FINGAL AND ITS CHUECHES. F I M G A L. 'i'.CHuRCHES IN Use ^Churches in Ruins 1 f I ' f f T J FINGAL AND ITS CHURCHES: a Ibietorical SFietcb/v- ' ( FtBi;n9I5 THE FOUNDATION AND STRUGGLES Of' CHUECH OF lEELAND IN THAT PART OF THE COUNTY DUBLIN WHICH LIES TO THE NORTH OF THE RRTIR TOLKA. ROBERT WALSH, M.A., Rtctor of Malahide, with Portinarnock, Diocese of Dublin. DUBLIN : WILLIAM McGEE, 18 NASSAU STREET. LONDON : SIMPKIN, MAESHALL, AND CO., PATEKNOSTER ROW. 1888. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2015 https://archive.org/details/fingalitschurcheOOwals TO THE MEMBERS OF Zbc ffingal Clerical Society, IN GRATEFUL RECOLLECTION OF MANY HAPPY AND PROFITABLE MEETINGS THROUGH PAST YEARS ; AND IN THE EARNEST HOPE THAT MEETINGS AS HAPPY AND AS PROFITABLE MAY BE GRANTED THROUGH YEARS TO COME, trble Iblstors OF THE DISTRICT IN WHICH HE AND THEY MINISTER IS DEDICATED BY THE AUTHOR. PREFACE. tN the early part of this year I read some papers at meetings of the Fingal Clerical Society on the past history of the Church in the district. Many of those who heard the papers expressed a hope that they should be printed. Partly encouraged by these kindly critics of my papers, and partly induced by an opinion, which I have long entertained, that many members of the Church of Ireland know too little of her past won- derful history in their own neighbourhood, I have expanded my papers into the story told in this volume. My aim has been to write for the many whose knowledge of the subject is limited, but who may be interested in learning something more of the leading facts of a history of fourteen hundred years — not for the learned few, who will doubtless be disappointed if they expect in this volume evidences Vlll Preface. of extensive antiquarian research or of profound anti- quarian knowledge. With the above object mainly in view, I have endeavoured to write, in as popular a style and manner as I could, this historical sketch of Fingal. I have had much valuable help from old friends, for which I cannot express myself too gratefully. The Rev. Canon Twigg, Vicar of Swords, and the Rev. G. T. Stokes, D.D., Professor of Ecclesiastical History in the University of Dublin, have ungrudg- ingly given me the benefit of their assistance. The extensive local antiquarian knowledge of Canon Twigg has been freely placed at my service ; and to Professor Stokes I am indebted for many valuable hints, and references to sources of information, which, from his historical knowledge and research, were of great use to me. I have been very fortunate in the materials at my disposal. Bishop Reeves has published a " Memoir of the Church of St. Duilech," 1859. There was also published by him " A Lecture on the Antiquities of Swords," 1860. Both of these works are long since out of print. Like every other work Bishop Reeves has written, they abound in accurate information and in antiquarian knowledge, and are full of interest. I have not hesitated to quote largely from both. The Preface. IX late Kev. B. W. Adams published a " History and Description of Santry and Clogbran Parishes," 1883. This book must have cost its learned author much time and labour. He has entered with great minute- ness of detail into the past history of his two parishes. I have obtained many useful hints from his book. Mr. Henry Alexander Hamilton has published "A Lecture upon the History of the Parish of Bal- rothery," which he delivered at Balbriggan in 1876. The long and intimate connection of Mr. Hamilton and his family with Balrothery and Balbriggan has given him peculiar opportunities of acquiring infor- mation about these places, which he has put together in a most attractive form in his learned and interest- ing lecture. Some of this information was new to me, and when I have made use of information thus acquired, I have acknowledged it. I may add, that I can make some claim myself, from past family con- nection with Fingal, to some personal knowledge of its history. In addition to local sources of information, there are now at hand sources of information which were scarcely accessible a generation ago. The student of Irish Church history has his path made very easy for him in the many records of the past, carefully printed and edited, which have been published under X Preface. the able editorship of such men as Bishop Reeves, Dr. J. H. Todd, Dr. O'Donovan, Mr. Plenuessy, Mr. Gilbert, Mr. Hardiman, and others. Instead of having to work one's weary way through MSS. scarcely legible, we now have, thanks to the learned authors whom I have named, the original texts clearly printed, learnedly annotated, and carefully in- dexed. The following works of this kind have con- tributed many facts to this History of Fingal : — The " Annals of the Four Masters," " The Chartularies of St. Mary's Abbey," " Chronicum Scotorum ;" such publications of the Irish Archteological Society as " The Charter and Grants to All Hallows Priory," " The Book of Obits of Christ Church Cathedral," " The Statute of Kilkenny," and others. Of the same nature is " The Wars of the Gaedhil with the Gaill," carefully translated and annotated by the late Eev. J. H. Todd, which, with his learned work on " The Life of St. Patrick," abound with information respecting many localities in Ireland. Belonging to a later date are the documents brought to light by the discriminating researches of Miss Hickson in her book entitled " Ireland in the Seventeenth Century," of Mr. Prendergast, in his work on "The Crom- wellian Settlement," and of others. From these books, and others of the kind referred to in the text, Preface. XI I have collected many interesting contributions to this History of Fingal. Mr. Monck-Mason's " History of St. Patrick's Cathedral," and Archdeacon Cotton's " Fasti Ecclesiae HibernicsB," are full of information about all places and persons connected with the subjects they re- spectively deal with. I have been much indebted to both for information. It is to be regretted that Mr. Monck-Mason's MS. " History of Christ Church Cathedral " is practically inaccessible. It may be presumed that it would throw much light upon the history of Fingal parishes connected with Christ Church Cathedral, judging from the amount of light which the " History of St. Patrick's Cathedral," by the same author, throws upon the past story of Fingal parishes connected with the latter cathedral. I have also frequently obtained valuable help from Mr. D' Alton's "History of the County Dublin;" but, from the nature of the case, rather with respect to secular than to ecclesiastical affairs. In the case of local nomenclature, I have invariably reproduced the spelling of the names of places as it is given in the document from which I quote. For this reason the names of many places in Fingal will be found spelled in very different ways at different times. This fact has an interest of its own, and is Xll Preface. sometimes a help in tracing the history and meaning of a name. The meanings of the local names are generally taken from two volumes entitled "Irish Names of Places," by Mr. P. W. Joyce — volumes full of interest and information for all who desire to investigate that large part of the past history of Ire- land which is buried in names. Occasionally Dr. J. H. Todd, in his two books already referred to, has given a somewhat different spelling or meaning of a name from Dr. Joyce. Where this is so, I have followed Dr. Todd. With regard to some names, Mr. W. M. Hennessy, of the Public Kecord Office, has most kindly lent me the aid of his knowledge of the Irish language in suggesting the most pro- bable meaning. The difficulty of securing accuracy in the spelling or signification of some Irish names of places has more than once been brought home to me by the varieties in both to be found in the writings of acknowledged authorities on the subject. I must therefore claim some fox'bearance in criticism if I do not always come up to the standard in this matter of any given authority. The documents from which Appendices I., III., IV., and VI. are taken, have never been before pub- lished, as far as I am aware. They contain very Preface. xiii iuteresting informatiou about the parishes of Fingal at the respective periods with which they deal. I have commenced with the earliest known diocesan parochial record, and have selected six characteristic diocesan returns, prepared during a time when such returns were few and far between, so as to enable those interested in any particular parish, with the help of the Index, to follow its history for them- selves. Some pains have been taken with this Index, so as to secure facility of reference. I have not added any diocesan return of later date than that given in Appendix VI., for this reason, that it would be difficult to select from the immense number of such documents any diocesan return of very special interest. From the middle of the seventeenth century visitation returns become numerous, and from the close of the century they become regular. As they become numerous and regular, they lose their indi- vidual interest. Appendices VII. and VIII. are my own work. Appendix VII. was suggested to me by the perusal of an interesting MS. account of some few of the churches of Fingal in the year 1783, by Mr. Austin Cooper, F.S.A,, of Abbeyville House, St. Doulagh's. He lived about one hundred years ago, and when I happened to visit some ruin which is now fast XIV Preface. disappearing, without any record left behind of what the ruin was like in time past, I often enter- tained the wish that Mr. Cooper had made a note of its condition, in his own day, such as he had made of Baldungan, Balrothery, Grace Dieu, and Lusk. I have myself visited, from time to time, all the ruins and .churches of Fingal. Any interest attaching to the brief notices of them which I give in Appendix VII. will, I suppose, belong rather to the future than to this present time. Without indulging in the lofty ambition that Macaulay's New Zealander may one day take up my book with interest, I still may cherish the humbler hope, that some reader may possibly place his hand on a copy of my book somewhere a hundred years hence, and read with interest some of the accounts which it con- tains of buildings whose place then may know them no more. With regard to Appendix VIII., I shall only observe that the lists are as complete as I could make them. There are not any complete lists in existence of the clergy of any of the older parishes of Fingal. There are extensive lists of some parishes, but none are continuous. Indeed, the story which I tell of Fingal shows how unlikely it would be that such continuous records would now be likely to exist. Preface. XV The woodcuts, except in the few cases where the date shows it must have been otherwise, are from drawings on the spot made during the past summer by two artists, J. E. C. and N. H., who were well qualified by their skill and taste to under- take such a work, and to whose willing help I am much indebted. EGBERT WALSH. St. Andrew's, Malahide, November, 1887. 1 CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. THE CELTIC CHURCH FOUNDED IN FINGAL. SECTION 1. PAGE Fingal — Origin of Name — Extent of District — Previous Name Ard-Cianachta— People Occadesi— Religion Druidism I — 4 SECTION II. St. Patrick at Malahide (Muldowney), Inlspatrick, Donny- camey, and St. Margaret's — Columbkille and Colman at Lambay — Nessan at Ireland*s Eye — Island Monasteries, why ? — Canice at Finglas — Mobhi at Glasnevin — Congal at Clontarf — Columbkille and Finan at Swords — Mac- Cullin at Lusk— Lusk and Education— Grace Dieu — Celtic Monasticism — Swords, Lusk, Finglas, Hollywood, Garristown, Ireland's Eye, and their Dependencies 5 — 27 SECTION III. Oratories of SS. Movee and Fintan — S. Doulagh — St Doulagh's Church, Balgriffin — Lambecher of Bremore — S. David — Molagga — Domhnog — Welsh Settlers in Fingal . 28—37 A 2 3iviii Contents. CHAPTER 11. THE DANES IN FINGAL. SECTION I. PAGE First Arrival of the Norsemen — Glasmore— Headquarters, first Malahide, then Dublin — Danish Feuds— Battle of Clon- tarf— Sitric— Anlaff— The Torquills . . . 38—46 SECTION II. Celts invade Fingal — Anarchy — The Difficulties under which religious ministrations were performed . . 46— SS SECTION III. The Irish Round Towers — Christian in origin — The Purposes they served — Places of Refuge — Pjell-ringing — Round Tower of Swords — Round Tower of Lusk — S. Cobban Sacr — Characteristics of masonry .... 56—65 SECTION IV. AVhat the Danes left to Fingal — Danish Dedications — Anta- gonism between Dublin Danish and Fingal Celtic Churches — Source of Danish Christianity explains this — Danes inter- marry with the Celts — Decay of Celtic Church — Christ Church Cathedral— Finglas, Swords, Lusk, still had Celtic Clergy — Synod of Rathbreasil — Irish Diocesan System founded — Fingal at first in Diocese of Glendalough 65 — ^i Contents, XIX CHAPTER III. THE ANGLO-NORMANS IN FINGAL. SECTION I. PAGE The Invasion — MacTurkill, last Norse King of Dublin— Mac- Turkill Property in Fingal— Synod of In ispatrick— Irish Parochial System founded— Earliest Parishes of Fingal — Ruined Churches of Fingal — Lusk and Dependent Chapels— Swords and Dependent Chapels— Glynshagh Church— Tithes 73— S3 SECTION II, Anglo-Norman Clergy appointed to Fingal Parishes — Celtic Dedications changed — Fingal Parishes appropriated to various monastic institutions— Settlement of Anglo-Nor- man proprietors on confiscated lands of Fingal — The Church a gainer thereby — Strange grant to the Priory of All Hallows. Feudal Castles in Fingal — Balrothery and Knights' Plots — Ecclesiastical Castles — The Saladin or Papal Tenths 83—99 SECTION III. Condition of the Pale in thirteenth and fourteenth centuries — St. Catherine's of Ficldstown — Natives to assume Eng- lish names and manners — Native Clergy — ^John Kever- nock — Feud for precedency between Armagh and Dublin connected with Fingal— Portmarnock and St. Marnock — Ballyboghill and the The Book of Armagh- Archbishops of Armagh— A Foothold in Fingal , 99 — 115 XX Contents. CHAPTER IV. THE REFORMATION IN FINGAL. SECTION I. PAGE Condition of the Pale on introduction of the Reformation — Murder of Archbishop Allen— First visible signs of the Reformation — Form of the Beads— Suppression of Monas- teries — Grace Dieu — All Hallows — Bible and Prayer Book in Irish— Small clerical incomes in Fingal— Methods of promoting Reformation Ii6 — 124 SECTION II. State of the Pale throughout the sixteenth century— Irish- speaking and Irish Clergy first encouraged in Fingal — Inferior class of Clergy as a rule in Fingal during six- teenth centuiy — Archbishop Bulkeley's Return — Grants from the Crown to loyal Roman Catholics — The Vicar of Donabate — Pluralities— Laymen misappropriating Church Property 124— 136 SECTION III. Rebellion of 1641 — Depositions edited by Miss Hickson — Serious disturbances in Fingal — Wrecked vessels at Skerries and Clontarf 136— 143 SECTION IV. Cromwell comes to Ireland— In Fingal — His treatment of the Talbots of Malahide — Malahide Church — Cross of Nether- cross — The Cromwellian Settlement — Lord Trimleston — Sir R. Talbot— Mrs. Hore — Parts of Fingal a desolation — Sir W. Petty's Census — Destruction of Churches — Crom- well and the Fingal Clergy — Archbishop Ussher and Lambay 143—158 1 Contents. xxi SECTION V. PAGE The Restoration — William III. in Fingal — Spiritual deadness of the eighteenth century — Pluralities — Absentee Clergy — Rev. F. Higgin— Dean Swift at Glasnevin — Archbishop Marsh — Archbishop King — The Penal Laws. 158 — 166 SECTION VI. Improvement commencing at the close of the eighteenth cen- tury — Primary Education — Parochial Schools in Fingal, at Santry, Finglas, Howth, Swords— Charter Schools at Clontarf— At Santry — Parochial Schools become general in Fingal early in the present century — Swords Borough School— Swords Borough— Rebellion of 1798— The Tithe War — Churches rebuilt this century— Parochial Patronage in Fingal— Crown Patronage— Rev. John Gregg — Rev. W. B. Kirwan — New churches at Balbriggan and Kenure 166—186 SECTION VII. The Irish Church Act, 1869— The Number of Clergy and of Parishes in Fingal before it and since— Union of Parishes Garristown Church — Raheny Church — Present condition of Fingal Parishes— Provision for the ministry— Work being done — The Future 187—194 APPENDICES. I. Extracts from the " Crede Mihi " relating to parishes in Fingal, A.D. 1275 ... ... ... ... 195 II. Extracts from " The Ecclesiastical Taxation of Ire- land" relating to parishes in Fingal, A.D. 1302-1306 198 III. Extracts from the " Repertorium Viride " relating to parishes in Fingal, A.D. 1532 ... ... ... 200 IV. Extracts from " The Regal Visitation " relating to parishes in Fingal, A.D. 1615 ... ... ... 208 V. Extracts from Archbishop Bulkeley's " Account of the Diocese of Dublin " relating to parishes in Fingal, A.D. 1630 ... ... ... ... ... 211 VI. Extracts from a Census, A.D. 1659, relating to parishes in Fingal ... ... ... ... ... 218 VII. Brief History and Description of the churches in use and in ruins, belonging to parishes in Fingal, A.D. 1887 ... ... ... ... ... 221 VIII. Succession of the clergy of the churches or parishes in Fingal down to the year 1887 ... ... ... 253 ILLUSTRATIONS. 1. Map of Fingal {Frontispiece). PAGE 2. Church of St. Nessan, Ireland's Eye ... ... 9 3. Church of St. Canice, Finglas ... ... ... 12 4. Church of Killeek ... ... .,. ... 24 5. Church of St. Patrick, Donabate ... ... ... 26 6. Great Church of St. Margaret's, Dunshaughlln ... 27 7. Oratory of St. Fintan, Howth ... ... ... 29 8. Church of St. Doulagh ... ... ... ... 33 9. Abbey of Glasmore ... ... ... ... 41 10. Church of St. Columba, Round Tower, Norman Tower, Swords ... ... ... ... ... 57 11. Church, Round Tower, Norman Tower, Lusk ... 63 12. Church of St. Patrick, Inispatrick (Exterior) ... ... 75 13. Church of St. Patrick, Inispatrick (Interior) ... ... 76 14. Howth Abbey ... ... ... ... ... 85 15. Church and Castle of Baldungan in 1783 ... ... 89 16. Church of St. Peter, and Castle, Balrothery, in 1783 ... 96 17. Church of St. Marnock ... ... ... ... 107 18. Church of Ballyboghill ... ... ... ... 112 19. Grace Dieu in 1783 ... ... ... ... 1 19 20. Church of St. David, and Castle, Kilsallaghan ... 140 21. Ancient Church of Malahide (Exterior) ... ... 145 22. Ancient Church of Malahide (Interior) ... ... 146 23. Cross of Nethercross ... ... ... ... 148 24. Parish Church of Portmarnock ... ... ... 155 25. Church of St. Andrew, Malahide ... ... ... 178 26. Parish Church of Raheny ... ... 189 riNGAL AND ITS CHUECHES. CHAPTER I. THE CELTIC CHURCH FOUNDED IN FINGAL. SECTION I. HIS history of the foundation and struggles of the Irish Church in Fingal has limits of a very natural kind placed to it. Fingal was a distinctive name in com- mon use long before the twelfth century, when first the Diocese of Dublin was formed, and also long before the time when King John first assigned its boundaries to the county of Dublin. The name continued in use long after these events. It was familiarly given to the district so late as the year 1580. For some centuries the district had a Christian history of its own, affected of course by outside influences, but chiefly worked out from within, and in many respects confined to itself. B 2 Fingal and its Churches. Soon after the invasions of the Norsemen began, the north and south of what is now the county Dublin received the names of Fingal and Dubh-gall respec- tively, the south of the county being called " Dubh Gael," i.e., the territory of the black strangers, after the Danes. This name disappeared in a short time from the district which received it, but found a per- manent resting-place in the village of Baldoyle, in the north of the county, i.e., " Ball-dubh-Gael/' the toivn of the black strangers. But the name Fingal — • "Fine Gael," i.e., the territory of the strangers — remained to the northern part of the county. Some derive the word Fingal from "Feon Gael," i.e., the territory of the ivhite strangers. Danes and Nor- wegians took part in the invasions. The adventurers were distinguished by their colour. The Danes were dark-haired, the Norwegians, including the Swedes, being a fairer race. Now, indeed, the name Fingal only lingers in the title of an Irish nobleman, one of whose ancestors had a prominent share in the history of the district, and also in " The Fingal Clerical Society," which so happily unites the clergy of Fingal in kindly and useful association. Fingal extends from the river Tolka at the south to the river Delvin at the north, and is that part of (what is now called) the county Dublin lying between these two streams. It includes the three Rural Deaneries of Finglas, Swords, and Garristown, and the four baronies of Coolock, Nethercross, Balrothery The Celtic Church founded in Fingal. 3 East, and Balrothery West, with a small tract to the east of the barony of Castleknock. Within this district there are now seventeen parishes or parochial unions. But in the past it con- tained no less than forty-eight distinct parishes, and there are still visible, or it is possible to trace the sites of, fifty-five churches or chapels in use or in ruins, without counting ten parish churches which now stand on sites difl^erent from those of their ruined predecessors. Fingal, from Balscadden in the north to Clontarf in the south, is nineteen miles long, and from Rush in the east to Ballymadun in the west — its greatest width — is thirteen miles wide. Its aver- age width is little more than eight miles. Probably there is not another rural district in Ireland which includes within such comparatively confined limits so many monuments of its past Christian history. The story of how it came to pass that these monuments were raised ought to be an interesting one. When the first heralds of Christianity came to the district we have described, they found it inhabited by a tribe of Celts called the Bregenses. One Cian, who flourished in the early part of the third century, was the parent of a race called the Ciauachta, or "descend- ants of Cian." Some of the race settled in Magh- Breagh, or Bregia, a district about six miles wide, running from the south of the county Louth from Drumiskin in that county to the river Liflfey. The southern part of Bregia, which extended from 4 Fingal and its Chinches. the river Delvin to the river LifFey, was, in conse- quence of this settlement, called Ard-Cianachta. The Celtic Ard-Cianachta was the earlier name of the later Danish Finp^al. In the " Eepertorium Viride " (see Appendix III. under the parishes named) Archbishop Allen speaks of the parishes of Clon- methan, Naul, and Westpalstown, as being within " the lands of Occadesis." O'Donovan, in a note to his edition of the " Annals of the Four Masters," under the year 1017, explains that this was a later name of the Celtic sept of Cianachta seated in Fingal in Magh-Breagh. After the establishment of sur- names the chief of the territory took the surname of O'Cathasaigh, now Casey. The Annals speak of " O'Cahasai, King of Bregh," and of" O'Casey, Lord of Breagha." The heathen religion of these Bregenses or Occa- desi was of course, as elsewhere in Ireland, Druidism, though no trace of Druidical history or worship remains in the nomenclature of Fingal. Indeed, we have no record of any organised opposition to the first progress of Christianity in Fingal, such as might naturally have been expected from the heads of a great national religion, if any such had then existed. Possibly the Bregenses and their chiefs had local priests or magicians ; but the annalists, who chronicle in such a matter-of-course sort of way the endless Celtic feuds, are silent upon the subject of the Fingal Druids and of their attitude towards Christianity. The Celtic Chtifch founded in Fingal. 5 SECTION II. The first Christian missionary who came in contact with the heathen population was St. Patrick himself, and Malahide was the first part of Fingal to which he came. Ahout the year 432 A.D. he began his work in Ireland. He brought with him several pious and learned companions. They landed, it is supposed, somewhere on the coast of Wicklow. Meeting with serious opposition from the pagans there, it was thought better to embark once more in their vessel, and to go northwards. By the time the voyagers had reached the mouth of a river called Inbher (or Inver) Domnainn, their provisions began to run short. They stopped here to fish, but, catching nothing, pro- ceeded to the island — henceforth named after the saint — Inispatrick, off Skerries, where they landed and stayed for a while. Dr. Todd, in his Life of St. Patrick (page 405, note 5), identifies this Inbher Domnainn with Malahide,"^ and considers that the name is now disguised under Muldowney, at the mouth of Malahide river. As thei'e will be occasion to refer again to this an- cient name of Malahide, it is well to insert here an interesting explanation of it given by Dr. Joyce : ' " The Firbolgs (who preceded the Celts), in their de- scent on Ireland, divided themselves into three bodies ' The Celtic name became corrupted into "Malahide," Baile-atha-Id, i.t., the town of Id's ford. ' See " Irish Names of Places," Series I., p. 98. 6 Fingal and its Churches. under separate leaders, and landed at three different places. The men of one of these hordes were called Firdomnainn, or the men of the deep pits, and the legendary histories say that they received this name from the custom of digging deeply in cultivating the soil. The place where this section landed was, for many ages afterwards, called Inhlier-Domnainn, i.e., the river mouth of the Domnanns, and it has heen identified heyond all dispute with the little bay of Malahide. The present vulgar name, Muldowney, is merely a corruption of Maeil-Domnainn, in which the word maeil, a whirlpool, is substituted for the inbher of the ancient name. Thus this fugitive- looking name preserves the memory of an event otherwise forgotten, and affords a most instructive illustration of the tenacity with which loose fragments of language often retain the foot- marks of former generations." But to return to St. Patrick. He and his com- panions after a while left Inispatrick, and sailed on to Strangford, where the real work of his great mission began. We have no evidence that he ever again visited Fingal, though tradition has it that he founded a church at Donnycarney, and having preached at Finglas, uttered a prophecy that it would one day be a great city. There is just this much confirmation of the tradition, that one of the de- pendent churches of Finglas is called Dovemachenor {i.e., Donaghmore) (Appendix I.), afterwards St. The Celtic Church founded in Fingal. 7 Margaret's, Dunshaughlin (Appendix III.)j and all churches so called are stated in an ancient Life of St. Patrick to have been founded by him, and on a Sunday. (For authorities see " Ireland and the Celtic Church," by G. T. Stokes, D.D., p. 83, Note 1.) St. Patrick's footsteps were soon followed. Soon a flourishing monastery was founded on Inis- patrick, the Island of Patrick. The Danes afterwards called the village on the neighbouring mainland Holmpatrick, the Port of Patrick. The island mon- astery became a place of note. One chief of the Bregenses of Ard-Cianachta found there an asylum from the cares of royalty. The Annals of Donegal tell us that in the year 898 there died in Inispatrick the " blessed Moel Finianus, the son of Flanagan, who, from being chief of the Bregii, became a devout monk and a holy man." This monastery had an im- portant share in the later history of Fingal. The other islands along the coast of Fingal also received monastic settlements very early in the story of Celtic Christianity. Among the many churches founded by St. Columba in the middle of the sixth century was one on Lambay Island. The island was then called Rechru. Lambay or Lamb-Ey, i.e., Lamb Island, was a Danish name, and given sub- sequently. Bishop Beeves has extracted from an ancient Life of St. Columba, preserved in a MS. of the fourteenth century, and now in the care of the Royal Irish Academy, this account of it: "Columb- 8 Fingal and its Churches. kille (Columba) founded a church at Rechru in the east of Bregia, and left Colman, the Deacon, in it." ^ Colman's labours were crowned with success. The church of Rechru became so important as to stamp its name upon the neighbouring peninsula. The way to Eechru was in time called Port-Rechru — Portrane — i.e., the landing-place of, or for, Rechru. The church was flourishing in the year 795. It was considered of sufficient importance to be granted as part of the endowment of the See of Dublin in 1184, and in 1337 there was issued a patent for the establishment of a chauntry on the island. There is not now a trace or tradition of where this church or chauntry Btood. This fact, however, is not to be wondered at. During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the island was constantly infested by smugglers, pirates, and French or Spanish enemies of the British Sovereign.* Ireland's Eye, like Lambay, had a church founded on it in the middle of the sixth century. Here the holy Nessan founded a chapel, and spent his old age in abstinence and prayer. The " Annals of the Four Masters " tell us — " Nessan was a prince of the royal family of Leinster, who had seven sons, all distin- guished for sanctity and miracles, and all honoured in the Irish Church as saints. In the martyrology of .^ngus they are thus noticed at the Ides of March : ' See " A Lecture on the Antiquities of Swords." By W. Reeves, D.D., 1860, p. 2. * See " History of the County Dublin." By J. DAlton, pp. 435, 436. 1 Th& Celtic Church founded in Fingal. g South-iuest View, Church of St. Nessan, Ireland's Eye, about A.D. 1825. " The sons of Nessan of the island, i.e., Inis-Nessan in Bregia ; called also in some of the authorities Inis Faithlum, and now Ireland-Eye." As in the case of Lambay, the Danes are responsible for this later name. Inis-Nessan — the island of Nessan — was changed to Ereann-Ey — corrupted to Ireland's Eye — the island of Erea. As time went on, this church of Nessan became the custodian of a celebrated MS. of the Four Gospels, called " The Garland of Howth." Archbishop Allen, in the " Liber Niger," says of it, " that the book is held in so much esteem and vene- ration that good men scarcely dare take an oath on it, for fear of the judgement of God being immediately 10 Fingal and its Churches. shown on those who should forswear themselves." In 1179^ the church and land were granted towards the endowment of the See of Dublin by Pope Alex- ander III. From the Chartularies of St. Mary's Abbey,^ we learn that in 1186 one Hernesius was minister of the Church, and that it was endowed at this time with the tithes of Kilbarrack, St. Mary's Abbey having exchanged these for the tithes of Ka- heny, which had up to this time belonged to the church of Ireland's Eye. In 1235 the island church was removed to Howth, where the prebendal abbey was built, the ruins of which are now in the village. But why did these early Christian communities settle thus on lonely islands ? The congregations attending their ministrations must have been very small. The answer may probably be found partly in the unsettled condition of the mainland, and partly in the religious ideal of early Celtic Christian life. The good monks chose their opportunities for preaching the Gospel on the mainland — for they had the evangelistic impulse strongly planted in them — but with the impulse was combined their ideal of a religious life as a ministerial community, to praise God, and to spend their time in devotion, or to chronicle events, and to copy the sacred books ; and at first this ideal could be best realised, free from distraction or interruption, on the Fingal islands. ' See Ussher's Works, Vol. IV., p. 552. Ed. Elrington. » Edited by J. T. Gilbert, Vol. I., p. 173. The Celtic Church founded in Fingal. 1 1 There were not, however, wanting bolder spirits for dealing with the more difficult work of winning Fingal itself for Christ. Almost simultaneously at- temi)ts to accomplish this object were made in five different parts of the district. Tradition has it that the Abbey of Finglas was first founded by St. Patrick. It was dedicated to St. Canice, otherwise called Cainnech or Kenny, and was really probably founded by him. Canice, who was born in 516, was a disciple of Finan (or Finian), at the College of Clonard, and was a friend of Columba. The Abbey of Finglas became at once a thriving religious community, and the annals preserve a long list of its abbots and bishops (see Appendix VIII.), as well as of the abbots of its dependent neighbour, Glasnevin, where an abbey was founded by Mobi^ or Mobhi, who died in 544. This monastery also became a school. We have a description of this school in a Life of Columba. When he went to study there, he found there were fifty scholars, who lived in huts by the Tolka on the west bank ; the church was on the east side of the river. Both these places retain to this day their good old Irish names : Finglas, i.e., Finn, pure ; glaise, stream, namely, the streamlet which runs through the village, and joins the Tolka at Finglas ' He was called Mobi Claraineach, i.e., the flat-faced, pro- bably because of injuries inflicted on his features by cancer. See "Lecture on Swords and its Antiquities." By W. Reeves, D.D., p. 3. 12 Fingal and its Churches. bridge. The Tolka flows by Glasnevin, where, in these far-off days, it was called glaise, stream ; naeidken, of Naeidhe, or Glasuevin. South-east View, Church of St. Canice, Finglas, A.D. 1887. In 550 a church was founded in Clontarf, which, presumably from its name — Cluain-tarbh — i.e., the meadow of the bulls, like the neighbouring lands of Drumcondra, or Clonturk — Cluian-tuirc — i.e., the meadow of the boar, was then a rich pastoral district. Congal, the abbot, and founder of Bangor monastery, placed the church here. To him it was dedicated, but the annals do not mention successors. Nor have we information of its early life ; possibly it was killed or stunted through its nearness to Danish Dublin. But Clontarf must ever fill an honourable place in The Celtic Church founded in Fingal. 13 the story of Fingal, as having been the scene of the celebrated battle in 1014, which broke the Danish power in Ireland, Right in the heart of Fingal were the most ac- tive and successful centres of early Celtic Christian life — at Swords and at Lusk. It has been stated that the Christian story of Fingal was chiefly worked out from within. These five starting-points of it illustrate this. The mission at Clontarf apparently failed. Congal, its founder, was a stranger to the district ; but the founders of the missions at Finglas, Swords, and Lusk were connected with each other, and two of them were children of the soil, being members of the race of Cian. Canice, of Finglas, was a disciple of Finan, and a friend of Columba, both of whom belonged to Swords, and this Finan was a kinsman of MacCullin, of Lusk, both of whom were of the race of Cian. The annals tell us that Swords owes its origin to Ettan, the son of Uicce, who was one of Hemer's chieftains ; but the Christian Church in Swords owes its origin to Columba, Columba, or Columkille, was born at Gartan, near Letterkenny, in Co. Donegal, on December 7, A.D. 521. He belonged to the royal family of Ireland, being a descendant of Niall of the Nine Hostages, and like Canice he received his education at the celebrated Celtic school of Clonard ;i ' Clonard. — This school was founded by the learned Finian, a disciple of St. David of Wales, who died in 601. 14 Fingal and its Churches. but after a time he came south, and studied at the school of Glasnevin. He was celebrated as a scribe, as well as a famous evangelist. So fond of this occupation of transcribing the Scriptures was he, that, in 597, on the day before his death, he was oc- cupied in copying a psalter. In the year 563 he left Ii-eland to found his celebrated monastery at lona. But before he started for lona he came to Swords. What he did there is stated in the MS. Life of him translated by Bishop Reeves :^ — " He founded a church in the place where Sord is this day. He left a learned man of his people there, namely, Finan Lobhar (i.e., the leper; and he left the Gospel there which his own hand had written. There also he dedi- cated a well named Sord,^ i.e., pure ; and he conse- crated a cross — for it was customary with him to make crosses and polaire,^ and book satchells and church furniture." Colgan, a Roman ecclesiastic, in his Finian was specially devoted to the study and explanation of the Holy Scriptures. His school soon became famous throughout Christian Europe, and continued so for centuries. Clonard was situated at the source of the river Boyne. For a full account, see " Ireland and the Celtic Church," Stokes, p. 103. ^ Quoted from " Lecture on Swords and its Antiquities," p. 2. ^ Polaire. — The meaning of this word is not known. Sord is derived from an old and obsolete Celtic word meaning pure, of which the more modern synonym is glan. Possibly polaire is likewise an old and obsolete Celtic word, with which etymologists have not been as fortunate as with Sord. \ The Celtic Church founded in Fingal. 1 5 " Trias Thaumaturga," copying this passage, substi- tutes (as he plainly does) the word " missal " for " gospel." Unfortunately Colgah's version is the one most generally quoted. His variation has an evident purpose — a purpose for which we have to be constantly on the watch in the writings of Roman ecclesiastics, as they seldom resist the temptation to make a modification in ancient documents which would give a Roman colouring to the distinctly un-Roman his- tory of the early Celtic Christian Church. Nothing would be more natural than for Columba to give a MS. of the Gospels to the church he was founding at Swords — for it would be the fruit of labour in which he was constantly occupied. Nothing would be more unnatural than that he should give a missal. He probably never heard of the thing. The word was scarcely, if at all, known to Columba's contempo- raries. Bishop Reeves, in his account of Swords and its antiquities, published in 1860, and now unfortunately out of print, has translated some more of this MS. Life of St. Columba, which very happily associates Columba with his newly-founded church of Swords : " One day that Columkille and Cainnech [or Canice, who founded Finglas] were on the brink of the tide, a great tempest raged over the sea, and Cainnech answered. What saith the wave ? Columkille an- swered, Thy people are in danger yonder on the sea, and one of them has died, and the Lord will bring him in unto us to-morrow to this bank on 1 6 Fingal and its Churches. which we stand." Was the bank on which they stood at Inbher Domnainn ? and were the people, like St. Patrick before them, fishing in Malahide Bay ? These questions must be left to conjecture. But one more extract, and we have to leave St. Columba : — " As Bridget was one day walking through the Curragh of Life [i.e., the Curragh of Kildare] , she viewed the beautiful shamrock-flower- ing plain before her, whereupon she said in her mind, that if to her belonged the power of the plain, she would offer it to the Lord of Creation. This was communicated to Columkille in his monastery at Sord, whereupon he said with a loud voice : Well hath it happened to the holy virgin, for it is the same to her in the sight of God as if the land she offered were in her own right." In due time Columba went on his way to lona. Finan took up his work at Swords, but he too, after a while, went elsewhere. He is invariably called in the L-ish annals St. Finan the Leper, of Sord and Clonmore, as Swords is in- variably called Sord-Columcille. In the lecture on Swords already referred to. Bishop Reeves (p. 3) justly notices the remarkable circum- stance that a leper and a victim of cancer should be the venerated founders of Christian life in Glasnevin and Swords. He says — " How strange that such should be made saints ! But Christianity had long before abolished the disabilities of the leper, and with the fall of the Jewish ordinal arose the prospects TJie Celtic Church founded in Fint^al. 17 of the bodily sufferer. The Irish seem to have held such ill veneration ; and we can prove that several of the most honoured names in our native calendar are men whose skin was the seat of a loathsome disease, or whose features had been levelled by the ravages of cancer. St. Finan belonged to the former class ; St. Mobhi (of Glasnevin), styled Claraineach, to the latter ; and in the great veneration which the ancient Irish always entertained for extreme asceticism and self-denial, their respect for those who sulfered by the hand of God was not less when that compulsory mortification was coupled with a holy life." This commendable trait in the character of the Irish peasantry is still common. The imbecile, generally styled " an innocent/' is never allowed to " want for a bit or sup " from the poorest household in his native village. It is often touching to notice the kindly forbearance shown to his eccentricities. Though Swords in a few centuries became a place of great importance, we have no authentic accounts of it preserved between the seventh and the tenth centuries, the existing annals of its neighbour Lusk being much more complete and continuous dm"ing these early days. MacCullin, a relative of Finan of Swords, settled at Lusk ; he became its founder and patron saint, and died there on Septem- ber 6, A.D. 497. He is supposed to have been buried in a " lusca " or cave at Lusk, hence its name. In Colgan's "Acta Sanctorum" we read that "the c 1 8 Fingal and its Churches. blessed Colga, Abbot of Lusk, flourished about 694. He, among the principal prelates of the kingdom, subscribed to a certain synod convened in Ireland by St. Adamnan in 695 or 696 and the annals contain a long list (see Lusk, Appendix VIII.) of the worthies of Lusk, more or less continuous from jNIacCullin's time to the period of the English invasion. Here one pious lord of the Bregenses met his death by accident. When keeping St. MacCullin's festival at Lusk in 795, Ailill, son of Fergus, lord of South Bregia, was thrown from his horse and immediately expired. And there were at Lusk clergy who did not accept the Roman rule of celibacy, for two at least of the abbots of Lusk were sons of those who had held the office before them — Colga, son of Crummaol, who died in 782, and Cormac, son of Conall, who died in 799. It is very possible that the gap in the succes- sion of abbots and bishops from 965 to the time of the Conquest is to be accounted for by a temporary union with Swords. The succession of abbots and bishops in Swords is very full ; during that time it was rapidly becoming the more important place, and the last-named Bishop of Lusk — Ailioll, who died in 965 — was also Bishop of Swords. But Lusk was not only famous for its long roll of the names of its reverend dignitaries, and for what they did as missionaries. It was a great educational establishment. The Alexandra College of these good old times was a daughter of Lusk. Between The Celtic Church founded in Fingal. 19 Swords and Lusk, near Corduff House, can still be traced the ruins of Grace Dieu. It had originally been part of the establishment of Lusk ; but Arch- bishop Comyn, in furtherance of that policy of Eomanising the Celtic Church which will be illus- trated later on, removed the school in 1190 to Grace Dieu, where it became henceforth filled with " regular canonesses following the rule of St. Augus- tine/' So famous and successful " a select seminary for young ladies " was it, that when Henry VIII. issued his orders for the suppression of the monas- teries in Ireland, the Irish Lord Deputy and Council interceded for Grace Dieu on the ground that " the womenkind of the most part of the whole Englishry of this land be brought up here in virtue, learn- ing, and in the English tongue and behaviour/'^ The intercession was in vain. Grace Dieu was suppressed, and its good work was brought to a violent end. Alison White, the last prioress, received a pension of a£6 per annum, and surrendered all the property of Grace Dieu in Dublin, Meath, Louth, and Kildare. In the inquisition of 1541 she was found seised of one curious possession, namely, a right to a flagon of ale out of every brewing of ale at Lusk. Henry VIIL granted to the Barnwall family the lands which Grace Dieu had from time to time acquired in " Dongans- town, Lusk, Palmerstown, Ballyboghill, Kilsallaghan, Eob-boches-walls, Malahide, and Portmirnock." ' See " Lectures on the History of Ireland," Second Series, by A. G. Richey, p. 151. 