n o -7 fa Sf 12 INTRODUCTION. 1699. Histoirc (le l’Empereur de la Chine ( K&ng • Ay). By Joachim Bouvet. 12mo. 1700. Varia Scripta de cultibus Sinarum, inter Mis- sionaries et Patres Societatis'Jesu contro- versis. 8vo. Relation du Voyage fait a la Chine, sur le Vaisseau l’Amphetrite. 12mo. 1711. Libri Classici Sex (namely, the Four Books, Heaou-lcing , and Seaou-heo). By Pere Noel. 4to. 1714. Relation de la Nouvclle Persecution de la Chine. F. G. de S. Pierre. 12mo. 1718. Anciennes Relations de deux Voyageurs Ma- hometans. Par Eusebe Renaudot. 8vo. 1728. Nouveau Voyage autour du Monde, avec une Description de l’Empire de la Chine. By Le Gentil. 12mo. 1730. Museum Sinicum, opera Th. S. Bayer. 8vo. 1735. Description Geographique, Historique, Chro- nologique, Politique, et Physique de l’Ein- pire de la Chine, &c. Par J. B. du Halde. Folio, 4tom. 1737. Meditationes Sinicie, opera St. Fourmont. Folio. 1750. Authentic Memoirs of the Christian Church in China, with the Causes of the Declension of Christianity in that Empire. From the German of J. L. Mosheim. 8vo. 1760. Memoire dans laquelle on prouve que les Chi- nois sont une Colonic Egyptienne. De Guignes. 8vo. 1763. Travels of John Bell, of Antermony. 4to. 2 vols. 1765. Voyage to China and the East Indies. By Pe- ter Osbeck. 8vo. 1770. Le Chou-lcing, un des Livres Sacrcs des Cln nois. Par le Pere Gaubil. 8vo. 1773. Lettrc de Pekin, sur le G6nie dc la Langue Chinoise. Par le Pere Amiot. 4to. INTRODUCTION 1H 1773. Recherches Philosophiques sur les Egyptiens et les Chinois. Par M. de Pauw. 12mo. 1776. Memoire de M. D’Anville sur la Chine. 8vo. 1785. Histoire Generate de la Chine, traduite du Tongkien-kang-mou. Par le Pere Mailla. 12 tom. 4to. Description Gener.ale de la Chine. Par l’Abbe Grosier. 4to. 797. Authentic Account of an Embassy from the King of Great Britain to the Emperor of China. By Sir Geo. L. Staunton, Bart. 2 vols. 4to. Memoires concemant les Chinois. 16 tom. 4to. 1.798. Embassy of the Dutch East India Company to China. From the Journal of A. E. Van Braam. 2 vols. 8vo. 1804. Travels in China. By John Barrow. 4to. 1808. Voyages a Peking, &c., Par M. de Guignes. 3 tom. 8vo. 1810. Ta-tsing-leu-lee ; the Penal Code of China. By Sir George T. Staunton, Bart. 4to. 1813. Dictionnaire Chinois, Fran$ais, et Latin. Par de Guignes. Folio. 1814. Memoires concemant les Chinois, rediges par Silvestre de Sacy. 4to. 1815. Dictionary of the Chinese Language, in Three Parts. By R. Morrison. 6 vols. 4to. (Com- pleted in 1823.) 1816. Dialogues and detached Sentences in the Chinese Language. By R. Morrison. 8vo. 1817. A Chinese Drama. Translated from the Original by J. F. Davis. 12mo. Journal of Embassy to China. By Henry Ellis. 4to. View of China. By R. Morrison. 4to. Chinese Gleaner, Malacca. 8vo. (Concluded in 1821.) Sacred Edict. Translated by W. Milne. 8vo Vol. L— B 14 INTRODUCTION. 1818. Narrative of a Journey in the Interior ol China. By Clarke Abel. 4to. 1821. Chinese Embassy to the Khan of the Tour- gouths. By Sir G. T. Staunton. Bart. 8vo. 1822. Miscellaneous Notices relating to China. By Ditto. 8vo. Elemens de la Grammaire Chinoise. Par Abel Remusat. 8vo. 1823. Chinese Moral Maxims. Compiled by J. F. Davis. 8vo. 1824. Meng-tseu, vel Mencium. Edidit S. Julien- 8vo. 1826. Les Deux Cousines ; Roman Chinois. Par Abel Remusat. 12mo. 1827. Voyage a Peking, a travers la Mongolie. Par M. G. Timkouski. 8vo. 1828. The Four Books, translated by D. Collie. 8vo. 1829. The Fortunate Union ; a Chinese Romance. Translated from the Original by J. F. Davis. 8vo. 1831. Notitia Linguae Sinicae, auctore P. Premare. £to. 1832. Cercle de Craie, Drame Chinois. Traduil par Stanislas Julien. 8vo. Chinese Repository (commenced), Canton. 8vo. 1834. Miscellaneous Papers concerning China, in Three Volumes of Royal Asiatic Transac- tions, 4to. (Commenced 1823.) China, an Outline, &c. By Peter Auber. 8vo. The following pages being intended wholly for the use of the general reader, so much only of each subject has been touched upon as seemed cal- culated to convey a summary, though at the same time accurate, species of information in an easy and popular way. More detailed knowledge on each separate point must be sought for, by tiie few who INTRODUCTION. 15 are likely to require it, in one or other of the nu- merous works above named, and the catalogue here given may prove serviceable for that purpose. The superiority which the Chinese possess over the other nations of Asia is so decided as scarcely to need the institution of an elaborate comparison. Those who have had opportunities of seeing both have readily admitted it, and none more so than the Right Honourable Henry Ellis, our ambassador to Persia, whose intimate personal acquaintance with China and India, as well as with Persia, ren- ders him peculiarly calculated to form a just esti- mate. The moral causes of a difference so striking may perhaps occur to the reader of the subjoined work : the physical causes consist, it may reason- ably be supposed, in the advantages which China possesses from its geographical situation ; in the generally favourable climate, the average fertility of soil, and the great facility of internal intercourse which the country possesses from nature, and which has been still farther improved by art. The early advancement of China, in the general history of the globe, may likewise be accounted for, in some measure, by natural and physical causes, and by the position of the whole of that vast country (with a very trivial exception) within the temperate zone. On this point the author will repeat some observa- tions which he long since made in another place ; that “ an attentive survey of the tropical regions of the earth, where food is produced in the greatest abundance, will seem to justify the conclusion that extreme fertility, or power of production, has been rather unfavourable to the progress of the human race ; or, at least, that the industry and advance- ment of nations have appeared in some measure to depend on a certain proportion between their neces- sities and their natural resources. Man is by nature an indolent animal, and without the stimulant of ne- cessity will in the first instance, get on as well as 16 INTRODUCTION. lie can with the provision that nature has made foi him. In the warm and fertile regions of the trop- ics, or rather of the equinoctial, where lodging and clothing, the two necessary things after food, are rendered almost superfluous by the climate, and where food itself is produced with very little exer- tion,* we find how small a progress has in most instances been made ; while, on the other hand, the whole of Europe, and by far the greater part of China, are situated beyond the northern tropic. If, again, we go farther north, to those arctic regions where man exists in a very miserable state, we shall find that there he has no materials to work upon. Nature is such a niggard in the returns which she makes to labour, that industry is discouraged and frozen , as it were, in the outset. In other words, the proportion is destroyed ; the equinoctial regions are too spontaneously genial and fertile ; the arctic too unkindly barren ; and on this account it would seem that industry, wealth, and civilization have been principally confined to the temperate zone, where there are at once necessity to excite labour, and production to recompense it.” There are, no doubt, other important circumstances, besides geo- graphical situation, which influence the advance- ment of nations ; but this at least is too considera- ble an ingredient to be left out of the calculation. J. F. D. * See the observations ol Humboldt on the use of the banana in New Snain. THE CHINESE. & CHAPTER I. EARLY EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE. China little known to the Ancients. — Embassy from Marcui Antoninus. — Nestonan Christians. — Arabian Travellers. — Ibn Batuta. — Jews in China. — First Catholic Missions to Tartary. — Travels of Marco Polo. — Portugese reach China. — Previous to arrival of Europeans, Chinese less disinclined to foreign intercourse. — Settlement of Macao. — Fruitless Embassies to Peking. — Catholic Missions. — Quarrels of the Jesuits with the other Orders — Persecutions. — Spaniards. — Dutch settle on Formosa. — Expelled by Chinese. — Russian Embassies. It is intended in the following pages to give such an account of the manners and customs, the social, political, and religious institutions, together with the natural productions, the arts, manufactures, and commerce of China, as may be deemed interesting to the general reader. The most fitting introduc- tion to this sketch will be, a cursory view of the early acquaintance of the western world with the country of which we are about to treat, followed up by some notices of the more modern intercourse of Europeans, and particularly the English, with the Chinese. Antiquity affords us but a few uncertain hints re- garding an empire so far removed to the utmost limits of Eastern Asia as to have formed no part in the aspirations of Macedonian or of Roman dornin- on Were a modern conqueror to stop on the R 2 18 THE CHINESE. banks o f. the Ganges, and sigh that he had no more nations 'to subdue what has been admired in the pupil of Aristotle himself would be a mere absurd- ity in the most ignorant chieftain of these more en- lightened times. We may reasonably hope that the science and civilization which have already so great- ly enlarged the bounds of our knowledge of foreign countries, may, by diminishing the vulgar admira- tion for such pests and scourges of the human race as military conquerors have usually proved, advance and facilitate the peaceful intercourse of the most remote countries with each other, and thereby in- crease the general stock of knowledge and happi- ness among mankind. It seems sufficiently clear that the Seres, mention- ed by Horace and other Latin writers, were not the Chinese.* This name has, with greater probability, been interpreted as referring to another people of Asia, inhabiting a country to the westward of Chi- na, and the texture, termed by the Romans serica, in all likelihood meant a cotton rather than a silken manufacture, which latter was distinguished by the name bombycina. There appears sufficient evidence, however, of the fact, that some of the ancients were not altogether ignorant of the existence of such a people. Arrian speaks of the Sin®, or Thin®, in the remotest parts of Asia, by whom were exported the raw and manufactured silks which were brought by the way of Bactria (Bokhara) westward. It was under the race of Han, perhaps the most celebrated era of Chinese history, that an envoy is stated to have been sent in A. D. 94, by the seventeenth em- peror of that dynasty, to seek some intercourse with the western world. This minister is said to have reached Arabia ; and as it is certain that Holy, * It is noticed by Florus, that ambassadors came from the Seres to Augustus ; but Horace notices the Seres in a way which makes it unlikely that they were Hie Chinese. “ Nec nllicitits thnes quid Srm, et rettnata Cyro Hactra parent." EARLY EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE. 10 the prince by whom he was deputed, was the first sovereign of China who introduced the use of eu- nuchs into the palace, it may be deemed probable that he borrowed them from thence. The contests of the Chinese with the Tartars, even at that early period, are stated to have been the occasion of a Chinese general reaching the borders of the Cas- pian, at the time when Trajan was Emperor of Rome. The growing consumption, among the lux- urious Latins, of the valuable and beautiful silk stuffs with which they were supplied through the medium of India, seems to have tempted the Emperor Mar- cus Antoninus to despatch an embassy to the coun- try which was reported to produce those manufac- tures. The numerous obstacles presented by a land journey induced him to send his mission by sea, A. D. 161. Like most attempts of the kind, this ap- pears to have been an entire failure, and the ambas- sadors returned from China without having paved the way to a more frequent or intimate intercourse with that secluded country. The Jesuits have informed us, that some of the Catholic missionaries discovered, in the year 1625, at one of the principal cities of the province Shen- sy, an inscription in Syriac letters, recording the first introduction of Christianity into China in the year 635, by certain Nestorian bishops, who had been driven eastward by persecutions in the Ro- man provinces. We are not indebted, however, to thest^refugees for any early account of the country. Their existence in the same province of Shensy, at the period when Marco Polo visited China, is clear- ly stated by that traveller, as may be seen in Mars- den's edition, page 404. To those who travelled by land from Syria, and other countries bordering on the Mediterranean, it was the easiest of access, as being the most westerly point of the empire, to- wards Peking ; and they were probably induced to settle there, from finding it one of the most popu 20 THE CHINESE. lous and civilized portions of China at that early period. Marco Polo besides states, that in a city in the neighbourhood of Nanking, on the banks of the Yang-tse-Keang, there were “ two churches of Nes- torian Christians, which were built in 1274, when his Majesty the Emperor appointed a Nestorian, named Mar Sachis, to the government of it (the city) for three years. By him those churches were es- tablished where there had not been any before, and they still subsist.”* The editor justly observes, that the existence of these churches, of which no rea- sonable doubt can be entertained, is a curious fact in the histoiy of the progress made by the Chris- tian religion in the eastern or remoter parts of China. “ It is remarkable,” he adds, “ that De Guig- nes, in describing a religious building not far from this city, mentions a tradition that gives strength to the belief of an early Christian establishment in that quarter : ‘ Les Chinois racontent qu’un Chretien, iiomme Kiang-tsy-tay, vivoit dans ce lieu il y a trois cents ans; on montre encore son appartement dans la partie de l’est.’” It is to the Arabs that we owe the first distinct “account of China, and of its peculiar institutions and customs. Their far-extended conquests brought them to the confines of that remote empire ; and the enlightenment of science and literature, which they possessed in no small degree during the eighth and ninth centuries, led many individuals among them to explore unknown countries, and to record what they had seen. We possess an interesting specimen in Renaudot’s translation from the itine- raries of two Arabian travellers, in the years 850 and 877. These bear internal evidences of truth and accuracy no less indisputable than those which distinguish the relations of the Venetian traveller, Marsden’s Marco Polo, p. 501 EARLY EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE 21 Marco Polo ; and as they have reference to a much earlier period than even his, must be considered to possess a very high degree of interest. We can perceive a remarkable identity between the Chinese, as they arc therein described, and the same people as we know them at the present day, although a period of 1000 years, nearly, has since elapsed ; nor can the occurrence of one or two very remarkable discrepances be considered as any impugnment of the general veracity of these travellers, where there is, upon the whole, so much of sound and correct in- formation. They have, in fact, evidently proceeded from some confusion in the original manuscripts, by which observations that had reference to other countries lying in their route, and which are true of those countries at the present time, have become incorporated with the account of China itself. These Arabians describe a city called Canl'u, which was probably Canton, at which place a very ancient mosque exists to this day. The frequency of fires, and the long detention of ships, from various causes, as stated by them, might be related of that emporium of foreign trade even at present. “ This city,” they observe, “ stands on a great river, some days dis- tant from the entrance, so that the water here is fresh.” It seems at that time to have been the port allotted to the Arabian merchants who came by sea; and the travellers notice “many unjust deal- ings with the merchants who traded thither, which having gathered the force of a precedent, there was no grievance, no treatment so bad, but they exer- cised it upon the foreigners and the masters of ships.” We learn that the port was at length for- saken, in consequence of the extortions of the mandarins of those days ; and “ the merchants re- turned in crowds to Siraf and Oman.” It is re- markable that the travellers describe the entrance to the port of Canfu as the “ gates of China,” which may possibly be a translation of Hoe-mun. 22 THE CHINESE. * Tiger’s gate,” or Boca Tigris, as it is called from the Portuguese. These Arabians mention in particular the relief afforded to the people from the public granaries during famine. The salt-tax, as it now exists, and the use of tea, are thus noticed : — “ The emperor also reserves to himself the revenues that arise from salt, and from a certain herb, which they drink with hot water, and of which great quantities are sold in all the cities, to the amount of vast sums.’ The public imposts are stated to have consisted of duties on salt and tea, with a poll-tax, which last has since been commuted into a tax on lands : theso Arabians likewise mention the bamboo as the univer- sal panacea in matters of police ; and they very cor- rectly describe the Chinese copper money, as well as porcelain, wine made from rice, the mainte- nance of public teachers in the towns, the idolatry derived from India, and the ignorance of astronomy, in which the Arabians were their first instructers. It is, in fact, impossible to comprise within our limits all the pertinent remarks, or even a small propor- tion of the correct information, which maybe found in this curious and antique relic of early Arabian enterprise. From the lights which it affords, as well as from other sources of information relating to the first intercourse of the Mahometans with China, it has with tolerable certainty been inferred, that, previous to the Mongol Tartar conquest, they resorted to that rich country by sea chiefly, and in the character of traders. Subsequent to the establishment of the Mongol Tartar dynasty by Zenghis Khan, China was visited by the Arab, lbn Batuta, whose travels have been translated by Professor Lee. He describes very truly the paper circulation instituted by the Mon- gols, a scheme which subsequently failed, in conse- quence of the paper being rendered utterly worthless by excessive issues, and the bad faith of ihe govern- EARLY EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE. 23 ment, which derived a profit l'rom the circulation. Even at that period, Batuta observes that “ they did not buy or sell with the dirhem or dinar, for, should any one get these coins into his possession, he would melt them down immediately.” If we may believe him, the Chinese junks in his time sailed as far as Calicut, and he himself embarked in one of them on his voyage to China. The Mahometan creed seems to have been estab- lished and protected as the religion of a considera- ble part of the population soon after the Mongol conquest in the 13th century; and it meets with perfect toleration at the present day, its professors being freely admitted to government offices, from which Christians are rigidly excluded. There is a considerable mosque at Canton, of great antiquity, and forming, w’ith its pagoda or minaret, a conspic- uous object on the approach to the city by the river. Numbers of that persuasion occurred in every part of the route of the two British missions. Some gentlemen of the embassy were walking in 1816 with Dr. Morrison, at a village about fifty miles from Peking, when they observed, inscribed in Chinese on the lantern of a poor shopman, “ an old Mahom- etan.” Being asked whence his progenitors came, the old man answered, “ from the western ocean but he could give no farther information, except that his family had resided there for five generations. Dr. Morrison met with another near Nanking, hold- ing a government office, who said that his sect reached China during the Tang dynasty, or about the period of the visit of those two Arabians whom we have already noticed, in the ninth century. The same individual stated, that at Kae-foong-foo, in the province of H man, there were some families of a persuasion denominated by the Chinese, “ the sect that plucks out the sinew;” these, in all probability, must be the Jews mentioned by Grosier, who aie 24 THE CHINESE. said to have reached China as early as 200 years before Christ, in the time of the Han dynasty. In the eighteenth volume of the Lettres tdifiantes et cvrieuses, there is contained an account of the pains taken by the Jesuits in China to investigate the origin of this remarkable colony of Jews at Kae-foong-foo. The most successful in his re- searches was Pere Gozani, who, in a letter dated 1704, thus wrote : — “ As regards those who are here called Tiao-kin-kiao (the sect that extracts the sinew), two years ago I was going to visit them, under the expectation that they were Jews, and with the hope of finding among them the Old Tes- tament ; but as I have no knowledge of the Hebrew language, and met with great difficulties, I aban- doned this scheme with the fear of not succeeding. Nevertheless, as you told me that I should oblige you by obtaining any information concerning this people, I have obeyed your directions, and executed them with all the care and exactness of which I was capable. I immediately made them protestations of friendship, to which they readily replied, and had the civility to come to see me. I returned their visit in the le-pai-sou, that is, in their synagogue, where they were all assembled, and where I held with them long conversations. 1 saw their inscrip- tions, some of which are in Chinese, and the rest in their own language. They showed me their reli- gious books, and permitted me to enter even into the most secret place of their synagogue, whence they themselves (the commonalty) are excluded. There is a place reserved for the chief of the synagogue, who never enters there except with profound respect. They told me that their ances- tors came from a kingdom of the west, called the kingdom of Juda, which Joshua conquered after having departed from Egypt, and passed the Red Sea and the Desert; that the number of Jews who migrated from Egypt was about 600,000 men. They EARLY EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE. 25 assured me that their alphabet had twenty-seven letters, but that they commonly made use of only twenty-two; which accords with the declaration of St. Jerome, that the Hebrew has twenty-two letters, of which five are double. When they read the Bible in their synagogue, they cover the face with a transparent veil, in memory of Moses, who de- scended from the mountain with his face covered, and who thus published the Decalogue and the Law of God to his people : they read a section every Sab- bath-day. Thus the Jews of China, like the Jews of Europe, read all the Law in the course of the year : he who reads places the Ta-king (great sacred book) on the chair of Moses ; he has his face cov- ered with a very thin cotton veil ; at his side is a prompter, and some paces below a moula, to correct the prompter should he err. They spoke to me respecting Paradise and Hell in a very foolish way. There is every appearance of what they said being drawn from the Talmud. I spoke to them of the Messiah promised in Scripture, but they were very much surprised at what I said : and when I informed them that his name was Jesus, they replied, that mention was made in the Bible of a holy man named Jesus, who was the son of Sirach : but they knew not the Jesus of whom I spoke.”* The first pope who appears to have sent a mis- sion for the conversion of the Tartars or Chinese to the Roman Catholic faith, was Innocent IV. He despatched Giovanni Carpini, a monk, through Russia, in the year 1246, to Baatu Khan, on the banks of the Volga, from whence they were con- ducted to the Mongol Tartar court, just as the Great Khan was about to be installed. Carpini was astonished by the display of immense treasures, and, having been kindly treated, was sent back with * For farther particulars of the Jews in China see Chinese Repository, vol. iii., p. 172. Voi,. i - r 26 TUE CllliNESE. a friendly letter; he was ra>tlier pleased than scan dalized by the near resemblance of the rites of the Chinese Buddhists to the forms of Catholic worship, and inferred from thence that they either already were, or would very soon be, Christians. In 1253 Rubruquis was in like manner despatched by St. Louis, during his crusade to the Holy Land, with directions to procure the friendship of the Mongols. He reached at length the court of the Great Khan, where, like his predecessor, he observed the near resemblance of Lama worship to the forms of Roman Catholicism, and concluded that it must be derived from a spurious Christianity ; perhaps that of the Nestorians. It is needless in this place to enter into any de tailed notice of the work of Marco Polo, which has been illustrated with so much erudition and industry by our countryman Marsden. The doubts which were once entertained of the veracity of Marco have long since given way to admiration of his simple and faithful narrative. Most of our readers will perhaps be aware, that in the reign of Coblai Khan, the Mongol conqueror of China, Nicholas and Mat- thew Paolo or Polo, two noble Venetians, reached his court : they were extremely well received, and invited to return to China on their departure for Europe. In 1274 they accordingly came back, bear- ing letters from Pope Gregory X., and accompanied by young Marco, son to one of them. The youth, by his talents and good conduct, became a favourite with the khan, and was employed by him for seven- teen years, after which he with some difficulty obtained permission to return to his own country. The accounts which he gave at Venice of the vast wealth and resources of the Chinese empire, ap- peared so incredible to Europeans in those days, that his tale was most undeservedly discredited; and he obtained the nickname of “ Messer Marco Millione.” Another account of Cathay or China was EARLY EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE. 27 some time after written by Ilayton, an Armenian, and translated into Latin. According to him, the Chinese considered the rest of the world as blind, or seeing with only one eye ; while themselves alone were blessed with a perfect vision. John De Corvino despatched to Asia in 1288 by Pope Nicholas IV., was the first successful promo- ter of the Roman Catholic faith in China : he arrived at Cambalu (as Peking was called by the Tartars), and met with a kind reception from the emperor, notwithstanding the hostility of the jealous Nesto- rians. He was allowed to build a church, furnished with a steeple and bells, and is said to have baptized some thousands of converts, as well as to have in- structed numbers of children in the Latin language, and the tenets of Christianity. The news of his progress reached Clement V. on his accession to the popedom, and he was immediately appointed Bishop of Cambalu, with a numerous body of priests, who were despatched to join him in his labours. On the death of Corvino, however, it is probable that no successor, possessed of the same enterprise and industry, was ready to succeed him ; for the estab- lishment which _he had founded appears to have ceased, or at least sunk into insignificance. Abundant evidence is afforded by Chinese records, that a much more liberal as well as enterprising dis- position once existed in respect to foreign inter course than prevails at present. It was only on the conquest of the empire by the Manchovvs that the European trade was limited to Canton ; and the jealous and watchful Tartar dominion, established by this handful of barbarians, has unquestionably occasioned many additional obstacles to an increased commerce with the rest of the world. We have already noticed the Chinese junks, which were seen by Ibn Batuta as far west as the coast of Malabar, about the end of the thirteenth century. Even be- fore the seventh century, it appears from native r.— C 28 THE CHINESE. records that missions were sent from China to tN - sui rounding nations, with a view to inviting mututw intercourse. The benefits of industry and trade have always been extolled by the people of that country; the contempt, therefore, with which the present Tartar government affects to treat the Eu- ropean commerce, must be referred entirely to the fears which it entertains regarding the influence of increased knowledge on the stability of its dominion. According to the Chinese books, commerce, on its first establishment at Canton, remained free from duties for many years, but its increasing importance soon led the officers of government to convert it into a source of gain. As in Siam and Cochin-china at present, the pre-emption of all imported goods seems at one time to have been claimed ; but this did not last long, and the trade, after having con- tinued to increase at Canton, was subsequently car- ried to other ports of the empire. The endeavour to prevent the exportation of silver appears to have been an error very early established ; but the regu- lations on this subject, as might be expected, have always been as futile as they are at the present day. It was not many years after the passage of the Cape by De Gama, that the Portuguese in 1516 made their first appearance at Canton. Their early conduct was not calculated to impress the Chinese with any favourable idea of Europeans ; and when, in course of time, they came to be competitors with the Dutch and the English, the contests of mercantile avarice tended to place them all in a still worse point of view. ' To this day the character of Europeans is represented as that of a race of men intent alone on the gains of commercial traffic, and regardless altogether of the means of attainment. Struck by the perpetual hostilities which existed among these foreign adventurers, assimilated in other respects by a close resemblance in their cos- tumes and manners, the government of the country EARLY EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE. 29 became disposed to treat them with a degree of jealousy and exclusion which it had not deemed necessary to be exercised towards the more peace- able and well-ordered Arabs, their predecessors. The first places of resort to the Portuguese were the islands at the mouth of the Canton river.* The vessel despatched by Alfonzo Albuquerque, the Captain-general of Malacca, reached one of these, under the command of Perestrello, and, as his voy- age proved very successful, it had the effect of en- gaging others in similar enterprises. Being distin- guished as the first person w ho ever conducted a ship to China under a European flag, he w as followed in the ensuing year by a fleet of eight vessels, under the command of Perez de Andrade, who, on reach- ing the coast, was surrounded by junks of war, and his movements watched with suspicion. He was, however, permitted to proceed with two of his ves- sel? to Canton ; and, w r hile successfully negotiating for a trade, received accounts that the remainder of his fleet had been attacked by pirates. Some of his vessels returned w’ith cargoes to Malacca; the re- mainder sailed in company with some junks, belong- ing to the Loo-choo islands, for the province of Fokien on the east coast, and succeeded in estab- lishing a colony at Ningpo. The Portuguese sub- sequently brought their families to that port, carry- ing on a gainful trade with other parts of China, as well as w ith Japan. But in the year 1545 the pro- vincial government, provoked by their ill conduct, expelled them the place ; and thus was for ever lost to them an establishment on the continent of China, in one of the provinces of the empire best adapted to the ends of European trade. The general beha- viour of the Portuguese had, from the first, been * We here quota, for convenience, from a small work printed at Macao in 1831, but never regularly published, called ‘‘The Canton MisceLany." C 2 30 THE CHINESE. calculated to obliterate the favourable impression which the Chinese had received from the justice and moderation of Perez de Andrade. Only shortly after his visit, a squadron, under the orders of his brother Simon, was engaged in open hostilities, having established a colony at San Shan, near Macao (vulgarly called St. John’s), and erected a fort there : they were finally defeated by a Chinese naval force, but continued to commit acts of piracy on the native trading-vessels. Subsequently to this career of violence, and during the more recent periods of their connexion with China at Macao, the Portu- guese appear, on the other hand, to have entertained too extreme an apprehension of giving umbrage to the native government; and while they imagined they were securing favour to themselves, their con- duct has often served to encourage Chinese en- croachment. Among the early and desperate adventurers from Portugal, the exploits of Ferdinand Mendes Pinto have, by the help of some exaggeration, handed his name down as one of the principal. Having arrived with a crew of other desperadoes at Ningpo, he learned from some Chinese that to the northeast there was an island containing the tombs of seven- teen Chinese kings, full of treasure. Pinto and his companions succeeded in finding the place, and plundered the tombs, in which they found a quantity of silver : being attacked, they were obliged to retire with only part of the booty; and a gale having overtaken them upon their return, in the neighbour- hood of Nanking, only fourteen Portuguese escaped with their lives : these were taken by the Chinese, and after some maltreatment were sent to Nanking, and condemned to be whipped, and to lose each man a thumb. They were next conducted to Peking, and on his way thither Pinto had occasion to admire the manners of the Chinese, their love of justice, and the good order and industry that prevailed among them. EARLY EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE. 31 Arrived at Peking, they were at length condemned to one year’s hard labour ; but, before the time ex- pired, they were set at liberty by the Tartars, who were then invading the country. Pinto and his com- panions now joined their liberators, and, while in their service, saw one of the chief lamas, whom he called their pope. A curious description of this Tartar hierarchy has in later times been given by Pere Gaubil. The Portuguese adventurers at length quitted the Tartars, found their way to the coast, and embarked again for Ningpo. Being treacher- ously abandoned on a desolate island, where they had almost died of hunger, Pinto and his companions were taken off by a pirate, and soon afterward driven by adverse winds on the coast of Japan. On his return to Ningpo, this adventurer gave his country- men so favourable an account of what he had seen, that a large expedition was fitted out for Japan : several, however, of the vessels were lost, and Pinto himself driven on the Loo-choo islands, where he and his companions were taxed with the murder of some natives of Loo-choo, at the time when Malacca was taken by the Portuguese. The king being told that all his countrymen were pirates, gave orders that Pinto and the rest should be quar- tered, and their limbs exposed : they were saved, however, by the interposition of some native wo- men, and Pinto at length returned to Malacca. He afterward engaged in a mission to Japan. It was about the same time, in 1552, that the famous apos- tle of the East, St. Francis Xavier, concerning whom so many miracles have been related, died at San-shan, or St. John’s. The remains of his tomb are seen there at this day; and the Bishop of Macao used to make an annual visit there, for the purpose of celebrating mass, and bringing away a portion of the consecrated earth. The first Portuguese embassy, and of course the first from any European power by sea. to Peking 32 THE CHINESE. took place as early as 1520, in the person of Thomas Pirez, the object being to establish a factory at Canton as well as at Macao. Advices, however, had preceded him of the ill conduct and violence of Simon de Andrade ; and, after a course of humilia tion, the unfortunate Pirez was sent back under custody to Canton, the provincial government of which place thus early showed its jealousy of any attempt on the part of strangers to communicate with the court. Pirez, on his arrival, was robbed of his property, thrown into prison, and ultimately, it is supposed, put to death. The various embassies which have since followed in three successive cen- turies to Peking, have met with different kinds of treatment ; but, in whatever spirit conducted, they have been equally unsuccessful in the attainment of any important points of negotiation. In the following year Alfonso de Melo arrived in China, ignorant of the events which had taken place, and having altogether six vessels under his com- mand. “ These,” a Portuguese writer observes, “sent on shore for water, but returned with blood.” They became immediately involved in conflicts with the Chinese, who put to death upwards of twenty prisoners that fell into their hands ; and the squadron shortly afterward sailed away from China. We have seen already that, previous to the arri- val of Europeans on its shores, the government of the country had given every encouragement to foreign commerce, and that, at a very early period, Chinese junks had proceeded to the coasts of the peninsula of India. Statistical records exist to the present day, having reference to foreign intercourse, which display a perfect knowledge of the advan- tages of trade, and form a striking contrast to the indifference which the present Tartar government affects to feel towards it. Subsequent to a tempo- rary prohibition of foreign trade, a certain Fooyuen of Canton thus addressed the emperor : — “ A great EARLY EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE. 33 part of the necessary expenses of both the govern- ment and the people of Canton is supplied by the customs levied on merchants; and if foreign ships do not come, both public and private concerns are thrown into much embarrassment and distress. It is entreated, therefore, that the Franks be permitted to trade. Three or four advantages result therefrom. In the first place, besides the regular tribute of the several foreign states, a small per centage has been taken from the remainder, adequate to the supply of the provincial expenditure. Secondly, the treasury appropriated for the annual supply of the army in Canton and Quong-sy is entirely drained, and our dependance is on trade to provide against exigencies. Thirdly, the contiguous province has looked to Canton for supplies, being unable to comply with any demands made on it ; but when foreign ships have free intercourse, then high and low are all mu- tually supplied. Fourthly, the people live by com- merce. A man holding a quantity of goods sells them, and procures what himself requires : thus tilings pass from hand to hand, and in their course supply men with food and raiment. The govern- ment is thereby assisted, the people enriched, and both have means afforded them on which they may depend.” Admissions of a similar nature, of a very late date, contained in addresses from the provincial government to Peking, have proved that the Chinese authorities are by no means unmindful of the reve nues derived from the European trade. It was about the middle of the sixteenth century that the Portuguese established themselves at Ma- cao, the only European colony that, with very lim- ited success, has been planted on the coast of China ; it seems that they had temporary shelter on shore as early as 1537. By bribery and solicitation, leave was obtained for erecting sheds to dry goods, which were introduced under the name of tribute. The foreigners were by degrees permitted to build sub- 34 THE CHINESE. stantial houses, and the petty mandarins connived at an increasing population, the establishment of an internal government, and the influx of priests, with their endeavours to convert the Chinese.* The sto- ry of important services rendered against pirates, and an imperial edict, transferring the dominion of Macao to the Portuguese, seems unfounded. In- deed, a bishop of Macao wrote, in 1777, that it was “ by paying a ground-rent that the Portuguese ac- quired the temporary use and profit of Macao ad nu- tum of the emperor.” This ground-rent, amounting to 500 taels per annum, is regularly paid to the present day; and Chinese mandarins periodically inspect the Portuguese forts, as well as levy duties on the Macao shipping. Nothing, therefore, can be farther from the truth, than that the Portuguese possess the sovereignty of that place. In 1573 the Chinese erected a barrier-wall across the isthmus, which separates Macao from the Island of Heang- shan. A civil mandarin was very early appointed to reside within the town, and govern it in the name of the Emperor of China : this officer, called a Tso- iang, keeps a watchful eye on the inhabitants, and communicates information to his superiors. The Portuguese are not allowed to build new churches or houses without a license. The only privilege they possess is that of governing themselves ; while the Chinese population of the town is entirely un- der the control of the mandarins. The Spaniards, indiscriminately with the Portuguese, have the right of trading to Macao ; but the number of shipping was, in 1725, by an order from the emperor, re- stricted to twenty-five, and it is actually not much more than half that number. The last emperor of the last Chinese dynasty sent to Macao for some * A small compilation of ancient records concerning Macao was printed by a Swedish gentleman, long resident there, in 1832, and from him wo derive our notes. EARLY EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE. 35 guns, and a small military force, against the Man- chow Tartars ; but in 1651 the inhabitants of that colony were enrolled as the subjects of the present Ta-tsing family. In 1809, when the ladrones, or native pirates, had become formidable to the Chi- nese government, Macao furnished by agreement six vessels to serve against them, at a charge ol 80,000 taels to the provincial government. The pi- rates were induced by other means than those of force to dissolve their confederation, and the Por- tuguese, although they claimed certain privileges for their services, were obliged to remain content with their former condition. The advantages which Macao possesses over Canton, in respect to the Chinese duties, which are considerably less at the former place than at the latter, might perhaps be made available, to a certain extent, by British traders. The capital and enter- prise of the Portuguese inhabitants are not suffi- cient to employ the few ships which they actually possess. Several of the vessels are freighted in part by the Chinese for the Malay peninsula and islands. Although the freight is much higher than in junks, the property on board is considered so much safer — and the Chinese do not practise ensu- rance. They frequently send adventures, too, on board English country ships, or those pertaining to the Indian trade ; for there is a duty amounting to 10 per cent, additional charged on Portuguese ships at our Eastern presidencies. The trade of Macao is altogether in a very depressed state, and the whole income from customs, which amounted in 1830 to scarcely -70,000 taels, is insufficient to meet the expenditure. The entire Portuguese popula- tion, including slaves, is not above 5000 ; w'hile the Chinese of Macao are calculated to exceed 30,000. It seems needless to notice the several fruitless embassies which the Portuguese, since their earlier resort to "China, have sent to Peking, the last of 36 THE CHINESE. which occurred in 1753 : they exhibit the usua» spectacle of arrogance on the one side, and profit- less submission on the other. It will be more in- teresting to take a short view of the Catholic mis- sions, which at first promised to make rapid and extensive progress, but were ultimately defeated by the dissensions among the several orders ot priests, and the indiscreet zeal which some of them displayed against the ancient institutions of the Chi- nese. In 1579 Miguel Ruggiero, an Italian Jesuit, reached Canton, and in a few years was joined by Matthew Ricci, who may justly be considered as the founder of the Catholic mission. The literati of the country praised such of the precepts of Christianity as coincided with those of Confucius ; but they found a stumbling-block in the doctrines of original sin, of eternal torments, of the incarna- tion, of the Trinity, and of not being allowed con- cubines as well as a wife. No difficulties, howev- er, could dishearten Ricci, who, by his intimate knowledge of the mathematical and experimental sciences, had the means of making friends and con- verts. He soon abandoned the garb of a bonze, which he at first injudiciously assumed, and put on that of the literati. With great good sense he saw the folly of attempting at once to contend with those prejudices of the Chinese which were blend- ed with such of their institutions as they consider- ed most sacred, and which in fact formed the very foundations of their social system. Montesquieu has justly argued, from the peculiar character of the Chinese customs, against the facility of introducing material changes in them ; and especially of substi- tuting the Roman Catholic observances. The as- sembling of women in churches, their private com- munication with priests, the prohibition of offerings at the tombs of parents, were all abominations in their eyes which could never be endured. Ricci, for such reasons, made a distinction between civil EARLY EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE. 37 and sacred rites, admitting the former in his con- verts, and particularly the ceremonies at tombs ; and his success accordingly was considerable When he had passed about seventeen years in the country, Ricci proceeded to Peking, and by favour of one of the eunuchs of the palace became intro- duced to the emperor’s notice, his presents being received, and a place appointed for his residence. Other Jesuits joined the mission, and established themselves at different points from Canton to Pe- king, proceeding quietly, and with great success, as long as they could remain unmolested by the hot and indiscreet zeal of the several orders of monks, who, in their haste to attack the Chinese prejudices, ensured their own discomfiture. The most distin- guished of the Jesuits, for his talents and knowledge, was Father Adam Schaal, by birth a German : he reached Peking at the time when the last Chinese dynasty of Ming was about to be expelled by the Manchow Tartars. Through the influence of a Chinese Christian named Paul Siu, who was a co- lao, or principal minister, and by his own extensive knowledge of the physical sciences, Schaal became a great favourite at court, and even retained his place after the Tartars had possessed themselves of the empire. The first Manchow emperor, Shun- chv, to whom he easily proved the ignorance of the Arabian mathematicians, made him President oi the Astronomical Board ; and his own merits are a sufficient explanation of his success, without any need of the lying miracle with which Pere Du Halde has not blushed to disfigure liis work. According to him, Adam Schaal being condemned to death soon after the Tartar conquest, “ this sentence was carried to the princes of the blood and to the regent for confirmation ; but, as often as they attempted to read it, a dreadful earthquake dispersed the as- sembly. The consternation was so great, tnat they granted a general pardon ; all the prisoners were Voi I.— D. 38 THE CHINESE. released except Father Adam, and he did not get his liberty until a month afterward, when the royal palace was consumed by the flames.” Permission was given to the Jesuits to build two churches at Peking, and new labourers were allow'- ed to enter the country : among these, Ferdinand Verbiest, another German Jesuit, and a man of dis- tinguished science, became the coadjutor of Adam Schaal. On the accession of Kanghy, then a boy of eight or nine years of age, under the tutorship of four Tartars, the disputes which ensued with the intolerant Dominicans produced an unfavourable impression on the minds of the rulers of China. Accusations were preferred against the mission- aries, and their zeal to make converts was con- demned as dangerous. It is said that Schaal died of chagrin, and that Verbiest was compelled for some time to abscond. When Kanghy, however, a monarch of enlarged and liberal mind, came to exer- cise the government in his own person, Verbiest was made President of the Astronomers, and through his influence the expelled missionaries were allow r - ed to return to their churches. By the aid of Ver- biest, the emperor was enabled to cast guns, and to compose a mathematical work, with tables of loga- rithms. During this reign, although the emperor was never himself a convert, the state of Christian- ity in China was vastly more flourishing than it is at present, after the lapse of a century and a half : it was placed by Kanghy on the same fooling of toleration with Mahometanism and Buddhism. In the itineraries of Le Compte and other Jesuits, churches with liuropean priests are mentioned at almost every principal city. At Foshan, about four leagues above Canton, Pere Bouvet speaks of a Milanese Jesuit as presiding over a church, with a flock of 10,000 persons : at this day there is prob- ably not one single individual at that sanie place. The decree of Kanghy in 1692, permitting the ex- EARLY EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE. 119 ercise of Christianity, was abrogated by his succes- sor Yoong-clung, who expelled the missionaries from the provinces. These spiritual delegates, meanwhile, had been in constant collision with the native authorities throughout the empire, and per- petually at strife among themselves ; and the juris- diction of the field which they occupied became also a subject of discussion between the kings of Portugal and the popes. In consequence of the disputes which had arisen, from a very early period, among the Jesuits and the other orders concerning Chinese rites and ceremonies, Matthew Ricci had drawn up for the mission a number of rules, in which he considered the objectionable customs as merely civil and secular. Morales, however, a Spanish Dominican, declared them to be idolatrous, and as such they were condemned by Innocent X. Martinez, a Jesuit, subsequently proved that these rites were of a civil nature, in which light they came to be allowed by Alexander VII. : thus two opposite opinions were sanctioned by papal infalli- bility. - Notwithstanding every endeavour made by the more sensible and temperate of the missionaries to compromise the differences, a zealot named Carolus Maigrot, soi-disant bishop of some Chinese provin- ces, issued a mandate, in which, unmindful of the decree of Alexander VII., he decided that Thien signified only the visible and material Heaven, and that the Chinese rites were idolatrous. Ivanghy himself, in 1700, declared in an edict, which was transmitted to the pope, that Thien means the tme God, and that the customs enjoined by the ritual of China were of a political character. The decision of Maigrot, however, w r as supported and confirmed by a decree of Clement XI. To settle disputes which had disgraced the Christian cause for nearly a century, Tournon was despatched as apostolical vicar and legate to China ; but this selection was not 40 THE CHINESE. a wise one, for Mosheim describes him as a man “ whose good disposition was under the influence of a narrow spirit and a weak understanding.” Shortly after his arrival, in 1705, having received Pope Clement’s decree, he issued a mandate, that no Chinese Christian should ever practise the cus- toms which had been interdicted by the Bishop of Rome ! The Emperor Kanghy, justly offended with this invasion of his sovereignty, promulged an edict, in which he tolerated the missionaries who preached the doctrine of Ricci, but declared his resolution to persecute those who followed the opinions of Mai- grot. In 1720 the patriarch Mezzabarba was sent as legate from Rome, with the intention of carrying the points in dispute ; but finding Kanghy determin- ed never to allow the pope any kind of jurisdiction over his own subjects, he made certain temporary concessions, with a view to saving the Roman Cath- olic religion from the disgrace of being banished. At length, by an imperial decree of Yoong-ching, in 1723, these disturbers of the public peace were formally denounced. A few monks were tolerated in Peking, a few remained concealed in the provin- ces, but the larger number were driven to Macao, with a positive injunction to leave the country by the first ship. The more enlightened and sensible Jesuits had acted with greater moderation, and the influence of their protectors reconciled them with the court. Ignatius lvcegler was appointed by the emperor President of the Astronomical Board, with a title of honour. On the accession of Kienloong, in 1736, his hatred of the mischievous priests, who were labouring in secret to subvert his authority over his own subjects, led him to seek them out with increased vigilance. Many of them were de- tected in disguise in almost every province ; these were imprisoned, and their converts eitticr fled or returned to their duty. To mitigate the severity of the persecutions, the Jesuits residing at Peking EARLY EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE. 41 spared neither supplications nor bribes, but with lit- tle effect, until the decree of 1785, nearly fifty years after Kienloong first came to the throne, released the imprisoned monks, and allowed them either to join their brethren at Peking, or proceed to Europe. From that date to the present time the Roman Catholic mission has been in a declining state, and has occasionally had to suffer renewals of persecu- tion. According to a return made by Pere Mar- chini, procurator of the Propaganda mission at Macao, the actual number of European priests in China, in 1810, was twenty-nine, with about 200,000 native Christians. Since that date the last of the Europeans has been sent away from Peking, but a few still continue to lurk among the provinces. The Spaniards, although they possess the privi- lege of trading at both Macao and Canton, as well as at Amoy, have derived less advantage from an intercourse with China than most other nations, notwithstanding the vast advantage which they possess in the locality of Manilla and the Philip- pine islands, within a few days’ sail of China, and approached with equal facility in either monsoon. It has been suggested that, had bonded warehouses, with a system of drawbacks on re-exportation, been established at Manilla, one half of the trade to China might be centred there at present. The heavy charges and vexatious conduct of the Chinese gov- ernment, together with the close monopoly of the Hong merchants, would have driven many a ship from Canton, could a neighbouring port have been found with a supply of goods in case of need. At present, American and English ships often find it convenient to touch at Manilla for a cargo of rice, by the importation of which to Canton they avoid the heavy port-charges ; but, so ignorant is the Spanish government of the comm tnest principles of oolitical economy, that rice is forbidden to be D 2 42 THE CHINESE. exported from Laconia when its price is above a certain limit. The Dutch met with little success in their at- tempts to open a trade with China until 1G24, when. Qy means of assistance from Batavia, they were enabled to form a settlement on the west side of Formosa, opposite to the Chinese coast. The vi- cinity of this to Manilla and Macao excited the jeal- ousy of the Spaniards and Portuguese, as well as of the Chinese government. Liberty of trade with that empire was at first denied them; but the Dutch annoyed the coast with their ships, until it was agreed that, on their evacuating the Pescadores, some small islands between the mainland and Formosa, and confining themselves to the latter, liberty of commerce should be granted them. A fort was built at the principal harbour, on the south- west side of the island, named Fort Zealand, and measures were taken to civilize and reclaim the aboriginal inhabitants of the country. In the mean- while Peking fell a prey to the Manchow Tartars, in 1644, and all the northern provinces, with most of the southern, acknowledged in a short time the foreign dominion. Many thousands of Chinese fam- ilies emigrated from their country in the course of the struggle, and no less than 25,000 are said to have transported themselves to Formosa. This emigra- tion tended greatly to the improvement of that new country, and was at first encouraged by the Dutch : but their fears were alarmed by the increasing numbers when they could no longer prevent them : and the influx of Chinese was a principal cause of the final expulsion of the Dutch from that settle- ment. This forms an episode in the history of Eu- ropean intercourse with China, deserving of some particular notice ; and we shall give the account nearly as it stands abridged from Nieuhoff, in the second volume of the Chinese Repository.