as,^ for ^^ iy, finds its only support in the 't/' ^V of Cant. i. 12, is nowhere else what it signifies, and makes the utterance one contrary to fact. Some Jewish interpreters have separated ^V from ''3, for ever, for, but against usage.^ nV::^ (rh'C^) ^ — everywhere in the Old Testament name of the town Shiloh,^ in the tribe of Ephraim. It became the seat of the intertribal sanctuary after the conquest of the territory round it, and remained so during the period of the Judges down to Eli's time.^ If the reading nb^^ is adhered to, this is the meaning here also.^^ It is, then, an accusative of place,^^ and the subject to i^r is not indefinite, but is Judah, to whom the following V] refers. The date thus fixed ^ mpD, Aquila, Arab., Raslii. 2 See note on xxviii. 3 ; Gesenius, Winer, Meier, Baiir. 3 See viii. 26. * Chs. xxvi. 13, xli. 49 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 10 ; comp. -ic^X iy, xxviii. 15. ^ Tucli, Maiirer, Meier, Baur. ^' See Baiir, Gesch. der Alttest. Weiss. ^. 239. '' rhy in the Samar. Heb. MSS. and ancient versions (see De Rossi, Varice lectiones,iv. 217 ff.). * Generally written rh'C^ or ii?C', more rarely i^?"'^* and nb"'C' (Gesenius, Thesaurus, 1424) ; a contraction from p7"'t^, as is shown by the nom. gent. ^ Josh, xviii. 1 ff . ; Judg. xviii. 31, xxi. 19 ; 1 Sam. i.-iv. ; cf. Jer. vii. 12 ff.; Ps. Ixxviii. 60. ^0 So many since Teller : Zirkler, Eichliorn, Herder, Bleek, Observ. 1836, p. 18 f. ; Hitzig, Tuch, Diestel, Baumgarten, Ewald, Bunsen, Rod., Baur, Delitzscli. 1' 1 Sam. iv. 12. 403] GENESIS XLIX. 10 463 is the time when the sanctuary, common to all the tribes, was transferred from Gilgal to Shiloh,^ after Judah and Joseph had securely established themselves, and the struggle with the Canaanites had in a manner terminated. In tlie absence of a second verb it is impossible to find in ':n )h) a further period extending indefinitely beyond the time spoken of in Josh, xviii.^ Nor (see above) may we alter the meaning to as long as men come (or he comes) to Shiloh, i.e. as long as people worship God in Shiloh, i.e. for ever, as the author would suppose.^ The meaning conveyed as the text stands is that Judah's staff of leadership, which belongs to him as a tribe,* will continue in undiminished warlike activity till the conquest of his territory, unlike that of other tribes who gave up the contest or fought in vain. This takes us back to the time of the conquest, but does not pass over in silence the period of occupation which is the setting given to the pictures of all the other tribes,^ for ver. 1 1 f. represents that as the fruit of Judah's victories. But apart from the question whether Judah really came to Shiloh, regarding which we have no information, it is surprising to find an actual geographical name inserted where all the utterances are otherwise of a perfectly general character. We expect the statement to be something like, until he comes to rest. The reading rh^^ does not allow of this, but neither does nfe\ !^.^^' or ^)f, rest, or ^y^, rest or 2xicifier, from the root \h\:}, are nowhere found, and the last named is grammatically impossible, seeing it ought to be ""i??^ or ^■^"'l^.g Eenderings, therefore, such as until rest comes^ or until he comes to rest^ or until a hringer of 'peace comes, i.e. 1 Josh, xviii. 9, 1. ^ Baumgarten, Delitzscli. 3 Hitzig, Tuch, Baur. •* Num. xxi. 18. 5 H. Sclmltz, Alttest. Theol.^ 713 [Eng. iv. ii. 338]. G See Tuch. ^ Pliisclike, Justi, Vat., Gesenius, Scliuniann, De Wette, Knobel ; cf. Prov. vi. 15 ; Job iii. 26. « Oehler, Alttest. TheoU ii. 255 [Eng. tr. ii. 408]. 464 ■ GENESIS XLIX. 10 [4G3, 464 Solomon ^ or the Messiah,^ are inadmissible. The expression becomes a very colourless one, again, if we translate until he enters into what belongs to him, into Ms possessions.^ The conjecture D^c is preferable, but not in the form "^Z^',^ until he (David) enters Jerusalem,^ which makes it again a proper name, but as ^hf,^ until he enters i^ace? Another expedient would be to read nS^tr t«n^ ny.s But on the assumption that the meaning is, " he will not cease the contest," we are met by the further difficulty that instead of 'ji iiD^ "^ we rather expect something to the effect, " he will not lay aside his staff." The expression 'ji -no^ ^ requires us to understand D2C^ and ppno of the staff of a ruler rather than of that of a commander, and to translate, " this," i.e. the dignity of ruler, " will not depart from him." In this case 'jl ""a ny is not to be interpreted until he (Eehoboam) eome to Shiloh (Shechem),^ i.e. until the division of the kingdom, nor until a mighty one (reading t:'?^' for rh^)}^ i.e. the sovereign ruler of Upper Asia, co7iies. We must admit a Messianic interpretation, such as used to be univer- sally acknowledged, and take, for the purpose, the reading 11^5:^. The renderings, eo)? av eXOy ra aTTOKeifieva avro), ivhat is laid up for hi^n}^ or w airoKeLrai, for ivhoni it (the sceptre) is reserved}'^ or to whom is the lordshijJ,'^^ cannot, however, be obtained from n>^ ; quod ei, without a verb, still more cui, without an antecedent, leaves us without a sentence ^ Friedricli, Werliin. 2 Iklossler, Knapp, Muhlert, Eosenmiiller, Winer, Hengstenberg, Keil, Koliler, Geschichte, i. 162. 3 Orelli, Alttest. Weiss. 137 f.; Briggs, with ,^% and n"^ for ni'C'. 4 Ch. xiv. 18. 5 Neubauer in Athenceum, 1885, i. 695. ^ Isa. Ivii, 2. 7 Halevy, Revue Critique, 1883, p. 290. » 2 Sam. iii. 22. 9 Rashbam, Heilprin, Hist. Poetry, i. 39 tf. ; Peters, JBL. vi. 1 (1886), 105 f. 10 Olshausen. ^^ Sept. Driver. 12 Sept., var. led. ; H. Schultz. 13 Onk,, Jerus. Targ., Saadia ; doubtless, also, Pesli. cf. with Aphraates, see Driver, op. cit. p. 5. 4G4] GENESIS XLTX. 11 F. 465 or any sense.^ The only possible translation is his one, the one who belongs to him, which would be a veiled designation of the mighty ruler who is to spring from Judah. But '^ in a Judean text would be surprising in the highest degree,^ and rh for "h unique. Nothing is gained by such corrections as rb\y or nyj*, qui mittcndus cst^ n'Tj^^' is quern Jucla cxjyctit,^ \? nc'i^ for whom it (the dominion) is appohited.^ It has been proposed to delete i?l. as gloss to rh^^ or rhv as gloss to "i^l/ and translate until he comes to whom the obedience of the peoples is (rightly due), but what explanation is there of how the gloss came to be inserted ? The Messianic interpretation accordingly does not result in any more satisfactory explanation of nb:y. When, there- fore, it is further considered that ver. 1 1 f. stands in no connection with this glance into the far future, we have to conclude that ver. 10 is an interpolation,^ not, however, from post-exilic times,^ when the Dnt^ had actually passed from Judah, but doubtless from a period when the Messianic hope had already been proclaimed by the prophets of Judah. Probably it is not an independent insertion, but a modifica- tion of some older text. The Massoretic reading nb^^, for the older r6^, seems to rest on the Eabbinical explanation, his little son (?'py^ Ver. 11 f. portrays how Judah, after the subjugation of his enemies, enjoys in his settled home (cf. ver. 9) rich blessings from the vineyards and pasture lands. There is no connection with ver. 10 if the subject there was the great king of the future. For V of the construct in '•^pis*, ^J3, >^^^3n, see xxxi. 39 ; 1 Ezek. xxi. 32 is no parallel, for DStJ^OH is part of the context. '^ See also vi. 3. ^ Vulg. ■* Hiller, Onom., 931 ; Lagarde, OuomJ ii 96. 5 Cheyne, following Ronsch in ZlFTIi. 1872, p. 291 ; Driver ? ^* Wellhausen, Geschichte, i. 375 ; Stade, Geschichte,^ i. 160. '' Wellhausen, Conqwsition, 321. 8 AYellhausen. » Stade. ^° See Baur, op. cit. 247 f. ; Driver, ojJ. cit. 7, 18 f. DILLMANN. II, ^O 466 GENESIS XLIX. 13 [4G5 for the construct before a preposition, Gesenius ; ^ for nh^'y from nh^y, Ewald;'- for n for i, ch. ix. 21 ; for the perf. D33, as continuing the particip. construction and for its pro- nunciation with ^, Gesenius.