20 Fingal and its Churches. Up to probably the ninth century there is nothing to tell of the north and west of Fingal, except of the neighbourhood of Balbriggan. What are now the unions of Balrothery and of Clonmethan were in these far-off days mostly great tracts of bog or of forest, and doubtless had few inhabitants. The rich flat pasture lands south must have supported a large population. Where the people were, there most naturally the early pioneers of Christ's Gospel settled. Before we follow their footsteps further, let us stop for a little to recall the social condition of things which accounted for their system of associating to- gether in religious communities. The sentiment of the Irish Church of to-day is rightly and entirely opposed to the Roman monastic system. It is not, we believe, consistent with the teaching of the Bible about the true ideal of Christian life, and of the claims of others on it, to shut up men and women to live useless lives in monasteries and nunneries. The truth is, there was little in common between the early Irish Celtic and the later Roman monastic systems except the name. The early Irish Church was intensely monastic ; but it was also of an in- tensely evangelistic and missionary spirit. It was monastic that it might best be missionar3\ Its enthusiasm sometimes degenerated into asceticism, and where it did so, it ceased to be useful. There was no other system possible to Columba, Canice, The Celtic Church founded in Fiiigal. 21 Finan, and MacCullin but the monastic system. They dare not have gone as individual missionaries among the lawless savage Druids of Fingal. They •were Celts preaching to Celts. They were not like English missionaries going off to India or China or Africa, where the name and greatness of England generally secure respect for their lives and properties on the part of the natives. These Celts carried their lives in their hands, and, indeed, were sometimes not afraid to fight for their lives. It was not until the year 804 the Celtic monasteries were exempt from military service. Canice, Fiuan, and Mac- Cullin settled at Finglas, Swords, and Lusk, with others like-minded. In each place the community lived together in a village of rude huts, for mutual protection and edification. As the community won converts from the natives, these were added to its ranks. Its government was remarkable. On turning to Appendix VIII., under Finglas, Swords, and Lusk, it will be observed that the deaths of abbots, bishops, scribes, are frequently chronicled. Occasionally the same person is bishop and abbot ; occasionally he is bishop and scribe, and very seldom the same person is all three. The abbot ruled over the monastery and managed its temporal affairs. The bishop only filled a spiritual office, and bestowed holy orders for the community ; he had no diocese, and no terri- torial jurisdiction. When the abbot died, his powers 22 Fingal and its Churches. passed to his co-arb or heir. The scribe was a most important official in days when no printing-press existed to multiply copies of the Scriptures. He transcribed the MSS. of the community, the Psalms and Gospels being the most frequently copied. The penmanship and artistic taste of some of these Celtic scribes were wonderful. Specimens, like the Book of Kells, which are preserved in the Library, Trinity College, Dublin, well repay examination. The scribes also chronicled the history of their monastery. Here is a suggestive record of a great scribe of Swords : — " A.D. 1042, Eochecan, Erenach of Slane, and lec- turer of Swords, a select scribe, died." It is to be regretted that no literary remains of such as Eoche- can and other scribes of Lusk and Swords have come down to us — no carefully copied MS. of the Bible and the like ; but we may not wonder that nothing of the kind has survived the terrible vicissitudes of these lawless times. The Erenach ^ was a kind of monastic tenant. The lecturer — Ferleighin — was a kind of Professor of Divinity. In their hours of ease these monks played chess. The stately monuments of the past which still remain at Swords and Lusk would convey a very false impression of the surroundings of these early Celtic Christian communities. The round towers were not yet built. Wattles, oaken planks, and mud ' For more information on this subject, see Ussher's Works, Vol. XI., pp. 419-445. The Celtic Church founded in Fingal. 23 were most commonly the materials which formed the huts^ or bothies, refectories, and churches of these communities, and their ambulatories were vaulted by the heavens. Dr. Petrie says, stone was sometimes employed even in the case of these early communi- ties. Of course, examples of this material would alone survive. " Houses used for abbots and monks are of a circular or oval form, having dome roofs constructed without a knowledge of the principle of the arch, and without cement, and all encompassed by a broad wall. So, in the monastic establishment of St. Molaise, at Inismurray, on the Bay of Sligo, and of St. Brendan, at Inisglory, on the coast of Erris, Mayo." These encompassing walls were some- times fifteen feet high. Dr. Petrie thinks that these date from the sixth century ; but he adds : " Most probably, in their monastic houses and oratories, the Irish continued the Scotic custom of building with wood until the twelfth or thirteenth century." But, as time went on, we may believe that the churches of Finglas, Swords, and Lusk were built of stone. The roofs of the smaller churches were also built of stone, as in the case of St. Doulagh's. But the larger churches were roofed with wood, covered with reeds, straw, or oak shingles. This would account for the frequent mention in the annals of burnings of churches. Often the chancel roof was of stone, and ^ For a very vivid description of these buildings see • ' Ire- land and the Celtic Church," by Dr. G. T. Stokes, p. 185. 24 Fijigal and its ClutrcJies. the roof of the nave of the lighter materials. Of this we probably have examples in the ruined churches on St. Patrick's Island and Ireland's Eye. (See Ap- pendix VII.) The windows Avere not glazed ; often parchment was stretched across them. All evidence would seem to prove that the early Celtic Christianity in Fingal was the true leaven Christ meant His religion to be. The rapid spread of Christianity through the district aptly illustrates His words when He said : " The kingdom of Soxdh-ea&t View, Church of Kille el. , A.D. 1687. heaven is like leaven," &c. We must entirely divest our minds of all our territorial ecclesiastical ideas to realize the state of things. Though churches have The Celtic Church founded in Fingal. 25 been mentioned whose names we are accustomed to associate with more or less extensive parochial boundaries, there were no parishes in those days, neither was there any Diocese of Dublin ; but there were in Ard-Cianachta three little spots where the leaven of Christ's Gospel was placed. All around, except on three islands, was a lump yet to be leavened. In time the j^east, fermenting at first in Suords, spread to other spots we now know as Clogh- ran, Killeek, Killossory, Douabate, Malahide, Ivin- saley, Balgriffin, and Coolock. (See Appendices I, and III.) First, some circumstance probably gave opportunity to preach in these places — "a cottage lecture," may be. It may be a monk from Swords had bound up some wound got in a Celtic feud at the ford of Id (Malahide). These fords were the scenes of frequent tights. Or it may be a fever case was lovingly and skilfully tended. The opening made, a wattle chapel would in time grow up, then stone, and then regular ministrations would be supplied from the central brotherhood in Swords. There is reason to believe that Clogliran and Donabate were the earliest of the places named to be won. The ruined little church of Donabate (see Appendix VII.) is probably the earliest example we have remaining in Fingal of a stone church of the Celtic period. Then the other places were won, and by the time of the English invasion chapels of some kind had been built in each of them, which were dependent, I 26 Fingal and its Churches. for religious ministrations, on Swords. Cloghran, Balgriffin, Donabate, and Coolock, soon after the invasion, became strong enough to be independent churches. South-east View, St. Patrick's Church, Donabate, A.D. 1887. In the same way the yeast, fermenting first in Finglas, spread to St. Margaret's, Ward, and Artane (see Appendices I. and III.), and these became depen- dent chapels served from Finglas. And thus also Lusk won Rush, Kenure, Whites- town (see Appendices I. and III.), and cared for them. Later on Lusk added Balrothery, Baldun- gan, and Lambecher of Bremore to its charge. There seems to be no existing evidence of how the leaven spread to Clonmethan and Garristown, in the The Celtic Church founded in Fingal. 27 South-west View, great Church of St. Margaret's, Dunshaughlin, A.D. 1887. north-west of Fingal. This we know (see Appen- dix III.), that Grallagh was a chapel of Hollywood, Palmerstown of Garristown, as was also Ballymadun. Most probably Kilbarrack and Baldoyle became, in the same way, dependent chapels on Ireland's Eye before St. Nessan's Church was transmuted into St. Mary's Abbey, Howth. And so, preaching, teaching, multiplying copies of the Scriptures, healing the sick and feeding the hungry, the disciples and descendants of these sons of Cian won their district for Christ, and in a few centuries gave it the blessing of organized religious life. It is a bright story ; it is a pity that the good ■work was to be so marred, and for so long. 28 Fingal and its Churches. SECTION III. There were some variations in this earl}^ Celtic monastic system in Fingal, which should he noticed. They were eminently characteristic of a perverted enthusiasm sometimes displayed hy Celtic Chris- tianity, and of its Eastern affinities. Between Lusk and Balrother}^ there arc the remains of a very small chapel or oratory called St. Movee's Chapel. (See Appendix VII.) There were many Movees or Mobhis among the Irish saints. One of these was uncle to St. Doulagli or Duilech; possibly this was the founder of the anchorite oratory we speak of. He is stated to have died in the year 630. The oratory is too small to have been the chapel of a community. Probably a succession of recluses lived and prayed here. A curious legend of the place is current in the neighbourhood, which attests the sanctity of the patron, his well, and his oratory. A former lord of the adjacent land cast a covetous eye upon the fertile God's acre upon which these were situate, and at length one day drove ia his team upon the sacred sod. A voice, or an angel from heaven, forbade the sacrilege, solemnly remind- ing this Irish Ahab that the spot held the bones of St. Movee, by whom the land had been consecrated to God. " St. Movee, or St. Movo, the furrow shall on go," was the scornful retort ; but hardly was it uttered, when team, and plough, and owner dis- The Celtic Church founded in Fingal. 29 appeared beneath the earth. The little lad who led the horses alone escaped to tell the tale. The spot is still pointed out about thirty paces from the south- west corner of the ruins of the ancient oratory. Another of these oratories on the Hill of Howth is North-west View, St. Fintans Oratory, Howth, A.D. 1887. dedicated to St. Fintan. (See St. Fintan's, Appen- dix VII.) There are twelve saints at least named Fintan in the Irish hagiography ; but it is probable that the Fintan to whom this oratory was dedicated was Abbot of Druimhing, near Dunshaughlin, Co. Meath. It so happens that there is not any known account of the foundation, building, or rebuilding of either of these oratories of SS. Movee and Fintan. 30 Fiiigal and its Churches. That they were founded by, or at least in honour of, those whose names they bear, is of course probable. It is also probable that the prayer-cell •was more than once rebuilt on the original site. Possibly each successive erection was an improve- ment on its predecessor ; but it would appear to be unwise, with our present knowledge, or rather want of it, to attempt to fix the date of the existing oratory of St. Fintan. In his interesting book on " Irish Antiquities" Mr. W. F. Wakeman (p. 125) says the oratory is not of eai'lier date than Howth Abbey ; while such skilled antiquarians as Dr, Petrie, Miss Stokes, and Lord Dunraven evidently think it well to be silent on the subject. The recluses who from time to time ministered in these retired spots sacred to SS. Movee and Fintan, were free to go about. There was a third recluse's home in Fingal, whose tenant could not do so. It was situated at Balgriffin, and is now called St. Doulagh's, or St. Duilech's, Church. Bishop Eeeves, in 1859, published a memoir of it, which is unhappily out of print. There is little known of St. Doulagh personally, except his genealogy and his character. By an ingenious investigation. Bishop Eeeves arrives at the conclusion that St. Doulagh flourished about the year 600. He was evidently a man of great piety.-* This characteristic of him is ' See " Memoir of the Church of St. Duilech," by W. Keeves, D.D., pp. 4, 5. The Celtic Church founded in Fingal. 31 commemorated in various ways and at various periods. The " Feilire of ^ngus," a composition of the ninth century, speaks of him as " Duilech the beautiful, of Clochar." About 1171 Marian O'Gorman, in a metrical calendar, calls him " Duilech the devout, of Clochar," which place is explained as " Clochar-Duiligh, by Faeldrum (now Feltrim, i.e., ' Wolf-hill ') on the south, i.e., beside Sord of Columcille." He erected a cell on the spot where the church which bears his name now stands. (For a description of it see Appendix VII.) He became an enclosed' anchorite. He and his succes- sors were built up in the chamber which was their cell, and never left it until death released them ; but even then the body remained, for it was buried beneath the floor of the cell. The successor of the dead-immured hermit daily said his prayers standing over the place where the body of his predecessor lay, while beside the grave he dug a grave for him- self, and kept it always open to remind him whither he was going. Bishop Reeves in his memoir quotes a description of the strange perverted life these enclosed ancho- rites lived. It is from a Roman source of the twelfth century. The Roman colouring of it may therefore not apply to St. Doulagh : — " The abode of an in- clusus should be built of stone, measuring twelve feet in length, and as many in breadth. It should have three windows, one facing the choir, through which 32 Fingal and its Churches. he may receive the body of Christ ; another at the opposite side, through which he may receive his food ; and a third to admit hght, but which should always be filled with glass or horn. The window through which he receives his food should be secured with a bolt, and have a glazed lattice, which can be opened and closed, because no one should be able to look in, except so far as the glass will allow, nor should the recluse have a view out. He should be provided with three articles, namely, a jar, a towel, and a cup. After tierce, he is to lay the jar and cup outside the window, and then close it. About noon he is to come over and see if his dinner be there. If it be, he is to sit down at the window and eat and drink. AVhen he has done, whatever remains is to be left outside for anyone who may choose to remove it, and he is to take no thought for the morrow. But if it should happen that he has nothing for his dinner, he must not omit to return his accustomed thanks to God, though he is to remain without food until the following day. His garments are to be a gown and a cap, which he is to wear waking and sleeping."^ And then follows a number of details of the recluse's life which, being manifestly later addi- tions, need not be quoted here in connection with St. Doulagh and his early successors. But in his cell, as it at present exists, even still there can easily be traced many features consistent with this descrip- tion of the enclosed anchorite's life. ' Page 10. The Celtic Church founded in Fingal. 33 South-east Vieiv, Cliurch of St. Doulagh, A.D. 1887. In the interesting church of St. Doulagh, ou which we can now look — though the new part only dates from 1864 — we have probably the oldest existing Irish church used for worship. It went through many vicissitudes since St. Doulagh's day. For a time it was forgotten. In the Bull of Pope D 34 Fingal and its Churches. Alexander III., coufirming Laurence O'Toole in 1179 in the Diocese of Dublin, there is no mention of St. Doulagh's among all the many churches enumerated. For a while the parish of Balgriffin absorbed St. Doulagh's, when a Welsh settler named Griffin built his castle and church in its neigh- bourhood, and dedicated the latter to the Welsh saint, Sampson, about the time of the English inva- sion. About the year 1400 we find the advowson of this church bestowed upon the Prior of the Church of the Holy Trinity (Christ Church Cathedral). In the " Repertorium Viride " (see Appendix III.) it alone is mentioned; while in the '* Regal Visitation " (see Appendix IV.) we find St. Doulagh's re-appear- ing once more as the church and name of the parish, and so it has since remained. Another variation, of another kind, in the early Fingal monastic system must also be noticed. It is an exception to the otherwise prevailing rule that Fingal Christianity developed from within. There is in the north-east of Fingal, about one mile north of the town of Balbriggan, a townland called Bre- more. Close to the sea-shore at Bremore there still exist some rude remains of the ancient chapel of Lam- becher. (See Appendix VII.) There is a lengthy account of it in Colgan's " Acta Sanctorum. '^^ Gir- aldus Cambrensis,^ according to his wont, contributes ' See " AA. SS. Hib.," p. 145, Jan. 20. ^ See Giraldus Cambrensis, UoUs Series, torn. 3, p. 396. The Celtic Church founded in Fingal. 35 much upon the subject which is miraculous, and O'Hanlon, in his " Lives of Irish Saints," gives some additional particulars. Though the sum-total is a somewhat mixed collection of facts and fictions, the following may probably be considered the true story of this interesting church. A certain Molagga, or Molaca, a holy man, had been hunted out of Ireland by the Druids. He first sought refuge in Scotland, and then went to Wales. In Wales he went to Menevia, where the celebrated St. David, the Cambrian patron saint, lived. He stayed there for a while, and then resolved to go back once more as a missionary to his pagan fellow-countrymen in Ireland. When he was leaving Menevia, St. David gave him a bell. Molagga returned to Ireland by Ath- Cliath (afterwards Dublin), and then coasted along the shores of Fingal until he came to Bremore, where he settled. A chief of the Cianachta got ill ; Druid priests tried their necromantic arts to cure him in vain. But where they failed Molagga was successful. In gratitude, the Fingallian chief assigned him the land of Bremore, with an annual tribute for his sup- port. Molagga erected a church there, and became the evangelist and pastor of the neighbourhood. But St. David had about the same time another Irish visitor named Domhnog. Like Molagga, he, too, resolved to go back to Ireland. Now, St. David had a great number of bees at Menevia. When Domhnog was about to leave the shores of Wales, all 36 Fingal and its Churches. these bees swarmed about his vessel. He did not think it right to take his patron's bees away, so he returned with them to Menevia. Once more he started for Ireland. Again the bees followed. Again he returned with them. For the third time he started, and for the third time the bees went off ■with him ; so at last St. David said the bees were to go with Domhnog. There is nothing miraculous in this. It is only unusual ; but it is quite consistent with the well-known persistent obstinacy with which bees keep to a course on which they have decided. Domhnog in due time reached Ireland with his apiarian cargo, and settled with it in the Co. Kil- kenny. He has been.credited with being the first bee-man in Ireland. This is not so. Bees were known in Ireland before his time. He probably only brought an improved race of bees with him. But Molagga was also fond of bees. So in some way he obtained Domhnog's bees, and removed them to Bremore, where they flourished. Hence Molagga's church received the name of Lambecher of Bremore, that is, with a curiously mixed derivation, Llan, the Welsh for "church," and Beachaire, the Irish for "of the Bee-man." After a time it would appear as if Molagga left Bremore. In the parish of Temple- molaga, situated in the north-east of Co. Cork, there is a ruined monastery called Molagga's Bed (Leaba Molagga), from a tradition that a square tomb be- neath the south wall is his grave. He was born in The Celtic Church founded in Fingal. 37 Feramugra, now the barony of Fermoy, Co. Cork. He died at Templemolaga on January 20th, in the middle of the seventh century.^ Thus the north-east corner of Fingal got its Chris- tianity from Wales. Indeed, we find many Welsh- men at an early period settled in Fingal. We have already seen an example at Balgriffin. In 1169 we read that Ryrd Gwyneth, son of a Welsh prince, in right of his wife, was Lord of Cloghran. There was evidently a Welsh settlement there. About the year 1222 we find Roderick Makanan, the Welshman, holding Cloghran. Again, the church at Kilsalla- ghan was dedicated to St. David, which suggests some kind of relation with Welsh Christianity. And it is hard to account for the curious stone facings on the ruins of the island church of Inispatrick (see Ap- pendix VII.) on any other hypothesis than that they were carried across the sea. Sea-carriage in those early times was probably safer and simpler than carriage by land, through the roadless wilds of cen- tral Ireland. Nowhere within easy reach is such stone now to be found. ' See Lord Dunraven s work on Ancient Irish Architec- ture, Vol. I., p. 62. CHAPTER II. THE DANES IN FINGAL. SECTION I. ITH the advent of the Danes, a story of social anarchy, and of religious and national feuds, commences. This con- dition of things continued through nine succeeding centuries to desolate the plains of Fingal. The wonder is that during this long and terrible period there was not a clean sweep made of Chris- tianity out of the district. It seems to be agreed that there were three phases of the Danish invasions — the first for the sake of plunder, lasting from 795 to, say, 850 ; the second for the sake of settlement, from 850 to, say, 950 ; the third was a period of political conquest, from 950 to the time of the English invasion. Now, each of these periods is distinctly marked in the history of Fingal. These Northmen were born thieves. Let us not be too hard upon them ; they knew no better. To a The Danes in Fingal. 39 Norseman to be a pirate was what a Norse gentleman ought to be. It was the Norse ideal of the great aim of life. Sir Walter Scott has won our sympathy for the Highland gentleman and his dependants of some few centuries ago, notwithstanding their loose notions about " meum " and " tuum" in the matter of their neighbours' cattle. But if his national hate of the southron sanctified the spoiling of the Saxon goods into a sort of religion, the Norseman — taking human nature as it is — had even a better excuse for the in- juries he inflicted on the Christian cause. Haliday, in his " Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin," men- tions that Denmark was filled by Saxons who had escaped thither to avoid forced baptism by Charle- magne. These worshippers of Thor and Frega could scarcely be expected to be attracted to a religion recommended by the peculiar methods Charlemagne adopted of preaching the Gospel. It is told of him, that in one day he had 4,500 Saxons beheaded because they refused to be baptised. We cannot wonder that those who fled from a religion thus recommended carried with them a thorough hate of Christian clergy and of Christian institutions. Nor need we wonder that these Saxons infected their Norwegian kinsmen with the same sentiments. Thus, inspired by thirst for plunder and by hate of Chris- tianity, the Scandinavian pirates approached the defenceless shores of Fingal. 40 Fingal and its Churches. Dr. Todd (" Wars of the Gaedhil with the Gaill "i) considers that 795 was about the year of their first ap- pearance on the Irish coast, and that Rechru of Bregia (Lambay) was among the first places they devastated. The " Annals of the Four Masters " put the date two years earlier. They tell that in 793 Inis Padraice or Patrick was " burned by foreign plunderers, who carried ofi" the shrine of Dochonna." The Christian communities on these two islands and on Ireland's Eye were again plundered in 798. Offering an easy and attractive prey, they were the first parts of Fingal attacked ; but soon the cruel raids extended over the plains of Fingal. Here are some of the records : — " 819. Edar (Howth) was plundered by the Danes, who brought away thence many women in captivity." " 824. The Danes burned Lusk." " 830. The Danes plundered Duleek, Meath, and the tribe of Cianachta, with all their churches." And in 836 the Ostmen entered the Lififey, and for the first time took Ath-Cliath. This became henceforth their head- quarters. In due time they founded here the city of ' The " Wars of the Gaedhil (the Irish) with the Gaill " (the strangers) is a record compiled about the time of Brian Boru. It is a chronicle of bloodshed. Its opening sentence is suggestive of the horror with which the Irish regarded the Danes : — ' ' There was an astonishing and awfully great oppression all over Erinn throughout its breadth by powerful azure Gentiles (Norwegians) and by fierce hard-hearted Danars (Danes)." The Danes in Fingal. 41 Dublin. Baile-atba-cliath, i.e., " the town of the ford of hurdles," was but a little village then, owing its sole importance to the bridge of wicker hurdles which spanned the Liffey. The waters of the stream •were very dark there, possibly because of the peaty soil, and when the Danish city began to rise, it was called Dublin, Dubh-line, the dark water. Before the Ostmen settled in Ath-Cliath, In- bher-Domnainn (Malahide) was the chief centre for their raiding expeditions into Fingal and Meath. One sad monument of them remains to this day. North-east View, Glasmore Abbey, A.D. 1887. There is, about one mile and a-half to the north- west of Swords, an interesting old ruin and well. The ruin is called Glasmore Abbey. The well is 42 Fingal and its Churches. called St, Cvonan's Well. The Abbey had been founded by this saint about a century after Columba founded Swords. The annals tell us, but with some disregard to the points of the compass : — • " Glasmore is a church near Swords in the south, whither came the Northmen of Inbher-Domnainn, and slew both Cronan and his entire fraternity in one night. They did not let one escape. There was the entire company crowned with martyrdom." (Archdall's Monasticon, p. 631.) That fatal night was probably February the 10th, for that is the date given in the calendar for the martyrdom of St. Cronan. It is easy to see why the Danes were attracted to Malahide. The estuary afforded a safe harbour for their galleys, such as was oifered nowhere else in Fingal. It was also a good centre for attack upon the well-to-do ecclesiastical communities of Swords and Lusk, not to speak of the smaller places like Glasmore. In addition to the instances already given, we find that in 825 Lusk was plundered by the Danes. And again, in 854, " The Duirteach (Penitentiary Lazaretto) of Lusk was burned by the Northmen." But as soon as the Danish relation to Ireland altered, and when, in the ninth century, from being plunderers they became settlers, it was natural they should prefer to transfer their head-quarters to Dublin from Malahide. Its much finer river was better suited The Dmies in Fingal. 43 for the permanent anchorage of a large fleet, and its position provided a suitable site for a fortified town, and for the seat of settled government and of mercantile enterprise. But these Northmen had other difficul- ties to contend with than Celtic foes, ere they settled down in the land they had conquered. It was easy enough to overcome the Celtic population of Fingal. The Celts were a pastoral people. The Danes be- came merchants ; but they were first, and chiefly, pirates and soldiers. The Northmen had the far more difficult task of agreeing among themselves as to how they were to divide the spoils of Fingal. They fought unitedly enough, like all robbers, for the spoils ; but when they got them, the crucial difficulty had to be solved. Who was to have what ? And so at first, as Dr. Todd, in the " Wars of the Gaedhil with the Gaill," points out, there was no dis- tinction between the foreigners until the year 849. Then they began to prey upon each other. The Dubhghoill (the Danes) arrived at Ath-Cliath, and made a great slaughter of the Finnghoill (the Nor- wegians), who had settled there ; and then a series of reprisals followed. " The Black-gentile Danars endeavoured to drive the Fair-gentiles out of Erinn." But these Northmen were too shrewd not to know that they could never hold a conquered country if they were not united. Apparently this internecine conflict ceased within the century which saw it commence. They had enough to do to defend 44 Fingal and its Churches. themselves at times from the dispossessed race. The conquered Celts plucked up courage. In the year 897 the annals tell us that the foreigners were " ex- pelled from the fortress of Ath-Cliath by Cearbhall, son of Muirigen, and leaving great numbers of their ships behind, escaped half dead across the sea." Many escaped to Ireland's Eye, where they were besieged. Here a new trouble befell them ; they were attacked by famine. A curious account of the cause of this famine is given by Caradocus of Lhan- carvau^: — " In the year 897 Ireland was destroyed by strange worms, having two teeth, which consumed all that was green in the land. These [continues he] seem to have been locusts, a rare plague in these countries, but often seen in Africa, Italy, and other hot regions." Another account — under the year 897 — adds that " these devourers left neither corn nor grass, nor food for man or beast, but consumed all that was green in the land." Thus attacked by sword and famine, the Northmen sought refuge in Wales. It would be wandering beyond the limits of this story of Fingal to dwell farther on the transitory check the power of the Danes received at the close of the ninth century, except to notice that Fingal shared in the temporary peace which followed it. If it cannot be said that ** the land had rest forty * See " History of Dublin," by Revs. J. Whitelaw and Robert Walsh, Vol. I., p. 123. The Danes in Fingal. 45 years/' it had rest for something more than half that time. Again the Northmen returned. In the year 919, Citric, their leader, recovered Dublin, and from that time until the English invasion they were practically masters, not only of Dublin, but also of Fingal. Fingal had the honour of being the scene of the great battle which broke the Danish power in the larger part of Ireland, but not in the Co. Dublin, where their power re-asserted itself again soon after the battle. On Good Friday, April 23, 1014, Brian Boru won his glorious victory at Clontarf over the Northmen. He was slain there, and the monks of Swords carried his body to their church of St. Columba, where it rested until arrangements were made to carry it to Armagh for burial. Dr. Todd/ Mr. Haliday,' Dr. Stokes, and others having described this battle so fully, no attempt shall be made here to do so. A prince of Fingal, fifteen years after it, dealt the Northmen another blow, for the annals tell us that in 1029 "Amlafl", son of Sitric, Lord of the Danes, was captured by Mahon O'Eiagain, Lord of Bregia, and liberated on ransom." But Brian Boru's great battle was not a decisive victory. Two years after it, the annals mention that " Swords was burned by Sitric, son of Amlalf, and the Danes of Dublin and such successes as that of O'Riagain scarcely disturbed ' " Wars of the Gaedhil with the Gaill." * " Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin." 45 Fingal and its Churches. the Danish settlement. This raid of Amlaif 's was the last Danish raid we read of in Fingal. The Danes remained, in reality, masters there. They had learned some of the arts of peace, and they held their ground as settlers. Thus Haliday mentions that in 1038 Citric, King of the Danes, was living on his town and lands of Portrane, and that all Rathhenny and Baldoyle belonged to him ; and pre- vious to the English invasion we find that a certain Hamund Fitz-Torkaill, a Dane, was in possession of Kinsaley, near Portmarnock, whose right to the pro- perty Henry 11. afterwards recognised, on condition that he paid two marks annually.^ These Fitz- Torkaills, MacTorkills, or Torquills, as we shall see later on, also owned Malahide and Ballyboghill. SECTION II. Though the plains of Fingal were freed from the plundering raids of the Northmen once they became settlers there, the Christian Church in Fingal seemed to fare no better because of this. The spoil- ing of her goods continued, only the spoilers were no longer Northmen ; they were henceforth Celts. When the Danes ceased to treat unhappy Fingal as in the earlier centuries of their stay,they seem to have taught their evil ways to the Celtic neighbours 1 "History of Co. Dublin," by J. D'Alton, p. 220. The Danes in Fingal. 47 of Fingal. It must have been a fearful i^lace to live in for all who loved peace and a quiet life during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Here are some ex- tracts from the "Annals of the Four Masters": — " A.D. 1012, Maolechlain marched with great armies into the Danish territories and burned the country as far as Howth ; but Sitrince (Sitric) and Maolmordha deprived them of one of their preys, and slew 200 of them, among whom were Flann, the son of Maolechlain, and the son of Lircan, who was son of Echtigheirn, Lord of Cenel Meachirir, and many others. This was the defeat of Draighnen, in memory of which the following rami was com- posed : — On a Monday set out on an expedition The men of Meath with confident march. The Danes we hear were bloody (on that day) At Draighnen on the expedition." This incursion of Celtic hordes may have been with the object of punishing the Danes, and may have been one of the preliminary uprisings of the Celts against their Danish conquerors which cul- minated in the great Battle of Clontarf. But here follow records of Celtic plundering attacks on Swords church and monastery : — " A.D. 993, Swords of Columkille burned by Maolechlain." "A.D. 1020, Swords burned by Conor O'Maelachlann ; " and again in A.D. 1031 : " A.D. 1048, Hugh, son of Maolan O'Madhailt, Erenach of Swords, was killed 48 Fingal and its Churches. in the middle of the church on Good Friday night." About this time Ardbrackan, in Meath, was plundered by Citric, " in revenge of which Conor O'Melaghlin plundered and burned Swords of Columkille." "A.D. 1067, Lusk was burned." " A.D. 1069, Lusk and Swords burned." " A.D. 1089, Lusk was burned by the men of Munster, and 180 persons were burned in the stone church." " A.D. 1130, Swords, with its churches and relics, burned." " A.D. 1136, Mac Ciarain, Erenach of Swords, was slain by the men of Farney." " A.D. 1150 and 1156, Swords burned." Now, some of this work of devastation may have been by Danes ; but much of it, from the names of the devastators, was plainly by fellow-countrymen. On turning to Appendix VIII., it will be seen that Swords and Lusk were, through these two centuries, entii'ely officered by Celtic Bishops and Abbots ; and if the heads of these institutions were Celts, we may be certain the subordinates were also. In other words, the presence of the Northmen — their common foes — seems to have pointed out in vain the urgent need there was for Celtic union. The reli- gious life and impulse, so noble and so strong up to the eighth century, were now dead everywhere, save in a few places. Long years of anarchy had helped to kill them. Superstition and asceticism prevailed in their stead. There are many instances of Fingal and its Christian settlements being wasted by the Celts of Tlie Danes in Fingal. 49 other tribes in this century. Here are some of them recorded by the annalists in that matter-of-course sort of way our daily papers publish their column with births, marriages, and deaths : " A.D. 1052, a predatory excursion was made by the son of Maelnambo into Fingal, and he burned the country before him from Dublin to Albene (the river Delvin). However, they did not take any kine until they had fought great battles around the Dun, where many fell on either side ; so that the Lord of the Danes, i.e., Eachmhoicach, the son of Eandal, went over the sea, and the son of Maelnambo seized on the sovereignty of the Danes after him." But next year the Danes were not an excuse for invading Fingal. " A.D. 1053, Donough, son of Brian and Conor O'Melaghlin, marched with an army into Fingal, and the men of Teffia, i.e., the foxes, took away captives from the stone church of Lusk, and obtained from McMaoil- nambo hostages, among whom was Mor, the daughter of Congalach O'Conor. Dermot McMaoilnambo and Giolla Padraic, Lord of Ossory, went into Meath, and took away captives and great spoils in revenge of Mor, the daughter of Congalach O'Conor, who went to Conor O'Melaghlin in violation of the guarantee of Giolla Padraic, and in revenge of the cattle spoil which O'Melaghlin had taken from Leiuster." This Mor, the daughter of Congal O'Conor, was a great misfortune to Fingal. The same year she is again connected with its troubles. " A.D. 1053, an army 50 Fingal and its Churches. was led by the grandson of Brian, i.e., Donagh, and by Conor O'Mailseochlain, into Fingal ; and the men of Teffia, i.e., the foxes, brought many captives from Doimhliag Lusca (the cathedral of Lusk), and they carried off hostages from the son of Maelnambo, together with Mor, the daughter of Congal O'Conor." What a picture the annals paint of Celtic Home Eule ! The state of things in Fingal was just as bad in the next century. " A.D. 1112, Donnell O'Lough- lin made a plundering excursion into Fingal, i.e., as far as Droichit Dublingaill, i.e., the bridge of the black Dane." " A.D. 1131, Fingal was plun- dered by Donnell, the son of Morogh O'Melaghlin." "A.D, 1133, Conor, son of Morogh O'Melaghlin, Koj'danna of Tara, was slain by Donogh, the son of GioUa Macolmog, Roydanna of Leinster, and Donogh himself was slain by the men of Meath, viz., by Hugh, the son of Hugh, in a month after in revenge for the death of Conor. Lusk, with its churches, people, and treasure, was burned on the Fingallians by the same party, in revenge for the son of Morogh^ i.e., Conor." " A.D. 1162, Mortegh O'Loughlin led an army of the men of the north of Ireland and of Meathians, together with a battalion of Connacians, to Dublin for the purpose of expelling the Danes, but returned without battle or hostage, after, however, plundering Fingal." We wonder, as we think what a pandemonium of The Danes in Fingal. 51 godlessness and bloodshed these records reveal, that any sign of the Christian religion was left in Fingal. Finglas, indeed, as a Christianising influence and centre, seems to have disappeared from Fingal story during most of the eleventh century, and all of the twelfth ; but Lusk and Swords were still centres of Christian light, and still the little island monastery of Holmpatrick had its saintly worthies, as this record reminds us : "A.D. 1124, Maolcolain, the son of Maolmaith O'Connagain, an illustrious priest, and the sage of the wisdom and piety of the east of Ireland, died in Inis-Pattraice, Dec. 23." It is hard for us, at this distance of time, to form a conception of the difficulties under which the in- mates of Swords and Lusk continued their minis- trations in the surrounding district. We have seen that these two places were mother churches, with a number of dependent chapels. This was their con- dition up to the time of the English invasion. Week- day after week-day, and Sunday after Sunday, it was the duty of clergy from these centres to go north, south, east, and west to visit the sick, to relieve the distressed, and to hold divine service in the depend- ent chapels. The life these clergy led must have been very simple, their lot at times very hard. We have already seen the kind of home they lived in ; it was not very luxurious. Neither were they accus- tomed to use the vestments of a later day. The distinctive habits of the various ecclesiastical 52 Fingal and its Churches. orders, we learn from Archdall's " Monasticon,'' were all Roman introductions. His book gives illus- trations of them. The Irish clerical tunic was a long, loose garment with sleeves. Indeed, it is pro- bable that even this garment was not overmuch cared for ; it was necessary to pass an Irish canon in the eighth century decreeing its use : " Every clerk, from the door-keeper to the priest, who shall be seen without his tunic . . . shall be separated from the Church ;" but Irish ecclesiastics really wore the same dress as the laity. Anyone curious to learn Irish fashions down to the time of the English domination, can find them in " Dress of the Ancient Irish," J. C. Walker, Dublin, 1788. And so we may picture the better clad of these clergy of Swords and Lusk going about their work. The shirt called cota was of woollen stuif dyed yellow. Spenser thinks " their colour was to avoid the evil which comes of much sweating." And Lord Bacon offers a sugges- tion about it which implies that he thinks the laun- dress was not overworked. He tells us — " The Irish wear saffron-coloured shirts which remain long clean." Over this shirt was the canabhas or fillead, a large loose garment, often of skin, which covered all the body. There was another garment sometimes used called the cochal. It was a long cloak, with a large hanging hood, fastened on the breast by a brooch — Dealg Fallainne. The legs were protected by a closely- fitting garment called truis or bracca, and the feet The Danes in Fingal. 53 by brogs or brogues made of dried skins with the hair turned out, and fastened by leather thongs. The head was protected by a conical cap, with the cone hanging down, called barrad. But it is probable that the humbler and poorer ecclesiastics were not so comfortably clad as this list would imply. In these primitive times the human constitution was more inured to hardship than now, and such very scant clothing was so much the rule, that the canon already quoted decreed the penalty mentioned against any clerk who was not careful to " cover the naked- ness '' of his person. But there was one more characteristic of Irish clerical fashion specially worthy of note. In common with his countrymen, the ecclesiastic wore his hair in long locks — coluns or glibbs — hanging over his shoulders. These were for many a day the objects of the ridicule and contempt of the Norman conquerors. But in the case of the Irish clergy there was added this element in the distinctiveness of national fa- shions, that the difference in the treatment of the hair was a constant cause of antagonism between the Irish and the Roman churches. From early times it had been the custom of Christian monks, as a distinctive mark of their calling, to shave a portion of their heads. It was called the tonsure. The Roman monks always shaved the hair from the top of the head, leaving only a circle of close-cut hair to grow round the base of the skull. This custom still 54 Fingal and its Churches. prevails in the Eoman Catholic Church. The Irish clergy only shaved or clipped the hair in front of the head from ear to ear, allowing it to grow long behind, and we have historical evidence that this was the ton- sure of the following founders of the Christian Church in Fingal — Finan, Columba, Canice, and Nessan.