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OTT. Si dk bis udeeee ditt bebebadly 1pyeiehdo se padebheai-te eben es aha Sint sh teen, are se Oe ot et el ot ad od hl 95 01 Ores oye fh pean gns ohob eoeb 4 Busititerted? ' i reear ered " re sei rane ad besl sere sas Seated * pdt bth td | ed ee Fee Heer etre vtbooea preernerrori reat rt iins oil seer cecaneseseresiiin Petit tate ae? | eimtnl 7 : Pa F eRtenkt, ee as p metlEAS - ASOT TM A t ai ares ye ay be a Ba by | an so" & iu The Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries BOOK II1.— Continued. CHAPTER III. THE NAMES OF CHRISTIAN BELIEVERS. Jesus called those who gathered round him “ disciples ” (uaOyrat); he called himself the ‘“teacher”?* (this is historically certain), while those whom he had gathered addressed him as teacher,” and described themselves as disciples (just as the adherents of John the Baptist were also termed disciples of John). From this it follows that the relation of Jesus to his disciples - during his lifetime was determined, not by the con- 1 The saying addressed to the disciples in Matt. xxiii. 8 (dpets pu) KAnOjte paBBel: cis yap eorw tpav 6 diddoKados, wavres Sé dels adeAdoi éore) is very noticeable. One would expect pafyrai instead of adeAdoi here; but the latter is quite in place, for Jesus is seeking to emphasize the equality of all his disciples and their obligation to love one another. It deserves notice, however, that the apostles were not termed “disciples,” or at least very rarely, with the exception of Paul. 2 Parallel to this is the term émucrarys, which occurs more than once in Luke. VOL. Il. 2 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY ception of messiah, but by that of teacher. As yet the messianic dignity of Jesus—only to be revealed at his return—remained a mystery of faith still dimly grasped, nor did Jesus himself have recourse to it until his entry into Jerusalem. After the resurrection his disciples witnessed openly and confidently to the fact that Jesus was the messiah, but they still continued to call themselves “ disciples ” —which proves how tenacious names are when once they have been affixed. The twelve confidants of Jesus were called “the twelve disciples” (or, “the twelve”).' From Acts (cp. i, vi., 1X., Xi., XiilL—XVL., XVili., xxl.) we learn that although, strictly speaking, “disciples” had ceased to be applicable, it was retained by Christians for one or two decades as a designation of themselves, especially by the Christians of Palestine.” Paul never employed it, however, and gradually, one observes, the name of of wa6yrai (with the addition of tov xvpiov) came to be exclusively applied to personal disciples of Jesus, ¢.¢. in the first instance to the twelve, and thereafter to others also,* 1 Oi pabyrai is not a term exclusively reserved for the twelve in the primitive age. All Christians were called by this name. The term 7 a6yTpia also occurs (ep. Acts ix. 36, and Gosp. Pet. 50). 2 In Acts xxi. 16 a certain Mnason is called dpyatos pabyris, which implies perhaps that he is to be regarded as a personal disciple of Jesus, and at any rate that he was a disciple of the first generation. One also notes that, according to the source employed _ by Epiphanius (Her., xxix. 7), wabyrad was the name of the Christians who left Jerusalem for Pella. I should not care to admit that Luke is following an unjustifiable archaism in using the term pa@yrai so frequently in Acts. 3 Is not a restriction of the idea voiced as early as Matt. x, 42 (ds dv motion eva TOV puKpOv TovTwY ToTHpLov Woxpod pdvov eis dvopa padyrod) ? THE NAMES OF CHRISTIAN BELIEVERS 3 as in Papias, Irenzeus, etc. In this way it became a title of honour for those who had themselves seen the Lord (and also for Palestinian Christians of the primitive age in general ?), and who could therefore serve as evidence against heretics who subjected the person of Jesus to a docetic decomposition. Con- fessors and martyrs during the second and _ third centuries were also honoured with this high title of “disciples of the Lord.” They too became, that is to say, personal disciples of the Lord. Inasmuch as they attached themselves to him by their confession and he to them (Matt. x. 32), they were promoted to the same rank as the primitive personal disciples of Jesus, being as near the Lord in glory as were the latter to him during his earthly sojourn.' 1 During the period subsequent to Acts it is no longer possible, so far as I know, to prove the use of pafyrai (without the addition of rod Kupiov or Xpiorod) as a term used by all adherents of Jesus to designate themselves; that is, if we leave out of account, of course, all passages—and they are not altogether infrequent—in which the word is not technical. Even with the addition of rod kupiov, the term ceases to be a title for Christians in general by the second century. —One must not let oneself be misled by late apocryphal books, nor by the apologists of the second century. The latter often describe Christ as their teacher, and themselves (or Christians generally) as disciples, but this has no connection, or at best an extremely loose connection, with the primitive terminology. It is moulded, for apologetic reasons, upon the terminology of the philosophic schools, just as the apologists chose to talk about “dogmas” of the Christian teaching, and “ theology”’ (see my Dogmensgeschichte, I.” pp. 482 f.; Eng. trans., ii. 176 f.). As everyone is aware, the apologists knew perfectly well that, strictly speaking, Christ was not a teacher, but rather lawgiver (vopobrns), law (vépos), Logos (Adyos), Saviour (cwryp), and judge (kpirjs), so that an expression like xupiaki dudacKadia, or “the Lord’s instructions” (apologists and Clem., Strom., VI. xv. 124, VI. xviii. 165, VII. x. 57, VII. xv. 90, VII. xviii. 165), is not to be adduced 4 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY The term “ disciples ” fell into disuse, because it no longer expressed the relationship in which Christians now found themselves placed. It meant at once too little and too much. Consequently other terms arose, although these did not in every instance pass into technical titles. as proof that the apologists considered Jesus as in reality their teacher. Rather more weight would attach to d:dax7) xvpiov (the title of the well-known early catechism), and passages like 1 Clem. xiii. 1 (rv Adywv Tod Kupiov “Incotd ods éAdAnoev diddcKov =the word of the Lord Jesus which he spoke when teaching); Polye. 2 (uvypovevovtes dv eimev 6 KUptos dddoKwv =remembering what the Lord said as he taught); Ptolem., ad Flor. v. (4 dWacKkadia rod awrthnpos); and Apost. Constit., p. 25 (Texte u, Unters., ii, part 5— mpoopavtas Tos dyous Tod didacKdAov ypyov=the words of our teacher); p. 28 (dre nrnoev 6 diddoKahos Tov dprov= when the teacher asked for bread); p. 30 (xpoéAeyev ore édidacKev = he foretold when he taught). But, a propos of these passages, we have to recollect that the Apostolic Constitutions is a work of fiction, which makes the apostles its spokesmen (thus it is that Jesus is termed 6 dddoKados in the original document underlying the Constitutions, ie. the disciples call him by this name in the fabricated document).—There are numerous passages to prove that martyrs and confessors were those, and those alone, to whom the predicate of “disciples of Jesus” was also attached even already, in the present age, since it was they who actually followed and imitated Jesus. Compare, e.g., Ignat., ad Ephes. i. (@drilw éxutvxeiv év “Pop Onpropaxjoa, va éritvxelv Suv79G pabytis eivac=my hope is to succeed in fighting with beasts at Rome, so that I may succeed in being a disciple) ; ad Rom. iv. (rote éropor pabyrijs GAnOis tov Xpiorod, ore ovd€ 76 TOpd pov 6 Kédcpos dferar=then shall I be a true disciple of Christ, when the world no longer sees my body); ad Rom. v. (év tots dducjypacw airav padXov pabyrevowar= through their misdeeds I became more a disciple than ever); Mart. Polyc. xvii. (tov vidv rod G¢0d zpooxvvodper, tovs b€ pdptupas ws pabytras Kat pupnTas TOD KUplov ayamrGpev = We worship the Son of God, and love the martyrs as disciples and imitators of the Lord). When Novatian founded his puritan church, he seems to have tried to resuscitate the idea of every Christian being a disciple and imitator of Christ. ‘THE NAMES OF CHRISTIAN BELIEVERS 5 The Jews, in the first instance, gave their renegade compatriots special names of their own, in particular ** Nazarenes,” ‘“‘ Galileans,” and probably also “ Poor.” But these titles really did not prevail except in small circles." The Christians called themselves ‘*God’s people,’ “ Tsrael in spirit (cata rvedua),” “ the seed of Abraham,” “the chosen people,” ‘the twelve tribes,” “the elect,” > 2? 1 See “the sect of the Nazarenes” (4) tév Nalwpatwy atpeois) in Acts xxiv. 5, where Paul is termed their zpoorarys or ringleader. The name persisted in Palestine till the fourth century, and perhaps even later still (cp. Epiph., Her. i., hom. 1. ad fin.—Nalupaiwv 6 éeott Xpiotiavav 6 KAnOels ev 6ALyH xpdvw bd “lovdaiwy Xprortiavic- poos=the Nazarenes, that is, the Christians—as the Jews have called them). Even the Jewish Christians appear to have accepted it.—The first disciples of Jesus were described as Galileans (cp. Acts i. 11, ii. 7), which primarily was a geographical term to denote their origin, but was also intended to throw scorn on the disciples as semi-pagans. The name rarely became a technical term, how- ever. Epictetus once employed it for Christians (Arrian, Diss., IV. vii. 6), Then Julian resurrected it (Greg. Naz., Orat. iv.: katvoropet - 6 TovAvavos rept THY mpoonyopiav, VadtAafous avtit XpurtiavOv dvopdcas Te Kai karetoGar vopobernaas . . - » dvopa[TadtAaior] trav odk ciwOdTwv) and employed it as a term of abuse, although in this as in other points he was only following in the footsteps of Maximinus Daza, or of his officer Theoteknus, an opponent of Christianity, who (according to the Acta Theodoti Ancyrant, c. xxxi.) dubbed Theodotus mpootarys Tov TadtAaiwy, or ‘the ringleader of the Galileans.” We may assume that the Christians were already called “ Galileans”’ in the anti-Christian writings which Daza caused to be circulated, although such a conjecture becomes untenable if (as Franchi de’ Cavalieri holds) the Theoteknus of the Acta Theodoti is not the same as the Theoteknus mentioned by Eusebius in his Church- History, and if the Acta are to be taken as subsequent to Julian. The Philopatris of pseudo-Lucian, where “Galileans”’ also occurs, has nothing whatever to do with our present purpose, as it is merely a late Byzantine forgery. With the description of Christians as “Galileans,’ however, we may compare the title of “ Phrygians” given to the Montanists.—The name “ Ebionites”’ 6 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY bP ’ “the servants of God,” “believers,” “saints,” “brethren,” and “the church of God.”’ Of these names the first seven (and others of a similar character) never became technical terms taken singly, but, so to speak, collectively. They show how the new community felt itself to be the heir of all the promises and privileges of the Jewish nation. At the same time, “the elect ”” and “the servants of God”? came very near being technical expressions. From the usage and vocabulary of Paul, Acts, and later writings,‘ it follows that ‘“ believers” (ao7ot) was (or poor) is not quite obvious, but I am more and more convinced that the Christian believers most likely got this name from their Jewish opponents simply because they were poor, and that they accepted the designation. Recently, however, Hilgenfeld has followed the church-fathers, Tertullian, Epiphanius (Hear., xxx. 18), ete., in holding that the Ebionites must be traced back to a certain Ebion, who founded the sect; Dalman also recommends this derivation.—Technically, the Christians were never described as “the poor’? throughout the empire, for the passage in Minuc., Octav. xxxvi., is not evidence enough to establish such a theory. 1 So far as I know, no title was ever derived from the name of “Jesus” in the primitive days of Christianity —On the question whether Christians adopted the name of “ Friends” as a technical title, see the first Excursus at the close of this chapter. 2 Cp. Minut. Felix xi. 3 Cp. the New Testament, and especially the “Shepherd” of Hermas. * Von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff is perhaps right in adducing also Min. Felix xiv., where Cecilius calls Octavius “ pistorum praecipuus et postremus philosophus ”’ (“ chief of believers and lowest of philosophers’’). “ Pistores” here does not mean “millers,” but is equivalent to zucrév. From Celsus also one may conclude that the term zrof was technical (Orig., c. Cels., I. ix.). The pagans employed it as an opprobrious name for their opponents, while the Christians wore it as a name of honour, though they were pronounced people of mere “belief”? instead of people of intelligence and knowledge, 7.c. people who not only were credulous THE NAMES OF CHRISTIAN BELIEVERS 7 atechnicalterm. In assuming the name of “believers” (which originated, we may conjecture, on the soil of Gentile Christianity), Christians felt that the decisive and cardinal thing in this religion was the message which had made them what they were, a message which was nothing else than the preaching of the one God, of his son Jesus Christ, and of the life to come. The three characteristic titles, however, are those of “the saints,” “brethren,” and “the church of God,” all of which hang together. The abandonment of the term “disciples” for these self-chosen titles! marks the most significant advance made by those who believed in Jesus (cp. Weizsiicker, op. cit., pp. 36 f.; Eng. trans., 1. pp. 43 f.). They took the name of but also believed what was absurd (see Lucian’s verdict on the Christians in Proteus Peregrinus).—In Noricum an inscription has been found, datiug from the fourth century (CIL, vol. iii. Supplem. Pars Poster., No. 13529), which describes a woman as “ Christiana fidelis.”’ 1 They are the usual expressions in Paul, but he was by no means the first to employ them; on the contrary, he must have taken them over from the Jewish Christian communities in Palestine. At the same time they acquired a deeper content in his teaching. In my opinion it is impossible to maintain the view (which some would derive from the New Testament) that the Christians at Jerusalem were called ‘the saints,” kar’ éfoxyv, and it is equally erroneous to conjecture that the Christianity of the apostolic and post-apostolic ages embraced a special and inner circle of people to whom the title of “saints”? was exclusively applied. This cannot be made out, either from 1 Tim. v. 10, or from Heb. xiii. 24, or from Did. iv. 2, or from any other passage. The expression “the holy apostles” in Eph. iii. 5 is extremely surprising; I do not think it likely that Paul used such a phrase. —The earliest attribute of the word “church,” be it noted, was “holy”; ep. the collection of passages in Hahn-Harnack’s Biblio- thek der Symbole™, p. 88, and also the expressions “holy people” (€Ovos ayvov, ads ays), “holy priesthood.” 8 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY “saints,” because they were sanctified by God and for God through the holy Spirit sent by Jesus, and because they were conscious of being truly holy and partakers in the future glory despite all the sins that daily clung to them.’ It remains the technical term applied by Christians to one another till after the middle of the second century (cp. Clem. Rom., Hermas, the Didaché, etc.) ; thereafter it gradually disappears, as Christians had no longer the courage to call themselves “saints,” after all the experiences which they had undergone. Besides, what really dis- tinguished Christians from one another by this time was the difference between the clergy and the laity (or the leaders and the led), so that the name “ saints” became quite obliterated, being only recalled in the hard times of persecution. In its place, “holy orders” arose (martyrs, confessors, ascetics, and finally—during the third century—the bishops), while “holy media” (sacraments), whose fitful in- fluence covered Christians who were personaliy unholy, assumed still greater prominence than in the first century. People were no longer conscious of being personally holy,” but then they had _ holy 1 The actual and sensible guarantees of holiness lay in the holy media, the “charismata,” and the power of expelling demons. These possessed not merely a real but a personal character of their own. For the former, see 1 Cor. vii. 14: qyiacrar 6 avipp 6 adrurros ev TH yuvatki, Kal yylacTaL » yuvi) 7) aruTTOS ev TO GdeEAPGO* Exel dpa Ta TéKVa Upov aKaGapTa eat, viv b€ ayia eotLy. 2 The church formed by Novatian in the middle of the third century called itself ‘the pure’’ (ka@apo‘), but we cannot tell whether this title was an original formation or the resuscitation of an older name, We shall not enter into the question of the names taken by separate Christian sects and circles (such as the Gnosties, the Spiritualists, etc.) : THE NAMES OF CHRISTIAN BELIEVERS 9 martyrs, holy ascetics, holy priests, holy ordinances, holy writings, and a holy doctrine. Closely bound up with the name of “saints” was that of “ brethren” (and “sisters”’), the former denot- ing the Christians’ relationship to God and to the future life (or BasiAeia Tod eo0, the kingdom of God), the latter the new relationship in which they felt them- selves placed towards their fellow-men, and, above all, towards their fellow-believers (cp. also the not infre- quent title of “ brethren in the Lord”). After Paul, this title became so common that the pagans soon grew familiar with it, ridiculing and besmirching it, but unable, for all that, to evade the impression which it made. For the term did correspond to the conduct of Christians. They termed themselves a brother- hood (adeAporys ; cp. 1 Pet. 1. 17, v. 9, etc.) as well as brethren (adeApo/), and to understand how fixed and frequent was the title, to understand how truly it answered to their life and conduct,’ one has only to ‘study, not merely the New Testament writings (where ! See the opinions of pagans quoted by the apologists. especially Tertull., Apol. xxxix., and Minuc., Octav., ix., xxxi., with Lucian’s Prot. Peregrinus. Tertullian avers that pagans were amazed at the brotherliness of Christians: “see how they love one another !”— In pagan guilds the name of “brother” is also found, but—so far I am aware—it is not common. From Acts xxii. 5, xxviii. 21, we must infer that the Jews also called each other “ brethren,” but the title cannot have had the significance for them that it possessed for Christians. Furthermore, as Jewish teachers call their pupils “children” (or “sons” and “daughters’’), and are called by them in turn “father,” these appellations also occur very frequently in the relationship between the Christian apostles and teachers and their pupils (cp. the numerous passages in Paul, Barnabas, etc.). 2 Details on this point, as well as on the import of this fact for the Christian mission, in Book II. Chap. IV. 10 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Jesus himself employed it and laid great emphasis upon it’), but Clemens Romanus, the Didaché, and the writings of the apologists.” Yet even the name of “the brethren,” though it outlived that of * the saints,” lapsed after the close * of the third century ; or rather, it was only ecclesiastics who really eontinued to call each other “ brethren,” * and when a priest gave the title of “brother” to a layman, it denoted a special mark of honour. ‘“ Brethren” (‘ fratres”) survived only in sermons, but confessors were at liberty to address ecclesiastics and even bishops by this title (cp. Cypr., ep. liii.). Since Christians in the apostolic age felt themselves to be “saints” and “ brethren,” and, in this sense, to be the true Israel and at the same time God’s new creation,’ they required a solemn title to bring out their complete and divinely appointed character and unity. As “ brotherhood ” (adeAporys, see above) was 1 Cp. Matt. xxiii, 8 (see above, p. 1), and xii. 48, where Jesus says of the disciples, idov 7) pntnp pov Kai of ddeAdot pov. Thus they are not merely brethren, but fis brethren. 2 Apologists of a Stoic cast, like Tertullian (Apol. xxxix.), did not confine the name of “brethren” to their fellow-believers, but extended it to all men: “ Fratres etiam vestri sumus, iure naturae matris unius” (“ We are your brethren also, in virtue of our common mother Nature’’). 3 It still occurs, though rarely, in the third century ; ep., e.g., the Acta Pionii ix. Theoretically, of course, the name still survived for a considerable time ; cp., e.g., Lactant., Div. Inst., v. 15: “nee alia causa est cur nobis invicem fratrum nomen impertiamus, nisi quia pares esse nos credimus ” [vol. i. p. 208]. 4 By the third century, however, they had also begun to style each other “ dominus.” 5 On the titles of “a new people” and “a third race,’ see Book Il. Chap. VI. THE NAMES OF CHRISTIAN BELIEVERS 11 too one-sided, the name they chose was that of “church” or “the church of God” (ékcAyola, éxcAynoia tov Ocov), This was a masterly stroke. It was the work,' not of Paul, nor even earlier of Jesus, but of the Palestinian communities, which described them- selves as Sap. Originally it was beyond question a collective term*; it was the most solemn expression of the Jews for their worship* as a collective body, and as such it was taken over by the Christians. But ere long it was applied to the individual communities, and then again to the general meeting for worship. Thanks to this many-sided usage, together with its religious colouring (‘the church called by God”) and the possibilities of personification which it offered, the conception and the term alike rapidly 1 Paul evidently found it in circulation ; the Christian communi- ties in Jerusalem and Judea already styled themselves éxxAnova (Gal. i. 22). Jesus did not coin the term; for it is only put into his lips in» Matt. xvi. 18 and xviii. 17, both of which passages are more than suspect from a critical standpoint (see Holtzmann, ad loc.); and, moreover, all we know of his preaching well- nigh excludes the possibility that he conceived the idea of creating a special éxxAyoia (so Matt. xvi. 18), or that he ever had in view the existence of a number of éxxAnoia (so Matt. xviii. 17). 2 This may be inferred from the Pauline usage of the term itself, apart from the fact that the particular application of all such terms is invariably later than their general meaning. In Acts xii. 1, Christians are first described as ot a0 Tis éxxAqotas. 3 S55 (usually rendered éxxAnoia in LXX.) denotes the community in relation to God, and consequently is more sacred than the profaner 73Y (regularly translated by cvvaywyy in the LXX.) The acceptance of éxxAyoia is thus intelligible for the same reason as that of “ Israel,’ “seed of Abraham,’ etc. Among the Jews éxxAnoia lagged far behind ovwaywyy in practical use, and this was all in favour of the Christians and their adoption of the term, 12 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY came to the front. Its acquisition rendered the capture of the term “synagogue ”’ a superfluity, and, once the inner cleavage had taken place, the very neglect of the latter title served to distinguish Christians sharply from Judaism and its religious gatherings even in terminology. From the outset the Gentile Christians learned to think of the new religion as a “church” and as “churches.” ‘This did not originally involve an element of authority, but such an element lies hidden from the first in any spiritual magnitude which puts itself forward as at once an ideal and an actual fellowship of men. It possesses regulations and traditions of its own, special powers and forms of organization, and these become authoritative ; withal it supports the individual and at the same time guarantees to him the content of its testimony. Thus as early as 1 Tim. ii. 15 we read: vikos Qeod, ijtis éotiv exkAyria Oeod CavTos, TTIOS Kal edpatojua Tis adyOetas. Most important of all, however, was the fact that éxcAyco/a was conceived -of, in the first instance, not simply as an earthly but as a heavenly and transcendental entity. He who belonged to the éxxAyoia ceased to have the rights of a citizen on 1 On the employment of this term by Christians, see my note on Herm., Mand. xi. It was not nervously eschewed, but it never became technical, apart from two cases of its occurrence. On the other hand, it is said of the Jewish Christians in Epiph., Har., xxx. i8, “they have presbyters and heads of synagogues. They call their church a synagogue and not a church; only, they are proud of no name but Christ’s”’ (zpeoBurépous otro. exovot Kat apxirvva- yoyous’ cuvaywyiy S€ otto. Kadodor THY EavTdv éxkAnoiav Kal odxXi exxAyoiav. TO XpiotG 8 dvopare povov cepvivovra). Still, one may doubt if the Jewish Christians really foreswore_ the name bap (éxxAnota); that they called their gatherings and places of meeting cuvaywyat, may be admitted, THE NAMES OF CHRISTIAN BELIEVERS 13 earth ;* instead of these he acquired an assured citizenship in heaven. ‘This transcendental meaning of the term still retained vigour and vitality during the second century, but in the course of the third it fell more and more into the background.’ During the course of the second century the term éxxAnoia acquired the attribute of “catholic” (in addition to that of “holy”). This predicate does not contain anything which implies a secularisation of the church, for “catholic” originally meant Christendom as a whole in contrast to individual churches (exxAyola KkaQoAtky = Taca 7 exkAyoia), The conception of “all the churches” is thus identical with that of “the church in general.” But a certain dogmatic element did exist from the very outset in the conception of the general church, as people imagined this church had been diffused by the apostles over all the earth. They were per- suaded, therefore, that only what existed everywhere throughout the church could be true, and at the same time absolutely true, so that the conceptions of “all Christendom,” “ Christianity spread over all the earth,” and “the true church,” came to be re- garded at a pretty early period as identical. In this way the term “ catholic ” acquired a pregnant meaning, 2 1 The chosen designation of Christians as ‘strangers and so- journers”’ became almost technical in the first century (ep. the Epistles of Paul, 1 Peter, and Hebrews), and rapoxéa (with zapocxetv =to sojourn) became actually a technical term for the individual community in the world (cp. also Herm., Semel. I., on this). 2 Till far down into the third century (cp. the usage of Cyprian) the word ‘‘secta’’ was employed by Christians quite ingenuously to denote their fellowship. It was not technical, of course, but entirely a neutral term, 14 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY and one which in the end was both dogmatic and political. As this was not innate but an innovation, it is not unsuitable to speak of pre-catholic and catholic Christianity. The term “catholic church” occurs first of all in Ignatius (Smyrn., vill. 2: o7ou dv pay 6 éricxoTos, éket TO TARV0S Eatw* HaTep Srov dv 7 Xpirros "Tyoovs, exet 7 KaQoXKn exkAyola), who writes: ‘* Wherever the bishop appears, there let the people be; just as wherever Christ Jesus is, there is the catholic church.” Here, however, the words do not yet denote a new conception of the church, in which it is presented as an empirical and authoritative society. In Mart. Polyc. Inscr., xvi. 2, xix. 2, the word is probably an interpolation (‘ catholic” being here equivalent to “orthodox”: 7 «vy Zmvpyy KkaboXLky exkAno la), From Iren., i. 15. 2 (** Valentiniani eos qui sunt ab ecclesia ‘communes ’ et ‘ ecclesiasticos’ dicunt ” = “ The Valen- tinians call those who belong to the Church by the name of ‘communes’ and ‘ecclesiastici’”) 1t follows that the orthodox Christians were called ‘“ catholics ” and “ecclesiastics” at the period of the Valentinian heresy. Irenzeus himself does not employ the term ; but the, thing is there (cp-i. 10. 2; 1. 9) iene similarly Serapion in Euseb., H.4., v. 19, waca 7 ey koopa adedportys). After the Mart. Polyc. the term “catholic,” as a description of the orthodox and visible church, occurs in the Muratorian fragment (where ‘“catholica” stands without ‘ ecclesia” at all, as is frequently the case in later years throughout the West), in an anonymous writer (Kus., H., v. 16. 9), in Tertullian (e.¢., de praescript., xxvi. 80; adv. Marc., iv. 4, Hi. 22), in Clem. Alex. (Strom., vii. 17, 106 £.), in Hippolytus (Philos., ix. 12), in Mart. Pionii (2. 9. THE NAMES OF CHRISTIAN BELIEVERS 15 13. 19), in Pope Cornelius (Cypr., epest., xlix. 2), and in Cyprian. The expression “catholica traditio” occurs in Tertullian (de monog. i1.), “ fides catholica” in Cyprian (ep. xxv.), cavév cafodixes in Mart. Polyc. (Mosq. ad fin.), and Cyprian (ep., xx. 1), and “ catholica fides et religio” in Mart. Pioni (18). Elsewhere the word appears in different connections throughout the early Christian literature. In the Western symbols the addition of ‘“ catholica” crept in at a compara- tively late period, z.e. at the earliest in the third century. In the early Roman symbol it does not occur. We now come to the name “ Christians,” Which became the cardinal title of the faith. The Roman authorities certainly employed it from the days of Trajan downwards (cp. Pliny and the rescripts, the “cognitiones de Christianis”), and probably even forty or fifty years earlier (1 Pet. iv. 16; Tacitus), whilst it was by this name that the adherents of the new religion were known among the common people (Tacitus; cp. also the well-known passage in Suetonius). Luke has told us where this name arose. After describing ‘the foundation of the (Gentile Christian) church at Antioch, he proceeds (xi. 26): xpnuatioa TpPOTWS ev ‘Avtioxeta Tous wabynras Xpirtiavors [ X pyoteavors ]. It is not necessary to suppose that the name was given immediately after the establishment of the church, but we need not assume that any considerable interval elapsed between the one fact and the other.t. Luke 1 In my opinion, the doubts cast by Baur and Lipsius upon this statement of the book of Acts are not of serious moment. Adjec- tival formations in -cavos are no doubt Latin, and indeed late Latin 16 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY does not tell us who gave the name, but he indicates | it clearly enough.’ It was not the Christians (other- wise he would not have written xpyuatica), for they simply could not have given it to themselves. ‘The essentially inexact nature of the verbal form precludes any such idea. And for the same reason it could not have originated with the Jews. It was among the pagans that the title arose, among pagans who heard that a man called “ Christ” [Chrestus] was the lord and master of the new sect. Accordingly they struck out* the name of “ Christians,” as though “ Christ” were a proper name, just as they spoke of “* Herodiani,” formations (in Kiihner-Blass’s grammar they are not so much as noticed); but even in the first century they must have permeated the Greek vernacular by means of ordinary intercourse. In the New Testament itself we find ‘Hpwévavoi (Mark iii. 6, xii. 13, Matt. xxii. 16), Justin writes Mapxiavol, Ovarevtwavol, BaotAdcavol, SatopviAcavod (Dial. xxxv.), and similar formations are of frequent occurrence subsequently. If one wishes to be very circumspect, one may conjecture that the name was first coined by the Roman magistrates in Antioch, and then passed into currency among the common people. The Christians themselves hesitated for long to use the name; yet this is anything but surprising, and therefore it cannot be brought forward as an argument against the early origin of the term. 1 The reason why he did not speak out clearly was perhaps because the pagan origin of the name was already felt by him to be a drawback. But it is not necessary to suppose such a thing. 2 Possibly they intended the name originally to be written “Chrestus” (not “ Christus”), an error which was widely spread among opponents of Christianity during the second century; ep. Justin’s Apol., I. iv., Vheophil., ad Autol., I. i., Tert., Apol. iii., Lact., Instit., iv. 7. 5, with Suetonius, Claud. 25, and Tacitus (see below). But this conjecture is not necessary. Pagans certainly had a pretty common proper name in “ Chrestus’’ (but no “ Christus”’), so that they may have thought from the very first that a man of this name was the founder of the sect. THE NAMES OF CHRISTIAN BELIEVERS 17 * Marciani,” etc. At first, of course, Christians did not adopt the title. It does not occur in Paul or anywhere in the New Testament as a designation applied by Christians to themselves, for in the only two passages ° where it does occur it is quoted from the lips of an opponent, and even in the apostolic fathers (so-called) we seek it in vain. The sole exception is Ignatius,*> who employs it quite frequently; a fact which serves admirably to corroborate the narrative of Acts, for Ignatius belonged to Antioch.’ Thus the name not only originated in Antioch, but, so far as we know, it was there that it first became used by Christians as a title. By the days of Trajan the Christians of Asia Minor had also been in possession of this title for a considerable period, but its general vogue cannot be dated earlier than the close of Hadrian’s reign or that of Pius. Tertullian already employs it as if it had been given by the Christians to themselves.* 1 “Christians” therefore simply means adherents of a man called Christ. 2 1 Pet. iv, 16: py tus tudv racyxérw ws hoveds 7) KAemTNS . . . . El dé ws Xpictiavds, referring obviously to official tituli criminum, In Acts xxvi. 28 Agrippa observes, év dA/yw pe weiBeaus Xproriavoy rowjoa. 3 He employs it even as an adjective (Trail. vi.: Xpurtiavyn tpody = Christian food), and coins the new term Xpuotiavicpds (Magn. x., Rom. iii., Philad. vi.). 