* Page 411. EAKIA EUROPE A N INTERCOURSE. 43 A Chinese, for some lime servant to the Portu- guese at Macao, who had been baptized by the name of Nicholaus, grew by foreign trade to be the richest merchant in the country ; and when the Manchows invaded the empire, he equipped at his own ex- pense a small fleet against the Tartars. II is suc- cess attracted a vast number of vessels, until he at length became commander of a very formidable fleet. After several battles, he w as invited by the Tartar chief to Peking, with the offer of a high title, which he accepted, leaving the command of his fleet to his son Kuo-shing , called in Portuguese orthography Ivoshinga. The father was not per- mitted to return, but the son continued faithful to the Chinese cause, and opposed the enemies of his country. In the course of three or four years, however, the Tartars, by force or bribery, contrived to drive him from the coast to the numerous islands in the vicinity; and the large and fertile country of Formosa, now' inhabited by numerous Chinese, became the object of his hopes. The Dutch were aw ? are that the secret agents of Ivoshinga held a correspondence with the resident Chinese, and, foreseeing the danger, increased the garrison of Fort Zealand in 1650. They still remained unmo- lested for a time, until the exiled leader, being de- feated before Nanking, had no refuge left for him- self and his numerous followers except Formosa. On the application of Coyet, governor of the settle- ment, twelve ships were despatched from Batavia in 1660, with orders that, if the alarm at Formosa proved groundless, the fleet should proceed against Macao. The garrison now consisted of 1500 men, and the Dutch demanded of Koshinga whether he was for peace or war. In his reply, by letter, he affected the most friendly disposition towards the settlement ; and, still farther to lull the Hollanders into security, sent several merchant vessels to For- mosa. The governor’s suspicions w’ere not remo- 44 THE CHINESE ved, as Koshinga still continued his preparations at Amoy ; but the majority of the council being of opin- ion that there was no present danger, all the ships were ordered away to their respective destinations. The admiral, on his return to Batavia, accused the governor of unreasonable apprehensions; and the council, wearied with the expense, and with what they considered the groundless fears of the governor suspended him from office, and ordered him to Ba tavia to defend himself. His successor, M. Clenk sailed for Formosa in June, 1661. Meanwhile, the events which were taking place on the island justified all the anticipations which had been thus contemned. Soon after the departure of the Dutch fleet from Fort Zealand, Koshinga and his forces were in motion : he embarked upwards ol 20,000 of his best troops, and appeared before the settlement, where, assisted by thousands of his countrymen on shore, he soon began to land. Hav ing occupied with his forces a point which would cut off the communication between Fort Zealand and another on the opposite side of the entrance, the governor ordered out 2-10 men to dislodge him. About 4000 Chinese had already occupied the place, but so confident were the Dutch that the enemy would not stand the fire, that they immediately at- tacked them. The Chinese, instead of giving ground, returned the fire with musketry and arrows, and sent a detachment to attack them in the flanks. The soldiers, seeing this, were alarmed and fled, leaving the captain and nineteen men in the hands of the enemy, while only half their company reached the fort alive. The defence by sea was no better ; for, though the four ships in port attacked the junks, and sank some of them, one was burnt by the Chinese fire-vessels, and another sailed away with the news for Batavia. The Chinese now landed without opposition, and cut oft' all communi- cation between the forts, as well as with the open EARLY EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE. 45 country; and Koshinga summoned Fort Zealand threatening to put all to the sword unless they sur rendered at once. Deputies were now sent to the Chinese camp which consisted of about 12,000 men, armed in three different ways : the first with bow s and arrows the second with only swords and shields ; and the third with back-swords and pikes, three or foui feet long, with broad pointed heads of iron. The deputies were introduced into the tent, w here Ko- shinga sat in an elbow T -chair, behind a square table, surrounded by “ the chief commanders, clad in long robes, w ithout arms, and in great silence, and w ith a most aw ful countenance.” Koshinga replied that ‘ Formosa had alw r ays belonged to China ; and now that the Chinese wanted it, the foreigners must quit the island immediately. If not, let them only hoist the red flag.” On the following morning the red flag was seen over Fort Zealand, but the other fort was surrendered with its garrison and cannon. All the men able to fight were now taken within the citadel, and the town itself set on fire, in order to deprive the besiegers of shelter ; but the Chinese saved many of the buildings, and brought up twenty- eight pieces of cannon to bear against the fort. They were, however, so galled by the fire of the Dutch, that the streets were strewed with the killed, and the besieged, making a sally, spiked their guns. Koshinga, finding all his attacks fruitless, began a close blockade, and turned his rage on the open country, making the Dutch residents, and especially the ministers, prisoners ; one of these was sent to Fort Zealand to propose terms of surrender, on the refusal of which all the prisoners w T ere to be put to death. This individual, by name Hambrocock, hav- ing left his wife and children with the enemy as hostages, like another Regulus, exhorted the Dutch to a good defence, and returned to Koshinga with the governor’s refusal. As might have been ex- 46 THE CHINESE. pected, both himself and all the other prisoners were put to death, including many of the women and children. Only two days after the council at Batavia had censured Coyet for his fears, and despatched his successor Clenk to Formosa, the ship which had sailed away arrived with the news of the attack on that place. They immediately revoked the censure, and fitted out ten ships, with 700 soldiers, for the island ; but Clenk arrived first off Fort Zealand, where he saw the red flag flying, and hundreds of Chinese vessels lying in the north roads. He came to anchor, and sent his despatches on shore ; but, instead of landing himself, sailed away for Japan. The succours from Batavia soon afterward arrived, and the besieged began to act on the offensive; but they were unsuccessful in the attempt to dis- lodge the enemy from the town. The garrison was now increased to the utmost ; and the women and children, with the other useless persons, sent to Bata- via. These preparations checked the approaches of Koshinga; but the inconceivable imprudence of the Dutch lost them their advantage. The governor received letters from the Tartar viceroy of Fokien (the opposite province), requesting his assistance in expelling the remains of Koshinga’s forces from the coast, and promising his aid afterward to the Dutch at Formosa. Five ships were accordingly sent away for this purpose ; but three were lost in a storm, and the remainder returned to Batavia. The wish of Koshinga was complete. A deserter from the Dutch encouraged the besiegers, and showed them the weakest points. They now as- sailed the fort from three batteries, and succeeded in making a breach, which they soon prepared to assault. The Hollanders upon this began tc delib- erate, and the majority of the council decided that the fort was untenable. Accordingly, after a siege of nine months, with the lo^s of about 1600 men, RUSSIAN EMBASSIES. 47 Formosa Mas given up, and the Dutch returned to Java, in 1662. Koshinga now became independent sovereign of the island ; but in 1683 it was surren- dered by his grandson to the Manchow Tartar dynasty. The intercourse of the Russians with China through Siberia not being of a maritime character, and confined altogether to the northern extremity of the empire, has differed altogether from that of other European nations, and we have not space to enter into the details of its history. One attempt w r as made by them in 1806 to communicate with Canton by sea in two ships under the command of Captain Krusenstern ; but an edict was then issued forbidding to Russia any trade except by land, at the frontier station (established by mutual treaties) at Kiacta in Tartary. The most celebrated early em- bassies from Russia overland were those of Isbrand Ides, in 1693, and of Ismaloff, sent by Peter the Great, in 1719, an account of whose mission is well given by Mr. Bell, of Antermony. The ambassa- dor in both instances was treated with a degree of respect unusual at Peking, and demonstrative of the estimation in which the power of Russia was held there. Catharine I., in 1727, despatched Count Vladislavitch to China as ambassador extra- ordinary, and by him a treaty was concluded, by which the Russians were to have a church at Pe- king, with an establishment of priests ; and four young Russians were to remain at the residence of the embassy, for the purpose of studying the lan- guage, and serving as interpreters between the two nations. The Russian mission now consists of six ecclesiastical and four lay members, who study the Manchow and Chinese languages. Their abode at Peking extends to a period of about ten years, at the end of which they are relieved by others from St. Petersburg. 48 THE CHINESE. CHAPTER II. ENGLISH INTERCOURSE. First Trade between England and China. — Forts battered.— Leave to Trade. — Treaty of Commerce at Formosa. — Troub les at Canton. — Heavy charges on Trade. — Amoy and Ningpo. — Ten European ships at Canton in 1736.— Commo dore Anson in China.— Intrigues of Hong Merchants. — Mr. Flint. — Quarrels of English and F'rench. — Trade forbidden at Ningpo. — Seizure of Mr. Flint. — His Majesty’s ship Argo. — The Portuguese give up an innocent Man. — Chinese Maxim for ruling Barbarians. — Violent conduct of a Ship-master. — Debts to the English recovered from the Chinese. — Shocking case of the Gunner in 1784. — Mission and Death of Colonel Cathcart. — Mission of Earl Macartney. We now proceed to give a sketch of the early intercourse between Great Britain and China, the first attempt to establish which seems to have been as far back as 1596, when three ships were fitted out in charge of Benjamin Wood, bearing letters from Queen Elizabeth to the emperor; but the ships were lost on their way out, and no renewal of the project appears to have taken place. The old- est record of the company at Canton is dated April 6th, 1637, and commences thus : — “ In the latitude of 6j degrees we took leave of the ship Planter, whom God, we hope, hath conducted in safety. Upon her was laden as per invoice appeareth,” &c. This was one of a fleet of five ships, of which the remaining four, the Dragon, Sun, Catharine, and Ann, proceeded on their way to China, under the com- mand of Captain Weddel. They first arrived at Acheen in Sumatra. “ At our reaching this (it is said) we found no Christians in the whole town, but there were three Dutchmen. Their capital was PORTUGUESE INTRIGUES. 49 email, as likewise their wit and manners, being fel- lows of former slender employment, and sent hither rather to oppose any of our nation that should arrive in outfacing, outvying, and outlying them, than for any real intent or desire of trade.”* The fleet pro- ceeded on its way to China, and arrived off Macao on the 28 th May. Here the Portuguese did all in their power to misrepresent them to the Chinese, and prevent the chance of a trade. After several fruitless attempts to establish a peaceful arrange- ment, and some vain endeavours to depute persons from the fleet to open a negotiation at Canton, it was resolved that all the ships should sail up the river. They arrived in a few days at the river’s mouth, at present called the Bogue, in the neighbour- hood of the forts ; “ and being now furnished with some slender interpreters, they soon had speech with divers mandarines in the king’s jounkes, to whom the cause of their arrival was declared, viz., to entertain peace and amity with them, to traffic freely as the Portugalls did, and to be forthwith sup- plied, for their monies, with provisions for their ships: all which those mandarines promised to solicit with the prime men resident at Canton ; and in the meantime desired an expectation of six days, which were granted; and the English ships rode with white ensigns on the poop; but their perfidious friends the Portugalls had in all that time, since the return of the pinnace, so beslandered them to the Chinese, reporting them to be rogues, thieves, beg- gars, and what not, that they became very jealous of the good meaning of the English; insomuch * This rancour against the Dutch was the consequence of the mutual jealousies which existed between the rival traders of the two countries at that time in the East. A treaty con- cluded with Holland, called the treaty of defence, in 1615, had no effect ultimately ir. producing harmony ; and the dreadful mas- sacre of Amboy na, in 1623, at length became the crowning act o f • •’ 'tv and nerfidy on the part of the Hollanders. 50 THE CHINESE. that, in the night-time, they put forty-six of iron cast ordnance into the fort lying close to the brink of the river, each piece between six and seven hun- dred weight, and well proportioned ; and after the end of four days, having, as they thought, sufficiently fortified themselves, they discharged divers shot, though without hurt, upon one of the barges pas- sing by them to find a convenient watering-place. Herewith the whole fleet, being instantly incensed, did, on the sudden, display their bloody ensigns; and, weighing their anchors, fell up with the flood, and berthed themselves before the castle, from whence came many shot, yet not any that touched so much as hull or rope ; whereupon, not being able to endure their bravadoes any longer, each ship began to play furiously upon them with their broad- sides; and, after two or three hours, perceiving their cowardly fainting, the boats were landed with about one hundred men ; which sight occasioned them, with great distractions, instantly to abandon the castle and fly ; the boats’ crews, in the mean- time, without let, entering the same, and displaying his majesty’s colours of Great Britain upon the walls, having the same night put aboard all their ordnance, fired the council-house, and demolished what they could. The boats of the fleet also seized a jounke, laden with boards and timber, and another with salt. Another vessel of small moment was surprised, by whose boat a letter was sent to the chief mandarines at Canton, expostulating their breach of truce, excusing the assailing of the castle, and withal in fair terms requiring the liberty of trade. This letter it seems was delivered; for, the next day, a mandarine of no great note, some time a Portugal Christian, called Paulo Noretty, came to- wards the ships in a small boat with a white flag, to whom the English, having laid open the injuries received, and the sincere intent they had to estab- lish fair trade and commerce, and were no way Portuguese intrigues. 51 willing (but in their own defence) to oppose the China nation, presented certain gifts, and dismissed him to his masters, who were some of the chief mandarines, riding about a point of land not far from the ships, who, being by him duly informed thereof, returned him again the same night with a small jounke, and full authority to carry up such as should be appointed to Canton, there to tender a petition, and to conclude farther upon the manner of their future proceedings.” The result was, that the blame of the late skirmish was laid by the mandarins on the slanders of the Portuguese, and the captured guns being restored, the ships were supplied with cargoes. No farther trade, however, ensued for many years. Soon after this period the interior of China was dis- tracted by the contests between the Manchow Tar- tars and Chinese, while the coasts were overrun by large fleets of pirates, under the leaders whom we have already had occasion to notice. Another at- tempt was made by the English in 1664 to establish a commercial intercourse with Canton. The com- pany’s agents landed at Macao, and obtained a lodg- ing there, with the view of prosecuting a negotia- tion with the Chinese : these, however, demanded 2000 taels on each ship as a port-charge, and when 1000 were offered, they rejected the proposal. At length a guard of Chinese was placed over the English, and they were obliged to abandon the at tempt and return to Bantam ; there being every rea son to suppose that the Portuguese, as usual, were instrumental to their failure. In 1668 peace with the Dutch encouraged the company to look towards China, and accordingly application was made to Sir Robert Southwell, ambassador in Portugal, to obtain good treatment for our ships, should they be obliged to touch at Goa or Macao. In the same year the company's servants at Bantam observed, in a de- I — E 52 THE CHINESE. spatch to the court, “ Hockchue* will be a place of great resort, affording all China commodities, as tu- tanag, silk, raw and wrought, gold, China-root, tea, &c., for which must be carried broadcloth, lead, amber, pepper, coral, sandal-wood, red-wood, in- cense, cacha (cassia), putchuk,” anv’s representative ; indeed, it was very correct- y observed in Parliament, with reference to this proceeding of the court, that the complete powers with which the legislature had vested the chief in China over all British subjects, seemed alone to give him a national character. From the beginning of the century until 1727, many very severe grievances were suffered at Can- ton, and, although the trade continued to proceed, it was with frequent interruptions. In that year we find that an exemption was required by the English from various extortions; among others, a total charge of 16 per cent, on the trade ; heavy taxes on the compradors, or purveyors, for supplying the ships ; and what was called the present of 1950 taels, in addition to the measurage, or port-fee. For some time the local government had attempted to invest a single individual, called “ the emperor’s merchant,” with the exclusive right of conducting the European commerce. This “ monster in trade,” however (as he is very properly termed on the records), was soon obliged to allow others to parti- cipate. The Hong merchants then endeavoured to establish a hong, or united firm, among themselves The supercargoes upon this declined trading until the combination was dissolved, and a representation to the viceroy was at length successful in removing it. On their declaring, moreover, that they should be obliged to proceed to Amoy, or some other port, unless the heavy charges on their trade were re- mitted, the hoppo promised them redress. Not- withstanding this, in the following year of 1728, an additional duty of 10 per cent, was laid on all ex- 56 THE CHINESE. ports to Europe, and the remonstrances of the Eng lish merchants proved unavailing. From what appears to have transpired relative to this 10 per cent, duty, it seems clear that raw pro- duce has, from the very first, found a better market at Canton than manufactures. It is observed on the records, “ a duty of 10 per cent, hath really been paid by the merchants to the lioppo on all goods sold to the Europe ships for some years past, though, at the same time, the country* ships remain free. At length one of the merchants gave this reason, which they hold as a very just one, that the hoppo, for several years past, observing that a considera- ble duty arose to the emperor upon goods imported by the country ships (the raw produce of India and the straits), and that the Europe ships brought few or none, he fixed that rate upon the merchants for all goods sold by them to the Europe ships.” The great industry and ingenuity of the Chinese cause them to turn nearly all raw produce to good ac- count; while the peculiarities of their national cus- toms and tastes, added to the obstacles of both law and prejudice against European productions of art, render these far less acceptable in general. In 1734 only one ship, the Harrison, was sent to Canton, simply on account of the high duties and extortions. An attempt, however, was made at Amoy, in the ship Grafton. The history of the ne- gotiations at that place affords a notable specimen of Chinese rapacity and faithlessness. After spend- ing months in the fruitless endeavour to obtain rea- sonable terms from the mandarins, they were com- pelled at length to take their departure for Canton, principally because they could not get liberty to trade with any persons but those who were leagued with the mandarins, one of whom was always sta- tioned over them in the house they had rented on * Those from India. HEAVY CHARGES ON TRADE. 57 6hore. In addition to the regular duties, which were very high, there was an extra charge of 20 pel cent, for the hoppo. “The ignorance of the Amoy merchants (it is observed), and the little encourage- ment they gave us, make us almost despair of doing any business at that place.” In 1736 the ship Nor- manton proceeded to Ningpo, and strenuous efforts were made to open a trade there, unfettered by the oppressions they had suffered formerly in the neigh- bouring Island of Chusan; but they found the man- darins very imperious and obstinate, insisting, as a necessary preliminary, on the surrender of their arms and ammunition. There moreover appeared few inducements to trade ; for the record observes, “ it seems rather to have been, than to be, a place of great commerce.” It is probable that this, with other parts of China, had suffered by the Tartar invasion. After wasting nearly two months in fruitless attempts to procure a fair trade, the Nor- manton sailed for Canton : on arriving there it was found that the Emperor Kien-loong, who had just succeeded to the throne, had remitted the duty of 10 per cent., as well as the present of 1550 taels, leaving that portion of the port-charges only which is called the measurage* When the edict ordering this remission was to be read in the Imperial Hal. of Audience, the Hong merchants informed the dif- ferent European traders “ that they must prostrate themselves, kneeling on both their knees.” — “ Sus- pecting that the merchants endeavoured to make us believe this, in order that by our compliance we might be brought down to the same senile level with themselves ; considering, also, that the posture insisted on is such a mark of abject submission as we never pay to our own sovereigns in Europe, we ♦Notwithstanding this, the provincial government contrived to exact the present to its full amount until 1829 when a trifling reduction was made in it. 58 THE CHINESE. unanimously agreed that we should dishonour our- selves and our countries in complying with it. Be- ing apprehensive that they (the Hong merchants) might succeed in their design of weakening us, by creating in us mutual suspicions and jealousies, we met in a body, and, by unanimous agreement, gave our solemn words of honour that none of us would submit to the slavish posture required, nor make any concession or proposal of accommodation sep- arately, without first acquainting all the rest.” It was fortunate for them that they never prostrated themselves, for more substantial concessions would very soon have been demanded, had they gone through this form of allegiance and fealty. It seems that in that year (just a century since) the total number of European ships at Canton was ten, viz., four English, two French, two Dutch, one Dane, and one Swede. At the close of 1741 his majesty’s ship Centurion, under the command of Commodore Anson, arrived off Macao, in the prosecution of her voyage round the world, being the first British man-of-war that visited China. The interesting details of that ship’s stay are well given in the popular history of the voyage, and familiar to most readers. After being hove down and repaired, the Centurion put to sea, and succeeded in capturing the Acapulco ship, with its valuable freight of treasure, with which she pro- ceeded again to the Canton river, being in want of provisions. The commodore, on his arrival, was subjected, as usual, to numberless vexatious delays; and the following passages occur on the manuscript proceedings : “ A new difficulty was now started, that Mr. Anson, being lodged at Mr. Townsend’s, must first go to Macao; for, if he remained in the house after Mr. Townsend left it, the Hong merchants said they should of course become security for him to the mandarins : and should Mr. Anson take a Span- ish ship near Macao, on the coast, they would then INTRIGUES OF HONG MERCHANTS. 59 be made answerable for the damages, and perhaps lose their heads. Mr. Anson declared he did not want any person to be security for him, but told them that unless he got some provisions he would not stir out of Canton, for he had not five days’ bread on board his ship. We assembled the mer- chants the third time, to persuade them, if possible, to prevail with the mandarins to grant Mr. Anson a general chop for all the necessaries he wants. They informed us, the mandarins had such a strange no- tion of a ship which went about the world seeling other ships in order to take them, that they could not be brought to hear reason on that head.” At length the merchants became so uneasy at the commo- dore’s stay in Canton, that they suffered a purveyor to ship the provisions without the inspection of the custom-house. The loss of the Acapulco ship led the Spaniards, in 1744, to fit out several vessels for the annoyance of our China trade ; and when the Hardwicke East Indiaman arrived off the coast, a note was delivered, by means of a Chinese boat, to say that three Span- ish ships were lying off Macao to intercept her; the Hardwicke accordingly sailed away for Amoy. There, however, the mandarins insisted on the ship’s proceeding into the inner harbour without any pre- vious conditions, as well as delivering up all arms and ammunition. The merchants showed no dis- position to trade, and, in fact, there seemed little to trade with. Accordingly, after fifteen days of in- effectual trial, the ship was compelled to proceed to India against the monsoon, without a single article of cargo ! Nor was the condition of the trade much better at Canton. The extortions increased in spite of all attempts at representation on the part of the supercargoes. The Hong merchants used every endeavour, and at length succeeded, in preventing the access of Europeans to the officers of govern- ment, finding that by that means they could exercise 60 THE CHINESE. their impositions on both with the greater success and impunity. To the foreigners they alleged, that the mandarins were the authors of all the exactions on the trade ; to the mandarins, that the foreigners were of so barbarous and fierce a temper, as to be incapable of listening to reason. The records ob- serve, that, “ever since they carried their point ol preventing all intercourse between the Europeans and mandarins, they have imposed upon both in their turns, and put the trade of this place upon such a footing as without redress will render it im- practicable to Europeans.” In these difficult times it was that Mr. Flint, a person of uncommon talents and merit, contrived to master the difficulties of the Chinese language ; but the ungrateful return which hi6 energy and exertions in their service met with from his employers was such as tended, in all prob- ability, more than any other cause, to discourage his successors from undertaking so laborious, unprofit- able, and even hazardous a work of supererogation We find Mr. Flint acting as interpreter in 1747, and he soon had to perform a very prominent part m China, as will appear hereafter. The grievances suffered by our trade led to a re- monstrance, in which the principal points were, the • delay in unloading the ships ; the plunder of goods on the river; the injurious affiches annually put up by the government, accusing the foreigners of hor- rible crimes, and intended to expose them to the contempt of the populace ; the extortions, under false pretexts, of the inferior officers ; and the diffi- culty of access to the mandarins. The ships were detained outside in 1754, until the viceroy had promised to attend to these various complaints ; but little was ultimately gained. It is to be apprehend- ed that the want of union among the Europeans had, as usual, the effect of frustrating their attempts at redress. “ Some gentlemen,” it is observed, “were of opinion that we ought to make a stand - DISPUTES OF THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 61 and as, by arguing the case, we seemed to be the farther from a determination, we parted without any resolve, except that every man would do as he liked best.” This certainly was not the way to suc- ceed with the Chinese. The animosities which prevailed between the English and French were S roductive of much trouble to both; and to such a eight did the disorders arrive at Whampoa, be- tween the crew’s of the different nations on shore, that an English sailor was at length shot by some of the French officers, and another taken prisoner ; which was immediately followed by a letter ad- dressed to the English supercargoes from “ Le Con- seil de direction de Canton, representant la nation Fran 5 aise a la Chine.” The Chinese magistrate held an inquest at Whampoa, and desired the French, in the first place, to give up their prisoner, which they did, alleging, however, that the English had commenced the disturbance, by attacking their peo- ple. As the Frenchman fired a musket, of which he had deliberately gone in quest, it was plainly nothing better than a murder ; and the English sail- ors were so exasperated, that there seemed to be no way of preventing their doing themselves justice, but to demand justice from the Chinese government. The viceroy stopped the trade until they should give up the criminal ; and somebody was at length seized by the Chinese and taken into the city, con- fessing himself the guilty person. He was libera- ted the following year by order of the emperor, on occasion of a general act of grace ; and, as a means of preventing farther disturbances at WTiampoa, Dane's Island was allotted to the English, and French Island to the French sailors, for their recre- ation. In 1755, Messrs. Harrison and Flint were de- spatched to Ningpo, with the view’ of re-establishing a trade there if possible. On their arrival they well received, and the charges and customs 62 THE CHINESE. appeared considerably lower than at Canton. The fooyuen, or deputy-governor, was so desirous of giving them encouragement, that he conceded al- most all the articles in their memorial : in so doing however, he appeared to have exceeded his power; for when the ship Holdernesse subsequently pro- ceeded to Ningpo, to take advantage of this appa- rent opening, the viceroy, who was then in the province, sent an order for all the great guns, small arms, and ammunition to be taken out of the ship, and the same duties to be paid as at Canton. Though the fooyuen could not act directly against this order, he did not comply with it, but sent it straight up to Peking, with an account of what he had done, thereby putting it out of the viceroy’s power, as well as his own, to make an absolute decision in the interim. As it would be the end of September before an answer could possibly arrive from Peking, the mandarins agreed to begin busi- ness, provided that half the guns and ammunition were delivered. Twelve great guns were accord- ingly given up, and the ships unloaded : the Holder- nesse, however, paid to the mandarins 2000 taels, and the other charges and duties proved double those at Canton, while no residence was allowed on shore. The objection made by the government to a trade at Ningpo was “ the loss of revenue to the emperor, accruing from overland carriage of tea and other goods to Canton the very circum- stance, of course, which enhanced the prices of those goods to the European purchaser. On their departure from Ningpo, the supercargoes were for- mally acquainted by the mandarins of all future trade being forbidden them at that port.; and, on reaching Macao, the officers of the local govern- ment in like manner informed them of a public edict, confining the commerce to Canton. At length, in 1759, the factory once occupied by the English at Ningpo was destroyed, the merchants SIS I Z l'K B Pi' MU. I’M NT. (53 with whom they had dealt were ordered to quit the place, and the war-junks directed to prevent any English ship from being supplied with provisions at Chusan. Mr. Flint, notwithstanding this, proceeded to Ningpo, upon which the Canton government for- bade his return, desiring that he should be sent home to England whenever he reappeared. On arriving at Ningpo he was refused all communica- tion : upon this he proceeded to the neighbourhood of Peking, and succeeded in making his complaints known to the emperor. A mandarin of rank was appointed to proceed with him by land to Canton, and there, in concert with others, to sit in judgment on the lioppo. Mrt*Flint, on reaching Canton, re- mained ten days in the city, and then proceeded to the factory. Two days after, tlu: foreigners of all nations were received by the Chinese commission- ers, and informed that the hoppo had been degraded, his place being supplied by another. All imposi- tions, moreover, were remitted, except 6 per cent, on goods, and the present of 1950 taels from each ship. It proved, however, that these fair appearances were destined only to be the prelude to a storm. Some days afterward, the viceroy desired to see Mr. Flint, for the purpose of communicating the emperor’s orders; the council wished to accompany him, and their request was granted. When the party had reached the viceroy’s palace, the Hong merchants proposed their going in one at a time, but they insisted on proceeding together; and on Mr. Flint being called for, they were received by a mandarin at the first gate, proceeding onward through two courts with seeming complaisance from the officers in waiting ; but, on arriving at the gate of the inner court, they were hurried, and even forced, into the viceroy’s presence, and (under pretence of doing homage after the Chinese fashion) a struggle ensued with their barbarian conductors 64 THE CHINESE in which they were at length, by dint of numbers thrown down. The viceroy, seeing their determined resolution not to submit to these base humiliations, ordered the people to desist; and then telling Mr. Flint to advance, he pointed to an order, which he called the emperor’s edict, for his banishment to Macao, and subsequent departure for England. This he declared was on account of his endeavouring to open a trade at Ningpo, contrary to orders from Peking ; he added, that the man who had written the Chinese petition was to be beheaded that day, for traitorously encouraging foreigners, “ which execution,” the record observes, “ was performed on a man quite innocent of what these absolute and villanous mandarins were pleased to call a crime.” At the same time, the complaints against the hoppo were admitted to be just. Mr. Flint was detained in the city, and conveyed to a place called Tsien-shan, or Casa Bianca, near Macao, where he was imprisoned, but pretty well treated, though all correspondence was cut off. Some days after the above occurrence, the French, Danes, Swedes, and Dutch met in a body at the English factory, and jointly entered a protest against the act of the viceroy : but Mr. Flint remained in prison from March, 1760, to November, 1762, when he was carried by the Chinese to Whampoa, and put on board the ship Horxendon, to be conveyed to England. The success and impunity of the Canton govern- ment on this occasion seem to have encouraged it in its assumptions for some time after. When, in March, 1765, his majesty’s ship Argo arrived, con- voying the Cuddalore schooner, with a supply of half a million of dollars for the company’s treasury, the Chinese insisted on searching the schooner, on the plea that a woman was on board : but when this was declined, as contrary to all precedent, they said it would be sufficient if a mandarin were ad- A king’s ship measured. 65 nutted “ to walk two or three times up and down the deck.” They were told that when a license had been granted for taking out the silver, they might send whom they pleased to walk up and down the deck. Provisions were denied to the Argo in consequence of this dispute, and it was at length arranged that a mandarin should go on board when the money was unladen. The Chinese next de- manded to measure his majesty’s ship Argo, but this was refused by Captain Affleck, more especially as there was a precedent against so strange a re- quisition from a king’s ship, in the case of the Cen- turion, Commodore Anson, in 1742. The trade was again stopped in consequence, and the council at Canton offered to pay the amount of measurage of the company’s largest ship in lieu of the Argo; but the mandarins would not consent, and Captain Af fleck at length allowed the Argo to be measured. Had he sailed away at the commencement of the dispute, it is probable that this might have been avoided. The ill-will generated on both sides by the inso- lence of the Chinese, and the consequences result- ing from it, had the effect of constantly embroiling the English and natives for several years after, during a period in which a greater number of affrays and homicides occurred than have ever been known of late years. In 1772 the Lord Camden was de- tained from 17th December to 5th January following, in consequence of a tumult, in which several Chi- nese and Europeans were badly hurt ; the wounded men were all conveyed into the factory, where two mandarins examined them. The ship was at first detained, but permission at length given for her sailing, on condition that the person who originated the mischief was detained in confinement ; but the recovery of all the wounded soon after put an end to the affair. In the following year a most atrocious act of sanguinarv inmstice occurred at Macao, 66 T11E CHINESE. stamping indelible disgrace on the Portuguese of that place. A Chinese had lost his life, and some ungrounded accusation having implicated an Eng- lishman, named Francis Scott, the local authority caused him to be apprehended and confined. The case was tried in the Portuguese court, the accused examined, and depositions of witnesses taken ; but the slightest trace of guilt could not be attached to the prisoner. The mandarins, however, obstinately claimed him, and threatened the town in case he was not delivered. To bring this perplexity to a close, a general meeting or council was convened, and a member of the Macao senate argued, “it is unjustifiable to consent to the sacrifice of an inno- cent man ; and, as the most accurate inquiry suffi- ciently proves that the Englishman is not guilty, our reasons for not surrendering him should be sub- mitted to the mandarins, and persevered in until we shall have succeeded in saving him from an ignominious death.” The vicar-general, however, named Francisco Vaz, argued in the following sin- gular manner : — “ Moralists decide that when a ty- rant demands even an innocent person, with mena- ces of ruin to the community if refused, the whole number may call on any individual to deliver himself up for the public good, which is of more worth than the life of an individual. Should he refuse to obey, he is not innocent, he is criminal.” Another Por- tuguese observed, with still less ceremony, “ The mandarins are forcing away the Chinese dealers, determined to starve us ; therefore we had better surrender the Englishman.” The plurality of votes decided that Scott should be handed over, and the Chinese put him to death.* The following case occurs on the proceedings of 1780 : — “ 14th December. Some days ago, a French * Taken from a “ Contribution to an Historical Sketch of Macao," 1834. CHINESE MAXIM. 67 seaman from the Success galley, country ship, killed a Portuguese sailor belonging to the Stormont, in one of the merchants’ houses. The man took refuge at the French consul’s, where he remained many days, but at last was given up to the Chinese, and was this morning publicly strangled by order of the fooyuen. This is the first instance of one European being executed for the murder of another in this country, and appears to be a very dangerous precedent, as it may involve us in inextricable difficulties, if even by accident one man should kill another. The man executed to-day could not have had any trial of common justice : the atl’air happen- ed between him and the deceased in Seunqua’s hong at night, nobody knowing of the quarrel until the Stormont's man was killed ; and we do not under- stand that the Chinese government took any means to find out the truth. Foreigners are not here allowed the benefit of the Chinese laws, nor have they any privileges in common with the natives. They are governed merely by such rules as the mandarins for the time being declare to be their will ; and the reason why more inconveniences do not occur is this : — the officers of government on such occasions rather choose to exact money from the security merchants, compradores, &c., than use harsh measures by which they gain nothing. Their corruption, therefore, is so far the foreigner’s security.” The fundamental maxim of Chinese intercourse with foreigners has been accurately translated by Pere Premare as follows, and it is quite sufficient to explain their conduct. “ Barbari baud secus ac pecora non eodem modo regendi sunt ut reguntur Sinae. Si quis vellet eos magnis sapientiae legibus instruere, nihil aliud quant summam perturbationem induceret. Antiqui reges istud optime callebant, et ideo barbaros non regendo regebant. Sic autem eos non regendo regere, praeclara eos optime regendi 68 THE CHINESE ars est.” That is, “ The barbarians are like beasts, and not to be ruled on the same principles as citizens. Were anij one to attempt controlling them by the great maxims of reason, it would tend to nothing but confu- sion. The ancient kings well understood this, and ac- cordingly ruled barbarians by misrule. Therefore, to rule barbarians by misrule is the true and best way of riding them." It is on this priuciple that all the benefits of Chinese law are denied to strangers, and that, in the case of even accidental homicide, they are required to be delivered up, not for trial, but execution. The mischiefs of such a system are obvious, and it is in consequence of this that acts of atrocious violence, on the part of foreigners, committed by them undej- the plea of doing them- selves right, have been attempted to be justified, though coming strictly under the definitions of piracy, murder, or arson, which, under a more vig- orous government, would render them the property of the public executioner. The following is a sin- gular instance of successful daring. In the year 1781, a Captain M’Clary, master of a country ship from Bengal, had stopped a sloop on her way from Macao to Manilla. Being on shore at Macao, he told the Portuguese governor that he had ordered his mate to bring her into the harbour for examina- tion, having reason to suspect that she was Spanish property. The Portuguese on this had him seized and imprisoned until he had sent an order for the sloop being released without examination. This order being taken to the mate, he bore down to the sloop in order to comply with it ; but it blew such a gale of wind that the sloop got adrift, and was wrecked on the rocks. M’Clary upon this was detained in prison for two months, until, by ill treatment, and threats of being delivered to the Chinese, the Portuguese had extorted from him a payment of 70,000 dollars, under the pretence of its being the value of the sloop Some time after his CONDUCT OF M’CLARV. 69 .iteration, while M’Clary’s ship was lying at Wham- poa, in company with another vessel under Dutch colours, news arrived of war between England and Holland, upon which he seized upon the Dutchman as a prize. The Canton government immediately demanded restitution ; but M’Clary told them that if they would not interfere, the duties should all be paid regularly; whereas, if they molested him, he would take her out of the river. On the Chinese insisting that he should restore the ship, he rigged her and began to drop down from his anchorage. There was immediately a great bustle among the Chinese, and all the troops available, about 200, were rendezvoused at Tiger Island to intercept his passage. The ship in the meanwhile was sur- rounded by mandarins and merchants, and when threats and civilities had all failed, the Chinese being very anxious for a compromise, the genius of Ponkhequa, chief Hong merchant, devised the following expedient. The prize being close to the river’s mouth, the Chinese were allowed to board her in a shouting triumphant manner ; and in re- turn for his condescension, M’Clary was permitted to hold an iron chest, containing pearls and gold, freighted by certain Armenians. Meanwhile the company’s comicil were in a very unpleasant situation, being held responsible by the government for the acts of M’Clary, who certainly was little better than a pirate. They re- plied to the Chinese, that they could not control his proceedings otherwise than by protests, and very properly refused the demand of the manda- rins, that they should accompany the Chinese offi- cers to the river to give weight to their measures. “ The more,” it is observed, “ they perceived their own want of power over the real offender, the more they appeared resolved to exert it over us, whom they had been accustomed to see observant of all their regulations.” An application was made bvthe 70 THE CHINESE. Chinese to the Portuguese governor of Macao, to deliver them up, which he declined, and a conclusion was at length put to these difficulties only by the circumstances already stated. Towards the year 1782, the large sums lent by the merchants of various nations to Chinese, at a high rate of interest, had occasioned an accumulation of debts on the part of the latter, amounting, it is said, to the enormous extent of a million sterling. Among the creditors were numerous individuals connected with the trade of the Indian presiden- cies ; and these, after a course of fruitless measures for the recovery of the properly at Canton, applied, through the Indian government, to the admiral on the station, Sir Edward Vernon, for his assistance. A frigate was accordingly despatched to China, bearing a remonstrance to the viceroy ; and after a reference of the subject to Peking, an edict was received from the emperor, ordering the liquidation of the debts by the whole body of Hong merchants, as well as interdicting any one of them from bor- rowing money for the future from strangers. The debts were at length recovered, but so little effectual was the interdict that repeated failures of Hong merchants, for very large sums due to Europeans, occurred up to the year 1829. Among the unhappy cases which have arisen from the sanguinary practice of the Canton govern- ment in the instances of homicides, whether acci- dental or otherwise, when committed by Europeans, the most remarkable, perhaps, is that frequently al- luded to under the name of the gunner's case , in 1784. On the 24th November in that year, inform- ation reached Canton that a chop boat, alongside the Lady Hughes, country ship, being in the way oi a gun fired in saluting, three Chinese had been badly injured. On the following day it was learned that one had died ; and the gunner, though entirely in- nocent of any bad intent, and acting as he did in THE GUNNER IN 1784. 71 obedience to orders, absconded from fear of the indiscriminating cruelty of the Chinese. A weiyuen, or deputed mandarin, soon waited on the chief of the factory, Mr. Pigou, and, with the interpretation of the Hong merchants, required that the man should be submitted to examination, admitting, at the same time, that his act had apparently proceed- ed from mere accident. The mandarin was inform- ed that there appeared no objection to the man’s examination, provided that it took place in the fac- tory; a stipulation which was founded on the recol- lection of what had occurred in the Frenchman’s case in 1780. Two days after the weiyuen repeat- ed his visit, accompanied by Ponkhequa, Hong mer- chant, with the same demands : he was informed that the Lady Hughes, being a private ship, was not to the same degree under the control of the chief as a company’s vessel ; but that, if they would be satisfied with an examination in the factor}', every persuasion should be used to induce the supercargo of the ship, Mr. Smith, to produce the man. The Chinese declared that the trial must be before the fooyuen in the city, and at length retired, request- ing that Mr. Smith might not leave Canton for three or four days, to which he assented. At eleven the same night they returned to say that the man should be examined in one of the factories ; but the event soon proved that this was merely to lull their sus- picions, for early the next morning it was found that Mr. Smith had been decoyed from his factory by a pretended message from Ponkhequa, and con- veyed into the city by force. Meanwhile the ave- nues leading to the river had been barricaded, the merchants and linguists had fled, and the commu- nication with Whampoa was suspended. The heads of all the foreign factories justly con- sidering this as a very threatening proceeding to the whole European community, united in a resolu- tion to order up the boats of the several ships, man- 72 THE CHINESE. lied and armed, both as a security, and to manifest in the strongest manner the light in which they viewed the acts of the government. Two English boats were despatched to Whampoa to carry this into effect. The watchful Chinese now endeavour- ed to quiet them by a message from the fooyuen, to the purport that they should not be alarmed by the seizure of the Lady Hughes's supercargo, as the intention was merely to ask him a few questions and send him back again. The greater number of ships’ boats reached Canton, although attempts were made to prevent them, by firing from the junks and forts in the river, and notwithstanding their having been absurdly ordered to use no arms in their own defence. A very bombastic document was received from the fooyuen, threatening de- struction if any opposition were made, and a show of force at the same time assembled in the river before the factories. On the 28th the foreigners all joined in an address in behalf of Mr. Smith, and in the evening the fooyuen desired to see a depu- tation from the factory of the several nations. These reported that “ his behaviour was much agita- ted, and it was evident he would be glad to get handsomely out of the business.” The Chinese were, in fact, frightened at their own boldness, and a little resolution on the other side might have saved the man’s life. A linguist soon arrived at the factory, bringing a letter from Mr. Smith to the captain of his ship, desiring he would send up the gunner, or some other person, to be tried by the mandarins ; and this was forwarded on the 29th to Whampoa, backed by a letter from the council. On the 30th the unfor- tunate gunner, an old man, was brought to Canton and sent into the city, with an address, “ signed by the English council, and the representatives of the foreign nations,” in his favour. He was received by a mandarin of superior rank, who verbally stated that DEATH OF COI.ON El. <’ ATHC A IIT. 73 no apprehensions need be entertained as to his life, and that, when the emperor’s answer had been obtained, he should be restored. In about an hour after Mr. Smith returned to his factory, stating that he had been very civilly treated. On the 8th Janu- ary following the unhappy gunner was strangled ! This was the last instance of the kind to tvhich the English had to submit in China, although not the last which has occurred at Canton ; for the case of the poor innocent Italian, Terranova, given up by the Americans in 1821, was very similar. Our OAvn countrymen, Avarned of what they had to expect from Chinese justice and good faith, have on all subsequent occasions been ready to undergo any extremities rather than be parties to the death of an innocent man ; and their exertions have in sev- eral instances been crowned with signal success. Soon after the above unfortunate occurrence, in 1784, the attention of the British government was naturally drawn to the groAving magnitude and im- portance of the trade at Canton ; and it cannot be denied that, since the mission of Lord Macartney to Peking, the general condition of the English at that place has been considerably bettered. It Avas in fact only four years after the death of the gunner that Colonel Cathcart Avas sent from Eng- land (in 1788), in the Vestal frigate, as ambassador to China. His death on the passage out, in the Straits of Sunda, put an entire stop to the mission for the time, and the frigate returned to England ;* nor was it until 1792 that the project Avas reueAved on a larger scale. In the month of January of that year. Mr. Dundas set on foot the proposal of a Chinese embassy, grounded on the consideration of our trade having gradually increased until its ac- * The tomb of Colonel Cathcart is still marked by a hand- some monument visible from the anchorage of ships at Anjiei Porn 74 THE CHINESE. tual amount exceeded that of all other nations ; to which it was added, that the intercourse of almost every other country with that empire had been at- tended with special missions to Peking. It was hoped that such a measure might relax the various trammels by which the commerce with China was shackled, relieve it from some of its exactions, and place our countrymen at Canton ®n a footing of greater respectability, as well as security, in rela- tion to the local government. Lord Macartney ac- cordingly proceeded from England in the Lion , a sixty- four gun ship, in September, 1792, accompa- nied by Sir George Leonard Staunton as secretary of legation. The occurrences and result of that embassy are so well known from the celebrated work of the last-named individual, as well as from the relation of Mr. Barrow, that it would be super- fluous to dwell upon them here. One of the princi- pal effects of the mission was to draw a much greater share of the public attention towards China, and to lead gradually to the study of the language, literature, institutions, and manners of that vast and singular empire — a field which had hitherto been occupied almost exclusively by the French. OBJECTS OF THE EMBASSY OF 1793. 75 CHAPTER III. ENGLISH INTERCOURSE — (CONTINUED). Obiects and Results of the Embassy of 1703. — Affair of the Providence Schooner. — American Flag hoisted in 1802, hauled down in 1832.