^ Let us try to picture to ourselves a brother Thomas setting off on a Sunday from Swords through the roadless woods of Kilsallaghan, or on by the marshy Palmerstown and Ballymadun for Garris- town. After a weary trudge along some rough track, his destination is reached ; a little congrega- tion is gathered of rustics who cannot read, who never saw a Bible MS. ; service is commenced, or it may be a simple exhortation of the monk to his hearers to be good Christians, or, perhaps, he is catechizing a class of uncouth, shock-headed, half- clad or unclad young savages. Suddenly a terrified peasant rushes in, crying something which means " The Philistines be upon thee," for some Mortagh O'Loughlin, or Conor O'Melaghlin, with their savage kerne, has made a raid from Meath or Uriel. In a moment the congregation and the class are scat- tered. They can easily hide themselves ; but the monk has a poor chance of his life unless he runs for it very promptly ; besides, he wishes to warn his brethren in Lusk or Swords of their danger. And ' See " Primer of Irish Church History," by R. King, p. 61. The Danes in Fingal. 55 now there is a race for it — a weary run. There must be many, whose names are only to be found in God's book, who, otherwise unknown, have fallen in such a battle, and often, even when the monastery was safely reached, it did not alford protection, for, as we have seen, the annals tell how frequently these Fingal monasteries were burned and robbed. And if it were a call of duty in the direction of Ibher Domnainn (Malahide), peril from another source had to be met. As yet no brother Robartach was there. Someone is dying near the coast, so brother Thomas must come from Swords. The fierce Dane is on the estuary. Brother Thomas knows not how the day may end for him ; but the Master's work must be done, so, with his life in his hand, he comes to speak comfort and to pray with the dying man. In the frequent destructions of the monasteries all records of such work must have disappeared ; but this must have been the kind of battle the ministers of Christ's Gospel had to fight, and the kind of labour they had to undergo in building up their flock in the faith. 56 Filigal and its Churches. SECTION III. It is to the later period of the Danish settlement in Ireland we probably owe the round towers. Fingal contains two of the most perfect of these — one at Swords, and one at Lusk. It is unnecessary here to enter into any discussion as to the origin of the round towers of Ireland. It is sufficient to re- call the fact that there was some difference of opinion upon the subject: opinion was to some extent di-vided, as to whether they had a Christian or a Pagan origin. The curious thing is, that the Irish annals give us very little direct help in deciding the controversy. They only tell us when a few of these towers were erected.^ Local nomenclature does not give us any help. No Irish locality derives its name from a round tower, while "Rath^' (a fort), "Dun" (a citadel), " Cashel " (a wall), "Cahir" (a city), en- ter into a large number of Irish local names. A perusal of the names of the parishes of Fingal, with their explanations in Appendix VII., will show what a handmaid to history is Irish local nomencla- ture, and what a store of otherwise hidden informa- tion about the past is often wrapped up in a name. * Among the few is the tower of Tomgrany, Co. Clare. In the " Chronicum Scotorum," edited by W. M. Hennessy, we have this record : " A.D. 964, Corman O'Cillan died, by whom the great Church of Tuairagreine (Tomgrany) and its cloigtech (round tower) were constructed." 58 Fingal and its Churches. But this only makes it the more remarkable that we have at hand such scant means of learning about the origin of these round towers. Lord Dunraven has tabulated the allusions in the Irish annals to the round towers. One hundred and eight round towers are known to have existed. There are but sixty-two allusions from all the Irish annals to these towers, while many of these allusions are to the same tower. There is no reference of any kind in the annals to the towers of Swords and Lusk. This is very remarkable, for the erection of each of them must have been a great event in its day. Bishop Eeeves, Dr. Petrie, Lord Dunraven, and Dr. Stokes adduce strong reasons in proof of their Chris- tian origin. In many of them we find decoration of a distinctly Christian character. There is sculptured over the doorway of a round tower at Antrim a pierced cross within a circle ; and over the doorway of Donoughmore tower, Co. Meath, there is an effigy of the crucifixion carved. And it is certainly significant that all the round towers are found close to churches. Giraldus Cambrensis, who wrote shortly after the English conquest, called them Ecclesiastical Towers. The Irish name for a round tower is Cloictheach, i.e., a bell-house. Dr. Petrie, in his work upon the subject, thinks that round towers were common in Ireland in the sixth and seventh centuries, but that most of them date from the ninth and tenth cen- turies, while three or four existing towers, which are The Danes in Fingal. 59 united to their churches, date from the thirteenth century. He thinks that the purpose they were meant to serve was three-fold — as a belfry, as a store for books, sacred vessels, and other valuables of the church or monastery, and also, as a place of refuge in time of danger. We can well believe that the towers of Swords and Lusk were often used as stores for valuables, and as places for refuge during the centuries of unrest we have described, more especially when we remember the frail nature of the structures of the churches and monasteries at the time. Indeed, the condition of Fingal at the probable time of the erection of the towers of Swords and Lusk suggests the strong pro- bability that considerations of safety for person and for property were the chief reasons for their erection. They must have been excellent as places of refuge, though at times even a round tower failed to afford protection, as this extract from the annals proves : A.D. 948, the Cloictheach of Slane was burned by the Danes with its full of relics and good people, with Caoine-chair, reader of Slane, and the crozier of the patron saint, and a bell, the best of bells." On this subject of bells it may be well to notice, that, in all probability, the bells used in these Cloictheachs were hand-bells rung from the summit. Lord Dunraven states ^ that ' See "Irish Architecture," Vol. II., p. 166. 6o Fingal and its Churches. about the tenth century bell-ringing was practised in two ways in Ireland — one, the signal bell of the hand-ringer ; the other, the art of the carillon player, which implied a knowledge of music, and tested the players' talents. He gives some beautiful illustra- tions, taken from various ancient sources, of this method of ringing bells. The bells were fixed, and without tongues — often a series of them tuned to different notes. One or more bell-ringers, called aistire, stood or sat underneath to strike with a hammer. Now, this may explain a feature in the bell-turrets of many of our more ancient Fingal ruins. On the inside face of each of the triple-arched bell- turrets of Malahide, Ballyboghill, and Hollywood, there are steps ascending to the belfry, and on the outside face of the bell-turret of Howth Abbey is a well-protected flight of stairs, up which the bell- ringers could easily walk. We have not a few records already noticed, of burnings of the " church of Columkille," and of *' the stone church of Lusk ;" but not one word of allusion is there in any record of round towers there ; yet there they were almost certainly during many of the Danish and Celtic raids already related. Of our two round towers. Swords is probably the older. Bishop Reeves thinks it was erected during the ninth century, or early in the tenth century. As in the case of the older towers, it has little orna- ment about it. It stands alone. It is built of The Danes in Fingal. 6i hammered stones, and it has quadrangular doorways. Most of the towers have one doorway, about nine feet from the ground. Through this doorway refugees could gain admittance by a ladder, which they could draw up after them in time of attack, and thus, in days when artillery was unknown, be completely safe from every method of assault but the one which proved successful at Slane ; for it is quite conceivable that an immense fire round the base of a tower could practically roast all the inmates. But the tower of Swords, like only a few others, has a second door directly over the entrance doorway. Both doorways are quadrangular. The lower or entrance doorway is at present only a few feet from the ground. It is 6 feet high, 2 feet wide at the top, and 2 feet 2 inches at the bottom. The upper doorway is 20 feet from the ground, 4 feet high, and 2 feet wide. The total height of the tower is 75 feet. It is one of those with the largest circumference, 55 feet, and with the thickest walls, 4 feet 8 inches. Inside of the walls are projecting stones to sustain four floors. An enthusiastic antiquarian, who was Vicar of Swords from 1682 to 1704, resolved to suggest to succeeding generations that this tower had evidently a Christian origin. He placed the cross on the apex of the cone which still caps the tower. Under this cone are four large openings directly facing the four points of the compass. Through the thousand years this tower has stood, 62 ' Fingal and its Churches. what vicissitudes it has witnessed ! It saw the cruel Danes come often from Malahide or Dublin to slay and carry away. It saw many a horde of Celtic kerne — fellow-countrymen of its guardians — make their unnatural raids on its people. It saw, in the time yet to be described, haughty Norman ecclesi- astics supplant the simple monks who succeeded Columba, and supersede with their Roman erroi's the pure faith of the Church of St. Patrick. It saw many a deed of shame and injustice done in the feuds of Norman adventurers over the spoils of con- quest. It saw the old Church of St. Patrick reformed from the Roman dogma and discipline which had been imposed by Dane and Norman. It saw the fierce struggles of Protestant and of Romanist for supremacy ; and it saw, in the pretty town beneath it, an example of one of the most corrupting political systems which the wit of man ever devised. There is much difficulty about fixing, even approxi- mately, the date of the building of the round tower at Lusk. It probably dates from Celtic times just before the Conquest. The Norman square tower, which is built into it at the north-east corner, pos- sibly dates from a few centuries later. And it is interesting now, as also in the case of Swords, to look on the three examples of church architecture, though separated by long intervals of time, standing side by side — the modern church of this century, the Norman tower, which once pertained to an The Danes in Fmgal. 63 abbey and monastic establishment, possibly six hundred years old, and the Celtic round tower of a period much earlier. This tower of Lusk is 100 feet high ; but its circumference is not nearly so great as that of Swords. Like Swords, its entrance doorway is now within a few feet of the ground ; but possibly the ancient graveyard has grown many feet up to it. It has no windows at the top. Whatever may once have capped it, there is now only a metal covering, with a slight incline from centre to circum- ference protecting it. There are series of stones let into the inside wall for supporting six floors. 64 Fingal and its Churches. Bishop Reeves calculated, that, on an emergency, sixty people could have found refuge within its walls. Though Irish annals have given us little help towards finding out when and why and how the round towers were built, Irish tradition — well befitting the mystery of their origin — tells us of a semi-mythical person who was their first builder and designer, and that Fingal had the honour of being his home. At Turvey, in the present parish of Donabate, this tra- ditional person lived. Mr. E. O'Curry, in his Lec- tures on " The Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish," records many a story of him, and Dr. Petrie thinks such a person probably lived. His name was St. Gobban Saer, i.e., St. Gobban the carpenter. There seems not to have been very much of the saint about him. Though the builder of many churches, he rarely entered one, and he was, moreover, a grasp- ing fellow. This trait in his character he possibly inherited from a Danish father. We are told that his father was not a native of the country, but be- longed to a dark-haired foreign race. Having built the towers of Antrim, Killala, and several others, he grew so exorbitant in his charges, that some saints who wanted him to build for them became angry and struck him blind. Possibly his blindness, or his excessive charges, accounted for his not having built the towers of Swords and Lusk, though they were within a few miles of his residence. One thing is certain about the building of these towers — it waa The Danes in Fiiigal. 65 a special art which seems to have been lost. At- tempts have been made to imitate them, but never with success. Wherever a round tower has fallen, external injury of some kind has been the cause : the masonry never decays. In Harris's " History of the Co. Down," it is recorded that about the year 1714 a round tower in Down was overthrown by a great storm, but that, so excellent was its masonry, " it lay at length and entire on the ground, like a large gun, without breaking to pieces, so wonderfully hard and binding was the cement used in the work." SECTION IV. Before we leave the period which connects the Nortlimen with Fingal, it is worth noticing how very slight was the mark they left behind them beyond the recollection of their cruelty. Their memory is preserved in a few names. Among some few fami- lies in the district we find the Danish names of Seaver, Seagrave, &c. The Danes changed the name Inis-Patrick into Holmpatrick, Rechru into Lam- bay, Inis-Nessan into Ireland's Eye, Edar into Howth. Two other names which they have left us possibly recall their internecine feuds. Baldoyle (Bally-dubh-gael), the town of the black strangers, and possibly Fingal (Feon-gael), the territory of the fair strangers, remind us how the Danes and F 66 Fingal and its Churches. Norwegians once forgot that they came of the same stock. But they left us no churches, no institutions which we can recall with gratitude. Any Christianity they did leave behind was distinctly a misfortune to Fingal. It helped to fasten the yoke of Kome upon the Church of St. Patrick. Within the new Danish city of Dublin all the churches built by the Danes when they accepted Christianity were dedicated to saints whose names appear in the Roman and other Western martyr- ologies — Audoen, James, Nicholas, Michael, Ca- therine, Andrew, Mary le Dam, Werburg. One Danish-Roman saint alone they remembered, Olaf. Outside the Danish city Celtic dedications exclusively prevailed — Patrick, Bridget, Kevin. And so it was through Fingal : none but Celtic dedications pre- vailed there before the Conquest (see Appendix VII.) — Patrick, Columkille, MacCullin, Canice, Nessan, Barroc, Mernock, and so on. This subject of dedication is a small matter in itself ; but it is one of the straws which shows the direction of the theological winds of the period. There was no community of sentiment between the Danish Church of Dublin and the Celtic Church of Fingal, even on the outskirts of the conqueror's city. It is the natural tendency of the conqueror to despise the conquered and their religion. The conquered can scarcely be expected to indulge in enthusiastic ad- miration of the religion of their conquerors. In The Danes in Fingal. 67 nothing has so-called Irish nationalism proved itself more eccentric, than when, in the course of subse- quent events, it accepted the religion of its English conquerors, while it never ceased to hate the nation which imported this religion. During the third century of their occupation — the period of political conquest — the Danes seem to have left the Church in Fingal, which they previously plundered, alone. We find the abbots and bishops of Lusk and Swords, as well as the lesser ecclesiastics, during the tenth and eleventh centuries, with Celtic names similar to those of their predecessors before the year 795. The truth is, the Danes despised the native Church. They got their Christianity from Rome through England. Mr. Haliday gives interest- ing details of the process. Sitric, Danish King of Dublin, was baptized and converted to Christianity in England, and married the sister of King Athel- stan there in 925. He died a heathen. Anlaff, his successor, remained a pagan to his death. But Sitric's son, Aulaff Cuaran, on visiting England in 943, was converted to Christianity and received at baptism in the presence of King Edmund. This Anlaff's religion decided the religion of his subjects. A number of Anglo-Saxon monks followed him in 944 from Northumberland as missionaries to his Irish-Danish subjects.^ Thus the source of their ' See " Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin," Book II., Chap. vi. 68 Fingal and its Churches. conversion connected them with Rome rather than with the Irish Church. Once the connection was made, it was maintained, even in spite of social influences, which have always heen very strong in Ireland. The religious influence of Irishwomen has always been a wonderful and generally an invariable power over their conquerors. Alas, that it should have to be added it was too often a debasing power. We all know that it was their Irish Eoman Catholic wives who made Cromwell's Ironsides and other English Protestant settlers, time after time, " Hiber- nis ipsis Hiberniores." Could it have been that an Ostman husband was not so amenable a spouse as a husband of the later and more mixed English race ? For Mr. Haliday notices that by the eleventh century the Christianized Ostmen of Dublin so frequently intermarried with the native race that it became hard to say whether the Kings of Dublin should be called Irish or Scandinavian. But the Christianity of these Ostmen was generally little more than a veneer. Their morality was extremely lax, the marriage tie of the loosest nature. Further, we must remember that the native Irish Church had by this time fallen away sadly from the spirituality and devotion which had won for Ireland some centuries before the honoured title of " The Island of Saints." Thus the influence for good of the Irish Church must have been seriously curtailed. Tlie Danes in Fingal. 69 Many of these later Ostmen kings lived curious lives. When the natural man controlled them, they plun- dered their neighbours in just as thoroughgoing a way as any of their Scandinavian forefathers ; but conscience sometimes disturbed them, and the (Roman) Church had taught the easy method of quieting this inward monitor by giving grants of land for religious purposes. In this way Sitric, King of the Ostmen of Dublin, who is said to have founded the Priory of the Holy Trinity (Christ Church Cathedral) about the year 1038, in one of these intervals of remorse, granted to this Prioi-y a good slice of Fingal out of lands which he held in Baldoyle, Lambay, and Portrane. Through all these past centuries of Danish power in Dublin, Swords had its own succession of bishops (see Appendix VIII.) ; and during portion of them Finglas and Lusk had their own bishops ; while the Ostmen Bishops of Dublin went regularly to Canter- bury for consecration. It must be admitted that the Irish system had, in the course of time, led to many abuses. Sufficient care was not always taken in the selection of those who were consecrated bishops, or ordained to the two inferior orders of the ministry, and many evil consequences resulted. But apart from tills, the difference of system necessarily created considerable friction between the native and the imported Churches. Two instances are on record which show how great this friction became. 70 Fingal and its Churches. The Pope of Rome was not slow to recognise what useful allies the Danes were. In the year 1118 a Synod was convened at Rathbreasil, Co. Westmeath. It was the first occasion on which a Pope's Legate was president of an Irish council. That legate was Gilebert, Bishop of the Danish city of Limerick. The Synod decreed that, exclusive of Dublin, which was to remain subject to Canterbury, Ireland was to be divided into twenty-four dioceses. The practical effect of this was that a bishop would henceforth rule over a definite district. In itself this was a wise measure. All Fingal, and all the rest of the present Dioceses of Dublin and Glendalough, except the Danish city of Dublin, were included in the one Diocese of Glendalough, under one Bishop, who was seated at Glendalough. Bishop Pieeves, in his " Analysis of the United Diocese of Dublin and Glendalough," tells us : — " The Diocese of Glendalough was defined as extending from Grianoge (now Greenoge, on the confines of Meath and Dublin) to beg-Erin (a small island in Wexford Harbour), and from Naas to Rechrann (Lambay), giving, in a rough way, by well-known landmarks, the outline of a tract even more extensive than the present union." Now, at this time Swords had its own bishop, by name Mackienan. Why should he yield allegiance to Glendalough ? However, he died in 1136. It is probable that the Bishop of Glendalough then became supreme, for Mackienan was the last Bishop of The Danes in Fingal. 71 Swords. But Glendalougli (including, of course, Fingal) was not willing to submit to Kome, as the following incident, quoted from Mr. Haliday's " Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin " (p. 141, &c.), proves. A.D. 1151, Innocent III. learned that " Master John Papiron, the Legate of the Roman Church, found a Bishop dwelling in Dublin who at that time exercised his episcopal office within the walls. He found, in the same diocese, another church in the mountains (Glandalough), which likewise had the name of a city and had a certain chorepiscopus." But the Legate delivered the palP to (Danish) Dublin, " which was the best city,^^ but in reality chiefly because its bishop was already in connection with Rome ; and Papiron " appointed that that diocese in which both cities ivere should be divided, that one part thereof should fall to the metropolis, . . and this he would immediately have carried into effect, had he not been obstructed by the insolence of the Irish, who were then powerful in that part of the country," and whose insolence simply consisted in denying the authority of the Bishop of Eome. We will close this sketch of the Danes in Fingal with one other instance of the antagonism between the Danish and the native Churches. The last incident recorded shows the sentiments of the heads of the Church of Rome towards ' The pall was a Roman ecclesiastical ornament distinctive of an Archbishop. 72 Fingal and its Churches. the native Church. This shows the sentiments of the citizens of Danish Dublin. It is connected •with the first bestowal by the Pope of a pall on Dublin. lu the year 1121 Samuel O'Haingly, Ostman Bishop of Dublin, died. He had been con- Becrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury. The clergy and citizens of Dublin elected one Gregory, " a wise man," to fill the vacant see. They sent him " to the Most Reverend and Most Religious Lord Ralph, Archbishop of Canterbury," and with him a letter praying for consecration, in which are the fol- lowing suggestive observations : — " We have ever voluntarily subjected our prelates to the control of your predecessors, as remembering that it was from that quarter our chief pastors originally received their ecclesiastical dignity. Know you, however, for cer- tain, that the Bishops of Ireland entertain towards us the very greatest jealousy, and in particular that Bishop who has his residence at Armagh, in con- Bequence of our unwillingness to submit to their ordination, and our preferring to continue always in subjection to your authority." Gregory was therefore consecrated Bishop of Dublin, and thirty-one years after he received the Archbishop's pall already alluded to. CHAPTER III. THE ANGLO-NORMA.NS IN FINGAL, SECTION I. HE English Conquest led to many and great changes in the ecclesiastical organisation of Fingal. The Danes had prepared the way for thena. It would be beyond the purpose of this sketch to repeat the familiar story of that conquest. It is well just to bear in mind, how- ever, that Fitzgislebert (Strongbow) landed in Water- ford in 1170 ; that Dublin was taken from the Danes the same year, after a sharp fight ; that Henry II. fol- lowed Strongbow in 1171 ; and that by 1172 Dublin was completely subjected to Anglo-Norman rule. Fingal at once submitted to the new master. All heart for fighting must have been taken out of its people after four centuries of such a life as has been described. The last Norse King of Dublin — Hamund Mac Turkil — after his unsuccessful contest with the Anglo-Normans, retired to Malahide. He owned Baldoyle, Kinsally, Portmarnock, Malahide, and 74 Fingal and its Churches. Portrane ; ^ and some member of the Torquil family owned Ballybogliill. He soon left Malabide, to return with a Norwegian army, and to make another effort to regain his lost kingdom. He was beaten, taken prisoner, and beheaded. It seems that he might have retained his property had he been content to stay in peace, for Henry II. at first recognised Mac Turkil's rights on condition of his paying annually two marks to find lights for the holy rood in Christ Church Cathedral f but soon after Mac Turkil's final defeat, his lands of Kinsally were bestowed by the King on St. Mary's Abbey. Fingal at once became part of that district under English power which afterwards received the name of the Pale. However the Pale shrank or expanded under the manifold vicissitudes of English rule, Fingal nearly always remained a part of it. For Fingal Christianity the change was only out of the Danish frying-pan into the Norman fire. It was five centuries more of bloodshed, misrule, and god- lessness. The Anglo-Normans were devoted children of the Church of Piome. The only legal claim they could make to Ireland was the right asserted by the Pope to bestow it. In gratitude, as well as from policy, they at once set to work to Romanise the Irish Church. ' See " Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin," p. 142 ; and also " Chartularies of St. Mary's Abbey," Vol. I., p. 130. » " History of County Dublin," by J. D'Alton, p. 220. ) The Anglo-Normans in Fingal. 75 Fingal had unfortunately already helped to prepare the way for them. In the " Annals of the Four Masters " we read — " In 1148 a Synod was assembled at Inis-Pattraice (Holmpatrick) by Maolmfedhoich na Morgair (Malacby), Cowarb of Patrick (Archbishop of Armagh). It consisted of fifteen bishops and five NoHh-east View (exterior), Church of St. Patrick, A.D. 1887, St. Patrick's Inland. hundred priests. They sat for the purpose of estab- lishing rules and morality for the laity ; and, with the advice of the Synod, Malachy went the second time to Rome to confer with the Cowarb of Peter (the Pope)." The work this Synod really promoted was the submission of the heretofore independent Church of Ireland to the Church of Eome, of which Malachy was a devoted adherent. ^ ' See "Ireland and the Celtic Church," by G. T. Stokes, D.D., pp. 339-347. 75 Fingal and its Churches. Malachy early in life came under the influence of Gilebert, Roman Bishop of the Danish city of Limerick. He had long deplored the decay of the Irish Church. He was an unselfish enthusiast, a man of strong character, of great tenacity of purpose, South-west View (interior) ofClnmn ], Ch urch of St. Patrick, A.D. 1887, St. Patrick's Island. of saintly life. The Roman influence of Gilebert and of a teacher named Malchus from the great Norman monastery of Winchester, led him to look for reform of the abuses he deplored, and for revival of godliness through union with Rome and by her methods. And now, as soon as the Anglo-Norman power ■was supreme, these methods were at once applied to Fingal. The most sweeping reform was the change The Anglo-Normans in Fingal. yy from Celtic monasticism to the diocesan and paro- chial system. Had this reform been carried out solely with the object of promoting the spiritual welfare of Fingal, it would have accomplished great good. For effective effort and complete supervision, the diocesan and parochial system, if faithfully worked, is the best possible in the cure of souls. The origin of the diocesan system has already been described. The Celtic monastic system had long survived its usefulness, and the circumstances of primitive social life which gave it birth. It had become effete, and it led to many abuses. But there is too much reason to fear that the new system was imposed with the calculating policy of a conqueror. The characteristics of it which made it potent for good equally made it potent for evil. It is probable that the old Celtic system was per- mitted to prevail in Fingal for only a few years after the English Conquest. It would appear that the Churches of Ireland and of England went through somewhat similar processes in the adoption of the parochial system, with a difference only in the time of its adoption. England gave the system to Ireland more than a century after she had herself accepted it. Just as in the case of the Irish Celtic Church, there are not any traces of the existence of parochial clergy in the native British Church or in the Anglo- Saxon Church during the two first centuries of its life. The system of itinerancy then prevailed in 78 Fingal and its Churches. England, with filial churches, subordinate to a mother church. There were not localized parochial clergy until after the middle of the eighth century. The institution of parishes in England was a gradual process ; it was not completed until the time of Edward the Confessor (1042-1066).^ The system had been adopted in the Danish city of Dublin long before the English Conquest. The time of its introduction into Fingal is probably about the year 1179, the date of a bull of Pope Alexander III. to Laurence O'Toole, Archbishop of Dublin, in which the Pope — asserting the authority he claimed as supreme and sovereign Pontiff — states that he confirms to the Archbishop " the parochial churches of St. Thomas, St. Nicholas, &c., in the city of Dublin," thus speaking of the parochial system as existing already in the city. But when the Pope proceeds to confirm to the Archbishop the country parts of the diocese, he mentions in his bull not parochial churches, but simply churches ; for the old system of filial churches, dependent on a mother church, and with- out territorial boundaries, existed still in Fingal. Bishop Pieeves has translated this bull, and has 'For a very full treatment of this subject see "Horse DecanicEE Rurales," by W. Dansey, Ed. 1844, Vol. I., Sec- tion II., on Institution of Parishes and Parochial Clergy ; and also " Constitutional History," by Bishop Stubbs, Vol. I., Chapter on Ecclesiastical Aflfairs. The A nglo-Normans in Fingal. 79 identified most of the names mentioned in it.^ What were henceforth to be " the parochial contents of the Diocese of Dublin " are set forth at length. It is only necessary here to give that part of the bull relating to Fingal. The Pope confirms to Archbishop O'Toole "the churches, towns, and possessions of the church committed to you, hereinafter named, to wit," Lusca (Lusk, which extended to the northern boundaries of the diocese and the county, including Balrothery and Baldungan), with all that belongs to it ; Sordum (Swords), with all its appurtenances within and without ; Finglas, with all its appur- tenances, saving moreover the half of Eechrannu (Lambay), and the port of Rechrann (Portrane) ; Eathchillin (Clonmethan), Glasnedin (Glasnevin), with its mill ; Duncuanach (Drumcondra), Balen- gore (near Coolock), Killesra (Killester), Cenannsale (Kinsaley), Clochar (St. Doulagh's), Rathsalchan (? Kilsallaghan), the island of the former sons of Nessan (Ireland's Eye, including its chapel of Kil- barrack). This new parochial system in Fingal was, however, modified by the former Celtic system. Most of the dependent chapelries continued, but parochial ' See " Analysis of the Dioceses of Dublin and Glenda- lougli," 1869, pp. 3, 4. Archbishop Ussher has given a very inaccurate account of this bull. See Vol. IV., p. 552, of his works . 8o Fingal and its Churches. districts were assigned to them ; and most of these parochial chapeh-ies were attached to a monastic institution as their mother church, and were minis- tered to hy vicars or curates. Thus Finglas, Swords, and Lusli maintained their old supremacy, only they became parishes with territorial boundaries, and their dependents, in like manner, became parishes ; and, as time went on, some of these dependent parochial churches, like Balrothery, grew strong enough to be independent. Some, in their turn, became mothers, like Hollywood and Garristown. A feature of Fingal is the extraordinary number of its ruined churches, some of them within a mile of each other, none more than two and a-half miles apart, even in the most thinly-populated districts. Their number is, in part, to be accounted for by the ecclesiastical system now described. Most of these churches, and the originals of most of the churches at present in use, were built within a comparatively short time after the Anglo-Norman invasion. Few of them were built before it. Among these few, as we have already seen, were the original churches of Lusk, Swords, Finglas, and some of their dependent chapels ; St. Doulagh's, Glasnevin, Clontarf, Ireland's Eye, Donabate, Inis- patrick, and Bremore. It is interesting to note in all the existing ruins of the other parishes the common architectural characteristics of the arched bell-turret and chancels, said to be introductions from England. The. Anglo-Normans in Fingal. 8i From early Anglo-Norman times the parochial chapelries of Lusk were — Baldungan, Rush, Kuights- town, Kenure, Holmpatrick, and all Balrothery, in- cluding Bremore/ We have a very perfect list of the parochial cha- pelries of Swords. John Comyn, consecrated Arch- bishop of Dublin in 1182, became one of the most active and able promoters of the Anglo-Norman interest. Swords was now rapidly becoming the valuable benefice which soon obtained for it the name of the golden prebend. The Archbishop pre- sented it in 1190 to a namesake, who was probably a relative. There exists a certificate of his, by which it appears that he had " admitted Walter Comyn to the parsonage of the churches of St, Columb and St. Finian of Swords, with the appendant chapels of Clogheran, Killechna (Killeek), Kilastra (Killos- sory), Donaghbata (Donabate), Malachida (Mala- bide), Kinsale, Ballygrifian (St. Doulagh's), and Cu- locke."^ In a raid already noticed — 1130 — " Swords, with its churches and relics, was burned ■." There is mention here of churches ; these were dependent chapels, not named, though included in the Archbishop's nomination. In addition to 'See " History of St. Patrick's Cathedral," by W. M. Mason, p. 33. ■ Aaln's Register (fol. 7, ante tax. pag.), quoted in " His- tory of St. Patrick's Cathedral," by W. Monck-Mason, p. 49, Note h. a 82 Fingal and its Churches. St. Finan's/ there were St. Briget's and St. Ca- therine's Chapels. They have entirely disappeared. They remind us, that numerous as are the existing ruins of Fingal, there were, besides these, many other churches in the district, all traces of which have disappeared. An interesting example of this is the church of Glynshagh, which once stood on the townland of Middletown, in the present Parish of Santry.^ Pope Clement III., in 1189, granted it to St. Mary's Abbey. All trace of the church and churchyard has disappeared since 1820. The late Di-. Adams, in his History of Santry, records an act of vandalism by the then owner of the neighbouring property. He ploughed up the cemetery, and used the tomb-stones to cover drains, &c. Some years after he did so, the remains of a woman M'ere brought from Dublin to be interred here beside her relatives. Her friends found, to their horror, that the grave-yard was un- distinguishable from the adjoining field, long called " the bone-field," from the quantities of bones which the ploughman turned up. The perfect organisation created by the parochial system enabled the Popes to obtain revenue from a new source. Tithes were raised and paid soon after * See " History of St. Patrick's Cathedral," by W. Monck- Mason, p. 49, Notes d, e, f. ' See "History of Santry and Cloghran," by Rev. B. W. Adams, p. 64. The Anglo-Normans in Fingal. 83 the conquest. There is some controversy as to the exact date. Their payment was enjoined in the Synod of Cashel, A.D. 1172 ; but the "Annals of the Four Masters," at A.D. 1224, state—" In the time of Cathal Crovdearg (the red-handed) O'Conor, King of Counaught, tithes were first legally paid in Ire- land." Mr. Hardiman thinks that tithes were firmly established within fifty years after the English invasion.^ SECTION IT. There were many other methods adopted for An- glo-Normanising the Irish Church in Fingal. The new parishes were all officered by Norman ecclesiastics. On looking to Appendix VIII., the reader will be struck by the change from Celtic to Norman names in the three parent parishes. Swords became so "fat" a living that great men obtained it. William of Wykeham, Bishop of Winchester, and Chancellor of England, held it with several English benefices ; and Henry IV. nominated Brande, Car- dinal of Placentia, to the parish. Lusk also became a valuable benefice. Edward I. appointed James of Spain, nephew of his Queen Eleanor, to it, and a Pope's nuncio was appointed to it on another occasion. * See " Statute of Kilkenny," edited by J. Hardiman, an exhaustive note giving authorities, pp. 26-31. 84 Fingal and Us Churches. These men obtained the revenues, but did not trouble themselves about the cure of souls. So great did this scandal become, that, in 1431,' Archbishop Talbot divided the endowments of Swords between a preben- dary, a vicar, and St. Patrick's Cathedral, to prevent it being sought " too zealously by Cardinals and other minions of the Papal See." Besides the substitution of Normans for natives in Finglas, Swords, and Lusk, new parishes were cre- ated for Norman clergy. Archbishop Comyn* had built St. PatrickV Collegiate Church, about 1190, on the site of an old parochial church. It was shortly after made a cathedral. He appointed thir- teen prebends to minister there. To five of these he assigned parishes in Fingal for their maintenance. 'See "History of St. Patrick's Cathedral," by W. M. Mason, p. 49; also "Lecture on Swords and its Antiqiiities," by W. Reeves, D.D., p. 9. ^ Comyn was a very active promoter of the English and Roman interest in church affairs. Among the records pre- served in Christ Church Cathedral are the proceedings of a Provincial Synod he summoned in 1186 with the object of con- forming the simpler ritual of the Irish Church to those prevail- ing in England. The Synod decreed that in celebrating the Mass a wooden table, such as was heretofore customary in Ireland, was no longer to be used, and that stone altars were to be built. Water was to be mixed with the wine in the Communion Service, and celibacy of the clergy was enforced. * See " Fasti Ecclesiae Hibernicse," by H. Cotton, D.C.L., Vol. II., p. 90, &c. ; also " History of St. Patrick's Cathe- dral," by W. Monck-Mason, pp. 2, 48. The Anglo-Normans in Fingal. 85 South-w&st View, Howth Abbey, A.D. 1887. These were all filled by Norman ecclesiastics. Fin- glas, Swords, and Lusk were turned into prebends, and Clonmetban and Howth were created for the purpose. On turning to these two latter names, in Appendix VIII., it will be seen that their earlier clergy have Norman names. We find this to have been the case also with Donabate and Balrothery, a parish which appears at this period for the first time in Fingal story. The case of Howth is an example of another fea- ture in the process of Romanising the Fingal Church. The original prebend was Hirlandsie (Ireland's Eye). These island monasteries had become inconvenient. 86 Fingal and its Churches. The monastery on Holmpatrick, refounded in 1120, probably after its destruction by the Danes, had been transferred in 1220 to the mainland, where a paro- chial chapel was built in its stead; so also with Ireland's Eye. In 1285 the prebendal church was removed from the island to Howth ; and the old Celtic dedication to St. Nessan was changed to the Roman dedication to the Virgin Mary, when the abbey at Howth was built — a remarkable structure— whose ruins are still in such good preservation. Lusk is another example of this change of name. The old church of St. MacCuUin had its name changed to the Church of the Virgin Mary. Another remarkable feature in the treatment of Fingal by the conquerors was the way in which it was parcelled out among religious foundations under Anglo-Norman control. There was scarcely one parish which escaped this fate at some time before the Reformation. The " Crede Mihi " (Appendix I.), and the " Repertorium Viride " (Appendix HI.), contain striking illustration of this fact. From the list in the " Crede Mihi " it is evident that nearly all the Fingal parishes were in existence before the year 1275, as the only ones not mentioned in it are Kil- lester, Donnycarney, Baldoyle, Chapelmidway, Gral- lagh, Fieldstown, and Ballyboghill ; and we know from other sources that most of these parishes were already in being. . The following Norman ecclesiastical foundations The Anglo-Normans in Fingal. 87 all obtained, from time to time, grants of parishes, tithes, and lands in FingaF: — St. Patrick's Cathedral, as we have already seen. The Priory of Holy Trinity was founded about 1038, by Sitric, son of Anlaf, Ostman King of Dublin, who gave Donatus, the Bishop, lands on which to build a church in honour of the Trinity. This church became afterwards known, and is still known, as Christ Church Cathedral. It obtained the churches and parishes of Glasnevin, Raheny, Holmpatrick, Balscadden, Balgriffin, St. Doulagh's, Kinsaley, Killossory, Ballyboghill, Killester, and Clonturk. St. Mary's Abbey, Dublin, was founded by the Danes immediately after their conversion to Chris- tianity, about 948. At first it was a Benedictine monastery ; but in 1189 it was given to the Cister- cians. It obtained the churches and parishes of Raheny, Kilbarrack, Ireland's Eye, Santry, Lusk, Portmarnock, Ballyboghill, Donnycarney, and Holly- * For more detailed accounts of these cathedrals and monastic establishments, and of the bestowal on them of Fingal parishes, see Archdall's " Monasticon ;" " History of St. Patrick's Cathedral," by W. M. Mason, imder the parishes named in connection with the cathedral ; " History of Christ Church Cathedral," by Rev. E. Seymour ; "The Charter and Grants to All Hallows," and " The Book of Obits of Christ Church Cathedral," both published by the Irish Archaeological Society ; and " The Cliartularies of S,t. Mary's Abbey," edited by J. T. Gilbert. 