^ The author's picture is an idyllic one. Judah, the warrior and conqueror, is now riding on his ass, the usual riding animal in pre-Davidic times,^ and especially used by princes.^ His land is so full of vines that he little requires to give heed to them or treat them as of value. So when he dismounts he fastens his ass to a vine branch, the branch of a choice vine.^ His land produces wine, red wine,^ so plentifully that he can use it to wash his garments ; ^ a hyperbole as in Job xxix. 6. Judah was a grape country,^ and the vineyards of Hebron and J^ngedi specially famous. ^*^ His eyes are dull from wine, his teeth tvhite from milk — " he has wine and milk in over abundance for his use ; his teeth are dripping with milk so that they appear of dazzling whiteness, his glance is dulled by the wine.^^ The last clause conveys no reproach.^^ Judah also possessed famous pasture lands.^^ For the hyperboles, comp. Jon. iv. 18; Am. ix. 13."i* Ver. 13. Zebulun, the 6th son of Leah,^^ never held a prominent position, though he played a praiseworthy part in the national contests of the time of the Judges.^^ Our author boasts for him only the favourable situation of his territory ; the signification of his name,^''' chveller, hor clever, is 1 Grammatik,-^ 90. 3a. 2 § 2556 (Isa. x. 17 ; Dent. xxv. 4). 3 116. 5 A. 7 and 52. 2 A. 1. * Winer,^ i. 347. 5 Judg. X. 4, xii. 14 ; cf. Zech. ix. 9. « Isa. v. 2 ; Jer. ii. 21. '' Dent, xxxii. 14 ; Isa. Ixiii. 2 ; Siracli xxxix. 26, 1. 15. 8 n^D for n^D ; cf. moro Ex. xxxiv. 33 ff. ; Samar. nniDD- 9 Jo. i. 7 ff.,'iv. 18 ; '2 Chron. xxvi. 10. ^0 Num. xiii. 23 f. ; Song i. 14. 11 Prov. xxiii. 29 f. ^' Ch. xliii. 24. 13 E.g. 1 Sam. xxv. 2 ; Am. i. 1 ; 2 Chron. xxvi. 10. 14 Knobel. ^^ See prelim, remarks. 16 Judg. iv. 6, 10, V. 14, 18, vi. 35 ; cf. also xxii. 11. 1" Ch. xxx. 20. 4G;j, 4GG] genesis XLIX. 14 f. 467 doubtless hinted at. Zebuliin — towards the strand of the sea ^ he settles, he himself'^ tovmrds the strand of the ships, and his rear to or opposite Sidon. He is compared to a man or animal stretched on the ground with his face to the shore, at which ships can lie, and his back to Sidon (Phcjenicia in all likelihood). According to Josh. xix. 10-16, Zebulun was separated from Lake Tiberias by Naphtali ; west of him, in the direction of the Mediterranean, lay Asher. But the boundary between Zebulun and Asher is not exactly given in Josh. xix. 1-i f., which does not therefore exclude tlie possibility that a strip of the territory of Zebulun bordered on the Mediterranean.^ What is alone certain is that Asher D^?3^ fjin^ 2& (Judg. V. 17), and that Issachar and Zebulun " sucked the treasures of the sea'' (Dent, xxxiii. 19). The lines of demarcation between the tribes and those which separated them from the heathen were never sharply drawn and varied as time went on. There is no difficulty, then, in believing that in our author's time Zebulun extended as far as the sea. Otherwise, we must understand the words to the effect that Zebulun bordered on the coast, i.e. the coast-lands and not the sea itself ; such proximity w^ould in itself be advantageous and a source of gain to the tribe.* Ver. 14f. Issachar, the 5 th son of Leah,^ dwelt along the Jordan to Lake Tiberias, and in the fertile plain of Jezreel. The great caravan road from the Mediterranean to Bethshean passed through his land, and in it a number of Canaanite towns maintained themselves independent and powerfid.^ Though he took part in the struggle for in- dependence under Deborah, he is here sharply rebuked ^ because in his contentment with his luxurious land he has 1 Ch. i. 10. 2 Ewald, § 314&. •■^ Joseplnis, Antiq. v. 1. 22 ; Bell. jud. iii. 3. 1. * See also Ewald, Geschichte,^ ii. 413 f. [Eng. tr, ii. G4] ; Sclienkel, Bihellex. v. 267 ; Stade, Geschichte,^ i. 171. ^ See prelim, remarks. « Ewald, Geschichte,^ ii. 468 [Eng. tr. ii. 103]. '^ As Reuben in Judg. v. 15 f. 468 GENESIS XLIX. 14 F. [4G0 submitted to subjection with sluggish ease, to serve the rich and powerful strangers as their hired servant and slave.^ In agreement with this, he alone is absent from the enumera- tion in Judg. iv. 27, as if heathen supremacy were not the exception but the rule in his territory. In the background the play on the name ij*^ ^'^. here also,^ perhaps, is present in the form ^^'^ i^'^'/ Issachar is a hony, strong-built ass wJdch stretches itself down letween the folds,^ in quiet and comfort in its own country. The metaphor is in itself a reference to the burdens to which it submits itself; contrast i<1^ in xvi. 12. The reading Q'^ii ni?on, the strangers' least of hurclen,^ impairs the metaphor, and nnj, foreign land, is an unsuitable ex- pression.^ Thus he saw rest that ^ it was a goodf and the land that it was delightfid^ and that he might remain in quiet enjoyment of it and profit by it, he lowed his lack to carry burdens, and lecame sulject to the forced service of a slave, became one giving service by compulsion. The expression DO 10 always expresses the forced labour of vassals, conquered peoples, and captives. Von Bohlen and Knobel, following the Sept., are wrong in finding in this a description of the base (!) and toilsome occupation of cultivator of the soil to which they say the tribe devoted itself. The Septuagint and Onkelos have exerted their expository abilities in the attempt to get rid of the rebuke allotted to this tribe.^^ 1 According to Kuenen, ThT. v. 292 f., it was from this only that he received liis name ! 2 Ch. XXX. 16, 18. 3 Delitzsch. ■* Judg. V. 16 ; Ps. Ixviii. 14. For other interpretations of DTlSti'b, see Gesenius, Thesaurus, 1471 f. ; Buttclier, Neue Aehrenlese, i. 25 ; Bacli- mann, Richter, 400 fF. ^ Samar. ; Geiger, Urschrift, 360 ; Olsliausen, Kuenen, ojj. cit. v. 292. ^ Delitzsch. '' See i. 14. '"^ Samar., r\2)\2, adjective, ^ Regarding the fertility of Lower Galilee, see Josei3hus, Bell. jud. iii. 3. 2. 10 Cf. Deut. XX. 11 ; Josh. xvi. 10, xvii. 13 ; Judg. i. 28, 30, 33; 1 Kings ix. 21 ; Isa. xxxi. 8. 11 See Geiger, Urschrift^ 360. 4GG, 4G7] GENESIS XLIX. lG-18 469 Vv. 16-18. Dan, the first son of Billiah, lay between Ephraim, Benjamin, Judah, and the Philistines, and extended west towards the sea.^ It was pressed on by the Amorites, however, and had much diftlculty in maintaining its groiuid. Part ^ of its people moved away northwards, conquered the Sidonian colony of Laish or Leshem on Lebanon, and settled there under the name of Dan.^ Samson, who contended so long and bravely w4th the Philistines,^ belonged to that part which remained in its original territory. The name is the starting-point of this utterance also. Dan, though unimportant in point of power and extent of territory, unll judge his people like {any) 07ic ^ of the tribes of Israel, inferior to none in this respect. ^^V is understood by many of the tribesmen of Dan, and the meaning taken to be that this small tribe will have its own government and laws,^ or rather will maintain its independence as a tribe,'' a thing which might be doubted in the case of one so hard pressed. But it suits ver. 18 better, as well as the use of pn, which does not mean govcrji, but *^ seeure justice and aid, to understand irsy as Israel.'^ The meaning, then, is, not that Dan will give a judge to Israel no less than any other tribe, — for p could not be so used, and the Book of Judges was unknown to our author, — but that he will play his part in the contests against the lieathen for the national cause, as much as the others. He did so in the fights of Samson with the Philistines, and as warden of the northern frontier. His manner of fighting, also, as extolled in ver. 17, 1 Josh. xix. 40 ff.; Judg. v. 17. - Judg. xviii. 11. 3 Judg. i. 34, xviii. 7, 27 ft'. ; Josli. xix. 47; also 2 Sam. xx. 18 (Sept.); Ewald, Geschichte,^' iii. 2G4 [Eng. tr. iii. 11)4]. "^ Judg. xiii.