— First Expedition to Macao. — Mission to Co- chin-China. — Admiral Linois repulsed by China Fleet. — La- drones, or Chinese Pirates. — A Chinese killed by a Sailor, ■who is not delivered up. — Second Expedition to Macao. — 111 Success of Admiral Drury. — Interdict against Mr. Roberts at Canton. — A Linguist seized. — His Majesty’s ship Doris . — Trade stopped by the Committee, who succeed in their ob- jects. — Mission of Lord Amherst. — Question of the Ko-tow. — Forts silenced by the Alceste Frigate. — Cases of Homicide in 1820and 1821. — His Majesty’s ship Topaz. — Trade reopened. — Fire of Canton. — Failure of Hong Merchants. — Dissensions with Chinese. — Factory invaded by Fooyuen. — Letter from Governor-general to Viceroy. — Voyage of the Amherst. — Fighting between Smuggling Ships and Chinese. — Termina- tion of the Company’s Charter. One of the principal objects of Earl Macartney’s mission to Peking was to obtain, if possible, the permission of the emperor to trade at Ningpo, Chu- san, Tien-tsin, and other places besides Canton. All discussions upon these points, and indeed every matter of business, were studiously avoided by the Chinese ministers and mandarins during the resi- dence of the embassy at Peking; but, in his letter to the King of England, the emperor did not omit to state distinctly that the British commerce must be strictly limited to the port of Canton. “You will not be able to complain,” adds he, “that I had not clearly forewarned you. Let us therefore live in peace and friendship, and do not make light of my words.” Were a judgment to be formed from the experi 76 THE CHINESE. ment which took place, in that same year, to trade at Chusan with the specific leave of the emperor, the privilege wou.d not seem to be a very valuable one. Captain Mackintosh, of the company’s ship Hindostan, who attended his majesty’s ship Lion to the Yellow Sea, had free license to trade at Chusan if he pleased (on that particular occasion), and the ship was freed from all duties and port-charges, as pertaining to the embassy. He accordingly went there,* and “ found the mandarins and people per- fectly well disposed to comply with the emperor’s orders in respect to the privileges to be granted to the captain and his officers in the purchase of a cargo there ; and tea and silk were much cheaper than elsewhere : but the Chusan traders were not prepared for so extensive a concern as a cargo of goods fitted for the European market to fill a ship of the size of the Hindostan, full 1200 tons, nor for the purchase of the European goods on board her, better calculated for a larger city. They would therefore expect specie for most of the articles they could furnish for the Hindostan , which had not been provided by her commander. He found it therefore expedient to proceed to Canton.” As it was hoped that the embassy had not been without its effect in conciliating the good-will of the Chinese government to the Ilritish trade, it was re- solved, shortly afterward, to follow it up by a lettei from his majesty to the emperor, accompanied by presents. These accordingly reached Canton in January, 1795, with letters and presents from the ministers, and the chairman of the East India Com- pany, to the viceroy ; and the whole were conveyed into the city by the chief of the Ilritish factory. The viceroy received the address to the emperor with much satisfaction, and forwarded it, together with the presents, to Pekii g, from whence a reply, * Staunton’s Embassy, vol. ii., p. 523 The Emperor Kien-loong. AFFAIR OF THE PROVIDENCE 79 with corresponding presents, was afterward re turned. Objections, however, were made to accept- ing the letters and gifts intended for the heads of the Canton government, on the ground of its not being allowable for Chinese ministers to entertain a correspondence with the officers of a foreign gov- ernment. It was recorded on this occasion, as well as on a subsequent one in 1805, that tribute had been sent by the King of England to the “ Son of Heaven,” and the record was quoted not long since by the Canton government in an official paper addressed to the writer of this, as president of the select com- mittee in China, who stated, of course, in reply, that presents had been sent, but no tribute. No untoward events occurred, for several years subsequent to the embassy, to interrupt the quiet progress of commercial affairs at Canton. The mandarins had improved in their conduct towards the merchants, and the highly objectionable measure of stopping the trade on the most trifling occasions had not been lately resorted to by the Chinese. At the same time, some of the heaviest burdens on the European trade still continued, being too profit- able to both the local government and the Hong merchants to be readily abandoned by them. The most objectionable of these were, the Consoo fund, arising from a rate which the Hongs were permitted to levy upon the foreign commerce, in order to meet the heavy demands of the government on themselves ; and the inordinate amount of the port- charges and fees. An unfortunate occurrence, however, in 1800, threatened for some time to place British affairs at Canton in some jeopardy, although proceeding, as very usual on such occasions, from the fault of the natives. While his majesty’s schooner Providence was lying at Whampoa, a party of Chinese in a small boat appeared one r : ght to be attempting to cut the schooner's cable. As they returned no 80 THE CHINESE. answer on being hailed, a shot was fired into the boat, by which one Chinese was wounded, and an- other, who jumped overboard in his fright, was drowned. The government, as usual, demanded that the person who fired the musket should be delivered up ; but Captain Dilkes, who was then in China, commanding his majesty’s ship Madras, required, on the other hand, that the Chinese in the boat should be punished for their delinquency ; and re- fused to deliver up the seaman, or even to allow him to be tried, except in his own presence. The wounded Chinese at length recovered, and so the correspondence closed; but, some time afterward, an abstract of the Chinese law relating to homicide was handed to the select committee by the local government; although the shameful injustice and perfidy with which, on several occasions, the man- darins had treated foreigners accused of such of- fences, gave them no right to expect that their laws should be much attended to. It was in the year 1802 that the American flag was first hoisted at Canton. The consular agent for the United States, who was, in all cases, ap- pointed from among the American merchants resi- dent in China, was simply a commercial officer, and called a Tae-pan, or factory chief, by the Chinese. He received no salary whatever from his govern- ment, but was permitted to levy fees in the transac- tion of business with his countrymen, besides tra- ding on his own account. The American flag con- tinued to fly at Canton until very lately, notwith- standing the interruption which the trade of the United States, for some time previous to 1815, ex- perienced by the war with England; but in the year 1832 a dispute occurred between the consul for the time being and the captain of an American frigate then on a visit to China. The captain having failed to call upon the consul, the latter took offence on the occasion, and the two republicans were too tena EXPEDITION TO MACAO. 81 cious if their respective ranks and dignities to come to an accommodation. The Hag was struck, and the consul proceeded home. An occurrence of some importance, in 1802, tended to establish, beyond all doubt, a point which had sometimes been questioned ; and this was the nature of the tenure on which the Portuguese held Macao of the Chinese. It was in that year that Lord Wellesley, Governor-general of India, being apprehensive that the French republic had some designs against the Portuguese establishments in the East, considered it necessary to garrison the principal settlements of our “ancient ally” with British troops; and accordingly an expedition was sent from Bengal to take Macao under our protec- tion. The Portuguese would have admitted the of- fered aid — indeed, they had not the power to refuse it — but the leave of the real masters had never been asked. The V iceroy of Canton indignantly repelled the idea of any portion of the Chinese empire needing aid from foreigners, and required the troops immediately to depart. In the mean- while it fortunately happened that the brig Tele- graph, despatched by the court of directors with news of the peace in Europe, arrived off Macao, and the whole of the troops accordingly returned at once to Bengal on the 3d of July. The Portuguese did not fail on this occasion to carry on their customary intrigues with the Chinese government, with whom they did their best to ingratiate themselves, by mis- representing the views and designs of the English. An unfortunate priest, named Rodrigues, from whose knowledge of the Chinese language considerable assistance had been derived during the stay of the expedition, was in consequence so persecuted by his countrymen that he was compelled to quit the place. The Portuguese, however, have since had ample leisure to repent their short-sighted and nar- row policy towards our countrymen, which had the 82 THE CHINESE. effect of driving the whole of the Indian opium* trade from Macao to Lintin, and thereby depriving the former place of its most fertile, and indeed only , source of wealth. The advantages of establishing, if possible, some commercial relations with the King of Cochin-china, on the part of the British, had been a subject of at- tention for some time, when the present Lord Strath- allan, at that period Mr. Drummond, president of the select committee at Canton, appointed Mr. Rob- erts, a member of the factory, to proceed on that service in November, 1803. That gentleman was directed to attend to the instructions of the Govern- or-general of India, from whom he was the bearer of a letter to the Cochin-chinese king. Mr. Rob- erts was civilly received, and met with much liberal and friendly assistance from the French missiona- ries at Hue-foo, the capital. He had two audiences of the king, with an interchange of presents ; but the council, with the usual cautious and exclusive spirit of the ultra-gangetic nations, would not consent to any written treaty of commerce ; and the envoy returned to Canton, after some months’ residence, without having been able to establish the ends con- templated : nor was the more recent expedition of Mr. Joint Crawfurd, to the same country, attended with any better success. It appeared, subsequently to Mr. Roberts’s mission, that reports prejudicial to the English were raised by a Portuguese of Macao, named D’Abrio, stating that they meditated an at- tack on the country. Much alarm was excited, and. when the Discovery surveying vessel appeared on the coast, refreshments were denied to her. The considerable naval force which had been maintained by France in the eastern seas for the annoyance of our India and China trade, had direct- ed the particular attention of the company to the due arming of their ships, and an occasion occurred, in 1805, when the efficiency of (hose noble vessels LADRONKS, Oil CIIINK.SK PIRATES? 83 was signally proved, 'i'he China fleet, consisting of sixteen sail, under the command of the senior officer, Captain Dance, was homeward bound on the 15lh February, when it fell in with the French squadron, under Admiral Linois, who had been cruising for some time to the north of the straits, with the express view of cutting them off. The fleet, of which most of the ships mounted thirty guns and upwards, formed in order of battle, and advanced boldly to the engagement, the van being led by Captain Timins of the Royal George, who engaged the admiral’s ship, a vessel of eighty guns, and received upwards of sixty shot in his hull and rigging. The fight concluded by the French squad- ron setting all sail, and leaving the English in quiet possession of the field, as well as of the immense amount of national property of which they were in charge. The commodore of the fleet was knighted in approbation of his gallant conduct, and the com- manders of all the ships presented with swords, and other marks of distinction. This highly respectable service has been dissolved by the operation of the act which deprived the East India Company of their former privileges. About this period, or shortly afterward, commen- ced the career of the Chinese pirates, called, after the Portuguese of Macao, Ladrones, who for some years spread terror along the coasts of the Canton province, and even up the river itself, as far as the city. The southern shores of China, from the in- numerable islands with which they are studded, have always given employment and shelter to a hardy race of fishermen, whose poverty, joined to their independent habits, has at different periods led them to combine in large bodies for piratical put- poses, in defiance of the weak and inefficient mari- time force by which the coasts of the empire are guarded. The power of the celebrated leader Ko- 6hinga, and his successes against the Dutch settlers 84 THE CHINESE. on Formosa during the seventeenth century, have been already noticed ; and a squadron scarcely less formidable was destined to appear during the period which elapsed between 1806 and 1810. Very par- ticular accounts have been obtained of these singu- lar freebooters, not only from a Chinese work, but from the personal narratives of Messrs. Turner and Glasspoole, two Englishmen who had the misfor- tune to fall into their hands, and who were com- pelled under pain of death to attend the pirates in all their expeditions. But however great their contempt for the imperi- al fleet of China, or any other native force to which they might be opposed, these Ladrones never wil- lingly engaged a European vessel larger than a boat, and the following observations of the Empe- ror Kanghy seem to show that their predecessors in his time were equally cautious. “ We have late- ly heard, from the pirate who surrendered and threw himself upon our mercy, that when his companions went to plunder vessels on the seas, it was their practice to avoid all European ships, being afraid of their fire-arms,” &c. The force and number of the later squadron of freebooters have been pretty ac- curately ascertained from the accounts of Messrs. Glasspoole and Turner. Their junks or vessels amounted in 1810 to about 600 of various sizes, from 80 to 300 tons, of which the largest seldom mounted more than twelve guns, varying from six to eighteen pounders, which had been either pur- chased from European ships, or taken from the Chi- nese; but chiefly the latter. Their hand arms were pikes, with bamboo shafts, from fourteen to eighteen feet long, and they used, besides, the com- mon Chinese pike, with a handle of solid wood, and an iron point, consisting of a slightly curved blade. They had also short stabbing-swords, not two feet in length. Their guns, as usual, were mounted on solid timber, without trucks, breechings, or tackles, LADRONES, OR CHINESE PIRATES. 85 and run out right abeam, so as to be fired only when they could be brought to bear upon the object, by wearing the vessel! The broadside being fired, they hauled off to reload, which is a difficult and tedious operation with the Chinese. The largest junks carried between 100 and 200 men, and were furnished each with an armed boat for committing depredations among the towns and villages on shore. Few narratives can be more interesting than that of Mr. Glasspoole, which was published in the Uni- ted Service Journal, but which cannot be detailed in this place. Both that gentleman and Mr. Turner were ransomed for considerable sums by their friends at Canton, and escaped happily to relate their singular captivity and adventures. Not the least remarkable feature about this for- midable fleet of pirates was its being, subsequent to the death of its original chief, very ably governed by his wife, who appointed her lieutenants for ac- tive sendee. A very severe code of laws for the government of the squadron, or of its several divis- ions, was enforced, and a regular appropriation made of all captured property. Marriages were strictly observed, and all promiscuous intercourse and violence to women rigorously punished. Pass- es were granted to the Chinese junks or boats which submitted to the pirates ; but all such as were cap- tured in government vessels, and indeed all who opposed them, were treated with the most dreadful cruelty. At the height of their power they levied contributions on most of the towns along the coast, and spread terror up the river to the neighbourhood of Canton. It was at this time that the British fac- tory could not venture to move in their boats be- tween that place and Macao without protection ; and to the Ladrones, therefore, may be partly attribu- ted the origin of the valuable survey of the Chinese seas by Captain Ross; as the two cruisers which were sent from Bombay, at the select committee’s 86 THE CHINESE. requisition, to act against the pirates, were subse- quently employed by them in that work of public utility, the benefits of which have been felt by the whole commercial world. Finding that its power was utterly unavailing against the growing strength of the Ladrones, the Chinese government published a general amnesty to such as would submit and return to their allegi- ance ; a stroke of policy which may be attributed to its acquaintance with the fact, that a serious dis- sension had broken out between the two principal commanders of the pirate forces. This proceeded even to the length of the black and red squadrons (which they respectively headed) engaging in a bloody combat, wherein the former was discomfit- ed. The weaker of the two now submitted to ac- cept the offers of the government, which promised free pardon, and kept its engagements ; the leader was even raised to some rank in the emperor’s ser- vice ! Being thus weakened by the desertion ol nearly half her forces, the female chieftain and her other lieutenant did not much longer hold out. The Ladrones who had submitted were employed by the crafty government against their former associates, who were harassed by the stoppage of their sup- plies, and other difficulties, and a few more months saw the whole remaining force accept the proffered amnesty. Thus easily was dissolved an association which at one time threatened the empire : but as the sources and circumstances, whence piracy has more than once sprung up, are still in existence, the success and impunity of their predecessors may encourage other bands of maritime robbers to unite in a similar confederacy at no distant period. A considerable number of years had elapsed since the occurrence of one of those homicides, which, even when accidental, always proves so se- rious and embarrassing to the trade at Canton ; but in the month of March, 1807, a case happened which A CHINESE KILLED BY A SAILOR. 87 showed in the strongest light the consequences which may at any time result from the riotous and unruly conduct of our seamen on shore, subject as they are in China to be supplied on the cheapest terms with ardent spirits, called samshoo, generally adqlterated with ingredients of a stimulating and maadening quality. A portion of the crew of the ship Neptune had been drinking at a spirit- shop, and a skirmish soon took place with the Chinese, upon which the men were collected as soon as possible by their officers, and confined within their quarters. The idle Chinese, however, assembled in great numbers before the factory, and pelted the gates, as well as every European who passed, notwith- standing the presence of some Hong merchants, who had been summoned on the occasion. The con- fined sailors at length losing patience, broke through all restraint and sallied out on the mob, whom they scattered in an instant, and one Chinese was knock- ed so rudely on the head that he died. The trade, as usual, was stopped by the Chinese, and the Hong merchant, who secured the Neptune, held answerable by the government for the delivery of the offender. Nothing could be elicited as to the identity of the individual, in a court of inquiry held on board the Neptune. The mandarins at first demanded that the men should be tried within the city, but the case of the poor gunner was retorted upon them, and the thing was declared to be im- possible. It was at length arranged that an exam- ination should take place within the factory, before Chinese judges, but in the presence of the select committee, and Captain Rolles, of his majesty’s ship the Lion, who were provided with seats in court, while two marines with fixed bayonets stood sen- tries. Eleven of the men, it was proved, had been more violent than the rest, but no individual could be marked as the actual homicide, though the Chinese 88 THE CHINESE. still demanded that a man should be given up. It was at length settled that one of the eleven, named Edward Sheen, should remain in custody of the committee : the understanding at first was, that a fine to the relations of the deceased would be suf- ficient ; but on the committee preparing to proceed to Macao, the government required his being left behind. Captain Rolles now interfered, and de- clared that, if Sheen was not permitted to be taken by the committee to Macao, he should take him on board the Lion, and the point was at length con- ceded. The local government being puzzled how to proceed, invented a tale, in which it was stated that Sheen, while opening an upper window, had dropped by misfortune a piece of wood, which struck the Chinese on the forehead, and caused his death. This was sent up to Peking as an official report, and an imperial reply was soon obtained, sanctioning the liberation of Sheen, on his paying a fine of about twelve taels, or four pounds sterling, to the relations of the deceased. This singular transaction proves at once how easily the emperor may be deceived, and with what readiness the local government can get out of a difficulty. The firm and successful conduct of the committee and of Captain Rolles was much approved, and to the latter £1000 was voted by the court of directors. Early in 1808, information reached India of the probability of ambitious views being entertained by France towards the East, and of the danger to which Macao might be exposed by the vicinity of Manilla, if the French should make that Spanish colony their own. In consideration of treaties, by which Eng- land was pledged to protect Portugal and its settle- ments against aggression, as well as of the inter- ests which the English themselves had at stake in the neighbourhood of Canton, Lord Minto, having garrisoned the colony of Goa, by a convention with ihe governor of that placo, deemed it fit to send an EXPEDITION OF ADMIRAL DRURY. 89 expedition for the protection of Macao, which he apprehended might be threatened by an enemy’s fleet. It might reasonably be questioned how far such a measure was well advised, after the experi- ence of the similar expedition just six years before, when it plainly appeared that the Chinese treated Macao as a portion of their empire, and the Portu- guese as mere tenants at will : the result, at least, was an utter failure. The Portuguese governor of Macao, with his 200 or 300 starved blacks, could of course pretend to offer no opposition; he in fact soon received an order from Goa to admit the troops ; but, under a thin veil of compliance and affected friendship, it soon appeared that the Portuguese were doing every thing in secret to misrepresent the designs of the English to their Chinese masters, by whom they were forbidden to admit any force into Macao, without permission previously obtained. It being determined, however, by the president of the com- mittee, and by Admiral Drury, who commanded the naval force, that the troops should land, a conven- tion was signed on the 21st of September, and they were disembarked quietly on the same day. An order soon came from the viceroy for the troops to depart ; and, when this was not complied with, the trade at Canton was stopped, and provisions denied both to the Indiamen and to the squadron of his majesty’s ships. An edict of the Chinese observed, “ Knowing, as you ought to know, that the Portu- guese inhabit a territory belonging to the celestial empire, how could you suppose that the French would ever venture to molest them 1 if they dared, our warlike troops should attack, defeat, and chase .hem from the face of the country.” The admiral proposed to the viceroy by letter, that they should have an audience at Canton to iccommodate matters, but no answer whatever was .•eturncd. All British subjects were soon after or- 90 THE CHINESE. dered to join their respective vessels, and his ma- jesty’s ships were moved higher up the river. As the viceroy still refused an audience to Admiral Drury, and declared that he knew no English authority but the company’s chief, the admiral proceeded to Can- ton in person, and insisted on an interview, saying, he would be in the city in the course of half an hour. The viceroy persisted in declining the visit, and the admiral, instead of persevering in his inten- tions, returned to his ship. Some time after this, the boats of all the men-of war and Indiamen were manned and armed for the purpose of proceeding on a second visit to Canton, and forcing a way through the line of Chinese vessels which were moored across the river, and filled with soldiers, in order to prevent the admiral’s approach. On reaching the line, he pulled up in his own boat to address the principal mandarin, through the medium of a Portuguese priest, who acted as interpreter; no parley, how- ever, was admitted, and after being fired at for some time, one of the admiral’s men was wounded, when he ordered the signal to be made for attack. “ The signal was not observed, and ordered not to be re- peated. The admiral then declared his intention not to force the Chinese line, and returned with the boats to the fleet. Though a man of undisputed courage (as observed in the evidence before the Commons in 1830), Admiral Drury seems not to have possessed that cool and deliberate judgment which was essential to the success of the business he had been engaged in.”* The attempt to proceed to Canton in the boats ought either never to have been made, or it should have been carried through. A pagoda was built by the Chinese near the spot, to commemorate their victory over the English. The trade still continued at a stand, and the vice- Parliamentary Evidence, 1830. CHINESE HOSTILITY TO MR. ROBERTS. 91 roy issued an edict to repeat, that, while a single soldier remained at Macao, no commerce could be allowed. On the 8th of December, it w as therefore determined to act on a document lately received from the emperor, which afforded a fair pretext for relinquishing the point in debate. A convention was concluded in a few days after at Macao, the troops were embarked, and Admiral Drury sailed away in the Russell for Bengal, on the 22d Decem- ber. Thus, after a fruitless discussion of three months, the Chinese ended in gaining their point — the withdrawal of the troops ; and their success was calculated to increase the arrogance by which they had always been sulhciently distinguished. The Viceroy of Canton, however, was disgraced and removed by the emperor. The line of measures pursued by the president in Chf i in concert with the admiral, on the occasion of tne expedition, being disapproved in England, he was superseded by a fresh appointment from home. The Chinese, however, did not forget their grudge against Mr. Roberts, and they w^ere encouraged by finding that he had been censured by the company ; while the Portuguese, at the same time, with their usual servility, suggested complaints against him. Soon after he had again succeeded to a seat in the committee, and returned from a visit to England, the lioppo in 1813 issued an edict against that gen- tleman, expressly on account of his measures five years before, and it was declared that he w r as not permitted to proceed to Canton. Indisposition, it so happened, actually detained him at Macao on that occasion ; but the committee w r ere determined to deny the right of Chinese interference in the ap- pointments of the English authorities; and, although the Factory reached Canton at the end of Septem- ber, they would not permit the ships to unload until the interdict against Mr. Roberts should have been withdrawn. On the 22d November, the I.— H 92 THE CHINESE. president addressed a strong remonstrance to the viceroy on the subject; but, before an answer could be returned, the gentleman who was the subject of discussion died at Macao of his illness. The pres- ident then declared that the principle on which the committee acted was in nowise altered by that cir- cumstance ; and as the hoppo issued a paper in which the local government disclaimed the right of interfering in the company’s appointments, the trade was resumed. The jealous and suspicious character of the Chi- nese government was eminently displayed in the year 1813, on the occasion of some presents from England being conveyed to a minister at Peking. Soong-tajin, a mandarin of high rank, who had act- ed as conductor to Lord Macartney’s mission, and whose kind and conciliatory conduct to the English on that occasion, as well as when he afterward fill- ed the office of viceroy at Canton, had made some of them his warm friends, became at length elevated to the rank of one of the emperor’s council. It was therefore resolved in England that, both as an ac- knowledgment of past good offices, and an earnest of future ones, a letter and presents should be con- veyed to the minister ; the person selected for the performance of this service was a Chinese named Ayew, for some time linguist at Canton, and by him the gold box and letter were safely conveyed to their destination. He returned on the 25th August, with a card of acknowledgment from Soong-tajin ; but not long after his arrival the linguist was seiz- ed by order of the government, and after a summa- ry trial banished to Tartary, for the crime of illicit dealings with foreign barbarians! It was soon af- ter learned that the unfortunate minister had been disgraced, and the present sent back ; and it has been since remarked that the unguarded mandarin, whose amiable character distinguished him above the generality of his countrymen, never afterward discussions of 1814. 93 regained his former power or favour with the em- peror. The foregoing circumstances came subsequently, in the year 1814, to be mixed up with discussions in which the select committee were involved with the local government, partly in consequence of the proceedings of his majesty’s ship Doris, which was then exercising a very active blockade against the American merchantmen in the Canton river. In the month of April, the Doris, being on a cruise near Macao, captured the American ship Hunter off the Ladrone islands, and brought her in. The Chinese government immediately issued an edict, desiring the committee to send the Doris away, which they of course answered, by stating their inability to per- form what was demanded. In May following, the Doris's boats chased an American schooner from the neighbourhood of Macao up to Whampoa, with- in ten miles of Canton, where they took her ; but, before she could be carried out of the river, the Americans at Whampoa armed their boats and re- took their schooner. This event, with the capture of the Hunter previously, commenced the troubles of 1814. The Chinese hereupon entered upon a course of aggressive measures, not against the frig- ate, but against the factory, which soon became in- tolerable. The local government first prohibited the employment of native servants : they then sent persons to enter the factory, and seize upon such Chinese as they found there. The boats of the In- diamen were molested while peaceably proceeding on their business on the river ; and every attempt was made to prevent communication with our men- of-war. The committee, seeing the hostile disposition of the government, determined on the bold measure of stopping the trade, as the only means of arriving at a remedy. The Chinese, somewhat startled at their old weapon being turned against themselves, began 94 THE CHINESE. to display a more conciliatory temper, and, after some debate, a mandarin was appointed to meet Sir George Staunton, who was deputed to conduct the negotiation on the part of the committee. Accord- ingly, on the 20th of October, Sir George proceeded to Canton, accompanied by Sir Theophilus Metcalf and Mr. Davis. The first subject of complaint was the arrest of the linguist Ayew, for performing a service which was merely complimentary on the part of the English, and expressive of their respect for a dignified officer of government, who had con- ducted the first embassy through China, and been on friendly terms with its members. It was immedi- ately replied, that his seizure was on account of a totally different affair, and that there was no inten- tion of condemning the proceeding. Several meet- ings took place with the principal mandarins and one or two assessors, but little progress was made towards an adjustment ; when the viceroy suddenly determined on breaking off’ the negotiation. The committee, upon this, resolved on issuing a notice to all British subjects to quit Canton : Sir George Staunton and the gentleman with him embarked in the Wexford , and the whole fleet proceeded down the river. This step had the effect of completely curing the obstinacy of the viceroy. A deputation of Hong merchants was sent down to the ships, with author- ity to state that mandarins would be sent to discuss the remaining points in dispute if Sir George would return. On his reaching Canton, an attempt was made to retract the pledge, but this could not be persisted in ; and, after several long and tedious au- diences with the mandarins, the principal points in dispute were gained, and incorporated in an official paper from the viceroy, as the only security against a breach of faith on the part of the Chinese. The privilege of corresponding with the government under seal, and in the native character, was now EMBASSY OF LORD AMHERST. 95 for the first time established ; an assurance was given that no Chinese officer should ever enter the British factory without leave previously obtained ; and license was given to native servants to enter into the service of the English without molestation from the petty mandarins ; together with some oth- er points. The measures above detailed were highly ap- proved in England ; but the conduct and disposition of the Chinese government for some time past had been such as to prove that the commercial interests of the nation in China were exposed to the utmost hazard from the chance of perpetual interruption at the will of a capricious and despotic set of dele- gates, who kept the court of Peking in profound ignorance of their own oppressive and arbitrary conduct towards the company’s trade. To these circumstances is to be attributed the embassy of Lord Amherst in 1816, of which the object was to secure, if possible, the commerce of Great Britain upon a solid and equitable footing, under the cogni- zance of the emperor, and with the advantage of a ready appeal to him in case of need. The design of a mission to Peking had been for some time en- tertained by his majesty’s ministers and the court of directors, when the arrival from China of the despatches of 1815 confirmed them in the resolu- tion. It was hoped, as a collateral object, and one within the range of possibility, that an English res- ident might be admitted at the capital, or permis- sion be obtained for trading to some of the ports on the northeast coast. The embassy left England in the Alceste frigate on the 10th of February, attended by the Lyra brig, and the General Hewett, a company’s ship, and ar- rived off Macao on the 12th of July, when it was joined by Sir George Staunton, the first commis- sioner, as well as by the Chinese secretaries, and the other gentlemen who were appointed from Ensr- 96 THE CHINESE. land to accompany it to Peking The ships reached the Gulf of Pechelee on the 28th of July, but the ambassador did not land until the 9th of August. On the 12th the mission reached Tien-tsin, where a feast was conferred on the part of the emperor, and an attempt made to bring about the practice of the ko-tow, or prostration, before a yellow screen, preparatory to the grand performance of it before the emperor himself. This, however, was success- fully avoided, on the plea that Earl Macartney had not been required to execute that act of fealty and vassalage. As some uninformed persons have, without suffi- cient consideration or knowledge of the subject, ventured to argue that the non-performance of the ko-tow was too strict an adherence to punctilio on the part of both our ambassadors, it may be as well to show, that, putting (with them) all considerations of national honour and dignity entirely out of the question as mere vanities, and viewing the matter simply as one of commercial profit or loss, there is nothing to be gained by it, but the reverse. It was observed in the narrative of Lord Macartney’s mis- sion, “ The Dutch, who in the last century submit- ted at once to every ceremony prescribed to them, in the hope of obtaining in return some lucrative advantages, complained of being treated with neg- lect, and of being dismissed without the smallest promise of any favour.”* The fate of a later Dutch embassy was still worse ; but it is fair to state their gains against their losses on the occasion. In return for beating their heads nine times against the ground before the throne, they certainly had some broken victuals sent them, as from the emperor. Of these, however, Van Braam observes, that they were prin- cipally sheep’s trotters, “which appeared to havo been already gnawed clean. This disgusting mess,” * Vol. ii., p. 131 TREATMENT OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY. 97 he adds, “ was upon a dirty plate, and appeared rather destined to feed a dog than to form the re- past of a human creature.” As this was the only advantage they gained by their painful corporeal exertions upon the ground, it may next be observed that the whole course of their treatment on the journey back was of the most mortifying and de- grading character. This embassy occurred in 1795, during the era of small-clothes, and before liberal principles had been generally established in dress as in other matters ; and these hapless Dutchmen were made, on the most trivial occasions of cere- mony, to perform their evolutions, while the wicked mandarins stood by and laughed — and who would not 1 — at what has been diplomatically styled “ the embarrassment of a Dutch-built stern in tight inex- pressibles.” Sir John Malcolm, who understood, if any man ever did, the Asiatic character, has observed in one of his works : — “ From the hour the first mission reached Persia, servants, merchants, governors of towns, chiefs, and high public officers, presuming upon our ignorance, made constant attempts to tres- pass upon our dignity; and, though repelled at all points, they continued their efforts, till a battle royal at Shiraz put the question to rest, by estab- lishing our reputation, as to a just sense of our own pretensions, upon a basis which was never after- ward shaken.” Russia, whose ambassadors, like our own, have refused to perform the Chinese act of vassalage, has a residency at Peking, which may at least (as an advantage) be set against “ les pattes d’un mouton,” and “ les ossemens rouges,” which the Dutchmen gained by performing it. Admitting, however, that the balance was in favour of the lat ter, it may reasonably be questioned whether it is wise, on such occasions, to sink all considerations of national respectability. The Athenians were a oo’itie as well as brave people ; and when Timago- 98 THE CHINESE. ras who was sent by them as ambassador to the King of Persia, had the imprudence to degrade his country by the act of prostration, he was condemned to die on his return. But let us only do as the Chinese themselves have always done. Gerbillon tells us, that when an offi- cer of the Emperor Kang-hy was taken by the King of the Eluths, the latter insisted on his speaking on his knees ; but the Chinese refused, saying he was not his vassal, but his own emperor’s. A Chinese account of Japan expressly stales, that an ambas- sador from Peking to that country refused the pros- tration, and, rather than compromise the honour of his nation, returned without communicating the or- ders of his court. But it has been mere ignorance to consider the ko-tow as nothing but a ceremony. The unthinking majority is led by names, and it is important to know that the prostration is the solemn rite by which the King of Cochin-china, and the rulers of the petty kingdoms of Corea and Loo- choo, do homage by their emissaries upon being confirmed by the Chinese emperor in the succes- sion. The spirit and import of the ko-tow are those of the form by which the feudal tenant in capite did homage to his liege lord ; and every country that, like Japan, has professed to be independent, has declined performing it. However oddly it may sound to us, at the distance of more than 12,000 miles, the aspirations with which the court of Peking aims at universal su- premacy are best expressed in the words of the old secular hymn : — “ Alme sol, possis nihil urbe Rom& Visere majus 1” All countries that send tribute, while their ambas- sadors go through the forms of allegiance, consti- tute apart of the empire, and their respective kings reign imder the sanction of the “ Son of heaven ” THE KO-TOW, OR PROSTRATION. 99 This of course signifies little enough at a distance, but tho effect is felt in China ; for any remonstrance against oppression, on the part of a subject of one of these states, must be stopped by such an unan- swerable argument, which proves at once his rela- tive inferiority and worthlessness ; and what had been merely the rights of independence in another, become, in his case, rebellion. Mr. Barrow, who has really studied China, and understands it wall, observes, that “a tame and passive obedience to the degrading demands of this haughty court serves only to feed its pride, and add to the absurd notions of its own vast importance.” A Jesuit at Peking, quoted by Du Halde, observed, as long ago as 1687, that the princes of Europe should be cautious how they send letters and presents to China, lest “ their kingdoms be registered among the tributaries.” As this is rather an important subject, and may become a question of expediency at some future time, it is as well to add Dr. Morrison’s observa- tions : — “ There is a difference of submission and devotedness expressed by different postures of the body, and some nations feel an almost instinctive reluctance to the stronger expression of submission. As, for instance, standing and bending the head is less than kneeling on one knee ; as that is less than kneeling on two knees ; and that less, again, than kneeling on two knees, and putting the hands and forehead to the ground ; and doing this once is, in the apprehension of the Chinese, less than doing it three times, or six times, or nine times. Waiving the question whether it be proper for one human being to use such strong expressions of submission to another or not, when any (even the strongest) of these forms are reciprocal, they do not interfere with the idea of equality or of mutual independ- ence. If they are not reciprocally performed, the last of the forms expresses in the strongest manner the submission and homage of one person or state 100 THE CHINESE. to another : and in this light the Tartar family now on the throne of China consider the san-kwei kew- kow, thrice kneeling and nine times beating the head against the ground. Those nations of Europe who consider themselves tributary and yielding homage to China, should perform the Tartar ceremony ; those who do not consider themselves so should not perform the ceremony. “The English ambassador, Lord Macartney, ap- pears to have understood correctly the meaning of the ceremony, and proposed the only condition which could enable him to perform it, viz., a Chi- nese of equal rank performing it to the King of England’s picture ; or perhaps a promise from the Chinese court that, should an ambassador ever go from thence to England, he would perform it in the king’s presence, might have enabled him to do it. These remarks will probably convince the reader that the English government acts as every civilized government ought to do, when she endeavours to cultivate a good understanding and liberal inter- course with China. But since, while using these endeavours, she never contemplates yielding hom- age to China, she still wisely refuses to perform by her ambassador that ceremony which is the expres- sion of homage.” This argument takes the ques- tion up on a higher ground than that sordid one of a mere commercial profit or loss ; but, even ac- cording to that, we think it has been shown to be a losing speculation to kiss the dust before the Chi- nese emperor. The performance of the prostra- tion by its ambassador places a country on a level with Loo-clwo, and those tributary states whose kings reign by the sanction of the court of Peking. The non-performance of it (which has been the uniform course pursued by every Chinese ambassa- dor sent to a foreign country) proves the inde- pendent sovereignty of a slate, and gains for its ambassador a far more respectful treatment than CAUSE OF EMBASSY’S FAILURE. 101 the contrary procedure, as experience has suffi- ciently proved. In fact, the whole conduct of the persons deputed from Peking to negotiate the point of the ceremo- nial, joined to the information subsequently obtain- ed, proved that the rejection of Lord Amherst’s mission was not entirely on account of the ko-tow ; and that, even had the embassy been received in the hurried and undignified manner which was very properly resisted, it would have been sent away again within a few days, contrary to the regulation by which forty daj r s are assigned as the limit of stay. The provincial government of Canton well knew that a principal object of the embassy was to complain of the treatment which our commerce had there experienced, and its whole influence had in every way been exerted to frustrate the success of the mission. Lord Macartney, who declined submitting to the prostration, was more honourably received than almost any ambassador that ever entered China ; and it was remarked that, if there was any difference in the treatment of Lord Am- herst’s embassy before and after its return towards Canton, it was in favour of the latter. Put it was afterward clearly demonstrated that the emissaries of the provincial government had been busily at work : and even during the progress of the negoti- ations a rumour was heard that “ one of the com- missioners had purchased his situation, to which he had no proper title; that he had amassed an im- mense fortune by trade,” &c., and other matters of the same kind, which, in conjunction with the treat- ment of the embassy, clearly proved the agency of the Canton viceroy and his. colleagues. Meanwhile, these same local authorities lost no opportunity of displaying their ill-will towards the Alceste, the Lyra , and the Hewelt Indiaman, which had proceeded to Canton, and reached that place some time before the arrival of the embassy through 102 THE CHINESE. the interior of China. The hoppo denied a cargo to the Hewett, on the plea of her being a “ tribute- ship,” looking, no doubt, for a handsome bribe from the Hong merchants for permission to load her. Leave was at fhe same time refused to the Alceste and Lyra to anchor at Whampoa, by which it was intended to degrade the British ambassador below the tribute-bearer from Siam, whose junk has free leave to enter the river! The Alceste, however, proceeded very leisurely on her way ; and Captain Maxwell, on being fired at by the junks and the fort at the river’s mouth, silenced the junks with a single shot; while one broadside sufficed to send the garrison of the fort scampering up the side of the hill, down which that defence is somewhat pre- posterously built. The effect of this decisive con- duct was evinced in the short space of one day, by the arrival of all sorts of provisions to the Alceste at Whampoa, by a free consent to load the Heicett, and by a publication of a statement that the firing at the entrance of the river was an affair of saluting. Those who composed the embassy were gratified to find, on their arrival at Canton on the 1st of Jan uary, that Captain Maxwell had not been deterred by any unnecessary apprehensions for their safety from duly maintaining the dignity of the British flag. The viceroy, it appeared, had a letter from the em- peror for the prince regent, which he was bound to deliver in person to Lord Amherst. It was re- solved by his excellency not to consent to any meeting with that functionary, unless the first place was yielded to himself and the commissioners, as Chinese of the rank of the viceroy were too much accustomed to arrogaje to themselves the prece- dence on such occasions, even with their guests; and it was important at Canton, the seat of our connexions with the country, to take this public op- portunity of maintaining his own rights. Accord- ingly, a yellow tent was erected, in which the EXPENSIVE MISSIONS. 103 viceroy, reverently lifting above his head with both hands the emperor’s despatch, which was enclo- sed in a roll of yellow silk, delivered it with much solemnity into the ambassador’s hands. The whole party then repaired to an adjoining tent, where his excellency, with Sir George Staunton (who had now resumed his former station at Canton) and the other commissioner, took their seats to the left ; and the viceroy, his lieutenant, and the hoppo, on the other side. It was this same officer, by name Tseang Tajin, who had inflicted so many vexations on the English at Canton since 1814, of whom it was one of the principal objects of the mission to complain, and whose intrigues at court may be considered as a chief cause of its rejection. His looks on this oc- casion betrayed his unfriendly feelings ; but an at- tempt which he made to say something uncivil met with such a reception as made him shrink within himself, and he was glad to hide his embarrassment in a hurried take-leave, which closed the business of the embassy in China. Mr. Barrow calculates* hat Lord Macartney’s mission cost the Chinese government a sum equal to £170,000 sterling. Lord Amherst’s must have cost nearly the same during the five months it was on their hands ; and it is hardly surprising if they are not anxious for many such expensive visits. It has often been a subject of just remark, that this unsuccessful mission was followed by a longer interval of tranquillity, and of freedom from Chinese annoyance, than had ever been experienced before. From the year 1816 to 1829, not a single stoppage of the British trade took place, except in the affair of the Topaze frigate in 1822 ; and there the Can- ton government was glad to make the first advances to a resumption of the suspended intercourse, as we shall see. In 1820 an accidental occurrence took Travels in China, p. (j05 104 THE CHINESE. place, which gave rise to transactions of a very re- markable nature, proving in the strongest manner the anxiety of the government to avoid a discussion with the English. Some boats from one of the company’s ships were watering in the river, when they were barbarously attacked by a party of Chi- nese with stones. The officer in charge of the boats fired over the heads of the assailants to make them desist, but the shot unfortunately took effect among some boys on a high bank opposite, and killed one of them. The Chinese, as usual, de- manded that somebody should be given up ; but the committee insisted on the urgent emergency which led to the discharge of the gun, as well as on the accidental nature of the case. In the meanwhile, the butcher on board one of the ships committed suicide; and the Chinese, on hearing this, immediately took it up, thinking proper to assume that he must be the individual who had shot the boy! The utmost eagerness and haste were shown by them in appointing an inquest of mandarins, who proceeded to examine the body ; and, as it was decided by them at once that the de- ceased butcher must be the homicide, the trade pro- ceeded as usual. It must be observed, that the committee only granted permission for the ship to be boarded by the mandarins when they demanded it, and the whole proceeding showed the extreme anx- iety of the local authorities to accommodate the affair, as soon as they despaired of getting posses- sion of some victim to be strangled without a trial. But they carried the matter still further. A person of some rank, scandalized at this disgraceful pro- ceeding on the part of the government, did his best to induce the father of the deceased boy to declare that he was not satisfied of the butcher being the slayer of his son. The mandarins immediately took all the parties into custody, and punished th° CASE OF AN ITALIAN SAILOR 105 instigator of the complaint, as one who conspired to promote litigation and trouble. Two cases of homicide now remain to be briefly related, which occurred within a short period of each other, and which exhibit, in every point of view, a very remarkable contrast. The one which in- volved the Americans, proves the unhappy conse- quences of disunion among a number of private traders, each of them influenced by his individual interests and feelings ; the other, which implicated the English, must ever remain an example of the benefits to be derived in China from a well-organ- ized and steady union and perseverance against the barbarous conduct of the Chinese. On the 23d Sep- tember, 18*21, an Italian sailor, by name Francis Tcr- ranova, on board the American ship Emily, was the unfortunate cause of the death of a Chinese woman, whom he observed in a boat alongside selling spir- its to the crew. He threw down a small earthen jar, which struck the woman on the forehead, and she immediately fell overboard and sunk, either in con- sequence of being stunned, or because the wooden pin, to which her oar was fastened, broke on her pul- ling away from the ship. The American trade was stopped until the man should be delivered up. They consented to his being tried by the mandarins on board the ship, and after this mockery of justice, in which not a single witness was examined for the prisoner, and the offer of Dr. Morrison to interpret was refused by the Chinese, the poor man was de- clared guilty, and put in irons by the Americans, at the desire of his judges. In a week after, complaints and discussions arose among those whose trading transactions were suffering from the delay, and, when it was required that the Italian should be de- livered up for a second trial at Canton, the Hong merchants were told that they might take him. In he words of Dr. Morrison, he was “ abandoned by hose who should have protected him.” All Euro- 106 THE CHINESE 30 peaus, a,s well as Americans, were excluded from his mock trial, and by daybreak next morning he was hurried to the place of execution, in opposition to all the delays and forms of Chinese law, and cru- elly strangled. The Peking government was at the same time informed that he had been tried in open court, and that the American consul had witnessed his execution! The success of the Chinese on this occasion was likely to inspirit them on the next, which happened shortly afterward, in the case of the English frigate Topaze. As that ship lay at anchor near the Island of Lintin, on the 15th December, 1821, an unarmed party of her men, who were watering on shore, sud- denly found themselves set upon in a barbarous manner by the natives, armed with spears and long bamboos. The lieutenant in command on board the Topaze, seeing the desperate situation of his men from the deck, hurried a party of marines on shore, who by their fire covered the retreat of lu» sailors, at the same time that some guns were dis- charged on the neighbouring village to keep it in check. Fourteen seamen were carried on board wounded, some of them severely ; while it proved afterward that two Chinese were killed and four wounded. Captain Richardson, on the 19th, wrote to the viceroy, complaining of the assault, and lay- ing the blame of the transaction on the Chinese ; but that officer would not communicate with him. Elated, no doubt, by his late success in the Ameri- can case, he threatened to make the select commit- tee responsible, and to stop the company’s trade until two Englishmen were delivered up. The committee, finding their remonstrances una- vailing, perceived there was no better way of meet- ing the obstinacy of the Chinese than to embark in their ships, and quit the river until the affair should be settled. Accordingly, on the 11th January, the Mag at Canton was hauled down, and the whoic fleet H. M. Sllll* TOPAZE 107 proceeded to the second bur anchorage : this imme- diately produced an alteration in the viceroy's tone. On the 13th he issued a paper, declaring that, as the committee had taken such a step as to remove from Canton, he was convinced that they could not control Captain Richardson. They were therefore invited back, but at the same time informed that, unless the men were delivered up, the trade should be stopped : the committee, of course, declined to return on such conditions. In the meanwhile, as the frigate had removed to Macao, the Chinese hoped for an opportunity of saying that she had absconded ; but her speedy return rendered this im- possible. The discussions went on without any result (the country ships carrying on their business as usual) until the 25th January, when the Ilong merchants brought down a paper from the viceroy, rejecting Captain Richardson’s proposal to refer the matter to England, and reiterating the demand for the delivery of the men. The committee immediate- ly ordered the fleet to get under weigh, and move be- low the river to Chuenpee. The Chinese pilots had been forbidden to assist them, but they moved down with perfect ease and safety, having their guns double-shotted, in case the Chinese forts ventured to fire. Though it had been before declared that no far- ther intercourse could be maintained after the ships quitted the river, the merchants hurried down on the 29th to propose that the committee should ad- dress the viceroy, stating it to be Captain Richard- son’s declaration that two men had disappeared from the frigate; by which the local government would be enabled to show that these two men must be the homicides. On this ingenious proposal being indignantly rejected, it was next hinted that the frig- ate should go away, if only for a few days, to enable the viceroy to report that she had absconded. The committee reiterated their inability to return to r — i 108 THE CHINESE Canton, unless they were totally separated and ab- solved from the proceedings of his majesty’s ships. Captain Richardson being present, took occasion to state formally that the time of his departure was approaching, in order to prevent their misrepresent- ing his motives hereafter. On the 1st February a letter was received front the merchants, stating that an officer of govern- ment would be sent to Lintin to investigate the bu- siness ; and on the 4th a mandarin proceeded, by leave of Captain Richardson, to a conference on board the Topaze, where he saw some of the wound- ed seamen. Visits of civility passed between the president, Captain Richardson, and the Chinese ad miral, as well as the deputed officer from Canton . and on the 8th of the month, the frigate, having no farther occasion to remain in China, set sail. A number of attempts were subsequently made to in- duce the committee to make a false statement to the viceroy ; but, when all these had failed, a paper was received from the Chinese authorities, fully and freely opening the trade, and absolving the commit- tee from responsibility. They accordingly return- ed to Canton on the 23d February, the discussions having lasted just six weeks. The local government was on this occasion for the first time brought to acknowledge that the com- mittee had no control over, nor connexion with, his majesty’s ships. The subject of the two men’s death was subsequently renewed in 1823, but event- ually dropped. The first lieutenant of (lie Topaze having been tried by a court-martial on his return home, was honourably acquitted ; and the result was conveyed in a letter from the president of the board of control to the viceroy. It was, however left to the discretion of the committee to present this letter or not, as they might deem most proper ; and as an edict had in the meanwhile been receiv- FJKE OF CANTON. 