88 Fingal and its Churches. wood. We have ample materials for the history of St. Mary's Abbey in its chartularies, which have been collected and edited with great care by Mr. J. T. Gilbert. The Priory of All Hallows (Dublin), on the site of which Trinity College was afterwards built, had been founded in 1166, for Canons of the order of Aroasia, by Dermod, King of Leinster, who seems to have lived a life of alternate fits of burning, and, for pen- ance, of building, churches. He bestowed Baldoyle upon All Hallows. It afterwards got the church of Clonturk. The Priory of St. John the Baptist (Thomas Street, Dublin), was founded as an hospital for the sickj by Ailred de Palmer, about 1190, who bestowed upon it his church of Palmerstown. The Abbey of St. Thomas the Martyr (a Becket) obtained Kilsallaghan parish. It was not unnatural that Grace Diea should be endowed out of the district in whose heart it was situated; and so the educational nunnery obtained the churches and parishes of Portrane, Ballymadun, Westpalstown, and Baldungan. But, besides these, several foundations, quite un- connected with Dublin, were endowed from Fingal. The nunnery of Grany, near Castledermot, Co. Kil- dare, founded in 1200, obtained the parish of Donabate. Kilbixy, about one mile west of Tristernagh, Co. The Anglo-Normans in Fingal. 89 Westmeath, founded in 1192 as a monastic hospital for the care of lepers, obtained the parishes and churches of Balrothery, Baldungan, and Bremore. The great Cistercian Abbey of Lanthony, Glou- cestershire, got the churches and parishes of Coolock, Naul, Hollywood, Grallagh, Garristown, and Bally- madun. The Knights Templars were founded in Jerusalem about the year 1118, and were so called from their original residence near the temple. They were a South-west View, Church and Castle of Baldungan, A.D. 1783. great military order, who, in the short space of 126 years, acquired 16,000 lordships. They became dangerous, because they were too powerful, and were exempt from all ordinary jurisdiction. The leading go Fingal and its Churches. sovereigns of Europe combined to suppress them in 1312. Their possessions in Ireland were given, in many cases, to the Knights Hospitallers. The Templars got Clontarf and Baldungan. Too frequently a game somewhat like battledore and shuttlecock was played with the parishes thus appropriated. The chapel of Kilbarrack was ex- changed for the tithes of Ballyboghill. The tithes of Lusk went from St. Mary's Abbey to the Arch- bishop. Baldungan was sent from the Templars to Kilbixy, and then to Grace Dieu. Clonturk was sent from Holy Trinity (Christ Church Cathedral) to All Saints, and Raheny from Holy Trinity to St. Mary's Abbey. The Archbishop and the Prior of Kilmain- ham (the Hospitallers) fought for St. Margaret's. The Canons of St. Patrick's Cathedral and of Lan- thony fought over Clonmethan and Palmerstown. Again, the Canons of St. Patrick had another feud with those of Kilbixy over Balrothery, and so on. Now, the real meaning of these gifts of parishes was that they endowed the institution upon which they were bestowed. The expenses of such a place as St. Mary's Abbey must have been very great. In addition to the ordinary claims on a large monastic institution, it was a celebrated house of free enter- tainment for travellers, in an age when there were no such things as inns or hotels.^ The appendant 1 In 1538 the Irish Lord Deputy and Council specially pleaded with Henry VIII. that he would not suppress The Anglo-Normans in Fingal. parishes were simply a source of income by which the monastic institution was enabled to meet these charges. This was a serious injury to parishioners. The greater part of the income of their parish was taken by those who lived away from them, and a small part was bestowed upon some poor vicar or curate left in charge of the parish, or sharing the charge with other parishes. Again, the lepers of Kilbixy, and the sick in the hospitals of St. John the Baptist and of Kilmainham, must have been greater objects of care to their monasteries than were the souls in the parishes by which these institutions were endowed ; and it is most unlikely that the monks of Lanthony cared much for the Celtic natives of Fingal. This method of endowment was a good thing for the Norman conqueror ; but it must have been carried out at serious cost to the souls and bodies of the native population. It was plainly the policy of the Norman conquerors to be benefactors of the (Norman-imported) clergy ; but they did not equally care for the people. These parishes were generally bestowed, in the various ways described, by a Pope, an Archbishop of Dublin, or an English king. The grantor was some- times not sorry to strengthen his title. We have an St. Mary's Abbey, because of its generous hospitality to the king's servants whose business brought them to Dublin. See " Lectures on Irish History," by A. G. E-ichey, 2nd Series, p. 151. 92 Fingal and its Churches. interesting example of this in Fingal. John, Earl Morton (Prince John), when Dominus Hiberniae, con- firmed to John Comyn, Archbishop of Dublin (1181- 1212), among other grants, the islands of Lambay and Ireland's Eye, the village of Swords, land at Lusk, with the church, and land in Finglas.^ But in the archives of Christ Church Cathedral there is preserved the original grant of Eva, wife of Strong- bow and daughter of King Dermot, confirming the above lands to John Comyn. The politic Arch- bishop wished to have an Irish title as well as a Norman title to his property. Of course the penalty which a conquered race generally pays, in the loss of their lands, was incurred by the landowners in Fingal. Quite apart from the religious question, nearly the whole of Fingal passed to Norman proprietors, charged with the Church's share. It was the Dane, rather than the Celt, who sufi"ered from this process in Fingal. The Dane had dispossessed the Celt. The Mac Turkil family alone must have acquired about a third of the district.* The Malahide and Portmarnock portion of their property, with the Lord- ship of Malahide, was bestowed upon the " Chevalier" Richard Talbot, one of the knights who helped ' See Hardiinan's " Statute of Kilkenny," p. 29, note. * See " Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin," by J. Haliday, p. 142 ; and also " Chartularies of St. Mary's Abbey," edited by J. T. Gilbert, Vol. I., p. 130. The Anglo-Normans in Fingal. 93 Henry II. in his conquest. Kichard Talbot afterwards obtained a confirmatory grant of his lordship, with " sach and sech/' " Tol and them/' " infangthef " and " the judgement of water and of iron, the Duel, the Pit, the Gallows," and the other appendages of civil and criminal jurisdiction as possessed by the baronage of that day, to hold to him and his heirs, by a tenure of which there is no other example in Ireland — " by rendering to the king the service of one archer with a horse and coat of mail for ever." ^ Sir Amory Tristram, brother-in-law of De Courcy, one of Strongbow's leaders, in 1177 effected a land- ing at Howth, and defeated the Irish in battle at the bridge of Ivora. Tristram, whose name was changed to St. Lawrence in his grandson, obtained for his portion the lands and barony of Howth.^ Adam de Pheypo, another of Strongbow's followers, obtained a grant of Clontorht (Clontarf) and Santreft (Santry) ; John de Courcy obtained most of Ratheny ; Geoffery de Constantyn obtained ]3alrothery ; De la Field obtained Kilsallaghan ; Elias de Cordewane obtained Ballymadun ; and so on.' The Welsh settlers already referred to seem to have been left in undisturbed possession. ^ See " Peerage and Baronetage," by Sir B. Burke, 1887, p. 1339. • Ihid, p. 735. ' See " History of County Dublin," by J. D'Alton, pp. 81, 107, 256, 392, 459, 500. 94 Fingal and its Churches. Of all these grants two only remain now in the possession of male descendants and representatives of the original grantees, the Earl of Howth and Lord Talbot de Malahide being the only existing representatives, by descent, of those Norman chiefs among whom Fingal was divided seven centuries ago. This division of the spoils of conquest was another source of wealth to the Church. Shortly after Sir R. Talbot received his share, St. Mary's Abbey, Dublin, obtained from him and his son, Reginald de Wasunville, who was in Normandy, grants in " Portmyrnork and Mullacheydbeg." ^ It was from de Constantyn that the hospital monastery of Kilbixy obtained the ecclesiastical revenues of Balrothery, already mentioned. As time went on, the Church waxed richer from gifts of lands and other property bestowed by the successors of these proprietors, who too often thought by such donations, sometimes in life, sometimes after death, to atone for the sin of their soul. One curious grant of the kind on record throws a sad light on the estimation in which the native popu- lation was held, both by Norman layman and cleric. The de Pheypos, who obtained a grant from the Crown which has been already noticed, got possession of ■ See " Chartularies of St. Mary's Abbey," edited by J. T , Gilbert, Vol. I., p. 130, where it is stated that the lands granted had formerly belonged to Hamund MacTurkil. The Anglo-Normans in Fingal. 95 Baldoyle in some way not recorded. About the year 1236, Richard de Pheypo re-granted Baldoyle to the Priory of All Hallows,^ and also certain serfs, " with all the issue and progeny of their sept named Mackelegan, of Baly-dugyl (Baldoyle)." Nearly a hundred years before 1236, King Dermod had, as we have seen, made a grant of the same lands to this Priory. How it lost them in the interval seems not to have been recorded. In the king's charter there had been a grant of the lands with " Melesii Macfeilecan, of Balydubgil, and his descendants " in villenage, that is, in the modified service of feudal tenure connected with the land. The Norman knight gave, and the Norman monastery accepted, the descendants of this wretched sept as a gift separate from the lands, in other words, as simple slaves. The new proprietors soon built places of defence. As they lived among a conquered population, this was a necessary condition of safety. The feudal castles at Howth, Malahide, Kilsallaghan, Naul, Balrothery, and other localities sprang into existence in Fingal. In the case of Balrothery there are still visible some interesting memorials of the customs of those feuda^ days. For a time Balrothery Castle was a kind of parliament house, where certain barons met to take counsel. At a period when there were neither roads > See "Register of All Hallows," Irish Archteological Society Series, p. 53. g5 Fingal and its Churches. South-wed VttiLV, t'Imirh of St. I'der, and part of tlic Castle, Balrothery, A.D. 1783. or hotels, these barons and their retainers had to ride on horseback to Bah-othery. Probably the needs of the permanent garrison left no accommo- dation within the castle to spare for these occa- sional guests. To each of the barons in the habit of assembling at Balrothery there was assigned a plot of land, which descended from father to son. Here the horses of the baron were tethered and grazed, while the baron himself transacted his business in the castle. In the village of Balrothery, to the left side, as the church is approached on the road leading from Balbriggan, there are to be seen several long, narrow, rectangular plots called " The Knights' Plots." These plots are still in the possession of representatives of the original Norman proprietors. Tlie Anglo-Normans in Fingal. 97 It might have been expected that the Norman barons should be forced to protect themselves by the strong arm, but not that the Church should have been obliged to do so. The native Celtic Church in Fingal in her early struggles had not allowed herself to forget that her Master's kingdom was " not of this world," however much the Celtic Church at large, too soon afterwards, permitted the natural tendencies of the Celtic nature to get the better of her. The servants of the imported Normau Church made themselves quite ready to fight with carnal weapons. The castles of Baldungan ^ and Swords were built for ecclesiastics. They must have been the two strongest castles in the district. The Archbishop of Dublin was a great feudal baron, as well as a great ecclesiastic. About the year 1200 he fixed on Swords for his country residence, and built the castle whose ruins still remain. Swords had become, within two centuries of the conquest, an immensely wealthy parish. Archbishop Allen (1532) says it " was called the golden, as if it were virtually a bed full of gold." The Archbishop had a large share of this wealth, and here he lived as a prince bishop, dispensing profuse hospitality, and rigorously enforcing English law. But Bishop Reeves ^ thinks that the Archbishop * See Appendix VII. , under " Balrotliery," "Baldungan,' " Swords." * See his " Lecture on Swords and its Antiquities," p. 9 9 8 Fingal and its Churches. built this strong place not merely to overawe the oppressed and exasperated native population, and to be a city of refuge for himself and his retainers, but also to be " a wholesome check upon the excesses of the neighbouring temporal barons." Of course the Templars had their own objects in building their strong place at Baldungan. But in all this re-arrangement of property, the head of the new Church system thus built up on the ruins of the old was not forgotten. Under the new parochial system it was comparatively easy to make and enforce assessment for temporal or ecclesiastical taxation. During the Crusades, and to enable him to aid them, the Pope received the produce of a tax known as " the Saladin or Papal Tenths.''^ When no longer needed for the Crusades, the tax remained, and was extended to Ireland. The amount of the tax purported to be a tenth of the annual value of each benefice. Apparently Fingal was first assessed for this tax, and first paid it to the Pope, in the year 1302. The assessment of each parish in Fin- gal is given in Appendix II. At this time the Pope was in want of money to prosecute a war with the King of Arragon. In order to get his Tenths more readily, he gave the King of England half the pro- duce. All Fingal was at this time included in the ' It is interesting to remember that this tax was the origin of " First Fruits," and of " Queen Anne's Bounty," which afforded so much useful aid in building churches and glebes. The Anglo-Normans in Fingal. gg Rural Deanery of Swords, and its annual value was ^314 13s. 4d., of which the Pope's tenth was £Bl 9s. 4d. Exclusive of the religious houses and ecclesiastical dignitaries of Dublin, there are in the list only two Rural Deaneries in the whole of Ireland rated at a higher value than Fingal. From the foregoing sketch of the methods pur- sued by the conqueror, it is needless to say that Papal doctrine and Papal discipline were completely imposed on Fingal within less than a century from the time of its conquest by the Normans. SECTION III. A very brief account of Fingal during the four- teenth and fifteenth centuries, and the first half of the sixteenth century, will suffice. The chief features of its history for some two hundred and fifty years are similar to those of the history of most of the rest of Ireland during the same period. Until the Reformation, the political condition of England often made it difficult for her rulers to pay much attention to Irish affairs. The Norman barons were left very much to their own devices. Any noteworthy circumstances peculiar to Fingal arose from the fact that Fingal was always the victim of these devices, for it was always within that circuit of English military power known as the Pale, however its limits varied with the varying 100 Fiiigal and its Churches. fortunes of the English garrison. For a long time Balrothery was one of its outposts. It is mentioned as one of the "goodly and Availed towns" of the country so late as the sixteenth century. In 1475 there was a statute passed in Dublin, which recited that "whereas a dyke was made from the chapel of St. Bride near Tallaght, and round the baronies of Castleknock, Balrothery, Coolock, and Newcastle, which dyke Irish enemies and English rebels broke down in divers places, and have committed many gi'eat robberies, which dyke has lately been repaired." The statute then goes on to enact that anyone who, under any pretence, injures this dyke shall be put in jail in Dublin and heavily fined. The Pale was extended in 1496,^ when Poynings was Governor. Incursions on the borders became so frequent that a statute was passed in the Anglo-Irish Parliament for the construction of a dyke and raised fence round Dublin, Kildare, Meath, and Uriel (Louth). The social condition of things, even within this circuit, seems to have been very dreadful. Some descriptions of this sad state of things at different dates are subjoined. In 1311,2 we are told, " there raigned more dis- 1 See " History of the Viceroys," by J. T. Gilbert, p. 459. ' See " Translation and Notes on the Statute of Kilkenny, 1367," by Jas. Hardiman, p. 94, note. Very few of the statutes passed by the Irish Parliament during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries are published. These extracts are given on the amply sufficient authority of Mr. Hardiman. The Anglo-Normans in Fingal. loi sentions, strife, wars, and debates between the Eng- lishmen themselves, in the beginning of the con- quest of the kingdom, than between the Irishmen." Even religious ceremonies, which it might be ex- pected the Normans would promote and protect, were hindered. There is, to the extreme west of Fingal, the site of a chapel, dedicated to St. Catherine, virgin and martyr, whose tragic fate, early in the fourth century, suggested its name for the fire-work called a Catherine-wheel. This chapel became a celebrated place of pilgrimage ; but in 1321 the prebendary of Clonmethan has to inform Parliament^ " that divers persons, aliens, strangers, and denizens, did frequent in considerable numbers, by way of pilgrimage, the chapel of St. Catherine's of Fieldstown — being for the health and safety of their souls and accomplish- ment of their prayers, but they had been repeatedly vexed and molested on divers pretences, by reason of which they were obliged to lay aside said devotions and pilgrimages." Parliament thereupon ordained that the persons and properties of the pilgrims should be under the protection of the king, and that nobody should be arrested on any writ until 'See "History of St. Patrick's Cathedral," by W. M. Mason, p. 53. For an account of St. Catherine see "Dic- tionary of Christian Biography," under " Catherine." Much of her life is purely legendary ; even the cruel death, in which her limbs are said to have been torn on a jagged wheel armed with spikes, is httle better than a legend. I02 Fmgal and its Churches. their pilgrimage should have been accomplished. It would appear that the license and protection thus granted led to abuses which ended in the suppres- sion of the pilgrimages. In 1328/ we read of " great variance arising be- tween the Geraldines, Butlers, and Berminghams (all Anglo-Norman families), on the one side, and the Powers and Burkes on the other, for terming the Earl of Kildare (the head of the Geraldines) a Eymer." Owing to this petty quarrel, some of the noblest blood of the Pale was shed in torrents. From the Statute of Kilkenny it appears that in 1357 dissension, crime, and misrule then prevailed to a frightful extent within the Pale. High func- tionaries in Church and State were at times the lords of misrule.^ In 1464 " nine of the people of the Lord Justice were slain in Fingal at the instiga- tion of the Bishop of Meath, upon which the Chief Justice and the Bishop went to the King of Eng- land's palace to complain of each other." By an unpublished Act of Parliament, passed in 1474,^ reciting " that as well towards resisting and subduing the Irish enemies, as towards the banish- ing of the great extortion, oppression, and other mis- chiefs committed by English rebels most pitiably and most lamentably/' it was enacted that so many * " Statute of Kilkenny," by J. Hardiman, p. 94, note. * " Annals of the Four Masters," under date. * " Statute of Kilkenny," by J. Hardiman, p. 94, note. The A nglo-Normans in Fingal. 103 of the king's troops should be quartered for three months in the Co. Dublin. Nine years before this Act was passed, a curious method had been tried for making these " Irish enemies " dwelling in Fingal and the rest of the Co. Dublin contented and peaceable subjects. In 1465 it was enacted by a Parliament held at Trim, that " Every Irishman dwelling betwixt or among Eng- lishmen in this County shall go like one Englishman in apparel, and shaving his beard above the mouth, and shall be within one year sworn the liege man of the king, and shall take to him an English surname of one town, as Sutton, Chester, Trim, &c.; or colour, as White, Black, Brown, &c. ; or art, as Smith, &c. ; or office, as Cook, &c., and that he and his issue shall use this name under pain of forfeiting his goods yearly." ^ In the census of 1659 (see Appen- dix VI.), we find many described as Irish who evidently thus got their surnames, for we read in this census of Brownes, Whites, Smiths. How could it be expected that poor Melesii Mac- feilecan and his enslaved progeny would be converted into good Christians and faithful liegemen of the king, by being called individually Smith, or Black, or Cook ? The lawless conduct of so many of the English conquerors must have made the natives ' This is one of the few Acts of the time which is pub- lished. See " Irish Statutes at Large," 5 Edward IV., cap. 16. 104 Fingal and its Churches. utterly reckless in tlieir misery and despair. As a matter of fact, so weakened bad the English garrison become by internal division^ that the natives were now able to assert their power even in Fingal, close as it was to the capital. The English district was shrink- ing within the boundaries of Fingal itself, and many of the border parishes to the north and west were becoming, as of old, Celtic in population, manners, and religion. On looking through the list of clergy of the pa- rishes of Fingal (Appendix VIII.), we find that the Norman names almost entirely disappear after the fourteenth century, and we notice not a few Irish names during the next two hundred years. The fol- lowing extracts from Irish Parliamentary enactments go far to explain this fact, and are suggestive commen- taries on the religious and social condition of Fingal at the time. In the same year in which it was enacted, that " every Irishman living in the county shall go like one Englishman " — in 1465— an unpub- lished Act of the Irish Parliament recites — "Whereas Leo Howth, clerk, presented John of Kevernock, clerk, an Irishman, and of the Irish nation, that is to say, Shan O'Kery, an Irish enemy of the King, to Michael (Tregury) Archbishop of Dubhn (1449-1471), to the Vicarage of Lusk, contrary to Statute." The Act proceeds to declare that on an investigation the statement is found to be a mistake. " John of Kevernock is English-born, and a special orator ; all The Anglo-Normans in Fingal. 105 Acts are declared void -wliicli make said John Irish, or of the Irish nation, and the said John is herehy declared Euf^lish-born." It may fairly be suspected that Master John Kevernock was Irish-born, but that being well afiected to the English Government, and possibly his oratorical powers giving him considerable influence in the then important Parish of Lusk, the Government adopted the strange method of calling him an Englishman, to enable him to hold a parish. This supposition is strengthened by the state of things revealed in an Act passed in 1485,^ only twenty years after. It recites — " As divers benefices of the Diocese of Dublin are situated among Irish enemies, of which the avowsons belong to the Arch- bishop ; and as no Englishman can inhabit said benefices, and divers English clerks, who are enabled to have cure of souls, are inexpert in the Irish tongue, and such of them as are expert disdain to inhabit among Irish people : Be it enacted that the Arch- bishop of Dublin, for two years, do collate Irish clerks to the said benefices." It would seem that this experiment failed to make the social or religious condition of things any better. Irish clerks either were not able or did not desire to lessen the prevailing evils, for we find that a State paper of the year 1515 mentions that only half of the Co. Dublin was subject to the King's laws. And ' " Statute of Kilkenny," by J. Hardiman, p. 47, note. io6 Fingal and its Churches. now Fingal was in danger from without, as well as from within. By the year 1520 the Pale was threat- ened by O'Neill from Ulster, and by Argyll from Scotland. In 1535 Thomas, son of the Earl of Kildare, totally plundered and devastated Fingal. So spoiled and robbed was it, that next year the Lord Deputy and Council made a report to the King that taxes could not be collected. Of course it was quite impossible that God's work could prosper in this condition of things. Clergy in- deed were appointed to the several parishes, for the succession of them in most of the parishes is fairly continuous. But many of them, we have seen, were great men, who could not have attended to the over- sight of their cures, as, for example, the Bishop of Winchester (Swords, 1366), the Cardinal of Placentia (Swords, 1423), James of Spain (Lusk, 1294), and others. Moreover, many of the clergj', however will- ing to labour faithfully in their cures, were hindered by the prevailing lawlessness. Much care was given, unfortunately, in those days, to matters of far less importance. Sometimes we find the heads of the Church making a ridiculous spectacle. For many centuries there had been a feud for precedency between the Archbishops of Armagh and Dublin. In 1313 Primate Jorse made an abor- tive effort to assert his claim. He sailed down from the north secretly to Howth, and went in the night to Grace Dieu, carrying his crozier erect. It was The Anglo-Normans in Fingal. 107 an opportune moment. Archbishop Lech, of Dublin, was dead, and Archbishop de Bicknor, his successor, had been elected, but not yet confirmed by the Pope or consecrated. Some of the family, however, of the Archbishop-elect met Jorse at Grace Dieu, and com- pelled him to retreat ignominiously. We find this unedifying controversy breaking out again at St. Mary's Abbey, Dublin, in 1337, when Primate David O'Hiraghty endeavoured, in de Bicknor's time, to have his crozier borne before him there in token of precedency. South-west View, Clmrch of St. Marnock, Portmarnock, A.D. 1887. Further, we find much regard paid in those days to ceremonies which do not profit. Mr. Gilbert, in his preface to " The Chartularies of St. Mary's io8 Fmgnl and its Churches. Abbey/' ^ states that the records of the Abbey men- tion that towards the close of the fifteenth century the remains of St. Marnock were solemnly removed to St. Mary's Abbey from the Church of Portmar- nock, where they had been preserved, and which was " under his invocation." This contest for precedency between Armagh and Dublin was singularly connected with the history of Fingal. Nearly in the centre of Fingal is a parish called Ballyboghill. It now forms part of the Union of Clonmethan, to which it was joined in 1675. The fine church is one of the best preserved ruins in the district. It was out of repair in 1630, and ceased to be used soon after. Now, Ballyboghill means the Town of the Staff (Bally-boughall). This staff or bacJml of St. Patrick was one of the two great emblems of primatial authority. All the Lives of St. Patrick^ speak of this staff. Very ancient tradi- tion gives it a miraculous origin. The story goes ' Vol. II., pp. xxiii., xxiv. St. Marnock, or Mernoc, is commemorated as a saint in the Calendar of the Cistercian orders. Little is known of him. According to old legends, he discovered an island in the western ocean, the description of which induced St. Brendan to start on his great missionary voyage. A chapel is stated to have been erected to St. Mar- nock's memory in St. Mary's Abbey. ' See " Tripartite Life," translated by H. M. Hennessy, p. 427, and appended to the " Life of St. Patrick," written by M. F. Cusack ; which latter adopts much too readily purely legendary stories of the saint, specially in the matter of the bachul. See pp. 178, 186, 190. IF Tlie Anglo-Normans in Fingal. 109 that a hermit from an island in the Tyrrhene Sea received it from the hands of our Lord Himself, who laid upon him the strict injunction that he was to find out the great Apostle of Ireland, and give it into his hand. When St. Patrick received it, he never parted with it during life ; and when he was dying he transmitted it to his successors in the See of Armagh, to whom it became one of the treasured insignia of their high office. All this part of its story people will believe just in proportion to their faith in the marvellous ; but the rest of the story of the bachul is founded on the substantial basis of historical evidence. St. Bernard,^ in his Life of his friend, Malachy (Archbishop of Armagh, 1134-37), mentions the staff as one of those insignia of the See of Armagh, which was popularly supposed to confer upon its possessor a title to be regarded and obej^ed as the successor of St, Patrick. It happened more than once that persons obtained possession of the bachul by fraud, and were therefore looked upon by the ignorant as true bishops. In Bernard's time it was adorned with gold and precious stones. It must have been in existence long before, for it was then regarded with much veneration. There are frequent notices of it in Irish history. The bachul witnessed treaties ' See " Book of the Obits of Christ Church Cathedral, by Dr. J. H. Todd, Introduction VIII. no Fingal and its Churches. of peace. People swore by the bachid on great occa- sions. The other emblem of primatial authority was the Book of Armagh. It contains some notes on St. Patrick's works, and writings of the Fathers, but is chiefly remarkable for its beautiful MS. of the New Testament, written about the year 807. So valued was the Book of Armagh that it had an hereditary custodian, styled in Irish mao7; or keeper. Mr. Gilbert tells its story in his Notes to Facsimiles of Irish National MSS. The maor was paid from landed property, with which his office was endowed. His descendants were called MacMoyre or Sons of the Keeper. In 1680 the last of them — Florence Moyre — pledged the MS. for £5, and after many vicissitudes it came into the possession of Lord J. G. Beresford, Primate of all Ireland, at that time Chan- cellor of the University of Dublin, by whom the MS. was given to the Library of Trinity College. Archbishop Allen tells us, in his Register, that the bachul or staff of Jesus had been in Ballyboghill Church, and had been taken thence to Dublin.^ This transfer may have had its origin in the feud between the two archbishops. In some way not hitherto explained, Ballyboghill, even before the conquest, was the property of the See of Armagh. It was an Armagh island, as it were, in the ' See " Ballyboghill," Appendix III. ; also in note, Appen- dix II. 1 .1 The Anglo-Normans in Fingal. iii See of Dublin. In 1175-1180 Gilbert (O'Caran) Archbishop of Armagh, gave Ballybogbill to St. Mary's Abbey in these words: "Wherefore I wish and firmly order that the aforesaid monks [of St. Mary's] shall have Ballybogbill and its lands as firmly as Gelasius, Primate of All Ireland (1137-1174), had them."i Thomas (O'Connor Primate, 1185-1200) confirmed the gift. Eugene (MacGillivider Primate, 1206-1216) "confirmed and gave" the church and lands again, and took St. Mary's Abbey under his protection ; and Donatus (O'Fidabra or O'Fury, Primate, 1227-1237) also confirmed the gift. There are conflicting accounts as to how and when the hachul came from Armagh. For instance, in the "White Book " of Christ Church Cathedral, it is stated that Strongbow took Ballyboghill after a hard struggle with a very powerful man named MacGogh- dane,^ and gave the place and hachul to Christ Church Cathedral ; but the date mentioned in the " White Book" for this event is 1180, which was some few years after Strongbow's death. Some records say that the English transferred the hachul directly from Armagh to Dublin. It is probable that the matter is to be accounted for in this way. Until Malachy became Primate in ' See ' ' Chartularies of St. Mary's Abbey," by J. T . Gilbert, Vol. I., p. 143. ^Archbishop Allen also alludes to this. See "Ballybog- hill," Appendix HI. 112 Fingal and its Churches. 1134, the primacy in Armagh had continued for nearly two hundred years in one family, descending from father to son, or to some other blood relation. When a vacancy occurred, there were often fierce contests over the succession. The Church in Armagh was intensely Celtic and anti-Eoman. We have seen how completely subservient to Rome the Church in Dublin city was from its foundation. These rival sympathies aggravated the rivalry for precedency : they also introduced a new element into these contests over the succession. When Malachy became Archbishop of Armagh, he North-east View, Church of Ballyhoghill, A.D. 1887. put an end to the hereditary system of appointment, and made himself an active promoter of the Roman The Anglo-Normans in Fingal. 113 interest. His successor Gelasius carried on bis work, and accepted a pall from the Pope. Gelasius had much trouble with the old Celtic independent spirit in Armagh, and must have been often anxious for the safety and possession of the staff of Jesus and tiie Book of Armagh. Probably the MacTorkills gave him Ballyboghill, for they were well affected towards Piome, one of them being Archdeacon of Danish Dublin about the time of the Conquest. Ballybog- hill was right in the heart of Danish Fingal, and far removed from the perils attending primatial feuds in Armagh. In Ballyboghill the bachul almost cer- tainly rested safely for a time, but for how long, or when, we have not means of knowing. Possibly the book, for the same reasons, was also deposited there for a time. We know it wandered about a good deal. The hachul was afterwards removed to Christ Church Cathedral. It became an object of idola- trous veneration. Archbishop Browne had the staff taken from thence, and publicly burnt in the streets of Dublin in 1538. The Archbishops of Armagh having thus obtained a foothold in the Diocese of Dublin and a claim upon the gratitude of St. Mary's Abbey, were not slow to use these advantages, from time to time, in urging their claim to precedency over Dublin.. Grace Dieu is close to the borders of Ballyboghill. It was possibly from this cause that Primate Jorse came to that place to claim precedency in Dublin, and I 114 Fingal and its Churches. possibly Primate O'Hiragbty thought that the sym- pathies of the monks of St. Mary's Abbey would be with him, when they called to mind the generosity of his predecessors long ago to them. We must wonder now that sensible men, engaged in a serious calling, could actively participate in such childish squabbles. 1 Verily Fingal was ripe for a reformation in religion and in morals ! For the three and a-half centuries during which its Church bore the Koman yoke, it would be hard to imagine a worse condition than that in which it was. The yoke of Rome was partly broken at the Reformation ; but almost all that remains now to us of this disastrous period are several ruined churches, and a population, the majority of which still professes allegiance to the creed which the English conqueror imported, and to the PontiflP whose authority he imposed. It is inexpressibly sad to think of all the suffering endured through these centuries by the voiceless mul- titude of the native population. They left no records behind, and had nobody to tell their story ; but their lot must have been very miserable. Whatever Eng- lish party was supreme, they were despised serfs, * The contest between the Archbishops of Armagh and Dublin for precedency was continued through some cen- turies, and produced an extensive literature. For some specimens of this see Ussher's Works, Vol. I., Appendix VI. ; and McMalion's " Jus Primatiale Armacanum," 1728. The Anglo-Normans in Fingnl. 115 whose masters and whose pastors nearly always belonged to the conquering nation, and who cared neither for their bodies nor their souls. Of course, in measuring the responsibility for this of the Norman feudal lords, we must judge them in the light of their day, not of ours. The feudal system taught men that the serfs were for the use of their lords, rather than that the lord was for the good of the serf. The Norman baron and churchman found a native population strongly hostile, with habits and religion very different from their own. To be outside the pale of their Church was to be unworthy of consideration. To compel submission, or to punish obduracy by the strong arm, was their method of treatment. The spirit of the age had changed from the time when Christ and His Apostles won men by the attractive power of love and sym- pathy. CHAPTER lY. THE REFORMATION IN FINGAL. SECTION I. Y the commencement of the sixteenth century the individuality of Pingal had practically ceased. It had long since been incorporated into the Diocese of Dublin ; and though we find the name still occasion- ally given to the district, Fingal had now for some time been really treated as a part of the Co. Dublin. The close of the year 1535 is generally considered the time from which the Reformation period com- menced in Ireland. Bo far as it commenced at all then, it was only for the four counties known as the Pale. About 1535 the Pale extended some fifty miles to the north of Dublin, some eight miles to the south, and some twenty miles to the west. Through the next hundred years the history of the Church in Fingal is almost identical with its story in the rest of the Pale. Here the population had still The Reformation in Fingal. 117 a large Celtic element in it ; but the number of English settlers was very considerable, with, of course, a very preponderating influence. The motive-power which urged on a real reformation in England was, unhappily, at first wanting in Ireland. There was in England a growing desire for a reformation in the Church of religion and morals. The Reformation first came to Ireland chiefly under the guise of a political question. The policy of Henry VIII. was to set up the royal supre- macy instead of the papal supremacy ; and in order to attain this end, the ecclesiastical system of Ireland must be assimilated to that of England. It has been already mentioned that in the year 1535 Lord Thomas Fitzgerald had invaded Fingal. He was really in rebellion against the King. Allen, Archbishop of Dublin, had shown some readiness to carry out the policy of Henry VIII. The Geraldines were devoted adherents of the Roman interest. They hated the energetic and dangerous Archbishop, and when, for a time, they became triumphant, the Arch- bishop was compelled to fly from their vengeance. He sailed from Dublin, but was driven by a storm to Clontarf: he landed at that place, and sought protection at Artane. The Geraldines discovered him there, dragged him from his place of refuge, and cruelly murdered him on July 28th, 1534. Two years before this melancholy termination of his life, he had compiled the interesting record of his ii8 Fingal and its Chttrches. diocese known as the " Eepertorium Viride." ^ (Appendix III.) The following year the King appointed George Browne to the vacant archbishopric. He was a very able man, and was for twenty j-ears a zealous pro- moter of the Reformation. Under his influence the Irish Parliament which met in Dublin in 1537, passed an Act declaring the King to be supreme head of the Church on earth. The clergy did not refuse acceptance of this dogma ; none of them were deprived of their cures by openly rejecting it. No steps were taken during the King's life to reform doctrinal teaching. That a new era, however, was dawning in Ireland was made plain to the people of Fingal and else- where by two visible signs. One was a pastoral, issued by the Archbishop to his clergy, entitled the " Form of the Beads ;" a form, namely, of prayers to be used in congregational worship, for this Avas the original meaning of the word " Beads " until the word came to be used of the thing by which the prayers • In the "Facsimiles of the National MSS. of Ireland," edited by J. T. Gilbert, there is published the facsimile of a letter of the Archbishop's to Thomas Cromwell, dated Dublin, March, 1531-2, which shows how reduced in circumstances the Archbishop must have been. He requests that Henry VIII. will grant him such assistance as will enable him to keep ' ' a competent house and convenient servants, as his expenses have so grated upon his little substance, that he cannot live with woi-ship, or pay his debts with honesty." The Reformation in Fingal. 119 were counted. This form contained, among other things, prayers for the dead little differing from the Komau use ; but it expressed very hearty condemna- tion of the Pope's " usurped jurisdiction," and of his letters of pardons, " since no man can forgive sins but God only." South-west View of Grace Dieu, A.D. 1783. The other visible sign of a new state of things was the suppression of the monasteries. In one way Fingal did not suffer by this measure as much as other districts, because, while its parishes had been so largely parcelled out among the Norman monas- teries, only one of these monasteries was situated in Fingal. Allusion has already been made to it. Grace Dieu was suppressed in 1539, and all its I20 Fingal and its Churches. possessions were besto-\ved upon those who were likely to support the King's Government. The Barnewall family — afterwards represented by the now extinct title of the Viscounts Trimleston of Turvey — received the largest share. The chief sufferers by this were "the women-kind of the Englishry of the land." We are not told that the native population got any educational advantages from Grace Dieu. The suppression, on February 4th, 1538, of the Priory of All Saints had a result which no Irish churchman, or indeed no liberal-minded Irishman, could regret. The valuable possessions of this Priory in Baldoyle, as well as the site on which it stood in Hogges Green (now College Green), were bestowed upon the Corporation of Dublin as a reward for their loyalty in opposing and suffering by the rebellion of the Geraldines. Fifty-four years later, in the year 1592, Queen Elizabeth granted a Charter of Incor- poration to Trinity College, — that one public institu- tion in Ireland which has ever since been a liberalizing and enlightening influence in the land, uncorrupted by political intrigue, undistracted by the war of creeds ; and the then loyal Corporation of Dublin bestowed on the newly incorporated seat of learning the lands upon which its buildings now stand. The rest of the extensive monastic property in Fingal was bestowed upon various laymen who were thought likely to be well affected to the Government. 1 The Reformation in Fingal. 