-xvi. 5 Judg. xvi. 7; 2 Sam. ix. 11; 1 Knigs xix. 2. '^ Mercerus, Herder, Hasse, Hensler, Rosenmiiller, Vater, Von Bohlen. ' Tuch, Wellhausen (Geschichfe, i. 375), Stade {Gcschichte,^ 168). s Ch. XXX. 6 ; Deut. xxxii. 36 ; etc. "•' Deut. xxxiii. 7; Ephraem, Targg., Rashi, Kimchi, Clericus, Friedrich Schumann, Ewald, Knobel, Delitzsch. 470 GENESIS XLIX. 17, 18 [Wu suits only his warfare against foreigners, not a struggle for independence amongst the tribes. Ver. 1 7 wishes him ^ success in this contest. Maij he he ^ a serpent, a horned viper on the road, vjhich hites the horses heels so that its rider falls haekivard. It is not, as in the case of Judah, an open contest, decided by superior power, which is portrayed, but the sly efforts of the weaker against the stronger, which have, however, their results also. Such was the attack of the 600 Danites who overpowered the city of Laish,^ and the warfare of Samson, who inflicted serious loss on his enemies by his many stratagems. Jacob does not disapprove of this ; ^ it is his wish. ••npy, with daghesh forte dirhnens; see ver. 10. fs^?'^ ; there is no certain tradition regarding the species ; most prob- ably it is the eerastes^ (Jiorned viper), which is the colour of the desert sand in which it conceals itself by day.*^ " It lies in holes and ruts, and falls unexpectedly on the passer-by ; ^ it is the colour of the earth, and people may readily trample on it to their injury." ^ Ver. 18 is not a later interpolation,^ nor the sigh of an exhausted dying man seeking to gather fresh strength.^^ " The ancestor utters here a prayer in the name of his descendants, who will have to wait patiently for Jahve's help in their wars with the nations, e.g. the Philistines. Its position is due to the fact that Dan in particular was not a match for his enemies, but needed to rely on higher aid." ^^ It may be that Philistine wars were harassing the country just in our author's time.^^ Only God can give final victory. ^ Samar. n\T' is not so good. ^ Not is ; Kautzscli-Socin. ^ Juclg. xviii. 27. "* Knobel. ° Gesenius, Thesaurus. ^ Riehm, HIVB. 223. ' Oken, NG, vi. 544. ^ jy^^^^ ^i. 50. Knobel. ^ Pliisclike, Ilgen, Vater, Maurer, Bohlen, Graniberg, Olsliansen, Bohmer finds in it a protest of ii's against Dan's tendency to idol-worshiii. Fripp, ZATIV. xi. 263. 10 Teller, Hensler, Tucli. ^ Knobel. 12 Evvald. 4(57, 4()8] GENESIS XLIX. 19,20 471 A^er. 19. Gad, the first son of Zilpah, dwelt in Gilead, and was exposed to the attacks of the desert peoples and of the Ammonites, who claimed part of his land.^ He defended himself bravely, especially against the Ammonites ;2 fought successfully against the Arabs even in Saul's time,^ and pro- vided David with many of his best heroes.^ The name is here ^ connected with i^a, 2:)Tess in on one, oppress Mm, and 1^^2, hand of fig] iters and rollers. It is viewed as meaning one who presses. Gad — a press of men p)resses on him,^ lut he presses on their heel ; " though hostile bands press in on him he puts them to flight, and boldly follows close at their heels in attack as they retreat."^ ^py yields sufficient sense, but it has been brilliantly conjectured ^ that we should read D^pJ^, taking the o away from the beginning of ver. 20. Ver. 20. Asher, Zilpah's second son, "inhabited the land from Karmel to Phoenicia,^ and so occupied the sea-coast of Galilee,^^ a very fertile district," ^^ rich in wheat, wine, and oil. Politically, it was not of importance. If the ?o of ">'^>'^ belongs to ver. 19,^2 and the true reading is "i*C\s,i3 ti^e translation will be: Asher — his Iread is fat, abundant, and excellent. As the text is, it may be rendered : from Asher is fat as his (ow^n special) Iread}^ an abundance of products of excellent quality which form his food supply. •^K^sp, for ">w\s jnsp, is not altogether suitable, and another 1 Josli. xiii. 25 ; Judg. xi. 15. 2 Judg. x.f. M cin-on. v. 1811. 4 1 Chron. xii. 8 If. ; cf. Deut. xxxiii. 20. ^ Otherwise than in xxx. 11. 6 Hab. iii. 16. ^ Knobel. 8 E. Scheid, Teller, Pliisclike, Bleek {emend, loci Gen. xlix. 9f., Bonn, 1831), Schumann, Knobel, Olsluiusen. 9 Josh. xix. 24 ff. I*' Judg. v. 17. ^1 Deut. xxxiii. 24. Knobel. ^2 See above. 1" Sept, Vulg. Pesli. Onk. All the other utterances except ver. 22 commence with the simple name without prelix. But the Samar. has 1* Tuch, Baumgarten, Knobel, Delitzsch. 472 GENESIS XLIX. 21 [468 rendering is : for Asher his tread is too fat} on^ is feminine [only] here, but the Samar. has pv}? " The meaning of the word "iu"'t< ^ seems to be present to the author's mind in what he says." " And he ^ gives royal dainties — gives to others also of his superabundance of these products ; so good are they that they are served at royal tables. The reference is to export trade. The Phoenicians, for example, obtained from the Hebrews all sorts of country produce,^ and the geographical position of Asher leads us to expect that he would participate largely in this trade. It is unnecessary to suppose that i^D (without the article) is an Israelite king." ^ Ver. 21. Naphtali, Bilhah's second son, inhabited a long drawn-out tract of country along Lake Tiberias, the Jordan, and Lake Hule — into Lebanon even. This fact itself,'^ without any reference to maps,^ leads one naturally to read, with the Sept., n^N and ^'}P^.? Kaj)htali is a stretched-out,^^ i.e. slender terebinth, the one who gives sends out beautiful tops.'^^ It is Naphtali, not the terebinth, which sends out the tops, which are, then, an expression suggested by the metaphor for the heroes and national leaders sprung from this tribe.^- The metaphor is no longer taken from the world of animals, but from that of plants; ver. 22 is, then, a parallel. Onkelos and Jerome ^^ seem still to have had the reading np^N*.i'i The Massoretic reading ^^ was explained by the older 1 Ewald. - Cf. Bottclicr, Lehrbuch, § G57. 3 Ch. XXX. 13. " Emphatic. ^ Ezek. xxvii. 17; Acts xii. 20; Josh. Antiq. xiv. 10. 6 (cf. also 1 Kings V. 23, 25). 6 Knobel. 7 cf. ver. 13. 8 Peters. 9 Isa. xvii. 6, 9. 10 Cf. Jer. xvii. 8 ; Ezek. xvii. G ; Ps. Ixxx. 12 ; also rh^. 11 Bocliart, Lowtli, Herder, J. 13. Micliaelis, Hensler, Hasse, Justi, Ilgen, Vater, Von Bolilen, Ewald, Olshausen, and others. 12 Judg. iv. 6, V. 18, vi. 35, vii. 23. 1-'' QucEstiones. i4 c.;^^ ^^^^l^, ^^^ ^Y\. G. 1^ Not presupposed at all in Hab. iii. 19 (Delitzscli*), but witnessed to by Aquila, Test. Napht. ch. ii., Targ. ii. and iii. ; Pesli. Vulg. (cf. Jerome, Quccst.). 408, 4(.9] GENESIS XLIX. 22 473 interpreters sometimes of Naplitali's service as messenger, sometimes of the Sopherim of Tiberias, or of tlie Galikean apostles. It involves two separate and unconnected utter- ances. Naplhtali is a released, i.e. unfastened, swift ^ hind, nnhi:* is not stretclied out, i.e. slender,- nor chased out.^^ Tlie swiftness of its heroes and men must be taken as tlie point of the metaphor,"* not its freedom from servitude,-'' for wliich other metaphors were in use. The second sentence, he who (jives heautiful words, is now generally referred to tlie eloquence, the poetical or oratorical gifts of the tribe.^ But there are no proofs of this '' other than the share in the song of Deborah, w^hich Judg. v. 1 ascribes to Barak "iDK' occurs nowhere else. The constellation of the />>', ram, and the punctuation "i5b' ^'}^^, liorned laiiibs^ give no satisfactory meaning to the verse. Yv. 22—26. Joseph, Jacob's favourite son, the great and powerful double tribe,^ next to Judah is most, or even ^^ still more blessed. We can scarcely fail to recognise that the language here is even more cumbrous and antique than in the other utterances, with perhaps the exception of ver. 3 f. It is natural to infer that the poet made use of some older version. ^^ The ancient divine names in ver. 24 confirm this view. Ver. 22 commences with a glance at the fertility, the populousness, of the tribe. As it is even more difficult to take a feminine adjective with a masculine substantive than to speak of the I? or ri2 of plants,^- |3 is to be read for the ^ Job xxxix. 