109 ed from the emperor, acquiescing in the conclusion of tiie discussions, the letter was withheld. A calamity of fearful extent, affecting equally the Chinese and Europeans, which will not soon be forgotten at Canton, occurred towards the end ot 182-2; this was the great fire, which has been cal- culated to have equalled in its ravages that of Lon- don in 1666. At nine o’clock, on the night of the 1st November, a fire broke out at the distance of about a mile northeast of the factories, and, as the wind was then blowing with great fury from the norm, it soon spread with such fearful rapidity that at mid- night the European dwellings appeared to be threat- ened. Representations in writing were sent from the British factory to the viceroy, ottering every assistance with engines and men. and recommend- ing that the houses nearest the fire should be pulled down to prevent its spreading- This, however, was not attended to, and a* eight o'clock on Saturday morning the factors were on fire. All efforts du ring that day to arrest the flames were rendered in- effectual by the violence of the wind, and on Sun- day morning every thing was consumed, with the exception of a few sets of apartments. The com- pany had goods to a very considerable amount burnt in their warehouses ; but their treasury, which was arched with solid blocks of stone, and secured by treble doors, and which contained not much less than a million of dollars, remained safe and entire, though surrounded by the ruins of consu- med buildings. It was said that full 50,000 Chinese were rendered houseless by this calamity, and the numbers who lost their lives were very considera- ble. A police and guard were appointed by the gov- ernment to protect property near the river and about the factories ; but this was greatly aided by a well-organized body of armed men and officers from the company’s ships, who relieved each other by turns Without these precautions, there was every 10 THE CHINESE. reason to fear a general pillage from the multitudes of vagabond Chinese which had been brought to- gether, and seemed ready to take advantage of the confusion. A considerable amount of property was sa^d by means of boats on the river, and these boats for some time served many of the Europeans as their only available lodging ; but, through the assistance of a Hong merchant, who lent them his house, the company were able to recommence their business in a week after the fire. Such is the fre- quency of Chinese conflagrations near the foreign factories, that the recurrence of a similar catastro- phe may at any time be viewed as a probable event.* From this period a number of years elapsed du- ring which affairs at Canton proceeded tranquilly, without accident or hmderance of any kind ; but in the meanwhile the mismq na g emen t 0 r dishonesty of some of the Hong merchants was preparing em- barrassments of another descri)Ai 0 n. Their num- ber had of late years consisted ol v>n or eleven, and of these one or two of the poorer individuals, who had never enjoyed much credit or confidence, failed for a small amount, without producing much effect on the general trade ; but, about the beginning of 1828, the known difficulties of two of the princi- pal Hongs began to display the evil effects of a sys- tem of credit, which had grown out of the regula- tions of the government in respect to the payment of the Hong debts. It had been for many years enacted, by an order from the emperor, that the whole body of Hong merchants should be liable for the debts of their insolvent brethren to Europeans. It was at the same time ordered, that no money obligations should * Another great fire took place in January, 1836, by which moro than 1000 houses were destroyed ; but the factories e» caped. FAILURE OF HONG MERCHANTS. Ill tie contracted by them to foreigners; but the pro- hibition proved utterly ineffectual. The solid guar- antee of the Consoo, or general body, which afforded every certainty to the European or American capi- talist that he should ultimately recover his loan, whatever might be the fate of the borrower, gave to the Chinese merchants such a facility in obtain- ing credit, as led some of the more prodigal or less honest ones to incur very large debts at the usual Chinese rate of 10 and 12 per cent. One of them failed in 1828 for the amount of more than a million of dollars. He was banished to Tartary, which, in Canton English, is called “going to the cold coun- try but being a broken constitution, and withal a smoker of opium, he died on his journey. In the following year, 1820, another Hongist, who had bor- rowed very largely of Europeans and Americans, failed for a nearly equal sum. This last, however, was altogether a fraudulent transaction, for Chun- qua (which was the man’s name) made off to his native province with a large portion of the money : and sucli was the influence of his family, some of whom were persons of high official rank, that he contrived to keep his ill-gotten gains, and to make the Consoo pay his creditors. These two failures, to the aggregate amount of about two millions of dollars, produced, as might be expected, a considerable sensation and loud clamours among the foreign merchants at Canton. Discussions subsequently arose with the Consoo, as to the period in which the debts were to be liquidated ; the Hong merchants contending for ten annual instalments, while the creditors would not extend it beyond six. At length, by the pow- erful influence of the select committee, which was exerted on the side of the Europeans and Amer- icans, it was settled that both the insolvents’ debts should be finally liquidated by the end of 1833, which was about six years from the occurrence of 112 THE CHJNFSE. the first failure. The eyes of the government were however opened to the mischievous consequences of the regulation, which obliged the corporation of Hong merchants to be answerable for the debts of any member of the Consoo, however improvident or dishonest ; and it was enacted, that from hence- forth the corporate responsibility should cease. The whole amount of the two millions was strictly paid up at the end of the limited period ; and there was no real cause of regret to the foreign merchants in the rule which made every man answerable for his own debts ; for, in the first place, the previous arbitrary system had generated a hollow species of credit, which was any thing but favourable to the trade at large ; and, secondly, the debts, though they might seem to have been paid by the Hong mer- chants, were in reality paid by the foreigners ; as a tax on imports was expressly levied for the pur- pose, and this had even been known to remain unremitted, after the object of its creation was answered. The last two failures had reduced the number of Hong merchants to six, a body altogether inadequate to conduct the European trade; in fact, it was very little better than the emperor's merchant, or “ monster in trade,” noticed in the last chapter. The six themselves were, of course, in no way anxious that the number should be augmented ; but the attention of the select committee became seriously directed to that object. It is a singular fact, that, notwith- standing the close monopoly enjoyed by the Consoo, and the opportunities of making money possessed by its members, the extortions and other annoyances to which a Hong merchant is at any time exposed, by being security for, or having any connexion with, foreigners, are such, that most persons of capital are disinclined to join the number. As the local government seemed disposed to show its usual in- difference and contempt for the representations of DISCUSSIONS WITH THE CHINESE. 113 strangers, the company’s fleet of 1829 was detained outside the river on its arrival, with a view effectu- ally to draw attention to the subject.* On the 8th September an address was sent to the viceroy, in which the principal points urged were, the necessity for adding to the number of Hong mer- chants; the heavy port-charge on ships at Wham- poa, amounting on a small vessel to about £800 sterling; and some check on the rapacity of the government officers connected with the customs. The reply and subsequent proceedings of the viceroy were in favour of making new Hong merchants, but unsatisfactory as to other points ; and the committee, on the 16th November, renewed their remonstrances, and continued the detention of the ships at their present anchorage. The local authorities, however, showed no disposition to swerve from their last dec- laration, and the viceroy added, “ As to commerce, let the said nation do as it pleases ; as to regulations, those that the celestial empire fixes must be obeyed.” The discussions continued without any alteration on either side until the 11th January, at which date the necessity was contemplated of sending the greater number of ships over to Manilla, until the Chinese government should be induced to concede the points in dispute. The committee, at the same time, applied to the Governor-general of India to assist them by forward- ing a representation to Peking, and suggested the expediency of some ships of war being sent to give weight to their representations : the supreme gov- ernment, however, declined interfering without au- thority from home. There is reason to apprehend * In 1832 a newly-made Hongist took for his establish lo be the chief article of import. CHAPTER V. SUMMARY OF CHINESE HISTORY. Early History of China mythological. — Three Emperors. — Five Sovereigns. — Periods of Hea and Shang — of Chow. — Confu- cius. — Period of Tsin. — First universal Sovereign. — Erection of Great Wall. — Period of Han — of three States — of Tftng. — Power of the Eunuchs. — Invention of Printing. — Period of Soong. — Mongol Tartars. — Koblai Khan. — Degeneracy of his Successors — who are driven out by Chinese. — Race of Ming — Arrival of Catholic Priests. — Manchow Tartars take China — opposed by Sea. — Emperor Kang-hy. — Kienloong. — First British Embassy. — Keaking's last Will. — Present Emperor. — Catholic Missionaries finally discarded. Although a laboured history in detail of the Chi- nese empire is not suited to the character and ob- jects of this work, still a rapid sketch of such revo- lutions as that country has undergone, more espe- cially in the last Tartar conquest, seems requisite, in order rightly to understand some peculiarities in the customs of the people, and even some changes that have taken place among a race, generally re- markable for the unvarying sameness of its man ners and institutions. Without attempting to deny to China a very high degree of antiquity, it is now pretty universally MYTHOLOGICAL AGES. 161 admitted, on the testimony of the most respectable native historians, that this is a point which has been very much exaggerated. In reference to the earli- est traditions of their history, a famous commenta- tor named Choofootse observes, “ It is impossible to give entire credit to the accounts of these remote ages.” China has, in fact, her mythology in com- mon with all other nations, and under this head we must range the persons styled Fohy, Shin-noong, Hoang-ty, and their immediate successors, who, like the demigods and heroes of Grecian fable, res- cued mankind by their ability or enterprise from the most primitive barbarism, and have since been invested with superhuman attributes. The most extravagant prodigies are related of these persons, and the most incongruous qualities attributed to them; — according to Swift’s receipt for making a hero, who, if his virtues are not reducible to con- sistency, is to have them laid in a heap upon him. “ National vanity, and a love of the marvellous, have influenced in a similar manner the early history of most other countries, and furnished materials for nursery tales, as soon as the spirit of sober investi- gation has supplanted that appetite for wonders which marks the infancy of nations as well as of individuals.”* The fabulous part of Chinese history commences with Puon-koo , who is represented in a dress of leaves, and concerning whom every thing is wild and obscure. He is said to have been followed by a number of persons with fanciful names, who, in the style of the Hindoo chronology, reigned for thousands of years, until the appearance of Fohy, who, it is said, invented the arts of music, numbers, &c., and taught his subjects to live in a civilized state. He inhabited what is now the northern province of Shensy, anciently the country of Tsin . Royal A.siat Trans., vol. i. Memoir concerning the Chinese. 162 THE CHINESE. or Chin , whence some derive the word China, by which the empire has been for ages designated in India. Fohy (often absurdly confounded with Fo, or Buddha) and his two successors are styled the “ Three Emperors,” and reputed the inventors of all the arts and accommodations of life. Of these, Shin-noong, or the “ divine husbandman,” instructed his people in agriculture ; and Hoang-ty divided all the lands into groups of nine equal squares, of which the middle one was to be culti- vated in common for the benefit of the state. He is said likewise to hare invented the mode of no- ting the cycle of sixty years, the foundation of the Chinese system of chronology. The series of cycles is at least made to extend back to the time in which he is reputed to have lived, about 2600 years before Christ : but it is obvious that there could be no difficulty in calculating it much farther back than even that, had the inventors so pleased ; and this date is therefore no certain proof of anti- quity. To the “ three emperors” succeeded the “ five sovereigns,” and the designations seem equally arbitrary and fanciful in both cases, being in fact distinctions without a difference. The fictitious character of this early period might be proved in abundance of instances, and it is the worst feature of Du Halde’s compilation that it sets every thing down without comment, and is filled with general and unmeaning eulogies out of Chinese works, whatever may be the subject of description. He observes that one of these Jive sovereigns regulated the calendar, “ and desired to begin the year on the first day of the month in which the sun should be nearest the 15th degree of Aquarius, for which he is called the author and father of the ephemeris. He chose the time when the sun passes through the middle of this sign, because it is the season in which the earth is adorned with plants, trees renew MYTIIOI.OCIC \ I. AGES 163 their verdure, and all nature seems reanimated :" — tliis of course must mean the spring season. Now tho person alluded to is said to have lived more han 2000 years before Christ, and, according to the usual mode of calculating the precession of the equinoxes, the sun must have passed through the 15th of Aquarius, in his time, somewhere about the middle of December. In a Chinese historian this strange blunder is not surprising, and only shows the character of their earlier records ; but it ought to have been corrected in a European work. Yaou and Shun, the last two of the five sover eigns, were the patterns of all Chinese emperors. To Yaou is attributed the intercalation (in their lunar year) of an additional lunar month seven times in every nineteen years ; the number of days in seven lunations being nearly equal to nineteen mul- tiplied by eleven, which last is the number of days by which the lunar year falls short of the solar Yaou is said to have set aside his own son, and chosen Shun to be his successor, on account of his virtues. The choice of the reigning emperor is the rule of succession at the present day, and it is seldom that the eldest son succeeds in preference to the rest. To the age of Shun the Chinese refer their tradition of an extensive flooding of the lands, which by some has been identified with the Mosaic deluge. It was for his merit in draining the coun- try, or drawing oft' the waters of the great inunda- tion, in which he was employed eight years, that “Yu the great” was chosen by Shun for his suc- cessor. He commenced the period called Hea, upwards of 8100 years before Christ. Yu is described as nine cubits in height, and it is stated that “the skies rained gold for three days which certainly (as Dr. Morrison observes) “lessens the credit of the history of this period.” In fact, the whole of the long space of time included under Hea and SMng I— N 164 THE CHINESE. is full of the marvellous. Chow-wdng, however, the last of the Sh&ng (about 1100 years before Christ), was a tyrant, by all accounts, not more remarkable for his cruelty or extravagances than many other tyrants have been. Frequent allusion is made to him in Chinese books, as well as to his wife, and various stories are related of their crimes. One of the emperor’s relations having ventured to remon- strate with him, the cruel monarch ordered liis heart to be brought to him for inspection, observ- ing, that he wished to see in what respects the heart of a sage differed from those of common men. With the Chinese, the heart is the seat of the mind. At length Woo-wong, literally “the martial king,” was called upon to depose the tyrant, and all the people turned against the latter. When no hopes were left, he arrayed himself in his splendour, and, retiring to his palace, set fire to it and perished, like another Sardanapalus, in the flames. When the conqueror entered, the first object he perceived was the guilty queen, whom he put to death with his own hand, and immediately became the first of the dynasty Chow. This forms the subject of a portion of the Shocking , one of the five classical books delivered down by Confucius. The Chinese have no existing records older than the compilations of Confucius, who was nearly contemporary with Herodotus, the father of Gre- cian history, and to whom Pope has given a very lofty niche in his Temple of Fame : — “ Superior and alone Confucius stood, Who taught that useful science — to be good.” Th e five classics and the four hooks, which were be queathed by that teacher or by his disciples, con- tain what is now known of the early traditions or records of the country. The period of authentic history may be considered as dating from the race C0NFUC1DS. 165 of Chow, in whose time Confucius himself lived ; for, although it might be going too far to condemn all that precedes that period as absolutely fabulous, it is still so much mixed up with fable as hardly to deserve the name of history. In his work called Chun-tsieu ( spring and autumn, because written be- tween those seasons) Confucius gives the annals of his own times, and relates the wars of the several petty states against each other. The southern half of the present empire (to the south of the Yangtse-keang) was then in a state of entire barba- rism ; and the northern half, extending from that river to the confines of Tartary, w r as divided among a number of petty independent states, derived from a common origin, but engaged in perpetual hostili- ties w ith each other. The period of Chow, comprising above eight cen- turies, and extending down to 240 B. C., was dis- tinguished, not only by the birth of Confucius, but by the appearance, in China, of Laou-keun, and, in India, of Fo, or Buddha, who were destined to give rise to the two sects which, subordinate to that of Confucius himself, have influenced rather than di- vided the population of China ever since. The estimation, however, which they have respectively enjoyed has been very different. The memory and the doctrines of Confucius have met with almost uninterrupted veneration to the present time ; they have even retained their supremacy over the native worship of the Tartar dynasty; while the absurd superstitions of the other two have been alternately embraced and despised by the different sovereigns of the country. The mumme- ries of the Buddhists are a parallel to the worst parts of Roman Catholicism ; and the disciples of Laou-keun combine a variety of superstitions ; each sect, at the same time, being plainly a corruption of something that wa« better in its origin. We 166 THE CHINESE. I shall have to speak of these more in detail hereaf- ter, under the head of Religions. Confucius was respected by the sovereigns of nearly all the independent states of China, and was employed as minister by one of them. After his death, which happened B. C, 477, at the age of seventy-three, a series of sanguinary contests arose among the petty kingdoms, which gave to this pe- riod of history the name of Chen-kuo, or the “con- tending nations,” and proved in after-times the ruin of the race of Chow. The King of Tsin had long been growing powerful at the expense of the neigh- bouring states : he fought against six other nations, and, after a course of successes, compelled them all to acknowledge his supremacy. The chief govern- ment began now to assume the aspect of an empire , which comprehended that half of modern China lying to the north of the great Keang ; but which, after the lapse of a few centuries, was doomed again to be split into several parts. The first emperor (which is implied by the title Chy-hoang-ty) being troubled by the incursions of the Tartars on the northern frontier, rendered him- self for ever famous by the erection of the vast wall, which has now stood for 2000 years, extending along a space of 1500 miles, from the Gulf of Peking to Western Tartary. It has been estimated that this monstrous monument of human labour contains materials sufficient to surround the whole globe, on one of its largest circles, with a wall several feet in height. Another act of the same emperor entitled him to a different species of fame. He ordered that all the books of the learned, including the writings of Confucius, should be cast into the flames ; many, of course, escaped this sentence, through the zeal of those who cultivated learning ; but it is said that upwards of 400 persons, who attempted to evade or oppose the order, were burnt with the books they wished to save. It is not easy to explain the fan- PERIOD OF MAN. 167 tastic wickedness of such an act on any comnioi principles; but one reason alleged for it is, the jealousy that this foolish emperor entertained of the fame of his progenitors, and the wish he indulged that posterity should hear of none before himself. About the year 201 B. C., the race of Hln suc- ceeded to the sovereignty, and commenced one of the most celebrated periods of Chinese history. It was now that the Tartars, by their predatory war- fare, became the source of endless disquiet to the more polished and peaceful Chinese, by whom they were in vain propitiated with alliances and tribute. They were the Hing-kuo (erratic nations), against whom the first emperor had vainly built the wall ;. and under the name of Heung-noo (Huns) they con- stantly appear in the histories or fictions of that period. The first emperors of this race endeavour- ed to make friends of the Tartar chiefs by giving them their daughters in marriage. “ The disgrace,” says an historian of that period, “ could not be ex- ceeded — from this time China lost her honour.” In the reign of Yuenty, the ninth emperor, the Tartars having been provoked by the punishment of two of their leaders, who had transgressed the boundaries of the great wall in hunting, the empire was again invaded, and a princess demanded and yielded in marriage. This forms the subject of one of the hundred plays of Yuen, an English version of which w r as printed by the Oriental Translation Committee in 1829, under the name of the “ Sorrows of H&n.” The impolitic system of buying off the barbarians, which commenced so early, terminated many cen- turies afterward in the overthrow of the empire. The seventeenth emperor of Hin, byname Ho-ty is said to have had considerable intercourse with the west. It is even recorded that one of his en-' voys reached Tatsin, or Arabia. It is certain that eunuchs, those fertile sources of trouble to his suc- cessors, were introduced during his reign and it 168 THE CHINESE. may be inferred that he borrowed them from west ern Asia, about A. D. 95. The reigns of the Iasi two emperors of Han were disturbed by the mach- inations of the eunuchs, and by the wars with the rebels called Hoang-kin, or Yellow Caps. At this time so little was left of the sovereign authority, that the emperors are frequently designated by the mere term Choo, or lord. The period of the San-kuo, or “Three States, 7 into which the country was divided towards the close of H5n, about A. D. 184, is a favourite sub- ject of the historical plays and romances of the Chinese. A work, designated particularly by the above name, is much prized and very popular among them, and a manuscript translation of it in Latin, by one of the Catholic missionaries, exists in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society. Extracts from it might be made interesting, but the whole is per- haps too voluminous to bear an English translation in print. It is, however, as little stuffed with extrav- agances as could be expected from an Oriental history; and, except that it is in prose, bears a re- semblance in some of its features to the Iliad, es- pecially in what Lord Chesterfield calls “ the por ter-like language” of the heroes. These heroes excel all modems in strength and prowess, and make exchanges after the fashion of Glaucus and Diomed, Hector and Ajax. One shows his liberal- ity in horses, another in a weight of silver, or iron : — And steel well tempered, and refulgent gold.” Society seems to have been in much the same state, split into something like feudal principalities, hang- ing loosely together under the questionable author- ty of one head. That great step in civilization, the invention of printing (which arose in China about the tenth century of our era), had not yet taken place, and even the manufacture of paper had not long been introduced. THREE STATES. 169 The leader if Wii, one of the three states, hav jng at length obtained the sovereignty, established the capital in his own country, Hon&n, and com- menced the dynasty called Tsin, A. 1). 260. Hav- ing taken warning from the distractions arising from the interference of eunuchs and women in affairs of government during the period of the three states, a kind of salique-law was passed, that “queens should not reign, nor assist in public matters” — a good law, adds the historian, and worthy of being an example : it was, however, soon afterward abrogated in prac tice. It has been concluded, not without probability, that the name China, Sina, orTsina, was taken from the dynasty of Tsin. The first emperor, or founder, is said to have had political transactions with Fergana a province of Sogdiana, and to have received a Ho- man embassy. On the conclusion of this race of sovereigns, in A. D. 416, China became divided into two principal kingdoms, Nanking being the capital of the southern one, and Hon&n of the northern. For about 200 years afterward five successive races ( woo-tae ) rap- idly followed each other, and the salutary rule of hereditary succession being constantly violated by the strongest, the whole history of the period is a mere record of contests and crimes. At length, in A. D. 585, the north and south were united for the first time into one empire, of which the capital was fixed at Honan. The last of the five contending races was soon after deposed by Ly-yuen , who founded, in A. D. 622, the dynasty of Tang. Tae-tsoong, the second emperor of this race, was one of the most celebrated in China ; his maxims are constantly quoted in books, and his temperance and love of justice considered as patterns. There js reason to believe that certain Christians of the Nestorian church first came to China in his reign, about A. D. 640. It is recorded that foreigners ar- rived having fair hair and blue eyes. According to 170 THE CHINESE. the Jesuits, whom Du Halde has quoted, a stone monument was found at Sy-gan-foo in Shensy, A. D. 1625, with the cross, an abstract of the Christian law, and the names of 72 preachers in Syriac char- acters, bearing the fore-mentioned date. It has been urged that this discovery may have been a pious fraud on the part of the holy fathers ; but it is not easy to assign any adequate motive for such a forgery, and the evidence seems upon the whole in its favour. One of the most remarkable circumstances in the history of Ting is the extraordinary power which the eunuchs of the palace arrogated to themselves. The third emperor was so besotted by one of his wives, that he left her invested with sovereign pow- er at his death, contrary to the enactment before made and provided. She reigned for above 20 years absolutely, leaving her son emperor; and this vicious and troubled period is another example quoted by the Chinese of the mischiefs which result to public affairs from the management of women. During her reign the eunuchs gathered fresh force, and for a considerable time had the choice of the emperors, and the control of their actions. The in- fluence of such singular rulers must of course be referred to the operations of intrigue. The uncon- * trolled access which their condition gave them to all parts of the palace, and to the company of both sexes, was greatly calculated to facilitate their pro- jects : and projects of mischief and disorder were the most likely ones to be formed by those who were cut off from the ties of kindred, and suffi- ciently disposed to regard the rest of mankind as their enemies. The awe of state was not long felt by such as were the immediate attendants, and per- haps the companions, of the sovereign, in his private haunts ; and, that barrier once passed, the approach- es of insolence and usurpation might advance un- checked. The power of the eunuchs was at length TRACES OF FEUDALISM. 17! destroyed by the last emperor of the race, who in great measure extirpated them, through the as- sistance of a powerful leader, whose aid he re- quested. This person fulfilled his commission, but subsequently killed the emperor and his heir, and, after a course of atrocious cruelties, put an end to the dynasty Ting, A. D. 897. The whole country was once more thrown into a state of war and confusion, with several aspirants to the sovereignty. This period, which lasted about fifty-three years, is called in Chinese histo- ries the How Wootae, or “latter five successions.” The Tartar people of the region now called Leaou- tung, at the eastern extremity of the great wall, encouraged by the unsettled and divided condition of the empire, gave much trouble by their incursions. These turbulent portions of the Chinese annals, which were now soon to give way to a settled ori- ental despotism, bear many features of a feudal cast about them. We think we can perceive in the book of Meng-tse, or Mencius (as his name has been Latinized by the Jesuits), that the original govern- ment of China approached in some degree to that description. “ The sovereign, the Koong, the How, the Pe, and the Nan, constituted five ranks. The sovereign had the immediate government of 100 ly ; the Koong and How each of 100 ly ; the Pe 70 ; and the N&n 50 ly.” — ( Hea-meng , ch. x.) We read in their histories of grants of land to certain officers of state, and of government and military lands, in which may be perceived a resemblance to the feu- dal fiefs or benefices. Whatever may have been the tenure in former times, the emperor is now, as in most oriental countries, regarded as the ultimate owner of all lands, from which he receives a tax of about 10 per cent. After a succession of civil wars, Tae-tsoo, the first emperor of the Soong dynasty, was raised to the throne by the military leaders, in consequence I.— O 172 THE CHINESE. of the minority of the real heir, who was only seven years of age, A. D. 950. Being about, to en- gage the Eastern Tartars, they did not wish to be ruled by a child, who could not appreciate their sendees. They accordingly fixed on a servant of the deceased emperor, and immediately despatched messengers, wdio found him overcome with wine, and in that state communicated their message. The history adds, that, “before he had time to reply, the yellow robe was already applied to his person.” Substitute purple for yellow, and this might be taken for the translation of some passages in Taci- tus or Suetonius. The art of printing having been invented just pre- vious to this dynasty, about five hundred years be- fore it was known to us, the multiplication of books, the instruments of learning, was a principal cause of the literary character of the age of Soong; to the same cause may be attributed the increased fulness of the records of this period, from whence the really interesting thread of Chinese history com- mences. Our lights now multiply fast, and the Tartars begin to take a considerable share in the national transactions. In fact, the whole history of this polished but unwarlike race is a series of dis- graceful acts of compromise with the Eastern Tartars, called Kin (the origin of the Manchows, or present reigning family), until the Mongols, or Western Tartars, took possession of the empire under Koblai Khan. In the reign of Chin-tsoong, the third emperor of Soong, the Eastern Tartars, having laid siege to a town near Peking, were forced to treat, but still ob- tained advantageous terms, with a large annual do- native of money and silk. The pacific disposition of Jin-tsoong, the fourth emperor, gave them far- ther encouragement, and a disgraceful treaty was the consequence. Ten districts to the south of the wall being claimed by them, they received an an- EASTERN TARTARS. L73 nual quit-rent of 200,000 taels, and a quantity of silk. To complete his disgrace, the emperor called himself a tributary , making use of the term Na- ioong. Shin-tsoong, the sixth emperor, is described as having hastened the fall of his race by attending to the absurd suggestions of a minister, who was for reverting to the antiquated maxims of Yaou and Shun, names which may properly be said to belong rather to the mythology than the history of the empire. At length Wei-tsoong, the eighth sovereign in succession, enslaved himself to the eunuchs, and soon experienced the consequences of his weakness and imbecility. The Eastern Tartars ad- vanced apace, took possession of a part of northern China, and threatened the whole country : they were destined, however, to be checked, not by the Chinese, but the Mongols. These inhabited the countries which extend from the northwestern prov- inces of China to Thibet and Sarmacand. They had already conquered India, and being now called in against the Kin or Eastern Tartars, they soon subdued both them and the enervated Chinese, whom they had been invited to protect. The Mongols might be said to be masters of the northern half of modern China from the year 1234. The Kin, who until then had occupied a part of the provinces bordering on the wall, were attacked on one side by the Chinese, and on the other by the Mongols, under the command of the famous Pe-yen ( hundred-eyes , or Argus), who is mentioned by Marco Polo, and the correctness of whose name is of it- self a sufficient proof of the genuineness of that early travellers narrative. Their principal city was taken, and the death of their prince put an end for J the present to the Eastern Tartars; but the remnant became the stock from whence grew the Manchows, who afterward conquered China, and who hold it to this day in subjection 174 THE CHINESE. When Koblai Khan had possessed himself ol the northern part of the empire, he took occasion of the infancy of the reigning Chinese emperor to use an argument convenient to his purpose. “ Your family,” said he, “ owes its rise to the minority of the last emperor of the preceding house ; it is there- fore just that the remains of Soong should give place to another family.” The famous Pe-yen pur- sued the Chinese army first to Fokien, and after- ward to Hoey-chow, in Canton province. Great cruelty was exercised on the vanquished, and it is recorded that “ the blood of the people flowed in sounding torrents.” The remains of the Chinese court betook themselves to the sea near Canton, and perished, A. D. 1281. On the accession of Koblai Khan, the first of the Yuen dynasty, the favourite religion of the Tartars being that of Buddha, or Fo, of which the grand lama of Thibet is the head, an order was promul- j gated to burn all the books of the Taou sect. An exception was suggested in favour of the Taou-te- king, as the only really inspired writing of that re- ligion ; but the order was made peremptory to bum them all. The historian, a Confucian, observes that his majesty, who favoured Buddhism, and those of his predecessors who had encouraged the other persuasion, were equally erroneous and partial, both doctrines should have been extinguished. Buddhism, in fact, has never flourished as it did under the Mongol Tartar race. Koblai fixed the seat of government at Peking, or Kambalu, as it is styled by Marco Polo, after the Tartars. As the most effectual remedy for the sterility of the plain in which that capital is situa- ted, he constructed the vast canal, extending south a distance of about 300 leagues into the most fertile provinces, and serving as an easy conveyance for their products, independently of a sea navigation. This great work, which is more particularly desert- KOBLAI KHAN. 175 bed in its proper place, was a benefit to China, by itself sufficient to redeem in some measure the in- justice and violence by which the Mongol possessed himself of the empire. The northern portion of China was now known by the name Kathai, or Cathay, the appellation invari- ably given 'to it by the Venetian traveller. The southern was styled Manjee, which is evidently a corruption of Mantsze , originally applied to the bar- barians of the south. There is a portion of Ava bordering on China at this day called Manchegee, which probably has the same derivation. Notwith- standing the great qualities of Koblai, which were calculated to lay the foundations of a permanent dominion, the degeneracy of his successors was such as to cause the empire to pass out of the hands of the Mongol race in a little more than eighty years’ time. There is scarcely any thing worthy of notice in their annals, save the rapid and excessive degeneracy of these Tartar princes. Koblai had wisely adopted the political institutions of China ; but those who followed liim surpassed the Chinese themselves in their luxury and effeminacy. Ener- vated by the climate and vices of the south, they quickly lost the courage and hardihood which had put the country in possession of their ancestors ; and Shunty, the ninth emperor in succession, was compelled to resign the empire to a Chinese. It is worthy of remark, that, of the score of dy- nasties which have followed each other, all estab- lished themselves on the vices, luxury, or indolence of their immediate forerunners. The present Man- chow race has already shown no unequivocal symp- toms of degeneracy. The two greatest princes by whom it has been distinguished, Kanghy and Kien- loong, sedulously maintained the ancient habits of their Tartar subjects by frequent hunting excursions beyond the wall, in which they individually bore no small share of the fatigue and danger. The late 176 THE CHINESE. emperor, Keaking, and the present one have, on the other hand, been remarkable for their comparative indolence ; and the reigns of both have exhibited a mere succession of revolts and troubles. The fol- lowing is part of an edict issued by the reigning monarch in 1824: — “With reference to the autum- nal hunt of the present year, I ought to follow the established custom of my predecessors; but, at the same time, it is necessary to be guided by the cir- cumstances of the times, and to act in conformity to them. The expedition to Je-ho (Zhehol) is also ordered to be put off for this year. It is an invol- untary source of vexation to me : I should not think of adopting this measure from a love of ease and indulgence.” Since that date, however, the same course has been repeated under various pretexts. The Manchow rule has already lasted much longer I than the Mongol, and, from all present appearances, 1 a bold Chinese adventurer might perhaps succeed in overthrowing it. The first emperor of the Ming dynasty, which expelled the Mongols in 1366, had been servant to a monastery of bonzes, or priests of Buddha. Having joined a numerous body of revolters, he soon be- came their leader, and, after making himself master of some provinces in the south, at length defeated a part of the emperor’s troops in a great battle. The Chinese now' flocked to him from all parts ; and, having crossed the Yellow river, he forced Shunty to fly northward, where he died soon after, leaving the empire in possession of the successful Chinese, who assumed the sovereignty with the title of Tae- tsoo, or “ great ancestor.” The new emperor endeavoured to establish his capital at Foongyang-foo, his native city, but was obliged, from its local disadvantages, to give it up, and adopt Nanking instead ; erecting Peking into a principality for one of his younger sons, Yoong-15. When this prince succeeded as third emperor of his RACE OF MING. 177 lamily, the capital was transferred in 1108 to Pe- king ; a principal reason perhaps being the neces- sity of keeping the Eastern Tartars in check. Nan- king was still occupied by the heir, with a distinct set of tribunals, and this shows more confidence than is commonly displayed under Asiatic despo- tisms. It was in the same reign that Timour, or Tamerlane, died on liis way to the conquest of China, in the year 1405. During the reign of Iloong-hy, the fourth empe- ror of the Ming family, a great conflagration of the palace melted together a mixture of valuable met- als, and from this compound were constructed num bers of vases, which are highly valued at the present day. In this, the reader may perceive an origin somewhat similar to that of the famous Corinthian brass. Some of the Chinese vases so highly es- teemed were seen by the British embassy near Nanking in 1816. It is a common practice, how- ever, at present, to put the name of the above em- peror on vases which have no pretensions whatever to this antique value. It was in the same dynasty that the Po rtugu ese, as we have already seen, came to China, - and ob- tained, about the middle of the sixteenth century their imperfect tenure of Macao ; and it was also under the Ming race that the Jesuits established themselves in China. The zeal and address with winch these intelligent and adventurous men open- ed a way for themselves and their mission, are de- serving of high praise ; and the knowledge which some of them obtained of the language, manners, and institutions of the country, has never, perhaps, been surpassed by any other Europeans. Had it not been for the narrow-minded bigotry and intoler- ance with which some of the popes, and the monks whom they deputed to China, frustrated the labours of the more sober-minded Jesuits, Europeans and their religion might at this day enjoy a very differ- ent footing in the empire 178 THE CHINESE. Ill the year 1618, Waiilie, the thirteenth eniperoi of the Chinese dynasty, being on the throne, a war commenced with the Eastern Tartars, who now call ed their country (the present Mougden) Manchow which means “ the f ull re gion.” We have' before seen that, just previous to the Mongol conquest, and during the latter end of the Soong dynasty, these Eastern Tartars, under the name of Kin, or the “ golden” race, had subdued some portion of the north of China, but were driven out by the Mongols. When the last of the Mongols, descendants of Ko- blai Khan, were expelled from China by the found- er of the Ming , or Chinese race, they sought a ref- uge among the Eastern Tartars, and from their in- termarriages with the natives sprung the Bogdoi khans, or Manchow princes, who were destined to expel the Ming. It is in this manner that the em- perors of the present dynasty derive their descent from Koblai Khan. It was Tien-ming, the lineal ancestor of the fam- ily now reigning, who in the time of Wanlie drew „.up a paper containing seven subjects of grievance, on the ground of which he formally attacked China, with the view of doing himself justice. He enter- ed the province of Peking at the head of 50,000 men, and was preparing to besiege the capital, when he was repulsed, and compelled to retire for a while to Leaoutung, north of the great wall. His title Tien-ming literally means “ Heaven’s decree.” The contest was subsequently resumed, and lasted with various success until the last emperor of Ming suc- ceeded in 1627. This prince seemed insensible to the danger which threatened him, and, instead of repelling the Tartars, estranged his own subjects by his ill conduct, driving at length a portion of them to revolt. The leader of the rebels subdued the provinces Honan and Shensy, and murdered the principal mandarins ; but, in order to gain their as- sistance, he freed the people from all taxes and THE MANCHOW TARTARS. 179 contributions. The success of this policy soon en- abled him to invest Peking with ;i very large army. The emperor, preferring death to being taken by the rebels, retired with his only daughter, whom he first stabbed, and then put an end to his own exist- j V- $ ence with a cord, A. D. 1643 . Thus perished the I last Chinese emperor; and the spot where he died was pointed out to the late Sir George Staunton in 1793.* The way in which a comparatively small nation of Tartars possessed themselves of China will now appear. On the death of the emperor, the usurper met with universal submission, both at Peking and in the provinces, with the exception of the general Woosankwei, who commanded an army near East- ern Tartary. The latter fortified himself in a city which he commanded, and was presently besieged oy the successful rebel, who showed him his father in chains, threatening to put him to death if the town was not surrendered. The father exhorted his son to hold out, and submitted to his fate : upon which Woosankwei, to revenge his death, as well as that of the emperor, made peace with the Man- chows, and called them in to his assistance against the rebels. The usurper was in this manner soon defeated ; but the Tartar king, proceeding to the cap- ital, was so well received there, and conducted mat- ters with such dexterity, that he at length found no difficulty in taking upon himself the sovereignty. Being seized with a mortal sickness, he had time to appoint his son Shunchy, then a boy, as his suc- cessor, A. D. 1 644, and thus commenced the Man- 1 / • » chow Tartar dynasty, of which the sixth emperor) / is now reigning. Several cities of the south still held out against this foreign government, and particularly the mari- time province of Fokien, which was not subdued Embassy, vol. ii., p. 121 180 THE CHINESE. until some years afterward. The conquered Chi- nese were now compelled to shave the thick hair which their nation had been accustomed to weal from the most ancient times as a cherished orna- ment, and to betake themselves to the Tartar fashion of a long platted tress, or tail. In other respects, too, they were commanded to adopt the Tartar habit on pain of death ; and many are said to have died in preference to submission. Their new rulers must, indeed, have felt themselves sufficiently strong be- fore they issued such an order. Many are the changes which may be made in despotic countries, without the notice, or even knowledge, of the larger portion of the community ; but an entire alteration - in the national costume affects every individual equally, from the highest to the lowest, and is per- haps, of all others, the most open and d egrad ing mark of conquest. It can never be submitted "to except by" a people who are thoroughly subdued, nor ever imposed except by a government that feels itself able to carry a measure, which is perhaps re- sorted to principally for the purpose of trying, or of breaking, the spirit of the conquered. The an- cient Chinese costume is now very exactly repre- sented on the stage of their theatre, to which it is exclusively confined. Such was the repugnance of the Chinese to the Tartar rule, that, during the eighteen years of the first emperor’s reign, a portion of the south remain- ed unsubdued, and a very formidable opponent to the new dynasty existed on the sea. This was Ching-she-loong, father to the maritime leader Ko- shinga, whom we have already had occasion to mention as the person who took Formosa from the Dutch. According to the policy always adopted, of effecting by compromise what cannot be accom- plished by force, Shunchy offered him honours and rewards at Peking, on condition that he would sub- mit. The father accepted *he invitation, leaving KANG-HV. 181 his fleet with his son, and was well received ; but Koshinga remained true to the Chinese cause, and subsequently co-operated with the adherents to the late dynasty on shore, committing great ravages with his fleet along the coast. K ang-hy , the sec- ond Tartar emperor, adopted the vigorous measure of compelling his subjects in the six maritime prov- inces to retire thirty Chinese ly, or three leagues inward from the coast, on pain of death. Thus, at the expense of destruction to a number of towns and villages, and of loss to the inhabitants, the power and resources of Koshinga were reduced, and his grandson was at length prevailed on to give up Formosa to the emperor, and accept the gift of a title for himself, A. D. 1683. The final establishment of the Manchow Tartars in China is doubtless attributable, in no small meas- ure, to the personal character of K aiig -hv. who was perhaps the greatest monarch that ever ruled the country, and who had the singular fortune to reign for sixty years. By his hunting excursions beyond the great wall, when he really proceeded at the nead of a large army, he kept up the military char- acter of the Tartars ; while at the same time his vigilant care was not wanting in the south During the year 1689, he proceeded along the grand canal to Nanking, and thence to the famous city of Soo- chow. At that opulent and luxurious place it is said that carpets and silk stuffs being laid along the streets by the inhabitants, the emperor dis- mounted, and made his train do the same, proceed- ing thus to the palace on foot, in order that the people's property might not be injured. His liberal and enlightened policy was strikingly displayed on two occasions of foreign intercourse. First, in the boundary and commercial treaty with Russia, of which Pere Gerbillon has given an ac- count, and which was consequent on a dispute that oc''<”--ed at the frontier station of Yacsa. Gerbil- 182 THE CHINESE- Ion was sent by Kang-hy (whose numerous favours to the Catholic mission have already been noticed) to assist the negotiation as translator; aud his detail of the expedition is given in the fourth volume ot Du Halde. The mission proceeded in 1688, but cir- cumstances prevented its completion until the fol- lowing year; for the Eleuths or Kalmucs being then at war with the Kalka Tartars, and the route of the expedition lying along the country of the lat- ter, it was thought prudent at first to return. The second instance is that embassy in 1713 to the Khan of the Tourgouth Tartars, then settled on the north bank of the Caspian, of which a translated account has been given by the present Sir George Staunton from the original Chinese. This is the most remote expedition that has ever been under- taken from China in modern times ; and the details of the journey, with the emperor’s own instructions for the conduct of his ambassador, are especially curious. Kang-hy subsequently gained considera- ble glory by the conquest of the above-mentioned Eleuths, who had long given great trouble in the regions about Thibet; and the exploits and triumphs of the emperor’s army having been portrayed by a French missionary, in a series of skilful drawings, these were sent by the desire of Kang-hy to Paris, and there engraved on copper-plates. They con- tain a very faithful representation of Chinese and Tartar costumes and court ceremonies, and are by far the best things of the kind in existence. Yo ong-ch ing, the immediate successor of this great emperor, was remarkable for little else than for his violent persecution of the Catholic priests, who had certainly rendered themselves sufficiently noxious by their imprudent conduct to the rulers of tf China. Kien-loong, who succeeded in 1736, and who, like His great predecessor, Kang-hy, had the unusual fortune to reign for sixty years, was no unworthy inheritor of the fame and dominion of his KIEN-LOONG. 