121 There was, unhappily, no provision made for the instruction of the people. Schools were not founded, and no attempt was made to reach the native popula- tion in its own tongue. It was not until 1602 that the New Testament was printed in Irish ; the Old Testament was not printed in Irish until 1685 ; and the Prayer Book of the reformed religion was not printed in Irish until 1608. This impropriation or diversion from religious pur- poses, of monastic property in Fingal, left the great majority of its parishes with very limited means of supporting a resident clergy. Even so late as the year 1869, when the Irish Church Act passed, of the then existing twenty-five parishes or cures of Fingal (including two sinecures), the net income of thirteen of these parishes was under iSlOO a-year ; the net income of six was under £,100 a-year ; the net income of five was under ^£800 a-year ; and of one only — of " fat " Swords — was the income over £300 a-year. Dr. Ball notices the immediate efi'ect of this state of things on the Church at large in retai-ding the work of reformation : " The impoverishment of the appropriated parishes {i.e., belonging to monasteries) acted injuriously on the supply of clergy who were willing to serve in them. They were of an inferior grade, deficient in knowledge and attainments. From them the evil of the system extended much farther. The standard of intellectual cultivation could not be lowered for so numerous a portion of 122 Fingal and its Churches. the order without reducing the level generally. The clerical calling fell in general estimation, and its interests were neglected." ^ Edward VI. took steps to have the English Bible and the Reformed Prayer Book used in Ireland. The Archbishop of Armagh and his suffragans opposed the King's wishes ; but Archbishop Browne had the English service performed for the first time in Christ Church Cathedral on Easter Day, 1551, and we are informed that soon after its use extended to various churches within the Pale. Though these churches are not named, we may fairly suppose that the churches in Fingal were among the number. It was not, however, until Elizabeth came to the throne that the permanent work of reformation in Ireland commenced. Mary was too much occupied during her short reign with the reintroduction of the Roman power into England, to find time to do much for the Papal cause in Ireland. She deprived Arch- bishop Browne of his See, and appointed Archbishop Curwin as his successor in 1555; but when Elizabeth succeeded Mary on the throne of England, in the year 1558, Archbishop Curwin shewed himself quite willing to carry out Elizabeth's policy in promoting the work of the Reformation. That strong-minded Queen had an Irish Act passed in 1560, repressing, after her father's fashion, ' See " The Reformed Church of Ireland," by Right Hon. J. T. Ball, p. 78. The Reformation in Fingal. 123 the usurped authority of the Pope, and enacting the use in Ireland of the Reformed Prayer Book. It was a revised edition of what is known as the Second Prayer Book of Edward VI. The clergy were directed to use this Book under severe penalties, and preaching or speaking against it was made an offence. As for the laity, a method of convincing them was adopted, the wisdom of which may be doubted. The Queen^s advisers seem to have forgotten the great truth that you can bring a horse to the water, but you cannot make him drink. A fine of one shilling a week was directed to be levied on each person in the County Dublin who absented himself from the worship of the Reformed Church. All the churches were used for the reformed worship through- out the county ; and all the clergy conformed to this worship, in all probability, inasmuch as we have no record of the deprivation of any of the clergy in the County Dublin. The Romish persecutions on the continent helped the Reformation in Fingal. In 1583,^ Sir Henry Sydney, the Queen's Lord Deputy, planted forty families of Protestant refugees from the Lov/ Countries in the old Castle of Swords. It is signifi- cantly related of them : " Truly it would have done any man good to see how diligently they worked and how they re-edified the quiet spoiled castle of the ' See " Carew State Papers," March 1, 1583. 124 Fingal and its Churches. town, and repaired almost all the same, and how godly and cleanly their wives and children lived." A better method of convincing the people of the truth of the reformed doctrines than fining them for non-attendance at church, was the sale in Dublin and its neighbourhood in 1566-7 of seven thousand English Bibles, and the publication in Dublin, about the same time, of the English Prayer Boolv. These things, of course, had no effect upon the native popu- lation. We have now no means of estimating how far the diffusion of these books won over the English settlers in Fingal to the reformed faith. The probability is, it was accepted pretty generally by them. Certain it is that the Pope did not consider his cause to be prospering.^ From Elizabeth's accession until the year 1600, Dublin was left by him without a Roman Catholic Archbishop ; and he did not during that long period of forty-two years nominate any ecclesiastic to that See. SECTION II. From the time when the Pieformation movement commenced, and through almost the entire of Eliza- beth's reign, the old disturbed condition of things 1 See " The Reformed Church of Ireland," by Rt. Hon. J. T. Ball, p. 88, note. The Reformation in Fingal. 125 existed in Fingcal, which must have sadly hindered the cause of true religion. Factions within, and the wars of Shane O'Neill, Desmond, and Tyrone from without, left no peace to the Queen's Government. Here are a few illustrations. In 1539 Lord Deputy Grey wrote to his " singler good Lord," Cromwell, describing the misdeeds of the principal inhabitants of the Pale : " Of all such lordys and gentylmen as be borderours upon the merchys of Lyshemen, I think verelye that theyr ys no more falsehede in all the devylles of hell than doyth re- mayn in theym."^ In 1565 the Irish Privy Council declared, " As for religion, there was but small appearance of it. The churches uncovered, and the clergy scattered, and scarce the being of a God known." ^ In 1576 " Rury Oge, the son of Rury, son of Connall O'More, and Conor, the son of Cormac, who was the son of Brian O'Conor, opposed the English, with their wood-ferns, and they wei'e joined by all that were living of the race Failghe and of Conall Cearnach. They burned and desolated large portions of Leinster, Meath, and Fingal."' And in 1580 " A great muster was made of the men of Meath, Fingal, and Leinster, and also those who were ' See " Statute of Kilkenny," by J. Hardiman, p. 94, note. ^ See " Statute of Kilkenny," by J. Hardiman, p. 47, note. ^ See "Annals of the Four Master?," under date. 126 Fingal and its Churches. subject to the Lord of England from the Boyne to the meeting of the three waters, by the Lord Chief Justice and the Earl of Ormond for the purpose of being led against the Geraldines."^ The above extracts from public documents have been selected to show that during the sixteenth century, the social disorganisation of the preceding centuries still continued a hindrance to the progress of true religion in Fingal. It would be only too easy to give extracts to the same effect, relating to the periods between the dates selected. But Queen Elizabeth did not do things by halves. At her death, in 1603, her measures for the restora- tion of social order had been almost completely suc- cessful. She left to her successor, King James L, only the great Ulster question to deal with. His ministers completely crushed the rebellion there, and carried out with success the policy known as the Ulster plantation, to which the province has ever since owed so much, and to which L-eland may yet owe her salvation. For Fingal and the rest of the Pale, a new state of things commenced. The wretched policy which had prevailed heretofore, of treating the native popu- lation as enemies, and the English colonists as a distinct and petted race, was brought to an end. All were treated as the King's subjects, and as ' See "Annals of the Four Masters," under date. The Reforination in Fingal. 127 equally entitled to the benefits of his laws. We have seen that the New Testament and the reformed Prayer Book were printed in Irisli. We find some very Celtic names, like Patrick Beaghan, John Credlan, Thomas Keegan, and Terence Ivers, from 1600 to 1640, in the lists of the parochial clergy of Fingal (see Appendix VIII.) ; and the Celt in the district was no longer irritated by the law informing him in the old way, " he must go like one English- man in apparel, and shaving his beard above the mouth." Robert Daly, prebendary of Clonmethan in 1561, and also Bishop of Kildare from 1564:, was specially commended " for his good name and honest living, and the rather, because he was well able to preach in the Irish tongue." ^ An examination of Appendices IV. and V. proves conclusively how much Fingal suffered even in the seventeenth century from the unfortunate legacy left to the Church by the impoverishment of the parishes belonging to the suppressed monasteries. A visita- tion was made by command of King James of the parishes throughout Ireland in 1615, The extracts from this visitation in Appendix IV. give some idea of the literary deficiencies of the clergy. There were thirty churches in use at the time in Fingal. Six- teen clergy had charge of these. Of the sixteen two only were graduates. One only is mentioned as ' See " Fasti Ecclesiae Hibernicse," Vol. II., p. 231. 128 Filigal and its Churches. resident in bis parish. Of him alone it is said that he was " a sufficient man." The names of four of the sixteen are without even the poor qualification that they are " reading ministers " — able to read ; and of four only is it said that they are " preachers." In three churches it is said there was " no book." In one it is said the book had been " plundered." There is no means now of knowing whether the " book " mentioned was Bible or Prayer Book, or included both — probably it did. It is plain that in such churches the congregations profited little. Worse than persecution or than poverty was this evil that befell the Church soon after the Eeforma- tion. Just when she needed an educated and earnest clergy to teach the people the truth ; when the in- cubus of error which had lain upon her for more than tliree centuries had removed ; when, for the first time, the Bible was in circulation, and was easily accessible to the people — she was ministered to by a clergy for the most part ignorant, rude, and indif- ferent. The civil and ecclesiastical powers recog- nised the force of the evils which so widely prevailed ; but the remedy which they tried only aggravated the evil. Clergy were introduced from England. Dr. Ball quotes Spenser's recorded opinion of these.^ They were " unlearned, or men of some bad note, for which they had forsaken England." ' See Spenser's " View of Ireland," p. 570. The Reformation in Fingal. 129 But this was not the only result of impoverishing the monastic parishes in Fingal. One clerk, who was not even described as " a reading minister," had charge of five parishes scattered through different parts of the district. Another clerk, who was little qualified, had charge of four parishes. There is reason to believe that nearlj' all the Fingal clergy were non-resident. Apparently non-residence and ignorance were " Re- formation " defaults of the Fingal clergy. From time to time, during the Anglo-Norman period, we have special mention of clergy applying for and obtaining permission to absent themselves from their cures, ^ and doing so in order to enable them to seek educational advantages. In 1406 Thomas Cran- legh, a prebendary of Lusk, had licence to absent himself for two years for the purpose of studying at Oxford, a predecessor of his having in 1381 forfeited the profits of his prebend by long absence. In 1410 Thomas Corre, vicar of Garristown, had leave of absence for five years ; and in 1475 Nicholas Dow- dall, prebendary of Clonmethan, obtained leave of absence from his prebend for eight years to enable him to study at Oxford. In 1458 an Act was passed requiring that beneficed persons shall keep residence, the penalty imposed upon those who, ' See " History of the County of Dublin," by J. D'Alton, pt). 421, 497, 405. K 130 Fingal and its Churches. ■within a year, should fail to reside in their benefice, being the loss of half the profits of the benefice, "which shall be expended in the King's wars in defence of this poor land of Ireland. Archbishop Lancelot Bulkeley's visitation return in 1630 (see Appendix V.) reveals another result of the manner in which the monasteries were sup- pressed. He was Archbishop from 1619 until his death in 1650, when he died, " being spent with grief for the calamities of the times." We are told of him that " he endeavoured to restrain the seditious harangues which about that time were abundantly delivered by the Jesuits and friars of Dublin."^ From the time that the suppression of the monas- teries scattered them homeless through the land, these preaching friars became the most active and the most bitter opponents of the Reformation. They had no settled parochial charge or income. They did not, like the parochial clergy, conform at the Re- formation. They were turned adrift on the world, and revenged themselves by being the energetic opponents of the Reformed faith and of the English Government. It is well to notice here that the history of Fingal in those days furnishes ample proof that there was no reason why these two attitudes of mind should 1 See " Irish Statutes at Large," 6 Henry VI., cap. 8. * See " Fasti Ecclesiaj Hibemicse," by H. Cotton, Vol. IL, p. 21. The Reformation in Fingal. 131 always go together. The real source of weakness to the Keformation in Ireland all through this period was, that the English Government was much more concerned about the supremacy of British power than of Protestantism. The too common notion eagerly propagated by successive generations of Irish agitators — namely, that the property of Roman Catholics was confiscated merely because of their religion — is not justified by the facts. Property was again and again forfeited as the just penalty imposed on rebels who were disloyal to the Crown. These rebels were very often Roman Catholics, but the Crown was generally glad to reward loyalty, whether in Protestant or Roman Catholic. Fingal exhibits two examples of this fact in the troublous times with which we are now dealing. Luke Plunket, a Roman Catholic merchant of Dublin, obtained a grant by patent dated June 8, 1G35, of the castle, town, lands, and hereditaments of Port- marnock,^ where his descendants still live. And in 1669 the ancestors of the present Viscount Gormanston received, as a reward for their loyalty to King Charles II., a grant of land known as " the Inch of Balrothery," ^ which the family has held down to the present time. It would be easy to give other examples to the same effect. * See " Landed Gentry of Great Britain and Ireland," by Sir B. Burke, 1882, p. 1283. ' See " History of the Parish of Balrothery," a Lecture by H. A. Hamilton, Esq., p. 19. 132 Fingal and its Churches. The unhappy controversies provoked by Charles I. in England offered peculiar opportunities to the preaching friars and other enemies of the Reforma- tion to hinder its progress in Ireland. It is probable that the Church in Fingal was at its worst and weak- est state during this reign, so many causes, both from within and from without, were conspiring against her. All accounts agi'ee that very few of the clergy of the time had a university education ; they were still, for the most part, unspiritually- minded and unrespected ; and never, since 1535, did the prospects of political Eomanism seem so bright. "What a gloomy picture of the Church in Fingal do the extracts from Archbishop Bulkeley's visitation returns of 1 630 give ! (Appendix V.) Only fif- teen years had elapsed since the royal visitation of 1615. Churches then in good repair are now re- ported to be in a ruinous condition. Even la Swords — the chief parish of Fingal — the church and chancel, then " in good repair," are now " fallen flat to the ground and " there useth to come to church there about threescore to hear Divine Service and sermon." Nothing short of gross neglect can explain this disastrous state of things in a parish which had been stocked only forty-seven years before by forty families of God-fearing Huguenots. Finglas is the only parish of the district where .Reformation principles seem to have been triumphant, The Reformation in Fingal. 133 in spite of the efforts to the contrary of " divers priests, Jesuits, and friars," and where there was such evidence of spiritual life as is afforded by the fact of there having been 150 communicants the previous Easter. Examination of the Archbishop's notes on each parish shows the extraordinary circumstance, that of sixteen recusants {i.e., Eoman Catholics) whose names are given as promoters of Eoman worship, ten are Anglo-Norman, such as Barnewall, St. Laurence, Delahyde ; one is Danish (Sedgrave) ; three are English, such as Warren and Taylor ; and only two are Celtic names. And to a great extent the same is true of the eight " mass-priests " whose names are given : one is Anglo-Norman, three are English, such as Begg, Clarke ; only half are Celtic. The domestic condition of things in the home of the vicar of Donabate probably explains much of all this. The clergy were neglectful of their duty, and half-hearted about their faith : and while it must be acknowledged that the religious indifference which led a Protestant clergyman to marry a Eoman Catholic was justly punished by the conduct of the determined woman under whose domination be plainly smarted, we cannot wonder that reformed principles decayed in a parish where the helpmate of the vicar was " as rank and violent a recusant as any lived that day in Christendom."^ The ' See Appendix V., under " Donabate." 134 Fingal and its Churches. explanation is very obvious. The vicar's wife was in earnest ; the vicar himself was not. There are other features in this return worth notic- ing as typical of the period. The twenty-five parishes mentioned are served by fourteen clergy, of whom six only are stated to be graduates. There are scan- dalous instances of pluralities, parishes as far apart as Howth and Swords being held by the same person. There are five cases of clergymen serving two cures, sometimes far apart from each other, because of the poverty of each parish, and there is one case of the same clergyman serving six cures and receiving from his parishes the following stipends : — 34s., ^4, £,5 15s. 4d., and nothing from the remaining two. But this poverty and its evil results grew largely out of that crying scandal of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the systematic spoliation of Church property. In Howth, Kilsallaghan, and Holmpatrick, complaint is made that neighbouring lay proprietors have seized and kept parish lands from their proper uses. The greater tithes were owned by laymen, while the parish was starved. In Garristown the vicar's annual income during ten years was 20s., while a lay impropriator received the great tithes worth i£38 per annum; and in Ballyma- dun the curate received £1, while the great tithes received by the lay impropriator amounted to ^60 per annum. The saintly Bedel had brought this condition of The Reformation in Fingal. 135 things in the Irish Church under the notice of Arch- bishop Laud, who induced Charles I. to let him come over to Ireland and try to recover for the Church some of her alienated revenues. In a Life of the Archbishop, by C. W. le Bas, a letter from the Lord Deputy Weutworth is preserved, in which he states : " Just at this present I am informed that my Lord Clanricarde hath engrossed as many parsonages as he hath mortgaged for £4000 and £80 rent. In faith, have at him and all the rest of the * Eavens.' If I spare a man of them, let no man spare me. I foresee this is so universal a disease that I shall incur a number of men's displeasure of the best rank among them. But had I not better lose these, for God Almighty's cause, than lose Him for theirs ? " Bramhall, afterwards Archbishop of Armagh, writes from Dublin to Laud in 1633 : — " It is hard to say whether the churches be more ruinous or sordid, or the people more irreverent. Even in Dublin we found one parochial church converted into the Lord Deputy's stable, a second to a nobleman's dwelling- house, the choir of a third into a tennis court, with the vicar for keeper. One bishop, in the remoter part of the kingdom, holds three and twenty bene- fices ; seldom any suitor petitions for less than three vicarages at a time." ^ The next year Laud writes to Went worth : " Indeed, my Lord, I knew the ' See " Ireland in the Seventeenth Century," by M. Hick- son, Vol. I., p. 79. 136 Fingal and its Churches. state of that Church was very bad ; but that it wag so stark naught I did not beheve : six benefices not able to keep the minister in clothes ! In six parishes not six come to church ! Good God ! stay the time [i.e., have patience], you must, until there be some more conformable people : on with your endeavours for moneys given to charitable uses, for righting the crown in patronage. SECTION III. With the later troubled years of the reign of Charles I., things were rapidly ripening for the terrible events of 1641. Fingal had its full share in them. It is no part of a local story to discuss at any length this controverted subject. It is sufficient to say here, that the circumstances of the time offered peculiar temptations to the Irish enemies of English government to rise in rebellion. The English difficulties of King Charles left the Execu- tive in Ireland very weak. Roman Catholicism was virtually supreme in Ireland during the spring and summer of 1641. It had a majority in the army and in the parliament. Numbers of old soldiers who had served on the continent under foreign Govern- ments were observed making their way to Ireland. A letter of the Irish Council dated June 30th, 1641 (MSS., Rolls House), states : " We lately re- ceived a petition in the name of the Archbishops, 'The Reformation in Fingal. 137 Bishops, and the rest of the clergy now assemhled in this city of Dublin, and subscribed by two Arch- bishops and sundry other Bishops, wherein they complain that they see (with sorrow), in their several dioceses and places of residence, a foreign jurisdic- tion publically exercised, and swarms of popish priests and friars openly professing themselves, by their words and habits, to the out-daring of the laws established, the infinite pressure of the subject, and the vast charge and impoverishing of the whole king- dom We are informed likewise that of late there have been, and are yet supposed to be, in and about Dublin many hundreds of Jesuits, friars, and priests, which extraordinary convention of so many of them cannot be for any good purpose."^ Thus powerful in Ireland, seeing Puritanism steadily gaining ground in England, and also smart- ing under the penalties they had so often before paid for unsuccessful rebellion at home, the Irish Roman Catholic party saw in the condition of things a good opportunity and strong incentive to make a supreme effort to free Ireland from the hated English yoke. It was natural that those who were likely to oppose this effort should have been kept in ignorance of what was intended ; but no excuse can be suggested for the cruelty which deliberately planned and car- ried out a wholesale massacre of helpless Protestant people. ' See " Ireland in the Seventeenth Century," by M. Hick- son, Vol. II., p. 336. 138 Fingal and its Churches. The rebellion commenced on October 23rd, 1641, in the Co. Monaghan. It soon spread throughout Ulster. Clergy and people were ruthlessly slaughtered ; their churches, glebes, and homesteads were destroyed. Except in towns and garrisons there was no refuge from the devastators to be found. From Ulster the rebellion rapidly spread to the other thi'ee provinces. Much difference of opinion for a time existed, and with some excuse for it, as to the number of Protestants who were then massacred by the Eoman Catholic insurgents. For a long time the sworn depositions of witnesses of the massacres remained practically uninvestigated. The depositions were bound up in thirtj'-two volumes of MSS., and preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. Miss Hickson has made an accurate transcript of a large number of these depositions, and has pub- lished them in two volumes, entitled " Ireland in the Seventeenth Century," 1884. We now know only too surely that the rebels themselves looked upon the war they waged as a religious war ; and upon the evidence already cited we may give 25,000 as a fair estimate of the number of Protestants " murdered by the sword, gun, rope, drownding, &c., in the first three or four years, not including those killed in battle." It would appear that in the apt soil of Fingal the rebellion rapidly extended from one end of it to the other. Many of the Roman Catholic Anglo-Normans formed a confederacy of the lords of the Pale. The Reformation in Fingal. 139 At Finglas a party of them was attacked and defeated by Colonel Crawford. Many of the inhabi- tants of Clontarf, Eaheny, and Kilbarrack, " having declared themselves rebels, and having robbed and spoiled some of his Majesty's good subjects," as a proclamation against them states, the Earl of Or- mond dispersed gatherings of them at Raheny and Kilbarrack. In Swords and Kilsallaghan there were contests which almost reached to the dimensions of pitched battles. On the 9th of December, 1641, the Irish army of the Pale assembled at Swords under the leadership of many of the Roman Catholic gentry of the county. A contingent, which had been at first assembled at Santry, under Luke Netterville, joined them. The Lords Justices issued a proclamation calling upon this army of insurgents to disperse, and ordering that nine of the chief leaders should come before the Council the next morning, to explain their conduct. This proclamation having been disregarded, Sir Charles Coote was sent against the rebels. He was a good but stern soldier ; he made short work of the insurgents. He burned the village of Santry, and slew some rioters there ; and finding Swords fortified, he stormed it, put its defenders to flight, and killed about two hundred of them. At Kilsallaghan the Earl of Fingal, with some of the Barnewalls, Seagraves, and others, assembled a 140 Fingal and its Churches. force about the castle. It is stated that their ^josi- tion was made very strong by the woods surrounding the castle, and by defences which they raised. It was not strong enough, however, to resist the Earl of Ormond, who attacl^ed and carried it, driving the enemy out of the castle, which he left a ruin, and in that condition it has remained ever since. West View, Church of St- David, and Castle, Kilsallaghan, A.D. 1887. Miss Hickson has transcribed two depositions which illustrate the state of Fingal at the time.^ In Archbishop Bulkeley's return (see Appendix V.), it is stated that Mass was said in a house at •See Vol. II., p. 25. The Reformation in Fingal. 141 Bremore. That house was the ancient castle where one of the Bavnewalls lived. These Barnewalls owed everything they possessed to Reformation Kings. They had received immense tracts of Fingal on the suppression of the monasteries ; yet they were among the most active recusants of the time, both before and after the rebellion. One of the depositions which Miss Hickson prints is made by Christopher Hampton on Dec. 11, 1641. He states " that he and divers others coming ashore on the 5th of the present at Skerries, one called Father Malone, with many accompanying of him, laid hands upon this examinant, and the rest, and 'stripped them of all they had, and likewise entered into the ship, and rifled and took away what was there ; which being done, the said Malone sent this examinant and the other passengers, by a war- rant under his hand, from constable to constable, to Roger Moore, a colonel in the army. This examin- ant being brought before Mr. Roger Moore, he, after some time, let him and the rest go free and at large." Other vessels coming to Skerries were plun- dered in the same way, and the spoil in each case was carried to the house of Mr. Barnewall of Bre- more. The walls of his castle were standing in 1783. They have since nearly disappeared. Six days later another English vessel was plun- dered off Clontarf, as a subsequent deposition, made December 14, and printed by Miss Hickson, informs 142 Fingal and its Churches. us " David Powell, one of the inhabitants of Clon- tarf, saith, that a bark belonging to Philip Norrice, of Liverpool, ran aground near Clontarf on the 11th of December ; that some dwellers of Raheny, to the number of fourteen, came and pillaged the said bark, and took away all the best commodities that were then in her; and that one Evers and a miller came to help to save the goods ; they fell on them and wounded the miller to death, and caused Evers, for fear of losing his life, to turn Papist. On the 14th of December, the inhabitants of Clontarf, chiefly fishermen, came and took away out of the said bark such coals and salt and ropes as were left in the said bark, and carried them to their houses. And saith further, that FitzSimons of Raheny, gent., was amongst those at Raheny that pillaged the bark all night. And saith further, that there came some of the rebels on the 12th of December to Clontarf, and that they came to the house of this examinant, find- ing no other English in the town, and rifled all he had, and said they would set fire to his house if he would not leave it, and that they would not leave an Englishman dwelling upon the land ; and they said they would go from thence to Howth." On refer- ence to Archbishop Bulkeley's return in the year 1630 (see Appendix VI. — Baldoyle), we find it was at the house of Mr. FitzSimons that Mass was then ' See Vol. II., pp. 25, 2G. The Reformation in Fingal. 143 said for recusants of the neighbourhood. The chief recusant of the neighbourhood in 1630 was, in all probability, the wrecker of 1641. But, though Fingal thus took a prominent part in this unhappy rebellion, it seems to have been very quickly pacified. Coote and Ormond did their work thoroughly. They completely crushed the rebellion near Dublin. Forfeitures followed hard upon the suppression of the rebellion, and much of the soil of Fingal once more changed owners. SECTION :iV. Unhappily, the civil war which Charles and his Parliament were waging in England now spread to Ireland, while she was yet bleeding from the wounds which had been inflicted in these sad struggles. Sis months after Cromwell had finally triumphed over King Charles, he started for Ireland. He landed at Ringsend, near Dublin, on August 14th, 1649. Fingal was, of course, fated to have its share of any fight- ing that was going on. In 1641 Ormond crushed out the rebellion there. In 1649 he headed the forces which at that time were arrayed against him.* Loyalist Churchmen and Presbyterians were joined ' See "English in Ireland," by J. A. Froude, Vol. I., p. 118, &c. :i44 Fingal and its Churches. by Romanist rebels under his standard, and all declared for Charles II. Ormond took Drogheda, and marched down through Fingal to take pos- session of Dublin. For a time he encamped at Finglas, and then he got well beaten at Rathmines by Colonel Jones, a lieutenant of Cromwell's, one fort- night before his chief's arrival. Fingal now underwent much suffering from a return march thi'ough its terri- tory. Cromwell took command of all the parliament- ary forces, and marched with them to Drogheda. His first lesson to his enemies was a terrible one. On September 16th, he took Drogheda by storm, and had every man found in arms put to the sword. When remonstrated with by the Roman Catholic Bishops for the stern policy he now pursued, he answered them : — " You, unprovoked, put the English to the most unheard-of and barbarous massacre (without respect of age or sex) that the sun ever beheld. . . . We are come to ask an account of the innocent blood that hath been shed." ^ Mr. Froude^ justifies this policy by considerations which are certainly not to be disposed of by a mere charge of cruel intolerance. Fingal, however, supplies evidence that this was not the only reason for Cromwell's severity. The Talbots — lords of Malahide — had had no share in the cruelties of 1641. They had helped in resisting the * See Carlyle's "Letters and Speeches of Oliver Crom- well," Vol. II., p. 223, ed. 1871. ^ " English in Ireland," Vol. I., p. 125, &c. I The Reformation in Fingal. 145 parliamentary forces ; but their chief crime iu Crom- weU's eyes was their unswerving loyalty to the Stuart dynasty, Mr. John Talbot was outlawed, and his Castle of Malahide, with 605 acres, I.P.M., of his property, were granted to Miles Corbet, one of Crom- well's chief lieutenants. Corbet had been one of the South-west View, Malahide Church, A.D. 1887 (exterior). members of the court which tried Charles I. He was one of the signatories to the King's death warrant. He became Lord Chief Baron in Ireland, and held Mala- hide Castle until the Restoration, when he was exe- cuted as a regicide, and the old owners once more re-entered on possession of their ancestral home. During the occupancy of Corbet, Malahide church L 146 Fingal and its Churches. furnished one of the many proofs that the Church of Ireland only escaped the persecution of the Romanist, to be exposed to the iconoclasm of the Puritan. In Malahide demesne, within a stone's throw of the Castle, there stand the carefully-preserved walls of the old church, which was founded at the same time when the Talbot family were settled in the land. South-west View, Malahide Church, Interior of Chancel, with the Tomb of Ron. M. Plunket in the foreground, A .D. 1887. This church was, for Fingal, an extensive and a comely building. The advowson had been granted to the lords of the soil. They had been careful cus- todians of the church, and frequent benefactors to it. In 1529 Sir Peter Talbot left Requests for the The Reformation in Fingal. 147 repairs and maintenance of its chancel. The use Cromwell's soldiers, under Corbet's rule, made of the building was as a stable for their horses. The leaden roof of the church was converted into bullets, and when Cromwell's soldiers were removed from Fingal, they left the church in the state of ruin it has been in since ; and the parish of Malahide was without a place of worship and without a clergyman until early in the present century. The ancient Cross of Nethercross supplies an illus- tration of the way in which this iconoclastic spirit was believed by the people to be a characteristic of Cromwell's rule. Mr. D'Alton has got hold of the wrong end of the story about it.^ He says that Crom- well's soldiers, on their march to Drogheda, over- turned and buried the cross. This statement is not correct. The cross was buried, not in scorn, but with reverent care. It had stood for many centuries in the grounds of the Abbey of Finglas. Its origin was veiled in mystery. It was proportionately venerated. When Cromwell's troops were advancing to Finglas, on their route to Drogheda, their iconoclastic fame preceded them. The people of Finglas buried this treasured cross, in order, as they believed, to save it from destruction. For eleven years the rule of Crom- well's soldiers continued, and from them, in popular estimation, it was well to keep secret the actual locality where the cross lay buried. Out of sight, ' See " History of County Dublin," by J. D'Alton, p. 377. 148 Fingal and its Churches. out of mind, it became unthouglit of, and finally it became forgotten ; but the tradition that the cross had been buried lingered in the neighbourhood still. The Kev. Robert Walsh — grandfather of the writer — became curate of the parish in 1806. He was subse- quently vicar of it. He was a man of literary and antiquarian pursuits. The tradition having reached his ears, he resolved, if possible, to trace it to its The Cross of Kducravi^, A.D. 1887. foundation. His search was rewarded. He dis- covered an extremely old man, who told the family story, as handed down to him, that his grandfather, when a boy, had been present at the burial of the cross in a corner of one of the glebe fields, and that it The Reformation in Fingal. 149 Lad 1jeen buried as soon as the people heard of the approach of Cromwell's soldiers, lest they should desecrate it. Dr. Walsh proceeded with some work- men to the spot indicated in this traditional story. In due time he found the cross. He unearthed it from its resting-place of 160 years, and had'it erected in the south-east corner of the ancient graveyard, where it now stands. When Cromwell had completely overthrown his enemies in Ireland, it was resolved that the work of subjugation should be made permanent by the plan known as the Cromwelliau Settlement. This was simply a wholesale transplantation of the native population and of many Anglo-Norman loyalists to Connaught,^ which was mapped out for the purpose in 1054, and a settlement in their place and on their lands of his soldiers and of others, attracted for the purpose from England and Scotland. The Settlement was sanctioned by an Act of Parliament dated Sep- tember 26, 1653.^ The baronies of Coolock and Balrothery were reserved by this Act " for maimed English soldiers, and widows with arrears not exceed- ing aB150." The rest of Dublin was included in the four reserved counties not to be settled. Ultimately north Dublin was not transplanted, because " from ancient times many English resided ' See "The Croniwellian Settlement of Irelaad," by J. P. Prendergast, p. 185. ' The same, Frontispiece Map. 150 Fingal and its Churches. there," and it was " a level plain without fastnesses for Irish to harbour in." ^ Some of the leading families of Fingal, however, suffered for their share, in whatever degree, in the events which provoked Cromwell's stern reprisals. Mr. Prendergast, in an Appendix to his " Crom- wellian Settlement," prints some orders, copied from State papers of the period, which show how great were the penalties exacted by the conqueror. Among these orders are two with reference to Fingal families of position. The head of the Barnewall family was Mathias, twelfth baron of Trimleston, whose family place was at this time at Trimleston, Co. Meath. He owned much of the Barnewall property in the north of Fingal. He had been sent to Connaught. His wife pleaded hard for him that he might be permitted to return home, as his health had broken down. Accord- ingly Miles Corbet issued an order^ dated August the 8th, 1654, giving him leave to return " into some place in the province of Leinster for such time as shall be thought necessary for the recovery of his health, and so to continue in the same place without removal above a mile fi'om the same, . . . pro- vided he return to Connaught within three months." The family of Sir Richard Talbot of Malahide seem to have been reduced from a position of great ' See " The Cromwellian Settlement," p. 144. ' The same., p. 221. The Reformation in Fingal. 151 affluence to a state of great distress. Lady Grace Talbot, his wife, pleads with Government for sub- sistence for herself and her five children out of the family estates in Wicklow or in Meath. Her peti- tion was referred to Sir C. Coote, who reported as follows^ : — " In regard of petitioner's husband, Sir Richard Talbot's civil carriage during the late rebellion, and his great charge, and the size of his estates in Leinster, from whence he is to be trans- planted, that there be settled 500 acres of land in some convenient place in Connaught upon the said Lady Talbot and her children. . . . And because Lady Talbot is an Englishwoman, and reduced to poor condition, being without relief," it is ordered that she be given some of the profits of her husband's estates in Leinster. The Clerk of the Council signed this order, not Miles Corbet. Lady Talbot was also given £20 to enable her to return to her husband and children in Connaught. As was already men- tioned, their property was given back to the family at the Restoration. They were once more residing at Malahide in 1661. Mention has been made of the Battle of Kilsal- laghan. Its castle and the adjoining property be- longed to a Mr. Hore. They were confiscated.* When the order came from Cromwell for the family to be transplanted to Connaught, Mrs. Hore, in a fit ' See " The Cromwellian Settlement," p. 225. ' The same, p. 7G, note. 152 Fingal and its Churches. of despair, went into the barn and hanged herself. She was buried, as a suicide, near the Tillage. To this day the spot is known as " Molly Hore^s Cross." The events of the forty years preceding the Restora- tion must have caused fearful sutfering in Fingal. A great part of the district had become a desolation. At its extreme south-west corner is a small parish named Ward, then united to Castleknock, but, in 1630, and always before that year, dependent on Finglas. The waste of human life had been so great there that the parish became infested by wolves. On December 20th, 1652/ the inhabitants of the neighbouring districts organised a public hunt for the destruction of the " wolves lying in the wood of the Ward.'' We have further evidence of the general desola- tion. In the Library of the Royal Irish Academy there is a MS. census of Ireland at this time.^ The MS. is without date or explanation. But from internal evidence there is little doubt that it was made in 1659. This is the earliest known census of the island. It was found among the papers of the Marquis of Lansdowne, and is attributed to his ancestor. Sir William Petty. Petty was phy- sician to the parliamentary forces ; but he was more of a statesman than of a doctor. He had ' See " The Cromwelliaii Settlement," p. 144. * See Appendix VI. The Reformation in Fingal. 153 a large share in carrying out the policy of Cromwell, and was well rewarded for it by immense tracts of land in Kerry and elsewliero. Ho must have been a strange contrast to his religious chief. He was a free-thinker, who regarded all Christian creeds with cynical contempt. He considered all sects to be " worms and maggots in the guts of a common- wealth," His census (if it be his) is made out in three columns. It is not a religious census. It divides the population into English and Irish, and distin- guishes the principal owners of the different town- lands by the Anglo- Spanish name of Tituladoes. As far as Fingal is concerned, it is evident that most of the leading Anglo-Norman proprietors had been left in possession. For among the Tituladoes' names are William Baron of Howth, Viscount Barnewall, of Turvey, &c. ; while two of Cromwell's chief lieu- tenants are enrolled, namely, Miles Corbet, of Mala- hide, and Michael Jones, of Balgriffiu. The distinction of the population into English and Irish must be imperfect. Indeed, we find such plainly English names as Archbald, Birmingham, Murray, Piussell, and Wade among those described as Irish ; while it is interesting to note that the enactment of 1465^ had evidently been obeyed in the letter, for many Irish in Fingal had taken " an ' See " The Croniwellian Settlement," p. 103. 154 Fingal and its Churches. English surname of one colour," as White or Brown, and of " one art," as Smith. To return, however, to the proof which this census affords of the desolation wrought in Fingal through the previous forty years. Its fertile plains at the time of the census were peopled by a thinly scattered population of only 6,423 souls, composed of 1,264 English, and 5,159 Irish, The population, according to the census of 1881, was 38,317. An inspection of Appendix VI. will best convey how very small the population had become. A com- parison of the census of 1659 with that of 1881 in the various parishes, shows also how much popula- tion has shifted. In the east and south there has been a large increase, both actually and relatively, i.e., taking into account the general growth of popu- lation during the period of two centuries. In the north-west and west, in Clonmethan Union, and in the west of Swords Union, there is a large relative decrease. In one parish, in VVestpalstown, there is an actual decrease from 107 to 89. The large number of churches and parishes in the west, as compared with the east, of Fingal (see Frontispiece Map) may also be possibly explained by this census. If in 1659 the population in the west bore the large proportion it did to that in the east, how much larger must it have been before the forty years of conflict began ! With wasted population, there was also wholesale The Reformation in Fingal. 