5 ; Clericus, Geseiiius, Tucli, Delitzscli. - Gesenius, Tuch, Stiilielin. ^ Isa. xvi. 2. Knobel. 4 Ps. xviii. 34 ; llab. iii. 19 ; Isa. xxxv. (J ; d. -1 Sam. ii. 18 ; Cant. ii. 9. ^ Delitzscli. '• Rosenmiiller, Stalielin, Scliuinaiiii. Tiicli, Knolicl, Delitzscli, etc. "• Certainly not Deut. xxxiii. •!?>. ^ Zimniern. y Ch. xlviii. 1" Ver. 2G. 11 Ewald, Gcsrhichtc,^ i. 58G f. [Eng. tr. i. 409 f.]. 12 Ps. Ixxx. 16 ; cf. pjv, Job xiv. 7 ; Isa. liii. 2. 474 GENESIS XLIX. 23 F. [469 Massoretic, 1?. nnb, an old form of nnb or nnb/ is neither ]L'r£i, agna, ovicula^ as a play on ^ni^ nor instead of n"jQ^ juvenca^ nor to be read nn2^4 \^^^^ .^ i^^^^^ tree,^ more definitely,^ in view of ver. 6, a fruitful vine.'^ Son of a fruitful vine, i.e. a young fruitful vine, is Joseph. There is a play on the word Q)^?^, the principal branch of the tribe.^ The use of 1? is similar to that of "na m ver. 9. A young and fruitful vine hy a fountain, which has sufficient moisture for its growth.^ Its daughters, i.e. shoots, tendrils, mount upon the wall.^^ Watered beneath and protected by the wall, it spreads luxuriantly as it climbs on the wall. I'J^i^^ would be more distinct, but is not absolutely necessary. It is no advantage to read nnyv ni^n, and nin would have no predicate if nij;v were taken as a relatival construction. The third sing, fem. readily follows a feminine plural denoting things ; ^^ J. Peters ^^ assumes and tries to prove an old third plur. fem. perf. in n__. The readings of the Sept. and Samar. are no help. Tuch ^^ disposes of the wild leasts on the luateli {for preij), or on the wall. 'm' ^^ is an unsuitable reading here ; 'hv, young iy^v) h^, young of a bull),^^ is a pure invention, and the translation, " daughters have marched in procession to a bull," ^^ meaningless. Ver. 23 f. A picture of the troubles brought on the prosperous tribe by its enemies, but victoriously overcome in the power of the God of Jacob. The transition from metaphor to simple speech is not too sudden if we take with us the main idea of the metaphor. The consecutive im- perfect may be intended to express that it was the prosperity 1 Ewald, § ViM. 2 iigen, Vater, Jiisti. 3 Schumann. ^ Peters, Zimmern. ^ Isa. xvii. 6 ; Saadia, Herder, Rosenmiiller, Gesenius, Knobel. ^ Isa. xxxii. 12 ; Ezek. xix. 10 ; Ps. cxxviii. 3. "' Onkelos, Tuch, Ewald, Delitzscli. 8 Ch. xh. 52 ; Hos. xiii. 15. » Ps. i. 3 ; Jer. xvii. 8. 1'^ Ps. xviii. 30. 11 Gesenius,25 145. 4. 1- Hebraica, iii. Ill and v. 190. i^ Genesis,^ 499. 1"* From Deut. xxxiii. 17. i^ Zimmern. 16 Peters. 469,470] GENESIS XLIX. 23 F. 475 of the tribe wliicli was the direct cause of the hostility to it. Tlicn, bow-possessors, hoivmcn, hcccnnc hitler against him, properly treated him bitterly, with enmity, rather than " made him bitter," and shot and showed enmity ^ to him. ^inh, from nm, intransitive pronunciation ; ^ its meaning as in Ps. xviii. 15; nm ^ and nDi are related words> D'^^n "hv^. is against the reading innn^i from nn.^ The Arab tribes^ were famous bowmen, so it is now generally supposed ^ that we have here a reference to attacks on Ephraim and Manasseh, east and west of the Jordan, by Arab neighbours and in- comers,^ as well as by Canaanites,^ both in the period of the Judges. Wars with other Israelite tribes ^^ are not so appropriate ; they were occasioned by Ephraimite arrogance.^^ The language is against any reference to the enmity of Joseph's brethren, as related in ch. xxxvii. ff.^^ It is far from probable that the author was acquainted with a less altered form of the traditions regarding the ancient historical inter- tribal feuds which originally drove Joseph to Egypt.^^ The wars with the Syrians under Benhadad and Hazael ^'^ are a possible reference only if the blessing be viewed as a pro- phecy.^^ They are too remote from the circle of events to which the other utterances confine themselves. But his hoiv, his weapon with which he drove them back,^*^ also, metaphorically, his power,^^ remained in periietuity, i.e. durable and steadfast. ^^ \ copulative, may be used in Semitic 1 Ch. xxvii. 41. 2 Gesenius,25 67 A. 1. 3 Ch. xxi. 20. 4 cf^ ^^^ Job xvi. 13 ; Jer. 1. 29. ^ Samar., Sept. ^' See xxi. 20. ^ E.g. Knobel, Delitzscli.* 8 Judg. vi. ft'. ; 1 Cliroii. v. 18 it « Josh. xvii. 16. 10 Knobel. i^ Judg. viii. 1 f., xii. 1 ft'. 12 Sept. Targg. Rashi, Kiiuclii, Mercenis, Clericus, J. D. MicliaeHs, Teller, Rosenmiiller, and others. 13 Ewald, Geschichte,^ i. 587 f. [Eng. tr. i. 410 f.]. 1-^ Wellhausen, Geschichte, i. 375 ; Stade, (kschichte, 1G5. '5 Luth., Delitzsch.^ ic Cf. xlviii. 22 ; Hos. i. 5. i^ Job. xxix. 20. 18 Ewald, § 2996. 476 GENESIS XLIX. 23 F. [470 idiom, where we apply a category of antithesis, and so expresses our hut, even after a negative.^ So also waw con- secutive,^ as here. aL"'n is only conceivable as predicate to hoiv if, in the older language, the original sense fixiim, stabilem esse (Arabic thctbha tliabbata) was still felt to lie behind tlie usual meaning, set oneself doum. "ij^'ril or ^^'^1 ^ is unsuitable, because in::', unused as a verb, expresses inelastic, not elastic, steadfastness, and because we do not expect such a com- plete verbal idea alongside of i^^i<3. Everything (\ 1\ ^, TTD, \r\^i<2) is against the Septuagint '^^^^\ The combination D^^J ^V^], " hand-ccrms," i.e. arms whose muscular power makes possible the use of the hands in drawing the bow, is unusual, but not, after all, too bold for a poet. TTS, he mohile, active.^ ''TP — need not be replaced by ^^^'P ^ for a comparative construction would be without meaning, and so is at once excluded ; and the real meaning is made clear immediately by C3t^o. The poet, in this crrt^^o?, points out the cause of Joseph's undiminished power of resistance : from the hands of the strong one of Jaeoh, which support and strengthen,^ from tltere, etc. apv"* "i^2t^ — a divine name, which belongs to the earliest period,'^ and is merely a survival from that period in Isa. i. 24, xlix. 26 ; Ps. cxxxii. 2, 5. It is impossible to see why it should originally have signified Bull of Jaeohf even if the punctuation "i^^t; for ">^3^^ may be conjectured to have been intended to guard against such an interpretation.^ It is no other than the God of Jacob Himself who continues to bless Jacob in the person of Joseph. ^sib'^ p^^ nyi DC'b — Q^p gives better sense, and is more 1 Clis. xvii. 5, xlii. 10. 2 Q]^g ^ix. 9, xxxii. 31. 3 Knobel. 4 ggg Gesenius, Thesanrns, 1097. ^ Lagarde, Onomas.^ ii. 97; Olsliaiisen. c Ex. xvii. 12. Ewald. " Chs. xvii. 1, xxi. 33, xxxi. 13, 42. ^ Wellhausen, Geschichte, i. 298 ; Stade, and others. ^ ZATJF. iii. 124. 47l] GENESIS XLIX. 25 477 forcible than Dtro ; i it refers to the heavens, and is explained by nyh, (from) the shepherd. Even better is the rendering indc nhi est pastor, like txp, cj) quo tempore, xxxix. Br The Massoretes regard ^xnL-^ px as in apposition to ^V\ There are, then, two divine names: Shepherd'^ and Stone of Israel, elsewhere -sv^} But nyi is incomprehensible without the article or a following h^-^'^ ; and God is nowhere else named pN\ It is better, therefore, to read 'J^ nn, Shepherd of the Stone of Israel,^ in which the reference is to xxviii. 18 f., 22, and XXXV. 14, and the meaning practically God of Bethel,^' except that the God of the shepherd hero is now, still more appropriately. Himself named Shepherd, in the sense of xlviii. 15. It is thus a divine name used by the house of Jacob in the earliest times. Bottcher's correction, nv'"i "ipb'p, makes an unnecessary addition, and aSI^^ ^22, my ^pb'p ^ contains ideas from a later stage of the religious develop- ment. ?J<"ib*' ^''i?