1 8:3 grandfather. He encouraged the Chinese learning by cultivating it in his own person, and some of his poetical compositions arc considered to possess intrinsic merit, independently of their being the productions of an emperor. The principal military transaction of his reign, remarkable upon the whole for its peaceful and prosperous course, was an ex- pedition against the Meaou-tse, the race of moun- taineers already described on the borders of Kuei- chow, and not far removed from the Canton prov- ince. The emperor boasted that they were subdued ; but there is reason to believe that this hardy peo- ple, intrenched in the natural fortifications of their rude and precipitous mountains, lost little of the real independence which they had enjoyed for ages, and that they were “ triumphati magis quam victi." They have never submitted to the Tartar tonsure, the most conclusive mark of conquest; and their renewed acts of hostility, as late as the year 1832, gave serious alarm and trouble to the Peking gov ernment. The first British embassy ever sent to China was received by Kien-loong in 1793, and the liberal con- duct of that monarch, in dispensing with the per- formance of the prostration on the part of Lord Macartney, contrasts strongly with the petty spe- cies of trickery by which that Tartar act of homage, called the Ko-tow; was sought to be extorted from Lord Amherst in 1816, by his successor Kea-king; or rather by the ministers, for the emperor subse- quently disavowed his knowledge of their proceed ings. It has been reasonably supposed that Kien- loong, at the end of a long and prosperous reign, felt sufficiently assured of his own power and great- ness to dispense with such a ceremony; and that the authority of his son having been shaken by frequent insurrections, and even by some attempts against his life, this circumstance rendered him, or at least his court more tenacious of external forms 184 THE CHINESE. It lias been ascertained, however, that the agency of the provincial government of Canton was pow erfully exerted against the last embassy. When the reign of Kien-loong, like that of his grandfather, had in 1795 reached the unusual term of sixty years, which just completes a revolution of the Chinese cycle, he resigned the throne to his son, with the title of emperor, while he reserved to himself that of the supreme^ emperor, though he re- tired altogether from state affairs, and lived but a short time afterward. Kea-king was ill calculated to maintain the imperial dignity after such a mon- arch as his father. Serra, a Catholic missionary, many years employed at Peking, obtained a very particular account of his habits, which were ex- tremely profligate, and may account for the risks to which his life was exposed from assassins. Af- ter the early morning audience, from which no em- peror can excuse himself, and having despatched the business submitted to him, he generally retired to the company of players, and afterward drank to excess. He would frequently proceed with play- ers to the interior of the palace, and it was remarked that his two younger sons bore no resemblance to himself or to each other. He went so far as to carry the comedians with him when he proceeded to sacrifice at the temples of Heaven and Earth. This, with other circumstances, was noticed in a memorial by the famous Soong-keun, or Soong-ta- jin, one of the censors, and the conductor and friend of Lord Macartney while in China. When summoned by the emperor, and asked what : un- ishment he deserved, he answered, “ A s.ow and ignomihious death.” When told to choose another, he said, “ beheading and, on a third occasion, he chose “strangling.”* He was ordered to retire, and on the following day the court appointed him The three gradations of capital punishment. THE LAST WILL OF KEA-KING. 185 governor of the Chinese Siberia, the region of Tar- tary to which criminals are exiled ; thus (as Scrra observes) acknowledging his rectitude, though una- ble to bear his censure. When the reign of Kea-king, unmarked by any events except the suppression of some formidable revolts and conspiracies, had reached the twenty- fourth year, the occurrence of the sixtieth anniver- sary of the emperor’s age was celebrated by a uni- versal jubilee throughout the empire. Even with private individuals, the attainment of the sixtieth year (a revolution of the cycle) is marked by a par- ticular celebration. In 1819 the national jubilee was observed, as usual, by a remission of all arrears of land-tax ; by a general pardon or mitigation of punishment to criminals ; and by the admission of double the usual number of candidates to degrees at the public examinations. The celebration of one man’s age by two or three hundred millions of peo- ple is rather an imposing festival, and could happen to none but the Emperor of China. Kea-king, how- ever, only survived it by a single year; and his death, in 1820, was the occasion of some curious information being obtained relative to the mode of succession, and other particulars. The emperor's will, a very singular document, was published to the people. In it was this pas- sage : — “ The Yellow river has, from the remotest ages, been Cliina’s sorrow. Whenever the mouth of the stream has been impeded by sand-banks, it lias, higher up its course, created alarm by over- flowing the country. On such occasions I have not spared the imperial treasury to embank the river, and restore the waters to their former chan- nel. Since a former repair of the river was com- pleted six or seven years of tranquillity had elapsed, when last year, in the autumn, the excessive rains caused an unusual rise of the water, and in Honan the river burst its banks at several points, both on 18G THE CHINESE. the south and north sides. The stream Woo-chy forced a passage to the sea, and the mischief done was immense. During the spring of this year, just as those who conducted the repair of the banks had reported that the work was finished, the southern bank at Ee-foong again gave way.” The mention of this subject in the emperor’s will is a sufficient proof of its importance If the science of European engineers could put an effectual stop to the evil, it would be the most important physical benefit that was ever conferred on the empire ; but the illiberal jealousy of China is not likely to let the experi- ment be very soon tried. Even the European trade at Canton is annually taxed to meet the repairs of the Yellow river. The emperor’s will proceeds to state the mer- its of his second son, the present sovereign, Taou- kuang, in having shot two of the assassins who entered the palace in 1813, which was the rea- son of his selection. It has been even supposed that Kea-king’s death was hastened by some dis- contented person of high rank, who had been lately disgraced in consequence of the mysterious loss of an official seal. The emperor’s death was an- nounced to the several provinces by despatches written with blue ink, the mourning colour. All persons of condition were required to take the red silk ornament from their caps, with the ball or but- ton of rank : all subjects of China, without excep- tion, were called upon to forbear from shaving their heads for one hundred days, within which period none might marry, or play on musical instruments, or perform any sacrifice. The personal character of the present emperor is much better than that of his father, but the lofty title which he chose for his reign, Taou-kvang , “the glory of reason,” has hardly been supported. The most disgraceful act of his administration was the murder, in 1828, of the Mahometan Tartar prince ft I Chinese Military Station, with Soldiers. PRESENT EMPEROR. 189 Jehanghir, who had surrendered himself in reliance on the faith of promises. It is supposed, indeed, that the reduction of those tribes towards Cashgar, effected by the aid of the Mongol Tartars that in- tervene, was marked by more than the usual share of Chinese treachery and craft. This war was a source of serious anxiety and expense to the empe- ror, whose reign has been infested by a continual succession of public calamities, and by more revolts and insurrections than have been known since the time of the first emperor of the Manchow dynasty. Subsequent to the termination of the troubles with the independent mountaineers northwest of Canton, which has been mentioned in another chapter, a very singular paper was written by a Chinese, stating the submission of the enemy to be a mere imposition on the emperor by his officers, and a public disgrace. He said that the imperial com- missioners had expended 500,000 taels of silver for a sham surrender and the appearance of victory, and wondered at their audacity in receiving the re- wards of peacocks’ feathers and other marks of favour. The money was represented to have been thrown away, for the mountaineers had disowned the authority of those who accepted it, and remain- ed as independent as ever. There must be a good deal of truth in this, or a Chinese would hardly have exposed himself to the risk of being the author ; and it is a singular picture of the existing state of the empire. Many have been led by the events of recent years to surmise that the end of the Tartar dominion in China is at hand ; its establishment and continuance are cer- tainly facts not much less extraordinary" (when the disproportion of the conquerors to the conquered is considered) than the British dominion in India; and the Mongol race were driven out by the Chi- nese after a much shorter possession than the Man- chows have already enjoyed. These have had the 190 THE CHINESE. prudence and wisdom to leave the Chinese in pos session of their own forms and institutions in most instances, and to mould those of the Tartars to them ; but distinctions sufficiently broad are still maintained to prevent the amalgamation of the ori- ginal people with their masters. A symptom ot weakness in the government is its extreme dread of numerous associations among the people; one of which, the Triad Society, has for its known object the expulsion of the Manchows. An insurrection broke out in the Island of For- mosa towards the close of 1832, accompanied by the death of a large portion of the troops, and of the greater number of mandarins on the spot, and the origin of it was attributed to the oppression of the emperor’s government. A Tartar general, after the lapse of a few months, was despatched in all haste from Peking, with power to take troops from the different provinces at his need, and in a short time it was heard that the insurrection was over, and the troops countermanded. This sudden resto- ration of tranquillity was hardly less surprising, after violence had proceeded to such lengths, than the speedy submission of the mountaineers ; but it was never clearly ascertained whether it was ef- fected by force, or by the divisions of the inhabi- tants ; or whether money had been used, as in the case of the mountaineers, to supply the place of arms. The last emperor, Kea-king, showed a very de- termined aversion and hostility to the Roman Catho- lic religion, and numerous persecutions took place in his reign. The present monarch, by all appear- ances, inherited the same disposition from his fa- ther. He had not succeeded many weeks to the throne, when one of his high officers evinced his zeal by an accusation against certain Chinese who had been detected in the practice of what is called the “ religion of tl e western ocean.” A still more EXPULSION OF MISSIONARIES. 191 unequivocal proof exists in the expulsion from Pe- king of the very last of those European missiona- ries who, for their astronomical knowledge, had been attached in succession, for about 200 years, to that tribunal or board whose business it is to ob- serve the motions of the heavenly bodies, and to construct the imperial calendar. It is probable that the present Chinese astronomers have acquired sufficient practical knowledge for the rough calcu- lation of eclipses, and other routine matters of the same kind : but in the course of time another gen- eration may perhaps require a fresh inoculation of science from Europe, and it will then befit Protest- ant missionaries to imitate the learning and enter- prise of their Catholic predecessors, — but to avoid their want of moderation, and their disputes with each other about t rides. 192 THE CHINESE CHAPTER VI. GOVERNMENT AND LEGISLATION. Paternal Authority the principle of Chinese Rule. — Malverea tions at Canton, in some degree an exception to the Empir at large. — Despotism tempered by influence of Public Opin ion. — Motives to Education. — Reverence for Age — Wealth has Influence, but is little respected. — Real Aristocracy offi cial, and not hereditary. — The Emperor — is High Priest. — Ministers. — Machinery of Government. — Checks on Magis- trates. — Civil Officers superior to Military. — Low art of War — Guns cast by Missionaries. — Penal Code of China. — Merits and Defects. — Arrangement. — Punishments. — Privileges and Exemptions. — Crimes. — Character of Code. — Testimonies foreign and domestic, in favour of its practical results. — Chi nese recognise sanctions superior to absolute will of Emperor. Montesquieu has somewhere the following re- mark : — “ Heureux le peuple donl Vhistoire est enntiy- euse •” and, if this be the characteristic of Chinese history, if we find the even current of its annals for a long time past less troubled by disorder and anar- chy than can be stated of most other countries, we must look for the causes in the fundamental princi- ples of its government, and in the maxims by which this is administered. It is well known that parental authority is the model or type of political rule in China — that natural restraint to which almost every man finds himself subject at the earliest dawn of his perceptions. Influenced, perhaps, by a consid- eration of the lasting force of early impressions oi* the human mind, the legislators of the country have thought that they should best provide for the stability of their fabric by basing it on that princi pie which is the most natural and familiar to every PATERNAL AUTHORITY. 193 one from infancy, and the least likely ever to be called in question. Whether or not this was the design with which the patriarchal form has been so long perpetuated in China, it seems certain that, being at once the most obvious and the simplest, it has for that reason been the first that has existed among the various societies of mankind. The North American tribes call all rulers “ fathers.” However well calculated to promote the union and welfare of small tribes or nations, the example of China, perhaps, in some respects, demonstrates that in large empires, where the supreme authority must be exercised almost en- tirely by distant delegation, it is liable to degenerate into a mere fiction, excellently calculated to strength- en and perpetuate the hand of despotism, but retain- ing little of the paternal character beyond its abso- lute authority. It is the policy of the Chinese gov- ernment to grant to fathers over their children the patria potestas in full force, as the example and the sanction of its own power. There is nothing more remarkable in their ritual and in their criminal code, than the exact parallel which is studiously kept up between the relations m which every person stands to his own parents and to the emperor. For similar offences against both, he suffers similar punishments ; at the death of both he mourns the same time, and goes the same period unshaven ; and both possess nearly the same power over his person. Thus he is bred up to civil obedience, “ tenero ab ungvi," with every chance of proving a quiet subject at least. Such in- stitutions certainly do not denote the existence of much liberty ; but if peaceful obedience and univer- sal order be the sole objects in view, they argue, on the part of the governors, some knowledge of human nature, and an adaptation of the means to ,he end. In the book of Sdcred Instructions, addressed to 194 THE CHINESE. the people, founded on their ancient writings, and read publicly by the principal magistrates on the days that correspond to the new and full moon, the sixteen discourses of which it consists are headed by that which teaches the duties of children to pa- rents, of juniors to elders, and (thence) of the peo- ple to the government. The principle is extended thus in a quotation from the sacred books : — “ In our general conduct, not to be orderly is to fail in filial duty ; in serving our sovereign, not to be faith- ful is to fail in filial duty ; in acting as a magistrate, not to be careful is to fail in filial duty ; in the in- tercourse of friends, not to be sincere is to fail in filial duty ; in arms and in war, not to be brave is to fail in filial duty.” The claims of elders are en- forced thus : — “ The duty to parents and the duty to elders are indeed similar in obligation ; for he who can be a pious son will also prove an obedient younger brother ; and he who is both will, while at home, prove an honest and orderly subject, and in active service, from home, a courageous and faith- ful soldier. . . . May you all, O soldiers and people, conform to these our instructions, evincing your good dispositions by your conduct and actions, each fulfilling his duty as a son and a junior, according to the example which is left you by the wise and holy men of former times. The wisdom of the an- cient emperors, Yaou and Shun, had its foundation in these essential ties of human society. Mencius has said, 4 Were all men to honour their kindred and respect their elders, the world would be at peace.’ ” But the government does not confine itself to preaching; domestic rebellion is treated in nearly all respects as treason ; being in fact petit treason. A special edict of the; last emperor went beyond the established law in a case which occurred in one of the central provinces. A man and his wife had beaten and otherwise severely ill-used the mother SACRED INSTRUCTIONS. 1 95 ol the former. This being reported by the viceroy to Peking, it was determined to enforce in a signal manner the fundamental principle of the empire. The very place where it occurred was anathema- tized, as it were, and made accursed. The principal offenders were put to death ; the mother of the wife was bambooed, branded, and exiled for her daugh- ter's crime ; the scholars of the district for three years were not permitted to attend the public ex- amination, and their promotion thereby stopped ; the magistrates were deprived of their office and banished. The house in which the offenders dwelt was dug up from the foundations. “ Let the vice- roy,” the edict adds, “ make known this proclama- tion, and let it be dispersed through the whole em- pire, that the people may all learn it. And if there be any rebellious children who oppose, beat, or de- grade their parents, they shall be punished in like manner. If ye people indeed know the renovating principle, then fear and obey the imperial will, nor look on this as empty declamation. For now, ac- cording to this case of Teng-chen, wherever there are the like I resolve to condemn them, and from my heart strictly charge you to beware. I instruct the magistrates of every province severely to warn the heads of families and elders of villages ; and on the 2d and 16th of every month to read the Sa- cred Instructions, in order to show the importance of the relations of life, that persons may not rebel against their parents — -for I intend to render the em- pire filial." This was addressed to a population es- timated commonly at 300,000,000. “ The vital and universally operating principle of the Chinese government,” says Sir George Staun- ton, “ is the duty of submission to parental author- ity, whether vested in the parents themselves, or in their representatives ; and this, although usually described under the pleasing appellation of filial piety, is much more properly to be considered as a 1«6 THE CHINESE. general rule of action than as the expression of anj particular sentiment of affection. It may easily be traced even in the earliest of their records; it is inculcated with the greatest force in the writings of the first of their philosophers and legislators; it has survived each successive dynasty, and all the vari- ous changes and revolutions which the state has undergone ; and it continues to this day powerfully enforced both by positive laws and by public opinion “ A government constituted upon the basis of pa- rental authority, thus highly estimated and exten- sively applied, has certainly the advantage of being directly sanctioned by the immutable and ever- operating laws of nature, and must thereby acquire a degree of firmness and durability to which gov- ernments, founded on the fortuitous superiority of particular individuals, either in strength or abilities, and continued only through the hereditary influence of particular families, can never be expected to at- tain. Parental authority and prerogative seem to be, obviously, the most respectable of titles, and parental regard and affection the most amiable of characters, with which sovereign and magisterial power can be invested ; and are those under which it is natural to suppose it may most easily be per- petuated. By such principles the Chinese have been distinguished ever since their first existence as a nation ; by such ties the vast and increasing popu- lation of China is still united as one people, subject to one supreme government, and uniform in its hab- its, manners, and language. In this state, in spite of every internal and external convulsion, it may possibly very long continue.” It is the business of the first of the “Four Books” of Confucius to inculcate, that from the knowledge und government of one's self must proceed the prop- er economy and government of a family ; from the government of a family, that of a province and of a kingdom. The emperor is called the father of the MAXIMS OF GOVERNMENT. l'J7 empire ; the viceroy, of the province over which he presides ; and the mandarin, of the city which lie governs ; and the father of every family is the ab- solute and responsible ruler of his own household. Social peace and order being deemed the one thing needful, this object is very steadily and consistently pursued. The system derives some of its efficacy from the habitual and universal inculcation of obe- dience and deference, in unbroken series, ffbm one end of society to the other ; beginning in the rela- tion of children to their parents, continuing through that of the young to the aged, of the uneducated to the educated, and terminating in that of the people to their rulers. The great wealth of the empire, the cheerful and indefatigable industry' of the people, and their un- conquerable attachment to their country, are all of them circumstances which prove, that, if the gov- ernment is jealous in guarding its rights, it is not al- together ignorant or unmindful of its duties. We are no unqualified admirers of the Chinese system, but would willingly explain, if possible, some of the causes which tend to the production of results whose existence nobody pretends to deny. In practice there is of course a great deal of inevitable abuse ; but upon the whole, and with relation to ultimate effects, the machine works well : and we repeat that the surest proofs of this are apparent on the very face of the most cheerfully industrious and orderly, and the most wealthy, nation of Asia. It maybe observed that we make great account of the circumstance of cheerful industry; because this characteristic, which is the first to strike all visiters of China, is the best proof in the world that the people possess their full share of the results of their own labour. Men do not toil either willingly or ef- fectively for hard masters. It would be a very rash conclusion to form any estimate of the insecuritv of property generally 198 TIIE CHINESE. from what is observed at Canton among those con nected with the foreign trade , and especially the Hong merchants. These persons are instruments in the hands of a cautious government, which, not wishing to come into immediate collision with for eigners*, uses them in the manner of a sponge, that, after being allowed to absorb the gains of a licensed monopqjy, is made regularly to yield up its contents, by what is very correctly termed “ squeezing.” The rulers of China consider foreigners fair game : they have no sympathy with them, and, what is more, they diligently and systematically labour to destroy all sympathy on the part of their subjects, by rep- resenting the strangers to them in every light that is the most contemptible and odious. There is an annual edict or proclamation displayed at Canton at the commencement of the commercial season, accusing the foreigners of the most horrible prac- tices, and desiring the people to have as little to say to them as possible. We have already seen that the professed rule is to govern them “like beasts,” and not as the subjects of the empire. With perfect consistency, therefore, they are denied the equal benefits and protection of the known laws of the country, condemned to death for accidental homicide, and executed without the emperor’s war- rant. These are their real subjects of complaint in China ; and whenever the accumulation of wrong shall have proved, by exact calculation, that it is more profitable, according to merely commercial principles, to remonstrate than to submit, these will form a righteous and equitable ground of quarrel. But to return to the Hong merchants and others at Canton : there is in fact a set of laws existing under this jealous Tartar government, which makes all transactions of Chinese with foreigners, without an express license, traitorous — that is the word — and it forms a terrible engine of extortion ; for the construction of the terms of the license, as well as ANOMALIES OF DESPOTITM. 190 of the particular regulations from time to time enact- ed, opens a wide field for injustice under the forms of law. This is the only solution of the anomaly, that at Canton, in a country where there is a writ- ten code with numerous provisions against extor- tion and oppression, and with severe denunciations against the abuse of power, there is still so much of the evil apparently existing. But it is the for- eigner that pays, after all; the Hong merchants are the verilables vaches d lait, the real milch cows, but the foreign trade is the pasture in which they range. One of the ablest of their body many years since obtained the express authority of the local govern- ment for the Consoo, or body of Hong merchants, to levy charges at its own discretion on the foreign trade, for the avowed purpose of paying the de- mands of the mandarius. Other annual charges were levied to defray debts of individual merchants to foreigners, and, the debts being liquidated, the charges are continued. But for these abuses, the fair trade of Canton would be much more profitable than it is ; and if they increase, it will die a natural death. The same system cannot by any means be prac- tised where natives only are concerned; and, if it could, the country would present a very different appearance. Extraordinary wealth is of course ex- posed to danger, feriuntque summos fulmina montes, or, as the Chinese express it, “ the elephant is killed on account of his ivory.” But they have another saying, that “ happiness consists in a level or medi- um station;” and it is certain that the bulk of the native population enjoys the results of its industry with a very fair degree of security, or it would not be so industrious. There are some curious practical anomalies which one is not prepared to find under a despotism. The people sometimes hold public meetings by adver- tisement, for the express purpose of addressing the 200 THE CHINESE. magistrate, and this without being punished. The influence of public opinion seems indicated by tliis practice; together with that frequent custom of placarding and lampooning (though of course anony- mously) noxious officers. Honours are rendered to a just magistrate, and addresses presented to him on his departure by the people ; testimonies which are highly valued. These must be ranked with the exceptions to the theories of governments, of which Hume treats when he mentions, among other in- stances, the impressment of seamen in England ; which is a departure from liberty, as the cases above mentioned are from despotism. It may be added, that there is no established censorship of the press in China, nor any limitations but those which the interests of social peace and order seem to ren- der necessary. If these are endangered, the pro- cess of the government is of course more summary than even an information filed by the attorney- general. It is deserving of remark, that the general pros- perity and peace of China have been very much promoted by the diffusion of intelligence and ed- ucation through the lower classes. Among the countless millions that constitute the empire, almost every man can read and write sufficiently for the ordinary purposes of life, and a respectable share of these acquirements goes low down in the scale of society. Of the sixteen discourses which are periodically read to the people, the eighth incul- cates the necessity of a general acquaintance with the penal laws, which are printed purposely in a cheap form. They argue, that as men cannot properly be punished for what they do not know, so likewise they will be less liable to incur the penalty if they are made duly acquainted with the prohibition. This seems a very necessary branch of what has been called “preventive justice, upon every principle of reason, of humanity, and of sound PEACEFUL CHARACTER. 20 1 pol cy, preferablo in all respects to punishing jus- tice.”* The general diffusion of education must be attrib- uted to the influence of almost every motive of fear or hope that can operate on the human mind ; it is inculcated by positive precepts, and encouraged by an open competition for the highest rewards. One of the strongest motives to every Chinese to edu- cate his sons must be the consciousness that he is liable to punishment for their crimes at any period of their lives, as well as to reward for their merits parents are often promoted by the acts of their sons Montesquieu, in violently condemning the liability to punishment, f seems to have been unaware, or unmindful, that it is in some measure the result of that absolute power which is through life intrusted to the father; and that such a trust, with some show of reason, carries with it a proportionate responsi- bility. He is not only punished, but rewarded too, according as he has administered this trust. How such a system must operate as a motive to educa- tion, is sufficiently obvious ; and the only question is, whether the amount of personal liberty sacri- ficed is balanced by the amount of public benefit gained. So sensible are they of the importance of education, that the language is full of domestic or of state maxims in reference to it. “ Bend the mulberry-tree when it is young.” — “ Without educa- tion in families, how are governors for the people to be obtained ?” — and so on. Every town has its public place of instruction, and wealthy families have private tutors. As regards the peaceful and orderly character by which the Chinese, as a nation, are distinguished, there is much truth in another remark of Montes- quieu, namely, that the government had this object m view when it prescribed a certain code of cere- * Blackstone, b iv., c. 18. t Book vi., c. 20. 202 THE CHINESE. monies and behaviour to its subjects ; “ a very proper method of inspiring mild and gentle disposi- tions, of maintaining peace and good order, and of banishing all the vices which spring from an as- perity of temper.” They certainly are, upon the whole, among the most good-humoured people in the world, and the most peaceable ; and the chief causes of this must be sought for in their political and social institutions. Of the sixteen lectures pe- riodically delivered to the people, the second is “ on union and concord among kindred the third, “ on concord and agreement among neighbours the ninth, “ on mutual forbearance;” the sixteenth, “ on reconciling animosities.” Here perhaps we may perceive also the sources of their characteristic timidity, which is accompanied by its natural asso- ciate, the disposition to cunning and fraud. The Chinese have lived so much in peace, that they have acquired by habit and education a more than common horror of political disorder. “ Better be a dog in peace than a man in anarchy,” is a common maxim. “ It is a general rule,” they say, “ that the worst of men are fondest of change and commotion, hoping that they may thereby benefit themselves; but by adherence to a steady, quiet system, affairs proceed without confusion, and bad men have nothing to gain.” They are, in short, a nation of incurable conservatives. At the same time, that only check of Asiatic despotism — the endu- rance of the people — appears from their history to have exercised a salutary influence. The first em- peror of the Ming family observed, “ The bowstring drawn violently will break ; the people pressed hard will rebel.” Another sovereign observed to his heir, “You see that the boat in which we sit is supported by the water, which at the same time is able, if roused, to overwhelm it : remember that the water represents the people, and the emperor only the boat.” Amid all the internal revolutions of INFI.UKM T. OF I. H MINING. 203 China, it is deserving of remark, that no single in- stance has ever occurred of an attempt to change the form of that pure monarchy which is founded in, or derived from, patriarchal authority. The only object has been, in most cases, the destruction of a tyrant ; or, when the country was divided into sev- eral states, the acquisition of universal power by the head of one of them. This people has, perhaps, derived some advantage from the habit of reserving its respect exclusively for those objects which may be considered as the original and legitimate sources of that feeling. We think there is much truth in the observations of Mr. Rogers, in a note to one of his poems : — “ Age was anciently synonymous with power ; and we may al- ways observe that the old are held in more or less honour, as men are more or less virtuous. Among us, and wherever birth and possession give rank and authority, the young and the profligate are seen con- tinually above the old and the worthy: their age can never find its due respect ; but among many of the ancient nations it was otherwise, and they reap- ed the benefit of it. ‘ Rien ne maintient plus les moeurs qu'une extreme subordination des jeunes gens envers les vieillards. Les uns et les autres seront contenus: ceux-la par le respect qu’ils auront pour les vieillards, et ceux-ci par le respect qu'ils auront pour eux-memes.’ ” — ( Montesquieu .) We have before mentioned that the Chinese possess this antiquated habit ; but their regard for age, even, is secondary to their respect for learning. “ In learning,” says their maxim, “ age and youth go for nothing : the best informed takes the prece- dence.” The chief source of rank and considera- tion in China is certainly cultivated talent ; and, whatever may be the character of the learning on which it is exercised, this at least is a more legiti- mate as well as more beneficial object of respect than the vulgar pretensions of wealth and fashion or the accidental ones of mere birth L— Q 204 THE CHINESE. Wealth alone, though it has of course some ne- cessary influence, is looked upon with less respect, comparatively, than perhaps in any other country ; and this because all distinction and rank arise almost entirely from educated talent. The choice of offi- cial persons, who form the real aristocracy of the country, is guided, with a very few exceptions, by the possession of those qualities, and the country is therefore as ably ruled as it could be under the circumstances. “ Les lettres (observed a corre- spondent of ours from Peking) ainsi honores par les Han, ont acquis un grand ascendant sur le peuple : la politique s’en est empare dans toutes les dynas- ties, et c’est sans doute a cette reunion des esprits que la Chine doit son bonheur, sa paix, et sa pros- perite.” The official aristocracy, content with their solid rank and power, aim at no external display ; on the contrary, a certain affectation, on their part, of patriarchal simplicity, operates as a sumptuary law, and gives a corresponding tone to the habits of the people. We are bound to admit that some evils result from this : superfluous wealth, in the hands of the vulgar possessors of it, is driven to find a vent occasionally in the gratification of private sensuality. Superfluous wealth, however, is no very com- mon occurrence in China. A man’s sons divide his property between them, or rather live upon it in common, and the only right of primogeniture seems to consist in the eldest being a sort of steward or trustee for the estate. The temptations to immod- erate accumulation are not so great as with us, nor the opportunities for it so frequent, where the or- dinary channels of commerce are liable neither to such spring- tides, nor to such violent ebbs. We must repeat that the fortunes made by hoppos and Hong merchants at Canton are no examples what- ever of the usual state of things in the empire, in cases where natives only are concerned. The real LEARNING CONFERS RANK. 205 aristocracy of the country being official, and not hereditary, there are no families to be perpetuated by a system of entails ; and, if a man were willing to transmit his possessions in the shape of endless settlements, the law will not let him. It is an observation of Hume, that “ the absence of any hereditary aristocracy may secure the intes- tine tranquillity of the state, by making it impossi- ble for faction or rebellion to find any powerful heads.” This, we fancy, is exactly the principle on which the Chinese government is so jealous of any undue perpetuation of greatness in families.* There are certain hereditary titles, descending one step in rank through five generations, and the privilege of wearing the yellow and red girdles, which serve to distinguish the numerous descendants of the impe- rial family ; but these, though they are certainly a class of titular nobility, are far from being the real aristocracy of the country, and, without personal merit, they are little considered. f The Chinese have a saying, that, “ by learning, the sons of the common people become great ; without learning, the sons of the great become mingled with the mass of the people.” All real rank of consequence being determined by talent, the test of this is afforded at the public ex- aminations. These are open to the poorest persons ; and only some classes, as menial servants, comedi- ans, and the lowest agents of the police, are exclu- ded. The government seems to consider that its own stability is best secured by placing the great- est talent, if not always the pitrest virtue, in offices of trust. With a view to promoting the efficiency * There is a law in their penal code denouncing death not only to him who recommends the elevation of a civil officer to an hereditary title, hut to him in whose favour the recommenda- tion is made. f Du Halde observes, “ they have no lands ; and, as the em peror cannot give them all pensions, some live in great poverty.” 206 THE CHINESE. of their standing army, the Manchow Tartar em- perors have established a military examination, in which the relative merit of mandarins in martial exercises is distinguished by similar grades. It is time, however, that we proceed to consider the actual machinery of government, commencing with the supreme head, the emperor. His titles are the “ Son of Heaven,” the “Ten thousand Years.” He is worshipped with divine honours, and with the attribute of ubiquity throughout the empire. The following is from an eyewitness to the celebration of the emperor’s birthday at Peking,* and the cere- mony is universal and simultaneous through the chief cities of China. “ The first day was conse- crated to the purpose of rendering a solemn, sacred, and devout homage to the supreme majesty of the emperor. The princes, tributaries, ambassadors, great officers of state, and principal mandarins, were assembled in a vast hall, and upon particular notice were introduced into an inner building, bear- ing at least the semblance of a temple. It was chiefly furnished with great instruments of music, among which were sets of cylindrical bells, sus- pended in a line from ornamented frames of wood, and gradually diminishing in size from one extrem- ity to the other, and also triangular pieces of metal, arranged in the same order as the bells. To the sound of these instruments, a slow and solemn hymn was sung by eunuchs, who had such a command over their voices as to resemble the effect of the musical glasses at a distance. The performers were directed in gliding from one tone to another by the striking of a shrill and sonorous cymbal ; and the judges of music among the gentlemen of the em- bassy were much pleased with their execution. The whole had indeed a grand effect. During the per- formance, and at particular signals, nine times re- * Staunton, vol. ii., p. 255. EMPEROR IS HIGH-PRIEST. 207 peated, all the persons present prostrated them- selves nine times, except the ambassador and his suite, who made a profound obeisance. But he whom it was meant to honour continued, as if it were in imitation of the Deity, invisible the whole time. The awful impression made upon the minds of men by this apparent worship of a fellow-mortal was not to be effaced by any immediate scenes of sport or gayety, which were postponed to the fol- lowing day. The emperor worships Heaven, and the people worship the emperor. It is remarkable that with all this the sovereign, in styling himself, uses oc- casionally such a term of affected humility as “ the imperfect man which presents a contrast to the inflated and self-laudatory expressions of most ori ental monarchs. Every device of state, however is used to keep up by habit the impression of awe. No person whatever can pass before the outer gate of the palace in any vehicle or on horseback. The vacant throne, or a screen of yellow silk, is equally worshipped with his actual presence. An imperial despatch is received in the provinces w ith offerings of incense and prostration, looking towards Peking. There is a paved walk to the principal audience- hall, on w-hich none can tread but the emperor. At the same time, as if his transcendent majesty could derive no increase from personal decorations, he is distinguished from his court, unlike most Asiatic sovereigns, by being more plainly clad than those by whom he is surrounded. In Lord Maoartney’s mission, while the crowd of mandarins was covered with embroidery and splendour, the emperor ap- peared in a dress of plain brown silk, and a black velvet cap with a single pearl in front. Yellow, as the imperial colour, would seem at present rather to distinguish things pertaining to his use, or con- nected with him in other ways, than to constitute a part of his actual garments, except perhaps on very 208 THE CHINESE. great occasions. The sovereign of China has the absolute disposal of the succession, and, if he pleas- es, can name his heir out of his own family. This has descended from time immemorial ; and the an- cient monarchs, Yaou and Shun, are famous exam- ples of such a mode of selection. The imperial authority or sanction to all public acts is conveyed by the impression of a seal, some inches square, and composed of jade, a greenish white stone, call- ed by the Chinese Yu. Any particular directions or remarks by the emperor himself are added in red, commonly styled “ the vermilion pencil.” All im- perial edicts of a special nature, after being address- ed to the proper tribunal, or other authority, are promulged in the Peking Gazette, which contains nothing but what relates to the supreme govern- ment ; that is, either reports to the emperor, or mandates from him. It is death to falsify any pa- per therein contained : but it must be observed, that these special edicts of the sovereign, as applicable to the exigences of particular cases, either in ag- gravation or mitigation of punishment, are not al- lowed to be applied as precedents in penal jurisdic- tion.* There is more wisdom in this rule than in that which gave to the rescripts of the Roman em- perors, in individual cases, the force of perpetual laws, — a system which has very properly been call- ed “ arguing from particulars to generals.” As Pontifex Maximus, or high-priest of the em- pire, the “ Son of Heaven” alone, with his imme- diate representatives, sacrifices in the government temples, with victims and incense. These rites, preceded as they are by fasting and purification, bear a perfect resemblance to the offerings with which we are familiar in the history of antiquity. No hierarchy is maintained at the public expense, nor any priesthood attached to the Confucian or * Penal Code, Sect. 415. MACHINERY OF GOVERNMENT. 209 government religion, as the sovereign and his great officers perforin that part. The two religious orders of Fo and Taou, which are only tolerated, and not maintained, by the government, derive support en- tirely from their own funds, or from voluntary pri- vate contributions. This remark must of course be confined to China for in Mongol Tartary the ein- f ieror finds it expedient to show more favour to the arnas of the Buddhist hierarchy, on account of their influence over the people of those extensive re- gions. It is a striking circumstance that the Con- fueian persuasion has continued supreme in China, though the conquerors of the country were not Confucians. The emperor's principal ministers form the Nuy- ko, or “ interior council chamber,” and the chief counsellors are four in number, two Tartars and two Chinese, the former always taking precedence : they all bear the titles of Choong-t’hang and Ko- Taou, written by the Jesuits Colao. Below these are a number of assessors, who, together with them, form the great council of state. The body whence these chief ministers are generally selected is the Imperial College, or National Institute, of the Hftn- lin. If there is any thing which can be called a hierarchy of the state religion (which we have al- ready stated the government does not maintain in a special shape), it is this Hs which, there exists not the slightest shadow semblance between the hieroglyphics of Egypt ■ t he Chinese characters. This point was first s nctorily proved in a letter from l’ere Amiot at P i.ig to the Koval Society at London, which had a e.ijtni to him for information. In one respect, in- 1. we are ready to admit that there is a resem- !■ i x e ; but that is only in the use of the respective c i -icters. The researches of Dr. Young first P 1 that the pictorial emblems of the sacred 1 piage 0 f Egypt had been used in the Rosetta i s iption, as symbols of sound in the expression i ' i reign names. Now, this is precisely what the i ie.se do, from obvious necessity, in similar i M's. Their monosyllabic characters are used to r i resent the sounds of foreigners’ names, and either umected by a line along the side, or otherwise i-iinguished by a small mark, for the same reason t r-.t the Egyptians enclosed theirs in an oval ring, •i" cartouche. Rut to return to our immediate subject. People in Europe have been strangely misled, in their no- tions of Chinese physiognomy and appearance, by Pie figures represented on those specimens of manufacture which proceed from Canton, and which are commonly in a style of broad caricature. A Chinese at Peking might as well form an idea of ii" from some of the performances of Cruikshank. The consequence has been, that a character of silly ’(>' \ n o ! farce has been associated in "he minds 254 THE CHINESE. of many persons, with the most steady, consider- ate, and matter-of-fact people in the world, who in grave matters of business are often a match for the best of Europeans. Their features have perhaps less of the harsh angularity of the Tartar counte- nance in the south than at Peking. Among those who are not exposed to the climate, the complexion is fully as fair as that of Spaniards and Portuguese ; but the sun has a powerful effect on their skins, and that upper portion of a man’s person habitually exposed in the summer is often so different from the remainder, that, when stripped, he looks like the lower half of a European joined on to the upper moiety of an Asiatic. Up to the age of twenty they are often very good-looking, but soon after that period the prominent cheek-bones generally give a harshness to the features, as the roundness of youth wears off. With the progress of age the old men become in most cases extremely ugly, and the old women can only be described by Juvenal “ Tales adspice rugas Quales, umbriferos ubi pandit Tabraca saltus, In vetulff scalpit jam mater simia buccd.” “ Such wrinkles see, As in an Indian forest’s solitude, Some old ape scrubs amid her numerous brood.” A conjecture has already been offered in expla- nation of the very opposite characters of figure admired in the two sexes. A woman should be extremely slender and fragile in appearance ; a man very stout, — not in those proportions that denote muscular strength, and what we call condition , — but corpulent, obese, alderman-like. It is fashionable in both men and women to allow the nails of the left hand to grow to an inordinate length, until they assume an appearance very like the claws of the bradypus, as represented in Sir Charles Bell’s work on the “ Hand.” An English gentleman in China PERSONAL APPEARANCE. 255 vasonably prohibited one of his servants frotn in- dulging in this piece of foppery, on the ground that fingers provided with such appendages could not possibly perform any work. The brittleness of the nail rendering it liable to break, they have been known sometimes to protect it, when very long, by- means of thin slips of bamboo. But the most unaccountable species of taste is that mutilation of the women’s feet, for which the Chinese are so remarkable. Of the origin of this custom there is no very distinct account, except that it took place about the close of the T&ng dv nasty, or the end of the ninth century of our ora. The Tartars have had the good sense not to adopt this artificial deformity, and their ladies wear a shoe like that of the men, except that it has a white ole of still greater thickness. As it would seem next to impossible to refer to any notions of physi- cal beauty, however arbitrary, such shocking mini fation as that produced by the cramping of the fn,u Small feet of a Chinese Lady, m early childhood, it may T partly be ascribed to thc- principle which dictates the fashion of long nails 256 THE CHINESE. The idea conveyed by these is exemption from la- bour; and, as the small feet make cripples of the women, it is fair to conclude that the idea of gen- tility which they convey arises from a similar as- sociation. That appearance of helplessness which is induced by the mutilation they admire extreme- ly, notwithstanding its very usual concomitant of sickliness ; and the tottering gait of the poor women, as they hobble along upon the heel of the foot, they compare to the waving of a willow agitated by the breeze. We may add that this odious custom ex- tends lower down in the scale of society than might have been expected from its disabling effect upon those who have to labour for their subsist- ence. If the custom was first imposed by the tyr- anny of the men, the women are fully revenged in the diminution of their charms and domestic usefulness. In no instances have the folly and childishness of a large portion of mankind been more strikingly displayed than in those various, and occasionally very opposite, modes in which they have departed from the standard of nature, and sought distinction even in deformity. Thus, while one race of people crushes the feet of its children, another flattens their heads between two boards ; and, while we in Europe admire the natural whiteness of the teeth, the Malays file off the enamel, and die them black, for the all-sufficient reason that dogs’ teeth are white ! A New Zealand chief has liis distinctive coat of arms emblazoned on the skin of his face, as well as on his limbs ; and an Esquimaux is noth- ing if he have not bits of stone stuffed through a hole in each cheek. Quite as absurd, and still more mischievous, is the infatuation which, among some Europeans, attaches beauty to that modifica- tion of the human figure which resembles the wasp, and compresses the waist until the very ribs have been distorted, and the functions of the vital organs irreparably disordered. PRIMITIVE FEATURES. <157 % It is an interesting question to investigate how the Chinese are to be ranked with other nations in the comparative scale of civil society. We have already endeavoured to show in part, and have still to show, the considerable moral and political advantages which they actually possess, and which Sir George Staunton has, with his usual knowledge and ability, summed up as attributable “ to the re- gard paid to the ties of kindred ; to the sobriety, in- dustry, and intelligence of the lower classes; to the nearly total absence of feudal rights and privileges ; the equal distribution of landed property ; to the in- disposition of government to engage in schemes of foreign warfare and ambition ; and to a system of penal laws the most clearly defined, comprehen- sive, and business-like of any, at least among ylsi- atics." It would be idle, on the other hand, to deny that they possess vices and defects peculiar to their own political and social condition. It has been reasonably argued by the authority above quoted, that “ a people whose written lan- guage is founded on the most ancient of principles, and the frame of whose government is essentially conformable to the patriarchal system of the first ages, must have segregated themselves from the rest of mankind before the period at which the symbolic was superseded by the alphabetic charac- ter, and the patriarchal by other forms of govern- ment.” The same circumstances of government and language which denote the antiquity of the Chinese institutions, may, we think, account for their durability. The theory of government com- bining the paler atque princeps, which has always been the first to present itself to men's minds, if not the best in practice, may be the most plausible in principle ; and the system of written characters, which cannot be altered with the readiness of our syllabic words (notoriously the subjects of caprice in most languages), mav have given a considerable 258 THE CHINESE. fixedness to the intellect of China, through Ihe me- dium of its literature. Any one who lias been in the habit of translating into Chinese, knows the difficulty of conveying foreign ideas in an intelligi- ble shape. There is another primitive characteristic to be noticed in the classification of the four ranks, or orders, into which the community of China is divi- ded. These are, in the first place, the learned ; sec- ondly, husbandmen; thirdly, manufacturers; and fourthly, merchants. This arrangement seems suffi- ciently correct and philosophical, considered with a reference merely to the successive rise of those four orders in the progress of society. Tn the ear liest ages, superior wisdom and knowledge, the re suit of old age and experience, constitute the prin- cipal claim to respect and distinction. As society advances, and as nomadic tribes become fixed to particular spots, they turn their attention to the cultivation of land. With the gradual increase of raw produce, the rise of towns, and the adoption of exchanges between town and country, follow man- ufactures ; and lastly, with the growth of capital and the increase of manufactures, comes commerce, domestic and foreign. But, by the time that a country has reached a certain point of advancement, this pristine arrange- ment (with the exception of the first class) must be considered as merely nominal, and perhaps, in some communities, rather as the inverse order in which the several classes will really stand in relation to eacli other. The influence of wealth — the conse- quence arising from superior possessions — will have its sway ; and as manufactures may become a more fertile source of wealth than tillage, and commerce tlrnn manufactures, so the former may impart great- er influence to those who pursue them respectively. Accordingly, we find, in China, that the poor culti- vator of one of those small patches, to which the REGULATION OF IMPERIAL KINDRED. 