4 Luke, too, was probably an Antiochené by birth (cp. the Argumentum to his gospel, and also Eusebius), so that in this way he knew the origin of the name. 5 Apol. iii: “ Quid novi, si aliqua disciplina de magistro cogno- mentum sectatoribus suis inducit? nonne philosophi de autoribus suis nuncupantur Platonici, Epicurei, Pythagorici?” (“Is there anything novel in a sect drawing a name for its adherents from its master? Are not philosophers called after the founder of their philosophies—Platonists, Epicureans, and Pythagoreans ?”’) VOL, I, 4 18 -EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY A word in closing on the well-known passage from Tacitus (Annal., xv. 44). It is perfectly certain that the persecution mentioned here was really a persecu- tion of Christians (and not of Jews), the only doubtful point being whether the use of “ Christiani” (‘ quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Christianos appellabat ”) is not a hysteron proteron. Yet even this doubt seems to me unjustified. If Christians were called by this name in Antioch about 40-45 a.p., there is no obvious reason why the name should not have been known in Rome by 64 a.p., even although the Christians did not spread it themselves, but were only followed by it as by their shadow. Nor does Tacitus (or his source) aver that the name was used by Christians for their own party; he says the very opposite ; it was the people who thus described them. Hitherto, however, the statement of Tacitus has appeared rather unintelligible, for he begins by ascribing the appellation of ‘ Christians” to the com- mon people, and then goes on to relate that the ‘autor nominis,” or author of the name, was Christ, ° in which case the common people did a very obvious and natural thing when they called Christ’s followers “ Christians.” Why, then, does Tacitus single out the appellation of ‘“ Christian” as a popular epithet ? This is an enigma which I once proposed to solve by supposing that the populace gave the title to Christians in an obscene or opprobrious sense. I bethought myself of “crista,” or of the term “ panchristarii,” which (so far as I know) occurs only once in Arnobius i. 388: ‘Quid fullones, lanarios, phrygiones, cocos, panchristarios, muliones, lenones, lanios, meretrices (What of the fullers, wool-workers, embroiderers, THE NAMES OF CHRISTIAN BELIEVERS 19 cooks, confectioners, muleteers, pimps, butchers, prostitutes)? Tacitus, we might conjecture, aims at suggesting this meaning, while at the same time he explains the real origin of the term in question. But this hypothesis was a precarious one, and in my judgment the enigma has now been solved by means of a fresh collation of the Tacitus MS. (see G. Andre- sen, Wochenschr. f. klass. Philologie, 1902, No. 28, col. 780 f.), which shows, as I am convinced from the fac- simile, that the original reading was “ Chrestianos,” and that this was subsequently corrected (though ** Christus ” and not “ Chrestus ” is the term employed ad loc.). This clears up the whole matter. The populace, as Tacitus says, called this sect ‘ Chrestiani,” while he himself is better informed (like Pliny, who also writes “ Christian”), and silently corrects the mistake in the spelling of the names, by accurately designating its author (autor nominis) as ‘ Christus.” Blass had anticipated this solution by a conjecture of his own in the passage under discussion, and the event has proved that he was correct. The only poimt which remains to be noticed is the surprising tense of “ appel- labat.”. Why did not Tacitus write “appellat,” we may ask? Was it because he wished to indicate that everyone nowadays was well aware of the origin of the name ? One name still falls to be considered, a name which of course never became really technical, but was (so to speak) semi-technical; I mean that of otpatiérys Xpicrov (miles Christi, a soldier of Christ). With Paul this metaphor had already become so common that it was employed in the most diverse ways; compare the great descriptions in 2 Cor. x. 3-6 20 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANT#®Y (crparevdpeba — Ta OmAa Tie oTparelas — mpos cabaiperw | OXUPOMATWY — Noy mous caBaipourres — aixwadwriCovTes), and the elaborate sketch in Ephes. vi. 10-18, with 1 Thess. v. 8 and 1 Cor. ix. 7, noting also how Paul describes his fellow-prisoners as ‘‘ fellow-cap- tives” (Rom. xvi. 7; Col. iv. 10; Philemon 23), and his fellow-workers as ‘ fellow-soldiers” (Phil. 1. 25; Philemon 2). We come across the same figure again in the pastoral epistles (1 Tim. 1. 18: wa orparevy Thy KaAqv oTparetay ; 2 Tim. i. 3 f.: cuvkacorabycov ws Kards TTPATLOTIS "IT, X. ovdets TT PATEVOMEVOS EUTAEKETAL TAis TOU Biov TPAYMUTELALS, ia TO TTpaTorAoyIo avTt apeon. €av oe abrARon Tis, OV TTEpavovTat eav my vouluas aOAnon 3 2 Tim. il. 6: aixwarwriCovTes yuvaikapia). Thereafter it never lost currency,’ becoming so naturalized > among the 1 Cp., e.g., Ignat., ad Polyc. vi. (a passage in which the technical Latinisms are also very remarkable): dpéoxere ¢ otparevecOe, ad’ ov Kal Ta OWavia Kopicerbe* pytis bpav Sereprwp cipeOA. TO Bartirpa ipav pevéetw os drda, Tiatis ws tepikepadaia, 7 aydrn as Sdopv, tropov1) ws mavoTAia: Ta dearociTA tpov TA Epya Duov, wa TA axkerta tpov aéia Kopionobe (‘Please him for whom ye fight, and from whom ye shall receive your pay. Let none of you be found a deserter. Let your baptism abide as your shield, your faith as a helmet, your love as a spear, your patience as a panoply. Let your actions: be your deposit, that ye may receive your due assets’’); ep. also ad Smyrn. i. (iva apy ovoonpov cis Tods aidvas, “that he might raise an ensign to all eternity’’). 2 Clemens Romanus’s work is extremely characteristic in this diree- tion, even by the end of the first century. He not only employs military figures (e.g., xxi.: pi Aurorakreiv Has ard TOD OeAijparos adrod = we are not to be deserters from his will; ep. xxviii: tév atropo- AovvTwv dx aitod=running away from him), but (xxxvii.) presents the Roman military service as a model and type for Christians : otparevowpeOa ody, avdpes ddeAhol, peTa TaTNS ExTEVvElas ev TOIS GpapLoLS TpooTaypacw adrod* KaTavonTwpev TOs TTPATEVOMEVOUS TOIS 7YOU[LEVOLS Hpav* TOs evTaKTwS, TOS eveiKTWs, TOS broTeTaypevws eriTeLodow To Autuccdpeva’ ov ravres eioly érapyxor ovde xiAlapyxor OSE ExaTovTapxoL THE NAMES OF CHRISTIAN BELIEVERS 21 Latins especially (as a title for the martyrs pre- eminently, but also for Christians in general), that ‘soldiers of Christ” (milites Christi) almost became a technical term with them for Christians; cp. the writings of Tertullian, and particularly the cor- respondence of Cyprian—where hardly one letter fails to describe Christians as “soldiers of God” (milites dei), or ‘soldiers of Christ” (milites Christi), and where Christ is also called the ‘“ imperator” ‘of Christians... The preference shown for this figure by ovoe TEeVTAKOVTapXoL OVOE TO KabeENS, GAN EkagTos ev TO idiw Tdypatt TA eritagoopeva td Tod Bacitéws Kal THY yyoupevwv emiteAcd (“ Let us then enlist, brethren, in his flawless ordinances with entire earnest- ness. Let us mark those who enlist under our commanders, how orderly, how readily, how obediently, they carry out their injunc- tions; all of them are not prefects or captains over a hundred men, or over fifty, or so forth, but every man in his proper rank carries out the orders of the king and the commanders’’). 1 Cp. ep. xv. 1 (to the martyrs and confessors): ““ Nam cum omnes milites Christi custodire oportet praecepta imperatoris sui [so Lact., Instit., vi. 8 and vii. 27], tanec vos magis praeceptis eius obtemperare plus convenit”’ (“For while it behoves all the soldiers of Christ to observe the instructions of their commander, it is the more fitting that you should obey his instructions”). The expression “camp of Christ” (castra Christi) is particularly common in Cyprian; ep. also ep. liv. 1 for the expression “unitas sacramenti”’ in connection with the military figure. Cp. pseudo-Augustine (Aug., Opp. v., App. p. 150): “ Milites Christi sumus et stipendium ab ipso donativumque percepimus” (“We are Christ’s soldiers, and from him we have received our pay and presents’’).—I need not say that the Christian’s warfare was invariably figurative in primitive Christianity (in sharp contrast to Islam). It was left to Tertullian, in his Apology, to trifle with the idea that Christians might conceivably take up arms in certain circumstances against the Romans, like the Parthians and Marcomanni; yet even he merely played with the idea, for he knew perfectly well, as indeed he expressly declares, that Christians were permitted, not to kill (occidere), but only to let themselves be killed (occidi). 22 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Christians of the West, and their incorporation of it in definite representations, may be explained by their more aggressive and at the same time thoroughly practical temper. ‘The currency lent to the figure was reinforced by the fact that ‘ sacramentum ” in the West (@e. any mvoripov or mystery, and also anything sacred) was an extremely common term, while baptism in particular, or the solemn vow taken at baptism, was also designated a “sacramentum.” Being a military term (=the military oath), it led all Western Christians to feel that they must be soldiers of Christ, owing to their sacrament, and the probability is, as has been recently shown (by Zahn, Neue kirchl. Zeitschrift, 1899, pp. 28 f.), that this usage explains the description of the pagans as “pagani.” It can be demonstrated that the latter term was already in use (during the early years of Valentinian I. ; cep. Theodos., Cod. xvi., 2. 18) long before the development of Christianity had gone so far as to enable all non-Christians to be termed “villagers,” so that the title must rather be taken in the sense of “civilians” (for which there is outside evidence) as opposed to ‘“ milites” or soldiers. Non- Christians are people who have not taken the oath of service to God or Christ, and who consequently have no part in the sacrament. ‘They are mere “ pagani.”? 1 For the interpretation of paganus as “ pagan’ we cannot point to Tertull., de corona xi. (perpetiendum pro deo, quod aeque fides pagana condixit = for God we must endure what even civie loyalty has also borne; apud Jesum tam miles est paganus fidelis, quam paganus est miles fidelis=with Jesus the faithful citizen is a soldier, just as the faithful soldier is a citizen; ep. de pallio iv.), for “ fides pagana’’ here means, not pagan faith or loyalty (as one THE NAMES OF CHRISTIAN BELIEVERS 23 Pagans in part caught up the names of Christians as they heard them on the latter’s lips," but of course they used most commonly the title which they had might suppose), but the duty of faith in those who do not belong to the military profession, as is plain from the subsequent discussion. Though Ulphilas, Prudentius, and Orosius all maintain the ordinary explanation of the origin of this term, I cannot think it is correct, unlike Schubert in recent days (Lehrb. d. K. Gesch., i. p. 477). About 300 a.p.—to leave out the inscription in CIL, x, 2, 7112—the non-Christian religions could not as yet be designated as “peasant” or “rural” religions —The military figure originated in the great struggle which every Christian had to wage against Satan and the demons (Eph. vi. 12: ot« éorw ‘piv 7) rdAn zpos aipa. kai odpxa, GAAG pos Tus dpyds, mpos Tas ekovoias, mpos TOds KOGLOKpaTOpovs TOD oKOTOUS TOUTOU, TPOS TA TVEVPATLKA THS TOVNpPLaS €V Tois érovpavios). Once the State assumed a hostile attitude towards Christians, the figure of the military calling and conflict naturally arose also in this connection. God looks down, says Cyprian (ep. ]xxvi. 4), upon his troops: “Gazing down on us amid the conflict of his Name, he approves those who are willing, aids the fighters, crowns the conquerors,’ etc. (in congressione nominis sui desuper spectans volentes conprobat, adiuvat dimicantes, vincentes coronat, etc.). Nor are detailed descriptions of the military figure awanting; cp., e.g., the seventy-seventh letter addressed to Cyprian (ch. ii.): tu tuba canens dei milites, caelestibus armis instructos, ad congres- sionis proelium excitasti et in acie prima, spiritali gladio diabol- um interfecisti, agmina quoque fratrum hine et inde verbis tuis composuisti, ut invidiae inimico undique tenderentur et cadavera ipsius publici hostis et nervi concisi calearentur (“ As a sounding trumpet, thou hast roused the soldiers of God, equipped with heavenly armour, for the shock of battle, and in the forefront thou hast slain the devil with the sword of the Spirit; on this side and on that thou hast marshalled the lines of the brethren by thy words, so that snares might be laid in all directions for the foe, the sinews of the common enemy be severed, and carcases trodden under foot’). The African Acts of the Martyrs are full of military expressions and metaphors ; see, e.g., the Acta Saturnini et Dativi, xv. (Ruinart, Acta Mart., p. 420). 1 Celsus, for instance, speaks of the church as “the great church ” (to distinguish it from the smaller Christian sects). 24 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY coined themselves, viz. that of ‘‘ Christians,” alongside of which we find nicknames and_ sobriquets like “ Galileans,” ‘‘ass-worshippers” (‘Tert., Apol. xvi., ep. Minut.), “magicians” (Acta Theclae, 'Tertull.), «Third race,” ‘‘ sarmenticii” -and “ semi-axii” (stake- bound, faggot-circled ; Tert., Apol. i.).’ Closely bound up with the “names” of Christians is the discussion of the question whether individual Christians got new names as Christians, or how Christians stood with regard to ordinary pagan names during the first three centuries. The answer to. this will be found in the second Excursus appended to the present chapter. 1 Terms drawn derisively from the methods of death inflicted upon Christians. EXCURSUS I.! FRIENDS (iror). FRIENDSHIP, in the deepest and most comprehensive sense of the term, is the twin-sister of that knowledge which forms the supreme and engrossing business of a lifetime. Both arose together. Both had Eros as their common father. The history of the Greek schools of philosophy is at the same time the history of friendship. No one ever spoke more nobly and warmly of friendship than Aristotle himself, and never has it been more vividly realized than amid the schools of the Pythagoreans and Epicureans. ‘The former school might even go the length of a community of goods, but still they were outstripped by the philosopher of Samos with his injunction: «7 catatiberOa Tas ovclas es TO KOWOY* aTLCTOUYTwWY Yap TO ToLoUTOY : e 0 amlaTwYv, ovde prov (“Put not your property into a common holding, for that implies a mutual distrust ; and when people distrust each other, friends they cannot be”). The ethics of the Porch, based on the absence of any wants in the perfectly wise man, certainly did not leave any room for friend- 1 The little essay which I insert at this point was printed for private circulation in 1899. It appears now in somewhat altered form. 25 26 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY ship, but (as so often is the case) the Stoic broke | through the theory of his school at this point, and Seneca was not the only Stoic moralist who glorified friendship and proved it was morally essential. People were still moved by the pattern set before them in the intercourse of Socrates with pupils who were at the same time his friends; men could not forget how he lived with these friends, how he laboured for them and remained accessible to them up to the hour of his death, and how everything he taught them came home to them as a friend’s counsel. No wonder that the Epicureans, like the Pytha- goreans before them, simply called themselves “friends.” It formed at once the simplest and the deepest expression for that inner tie into which people found themselves transplanted when they entered the fellowship of the school. No matter whether one thought of the common reverence felt for the master, or of the community of sentiment and aims among the members, or of their mutual aid, the relationship in every case was covered by the term “friendship.” And even where the name was not in use, the thing itself was there. Let the sophist see to himself. As for the philosopher, he needed “friends” and was himself a ‘ friend.” From the days of the emperor Claudius onwards, “schools ” which had hitherto been unknown spread with extraordinary rapidity over the Roman empire from Palestine, schools which superficially seemed either a new development of the synagogal system, or societies of “ philosophers,” embracing old women and slaves, or associations of excited and therefore of FRIENDS QT dangerous fools. These were the Christian ecclesie. One thing was plain, however, even to the dimmest vision and the most determined dislike. And that was the strong and even unexampled fellow-feeling which held these guilds together and animated their members. “They have all things in common” “they make light of any expense whatever in their mutual services”: “they treat each other as brothers and sisters ”—such were the opinions of their conduct to be heard all over the empire. And these opinions corresponded to the self-consciousness of the people, to whom they applied. Deep into their souls the conviction had sunk that their whole course of life must be regulated by the limitless duty of love, especially towards those who shared their faith, and also that they were to stand towards one another in the capacity of friends. The question is, did they also style themselves outright as “ friends ” ? In the New Testament itself, different designations of the adherents of Jesus are often to be met with, suchas! “the saints,” ‘the elect,” “ithe diseiples,* “the brethren,” etc., besides the name of * Christians,” which arose first among their opponents at Antioch and was subsequently taken over by themselves. But if we look for the name of “the friends” in the New Testament, the results of our search are so scanty that it is doubtful ‘if in this case we are dealing with a technical title at all. Strictly speak- ing, only two passages fall to be noted. In that section of Acts which has been composed by a fellow- traveller and eye-witness of the apostle Paul’s voyage to Rome, we read (xxvii. 3): T7 Te erépa KaTHXOnuev ets 1 Not a single relevant passage occurs throughout Paul’s epistles. 28 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Lidava, PiravOpdrws te 6 “lovALos TH avr Xpnodevos eet pervev 7 pos Tous cpirous TopevOevTt eTmedelas TuxXelV, Does of pido here mean Christians in general or some special friends of Paul? And if the first meaning is correct, are we to admit that the usage of the word is technical? Neither question, in my opinion, can be answered with absolute certainty. But as regards the former, it is extremely unlikely that the historian meant special friends of Paul, otherwise he would probably have put the matter more definitely, as he has done, ¢.g., In xxi. 6. Besides, the expression itself must, in this event, have been more precise. We must assume, then, that of pido here is equivalent to of adeApoi, which recurs so frequently in Acts (see parallels of especial significance in 1x. 30, x. 23, xi. 29, xv. 82, 33, 36, 40, xvul, 10, 14, xvii. 18, 27, and above all, xxi. 7, 17, xxvil. 15). Yet even if Luke means Christians in general by this expression, it does not follow by any means from this solitary passage that the term was technical. This writer, with his classical culture, might for once choose a form of expression which could not be misunderstood, without being led thereto by any fixed linguistic usage. The little third epistle of John ends (ver. 15) with these words, aa maCovrat Te Ol piror : ao macou Tous pirous car’ ovoua. Here one might think of greetings sent by all the Christians in the company of John to all the Christians in the church of Gaius (to whom the epistle is addressed), in which case we would recognise in of ido a technical description of Christians in general. But the words “by name” (kar dvoua) rather point to an inner circle, and this FRIENDS 29 explanation becomes a certainty if one takes into consideration the contents of the epistle. It reveals a fissure in the church of Gaius. he nl + e - , A (Tov OLKOV Taovias, DV eVvXOMaL edpac bat TLOTEL KAL 1 In Heb. xi. women are also presented as heroines of the faith. The epistle was perhaps composed by Priscilla or by Aquila. 224 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY bring forward many a parallel). It would also give her a prominent position in the church. Such a position, and in fact even a more prominent one, must have been also occupied by Alké, nor was her case quite by itself. In the epistle of the Smyrnzans upon the death of Polycarp (c. xvil.), we read of an opponent of the Christians, called Nicetas, who was « Alké’s brother,” a description which would be meaningless if Alké herself had not been a very prominent lady not only in Smyrna but also in Philomelium (to which the epistle is addressed). Both of these passages from Ignatius, in short, throw light upon the fact that she was a Christian of especial influence and energy in Smyrna, and that her character was familiar throughout Asia. By the year 115 a.p. she was already labouring for the church, and as late as 150 a.p. she was still well known and apparently still living. Her brother was an energetic foe to Christianity, while she herself was a pillar of the church. And so it was with Gabia. In both cases the men were pagans, the women Christians. A prominent position in some unknown church of Asia must also have been occupied by the woman to whom the second epistle of John was written, not long before the letters of Ignatius. She appears to have been distinguished for exceptional hospitality, and the author therefore warns her in a friendly way against receiving heretical itinerant teachers into her house. The reaction initiated by Paul at Corinth against the forward position claimed by women in the churches, is carried on by the author of the pastoral INWARD SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY 225 epistles.t In 1 Tim. ii. 11 f. he peremptorily pro- hibits women from teaching.” Let them bear chil- dren and maintain faith, love, and holiness. The reason for this is explicitly stated ; it is because they are inferior to men. Adam was first formed, then Kve. It was Eve, not Adam, who was seduced by the serpent.? These sharp words presuppose serious encroachments on the part of Christian women, and already there had been unpleasant experiences with indolent, lascivious, and gossiping young widows (op. cit., v. 11 f.). As 2 Tim. i. 6 shows, it was specially common for such women to succumb to the seductions of fascinating errorists. One fresh feature in the pastoral epistles is that the existence of a class of ecclesiastical “‘ widows ” is taken for granted, and in this connection special 1 Also by an earlier editor of Acts; cp. my remarks, op. cit., p. 10, note 5. Probably Clement of Rome is also to be included in this category. His exhortations to women (Clem. Rom., i. xxi.) are designed to restrict them within their households, and the same holds true of Polycarp (ad Phil. iv.), In the “Shepherd” of Hermas, women play no part whatsoever, which leads us to assume that they had fallen more into the background at Rome than elsewhere. 2 Awdaokew yuvaixi ovx éemitpérw. This seems to conflict with Tit. ii. 3, where it is enjoined that mpeoBuridas elvar . . . . Kado- didacxddovs. We must take in the next clause, however (iva cwdpovilwow tas véas diAdydpous civat, piAoréKvous, «.7.A.), which shows that the writer does not mean teaching in the church. 8 This voiced an idea which operated still further and was destined to prove disastrous to the Catholic church. Tertullian already writes thus (de cultu femin., I. i.): “ Evam te esse nescis ? vivit sententia dei super sexum istum in hoc seculo: vivat et reatus necesse est. tu es diaboli janua, tu es arboris illius resigna- trix, tu es divinae legis prima desertrix, tu es quae eum suasisti quem diabolus aggredi non valuit. tu imaginem dei, hominem, tam facile elisisti. propter tuum meritum, id est mortem, etiam filius dei VOL. II. 15 226 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY instructions are laid down (1 Tim. v. 9 f.). Pliny’s letter to Trajan mentions Christian women who were called by their fellow-members “ deaconesses ” (ministrae), and there was also an order of regular female ascetics or ‘‘ virgines,” who are perhaps referred to as early as 1 Cor. vii. 36 f. The original relation between the church-widow, the deaconess (unknown in the Western church), and the “virgin,” lies in obscurity, but such directions show at any rate that ecclesiastical regulations for women were drawn up at a very early period. In the romantic but early Acta Pauli, women also played a prominent réle. Weare told of a prophetess in the church of Corinth, called Theonoé ! of Stratoniké (the wife of Apollophanes) at Philippi (who is thus the fourth woman mentioned by tradition in connec- tion with that city), of Artemilla at Ephesus, and mori habuit”’ (‘‘ Do you not know you are an Eve? God's verdict on the sex still holds good, and the sex’s guilt must still hold also, You are the devil’s gateway. You are the avenue to that forbidden tree. You are the first deserter from the law divine. It was you who persuaded him whom the devil himself had not strength to assail. So lightly did you destroy God’s image. For your deceit, for death, the very Son of God had to perish”). The figure of Mary the mother of Jesus rose all the more brilliantly as a foil to this. The wrong done, in this view, to the whole sex, was to be made good by the adoration paid to Mary. But it must not be forgotten, a@ propos of Tertullian’s revolting language, that his rhetoric frequently runs away with him. Elsewhere in the same book (II. i.) he writes: “Ancillae dei vivi, conservae et sorores meae, quo iure deputor vobiscum postremissimus equidem, eo iure conservitii et fraternitatis audeo ad vos facere sermonem” (“O handmaidens of the living God, my fellow-servants and sisters, the law that sets me, most unworthy, in your ranks, emboldens me as your fellow-servant to address you’’). 1 So the Coptic text. INWARD SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY 227 above all of the “apostle” Thecla at Iconium.' We are told that Thecla baptized herself, and that she proceeded to labour and to die as a missionary, “ after enlightenmg many with the word of God” (zoAXovs peticaca TH AOyw Ocov). It is unlikely that the romancer simply invented this figure. There must have really been a girl converted by Paul at Iconium, whose name was Thecla, and who took an active part in the Christian mission. As for the later apocryphal Acts of the Apostles, they simply swarm with tales of how women of all ranks were converted in Rome and in the provinces; and although the details of these stories are untrustworthy, they express correctly enough in general the truth that Christian preaching was laid hold of by women in particular, as also that the percentage of Christian women, especially among the upper classes, was larger than that of Christian men. ‘ Both sexes” (‘‘ utrius sexus ”) are emphasized as early as Pliny’s letter, and other opponents of the faith laid stress upon the fact that Christian preaching was specially acceptable to widows and to wives.’ This is further attested by the apologists, who have a penchant for bringing out the fact that the very Christian women, on account of whom Christianity is vilified as an inferior religion, are better acquainted with divine things than the philosophers.* 1 Besides Lectra, Theocleia, Tryphena, and Falconilla, 2 Cp. Celsus in Orig., c. Cels., III. xliv. Porphyry, too, still held this view (cp. Jerome, in Isai. 3, Brev. in Psalt. 82, and August., de civit. det, XIX. xxiii.) The woman whom Apuleius describes as abominable (Metam., ix. 14), seems to have been a Christian [see vol. i. p. 265]. 3 So still Augustine, e.g., de civit dei, X. ii.: “ Difficile fuit tanto philosopho [se. Porphyry] cunctam diabolicam societatem vel nosse 228 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Even after the middle of the second century women are still prominent, not only for their number and position as widows and deaconesses in the service of the church,’ but also as prophetesses and teachers. ‘The author of the Acta Theclae is quite in love with his Thecla. It never occurs to him to object to her as a teacher. He rather extols her, and his view even of the prophetess at Corinth has no element of blame in it. As we know from Tertullian that this author was a presbyter of Asia Minor, it follows that there were even ecclesiastics about the middle of the second century who did not disapprove of women teaching and doing missionary work. At Hierapolis in Phrygia the prophetic daughters of Philip enjoyed great esteem; Papias, amongst others, listened to their words. Not long after them there lived an Asiatic prophetess called Ammia, whose name was still mentioned with respect at the close of the second century (Eus., H.E., v. 17). The great Montanist movement in Phrygia, during the sixth decade of the second century, was evoked by the labours of Montanus and two prophetesses called vel fidenter arguere, quam quaelibet anicula Christiana nee cunct- atur esse et liberrime detestatur” (“ Hard was it for so great a philosopher to understand or confidently to assail the whole frater- nity of devils, which any Christian old woman would unhesitatingly describe and loathe with the utmost freedom’’). Women were also among the pupils of apologists and teachers, as is often noticed in the case of Origen. A woman called Charito belonged to the group of Justin’s pupils (Acta Justini, iv.). 1 T refrain from entering into details regarding the services of women in the church, as we shall soon get a thorough study of this subject from a young scholar, my friend and pupil, Herr Zscharnack [since published under the title of Der Dienst der Frau in d. ersten Jahrh. der christ. Kirche, 1903}. INWARD SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY 229 Maximilla and Priscilla.'| Later on, a prophetess known as Quintilla seems to have made her appear- ance in the same district,” while during the reign of Maximinus Thrax a certain prophetess caused a sensation in Cappadocia (cp. Firmilian, in Cypr., ep. xxv. 10). Among the gnostics especially® women played a great role, for the gnostic looked not to sex but to the Spirit. Marcion was surrounded by ‘“ sanctiores feminas.”* Apelles in Rome listened to the revela- tion of a virgin called Philumena (Tert., de praescr. xxx., etc.) Marcellina, the Carpocratian, came to Rome, and taught there. Marcus, the pupil of Valentinus and the founder of his sect, had a special number of women among his adherents, whom he even made pronounce the benediction, and consecrated as prophetesses, thereby leading many astray in Gaul.° ! Tertullian (de anima, ix.) writes: “We have with us a sister who has had a share in the spiritual gifts of revelation. For in church, during the Sabbath worship, she undergoes ecstasies. She converses with angels, at times even with the Lord himself; she sees and hears mysteries, pierces the hearts of several people, and suggests remedies to those who desire them,” From Apost. Constit. (ep. Tewte u. Unters., v. part 5, p. 22) it is plain that in the case of the church-widows special endowments of grace were looked for, through the Spirit. 2 Epiph., Her. xlix. But the personality is hazy. 8 Leaving out of account, of course, the Helena of Simon Magus. * Jerome, ep. xliii. In his letter to Ctesiphon (see also on 2 Tim. iii. 6) he writes that ‘‘ Marcion dispatched a woman on before him to Rome, in order to prepare the minds of people for the reception of his own errors’’ ( Marcion Romam praemisit mulierem quae decipiendos sibi animos praepararet ”’). ° Iren., i. 25: “ Multos exterminavit” (many she led away). 6 Iren., i. 13, 2: yuvaikas edyapioteiy eyKeAeveTar tapecT@tos avTov .. «+ padwora rept yuvaikas doxoXcira1, Kal TovTo Tas evTapidous Kat 230 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY And in general the women who belonged to the heretical societies are described’ by Tertullian as follows (de praescr. xli.): ‘ Ipsae mulieres haereticae, quam procaces! quae audeant docere, contendere, exorcismos agere, curationes repromittere, forsitan et tingere ” (“The very women of the heretics —how for- ward they are! Venturing to teach, to debate, to exorcise, to promise cures, probably even to baptize”). It was by her very opposition offered to gnosticism and Montanism that the church was led to interdict women from any activity within the church—apart, of course, from such services as they rendered to those of their own sex. ‘Tertullian’s treatise upon baptism (de baptismo) was called forth by the arrival at Carthage of a heretical woman who taught and in her teaching disparaged baptism. In commencing his argument, Tertullian observes that even had her teaching been sound, she ought not to have been a teacher. He then proceeds to attack those members of the church (for evidently there were such) who appealed to the case of Thecla in defending the right of women to teach and to baptize. First of all, he deprives them of their authority ; their Acts he declares are a forgery. Then he refers to 1 Cor. xiv. 34 to prove that a woman must keep silence. Even as a Montanist, it is to be noted that Tertullian adhered to this position. ‘ Non permittitur mulieri Tepiroppipous Kal tAovowrTatas (“He bids women give thanks even in his presence .... he is most concerned about women, and that, too, women of rank and position and wealth’’), i. 13. 7: ev a Pee a / an ec } / \ Ey / a Tois Ka yas KAipact tis “Podavoveias rokdas eEnraTyKacr yuvaikas (“In our district of the Rhone they have deluded many women ”’). On the compulsory consecration of women to the prophetic office prop , till they actually felt they were prophetesses, see i. 13. 3. INWARD SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY 231 in ecclesia loqui, sed nec docere, nec tingere, nec offerre, nec ullius virilis muneris, nedum sacerdotalis officii sortem sibi vindicare” (de ving. vel. ix.)* Even the female visionary in the Montanist church did not speak “till the ceremonies were done and the people dismissed ” (‘‘ post transacta solemnia dimissa plebe,” de anima ix.). Nevertheless women still continued to play a part in some of the subsequent movements throughout the church. Thus a sempstress in Carthage, called Paula, had to be excommunicated for agitating against Cyprian (ep. xlii.), whilst “that factious woman ” ( factiosa femina”) Lucilla was also respon- sible for poisoning the Carthaginian church with the Donatist controversy at the very outset (Optatus, i. 16). 3 The number of prominent women who are described as either Christians themselves or favourably disposed to Christianity is extremely large.* In addition to 1 «No woman is allowed to speak in church, or even to teach, or baptize, or discharge any man’s function, much less to take upon herself the priestly office.’ Tertullian frequently discusses the Christian problem of women in his writings; it occasioned many difficulties. Obviously at the bottom of the legend of the so-called « Apostolic Constitutions” on Martha and Mary—a legend which is dominated by conscious purpose—there lies the question whether or no any active part is to be assigned to women in the celebration of the Lord’s supper (cp. Teate u. Unters., ii. 5. (p. 28 f.): Ore ange 6 SiddoKaos Tov apTov Kal TO ToTHpLov Kat niAdynoe adTa Nywv: TodTd éoTt TO TGpa pov Kal TO aipa, ovK érérpefe Tals yuvaréi ovorivat ypiv (“ When the Lord asked for the bread and the cup and blessed them, saying, This is my body and my blood, he did not bid women associate themselves with us.’’). 2 From Tertullian’s teatise de cultu feminarum, as well as from the Paedagogus of Clement, it becomes still more obvious that there were a considerable number of distinguished and wealthy women 232 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY those already mentioned, mention may be made especially of Domitilla, the wife of T. Flavius Clemens; of Marcia, of Julia Mammea, of the consort of Philip the Arabian, of the distinguished Roman martyr Soter (of whom Ambrose was proud to be a relative), of the sisters Victoria, Secunda, and Restituta (who belonged to a senatorial family in Carthage), of the wife and daughter of the emperor Diocletian, of St Crispina “most noble and highly born” (‘clarissima, nobilis genere”). ‘Tertullian (ad Scap. iv., ete.) speaks of “clarissimae feminae,” and Christian “‘ matrons,” who were to be exiled, are mentioned in the second edict of Valerian. Origen emphasizes the fact that even titled ladies, wives of high state-officials, embraced Christianity (c. Cels., III. ix.). The story of Pilate’s wife, who warned him against condemning Jesus (Matt. xxvii. 