155 South View, Parish Church of Portmarnock, A.D. 1887. destruction of churches. The Church got well ground between the upper mill-stone of Romanism and the nether mill-stone of Puritanism. We have seen how Malahide church was destroyed ; Portmarnock parish also was left without church or clergyman until the year 1790. The following churches probably fell into ruin about 1630-50 — St. Margaret's, Ward, Ar- taine, Kinsaley, Killossery, Ballyboghill. None of these were rebuilt ; while the following, which were also probably allowed to fall into ruin about this time, were rebuilt early in the eighteenth century — JRaheny, Santry, Holmpatrick, Hollywood (see Ap- pendix Vn.), as well as Drumcondra, rebuilt in 156 Fingal and its Churches. 1740; Coolock, rebuilt in 1760; and Portmarnock, rebuilt in 1790. Except in the case of the Vicar of Swords, there is not evidence that any of the clergy in Fingal were disturbed in their cures for failing to conform to Cromwell's ecclesiastical views, or to the Eomanism of James II. twenty-five years later. James' short and troubled reign probably left too little time to inter- fere eifectively in ecclesiastical matters. But we know that Cromwell enforced the Directory in Dublin in 1647 ; that he prohibited the use of the Prayer Book soon after in the city, and then in the country ; that he took possession of the episcopal revenues, and that he treated the clergy as enemies of his government. It is possible that Cromwell was more concerned about the leading clergy, and that the clergy of Fingal, who were, with the exception of the Vicar of Swords, ill-paid and comparatively unimportant, were not worth his notice, or it may be that they had somewhat pliable convictions about the questions at issue ; or perhaps a share of both possibilities com- bined, explains the circumstance revealed by Appendix VIII., that clergy appointed in the reign of Charles I. retained their cures during the Commonwealth, and that some of the clergy appointed during the Com- monwealth retained their cures during the reign of Charles II. A Puritan divine had been intruded on Swords. The Rev. S. Pullein, duly appointed Prebendary in The Reformation in Fingal. 157 1642, had been obliged to give place to him, but was probably reinstated on the Eestoration, for his name appears at the first meeting of the Chapter of St. Pa- trick's Cathedral after the Restoration, on October 22nd, 1G60. The story is told of the intruded divine, that he did his best to discourage people attending divine service in Swords Church ; he was accused of re- fusing to administer the sacraments there to those who desired to partake of them. Upon the Restora- tion he was obliged to meet charges of the kind. A MS. report of the proceedings of Convocation in 1661, dealing with this charge, as well as with other things, is preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. On July 29th, 1661, " Thomas Wilkinson, clerk, made answer to certain articles objected against him by the Rev. and Right Rev. Fathers, the Lord Archbishop and Bishops of the Superior House of Convocation, at the promotion of Dr. Peter Pett, his Majesty's Advocate, July 28th, 1661." It is sufficient to say of the proceedings that Mr. Wilkinson denied the truth of some of the charges made against him, and justified his conduct in the case of some other charges. The proceedings are chiefly interest- ing as an example of what was common elsewhere in Ireland, as well as in England, being a natural result of restoration in Church and State affairs. Before we pass from the story of Fingal during the Commonwealth, it would be well to notice the remark- 158 Fingal and its Churches. able connection, which the celebrated James Ussher, Archbishop of Armagh, "the glory of the Irish Church and University," as Archdeacon Cotton justly calls him, had with Fingal. His brave but temperate spirit, and his great learning and abilities, secured for him a far- reaching influence in these troublous times. Even Cromwell respected him. In the quaint old castle of Lambay Island, Ussher composed some of his works. Queen Elizabeth had granted the island to his an- cestor. Sir William Ussher, subject to a rent of ^ 6 to the See of Dublin. In 1650 a plague raged violently in Dublin. The Archbishop, who was living in the city, removed with his family to Lambay Island, where he resided for a time. He was then an old man, spent with the losses and anxieties of his life. Five years later he died in England, and Cromwell specially honoured him by ordering his public inter- ment in Westminster Abbey. SECTION V. We now pass from the last great political convulsion which at all seriously affected the Church in Fingal. We pass to a period of religious deadness quite as injurious. Mortification set in after all the bruises and blood-letting of so many centuries. Two other " Settlements " in Ireland followed what was -known as the Cromwellian Settlement ; but The Reformation in Fingal. 159 Fingal was only slightly affected by them. The Restoration Settlement saw such Royalists as the Talbots and Barnewalls restored to their estates, and the Revolution Settlement of 1688 saw some con- fiscations of the property of Roman Catholic adherents of James II. Mr. Thomas Plunket, of Portmarnock, forfeited the family property ; but it was restored after a while. Mr. Richard Fagan, of Feltrim, had com- mitted himself far more seriously. His family lost all their Fingal property in consequence, which they had held through many centuries. Once more Fingal felt the tread of armed men, but it was only their unopposed victorious march, and it left behind no footprints stained by blood. On July 1st, 1690, William III. fought and won the Battle of the Boyne. James II. ran away from the field of battle, and passed through Fingal to Dublin, resting awhile for refreshment at the house of Mr. Fagan, of Feltrim. On the 5th of July William marched with his army from the Boyne to Finglas, where he encamped on Sunday, the 6th. In Fort- william, the country residence of Rev. J. W. Stubbs, D.D., and on the glebe lands of the parish, there are still remaining the extensive earth mounds which the King caused to be made for the defence of his en- campment. On the 7th he issued a declaration, dated at Finglas, and on the 9th he left Finglas with his troops for Limerick. He had carefully reviewed them during the two previous days, and found himself in command of about 30,000 men. i6o Fingal and its Churches. It would be very profitless to enter with any min- uteness of detail into the story of Fingal during the reigns of William and Mary, Anne, and the first two Georges. The Diocesan Visitation returns become very numerous and regular during this period. The condition of things in Fingal which they reveal with painful monotony is nearly the same as that which characterised the Church at large. A Church de- graded into being a political instrument, and con- trolled by corrupt statesmen, was bound to become spiritually dead. Even had her life possessed all the vigour of its early days, she was obliged to breathe an atmosphere which would have tried the strongest con- stitution. She had to face the prevailing licentiousness of manners and unbelief, which were the reaction from Puritanism, while she was herself in anything but robust health. These considerations appear to go a great way in explanation of the significant but unwelcome fact, that the imposition of Romanism from without on the Irish Church, during the twelfth and following centuries, produced more abiding and permanent results, and was, in many respects, more successful, than the introduction of the purified and improved system of the Reformation in the sixteenth century. Christ had laid down, as one of the characteristic features of His religion — " The kingdom of heaven Buffereth violence, and the violent take it by force." Does not the religious history of Fingal up to the The Reformation in Fingal. i6i Revolution suggest a remarkable illustratiou of this principle, and also suggest a significant answer to the question, " "Why was the English conqueror far more successful in Romanising than in reforming the ancient Irish Church ?" Those who sent and those who carried out the mandate of 1172 were in earnest, about both the worldly and the religious policy which they intro- duced, and they made the first largely subservient to the second. Those who sent and those who carried out the mandate of 1535 were in earnest about the worldly policy only. Then again, iu 1172, the power which imposed Romanism was strong as well as thorough, while the Church which received it was weak. In 1535 the in- fluence which introduced the Reformation was weak as well as half-hearted ; the Church to which it was sent was strong in its power as well as will to resist- From the Revolution to the end of the eighteenth century, the Church in Fingal suffered very seriously through the chief prevailing causes of injury to the Church at large. The Earl of Clarendon wrote from Ireland to the Archbishop of Canterbury on May 25, 1686 : — " I find it an ordinary thing for a minister to have five or six cures of souls, and to get them supplied by those who will do it cheapest. Some hold five or sis preferments worth ^£900 a-year, get them all served for £150 a-year, and preach them- 1 62 Fingal and its Churches. selves perhaps once a-year." This state of things continued to the close of the century. Any spiritual work accomplished was done by the poor rectors and the poor curates, who were invariably native-born. The richer ecclesiastical posts were, as a rule, held by the dependants of English politicians. Uncontrolled pluralities were permitted to those who had Court influence, and non-residence became a crying scandal during the eighteenth century. The richer clergy often followed the example of absentee landlords, by living in London, or in the fashionable health resorts of England. Mr. Froude has drawn a graphic picture of the sad eifect on Protestantism in Kerry of this state of things.^ An inspection of Appendix VIII. will show that parishes in Fingal suffered from it also. One example will suffice. The Rev. Francis Higgin was appointed to the parish of Balrothery in 1695. In an interesting lecture on " The Parish of Balro- thery, Ecclesiastical and Civil," ^ published in 1876, the story of this individual is told. " He was born in Limerick, of poor parentage. He passed through Trinity College, Dublin, with considerable success. After obtaining several smaller preferments, he was, in addition, appointed in the same year Vicar of Bal- rothery and chaplain to the Earl of Drogheda. He was at the same time reader in Christ Church Cathe- ' " State Letters," Vol. I. ' See " The English in Ireland," Vol. T., p. 245. ' By H. A. Hamilton, Esq., J.P., pp. 20-23. The Reformation in Fingal. 163 dral, Dublin. Dean Swift, in a letter to Archbishop King, says of Higgin and of the Cathedral Chapter: — *' I believe that your Grace may have heard that I was in England last winter, when the Dean and Chapter of Christ Church had, I think, with great wisdom and discretion, chosen a malicious, headstrong, and igno- rant creature to represent them." The allusion here is to the circumstance that in the years 1701 and 1705 Higgin acted as the Chapter's delegate in Eng- land, before Convocation. In the latter of these years he added the prebend of St. Michael's, Dublin, to the number of his appointments. From 1704 to 1713 he was also Proctor for the clergy of Ossory in Convocation. He was in addition very busy as a Justice of the Peace, in which capacity he made himself obnoxious to the Government, and figures conspicuously in the Irish satires of the day. The " Swan-tripe " Club in Dublin mentions him under the name of " Borachio," and describes him in their publications as " a son of pudding and eternal beef,'' and again, as " a plump, red-faced man, zealous, talkative, very fond of quoting law (not always cor- rectly), who thinks too little, and talks too much." In 1707 he was put in prison for a treasonable sermon, preached in Whitehall Chapel. In 1710 Archbishop King speaks of him as deeply implicated in a Jacobite conspiracy in Westmeath. In 1725 he was raised to the Archdeaconry of Cashel, retain- ing at the same time his prebend in St. Michael's, 164 Fingal and its Churches. Dublin. He died in the year 1828, and was buried in St. Michael's church-yard.^ It is quite impossible that the spiritual interests of Balrothery parish can have prospered under the pas- toral care of Rev. Francis Higgin, D.D. If Dean Swift's language about Higgin be plainly inspired by personal animosity, it is only just to the Dean to notice how earnestly he strove to reform the abuses of the time. His published works contain abundant proof of this. In 1710^ he writes to Secre- tary Hardy, calling attention to the want of glebes, for the purpose of enabling the clergy to reside in their parishes, to the poverty of many of the parishes, and to the ruined condition of many of the churches.' In 1725 he writes, pressing on the Lord Lieutenant the claims of the Irish-born clergy to a share in Government ecclesiastical patronage, and speaks of the " great misfortune of having bishops perpetually from England, who draw after them colonies of sons, nephews, &c., to whom they bestow the best preferments." Fingal had the honour of sheltering Swift from the vengeance of the Government when he published the celebrated " Drapier's Letters." There is reason to believe that Delville House, Glasnevin, was the ' For additional particulars about Higgin, see " Fasti Ecclesias Hibernicse," by H. Cotton, Vol. II., p. 66. ' See Swift's Works, Vol. X., p. 126. » Swift's Works, Vol. II., p. 272, quoted by Dr. Ball in " The Reformed Church of Ireland," p. 202. The Reformation in Fingal. 165 hiding-place which baffled all the efforts of Govern- meut to discover the whereabouts of the terrible drapier and his printing-press. Dr. Walsh mentions that it was the current tradition in his day, that Swift's printing-press had been at work in Delville House. An interesting confirmation of the tradition came to light early in this century. In removing the lumber of an out-office at Delville, a printing-press was found concealed among it.^ The poet, Thomas Parnell, a contemporary and friend of Swift, was for a short time Vicar of Finglas. In the neighbouring parish of Glasnevin, Addison, Tickel, and Delaney resided. It was a literary bro- therhood such as has rarely been brought together. Parnell died in 1717, aged 38. But for his early death it is probable that he would have ranked as a poet with Pope. His name, however, is now men- tioned rather in connection with Swift than because he did much for the Church in Fingal. It is right to add that two Archbishops of Dublin also made strenuous efforts to reform the Church abuses of the time. ■ Narcissus Marsh (Archbishop, 1694-1702) repaired churches out of his own pocket, and purchased im- propriated tithes, in order that he might restore them to the Church. William King (Archbishop, 1702-1729), already ' See " History of Dublin," by Revs. J. Whitelaw and Robert Walsh, 1818, p. 1286, note. 1 66 Fingal and its Churches. mentioned in connection with Higgin of Balrothery, was a good and able bishop ; he was a strict enforcer of residence of clergy, and was a great benefactor of the Church. It was during his episcopate that the Fingal churches — mentioned in page 155 — were re- built. The district supplies no very special illustration of the operation of the penal laws in Ireland. These laws first came into force at the close of the seven- teenth century, and began to be relaxed at the close of the eighteenth century. Whether we think that the political circumstances of the times did or did not justify these laws, there can be little doubt that the actual effect produced by them as regards the influence of the Church of Ireland with the Eoman Catholic population, was most unfortunate. En- forced just enough to exasperate, but not enough to carry out their purpose, Roman Catholics very naturally learned to hate not only these laws, but also the religion of those who enacted and enforced them. SECTION VI. In the latter part of the eighteenth century there commenced in Fingal, and indeed to a great extent in the whole Church of Ireland, the dawn of a brighter period than it had known since the days of its early Celtic life. Schools established, churches built, a The Reformation in Fingal. 167 clergy better educated, and more devoted to the work of their calling, and growing congregationSj were some of the happy signs of the coming era. The day of these things dawned slowly but surely. Among the strange and, to us, unaccountable mis- takes made in promoting the Reformation, was the omission of any attempt to organise education, under the influence and guidance of the Church which was meant to be once more the Church of the people. No one in Church or State seemed to have thought of the golden opportunities afforded in early youth for the moulding and formation of character, or to have remembered that the children of to-day become the nation of to-morrow. The monasteries of long ago had been the only educational institutions in the land. But these institutions, as we have seen, were swept away ; and at their suppression none of their property was reserved for educational purposes. There was apparently little or nothing done for the education of the young in Fingal, or elsewhere, until early in the eighteenth century, except by Roman Catholic teachers."^ In the years 1809-1812 Government instituted aa exhaustive examination into the condition of primary education at that time in Ireland.' There is a volu- minous report, which enters very fully into the ques- tion. The history and condition of all the known primary schools in Ireland are given in the report. ' See Appendix V., under " Santry " and " Swords." ' See " State Papers, Ireland, 1809-1812." 1 68 Fingal and its Churches. It is evident from this enquiry that primary educa- tion must then, and up to this time, have been at a low ebb. The astounding statement is made, that in 1788 the number of children instructed in all the parish schools of Ireland, so far as this number could be ascertained, was only 11,000. It would seem from this report, that during the eighteenth centui'y there were only six primary schools in Fingal. Four of these were what we would now call parochial schools. Two of them were Charter schools. At Santry there was a school for eight boys and twelve girls endowed in 1706 by the will of the Eev. D. Jackson, who had been rector of the parish. At Finglas there was a school — attended, in 1812, by twentj--five boys — the endowment of which amounted to i£20 per annum, which had been bequeathed to the school at various times in the previous century. At Howth there had long been a small parish school, to which, in the year 1807, the Association for Pro- moting the Knowledge of the Christian Religion gave a grant of ^15. And at Swords a school apparently came into existence in 1703 ; Dean Scardeville, who had been Vicar of Swords, bequeathed money for its support. But the school was strangled at its birth ; somebody retained for their own use the funds pro- vided for it, though the vicar and other parochial authorities endeavoured, at considerable expense, to obtain them for the school. The Reformation in Fingal. i6g Of the two Charter schools, one was founded at Clontarf in 1748 for one hundred and twenty boys. The other was founded at Santry in 1744 for sixty girls. The Santry school was afterwards enlarged so as to receive one hundred and twenty girls. Both schools were doing well in 1812. They survived until the suppression of the Charter schools about twenty years after. The system with which these two schools were connected was established by Charter (hence the name) in 1733. Parliament supported the Charter schools most liberally. The annual grants were gradually raised from ^2,000 to ^£20,000 a-year. The motto of the Corporation was " Eeligioue et labore." Its arms were the plough, the spade, the spinning-wheel, and a Bible, opened at the text, " The poor have the Gospel preached to them." The great majority of the pupils were Roman Ca- tholics. The Roman Catholic priesthood denounced the schools as proselytizing institutions. This was true. The avowed object of the schools was to make Protestants of the lapsed masses ; but the charge might have been fairly met by the answer, that this religion is more akin to that of the ancient Church of Ireland than the imported Romanism of the Eng- lish Conquest. The education imparted was industrial as well as intellectual. The children were taught the Church Catechism, reading, writing, and arithmetic. They 170 Fingal and its Churches. were also taught agriculture, handicrafts, and such things as would fit them for domestic service, and when old enough they were bound out as apprentices. At first the system proved a great success. But, as in the case of every other efi"ort for the good of Ire- land in the eighteenth century, the prevailing spirit of corruption in time infected most of those connected with the system, from the gentry managing it, to the teachers employed by it. The pupils became neg- lected ; they were often starved ; the system fell into disrepute, and was finally abolished.^ There is not now any representative of the Charter school of Clontarf. The present thriving middle- class school at Santry exists in the place of the former Charter school. In the course of the first quarter of the present century nearly every parish in Fingal of any import- ance had a parochial school established in it, gene- rally by voluntary contributions. These parochial schools were in nearly every case placed under the parochial clergyman. Until a short time ago almost all the parochial schools in Fingal were in connec- tion with the Church Education Society, which was founded in the year 1838. Another Society, ' For a complete account of the Charter schools, see " History of Dublin," by Revs. J. Whitelaw and Robert Walsh, 1818, p. 635, and also " The English in Ireland," by J. A. Froude, Vol. I., pp. 513-518; Vol. II., pp. 11, 450-452. I 1 The Reformation in Fingal. 171 known as the Kildare Place Society, founded in 1811, had given much help to primary education in Ireland up to 1831, and had received, for some years previous to that date, annual Parliamentary gi-ants. At first these schools were attended by many Roman Catholic children; but since the establishment in 1831 of the educational system known as " The National Board," the Roman Catholic children have been gradually withdrawn. At the present day the great majority of the Fingal parochial schools have severed their former connection, and have been placed under " The National Board." One Fingal school calls for special mention. In 1809 Swords Borough School was opened. In 1812 it was attended by 261 pupils. Swords had returned two members to the L-ish House of Commons. Upon its disfranchisement at the time of the Union with Great Britain, ^£15,000 was awarded as compen- sation, and was assigned as an endowment of the school. All inhabitants of the borough were entitled to benefit by it. At first the school was readily attended by Roman Catholic as well as by Protestant children. The religious convictions of all the pupils were scrupulously respected. The process which took place elsewhere, however, in one year withdrew the Roman Catholic pupils, and a demand by their religious teachers was made for the greater part of the endowment. In the present year the controversy has been settled by the decision of the " Endowed 172 Fingal and its Churches. School Commissioners.-" The Church of Ireland retains the school buildings, and the endowment (after deducting £2000, which sum was given to the Roman Catholic Church as an equivalent for the school buildings) is divided between the Church of Ireland and the Roman Catholic Church, in proportion to the average numbers of the chil- dren of each religion attending the school for some few 3'ears past. From the Report presented to the Dublin Diocesan Sj'nod on October 25, 1887, we find that there were in 1886 in the district of Fingal 12 parochial schools, with an average attendance of 337 pupils, and 17 Sunday Schools, with an average attendance of 576 pupils, under a carefully organised system of reli- gious and secular education, of whose vitality and thoroughness there is abundant evidence. In order to complete this educational sketch of Fingal, we have travelled far ahead of the progress of other events. Allusion has been made to the Borough of Swords and its disfranchisement. Its existence must have had an injurious influence upon the neighbourhood. An incident recorded both by Bishop Reeves ^ and Mr. D'Alton ^ painfully, though ludicrously, illustrates this fact. We will give the Bishop's account of it : — " In 1578 Queen Elizabeth ^ See " Lecture on Swords and its Antiquities," p. 12. ' See " History of County Dublin," p. 284. The Reformation in Fingal. 173 incorporated the Borough of Swords, and invested it with municipal rights. Among these was the privilege of returning two memhers to Parliament, the franchise being enjoyed by (Protestant) burgesses (inhabitants of the borough), who for their burgages (houses in the borough) paid an annual rent of twelve pence Down to the time of the Union many of the neigh- bouring gentry represented the potwallopers, or occupants of houses resident in the borough, being Protestants, who were the meanest class of citizens, and whose venality was as black as the pots that qualified them. A writer, under the name of Falldand, in 1790, thus humorously describes the methods resorted to by candidates for the representa- tion of the borough at an election pending in that year : — General Eyre Massey, some time since, cast a longing eye on this borough, which he considered as a common open to any occupant ; and to secure the command of it to himself, he began to take and build tenements within its precincts, in which he placed many veteran soldiers, who having served under him in war, were firmly attached to their ancient leader. Mr. Beresford, the First Commis- sioner of the Revenue, who has a sharp look-out for open places, had formed the same scheme as the general, of securing this borough to himself; and a deluge of revenue officers was poured forth from the Custom House to overflow the place, as all the artificers of the new Custom House had been 174 Fingal and its Churches. exported in the potato-boats of Duncannon, to storm that borough. The wary general took the alarm, and threatened his competitor, that for every revenue officer appearing there, he would introduce two old soldiers, which somewhat cooled the First Commis- sioner's usual ardour ; thus the matter rests at pre- sent; but whether the legions of the army, or the locusts of the revenue, will finally remain masters of the field, or whether the rival chiefs, from an impos- sibility of effecting all they wish, will be content to go off, like the two Kings of Brentford, smelling at one rose, or, whether Mr. Hatch's interest will pre- ponderate in the scale, time alone can clearly ascer- tain." The result was, that both competitors were returned as members of Parliament for the borough. Of the two former sitting members, one had an- nounced his intention of not again contesting the representation ; the other, who did contest the elec- tion with the soldier and the civil servant, found that their plan of campaign was much more effective than his own. These venal potwallopers must have been a most debasing element in the Protestant population of the borough, so long as the penal laws gave Protestants only the right to vote. Its seats were notoriously bought and sold. It was in vain to import the industrious and God-fearing Huguenots^ of 1583, » See p. 123. The Reformation in Fingal. 175 ■where the atmosphere which the humble Protestant breathed was so impure. The candidate who, for his own selfish purposes, endeavoured to teach them that their religion was the sole reason why their cupidity was appealed to, did all that in him lay to bring Protestantism into contempt, and to make impossible the virtues which alone give value to any religion — independence, truthfulness, and love of God and right. Among the many beneficent results of the Union of 1800, was the termination put to the existence of such an evil as the franchise of Swords, and the sub- stitution of an institution for raising instead of debasing the poor. The wholesome influence of the splendid Borough School (already noticed) must have gone far to undo the corrupting work of several generations, had not religious intolerance hindered the good which the school might otherwise have accom|)lished. Happily, Fingal suffered only a little from the political convulsions of 1798 and of 1832. The large garrison maintained in Dublin while the Rebellion of 1798 was impending, and during its actual progress, overawed most of the country dis- tricts within striking distance of the capital. The only outrages we read of in Fingal were at West- palstown, where a small party of soldiers was sur- prised and cut to pieces, and in the neighbourhood I 176 Fingal and its Churches. of Swords, where some Protestant houses were set on fire.^ Apparently, Fingal had a narrow escape. Within a few miles of its western boundary, in the County Meath, the rebel spirit showed itself with more effect. At Dunshaughlin the Rector and his family were murdered ; at Dunboyne a Protestant revenue officer and three Protestant policemen were mur- dered ; and at Ratoath some soldiers were killed. There is no reason to believe that Fingal had any special share in the painful " tithe war," which immediately succeeded the Roman Catholic Eman- cipation Act of 1829. The occupier was liable for payment of this tax ; it was only assessed on tillage lands, and the collection of the tax was made by means which must often have been very irritating. The north-west and west of Fingal being a great grazing district, the peasantry had little temptation to take part in the lawless and cruel movement of so many of their Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen in the rest of Ireland ; and the south and east of Fingal, which were, and still are, chiefly tillage lands, were easily kept under control. Instead of the irritating process of valuing the farmer's produce each year, the composition for tithes was made permanent and compulsory by an Act passed in 1832, The Tithe Rent-charge Act of 1838 transferred the liability ' See " The English in Ireland," by J. A. Froude, Vol. III., p. 357. The Reformation in Fingal. 177 for payment of this composition from the tenant to the landlord, giving the latter 25 per cent, of it as compensation. The clergyman, by the loss of a quarter of his ecclesiastical income, was permitted to receive the rest in peace. Thus outer events, from the close of the eighteenth century up to the year 1869, did not affect the Church in Fingal at all as injuriously as similar events had heretofore almost invariably done in former years. The dawning of a brighter and a happier day was but little clouded by them. In addition to the rapid progress of education during the period just referred to, there was another hopeful sign of an improving internal condition of the Church. Mention has already been made^ of the rebuilding, early in the eighteenth century, of some of the churches desolated during the disturbances of the previous century. This good work ceased, to a great extent, during most of the rest of that century ; but before the century closed it had recommenced. Of twenty-three FingaP churches in use in the year 1869, fifteen were built or rebuilt since the year 1800 ; five had been built or rebuilt shortly after the year 1700, as we have seen ; one (Coolock) was built in the year 1760 ; two (Portmarnock and Donabate) were built within a short time of the year 1800 ; ' See p. 155. * See Appendix VII. Two sinecures without churches are excluded here, but included in p. 121. N 1 78 Fingal and its Churches. and the remaining fifteen arose from time to time since the year 1800. Kilsallaghan (1812); Naul and Garristown (about 1814) ; Balbriggan, Balro- thery, and Howth (1816, Howth having been rebuilt South-east I icw, 6t. Andrew'.^ Church, Mclahid,, A.D. 1887. in 1866) ; Clonmethan and Swords (1818) ; Mala- hide (1822) ; Fiuglas (1843) ; Lusk (1847) ; St. Doulagh's (1864) ; Kenure and Clontarf (1866) ; and Holmpatrick (1868). While we are thankful that decent places of wor- ship were thus provided for the people, it is impossible to commend the taste displayed in the style of archi- tecture selected for many of these churches. Those of them which were built between the years 1700 and The Reformation in Fingal. 179 1822 are, with very few exceptions, so plain as to be almost ugly. A barn might have suggested the de- sign for the naves of most of these churches. Some- times there was added to the west end, a square ungraceful bell-tower of dashed rubble masonry, pierced with rude louvre windows, such as are com- monly seen in stable lofts, and occasionally the towers were capped by spires quite as ungraceful aa the towers which carried them. In some few cases chancels were added. The interiors of these churches were at first fitted up with high square enclosed pews, which later experience has condemned, as not being conducive to reverence in worship, and as being sug- gestive of a spirit of exclusiveness very unbecoming anywhere, but especially in the house of prayer ; and, accordingly, these square pews have been for the most part removed. The period which produced these things may well be regarded as the ugly period of church architecture. Still, the period, though, in many respects, the day of small things, is to be re- garded, on the whole, with satisfaction, in so far as it ushered in the better days which came after. Most of the Fingal churches built within the last half cen- tury are characterised by beauty of design, as well as appropriateness and care in carrying it out. Of the twenty-three^ parishes with a separate ' The chapels of Balbriggan and Kenure (both in lay patronage) were built and endowed at a later date, which reconciles this statement with the statement in p. 121, that there were twenty-five parishes or cures in 1869. i8o Fingal and its Churches. existence in the beginning of the century, the ap- pointment to five lay with the Crown ; to five with the two cathedrals or members of them (one of these was a sinecure) ; to seven with laymen (one of these was a sinecure) ; and six only were in the gift of the Archbishop. This state of things was, on the whole, unfortunate for the spiritual life of the district. It was very common in Ireland a generation ago to abuse episcopal patronage ; but since the evil days and ways of the eighteenth century had departed, episcopal patronage — take it for all in all — was well bestowed under a sense of individual responsibility and under the pressure of public opinion. These powerful influences, from the nature of the case, could not equally control corporate bodies, political parties, or lay patrons ; and, moreover, the cathedral benefices, being remains of the old monastic system, were generally vicarages or perpetual curacies, and therefore very badly paid. Of course thei'e were exceptions, and some bright ones ; but, as a rule, efficient service naturally found better rewards else- where. One sad fact remains to be told. In the parishes of ' Fingal there are to-day many Roman Catholics whose forefathers, a few generations ago, and sometimes even in living memory, were members of the Church of Ireland. These families have sometimes unmis- takably English names, and not merely the names of Smith, Cook, or Brown, which, as has been said, I 1 The Reformation in Fingal. i8t were sometimes assumed by natives of Celtic origin. The terrible pastoral neglect of the last century must have been largely responsible for this perversion. Of the non-episcopal patrons of benefices, possibly the Crown made the worst appointments. Some strange stories of how these Crown appointments were sometimes made are still current in the district. One too well authenticated story of the kind will suffice. Not a hundred years ago there was minis- tering in a parish of Fingal, in the gift of the Crown, a clergyman whose fortune was made by what would have been a misfortune to most men. His neglect of his duty had called forth many complaints, and had brought upon him more than once his bishop's admonitions ; but it was his good fortune that he and a nobleman of great political influence had only one leg each. A wooden leg made up in both cases the deficiency. Hence the clergyman's success in life. A celebrated artist, who furnished wooden legs to all people of fashion who stood in need of such appliances, resided in London. To this artist our cleric repaired one day by appointment. While the artist was supplying his wants, a servant entered, saying : — " Lord so-and-so had called." " Let him wait," says the artist, " until I am disengaged." *' Oh, no ! ^' cried the cleric, " go to his Lordship at once ; I shall wait." The artist gladly complied, and, while attending to the nobleman's wants, men- tioned the courtly act of our Fingal cleric. His 1 82 Fingal and its Churches. Lordship took a note of his name, and in due time hobbled away on a new leg. Our cleric also screwed on his new leg, and went back to Ireland. After some little time had elapsed, the Fingal clergyman received an official letter, which, when opened, was found to contain from the grateful but not very dis- criminating nobleman an offer of preferment, which was at once accepted by the wooden-legged ecclesi- astic. It is right to add, that in Fingal there were some very happy exceptions to this abuse by the Crown of its patronage. Through Fingal, by the exercise of the patronage of the Crown, there was introduced to a ministry of long and faithful service in the Diocese of Dublin one of the most devoted and most gifted Irish clergymen of the century. On April 29th, 1828, the Eev. John Gregg was nominated to the parish of Kilsallaghan. He re- mained its rector until his appointment, in the year 1836, to the chaplaincy of Bethesda. Many interest- ing details of his work while he was at Kilsallaghan are given in " Memorials " of his life, published in 1879 by his son, the present Bishop of Cork. There' are many still alive who remember " John Gregg," as people loved to style him, even when he had been called from that earnest ministry of eighteen years at Trinity Church, Gardiner Street, first in 1857 to the Archdeaconry of Kildare, and finally in 1862 to the Bishopric of Cork. In him were united the best The Reformation in Fingal. 1 83 qualities of a fervid Irish nature with the information and lahoriousness of a student. There have been Irishmen more eloquent, and theologians more accu- rate and profound ; but not often in these later days have there been so combined in one clergyman more of the gifts of the orator and of the scholar. Com- mencing with a distinguished career in Trinity Col- lege, he was through life a thoughtful and laborious student, especially in all subjects which threw light upon the Bible. As a speaker or preacher his Celtic fire and fruitful imagination at one moment won attention by the power of a playful wit, and in the next held attention by the power of a touching pathos. Severe critics may have deemed his manner some- times abrupt, and his wit at times scarcely reverent ; but where such thoughts crossed the mind when lis- tening to the late Bishop of Cork, they were quickly dispelled by the conviction forced on those whom he addressed, that he was " alluring to brighter worlds," to which he was himself " leading the way." He always looked back with interest upon the scenes of his early ministry. One of the last places, if not the last place, he preached in, before he returned to Cork to close his long and useful life on May 26, 1878, was St. Andrew's Church, Malahide. When at Kilsallaghan, he had often walked over to Malahide to preach on a Sunday evening for his friend, Kev. T. T. King, then perpetual curate of the parish. By his own request the Bishop preached in 184 Fingal and its Churches. Malahicle once more on September 2nd, 1877, and, in pressing home some of the lessons of a long life in God's service, he reminded those who were privileged to hear him, that he had entered on the fiftieth year of his ministry since he had first come to the neigh- bourhood. The Rev. Denis Browne, Rector of Santry (1820-43), widely known and respected in the Irish Church, was a contemporary of Rev. John Gregg ; he was a man in many ways like-minded, an earnest and impressive preacher, and a faithful parish clergyman. He was promoted in 1843 to the parish of Enniscorthy, and in 1852 to the Deanery of Emly, which he held until his death in 1864. The late Bishop of Cork was not the only great preacher whom Fingal was the means of introducing within the past hundred years to the Diocese of Dublin. About a generation before the Bishop's day, the celebrated Walter Blake Kirwan was Rector of Howth. He was appointed to that parish in 1789, and remained there until his promotion, in 1800, to the Deanery of Killala. A Life of him was published, and one volume of his sermons ; ^ but all authorities are agreed that there is no extant literary record of him which explains his extraordinary influence as a preacher. He wielded a power, almost unequalled before or since, of securing the active * See Cotton's " Fasti Ecclesiae Hibernicse," Vol. IV., p. 81. The Reformation in Fingal. 185 sympathy of those whom he addressed, for whatever cause he was pleading. Stories are told of people emptying their pockets, or placing their watches and jewellery on the alms-plate, after one of his impas- sioned appeals for some charitable object. He had been originally a Roman Catholic, and had been educated at St. Omer's Jesuit College for the priest- hood of that Church. It is much to his credit that after his conversion he entirely avoided controversial discussion, and was never known to say a bitter thing of those whose religion he had abjured. But if Fingal, within the period specified, could only boast of two great preachers, it can with truth be said that the district had ministering in its parishes during that time many faithful, earnest clergymen. It would be invidious now to select any for special mention. It is sufficient to state that the revived life within the Church, which first showed itself with the great religious movements of the close of the last century and the commencement of this century, extended its beneficial influence to Fingal. Through the generosity of two proprietors of the district, two churches were built and endowed in order to meet the wants of a growing population, where no adequate church accommodation had been provided. St. George's Church, Balbriggan, built during 1813-16, chiefly at the expense of the late Rev. George Hamilton, has since been made a parish church, and had parochial boundaries assigned to it. 1 86 Fingal and its Churches. This is the only case the district supplies of a new parish having been made since the time of the bull of Pope Alexander III. to Archbishop Laurence O'Toole (1179).^ The chapel of Kenure was built and endowed in 1866 by Sir Roger Palmer. It remains a chapelry without a parochial district, or parochial responsi- bilities attaching to the office of its chaplain. While we must be thankful for the piety and liberality which have provided these two new churches for the district, present events seem to point plainly to the conclusion, that the best interests of the district demand parochial consolidation rather than parochial subdivision, not indeed after the fa- shion of pluralities, which, we have seen, wrought such ill during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but rather a judicious amalgamation of neighbouring parishes, to be ministered to by resident incum- bents and curates. An examination of the parochial boundaries on the map of Fingal, which forms the frontispiece of this volume, will show how much may safely be done in this direction. Consideration of the social conditions in progress in the district sug- gests what circumstances will, at no distant date, make it necessary to do. 1 See p. 78. The Reformation in Fingal. 