259 subdivision of inheritances tends to reduce the lands, derives little substantial benefit from the estimation in which his calling is affected to be held; even though the emperor himself once a year guides the plough. On the other hand, the opulent merchant contrives to obtain the services of those whom he can benefit by his wealth ; even the acquaintance and good offices of persons in K ower, however low the nominal rank assigned to im in the theoretical institutions of the country. At the same time, the class of the learned retain their supremacy far above all, and fill the ranks of government. Hereditary rank, without merit, is of little value to the possessor, as we have before noticed. The descendants of the Manchow family are ranked in Jive degrees, which, for that reason only, were dis- tinguished by the Jesuits with the titles of the five orders of European nobility. These imperial de- scendants wear the yellow girdle, and, without any power whatever, have certain small revenues allot- ted to them for a subsistence. Of course, as they multiply, some of the remoter branches become reduced to a very indigent condition, when unaided by personal exertion and merit. At the fall of the last Chinese dynasty, a vast number of the ejected family dropped the yellow girdle, and sought for safety in a private condition. It is said that many of the representatives of the Ming race still remain ; one of them was servant to several of the Jesuits; and, whenever it shall happen that rebellion suc- ceeds against the Tartars, some of the number may probably be forthcoming. The imperial relatives of the Tartar line being numerous, and withal brought up to a life of idle- ness, are in many cases ignorant, worthless, and dissipated ; and it is possibly from some feeling of jealousy, as well as on account of their disorderly character, that they are kept under very strict con- 260 THE CHINESE. trol. The last British embassy had a specimen d their conduct and manners at Y uen-ming-yuen, as well as of the little ceremony with which they are occasionally treated. When they crowded, with a cliildish and uncivil curiosity, upon the Eng- lish party, the principal person among the manda- rins seized a whip, and, not satisfied with using that alone, actually kicked, out the mob of yellow-girdles. In the previous mission of Lord Macartney, Mr. Barrow has related an instance of the meanness of one of these princes of the blood — no less a per- son than a grandson of the emperor — who sent him a paltry present, with a broad hint that his gold watch would be acceptable in return. There are two lines of the imperial house of China ; the first descended from the great conquer- or himself, and the second from his collaterals, or his brothers and uncles. The first are called Tsoong- she,* 14 ancestral house,” and distinguished by a yel- low girdle, and a bridle of the same colour. The second are styled Keolo (a Tartar word), and marked by a red sash and bridle Every thing about their dress and equipage is subject to mi- nute regulation. Some are decorated with the pea- cock’s feather, and others allowed the privilege of the green sedan. There are rules concerning their establishments and retinue, and the number of eunuchs which each may employ. The greatest number of these allowed to any individual is elev- en, the chief of whom wears a white ball or button on his cap. For the government of all the mem- bers of the imperial kindred there is a court, called the “ office of the ancestral tribe.” This is wholly distinct from the Chinese courts, and has its own laws and usages ; and a w&ng (called by the Jesu- its regulus, or little king) is president of it. The principal use of these imperial descendants Tsoong-iin Foo ROAD ODEN TO TALENT. 261 seems to be the formation of a courtly apanage , to swell the emperor's state. They are obliged, at the new and full moon, to attend the court, and ar- range themselves in order, some within the audi- ence-hall, and some without, at, or rather before, daybreak. When the emperor makes his appear- ance, they all fall prostrate and perform their adoration ; and it was the party collected for this purpose at daybreak on the 29th August, 1816, which so greatly annoyed the English embassy by their importunate curiosity and uncourtly rudeness. It is their idle and useless life, and the absence of any motives for exertion, which make these per- sons frequently both ignorant and vicious, and ex- tremely troublesome to the emperor. Many have been ordered away from Peking, and sent to Man- chow Tartary, to be placed under the charge of the native chiefs, while others have been sentenced to perpetual solitary confinement. In 1819, one of the imperial clan, wearing a red girdle, found his way to Canton, where he had a relation by affinity officiating as the provincial judge. His plea for quitting the capital was extreme poverty, but the judge did not venture to house him. He was de- livered in custody to the local authorities, and packed off again under military escort to Peking, where it is said he was shut up for the remainder of his life. These persons are strongly contrasted, in point of intelligence, learning, and every other claim to respect, with the official rulers of China — its real aristocracy. The impartial distribution (with few exceptions) of state offices and magistracies to all who give evidence of superior learning or talent, without regard to birth or possessions, lies probably at the bottom of the greatness and prosperity of the empire. Nothing can be more true than the observations on this subject of the late Dr. Milne, an excellent Chinese scholar . “ This principle has always been maintained; although, as may natu 262 THE CHINESE. rally be supposed, it has often in practice been de- parted from. Yet the existence of the principle, and its being acted on to a considerable extent, give every person in China (with the exception of menial servants, the lowest agents of the police, and comedians) a solid reason to be satisfied with the system. They are the ambitious who generally overturn governments ; but in China there is a road open to the ambitious, without the dreadful alter- native of revolutionizing the country. All that is required of a man is the very reasonable thing that he should give some proof of the possession of superior talents. “ The government affords him every three years, and occasionally oftener, an opportunity of display- ing his attainments in a stipulated way; and, if it cannot give offices to all, it gives honours, and de- clares the successful candidate eligible to a situa- tion either civil or military; and, finally, to the highest offices of the state, if Iris merits shall entitle him thereto. The present dynasty has frequently sold commissions both in the civil service and in the army, in order to supply its pecuniary wants; which circumstance gives much dissatisfaction to those who depend on their learning and knowledge for promotion; and this conduct is generally deem- ed disreputable. Those of the community who arc raised above manual labour, or the drudgery of daily business, are occupied with what gratifies their lau- dable emulation, or their vanity and ambition; and from among these, when the state wants men, it selects the best talents of the whole country. I submit it, whether the principle and the system, which I have thus slightly exhibited, be not the great secret of the Chinese aggrandizement.” The superior honours paid to letters over arms must tend to make Chinese ambition run in a peace- ful channel. At the annual meetings of the manda- rins in the provincial capitals, to perform adoration ROAD OPEN TO TALENT. 263 before the emperor’s shrine on his birthday, this difference is shown by the civil officers taking their places to the east (the higher station), and the oth- ers to the west. The civil mandarins look upon Confucius as their peculiar patron, and are in fact the high priesthood, whose sole privilege it is to sacrifice at his temples. The lineal descendants of Confucius also have some hereditary honours. The head of this race is always distinguished by the title of koong, the highest of the five degrees before mentioned, lie repairs to Peking once a year from Keo-fow Hien, in Shantung province, the birthplace of the great philosopher and statesman, and receives certain marks of distinction from the emperor. Perc 13ou- vet, in 1693, found the governor of a chow, or city of the second order, in one of the southern provin- ces, bearing the same surname, and deriving his descent from the deified teacher of China, but he had earned Iris office by his learning, and not by his descent. The great limitation in the privileges of the various species of hereditary rank, and the continual subdivision of property among a man’s numerous descendants, are the causes which prevent any individual becoming dangerous by his influence or wealth. The true aristocracy of China, its offi- cial rulers, are of course a constantly fluctuating body. The gentry of every province, below these, consist of the mandarins retired from employment, and all who have attained any of the three literary degrees, or the nine ranks distinguished by the ball on the cap. The merit of a son often elevates his parents, and posthumous titles of dignity are occa- sionally conferred on the ancestors for several gen erations. Among the various causes which conduce to give to the upper classes in China their unostentatious character, and to prevent expensiveness being a fashion among them, we may observe that a sutfi 264 THE CHINESE. cient reason exists for the absence of magnificence from the establishments of official persons, inde- pendently of its being their policy to affect simpli- city. As none can exercise office in his birthplace, or patrimonial abode, he can have no motive to ex- pend money on his official residence, from which lie is liable at the shortest notice to be removed elsewhere ; the longest period being generally three years. Hence official persons are commonly very shabby in every thing but their personal habiliments ; their followers, even, being often dirty and ragged. The pride of external pomp and retinue is not allow- ed, on ordinary occasions, to any except the official aristocracy, and with these it consists rather in the number than in the condition of their attendants. The intercourse of social life in all cases where women are confined to their homes, or to the com- pany of their own sex, must of course suffer ; and accordingly we find that in China it is cold, formal, and encumbered with the ponderous system of cer- emonies, which have been transmitted from time immemorial. These, however, are occasionally cast off in those scenes of convivial excess into which exclusively male society is so apt to degenerate, when the recoil is sometimes as great on the side of license, as the previous restraint has been strict. It must be observed, however, in justice to the bet- ter class of Chinese, that these scenes are held in deserved disrepute, and prove always more or less injurious to a man’s character. Notwithstanding the general disadvantages on the side of the weaker sex here, in common with other Asiatic countries, its respectability is in some de- gree preserved by a certain extent of authority allowed to widows over their sons, and by the hom- age which these are obliged to pay to their mothers. The emperor himself performs the ceremonies of the ko-low before his own mother, who receives them seated on a throne. They have a maxim that “a BUT ONE LEGAL WIFE. 265 woman is thrice dependant ; before marriage, on her father ; after marriage, on her husband ; when a widow, on her son;” but this seems to mean principally with reference to support and subsist ence. The ladies of the better class are instructed in embroidering, as well as painting on silk, and music is of course a favourite accomplishment. They are not often very deeply versed in letters, hut cele- brated instances are sometimes quoted of those who have been skilled in composing verses. The mod- esty of manner which is deemed so essential to the female character is heightened by their dress, frequently of magnificent materials, and in fashion extremely becoming. They reckon it indecorous in women of birth and breeding to show even their hands, and in touching or moving any thing these are generally covered by their long sleeves. The Chinese look upon the dress of the European ladies (as sometimes represented in drawings or paint- ings) with surprise, and they certainly present a considerable contrast to their own. Perhaps in both instances the just medium may in some meas- ure be departed from, although in contrary direc- tions. There is no point on which greater misconcep- tion has prevailed than respecting the existence of universal polygamy in China. We will state the case exactly, from the preface to the translation of the “ Fortunate Union,” which is therein declared to be “ a more faithful picture of Chinese manners, inasmuch as the hero espouses but one wife. It is not strictly true that their laws sanction 'polygamy , though they permit concubinage. A Chinese can have but one tsy, or wife, properly so called, who is distinguished by a title, espoused with ceremonies, and chosen from a rank of life totally different from his tsie, or handmaids, of whom he may have as many or as few as he pleases; and, though the 266 THE CHINESE. offspring of the latter possess many of the rights of legitimacy (ranking, however, after the children of the wife), this circumstance makes little differ- ence as to the truth of the position. Even in the present romance, the profligate rival aims at effect- ing his union with the heroine, only by setting aside his previous marriage with her cousin as informal. Any Chinese fiction, therefore (and of these there are many), which describes a man espousing two wives, is in this respect no truer a picture of exist- ing manners, than in respect to any other silly or amusing extravagance which it may happen to con- tain. In fact, the wife is of equal rank with the husband by birth, and espoused with regular mar- riage ceremonies ; possessing, moreover, certain legal rights, such as they are ; the handmaid is bought for money, and received into the house nearly like any other domestic. The principle on which Chi- nese law and custom admit the offspring of concu- binage to legitimate rights is obvious ; the impor- tance which attaches in that country to the secu- ring of male descendants. It is plain that the tsy and the tsie stand to each other in very much the same relation as the Sarah and the Hagar of the Old Testament, and therefore the common expression first and second ivife, which the translator himself has used on former occasions, in imitation of his predecessors, is hardly correct.” If a person has so?is by his wife (for daughters never enter into the account), it is considered de- rogatory to take a handmaid at all ; but, if he has not, it is of course allowable. Still, for every add - tional repetition, he sinks in personal respectability, and none, in any case, but the rich can afford it. But the strongest dissuasives to a prudent person, on these occasions, are the domestic jealousies that inevitably fill the household with confusion, and sometimes with crime. The Chinese have a maxim, that “ nine women in ten are jealous,” and they speak feelingly. MARRIAGE. 267 Without doubt it is ;i double calamity to a Chi- nese wife to be childless, and the sentiment of Creusa in the Greek play must be universal : — Kat rtovd' (braVnor ta^arov itcioti kokov ck AovXris Tiros rvvauoff, eti gov cuifia iiaGO'njv ciyrir. EuripiJ. (Iuv. 836.) The feeling is very strongly portrayed in the drama called “An Heir in Old Age,” translated from the Chinese into English, and from the Eng- lish version into French. Here the spouse of an old man, who has only one daughter, in concert with her own child, and the young man to whom the latter is married, drives from the house a hand- maid, who, being pregnant, is an object of uncon- querable jealousy to all parties except the old man himself, who is anxiously expecting an heir. Both the woman and child arc concealed for three years, after which the jealous feeling of the wife is over- come, only by the consideration that, without a male heir, they shall have nobody to sacrifice to their manes after death. This regard to the sepulchral rites, by the way, is another feeling not peculiar to China, but one powerfully developed in several of the Greek plays; as the Ajax, and the Choephori, of Sophocles. The women whom a rich Chinese takes in the event of his wife proving barren are generally pur- chased for a sum of money. They are of course from the lowest ranks, entering the family as do- mestic slaves ; and the prevalence of this condition may be traced to the difficulty of subsistence in so thickly peopled a country, which leads many to sell their children, sometimes their wives, and even themselves. Men of high spirit and principle have been known to object to their daughters being hand- maids even to the emperor himself; though of course this is an exception to the general rule I.-X 268 THE CHIiNESE. When the sovereign has espoused an emperess with the usual ceremonies, he is supplied with handmaids from among the daughters of Tartars principally, selected on account of their beauty. On the death of an emperor, all these women are shut up in a secluded part of the palace, and debarred from mar- riage with any one. Marco Polo, with his usual fidelity, describes the process of selecting the Tar- tar ladies for the emperor, in the way that appears exactly to be followed at the present day. Marriage among the Chinese, with every circum- stance relating to it, is so fully described in the “ Fortunate Union,” that the curious reader may be referred for details to that specimen of Chinese literature and manners. It may be as well, in this place, to remark on the principal legal conditions of the married state, and then to describe the cere- monies attendant on the espousals. Their maxim is, that “ a married woman can commit no crime ; the responsibility rests with her husband.” Through- out the Chinese law, obligations and penalties seem to be pretty fairly adjusted; excepting always in cases of treason. A child, a wife, or a dependant, being very much at the disposal of the father, hus- band, or master, is proportionately exempt from punishment when acting under their authority. A woman under marriage assumes her husband’s sur- name. Marriage between all persons of the name surname being unlawful, this rule must of course include all descendants of the male branch for ever ; and as, in so vast a population, there are not a great many more than one hundred surnames through- out the empire, the embarrassments that arise from so strict a law must be considerable. There is like- wise a prohibition of wedlock between some of the nearest relations by affinity ; and any marriage of an officer of government with an actress is void, the parties being, besides, punishable with sixty blows. There are seven grounds of divorce, and come of MARRIAGE CEREMONIES. 269 them are amusing. The first, barrenness, would seem to be superfluous, as there is a remedy pro- vided in legal concubinage; but the truth is, that either resource, or perhaps both, are in a man’s power at his option. The other causes of separa- tion are, adultery, disobedience to the husband’s parents, talkativeness , thieving, ill temper, and invet- erate infirmities. Any of these, however, may be set aside by three circumstances ; the wife having mourned for her husband’s parents ; the family hav- ing acquired wealth since the marriage ; and the wife being without parents to receive her back. It is in all cases disreputable, and in some (as those of a particular rank) illegal, for a widow to marry again. Whenever a widow is herself unwilling, the law protects her; and should she act by the compulsion of parents or other relations, these are severely punishable. Widows, indeed, have a very powerful dissuasive from second wedlock, in being absolute mistresses of themselves and children so. long as they remain in their existing condition. From the Buddhists, who say that “those con- nected in a previous existence become united in this,” the Chinese have borrowed the notion that marriage goes by destiny. A certain deity, whom they style Yue-laou, “ the old man of the moon,” unites with a silken cord (they relate) all predes- tined couples, after which nothing can prevent their ultimate union. Early marriages are promoted by every motive that can influence humanity, and we shall have to notice these particulars in treating of the excessive population of the country. Theii maxim is, “ there are three great acts of disregard to parents, and to die without progeny is the chief." The most essential circumstance in a respectable family alliance is, that there should be equality of rank and station on either side, or that “the gates* * Mun-hoo teng-tuy. 270 THE CHINESE. should correspond,” as the Chinese express it The marriage is preceded by a negotiation called ping, conducted by agents or go-betweens, selected by the parents. The aid of judicial astrology is now called in, and the horoscopes of the two par- ties compared, under the title of the “ eight charac- ters,” which express the year, month, day, and hour of the nativities of the intended couple. This being settled, presents are sent by the bridegroom in ratification of the union ; but the bride in ordi- nary cases brings neither presents nor dower to her husband — dotem non uxor marilo, sed maritus uxori affert. The choice of a lucky day is consid- ered of such importance, that if the Kalendar (in which all these matters are noticed with the science of a Partridge, Moore, or Sidrophel himself) should be unfavourable in its auguries, the ceremony is postponed for months. These superstitions are common to all times and countries. In the Iphi- genia at Aulis, one of the plays of Euripides, we have an exact case in point. Clytemnestra says to her husband, who is deceiving her about their daughter, “On what day shall our child wed?” — to which he replies, “When the orb of a fortunate moon shall arrive.” The most appropriate and felicitous time for mar- riage is considered to be in spring, and the first moon of the Chinese year (February) is preferred. It is in this month that the peach-tree blossoms in China, and hence there are constant allusions to it in connexion with marriage. These verses, from the elegant pen of Sir William Jones, are a para- phrase of a literal translation which that indefati- gable scholar obtained of a passage in the Chinese “ Book of Odes.” “ Sweet child of spring, the garden's queen, Yon peach-tree charms the roving sight Its fragrant leaves how richly green, Its blossoms how divinely bright ! MARRIAGE CEREMONIES. 271 •• So softly shines the bea iteous bride. By love and conscious virtue led, O’er her new mansion to preside, And placid joys around ner spread.’ Some time previous to the day fixed, the bride- groom is invested ceremoniously with a dress cap or bonnet, and takes an additional name. The bride, at the same time, whose hair had until this hung down in long tresses, has it turned up in the manner of married women, and fastened with bod- kins. When the wedding-day arrives, the friends of the bridegroom send him presents in the morn- ing, with their congratulations. Among the pres- ents are live geese, which tire emblematical of the concord of the married state, and some of these birds are always carried in the procession. The bride’s relations likewise send her gifts, consisting chiefly of female finery ; and her young sisters and friends of her own sex come and weep with her until it is time to leave the house of her parents. At length, when the evening arrives,* and the stars just begin to be visible, the bridegroom comes with an ornamented sedan, and a cavalcade of lanterns, music, &c., to fetch home his spouse. On their reaching his residence, the bride is carried into the house in the arms of the matrons who act as her friends, and lifted over a pan of charcoal at the .door; the meaning of which ceremony is not clear, but which may have reference to the commence- ment of her household duties. She soon after issues from the bridal chamber with her attendants into the great hall, bearing the prepared Areca, or betel-nut, and invites the guests there assembled to partake of it. Having gone through some ceremo- nies in company with the bridegroom, she is led * In accordance with an epithalamium in one of their ancient books, in which is this line, •' The three stars shine on the Rate.” 272 THE CHINESE. back to her chamber, where she is unveiled by her future husband. A table is then spread, and the cup of alliance is drunk together by the young couple. Some fortunate matron, the mother of many children, then enters and pronounces a bene- diction, as well as going through the form of laying the nuptial bed. Meanwhile the party of friends in the hall make merry, and when the bridegroom joins them they either ply him with wine, or not, according to the character and grade of the com- pany. When the hour of retirement arrives, they escort him to the door of the chamber in a body, and then disperse. On the following day the new couple come forth to the great hall, where they adore the household gods, and pay their respects to their parents and nearest relations. They then return to their cham- ber, where they receive the visits of their young friends; and the whole of the first month is de- voted in like manner to leisure and amusement. On the third day after the wedding, the bride pro- ceeds in an ornamented sedan to visit her parents ; and at length, when the month is expired, the bride’s friends send her a particular head-dress; an entertainment is partaken of by the relations of both parties, and the marriage ceremonies are thereby concluded. On some occasions the bride is espoused at the house of her own parents, with some little difference in the forrtis. Both these modes are detailed in the novel of the Fortunate Union. It may be remarked that, as so many parties are concerned in the conduct of the negotiations pre- vious to marriage, and as the two persons princi- pally interested never see each other the whole time, there is a door open to fraud and trickery, as well as to misunderstandings of all kinds. It cannot be supposed, however, nor indeed is it true in practice, that the bridegroom has never in any CHILDREN. 273 case seen his intended spouse previous to wedlock ; though of course the separation of the sexes must prevent any intimate society between them. The law provides for most cases of dispute or of detect- ed imposture, some of which enter into the plot of the novel already referred to. Both parties are called upon explicitly to make known to each other the existence of any bodily or constitutional defect ; what the true age of each is ; and whether they were born of a wife or a concubine ; whether real offspring, or only adopted. Should there be any suppression of what is true, or any allegation of what is false, the penalties are severe. The Chinese law prohibits all marriages between sub- jects and foreigners, and even forbids any allian- ces between the unsubdued mountaineers, called Meaou-tse, in the interior of flic empire, and its own people in the neighbouring plains. When women prove childless, they pay adoration to the goddess Kuin-yin. a principal image in Bud- dhist temples, whose name means “heedful of pray- ers” (ter vocata audit), and wliose functions seem compounded of those of Venus genetrix and Lu- cina. There is, however, the widest difference, in their estimation, between male and female off- spring; the former are as eagerly desired as the latter are generally deprecated. Sons are consid- ered in this country, where the power over them is so absolute through life, as a sure support, as well as a probable source of wealth or dignities, should they succeed in learning : but the grand ob- ject is the perpetuation of the race, to sacrifice at the family tombs. Without sons, a man lives with- out honour or satisfaction, and dies unhappy ; and, as the only remedy, he is permitted to adopt the sons of his younger brothers. Sometimes, how- ever, the extreme desire of male offspring leads parents to suborn the midwives to purchase a boy of some poor person, and substitute it for the girl 274 THE CHINESE. just born This is termed tow loong, hodn foong— “stealing a dragon in exchange for a phenix.” Their maxim is, that, as the emperor should have the care of a father for his people, a father should have the power of a sovereign over his family. A man is even able to sell his children for slaves, as appears from the constant practice. They do not subscribe to the precept of Rousseau — “ Quand c ha- cun pourrait s'aliener lui-meme, il ne pent aliener scs enfans .” How completely the children of concu- bines pertain to the lawful wife is proved by this passage in the drama of “An Heir in Old Age,” where, in addressing his wife, the old man says. “ Seaou-mei is iioav pregnant ; whether she produces a boy or a girl, the same will be your property ; you may then hire out her services, or sell her, as it best pleases you.” The handmaids are in fact only domestic slaves. The birth of a son is of course an occasion of great rejoicing ; the family or surname is first given, and then the “ milk name,” which is generally some diminutive of endearment. A month after the event, the relations and friends between them send the child a silver plate, on which are engraved the three words, “long-life, honours, felicity.” The boy is lessoned in behaviour and in ceremonies from his earliest childhood, and at four or five he com- mences reading. The importance of general edu- cation was known so long since in China, that a work written before the Christian era speaks of the “ ancient system of instruction,” which required that every town and village, down to only a few families, should have a common school. The weal- thy Chinese employ private teachers, and others send their sons to day-schools, which are so well attended that the fees paid by each boy are ex- tremely small. In large towns there are night schools, of which those who are obliged to labour through the day avail themselves. EDUCATION. 275 The sixteen discourses of the Emperor Yoong- ching, called the Sacred Edicts, commence with the domestic duties as the foundation of the po- litical ; and the eleventh treats of instructing the vounger branches of a family. Dr. Morrison, in his dictionary, has given a selection from one hun dred rules or maxims, to be observed at a school some of which are extremely good. Among other points, the habit of attention is dwelt upon as of primary importance, and boys are warned against “repeating with the mouth while the heart (or mind) is thinking of something else.” They are taught never to be satisfied with a confused or in- distinct understanding of what they are learning but to ask for explanations ; and always to makell personal application to themselves of the precepts which they learn. Scholars are not often subject- ed to corporal punishments. The rule is to try the effects of rewards and of persuasion, until it is plain that these will not operate ; after which it is the custom to disgrace a boy by making him re- main on his knees at his seat before the whole school, or sometimes at the door, while a stick of incense (a sort of slow match) burns to a certain point : the last resort is to flog him. . The object of the government, as Dr. Morrison justly observed, in making education general, is not to extend the bounds of knowledge, but to im- part the knowledge already possessed to as large a portion as possible of the rising generation, and “ to pluck out true talent” from the mass of the com- munity for its own service. The advancement of learning, or discoveries in physical science, are not in its contemplation. It prescribes the book& to be studied ; a departure from which is heterodoxy ; and discountenances all innovations that do not ongmate with itself. In this we may perceive one ol the causes, not only of the stationary and un- progressive character of Chinese institutions, but likewise ol their permanency and continuance. 276 HIE CHINESE. The process of early instruction in the language is this : they first teach children a few of the prin- cipal characters (as the names of the chief objects in nature or art) exactly as we do the letters, by rude pictures, having the characters attached. Then follows the Santse-king, or “trimetrical classic,” being a summary of infant erudition, conveyed in chiming lines of three words or feet. They soon after proceed to the “ Four Books,” which contain the doctrines of Confucius, and which, with the “ Five classics” subsequently added, are in fact the Chinese scriptures. The Four Books they learn by heart entirely, and the whole business of the literary class is afterward to comment on them, or compose essays on their texts. Writing is taught by tracing the characters, with their hair pencil, on transparent paper placed over the copy, and they commence with very large characters in the first instance. Specimens of this species of calig- raphy are contained in the Royal Asiatic Trans- actions. In lieu of slates, they generally use boards painted white to save paper, washing out the wri- ting when finished. Instructers are of course very plentiful, on account of the numbers who enter the learned profession, and fail in attaining the higher degrees. Every principal city is furnished with halls of examination, and the embassy of 1816 was lodg- ed in one of these buildings, at Nanheung-foo, a town at the bottom of the pass which leads north- ward from Canton province. It consisted of a number of halls and courts, surrounded by separate cells for the candidates, who are admitted with nothing but blank paper and the implements of writing, a part of the system wl^h corresponds with our college examinations. Tm students who succeed in their own district, at the annual exami- nation, are ranked as Scivtsae, or bachelors, and according to their merits arc draughted for farthei EDUCATION. 277 advancement, until they become fitted for the trien- nial examination, held at the provincial capital, by an officer expressly deputed from the Hanlin col- lege at Peking. The papers consist of moral and political essays on texts selected from the sacred books, as well as of verses on given subjects. Pains are taken to prevent the examiners from knowing the authors of the essays and poems ; but of course this cannot always be effectual in shut- ting out abuse. Those who succeed at the triennial examinations attain the rank of kiu-jin, which may be properly termed licentiate, as it qualifies for actual employ- ment ; and once in three years all these licentiates repair to Peking (their expenses being paid if ne- cessary), to be examined for the tsin-sse, or doctor’s degree, to which only thirty can be admitted at one time. From these doctors are selected the mem- bers of the Imperial college of Hftnlin, after an ex- amination held in the palace itself. These fortunate and illustrious persons form the body from whom the ministers of the emperor are generally chosen. A man’s sons may or may not be instrumental, by their literary success, in reflecting honour on their parents, or advancing them in worldly rank and prosperity ; but the mere chance of this, joined to the heavy responsibility for their conduct, is a great inducement to fathers to bring them up with care, and may serve to account for the great and universal prevalence of a certain degree of education throughout the empire. Such is the demand on ev- ery individual for exertion, in a country so thickly peopled, that the children of the very lowest classes, whom extreme indigence precludes from the hope or chance of rising by learning, are trained to labour and to the cares*of life almost from the time they can first walk. With a slight stick or pole, propor- tioned to their size, across their shoulders, young chil- dren are constantly seen trudging along with weights, C78 THE CHINESE. sometimes much heavier than they ought to carry, or busily engaged in other serious employments, as the assistants of their parents. In a country where the youngest cannot afford to be idle, and where, as their proverb strongly expresses it, “ to stop the hand is the way to stop the mouth,” there is an air of staid gravity about some of the children quite un- suited to their years. But it is not during his life only that a man looks for the sendees of his sons. It is his consolation, in declining years, to think that they will continue the performance of the prescribed rites in the hall of ancestors, and at the family tombs, when he is no more ; and it is the absence of this prospect that makes the childless doubly miserable. The super- stition derives influence from the importance attach- ed by the government to this species of posthumous duty ; a neglect of which is punishable, as we have seen, by the laws. Indeed, of all the subjects of their care, there are none which the Chinese so reli- giously attend to as the tombs of their ancestors, conceiving that any neglect is sure to be followed by worldly misfortune. It is almost the only thing that approaches to the character of a “ religious sense” among them ; for, throughout their idolatrous superstitions, there is a remarkable absence of rev- erence towards the idols and priests of the Buddha and Taou sects. The want of ceremony with which they treat their gods is not more surprising, howev- er, than the apparently impious expressions which are occasionally used in the ancient classics of Eu- rope towards the whole family of Olympus : — “ Tunc cum virguncula Juno !” When a parent or elder relation among the Chi- nese dies, the event is formally announced to all the branches of the family ; each side of the doors is distinguished by labels in white, which is the FUNERAL KITES. 279 mourning colour. The lineal descendants of the deceased, clothed in coarse white cloth, with band- ages of the same round their heads, sit weeping round the corpse on the ground, the women keeping up a dismal howl after the maimer of the Irish. In the meantime the friends of the deceased appear with white coverlets of linen or silk, which are placed on the body ; the eldest son, or next lineal male descendant, supported on each side by rela- tions, and bearing in his hands a porcelain bowl con- taining two copper corns, now proceeds to the river, or the nearest well, or the wet ditch of the city, to “ buy water,” as it is termed. The ceremony must be performed by the eldest son's son, in preference to the second son, and entitles him to a double share of the property, which in other respects is di- vided equally among the sons. The form of wash- ing the face and body with this water being comple- ted, the deceased is dressed as in life, and laid in a coffin, of which the planks are from four to six inches in thickness, and the bottom strewed with quick-lime. On being closed, it is made air-tight by cement, being besides varnished on the inside and outside. A tablet is then placed on it, bearing in- scribed the name and titles of the deceased, as they are afterward to be cut upon his tomb. On the expiration of thrice seven, or twenty-one days, the funeral procession takes place, the tablet being conveyed in a gilded sedan or pavilion, with incense and offerings before it. It is accompanied by music closely resembling the Scottish bagpipe, with the continual repetition of three successive strokes on a sort of drum. The children and rela- tions of both sexes follow in white, without much order or regularity, and, upon reaching the grave, the ceremonies and oblations commence. It being a part of their superstition that money and garments must be burnt for the use of the deceased in the world of spirits, these are, with a wise economy. 280 THE CHINESE represented by paper. The form of the tomb, whether large or small, is exactly that of a Greek a, which, if taken in the sense of “ the end;” is an odd accidental coincidence. Those of the rich and great are sometimes very large, and contain a con- siderable quantity of masonry, with figures of ani- mals in stone. The whole detail of sepulchral rites, with the sentiments of the Chinese concerning the dead, is contained in the drama of “ An Heir in Old Age.” After the interment, the tablet of the deceased is brought back in procession, and, if the family be rich, it is placed in the hall of ancestors ; if poor, in some part of the house with incense before it. Twice in every year, in the spring and autumn, are the pe- riods fixed for performing the rites to the dead, but tlje first is the principal period, and the only one commonly attended to. Unlike the generality of Chinese festivals, which are regulated by the moon (and therefore moveable), this is determined by the sun, and occurs annually 105 days after the winter solstice, i. e., the 5th of April. About that time (for a day or two before or after does not signify to them) the whole population of the town is seen trooping out in parties to the hills, to repair and sweep the tombs, and make offerings, leaving behind them, on their return home, long streamers of red and white paper, to mark the fulfilment of their rites. Whole ranges of hills, sprinkled with tombs, may at that season be seen covered with these testimonials of attention to the departed, fluttering in the wind and sunshine. Such are the harmless, if not meritorious forms of respect for the dead, which the Jesuits wisely tolerated in their converts, knowing the conse- quences of outraging their most cherished prejudi- ces ; but the crowds of ignorant monks who flock- ed to the breach which those scientific and able men had opened, jealous, perhaps, at their success, XUNEKAL IUTKS. 281 brought this as a charge against them, until the point became one of serious controversy and refer ence to the pope. His holiness being determined to govern men’s consciences at Peking, and super sede the emperor’s authority over his subjects espoused the bigoted and unwiser part, which of course led to the expulsion of the monks of all varieties, “black, white, and gray, with all their trumpery,” and prevented those social and politi cal mischiefs which have invariably attended their influence elsewhere. Such a strict persecution of the Romish converts foRowed, that, after the lapse of about three centuries, the number of them at the present day is as nothing in comparison with what it once was. The emperor said of their conduct “ This surely is as contradictory to reason and so- cial order as the wild fury of a mad dog.” With reference to one of their miracles (of which they were liberal), he adds, “it would appear to be a tale which their ingenuity has contrived ; and, upon this principle, what is there we may not readily ex- pect them to say or write V' The body of a rich person is generally transport- ed to his native province, however distant, but on the journey it is not permitted to pass through any walled town. We might take a lesson from their wholesome practice of allowing no interments within cities, and of confining them either to hills, or the most barren tracts unavailable for cultiva- tion ; thus consulting at once the health and the subsistence of the living. To perform “the rites at the hills" is synonymous with the tombs in Chi- nese. To such sanitary regulations, and to the antiseptic effects attending the constant burning of incense, crackers, &c., in every house, we may principally attribute the remarkable healthiness of Canton and other towns, notwithstanding the draw- backs of a dense population, hot climate, low site, indifferent drainage of houses. u the evening, where they are provided with a comfortable dinner ; and about the period of sunset the whole range is seen gayly lighted up through its several stories. The public houses for the poorer people are gen- erally open sheds, and on particular festivals these consist of a temporary structure of matting, with a hoarded floor, fitted up with tables and benches, and affording the means of gambling and drinking to the dissolute portion of the lowest class. To the credit of the Chinese, as a nation, it must be stated that the proportion which this description of persons bean to their numerous population is not large. Tlu seafaring inhabitants of Canton and Fokien ar« perhaps among the worst. The dangerous profes sion of these poor people, and their unsettled, wan dering habits, tend together to give them the reck less and improvident character which is often foum attached to the lower grades of the maritime profes sion in other countries. Mr. Gutzlaff has drawn - very revolting picture of the sailors who navigate the Chinese junks, and his account is no doubt i> the main quite correct ; but it must be observed. i» general, of the gentlemen of his profession, both Gambling. 315 Catholics and Protestants, that, accustomed habitu- ally to view the heathen almost exclusively on the side of their spiritual wants, they have some- times drawn rather too unfavourable a picture of their moral character. This, however, is more true of many others than of Mr. Gutzlaff, whose candour has occasionally done fair justice to the inhabitants of the Chinese empire on the score of their good qualities. Though the lowest orders are certainly very prone to gambling, this is a vice which is chiefly confined to them. So much infamy attaches to the practice in any official or respectable station, and the law in such cases is so severe, that the better classes are happily exempt from it. This seems to be a point on which the liberty of the subject may in any community (where public opinion is ineffectual) be unceremoniously violated, very much to its own benefit, since true liberty consists in the power to do every thing except that which is plainly opposed to the general good. Those laudable in- ventions, dice, cards, and dominoes, are all of them known to the Chinese. Their cards are small pieces of pasteboard, about two inches long and an inch broad, with black and red characters on the faces. The idle and dissolute sometimes train quails for fighting, as the Malays do cocks; and even a species of cricket is occasionally made sub- servient to this cruel purpose.* The Chinese chess differs in board, men, and moves, from that of India, and cannot in any way be identified with it, except in being a game of skill, and not of chance. They have two contrivances for the promotion of drinking at their merry-meetings. One of these, called tsoey-moey, consists in each person guessing at the number of fingers suddenly held up between * Two of them are placed together in a bowl, and irritated ontil thev tear each other to pieces. 316 THE CHINESE. himself and his adversary, and the penalty of the loser is each time to drink a cup of wine. In still, calm evenings, during the continuance of the Chi- nese festivals, the yells of the common people en- gaged at this tipsy sport are sometimes heard to drown all other noises. It is precisely the same as the game of morra, common among the lower orders in Italy at the present day, and derived by them from the Roman sport of “ micare digitis," of which Cicero remarked, that “ you must have great faith in the honesty of any man with whom you played in the dark — “ mult a fide opus est, ut cum aliquo in tenebris mices .” The other festive scheme is a handsome bouquet of choice flowers, to be circulated quickly from hand to hand among the guests, while a rapid roll is kept up on a kettle-drum in an ad- joining apartment. Whoever may chance to hold the flowers at the instant the drum stops, pays for- feit by drinking a cup of wine. It may be easily imagined that this rational amusement occasionally gives rise to scenes worthy of Sir Toby and his associates in the Twelfth Night. In lieu of theatrical entertainments at their din- ners, conjuring, sleight of hand, and other species of dexterity, are sometimes introduced for the di- version of the assembly. The conjurer has always an accomplice, as usual, who serves to distract the attention of the spectators. One of their best exhi- bitions of mere dexterity is where a common China saucer is spun on its bottom upon the end of a rat- an cane, in a very surprising manner. The rapid revolution communicated to the saucer by the mo- tion of the performer’s wrist, through the medium of the flexible and elastic ratan, keeps it whirling round without falling, even though the cane is oc- casionally held nearly horizontally, and sometimes E assed behind the back, or under the legs, of the ex- ibiter. It may be observed that the cup is seldom AMUSEMENTS- 317 in danger of falling, except for the moment when the eye of the performer may be taken off from it. Among their out-of-door amusements, a very com- mon one is to play at shuttlecock with the feet. A circle of some half a dozen keep up in this man- ner the game between them with considerable dex- terity, the thick soles of their shoes serving them in lieu of battledoors, and the hand being allowed occasionally to assist. In kite-flying the Chinese certainly excel all others, both in the various con- struction of their kites, and the heights to which they make them rise. They have a very thin, as well as tough, sort of paper, made of refuse silk, which, in combination with the split bamboo, is ex- cellently adapted to the purpose. The kites are made to assume every possible shape ; and, at some distance, it is impossible occasionally to distinguish them from real birds. By means of round holes, supplied with vibrating cords, or other substances, they contrive to produce a loud humming noise, something like that of a top, occasioned by the rap- id passage of the air as it is opposed to the kite. At a particular season of the year, not only boys, but grown men, take a part in this amusement, and the sport sometimes consists in trying to bring each other’s kites down by dividing the strings. The taste of the Chinese court as to its amuse- ments was observed by the several embassies to be nearly as puerile as that of most other Asiatics. Farces, tumbling, and fireworks were the usual di- versions with which the emperor and his guests were regaled. Two of the sovereigns of this Tar- tar dynasty, Khng-hy and Kien-loong, maintained the hardy and warlike habits of the Mai’fchows by fre- quent hunting expeditions to the northward of the great wall. They proceeded at the head of a little army, by which "the game was enclosed in rings, and thus exposed to the skill of the emperor and his grandees. We find, from Pere Gerbillon’s 318 THE CHINESE. count of his hunting expedition with K&ng-hy, that a portion of the train consisted of falconers, each of whom had the charge of a single bird. The per- sonal skill and prowess of KAng-hy appear to have been considerable, and we have the following de- scription from Gerbillon of the death of a large bear : “ This animal being heavy and unable to run for any length of time, he stopped on the declivity of a hill, and the emperor, standing on the side of the opposite hill, shot him at leisure, and with the first arrow pierced his side with a deadly wound. When the animal found himself hurt, he gave a dreadful roar, and turned his head with fury towards the arrow that stuck in his belly. In the endeavour to pull it out he broke it short, and then, ruiming a few paces farther, he stopped exhausted. The em- peror, upon this, alighting from his horse, took a half-pike, used by the Manchows against tigers, and, accompanied by four of the ablest hunters armed in the same way, he approached the bear and killed him outright with a stab of his half-pike.” The amusements of the emperor's court on the ice, during the severe winters of Peking, are thus given by Van Braam, who was one of the Dutch mission which proceeded from Canton soon after Lord Macartney’s embassy : — “ The emperor made his appearance on a sort of sledge, supported by the figures of four dragons. This machine was moved about by several mandarins, some dragging before, and others pushing behind. The four principal min- isters of state were also drawn upon the ice in their sledges by inferior mandarins. Whole troops of civil and military officers soon appeared, some on sledges, some on skates, and others playing at foot- ball on the ice, and he that picked up the ball was rewarded by the emperor. The ball was then hung up in a kind of arch, and several mandarins shot at it, in passing on skates, with their bows and arrows. Their skates were cut off short under the heel, and AMUSEMENTS. :M9 the forepart was turned up at right angles.” These diversions are quite in the spirit of the Tartars, whose original habits were strongly opposed to those of the quiet and effeminate Chinese. However robust and athletic the labouring classes in the southern provinces of the empire, those who are not support- ed by bodily exertion are in general extremely fee- ble and inactive. Unlike the European gentry, they seldom mount on a horse, if not of the milita- ry profession ; and as nobody who can afford a chair ever moves in any other way, the benefits of walking are also lost to them. Nothing surprises one of these Chinese gentlemen more than the vol- untary exertion which Europeans impose on them- selves for the sake of health as well as amusement. Much of this inactivity of habit must of course be attributed to the great heat of the climate during a considerable portion of the year ; and they would be greater sufferers from their sedentary lives, were it not for the beneficial custom of living entirely in the open air, with warm clothing, during even the winter months— -that is, in the south ; for, to the northward, the extreme cold compels them to re- sort to their stoves and flues, with closed windows and doors. The apartments of houses at Canton are always built quite open to the south, though de- fended from the bleak northerly winds by windows of oyster-shells or glass. 320 THE CHINESE. CHAPTER IX. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. Costume of better Classes. — Absence of Arms or Weapons from Dress. — Summer and Winter Costume. — Paucity of Linen. — General use of Furs and Skins. — Sudden changes of Fashion not known. — All modes prescribed by a particular Tribunal. — Singular Honours to just Magistrates.— Shaving and Sham- pooing. — Female Dress. — Chinese Dwellings —Description of a large Mansion. — Tiling of Roofs. — Gardens. — Furniture — Taste for Antiques. — Travelling by Land- — Government Post not available to Individuals. — Printed Itineraries. — Travelling by Water. — Public Passage-boats. — Passing a Sluice on the Canal. — Same practice six hundred years ago. “ When dressed, every Chinese of any station wears by his side a variety of accoutrements, which would strike a stranger as being of a warlike char- acter, but which prove, on examination, to be very peaceful appendages. A worked silk sheath encloses a fan. A small leather bag, notunlike a cartouch box, suspended to the belt, supplies flint and steel for lighting the pipe : and the tobacco is carried in an embroidered purse or pouch.” Dr. Abel thus de- scribes the appearance of the first well-dressed Chi- nese whom he saw on reaching the shores of the Yellow Sea. Arms are, in fact, never worn on the person except by soldiers on parade : and even the military mandarins do not wear swords on ordinary- occasions of ceremony. The common people are not allowed to be seen with arms except for specific purposes of self-protection, as when carrying oft' their- property from a fire, or as a defence against river pirates, and the like. The possession of firearms is altogether forbidden by the jealous government, as may be seen from the COSTUMES. 