19), may be a legend, but it was typical in after-days of many an authentic case of the kind. ‘Tertullian tells us how “Claudius Lucius Herminianus in Cappadocia in the churches of Carthage and Alexandria. In the second book (c. i.) of the former work Tertullian declares that many Christian women dressed and went about just like ‘‘women of the world” (‘‘feminae nationum’’). There were even women who defended their finery and display on the ground that they would attract attention as Christians if they did not dress like other people (II. xi.) To which Tertullian replies (xiii.): “Ceterum nescio an manus spatalio circumdari solita in duritiam catenae stupescere sustineat. nescio an erus periscelio laetatum in nervum se patiatur artari. timeo cervicem, ne margaritarum et smaragdorum laqueis oecupata locum spathae non det” (“ Else I know not if the wrist, accustomed to be circled with a palmleaf bracelet, will endure the numb, hard chain. I know not if the ankle that has delighted in the anklet will bear the pressure of the gyves. I fear that the neck roped with pearls and emeralds will have no room for the sword’’). INWARD SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY 233 treated the Christians cruelly, in hot anger at his wife having gone over to this sect” (** Claudius L. H. in Cappadocia indigne ferens uxorem suam ad hance sectam transisse Christianos crudeliter tractavit,” ad Scap. iii.). Hippolytus narrates how some Christians who had gone out into the desert in an apocalyptic frenzy, would have been executed as robbers by a Syrian governor, had not his wife, being a believer (ova m7), interceded on their behalf (Comm. in Dan., iv. 18). Kusebius has preserved for us the story of the Christian wife of the prefect of Rome under Maxentius (H.E., viii. 14), who, like a second Lucretia, committed suicide in order to avoid dis- honour. And Justin (d4pol., II. u.) tells of a distinguished Roman lady who had herself divorced from a licentious husband. In all these cases the husband was a pagan, while the wife was a Christian.* ' Cp. also Mart. Saturn. et Dativt (Ruinart, p. 417): “ Fortuna- tianus, sanctissimae martyris Victoriae frater, vir sane togatus, sed merehoionts Christianae ... . cultn .... . alienus” (“F., the brother of that most holy martyr, Victoria, was indeed a Roman citizen, but he was far from sharing in the worship of Christian religion”). In Porphyry’s treatise, 7 é« Aoylwy Pidocodia (cp. Aug., de civit dei, xix. 23), an oracle of Apollo is cited, which had been vouchsafed to a man who asked the god how to reclaim his wife from Christianity: ‘Forte magis poteris in aqua impressis litteris scribere aut adinflans leves pinnas per aera avis volare, quam pollutae revoces impiae uxoris sensum. pergat quo modo vult inanibus fallaciis perseverans et lamentari fallaciis mortuum deum cantans, quem iudicibus recta sentientibus perditum pessima in speciosis ferro vincta mors interfecit” (“ Probably you could more easily write on water or manage to fly on wings through the air like a bird, than win back to a right feeling the mind of your polluted impious spouse. Let her go where she pleases, sticking to her idle deceptions and singing false laments to her dead god, who was condemned by right-minded judges and who perished most 234 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Neither in the pre-Decian period nor in subsequent years was there any difference made between men and women in a persecution. ‘This is one of the best- established facts in the history of early Christianity. Consequently the number of female martyrs was, comparatively speaking, very large. ‘Thecla passed as the first of these, though it was said that she was miraculously preserved. After her, in the ranks of women martyrs, were reckoned Domitilla and Agnes in Rome, Blandina in Lyons, Agathonicé in Pergamum, Donata, Secunda, and Vesta at Scili, Potamiena, Quinta, Apollonia, | Ammonarion, Mercuria, and Dionysia in Alexandria, Perpetua and Felicitas at Carthage, Dionysia in Lampsacus, Domnina [Donuina] and Theonilla’ in Aegea, Kulalia in Spain, and Afra in Augsburg. But it would lead us too far afield to enumerate even the women of whom we have authentic information as having suffered martyrdom or exile, or having abandoned lives of vice. They displayed no less degree of fortitude and heroism than did the men, nor did the church expect from them any inferior ignominiously by a violent death’). The difficulties met by a Christian woman with a pagan husband are dramatically put by Tertullian, ad wvor., ii. 4 f. (partly quoted above, vol. i. pp. 479 f.). Cases in which the husband was a Christian, while his wife was pagan, or nominally Christian, must have been infrequent; ep., however, the Acta Marciani et Nicandri and the Acta Irenaei (above, vol. i. pp. 492 f.). 1 Theonilla (Ruinart, Acta Mart., p. 311) describes herself as a “woman of good birth” (‘ingenua mulier”’). When she had to let herself be stripped before the magistrate, she declared, “'Thou hast put shame not on me alone, but through me, on thine own mother and thy wife” (“non me solam, sed et matrem tuam et uxorem confusionem induisti per me’’). INWARD SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY 235 response. In her commemoration of the martyrs, she even reckoned these triumphant women worthy of double honour. In the last persecution (that of Licinius) another extremely remarkable prohibition was put in force, relating to women. ‘The emperor decreed that (1) men and women were not to worship together; that (2) women were never to enter places of worship ; and (3) that women were to be taught religion by women _ only, instead of by bishops (Euseb., Vita Const., 1. Jii.). The reasons for these orders (which were “generally derided”) remain obscure. Concern for feminine morality cannot have been anything but a pretext. But what then, it may be asked, was their real motive? Are we at liberty to infer from the decree that the emperor considered Christianity derived its strength from women ? It remains to say something about the mixed marriages, which Paul had discussed at an earlier period (see above, pp. 217 f.). The apostle did not desire their dissolution. On the contrary, he directed the Christian spouse to adhere to the union and to hope for the conversion of the pagan partner. But Paul was certainly assuming that the marriage was already consummated by the time that one of the partners became a Christian." Not until a com- 1 It is a moot point whether 1 Cor. vii. 39 (pdvov év kupiw) definitely excludes the marriage of a Christian woman with a pagan. Despite Tertullian’s opinion and the weighty support of those exegetes who advocate this interpretation, I am unable to agree with it. Had the apostle desired to exclude such unions, he would have said so explicitly, I imagine, and referred to the case of a husband as well as of a wife. Or can it be that he is merely forbidding a Christian woman to marry a pagan, and not forbidding 236 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY paratively late period do we hear of marriages being concluded between Christians and pagans.’ At first, and for some time to come, these unions were never formed at all, or formed extremely seldom; but often by the close of the second century it was no longer an unheard-of thing for such mixed marriages to take place. ‘Tertullian wrote the whole of the second book in his treatise ad wxorem in order to warn his wife against marrying a pagan, if she became a widow; and in the first and second chapters he expressly states that such unions were being con- summated. He not merely looks askance at them, but most severely reprobates them ( “‘fideles gentilium matrimonia subeuntes stupri reos esse constat et arcendos ab omni communicatione fraternitatis,” 1i1).” To his sorrow, however, he has to record the recent utterance of one brother, who maintained that while marriage with a pagan was certainly an offence, it was a very trivial offence. a Christian man to choose a pagan girl? This is not impossible, and yet such an issue is improbable. The povoy év kupiw (“ only in the Lord”’) means that the Christian standpoint of the married person is to be maintained, but this could be preserved intact even in the case of marriage with a pagan (cp. vii. 16). Besides, the presupposition naturally is that the Christian partner is desirous and capable of winning over the pagan. 1 Ignatius (ad Polyc., v.) gives a decision in the matter of divorce, but clearly he is only thinking of marriages in which both parties are Christians. No other cases seem to have come under his notice. 2 «Jt is agreed that believers who marry pagans are guilty of fornication, and are to be excluded from any intercourse with the brotherhood” ; ep. de corona xiii. : “ Ideo non nubemus ethnicis, ne nos ad idololatriam usque deducant, a qua apud illos nuptiae incipiunt”’ (“ Therefore we do not marry pagans, lest they lead us astray into that idolatry which is the very starting-point of their nuptials”), The allusion is to the pagan ceremonies at a wedding. INWARD SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY 237 On this subject the church was at first inclined to side with the rigorists. In his Testimonia, Cyprian devotes a special section (iii. 62) to the rule that “no marriage-tie is to be formed with pagans” (“matrimonium cum gentilibus non iungendum ”),' while it was ordained at the synod of Elvira (canon xv.) that ‘because Christian maidens are very numerous, they are by no means to be married off to pagans, lest their youthful prime presume and relax into an adultery of the soul” ( propter copiam puellarum gentilibus minime in matrimonium dandae sunt virgines Christianae, ne aetas in flore tumens in adulterium animae resolvatur”). See also canons xvi. and xvi. (“If heretics are unwilling to come over to the Catholic church, they are not to be allowed to marry Catholic girls. Resolved also, that neither Jews nor heretics be allowed to marry such, since there can be no fellowship between a believer and an unbeliever. Any parents who disobey this interdict shail be excluded from the church for five years” (‘ Haeretici si se transferre noluerint ad ecclesiam catholicam, ne ipsis catholicas dandas esse puellas; sed neque Judaeis neque haereticis dare placuit, eo quod nulla possit esse societas fideli cum infidele: si contra interdictum 1 The passage in de lapsis vi. is evidence, of course, that the church could not always interfere ; at any rate she did not instantly excommunicate offenders. In the gloomy picture drawn by Cyprian (de lapsis vi.) of the condition of the Carthaginian church before the Decian persecution, mixed marriages do not fail to form one feature of the situation (“ Jungere cum infidelibus vinculum matri- monii, prostituere gentilibus membra Christi’? = Matrimonial ties are formed with unbelievers, and Christ’s members prostituted to the pagans). 238 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY fecerint parentes, abstineri per quinquennium placet ”). ‘Should any parents have married their daughters to heathen priests, resolved that they shall never be granted communion” (‘‘Si qui forte sacerdotibus idolorum filias suas iunxerint, placuit nec in finem eis dandam esse communionem ”).' “Because Christian girls are very numerous” (‘“‘ propter copiam puellarum ”). ‘This implies that girls, especially of good position, outnumbered youths in the Christian communities. Hence Tertullian had already advised Christian girls who possessed property to marry poor young men (ad wxor., II. vi.). Why, he exclaims, many a pagan woman gives her hand to some freedman or slave, in defiance of public opinion, so long as she can get a husband from whom she need not fear any check upon her loose behaviour ! These words were in all probability read by Callistus, the Roman bishop; for even in Rome there must have been a great risk of Christian girls, in good positions, either marrying pagans or forming illicit connections with them, when they could not find any Christian man of their own rank, and when they were unwilling to lose caste by marrying any Chris- tian beneath them. Consequently Callistus declared that he would allow such women to take a slave or free man, without concluding a legal marriage with him. Such sexual unions he would be willing (for ecclesiastical considerations) to recognize (Hipp., 1 At the synod of Arles (which really does not belong, however, to our period) the church had already become more lenient than at Elvira ; cp. canon xi. : “ De puellis fidelibus, qui gentilibus iunguntur, placuit, ut aliquanto tempore a communione separentur” (“Con- cerning Christian maidens who have married pagans. Resolved, that they be excluded from communion for a certain period’’), INWARD SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY 239 Philos., ix. 12; cp. above, vol. i. pp. 211-212). The church thus created an ecclesiastical law of marriage * as opposed to the civil, and she did so under the constraint of circumstances. ‘These circumstances of the situation in which she saw herself placed, arose from the fact of Christian girls within the church outnumbering the youths, the indulgence of Callistus itself proving unmistakably that the female element in the church, so far as the better classes were con- cerned, was in the majority. ! Hippolytus notices the untoward results of this extremely questionable dispensation, CHAPTER III. THE EXTENSION OF CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. In this chapter I shall adhere strictly to the limits indicated by the title, excluding any place which cannot actually be verified until after 325 a.p. Owing to the fortuitous character of the traditions at our disposal, it is indubitable that many, indeed very many, places at which it is impossible to prove that a Christian community existed previous to the council of Nicea, may nevertheless have contained such a community, and even a bishopric, although no one can tell with any certainty what such places were. Besides, although unquestionably the age of Con- stantine was not an era, so far as regards the East, during which a very large number of new bishoprics were created—since in not a few provinces the net- work of the ecclesiastical hierarchy appears to have been already knit so fast and firm that what was required was not the addition of new meshes but actually, in several cases, the removal of one or two’ 1 I should take it as incontrovertible, with regard to the pro- vinces of Asia Minor, that the network there was firm and fast by the time of Constantine. ‘There were about four hundred local bishoprics by the end of the fourth century, so that if we can prove, despite the scantiness and fortuitous nature of the sources, close upon one hundred and fifty for the period before 325 a.p., it 240 CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 241 —despite all this, it is certain that a large number of new Christian communities did come then into being. In the West a very large number of bishoprics, as well as of churches, were founded during the fourth century, and the Christianizing of not a few provinces now commenced upon a serious scale (cp. Sulp. Severus, Chron., 11. 33: ‘Hoc temporum tractu mirum est quantum invaluerit religio Christiana” = during this period the Christian religion increased at an astonishing rate). As for the extent to which Christianity spread throughout the various provinces, while the following pages will exhibit all that really can be stated on this point, no evidence available upon the number of the individual churches (or bishoprics) would render it feasible to draw up any accurate outline of the general situation, inasmuch as our information is superior regarding some pro- vinces, inferior in quantity as regards others, and first-rate as regards none. Had I drawn the limit at 381 A.D., or even at. 343 4a.D., a much more complete conspectus could be furnished. But in that case we would have had to abandon our self-imposed task of determining how far Christianity had spread by the time that Constantine extended to it toleration and special privileges.‘ For the purpose of surveying the localities where Christian communities can be proved becomes highly probable that the majority of these four hundred were in existence by that time. This calculation is corroborated by the fact that during the fourth century Asia Minor yields evidence of the chor-episcopate being vigorously repressed and dissolved, but rarely of new bishoprics being founded. 1 One of the most important aids to this task is the list of signatures to the council of Niczea in 325 a.p., an excellent critical edition of which has recently appeared (Patrum Nicaenorum nomina YOL, I, 242 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY to have existed before 325 a.p., I shall begin by presenting two lists which give the places where there were Christian communities before Trajan (or Commodus).' * JT. Places in which Christian communities or Chris- tians can be traced as early as the first century (pre- vious to 'Trajan).” latine, graece, coptice, syriace, arabice, armeniace, by H. Gelzer, Hilgenfeld, and O. Cunitz; Leipzig, 1898; see also the edition by C. H. Turner, Oxford, 1899). The number of bishops in attendance at Niceea (which, according to Eusebius, our best witness, ex- ceeded two hundred and fifty) gives no clue to the spread of the episcopate, let alone the Christian religion, for extremely few bishops were present from Europe and North Africa, and a large number even from the East failed to put in an appearance. The assertion made by the Eastern sources that over two thousand clergy were present, is credible, but immaterial.—Cumont’s remark upon the Christian inscriptions of the East is unfortunately to the point: “Je ne sais s'il existe une catégorie de textes épigraphiques, qui soit plus mal connue aujourd hui que les inscriptions chrétiennes de lempire d’ Orient” (Les Inscr. chrét. de [Asie mineure, Rome, 1895, p. 5). 1 I content myself with a mere enumeration, as the subsequent section, arranged according to provinces, gives a sketch of the spread and increase of Christianity in the respective provinces. In this chapter I have not entered, of course, into the special details of the history of this spread throughout the provinces, a task for which we need the combined labours of specialists, archeologists and architects, while every large province requires a staff of scholars to itself, such as North Africa has found among the French savants. This will remain for years, no doubt, a pious hope. Yet even the investiga- tions conducted by individuals has already done splendid service for the history of provincial and local churches in antiquity. Beside de Rossi stand Le Blant and Ramsay. ‘The modest pages which follow, and which I almost hesitate to publish, will serve their purpose if they provide a sketch of the general contour, which is accurate in its essential features. » 2 Note how not only Acts but also Paul at an earlier period groups together the Christians of individual provinces, showing that CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. Jerusalem. Damascus (Acts ix.). Samaria (Acts viii. ; also Samari- tan villages, ver. 25). Lydda (Acts ix.). Joppa (Acts ix.). Saron (Acts ix.). Cesarea-Palest. (Acts x.). Antioch in Syria (Acts xi., etc.). Tyre {Acts xxi.). Sidon (Acts xxvii.). Ptolemais (Acts xxi.). mr ella (Eus., .E., Til. v.; for other localities where even at an early period Jewish Christians resided, see under III. i., Palestina). Tarsus (Acts ix., xi., xv.). Salamis in Cyprus (Acts xiii.). Paphos in Cyprus (Acts xiii.). Perga in Pamphylia (Acts xiii., xiv.). Antioch in Pisidia (Acts xiv.). Iconium (Acts xiii.—xiv.). Lystra (Acts xiv.). Derbe (Acts xiv.). Unnamed localities in Galatia (Gall, 1 Peg.:ii°1)i Palestinian 243 Unnamed localities in Cappa- docia (1 Pet. i. 1). Ephesus (Acts, Paul’s epp.) Colosse (Paul’s ep.). Laodicea (Paul’s ep.). Hierapolis in Phrygia (Paul’s ep:). Smyrna (Apoc. John). Pergamum (Apoc. John). Sardis (Apoc. John). Philadelphia in Lydia (Apoc. John). Thyatira in Lydia (Apoe. John). Troas (Acts xvi., xx.; Paul’s epp.). Philippi in Macedonia (Acts xvi.; Paul’s epp.). Thessalonica (Acts xvii. ; Paul’s epp.). Berea in Macedonia (Acts xvii. ; Paul’s epp.). Athens (Acts xvii. ; Paul’s ep.). Corinth (Acts xviii. ; Paul’s epp.). Cenchree, near Corinth (Paul’s ep.). Crete (ep. to Titus). Rome (Acts xxvii. f. ; Paul’s epp. ; Apoc. John.).? Puteoli (Acts xxviii.).° several churches must have already existed in each of the following provinces : Judea, Samaria, Syria, Cilicia, Galatia, Asia, Macedonia, and Achaia, 1 Grand-nephews of Jesus (grandchildren of his brother Judas), whom Domitian wanted to call to book (according to the tale of Hegesippus), lived in Palestine as peasants, 2 Babylon (1 Pet. v. 13) is probably Rome. ~ 3 The trace of Christianity said to have been found at Pompeii on a mutilated inscription (HRICTIAN ?) is uncertain.—It cannot be proved that Christians existed at this period in the towns mentioned by Acts but omitted from the above list (e.g., Ashdod in Philistia, Seleucia, Attalia in Pamphylia, Amphipolis, Apollonia, Assus, Malta, Mitylene, Miletus, etc.). Nicopolis (in Epirus) is 244 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Spain.! Alexandria (no direct evidence, Several churches in Bithynia and but the fact is certainly to be Pontus (1 Pet. i. 1; Pliny’s ep. inferred from later allusions). to Trajan).? During Trajan’s reign, then, Christianity had diffused itself as far as the shores of the Tyrrhenian sea, perhaps even as far as Spain itself. Its head- quarters lay in Antioch, on the western and north- western shores of Asia Minor, and at Rome, where, as in Bithynia, it had already raised the attention of the authorities. |‘ Cognitiones de _ Christianis,” judicial proceedings against Christians, were afoot in the metropolis, and Nero, Domitian, and Trajan had taken action with reference to the new movement. A propos of Rome in Nero’s reign, Tacitus speaks of a ‘“multitudo ingens,” while Pliny employs still stronger terms in reference to Bithynia, and Ignatius (ad Ephes. iti.) describes the Christian bishops as cara Ta Tépata opicbertes, ‘settled in the outskirts of the earth.” Decades ago the new religion had also pene- trated the imperial court, and even the Flavian house itself. II. Places where Christian communities can be mentioned in Tit. iii. 12, Illyria in Rom. xv. 19, and Dalmatia in 2 Tim. iv. 10. Domitilla was banished to the island of Pontia or Pandataria.—I ignore, as uncertain, all the place-names which occur only in apocryphal Acts, together with all provinces and countries described there and nowhere else as districts in which missions are said to have existed as early as the apostolic age. 1 It is a matter of controversy whether Paul carried out his design (Rom. xv. 24, 28) of doing missionary work in Spain. To judge from Clem. Rom. v. and the Muratorian fragment, I think it probable that he did. See also Acta Petri (Vercell.), vi. 2 Ramsay (Z'he Church in the Roman Empire, 1893, pp. 211, 235) shows the likelihood of Amisus having contained Christians at this period, CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 245 traced before 180 A.D. (2.e. before the death of Marcus Aurelius). To those noted under I., the following have to be added : A number of churches in the , Tralles in Caria (Ignatius).! environs of Syrian Antioch | Philomelium in Pisidi (Mart. (Ignat., ad Philad., 10), whose Polyc.). names are unknown, though | Parium in Mysia (probably, acc. one thinks of Seleucia in to the Acta Oseniphori). particular (ep. Acta Pauli): a | Nicomedia (Dionys. Cor., in number of churches in the Hus, cl Es AV. 25-). environs of Smyrna (Ireneeus, | Otrusin Phrygia (anti-Montanist, in Eus., H.E., v. 20. 8), and in Eus., H.E., v. 16).? many Asiatic churches (ibid., | Hieropolis in Phrygia (probably, v. 24). ace. to the inscription of Edessa (Julius Africanus, Bar- Abercius). desanes, etc.). Pepuza in Phrygia (Apollonius, Churches in Mesopotamia or on in Eus., H.E., v. 18). the lower Tigris (see below, | Tymion (= Dumanli?) in Phrygia under III.). (abid. ). Melitene (where the local legion, | [Ardaban = Kapdafsa?] ev 7H xara the “ Thundering,” contained tiv Ppvyiav Muoia (Anti- a large number of Christians, Montanist, in Eus., H.F., v. 16; as is proved by the miracle see Ramsay’s Phrygia, p. 573. of the rain, narrated by Eus. Only known to us as the birth- o 4,,mntithe | reign of + M. place of Montanus). Aurelius). Apamea in Phrygia (Eus., v. 16). Magnesia, on the Meander | Cumane in Phrygia (Eus., v. 16). (1gnatius). Eumenea in Phrygia (Eus., v. 16). 1 Possibly we may venture, without undue temerity, to reckon Magnesia and Tralles among the churches which were founded previous to Trajan’s reign. 2 Ramsay (St Paul the Traveller, etc., third ed., 1897, pp. vii. f.): ““ Christianity spread with marvellous rapidity at the end of the first and in the second century in the parts of Phrygia that lay along the road from Pisidian Antioch to Ephesus, and in the neighbourhood of Iconium, whereas it did not become powerful in those parts of Phrygia that adjoined North Galatia till the fourth century.” 246 EXPANSION OF Ancyra in Galatia! (Eus., v. 16). | Sinope (Hippol., in Epiph., H@r., xi): Amastris in Pontus (Dionys. Cor., in Eus,, HUE, iv. 23). Debeltum in Thracia (Serapion, | in Eus., v. 19). Anchialus in Thracia (zbid.).? Larissa in Thessaly (Melito, in Eus., iv. 26). Lacedemon (Dionys. Kus., H.£., iv. 23). Cnossus in Crete (cbrd.). Gorthyna in Crete (2bzd.).° Samé in Cephallene (Clem. Alex., Strom., III. ii. 5). Cor., in A number of churches in Egypt (cp. Iren., i. 10, the activity of | CHRISTIANITY Basilides and Valentinus there, and retrospective inferences : details in III.). Naples (catacombs).* Syracuse (catacombs, but not absolutely certain). Lyons (epistle of local church in Eus., v. 1 f.; Irenzus), Vienna (Eus., v. 1 f.). Carthage (certain inferences retrospectively from Ter- tullian). Madaura in Numidia (martyrs). Scilli in North Africa (martyrs). Churches in Gaul (among the Celts; Iren.). Churches in Germany (Iren.).° Churches in Spain (Iren.). Already there were Christians in all the Roman provinces, and in fact beyond the limits of the Roman empire. And already the majority of these Christians comprised a great union, which assumed a consolidated shape and polity about the year 180. III. A list of places where Christian communities — can be shown to have existed previous to 325 a.D. (the council of Nicza) ; together with some brief account of the spread of Christianity throughout the various provinces. 1 Myra in Lycia perhaps had a Christian community (ep. Acta Pauli). 2 Byzantium, too, had probably a church of its own (ep. Hippol., Philos., vii. 35; perhaps one should also refer to Tert., ad Seap., iii.). 3 See the following chapter for a discussion of the possibility of proving that Christians existed in Cyrene before 180 a.p, * Clement (Strom., I. i. 11) met with Christian teachers in Greater Greece. 5 So that perhaps Cologne (possibly Mainz also?) had a church. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 247 § 1. PALESTINE. The first steps in the diffusion of the gospel throughout Palestine (Syria-Palestina) are described, though merely in their characteristic traits, by the Acts of the Apostles, whose narrative I presuppose as quite familiar to my readers. From the outset it was Jerusalem and not the towns of Galilee, as one might imagine, that formed the centre of Christen- dom in Palestine. It was in Jerusalem that James, the Lord’s brother,’ took over the government of the church, after the twelve disciples had finally come to see that their vocation meant the mission-enterprise of Christianity (probably twelve years after the resurrection, as one early tradition has it, and not immediately after the resurrection).” He, in turn, was succeeded (60/61 or 61/62) by another relative of Jesus, namely, his cousin Simeon, the son of Cleopas, who was martyred under Trajan at the great age of 120. Thereafter, according to an early tradition, thirteen bishops of Jerusalem covered the period between (the tenth year of?) ‘Trajan and_ the eighteenth year of Hadrian. This statement* cannot be correct, and the likelihood is that presbyters are included in the list. All these bishops were circum- cised persons, which proves that the church was Jewish Christian—as indeed is attested directly for the apostolic age by Paul’s epistles and the book of - Acts (xxi. 20). It cannot, however, have adhered to 1 His episcopal chair was still shown in the days of Eusebius (H.E., viii. 19). 2 Details in my Chronologie, i. pp. 129 f., 218 f. 8 Zahn’s (Forschungen, vi. 300) idea is that the number includes the names of contemporary bishops throughout Palestine. 248 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY the extreme claims of the Jewish Christians ; that is, if any basis of fact, however late, underlies the decision of Acts xv. 28 f. At the first investment of Jerusalem the Christians forsook the city (Kus., AL., ii. 5, and Epiph., Her., xxix. 7, after Hegesippus or Julius Africanus), and emigrated to Pella; it was only a small number who eventually returned after the city had once more risen from its ruins." In any case, the local church was small. We have no means of ascertaining its previous size, but the exodus of 68 A.D. precludes any large estimate.” All we know is that it comprised priests (Acts vi. 7), Pharisees (xv. 5), and Greek-speaking Jews from the Diaspora (vi. 5), and that it was not rich.? It disappeared completely, after Hadrian, on the conclusion of the war with Barcochba, had prohibited any circumcised person to so much as set foot within the city. The new pagan city of Aelia Capitolina, founded on the site of Jerusalem, never attained any great importance.’ Gentile Christians, however, at once 1 This is clearly brought out by Epiph., Har., xxix. 7. 2 Eusebius and Epiphanius (or their authorities) explicitly assert that all the Christians of Jerusalem withdrew to Pella. The state- ments of Acts (ii. 41, 47; iv. 4; vi. 7) upon the increase and size of the church at Jerusalem are dubious. The “myriads” of Christians mentioned in xxi. 20 are not simply Jerusalemites, but also foreigners who had arrived for the feast. 3 Cp. the collection for Jerusalem, which Paul promoted so assiduously. Gal. ii. 10 is a passage which will always serve as a strong proof that the name “Ebionite” is not derived from a certain “ Ebion,” but was given to Jewish Christians on account of their poverty. (As against Hilgenfeld, and. Dalman: Werte Jesu, 1898, p. 42; Eng. trans., pp. 52, 53). 4 Cp. Mommsen’s Rom. Geschichte, v. p. 546 [Eng. trans., ii. 225]: “The new city of Hadrian continued to exist, but it did not prosper.” CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 249 settled there, and the date at which the first Gentile Christian bishop (Marcus) entered on his duties is fixed by Eusebius, on a reliable tradition, as the nine- teenth year of Hadrian’s reign, or one year after the war had ended. But before we put together the known facts regarding the church at Jerusalem, we must consider the spread of Jewish Christianity through- out Palestine. “Churches in Judea” are mentioned by Paul in Gal. i. 22 (cf. Acts xi. 29), and in 1 Thess. ii. 14 he writes: vuets myuntar éeyernOyte Tov éxkAnoLwv Tov Oeod Tay ouc@v ev TH "Tovdata év Xpirro "Iyoov, 67t Ta avta érabete Kat vets UTO TV loLwy cTuupureTor, KaQws Kat avTot vo tov “lovdatwy, In Acts we hear of churches on the ‘seaboard, in Galilee and in Samaria. The larger part of these were Hellenized during the following century and passed over into the main body of Christendom." When we ask what became of the 1 Till then the brothers and relatives of Jesus (who took part in the Christian mission; cp. 1 Cor. ix. 5) played a leading réle also in these Christian communities outside Jerusalem; as may be inferred even from the epistle of Africanus to Aristides (Eus., H.E., i. 7), where we are told how the relatives of Jesus from Nazareth and Kochaba dispersed over the country (79 Aoury yf éxupoirycavres), and how they bore the title of dexrdcvvan (§ 14). The tradition of Hegesippus is quite clear. He begins by recounting that oi zpéds yevous kata cdpKxa Tod Kupiov (Eus., H.E., iii. 11: “Those who were related to the Lord in the flesh”) met after the death of James to elect his successor (“for the greater number of them were still alive,” wAcious yap Kai TovTwy Tepinoay cioére TOTE TH BiG). Then he tells of two grandsons of Jude, the brother of Jesus, who were brought before Domitian (iii. 19, 20). And finally he states that, after being released by Domitian, they “ruled over the churches, inasmuch as they were both witnesses and also relations of the Lord” (iii. 20. 8: rods drohvbévras Hynoacbat TOV éxxAnoLdv, dodv Si) pdptupas pod Kal aro yevous dvTas Tod Kupiov); ep. also iii. 32. 6: 250 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Jewish Christians who could not agree to this transition,’ we are obliged to cast back for a moment to the removal of the Christian community from Jerusalem. Eusebius writes as follows (H.E., iii. 5): Tou Naov THs eV ‘Teporodvpors éekkAyolas KaTa TWA XpnT mov Tois avToOr OoKkimow dv amrokadryews exooVervTa 7 po TOU ToNemou pmeTavacTHvul THe TOAEwWS Kal TIA THS Tlepaias mwoAwy otkety KexeANevouevou, IléX\XNav adryy ovop“acoucw, TwY Els Xpirov wemictevxotwy aro Tihs “lepoveadjm peT@Kiopever, «7. (The people belonging to the church at Jerusalem had been ordered by an oracle revealed to approved men on the spot before the war broke out, to leave the city and dwell in a town of Pera called Pella. Then after those who believed in Christ had withdrawn thither,” etc.). Epiphanius writes thus (Her., XXI1X. a)5 éoTl O€ avTy 7 aipeots 7 NaCwpator ev TH Bepotatov Trept thy Koidny Lupiar, Kal éV T™ AexazroXet Trept Ta rns LléeAXns MEPs kat ev TH Bacavirwe TH eyouevy KoxaBy, XwpaBy oe ‘EBpacrt Neyouevy * exeiOey yup 7 apxy yeyove peTa Thy ATO ‘lepovcadipov petactacw TavTwv Tov wabyTay a - 4 ev ILé\An wxnxotov, Xpictod dyjcavtos Katarina Ta épxovTar ovv Kal TponyotvTar Tacs éexkANolas WS PapTUPES Kal ad yévous Tod kuptov (“So they come and assume the leadership in every church as witnesses and relatives of the Lord”). This statement about ruling is vague, but it is hardly possible to take zpoyyotvrat merely as denoting a general position of honour. Probably they too had the rank of “apostles” in the Christian churches ; in 1 Cor. ix. 5, at any rate, Paul groups them with the latter as missionaries. 