187 SECTION VII. The Irish Church Act received the Eoyal Assent on July 26th, 1869 ; it came into operation on January 1st, 1871. On that day the Church in Fingal (in common with the Church of Ireland at large) was deprived of all her property, except the fabrics of her churches and school-houses, and such share in a sum awarded by the Act in lieu of private endowments ^ as she could prove she was entitled to. The Church had in her service in Fingal thirty clergy of the Establishment. They were granted life annuities equal to the then amount of their eccle- siastical incomes, but charged with the obligation of continuing their service in the Irish Church. The twenty-three Fingal parishes existing in 1869-70 are now reduced by amalgamation to seven- teen, or, counting Glasnevin as prospectively united with Santry, to sixteen. The thirty clergy serving the Church in Fingal in 1869-70 are now reduced to twenty-one, of whom twelve only were serving the Irish Church before the Irish Church Act became law. ' Parishes of Fingal only proved a right to £4,703 10s., out of £500,000 awarded by the Irish Church Act in lieu of private endowments, viz. : Balbriggan, £1,202 10s. ; Hollywood and Naul, £715 ; Garristown, £276 ; Dnimcon- dra, £625 ; Holmpatrick, £1,385 ; Portmarnock, £500. See Report of Joint Councils to the United Synods of Dublin, Glendalough, and Kildare, 1886. 1 88 Fingal and its Churches. These figures, however, are not to be regarded as proofs that the Church in the district has suffered serious loss. The reduction in the number of clergy followed, as a matter of course, on the union of parishes, and the union of parishes has so far proved a decided gain to all concerned. There were too many small parishes in Fingal, where the clergyman in charge had not enough of pastoral work to occupy an adequate portion of his time. This was bad for the clergyman, and bad for his flock. The unused sword becomes rusty, the unused arm becomes weak. Enforced idleness is bad for the spiritual and intel- lectual life of the idler, and therefore for his flock. Moreover, a very small number of parishioners, con- demned to the spiritual isolation of a separate paro- chial existence, must always suffer loss for lack of that sympathetic power which is so largely promoted by numbers. Since the passing of the Irish Church Act, one church in Fingal has been closed. Garristown has not been used for Divine Service since 1871. This can scarcely be put to the account of the Act of disestablishment and disendowment. The church of Garristown was not wanted. For many years before it was closed the church had been without a congregation, as the parish had no members of the Church resident in it. It is expected that the building of one new church of beautiful proportions will be completed early in The Reformation in Fingal. i8g North-west View, Parish Ghwch of Baheny, A.D. 1888. the year 1888, the noble offering of a liberal member of the Church of Ireland to the glory of God/ Of the sixteen parishes which will in future exist in Fingal one only can be considered much above the ' See Appendix VII., under " Raheny." igo Fingal and its Churches. average in wealth and population ; five only can be considered up to or a little above the average. The remaining ten are certainly in various degrees below the average ; four of them, indeed, are so much below the average as to receive relief as poor parishes from the Diocesan funds ; ^ yet it deserves to be noted that, in the course of last year, the parishes of Fingal, in addition to providing for their own needs, contributed ^770 in aid of God's work outside the district, of which ^233 was in aid of foreign mis- sions.^ The average income provided for each of fifteen incumbents in the future is ^213, in addition to thirteen glebe houses, with more or less land, wholly or partly free from rent. The average income pro- vided for each of three curates is ^132. This estimate does not include one parish for which as yet no future provision has been made, and which must apparently be united in time to a neighbour ; moreover, it does not include the income of one chap- laincy, which has been heretofore provided from a private source. This compares favourably with the state of things before 1869 ; * but it is probable that 1 Viz. : Drumcondra, the interest on £750 ; Finglas, on £950 ; Glasnevin, on £500 ; Lusk, on £500. See Report of the Joint Diocesan Councils to the Joint Synods of Dublin, Glendalough, and Kildare, 1886. * See Report of the Dublin Diocesan Council to the Diocesan Synod, 1887. 'See p. 121. \ 1 The Reformation in Fingal. igi there were few other districts in the Irish Church of the same extent and importance as Fingal, where the average ecclesiastical incomes of the clergy were formerly so very small. Since the year 1869 four new glebe houses have been built or given for parishes in Fingal, in addition to the purchase, under the terms of the Irish Church Act, of all the old glebes needed for resident incum- bents ; and a sum of ^623, 737 has been accumulated by way of endowment for parishes in the district,^ partly from the free offerings of parishioners, and partly as a result of the wise utilization of opportu- nities which presented themselves in the process of carrying out the provisions of the Irish Church Act. As a rule, the services of the Church are now made more attractive and more frequent than they used to be, and there are few of our Fingal parishes without those aids to the spiritual life of the people which the experiences of later years have proved to be such useful handmaids to the work of the Church. Among these may be mentioned Temperance Societies, Sun- day and other classes, and the various organizations for the good of the divers " sorts and conditions" of persons by whom all parishes, and specially country parishes, are peopled. One, and by no means the least beneficial, result which has flowed from the ' See Report of Joint Councils to the United Synods of Dublin, Glendalough, and Kildare, 1886. 192 Fingal and its Churches. necessity of dealing effectively with the difficulties created by the Irish Church Act, has been the hearty co-operation of clergy and laity — a co-operation which has become an essential condition of success, and which, by awaking new interests, has created new life. As against those hopeful omens for the future of the Fingal parishes, some discouraging circumstances must be taken into account. Among them may be mentioned the migrations from the district which have taken place in some parishes. This change — which is to some extent the result of the present agitation — is a serious matter ; and there is cause for anxiety lest the character of the parochial work, and the rewards for it, offered by some of the Fingal parishes, may fail to attract and retain the services of an educated and enlightened clergy, such as might always be desired. We are still too near the time when the Irish Church Act became law to see the full result of its operations. In God's providence the result of such a measure may be expected to be of a mixed kind ; it would be rash to attempt to forecast it. It may be that subsequent agrarian legislation, and the so- cial agitation thereby encouraged, will more seriously affect the future well-being of the Church than the Irish Church Act. It may be, on the other hand, that these clouds which seem so big with thrsaten- ings have really the promise of great opportunities The Reformation in Fingal. 193 for the Church, and, in the old familiar words, " may break with blessing on her head." The past teaches that, in the long run, men recognise, " Magna est Veritas, et prjevalebit." The Irish Roman Catholic peasant, when, in some, perhaps, not distant day, he is awakened to the real needs of his higher nature, may yet rejoice to find that there is a Church in his native land which, entirely unlike the Church to which his allegiance has been hitherto given, holds forth the word of truth at all times, and whose ministers do not, and will not, debase the moral law to the low standard of a passing social or political struggle. What is the hope of the Church at large, the Church in Fingal may share. And amid all the uncertainties of the future, some few things seem certain. The Church in Fingal can scarcely have in store for her more lawless times than those in which she was obliged to endure perse- cution through the past, in turn from Dane, from Celt, and from Anglo-Norman. The truths she guards, and to which she bears witness, can scarcely be more obscured in the future than they were at the time when the yoke of Rome was imposed on her. The God-given life which it is her mission to foster can scarcely ever again run more risk of death from paralysis or mortification than it did during many preceding centuries, when statesmen, without the con- sent, and against the earnest remonstrances, of the Church, employed her only as a political instrument, 0 194 Fingal and its Churches. and filled her chief places with those who were se- lected by political interest, rather than for meritorious service. The wonder is, not that the Reformed Church in Fingal made no greater mark upon the district, not that she failed to win back many who are as j^et not of her, but that she lives at all ; and the respon- sibility for this lies, not with the Irish Church, but with those English statesmen whose representatives in the present day, and within our own memories, falsely accused her of being guilty of default and failure, and then cruelly punished her for that very want of success which their forefathers had made well-nigh impossible. If the Church of Ireland has survived all the things which seemed so against her through so many past years, there need be little fear for the future on which she has entered, unweighted by many of the hindrances of the past. Her true and faithful sons have seen her " persecuted, but not forsaken ; cast down, but not destroyed." Let their chief concern be, that she shall always bear about with her the marks which become a true and living branch of the great Church Catholic, founded by Christ Himself — a Church which they may reverently yet confidently believe has been so wonderfully preserved for the future accomplish- ment of a great and holy mission. APPENDICES. APPENDIX I.— A.D. 1275. Extracts from the "Crede Mihi," relating to Fingal. The "Grade Mihi" is the oldest existing record of the state of the Parishes in the Diocese of Dublin. The record was made about A.D. 1275, according to Archbishop Ussher. The original is in the custody of the Archbishop of Dublin. There is a transcript in the Library, T.C.D., which is somewhat difficult to decipher accu- rately. Some of the observations are notes afterwards added by Archbishop Allen, a.d. 1528—1534. N.B. — For the sake of more easy reference and comparison, the Parishes in each of the following eight Appendices are put in the same order, and grouped as they were in 1886. I. Fineglass (Finglas). The Church belongs to the Chan- cellor of St. Patrick's. Archbishop, Patron. Chapels— Dovemachenor (St. Margarkt's). de Villa de Reimundi labos (Ward). de Tirceyn (Artaine). II. Clasnevyn. Vahie 30 Marks. The Church belongs to the Prior and Convent of Holy Trinity. III. Kenturke (Clonturk or Drumcondra). Scarce worth 30 Marks, which a Chaplain has for service. The Prior of Holy Trinity has for his own use 3 carucates of land. IV. Clontarf. The Church belongs to the Templars. Killester (not mentioned). V. Rathenney. The Church belongs to the Prior and Con- vent of Holy Trinity, Dublin. 196 Appendix I. VI. Culoc (COOLOCK). Value, Rectory, 10 Marks ; Vicarage, 6 Marks. The Church belongs to the Prior of Lantony, Gloucester, for his own use. VII. Howthe, the Church of, with Chapel of Mor^e (Kilbar- rack). Master John de Sancto Amaro, Rector, " ex callog. " VIII. Sauntriff (Santry), the Church of. Clocheran (Cloghran), the Church of. Master Richard Locard, Rector. IX. Balligriffin (now St. Doulagh's), the Church of. X. Malachyde (Malahide), the Church of, belongs to the Church of Swords. Portmernock, the Chapel of, belongs to the Convent of St. Mary's. XI. Swerdes (Swords), Church of. Archbishop Patron, Thomas Comyn, with Chapels — Killythe (Killeek). Lispobel. Kilrery (Killossory). Kilsalthan (Kilsallaghan), Church of, belongs to Abbot of St. Thomas for his own use. Chapelmidway (not mentioned). Kinsale (Kinsaley), Church of, belongs to Swords. XII. Dovenachbate (Donabate), Church of. Archbishop, Patron. Archbishop appoints Vicar. Monastery of Grey Friars for their own use. Portrachlin (Portrane), Church of. Appropriated to the Monastery of Grace Dieu. XIII. Luske, Church of, with Chapel of Templars, and with Chapel of Rusche, in which there are two good pre- bends, " uno val due Dau filii Rogori alia Decan mar excall Reg." Russe, Church of. Church of Village of the Templars (Knightstown). Archbishop, Patron. Grace Dieu, Church of. Crede Mihi, a.d. 1275. 197 XIV. Glinmethan fCLONMETHAN), Church of. Archbishop, Patron. Prebend, T. de Nottingham. Fieldstown (not mentioned. ) de SCO bosco (Hollywood), Church of, belongs to Prior of Lantony, near Gloucester, for his own use. Nal (Naul), Church of, belongs to Prior of Lantony, for his own use. Baliogari (Garristown), Church of. Master William de Fernsham, Rector. King, Patron. Palmer, Village of (Palmerstown), Chapel of, per- taining to the Church of Baliogari (Garristown). Waspayl (Westpalstown), Church of. Balidunnul (Ballyboghill), Church of. For private uses, in the gift of the founder. Ballymacdon (Ballymadun), Church of, with Chapel, belongs to the Prior of Grace Dieu, for his own use. XV. Holpatrick (Holmpatrick, Skerries), Church of, be- longs to the Prior of Holy Trinity, for his own use. Ballidonegan (Baldongan), Church of. Appropriated to the Monastery of Grace Dieu. XVI. Ballrothery, Church of, belongs to the Prior of Kilbixy, for his own use. Baliscaden, Church of, belongs to the Prior of Holy Trinity, for his own use. Bremore (not mentioned). APPENDIX II.— A.D. 1302-1306. Extracts from the " Ecclesiastical Taxation of Ireland, A.D. 1302-6," relating to Fingal. These extracts are taken from " Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, preserved in Public Record Office, London, 1886." The compiler shows great ignor- ance of the localities, and so metamorphoses many names, that identification is often impossible. The second column represents the " value " of the benefice to the ecclesiastical person or impro- priator holding it, the "tenth," mentioned in the third column, having been deducted for the Pope. Value. Tenth. I. Finglas (not mentioned). II. Glassuth (query Glasnevin) £1^ i8s. III. Grange of Clonturk, with Church (Drumcondra) ... £753 14s. 6Jd. IV. Culmyn (query Clontarf) and Grange of... ... ... ;^i8 36s, V. Raheny, Church of ... ... loos. los. VI. Coolock ... ... ... ^^4 6 8 8s. 8d. „ Vicarage thereof ... 40s. 4s. VII. Howth, Prebend ... ... £13 6 8 6s. 8d. Kyltrath (query Kilbarrack) ^15 30s. Baldoyle ... ... ... 20 Marks. 2 Marks. VIII. Santry ... ... ... £22 i6s. Cloghran ... ... ... £7 ^ ^ 14s- 8d. IX. Ballgriffin .^8 i6s. 1 Papal Tenths, a.d. 1302. 199 Value. Tenth. X. Malahid3 (not mentioned). Portmarnock, Grange of ... £3 XI. Swords, Prebend £60 £^ Vicar Kilsallaghan 7 Marks. 9s. 4d. XII. Donaghbatt 1 6s. Vicarage of Q TV/To .-Irc- 0 IviarKs. los. 8d. Portrahelyn (Portrane) £6 13 4 I Mark. XIII. Lusk. 2 Vicarages ... £26 13 4 4. Marks. Prebend of Sir James of Spain ;£33 6 8 5 Marks. Prebend of Richard deAbynton ;^33 6 8 5 Marks. Grace Dieu, Grange of 10 Marks. I Mark. Grace Dieu, Rent of Nuns of, at Lusk 6d. 3s. 4d. XIV. Glynmethan (Clonmethan), Prebend ... 20 Marks. 2 Marks. Naul £10 20 Shillings. Hollywood £10 13 4 2is. 4d. „ Vicarage 46s. 8d. 4s. 8d. Balliogary (Garristown), Vil- lage of £20 40s. Palmerstown, Chanel £10 13 4 2 IS. 4d. Vaspayal (VVestpalstown), Village of IOCS. los. „ Rent of the Nuns of Grace Dieu at the Village of Ss. 6d. Balybaghel, Grange of £48 10 0 £4 17 6 (St. Patrick's bachuU was kept ia this Church for some time.) Ballymadun 20 Marks. 2 Marks. „ Vicarage 4 Marks. 5s. 8d. , Holmpatrick £10 13 4 2 IS. 4d. £6 I2S. Balydonegan 5 Marks. 6s. 8d. Balyrothery £30 5 10 60s. 7d. ,, Vicarage IOCS. I OS. Balskadden ;^I0 20s. APPENDIX m.-A.D. 1532. Extracts relating to Fingal from Archbishop Allen's (Alan or Aleyn) " Repertorium Viride," a.d. 1532. The original MS. was in Christ Church Cathedral. A transcript is in the Library, T.C.D. ; another, and a somewhat better one, is in Marsh's Library. The transcriber of the former apparently did not always understand what he was copying, and it is sometimes impossible to get an intelligible meaning from his transcript. The result is, that in some cases an attempt only is here made to give the meaning of the Arch- bishop's record of his Diocese. I. Finglas Church belongs to the Chancellor of St. Patrick's, Dublin. This was the fourth prebend in the Clerical College (St. Patrick's) of John (Archbishop Comyn), as appears from our new register (Allen's), but is now in the Cathedral Church of Henry, Archbishop (of Dublin). It, together with these 3 chapels, immediately subscribed. (Note by Allen. The 4 of them are with the burden of 5 Chaplains.) The prebend pertains to the Chancellor of St. Patrick, whose dignity is in the Deanery of Bray, but without the charge of a perpetual Vicar, on account of other burdens pertaining to same. Chapel of the great Church of St. Margaret's, near Dunshoughy, formerly in controversy between the Arch- bishop of Dublin and the Prior of Kilmainham, to which the Canons of St. Thomas were then adhering, notwith- standing that they were all evicted, as appears from a Bull of Clement IIL, which is in our new register, and out of the records of said Canons. Chapel of Village of Reimundi Labake, otherwise Church of St. Brigid of the Ward. (The ownership of the town is then described in vague language.) Repertorium Viride, a.d. 1532. 201 Flnglas—Con/imied. Chapel of Artaine of St. Nicholas. (Then follow some details of a dispute about land in Finglas.) II. Glasnevin Church, St. Movus, and belongs to the Prior and Convent of Holy Trinity, Dublin (Christ Church Cathe- dral), who also are the temporal lords. It was cut off from the manor of Finglas by the blessed Lawrence when he changed the Constitution of his Cathedral from Canons secular to Canons regular. (Allen remarks that the Cathe- dral had some claim upon 3 carucates of land in Finglas which Archbishop Luke gave them, but could not enforce for want of seals — " ex defectu siggillorum " is their title.) III. Clonturk Church (Drumcondra) belongs to the Prior of All Saints', near Dubhn, who receives the tithes of 3 caru- cates of land which are there, which they hold by right of the Church without institution of a Vicar. IV. Clontarf Church. This is simply a preceptory of Clontarf attached to the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. From ancient times it belonged to the order of the Templars. Killester (only mention, see under Killossory). V. Rathenny Church. This was formerly appropriated to the use of Christ Church Cathedral, but after, by exchange, was attached to St. Mary's Abbey, and is one of the Chapels subject to that Monastery, but it is not attached to the table of the Abbot. (Then follows a statement of the rights of the Archbishop.) VI. Church of Coolock formerly belonged to the patronage of Lord Nugent, but after was appropriated to the Prior of Lantony (a great Cistercian Abbey, near Gloucester), and has a perpetual Vicar on the presentation of the same. YII. Church of Howth was originally 3rd prebend in the College of St. Patrick. In Archbishop Luke's time (A.D. 1230) was translated from Ireland's Eye to Howth, and is built upon the Glebe of the Rector. It has a per- petual Vicar on the presentation of the Archbishop, which, in 1532, we conferred on Nicholas Carney, a.m., by the doing of which he will be successor (z.e. , to the existing Rector, apparently uniting Rectory and Vicarage). 202 Appendix III. The Chapel of Mone is annexed to the prebend of Howih, and is called Kilbarrack, whose tithes, from augmentation of this prebend, as it had become a good one, have been obtained by the monks of St. Mary's Abbey. Church of Ballydowell (Baldoyle), on the sea-shore next Purtmarnock, appropriated to the Canons of All Saints', served by one of the Convent. VIII. Church of Santry belonged to St. Mary's Abbey. Church of Cloghran. This is the second concerning which mention has been made (see under " Lispobel "), and at first was named with another adjacent (i.e., Clogh- ran Hidden, tlie same as Mulliuddert). This is a Rectory, and not the other, and the right of patronage belongs to the Barnwalls and Nugents of Hollywood conjointly, and not alternately, as is clear in my registry, not once, but also twice. (Then follows mention of a dispute about patronage, and of how the Vicar of Swords has burial fees as Vicar of the mother Church.) IX. Church of Balgriffin, formerly in the patronage of Thomas Comyn, lord of that town, who granted to the Cathedral of the Holy Trinity two acres of land, with the advowson of the Church. It pays one mark under the name of procurations. Before it was erected, there was a chapel in the Rectory under the mother Church of Swords. St. Doulagh's (not mentioned). X. Malahide (see under Swords). Chapel of Portmarnock is one of ten completely subjugated to St. Mary's Abbey without a Vicar insti- tuted. It is, notwithstanding, subject to the Archbishops of Dublin by episcopal right. XI. Church of Swords. Before the time of Richard Talbot, Archbishop of Dublin, this was called the golden, as if it were virtually a bed full of gold, like another that was at Sarum, in England, on account of its fatness and richness ; but, notwithstanding, the aforesaid Richard, under Henry, King of England, in the 27th year (a.d. 143 1), by ex- change, divided it into 3 parts perpetual : he assigned 1 i Repertorium Viride, a.d. 1532. 203 Church of S\Nords~-Co}iimued. one part to the Prebendary, another to the perpetual Vicar, and the third to the community of St. Patrick's Cathedral. Chapel of Kinsaley, pertaining to the Vicar of Swords, where is a Rector having a temporal Vicar under him. The Chapel is to be served for the cure of the people. The Rector is to be supported by the greater tithes ; but the Vicar, who is a mercenary Vicar (i.e., stip. curate), is supported by altarages {i.e., charges for mar- riages, &c.) and the lesser tithes. (Then follows an un- interesting statement of the services the tenants render the Prior of the Holy Trinity.) Chapel of Lispobel. This, with four others, be the same, more or less, pertained to the Church of Swords, as if to a mother Church, and depending on the same : formerly, indeed, from the time of Archbishop Comyn (a.d. 1 182), eight chapels existed. This chapel is deso- late to-day, whose ruins are contiguous to Clonmethan. Chapel of Killeek. This is more stately than the rest, and was erected from a chapel into a Parish Church, except that it is dependent on the aforesaid mother Church. (Here follows much that cannot be deciphered.) Chapel of Killossory, near to Ffieldstown, and to a rivu- let flowing by the town of Rowlestown, coterminous with . Take care lest ye be deceived. There is another Chapel of the Manor of Killester, the tithes of which St. Patrick has not, but the Church of the Holy Trinity, which is lord of that land : the Chapter receiving every year, as rent, half a mark of gold from the time of the Conquest. Chapel of Malahide. This is the fifth of the chapels aforesaid on account of the two chapels in the town of Swords, of which one is St. Finian (together with the cemetery, contiguous to the house of the Vicar, on the S. side) ; but the other, now waste, on the N. side (near the glebe of the Rector, where to-day there are two burgages, belonging to the Canons of the Convent of Holmpatrick), which was called the Chapel of St. Brigid of old times. 204 Appendix III. Chapel of Malahide— Co«/z««^i/. (Note. — All this seems to mean that Malahide would have counted as eighth dependent chapel on Swords in 1532, but that three other chapels previously mentioned should be deducted, because they were ruinous at the time.) Church of Kilsallaghan, dedicated to St. David. It has a Vicar perpetual on the presentation of the Canons of St. Thomas the Martyr. Immediately after the last Conquest, it was impropriated to the Canons of St. Thomas the Martyr, near Dublin, with consent of Auber- tus Secard, when King John was Earl Moreton, in the time of St. Lawrence. It has a perpetual Vicar on the presen- tation of the same, and a chapel attached to the same called Chapelmidway. Chapelmidway is as a chapel attached to Kilsallaghan. XII. Church of Donabate. Impropriate to the nuns of Grany. The perpetual Vicarage is in the patronage of the Archbishop. It was once a chapel of the Church of Swords, and paid to it 13s. 4d. Church of Portrachlin (Portrane), given to Grace Dieu by Archbishop Comyn, whose revenues Walter, Archbishop (W. Fitzsimons, a.D. 1484), increased by donation of the houses which belonged to the table of the Archbishops. III. Church of Lusk. There are two portions of this Church to-day for Precentor and Treasurer, having on their pre- sentation two vicarages perpetual ; but at first this was an united prebend on the foundation of Henry (de Loun- dres), Archbishop (A.D. 1212). Afterwards it was divided into two prebends, of which one of them was annexed to the Archdeaconry of Dublin, but was exchanged for Yago and Dunethimelack,* and afterwards Archbishop Michael (Tregury, A.D. 1449) altered the arrangement. The Chapel of Rush. This is one of two chapels, now only subject to the mother Church of Lusk, situated ia the lands of the Count of Ormonde. • The copy in Marsh's Library reads " Taney and Donatymalach.' Repertorium Viride, a.d. 1532. 205 The Chapel of the Town of the Knights, other- wise Spincers or KilnerraB (Whitestovvn). Grace Dieu, translated by John, Archbishop (Comyn, of Dublin, A.D. 1 190), and given to the use of the nuns: originally situated near the town of Lusk. Afterwards King John and King Henry confirmed the arrangement. XIV. Church of Clonmethan. A sacerdotal prebend in St. Patrick's, and within the lands of Occadesis, in Fingall, which I add on account of the mystery of composition concerning which, in our lesser registry, where mention is made, not only of the Chapel of Fieldstown annexed to this prebend, but also concerning another chapel of the town of Ralph Paston, a/tas Ballyscadden. Fieldstown (not mentioned alone). Church of Naul, otherwise the church of the town of Stephen of the cross, together with the tithes and offerings of the land of Richard M 'Achana, as well as of the land of Roger of Salopsberrie, whence this is united to the Priory of Lantony concerning churches, chapels, and tithes in the land of Occadesi. Church of Hollywood, with its chapel. They were formerly two, of which one was formerly called Gravel, alias Grallagh, and the other indeed is on the land of Regredus of Riridus, and they belong to the Canons of Lantony, for their own use. One of the chapels is a per- petual vicarage on the presentation of Lantony, but ought to be pensionary to Clonmethan. Church of Balliogarri (Garristown), appropriated to the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, whose Patron is the King of England. From former times it was united to the Priory of Lantony, near Gloucester, i.e., from the times of John I. (Comyn), Archbishop of Dublin, and of Henry (de Loundres), his successor. Chapel of Palmerstown is under the mother church preceding. It was first a vicarage : it is now changed to a mercenary vicarage (stipendiary curacy). On account of the smallness of the benefice, it has been transferred to Balliogarry with the consent of Richard the Chamberlain (Strongbow), in the time of King Henry II. The tem- poralities belong to the Hospital of St. John. 205 Appendix III. Church of Westpalstown. Just after the Conquest given to Grace Dieu. It was placed on the land which formerly belonged to the Chief of Westpayle, which was part of the whole land of Occadesis in Fingal. The cure of which is served by a chaplain. Church of Ballyboghill, under Laurence, Archbishop (of Dublin, A.D. 1 162). Count Richard (Strongbow), after he had beheaded McGoghdane in Fingall, with the con- sent of Robert, son of Stephen, gave it to the Cathedral of the Holy Trinity (Christ Church Cathedral), with the staff of Jesus, which was called bacullus of St. Patrick, but now is, together with ten chapels, subject to the con- vent of St. Mary, near Dublin. Salva compositione de qua, before the time of Thomas (Archbishop T. Cranlay, A.D. 1397), it was given in exchange for the tithes of Lusk and Kilbavrack. Church of Ballymadun, with chapel, given to Grace Dieu by Henry, Archbishop (de Londres, of Dublin, A.D. 121 2), in return for the Church of St. Audoen, together with the tithes of Willi Parhune* («V), which here is called the Chapel of Poranstovm. The patron was originally John de la Hide, but is now the Lord of Gormanstown.f XV. Church of Holmpatrick. Henry, Archbishop (de Londres, of Dublin), transferred these Canons from the island (Inispatrick) to the mainland (about A.D. 1220), where now they are placed, w hence we are their patron. The Prior has to be confirmed by the Archbishop. Church of Baldongan was formerly a chapel under Palrothery. The lord of Howth is patron by right of his wife, who was of the family of Bermingham. XVL Church of Balrothery is the proiierty of the Prior of Kilbixy, alias Tristeniagh (in Co. W. Meath). The church is port.innar; ': to the prebendal church of Lusk, paying £$ sterling for his own use. It has a vicar per- petual on the presentation of the prebendary of Lusk, to * The copy in Marsh's Library reads " Barhune and Boranstown." t The copy in Marsh's Library adds : — "Pro cujus pads reforinatione noster Fulco a monislibus ba'oiiit, x.l. Hbras." t See for explanation, " Swinfield's Household Rolls," Camden Soc, 1854, p. 154. Repertoriiim Viride, a.d. 1532. 207 Church of Balrothery — Continued. whom the church of Baldongan is pensionary. It was formerly a chapel under the mother church of Lusk, as the aforesaid Baldongan was also from remote times, as also Lambeler at Bremore. Church of Balscadden, appropriated by Luke, Arch- bishop (a.d. 1228-1255), to the Cathedral of the Holy Trinity (Christ Church Cathedral), to support four Canons. It was originally called the town of Ralph. Its temporalities are divided between the two cathedrals, but were exchanged for 3 other carucates of land near Cavrickmiiies. APPENDIX IV.— A.D. 1615. Extracts relating to Fingal from the "Royal Visitation, A.D. 1615." Tliis visitation was carried out by Archbishop Thomas Jones, in obedience to the command of James I. The Archbishop's original Latin MS. is in the Public Record Office, Dublin. The writing is very difficult to decipher. There is a very imperfect transcript of it also in the Public Record Office, which scarcely helps inquiry. I. ffinglas (FiNGLAS), St. Margaret's, Ward and Ter- tayne (Artaine). Cfiurch and chapel in good repair- Edward Lee, M.A., curate, a reading minister. IL Glasnevin. Dean of Christ Church admonished, \Vy- brants, curate, a preacher. III. Drumconrath, also Clonturk. Parish Church extinct. IV. Clontarf. Simon Thelwall, a reading minister. Killester (not mentioned). V. Rathenny. John Credlan, a reading minister. VL Cowlocke. Church and chancel in good repair. John Credlan, a reading minister. Vn. Vicar Howeth, with Chapel of Kilbarrack. Martin Cox, M.A., and a preacher. Baldoyle. Patrick Beaghan, curate. Vin. Santry. Chancel in repair. William Savage, curate. Cloghran, value £^d,. James Kegan. Patrick Beaghan, curate. IX. Balgriffin, Chapel at St. Doulough's, looks to St. Dou- lough's, i.e., is dependent on. St. Dowlocke. The same Patrick Beaghan. Regal Visitation, a.d. 1615. 200 X. Malahide. Patrick Beaghan, curate. Portmarnocke. Fonnerly sequestrated. The same Patrick Beaghan. XI. Swords, witli Chapel of Kinsally. Church and chancel in good repair. Christopher Huetson, a sufficient man, resident, a preacher. Lispobel (not mentioned). Killossery. Church and chancel in good repair. John Richman, curate. Killeigh (Killeek). No book, no curate, therefore seques- tration issued. Kilsallaghan. Church in good repair ; chancel ruinous, John Richman, a reading minister, curate. Chapelmidway. Church a ruin. Looks to Kilsalla- ghan. XII. Donabate. Church and chancel in good repair. John Etheridge, a reading minister. Portrane. No book ; no curate. XIII. Luske. Rectory divided into Church of St. Patrick and Treasurer. Vicar from both parts, William SibLliorpe, a reading minister, preacher, resident. Vicarage worth £■^0. Church and chapel in good repair. Books. Kenure and Rush (not mentioned). XIV. Clonmethan. Church and chancel in good repair Thomas Richmond, a reading minister and preacher. ' ffilston (Fieldstown), annexed to the same. Church and chancel ruin. The same Richmond. Nail. Chapel standing. Vic. HoUiwood, with chapel of Grallagh. Terence Ivers. Val. £20. Carestowne and Palmerstowne ..nnexed. Teience Ivers, a reading minister. No book. V alue £20. Mespelstowne (Westpalstown). Chancel in repair. Book plundered. Nicholas Baron, a reading minister. Bally baugh all. Good book. Nicholas Culme, reading minister. Vic. Ballymadun. Chancel in repair. i,Value £l\. Nicholas Baron. P 210 Appendix IV. XV. Holmpatrick (not mentioned). Rect. Baldongan. Church and chancel. Value £30. Thos. Hood, vicar, XVI. Vic. Balrothery. Church and chancel in good repair. Books. Value £■^3. Thos. ffargher, vicar, a reading minister and preacher. Balscadden. Church and chancel in good repair. Good book. Thomas Hood. Rectory impropriation. Bremore (not meutioned). APPENDIX v.— A.D. 1630, Extracts relating to Fingal from an " Account of the Dioces of Dublin, drawn up by Archbishop Bulkeley, and presented to the Privy Council of Ireland, June I, 1630." The MS. account is in the Library, T.C.D. There is also a translation published ia " The Irish Ecclesiastical Record," 1869, Vol.V., p. 145, &c., from which these extracts are taken. Lancelot Bulkeley, D.D., was Archbishop from A.n. 1619 to A.D. 1650. He endeavoured to restrain the seditious harangues which, during his time, were abundantly delivered by the Jesuits and Friars of Dublin. He died, " being spent with grief for the calamities of the times." (Cotton's " Fasti.") I. FInglas. The church and chancel are in very good repair and decency. The parsonage is the corpes of the Chan- cellorship of St. Patrick's. There is a vicarage endowed upon the parsonage. Mr, Robert Wilson, B.D., and preacher, is vicar, the vicarage being worth £20. The number of communicants last Easter was about 150. There is a common mass-house frequented publicly, since the proclamation, in the town of St. Margaret's in the said parish, yet divers priests, Jesuits, and Friars, whose names the vicar cannot yet learn, have recourse unto the houses of Sir Christopher Plunket, Knt., Robert Barnewali, of Dunbroe, Esq., Henry Sedgrave, of Little Cabragh, gent., and Thomas Warren, of Harristown, yeoman, as their chief maintainers, adherents, and abettors. II. Clasnevin (not mentioned). III. Drumconragh, a/ias Clonturk, no return. IV. Clontarf, Id. Killester (not mentioned). V. Rathenny, Id. 2T2 Appendix V. VI. Cowlocke, Id. Artaine (not mentioned). VII. Howthe. The church is in decay, and wants slates and glazing. The chancel well. There come hither to hear Divine Service 30 persons or thereabouts. Mass is com- monly said by one Shergall, a priest, in the house of Mr. Richard St. Lawrence of Corslon, in the parish of Howthe. Mr. Christopher Huetson is prebend there, whose means are worth fourscore pounds sterling per annum. Mr. Huetson certifies that the lord of Howthe, the heirs of Bealing of Bealingstown, and others, do detain from the incumbent 20 acres of land, 12 houses, and 55 shillings chief rent due to him, and heretofore received by his predecessors. Baldoyle. The church is altogether ruinous : there is nothing but the bare walls. It is an impropriation. Mr. T. Fitzsimons of the Grainge is farmer to it. The tithes thereof are worth £40 per annum. One Richard Kelly> elk., is curate, and hath but 34 shillings per annum for his pains. There is mass commonly said upon Sundays and holiday? in the said Mr. Fitzsimons' house, where the parishioners commonly resort. There are no Protestants in the parish. Kilbarrack (not mentioned). VIII. Santry. The church and chauncel are uncovered, and want all necessary ornaments. The great tithes are im- propriate belonging to Swordes. There is a vicarage en- dowed, worth £8 per annum. One Randal Dymocke is curate there. All the parishioners, except very few, are recusants. There is one James Drake, a mass-priest, re- sident at Tarlane (Artane), and commonly saith mass there. There is likewise his brolher, a popish school- master, to whom the children thereabouts go to school. Cloghran— Swordes. The church and chauncel is in reasonable repair, only it wants necessary ornaments within. M;ifs is said in that parish. The mass-priest's name is M.uxus Barnvvall. Nicholas Culme, elk., is parson, and serves the cure ; his means being worth £22 per an- num. All the parishioners being about 48 persons, besides children, are recusants, and none come to church save Mr. Maurice Smyth and his faniily when they reside there. Abp. Bulkeley's Visitation, a.d. 1630. 213 IX. Balgriffin and St. Dowlocks are united. The churches and chauncels are ruinous, and want all ornaments. The tithes are impropriate, held by Mr. Fagan, of Feltrim, and Mr. Ussher, of Cromlyn. The value of the tithes is un- known to the incumbent. Richard Kelly dischargeth the cure and hath no certain allowance; only for these four years past the Right Hon. the Lord Chancellor allowed him £2^, part of which is paid, the rest promised ; but for the time to come he knoweth not what to have. All the parishioners are recusants, and resort of Fitzsimons' Grainge and Plunket's Grainge, and some to Howthe. X. Mallahyde. The church and chauncel ruinous. The tithes impropriate worth £120 per annum. The said Richard Kelly is curate, and hatli for serving there but £^ sterling. All the parishioners are recusants, and go to mass now at Mr. Talbott of Mallahyde's house more usually than heretofore. The said Mr. Talbot of Malla- hyde is farmer of the tithes. Portmarnock. The church and chauncel verj' ruinous. The tithes impropriate, thought to be worth ^50 per annum, held by the Lady Newcomen, Mr. Nicholas Barne- wall, of Turvey, and Walter Tlunket, of the Grainge. The priest's name is as yet unknown ; but mass is said in the said Walter Plunket's house. All the parishioners are recusants. Richard Kelly, elk., is curate, who hath £6 per annum for serving the cure. XL Swordes. The church, by neglect of the gentlemen of that parish, who are recusants, is lately fallen flat to the ground, and no part standing only some part of the bare walls. There is one Doyle, a mass-priest, who keeps school in the town of Swordes, to whom many gentleman's sons do resort. This priest commonly says mass in the house of Mr. Taylour, of Swordes, gent., whereunto there is great concourse of people on Sundays and holidays. There useth to come to church there about threescore to hear Divine Service and sermon. Mr. Christopher Huetson is vicar there, whose means there are worth £i^o per annum. Kinsaley (not mentioned). Lispobel (not mentioned). 214 Appendix V. Klllossery. The roof of this church wants a little repair and all other necessaries save books. Mr. Fagan, of Fel- trim, is farmer of the rectory, held from the Dean and Chapter of Christ Church Cathedral, for which Mr. Fagan pays per annum £^ los., being worth £Zo per annum. One Richard Kelly, preacher, is curate there, and hath £^ 15s. 4d. out of the small tithes there, besides 40 shil- lings allowed by Mr. Fagan. All the parishioners, except Mr. Boulton, His Majesty's solicitor, and his family, are recusants. Killlegh (Killeek). This parish church is altogether gone to ruin. The tithes belong to the Dean and Chapter of St. Patrick's, with £22 per annum. They are leased to Mr. Barnwall, of Dunbroe, for which he payeth £^ los, per annum to the said Dean and Chapter. All the pa- rishioners are recusants, and usually go to hear mass at Swordes. The aforesaid Richard Kelly is curate there. Kllsalchan (Kilsallaghan). The church is out of all repair and ornaments. There are but two in that parish that come to church. There is mass said in the house of Mr. Peter Hoare, of Kilsalchan, who keeps away the glebe land from the vicar ; but the priest's name is not certified. The great tithes are impropriate, and held by Mr. Bise, of Dublin, and Mr. Conran, of Maynstown. Mr. R. Worrall, M.A., and preacher, is vicar there ; his means are about £20 per annum. Chapelmidway (not mentioned). XII. Donabate. The church and chauncel are in reasonable good repair, but want ornaments within. Mr. John Mooney, clerk, is vicar, whose wife is, as he himself has certified under his hand, as rank and violent a recusant as any lives this day in Christendom. He hath not cer- tified the value of that living, nor the priest's name. The parsonage is impropriate. Portrauen (Portrane) is an impropriation farmed to Sir ^Y. Ussher, Knt., and Mr. Bart Ball, worth £20 per annum. The church and chauncel are down. The parishioners are recusants. There are 10 acres of land belonging to this church, but detained by Mr. John Finglas, gent, Gabriel Etheridge, elk., is curate there. Abp, Bulkeley's Visitation, a.d. 1630. 215 XIII. Luska. The great tithes of this parish being worth near £200 per annum, belong unto the Chaunter of St. Patrick's and to the Treasurer of the same. The church, for the most part, is decayed and ruinous, and wants all necessary ornaments. The chauncel is in remarkably good repair, and will be made better this summer. There are two public mass-houses, the one in the town of Lusk, belonging to a farmer called Dermott, of Raheny ; the other in the town of Rushe, upon that part of it which is called the land of the king, which is held by one called George Delahyde. The priest's name is Patrick Duffe. All the parishioners, being many, are recusants, and none come to church ex- cept the Lord Chief Baron and his family, and a few more. Mr. Edward Donnellan, B.D., is vicar there. Rush and Kenure (not mentioned). XIV. Clonmethan. The church and chauncel are up, but not decent within. The tithes belong to Richard Powell, M.A., and preacher, as one of the Prebends of St. Patrick's, and worth £^0 per annum. There are not above lo or 12 in that parish that come to hear Divine Service. William Tedder serves the cure. Fieldstown (not mentioned). Holliwood, Grallagh and Nail. The churches and chauncels are ruinous. The tithes are impropriate, worth per annum, and held by the Right Hon. Lord Vis- count Moore. There are not above 8 persons that frequent Divine Service in that parish. Mr. John Hyde, M.A., and preacher, is vicar of HoUiwood and curate of the rest, being worth £16 per annum. Mass is commonly said in the houses of Mr. Cadle and Mr. Cruce. Carristowne and Palmorstowne. The church of Gar- ristowne is ruinous. There is in the town of Garristowne a great void house, covered with straw, whereunto the parishioners resort to hear Mass. John Rooney, elk., is vicar. Palmerstowne is annexed unto Garristowne. It is an impropriation formed by the Lady Dungan, now mar- ried to William Archbold, Esq. The great tithes are worth £lZ per annum. The vicar certifies that he had not above 20 shillings a-year out of it for these 10 years 2i6 Appendix V. Garristowne and Palmerstowne— Continued. past. The chauncel is down. Almost all the parishioners are recusants. Westpelstown is an impropriation. John Weston, of Dublin, is farmer. The tithes are usually set for lOO barrels of com per annum, William Tedder is curate, and hath but 30 or 40 shillings a year for serving the cure. The church and chauncel are down. The parishioners are all recusants, save one man called Thomas Millington. They resort to Mass to the house of the Dowager Lady Howthe. The mass-priest's name is Roger Begg. Balliboghall. The church and chauncel are much out of repair. The tithes are impropriate, estimated to be worth five score packs of corn per annum, belonging to the Swordes. Gabriel Etheridge, elk., is curate, who hath the small tithes, being worth ;CS per annum, for serving the cure. All the parishioners are recusants. The curate cer- tifies that there was wont to be paid by the Lord Deputy or Lord Justices of the King to the curate by way of con- cordatum, the sum of ^3 sterling, of which he is behind these four years. Ballymadon is an impropriation farmed to Mr. Patrick Bamewall, of Shallon. The great tithes are worth /'60 per annum. The church is in ruin, the chauncel down, and wants all ornaments befitting. There is a vicarage endowed upon the parsonage, worth £7 per annum, and William Teddar is vicar there. XV. Holmepatrick. The parish church is in good repair. The tithes are impropriate, farmed to Sir Barnaby Bryan. The cure is served by Thomas Doughtie, for which he hath 40 shillings per annum. He certifies that there is a stipend of ^4 13s. 4d., reserved by letters patent for the curate, which is detained by Mr. Derrick Hubbart, tenant to Sir Barnaby Bryan. There are about 20 inhabitants in that parish who commonly frequent Divine Service. All the rest are recusants. Baldongan lieth altogether ruinous, wanting a roof these many years. Thomas Doughty, M.A., and preacher, is parson, whose means are not worth but £20 per annum. There is not one Protestant in the parish. There is one Abp. Bulkeley's Visitation, a.d. 1630. 