321 following extract from a Peking gazette : — “ For the people to have firearms in their possession is con- trary to law, and orders have already been issued to each provincial government to fix a period, within which all matchlocks belonging to individuals should be bought up at a valuation With regard to those firearms which are in immediate use for the safeguard of the country, the said governor has al- ready directed the proper officers to carve on ever)' matchlock the name of the person to whom it is de- livered, and to preserve a general register of the whole. Let the governor also give strict charge to make diligent search, and prevent the illicit storing up of firearms for the future ; and let the workers in iron be rigidly looked after, lest they clandestinely manufacture and sell them ; the evil may thus be cut off in its commencement. Those officers who have made full and complete musters within the limited period, the governor is directed to notice properly as an encouragement to others.” Those Chinese near Canton who employ themselves in shooting wild fowl for sale, are said to belong mostly to the militia of the province. The extremes of heat and cold which prevail throughout the country at opposite seasons of the year, joined to the general custom of living very much in the open air, are the causes which have probably given rise to the broad and marked distinc- tions that exist between the summer and the winter dress of the better classes. The difference is prin- cipally marked by the cap. The summer cap is a cone of finely woven filaments of bamboo, or a sub- stance resembling chip, and surmounted, in persons of any rank, by a red. blue, white, or gilded ball at the apex or point of the cone. From the insertion of this ornamental ball descends all around, over the cap, a fringe, or rather bunch of crimson silk or of red horse hair ; in front of the cap s sometimes worn a single large pearl. 322 THE CHINESE. The winter cap, instead of being a cone, fits closer to the shape of the head, and has a brim, turned sharply up all round, of black velvet, or fur, and rising a little higher in front and behind than at the sides. The dome-shaped top is surmounted by the same ball as in the other case, denoting the rank of the wearer ; and from the point of insertion descends a bunch of fine crimson silk, just covering the dome. On the commencement of the cold or hot weather, the first person in each province, as the tsoong-to, or viceroy, assumes his winter or summer cap ; the circumstance is noticed in the official gazette, or court circular, and this is the signal for every man under his government to make the same change. In the embassy of 1816, the imperial legate, who conducted the mission down to Canton, being for the time superior in rank to the viceroy, in this man- ner put on his winter cap, and gave the example to the province through which he was passing. Within doors they usually wear in cold weather a small scullcap, either plain or ornamented. The summer garment of the better classes is a long loose gown of light silk, gauze, or linen, hang- ing free at ordinary times, but on occasions of dress gathered in round the middle by a girdle of strong wrought silk, which is fastened in front by a clasp of agate, or of the jade, which the Chinese call yu In an oppressive climate, when the thermometer is at 80° or 90°, there is much ease and comfort in the loose sleeves, and the freedom from restraint about the neck, by which this dress is distinguished ; and the tight sleeves and huge collars of Europeans very naturally make them objects of compassion, if not ridicule. To the girdle are fastened the various ar- ticles noticed by Dr. Abel, as the fan case, tobacco pouch, flint and steel, and sometimes a sheath with a small knife and pair of chopsticks. Thev are ve'ry proud of displaying a watch, which is inserted in an embroidered silk case or pouch. Summer and Winter Cans COSTUMES. 325 The winter dress, being nearly as loose as that ol summer, is less calculated to promote warmth and comfort than the European costume, and at the same time more unfavourable to bodily activity and exer- tion. Over a longer dress of silk or crape, which reaches to the ankles, they wear a large-sleeved spencer, called ma-kwa , (or riding coat,) which does not descend below the hips. This is often entirely of fur, but sometimes of silk or broadcloth, lined with skins. The neck, which in summer is left quite bare, is protected in winter with a narrow collar of silk or fur; their loose dresses always fold over to the right breast, where they are fastened from top to bottom, at intervals of a few inches, by gilt or crystal buttons (the latter in mourning) with loops. In summer the nether garment is loose, and not unlike ancient Dutch breeches; but in winter an in- describable pair of tight leggins are drawn on sepa- rately over all, and fastened up to the sides of the person, leaving the voluminous article of dress above mentioned to hang out behind in a manner that is anything but pleasant. Stockings of cotton or silk, woven and not knit, are worn by all who can afford them ; and in winter, persons of a certain rank wear boots of cloth, satin, or velvet, with the usual thick white sole, which is kept clean by whiting in- stead of blacking, in the usual style of contrariety to our customs. The thick soles of their boots and shoes in all probability arose from the circumstance of their not possessing such a substance as well- tanned. leather, a thinner layer of which is sufficient to exclude the wet. The shoes made for Europeans at Canton are perfectly useless in rainy weather, and spoiled on the very first wetting. The Chinese dresses of ceremony are exceedingly rich and handsome, and contrast to great advantage with the queer, unmeaning capings and skirtings of our coats. The colour of the spencer is usually You. I. — E e 326 TIIE CHINESE. dark blue, or purple, and the long dress beneath is commonly of some lighter and gayer hue. On state occasions this last is very splendidly embroidered with dragons or other devices, in silk and gold, and the cost amounts frequently to large sums. At the imperial feast of which the last embassy partook at Tein-tsin, the crowd of mandarins in full dress, sur- mounted by their crimson caps and various-coloured balls, certainly produced a striking effect. The great sin of the Chinese costume is the paucity of white linen, and consequently of washing. Even their body garment is sometimes a species of light silk, but capable of purification. All the rest of their dress being of silks or furs, there is less demand for white calico or linen, in proportion to the numbers, than in any other country. They spread neither sheets upon their beds nor cloths on their tables, and the want of personal cleanliness has of course a ten- dency to promote cutaneous and leprous complaints. Their substitute for soap is an alkaline lye, derived from a mineral substance, and rather corrosive in its nature. The skins of all animals are converted into ap- parel for the winter. The lower orders use those of sheep, cats, dogs, goats, and squirrels. Even rat and mouse skins are sown together for garments. The expensive fur dresses of the higher orders descend from father to son, and form sometimes no inconsid- erable portion of the family inheritance. At an en- tertainment in Canton, where the party, according to the custom of the country, were seated in an open room without fires, the European guests began to complain of cold ; upon which the host immediately accommodated the whole number of ten or twelve with handsome wide-sleeved spencers, all of the most costly furs, telling them at the same time that he had plenty more in reserve. They have one singu- lar species of refinement on the score of skins. The young lamb in utero, after a certain period of gesta- COSTUMES. 327 lion, is taken out, and its skin prepared with the fine silky wool upon it for dresses, which of course re- quire, on account of their small size, a great number of lambs to be thus ‘‘ untimely ripped,” and the lux- ury is therefore an expensive one. The Chinese, perhaps, may be said to possess an advantage in the absence of those perpetual and fre- quently absurd mutations of fashion in Europe, which at one period blow out the same individual like a balloon whom at another they contract to a mummy . and which are frequently ridiculed and followed in excess at one and the same time. They are not at the mercy and disposal, in matters of taste, of those who make their clothes, and their modes generally last as long as their garments. The human shape and dress are not varied with the infinite mutations of a kaleidoscope; and that peculiar, though indis- putable species of merit, “ being in the height of the fashion,” the honours of which must be chiefly shared with the tailor and the milliner, is nearly unknown to them. The only setter of fashions is the board of rites and ceremonies at Peking, and to depart materially from their ordinances would be considered as some- thing worse than mere mauvais ton. It is their busi- ness not only to prescribe the forms on all occasions of worship, or of ceremony, but the costumes which are to be worn must be in strict conformity to rule. The dresses of all ranks and orders, and of both sexes, about the imperial palace, are specified, as regards cut, colour, and material, with as much pre- cision as in any court of Europe. From the Tartar religion of the Lamas, the rosary of 108 beads has become a part of the ceremonial dress attached to the nine grades of official rank. It consists of a necklace of stones and coral nearly as large as a pigeon's egg, descending to the waist, and distin- guished by various beads according to the quality of the wearer. There is a small rosary of only eighteen 328 THE CHINESE. beads of inferior size, with which the bonzes count their prayers and ejaculations, exactly as in the Ro- man Catholic ritual. The laity in China sometimes wear this at the waist, perfumed with musk, and give it the name of Heang-choo, “ fragrant beads.” The various appendages worn at the girdle, as the purse or pouch, the steel and flint case for lighting the pipe, the watch case, &c., are gener- ally of the finest silk embroidery, which forms one of the principal accomplishments of the Chinese ladies. Indeed all the handsome crape shawls taken to England, some of which cost from sixty to eighty dollars, are entirely the work of women, many of whom earn more than twenty dollars a month by their labour. A Chinese is seldom seen without his snuff bottle, which is of oval construction, and less than two inches in length, the stopper having a small spoon attached similar to that for Cayenne pepper, with which a portion of snuff is laid on the left hand, at the lower joint of the thumb, and thus lifted to the nose. The material of these bottles is sometimes porcelain, or variegated glass, carved with consider- able skill in the style of cameos ; or rock crystal, with small figures or writing on the inside, performed in a manner which it is not easy to account for. Among the presents sent to, or, in the language of Peking diplomacy, conferred upon foreign sovereigns, is the embroidered silk purse, one of which the old emperor Kien-loong took from his side, and gave to the youth who officiated as page to Lord Macartney This, however, was of the imperial yellow colour, with the five-clawed dragon, and could hardly be worn by Chinese subjects, who always displayed the most profound reverence and admiration when they saw it, and knew it was from the great emperor’s own person. The ornament which has sometimes, for want of a better name, been'called a sceptre, is, in fact, an emblem of amity and good will, of a shape less bent than the letter S, about eighteen inches in II ON Oil ko TO JUST MAGISTRATES. 329 'ength, and cut from the jade or yu stone. It is called ,^-ee, “ as you wish,” and is simply exchanged as a costly mark of friendship ; but that it had a religious origin seems indicated by the sacred flower of the lotus ( Nymphaa nelumbo) being generally carved on the superior end. The Chinese have some singular modes of demon- strating their respect and regard on the departure ol any public magistrate, whose government has been marked by moderation and justice. A deputation sometimes waits upon him with a habit composed of every variety of colour, “ a coat of many colours,” as if made by a general contribution from the people. With this he is solemnly invested, and, though of course the garment is not intended to be worn, it is preserved as an honourable relic in the family. On quitting the district, he is accompanied by the crowds that follow his chair, or kneel by the wayside, while at intervals on the road are placed tables of pro- visions and sticks of incense burning. These honours were shown to a late Fooyuen of Canton, a man of a most eccentric but upright character, who, unlike so many others in his situation, would never take anything from the Hong merchants or others under his authority. He seemed to have a supreme in- diflerence for human grandeur, and at length retired by his own choice and the emperor’s permission into private life, from whence it is said he became a devotee of Budh. On his quitting Canton, a very singular custom was observed, in conformity with ancient Chinese usage on such rare occasions ; when he had accepted the various demonstrations of hom- age and respect from those who had been deputed by the people to wait on him, he proceeded from his residence to the city gates, and, being there arrived, his boots were taken off, to be preserved as a valued relic, while their place was supplied by a new pair. 1 his was repeated more than once as he proceeded on his way, the boots which he had only once drawn 330 THE CHINESE. on being regarded as precious memorials. The con- duct of the higher magistrates cannot fail to be influ- enced sometimes by the ambition of earning such popular honours, and there can be little doubt that, in places less exposed to the contagion of vice and temptation than Canton, there are good magistrates in China as well as elsewhere. But to return to costumes. The head of the men, as we have before noticed, is invariably shaven, ex- cept at the top, whence the tail depends in conform- ity to the Tartar custom ; the only change being in mourning, when the hair is allowed to grow. The Chinese having so little beard, the principal work for the razor is on the head, and consequently no person ever shaves himself. The great number of barbers is a striking feature in all towns, and sufficiently ex- plained by the prevailing custom. They exercise the additional function of shampooing, which, with the antecedent shave, occupies altogether a considerable time. Every barber carries about with him, slung from a stick across his shoulder, all the instruments of his vocation in a compendious form. On one side hangs a stool, under which are drawers containing his instruments; and this is counterpoised at the other end by a small charcoal-furnace under a vessel of water which it serves to heat. Their razors are extremely clumsy in appearance, but very keen and efficient in use. It is not the custom for the men to wear mustaches before forty years of age, nor beards before sixty. These generally grow in thin tufts, and it is only in a few individuals that they assume tilt bushy appearance observable in other Asiatics. The women would frequently be very pretty, were it not for the shocking custom of daubing their faces with white and red paint, to which maybe added the deformity of cramped feet. In pointof health, how- ever, this is in a great degree made up by the total absence of tight lacing, and of all ligatures and con- finements whatever about the vital parts The con- COSTUMES. 331 sequence is that their children are all born very straight limbed, and births are scarcely ever attended with disaster. Their dress is extremely modest and becoming, and, in the higher classes, as splendid as the most exquisite silks and embroidery can make it ; for the Chinese certainly reserve the best of their silk manufactures for themselves. What we often choose to call dress they would regard as absolute nudity, and all close fitting to the shape as only dis- playing what it affects to conceal. Unmarried women wear their hair hanging down in long tresses, and the putting up of the hair is one of the ceremonies preparatory to marriage. It is twisted up towards the back of the head, ornamented with flowers or jewels, and fastened with two bod- kins stuck in crosswise. They sometimes wear an ornament representing the foong hoang, or Chinese phcenix, composed of gold and jewels, the wings hovering, and the beak of the bird hanging over the forehead, on an elastic spring. After a certain time of life, the women wear a silk wrapper round the head, in lieu of any other dress. The eyebrows of the young women are fashioned until they represent a fine curved line, which is compared to the new moon when only a day or two old, or to the young leaflet of the willow. Pink and green, two colours often worn by wo- men, are confined exclusively to them, and never seen on men. The ordinary dress is a large-sleeved robe of silk, or of cotton among the poorer sort, over a longer garment, sometimes of a pink colour, under which are loose trousers which are fastened round the ankle, just above the small foot and tight shoe. A proverbial expression among the Chinese, for the concealment of defects, is, “ Long robes to hide large feet.” Notwithstanding this, the Tartar women or their lords, have had the good sense to preserve the ladies’ feet of the natural size. In other respects, however, they dress nearly as the Chinese, and paint their faces white and red in the same style. T.— C c 332 THE CHINESE. Husbandman. The ordinary dress of men among the labouring classes is extremely well suited to give full play to the body: it consists in summer of only a pair of loose cotton trousers tied round the middle, and a shirt or smock, equally loose, hanging over it. In very hot weather the smock is thrown off altogether, and only the trousers retained. They defend the head from the sun by a very broad umbrella-shaped hat of bamboo slips interwoven, which in winter is exchanged for a felt cap ; and in rainy weather they have cloaks of a species of flags or reeds, from which the water runs as from a penthouse. A large por- tion of the peasantry wear no shoes, but some are furnished, particularly those who carry heavy bur- dens, with sandals of straw to protect the feet. In describing the dwellings of the Chinese, we may observe that, in their ordinary plan, they bear a curi- ous resemblance to the remains of the Homan hab- DWELLINGS. 333 itations disinterred from the scoriae and ashes of Pompeii. They consist usually of a ground floor, divided into several apartments within the dead wall that fronts the street, and lighted only by windows looking into the internal courtyard. The principal room next to the entrance serves to receive visiters as well as for eating ; and within are the more private apartments, the doorways of which are screened by pendent curtains of silk or cotton. Near Peking, the embassies found most of the apartments furnished with a couch or bedplace of brickwork, having a fur- nace below to warm it during the winter. This was usually covered with a felt rug or mat, which, with the assistance of the warmth, gave perpetual lodging to swarms of vermin, and rendered the bedplaces quite unavailable to the English travellers. These flues, however, are very necessary during the severe winters, when the fires in the better houses are light- ed on the outside; but in poorer ones the furnace is within, and serves the double purpose of cooking and warmth, the whole family huddling round it. All houses of consequence are entered by a triple gateway, consisting of one large folding-door in the centre, and of a smaller one on either side. These last serve for ordinary occasions, while the first is thrown open for the reception of distinguished guests. Large lanterns of a cylindrical shape are hung at the sides, on which are inscribed the name and titles of the inhabitant of the mansion, so as to be read either by day, or at night when the lanterns are lighted. Just within the gates is the covered court, where the sedan chairs stand, surrounded by red varnished label boards, having inscribed in gilt char- acters the full titles of any person of rank and con- sequence. We cannot better describe one of their larger mansions than in the words of Sir George Staunton:* “This palace was built on the genera. Embassy, vol. u., p. 139. 834 THE CHINESE. modelof the dwellings of great mandarins. The v\ hole enclosure was in the form of a parallelogram, and sur- rounded by a high brick wall, the outside of which exhibited a plain blank surface, except near one of its angles, where the gateway opened into a narrow street, little promising the handsome structures with- inSide. The wall in its whole length supported the upper ridge of roof, whose lower edges, resting upon an interior wall parallel to the other, formed a long range of buildings divided into apartments for ser- vants and officers. The rest of the enclosure was subdivided into several quadrangular courts of differ- ent sizes. In each quadrangle were buildings upon platforms of granite, and surrounded by a colonnade. The columns were of wood, nearly sixteen feet in height, and as many inches in diameter at the lower end, decreasing to the upper extremity about one sixth. They had neither capital nor base, according to the strict meaning of those terms in the orders of Grecian architecture, nor any divisions of the space called the entablature, being plain to the very top, which supports the cornice ; and were without any swell at the lower end, where they were let into hollows cut into stones for their reception, which formed a circular ring round each, somewhat in the Tuscan manner. Between the columns, for about one fourth of the length of the shaft from the cornice downward, was carved and ornamented woodwork, which might be termed the entablature, and was of a different colour from the columns, which were universally red. This colonnade served to support that part of the roof which projected be- yond the wall plate in a curve, turning up at the an- gles. By means of such roofed colonnades every part of those extensive buildings might be visited under cover. The number of pillars throughout the whole was not fewer than six hundred. “ Annexed to the principal apartment, now des- DWELLINGS. 335 • ined for the ambassador, was an elevated building, intended for the purposes of a private theatre and concertroom, with retiring apartments behind and a gallery for spectators round it. None of the buildings were above one story, except that which comprised the ladies’ apartment during the residence of the owner : it was situated in the inmost quad- rangle. The front consisted of one long and lofty hall, with windows of Corea paper, through which no object could be distinguished on the other side. On the back of this hall was carried a gallery, at the height of about ten feet, which led to several small rooms, lighted only from the hall. Those inner windows were of silk gauze, stretched on frames of wood, and worked with the needle in flowers, fruit, birds, and insects, and others painted in water col- ours. This apartment was fitted in a neater style, though upon a smaller scale, than most of the others. To this part of the building was attached a small back court with offices; the whole calculated for privacy. “ In one of the outer quadrangles was a piece of water, in the midst of which a stone room was built, exactly in the shape of one of the covered barges of the country. In others of the quadran- gles were planted trees, and, in the largest, a huge heap of rocks rudely piled, but firmly fixed upon each other, and at one end was a spot laid out for a gar- den in miniature ; but it did not appear to have been finished.” In the best Chinese mansions there are seldom any stairs beyond the few stone steps by which they are raised above the general level of the ground. The stonework of the foundation is extremely solid and handsome, and in the neighbourhood of Canton it is always of granite. The walls are of blue brick, frequently with an artificial facing or pointing, by which strangers are apt to be deceived as to the fine- ness of their brickwork. They work in stucco with 336 THE CHINESE. great skill, representing animals, flowers, and fruits, which are sometimes coloured to imitate nature, and the cheapness of this ornament makes it very com- mon. The partition walls of the inner courts are frequently broken into compartments, which are filled with an openwork of green varnished tile, or coarse porcelain. The mode in which they tile their roofs is evidently derived from the use of split bam- boos for the same purpose, as it is practised to this day by the Malays, and described by Marsden. The transverse section of these titles being something of a semicircle, they arc laid down the roof with their concave sides uppermost to serve as gutters, the upturned edges of every range being contiguous. But, as these would admit the rain at the lines of contact, other tiles are laid in a contrary position over them, and the whole secured in their places by mortar. In towns, where space is of consequence, the houses and shops of the greater number of the in- habitants have a story above the ground floor, and on the roof is often erected a wooden stage or plat- form for drying goods, or for taking the air in hot evenings. This custom contributes to make their houses very liable to catch and to spread fires during a conflagration. Nothing surprises the Chinese more than the representations of descriptions of the five and six-storied houses of European cities; and the emperor is said to have inquired if it was the smallness of the territory that compelled the in- habitants to build their dwellings so near the clouds. They have the most absurd superstition in regard to the ill luck that attends the elevation of dwellings above a certain height ; and the erection of a gable end (which they denominate by their character for metal, approaching to the same shape) will fill a whole family with consternation, until certain cere- monies have been performed to dispel the “ evil in- fluence.” These remedies are about as well founded DWELLINGS. 337 in common sense as the evils which they are em- ployed to remove, and resemble exactly the charms and exorcisms used in our olden time against witches, ghosts, and devils. In the same way that a horse- shoe, with us, nailed against the door was an infalli- ble protection from a witch, the figure of a dragon, with its mouth wide open, opposite to the unlucky roof, swallows up all the ngo-ky, “ the bad air, or in- fluence.” The Chinese, however, never seem to have reached that height of judicial acumen by which, in former times with us, many a helpless old woman was thrown into the water, to be drowned if she sank, or be burned if she floated. The magnificence of Chinese mansions is esti- mated in some measure by the ground which they cover, and by the number and size of the courts and buildings. The real space is often eked out by wind- ing and complicated passages or galleries, decorated with carving and trelliswork in very good taste. The walls are often paved with figured tiles. Large tanks or ponds, with the nelumbium, or sacred lo- tus, are essential to every country house, and these pools are generally filled with quantities of the golden carp, and other fish. Masses of artificial rock either rise out of the water, or are strewn about the ground in an affected imitation of nature, and on these are often planted their stunted trees. Sir William Cham- bers’s description of Chinese gardening is a mere prose work of imagination, without a shadow of foundation in reality. Their taste is indeed ex- tremely defective and vicious on this particular point, and, as an improvement of nature, ranks much on a par with the cramping of their women’s feet. The only exception exists in the gardens, or rather parks, of the emperor at Yuen-ming-yuen, which Mr. Barrow describes as grand both in plan and extent; but for a subject to imitate these would be almost criminal, even if it were possible. The apartments of the Chinese are by no means 338 THE CHINESE so full of furniture as ours in England, and in this respect they have arrived at a point in luxury far short of our own. Perhaps, however, they are the only people of Asia who use chairs : these resemble the solid and lumbering pieces of furniture which were in fashion more than a century ago, as described by Cowper : — “ But restless was the chair ; the back erect Distress’d the weary loins, that felt no ease ; The slippery seat betray’d the sliding part That press’d it, and the feet hung dangling down.” Cushions, with hangings for the back, are sometimes used of silks, or English woollens, generally of a scarlet colour embroidered in silk patterns by the Chinese women. Near the chairs are commonly placed those articles of furniture which the Portu- guese call cuspadores, or spitting pots, rendered necessary by the universal habit of smoking. The disagreeable noise that attends the clearing the throat and fauces of the poison inhaled by this bes- tial practise, is perpetual among the Chinese, and makes one enter feelingly into the complaints which have proceeded from several visiters of the United States, in regard to similar habits among our trans atlantic brethren. Among the principal ornaments are the varied lanterns of silk, horn, and other materials, which are suspended from the roofs, adorned with crimson tassels, but which for purposes of illumination are so greatly behind our lamps, and produce more smoke than light. At a Chinese feast, one is til ways reminded of the lighting of a Roman enter- tainment : — “ Sordidum flammaj trepidant rotantes Venice fumum.” The great variety, and, in the eyes of a Chinese the beauty of the written character, occasions its being adopted as an ornament on almost all occa- FURNITURE. 339 sions. Calligraphy (or fine handwriting) is much studied among them, and the autographs of a friend or patron, consisting of moral sentences, poetical couplets, or quotations from the sacred books, are kept as memorials, or displayed as ornaments in their apartments. They are generally inscribed largely upon labels of white satin, or fine coloured paper, and almost always inpairs, constituting those parallelisms which we shall have to notice under the head of literature and poetry. In the forms of their furniture they often affect a departure from straight and uniform lines, and adopt what might be called a regular confusion, as in the divisions and shelves of a bookcase, or the compart- ments of a screen. Even in their doorways, instead of a regular right-angled aperture, one often sees a complete circle, or the shape of a leaf, or of a jar. This, however, is only when there are no doors re- quired to be shut, their absence being often supplied by hanging-screens of silk and cloth, or bamboo blinds like those used in India. Their beds are generally very simple, with curtains of silk or cot- ton in the winter, and a fine moscheto net during the hot months, when they lie on a mat spread upon the hard bottom of the bed. Two or three boards, with a couple of narrow benches or forms on which to lay them, together with a mat, and three or four bamboo sticks, to stretch the moscheto curtains of coarse hempen cloth, constitute the bed of an ordi- nary Chinese. It may be readily supposed that in the original country of porcelain, a very usual ornament of dwel- lings consists in vases and jars of that material, of which the antiquity is valued above every other quality. This taste has led to the manufacture of factitious antiques, not only in porcelain, but in bronze, and other substances — points on which strangers are often very egregiously taken in at Canton. The shapes of their tripods and other 340 THE CHINESE. ancient vessels, real or imitated, are often fantas- tical, and not unlike similar vestiges in Europe. In these they place their sticks of incense, composed principally of sandalwood dust, which serve to per- fume their chambers, as well as to regale the gods in their temples. The Chinese are great collectors of curiosities of all kinds, and the cabinets of some individuals at Canton are worth examining. Having consider 3d the accommodations of the Chinese when at 1 est, we may view them in loco- motion, or when travelling. The manner in which the greater part of the empire is intersected by rivers and canals, makes water carriage the most common as well as commodious method of transit from place to place: but where that is impossible, they travel (towards the South) in chairs ; and in the great flat about Peking in a one-horse tilted wagon, or cart — for it deserves no better name. The multiform in- conveniences of these primitive machines were ex- perienced by the members of the last embassy, and have been feelingly described by some of them. The wheels, frequently solid and without spokes, are low and fixed to very short axletrees. The bodies, covered with tilts of coarse cotton, open only in front, and are just wide enough to admit two persons closely wedged. They have no raised seats, and the only posture is to be stretched at length, or with the legs drawn up, the sufferer being always inclose contact with the axle, without the intervention of springs. A servant of the ambassador, who was an invalid at the time, and had not strength to avoid the violence of the shocks, actually suffered a concussion of the brain. The Chinese occasionally travel on horseback, but their best land conveyance by far is the sedan, a vehicle which certainly exists among them in per- fection. Whether viewed in regard to lightness, comfort, or any other quality associated with such a mode of carriage, there is nothing so convenient TRAVELLING. 341 elsewhere. Two bearers place upon their shoulders the poles, which are thin and elastic, and in shape something like the shafts of a gig connected near the ends ; and in this manner they proceed forward with a measured step, an almost imperceptible mo- tion, and sometimes with considerable speed. In- stead of pannels, the sides and back of the chair consist of woollen cloth for the sake of lightness, with a covering of oilcloth against rain. The front is closed by a hanging-blind of the same materials, m lieu of a door, with a circular aperture of gauze to see through. The Europeans at Macao furnish theirs with V enetian blinds, and never make use of any other carriage. Private persons among the Chinese are restricted to two bearers, ordinary mag- istrates to four, and the viceroys to eight, while the emperor alone is great enough to require sixteen. They divide the weight by multiplying the number of shoulder sticks applied to the poles, as represented in a vignette to Staunton’s embassy, in an instance where the number of bearers would be sixteen ; and this rule is made applicable to the conveyance of the heaviest burdens by coolies or porters. The Chi- nese constantly remind one of ants, by the manner in which they conquer difficulties through dint of mere numbers ; and they resemble those minute animals not less in their persevering and unconquer- able industry. There is no country of the same extent in which horses are so little used for the purposes of either carriage or draft, and this seems to arise, in somo measure, from their grudging to animals that food which the earth otherwise provides for man. Their horses are in general miserable stunted creatures, of the smallest order of ponies, and almost always in the worst condition ; nor is the caparison in most cases much better than the beast. The rider is wedged into a high saddle of the usual oriental char- acter, of which every part, stirrups included, is ex- 342 THE CHINESE. tremely heavy and cumbrous. The bridles ought to be of stiched silk, but they are often of rope ; and tufts of red horse hair are sometimes suspended from the chest of the animal. Where no rivers or canals afford the conveniences of water carriage, the roads, or rather b:oad pathways, ate paved in the south for horses, chairs, and foot passengers ; but no wheel carriages were met by the embassies, except in the flat country towards Peking. Official persons are accommodated with lodging on their journeys in buildings called Koong-kuan, or government hotels, and where one of these does not exist, the priests of the Budh sect are called upon to provide for them in their temples. The gods appear sometimes to be treated with little ceremony on these occasions. In 1816, a portion of the great temple on the side of the river opposite to Canton was appropriated to the British embassy, and fitted up for them, at the requisition of the factory, in a very handsome style, altogether different from the mode in which they had been commonly lodged in the interior. Nothing surprised the Chinese more than the number of comforts and conveniences which the English seemed to require, and the quan- tity of their baggage. One of their own nation travels with little more than a hard pillow rolled up in a thin mattress, or a mat ; and, as for his ward- robe, he carries it all on his back; that is, when not travelling by water. In the latter mode of carriage, the great officers of government sometimes convey no small quantity of goods, and, as their baggage is exempted from search, it is said that the privilege is often abused to smuggle opium. There is no post regulated by the government for facilitating the general intercourse of its subjects ; though one would imagine that a system of the kind might be made very serviceable by this jealous autocracy (as it has by some others) in promoting the special objects of its police. The government POSTS. 343 expresses are forwarded by land along a line of posts, at each of which a horse is always kept ready ; and it is said that, when the haste is urgent, a feather is tied to the packet, and the express is called Afei-ma, “flying horse,” on which occasions the courier is expected to go at the rate of about a hundred miles a day, until relieved. In this man- ner a despatch from Peking reaches Canton, or vice versa, a distance of 1,200 miles, in a fortnight or twelve days. A letter from the emperor himself is carried by an officer of some rank in a hollow tube, attached to his back. They have no telegraphs, but the embassies frequently observed that three coni- cal, or rather sugar-loaf beacons were erected on the most conspicuous points, to serve as signals by day or night, with the assistance of lighted wood or straw in the hollow,. chimneylike interior. There is printed for general use a very accurate itinerary of the empire, containing the distances in Chinese ly from town to town ; and one of these, on being compared with the actual distances on the map, as travelled by the last embassy, was found to correspond with sufficient exactness. But the great- est public accommodation consists in the arrange- ments for the conveyance of goods, which are regu- lated in the best manner. The public porters are under the management of a head man, who is re- sponsible for them. The wages for the number agreed for are paid to him in advance, upon which he furnishes a corresponding number of tickets, and, when the work is done, these are delivered as vouchers to the several porters to carry back and receive their money. The ordinary pay is one mace, or under 8d. per diem ; and so trustworthy are these poor people, that not a single article was known to be lost by the embassies in all the dis. tance between the northern and southern extremes of the empire. But, putting speed out of the question, thefe cer- 344 THE CHINESE. tainly is no country in the world in which travelling by water is so commodious as in China ; and it seems reasonable to attribute this circumstance to the universal prevalence of that mode of locomotion. Indeed, all the river craft of this people may be said to be unrivalled. The small draft of water, and, at the same time, great burden and stiffness of their vessels, the perfect ease with which they are worked through the most intricate passages, and most crowded rivers, and the surprising accommodation which they afford, have always attracted attention. The Arab Ibn Batuta, whose travels we have before noticed, in describing the inland trading vessels of the Chinese, states that they were moved by “large oars, which might be compared to great masts, (in respect of size,) over which five-and-twentv men were sometimes placed, who worked standing.” He evidently alludes to the enormous and very pow- erful sculls, which are worked at the stern of their vessels, exactly as he describes, at the present day. From its situation in the line of the vessel’s course, this machine takes up no room in the passage of their crowded rivers and canals, an advantage of no small consequence, if considered by itself. It is a moving power, precisely on the principle of a fish’s tail, from which it is well known that the watery tribes derive nearly all their propelling force, as the fins do little more than serve to balance them. The composition of the two lateral forces, as the tail or the scull is worked to the right and left, of course drives the fish, or the vessel, forward in the diago- nal of the forces, according to a well-known princi- ple in mechanics. Although, in the Chinese river craft, there is always a rudder to steer with in sail- ing, the scull will at any time serve in its stead, by merely shifting the balance of impulse to either side as required. These sculls are sometimes thirty feet in length, and the friction is reduced to the least TRAVELLING BY WATER. 345 possible amount, by the fulcrum being a tenon and mortice of iron, working comparatively on a point. The track ropes, made of narrow strips of the strong silicious surface of the bamboo, combining the greatest lightness with strength, are very exact- ly described by Marco Polo: “They have canes of the length of fifteen paces, such as have been already described, which they split in their whole length, into very thin pieces, and these, by twisting them together, they form into ropes 300 paces long : so skilfully are they manufactured that they are equal in strength to cordage made of hemp. With these ropes the vessels are tracked along the river by means of ten or twelve horses to each, as well upward against the current, as in the opposite direc- tion.” It is remarkable that the very instance where the practice of the present day differs from this faithful traveller’s narrative, may be considered as an additional proof of his general correctness. Horses are not now used to track the Chinese boats, although it may have been the practice under the first Mongol conquerors ; but the emperor's war- rant to each officer specifies a certain number of horses, according to his rank, and men are supplied as trackers, in lieu of horses, at the rate of three for each horse. Du Halde gives a very correct account of this in his second volume. The oars which they occasionally use towards the head of their boats, besides the scull abaft, are rather short, with broad blades. These are suspended with a loop on a strong peg at the side of the boat, and there is an ad- vantage in its not being always necessary to unship them, as, when useless, they are drawn by the wa- ter close to the vessel’s side, without any retarding effect. There is besides no friction, nor any noise in a rullock, and no encumbrance of oars within the boat. The travelling barges, used by mandarins and op- ulent persons, afford a degree of comfort and accom- 346 THE Cliinbarc modation quite unknown in boats of the same de- scription elsewhere ; but it must be repeated, that speed, is a quality which they do not possess. The roof is not less than seven or eight feet in height, and the principal accommodations consist of an anteroom at the head for servants, a sittiugroom about the centre of the boat, and a sleeping apart- ment and closet abaft. All the cooking goes on Accommodation Barge. upon the high overhanging stern, where the crew also are accommodated. There are gangways of boards on each side of the vessel, which serve for poling it along the shallows, by means of very long and light bamboos, and which also allow of the ser- vants and crew passing from head to stern without incommoding the inmates. The better boats are very well lighted by glass windows at the sides, or by the thin interior laminae of oyster shells. Others have transparent paper or gauze, on which are paint- TRAVELLING by water. 347 ed flowers, birds, and other devices, while the par- titions, or bulkheads, of the apartments are var- nished and gilded. The decks or floors of the cab- ins remove in square compartments, and admit of all the baggage being stowed away in the hold. Ev- erything in their river boats is kept remarkably clean, and this habit presents a strong contrast to their general neglect of cleanliness in their houses on shore, which have not the same ready access to water, and are besides often very ill drained. In short, their travelling barges are as much superior to the crank and rickety budgerows of India, as our European ships are to the sea junks of the Chinese, who seem to have reserved all their ingenuity for their river craft, and to have afforded as little en- couragement as possible to maritime or foreign ad- venture. Where the expense is not regarded, Europeans often travel between Macao and Canton in the large Chinese boats, of some eighty tons’ burden, which are commonly used in unloading the ships, but fitted up when required, with partitions, glass windows, and other conveniences for travelling. The charges of the mandarins, under the denomination of duties and fees, at length grew to be so oppressive, that the thing was brought to the notice of the viceroy, in 1825, and a considerable abatement made in the expense. Still, however, this is so considerable, and the delays interposed midway in the passage, for the purposes of scrutiny and examination, are so tedious and harassing, that most barbarians prefer going up and down by the ship’s passage iu Euro- pean boats. In this, as well as many other instances, the cupidity of the mandarins has defeated its own purpose. Nothing could more strongly characterize the busy trading character of the Chinese among them- selves, and the activity of their internal traffic, than the vast numbers of passage boats which are con- i. — r> d 348 YHE CHINESE. stantly sailing along the rivers and canals, crowded both inside and out with a host of passengers. The fare in these vessels is, quaintly enough, termed shuey-keo, “ water legs,” as it serves in lieu of those limbs to transport the body. None, however, above the poorer classes avail themselves of these convey- ances, as a small private boat can always be en- gaged, by natives, at a sufficiently cheap rate. That the company on board the public transports is not of the most select order, is plain from a caution gen- erally pasted against the mast, “ Km shin ho paou," “ Mind your purses.” There is a species of tavern, or public house, a short way above the European factories in Canton, at the point whence all these passage boats are obliged to start by the regulation of the police, and where the crowd and concourse is sometimes really surprising. Regular passports are always required, and the whole system appears ad- mirably arranged to promote the objects of a very cautious and vigilant government, in the mainte- nance of order, without impeding the general circu- lation of industry. There is, in short, a businesslike character about the Chinese which assimilates them in a striking manner to the most intelligent nations of the West, and certainly marks them out, in very prominent re- lief, from the rest of the Asiatics. However oddly it may sound, it does not seem too much to say, that, in everything which enters into the composition of actively industrious and well-organized communi- ties, there is vastly less difference between them and the English, French, and Americans, than be- tween these and the inhabitants of Spain and Portu- gal, whose proneness to stolid bigotry and oriental laziness was perhaps in part imbibed from the Arabs. Through the influence of climate and other causes, these seem still retained in a surprising degree, though they must be expected to give way to the example of more enlightened nations. TRAVELLING BY WATER. 349 Whenever the effects of our scientific machinery in abridging labour are explained to an intelligent Chinese, the first idea that strikes him is the disas- trous effect that such a system would w'ork upon his overpeopled country, if suddenly introduced into it, and he never fails to deprecate such an innovation as the most calamitous of visitations. We shall see hereafter that they have some ingenious contrivan- ces by which to avail themselves of the natural moving powers presented by wind, water, and the force of gravity, and that they have managed to ap- propriate in practice most of the mechanical powers with surprising simplicity and effect; but of the strength that slumbers in the giant arm of steam they are at once theoretically and practically igno- rant, although they both understand and apply, in their commonest cookery, the heat of steam under confinement to dress vegetables. The canal and the Yellow river are a perpetual source of anxiety and expense to the government, to keep their banks in repair, and prevent those inun- dations to which the country in their neighbourhood is constantly liable. The use of steam vessels is therefore utterly precluded by the peculiar charac- ter and circumstance of one of the principal streams of China, as well as of the grand canal. But it was impossible to travel, with the embassy in 1816, along that noble river the Yang-tse-kiang, which divides as nearly as possible the empire into two equal parts, and flows through its finest climates, without wishing for steamboats; more especially while suf- fering under the delay that arose from sailing up against that mighty stream, which runs with a'pre- vailing ebb towards the sea. It is indeed for such rivers as the Mississippi and the Keang that, steam- ers are most peculiarly fitted, and nothing can be less like steamers than the progress of the Chinese travelling boats. Those very points of shape and construction, from which they derive their commo- 350 THE CHINESE. diousness and safety, render them extremely slow under the most favourable circumstances, and, with the exception of their smuggling boats, the Chinese may be said to be anything but economists of time on the water. The following extract from an unpublished jour- nal of the last embassy* exactly describes the sin- gular process of passing the sluices which are sub- stituted on the grand canal for locks. The advantage of the latter mode (which seems unknown to the Chinese) is, the vessel being raised or lowered to a different level by the gradual rise or fall of the water in which it floats, by which means the dangers of a sluice are completely obviated. “It was announced that some of our boats were come up for the pur- pose of passing through the sluice, upon which the ambassador proposed to the legate that we should walk up to the pier head, to see the manner in which this was effected. The legate said he would accom- pany us with pleasure, being himself curious to see the boats pass ; and we all accordingly stood upon the pier head, while the four headmost boats (of sixty or seventy tons’ burden) were shot through the sluice. By means of the precautions adopted, which consisted partly in hanging against the sides of the pier large fenders, or cushions, of rope to deaden an accidental concussion, the boats passed through with perfect safety. The fall was some- what greater than that of the Thames under the arches of old London bridge, but still the hazard and difficulty seem to have been a good deal mag- nified. The stone abutments were constructed chiefly of large blocks of grey marble or limestone, with a few blocks of granite intermixed. After the boats had passed, we returned with the legate to the pavilion for a few minutes, and then rose to rejoin our sedans, and return in them to our boats. Journal of Sir George Staunton. PASSING A CANAL SLUICE. 351 “ At half past twelve we passed through a second sluice similar to the first, without taking the trouble to quit our boats. We then brought to for some time, and did not pass through the third sluice un- til about four. The fall here was fully as great, and the torrent as rapid, as in the first sluice ; but we all declined the legate’s second invitation to land while the boats were passing through. The pas- sage was effected by the whole of our squadron without loss or accident. The boats of smaller dimensions steered directly for the sluice, and shot through the opening at once ; but our common din- ner boat, and those of the ambassador and commis- sioners, were obliged to be warped along the bank up to the pier head gradually, in both modes any failure or mistake from bad steerage or ropes giving way might have been attended with serious conse- quences ; for if any of the smaller boats had struck on the pier head, or if any of the larger ones had swung round and presented their broadsides to the sluice, they would in both cases have run consider- able hazard of being stove in and wrecked, and some of the persons in them might have been drowned in the confusion. The large boat in which I was had been warped up to a proper position, and was on the point of being loosened from the ropes in order to shoot through the aperture, when a succession of small boats unexpectedly came up, and possessed themselves of the passage, compelling us to hold on against the stream for about a quarter of an hour, in a situation that was awkward, if not hazardous.” It is curious to find this description of the pas- sage on the canal so exactly agreeing with that of an Arabian traveller not much less than six hundred years ago, soon after that artificial route by water was constructed under the Mongol conquerors of China. The difference of level is commonly from five to six feet at the sluices, but in passing by the town of Hoay-gan, near the embouchure of the Yel- 352 THE CH A'ESE. low river, the boats sailed at an elevation of be- tween fifteen and twenty feet above the level of the city, and the travellers looked down upon the roofs of the houses, which any accident to the bank of the canal must inevitably have consigned to de- struction. The existence of such a work in China, at a time when Europe was involved in comparative barbarism, affords curious subject for reflection CHAPTER X. C I T I E S P EKING. External Walls of Peking.— Interior Aspect of Tartarian City. — Circuit of the Imperial Wall. — Southern or Chinese City. — Difficulty of Feeding the Population.— Dangers of the Em- peror. — Gardens of Yuen-ming-yuen. — Occurrence there in the last Embassy. — Expenses of the Court, — Tartars and Chi- nese. — Police of Peking. — Efficiency of Chinese Police. — Case of a French Crew murdered.— Punishment of the Pirates. The most striking feature of all the principal cities of China consists in the high castellated walls of blue brick by which they are surrounded, and of which the wall of Peking may be considered as a specimen, with some considerable difference, of course, in respect to its superior height and thick- ness. Like the ancient rampart of the empire, this consists of a mound of earth or rubbish incased with brick. The height is about thirty feet, the thin par- apet being deeply embattled, with intermediate loop- holes, but bearing no resemblance to regular em- brasures for artillery. Indeed cannon are not often seen mounted on the walls, although there are gen- erally some lying about near the gates. The thick- ness of the wall at the base is nearly twenty feet, EXTENT OF PEKING. 