1 A priori it is likely that there were also Jewish Christians who spoke Greek (and Greek alone). And this follows from the fact that a Greek version of the gospel according to the Hebrews existed during the second century. Outside Palestine and the neighbouring provinces (including Egypt), Jewish Christians who held aloof from the main body of the church were, in all likelihood, CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 251 ‘Teporo\vma Kal avaxyopnaat Ov iv iyueXrXe Tarxew TroNLopKtay, Kal €K TIS ToLAUTNS vTrolerews THY ITepatay OlKnocayTes eKELTE ws pay der ptBov (** Now this sect of the Nazarenes exists in Bercea in Coele-Syria, and in Decapolis in the district of Pella, and in Kochaba of Basanitis— called Khoraba in Hebrew. For thence it originated after the migration from Jerusalem of all the disciples who resided at Pella, Christ having instructed them to leave Jerusalem and retire from it on account of the impending siege. It was owing to this counsel that they went away, as I have said, to reside for a while at Pella”). Also HMar., xxx. 2: eedy yap TayTEs ot els Xpirrov TETIOTEUKOTES Thy [lepaiay KaT EKELVO Kal ou KATOKNTAY, TO TA€ioToY eV Tlé\Ay Tit Toe KaNounevy tae AexaTroXcws THs ev TO evaryyerto Veypaumerys, aAnolov tis Baravatas cat Bacavitios XHpas, TO TyviKaUTa éKel METAVATTAYTWV. Kal eKEioe vat piPovrav auto”, yeyovey eK TOUTOU mpopacts To "EBiwv. Kal apxXeTat ev Thy KaTolknow exew ev KoxaBy TW KOM emTl TU mépn TNS Kapvain, "A pveu Kat "Acrapod, ev TH Bacavirw XOPAs ws 4 €\Oovca es nuas so few during the second century that we need take no account of them in this connection. Jerome (ep. ad Aug. 112, c. 13) does assert that Nazarenes were to be found in every Jewish synagogue throughout the East. ‘“ What am I to say about the Ebionites who allege themselves to be Christians? To this day the sect exists in all the synagogues of the Jews, under’ the title of ‘the Minim’; while the Pharisees still curse it, and the people dub its adherents ‘ Nazarenes, ”’ etc. (“ Quid dicam de Hebionitis, qui Christianos esse _se simulant ? usque hodie per totas orientis synagogas inter Judaeos heresis est, quae dicitur Minaeorum et a Pharisaeis nune usque damnatur, quos vulgo Nazaraeos nuncupant’’). But this statement is to be accepted with great caution. Jewish Christianity also got the length of India (=South Arabia or perhaps the Axumite king- dom, Eus., H.FE., x. 3; Socrat., i. 19; Philostorgius, ii. 6), as well as Rome. But its circles there were quite insignificant. 252 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY yvoow Teprexec [Meaning that the Nazarenes also were to be looked for there]. id) de mor kai ev adore oyous . . . . Tept THS ToToecias KaoxaBwv Kai Tijs "ApaBias dua mAarous etpyra (“For when all who believed in Christ had settled down about that time in Perea, the majority of the emigrants taking up their abode at Pella, a town belonging to the Decapolis mentioned in the gospel, near Batanea and the district of Basanitis, Ebion got his excuse and opportunity. At first their abode was at Kochaba, a village in the district of Carnaim, Arnem, and Astaroth, in the reign of Basanitis, according to the information which we have received. But I am now told from other sources also, of his connection with the locality of Kochaba and Arabia far and wide”). Also Epiph., de mens. et pond. 15: jvica yap guedNev 9 oA adtoxeOa vro Tov “Pwualwy Kat épnmova Bat ™ poexpyuatia Oncay UTO ayyéevou TavTes of wabyrat PeTATTHVAL amo THs ToOAEwS jLeAOUVTNS apony a7roAdva Bat, olrwes meTavacTat ryevomevol woxnoav ev Llé\An TH ™ poyeypau- mevy roel Té pay TOU Topdavou ° 7 Oe oA ex AexatroXews Aéyerae eivae (For when the city was about to be captured and sacked by the Romans, all the disciples were warned beforehand by an angel to remove from the city, doomed as it was to utter destruction. On migrating from it they settled at Pella, the town already indicated, across the Jordan. It is said to be- long to Decapolis”). Cp. lastly Epiph., Z@7.,xxx. 18: [The Ebionites] “spring for the most part from Batanea [so apparently we must read, and not Naaréas| and Paneas, as well as from Moabitis and Kochaba in Basanitis on the other side of Adraa (ras piGas éxouvow aro te tas Batavéas cat LIlaveados ro CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 825 A.D. 258 treatov, MwaBiriwos Te Kat KwyaBov ths ev tH Bacavitid: yn eTreKewa ’Adpaay), These passages and their sources (or source) afford a wide field for discussion and a still wider for con- jecture,’ particularly if we add that Julius Africanus also mentions Kochaba along with Nazareth’ as the domicile of the relatives of Jesus. But their import- ance for our present purpose lies in the fact that they attest the scattering of most of the Jewish Christians resident in Palestine, west of the Jordan as well as at Jerusalem, in connection with and in consequence of the great war, and also their establish- ment, especially at Pella in Perea (or Decapolis), at Kochaba in Basanitis,’ and in Beroea and its surround- | For examples of these, see Zahn’s Forschungen, vi. p. 270. 2 But not Emmaus as well, for in my Chronologie, i. p. 220, I misunderstood the passage in Cod. Baroce. 142 (Teate u. Unters., iv. 2, p. 169).—As there is a Kékab el Hawa south-east of Tabor, and therefore not too far from Nazareth (Baedeker’s Palast. u. Syrien, fifth ed., p. 252), it is natural to suppose that this is the village meant by Africanus. But as the Kochaba of Epiphanius certainly lies east of the Jordan, and as it would be extremely precarious to imagine that Africanus meant a different village from that of Epiphanius, Kékab el Hawé must be set aside. The epithet of “Jewish village,” added by Africanus to both places, does not preclude us from looking for his Kochaba east of the Jordan, since even Nazareth, as situated in Galilee, is a Jewish village only in the broader sense of the term.—One notes, as a curious detail, that Conon, whose martyrdom is put by the legends under Decius, and who lived and died as a gardener at Magydus in Pamphilia, declares at his trial that he came from Nazareth and was a relative of Jesus (ep. von Gebhardt’s Acta Mart, Selecta, p. 130). § Kochaba is not the Kékab situated about twenty kilometres [124 miles] S.W. of Damascus (cp. Baedeker, pp. 295, 348, and the map), where Paul’s conversion was located during the Middle Ages, for this spot disagrees with the detailed statements of Epiphanius, and, besides, Eusebius writes as follows in his Onomasticon: Xwfa, 7 254 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY ings (Coele-Syria)."_ Epiphanius, it is true, adds Batanea, Paneas, and Moabitis, but it cannot be affirmed that the dispersed Jewish Christians reached these districts at the same early period.” Flying from hatred and persecution at the hands of the Palestinian Jews, they rightly supposed that they would fare better in the Greek towns of the East and in the country. This proceeding, which had been carried éorw ev dpiotepa Aapackod. éote d€ kai Xwfa Kou ev Tots avrols pepecw ev 7 cioly “EBpato. of eis Xprotov mictetoavtes “EBiwvaior kadovpevot (“ Khoba, which is on the left of Damascus. There is also a village of Khoba in the same district where Hebrews are to be found, who believe in Christ; their name is Ebionites.” So Jerome.) With this all the statements of Epiphanius agree (see further, Her., xl. L: ev 77 “ApaBia év Koya Bn, &vOa ai tov “EBwwvalwv te kat NaLwpatwv pila evypéavto=In Arabia at Kochaba, where the origins of the Ebionites and Nazarenes lay). The locality, how- ever, has not been re-discovered. Its site awaits future research, very possibly westward of Adraa (Der’at ; ep. Baedeker, p. 186) and in the vicinity of Tell-el-Asch’ari, which lies not far from Der’at to the N.W., and may be identified with Karnaim-Ashtaroth (Baedeker, p- 183). Basanitis, or Batanzea, belonged to Arabia in the days of Epiphanius. Zahn (Forsch., i. pp. 330 f.) is inclined to look for Kochaba much further south; but in order to make such a site probable, he has to cast doubts upon the precise language of Epiphanius. For this there is no obvious reason, especially as Epiphanius (Har., xxx. 2) observes that elsewhere he has given an explicit topographical account of Kochaba. 1 It is doubtful if this migration took place at so early a period. It may have occurred later. Jerome found Jewish Christians in Bercea (de vir. all. 3). 2 Moabitis owes its mention perhaps to the impression produced by the fact that the Elkesaites (Sampszans) were mainly to be found there; ep. Her., liii. 1: Sapwatod twes €v 7H Ilepaia ... . mépav THS “AXuKys nro. Nexpds Kadovpevys Oaraoons, ev TH Mwafsirede xopa, mepl Tov yeysdppovv “Apvav Kal eréxewa ev TH Irovpaia Kat NaBaririds: (“ Certain Sampseeans in Peraea beyond the Dead Sea in Moabitis, in the vicinity of the Arnon torrent and across the borders in Iturea and Nabatitis”’). CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D.- 255 out at an earlier period in the dispersion of the Jerusalem-church after the outburst against Stephen, was repeated once more in a later age, when a number of Christian heretics during the fourth and fifth centuries fled from the State church into the ‘eastern districts across the Jordan. All these movements of flight presuppose a group of people comparatively small in numbers, with little to lose in the shape of property. Hence we learn from them to form a moderate estimate of the numbers of these “ Ebionites.”' The latter, broken up more than once and subsequently liable in part to foreign influences, survived in these districts along the Jordan and the Dead Sea as late as the fourth century, and even later. Persecuted by the Jews, treated by the Gentile Christians as semi-Jews (and Jews indeed they were, by nationality and language [Aramaic]), they probably dragged out a wretched existence. The Gentile Christian bishops (even those of Palestine) and teachers rarely noticed them. It is remarkable how little Eusebius, for example, knows about them, while even Justin and Jerome after him evince but a moderate acquaintance with their ways of life. Origen and Epiphanius knew most about them. ‘The former gives an account of their numbers, which is more important than the statement of Justin in his Apology (1. liti.: wActovas robs é& eOvev Tav aro "Tovdatwy Kat Zapapéwy Xpisriavovs, see above, p. 151). - He remarks (Jom. I. 1 in Joh., ed. Brooke, i. pp. 2 f.), in connection with the 144,000 sealed saints of the Apocalypse, that this could not mean Jews by 1 I may pass by here the vexed question as to the relationship between Nazarenes and Ebionites. 256 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY birth or Jewish Christians, since one might quite well hazard the conjecture that there was not that number of Jewish Christians in existence. Now this remark furnishes us with a rough idea of the number of Jewish Christians during the first half of the third century. Origen knew the districts where Jewish Christians chiefly resided, as is proved by his travels from Czsarea to Bostra. He also knew the extent of the Jewish Christian synagogues in Alexandria and Lower Egypt, and these were their headquarters. Besides, we can appeal to yet another estimate of their numbers in this connection. Justin, himself a Samaritan by birth, observes in his Apology (I. xxvi.) that “almost all the Samaritans, with only a few foreigners, hail Simon Magus as their chief god.” A hundred years later, Origen writes thus (c. Cels., I. lvii.): “ At present the number of Simon’s disciples all over the world does not amount, in my opinion, to thirty. Perhaps that is even putting it too high. There are extremely few in Palestine, and in the other parts of the world, where he would fain have exalted his name, they are totally unknown.” Now let us come back to Aelia-Jerusalem and the Gentile Christian communities of Palestine which replaced the Jewish Christians. Marcus (135/136 A.D.) was the first Gentile Christian president in Aelia.! Like the town, the church of Aelia never 1 The episcopal list (ep. my Chronologie, i. pp. 220 f.) up to 250 a.p. shows nothing but Greco-Roman names: Cassianus, Publius, Maximus, Julianus, Gaius, Symmachus, Gaius, Julianus, Capito, Maximus, Antoninus, Valens, Dolichianus, Narcissus, Dius, Ger- manion, Gordius, Alexander. Then come four names—Mazabanes, Hymenezus, Zabdas, and Hermon—two of which, of course, are Syrian, CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO $25 A.D. 257 attained any importance, as is abundantly plain from the negative evidence of Kusebius’s Church-History, even when we take into account the fact that Eusebius was bishop of Cesarea, the natural rival of Aelia. The latter was called “Aelia” even in ecclesiastical terminology (cp., e.g., Eus., H.E., ii. 12. 3; Dionys. Alex., abid., vii. 5; Mart. Pal. xi., though * Jerusalem ” also occurs); which shows that even the church at first held that the old tradition had been broken.! Nevertheless, as is well known, the sacred Christian sites* were sought out during the second and third centuries ; some of them were actually found and visited. A certain amount of theological activity is attested by the existence of a library established in Aelia by bishop Alexander at the opening of the third century (Kus., H.E., vi. 20). Once the metropolitan episcopate came to be organized, the bishop of Czsarea was metropolitan of Syria-Palestina; but it is quite clear, from the history of Eusebius, that the bishop of Aelia not ”? 1 By 300 a.v. the name “Jerusalem” had become wholly un- familiar in wide circles. A good example of this is afforded by Mart. Pal., xi. 10, which tells how a confessor described himself to the Roman governor as a citizen of Jerusalem (meaning the heavenly Jerusalem). “The magistrate, however, thought it was an earthly city, and sought carefully to discover what city it could be, and wherever it could be situated.” Even were the anecdote proved to be fictitious, it is still highly convincing. 2 Eusebius (H.E., vi. 2, @ propos of Alexander) gives an early instance of this, in the year 212/213. In consequence of all this, the repute of the Jerusalem church must have gradually revived or arisen during the course of the third century. The first serious evidence of it occurs in the case of Firmilian (Cyprian’s ep. Ixxv. 6), who upbraids the Roman church with failing to observe the exact methods followed by the church of Jerusalem. voL, It. BZ 258 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY merely was second to him, but shared with him the management of the synod. And as time went on, he gradually eclipsed his rival." But under Origen Cesarea became a second Alexandria, in point of theological learning and activity. Pamphilus, who founded the great library there, has the credit of having adhered firmly to the traditions of Origen and of having made the work of Eusebius possible. We know nothing about the size of the Jerusalem- church or the percentage of Christians in the city. But until the intervention of Constantine they were unable to secure possession of the holy sepulchre (or what they both took to be its site; ep. Eus., Vt. Const., 1 The metropolitan nexus cannot be shown to have existed earlier than c. 190 a.p, (the Paschal controversy). Eusebius (v. 23) tells how Theophilus of Caesarea and Narcissus of Jerusalem were then at the head of the Palestinian churches and synod. In noticing the synodal communication (v. 23), he puts Narcissus first, distinguishing also the bishops of Tyre and Ptolemais, who attended the synod, from the Palestinian bishops. The communication is interesting, as it incidentally mentions a constant official intercourse between the provincial churches of Palestine and the church of Alexandria. We have also to assume a Palestinian synod in the year 231/232, which determined not to recognize the condemnation of Origen by Demetrius (cp. Jerome’s epp., xxxiii. 4). In his epistle to Stephanus (Eus., H.E., vii. 51), Dionysius of Alexandria puts Theoktistus, bishop of Czsarea, before Mazabanes, bishop of Aelia. But in the synodal document of the great Eastern synod of Antioch in 268 (Eus., vii. 30. 2), the bishop of Jerusalem precedes the bishop of Caesarea, while at the synod of Nicaea Macarius of Jerusalem voted before Eusebius of Caesarea. Eusebius only gives the episcopal list of Caesarea as far back as 190 a.p,, and that of Jerusalem as far back as James. But did Eusebius know of bishops at Ceesarea before 190? I pass over, as untrustworthy, the statement of Eutychius (ep. my Chronol., i. p. 222) that Demetrius of Alexandria addressed a circular letter to Victor of Rome, Maxim(in)us of Antioch, and “ Gabius’’ (Gaius ?) of Jerusalem. CHRISTLANITY DOWN *TO7%S25 ALD, 259 iii. 26); which shows their lack of power within the city. In Acts we hear of Christians, outside Jerusalem, at Samaria (and in Samaritan villages; cp. viii. 25), Lydda (Diospolis), Saron,* Joppa, and Cesarea. The presence of Christians (relatives of Jesus) at Nazareth is asserted by Africanus, while codex D of the New Testament locates Mnason, the old disciple, at an unnamed village between Czsarea and Jerusalem.? At Nicea there were present the bishops of Jerusalem, Neapolis (Sichem), Sebaste (Samaria),’ Czsarea, Gadara, Ascalon, Nicopolis, Jamnia, Eleu- theropolis (in the district of Beth-Gubrin ; see Violet in Texte wu. Unters., xiv. 4, p. 73), Maximianopolis, Jericho, Sebulon, Lydda, Azotus, Scythopolis, Gaza, Aila, and Capitolias.’ Elsewhere we have direct or inferential evidence® for the presence of Christians (though in very small numbers at particular spots) at Emmaus (Nicopolis) Sichar (Asker), Bethlehem, Anea 1 The Christian community in Caesarea seems to have been more powerful. According to Socrates (iii. 23), who depends upon Eusebius, the later Neoplatonist Porphyry was beaten by Christians in Cesarea. ; 2 Acts ix. 33 seems to take Saron as a group of places. ’ Whether the Perate, a gnostic sect, belonged to Perza, may be questioned ; see Hort and Mayor in their edition of Clement's Strom. vii. (1902) p. 354. 4 The signatures to the Nicene council (Gelzer, Hilgenfeld, and Cunitz, 1898, p. Ix.) give a double entry: Mapivos ZeBaornvds and Taiavos YeBacrjs, of whose meaning and origin alike we are entirely ignorant. > The presence of bishops or Christians in several of these towns is attested also by Alexander of Alexandria (in Athanas., de synod. 17, and Epiph., Her., lxix. 4), and Eusebius (Mart. Pal.). 6 I leave out the pseudo-Clementines, 260 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY by Eleutheropolis, Batanea by Czsarea (Aulana), Anim, Jattir, Bethabara, and Pheno. Eusebius (H.F., vi. 11. 3) mentions bishops of churches which were situated round (7éo.¢) Jerusalem, even in the year 212/213; but we do not know who are meant. Similarly in Mart. Pal., i. 8, he mentions apxovtes tev ETLX Ww ploy exkAyoiwy, “rulers of the country churches ” (2.e. of churches in the neighbourhood of Czsarea), who were martyred at Czsarea under Diocletian. But unfortunately he does not specify the localities. Nor do we know anything about the church of Asclepius, the Marcionite bishop who was martyred in the persecution of Daza (EKus., Mart. Pal., x. 1), or about the place to which the bishop mentioned by Kpiphanius in Her., |xiii. 2 (€v roAe pexpa rie adaorivys =in a small town of Palestine) belonged. The latter outlived the era of the great persecution,’ as he is expressly termed a confessor. The large majority of the localities in Palestine where bishops or Christians can be traced, are Greek cities which lay scattered in large numbers up and down a land where Syriac was spoken, and where there was a large non-Hellenic population. It is among the Greeks of these cities that Christianity is first and foremost to be sought. If we further assume that in general, until Constantine mastered Palestine, there were no Christians” at all in Tiberias— 1 This can hardly mean the persecution under Julian, as the bishop in question was dead by 370 a.v., after a long tenure of the episcopate. 2 This does not follow from Epiph., Hwr., xxx. 4, for the per- mission granted by Constantine to Joseph to build churches there, might per contra suggest the presence of local Christians, But in xxx, I] we read that Joseph merely secured one favour, viz., CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO,825 A.D. 261 the headquarters of rabbinic learning—, in Diocesarea (Sepphoris), in Nazareth, and in Capernaum (for the local Christians in primitive times had been driven out by the fanatical Jews); assuming also that they were extremely scanty in the territory stretching away to the south of Jerusalem,’ then it is impossible to speak of Palestine being Christianized before the time of Constantine. Save for a few exceptions, the lowlands were Jewish, and in Jewish towns and localities Christians were only tolerated against the will of the inhabitants. In Dhoceesarea, e.g., even under Constantine, the Jews were still so numerous that they essayed a rising (Socrat., H.E., ii. 83); and Theodoret (H.H., iv. 19) narrates that in the reign of Valens the town was inhabited by Jews who murdered Christians. In the Hellenistic towns Christians were to be met with, but even there— with the exception of Caesarea, of course—they were permission to build churches in those Jewish towns and villages throughout Palestine “where no one had ever been able to erect churches, ewing to the absence of Greeks, Samaritans, or Christians. Especially was this the case with Tiberias, Diocesarea, Sepphoris, Nazareth, and Capernaum, where members of all other nations were carefully excluded” (6a tis ovd€rore inxucev oikodopjoa éxkAynoias, dia TO pyte “EAXnva, pate Sapapeirynv, pyre Xpiotiavoy pécov avtrav evar’ TovTo de padtora ev Tiepiads kai év Avokaapeia, TH Kal Ser- doupiv, Kal ev Kadepvaoty pvddcoetat map aitois Tod pi) elvar Tia a\Xov €Gvovs). This is not contradicted by the statement of Epi- phanius himself (xxx. 4) regarding a “ bishop whose district adjoined that of Tiberias” (érioKoros tAnoiwxwpos THs TiBepiwy dv), in the pre-Constantine period; for this bishop was not exactly bishop of Tiberias.—There must have been numerous purely Jewish localities in Palestine; thus Origen (in Matt., xvi. 17. 1) describes Bethphage as a village of Jewish priests. 1 On some exceptions to this (Anim and Jattir) see below.—For idolatry in Mamre, see Vit. Const., iii. 51-53. 262 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY not very numerous, while several important pagan towns with ancient shrines offered them a sharp resistance, and refused to harbour them at. all. Thus in Gaza itself no Christian bishop was in residence, as may be certainly inferred from Eus., H.E., viii. 13, where Silvanus is described as bishop of “the churches round Gaza” (cp. Mart. Pal., xiii. As ek Tis DaCatoy €TLOKOTOS OP[L@LEVOS DAB., “ Silvanus, a bishop from Gaza”) at the time of the great persecution. Not until after 3825 a.p. was the church organized strongly by Constantine amid the tough paganism of these towns (cp. Vit. Const., iv. 38); thus even Asclepas, who was present at the council of Nicea (cp. Epiph., Har., xix. 4), was no more than the bishop of the churches round Gaza,’ although a rather small (and secret ?) Christian con- venticle is to be assumed as having existed in Gaza itself as early as the age of the persecution (see Eus., Mart. Pal., viii. 4, ii. 1).2 Palestinian Greek Christianity and its bishops gravitated southwards to Alexandria more readily than to Antioch and the north® (see above, on Eus., H.H., v. 25); even 1 The seaport of Gaza, Majuma, undoubtedly belonged to this group of churches. 2 A Christian woman “from the country of Gaza” (ris Taaiwv xwpas) is mentioned in Eus., Mart. Pal., viii. 8. 3 Eus., Mart. Pal., iii. 3, supports the view that in the seacoast towns of Palestine Christianity was to be found among the floating population rather than among the old indigenous inhabitants. Six Christians voluntarily reported themselves to the governor for the fight with wild beasts. “One of them, born in Pontus, was called Timolaos ; Dionysius, another, came from Tripolis in Phoenicia; the third was a subdeacon of the church in Diospolis, called Romulus : besides these there were two Egyptians, Paésis and Alexander, and another Alexander from Gaza.” Hardly any of the martyrs at CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. = 263 in spiritual things it depended upon Alexandria throughout our period. One natural outcome of this relationship was the purely Greek, or almost purely Greek, character of Christianity in Palestine, which is brcught out very forcibly by the names of the martyrs recounted by Eusebius (in his Mart. Pal.). In that catalogue Jewish or Syrian names are quite infrequent (yet cp. Zebinas of Eleutheropolis and Ennathas, a woman from Scythopolis, Mart. Pal., ix. 5-6)." Unfortunately the treatise of Eusebius to which reference has just been made furnishes far less instructive or statistical material for the church of Palestine than one would expect. We can only make out, from its contents, that it corroborates our conclusion that even in the Hellenistic towns of Palestine—which Eusebius has alone in view—during the great persecution there cannot have been very many Christians, Caesarea being the town where they most abounded. This conclusion is ratified by all we can gather regarding the history of Christianity in Palestine during the fourth century, especially re- garding the history of Christianity along the Philistine Cesarea were citizens of the town.—The relations between Palestine (Czsarea) and Alexandria were drawn still closer by Origen and his learning. We also know that Africanus went from Emmaus to Alexandria in order to hear Heraclas, and so forth. 1 Old Testament names—after the end of the third century, at - least—do not prove the Jewish origin of their bearers; ep. Mart. Pal., xi. 7 f.: “The governor got by way of answer the name of a prophet instead of the man’s proper name. For instead of the names derived from idolatry, which had been given them by their parents, they had assumed names such as Elijah, or Jeremiah, or Isaiah, or Samuel, or Daniel.” 264 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY seaboard.' The attempt made by Constantine and his successors to definitely acclimatize Christianity in Palestine did not succeed. Numberless churches, no doubt, were built on the holy sites of antiquity as well as at spots which were alleged to mark past deeds and events. Hordes of monks settled down there. Pilgrims came in their thousands. But there was no real Christianizing of the country as an out- come of all this, least of all in the haughty cities on the south-west coast. As late as 400 a.p. Gaza remained essentially a pagan city. Look at Sozom., vii. 15, and the Vita Porphyria of Marcus (ed. Teubner, 1895). Here we are told that but a very few Christians—127 in all ?—were to be found in Gaza, before Porphyry entered on his duties (394 a.p.), while the very villages near the city were still entirely pagan.® For our purpose that number 127 is highly valuable. It teaches us the necessity of confining within a very small compass any estimate we may choose to make of the Christianity which prevailed on 1 See some data upon this in V. Schultze’s Gesch. des Untergangs des griechisch-romischen Heidentums (1892), ii. pp. 240 f., and especially the “ Peregrinatio Silviae” (ed. Gamurini, 1887). * Vita Porphyr., p. 12. 1: ot tore ovres Xprorvavol, dALyou Kat evapib- pytoe Tvyxavovtes (cp. p. 74. 15), “The Christians of that day were few and easily counted.” It is also noted (p. 20. 2) that Porphyry added 105 Christians in one year to the original nucleus of 127 Compare the following numbers: on p. 29. 10 there are sixty named, on p. 52. 1 thirty-nine, then on p. 61. 16 we have one year with three hundred converts, kat é€ éxeivov ka?’ exacrov eros av&yow erédexero Ta Xpirtiavov (“And thenceforward every year saw an increase to the strength of local Christianity ”’). 3 Vit. Porphyr., p. 16. 7: wAnoiov Tagys koma tvyxavover rapa THY 6dov altives trdpxovew Tis cidwAopavias (“ Near Gaza there are way- side villages which are given over to idolatry’’). CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. = 265 the Philistine seaboard during the previous century. There is also significance in the fact that the name of “the old church” (p. 18. 6) was given to the church which Asclepas, who was bishop of Gaza during the great persecution and under Constantine, had erected subsequent to 325. This means that previous to 825 there were no Christian edifices in the place. Ascalon, too, had a strongly pagan population as late as the fourth century, just as Diocesarea (see above) was inhabited by a preponderating number of Jews. The seaport of Anthedon remained entirely pagan as late as Julian’s reign. I now proceed to give a list of towns and localities in which Christians can be traced prior’ to 325, adding very brief annotations.’ Jerusalem, represented at Nica; ‘churches round Jerusalem” in the year 212-213 are noted in Hus. -7.E.; vi. 11. 3. Czesarea on the coast (Acts x.). Bishops are to be traced from 190 a.p., viz., Theophilus (ci7ca 190, Eus., H.E., v. 22. 25); Theoktistus (at the crisis over Origen in Alexandria, also at the time of the Antioch- 1 During the second century in particular, these churches were certainly to some extent infinitesimal. The following decision of the so-called Egyptian Church-Constitution is scarcely to be referred to Egypt. It rather applies to Palestine or Syria. “Eav édryavdpia brapxy Kal pyrov wAnGos Tvyxdvyn Tov Svvapévo’ Yypicacat cept emurkdrrov évTos UB’ avdpav, eis Tas wAnoiov exxAnoias, Orov Tvyxdvet mernyvia, ypapetrwoay, x.7.r. (“Should there be a dearth of men, and should it be impossible to secure the requisite number of twelve capable of taking part in the election of a bishop, let a message be sent to churches in the neighbourhood’). * On the organization, size, and history of the Greek cities named in this list, see the careful collection of data in the third edition of Schiirer’s History. 266 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY ene synod regarding Novatian and bishop Stephanus of Rome, Eus., H.E., vi. 19. 17; vi. 46. 8 [where he is called “bishop in Palestine,” as a metropolitan]; we do not know if he was the immediate successor of Theophilus) ; Domnus (who only ruled for a short period, according to Eus., H.H., vi. 14; he succeeded Theoktistus in the reign of Gallienus) ; Theoteknus (who succeeded Domnus in the same reign, and took part in the synods against Paul of Antioch, Eus., vii. 14, 28, 80; vii. 82. 21, 24), and Agapius (Eus., vii. 82. 24). Counc. Nic. According to the legends the taxgatherer Zaccheus was the first bishop of Caesarea. For “ churches at Cesarea,” see Mart. Pal., 1. 3. Samaria-Sebaste (Acts vill, Counc. Nic.; here John the Baptist was buried, acc. to Theod., H.E., il. 3). Lydda Diospolis (Acts ix.; Theod., i. 4; Coune. Nic.). Joppa (Acts ix.). Saron (Acts 1x.). Emmaus - Nicopolis (Julius Africanus; Counce. Nic.). Sichem-Neapolis (Counce. Nic.). Scythopolis’ (Mart. Pal., ix. 6; p. 4. 7. 110, of longer form of Mart. Pal., ed. Violet in Tewte wu. Unters., xiv. 4; Alex. of Alex: in Athanas., de synod. 17; cp. Epiph., Wer. xxx. 5; Counc. Nics); Eleutheropolis (Mart. Pal., ix. 5; Epiph., Her., lxvin. 3, xvi. 1; Counc. Nic.). Maximianopolis (Counc. Nic.). Jericho [also a Greek city] (Coune. Nic. ; cp. also EKuseb., vi. 16). 1 The biblical Beth-san (Baischan, Bésin in Manasseh), CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 267 Sabulon (Counce. Nic.). Jamma (Mart. Pal., xi. 5; Alex. of Alex. in Kpiph., Her., Ixix. 4; Coune. Nic.). Azotus (Counce. Nic.). mesealon-(iMarzt: Pol., x: 1; Alex. of. Alex. in Kpiph., Her. lxix. 4; Counc. Nic.). Gaza (for a small local conventicle and_ the “churches round Gaza,” see above; Epiph., Her., Ixvii. 3; Counc. Nic. Not merely at Gaza but also at the coast-town of Raphia, close to the border of Egypt, the pagans attempted to ward off Christianity by force as late as c. 400 a.p.; ep. Sozom., vu. 15).* Aila (a seaport on the north-east corner of the Red Sea, included in Palestine at that period; Counce. Nic.). Gadara (Counc. Nic.). Capitolias (Counce. Nic.). Bethlehem (the existence of a local Christianity follows from Orig.: c. Cels., I. li.). Anea, a village in the territory of Eleutheropolis (trav dpwv ’EXcobeporo\ews, Mart. Pal., x. 2. Petrus Balsamus, the martyr, came from the district of Kleutheropolis ; see Ruinart, p. 525). Anim and Jattir, two villages south of Hebron (on Jattir, see Baedeker, p. 209; Anim = Ghuwin = Ruwen; cp. Buhl’s Geogr. Pal., p. 164), which Eusebius, in his Onomasticon, declares to have been exclusively inhabited by Christians. This is a strik- ing statement, as we are not prepared for Christians in these of all districts. We must not, however, measure the density of the Christian population on 1 St Hilarion was born (about 250 a.p.) in Tabatha, “a village lying about 5000 paces from Gaza,’ but his parents were pagan. 268 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY the soil of Palestine by this standard. These two villages must have formed an exception to the general rule,’ although it remains a notable fact that there were villages already which were completely: Christian. Bethabara (Eusebius in his Onomasticon describes it as a favourite spot for baptism, so that there must have been local Christians). Sichar--Asker (as Eusebius observes in his Ono- masticon that a church was already built there, it follows that there must have been some local Christians at an earlier date). Bataneea, a village beside Caesarea (Mart. Pal., x1. 29; where we are not to read Manganea, Baganza, Balanea, or Banea; see Mercati’s “I Martiri di Palestina nel Codice Sinaitico,” Estr. dai Rendiconti del R. Instit. Lombard. di. se. e lett., Serie II., vol. 30, 1897. To the best of my knowledge, however, the place has not been identified). Pheno (according to Mart. Pal., vii. 2, and Epiph., Heerr., \xviii. 8, Christians laboured in the mines at Pheno in S. Palestine [cp. Mart. Pal., viii. 1, and the Onomasticon]; according to Mart., xii. 1, they reconstructed houses into churches, and were con- sequently dispersed by force into settlements through- out the various districts of Palestine. The Apology of Pamphilus for Origen is directed “ 'To the confessors 1 Eusebius (vii. 12) tells of three Palestinian martyrs (Priscus, Malchus, and Alexander) in the reign of Valerian, stating explicitly that they lived on the land, and that they were reproached for thus enjoying an unmolested life whilst their brethren in the city were exposed to suffering. Hence they voluntarily betook them- selves also to Cesarea, ete. Unfortunately Eusebius has not specified their original home. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 269 sentenced to the mines of Palestine ” [ “ad confessores ad metalla Palestiniae damnatos”]; cp. Routh’s Relig. Sacrae, 1V. p. 341). To sum up, we may say that, judged from a purely statistical standpoint, the policy of Maximinus Daza, which aimed at the utter eradication of Christianity, was by no means so insensate a venture in the case of Palestine as it was in that of Syria. Christi- anity won but a slender footing amid the Jewish population of the Holy Land; such Jewish Christians as there were, had for the most part withdrawn across the Jordan. Amid the Greek population, again, Christianity had not as yet any numerical preponderance ;* evidently it drew its adherents 1 In one town, Aulona, Petrus Balsamus is said to have been martyred. He came from the district of Eleutheropolis (according to the larger Syriac recension of the Mart. Pal., he was born “in the district of Beth Gubrin’’). The name of the place is variously written, and is to be identified with Anea (see above). Nor was he martyred there. It was, on the contrary, the place of his birth. No chor-episcopi from Palestine took part in the council of Nicza. Was it because there were none at all? If so, it is a fresh corroboration of the fact that Christianity had penetrated but slightly into the (Jewish) population of the country. One can hardly appeal against this view, to the bishop “‘of the churches round Gaza’’ (see above), for in Gaza itself there could not be any bishop. 2 One must not indeed under-estimate their numbers, for Eusebius would never have been able to say that “Christians are nowadays, of all nations, the richest in numbers” (H.E., i. 4. 