217 Baldongan — Continued. Mr. Clarke, as they call him, a mass-priest that keepeth school, and sayeth mass every Sunday and holiday in Mr. Nicholas Fitzwilliam's house at Baldongan, unto whom all the inhabitants round about resort to hear mass. XVI. Balrothery. The church and chauncel are out of all repair, and want ornaments. It is an impropriation farmed by Mr. William Pierce, of Trastenagh. All tlie parishioners are recusants, except 14 who come to church. Robert Worrall, M.A., and preacher, is vicar, whose means there are worth but £20 per annum. Il is certified that mass is said in the gentlemen's houses in that parish, especially in Brj-more and Stephenton. Balskadan. The church and chauncel are in good repair. The great tithes belong to the Treasurer of Christ Church. There is a vicarage endowed and lately conferred on Nicholas Culme, elk. It is worth, as he certifies, per annum. There hath been mass said in that parish every Sunday before and since the proclamation in the new dwelling-house of Mr. George Taafe, called the Graingeof Balskadan, by one Patrick Conell, a mass priest, who dwells at the Nail. The whole parishioners, being in number 178 persons, usually resort to mass, those only ex- cepted who usually frequent Divine Service. Bremore (not mentioned). APPENDIX VI.— A.D. 1659. Extracts relating to Fingal from MS. census now in the Royal Irish Academy, probable date 1659, attributed to Sir William Petty. This census is made by townlands grouped under parishes. In some cases it is made by villages or towns. It is the earliest known census of Ireland. It attempts to distinguish the population by nationalities, not by religion. For comparison, the total population of each parish, according to the last census (1881) is also given. 1659. 1881. English. Irish. I. Finglas ... 59 175 3242 St. Margaret's ■ ... 23 105 332 Tartayn ... 8 32 953 Ward (Jiere under Castleknock) 8 84 75 II. Glasnevin (not mentioned) 1741 III. Clanturke (Dmmcondra) 37 97 3171 IV. Clontarfe 45 34 2804 Killester (here under Finglas) 12 20 443 V. Rathenny ... 6 84 426 VI. Cowlocke ... 14 85 780 VII. Howth 21 70 1866 The Town... 27 88 Kilbarrack 0 30 260 Baldoyle ... 10 91 841 VIII. Santry 70 195 860 Cloghran ... 24 54 302 Sir W. Petty's Census^ a.b. 1659. 219 1659. 1881. English. Irish, IX. Balgriffin ... 9 56 407 X. Malahide ... ''J 1 189 Portmarnock 13 79 457 XI. Swords ... 67 490 2181 The Town... 47 192 Kinsaley ... ^8 117 544 Killeigh ... 40 86 Killossory ... 21 65 220 Kilsallaghan 17 152 251 XII. Donabate ... 41 130 270 Portrane ... 9 123 594 Lambay Island 9 — XIII. Lusk 97 213 3607 (inchiding) Whitestown 10 43 26 C. (X YV. LUSK ... 82 243 (including) Kinnure ... " 31 — Rush 40 1 16 702 Graoedieve 9 59 20 XIV. Clonmedane ... IS 125 286 Fieldstown Hollywood 37 181 429 Naall 22 114 431 GaristownB ... ... 34 335 935 Palmerstowne 10 74 106 West Palstowne 78 89 Ballyboughall 25 122 291 Ballymadone 29 137 266 XV. Holme Patrick 33 69 2623 Skerries, Town 24 32 Baldongan 20 28 61 220 Appendix VI. 1659. 1881. English. Irish. XVI. Balrodery... Balbriggan Balscadden ss 4 23 149 26 167 3468 - 682 Total, 1264 5159 Total Population, ... 6,423 38,317 1 In three cases a list of the " principal Irish names," with the number of persons bearing them, is given. Some of these names have an English look about them. They are as follows : — Finglas. — Bime, 13 ; Birmingham, 12 ; Butterly, 8 ; Connor, 10; Casey, 10 ; Coleman, 9 ; Doyle, 8 ; Daly, 10 ; Dowdall, 9 ; Daniel or Donel, 12 ; Kelly, 36 ; Lennan, 7 ; Lynch or Lynchy, 10; Maccan, 10; Murray, 9; Quinne, 11 ; Reyly, 9; Ryan, 11 ; Walsh, 19 ; \Vhyte, 12. Clonturk.— Archbould, 12 ; Bryan, 9 ; Birne, 26 ; Casey, 8 ; Connor, 10; Doyle, 13; Farrell, 9; Kelly, 23; Lawless, 9; Murphy, 10; Smith, 11 ; Walsh, 8; White, II. Hollywfood.— Birne, 11; Browne, 10; Brayne, II ; Boylan, 7; Coleman, 7; Callan, 11; Connor, 11 ; Corbally, 9 ; Cruise, 10; Dowdall, 12 ; Dermot, 10 ; Duff, 9 ; Don, 7 ; English, 15 ; Fulham, 8; Farrell, 12 ; Harford, 17 ; Kelly, 26 ; Laundy, 8 ; Loghlin, 9; Lynch, 9 ; Maccan, 10 ; Murphy, 7 ; Murray, 14 ; Martyn, 13 ; Mahowne or Mahon, 9 ; Quin, 10; Russell, 15 ; Realy, 1 1 ; Walsh, 14; White, 17; Wade, 10.* • In no case does the total number of those stated to have Irish names in the thret parishes above mentioned agree with the figures after the same parishes in the second column of the census. Probably names from neighbouring districts or dependent parishes were included. APPENDIX VII.— A.D. 1887. The Parishes and Churches of Fingal previously referred to are now grouped in the following Unions : — I. (a) Finglas, including (/') St. Margaret's and (c) Ward. (a) Finglas (Fionglaise, pure streamlet'). The pre- sent church, built on a new site, was consecrated, April 20, 1843, as "The Church of St. Canice." It is a plain, neat, oblong building, running east and west. It is entered by a porch at the west. Over this porch there is a gable having a single-arched bell-turret. The church is without a chancel. The older church, also dedicated to St. Canice, has been a ruin since 1843. Some of the oaken beams of the roofe still survive. This church is situated in the north-west corner of the ancient burying-ground. No record exists of when it was built. It stands on the site of the ancient abbey. It consists of a nave, 48 feet long, divided into two aisles, that to the north being 28 feet wide, while that to the south is 16 feet wide. At the east end of the north aisle there is a chancel 34 feet long by 22 wide, separated from the aisle by a fine lancet arch, which spans the entire width of the building. There is a large E. window in the chancel, and there is a window at either side of it. The aisles are separated by two large semicircular arches, and each aisle had its own roof and gables. The W. gable of the larger aisle was surmounted by a bell-turret, which has disappeared. The church is entered through a stone- roofed porch, opening into the N.W. end of this aisle, which is IS feet wide by 8 long. The nave is lighted 222 Appendix VII. Flnglas— Continued, by 2 W., I.E. and I.N. windows. The walls are very thick, and of plain rubble masonry. In the churchyard many celebrated people have been buried from ancient times. In its S.E. corner the old cross of Nethercross stands where the Rev. Robert Walsh placed it early in this century. Its shaft is 7 feet high, its arms 5 feet long. It stands on a stone base 2^ feet square, and 2 feet deep. The material is granite, the base being much finer and denser stone than the cross. The result is that the vicis- situdes of time have marred the carving, and only the rough outline of it can now be traced. (5) St. Margaret's Chapel at Dunsoghly, called also Dovemachenor, a.d. 1275, or Donoughmore {i.e., great churcJi), A.D. 1532. It was appropriately called the " great church." The existing ruins are of a build- ing which must have been extensive, and of architectural beauty unusual in the Fingal churches. The walls are standing, except the W. wall, and are 54 feet long by 24 wide. Attached to the S.E. is a small unroofed but otherwise fairly perfect chapel, of carefully-chiselled stone, 30 feet long by 19 wide, of which an inscription states it was built by Sir John Plunkett, of Dunsoghly, who died A.D. 1582. From this chapel there extends to the S. a mortuary chapel of cut stone, and of graceful proportions, about ten feet square. St. Margaret's chapel was apparently in use a.d. 1532, but by a.d. 1615 it had become a ruin, and has remained so ever since, (c) Ward, St. Brigid's Chapel at. A portion of a small rude gable is all that is visible of this chapel now. The chapel was used for Divine Service so late as a.d. 1535. We find the tithes of the parish granted to cer- tain persons in that year on condition they provided a chaplain and repaired the chancel. The parish is at the extreme S.W. of Fingal. II. Glasnevin (Glaise-Naeidhen, i.e., Naeidke's streamlet). The present church was rebuilt in 1707, when it was con- secrated by Archbishop King. It probably stands on the site of the old ecclesiastical foundation dedicated to St. Mobi, its founder. The church is a plam, oblong Churches in Use or in Ruin, a.d. 1887. C\SiST\6S\n— Continued. quadrangular building, 60 feet long by 3 1 feet wide. A low tower, some 18 feet square, is united to the W. end of the church. The tower is older than the church, and, like it, is without ecclesiastical ornamentation. Mant's " History of the Church of Ireland " preserves an in- teresting statement by Archbishop King of the benefits conferred on the neighbourhood by this church : — " Glasnevin was the receptacle of thieves and rogues. The first search, when anything was stolen, was there, and when any couple had a mind to retire to be wicked, there was their harbour. But since the church was built, and service regularly settled, all these evils are vanished. Good houses are built in it, and the place civilised." III. Drumcondra {i.e., Conrds ridge), or Clonturk {the boar's meadow'). Clonturk. The present church was consecrated July 1 2th, 1743, and probably stands on the site of the original church dedicated to St. John Baptist. It is a plain, oblong, rectangular building without a chancel, 68 feet by 36, having an unadorned single-arch bell-turret on the W. gable. The whole parish belonged to the Priory of All Hallows. On the dissolution of the Priory, the parish became vested in the Corporation of Dublin, The arms of the Corporation still remain on the interior S. wall— a memorial of the past, when the Corporation held the advowson of the parish, and attended Divine Service in this church once each year in state. If the edifice be very plain, that cannot be said of a work of art it contains. On the N. wall of the interior is a very beautiful white marble monument, containing three life-sized figures, erected to the memory of Marmaduke Coghill, b. 1673, d. 1738, who was Chancellor of the Irish Exchequer, and M.P. successively for Armagh and T.C.D. The gracefulness of the monument is marred by a rather uncouth and very lengthy inscription. This inscription enters with remarkable minuteness of detail into the events of Mr. Coghill's life, and the many virtues attributed to him, and concludes by giving infor- mation of a kind not-usually thus imparted to posterity, 224 Appendix VII. Clonturk — Continued. " he died of gout in the stomach." His sister Mary, who erected the monument, also built the church to his memory. The townland of Donnycamey was in early times a part of Artaine parish. It now belongs to Clonturk. There was a church in Donnycamey in the year 1106, as the following extract from the " Annals of the Four Masters," under that date, proves :—" A. D. 1 106. Domhnall, chief successor of Patrick, went to Ath-Cliaih (Dublin) to make peace between Domhnall ua Lochlainn and Muir- cheartach ua Brian, where he took his death sickness, and he was carried in his sickness to Domhnach-aithir- Eamhna {i.e., the church to the east of Eamhain — Mr. O'Donovan has identified this place wilh Donnycamey), and he was anointed there. He was afterwards removed to the Daimhliag of Ard-Macha {i.e., the cathedral chui-ch of Armagh), where he died on August 12th." This Domnach, or Donald, was Archbishop of Armagh (1092—1106). He belonged to a family which had held tlie Archbishopric for some time. His brother Maelisa had been Archbishop (1065— 1092), and his father Araalgaid had also been Archbishop (1021 — 1050). There is not any trace now of where the church of Donnycamey stood. The townland belonged to All Hallows Priory, and on the suppression of the Priory was granted with Baldoyle and Clonturk to the Cor- poration of Dublin. IV. {a) Clor^tarf, including {b) Killester. {a) Clontarf {the buirs meadoiv). The present parish church of Clontarf was consecrated May 14, 1866, as " The church of St. John Baptist." It is a very hand- some building in granite ashlar, faced by cut Milverton stone. In shape it is irregularly cruciform. It is about 90 feet long and 40 wide ; transepts extend about 24 feet N. and S. at the E. end. There is a fine 6-light E. window, with multi-foiled arch, filled with rich stained glass. To the N.W. corner stands a tower about 18 feet square, supporting a lofty and graceful octagon spire of Milverton chiselled stone. Churches in Use or in Ruin, a.d. 1887. 225 C\onta.rf—contiimed. The former parish church, also dedicated to St. John Bap- tist, and rebuilt in 1609, on the site of the ancient monas- tery, is still very perfect, except that it is unroofed. It stands in the enclosed graveyard at the N.E. boundary of the demesne of Clontarf Castle. It was an extremely plain church, running due £. and W., 75 feet long by 25 wide. The W. gable is still surmounted by a high, one- arched bell-turret, of ungraceful proportions. It was in use until the present church was built. The noise of conflicting tides over the sands, now called "The Bull " — supposed to be like the bellowing of a bull — is said to have given its name to the district. (b) Killester. Killester Church is situated about half a mile N. of Clontarf Castle. It must have been a very plain building, of roughly hammered stone. The ruins are now hidden beneath a rank growth of elder trees, and the site of them is completely shut out from public view by a high stone wall. They run due E. and W., are about 40 feet long by 18 wide. The E. and W. gables are standing, but no belfry remains. Each gable has a window. The N. wall is very broken. The S. wall is more perfect, and has a low-arched doorway. V. Raheny (the fort of Enna). The existing church, dedi- cated to St. .\ssan, was rebuilt, as a tablet on the N. wall states, a.d. 17 12, probably on the site of the original chapel. It is a small oblong quadrangular building of the plainest description, 56 feet long by 26 feet wide, run- ning due E. and W. The church is entered by a small, plain porch under the W. gable, which is sur- mounted by a double-arched bell-turret. It is very probable that the raised ground on which the church stands was once part of the Rath which gives its name to the parish. This church is about to give place to a very beautiful successor, built entirely at the cost of Lord Ardilaun, owner of the land on which it is reared. As Fingal has no church to compare with it in perfectness of detail, and in general symmetry of its proportions ; and as in these particulars it is one of the most interest- Q 226 Appendix VII. Raheny — continued. ing parochial churches in Ireland, it is well to give a somewhat exact account of it. It is built in the Early English style, rather severely treated. It is cruciform, 75 feet from E. to W., and 47 feet at its greatest breadth. The outer walls are built of granite, faced in broken Ashlar, with cut-stone dressing's of limestone. At the S.W. is the principal doorway in the tower, facing E., which is elaborately moulded, and enriched by carved members. The tower is in three stages sur- mounted by an octayon spire, with angle turrets. The height from the ground to the apex of the weather-cock is 110 feet. The belfry has two lancet ^\indows at each face ; its angles are buttressed by octagon turrets, a small parapet runs between these, and in front small balconies. There are four small angle turrets springing from the spire above the belfry turrets finishing like these in spirelets. The porch underneath the belfry is lighted l^y two two-light windows with shafted jambs, and richly moulded arches. Opposite the doorway, from the porch into the nave, is a richly moulded and carved archway, leading to the baptistery, which has three single windows groined in Bath stone, the ribs of the groining being carried on black marble shafts. The nave is lighted by a four-light window in the W. gable, and by three single lancets on each side ; the internal arches of these are trefoil in form. All the internal walls and arches are of Bath stone. The roof is of pitch pine, the trusses spring from the caps of small marble columns, which are carried on carved corbels. The ceiling is waggon-head, and is divided into panels. The transepts are entered from the nave by two arches, with triple columns to the jambs. The N. transept contains the organ, behind which is the choir vestry. The S. transept is a mortuary chapel, entered by a small W, door. TJiiderneath it isa vault. The treatment of the tran- .septs is mainly the same as that of the nave; but the gable windows are two-light, enriched by carved spandrels round the arches, those in the S. containing the arms of the generous donor. The chancel, which is'20 feet long by 15 wide, is much more richly and elaborately treated Churches in Use or in Ruin, a.d, 1887. 227 R ah e n y — cent in tied. than the rest of the building. The chancel arch — over which is a gable— is elaborately moulded and carved, the shafts being of marble, two on each side. The chancel is lighted by a three-light window in the gable, and three single lancets in the S. side ; the latter are treated with splay jambs, and trefoil internal arches en- riched with carving, and enclosed in a rich arcade of three arches with marble shafts. The gable window is richly treated with shafted jambs and muUions. The windows, it is hoped, will in time be all filled with stained glass, a series of designs having been selected for the purpose. The vestry is to the N. of the chancel, and opens into it through a doorway, the design of which and of the N. wall corresponds, as far as possible, with that of the S. wall. The ceiling of the chancel is a barrel vault, with richly moulded ribs dividing into panels. It is hoped that this fair edifice will be ready for its uses early in 1888. VI. (a) Coolock, including (/') Artaine. (<;) Coolock {little corner). The present church was conse- crated on Sept. 20th, 1760, as the Church of St. John the Evangelist, and was enlarged by the addition of transepts, A.D. 1S18. It was erected on the site of the original church, which w.is dedicated to St. Brendan. It is a plain cruciform edifice, lying E. and W. There was added in 1 79 1 a square tower at the W. end, sur- mounted by a spire, quite in keeping with the rest of the building. (//) Artaine. Tirtane (Int. Artan, i.e., the little height) chapel, dedicated to St. Nicholas, \\^% formerly depend- ent on Finglas. The district is now part of Coolock parish. Geographical considerations plainly made this desirable. The ruins of the chapel stand in a disused graveyard, on the N.E. bounds of the grounds of Artaine Reformatory. The remains of the chapel are very ruinous. The building runs due E. and W., and is of the roughest masonry, about 36 feet long and 18 wide. The E. and W. gables, each with a small lancet- arched window, remain in a dilapidated condition. The N. and S. walls have entirely disappeared. 228 Appendix VII . A rtai n e — continued. The chapel was probably used for Divine Service A.D. 1535, as the tithes of the parish were granted in that year to T. Howth, on conJition that he provided a chaplain and repaired the chancel. When Mr. Austin Cooper visited it in 1783, the ruins were in much better preservation. He mentions a stoup for holy water at the doorway, which was suggestive of an origin in pre-Reformation times. VII. (a) Howth, including (b) Baldoyle ; (c) Kilbarrack 5 ((/) Ireland's Eye; and (e) St. Fintan's. {a) Howth (Danish, Iloved, i.e., a hcadlatid, the same as the Irish Eilar). The present parish church stands on a wooded eminence, about half a mile to the S.W. of the harbour. It is a handsome Gothic church, in cut stone and carved dressings, with bell-tower and graceful spire to the N.W. of it. The Church is composed of a nave, with centre and side aisles. It is about lOO feet long and 50 feet wide. The chancel at the E. end is about 16 feet long, and about 26 wide. It was consecrated July 3rd, 1866, as "the Parish Church of Ilowlh." It was built on the site of its immediate predecessor, which was consecrated, October 27, 1816, as " the Parish Church of the prebend and curacy of Howth." The ruins of the ancient abbey, founded in 1235, stand on a rocky eminence to the S.E. of the harbour. The site is suggestive of the mixed ecclesiastical and military character of the Roman church of the time. The abbey consists of a nave 105 feet long and 42 wide, divided into two aisles of unequal length by a row of six pointed arches, two of which have been recently rebuilt. Each aisle has an E. window. The gables of each are stand- ing ; apparently one roof covered both. The larger window is three-light, the outer lights trefoiled at the top. The centre light is pointed above an archway. The smaller window has also three lights, the centre the highest, all three having at their tops semicircular arches. There is an entrance both to the S. and to the N. aisle, through doorways having Gothic pointed Churches in Use or in Ruin, a.d. 1887. 229 Howth — continued. arches. On tlie S. there are remains of a porch about 12 feet square, the doorway of which is still perfect. At the S.E. end of the chancel is a small niche or fenes- tella, with a foiled arch, probably for a piscina. There are four windows in the N. wall of N. aisle, and the same number in the S. wall of the S. aisle. The S.W. gable is of massive proportions. Its wall is about 8^ feet thick. Above it stands a lofty three-arch bell- turret. There are stairs ascending to this turret at the W., shielded by the embattled parapet wall of the out- side of tlie top of the gable slope. There is a window in an arched recess of this gable. The N.W. gable is smaller. It has a pointed Gothic arched doorway, and above it is a two-light window with trefoil arch. To the S. of the abbey are the remains of the ancient col- lege, said to have included a hall, a kitchen, and seven cells. They are now tenements, inhabited chiefly by an inferior class of lodgers. (*) Baldoyle [the town of the black stranger). The ruins of this chapel stand in a small churchyard, surrounded by what are now the grounds of the Grange House. They are very perfect, but have the appearance of ex- tensive restoration. The chapel is a small oblong building running E. and W. The side walls are nearly perfect. The E. gable is pierced by an arched two-light foiled window. The W. gable, also pierced by a small window, is capped by a double-arched bell-turret. The building is common rul)ble masonry, about 40 feet long and i8 feet wide. It was evidently used for Divine Service up to a.d. 1615. It became a ruin by a.d. 1630, and has remained so ever since. {c) Kilbarrack {i.e.. Church of St. Berach or Barroc), or Mone, its earlier name (iMoin, i.e., a boo, or possibly Maine, i.e., shrubbery). To the N. of the road, which leads from Kaheny to Howth, and about half way, the ruins of the chapel stand. A nave, chancel, and side aisle, running E. and W., can be still easily traced. The nave is about 30 feet long by 18 wide. The chancel about 12 feet square. The aisle is about 230 Appendix VII. KllbarracW—coji/hnted. 10 feet wide. It is to the S. Apparently it extended the full length of chancel and nave, w hich open into the aisle by a series of circular arches. Nothing remains of the W. gables except foundations. The chancel arch is very small, having a span of only about 5 feet. The E. gables, pierced by small lancet-arched windows, and the N. and S. walls of the nave, remain, but they are rather ruinous. The masonry of all is of the roughest, much of it being composed of boulder stones as they were taken from the adjoining beach, (rf) Ireland's Eye (Inis-Ereann, Irish: Ereann-Ey, Danish, i.e., The Isle of Eria). The original church on this island was dedicated to St. Nessan. We know that a church was founded here a.d. 570. The present building has been a ruin, since the transference of its services and clergy, A.D. 1235, to the mainLmd at Howth, when the Celtic dedication was merged into a new one to B.V.M. This small and interesting church has been exten- sively restored. The walls and gables have been made complete. They are very thick, and form a building, of which the nave is about 34 feet long and 20 wide. The chancel is about II feet long by 15 wide. The chancel has two small rude windows to N. and S., and a long narrow circular-arched Y.. window. It has a stone-arched roof, on which there is the foundation of a circular bell-tower, 42 feet in circumference. This tower was probably about 60 feet high, according to Dr. Petrie. In the W. gable is the small semicircular arched door, 6 feet 6 inches high, 2 feet 8 inches wide at the impost, and 3 feet wide at the base. The N. and S. walls of the nave have each a small narrow window. Only nine churches with round towers thus attached have been found in Ireland, and two in the Orkneys. The date of two of these buildings is known, from which the age of the others may be approximately fixed. One at Clunmacnois, and another at Dungiven, were built A.D. 1 100. It is true that Dr. Petrie at one time sug- gested the date of the church on Ireland's Eye to be the middle of the seventh century (see "Ecclesiastical Churches in Use or in Ruin, a.d. 1887. 231 Ireland's 'Ey&~band, Mussey, Baron of GaUrim, who was killed in battle on the day of his mar- ria^^'C. A well-cut recumbent effigy of this lady, in the horned-ca]) of the 15th century, is carved in Ijold relief on this altar-tomb. The destruction of this interest- ing church is due lo Oliver Cromwell. Afier he took Drogheda, in 1C49, he left liis lieutenant Myles Corbet, in occupation of Alalahide Castle, having ejected the owner. Corbet desecrated the church by stabling his horses there, and before he left the ca.^tle he uin'oofed the church — according to one story — using its lead to make bullets for his soldiers. The church has been a ruin ever since. {b) Portmarnock, or Port St. Marnouk {^tlic landing-place of Marnocl:). This church, situated in what is now St. Marnock's demesne, is mentioned in most of the dioce- san returns since the English invasion. It was probably used up to .\.D. 1615, but by A.D. 1630 Archbishop Eulkelcy states that "church and chancel were very ruinous." They have been ruins ever since. They run due E. and W., 58 feet long by 18 feet wide. About half of the side walls are standing. Tlie E. w-indow is built up, as are also small windows on each side of the chancel. In the S.E. corner of the chancel there is a small circular-arched fenestella, for a piscina. All of the E. gable is standing and also all of the W. gable, which is capped by the triple-arched bell-turret, so common in Fingal, l)Ut with this variation, that one of the arches is placed above the other two. The W. gable is pierced by a small, rudely-arched window. Tlie church which now takes its place was built A.D. 1789, and consecrated ^^ay 26, A.D. 1790, as "the Parish Church of Portmarnock." It is a pkiin oblong quadran- gular building, 42 feet long by 25 wide, with a lofty embattled bell-tower to the W, 14 feet square. At the E. end is a small tribuna, with conched semicircular apsis, about 8 feet deep, which serves as the chancel. 236 Appendix VII. XI. {a) Swords, will) iis cliopels, ami including [h] Lispobel, (c) Kinsaley, [d) Killossery, (e) Killeek, (/) Kilsallaghan, {g) Chapelmidway, {k) Glas- more. (a) Swords, Sonl Chohiim-Chille (sord, i.e., pure). It would be impossible, witliin tlie limits assigned to these sketches, to .L;ive an adequate descnption of the interest- ing ecclesiastical buildings of Swords. The present parochial church, dedicated, like its predecessors, to St. Columba, was completed in 1S18. It stands on the site of its predecessors. It is a handsome oblong quadrangular building of hewn stone, in the early English pointed style. It is 84 feet long by 32 feet wide. The walls on each side are supported by a series of seven massive buttresses, surmounted by graceful pinnacles. To the X.W. stands distinct from thecliurch the massive square belfry of the ancient .abbey. It is about 68 feet higli. 27 feet wide on tlie S. face, by 30 on the W. face. In an illustration in Grose's Antiquities (1791) the ruins of the abbey are represented as attached to the S. of this belfry. To the N. of this belfry, and also distinct from it, is the interesting round tower 75 feet high, of wliich a description is given at p. 60. The extensive ruins of the ancient country palace of the Archbishops of Dublin stand at the N. end of the town of Swords. The embattled walls surrounding it are still very perfect. The palace was built in troublous times, and was meant to be used as a place of defence as well as of residence. It was built about the year 1200, but was only u~ed for about a century and a ijuarter. In 1324 Archbishop de I'icknor Ijuilt another country palace at Tallaght, which continued to be the country seat of the archl)isliops until 1821. An inquisition on Swords was held in Dublin in 1326, when its palace was beginning to fall into decay. A report is preserved among the diocesan records. From this we can form an accurate idea of what buildings these old walls included. " There is in this place a hall and a chamber for the archbishop adjoining the said hall, the walls of which are of stone crenellated after the manner of a castle, covered with Churches in Use or in Ruin, a.d. 1887. 237 Swords — continued. shingles. Further, there is in the same place a kitchen with a larder, the walls of which are of stone, roofed with shingles, and there is in the same place a chapel, the walls of which are of stone roofed with shingles. And there was in the same place a chamber for friars, with a cloister, which have lately fallen. And there is in the same place a chamber for the constable beside the gates, and four chambers for soldiers or wardens, roofed with shingles, under which is a stable and a bakehouse. And there was in the same place a house for a dairy and a workshop, which have lately fallen. And there are in the same place, in the haggard, a shed made with planks and thatched with straw, and a granary made of wood and roofed with boards, and a cow-house for housing farm horses and bullocks. . . . The premises need thorough repair." Many of the details here mentioned can still be recognised. The famous well which gave its name to Swoids is still used. A relic of Swords once highly venerated lias disappeared, called the "Pardon Crosse." It slooil near the old palace. (b) Lispobel [the furl of the people). The site of this chapel is marked on the Ordnance Survey map near Killossery, and S. of Clonmctliau, but there is not any trace of the building visible now. Neither are there remains of any of the chapelries attached to Swords and connected with the town. Moiick-.Mason stales tliey were St. Brigid's Chapel, near the old palace ; St. Finian's Chapel, near the present Glebe House ; and St. Catherine's Chapel, with two others dedicated to the Ulesscd Virgin and the Holy Trinity, wilhiii the ancient church. (c) Kinsaley [Jicad of the brine), dedicated to St. Nicholas. It would probably be impossible now even approximately to fix the dates either of the building or of the ruin of this chapel. It was probably in use A.u. 1532 and a.d. 1615. The chancel has disappeared. The chancel arch remains. The nave is about 40 feet long and 16 wide. The W. gable is standing, surmounted by a double-arched bell-turret. The side walls are in fairly good condition. In each 238 Appendix VII. K i n sal ey — coniinued. a pei-fect arched doorway remains. The masonr)' of all is very rough. The chvirch lies on the N. of the road from Porlmai-nock to Kinsaley. The name Kinsaley reminds us that the sea in former times came to the borders of this parish. The subsoil of the neighbour- hood confirms this, for shells and other marine objects can be dug up between Kinsaley and the sea. (d) Killossery (Kill-I.asseva, i.e., the church of Laisre), dedicnledto St. Brigid. Close to Rollestown, where the road from Swords branches off to it at the turn S. to Kilsailaglian, there stand on an elevation the remains of this chapel. It is a small l)uil(ling, 48 feet long by 23 wide, running E. and W. Tlie N. and S. walls are only a few feet high. The semicircular arch of a doorway in the N. wall remains. The E. and W. gables, very much dismantled, are still standing. The Danes had made a rath at the place. There had probably been a Celtic church on it. Tlie stone church was probably built about the time of the English invasion ; it was in use A.n. 1630, and probably for some time after. Appa- rently it was ruinous early in the last century. (e) Killeek or Killeigh (Kill Agha, i.e., church of I he field). Tliis is called by Archbishop Allen " the most stately of the chapels of Swords." The building of the rave is very perfect except -where the W. gable has fallen. The arch of the W. window and the wall above it are gone ; but in the N. and S. walls there are well- preserved lancet-arched doorways. The church roust have been re-erected on the site of that which is stated to have " altogether gone to ruin," a.d. 1630. It is of the plainest description, running E. and W. The chancel is 30 feet long by 24 \vide, and the nave 45 feet long by 24 wide. The chancel ^\alls arc ruinous. There is a large semicircular arch dividing nave and chancel. Plaster still remains on part of the interior walls. Probably the church became unroofed about the middle of last century. The parish is situated S. W. of Swords. (/) Kilsallaghan {the church of /he wood of the osiers), dedicated to St. David. A small plain oblong church. Churches in Use or in Ruin, a.d. 1887. 239 KWsaW&e^ari— continued. 35 feet by 21, with a tower at the W. 12 feet square, of the style so commonly built by church commissioners in the last century and early in this century, slands. since 1812, on the site of the former church of St. David, mentioned in all the returns from the Norman Conquest, and staled, between A.D. 1615 and A.D. 1C30, to have become " out of repair." (^) Chapelmidway. Within a short distance S. of Kilsal- laj^han are the fast-disappearing ruins of this chapel. It stands midway between the churcl.es of Kilsallaghail and St. Margaret's. Hence, probably, its name. In ruins a.d. 1615, it has been becoming more ruinous ever since. At the W. end of a crumbling mass of ma- sonry is a curious vaulted spacs, with traces of passages from it to other parts of the building. Above is a chamber, round which a thick wall still remains, heavily clad with ivy. Residents close by state that in their memory the buildings extended fully 80 feet to tlie E. There seems to be no record of when or why this once imposing building was raised. (//) Clasmore. About a mile N.W. of Swords, in a field S, of the road from Swords to Rollcsiown, stand the ruins which were left on the night when the Danes from Malahide destroyed the abbey and killed its inmates. These ruins have the appearance of having been long sub- sequently repaired or utilized for a dwelling or office. A very large apartment, 36 feet square, remains, sur- rounded by massive walls. Some wide low windows are at two sides. The corner stones of the walls are very large. As the abbey was built at the most flourish- ing period of the Fingal Celtic Church, special interest attaches to these ruins, which can scarcely represent a revived abbey, as none such is mentioned in diocesan records. XII. (a) Donabate, including {h) Portrane, (c) Lambay, (a) Donabate [chunk of ike boat). Dedicated to St. Patrick. About half a mile S. of Newbridge House, at the head of a little inlet of the IMalaliide estuary, stand the very ancient ruins of this small church. Its name is 240 Appendix VII. HonahaXe— continued. most suggestive of its position. Even in Celtic times there must liave been a ferry here between Portrane promontory and Malahide. The church was probably built where the boat used to be hauled up. It is now a lonely spot. The building, running due E. and W., measures 28 feet by 18. The W. gable is down. The E. gable remains very imperfect, pierced by a small window. The other two walls are nearly down. The masonry is very rude and of unhammered boulder stones. There is no chancel. From the fact that a chancel is spoken of in the returns of A.D. 1615 and 1630, the present small quaint church in the village is probably on the site of its immediate predecessor spoken of in these returns. Indeed, the tower of this church is evidently of much older date than the cliurch itself, and the above-mentioned ruins are of a very much earlier date than either the present church or its immediate predecessor. {b) Portrane (the landing-place of Rcchni. i.e., Lambay). The ruins of this cliurcli, close to Portrane point, and facing Lambay Island, are very perfect. The walls are of unusual thickness, but of coarse masonry. The church runs due E. and W., 57 feet long by 24 wide. At theW. end there is what is rare in the Fingal ruined churches, a massive tower 14 feet square at the base, pierced by one two-light lance window, and also by five rudely-arched windows. Archbishop Bulkeley states, A.D. 1630, that the " church and chancel are down." There is no sign of a chancel in these ruins, so they are probably the remains of a building erected on the site of the ruins of the church of A.D. 1630. Record of when the present budding became a ruin has not been found. (. 786. Caencomhrac, Bishop, 06. 791. Duibliter, Abbot, o/>. 807. Flann, son of Ceallach, Abbot, Bishop, and Scribe, ol/. 814. Fergus, Abbot, od. 823. Cuimnech, Abbot, o3, 837. Brann, Bishop, 0/1, 805. Robartach, Bishop and Scribe, 06, 101 1. Cian, Abbot, mons, A.M. Santry and Cloghran United, a.d. 1876. tcumhents. A.D. W. Adams, D.D. 1880. J. W. Tristram, A.M. . Tristram, a.m. IX. St. Doulagh's, with Balgriffin. Perpetual Curacy. Precentor of Christ Church Cathedral, Patron. Succession of Clergy, a.d. 496-1887. 259 X. Malahide, with Portmarnock. Malahide. Perpetual Curacy. Dean and Chapter of St. Patrick's, Patron. A.D. 1 193. Walter Talbot. During minority of Sir R. Talbot's heir, Archbishop H. de Londres nominated the successor of W. Talbot ; but the advovvson of the Church had been con- firmed to the lords of Malahide by King Henry 11., and they nominated the clerk for a long time. 1615. Patrick Greaghan. 1630. [in) Richard Kelly. [From the middle of the 17th century, to the end of the l8th, there was not any Church fit for Divine .Service, or any settled ministry in either Parish.] Portmarnock. Perpetual Curacy. Archbishop, Patron. A.D. 1615. {in) John Etheridge. 1630. [in) Rich. Kelly. 1639. Randal Dymock [with Clontarf, St. Doulougli's, and Balgriffin). A.D. 1822. 1S34. 1838. 1863. 1871. Francis Chamley, A.M. Josiah Crampton, A.M. Thos. Trotter King, A.M. R. W. Whelan, a.m. J. J. K. Fletcher, A.M. 1788. Hector Monro {^witli Garristoiuji). 1799. William Percival. 1821. William Maconchy, A.M. 1827. Geo. N. Tredennick, A.M. 1830. George Cole Baker, a.b. 1857. Colpoys C. Baker, A.M. Malahide and Portmarnock United, a.d. 1873. Incumboils. A.D. Stip. Curates. J. J. K. Fletcher, A.M. 1873. R. J. Savage, a.b. A.D. X873 1874. Robert Walsh, A.M 1874. Sterling Tomlinson, A.B. 1883. Joseph Abbot, a.b. 1884. Jas. T. Newbury, A.B. 1886. Rich. A. Byrn, A.B. XI. Swords, with KInsaley, Killossory, Killeek, Chapelmidway, and Kilsallaghan. Of the first and last only have the names of the clergy survived. Kinsaley and Chapelmidway were dependent Cliapelries on Swords and Kilsallaghan from the 12th :entury, but Killossory and Killeek had for a time independent lives. Swords, with Kinsaley, Killossory, and Killeek. Vicarage atid Prebend of St. Patrick's Cathedral. Patron, The Archbishop. A.D. 560. {circa) St. Columkille. 600. {circa) St. Finan Lobhar. 965. Ailioll, son of Mnenach, Bishop, ob. (a/so Bishop of Lush). :023. Maolmaire ua Cainen, Bishop, ob. .025. Marian ua Cainen, Bishop, ob. 1028. Giolla Pattraice O'Flaherty, Bishop, ob. 1042. Eochacan, Scribe, ob. 1048. Aid, son of Mochlan ua Nuadhah, Bishop, 06. 1060. Mailkieran, O'Robachain, Bishop, ob. 1 136. Mackienan, Bishop, ob. 26o Appendix VIII. Swords, &c. — continued. Prebendaries. A.D. 1190. Walter Comyn. Alanus. 1217. Thomas Comyn. 1277. Robert le Blond. Ilerius Brocard. 1302. William de Hotbam. 1366. William of Wykeham {Bishop of Winchesta"). 1375. Peter de Lacy. 1375. Robert Crull. 13S6. Walter Bruges. 1397. John Taafe. 1408. John Tanner. 1423. Brande {Cardinal of Placentia). I431. William Cruce. I40S. Walter Ksijdoin. 1496. Ricliaid l-Ai-tace. 1509. lid ward Hoatb. 1535. Lbii>to|)her Vesey. 1530. John Derrick. 1554. Anlhony St. Leger. 1558. I'alrick Byrne. 1576. Edniond Knob. 1598. V\ iUiam Pratt. IO15. kicliard Jones, A.M. 1630. {in) C. rievvetsun, A.M., Vicar {luith Ho-cvth). 1642. .Samuel Pullein, d.d. 1649. Thomas Wilkinbon, Puritan Min. Prebatdaries. A.D. 1661. Roger Holmes, A.M. 1663. William Williams, A.M. 1664. John Roane, B.c.L. 1675. Andrew Saul, d.d. 1682. Henry Scardeville, A.M. {vjiih Clogh ran). 1704. Thomas King, A.M. 1709. Robert Bougatt, A.M. I713. John Wynne, A.M. 1727. Hugh Wilson, A.M. 1735. John Espin, A.M. 1744. John Owen, d.d. I 701. Fowler Cumyns, A.M. 1783. Henry Lomax Walsh, A.B. Vicars. 1793. Jas. Verschoyle, A.M. {also Dean Si. I'atrick^s and Rector of S Bride's). 1810. Ste\;art Segar Trench, A.M. 1826. Hon. Francis Howard, A.M. 1857. D. H. Elrington, a.m. 1800. Thomas Tvvigg, a.m. Swords Union & Kilsallaghan. Prebendary and Vicar. 1871. Thomas Twigg, a.m. The Prebend and Vicarage were i always held by the same person. A.D. 1801. William Annesley. 1803. Thomas Parkinson. 1809. James Wallace. 1815. Fiancis Chomley, A.B. 1824. FfolUott Magrath. 1825. J. Luton Crosbie. 1826. William Curtis. 1830. Franci■^ H. Thomas. 1836. John Homan. 1841. Will. Jameson, A.M. rds Slip. Curates. A.D. 1844. Will. Willis. 1840. W. G. Ormsby, A.B. 1^51. W. R. Smith. 1852. Ralph Wilde. 1^54. J. Diggcs la Touche, A.B. 1850. Robert Hamilton. 1838. Sam. P. Warren, A.B. lSt>9. W. G. Boyce, A.B. 1867. J. H. WUbon, A.B. Succession of Clergy, a.d. 496-1887. 261 Kilsallaghan, with Chapelmidway. A.D. 1615. (/«) John Richmond. 1623. J.,hn ISyn.s. 1630. i quoted, 44, 165,170. • 278 Index. Ward Church, 26, 155, 195, 200, 207, 222. „ Parish, 152, 218. "Wentworth, Lord Deputy, 135. Westpalstown, 4, 88, 154, 175, 197, X99, 206, 209, 2l6, 219, 246, "White Book" of Christ Church, quoted, III. Whitestown Church, 81, 196, 204. „ Parish, 219. Wilkinson, Kev. T., 157. William III. in Fingal, 159. Winchester, Monastery of, 76, C. W. GiBBS, Printer, 18 Wicklow Street, Dublin.