^5 ny'is anticipates ver. 25a. Everything from ^T^ onwards is rightly connected in the textus receiJtus with ver. 24a. A reference to the source of Joseph's undiminished power is here appropriate. In ver. 25ff. it is carried on for a moment still, and then passes quickly into invocations of blessing. May the same God who has helped him hitherto give him also the bless- ings which follow. Ver. 25. From the God of your father^ — may He help you then}^ and ivith ^^ the help of the Almighty — may He bless you then. For ^ik^ without h^, see Num. xxiv. 4, 16. The reading nsi is uncertain ; the alternative ^i<"! ^^ ig preferred by many,^^ 1 Pesh., Onk., Teller, Mich., Dathe, Ilgen, Oettli. 2 Ewald, § 332(? ; Tucli. ^ Ch. xlviii. 15 ; Ps. Ixxx. 2, xxiii. 1. ^ Ps. xviii. 32 ; 1 Sam. ii. 2 ; Deut. xxxii. 4 ; Isa. xxx. 29. '^ Herder, Ewald. *^ Ch. xxxi. 13. '" Lagarde, Olsliansen. '^ Oettli in Schweizer Theol. Zeitsch. 1885, p. 147 f. •> Chs. xxxi. 5, 42, xlviii. 15 ; Ex. xv. 2, xviii. 4. ^0 Ewald, § 347a. ^^ Ch. iv. 1. 12 Sept. Samar. Pesh. (Vulg.), Saadia, and even some Heb. codd. 13 Pluschke, Vater, Justi, Bleek, Gesenius, Hit/ig, Tueli, Ewald, Kautzsch-Socin, 478 GENESIS XLIX. 26 [471,472 because ns* is here somewhat surprising. There is no evi- dence for riSD.i p might continue to be the governing preposition before ^^ ; '^ there is no analogy for its doing so before ns ( = nvSD). 'Jl nDia — accusative of specification after ~J3"13^1 ^ : toit/i blessings of the sky above,^ deWj rain, sunshine,-'' with blessings of the deei^ which lies beneath^ springs and fountains, brooks and rivers, which issue from the underground D^nn ; in short, with fertiUty of the soil/ With blessings of the breasts and of the womh, with fertility among living beings,^ both men and animals ; not to be limited ^ to milk and the increase of herds. Ver. 26. But he is loaded with yet greater blessings than the mere fertility of land and people. According to the Massor- etic text,^*^ the statement is, that Jacob's blessing on Joseph is greater and more efficacious than that with which his parents blessed him or were blessed.^^ The clause a^ allows of very various interpretations, according to the meaning assigned to nij, and is his continuation of xlviii. 3-7.^ The indications of authorship are " the distinct reference to the earlier part of ^'s narrative, the expanded style, the vocabu- lary,^ the connection with his later statement in 1. 1 2 f. and the variation from xlvii. 29-31, where, in C, Joseph alone receives injunctions regarding Jacob's burial." ^ Ver. 29f.io Dnis n'^^ is wanting in the Sept., but see 1 1 Sam. ix. 21 ; Judg. xxi. 6. 2 "'JO^C' previously in ver. 16. 2 Delitzsch ; cf. 2 Sam. xxiii. 21. ^ Knobel. s yet see also xli. 11 f. [B]. ^ Knobel, Sclirader, Kautzscli-Socin. ^ See note on xlviii. 7. ^ Via, n^nx, visybx ^idk:, and jyaD pi<. ^ Knobel. lo See notes on xxv. 8 and cli. xxiii. DILLMANN. — II. 3 I 482 GENESIS XLIX. 31-33 [473, 474 ver. 33. Ver. h is maintained by some to be a gloss ;^ certainly either it or ver. 32 is superflnous. ^eybx — the analogy of other passages would lead us to expect ''^y'i'^i',2 but there is no doubt that Dy, also, might express clan, kmsfolk.^ mi>>n — riDp I'^'t; — in 1. 13 also; it is unnecessary to regard "i::\s as meaning luhcrc,^ or to translate nib'n~ns, along ivith the field. ^ Ver. 31. With the statement regarding Sarah and Abraham, compare chs. xxiii. 19 and xxv. 9. In xxxv. 29 Isaac's place of burial is not named. The burials of Eebecca and Leah are not recorded in Genesis. Regarding Eachel, see the note on xlviii. 7. Ver. 32. The words, the 'piece of ground iJUTcha?,ed from the Hittites along ivith the cave in it, hardly connect them- selves naturally with HD^^,^ and are clumsy in themselves. They are, perhaps, a gloss which passes back over ver. 31 to attach itself to ver. 3 Oh. Ver. 33. nipDn — ^oi^\ a reference to xlviii. 2 (xlvii. 31), and so from C. The rest of the verse is from A. The view that v^n-bs"") also belongs to C, with "H?.?^, however, instead of n^V?,^ is untenable, if only because xlix. 2-27 is not a riDns, and the nana in ver. 28h is from A, not C. The fact is that niv^ hy) has its complete justification in A, because in xlviii. 3-6 and xlix. 29-32 Jacob's last wishes are expressed, and for this the technical expression was no other than ni^, Jacob spoke all that has been just recorded while seated on his bed. Now he draws his feet back on to the bed and dies. A has already given his age in xlvii. 28. 1 Olshausen, Delitzscli,^ Budde. 2 ZATW. viii. 281. 3 g^e xvii. 14. * Num. XX. 13 ; Buttclier, Olshausen, Delitzscli'*. ^ Delitzscli^ ; see, on the contrary, the note onxiii. 16, and Gesenius,-^ 148. 1, footnote 1. 6 Kautzsch-Socin. 7Budde, if^r^F. iii. 72ff. 4 474] genesis l 483 5. Jacob's Burial and Joseph's Death, Ch. L. ; from A, L\ and C. Joseph has Jacob's body embalmed in Egyptian fashion, and his brothers and many Egyptians accompany liim to the interment in the ancestral burying-place at Hebron. The brotliers are afraid of Joseph's vengeance after their father's death, but he allays their fears and continues to provide for their needs with a brother's kindness. He dies at the age of 110, after living to see his descendants of the third genera- tion. His body also is embalmed, and is preserved in a coffin.^ ^'s share in this narrative is no more than ver. 1 2 f ., which records the sequel of xlix. 29 ff. The chronological statement of vv. 22 and 26 is, doubtless, not from him, seeing he would have written D''JC^ ^m njty DND. Vv. 4-11 and 14 belong with equal certainty to C, for they relate the sequel to the command of xlvii. 29 ff. expressly referred to in ver. 5. The vocabulary^ is also evidence for C. The introduction in vv. 1—Aaa may be due to B, and, if so, has been somewhat remodelled by E (hii,'!^^ in ver, 2). It may, however, have been composed by C on the basis of B, who was best acquainted with Egyptian affairs (cf. ver. 26 with ver. 2 f.). Vv. 15-26, in the next place, are from B. This is his conclusion to the history of Joseph, which he has narrated wdth such warm interest. The key to this interest of his is given in ver. 20 (cf. xlv. 7). The special proofs of his authorship are found in the divergent chronology, which may be detected in ver. 21 ; in the connection of vv. 24-26 with Ex. xiii. 19, Josh. xxiv. 32, and Gen. xxxiii. 19 ; in the use of DM^jx (vv. 19 f., 24 f.), and of the expressions ^3^3 (ver. 21), r\'m, (ver. 20), ^J^^ D^•^i'x nnnn (ver. 19), ■•a^B'by (ver. 23). But a few phrases have been added by B, 1 Kuobel. - 'yV2 in ^nSV^ i<3 DN and 'd ^JTXn im (ver. 4), pi (ver. 8), 3Dn and D^tJhD (ver. U), 133 (vv. U-11), Xip p'i^y (ver. 11). 484 GENESIS L. 1-3 [474, 475 from a parallel text of C's, in particular in vv. 18, 21, im^l DaWy, and in ver. 24, ':) V2Cb nC'X. Ver. 1. When Jacob expires Joseph throws himself on his face, and laments and kisses him. ':n i^s^i corresponds to C's ViNI^-^V ^^^-^ Comp. further, xlvi. 4. Ver. 2. He then orders his subordinate physicians to embalm the body. " Homer ^ even was acquainted with the medical fame of Egypt. Its physicians were a numerous class,^ who formed part of the priesthood,^ and had their special books.^ Joseph had some in his service owing to his position as first minister of the crown,^ and a leading member of the priestly caste.''' Embalming (rapf^eveiv, TapLxevaL<;) was an Egyptian custom," associated with the belief in an unbroken connection of soul and body. " It was the professional and paid occu- pation of a special class (rapt'^evTal). Various methods were practised.^ The bodies of both Jacob and Joseph (ver. 26) were made mummies. This is not said to have been the case with any other Hebrew. Embalmment among the later Jews'** was somewhat different." Ver. 3. " Forty days are spent on the embalming. This is in harmony with Diodorus' ^*^ statement, that there was required for the process, e^* rjfjbepa^ TrXecov; tcop rptdKovra (var. TeTTapaKovra)." ^^ But Herodotus ^^ makes it more than seventy days. Confusion with the period of mourning ^^ can hardly be the explanation of this difference. The time may have varied for individuals and localities.^^ For the use of i^.