2), unless this element had been both noticeable and superior to the several religious associations of the country. The historian could not have passed such a verdict, if Christianity had been an insignificant factor in his own surroundings at Cesarea. From Eus., H.E., ix. 18 (péyas re kal povos aAnOijs 6 XprrtiavGv Oeds, “The Christian’s God is great, and the only true God’’) it follows also that public feeling, in Cesarea at any rate, was not absolutely unfavourable to Christians ; 270 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY from the fluctuating, poorer classes, rather than from the ranks of stable and propertied people. It is perfectly obvious, to judge from the treatise on the Palestinian martyrs (see above), that the latter section was hardly represented at all in local Christianity, and that so far as it did exist, it understood how to evade persecution. ‘Thus it formed an _ unreliable asset for the church. Christians in Palestine used Greek as the language of their worship; but, as we might a priori con- jecture, several churches were bilingual (Greek and Aramaic). Direct proof of this is forthcoming in the case of Jerusalem and Scythopolis (Mart. Pal., longer edition, pp. 4, 7, 110, ed. Violet in Tevte und Unters., xiv. 4). Procopius, we are told, himself a native of Aelia, did the church of Scythopolis the service of translating from Greek into Aramaic (Syriac), a state- ment which also proves that the service-books were still (c. 8300 a.p.) untranslated into the vernacular. Translated they were, but orally.’ The notice further shows that the need of translation was not yet pressing. ‘Translations of the scriptures see also ix. 1. 11 (ds Kal tods mpdtepov Kal’ jpadv povavtas, TO Oaipa Tapa macav opavres éArida, ovyxaipew Tois yeyevnuéevors: “So that even those who formerly had raged against us, on seeing the utterly unexpected come to pass, congratulated us on what had occurred”’), and especially ix. 8. 14 (Oedv re trav Xpiotiavov dokalew, eioeBeis re Kai povous Deoaef3ets TovTovs aAnOGs Tpds aitadv éheyxevtas Tov Tpay- pdtwv dpodroyeiv: “Glorify the Christian’s God, and acknowledge, under the demonstration of the facts themselves, that Christians were truly pious and the only reverent folk”’). 1 Cp. here Silviae Peregrinatio, xlvii.: Et quoniam in ea provincia [Palestina] pars populi et graece et siriste novit, pars etiam alia per se graece, aliqua etiam pars tantum siriste, itaque, quoniam episcopus, licet siriste noverit, tamen semper graece loquitur et CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 271 into the Palestinian Aramaic dialect (I pass by what is recorded in Epiph., Her., xxx. 8. 12) were not made, so far as we have yet ascertained, until a later age. Fresh fragments of these versions have been recently made accessible, and we may expect still more of them. But it is unlikely that their originals will be pushed back into the third century. § 2. PHanicta.* As we learn from Acts, Christianity reached the cities of Phoenicia at a very early period. When Paul was converted, there were already Christians numquam siriste, itaqgue ergo stat semper presbyter, qui, episcopo graece dicente, siriste interpretatur, et omnes audiant quae expon- antur. lectiones etiam, quaecumque in ecclesia leguntur, quia necesse est graece legi, semper stat, qui siriste interpretatur propter populum, ut semper discant. sane quicumque hic [sc. in Jerusalem] latini sunt, z.e. qui nec siriste nec graece noverunt, ne contristentur, et ipsis exponit episcopus, quia sunt alii fratres et sorores graeci- latini, qui latine exponunt eis (“ And as in the province of Palestine one section of the population knows both Greek and Syriac, whilst another is purely Greek, and a third knows only Syriac, therefore, since the bishop, though he knows Syriac, always speaks in Greek and never in Syriac, a presbyter always stands beside him to interpret his Greek into Syriac, so that all the congregation may know what is being said. Also, as the readings from scripture in the church have to be in Greek, a Syriac interpreter is always present for the benefit of the people, that they may miss nothing of the lessons. Indeed, in case Latins here [in Jerusalem], 7.e. people who know neither Greek nor Syriac, should be put out, the bishop expounds to them by themselves, since there are other brethren and sisters, Greco-latins, who expound to them in Latin’”’). 1 Pheenicia in the wider sense of the term (ep. subscript. Nicza), but as distinguished from Syria. That an ecclesiastical province of this name existed in 231-232 a.p. is proved by Jerome, ep. xxx. 4: “Damnatur Origenes a Demetrio episcopo exceptis Palaestinae et Arabiae et Phoenicis atque Achaiae sacerdotibus.” 272 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY at Damascus (Acts x. 2, 12 f., 19); for Christians in Tyre see xxl. 4, for Ptolemais see xxi. 7, for Sidon’ Xxvil. 2, and in general xi. 19. The metropolitan position of Tyre, which was the leading city in the East for manufactures and trade, made it the ecclesiastical head of the province; but it is questionable if this pre-eminence obtained as early as the second century, for at the Palestinian synod on the Easter controversy Cassius, the bishop of Tyre, and Clarus, the bishop of Ptolemais, still took counsel with the bishops of Aelia and of Cesarea (Eus., H.H., v. 25), to whom they were accordingly, it may be, subordinate. On the other hand, Marinus of 'yre is mentioned in a letter of Dionysius of Alexandria (¢bzd., vii. 5. 1) in such a way as to make his metropolitan dignity extremely probable. Martyrs in Tyre, during the great per- secution, are noted by Eusebius, vii. 7. 1 (vii. 8), viii. 18. 3 (bishop Tyrannion), Mart. Pal., v. 1 (vii. 1). Origen died at Tyre and was buried there. It is curious also to note that the learned Antiochene priest Dorotheus, the teacher of Eusebius, was appointed by the emperor (Diocletian, or one of his immediate predecessors) to be the director of the purple-dying trade in Tyre (Kus., H.H., vii. 32). A particularly libellous edict issued by the emperor Daza against the Christians, is preserved by Eusebius (ix. 7), who copied it from the pillar in Tyre on which it was cut, and the historian’s work reaches 1 In the pseudo-Clementine Homilies, the island of Aradus (xii. 12), Orthosia (xii. 1), and Paltus (xiii. 1), the frontier-town between Syria and Phoenicia, are all mentioned. Whether Christians existed there at that date is uncertain. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 273 its climax in the great speech upon the reconstruc- tion. of the church at Tyre, “by far the most beautiful in all Phoenicia” (x. 4). The speech is dedicated to Paulinus, bishop of Tyre, in whose honour indeed the whole of the tenth book of its history is written. Unfortunately we get no information whatever, from this long address, upon the Christian community at Tyre. In Sidon the presbyter Zenobius (EKus., H.#., viii. 13. 3) died during the great persecution, as did some Christians at Damascus (ix. 5). Kleven bishops, but no chor-episcopi, were present at the council of Nicea from Phoenicia; namely, the bishops of Tyre, Ptolemais, Damascus, Sidon, Tripolis, Paneas, Berytus, Palmyra, Alasus," Emesa, and Antaradus.” Already (under Palestine) I have noted that Jewish Christians also resided in Paneas (on which town see, too, Eus., H.E., vi. 17. 18).* Tripolis is mentioned even before the council of Nicea (in Mart. Pal., iii., where a Christian named Dionysius comes from Tripolis); the Apostolic Con- stitutions (vii. 46) affirm that Marthones was bishop of this town as early as the apostolic age; while, previous to the council of Nicwa, Hellanicus, the local bishop, opposed Arius (Theodoret, H.E., 1. 4), 1 Where is this town to be sought for ? - 2 The last-named is not quite certain (see Gelzer, loc. cit., p. Ixy. f.). Probably a twelfth still falls to be added, if the @cdéy of some MSS. is genuine, and if we may identify it with “Thelsea”’ near Damascus (Itin. Ant., 196. 2). 8 This passage at any rate leads us to infer that Christians existed there, whether the well-known statue (see above, vol. i. p. 145) really was a statue of Christ, or was merely taken to represent him. VOL. Il. 18 274 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY ow though Gregory, bishop of Berytus, sided with him (loc. cit.; for Berytus see also Mart. Pal. iv.). Eusebius (vill. 13) calls Silvanus, at the period of the great persecution, bishop, not of Kmesa but of “the churches round Emesa” (tov aut thy “Euoay exkAnoiwv émiskomos).. Kmesa then resembled Gaza ; owing to the fanaticism of the inhabitants, Christians were unable to reside within the town itself, and had to quarter themselves in the adjoining villages. Anatolius, the successor of Silvanus, was the first to take up his abode within the town. With regard to Heliopolis we have this definite information, that the town acquired its first church and bishop, thanks to Constantine, after 325 a.p. (ep. Vita Constant., ili. 58, and Socrat., i. 18).2> The Mart. Syriacum mentions one martyr, Lucius, at Heliopolis. Christians also 1 In ix. 6 he is simply called bishop, and he is said to have been martyred by Daza after an episcopate of forty years. 2 Eusebius strongly emphasizes the unprecedented fact of a church being founded and a bishop being appointed at Heliopolis itself. ‘Then he proceeds: “In his zealous care to have as many as possible won over to the doctrine of the gospel, the emperor gave . generous donations for the support of the poor at this place also, so as even thus to stir them up to receive the truths of salvation. He, too, might almost have said with the apostle, ‘ Whether in pretence or in truth, let Christ anyhow be proclaimed.’”’ How tenaciously paganism maintained itself, however, in Heliopolis (which was still a predominantly pagan town in the sixth century) is shown by Schultze, op. ci., ii. pp. 250 f. On the local situation towards the close of the fourth century, see the notice of Peter of Alexandria (Theod., H.E., iv. 19): “In Heliopolis no inhabitant will so much as listen to the name of Christ, for they are all idolaters. . . . The devil’s ways of pleasure are in full vogue there. . . . The governor of the city himself is one of the leading idolaters” (ep. Sozom., vii. 15). As late as 57 the pagans were still in the majority at Heliopolis, but shortly before the irruption of Islam the local church had got the upper hand. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 275 were deported (Mart. Pal., xiii. 2) by Daza to Lebanon for penal servitude. One martyrdom makes it plain that there were Christians at Byblus.—Further, and finally, we have to recall an interesting inscription, dated in the year 318-319 a.D. (630 of the Seleuc. era), which was discovered at Deir Ali (Lebaba), about three miles south of Damascus, by Le Blas and Waddington. It runs as follows :— Duvaywyn Mapkioncrey Kwi.( 79) AcBaBev tov K(upto)u Ka ow(T7)p(os) In(cov) Xpyarov 7 povowa( t) ILavAov a pea B(uTepov )—rTov Ax’ erous,? [‘‘The meeting-house of the Marcionists, in the village of Lebaba, of the Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. Erected by the forethought of Paul a presbyter—In the year 630.” |? Thus there was a Marcionite community near Damascus in the year 318 (319) a.p. (Already, p- 260, we have found a Marcionite bishop in Palestine about the same period.) We have no information in detail upon the diffusion and density of the Christian population throughout Pheenicia. More general and satisfactory notices are to hand with regard to Syria, a province with which Phoenicia was at that time very closely bound up, for the Phcenician tongue had long ago been dislodged by Syriac.* From the state of matters which still obtained in the second half of the sixth century, 1 Insc. Grec. et Latines; iii. 1870, No. 2558,-p. 582; ep. Harnack in Zeitschr. f. miss. Theol. (1876), pp. 103 f. 2 [z.e. of the Seleucid era. | 3 On Constantine’s destruction of the temple of Aphrodite in Aphaka, in the Lebanon, see Vita Constant., iii. 55. 276 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY however, it is perfectly plain that Christianity got a firm footing only on the seaboard, while the inland district of Phoenicia remained entirely pagan in the main. Yet it was but recently, not earlier than the third century, that these Phcenician-Hellenic cults had undergone a powerful revival. It is worthy of notice that the majority of the Phoenician towns where Christians or Christian bishops ean be traced, lay on the coast; 2.e. they were towns with a strong Greek population. In the large pagan cities of worship, Emesa and Heliopolis, on the other hand, Christians were not tolerated. Once we leave out inland localities where Marcionites and Jewish Christians resided, the only places in the interior where Christians can be traced are Damascus, Paneas, and Palmyra. Damascus, the great trading city, was Greek (cp. Mommsen’s Rém. Gesch., v. p- 473; Eng. trans., i. 146), as was Paneas, and in Palmyra, the headquarters of the desert-trade, a strong Greek element also existed (Mommsen, pp. 425 f.; Eng. trans., 11. 96 f.). The national royal house in Palmyra, with its Greek infusion, was well disposed towards the scanty indigenous Christians of Syria, as may be inferred from the relations subsisting between Paul of Samosata and Zenobia, no less than from the policy adopted by Rome against him. § 38. CoELE-SyRIA. In accordance with its tendency towards universal dominion, Christianity streamed from Jerusalem as far as Antioch (Acts xi.), the greatest city of the CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 3825 A.D. 2%7 East and the third city in the Roman empire, ere a few years had passed over its head. It was in Antioch that it got its name, which in all probability was originally a nickname ;' for Antioch was a city of nicknames and of low-class literature. Here the first Gentile Christian community grew up; for it was adherents of Jesus drawn from paganism who were called “Christians” (cp. pp. 15 f.). Here Barnabas laboured. Here the great apostle Paul found his sphere of action, and ere long the Christian community became so important, possessed of such a vigorous self-consciousness and such independent activity, that its repute rivalled that of the Jerusalem- church itself.” Between the churches of Jerusalem and Antioch the cardinal question of the Gentile Christians was debated ; it was the church of Antioch which took the most decided step forward in the history of the gospel; and as early as the second century it gave further expression*® to its church- consciousness by designating the apostle Peter as its 1 According to Theophilus, ad Autol., i. 12, the pagans in Antioch even as late as 180 a.p. took the name “ Christian” as a term of ridicule. 2 In this connection special moment attaches to Acts xi. 27 f. (where the wealthier church of Antioch supports the brethren in Judza), and further, to Acts xiii. 1 f.: "Hoav év ’Avtioxeia Kata tiv ovoav éxxAyolav tpopyrat Kai diddoKador 6 te BapvdBas Kat Lupedv 6 kadovpevos Niyep, kat Aovxwos 6 Kupyvaios, Mavayy te “Hpwdov tod Tetpaxov avvtpopos Kat Zadtros. evroupyotvtwv 8€ aitav TO Kupiw Kal VNTTEVOVTWV Elev TO TVED LA TO dyLov: adopicate 84 por Tov BapvdBav kal LadAov eis TO Epyov, x.7.X. At the very outset a certain Nicolaus, mpooy\vtos “Avtioxeds (a proselyte from Antioch), appears as a guardian of the poor in Jerusalem. ° As also by the device of placing a great apostolic synod at Antioch (see the Excursus to Chap. V., Book I.). 278 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY first bishop—although, to judge from Gal. ii. 11 f., it was no glorious role that he had played in Antioch. We know next to nothing of the history of Christianity in Coele-Syria during the first three centuries,: but a whole series of data is available for its history in Antioch itself. We possess, for example, the list of the Antiochene episcopate,” and the very names are instructive. Euodius, Ignatius, Heron, Cornelius, Eros, Theophilus, Maximinus, Serapion, Asclepiades, Philetus, Zebinus, Babylas, Fabius, Demetrianus, Paulus, Domnus, ‘Timeus, Cyrillus, Tyrannus—the large majority of these names are Greek, and Greek was the language of the church. Its fame is established by Ignatius, after Paul. Several features (though they are not many) in the contemporary situation of the church at Antioch can be made out from the epistles of Ignatius, who proudly terms it “the church of Syria.” He, too, had been preceded by other writers, so it was given out—quite erroneously, of course—in a later age. The bishops, Theophilus, Serapion, and Paulus,’ 1 We know that a seat, or the seat, of the sect of the Elkesaites was at Apamea, whence the Elkesaite Alcibiades travelled to Rome (Hipp., Philos., ix. 13). 2 Cp. my Chronologie, i. pp. 208 f. and elsewhere. 3 The Apology of pseudo-Melito (Otto’s Corp. Apol. ix.), composed about the beginning of the third century, was probably written in Syriac originally (and in Coele-Syria), but it is the one Syriac writing which can be named in this connection. Investigations into the Acts of Thomas have not yet advanced far enough to enable us to arrive at any certain decision upon the question whether they belong to the province of Edessa or to that of Western Syria. The overwhelming probability is, however, that they were composed in Syriac, and that they belong to Edessa—and in fact to the circle CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 279 however, were authors, as was the Antiochene pres- byter Geminus (Jerome, de vir. ill., lxiv.). Famous schools of learning were held by the presbyter Malchion (Eus., H.H., vu. 29), the presbyter Dorotheus (vii. 23), and above all by Lucian. The church of Antioch also took its share in the great general controversies, the Montanist, the Novatian, the baptismal, and the Christological, and it maintained a lively intercourse with other churches. It mediated between the church at large, which was substantially Greek, and the Syriac East, just as the Roman church did between the former and the Latin-speaking West.’ Further, unless the evidence is totally misleading, it was the church of Antioch which introduced into the cultus of Greek Christendom its strongly rhetorical element —an element of display and fantasy. Once more, it was in this church that the dynamic Christology received its most powerful statement, that Arianism arose, and that the ablest school of exegesis flourished. The central position of the church is depicted in the great synods held at Antioch in the middle of the third century. Dionysius of Alexandria (Kus., H.E., vi. 46) wrote to Cornelius of Rome that he had been invited to a synod at Antioch (251 a.p.) by Helenus of that great Eastern missionary and teacher, Bardesanes; cp. Néldeke in Lipsius: Apokr. Apostelgeschichten, ii. 2, pp. 423 f., and Burkitt in the Journal of Theological Studies, i. pp. 280 f. The gnostic Saturninus (Satornil) also belonged to Antioch (ep. Iren., ‘I. xxiv. 1), and other gnostic sects and schools originated in Syria. ! It is instructive to observe how Cornelius of Rome plumes himself upon the greatness of Rome, in writing to Fabius of Antioch (Eus., H.E., vi. 43). He had good occasion to do so, in view of Antioch itself. 280 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY of Tyre and the other bishops of the country, as well as by Firmilian of Cappadocia and Theoktistus, a Palestinian bishop (of Cesarea). The outcome of the synod is described by him in a letter to Stephen of Rome (2bzd., vi. 5): “ Know that all the churches of the East, and even beyond it, which previously were divided, have once more become united. All over, the bishops are harmonious and unanimous, greatly delighted at the unexpected restoration of peace among the churches.” He then proceeds to enume- rate the bishops of Antioch, Czsarea, Aelia, Tyre, Laodicea, ‘Tarsus, “and all the churches of Cilicia, besides Firmilian and all Cappadocia—for, to avoid making my letter too long, I have merely named the most prominent among them. Add all Syria and Arabia, with Mesopotamia, Pontus, and Bithynia.” Setting aside the two last-named provinces, we may say that this forms a list of the provinces over which the influence of Antioch normally extended.t To the last great synod at Antioch against Paulus, the Antiochene bishop, no fewer than seventy or eighty bishops gathered from all the provinces, from Pontus to Egypt ;* for it must be remembered, the Christ- ological crisis, in which their metropolitan was the “heretic” of the hour, was of supreme moment to 1 This also serves to explain the well-known passage in the sixth canon of Nicaea: dpuoiws d& Kat Kata ’Avtiyeav Kal év tais aAXNats erapxiais Ta mper Beta cwlerOar tais exxAyotas (“ Likewise with regard to Antioch and throughout the other provinces, the churches are to have their due prerogatives secured to them’”’). 2 Eusebius (H.E., vii. 28) speaks of jvpux (“thousands”), Athanasius gives seventy (de synod. 43), and Hilarius (de synod. 86), eighty bishops. Basilius Diaconus (fifth century) gives a hundred and eighty. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 3825 A.D. 281 the church. Unfortunately we know nothing of the seats of these bishops." Although the information which we possess upon the appearance of Paul at Antioch in the role of bishop comes from a hostile pen, it throws light on the size and secular conformation of the local Christian community in the second half of the third century (Eus., H.L., vii. 30).? “ At an earlier period he was poor and a beggar. He neither inherited any means from his parents, nor did he make any money by any craft or trade whatever; yet he is now in possession of extravagant wealth, thanks to his iniquitous transactions, his acts of sacrilege, and his extortionate demands upon the brethren. For he officiously recommends himself to people who are wronged, promising to help them for a consideration. Yet all he does is to cheat them, making a profit for himself, without any service in return, out of litigants ! The paper of the Antiochene. synod to the bishops of Rome and Alexandria as well as to the whole church (Eus., H.E., vii. 30) mentions, in its address, the names of Helenus (Tarsus), Hymen- zeus (Jerusalem), Theophilus (?), Theoteknus (Cesarea), Maximus (Bostra), Proclus (?), Nicomas (?), Aelianus (?), Paulus (?), Bolanus (?), Protogenes (?), Hierax (?), Eutychius (?), Theodorus (?), Malchion (presbyter of Antioch), and Lucius (probably also a presbyter of Antioch). Unfortunately, the bishoprics of the majority are unknown. 2 According to Oriental sources of information (cp. Westphal, Unters. uiber die Quellen und die Glaubmiirdigkeit der Patriarchalchroni- ken des Mari ibn Sulaiman, etc., 1901, pp. 62 f.), Demetrianus, ‘Paul’s predecessor in the see of Antioch, was exiled to Persia. This tradition, which answers to the general situation and has nothing against it (it was unknown to me when I wrote my Chronology of Early Christian Literature), proves that about 200 a.p. both the church of Antioch and its bishop possessed some political weight. 282 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY who are quite ready to pay money in order to get quit of a troublesome business. Thus he treats piety as a means of making some profit. He is haughty and puffed up; he is invested with secular dignities ; he would rather be called ‘ducenarius’ [an imperial procurator of the second rank] than ‘bishop’; he strides ostentatiously up and down the public squares, reading or dictating letters publicly in the middle of his walk, and having a numerous retinue who escort him in front and behind. ‘Thus by his arrogance and insolence our faith wins ill-will and hatred from the public. In the assemblies of the church his inordi- nate ambition and vainglorious pride make him behave in an inexplicable fashion, and thus he captivates the minds of simple folks till they actually admire him. He has a platform and a high throne erected for himself, unlike a disciple of Christ. Also, like secular officials, he has his private cabinet (secretum). He strikes his hand upon his thigh, stamps with his feet upon the platform, and inveighs with insolent insults against those who, instead of breaking out in applause of himself, or waving their handkerchiefs like the audience in a theatre, or shouting aloud and jumping like the men and women of his own company who behave in this indecent fashion, prefer to listen to him reverently and quietly as befits the house of God. Dead expositors of the word of God are assailed in public with coarse and vulgar taunts, while the speaker exalts himself in swelling terms as if he were a sophist or juggler and not a bishop. Hymns in praise of our Lord Jesus Christ he puts a stop to, as too recently composed by modern men; whereas he has songs sung to his own praise and glory by women CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. = 283 in the public congregation on the opening day of the paschal feast, songs which might well make any audience shudder. Similar notions are advocated, at his instigation, by the bishops of neighbouring localities and towns who fawn upon him, as well as by the priests in their addresses to the people. Thus he will not acknowledge, with us, that the Son of God has come down from heaven. . . . Jesus, he says, is from below. Whereas those who sing hymns in his own honour and publicly praise him, assert that he himself has come down as an angel from heaven ; and instead of checking such outbursts, he is even present in all his arrogance when they are uttered. Further- more, he has ‘virgines subintroductae’ of his own, ‘lady companions,’ as the people of Antioch call them. So have the priests and deacons of his company, of which, as of all the rest of their pernicious errors, he is perfectly cognisant. But he connives at them, in order to attach the men to himself, and prevent them, through fear of personal consequences, from daring to challenge his own unrighteous words and deeds. ... Even if he should have committed no act of immorality [with regard to the ‘virgines’], still he ought to have eschewed the suspicion of it... . He has indeed dismissed one such woman, but he still retains two in the bloom and beauty of their sex, takes them with him on his travels, and lives mean- while in sumptuous and luxurious fashion. Such -practices make everyone groan and lament in private. But no one dares to bring him to task, such is their dread of his authority and tyranny. Yet for such practices one would call him to account [?.e. not condemning him outright, nor conniving at his 284 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY actions], if he still held the catholic position and belonged to our own number.” I have quoted this passage 7m extenso, as I think it is extremely important for the spread and the position of the church in Antioch at that period. The best established feature in the whole description (for the malicious charges, which are a proof of Antiochene journalism, may be largely relegated to the back- ground) is that the bishop had by this time assumed, or been forced to assume, the customs and forms of a high state-official, a feature which brings out very clearly the development and importance of the local Christian community. Besides, the relations between Paul and the royal house of Palmyra (Syrian by race), so far as these are known or may be conjectured,’ show that Christianity already played a political roéle in Antioch. Furthermore, the authentic document given by Eusebius tells us that Paul refused to admit his condemnation, nor did he evacuate his episcopal residence. Whereupon—Zenobia .meanwhile having been conquered by Rome, and the collateral rule of the house of Palmyra having been overthrown in Kgypt and throughout the Kast—the matter was laid before the emperor Aurelian, who ordered (a.D. 272) the residence to be handed over to the bishop with whom the Christian bishops of Italy and Rome were ! Paul’s entrance on his episcopate at Antioch fell at the very period, and probably in the very year, when the Persians captured Antioch. As soon as the Persians retreated, Gallienus appointed Odenathus to what was really an independent authority over Palmyra and the East. Paul must have understood admirably how to curry favour with this ruler and his queen Zenobia, for, in spite of his episcopal position, he was imperial procurator of the second rank in Antioch. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 825 A.D. 285 in epistolary communion. This forms a conspicuous example of the political significance attaching to the church of Antioch. It is impossible to make any statistical calculations as to the dimensions of the church about 820 a.p., but at any rate there were several churches in the city (Theod., H.H., 1. 2), and if the local Christians were in the majority in Julian’s reign, their number must have been very large as early as the year 320. Diodorus and Chrysostom preached in what was substantially a Christian city, as the latter explicitly attests in several passages. He gives the number of the inhabitants (excluding slaves and children) at 200,000 (Hom. in Ignat. 4), the total of members belonging to the chief church being 100,000 (Hom. 85 [86] ec. 4.)' Antioch in early days was always the strong- hold of Eastern Christianity, and the local church was perfectly conscious of its vocation as the church of the metropolis. ‘The horizon of the Antiochene bishop extended as far as Mesopotamia and Persia, Armenia and Georgia, and he felt himself in duty bound to superintend the mission and consolidation of the church throughout these countries. Similarly, he recognized his duties with regard to the defence of the church against heretics. It was from Antioch that the missionary impulse of Chrysostom proceeded, as well as the vigorous campaign against the heretics waged by the great exegetes, Diodorus and Theodoret, ~ Chrysostom and Nestorius. — Outside the gates of Antioch, that “fair city of the 1 Cp. Schultze (op. cit., ii. p. 263); Gibbon (The Decline and Fall, Germ. trans. by Sporschil, ii. p. 219) takes the 100,000 to represent the total of the Christians in Antioch itself, 286 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Greeks” (see Isaac of Antioch’s Carmen 15, ed. Bickell, i. 294), Syriac was the language of the people, and only in the Greek towns of the country was it displaced by Greek. The Syriac spirit was wedded to it, however, and remained the predominant factor in religious and in social life. Yet in the distinctively Syrian world, Christianity operated from Edessa (see below) rather than from Antioch, unless we are wholly mistaken. The wide districts lying between both cities were consequently evangelized from two centres during the third century; from Antioch in the West by means of a Greek Christian propaganda, and from Edessa in the East by means of one which was Syriac Christian. Hence we must infer that the larger towns practically adopted the former, while the country towns and villages went over to the latter. The work of conversion, so it would appear, made greater headway in Coele-Syria, however, than in Pheenicia. By about 325 the districts round Antioch seem to have contained a very large number of Christians, and one dated (331) Christian inscription from a suburban village runs as follows: ‘Christ, have mercy; there is but one God.” In Chrysostom’s day these Syrian villages appear to have been practically Christian. Lucian, the priest of Antioch, avows in his speech before the magistrate in Nicomedia (311 a.p.) that “almost the greater part of the world now adheres to this Truth, yea whole cities; even if any seems suspect, there is no doubt regarding multitudes of country- folk, who are innocent of guile” (“pars paene mundi iam maior huic veritati adstipulatur, urbes integrae, aut si in his aliquid suspectum videtur, CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 287 contestatur de his etiam agrestis manus, ignara figmenti”); and although this may embody impres- sions which he had just received in Bithynia, there was substantially a basis for the statement to be found in the local circumstances of Syria. The numbers of the clergy in 303 throughout Syria are evident from Eus., H.#H., vii. 6: “ An enormous number were put in prison at every place. The prisons, hitherto reserved for murderers and riflers of graves, were now packed everywhere with bishops, priests, deacons, lectors, and exorcists.” The data at our command are as follows :— (1) Acts (xv.) already tells of churches in Syria besides Antioch. (2) Ignatius, @ propos of Antioch (ad Philad. 10), mentions “churches in the neighbourhood” (éyyora éxkAyoiat) Which had already bishops of their own. These certainly included Seleucia, the seaport of Antioch mentioned in Acts xiii. 4. (3) Apamea was a centre of the Elkesaites (cp. above, vol. i. pp. 71, 465). (4) Dionys. Alex. (in Eus., H.., vii. 5) observes that the Roman church frequently sent contributions to the Syrian churches. (5) The communication of the Antiochene synod of 268 (Eus., vil. 30), mentions, in connection with Antioch, “bishops of the neighbouring country and cities ” (ericKxorot Tay OMopwv ay pov Te kal TOAewy), Krom -Eus., vi. 12, we know that by about 200 a.p. there was a Christian community (and a_ bishop?) at Rhossus which was gravitating towards Antioch. (6) Two chor-episcopi from Coele-Syria attended the council of Nicea. In Martyrol. Hieron. (Achelis, 288 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Mart. Hieron., p. 168), a martyrdom is noted as having occurred “in Syria vico Margaritato,” as well as another (p. 177 f.) ‘in Syria provincia regione Apameae vico Aprocavictu,” but both these places are unknown. (7) The number of town-bishops from Coele-Syria who were present at Nicaea was, relatively, very considerable ; representatives were there from Antioch, Seleucia, Laodicea, Apamea, Raphanea, Hierapolis, Germanicia (= Marasch), Samosata, Doliche, Balanez (cp. Hom. Clem., xiii. 1), Gabula, Zeugma, Larisa, Epiphania, Arethusa, Neoceesarea, Cyrrus, Gindarus, Arbokadama, and Gabbala (= Gaba?). These towns lay in the most diverse districts of this wide country, on the seaboard, in the valley of the Orontes, in the Euphrates valley, between the Orontes and the Kuphrates, and in the north. Their distribution shows that Christianity was fairly uniform and fairly strong in Syria about 325,’ as is strikingly proved by the rescript of Daza to Sabinus (Eus., HE., ix. 9) —for we are to think of the experiences undergone by the churches of Syrian Antioch and Asia Minor, when we read the emperor’s words about cxedov d7ravtTas avOparrovs katadepOeicns THs Tov Dewy Opnokelas To 1 The opposition offered to Christianity varied considerably in the various towns. In Apamea it would seem to have been particu- larly keen. Even as regards c. 400 a.p., Sozomen (vii. 15) observes : Supwv 8€ pddiora ot Tod vaod “Arapeias: ods ervdunv ext prraxh Tav Tap avTos vaov cuppaxiats ypyoacOar ToAAGKIs TadiAaiwy avdpav Kat Tov wept Tov AcBavov Kwudv, TO d€ TeAevTaioy eri ToaodTov mpoedOeiv roApys @s MdpxedXov tov tHe ericxoroy avedeiv (“I have been told that the Syrian inhabitants of Apamea often employed the men of Galilee and the Lebanon villages to aid them in a military defence of their temple, and that at last they actually went so far as to slay the local bishop”’) [who had had the temple demolished}. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 289 €Over Tay X pioriavov éauTovs cuppmeuryoras (* almost all men abandoning the worship of the gods and attaching themselves to the Christian people”). This remark is not to be taken simply as a rhetorical flourish. For after speaking in one place about the first edict of Diocletian, Eusebius proceeds as follows: ov« eis Mau pov Oe ETEPWV cata thy MeXernvyy orm KaXoupevny Xopay kat av madw dAAwy aul THY Dupiav emupunvar ™ Bacirela TeTELPAUeVWY, TOUS TavTaXdce THY eKKAYTIOY TpOETTHTAS eloKTais Kal decors éverpat T pooray ba epoira BaciXtkov (‘* Not long afterwards, as some people in the district called Melitene and in other districts throughout Syria, attempted to usurp the kingdom, a royal decree went forth to the effect that the head officials of the churches everywhere should be put in prison and chains,” vill. 6. 8). Eusebius does not say it in so many words, but the context makes it quite clear that the emperor held the Christians responsible for both of these outbreaks (that in Melitene being unknown to history); which shows that the Christians in Melitene and Syria must have been extremely numerous, otherwise the emperor would never have met revolutionary outbursts (which in Syria and, one may conjecture, in Melitene also, originated with the army) with edicts against the Christian clergy. All that we know about the earlier history of» Christianity in the towns is confined to some facts about lLaodicea (where bishop Thelymidres was prominent about 250 a.p.; cp. Eus., vi. 46; he was followed by Heliodorus, vii. 5, and subsequently by Eusebius of Alexandria, and the famous Anatolius, vii. 382), Arethusa (ep. Vit. Constant., m1. 62), and VOL. LL. 19 290 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Samosata (the birthplace of Paul of Antioch, though we do not know if he was of Christian birth). The bishop of Rhossus was not at Nicea (though Rhossus may also be assigned to Cilicia). But, as we have seen above, Rhossus did possess a Christian church about 200 a.p., which came under the supervision of the church at Antioch. There was a Jewish Christian church at Beroea (Aleppo) in the fourth century (cp. p. 251).’ Finally, we have to take account of the pseudo- Clementine epistle de virginitate, which probably belongs to the beginning of the third century, and either to Palestine or to Southern Syria.” It contains directions for itinerant ascetics, and five classes are given of places where such people stayed and passed the night. (1) Places with a number of married brethren and _ ascetics; (2) places with married brethren but without ascetics ; (3) places where there were only Christian wives and girls; (4) places where there was only one Christian woman; and (5) places where there were no Christians at all. The third and fourth classes are of special interest. They testify 1 Of one bishop in Syria (zpoearws tis THs exkAnotas), Hippolytus relates (tn Daniel, p. 230, ed. Bonwetsch; see above, p. 233) that his enthusiastic fanaticism seduced his fellow-members into the wilderness with their wives and children in order to meet Christ. The local governor had them arrested, and they were almost condemned as robbers, had not the governor’s wife, who was a believer (otca micry), interceded on their behalf. Unfortunately Hippolytus does not name the locality—There were Novatian churches also in Syria (cp, the polemical lecture of Eusebius of Emesa, in the fourth century; Fabius of Antioch had sided with the Novatians). But we do not know where to look for them. 2 Cp. my study of it in the Silzungsberichte d.k. Pr. Akad. Wiss., 1891, pp. 361 f. CHRISTIANITY DOWN "TO"325 AMD. * 291 to what is otherwise well known, viz., that women formed the majority within the Christian communities. We also get an instructive picture of the state of morals and manners, in the directions given for the behaviour of an ascetic in places where no Christians were to be found at all. This account [for which see vol. 1. pp. 254-255, note] has small country churches in view. And their number must have been con- siderable. ‘Theodoret observes that his diocese of Cyrrus contained 800 parishes. By that time, of course, over a century had passed since the days of Constantine, but nevertheless a number of these parishes were earlier than that emperor’s reign. § 4. Cyprus. At Salamis and Paphos Barnabas the Cypriote and Paul had already done mission-work (Acts xiii.), while Barnabas and Mark once more returned to the island later on as missionaries (Acts xv.). Jews abounded in Cyprus, so that the way lay open for the Christian propaganda. It was Cypriote Jewish Christians who brought the gospel to Antioch (Acts x1.). The heretic Valentinus is said ultimately to have laboured in Cyprus, and during the great persecution Christians from the mainland were banished to the mines of Cyprus (Mart. Pal., xiii. 2). Three - Cypriote bishops, from Salamis, Paphos, and _ Trimithus, were present at the council of Nicaea, and three bishoprics for an island of no great size indicate a strong church. Nor were these all; for in the history of Spyridon, bishop of Trimithus, we hear of “bishops of Cyprus,” amongst whom was Triphyllius, 292 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY bishop of Ledrae (Sozom., i. 11). Rufinus, Socrates (i. 12), and Sozomen, all tell us about Spyridon. He was a yeoman and herdsman, and remained so even after he was elected a bishop—which throws light upon the classes of the population to which Christianity had penetrated. Triphyllius, his col- league, again, was a man of high culture who had studied jurisprudence at Berytus. Sozomen tells a good story about the relations between the two men. At a provincial synod in Cyprus, Triphyllius was preaching, and in describing the story of the paralytic man he used the word cxiu7ovs (“bed”) instead of the popular term «paBarroy (“pallet”). Kai 6 Yzupidwr aryavaxTncas, ov ov Ye en, apuelvwy TOU cpa Barov elpyKOoTos, OTL Talis avToU NeEeow eT UT XUYN Kexpno Oat ( Whereupon Spyridon wrathfully exclaimed, ‘ Art thou greater than he who spake the word “bed,” that thou art ashamed to use the very words which he used?’”). ‘The story illustrates one phase of the history of local culture. § 5. Epressa AND THE East (MEsoporaMIa, Persia, PARTHIA, AND INDIA). Perhaps the most remarkable fact in the history of the spread of Christianity is the rapid and firm footing which it secured in Edessa. The tradition about the correspondence between Jesus and king Abgar, and about the local labours of Thomas or Thaddeus (Kus., H.H., i. 18), is of course entirely. legendary, while Eusebius is wrong in asserting (ii. 1. 7) that the entire city had been Christian from the apostolic age to his own time. But the statement must hold true of the age at which he wrote. In CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. = 293 part, also, it applies still further. For there is no doubt that even before 190 a.p. Christianity had spread vigorously within Edessa and its surroundings, and that (shortly after 201 or even earlier?) the royal house joined the church,’ while even during the Kaster controversy (c. 190 a.p.) “the churches in Osroene and the local towns” (implying that there were several bishoprics) addressed a communication to Rome.’ Christianity in Edessa starts with two persons, Tatian “the Assyrian” and Bardesanes (born 154 a.p.). The former compiled his volume of the gospels (or “ Diatessaron”) for the Syrian church, while the latter established and acclimatized Chris- tianity by dint of his keen doctrinal activity, his fanciful theology, and his sacred songs. Neither was a “Catholic” Christian. Measured by the doctrinal standards of the Catholic confederation, both were heretics. But they were “mild” heretics? And 1 On the “ Acta Edessena”’ see Tixeront’s Les origines de léglse d’ Edesse (1888), Carriére’s La légende d’Abgar (1895), von Dob- schiitz’s “ Christusbilder”’ in the Texte u. Unters., N.F. iii., and my Litt.-Geschichte, i. pp. 533 f. The great church-buildings were not erected till 313 (ep. the chronicle of Edessa in Texte u. Unters., ix. 1, p- 93), but there was a Christian church as early as 201 (cp. zbzd., p. 86). 2 In the Doctrina Addaei (p. 50; Phillips) Serapion of Antioch (192-209) is said to have consecrated Palut as bishop of Edessa. This may be, but Palut can hardly have been the first bishop of the see ; he was the first Catholic bishop. 3 «As heresies were increasing in Mesopotamia, Bardesanes - wrote against the Marcionites and other heretics.” This remark of Eusebius (iv. 30) displays astonishing ignorance. In the Philosoph. (vii. 31) of Hippolytus, Bardesanes is called “The Armenian” ; a distinguished pupil of Marcion, Prepon, is also mentioned and described as an “ Assyrian.”—See above, p. 278, for the probable connection of the Acta Thome with the circle of Bardesanes. 294 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY from the beginning of the third century onwards Catholics (Palutians) and Bardesanists opposed each other in Edessa. Tatian’s Diatessaron was retained even by the Catholic party in Edessa, although it was not entirely orthodox. The version of the gospels by themselves, _ which lies before us in the Syrus Sinaiticus and the Syrus Curetonianus, possibly originated at a later period within Edessa also—the Peshitto, which be- longs perhaps to the first half of the fourth century, having arisen, it may be, outside Edessa in Coele- Syria." It was Edessa, and not any town in Coele- Syria, which became the headquarters and missionary centre of national Syrian Christianity during the third century. From Edessa issued the Syriac versions of early Christian literature, and thus Syriac, which had been checked by the progress of Greek asa language of civilization, became at last a civilized and literary tongue. The Christian city of Edessa, which probably had a larger percentage of Christians among its population than any of the larger towns during the period previous to Constantine, was certainly an oasis and nothing more. Round it swarmed the heathen. A few Christians were indeed to be found at Carrhae (= Harran), a town which was the seat of Dea Luna and contained numerous temples. ‘This we know from the martyrdoms.” But in the Peregrinatio Stlviae, 1 Cp. Nestle’s article on “ Translations of the Bible” in Prot. Real-Encykl.®’, iii. pp. 167 f.; and Merx, die vier kanonischen Evan- gelien nach ihrem dltesten bekannten Tecate, ii. 1 (1902), pp. x. f. 2 No bishop, however, was permitted there. The name of the first bishop occurs under Constantius. ———- CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 295 ec. 20 (circa 385 a.p.) we read: “ In ipsa civitate extra paucos clericos et sanctos monachos, si qui tamen in civitate commorantur [in the country districts they were numerous], penitus nullum Christianum inveni, sed totum gentes sunt” (“In the city itself, apart from a few clerics and holy monks, who, however, stay inside its walls, I found not a single Christian ; all were pagans”). Cp. also Theodoret (H.E., iv. 15), who describes Carrhae, in the reign of Valens, as a bar- barous place full of the thorns of paganism (cp. v. 4, li. 21, and similar remarks in Ephraem).1 The existence of Christian churches, previous to 325 a.p., can be verified for Nisibis,” Resaina, Macedonopolis (on the Euphrates, west of Edessa), and Persa (= Perra), as the bishops of these towns, together with their colleagues from Edessa, attended the Nicene councils. (For other evidence regarding Nisibis, see Theodoret, H.E., i. 6.) As regards the spread of Christianity in Mesopo- tamia and Persia, no store whatever can be set by the statement (Assemani, Bibl. Orient., iii. 1, p. 611) that there were about 360 churches in Persia*® by the second century. ‘There is no doubt, however, that Dionysius of Alexandria (c. 250 a.p.) not only knew churches in Mesopotamia, but mentioned their inter- 1 Harran was predominantly pagan even as late as Justinian’s reign (Procop., de bello pers., ii. 13). Christianity could never get a firm foothold there (ep. Chwolson, die Ssabier und der Ssabismus, e1s50). 2 Where Ephraem, the famous Syrian author, was born of Christian parents at the beginning of the fourth century. A Christian school can be shown to have existed at Nisibis not long afterwards. 5 See Labourt, le Christianisme dans l empire Perse sous la dynastie Sassanide (Paris, 1904). 296 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY course and relations with other churches (Kus., vii. 5), while the dialogue of pseudo-Bardesanes (“On the Laws of Countries ”—third century) presupposes a considerable extension of Christianity as far as the eastern districts of Persia (cp. Eus., Praep. evang., Vi. 10. 46), and Eusebius himself mentions martyrs in Mesopotamia during the persecution of Diocletian.” Furthermore, the great Persian persecution during the fourth century points to a fairly serious spread of Christianity in the course of the third century (cp. also the origin of Manichzism and the history of Mani in the Acta Archelai, which, of course, are partly fictitious—Archelaus himself being described by Jerome in the wir. tllustr. \xxii. as bishop of Mesopotamia). Constantine writes thus to king Sapur: “I am delighted to learn that the finest districts in Persia also are adorned with the presence of Christians” ;* and finally, reference must be made 1 Oure ot év IapOia Xpiorvavoi rodvyapovor, UWapbo. tuyxavovres, oP of ev Mydia. koi rpotiéacr Tovs veKpovs, ovx oi ev Hepaidu yapodor tas Ovyarépas airav, Ilépoa ovres, od rapa Bakrpous kal D'yjAous POeipodtor Tovs ydpous, x.7.’. (“ Nor are the Parthian Christians polygamists, nor do Christians in Media expose their dead to dogs, nor do Persian Christians marry their daughters, nor are those in Bactria and among the Gelae, debauched,” etc.). 2 The Persians are referred to in Constantine’s remark (Vit. Const., ii. 53) that the barbarians nowadays boasted of having taken in the refugees from the Roman empire during the Diocletian persecution, and of having detained them in an extremely mild form of captivity, permitting them the unrestricted practice of their religion and all that pertained thereto. 8 Vit. Const., iv. 13; ep. iv. 8: rvOdpevos yé Tor mapa 76 Iepody Over tANOive TAS TOD Deot exxAnoias aovs TE pvpiavOpous Tats Xpiorod Toipvas evayeAdler Oa, x.7.A. (“On learning that churches of God abounded among the Persians, and that thousands of people were gathered into the fold of Christ,’ ete.). CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 297 to Aphraates, whose homilies, composed between 337 and 345, reflect a Christianity substantially un- affected by the course of Greek Christianity, and therefore occupying the same position before 325 as after. They also reflect, at the same time, a vigorous and far-reaching ecclesiatical system. In one or two localities we can definitely assume the presence of Christians before 325, as, ¢.g., at Amida (= Diarbekir ; ep. the Abgar-legend, Acta Thadd., 5; the retro- spective inferences are certain),’ and, above all, at Seleucia-Ctesiphon (as may certainly be inferred from the episcopal lists, which are not wholly useless). The Persian bishop at Niczea, however, did not come from Seleucia.” The existence of Christians at 1 According to Ebed Jesu, both the bishop of Amida and the bishop of Gustra (=Ostra? cp. Bratke’s Religionsgespriich am Hof Sassaniden, 1899, p. 264) were at Niczea. 2 According to Greg. Barhebr., Chron., iii. 22 f., and other legendary writers, Seleucia had three successive bishops who were relatives of Jesus (!). On Mari, the founder of the patriarchate of Seleucia-Ctesiphon, cp. Raabe’s die Geschichte der Dom. Mari (1893), and Westphal’s Unters. uber die Quellen u. die Glaubmiirdigheit der Patriarchenchroniken (1901), pp. 30 f.; and on an alleged corre- spondence of the catholicus Papa of Seleucia (f. 326), see Braun in Zeitschr. f. kathol. Theol., xviii. (1894), pp. 167 f. On Papa, see Westphal, op. cit., pp. 60 f. The personality of this bishop, who died full of years, and perhaps the historicity of the synod which he convened (in 313-314 a.p.), may be regarded as indubitable. His successor was Simeon bar Sabte, the martyr. Eusebius describes how at the consecration of the church in Jerusalem there was present one of the Persian bishops, who was a master of ~ the divine oracles (zapfv xai Tlepoav érickorwv iepdv xpnua, Ta Geta Aoya eEnxpiBwxas dvyp, Vit. Const., iv. 43).—The aforesaid Mari may have been some actual bishop and missionary on the Tigris, but legend has treated him as if he were one of the twelve apostles, making him the founder of Christianity throughout the entire Eastern Orient. While the legends, which are connected 298 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Batana, previous to Constantine, may be deduced from the Svluiae Peregr. 19, and we may conclude from the Acts of the Persian martyrs (edited by Hofmann ') that there were also Christians at Harbath, Glal, Kerkuk (= Karkha dh Bheth Slokh), Arbela,’ Shargerd, Dara, and Lasom. This holds true perhaps (to judge from the Acta Archelat) of the village of Diodoris in Mesopotamia as well, and of Sibapolis (where there was a martyrdom).? A Christian church with the central seat of Seleucia-Ctesiphon, and which endeavour to throw a special halo round the episcopate as well as to claim apostolic origin for the Nestorian church, are exceptionally full of tendency and audacity, they are nevertheless transparent in their attempt to meet all possible and conflicting wishes (connection with Antioch, with Jerusalem, with Jesus himself; complete inde- pendence ; and so forth). 1 Abh. z. Kunde des Morgenlands, vii. 3., pp. 9 f., 46 f. 52, 268 (also Néldeke, in Gott. Gel. Anz. 1880, p. 873, who opines that the first organized Christian church arose on the lower Tigris about 170 a.p.). 2 The bishop who attended Nicea probably came from one or other of the two last-named towns (cp. Westphal, pp. 66). 3 In regard to the spread of Christianity throughout the East, Néldeke has been kind enough to write me as follows (Sept. 27, 1901). ‘It is extremely bold to attempt to exhibit the spread of Christianity in great detail, but you have certainly collected a large amount of material. Scarcely any serious aid is to be got from the East, I imagine, as the few reliable sources which are older than the fourth century yield very little, in this connection, beyond what is generally known. Aphraates and the early Acts of the martyrs show, no doubt, that in the districts of the Tigris Chris- tianity was widely diffused, with an organization of bishops and clergy, about the middle of the fourth century; but it is pure legend to assert that these Persian Christians constituted at that period an entire church under some Catholicus. Simeon bar Sabta’e was merely bishop of Seleucia and Ctesiphon. The erection of churches, which subsequently became Nestorian, did not take place until the beginning of the fifth century, and at a still later CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. = 299 may also be held to have existed at Kaschkar before 325 (cp. Westphal, op. cit., p. 34). In the third book of his commentary on Genesis, Origen touches upon a tradition that Thomas the apostle took Parthia as his missionary sphere, while Andrew’s was Scythia (cp. Eus., H.., iii. 1). From this it may be inferred that Christians were known to exist there by the first half of the third century. The same holds true of India. Of course the India whither Pantanus journeyed from Alexandria (Kus., v. 10) may be South Arabia (or even the Axumitic kingdom). But the India where the early (third century) Acts of Thomas locate that apostle’s work, is the N.W. territory of our modern India (for it is only Cod. Pani, 1617, of the Martyrdom of Thomas, that dragsin Axum ; cp. Bonnet., p. 87). Andrapolis is mentioned in Acta Thom. 3 as the scene of the apostle’s labour ; for other localities mentioned there, see Lipsius: Apokr. Apostelgesch., i. p. 280 (after Gutschmid). I pass over the tradition about Andrew, which mentions various localities, as well as the traditions about Simon and Judas. They are all period the Persian Christian church (whose origin is unfortunately hidden from us) declined to submit to the Catholicus. The stubborn adhesion of the people of Harran to paganism was partly due, indeed, to a feeling of locai jealousy of Edessa, which had early been won over to Christianity. It is a pity that none of the original Syriac writings of the pagans in Harran (‘Sabians’), dating from the Islamic period, have been preserved.” Mesopotamia was the birth- place of the monk Arnobius, who started a religious movement of his own in the days of Arius (ep. Epiph., Har., lxx. 1).—The figures relating to the martyrs during the persecution of Sapur are quite useless, but it is remarkable to find that here the Jews are still described as the chief instigators of persecution. 300 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY posterior to Constantine (cp. my Chronol., i. pp. 548 f.). § 6. ARABIA. The large districts south of Palestine, Damascus, and Mesopotamia which bear the name of “ Arabia ” were never cultivated—they were not even subdued— by the Romans, with the exception, z.e., of the country lying east of the Jordan and of several positions south of the Dead Sea (cp. Mommsen’s Rém. Gesch., v. pp. 471 f.; Eng. trans., i. pp. 143 f.). Consequently we can only look for Christians during our epoch? in the regions just mentioned, where Arabian, Greek, and Roman cities were inhabited by people of superior civilization.? Immediately after his conversion Paul 1 Compare, however, the passage from Origen already quoted on p. 159: ‘‘Nec apud Seras nec apud Ariacin audierunt Chris- tianitatis sermonem.”——Note that the first Protestant history of missions, published in Germany, was concerned with India, viz., M.V. La Croze, Hist. du Christ. des Indes, 1724 (cp. Wiegand in the Beitrage s. Ford. christl. Theol., vi. 3, pp. 270 f.). La Croze, however, hardly touches the primitive age, as he regards the legends about Thomas as unauthentic. * There are no Arabic versions of the Bible previous to Islam, a fact which is the surest proof that in its primitive period Christianity had secured no footing at all among the Arabs. Nor did it ever secure such a footing, for the Arabic versions were not made for Arabs at all, but for Copts and Syrians who had become Arabians,— The original source of the Didascalia Apostolorum perhaps arose among the Arabs of Petra. ’ Mommsen, p. 485 (Eng. trans., ii. 158): “At this eastern border of the empire there was thus secured for Hellenic civilization a frontier domain which may be compared to the Romanized region of the Rhine; the arched and domed buildings of eastern Syria compare admirably with the castles and tombs of the great men and merchants of Belgica.” Bostra flourished pre-eminently after the downfall of Palmyra. i a. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 291 betook himself to “ Arabia” (Gal. i. 17), z.e. hardly to the desert, but rather to a district south of Damascus where he could not expect to come across any Jews. We have already seen how the Palestinian Jewish Christians settled at Pella and Kochaba. In the days of Origen there were numerous bishoprics in the towns lying south of the Hauran, all of which were grouped together in a single synod. Bishop Beryllus of Bostra, well known (according to Kusebius, H.E., vi. 20) for his letters and writings, caused a great sensation, about 240 a.p., by venting a Christological proposition to the effect that no personal hypostasis belonged to the Redeemer before he appeared in time. ‘The doctrine may have been designed to repudiate current conceptions of pre- existence as Hellenic ideas, and thus to give ex- pression to a national Christian spirit (ep. Paul of Samosata’s doctrine). But this is uncertain. What is certain (for Eusebius, H.E., vi. 33, reports it) is _ that “a large number of bishops” carried on discus- sions and debates with him, and for these combatants we must look to Arabia especially, although Palestinian bishops may have also taken part in the controversy.! Kusebius further relates that a synod was held at Bostra, to which Origen was invited, and of which he was the intellectual leader. Shortly afterwards a second synod was held at the same place, at which the rather untrustworthy Liber Synodicus declares - 1 Two years earlier a provincial synod of Arabia had been held, in connection with the proceedings against Origen; it decided in the latter's favour (cp. Jerome’s ep., xxxiii. 4). Origen was known personally by that time to the Arabian bishops, for about 215 a.p. he had travelled as far as Arabia at the request of the Roman governor, before whom he laid his views (Eus., HLE., vi. 19). 30% EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY that fourteen bishops were present. Origen again was invited, and again attended. The topic of discussion was a doctrine put forward by a section of the Arabian bishops, who held that the soul died and decayed along with the body, and was revived along with it at the resurrection (Eus., H.L., vi. 39). The Semitic cast of mind in those who held this view, as well as their aversion to Hellenic speculation (with its essential immortality of the soul), are perfectly obvious. Christianity therefore penetrated such strata of the Arabian population as may be called national —i.e. it spread among people who, while they rejected the Christianity of Alexandrian theology, were not barbarians, but worked out a theology of their own.’ The Arabian churches were connected with the church of Rome; and they required assistance from it, as we are fortunate enough to learn from an allusion which Dionysius of Alexandria happens to make in Eus., H.E., vu. 5.” Both the Onomasticon of Eusebius and the Acts of the Council of Nicza indicate the presence of Christians, during the days of Eusebius, in the towns lying east and north-east of the Dead Sea. On Cariathaim (Kerioth, Kurejat; cp. Baedeker, p. 176) 1 As we may judge from those two characteristic views of doctrine put forward in Bostra and “ Arabia,” in opposition to the Alexandrian theology. They furnish a strong proof, at any rate, of independence and mental activity among the “ Arabian’’ Greeks. We may rank them with the peculiar buildings, whose ruins are to be found in Bostra, as evidence of a distinctive civilization. 2 From Optatus (ii. 12) we learn, casually, that there was inter- course also between Arabia and North Africa: “Quid Arabia provincia, unde probamus venientes a vobis [se. Donatistis] esse rebaptizatos ?”’ (“ What of the province of Arabia, emigrants from which, we aver, have been re-baptized by you?’’) CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 3825 A.D. %01 the Onomasticon observes,’ ‘ Cairathaim nunc _ es vicus Christianis omnibus florens iuxta Madaba” [ep. Baedeker, pp. 173 f.], ““urbem Arabiae.” There were present at Nicaea bishops from Philadelphia,’ Esbus, and Sodom (whose site, so far as I know, has not been discovered). From the north there were the bishops of Bostra, the most important and _ finely situated city of the whole country, and Dionysias. The Nicene lists further contain, under Arabia, the name of a bishop called Sopater Beretaneus. Where this place lay we do not know, for it cannot be identified with Bereitan (equivalent to Berothai; Baedeker, p. 358), which was situated in Lebanon. One tradition, which is not of course entirely trust- worthy, makes an Arabian bishop from Zanaatha (¢) attend Nicea,? but nothing is known of such a place. Finally, we may conclude, although the con- clusion is not certain, from Epiph. hl. 30 that there were Christians at Gerasa. It is impossible to prove that Christians lived in the Nabatean city of Petra earlier than Constantine.* The efforts made to introduce Christianity among the nomad tribes, efforts that were both rare and 1 «C, is now a village, flourishing and entirely Christian, close to the Arabian city of Madaba.” 2 Epiphanius (Her., lviii., and Epitome) observes that in Bakatha | Bakathus] ppntpokwpia Tis “Aaa Blas THs PiradeAdias [or ev BaxdOors Tis PiradeApyvyis xdpas répay Tod ‘lopdavov|, the sect of the Valesians resided. 3’ The names of the bishops (Nicomachus, Cyrion, Gennadius, Severus, Sopater, another Severus, and Maron) are all Greek or Latin. * According to Sozomen (vii. 5) the inhabitants of Petra and Areopolis (= Rabba, east of the middle of the Dead Sea) offered a vigorous resistance to Christianity even as late as 400 a.p. As for Petra, Epiphanius (p. 51, ec. 223; in Oehler, Appendix, t. ii. p. 631), nF ge < te 304 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY rather fruitless, fall outside our period, and con- sequently must be passed over here. Perhaps we should recall in this connection, the fact that Pantznus travelled from Alexandria to India, 2.e. to Southern Arabia, about 180 a.p., and that Jewish colonists were living in the latter district (Eus., H.E., v. 10. 8). “ He is said to have found there, among some of the inhabitants who were acquainted with Christ, the gospel of Matthew, which had reached that country before him. For Bartholomew is said to have preached to these people and to have left with them a Hebrew version of Matthew’s gospel, which they had kept until the time of which I speak.” § 7. EGypT AND THE THEBAIS, LIBYA AND PENTAPOLIS.” The most grievous blank in our knowledge of early church history is our total ignorance of the after describing the festival of the Virgin who had given birth to the “ Eon,” proceeds as follows: rotro kai év Ilérpa tH roe (juntpo- , > ral > / > “~ > a id NI VA / A modus 6€ éote THs “Apaias) ev TO exetoe cidwAtw ottws yiverar Kat "ApaBixy Siadéxtw eEvpvodor tiv apGevov, xadotvres abriv “ApaBioti ~ \ > fal Xaaf3od, rovréotwv Képyy youv Mapbévor, kai rov €€ airns yeyevvnpévov Aovedpny tovtéctw Movoyevy tod deordrov (“The same thing goes. on at the city of Petra, the metropolis of Arabia, in the local temple, where they sing hymns in Arabic to the Virgin, calling her by the Arabic name of Chaabos, i.e. Maiden or Virgin, and her son Dusares, i.e. the only-begotten of the Lord”’). 1 Cp., e.g., Rufin., ii. 6 (=Socrat., iv. 36; Theodoret, iv: 20), Cyrillus Scythopolit., Vita Euthymii (érioxoros tév rapenPodGv), and see Duchesne’s Les missions chrétiennes au sud de empire Romain (1896), pp. 112 f. 2 Politically, Pentapolis (Cyrenaica) belonged to Crete; but I group it thus, inasmuch as ecclesiastically, to the best of our know- ledge, it always tended to gravitate toward Alexandria. ryt CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 825 A.D. = 305 history of Christianity in Alexandria and Egypt up till 180 a.p. (the episcopate of Demetrius), when for the first time the Alexandrian church appears in the daylight of history. It is then a stately church with that school of higher learning attached to it by means of which its influence was to be diffused and its fame borne far and wide. Eusebius found nothing in his sources ' bearing on the primitive history of Christi- anity at Alexandria; and although we may conjecture, with regard to one or two very ancient Christian writ- ings (e.g., the epistle of Barnabas, the Didaché, the Preaching of Peter, the apostolic canons, etc.), that their origin is Egyptian or Alexandrian, this can hardly be proved in the case of any one of them with clearness. The following points” sum up all our knowledge of the Alexandrian or Egyptian church previous to Demetrius. (i) There was a local gospel, described by Clement of Alexandria and others as “the gospel according to the Egyptians” (evayyéoy kat’ Alyurrious), 1 So that we also know next to nothing of the relations between Judaism in Egypt and Alexandria and the development of the church. It is purely a conjecture, though perhaps a correct conjecture, that more Jews were converted to Christianity in the Nile valley than anywhere else. 2 Reference may be made to Apollos of Alexandria (Acts xviii. 24), who appears to have joined the Baptist’s followers in Alexandria (though this is not certain), and also to the story, told by Justin (Apol., I. xxix.), of an Alexandrian Christian who wanted to be castrated. We should possess an important account (though one which would have to be used with caution) of early Christianity in Alexandria, were Hadrian’s epistle to Servian authentic. This is controverted, however, and consequently cannot be employed except for the third century. The passage in question runs as follows (Vita Saturn. 8): “ Aegyptum, quam mihi laudabas, totam didici levem pendulam et ad omnia famae momenta volitantem. illic qui Serapidem colunt Christiani sunt et devoti sunt Serapidi VOL. * I, 20 306 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY but orthodox Christians had already dropped it from use by the end of the second century. The heretical asceticism and Modalism which characterize it throw a peculiar light upon the idiosyncrasies of early Kgyptian Christianity. Originally 1t was not merely used by actually heretical parties, who retained it ever afterwards, but also by the Egyptian Christians in general, as is plain from Clement’s attitude, and still more so from its very title. For the latter either implies that the book was originally used by the Gentile Christians of Egypt as distinguished from the local Jewish Christians who read the evayyéAvor xa?’ ‘E®patovs in an Aramaic or Greek version,' or else it implies a contrast between xar’ Alyurrious and xar’ "ArcEavdpear. In this event, the gospel would be the book of the provincials in contradistinction to the Alexandrians.” (ii) The heretic Basilides laboured in Egypt. Of him Epiphanius writes as_ follows qui se Christi episcopos dicunt ; nemo illic archisynagogus Judaeorum, nemo Samarites, nemo Christianorum presbyter, non mathematicus, non haruspex, non aliptes. ipse ille patriarcha cum Aegyptum venerit, ab aliis Serapidem adorare, ab aliis cogitur Christum. . . . unus illis deus nummus est ; hune Christiani, hune Judaei, hune omnes veneran- tur et gentes” (“ The Egypt which you praised to me, I have found altogether fickle, flighty, and blown about by every gust of rumour. There people who worship Serapis are Christians, while those who call themselves bishops of Christ are adherents of Serapis. There no chief of a Jewish synagogue, no Samaritan, no Christian presbyter, but is an astrologer, a soothsayer, a vile wretch. When the patriarch himself visits Egypt, he is foreed by some to worship Serapis, and by others to worship Christ. . . . Christians, Jews, and all nations worship this one thing—money”’ ; ep. vol. i. pp. 162, 313, 348). 1 Clement still used both side by side, but he sharply dis- tinguishes them from the canonical. 2 Such is the opinion advocated by Bardenhewer, Gesch. der altkirchl. Litt., i. p. 8387, but I do not think it probable. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 307 (Heer., xxiv. 1): év ty tév Alyurtiov yopa tas dratpiBas €TOLELTO, E(TA épxerat" els TH peor TOU [Ipocwrirov Kal ’AOpr- Birov, ov uny ada Kat Tepl Tov Daltny Kat ’AreEavd pevav Kal ’AreEavd pecomoXiryy X@pov TOL VOMOV’ VOMOV yap of Alyur- ToL (pace THY EKATTYS TOAEWS TrepLoucioa TOL Teplxwpov (“After spending some time in Egypt, he went to the districts of Prosopitis and Athribitis, not but that he also visited the district or nome of Sais and Alexandria and Alexandreiopolis. For the Egyptians give the name of ‘nome’ to the environments or suburbs of a city”). (iii) Another Egyptian, who probably began his work in Egypt, was Valentinus. Epiphanius (xxxi. 2), who declares that none of the early heretics mentioned his birthplace, writes that only one piece of information, and that of doubtful weight, was extant regarding this Egyptian: épacay avroy twes yeyernrOa PpeBwvirny [dapBabiryy] tis Alyirrov rapadiwrny, ev ’AreEavdpeta de reTrawetvc0a tHy Tov ‘EAjvwv mradetav (“Some said he was born at Phrebonitis [or Pharbaithis] in Egypt, and educated after the Greek fashion in Alexandria”); ep. also xxxl. 7: émoujcato O€ oUTOS TO Kn Puy La. Kal eV Atyurre b0ev On Kat ws Neirbava éxidvns ooréwy ere ev Alyirrw Te pl- NelwreT aL TOUTOU 7 oTopd, év rine TW "AP Biry Kal [pocwrirn Kal ’Apowvoirn Kal OnBatdy Kal TOs KAT Meperly TNS TapaNias Kau Area pevoroXiry (* He also preached in Egypt. And one result is that his brood still survives in that country, like the remains of a viper’s bones, in Athribitis and Prosopitis, and Arsinoitis, and Thebais, and the lower regions of the coast, and Alexandreiopolis”).’ (iv) 1 T do not understand this expression. 2 Other gnostics can also be shown to have been connected with Egypt. But I pass them over here. Apelles, the son of Marcion, stayed for a time at Alexandria, as we know. 308 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY From the Palestinian document of 190 a.p., noticed by Eusebius (H.£F., v. 25), we learn that the Palestinian church had exchanged letters, for a larger or shorter period, with the church of Alexandria in reference to the celebration of Easter on the same date.’ (v) Kusebius introduces with a ¢daciy (“they say”) the statement, which may be referred back to the open- ing of the third century, that Mark the disciple of the apostles preached the gospel in Egypt and founded “churches first of all at Alexandria itself” (excAyoias Te TpPOTOY ér aAvUTIS "AnreEavd peias, H.E., ii. 16). We have no means of checking this statement. But the ex- pression “churches” (so all MSS.) is very singular. Alexandria was evidently a sort of province. (vi) An Alexandrian list (originally, so far as we know, in the Chronicle of Africanus) is extant, which gives the bishops of Alexandria from Mark downwards ; but unluckily it is quite an artificial production, and nothing is to be learned from its contents® (ep. my Chronol., i. pp. 124 f., 202 f.). Such is the sum- total of our knowledge regarding the history of early Christianity in Egypt ! Matters become clearer with the entrance of Clement of Alexandria and of the _ long-lived Demetrius (bishop from 188/189 to 231) upon the scene.” But unfortunately the former yields us very ' According to the extant fragments of an Armenian epistle, Irenzeus wrote once to an Alexandrian Christian (Harvey’s opp. Tren., ii. 456). 2 The same passage mentions local work on the part of Barnabas. § According to Eusebius (H.E., vi. 1) Christians “from Egypt and all the Thebais were martyred” during the persecution of Septimius Severus (202 a.p.). He speaks of ppror, “ thousands” (vi. 2. 3), which is an exaggeration. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. = 309 little concrete evidence as to the church. We learn that the church and its school already played a not insignificant réle in Alexandria, that the school was frequented by pagans as well as by Christians, that presbyters, deacons, and “ widows” were to be found in the church, that it counted members from all classes and ranks, and that many Christian heretics disquieted the Alexandrian church. But this is about all, though he does remark (in Hom. vi., 18. 167) that Christi- anity had spread “to every nation and village and town” (cata eOvos Kat kouny Kat TOAW Tacav), Our sources, though not of course entirely reliable, permit us to infer, with regard to the position of Demetrius, that he was the first monarchical bishop in Alexandria and Egypt, the churches hitherto having been governed by presbyters and deacons—an arrangement which obtained in all the larger localities throughout the nomes (not in the main cities) as late as the fourth century. The course of affairs seems to have been as follows. Alexandria at first and alone had a monarchical bishop, wlto ere long came to rank himself and to act as the counterpart of “the chief priest of Aiexandria and all Egypt.”' This bishop then began to consecrate other bishops for the chief towns in the various nomes. “ Like the towns, the nomes also became the basis of the episcopal dioceses, in the Christian epoch” (Mommsen, p. 546; Eng. trans., ll. p. 235). According to one _ statement, -which is not to be despised, Demetrius only conse- crated three such bishops, while Heraclas, his successor, created as many as twenty. During the 1 See Mommsen’s Rom. Geschichte, v. 558 f., 568 (Eng. trans., ii. 238 f., 249). 310 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY third century, indeed, all the leading towns in the nomes came to have bishops of their own (see below), under the fairly autocratic supervision of the metro- politan, whose powers were of a specially pronounced character in Egypt.t| Towards the close of his life Demetrius held synods (against Origen) ; cp. Photius, Cod. 118: civodos érickoToy Kai Tuwv mperBuTépwv (followed at once by the words, aA’ 6 ye Anuyrpios ApL0. TLOW €TITKOTIOLS "Alyurriots) [a synod of bishops and certain presbyters . . . . Demetrius too, along with certain Egyptian bishops. | As Eusebius (H.£., vi. i.) informs us that by 202 A.D. Christians were dragged to Alexandria ‘“ from Egypt and all the Thebais” (az Atyirrou cat OcBaidos awaons), there must have been Christians in all parts of the country. From the writings and history of Origen, a man to whom, far more than to Clement, the whole Eastern church was indebted for its fusion with intellectual culture, ample information (see above, pp. 158 f.) can be gained regarding the external and internal expansion of Christianity even beyond the 1 Into the origins and development of the organization in Alexandria and Egypt we cannot now enter at any greater length. I do not know what to make of the statement in Epiph., Her., Ixviii. 7, that Alexandria, unlike other cities, never had two bishops. With regard to the metropolitan powers of the bishop of Alexandria, one gets the impression that they were as despotic as those of the emperor in the sphere of politics. Cp., e.g., Epiph., Har., Ixviii. 1: Totro eOos éari, Tov ev TH AXeeavopeta apyierioxorov macs Te Aiyvrrou kat OnBaidos, Mapestov re kat ArBins, Appoviaxis, Mapedridds te Kat TlevrardXews éxew tiv exkAnovactixyy Svoiknow (“The custom is for the archbishop of all Egypt, the Thebais, Mareotis and Libya, Ammoniace, Mareotis and Pentapolis, to have his ecclesiastical headquarters at Alexandria”’). : CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO°325 A.D. 311 confines of Alexandria and Egypt. No doubt, as he concedes to Celsus that the number of Christians was still “extremely scanty,” relatively to the Roman empire, we cannot form any extravagant estimates of their number in Origen’s native land down to the year 240 (cp. also his statement that Christian martyrs were rare and easily counted) ; but, on the other hand, as he finds the steady extension of Christendom (even in the upper circles of society) to be so marked that he can already contemplate its triumph, it follows that the number of Christians must have been quite considerable.’ The number of nomes or cities in which we can prove that there were Christians previous to Meletius, to the Nicene council, and to the accounts furnished by Athanasius, is extremely small, although the 1 Accurate statistics of the inhabitants of Alexandria were drawn up in connection with the relief of the poor, as is proved by the remarks of Dionysius Alex, (in Eus., H.E., vii. 21) upon the great plague of 260 a.p. “Yet people are astonished . . . . at our great city no longer containing such a multitude of inhabitants—even if one now includes little children and very old people in the census —as formerly it could number of those who were merely in the prime of life, so-called. In those days people between forty and seventy constituted so large a majority of the inhabitants that their number cannot be made up nowadays even by the inclusion of people between fourteen and eighty in the list compiled for the purposes of public charity—those who, to appearance, are quite young, being now, as it were, coeval with those who formerly were full of years [so that the dispensing of food was extended to such persons]. Yet, although they see how the human race continues to diminish and waste away, they tremble not at the destruction of mankind which is ever advancing upon themselves.’”” We must accordingly assume that a very serious diminution took place in the population of Alexandria about the middle of the third century. 312 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY fault lies solely with our sources of information. They are as follows :— The districts of Prosopitis, Athribitis, Saitis [Pharbeethis], and Arsinoé (see above). On the last-named, cp. Dionys. Alex. in Eus., H.#., vii. 24, where we are told that the chiliastic movement was particularly popular in that district. Its bishop was probably Nepos, whose bishopric (oc. cit.) is not named, and Dionysius also mentions “ presbyters and teachers” of the brethren in the villages of the Arsinoé nome. Christianity had thus penetrated into the low country. The Thebais (see above). Antinoé: where, about 200 a.p., there was a Christian community (cp. Alex. Jerus. in Eus., ILE, oye 14), Thmuis: from the ‘‘ Historia Origenis” in Photius (cp. my Litt. Gesch., i. p. 332), it follows that when Origen was exiled afresh by Heraclas from Alex- andria, there was a bishop (Ammonius) in Thmuis, whom Heraclas deposed. He was succeeded by Philip.’ Cp. also Eus., H.£., viii. 9. Philadelphia in Arsinoé: from the libellus libel- latici published by Wessely (Anzerger der phil.-hist. Klasse der Wiener Akad., 1894, Jan. 3), it follows that there were Christians here in the reign of Decius. Alex.-Island, a village on an island of the Fajjum lake (libellus libellatici, published by Krebs in the Sitzungsber. d. Pr. Akad. d. Wiss., 1893, Nov. 80). Hermopolis [parva or magna]: Dionys. Alex. wrote to Conon, the bishop of the local church (Eus., vi. 46), 1 There was an estate of Rostoces at Thmuis (Martyr. Hieron.). CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 313 Nilus [Nilopolis]}: Charemon, the local bishop, is mentioned by Dionys. Alex. in Eus., HE, Vi. 42." Ptolemais in Pentapolis: Christians lived here, according to Dionysius (in Eus., vii. 6). Berenicé in Cyrenaica: a local bishop, called Ammon (Dionysius, zbzd., vil. 26). According to Eusebius (H.£., vii. 13), Gallienus wrote to Dionysius, Pinnas, Demetrius, and the rest of the [Egyptian] bishops. Where the sees of the two latter are to be looked for, we do not know; but it is natural to suppose (cp. the sixth canon of Nicwa) that they were the metropolitans of Libya and Pentapolis, who were subject to the chief metro- politan of Alexandria. Oxyrhynchus: History of Peter of Alexandria ; ep. K. Schmidt in the Texte u. Unters., N.F. v. 4, and Achelis, Martyr., pp. 173 f., the latter of whom infers, from the genuine Passio employed in the “ Martyr. Hieros.,” that the Christians in Oxyrhyn- chus during the great persecution were still extremely 1 According to Dionys. Alex. (Eus., vi. 40) there seem to have been Christians at Taposiris near Alexandria as well. In the village of Cephro, “near the desert” (ra pépy tis ArBvns), the exiled Dionysius first spread abroad the word of God successfully, accord- ing to his own account. In the Mareotic district, where the village of Colluthion (the fresh place of exile appointed for him) was situated, there were no Christians, or practically none, about the middle of the third century, although the district lay close to Alexandria (cp. Dionys. in Eus., H.E., vii. 11). There, too, it was he who planted Christianity. Mareotis (for Mareotic Christians, see Dionys., Eus., H.E., vii. 11) is mentioned in a writing of the Jerusalem Synod (Athanas., Apol. c. Arian, 85): “ Mareotis is a district of Egypt. There never was a bishop there, nor a territorial bishop ; the churches over the whole district were under the bishop 314 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY few. Only seventeen are said to have been resident there. But from the letter of Peter, published by Schmidt, one gets a different idea of the situation (the town having a bishop, and the presbyters being partly drawn from the better class of the citizens), and this is confirmed by the Passio in question. According to the prelude of the festal epistles of Athanasius (ed. Larsow, p. 26) there were Christians in the small and the large oasis by 329 a.p. We now know, as of course one might conjecture a priorz (since the oases served as places of exile), that as early as the days of the persecutions, in Diocletian’s reign or even before then, Christians and Christian pres- byters were to be found at Kysis in the southern part of the great oasis, and possibly also in other quarters of the same district." Perhaps there were Christians also in Syene (Deissmann, p. 18). And a very large number languished in the dye-factories of the Thebais during the persecution of Maximinus Daza (Eus., H.E., viii. 9; Mart. Pal., viii. 1, ix. 1), while crowds of others were taken from Egypt to the mines in of Alexandria. The separate presbyters had charge of the larger villages, to about the number of ten and upwards”’; cp. Socrates, i. 27: Mapewrys xwpa rhs “AAc~avpeias eat’: cdma O€ eiow ev aith mwodAat opddpa kai roAvdvOpwro, Kal ev aitots éxxAnoiat woAXAal Kat Aapmpal. TarTovTar d€ ad ai éxkAnoia i7d TO THS “AdekavOpeias émio- KOTW Kal Elo b7O THY adTHV TOAW ws maporkiar (“ M. is a district of Alexandria, It contains a very large number of populous villages, in which there are many splendid churches. These churches are under the jurisdiction of the bishop of Alexandria, and are subject to his city as parishes”). On the Christians in Mareotis, see also Athanas., op. cit., lxxiv., and Epiph., Her., lxviii. 7 (a number of local churches as early as 300 a.p.). 1 Deissmann, Ein Originaldokument aus der dioklet. Verfolgung (1902), pp. 12 f. [Eng. trans. ]. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 825 A.D. 315 Palestine and Cilicia (Mart. Pal., viii. 18: 130 Egyptian martyrs). According to one papyrus (Amherst), dating from the days of Maximus, the bishop of Alexandria (264/ 265--281/282), there was a bishop called Apollonius then resident in the district of Arsinoé; cp. Harnack in Sttzungsber. d. k. Pr. Akad. d. Wiss., 1890, Nov. 15. The “Mart. Hieros.” (cp. Achelis, Martyrol., p. 143) mentions a martyrdom “in Algypto in Ana- cipoli” (?). The fragments of the correspondence of Dionys. Alex., and the record of the persecutions, give one the impression that the number of Christians in Alexandria was large, and that the spread of Christianity throughout the country, in town and villages alike (Eus., vi. 42. 1), was considerable. Quite incidentally, for example, we find (in Eus., ALE., vii. 11. 17) that “special gatherings” were regularly held “in the more remote suburbs” of Alexandria (ev TpoarTetols Toppwre pw KELMEVOLS KaTU MLE POS ovvaywyal), Kgypt (Lower Egypt), after the middle of the third century, certainly belonged to those territories in which Christians were particularly plentiful,’ although Dionysius (Eus., H.E., vii. 7) 1 By the time of the Decian persecution, Christians were already occupying public positions in Alexandria, and many were to be found among the rich (Eus., vi. 41, vii. 11). Libelli, or certificates of exemption granted to apostates, survive from towns of no great size ; but this proves at most the large number of local Christians. Dionysius, in his account of the Alexandrian victims in the perse- cution (Eus., H.E., vi. 41), distinguishes between Greeks and Egyptians, but Christians were to be found among both classes of the population. 316 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY was aware that there were provinces in Asia Minor where the churches were still more numerous." As regards the Egyptian episcopal hierarchy at the opening of the fourth century, we find ourselves in a particularly fortunate position. The episcopal lists certainly give an extremely imperfect idea of the spread of Christianity in Egypt, as each nome had only one bishop, while many large churches, in town and country alike, were governed by presbyters, and small villages had not even so much as a presbyter. But, on the other hand, we have to take account (i) of the statement made by Athanasius in 303 4.D., that “there are close upon 100 bishops in Egypt, the Thebais, Libya, and Pentapolis.” See 7 / / > , \ ig la) a \. Ge éxxAnoiat . . . . Atovyoiov Kadovpevn exxAnoia, Kat 7 TOD Oewva Kat H IItepiov Kat Separiwvos cal 7) THs Uepacias cat 7 Tov Argb Kal H Tod Mevdidiov Kai 7) “Avviavod Kal 7 THs BavkdAews Kai adAa: ev pud de tovtwv KodddAovbos tis irippyxev, ev érépa dé Kapmavys, ev ddd de Zap- paras kal Apeios otros, x.7.A. (“ The churches in Alexandria are more numerous. There are the churches of Dionysius, of Theonas, of Pierius and Serapion, of Persaia, of Dizus, of Mendidius, of Annianus, of Baucalis, etc.; in one there was a certain Colluthus, in another Carpones, in another Sarmatas and Arius, ete.’’), Incidentally we learn that Arius secured seven hundred consecrated virgins, seven presbyters and twelve deacons in Alexandria (zbzd., iii.), which also serves to show the size of the church, CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 3825 A.D. 321 understood how to set forth Christianity in forms suited to the varied grades of human culture, and this feature undoubtedly proved an _ extraordinary aid to the propaganda of the religion, although at a subsequent period, of course, the multitude of un- educated Christians overmastered alike the educated members of the church and the bishop of Alexandria himself. The first Christian who, to our knowledge, published his biblical studies in the Egyptian (Coptic) language as well, was the ascetic Hieracas (Epiph., Heer., \xvii.), an older contemporary of Arius, who was suspected as a semi-heretic. Somewhere about the same time, 7.e. in the second half of the third century, the Coptic versions of the Bible may have begun to appear (cp. Nestle, pp. 84 f., as cited on p. 294), of which the Upper Egyptian appears to be the oldest—a fact which is quite intelligible, as Greek was not so widely diffused in this quarter as elsewhere. There were quite a number of them (three at the least) in the various Coptic dialects, showing how deeply and how strongly Christianity had operated in Egypt. Unfortunately we cannot even here look for any aid from statistics. For who can tell how many of this population of millions were Christians (cp. Mommsen, p. 578; Eng. trans., 1. 259 f.), when the great persecution broke out? Certain it is, however, that the Christians had long ago outstripped the Jews numerically, and by the opening of the fourth century they were over a million strong. Their large numbers are also evident from the fact that during the fourth century there was a com- paratively rapid decline of paganism, native and Hellenic, throughout Egypt—apart, that is, from VOL, IL. 2) 322 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY the cults at Phile and other outstanding temple- cities (ep. Wilcken, Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung, i. 8, pp. 396 f., who shows, however, that there were Christian churches even in Phile by the beginning of the fifth century). The outlying district of Bucolia, no doubt, is reported (Jerome, Vita Hilarion., xliii.) to have been still entirely pagan in the fourth century, while almost the whole of the city of Antinoé was still given up to idolatry in the reign of Valens. These, however, were the exceptions. And that was why inconvenient clerics were banished thither by the emperor (Theodoret, H.H., iv. 15). Other exiled clerics are said, about the same period, to have found nothing but pagans and an idolatrous temple on an island of the Nile (Socrat., iv. 24). But what- ever value one might attach to this story, it ceases to be of any importance when one considers the question put by the pagans to the Christians when they landed, “Have you come hither also to drive us out?” (Gere Kat evTav0a efeaca yuas). On the contrary, it thus becomes a witness to the spread of Christianity. Judaism and Hellenism had _ plainly paved an open way for Christianity in Egypt, and the national religion, with all its peculiarities, which had long ago become quite meaningless,’ did not possess the same powers of attraction and resistance as certain of the Syro-Phoenician cults evinced. 1 It is extremely notable how little mention of the Egyptian religion is to be found in early Christian literature. Even Christian gnosticism, so materially influenced by the lore of Syrian and Asiatic rites, hardly betrays a trace of the Egyptian cultus (yet ep. the Pistis Sophia). The latter must have been disintegrated during the second and third centuries, yielding place to Hellenism, and in part to rude household cults. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 825 A.D. 323 We know nothing about the early history of Christianity in Pentapolis (Cyrenaica), where a very large number of local Jews had already created an atmosphere for the new faith... But the fact of Basilides being metropolitan of Pentapolis in the days of Dionysius of Alexandria (Dionys., ep. ad Basil.; Kus., H.E., vii. 20; Routh’s Relig. Sac., i. pp. 223 f.), shows that church life had been organized there, with a number of bishoprics (e.g. Berenicé, p. 313), by the middle of the third cen- tury. The modalistic Christology gained a specially large number of convinced adherents in this dis- trict about the same time, and Sabellius came from Pentapolis. Not until the fourth century did Christianity penetrate the wide stretches of country south of Phile and towards Abyssinia; cp. Duchesne’s Les missions chrétiennes au sud de lempire Romain (1896). All tales relating to an earlier period are legendary.” 1 Trenzus (i. 10) declares that there were Christians in Libya. There is some likelihood that Tertullian’s story about the proconsul Pudens (in ad Scapulam iv.) was rehearsed even in Cyrenaica previous to 166 a.p., which would prove the existence of Christians there at that period. But the transference is not quite assured. Crete also might be meant; cp. Neumann’s Rém. Staat. u. allgem. Kirche, i. pp. 33 f. * Which does not exclude the possibility of Christianity having been preached ere this to certain “Ethiopians” on the borders, Origen seems to know of such cases having occurred. He writes: “Non fertur praedicatum esse evangelium apud omnes Aethiopas, maxime apud eos, qui sunt ultra fumen” (“The gospel is not said to have been preached to all the Ethiopians, especially to such as live beyond the River” ; 7 Matth, comment, ser, 39, t. iv. pp. 269 f., ed. Lommatzsch). 324 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY § 8. Crnictra. Ever since Antioch had come to be a place of increasing importance, it had exercised a strong and steady influence over Cilicia, the whole province gravitating more and more to Hellenic Syria.’ This feature comes out in its church history as well as elsewhere. Luke ranks Syria and Cilicia together as missionary spheres ; Christian communities arose there contemporaneously with the earliest communities in Syria; Paul, a son of Tarsus,’ laboured in his native land; and the Cilician churches, together with those of Antioch and Syria, took part in the great Gentile Christian controversy (Acts xv. 28, epistle from Jerusalem to the Gentile Christians in Antioch, Syria, and Cilicia; xv. 41, churches in Syria and Cilicia; Paul himself groups together ta «Ajuara T. Lupias c. Keccxias,, Gal. 1. 21. Ignatius, cp. ad Philad. xi., was accompanied on his transportation by a deacon named Philo from Cilicia). At a later period, too, Cilician bishoprics were frequently filled up from Antioch. Our information regarding the history of the Cilician church down to the council of Nicza is altogether slender. In the chronicle of Dionysius of Telmahar (ed. Siegfried and Gelzer, p. 67), a bishop of Alexandria parva [Alexandrette] is men- tioned about the year 200. Dionysius of Alexandria once or twice mentions Helenus, bishop of Tarsus, 1 Under Domitian or Trajan even the Kowdv KiAdrxias, or Diet of Cilicia, met in Antioch. 2 There was a large number of Jews in Cilicia, and especially in Tarsus (cp. Acts vi. 9, and Epiph., Her. xxx.). CHRISTIANIFY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 325 and from the mode of reference we may gather that he was metropolitan of Cilicia. This province must therefore have comprised a considerable number of bishoprics at that period (cep. Eus., HWE., vi. 46, vii. 5: ‘“Helenus, bishop of Tarsus in Cilicia, and the other- bishops of that district,” “Helenus of Tarsus and all the churches of Cilicia”). Tarsus, distinguished as it was for a flourishing school of learning, was at the same time the political capital of the province. Lupus of Tarsus, Amphion of Epiphania, and the bishop of Neronias, all took part in the synod of Ancyra (c. 314 A.pD.); see also the synod of Neo- Cesarea, which immediately followed it. Many foreign Christians were deported to the mines in Cilicia (Mart. Pal., x. 1, xi. 6), and the presence of Christians in Pompeiopolis is implied in the martyrdom of Tarachus and his fellows (Ruinart, pp. 451 f.). The epistle of Alexander of Alexandria vouches for a bishopric at Anazarbus; and for a nameless episcopal seat in Cilicia, at the opening of the fourth century, see Epiph., Har., xxx. 11. No fewer than nine Cilician bishops attended the Nicene council, as well as one chor-episcopus ; viz., the - bishops of ‘Tarsus, E/piphania,' Neronias, Castabala,? Flavias,’ Adana, Mopsuestia, Agee,’ and Alexandria 1 According to Amm, Marcell. (xxii. 11. 3) Georgius, the bishop who opposed Athanasius, was born here. 2 Cp. the unauthentic Ignatian epistles. 3 Alexander, subsequently bishop of Jerusalem (in the first half of the third century), is said by some authorities to have been bishop of Flavias at an earlier period. But this can hardly be correct. * Cp. the destruction. of the local temple to Aesculapius by Constantine ; also the Acta Claudit et Asteriti (Ruinart’s Acta Mart, Ratisbon, 1859, pp. 309 f.). 326 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY parva.' Their numbers, and the fact of the chor- episcopate having already developed within Cilicia, would indicate that a considerable level had been reached in the Christianizing of this province. § 9. Asta Minor (excluding Criicta). Cappapocta, ARMENIA, Diospontus, PAPHLAGONIA AND Pontus PoLEMoNIACcUS, BITHYNIA, ASIA, Lyp1a, Mysra, Caria, Puryeia, GALATIA, Pisipia, Lycaonra, lLycta, PAMPHYLIA, ISAURIA.” Asia Minor, and indeed the majority of the above- named provinces, constituted the Christian country ar’ é£oxqv during the pre-Constantine era. This is a fact which is to be asserted with all confidence, nor are the grounds of it inaccessible, although different considerations obtain with regard to the various sec- tions of Asia Minor as a whole. Here Hellenism had assumed a form which rendered it peculiarly suscept- ible to Christianity. Here again were other provinces which were barely touched by it, possessing but an im- perfect civilization, and therefore forming virgin soil.* 1 The register doubles Narcissus of Neronias and Narcissus of Irenopolis, but the two towns are identical. 2 Cp. Mommsen’s Rim. Gesch., v. pp. 295 f. (Eng. trans., i. pp. 320 f.), and the copious instructive article on “ Asia Minor” by Joh. Weiss in the Prot. Real.-Encykl., vol. x. 3 One must also notice at how late a period the whole eastern section of the province became really Romanized. Avowedly by 100 x.c., but actually not for two centuries later, did the Romans win practical and entire possession of Cilicia. Cappadocia was not secured till the reign of Tiberius; Western Pontus was added under Nero, Commagene and Armenia Minor under Vespasian, etc. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 827 Here, in many provinces, one could find a numerous body of Jews, who, though personally hostile to Christianity, had nevertheless made preparations for it in many a heart and head. Here singular mixtures of Judaism and paganism were to be met with, in the realm of ideas (cp. the worship of Ge0s iiictos) as well as in mythology; the population were open for a new syncretism. Here there were no powerful and unifying national religions to offer such a fanatical resistance to Christianity as in the case of the Syro-Pheenician religion, although there was no lack of strong local sanctuaries, besides several attractive cults throughout the country. The religious life of the land was cleft by as serious a fissure as the provincial and national—which must have been felt to be an anachronism in the new order of things, above all, in that new order introduced by Augustus. Here the imperial cultus established itself, therefore, with pre-eminent success. But while the imperial cultus was an anticipation of universalism in religion, it was a totally unworthy expression of that universal- ism, nor could it satisfy the religious natures of the age. Culture and manners diffused widely throughout these provinces, where, in the West, trade, manufactures, and commerce flourished. But so far as there was any culture—and in the West it was extremely high —it was invariably Hellenic. Here, more than in any other country, did Christianity amalgamate with Hellenism, with the result that an actual transition and interfusion took place, which, contrary to the development at Alexandria, affected, not merely religious philosophy, but all departments of human existence. This is brought out by the Christian 328 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY theology, the cultus, the mythology, and the local legends of the saints. And the evidence for it is furnished in the fourth, and in fact at the end of the third century, by the way in which paganism was overcome. Here paganism was absorbed. ‘There were no fierce struggles. Paganism simply dis- appeared, to emerge again, in proportion to the measure of its disappearance, in the Christian church. Nowhere else did the conquest and “extirpation” of paganism occasion so little trouble. The fact 1s, it was not extirpation at all. It was transformation. Asia Minor, in the fourth century, was the first purely Christian country, apart from some outlying districts and one or two prominent sanctuaries. The Greek church of to-day is the church of Con- stantinople and Asia Minor, or rather of Asia Minor. Constantinople itself derived its power from Asia Minor in the first instance, and from Antioch only in the second. The apostle Paul was drawn to Asia Minor. Ephesus became the second fulcrum of Christianity, after Antioch. That great unknown figure, John, resided here, and here it was that the deepest things which could be said of Jesus were composed. The daughters of Philip came to Phrygia. All the great developments of the Christian religion during the second century originated in Asia, and it was in Asia that all the great controversies were mainly fought out—the conflict between the itinerant and the local organizations, the gnostic struggle, the Christological controversy (Praxeas, Theodotus, and Epigonus all came from Asia), the Montanist controversy, which here and here alone assumed a popular form, etc. Here, too, the synodal and CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 329 metropolitan consolidation of the church was in- itiated.* Even before Trajan’s reign we come across Christian communities at Perge (Pamphylia), Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, Derbe, and Lystra (Acts xiil.. xiv.), as well as at unnamed localities in Galatia, Cappa- docia, and Bithynia, at Ephesus, Colossa, Laodicea, Phrygian Hierapolis (Paul's epistles), Smyrna, Pergamum, Sardis, Philadelphia, Thyatira ( la / \ + ee ‘ > / Erepos TLS OJLOLWS eV TH Ilovrw KQL QvuTOS TPOETTWS exkAnoias, eiAaijs pev avinp Kai Tarevoppur, pa) TpoTexwv O€ dapadas Tals ypadais, > XA n c /, e > x ew, Lal > 4 > ‘\ XN > > GAXA Tots Opdpacw ois avTOS Ewpa padrXov éexioTEvEV. ETITLYXoaV yap ed Cus \ Q / \ , > 4 IE Xr \ ré fal 16 Xi a €Vl KQL OEVTEPw KQL TPLTW EVUTVLO, YPCAaTO OUTOV T po eVyelv TOLS GOE pois ds mpopytns* Td0€ eldov Kai TOOe pera yiver Oat, Kat 51) Tote wAavyOets > , 3 \ ov \ > \ c / / s €LT7TEV * YVlVWO KETE, adeAdoi, OTL PETA EVLAUTOV 1 KPLOLS perXrer yiver Oa. ot d€ dkovaavTes adTOD Tpor€yorTos, ws OTL eveTTHKEV 7) HLEPA TOD Kuptov, petra KAavOpav Kai ddvpydv éd€ovTo Tod Kupiov vuKTOS Kal Hyepas TPO bpbadrpav €xovtes THY eTEPXOMEVNV THS KplTEWS HUEpay. Kal Eis TOTODTOV ” / \ / \ 3 / Y 20 5 eo) SY / ‘ myaye poBos Kat deréa Tods ddeAdors, date Carat adtdv Tas Ywpas Kal TOUS Aypovs Epyovs, TA TE KTHPaTA av’TOV ol weElovs KaTerwAnTaV. 6 Oe én aitois: eav pay yevytar KaO@s eirov, pyKére pyde Talis ypadais , > \ ~ a ¢ las a (3 , c \ \ TuaTevonte, GANG ToLeiTW ExagTOS Lov O PovrAeTa . . . . at db ypadat epdvycav adnbevovoa, ot d€ ddeAGot eipeOncav cKavdadrr:Lopevor, OoTE Aourov Tas TapHévovs aitav yhyat Kat Tos avdpas ert Tiv yewpyiav xopnoar’ of O€ ik TA EavToy KTHpaTa TwAyjcavTeEs ebpeOnoay voTEpov érautouvres. ‘‘ Likewise was it with another one in Pontus, himself a leader of the church, who was pious and humble-minded but did not adhere close enough to the Scriptures, giving more credit to visions which he saw. For chancing to have three dreams, one after another, he proceeded to address the brethren as a prophet, saying, ‘I saw this, ‘This will come to pass.’ Then on being proved wrong he said, ‘Know, my brethren, that the judgment will take place after the space of one year.’ So, when they heard his address, how that ‘the day of the Lord is at hand,’ with tears and cries they besought the Lord night and day, having before their eyes the imminent day of judgment. And to such a pitch were the brethren worked up by fear and terror, that they deserted CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 349 bishop from Gregory (cp. Gregory of Nyssa; Vita Eeapcorn, c. 19 f.).+ ‘The church of Smope: in Diospontus was founded as early as the beginning of the second century. Marcion (cp. p. 332) came from there, and it is obvious from the account of the persecution of Licinius (Vit. Const., ii. 2.; HE, x. 8. 15, “ Amasia and the rest of the churches in Pontus”) that there were several episcopal churches in Diospontus before 325 a.p. The life of Gregory Thaumaturgus, which has just been mentioned, is thrown by its author, Gregory of Nyssa, into the form of an oration;” but it supplies us with some excellent information upon the Christian- izing of the western part of Pontus Polemoniacus, and at the same time with a particularly instructive sketch of the way in which the mission was carried their fields and lands [being evidently a country church], most of them selling off their property. Then said he to them, ‘If it does not happen as I have said, never trust the Scriptures again, but let each of you live as he likes,’ The year, however, passed without the prophesied event occurring. The prophet was proved to be a liar, but the Scriptures were shown to be true, and the brethren found themselves stumbling and scandalized. So that afterwards their maidens married and the men went back to their husbandry, while those who had sold off their goods in haste were ultimately found begging.” '« All the citizens’ of Comana are alleged to have besought Gregory to establish a church. He gave them Alexander, a philosopher and ascetic, for a bishop. An “ episcopus Comanorum ” is said by Palladius to have been martyred along with Lucian at Nicomedia (Ruinart, p. 529). 