35J diminishing, by the inclination of the inner surface, to twelve or more at the summit. The height and weight of this wall, with its perpendicular external face, would only serve to facilitate the operations of battering cannon, which, of course, would begin to breach from the base ; but the principal weapon, in the wars of the Chinese and Tartars, has always been the bow and arrow. At each gate the wall is doubled by an outer enclosure in a semicircular shape, the entrance to which is not opposite to the princi- pal gate, but lateral, with a view to security and defence. Over both gates are erected towers of several stories, which serve to lodge the soldiers who guard them. At intervals of about sixty yards along the length of the wall, are flanking towers or bastions of the same height, projecting about thirty feet from the curtain. Most of the plans of Peking represent a wet ditch entirely compassing the sides of the city, and it no doubt extends round a certain portion; but when the embassy passed, in 1816, it is quite certain that the northeast portion had not even a dry ditch, and that some of the gentlemen quitted their vehicles to take out specimens of the brick from numerous holes which time and neglect had produced in the face of the wall. The same thing was observed at Nanking, the ancient enclo- sure of which was nearly as lofty as the present bulwark of Peking, but no remains of a ditch could be perceived at that part which the travellers vis- ited. The area on which Nanking stood was more ex- tensive than the space enclosed by the walls of Peking, but the greater portion of the surface sur- rounded by the ancient defence is now devoid of even the traces of buildings ; and the city of Keang- ning-foo, as it is at present called, occupies only a corner of the original enclosure. Peking likewise contains so many void spaces of great extent, that it is very difficult, considering the lowness of the 354 THE CHINESE. one-storied buildings, to imagine how it can hold such a monstrous population as some have attribu- ted to it. A very large portion of the northern or Tartarian city is occupied by the enclosure which contains the palaces and pleasure grounds of the emperor; the remainder is studded over with offi- cial or religious buildings, all of them surrounded by large open courts ; and the Chinese city to the south has some very extensive spaces occupied by immensely spreading buildings, and grounds at- tached, where the emperor sacrifices to Heaven, and performs the annual ceremony of ploughing; with various other rites. There are, besides, large sheets of water, and gardens devoted to the growth of vegetables for the city. With every allowance, therefore, for the extent of area enclosed by the walls, the population of Peking can hardly exceed that which is comprised within the London bills of mortality ; though it has been stated at double that amount. Father Hyacinth, long resident in the capital of China as a member of the Russian mission, has given a very circumstantial account of it, much of which is founded on personal observation, and th6 rest derived from inquiry or books. The short time which the mission of Earl Macartney passed there admitted of fewer opportunities of investigation ; but Mr. Barrow, who was left at Peking and Yuen- ming-yuen, while the ambassador attended the em- peror beyond the wall, made very good use of his time, and has given us a graphic description of what he saw. The streets of Canton and of most other cities are extremely narrow, admitting of only three or four foot passengers abreast ; but the principal thoroughfares of Peking, which connect its differ- ent gates, are fully one hundred feet in width. These are unpaved, no doubt in consequence of the diffi- culty and expense of procuring stone in the immense alluvial flat on which the city stands ; and every in- INTERIOR ASPECT OF PEKING. 355 habitant is compelled by the police to clean and sprinkle with water, during: the dry months, that portion of the street which fronts his abode, with a view to allay the dust. In rainy weather, however, the principal ways are said to be in a dreadful state, from the want of proper drains, and in consequence of the perfect level of the ground not allowing the water to flow oft'. Sir George Staunton thus describes the appear- ance of the capital, when it was traversed by the embassy on the way to Yuen-ming-yuen : “The first street extended on a line directly to the west- ward, until it was interrupted by the eastern wall of the imperial palace, called the Yellow Wall,* from the colour of the small roof of varnished tiles with which the top of it is covered. Various public buildings, seen at the same time, and, considered as belonging to the emperor, were covered in the same manner. Those roofs, uninterrupted by chimneys, and indented in the sides and ridges into gentle curves, with an effect more pleasing than would be produced by long straight lines, were adorned with a variety of figures, either in imitation of real ob- jects, or more commonly as mere works of fancy; the whole shining like gold under a brilliant sun, im- mediately caught the eye with an appearance of grandeur in that part of' the buildings where it was not accustomed to be sought for. Immense maga- zines of rice were seen near the gate; and, looking from it to the left along the city wall, was perceived an elevated edifice, described as an observatory erected in the former dynasty, by the Emperor Yoong-lo, to whom the chief embellishments of Peking are said to be owing. “Several circumstances, independently of the ar- rival of strangers, contributed to throng so wide a street. A procession was moving towards the gate, * The Chinese name is “ The Imperial Wall.' 356 THE CHINESE. ia which the white or bridal colour (according to Eu- ropean ideas) of the persons who formed it, seemed at first to announce a marriage ceremony ; but the ap- pearance of young men overwhelmed with grief showed it to be a funeral,* much more indeed than the corse itself, which was contained in a handsome square case, shaded with a canopy painted with gay and lively colours, and preceded by standards of va- riegated silks. Behind it were sedan chairs covered with white cloth containing the female relations of the deceased. The white colour, denoting in China the affliction of those who wear it, is sedulously avoided by such as wish to manifest sentiments of a contrary kind ;f it is therefore never seen in the cer- emony of nuptials, (met soon afterward,) where the lady, as yet unseen by the bridegroom, is carried in a gilded and gaudy chair, hung round with festoons of artificial flowers, and followed by relations, attend- ants, and servants bearing the paraphernalia, being the only portion given with a daughter in marriage by her parents. The crowd was not a little increased by the mandarins of rank appearing always with numerous attendants ; and still more by circles of the populace round auctioneers, venders of medi- cines, fortunetellers, singers, jugglers, and story- tellers, beguiling their hearers of a few of their tchen , or copper money, intended probably for other pur- poses. Among the stories that caught, at this mo- ment, the imagination of the people, the arrival of the embassy was said to furnish no inconsiderable share. The presents brought by it to the emperor were asserted to include whatever was rare in other countries, or not known before to the Chinese. Of the animals that- were brought, it was gravely men- tioned that there was an elephant of the size of a * The Chinese, who are not fond of using ill-omened words, call a funeral “ a white affair.” + It is avoided as being unlucky, or ill omened. The coloui of compliment or congratulation is red. ]NT£UioJi aspect or Peking. 357 monkey, and as fierce as a lion, and a cock that fed on charcoal. ******* “As soon as the persons belonging to the embassy had arrived at the eastern side of the Yellow Wall, they turned along it to the right, and found on its northern side much less bustle than in the former street. Instead of shops, all were private houses, not conspicuous in the front, liefore each house was a wall or curtain, to prevent passengers from seeing the court into which the street door opened. This wall is called the wall of respect. A halt was made opposite the treble gates, which are nearly in the centre of this northern side of the palace wall. It appeared to enclose a large quantity of ground: it was not level like all the lands without the wall: some of it was raised into hills of steep ascent ; the earth taken to form them left broad and deep hollows, now filled with water. Out of these artificial lakes, of which the margins were diversi- fied and irregular, small islands rose, with a variety of fanciful edifices, interspersed with trees. On the hills of different heights the principal palaces for the emperor were erected. The whole had somewhat the appearance of enchantment. ****** From the spot whence an opportunity thus offered to take a glance, through the gates of the palace wall, at part of what was enclosed within it, the eye, turning to the north, observed, through a street extending to the city wall, the great fabric, of considerable height, which includes a bell of prodigious size and cylindrical form, that, struck on the outside with a wooden mal- let, emits a sound distinctly heard throughout the capital. Beyond it, but more to the westward, was one of the northern gates, the watch tower over which rendered it visible above the intermediate buildings Proceeding on beyond the palace gates, directly to the westward, between the Yellow Wall and the northern buildings of the city, is a lake of some acres in extent, now, in autumn, almost entirely 358 THE CHINESE. overspread with the peltated leaf ol the nymphtea nc~ lurnbo, or lien-wha of the Chinese. ******* The route was continued westerly through the city. The dwellinghouse of some Russians was pointed out ; and, what was more singular, a library of foreign manuscripts, one of which was said to be an Arabic copy of the Koran. Some Mohammedans were seen, distinguished by red caps. Among the spectators of the novel sight some women were observed ; the greatest number were said to be natives of Tartary or of a Tartar race. Their feet were not cramped like those of the Chinese ; and their shoes, with broad toes, and soles above an inch in thickness, were as clumsy as those of the original Chinese la- dies were diminutive. A few of the former were well dressed, with delicate features, and their complex- ions heightened with the aid of art. A thick patch of vermilion on the middle of the lower lip seemed to be a favourite mode of using paint. Some of them were sitting in covered carriages, of which, as well as of horses, there are several to be found for hire in various parts of the town.* A few of the Tartar ladies were on horseback, and rode astride like men. Tradesmen, with their tools, searching for employment, and pedlars offering their wares for sale, were everywhere to be seen. Several of the streets were narrow, and at the entrance of them gates were erected, near which guards were sta- tioned, it was said, to quell any occasional disturb- ance in the neighbourhood. Those gates are shut at night, and opened only in cases of exigence. The train of the embassy crossed a street which ex- tended north and south the whole length of the Tartar city, almost four miles, and is interrupted only by several pai-loos, or triumphal fabrics ; and pass- ing by many temples and other capacious buildings and magazines, they reached, in little more than two * None but privileged persons can use a chair so near to the emoeror : but, in other parts, these are common conveyances. INTERIOR ASPECT OF PEKING. 359 hours from their entrance on the eastern side, to one of the western city gates.” From this they issued towards the imperial park of Yuen-ming-yuen, and the route, thus accurately described, can readily be traced on the plan of Peking. The Tartar city, through which they passed, is about three miles in breadth from east to west, and four in length from north to south. The ponion traversed by the embassy was rather more than five miles, which was as much as they could accomplish, with all interruptions, in the space of time mentioned above. The observatory seen by them to the left on entering the city, was that of the Kin-sing, (or planet Venus,) near the southeast corner of the wall. A new set of instruments was made lor it by order of Kang-hy, under the direction of the Catholic missionaries ; and the astronomical in- struments brought out by Lord Macartney were sub- sequently deposited there. The high fabric, with its large cylindrical bell, which the travellers ob- served between the north gale of the imperial wall, and the extremity of the Tartar city on that side, is the Choong-low, or “ Bell tower,” near to which is the office of the “General of the Nine Gates,” to whose charge is intrusted the police of the city. A wooden mallet, being struck upon the huge bell, makes known the five watches of the night, and the sound is heard through the greater part of the city. Within the precincts of the Tartarian city, near the southern gate of the imperial wall, are the prin- cipal boards or tribunals of the supreme govern- ment ; and not far from them is the college of the Russian mission, consisting of ten persons, who are periodically relieved from St. Petersburgh. Near the westernmost of the three southern gates, the Portuguese Jesuits had their college ; but the last of this fraternity was sent away in the year 1827, in the person of Padre Serra, who then furnished us with some curious notes. The most favoured of the 360 THE CHINESE. Catholics, who were the French Jesuits employed by Kang-hy, had theirdwelling allotted within the circuit of the imperial wall, near the lake and gardens on the north and west of the enclosure. This great space, occupying an area of about two square miles, is just in the centre of the Tartarian city, and can be entered by none but authorized persons. It cor- responds in shape to the outer limits of the city, being an oblong square, built on a very regular plan ; and contains within itself a third and still more sa- cred enclosure, devoted exclusively to the emperor’s abode, called “ The Prohibited Wall.” This con- tains the private palaces of the sovereign and his empress, communicating by a gate on the north with a square two thirds of a mile in length, in which are situated the artificial hills and woods mentioned by Sir George Staunton, as seen at a dis- tance in his progress through Peking. The archi- tecture and arrangements of the palaces and courts within the “prohibited wall” are described as far exceeding any other specimens ol the kind in China. In regard to population, the vast areas inclu- ded within the imperial wail, and the central or pro- hibited wall, may be considered comparatively as empty spaces. Father Hyacinth describes the lakes and gardens which he saw as occupying nearly the whole western side of the larger parallelogram, the lake alone being upward of a mile in length. From his account it may be inferred that the palaces and gardens of the Chinese emperor are worthy of the master of so many millions of subjects, who have been estimated at a third of the whole human race. So much of the capital, however, being devoted to the emperor, it is not easy to find lodging within the remainder for the three millions of people which some have stated that its walls, and those of the southern or Chinese city, contain together. This number nearly equals the whole population of the kingdom of Portugal by the latest census. If we ad INTERIOR ASPECT OP PEKING. 301 mit that the number of subjects who own the em- peror of China for their master really exceeds the amount of three hundred millions, he may well speak with contempt of those states whose entire population goes not beyond the hundredth part of his own “ black-haired race,” as he calls them. On the east side of the Tartarian city is the Altai of the Sun, because the luminary rises in that quar- ter ; and for a similar, though not the same reason, the Altar of the Moon is on the western side, be- cause at the opposition, or at full moon, she sets in the west, while the sun rises on the other side. This regard to the place of the sun’s rising serves to explain several points in Chinese customs. Their climate makes it necessary to build all considerable houses fronting the south, but closed to the north; for the sake of admitting the southerly monsoon in summer, and excluding the northerly in winter. The eastern side of the house is the most honourable, foi the reason above given, and the master of a family is therefore called Tong-kea, “ East of the House- hold.” But the left hand is likewise to the east of the principal seat in the hall of reception, which serves to explain the circumstance of their making the left side the place of honour, so contrary to the custom which generally prevails in other countries. The Chinese town, which lies to the south of the Tartarian, or “City of Nine Gates,” is not subject to the same rigid system of military police as that which contains the abode of the emperor; and its walls and defences are inferior to those of the other, being, in fact, like the ordinary Chinese towns. The included area is about equal to that of the Tartarian city, but of this a very considerable portion is oc- cupied by the immense courts of the temples dedi- cated to “ Heaven,” and to the deified inventor of agriculture, (sometimes styled the Temple of “Earth,”) where the emperor sacrifices annually, and performs the ceremony of ploughing the sacred 3G2 THE CHINESE. field. The Altar to Heaven stands in a square en- closure, measuring about three miles in circuit, near the southern wall of the Chinese city. The terrace consists of three stages, diminishing from one hun- dred and twenty to sixty feet in diameter, each stage being surrounded by a marble balustrade, and as- cended by steps of the same material. Towards the northwest of the enclosure is the Palace of Abstinence, where the emperor fasts for three days preparatory to offering sacrifices to the heavens at the winter solstice. On the other side of the great central street leading to the Tartarian city, and just over against the Temple of the Heavens, stands the Altar of the Earth. The square enclosure is about two miles in circuit, and contains the field which is once a year ploughed by the emperor and his great officers, and the produce reserved for sacrifices. In the vicinity of the southeast angle of the Chi- nese city are extensive sheets of water, and large open spaces cultivated with grain and vegetables for the use of Peking. Towards the southwest an- gle, also, beyond the Temple of the Heavens and the Earth, is a huge pool or lake, dedicated to the genius of the watery element, under the designation of He-loonff, the “Black Dragon,” where the emper- cr either deprecates or prays for rain, according as the country may be afflicted by deluge or drought. These great chasms in the population of the capi- tal, with the vast spaces occupied by the imperial palaces and gardens, make it very improbable that the population of Peking is more than twice that of London, especially as the houses are only of one story. The less strict police of the Chinese city makes it a place of retirement to many from the other, where the precautions for the emperor’s per- sonal safety and quiet produce a system of discipline not unlike that of a garrison town. The “ General of the Nine Gates,” under whose charge it is placed, was sent, in 1810, to urge the departure of the em POLICE OF PElvlNU. 3G3 bassy from Yuen-ming-yuen, and he did his best to excite their alarm, by telling them that he com- manded “ a million of men.” There seems to be some reason for the care with which the Tartarian city is guarded, if we take into consideration the dangers arising from occasional scarcities in an immensely populous city, which is fed, in a great measure, with grain brought from the southern provinces. In the year 1824, the court was seriously alarmed by the consequences of a severe drought, which produced, first, want, and af- terward pestilence at Peking. The present emper- or, then reigning, issued a proclamation in these words : “ The numerous resort of a hungry popu- lace from the surrounding country has led to the occasional plundering of articles of food, and we have already issued our commands for restraining and controlling them. One of the censors has re- ported that sundry vagrants, with the excuse of want and starvation, have been committing depredations in the markets and other places of public resort, in contravention of the laws. The proper authorities are hereby commanded to issue proclamations on the subject, and to exercise a rigid control, that the neighbourhood of the imperial residence may be well governed and orderly. The erection of additional playhouses (according to the satpe report) being highly prejudicial to the morals of the people, the police of the city must also restrain and keep them within bounds.” Soon after was issued the subjoined : “ The dif- ferent stations at Peking have distributed grain du- ring a long continued period; but on the 20th day of the 5th moon let them all be shut, and the distribu- tion cease, as the stores will not admit of further donations. The harvest is now approaching, and the people may return to their several districts to seek a livelihood by their own labour. Let the gov- ernor of the province enjoin the district officers to I. — Er 364 THE CHINESE. exercise a strict vigilance, at the same lime sooth- ing the distressed populace, and preventing their wandering about in a dispersed and vagabond man- ner; thus seconding our paternal solicitude to cherish them in our bosom.” To avert the drought which had created this distress, the emperor ordained cer- tain religious observances, and we give an extract from his edict: “ On account of the drought in the neighbourhood of the capital, and the destitution of the husbandman’s fields, which have looked in vain for fertilizing showers, we sent down our will that altars should be erected at He-loong Tan* and else- where. Although, during the last ten days, there has been a slight appearance of rain, it was quite in- adequate to moisten the earth. Let our eldest son Ye-heng, on the 7th day of the present moon, pro- ceed reverentially to the Temple of the Heavens to worship. Let our imperial relative, Mien-kae, pro- ceed with reverence to the Temple of the Earth to sacrifice ; and Mien-hia to the Temple of the Year. Let our son, Ye-chaou, likewise sacrifice at the Temple of the Winds. ****** Having sent down our will regarding the sacrifices to be per formed by the princes and great ministers on the 7th of the moon, we now intimate our intention to burn incense in person, on the same day, at the Altar of the Black Dragon.”* This may serve as a speci- men of the state worship of China. But other dangers beset the emperor in his capi- tal, either from the machinations of relatives, who may plot against the throne, or from the treason of secret societies or brotherhoods, of which we shall have to speak. “ Though the succession to the throne,” observed Padre Serra, “ depends on the arbitrary nomination of the reigning prince, this does * He-loong is the Saghalien, or Black Dragon, which repre- sents the principal river of Manchow Tartary, worshipped by the reigning family. The dragon always signifies the watery element, or rivers. DANGER ' ' I' riii iiMPEKOB. 365 not always prevent usurpations. An instance of this was seen in the succession of Yoong-ching to his father, the great Kang-hy. The prince nomina- ted was the fourth ; hut this latter being in Tartary at the period of the emperor’s somewhat sudden de- mise, Yoong-ching, who was a privileged wing, (or regulus,) entered the palace and seized the billet of nomination. Before the number four, which he there found, he boldly set the sign of ten, and thus made it appear that he, the fourteenth prince, was the one nominated. He possessed himself of the sceptre, and ordered his brother to be arrested and imprisoned in a place which is standing to this day, four leagues to the north of Peking, in which it is said that he died.” On the 18th October, 1813, as the last emperor, Keaking, was about to enter Pe- king, on his return from the summer excursion to Je-ho, (the Hot Springs, about one hundred miles northeast of the capital,) a party of conspirators en- tered the imperial palace, and kept possession of a part of it for some time. The present emperor, who was only his second son, is said to have owed his elevation to the good conduct he displayed on this occasion. He shot two of the rebels, and assisted to intimidate the remainder of those who had pene trated within the precincts of the palace. The first intimation of the preceding occurrence was conveyed in a proclamation from the emperor, of which the following is an extract : “ Eighteen years have elapsed since, possessed of only inferior virtue, I looked up, and received with profound ven- eration the throne of my imperial father; since which I dared not resign myself to ease, or neglect the affairs of government. I had but just ascended the throne, when the sect of the White Lily seduced into a state of confusion four provinces, and the peo- ple suffered more than I can bear to express. I or- dered my generals to proceed against them, and, after a protracted conflict, reduced them to submis- H h 2 366 THE CHINESE. sion. I then hoped that with my children (the peo- ple) I should have enjoyed increasing happiness and repose. On the 6th of the 8th moon, the sect of Tien-ly, (celestial reason,) a band of vagabonds, sud- denly created disorder, and caused much injury, ex- tending from the distriet’of Chang-yuen in Pechele to that of Tsaou in Shantong. I hastened to direct Wun, the viceroy, to lead forth an army to exter- minate them, and restore peace. This affair, how- ever, still existed at the distance of one hundred leagues from Peking; but, suddenly, on the 15th of the 9th moon, rebellion arose under my own arm — the calamity sprung up in my own house. A ban- ditti of upward of seventy men, of the sect Tien-ly, violated the prohibited gate, and entered withinside ; they wounded the guard, and rushed into the inner palace. Four rebels were seized and bound ; three others ascended the wall with a flag. My imperial second son seized a matchlock and shot two of them ; my nephew killed the third. For this deliv erance I am indebted to the energies of my second son.” About eight miles to the northwest of Peking are the gardens, or rather the park, of Yuen-ming-yuen, which Mr. Barrow (who spent his time between that place and Peking) estimates at an extent of twelve square miles. As the face of the country on this side of Peking begins to rise towards the Great Wall, the diversity of hill and dale has afforded some natural facilities for embellishment, which have been improved by art. According to the description of the forementioned writer, the landscape is diversi- fied with woodlands and lawns, among which are numerous canals, rivulets, and sheets of water, the bhnks of which have been thrown up in an appa- rently fortuitous manner in imitation of the free hand of nature. Some parts are cultivated, and others purposely left wild : and wherever pleasure- houses are erected, the views appears to have been SCENE IN LAST EMBASSY. 367 studied. It is said that within the enclosure of these gardens there exist no less than thirty distinct places of residence for the emperor and his nu- merous suite of ministers, eunuchs, and servants, each constituting a considerable village. The prin- cipal hall of audience, seen by Mr. Barrow, stood upon a platform of granite four feet high, and was surrounded by a sort of peristyle of large wooden columns, which supported the roof. The length of the hall within was one hundred and ten feet, the breadth forty-two, and the height twenty. The floor was paved with slabs of gray marble laid cheekerwise, and the throne, made entirely of carved wood, placed in a recess. The only furniture of the hall were “ a pair of brass kettle drums, two lar®e paintings, two pairs of ancient blue porcelain vases, a few volumes of manuscripts, and a table placed at one end of the hall, on which stood an old English chimney clock, made in the seventeenth century.” _ . , . ,. It was at a place called Hae-tien, in the immedi- ate vicinity of these gardens, that the strange scene occurred which terminated in the dismissal of the embassy of 1816 . On his arrival there, about day- light in the morning, with the commissioners and a few other gentlemen, the ambassador was drawn to one of the emperor’s temporary residences by an in- vitation from the Duke Ho, as he was called, the imperial relative charged with the conduct of the ne- gotiations. After passing through an open court, where were assembled a vast number of mandarins in their dresses of ceremony, they were shown into a wretched room, and soon encompassed by a well- dressed crowd, among whom were princes of the blood by dozens, wearing yellow girdles. With a childish and unmannerly curiosity, consistent enough with the idle and disorderly life which many of them are said to lead, they examined the persons and dress of the gentlemen without ceremony ; while 368 THE CHINESE. these, tired with their sleepless journey, and dis- gusted at the behaviour of the celestials, turned their backs upon them, and laid themselves down to rest. Duke Ho soon appeared, and surprised the ambassador by urging him to proceed directly to an audience of the emperor, who was waiting for him. His lordship in vain remonstrated that to-morrow had been fixed for the first audience and that tired and dusty as they all were at present, it would be worthy neither of the emperor nor himself to wait on his majesty in a manner so unprepared. He urged, too, that he was unwell, and required imme- diate rest. Duke Ho became more and more press- ing, and at length forgot himself so far as to grasp the ambassador’s arm violently, and one of the others stepped up at the same time. His lordship immediately shook them oflf, and the gentlemen crowded about him ; while the highest indignation was expressed at such treatment, and a determined resolution to proceed to no audience this morning. The ambassador at length retired, with the appear- ance of satisfaction, on the part of Duke Ho, that the audience should take place to-morrow. There is every reason, however, to suppose that this person had been largely bribed by the heads of the Canton local government to frustrate the views of the em- bassy, and prevent an audience of the emperor. The mission, at least, was on its way back in the afternoon of the same day. The previous embassy of Lord Macartney, in 1793, attended the emperor’s court at Je-ho, (sometimes written Zhehol,) or “ the Hot Springs,” at some dis- tance north of the Great Wall, in Manchow Tartary. The elevation of this place, at some thousand feet above the plain in which Peking is situated, renders it a cool summer retreat during the excessive heats which prevail at the capital. The gardens and resi- dences of the emperor, though considerable, are de- scribed as inferior in extent to those of Yuen-ming- IMPERIAL RELATIVES. 3cy yuen. Still, however, the accommodation of such a suite as the sovereign carries with him requires a town in itself. Peking, in fact, is chiefly supported throughout its vast bounds by the residence of the court and the supreme government. Being neither a seaport, nor a place naturally suited to inland trade and manufactures, it derives nearly its whole importance from being the dwelling-place of the “ Son of Heaven.” His vast establishments are chiefly supported by the surplus revenue, both in money and stores, re- mitted by way of the grand canal from the prov- inces. An imperial relative of the first rank re- ceives, according to P. Serra,* 10,000 taels annually from the exchequer, with a large allowance of rice, and as many as three hundred and more servants. As the multiplication of these expensive idlers would soon ruin the government, their rank descends by one degree in each generation, until after five de- scents their heirs retain the simple privilege of wearing the yellow girdle, with a bare subsistence. From this degradation a few have been excepted by especial favour, as it happened to a grandson of Ki- en-loong, to whom that emperor granted the first grade for ten lives. The expense to the state of a wang of the first rank is about 60,000 taels, or 20,000/. annually, and this diminishes through the several grades down to the simple inheritors of the yellow girdle, who receive only three taels a month, and two sacks of rice. But they are allowed 100 taels when they marry, and 120 for a funeral ; from which (says Serra) they take occasion to maltreat their wives, because, when they have killed one, they receive the allowance for her interment, as well as the dowry of the new wife, whom they take immediately ! In 1825, appeared the following or- der from the emperor: “The Wang (or reguhis) Royal Asiat. Trans., vol. iii 370 THE CHINESE. Chunshan has presented to us a petition, entreating our imperial favour in the advance of some years’ salaries, wherewithal he may be enabled to repairthe tombs of his family. We permit to be advanced to him the amount of his money allowances for ten years ensuing, and direct that his pay be annually deducted until the whole shall be repaid.” This title of wang is the one by which the Chinese em- peror styles the King of England, whose repre- sentative (consistently enough with such a broad assumption) is expected to beat his head nine times against the ground, on being admitted to the pres- ence of the universal sovereign. It is at Peking chiefly, and in its neighbourhood, that the privileges of Tartars, in contradistinction to Chinese, are most broadly marked, and most openly asserted. It must be sufficiently clear to a sagacious government, as that of the Manchows has always proved itself, that, being so enormously outnum- bered by the original inhabitants of China, the wisest policy must be to display a tolerable partiality in the administration of the provinces, and especially the distant ones. An examination of the Chinese red book gave the following results. Of the eight viceroys, having each two provinces, or one of the largest, under his sway, there are no less than six Chinese ; and of the fifteen lieutenant governors, ten are Chinese. On the other hand, the highest and most responsible military commands are always in- trusted to Manchows. The probability is, that the genius of the Chinese is better adapted to fitting themselves for civil offices, the qualification for which is an adequate proficiency in that learning, which is entirely founded on the ancient literature of the country ; while, for military commands, the Manchows are not only more likely to prove faith- ful to the present dynasty, but at the same time are better suited by nature and education. In the neigh- bourhood of the capital, very distinct ideas of local POLICE OF PEKING. 371 slatms and jurisdictions appear to be entertained by the Tartars. When Lord Macartney had passed just to the north of the Great Wall, on his way to Je-ho, one of the attendants, who was a Tartar, having been ordered for punishment by a Chinese manda- rin, immediately resisted with great vehemence, ex- claiming against the authority of the latter on that side of the national barrier. The strict system of police, by which such an im- mense population is kept in due order, is essentially ihe same through the different cities and towns of the empire. Its efficiency arises in a great measure from the principle of responsibility , which forms so marked a feature of Chinese rule, and is carried among them to an extent quite beyond our notions of equity. Every town is divided into tithings of ten houses, and these are combined into wards of one hundred ; or, as the Chinese term it, “ ten houses make a kea, ten kea make a paou," or hun- dred. The magistrate is responsible for his whole district, the hundreder and tithingman each for his respective charge, and the householder for the con- duct of his family. From this gradation of authority all strangers and foreigners are rigidly excluded. So summary is the mode in which the objects of the police are effected, that it is no light matter to be once in their hands. The Chinese emphatically ex- press their sense of this unfortunate condition, by the popular phrase, “ The meat is on the chopping- block.” The gates of all Chinese towns are shut soon after it is dark, when the first watch is sounded by a huge bell, or drum, in some commanding station. At the end of every principal street is a strong bar- rier of timber, which is closed at the same time with the principal gates. These are only opened to such as can give a satisfactory reason for their being allowed to pass, or for being out at night ; as, for instance, to call a midwife on a sudden emergency. 372 THE CHINESE. Every one is expected to carry a lantern, and is punished for being found without it. When the particular watch of the night has been indicated by a certain number of strokes on the drum or bell at the principal station, this is answered by all the rest ; and a police soldier walks from one corps de ? arde to another, repeating the number of the watch and thereby marking the time of night) by striking two hollow bamboos together. The great jealousy with which the personal safe- ty of the emperor is provided for, at Peking, renders the police very strict in regard to all access to the imperial palace and its neighbourhood. It has been well observed, that the subjects of a despot are well revenged by the fears in which such regulations ori- ginate. According to the penal code, “ In all cases of persons, who have lived within the jurisdiction of the imperial city, being condemned to die by the sentence of the law, their families, and all persons whatsoever who resided under the same roof with them, shall remove forthwith.” The principal duty of the military of China is to perform the office of a police ; and it must be admitted that, by the aid of the unrelenting system of responsibility, there is no country in the world in which a more efficient police exists than there. Not being very scrupulous as to the means, the government generally contrives in some way or other to accomplish its ends ; and it occasionally makes up for its own weakness by the policy of it measures. When the pirates at the commencement of the present Tartar dynasty rav- aged the coasts of the maritime provinces, the want of a force to oppose them on the water rendered ac- tive measures impossible. The government, there- fore, offered no active resistance ; but merely obliged the inhabitants of the coast to move thirty ly, or about three leagues, inland — a plan which proved perfectly successful. European residents in China have generally found CASE OK A FRENCH CREW. 313 that their property has been as secure from violent invasion as it could be in any other country of the world ; and in one or two instances, where flagrant acts of robbery combined with murder have oc- curred, the efficiency of the police has proved, in a very signal and remarkable manner, that the govern- ment was not only willing, but able to do them summary justice. In 1816, the American ship Wa- bash, having opium on board, came to anchor off Macao, and being manned by a very small number of hands, was suddenly carried by a boatful of desperate Chinese, who, coming on board under pretence of offering their services as pilots, stabbed those who were on deck, or forced them into the water ; and then, confining the remainder of the crew to the forepart of the vessel, plundered her of all the opium. When the fact was represented to the local government, whose horror of piratical vio- lence is extreme, such prompt and effective meas- ures were taken for the discovery of the ruffians, that they were most of them caught and condemned to death, and their heads exposed in cages on the rocks near Macao, as a warning to others. But the case of the French ship Navigaleur, in 1828, w’as still more remarkable, and may be given nearly from the relation of M. Laplace, captain of the eighteen gun corvette La Favourite, whose ob- servations on the Chinese we have had occasion to quote in another place. The Navigateur, a mer- chantman, was compelled by stress of weather to put into Touron Bay on the coast of Cochin China. The disabled state of the ship, the difficulty of ef- fecting the necessary repairs, and the well-known unfriendliness of the local authorities, forced the captain and crew to the necessity of selling her to the King of Cochin China, and embarking them- selves with their most valuable effects on board a Chinese junk, which was engaged to carry them to Macao. The voyage was short, but still long Vol. I.— 1 1 374 THE CHINESE. enough to enable the crew of the junk to conceive and execute a dreadful conspiracy against the Frenchmen. It was in vain that one of the oldest of the Chinese endeavoured by signs to draw the attention of the French captain to the danger that threatened him; the latter had contented himself with making one or two of his sailors keep watch by day, as well as during the night ; but this charge was the more negligently executed, inasmuch as most of the people, in consequence of their previ- ous sufferings, had to contend with fever or dys- entery. The junk was already within sight of the great Ladrone island, the mark by which Macao is made in the southerly monsoon, and the Chinese passen- gers disembarked at once into boats, with an eager- ness which ought to have roused the suspicions of the Europeans, had they not been blinded by the most imprudent confidence. The night passed quietly, and the dawning light seemed to promise a happy landing to the Frenchmen; but it was des- tined to witness their massacre. These unfortunate men, the greater number still asleep, were des- patched with hatchets and knives by the crew of the junk ; and their captain, assailed by the assas- sins in the narrow cabin which he occupied with his mates, after killing several of the Chinese, fell himself the last. One seaman, however still remained, who, armed with an iron bar, con- tinued to make a desperate resistance, although badly wounded in the head. Having reached the deck of the vessel, almost overcome as he was in this unequal conflict, he leaped into the sea, and appeared in this manner to ensure, by his certain death, impunity to the murderers. He contrived, notwithstanding, to swim to the nearest fishing boat, but he was denied succour, with the usual selfish prudence of the Chinese ; another MUKDEKEllS CONDEMNED. 375 boat, however, afterward received him on board, and landed him by night on the shore at Macao. Sick and wounded as he was, the poor man wandered unknown for some time about the streets, but at length discovered the abode of the French mission- aries, who with their ready humanity relieved him at once from his immediate wants. In the mean while, the French consul had arrived from Canton, and the affair being brought by him to the notice of the Portuguese authorities at Macao, was placed by them in the hands of the Chinese man darins. By means of the information obtained front the French sailor, the Chinese passengers who had quitted the junk previous to the massacre, and repaired in all haste to their respective homes, were summoned to Canton. From them was ob- tained a full evidence as to the criminals, and their design ; and a strict embargo was at once laid on all the vessels within the ports of Canton and the neighbouring province of Fokien. The assassins being soon arrested in their junk, were put into iron cages and conveyed to Canton for trial and judgment. On their arrival there, it was ordained by the emperor’s strict order, that the trial and punishment should take place in the pres- ence of the Europeans at that place. Among the English spectators was the interpreter of the East India Company, Dr. Morrison, the author of the Chinese dictionary, whose labours have been so useful towards illustrating the literature of the coun- try, and who was destined on this occasion to ex- perience a very gratifying reward for his pains in acquiring the language. His attention having been attracted by the loud complaints of an old man, w ho, like the others, was shut up in a cage with iron bars, and who, in protesting his innocence, called for the French sailor whose life he had contributed to save. Dr. Morrison approached the old man’s prison. 37B THE CHINESE. heard what he had to say, and promised him his as- sistance with the judges. In a word, accompanied by the Frenchman, he presented himself before the mandarins, pleaded the cause of his client, and called to their recollection that maxim of Chinese law, and of humanity in general, that “ it is better to let even the guilty escape, than to punish the in- nocent.” He obtained the consent of the court that the sailor should be confronted with the accused, and these, on the first sight of each other, immedi- ately embraced and shed tears, to the great interest and sympathy of the audience. The judges them- selves yielded to the general sentiment, and at once absolved the old man. Out of twenty-four prison- ers, seventeen were condemned and decapitated at once, and their chief put to a lingering death in the presence of the Europeans. Captain Laplace has made a great mistake in sup- posing that, when Dr. Morrison enunciated to the. mandarins that merciful and wise maxim which con- tributed to save the man’s life, he told them any- thing that they had never before heard. We could prove to him, by chapter and verse, that the precept is perfectly well known to the Chinese, however grossly it may have been violated by them in sev- eral cases where Europeans have unintentionally caused the death of natives. It is, in fact, this knowledge of what is right in criminal practice, tha. makes the conduct of the local government towards foreign homicides so perfectly unjustifiable, and renders it not only excusable, but imperative in Eu- ropeans to resist the execution, not of law, but of illegality. Were they treated like natives on these occasions, and according to the distinct provisions of the Chinese Penal Code, it might be difficult to make out a right to oppose the laws of the country in which they sojourn. But, as a just and equal ad- ministration of those laws to natives and foreigners must always be the necessary condition of submis NON -SUBMISSION. 37? sion on the part of the latter, the absurd injustice and partiality of the local government have de- prived it of the right to complain, if Europeans, in cases of accidental homicide, refuse to deliver up their countrymen to be strangled without a trial, or with only the mockery of one.* * See note at the end of this volume. 1 1 a 378 THE CHINESE. NOTE ON HOMICIDES AT CANTON. The following observations are prefaced by th6 extracts here subjoined : — “ With reference to the important question which you recommend to my consideration, the expedi- ency of establishing a judicial tribunal of our own at Canton, for the punishment of offenders — the evils of the present system are, I confess, great and un- deniable. In order to save the innocent, we are compelled to do little less than systematically to screen the guilty ; yet the establishment of a crim- inal court within the limits of a foreign state, and without the sanction of that state, (for the Chinese, though they would authorize you to convict , would never, I apprehend, sanction your right to acquit ,) is such an anomaly in legislation, that a very strong case of expediency must be made out before it would be listened to.” * * * “ In my last letter, I just touched upon the subject you proposed to me, of the invention of a remedy for the very unsatisfactory state of the law, as applicable to your situation in China, in cases of homicide. The English laws are silent on the point, and the Chinese laws (or rather practice) speak a language to which you cannot either in hon- our or in policy entirely submit. The consequence is, that in order to protect the innocent, you are often obliged to screen the guilty ; the trade is dis turbed, and crimes escape unpunished. I have thus fully acknowledged the evil, yet I cannot, I confess quite see my way to a remedy. If it were likely that the Chinese might be prevailed on to sanction the establishment of a judicial court of our own at Canton, I think it possible that such a measure, though a very new and singular case, might be brought about : but it would be obviously worse than useless if the Chinese government did not agree to NOTE ON HOMICIDES. 379 ■ sanction ils decisions, which, when their own sub- jects are concerned, I cannot help looking on as hopeless. 1 wish, however, you would digest this matter in your mind ; and if you should be able to sketch any plan of a remedy for the existing abuse, I hope you will send it me, for the information of the President of the Board of Control. If ever pri- vate traders from England should be admitted to compete in the tea trade at Canton with the com- pany, the evil would of course increase, and the remedy become more needful.” The above was the view taken of this question some years since, by a high authority, in reply to a written application. There are, perhaps, some rea- sons for attaching less weight to the apprehended opposition on the Chinese side. Not to mention the Dutch, of whom the same is recorded long since, the Portuguese very lately both tried and executed their man themselves ; and, according to Chinese notions, (on which of course this part of the difficulty entirely hinges,) the Portuguese at Macao are not at all less dependant on Chinese law than we at Canton. The Chinese would therefore be as ready to allow our right to condemn real murderers, on board our ships, as they are to allow the Portuguese at Macao ; and if they saw that we were willing and ready to bring real murderers to condign punishment, they would not be long in allowing our right to acquit the inno- cent. It is the feeling of jealousy and resentment, (which we can hardly wonder at,) arising from the almost certain escape, under the present system, of real criminals, that makes them so anxious to get hold of all persons indiscriminately, and in fact causes them to act more from a motive of revenge than with a view to promoting the ends of substan- tial justice. This is a very barbarous and shocking state of things, little better on our side than on theirs, and it seems the duty of a great and civilized state, like England, to provide a remedy. I.— F F 380 THE CHINESE. [“From what foreigners,” said Dr. Morrison, “ have witnessed in cases of manslaughter, they have inferred that the Chinese government acted rather from a spirit of revenge than according to law. That this is true, appears from a state paper, quoted in the 34th section of the Chinese Penal Code. During the 13th year of Kien-loong, A.D. 1749, the then governor of Canton reported to the emperor that he had tried some Macao foreigners who caused the death of two Chinese,* and having sentenced tthem (through their own authorities) to be bastina- doed and transported, had to request that, according to foreign laws, they might be sent to Temvcan — De- maun. To this the emperor replied, that the gov- ernor had managed very erroneously; that he should have required life for life. ‘ If,’ it was added, ‘ you quote only our native laws, and according to them, sentence to the bastinado and transportation, then the fierce and unruly dispositions of the foreigners will cease to be awed.’ The emperor thus declared (and his imperial decision is reprinted with every new edition of the laws) that the native law alone is not to be the guide of the local government when foreigners cause the death of natives. ‘ It is incum- bent to have life for life,’ in order to frighten and repress the barbarians.”] The propriety, and indeed necessity, of non-sub- mission to the Chinese law, as suspended or per- verted, and not administered towards strangers, is easily made out. Though it be a principle obviously founded in natural justice, and has therefore been universally acknowledged as an established maxim of the law of nations, “ that foreigners shall be amenable to the laws of the country in which they happen to reside,” still this rule (not to mention that China subscribes to no international code what- ever) must always have its conditions. Protection * The European account is, that two soldiers murdered two Chinese, and were falsely represented as insane. NOTE ON HOMICIDES. 381 from, and submission to, local laws must, like every other right and obligation, be strictly reciprocal; and the state that denies to strangers an equal ad- ministration of its laws with natives, seems to for- feit its claim on their submission. This point has been singularly illustrated in practice (as appears from Mr. Macfarlane’s work) in the relations of Eu- ropean states with Turkey. “ For many years, no such thing as an execution of Franks by Turkish law has been seen in the Levant, where offenders are given over to their respective consuls,” &c. It is stated that this established immunity had been the result of the barbarity and injustice practised by the Turks towards all Franks accused of crimes ; and it may easily be proved from repeated experience, that reasons for the same exist (in an aggravated degree) in our relations with the Chinese. We are fairly in possession of the fact, that they clearly understand the distinctions between mali- cious , excusable, and justifiable homicide; and that in the case of their own subjects, the law distinguishes between — 1. Killing with an intention; 2. Killing by pure accident; and, 3. Killing in lawful self-defence, or in the exe- cution of one’s duty. Although, according to an antiquated error in legis- lation, homicide is sometimes treated by them as a private, rather than as a public wrong, (being made redeemable by a fine to the relations of the de ceased,) yet in the administration of the law towards natives, the above three distinctions are clearly ob- served in aggravation or mitigation of the particular offence. Thus (Leu-lee, 6th Div. 2d B.) — 1. In a conspiracy to kill, all those who actually contribute to the perpetration of the offence are equally punished with death, though there is the dif- ference between beheading and strangling for the principals and accessaries. Even where the wounds 382 THE CHINESE. inflicted do not prove mortal, the principal suffers death. 2. Killing by pure accident , that is, where there was not any previous knowledge of the probable con- sequences, is redeemable by a fine of about twelve taels to the relations of the deceased. 3. A householder killing a burglarious intruder, and a policeman killing a thief in taking him, are not punished at all. The Chinese principle, with regard to the punish- ment of crime, is precisely the same as ours : “ Bet- ter let the guilty escape, than put the innocent to death.” How strangely this contrasts with their conduct to foreigners ! Their ancient books say of capital punishment, “ Thrice be it deferred and such is the actual practice at the present day ; for the local magistrate sends the case to the provincial judge, the provincial judge to the criminal board, and the criminal board to the emperor. The Chi- nese government would pretend that foreigners are tried and sentenced according to the law ; but we know from experience that every legal safeguard, provided for the native, is dispensed with in the case of the stranger. The benefit of the delay arising from an appeal to the emperor was expressly taken away from foreign homicides in 1753, at the recom- mendation of the Canton government. On this plain and intelligible ground we may rest the ne- cessity, 1st, of non-submission to Chinese punish- ment ; and, 2d, (which arises out of the first,) of a competent English court, on shipboard if not on shore, for the trial of homicides. [“ If it be true,” observes Dr. Morrison, “ that for- eigners are not protected by the laws of the land, the necessity for obedience is cancelled. Still for- eigners living under a despotic government must be without resource, were that government to compel the obedience which it demands. Were physical force resorted to, and innocent persons seized as NOTE ON HOMICIDES. 383 hostages, foreigners, unsupported by their own gov- ernments, must be obliged to submit. Such an un- just and violent measure has formerly, on various occasions, been resorted to ; but of late years the plan adopted, in cases of homicide, has been to de- mand of the fellow-countrymen of the alleged man- slayer, that the guilty person be found out and handed over to the Chinese for punishment. This is in effect to constitute them a criminal court. Were a man to be delivered up by the persons thus called upon, he would be regarded by the govern- ment as already condemned. His punishment, painful experience tells us, would be certain. Since, then, the Chinese are thus ready to regard foreign- ers as the judges of their fellow-countrymen, why should foreign governments hesitate to establish criminal courts 1 Courts so established will, it is true, meet with difficulty when compelled to acquit a man declared guilty by the Chinese, or to punish lightly one whom, by the unjust decree of Kien- loong, the local government would capitally con- demn : when, however, it is found by the Chinese that the guilty manslayer can no longer pass un- punished, it is probable that they will themselves remove every difficulty, and the decree of Kien- loong will meet the disregard that it merits.”] END OF V uti. i. « - u .1 - • “ ■ '«*■ ' * _ . •' ’/..*■** • - # • * m ' a /- c •!» •?« Date Due <|) DS709.D3 v.l The Chinese : a general description of