^p, see XXV. 24, xxix. 21. 1 Chs. xxxiii. 4, xlv. 14, xlvi. 29. ^ Qd. iv. 231 f. 3 Herod, ii. 84, iii. 1, 129. * Diog. Laer. iii. 1. 8. 5 Diod. i. 82 ; Clem, of Alex. Strom, vi. p. 634. « Ch. xli. 40. 7 ch. xli. 45. 8 "Her. ii. 86 ff.; Diod. i. 91. See Friedricli, Zur Bibel, ii. ]99f.; Winer,3 i 307 f. » ; Ebers in Rielim, HJFB. 352 f. 9 John xix. 39 f. 10 i. 91. 11 Knobel. 12 n 86, 88. 13 Tucli ; Hengstenberg, Mose u. Acgypten, }>. 70. Knobel. 1* See Winer. 475] GENESIS L. 4 F. 485 The seventy days of mourning for Jacob certainly include the forty days spent on embalming. Aaron and Moses were lamented by Israel for thirty days.i But the Egyptians are the mourners here. Their period of mourning for a king was seventy-two days." Their mourning for Jacob at all, and for so long a time, was out of respect for Joseph (accord- ing to the author's idea).^ Ver. 4f. After the period of mourning is over, Joseph arranges that the king should be asked to permit him to escort his father's body to Canaan, and to bury him in the grave he has prepared; for he had sworn to his father to do this.* The reason of his availing himself of the inter- mediation of the courtiers, instead of making the request himself, is not that he was no longer minister,^ nor even that he was himself mourning beyond the Egyptian period and could not suitably appear before the king in mourning dress.^ More probably it was not usual to take steps in a matter which personally concerned the minister, without the intermediation of other exalted personages. n'?3,7 in XXXV. 8 n^33. 'ji ^{j D^^ see note on xviii. 3. '2 'mi, xliv. 18 ; DD ''d:x r]:in, xlviii. 21; omitted in the Sept. Tin^ — most probably dug,^ seeing a grave is in question ; ^ bought 10 is less natural. In either case surprising when com- pared with xlvii. 30. It naturally suggests itself that another grave than that of Makhpelah is here intended, and that xlvii. 30 is a correction by B in favour of A}^ A 1 Num. XX. 29 ; Deut. xxxiv. 8 ; cf. Dent. xxi. 23. 2 Diod. i. 72. 3 Eegarding the mourning customs of the Egyi^tians, see Herod, ii. 85 ; Diod. i. 91 ; Wilkinson [1878, iii. 423 f., 439 ff.], series 1, i. 256. 4 Ch. xlvii. 31. ^ Bunsen ; see to the contrary, ver 21. ^ Ch. xli. 14 ; Esth. iv. 2 ; Schumann, Hengstenberg, Knobel, Del- itzsch, Keil. The words 'ji iiny^l are against this view. ' Ewald, § I86h. 8 Q^ xxvi. 25. » Cf. 2 Chron. xvi. 14 ; Sept. Vulg. Targ. of Jonath., Saadia, Grace. Ven. 10 Cf. Deut. ii. G ; Onkelos, Pesh., Von Bohlen, Knobel. 11 Wellhausen. 486 GENESIS L. G-IOF. [475, 47G grave in the piece of ground purchased beside Shechem (xxxiii. 19) has been thought of.^ But xxxiii, 19 is from B, not G^ and 1. 4—11 from C, not B\'^ and a grave of Jacob in Shechem would not find a place among C's Judean tradi- tions. Besides, it would be remarkably inconsequent on it's part to alter (7's text in xlvii. 30 for the sake of ^'s, and yet leave 1. 5 in unaltered contradiction with A. We must rather assume that the expression under discussion is chosen in accordance with Egyptian ideas. Besides, as a matter of fact, the i^i? of each individual required to be specially pre- pared in the family vault. Vv. 6-9. The king gives his consent, and the company sets out. " The officials * of the court and country join in Joseph's escort of the body. Jacob's whole family, excepting women and children, go too ; and there are chariots and horsemen (as escort and protection). The whole makes an imposing cortege, and thus the patriarch is honoured when he dies." ^ After nyns -i?05<^i the Sept. adds tw ' Iwatjcj). f\\2, see xlv. 19. D"'EJ''iD, regarding the historical difficulty here, see commentary on Ex. xiv. 9.^ Ver. 1 0 f. " When they reach the place called Thornfloor ^ they commence, in Jacob's honour, a lament, that was great and heavy. It lasted seven days, the ordinary period of mourning,^ and was seen and heard by the native inhabitants, who give the place the name D^i^*o ?3S (luetics ^gyptiorum). The punctuators have not given the author's pronunciation ^ of this new name, but read D''"iVO 73X {pratum JEgyiMontm, the Egyptian meadoid)!' ^^ The place is otherwise unknown. 1 Kayser, Urgeschichte, p. 35 ; Briiston in ZATW. vii. 202 fF. 2 Kayser. ^ Bruston. * pt, of dignity, as in xxiv. 2. ^ Kuobel. ^> [Also j). 20 above.] ^ The buckthorn threshing-floor. ^ 1 Sam. xxxi. 13 ; Judith xvi. 24 ; Sirach xxii. 12. 9 Sept. Vulg. 10 Knobel. 470,477] GENESIS L. 10 F. 487 Egyptian mcadoio no longer requires to be explained by reference to its Egyptian-like fertility.^ Abundant room is given for an historical explanation of such a name by the long period of Egyptian domination in Palestine during pre- Mosaic times, which is now known to us from tlie Tell- Amarna letters. The Israelites gave their own explanation of the name by linking it with the history of Joseph. It can only have been because legend had already connected tlie name and the incident that C admitted the incident into his history. According to the text, the place lay '{^'\'r^ '\2V2. As the author did not write on the east side of the Jordan, this can only mean on the east side of Jordan, perhaps near the river in the 'Arabah. A statement of Jerome's ^ has led, indeed, to its being looked for ^ in other localities,^ and an inference in favour of them has been drawn from the use of ^3^33 n/' But w^e do not know the source of Jerome's statement, and it is hazardous to prefer it to our text, still more to assume ^ that p-i^n was at one time read ^nan, i,e. D^VD bm. The text points to a locality east of Jordan ; and if it was not too far from the Jordan, we may understand ''3VJ2n— ^ii^l as meaning that spectators on the western bank were able to view what went on on the other side. The alternative is to regard ^jyjDH as a gloss. Such a view presents less difticulty than that which regards the twice-repeated 'n nnyn nc't^ as an interpolation. The writer gives no explanation of why the way round the Dead Sea should have been preferred to the 1 Cf. xiii. 10; Hitzig, Isaiah, 227; Tucli, Knobel. 2 Onomasticon, suh area Atad : lacus trans Jordanem in quo planxerunt quondam Jacob, tertio ab Hierico lapide, duolnis niilibus a Jordane (pii nunc vocatur Bethagla. ^ By Knobel, Raum., and others. ^ In rh^n n^Zl (Josh. xv. 6, xviii. 19, 21), the modern ' Ain llajla, about an hour north-west of the mouth of the Jordan, and Kasr Hajla, 1} hour south-east of Jericho (Berggren. Reisen, iii. 110 f.; Seetzen, ii. 302 f.; Robinson, Palestine^ [i. 544], Cierm. tr. 51011'.; De Saulcy, Voy. ii. 147 ff. ; Gadow in ZDMG. ii. 59). ^ Cf. xii. 6. ^' Bunsen. 488 GENESIS L. 12-15 [477 direct road from Egypt by Ehinocolura and Beersheba'. Doubtless he gave the matter no consideration. We are certainly not to suppose that any tradition made n^xn pJ Jacob's place of burial.^ It would necessarily have received mention elsewhere in the legends about Jacob if that had been so ; and ver. 5, in any case, is not a reference to it. There seems no necessity for regarding '}) V2^h '^T) as a doublet to ver. 10«." For snp p-^y see note on xxxiii. 17. Ver. 1 2 f. A quotation from A is made to conclude the narrative. It is apparent that B thought that the actual interment was the work of the sons of Jacob alone, and not of the Egyptians ; as if it were inadmissible that the foreign element in the company should enter the holy land of promise.^ A's authorship of ver. 12 f., which was originally the sequel of xlix. 33, is proved by vn in ver. 12, instead of 2pv^ ^J3, by the fulness of statement regarding Makhpelah,* by the absence of any special prominence assigned to Joseph, the use of n-tnx, and the resemblance of ver. 12 to vi. 22.^ — See, further, note on xlix. 40. Ver. 14. After the interment Joseph returns home with the whole company which set out with him (vv. 7-9). Here again Joseph plays the leading part, and the Egyptians rejoin him. Ver. 15. 5 now takes up the narrative. The brothers are afraid that after their father's death Joseph will no longer feel any restraint in requiting on them their wrong- doing. With ver. h comp. 1 Sam. xxiv. 18. li^pb'' ^ V — if lie were to display enmity against us ; supply the apodosis, it would go badly with us ; similarly, Ps. xxvii. 13.'^ So the Versions, iirj iroTe, ^"chi. The equally possible reading Sh, of Jiim,^ has been avoided by the Massoretes because it would make the brothers' fear a certainty. 1 Kautzscli-Socin. 2 Kautzscli-Socin. ^ Tiicli. 4 gee xxiii. 20. ^ Knoljel. c chs. xxvii. 41, xlix. 23. ' Ewald, § 358«. « Ch. XX. 13 ; Ps. iii. 3, Ixxi. 10 ; Judg. ix. 54. 477,478] GENESIS L. 10-19 F. 489 Ver. 16 f. To make sure of their position, they commis- sioned 1 (deputies) to him to remind him of their father's express command, and to ask his forgiveness for the past. It remains uncertain whether or not B had previously recorded this command of Jacob's ; it would be suilicient to mention it here for the first time. "nV"), Sept. KOI Trapayevofjievoi, Pesh. U"ip"i, but not in harmony with "idx^ (nor ver. 18). ^^^^, oh, still;- again in the Pentateuch only in Ex. xxxii. 31 (in C). i^b:, forgive;'^ bxb:,^ with the sin as object,-'' is a variation only. Servants of the God of your father, they worshipped the same God ; and this was a further reason why he should hear them. Joseph weeps, because they think him capable of this and misunderstand him so greatly,^ or rather out of compassion for his brothers, whose evil consciences make them so afraid of him. Q"[?"l?, subject the dejmties, by whom we have, doubtless, to understand some of the brothers. Ver. 18. Then his brothers also, i.e. his other brothers, come to him, humble themselves before him, and offer them- selves to him as his slaves (as in xliv. 16 in C). This act of submission can hardly be made to harmonise quite with the petition for forgiveness, and the verse may be regarded as an insertion from 0. IDb'l, unobjectionable (see ver. 16); it ought not to be changed ^ to I3?.'l 1''^^5-D3, if translated his hrothers themselves, would imply that the deputies were strangers. Ver. 1 9 f . He speaks encouragingly to them. Am I in God's plaeef he says, have I the power and right to act Providence and inflict retribution ? He has no wish to interfere with God's own action. The brothers had planned evil against him, but God had planned it for good, and so had guided it to serve a good purpose, to do as it now 1 Isa. X. G ; Jer. xxvii. 4. 2 Ewald, § 2G2a. 3 Ch. xviii. 24. * As Ex. xxiii. 21 ; Josh. xxiv. 19 (in B). 5 Ewald, § 282(;. « Knobel, Keil. ' Vater. ^ As in xxx. 2 ; Sept. Pesh. have no n, the Samar. no '•3. 490 GENESIS L. 21-23 [478 is/ to preserve ^ mncli pco2ole. " The brothers' evil intentions have been sufficiently punished by their experiences in ch. xlii. ff. If Joseph were to seek to punish them further he would be interfering with tlie providence of God, who had willed Joseph's coming to Egypt for the preservation of His chosen. — For nbi; see xlviii. 11." Ver. 21. " He will care for their preservation as God had purposed. This statement and the r\]r] DV3 of ver. 20 read as if the famine still continued.^ According to the chron- ology of xlvii. 28, it had long ago reached its conclusion."^ B clearly assigned Jacob's death to an earlier date than A. — D^fj hv, xxxiv. 3. Ver. 22. Joseph and the house of Jacob remain in Egypt, Joseph reaches the age of 110, like his descendant Joshua ; ^ comp. p. 3 5 3 f . According to Egyptian ideas, the duration of a complete human life, and one which was blessed, was 110 years.^ ':i Ti^l — makes the transition to ver. 23, and need not be an interpolation,^ nor to be from C^ along with ver. 25. Ver. 23. Joseph "lived to ^qq w^h^^ ^'^2, filios tertiorum, great-grandsons from Ephraim, and from Manasseh also ; p as in xliv. 20."^ D''^^;'::',^^ children of the third generation, their common ancestor not being included ; ^^ W\:h'^ ^J3 are there- fore great-great-grandchildren,^^ elsewhere called Ci'^J^^i.. But the Sept. Vulg. Pesh. and Targ. give great-grandchildren,^^ and may have read Q^JS, like the Samar., or have regarded ^ See Comm. on Dent. ii. 30. 2 Ch. xlv. 7. 2 "Chs. xlv. 11, xlvii. 12 " ; Delitzscli^ contests this without effect. 4 Knobel. ^ Josh. xxiv. 29. ^ As early as in Papyrus Prisse, and later ; L. Stern in BAgZ. 1873, p. 75 f. ; Krall in VIL Orient. Congr., 1886, Egypto-African section, p. 110. ^ Kautzscli-Socin. ^ Kittel. » Knobel. 10 Ex. XX. 5, xxxiv. 7 ; Num. xiv. 18 ; Deut. v. 9. 11 Ex. xxxiv. 7. 12 Ewald, Alterthiimer, 225 [Eng. tr. 169, note 1] ; Keil. 13 Tuch, Knobel, Delitzsch 478, 479] GENESIS L. 24-2G 491 the construct as in apposition to D"'IJ^^C\^ Their interpretation is supported by what is told us of Manasseh. " Ephraini is put first because in xlviii. 8 ff. he received the principal blessing." ^ The more concrete form of the statement regarding Manasseli is chosen because of the fame of Makhir. On Joscplis hues — they were born. He took the new- born children on to his lap,^ and so recognised them as his descendants. We cannot suppose that adoption in the sense of xlviii. 5 f., and in contradiction with that passage, is intended.* The Samaritan has simply ^d^3 for ^:D"in-^y, and Kautzsch-Socin prefer this. The special mention of Joseph's acting thus in the case of Makhir's sons arises ^ from the important position which Makhir held in the land east of Jordan.*^ Ver. 24 f. On the approach of death ^ Joseph exacts an oath from his kinsmen that they will one day take his bones to Canaan. His hrothers, best taken to mean his fellow- tribesmen (comp. ver. 25), as in xxxi. 23.^ It is implied that Joseph knew they would one day leave Egypt ; see xlvi. 4 and xlviii. 21. V3p, see xlvii. 29 f. npD^ nps, Ex. xiii. 19, iii. 16 (in B) ; see also Gen. xxi. 1. ':i nrtc pt< h^ is a phrase of 6"s or i^'s." Ver. 26. Joseph is embalmed after death, as Jacob had been (ver. 2), and is laid in a coffin. For Db"''''! see note on xxiv. 33. |niX usage of, i. 225. T]X after all, ii. 204. only, ii. 235. ^JJC poiver, ii. 259. ^X = 3, ii. 122. regarding, ii. 119. DX in oath, ii. 52. not causal, ii. 427. C'lJK usage of, i. 208. pN meanings, ii. 203, 372. niVIX, ii. 203. -)E;^{ because, i. 242, ii. 297. governed by prepos., ii. 260. when, ii. 363. 3, because of, ii. 101. distributive, i. 280, 296. mter or cum, i. 292. instrumentalis, i. 295. of norm, i. 79. of particularisation, i. 246. jjretii, i. 295. rir:)r]2 meanings,i.77,244,292,ii. 299. hi^ sin euphemistic, i. 241. of news, ii. 99 (i. 269). Di"'3 meaning, i. 113. D\1^« '':3, i. 233 ff. n'^\:h^ "'JD, ii. 490 f. nV\>2 usage, i. 391. nD-13 gift, ii. 284. 0^ position, ii. 399. with verb, ii. 255. p, i. 121, 136, note 1. D''Nin love-ap'ples, ii. 242. -in, ii. 64. 'qi'l pregnant use, i. 165. meanings, ii. 114. n ^?1^ (=t5>n), ii. 163. nan local, ii. 384. 1 adversative, ii. 475 f. nh = -ii5>, 1.410. T T T JpT of position, ii. 159. n TI of inanimate objects, ii. 207. TI pointing, ii. 384. \m^ ii. 429, note 1. y"l is y\\2 idiom, ii. 168 (cf. i. 138 f. -)XS ii. 367. yT* euphemistically, i. 183. other meanings, i. 306. □i'' ijeriod of time, i. 64, 165. n''3in meanings, ii. 124, 163. Qi^"' indefinite use, i. 185. "linn iiiiirit, ii, 456. ns ijroduce, i. 192, ii. 453. ••3 uses of, i. 205. Di'3 in the first iMce, ii. 198. 500 I. GENERAL INDEX ^'p def. in itself, i. 76, 292. every kind of,\. 121, note 14, n?3 daughter-in-law, i. 412. n^3 make ready, i. 90. -1133, i. 202. h p against, ii. 26. because of, i. 206. for, i. 195. in reference to, ii. 119. namely, i. 296. of agent, ii. 51. of norm, ii. 26, 285. of product, ii. 392. temporal, i. 155, note 2. various uses, i. 293. Dn? a meal, ii. 268. corn-food, i. 164. femin., ii. 472. ('J1 DD^) "^h otiose, ii. 9. i^Q^ a^ the choice of, ii. 24. of norm, i. 268. under the care of, ii. 88. with -i^nnn, ii. 81. n")n> >:tb, ii. 214. hsp etymology, i. 272. DnyiD meaning, i. 72. *is|2 prepos. use, i. 294. (mn^) InSjd, ii. 132, 280, 441. naxi??:) pro2)erty, ii. 285. JO and infin., ii. 69. at the end of, i. 185. away from, i. 191. in comparisons, i. 193. particularising, i. 233. partitive, i. 185. privative, ii. 219. selective, i. 157. nnjD sacrificial gift, i. 135. tributary present, ii. 276. DD, ii. 468. ''^B'O owing to, i. 269. njpD meaning, i. 201. 7\T\^^ usage, ii. 102. 3 5<3, ii. 93 f. ni?33 of sexual offence, ii. 291. -in: Euphrates, ii. 257. n^3 earlier ij, i. 196. ^23 alight, ii. 188. yOJ, i. 391. y ^3 ny, ii. 462. liy, ii. 420. n^^V, i. 202 f . ^y m addition to, ii. 223. in front of, ii. 93. 97iore ^/t«/i, ii. 443, note 1. with n^V, i. 137, ii. 21. rhv figur. use, ii. 421. of growth, ii. 460. livy without article, ii. 50. '-\'g^\ p hv usage, i. 352. Dy, ii. 116, 482. D"'?iiy {Israelite) tribes, ii. 222 (462). kinsmen, ii. 86. peoples, ii. 462. DhV, i. 146. ac^y, i. 70, 86. S "JS absolute use, i. 168. P ^ip /i«ryl-, i. 191. sound, i. 155. pp as ajopellative, i. 183. ]'p destruction, i. 269. nvp ^ofa/, ii. 422. i<-)p = n-|p, ii. 381. r\]:i''t'[^, ii. 292. I. GENERAL INDEX 501 ns"l intend, ii. 121. n^ll meaning, i. 236, ii. 409. p-) meaning, ii. 121. mbs i. 114. n^bs i. 114. DC', i. 392 f. ns DDL*', ii. 294. npti^ 'n-pOTTif^TTSiU, ii. 21. ytDC' understand, ii. 385. p:>' meaning, i. 280. n Dinn, i. 44, 58, 277 f., 47l Dn, ii. 197. 11. LEXICAL INDEXES ^( rnw, ii. 288, 296. n^HN, ii. 76, 84. n^N^), i. 245, 274. D\nf)W i. 27, 56. ^■ntr hii, ii. 79. VBV'bi^ e]DN*:, ii. 173. ^J£)-lN(n), ii. 210 (cf. 193). 1J;3D pN% ii. 412. 3 3 (of particularisation), i. 246, 280. ^"•^nn, i. 61. 'B nba, ii. 411, 413 (cf. 238). lyjD m^n, ii. i60. nn ':2, ii. 153. ''\:i:'\2, ii. 76, 85. N-13, ii. 55, 67, 244. inj, i. 279. V% i. 245. -T 1 na-n, ii. 338, note 8. n^D*l, i. 211. ni-^/i. 267. n D^^i5X^-nx i-^nnn, i. 224. rivsm D''^ot:'n, i. 94 (cf. ii4). r ^t*V DNT, ii. 384, 407. -IDti i- 281, ii. 127. LINGUISTIC USAGES OF A (P). (nnp^^i) 13T, i. 84, 276. ^?'T!n^* ^pJ^lKlX i. 245, ii. 76. inx lynr, ii.'4i6. n n;n, i. 245. Y'^i^in, i. 223. 'D ^>n ""J::^ ""DS ii. 173. DY ^N^S ii. 411. 2^\ ii. 24. 3 Cb3, i. 27, 80. -ib^n-b, i. 245, 268, 280. ■I3ri53, ii. 76. 'Jl C'DM nn")3J, ii. 76, 85. Dnnni?, ii. 76, 84. WB^b, ii. 22, 23. D3^nnSL*'»!?, ii. 245. ])^^, i. 384. n«D ^^?^D, i. 246, 280. nxp, ii. 126. Onin, ii. 76, 84. 'J1 D3i> i^iisn, ii. 288. pp, i. 70 f., 76. n>S)3^(n), ii. 156. ljpf2, ii. 202. mpD, i. 27, 68. mpO, ii. 76. II. LEXICAL INDEXES 503 nab, ii. 194. L'»S3, ii. 13, 31. n>n C'D:, i. 77, 142. N>bo, ii. 294 (181). nn3 |n3, i. 273. ^i:)!' in:, ii. 88. V D^iy (in genitive), ii. 7G. QVy, i. 245. -I33n ny, ii. 26. nb-y 15— f^bs bT'i, i- 274. Dnx pS, ii. 193. nan nns, i. 245. D^y, i. 211. D^rsy ^np, ii. 222. D^p, ii. 151, 156. nna D^pn, i. 245 273. }*pp, ii. 377. pip, ii. 252. ^N* Nip, ii. 451. n D^>n nn, i. 118. C'tlDI, ii. 13, 31. DDn, ii. 13. bp7 Jind b7p-l, i. 246, 292. b' (?) nniD na^L's ii. 55. (n'-n^^n) nn^s i. 245, ii. 25. 'S "'*n ""itiS ii. 151. pC' and pt*', i. 27, 75. nni^in, i. 93. atj^'in, ii. 151. LINGUISTIC USAGES OF B {Ey (only) r^^,u. 211 (cf. 204). D\-l(3X, ii. 127. nON, ii. 117, 125. (or ^) i5,s -lox, ii. 118, note 1, 119. ^Jjn ^i) IDN^I, ii. 336. nDN(n), ii. 31. 2 DnD3, ii. 211. ny^2, ii. 366. 12, ii. 372. -iinya, ii. 211, 213 (cf. i. 97). -i^ya, ii. 407. n 'd ':'V2 mn, ii. 403. ]]}C, ii. 402, 407. 1^% ii. 380. ':2'}2-bv ni^S ii- 483. 2pV\ ii. 380 (cf. 434). (nsn?D) -isn nSS ii. 232, 236. (local) nb, ii. 140, 143. ^2^3, ii. 426. 33^ 11. 120. D\-lks IN'i'^, ii. 132. nnbb'O, ii. 232, 236. IDC'D, ii. 380. : (permit) jnj, ii. 120, note 9. y (?) "TXn-ry, ii. 211, 218. nilN-^y, ii. 129. Ip]}^, ii. 232. 1 See also General Index under B. 504 II. LEXICAL INDEXES 3 yj2, ii. 224. D nnv, ii. 380. V n"lV, ii. 380. ]l^p{n\ ii. 232. P 3 N"lp^, ii. 433. D^DH-l, ii. 232. 1 pnnn, ii. 127. '):h Q'b, ii. 127, 130. pb', ii. 380. im D^C^n, ii. 336. -lp33 D^^rn, ii. 224 (Lut cf. 91). 3 yrot:', ii. 12G, 214. n \y^r\, ii. 232. LINGUISTIC USAGES OF G (J). nmx, i. 249, 286, 385. ^^^S, ii. 67, 69. int^'KI C^'WN i. 249 (cf. 84, 276). ;?3S, ii. 372. (nks = ) i^N, ii. 91, 103. isHsS i. 249. nnri?pN*, ii. 386. (adv.) :]X, ii. 91. psxnn, ii. 402. ins, i. 180. 2 d^O^a N'3, ii. 91, 96. i?!?:^, ii. 16, 19. ••jnx '2, ii. 394. n;3, ii. 215. "•jy^DH m^n, ii. ico. -linys, i. 97 (cf. ii. 211). nin'' T]n3, ii. 201, note 4. 3 -j-in^, ii. 9. non h'i:n, ii. 9i. D3— D^ ii. 425 (421). C'la, i. 97. 1 pn, ii. 288, 294. 2h (or n) ^N* -131, ii. 158, 211 (cf. 484). 'a \:jTX3 -131, ii. 483, note 2. -in, i. 267. (interj.) nin, i. 392, ii. 343. W mn, ii. 18. nysin, i. 97, ii. 419. T VJpT 6 or p), ii. 127. nvin(n), ii. 59. (?) ,Tn, i. 276 (cf. 274). rMbn n*n, i. 96, 141. \r2 nWn, ii. 390. hnn, i. 230, 232. nOXI non, ii. 158, 165. nvn, ii. 273. (nn-in) nin, ii. 28O, 287. ^ nin, i. 187, ii. 288. (of beauty) niD, i. 230, 233. DItO, ii. 91, 102. (portions) r\)l\ ii. 425 (396). n.T, see nnn. nins i. 2oa Pj-pin, i. 181. J^2;n, ii. 391, 419. 1VV i. 97. ir, i. 230, 243. II. LEXICAL INDEXES 505 U^p\ i. 248, 276. ni?xr -ns ii. 341, note 9. nnin, ii. 406. "ly^j'n-nx m', a. 158. i?K"lbN ii. 390, 433, note 4. l^\ ii. 355 (158, 309). nb X'\SD, ii. 211. 12:2, ii. 419 (390). n^xn DnmD, ii. 351, 358. p-i'y ^D, ii. 91, 95. p-lM -133, ii. 26. inNH -irb, ii- 10, 91. ^n-p3, i. 249. HDixn mnsc'b-b, ii. 9, 10. n^3, ii. 217, note 3. ii. 390, note 12. n'-C'D' i6 p, ii. 288. 21J2 -iSD^-xi?, ii. C7, 72. 'rk2h, i. 97. U'D'b, i. 249, 276. n\ nob, ii. 91. 31 n -sS ii. 288, 300. Dpi?, ii. 425. nx-ipb (p"l), ii. 91, 93. D rxp, ii. 351, 355. JN?3, ii. 434, 442. nxr nc, i. 97 (cf. ii. 387). nDn?:)nn, ii. 390. nnc, i. 230. b)2J2n >ip, i. 248, 273. ])b^, ii. 386. Dn^y^p, ii. 419, 421. ^?^^p^p, ii. 386. (cons.) i2Vr2, ii. 390. jn N*VD, i. 230, ii. 296. XVpsn, ii. 425. Dnp;p, i. 127. ("ip3) JSV n:pD, ii. 425 (206). DILLMANN.— II. XJ, ii. 343. D'2r\, ii. 91. Si:, ii. 425, 427. "l'3n, ii. 343, 349. -]]}:, ii. 288, 294 (400). jnslV i?y !?D3, ii. 402. i^y 3i*:, ii. 224, 226 (cf. 402). Q^JS Nb^J, ii. 276. D^^n r\D\^% i. 280. (pron. use) r\r]2l}, ii. 91. "n— nir, ii. 419, 420. -\2V, ii. 288, 301. i (s-ip) p-i^iS ii. 286 (cf. 281). I I13iT, i. 97. I 3Vy3, ii. 402. I 3j:j;nn, i. 230, ii. 288. I lt^2) DVy, ii. 232, note 1. ' n-jijy, i.'410. non 'nt% ii- 1^8 (cf. 363, note 12). iny, ii. 194. (na) pS2, i. 304. na nvs, i. isi. -IVD, ii. 91, 102. pa, ii. 224. {entrance) nns, ii. 390. -i^yv, ii. 192, 195. T\\>))'^, ii. 91. n-'i^vn, ii. 164. mnnt^'ni iip, ii. i58. S?, i. 248. ;^l7, ii. 9. nVi^, ii. 425. nin"' DC'3 Nip, ii. 137 (i. 209). mpn, ii. 158, 211. 506 II. LEXICAL INDEXES '2 •'JQ nsi, ii. 284. nnnn npp^, i. 97 (1G2). j;-i,'ii. 343. ^^^2 V~[, ii- 343. p'-l, ii. 91 (cf. 373). ^ mir, i. 96, 180. l<]b^, ii. 158. nsbs i. 384. \y n)^^^ ninnc^n, ii. 9i (44o). Ip22 U'2\i}n, ii. 01 (but cf. 224). b)ph V^^, i. 97, 214. f\'^p^n, ii. 91. n nnyin, ii. 4i9, 421. 'S UJ^, ii. 181 f. HDIN*, i. 191. (nin^) ^ns, ii. 57. D^D^n nnnx, ii. 45i f. ^DJ^N, ii. 400. |DK, ii. 227. nbx, ii. 209. T T n^N% ii. 188. n3ij', ii. 489. nivnx, ii. 203. y^^b Y^i^i^), ii- 24. 2Jjn pt;, ii. 118, 159. )nih)D pS, i. 406, ii. 9. Sb -iC^wS, ii. 233, 361. bi< V2\y: -IC'N*, ii. 484. n3«3, i. 313, 369. 1^N3, ii. 351, 356. 133," ii. 340. ;ni" t^in, i. 241. ni3, ii. 358. np, ii. 343, 348. inon nu, ii. 358. IP nn^ ii. 69. ^wSlb^^' •'33, ii. 381. n^nnn, ii. 147. OTHER LINGUISTIC DATA. ^ D3, ii. 412. «in D3, i. 181, 203. D^13, ii. 82. 1513, ii. 202. n n5< n-'n, ii. 132 f. nun, ii. 134, note 2. p^nyn, ii. 16. fehn, li. 131. ^3i^ wnhi^ nnnn, ii. 240. n ptn, ii. 425, 428. n;n, i. 279. rvm, i. 276, ii. 404. Tv: V DD'pl n"in, ii. 443. (Q^jr:i) ?ltD, ii. 408. yri-inn, ii. 403. ^(n'-D^n) aD^ ii. (I6) 363, note 12. 2n'12, ii. 423 (407). (HDiJ) n^Din, ii. 261. ^ 1^^ and '^i3^ i. 181, 199. '31 (pD^) rp^n, ii. 24. nC\S ]V\ ii- 146. p (2Jlace), ii. 363. D'33 (upright), ii. 383. DK^Str blDDD, ii. 254. "2^, ii. 426. n. LEXICAL INDEXES 507 ri^^^h, ii. 423. nti^x npb, i. 233. ::'n^ ii. 390. ^