2 Migne, vol. xlvi. pp. 893 f.; cp. also Rufinus’s Church-History (vii. 25), the Syriac “ Narrative of Gregory’s exploits,’ and Basil, de spiritu \xxiv. 350 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY out, and of how paganism was “ overcome ”—2.é. absorbed. Gregory, the Worker of Wonders, was born of pagan parents in Neo-Czsarea, but was converted by Origen. Striking up a fast friendship with Firmilian of Cappadocia, he returned to his native place and was consecrated bishop of Neo-Czxsarea about 240 a.p. by Phadimus, the bishop of Amasia. At that time there were only seventeen Christians in the town and its environs. When he died (shortly before 270 a.p.) there is said to have been only the same number of pagans to be seen within the town.' Certainly the Christianizing of the town and country was carried out most completely.” Gregory succeeded because he set up Christian miracles in opposition to those of paganism,’ because he had the courage to expose the cunning and trickery of the pagan priests, and because he let the rude multitude enjoy their festivals still in Christian guise. ‘The preaching of the gospel made its way in all directions, the doctrine of mysteries operated powerfully, and the aspiration for what was good increased, as the priesthood got introduced in every quarter.” As was customary in the country, Gregory held assemblies in the open air. 1 Gregory carefully explored, not long before he died, the whole of the surrounding country, to find out if there were any who had not accepted the faith. On discovering that there were not more than seventeen, he “thanked God that he had left his successor as many idolaters as he had found Christians when he himself began.” 2 Athenodorus also took part in the work. He was Gregory’s brother, and bishop of some unknown place in Pontus. 3 Mary and John appeared to him, and he turned such visions to good account. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 825 A.D. 351 During the Decian persecution, “as that great man understood well the frailty of human nature, recogniz- ing that the majority were incapable of contending for their religion unto death, his counsel was that the church might execute some kind of retreat before the fierce persecution.” Personally, he too fled. ‘“ After the persecution was over, when it was permissible to address oneself to Christian worship with unrestricted zeal, he again returned to the city, and, by travelling over all the surrounding country, increased the people’s ardour for worship in all the churches by holding a solemn commemoration in honour of those who had contended for the faith. Here one brought bodies of the martyrs, there another. So much so, that the assemblies went on for the space of a whole year, the people rejoicing in the celebration of festvvals in honour of the martyrs. ‘This also was one proof of his great sagacity, viz., that while he completely altered the direction of everyone’s life in his own day, turning them into a new course altogether, and harnessing them firmly to faith and to the knowledge of God, he slightly lessened the strain upon those who had accepted the yoke of the faith, in order to let them enjoy good cheer in life. For as he saw that the raw and ignorant multitude adhered to idols on account of bodily pleasures, he permitted the people—so as to secure the most vital matters, i.e. the direction of their hearts to God instead of to a vain worship—permited them to enjoy themselves at the commemoration of the holy martyrs, to take their ease, and to amuse them- _ selves, since life would become more serious and earnest naturally in process of time, as the Christian faith came to assume more control of it.” Gregory is the 352 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY sole missionary we know of, during these first three centuries, who employed such methods ;* the cult of the martyrs, with its frenzied pagan joy in festivals, took the place of the old local cults. Undoubtedly the method proved an extraordinary success. ‘The country became Christian. A sphere which had been overlooked at the outset of the mission, rapidly made up lost ground, and the country ranked along with the provinces of Asia Minor, which had been Christianized at an earlier period, as substantially 1 On the blending of religions in Asia, ep. also T'eate u. Untersuch., N.F. iv. 1 (Marutas, pp. 11 f.).—Gregory’s exploits and testimony are subsequently applied by Theodoret to the church at large (Graec. affect. curat., viii. fin., opp. ed. Schulze, iv. pp. 923 f.), but without any of Gregory’s naiveté and without his naive attitude towards the festivals: ra pev yap éxeivwy mavTeAds dueAvOn TEemevy, WS pnde oxnpatwy diapetvar TO cidos, pnde TOV Pwpav Tov TUroVv Tos viv avOpwrous érictacbar: ai d€ TovTwy vVrAaL KabwowwOyoay Tois TOY pap- TUpwv oNKOIs. TOUS yap oikelovs vexpo’s 6 Seamwdrys dvTeanse Tots iperépois Oeois: Kat tors piv ppovdous dwrépyve, rovrous Sé Ta eketvwv améveye yepa. avti yap dy tov Lavdiwv Kai Avaciwv Kat Avovyoiwv Kat Tov addAwv tuav éoprav Iérpov cat IlavAov Kai Owpad kat Yepyiov Kat MapxéAXov kat Acovriov kat TLavreXenpovos Kal “Avtwvivov kat Mavpuxiov Kal Tov GAAwY paptipwv eruteAodvTar Sypoowila, Kal avtt THs madax Toparetas Kal aioypoupyias Kat aicypoppnuootvys swppoves éoptacovTat mavyyvpas (“For the glebes of those idols were utterly destroyed, so that not even the very form of their statues remains, nor do people of this age know the shape of the altars. Their graves were also devoted to the sepulchres of the martyrs. For the proprietor substituted the corpses of his own family for your gods, showing plainly that the latter were gone, and conferring on the former the honours which had pertained to their predecessors. For instead of the Pandia, Diasia, Dionysia, and the rest of your festivals, the feasts of Peter, Paul, Thomas, Sergius, Marcellus, Leontius, Pantel- eemon, Antoninus, Mauricius, and the other martyrs are celebrated ; and instead of the former ribaldry, obscenity, and foul language, orderly assemblies now keep feast”). Cp. also pp. 921 f., where the martyrs, in all emergencies (and Theodoret enumerates dozens CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 353 Christian. In 315 (or thereabouts) a large synod was held at Neo-Cesarea, whose Acts are extant.’ Christianity also penetrated the Greek towns on the coasts of western Pontus Polemoniacus before 325 a.p. The bishops of Trapezuntum, and even of remote Pityus, were at Nicea. Already there may have been some Christians among the _ Iberians (Georgians) ; but the conversion of this nation did not begin till after the great council, being carried on partly by the cities already mentioned, partly from Armenia, and partly across Armenia from Syria (Theodoret, H.L., i. 23). C. BITHYNIA. After we pass the authentic and surprising testi- mony furnished by Pliny to the wide diffusion of of cases; unproductiveness, dangers in travel, etc.), appear as semi- divine helpers who are to be invoked. Perhaps, too, we should see the acceptance of a pagan custom in the statements of Acta Archel. ii., where a Christian explains the following custom to the Christians of his own country, near Edessa: “ Est nobis mos huiusmodi patrum nostrorum in nos traditione descendens, quique a nobis observatus est usque ad hune diem: per annos singulos extra urbem egressi una cum conjugibus ac liberis supplicamus soli et invisibili deo, imbres ab eo satis nostris et frugibus obsecrantes”’ (“Our fathers had a custom of this kind, which has come down to us and which we still observe: every year we all go outside the city, with our wives and children, to pray to the one, invisible God, and to beseech him for enough rain for ourselves and our crops’’). The subsequent words show that they fasted and spent the night there. 1 Cp. Routh, Relig. Sacre”, iv. pp. 179 f. The legislation restricting the powers of the chor-episcopi (and chor-priests), which had begun shortly before at Ancyra (see below), was carried forward at Neo-Cesarea (cp. the 13th canon). Some of the bishops who attended Ancyra (314 a.p.) were also at this synod, together with two Cappadocian chor-episcopi. MOM, IT, 23 354 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Christianity in this province (see above), we practi- cally come upon no further traces of it till the age of Diocletian. All we know is that Dionysius of Corinth addressed a letter to the church of Nicomedia about 170 a.D., warning it against the heresy of Marcion (cp. Eus., H.#., iv. 24), and also that Origen spent some time here (ep. Orig. ad Jul. Afric.) about the year 240 a.p. The outbreak of Dhio- cletian’s persecution, however, reveals Nicomedia as a semi-Christian city, the imperial court itself being full of Christians... From the numerous martyr- doms, as well as, above all, from the history of Nicomedia during the age of Constantine and his sons, we are warranted in holding that this metropolis must have been a centre of the church. The calendar of the majority of churches goes back to the festal calendar of the church of Nicomedia. And what holds true of the capital, holds true of the towns throughout the province; all were most vigorously Christianized. Constantine located his 1 Maximinus Daza, in a rescript (Eus., H.E., ix. 9. 17), also testifies to the very large number of Christians in Nicomedia and the province of Bithynia: Mera dé radra, bre TO Tapeh OdvT. eviavTG eituxGs éréByv cis tHv Nexopnoeay . . . . éyvwv TAciotous THs adTAs Opynckeias avdpas ev avrots Tots pépecw oixety (“ Afterwards, when I went up last year to Nicomedia, I found that a large number of people belonging to this religion resided in these regions’’). I may point out also that both of the contemporary writers who attacked Christianity appeared in Bithynia; cp. Lactantius, Jnst., v. 2, “ Ego cum in Bithynia oratorias litteras accitus docerem, . . . . duo exstiterunt ibidem, qui jacenti et abjectae veritati insultarent ” (“When I was teaching rhetoric in Bithynia, by invitation, two men were there, who trampled down the truth as it lay prostrate and low”’). The one was Hierocles, but the other’s name is not given, CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 825 A.D. 355 new capital at Constantinople, for the express reason that the opposite province was so rich in Christians, while the same consideration dictated without doubt the choice of Nicwa as the meeting-place of the famous council. At the same time, apart from Nicomedia, not a single Christian community in Bithynia can be heard of before the great persecution, 2.¢c. before 325 A.D.' The reason for this, however, is that no prominent bishop or author was vouchsafed to that country, while, on the other hand, the council of Nica testifies to the existence of episcopal churches at the towns of Nicewa, Chalcedon,” Kius, Prusa, Apollonias, Prusa (another), Adriani, and Czsarea, besides Nicomedia itself. In the country, also, there were episcopal churches, as is shown by the presence of two chor-episcopi at Nicea.* The Novatians had churches also in Bithynia, at Nicomedia (cp. Socrat., i. 18, iv. 28) and Niczea (ebid., iv. 28, vii. 12. 25); and it follows from Vita Const. iv. 43 that there was a particularly large number of bishops in Bithynia. 1 Tf, however, as is highly probable, “ Apamea’”’ is to be read for « Aprima” in the dcta T'ryphonis et Respicit (Ruinart’s Acta Mart., Ratisbon, 1859, pp. 208 f.), we must presuppose a Christian church at Apamea (Bithynia), though these two saints came not from the town itself but “ de Apameae finibus de Sansoro [Campsade ?] vico” (from the borders of Apamea, from a village called Sansorus). They show how Christianity survived in the country districts of Bithynia as well. 2 Local martyrdoms are reported, as at Nicaa. 8 There was a Christian community also at Drepana( = Helenopolis; ep. Vit, Const., iv. 61), and there were Christians at a city called Parethia (°) on the Hellespont (cp. Mart, Jer., Achelis, p. 117), which cannot be identified. 356 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY D. GauatTia, Puryeia, AND PIsIDIA (witH Lycaonta). In their Christian capacity these central provinces of Asia Minor, whose boundaries or titles were frequently altered,’ had a common history, although S.W. Phrygia gravitated towards Asia.” The Mon- tanist movement, which arose in Phrygia proper, and, blending with the Novatian movement, forthwith became national, was particularly characteristic of these provinces. The Phrygian character shows a peculiar mixture of wild enthusiasm and seriousness. Thus Socrates, who was favourable to them, writes (HLE., iv. 28): Paivera TU Ppvyev vy cwppovértepa eivat Tov addAAwy eOvev" Kat yup On Kat o7TravlaKts Ppiyes OmvvoucU * ETIK PATEL yup TO [Lev Oupucov Tapa DKvOais Kal Opaki, Tw de emOuunTKa of T pos avis XovTa ALov THY OlKNoW eXOVTES mAéov OovAevovat* TH O€ TlapAayover Kal Ppvyev €Ovy T pos ovdéTepoy TOUTWwY ETL PETS exe - ovoe yap im7ro0 popiat ove béatpa orovdaCovTat yuy Tap auTOiS . . . . WS pUcOS eEalovov Tap autos 7 Tropveta voulCerat CF The Phrygians appear to be more temperate than other nations. 1 The names of Phrygia and Galatia were often employed in a broader or a narrower sense, without any regard to the legally existing political divisions. I refrain here from entering into the question of what “ Galatia’’ means in Paul and elsewhere. 2 The epistle of the churches at Lyons and Vienna (177/178), narrating their sufferings, is addressed to the churches of Asia and Phrygia. We may perhaps assume that Phrygia here means simply the S.W. section. 3 Wherever the movement spread throughout the empire, it was known as the “ Phrygian” or Cataphrygian movement. There was a Montanist-Novatian church in Phrygia, with numerous bodies, in the fifth century (Socrat., iv. 28, v. 22, etc.). CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 357 They swear but seldom. Whereas the Scythians and the Thracians are naturally of a passionate disposition, whilst the inhabitants of the East are prone by nature to sensuality. The Paphlagonians and Phrygians, on the other hand, are not inclined to either of these vices, nor are the circus and theatre in vogue with them at the present day. ... As for fornication, they reckon that a gross enormity ”). The Phrygians described here were already Chris- tians. ‘Their wild religious enthusiasm was restrained, but the seriousness remained.' Before Montanus was converted, he had been a priest of Cybele. Move- ments such as that initiated by him’ had occurred, as we have seen, in Cappadocia and Pontus; but Montanus and his prophetesses knew how to invest their movement with power and permanence, by erecting for it at once a firm organization. In these inland parts primitive Christianity survived longer than elsewhere. The third century still furnishes us with instances of teachers, as well as prophets, being drawn from the ranks of the laity ; and in a letter written circa 218 by Alexander of Jerusalem and Theoktistus of Caesarea, in connection with the case of Origen, we read that “Wherever people able to profit the brethren are to be found, they are exhorted by the holy bishops to address the people; as, for ' The enthusiastic and wild Messalians emerged at a later period in Asia Minor. 2 According to Theodoret (har. fab., iii. 6) Montanism was rejected by Pontus Polemoniacus, Helenopontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, Lycaonia, Pisidia, Pamphilia, Lycia, and Caria. This means that no Montanists were to be found there when Theodoret wrote, so that—apart from Pisidia—these regions probably never had very many of them at all. 358 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY example, Euelpis in Laranda (Isauria) by Neon, Paulinus in [conium (Pisidia) by Celsus, and Theodorus by Atticus in Synnada (Phrygia), all of whom are our blessed brethren. Probably this has also been done in other places unknown to us” (d7ov evplcxovra of éxerndetot Tpos TO wpedeiv Tors adeAdovs, Kat TapakaXoovrat TO aw 7 pow op.irety UTO TOV arylov ETLTKOTOVs WOOT Ep ev Aapav0os KveAmis v0 Newvos cat év “Ikoviw ULavAXivos tao Kédoov rat ev Dvvvador Oeddwpos uro ’Articod TOV peaaploy ader par. elKOS O€ Kal €v AANOLS TOTOLS TOUTO yiver Oat, yeas O€ [AN eleva), Lay-teachers like Euelpis, Paulinus, and Theodorus did not exist any longer in Palestine or Egypt; as is plain from the Palestinian bishops having to go to the interior of Asia for examples of this practice.’ Almost from the very moment of its rise, the Montanist movement indicates a very wide extension of Christianity throughout Phrygia and the neigh- bouring districts of Galatia; even in small localities Christians were to be met with.” Our knowledge on this point has been enlarged during the last twenty years by Ramsay’s thoroughgoing investigations of the whole country; thanks to his meritorious volumes, we are better acquainted with the extant inscriptions and the topography of Phrygia than with any other province in the interior of Asia Minor. We have learnt from them how widely Judaism* and ' This passage [ep. vol. i. p. 453] also is an excellent proof of — how well known the churches were to one another. * The first village, known to us by name, which had a Christian community (by 170 a.p.), is Cumane in Phrygia. Pepuza and Tymion were also small centres. 3 Ramsay, Phrygia, pp. 667 f.: “ Akmonia, Sebaste, Eumeneia, Apameia, Dokimion, and Iconium, are the cities where we can identify Jewish inscriptions, legends, and names.” CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 825 A.D. 359 Christianity were diffused, locally, in the earliest periods, and we have been taught to distinguish and make ourselves familiar (even within Galatia and Phrygia) with those districts where Christianity found but a meagre access. With great rapidity the Montanist movement flowed over into Galatia and Ancyra on the one side,’ and into Asia upon the other.* The synods held by the church party, in order to defend them- selves against the new prophets, were got up by churches belonging to the central provinces, and in fact were attended by representatives from the most distant quarters of the country (Kus., H.E., v. 19). A few decades afterwards, when these churches were agitated by the question of the validity of heretical baptism, large synods were held at Iconium and Synnada (between 230 and 235), attended by bishops from Phrygia, Galatia, Cilicia, and the rest of the neighbouring provinces (Cappadocia).* Firmilian 1 The anti-Montanist (in Eus., v. 16. 4) found the church of Ancyra wholly carried away by Montanism. 2 Thyatira fell entirely into their hands (Epiph., Her., li. 33). $ Cp. Firmilian (Cyp., ep. Ixxv. 7. 19): “Quod totum nos iam pridem in Iconio, qui Phrygiae locus est, collecti in unum con- venientibus ex Galatia et Cilicia et ceteris proximis regionibus confirmavimus” (“ All of which we have long since established in our common gathering at Iconium, a place in Phrygia, gathering from Galatia and Cilicia and the rest of the neighbouring provinces”’): “ Plurimi simul convenientes in Iconio diligentissime tractavimus” (“The majority of us have carefully handled this, gathering together in Iconium”’). Dionys. Alex. (in Eus., vii. 7: peudOnka Kal TodTo, Ott pi) viv ot ev “Adpixyn povov TovTO Tapeonyayov, GXXG Kal mpd ToAAOD Kata TOds TPO NUaV erLTKOTOUS ev Tats TOAVAVOpw- morarais ekkAnoias Kal Tals cvvddas TOV GdeAPav ev ‘LKoviw Kal Svvvados kal mapa woAAois todo édogev): “I also learnt that this was not a recent practice introduced by those in Africa alone, but that long 360 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY and Dionys. Alex., who give some account of them, speak of numerous bishops, but they give no numbers. Augustine, on the other hand, following some source which is unknown to us, declares that there were fifty bishops in Iconium alone. A remark- able number ! In the following pages I shall give a list of places in Galatia, Phrygia, and Pisidia where we know Christians were to be found. Galatia :— Ancyra, the metropolis; cp. the anti-Montanist in Eus. v. 16. The Acta Theodoti give an extremely vivid sketch of the church during the great persecu- tion,' and at the same time warn us against extravagant ideas about the size of the church. It was ruled by the huckster Theodotus, and apart from the church or churches there were but two oratories in the town, a MapTuploy TOV TAT plLapxXov and a bh, TOY TAT épwv (ce XV1.) 3 but Franchi has rendered it highly probable that the second case is one of an unconsecrated pagan shrine. The local saint Sosander was perhaps a reconsecrated hero (c. xix.). A large synod was held here in 314, whose Acts are still extant.’ ago, in the days of the bishops who were before us, it was resolved upon by the most populous churches, and by synods of the brethren at Iconium and Synnada, and by many others.” 1 Edited for the first time in a trustworthy form, with a com- mentary, by Franchi de Cavalieri (Rome, 1902). 2 Cp. Routh, Relig. Sacr.”, iv. pp. 113 f. Of the twenty-five canons of this synod, two bear specially on the history of the local expansion of Christianity, viz., the 13th and the 24th. The former contains regulations for the chor-episcopi, delimiting their powers (for the first time in their history), while the latter is a prohibition of certain pagan superstitions (oi xatapavrevopevor Kol Tais ovvnbetars tov COvav eEaxoAovbodrtes 7) ciodyovtés Twas cis Tos EavTaV oiKoUS Ext CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 361 Malus (a vUlage near Ancyra, Tis ToAcws arwxiopévov onelwy [ALK POU 7 pos TecoapakovTa = * distant all but forty miles from the city,” Acta Theod. x., etc.) seems to have been entirely Christian. Its small Christian community was controlled by one presbyter, and remained unmolested during the persecution which raged in the metropolis. Medicones (a village near Ancyra, Acta Theod. x.; here also there seem to have been Christians). Tavium (a bishopric: Nicza). Gadamana [ = Ekdaumana] (a bishopric: Nica). Kina [?] (a bishopric: Nica). Juliopolis (a bishopric: the bishop was present at Ancyra in 314 a.p. and at Nica). Phrygia * :— Laodicea (the metropolis: cp. Paul’s epistles, the local controversy on the Paschal question, Melito in Kus., H.E., iv. 26. 3 [ep. v. 24. 5], and the council of Nicaea). Hierapolis (Paul; the evangelist Philip and his daughters ; Papias; Apollinaris of Hierapolis; Eus., ili. 31, 36, 39, iv. 26, v. 19, 24; Nicma). Colossz (Paul). dvevpéce: pappaxeav 7 Kal Kkabdpoe, k.7..). Eighteen bishops signed these resolutions, viz., the bishops of Syrian Antioch, Ancyra, Cesarea (Cappad.), Tarsus, Amasia, Juliopolis (Gal.), Nicomedia, Zela (Pont.), Iconium, Laodicea (Phryg.), Antioch (Pisid.), Perga, Neronias, Epiphania, and Apamea (Syr.), though not all of these localities can be proved indubitably. Galatia, Syria, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Diospontus, Bithynia, Pisidia, Phrygia, Pamphilia (perhaps Cyprus as well), were thus represented. 1 Duchesne (Orig. du culte, p. 11) rightly observes: “La Phrygie était 4 peu prés chrétienne que la Gaule ne comptait encore qu'un trés petit nombre d’églises organisées.” Cp. Ramsay, as cited above (p. 245). 362 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Otrus (inscriptions). Hieropolis (inscriptions). Pepuza (Eus., v. 18; a dated inscription of 260 a.D. ; ep. Cumont, op. cit., p. 36, No. 156). Tymion (Eus., v. 18). [Ardabau] (birthplace of Montanus; Eus., v. 16). Apamea (Eus., v. 16; Nicea). Cumane, a village (Kus., v. 16). Eumenea (Eus., v. 16, v. 24; two dated in- scriptions from 249 or 250 a.p.; cp. Cumont, p. 36, Nos. 135, 136). Sanaus [ = Valentia] (Nica). Synnada (Eus., vi. 19, vii. 7; Nicea). Trajanopolis (a dated inscription of 279 A.D. ; ep. Cumont, p. 37, No. 172). ‘This town is the same as Grimenotyre ; cp. Ramsay’s Phrygia, p. 558. Azani (Nicea). Doryleum (Nicea). Kucarpia (Nicea). Cotizium (a local Novatian bishop; Socrat. iv. 28). Lampe and the Siblianoi district (inscriptions ; ep. Ramsay’s Phrygia, pp. 222 f., 539 f.). The Hyrgalic district, together with Lunda and Motella (inscriptions; ep. Ramsay, pp. 540 f.). Sebaste or Dioskome (two dated inscriptions of 253 or 256 a.p.; cp. Ramsay, pp. 560 f., and Cumont, p. 36, Nos. 160, 161). [Stektorion] (inscriptions ; ep. Ramsay, pp. 719 f.). Bruzos (inscriptions ; ep. Ramsay, pp. 700 f.). The Moxiane district (inscriptions; cp. Ramsay, ee 717 i.) Prymnessus (martyrdom of Ariadne; cp. Franchi de Cavalieri, Acta Theodott, etc.). CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 363 [Themisonium] (inscriptions ; cp. Ramsay, p. 556). Acmonia or Keramon Agora (inscriptions; cp. Ramsay, pp. 562 f., 621 f., 674). Tiberiopolis (martyr). Amorion (martyr).' Pisidia and Lycaonia * :— Iconium (the metropolis—Paul, Acta Theclae, Acta Justini, Hierax of Iconium, born of Christian parents, Eus., H.E., vi. 19, vil. 7, vii. 28, Nikomas the bishop of [conium, council of Nicza). Antioch (Paul). Lystra (Paul). Derbe (Paul). Philomelium (ep. Smyrniote church to the local church, circa 156 A.D.). Hadrianopolis (Nicaea). Neapolis (Nicza). Seleucia (Nicza). Limene (Nicea). Amblada (Nicza). 1 In the Acta Achati (Ruinart, Acta Mart., Ratisbon, 1859, pp. 199 f.), which are said to belong to the reign of Decius, a distinction is drawn (in the fourth chapter) between “ Cataphryges, homines religionis antiquae”’ and “Christiani catholicae legis,’ so that the Antioch mentioned in the first chapter, whose bishop was Achatius, is Pisidian Antioch. Or was Achatius chor-episcopus in the vicinity of the city? He is called “a shield and succour for the district of Antioch” (“Scutum quoddam ac, refugium Antiochae regionis’’). Towards the close of the Acta a certain “ Piso Traianorum (Trojanorum ?) episcopus” is mentioned. Is not this town the Phrygian Trajanopolis, which lies not very far from Pisidian Antioch? We can hardly think of a bishop of Troas in Mysia Minor, who indeed would be termed “ episcopus Trojanus.” 2 The bishoprics, with the exception of Iconium, all lie in the western division of the province. The large eastern division does not appear to have been Christianized. 364 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Metropolis (Nica). Apamea (Nicaea; also an earlier dated inscription of 254 a.D.; cp. Cumont, p. 38, No. 209). Pappa (Nicza). Baris (Nica). Vasada (Nica). [Calytis = Canytis ? in Pisidia] (martyrs). As with Bithynia, so with Pisidia—as the number of bishops at Nicaea proves, the province (7.e. its western division) was widely Christianized. But as it produced no prominent bishops or writers, we learn nothing of its local church-history, apart from Iconium. E: Asta (Lypia, Mysia) ann Carta. Thanks to Paul and the unknown John, Asia became the leading Christian province throughout Asia Minor. As has been already noted, the churches of Ephesus, Smyrna, Pergamum, Sardes, Philadelphia, Thyatira, Troas, Magnesia on the Meander, Tralles, and possibly Parium, were all founded in the primitive age. Speaking from the experience of his travels and all he had seen in Asia, Ignatius mentions [p. 244] émlokKOTOL KATA Ta TEpaTa [se. Tov Koocpov] opicbévTes — so widespread and numerous did the Asiatic bishops seem to him (ad Ephes. 3). Papylus (Mart. Carpi, ch. 32; see above, p. 151) tells the magistrate at Pergamum, ev TaoH éerapxta Kal TONEL EloLY fol TéeKVa KATH eor, referring primarily to Asia. Tvrenzeus (ill. 3. 4) speaks of “all the churches in Asia,” and the epistle of Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus, to Victor of Rome during the Faster controversy (cp. Eus., H.#., v. 24) brings out CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 365 very plainly the dignity and the self-consciousness of the church at Ephesus. Ephesus was the custodian of the great cherished memories of the churches of Asia-Phrygia, memories which secured to these churches a descent and origin at least equal to that of the church of Rome. “For in Asia, too, great luminaries have sunk to rest which shall rise again on the day of the Lord’s coming; namely, Philip, one of the twelve apostles, who rests in Hierapolis, with his two daughters, who grew old as virgins, and _ his other daughter who lived in the Holy Spirit and lies buried at Ephesus. Then, too, there is John, who reclined on the Lord’s breast, and who was a priest wearing the sacerdotal plate, a martyr, and a teacher. He also rests at Ephesus. And Polycarp, too, in Smyrna, both bishop and martyr; and Thraseas, also a bishop and martyr, from Eumenea, who rests at Smyrna. Why need I further mention the bishop and martyr Sagaris, who rests at Laodicea, or the blessed Papirius, or Melito the eunuch, whose whole life was lived in the Holy Spirit, and who lies at Sardes?” Note also how Polycrates pro- ceeds to add: “I, too, Polycrates, hold by the tradition of my relatives, some of whom I have closely followed; for seven of my relatives were bishops, and I am the eighth.” We do not know where these seven bishoprics are to be looked for in Asia, and unfortunately we are just as ignorant of the members of that largely attended Asiatic synod, convoked during the Easter controversy, of which Polycrates writes thus: “I could name the bishops present, whom I had summoned at your desire [7.e. of Victor, the bishop of Rome]; were I 366 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY to go over their names, they would amount to an extremely large number.” Important sources relative to the churches in Smyrna are available for us in the epistles of John, Ignatius, and Polycarp, as well as in the epistle of the church to Philomelium and in the Martyrdom of Pionius (in the reign of Decius); see also the accounts of Noetus, the modalistic Christian, at Smyrna. One outstanding feature is the local struggle between the Jews and the Christians, and also the high repute of Polycarp (“the father of the Christians,” as the pagans called him; ep. Smyrn. xii.). | During Polycarp’s lifetime, there were several Christian churches near Smyrna, for [reneeus tells Florinus that Polycarp addressed letters to them (Eus., v. 24). There was also a Marcionite church at Smyrna or in the neighbourhood during the days of Pionius, for the latter had a Marcionite presbyter called Metrodorus as his fellow-martyr.' But unluckily none of all these sources furnishes us with any idea of the Symrniote church’s size.” In the Apost. Constit. vil. 46 there is a list of the first bishops of Smyrna. Pergamum, where the first Asiatic martyr perished, is familiar to us in early church history from the martyrdom of Carpus, Papylus, and Agathoniké (apart from the Johannine letter to the church) ; Sardes is known to us through Melito, the local 1 The sharp emphasis laid on “the Catholic church” in the Martyrdom of Pionius indicates plainly that there were sectarian, and especially Montanist, churches in Smyrna and Asia. 2 In the Mart. Pionii a village called Karina is mentioned as having a Christian presbyter. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 367 bishop, c. 170 a.p., whose large ideas upon the relation of the church to the empire would not have been possible had not Christianity been already a power to reckon with in Sardes and in Asia. The authority used by Epiphanius in Her. li. 33 declares that almost the whole of Thyatira was won for Christ by the opening of the third century; he also mentions churches which had arisen in the neighbourhood of Thyatira, but without giving any names. Papylus, who suffered martyrdom in Pergamum, was an itinerant preacher hailing from Thyatira. The wide diffusion of the Asiatic churches, and the zeal they displayed in the interests of the church at large, come out in a passage from Lucian’s tale of Proteus Peregrinus, where, after narrating Proteus’ conversion and imprisonment in Syria, he goes on to say: “In fact, people actually came from several Asiatic towns, dispatched by the local Christians, in order to render aid, to conduct the defence, and to encourage the man. ‘They become incredibly alert when anything of this kind occurs that affects their common interests. On such occasions no expense is grudged.” The subscriptions of the Nicene council furnish further evidence of Asiatic (Lydian and Mysian) and Carian towns wth local churches; viz., Cyzikus (where there was also a Novatian church; Socrat., ii. 38), Ilium, another (?) Ilium, Hypepa, Anza, Bagis, Tripolis, Ancyra ferrea, Aurelianopolis, Standus [Silandus? Blaundus?], and Hierocesarea.t In Caria: Antioch, Aphrodisias (martyr., and Christian 1 The bishops of Ephesus, Smyrna, Sardes, Thyatira, and Phila- delphia were also present at Nicza. 368 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY inscriptions, to boot), Apollonias, Cibyra (inscriptions; ep. also Epiph., Her., li. 30), and Miletus. Martyr- Acts from the reign of Decius (Ruinart, p. 205) also prove the existence of a Christian church at Lampsacus. Perhaps on account of the Easter controversy, the importance of Ephesus and the Asiatic churches, relatively to the church at large' steadily declined from the close of the second century in favour of the church of Rome. This did not mean any falling off, however, in its numbers, rather the contrary. F. Lycta, PAMPHYLIA, AND ISAURIA. No fewer than twenty-five bishops from these three southern provinces of Asia Minor were present at Nicza (including four chor-episcopi from Isauria)—a sad contrast to the little we know of the churches in these districts. With regard to Lycia (Olympus and Patara), we are acquainted with the personality of Methodius, that influential teacher of the church who lived c. 8300 a.p. The newly-discovered inscrip- tion of Arycanda (Maximinus Daza) also informs us that there were Christians in that locality, and that the town joined in presenting servile petitions against them.? And finally, it is rendered probable, by the Acta Pauli, that there were Christians in Myra, while similar evidence is perhaps afforded by Eusebius 1 It was probably the place where the canon of the four gospels originated. 2 Archeol.-epigraph. Muttheil. aus Ocesterreich-Ungarn., ed. yon Benndorf u. Bormann (1893), pp. 93 f., 108. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 369 (Mart. Pal. iv.-v.) with regard to Gage, not far from Olympus.' Nothing is heard of the churches in Pamphylia, however, from the mention of Pergé in Acts down to the council of Nicza, apart from one martyrdom in Attalia; while all we know of Isauria is the notice in Eusebius (vi. 19) which has been already brought forward (cp. p. 358). The following is a list of the churches throughout the three provinces, known to us for the most part from the council of Nicza :— Lycia: Patara (Method., Martyr., Nic.), Olympus (Method.), Arycanda (inser. from reign of Daza), [Gage] (Euseb.), Myra (Acta Pauli), Perdikia ? (Nic., but doubtful). Pamphylia: Pergé (Acts, Nic.), Termissus, Syarba, Aspendus, Seleucia, Maximianopolis, Magydus (all six from Nic., though Magydus is also supported by the tradition of St Conon’s martyrdom under Decius ; ep. von Gebhardt’s Acta Mart. Sel., pp. 129 f.), Sidé (since this town is mentioned shortly afterwards as the metropolis of Pamphylia, it probably had a church circa 325 a.p.),” Attalia (Mart.). Isauria: Laranda (Alex. of Jerus., in Eus., H.E., vi. 19, Nic.), Barata, Koropissus, Claudiopolis, Seleucia, Metropolis, Panemon Teichos, Antioch, Syedra, Humanades (= Umanada), Huasades, Alistra, Dio-Cesarea? (or some other township of Isauria). 1 “Gage” (not Page) is to be read; cp. Mercati’s I Martiri di Palestina del Codice Sinaitico (Estratto dai “Rendiconti” del R. Inst. Lomb., Serie ii., vol. xxx. 1897). 2 Sidé was also the birthplace of Eustathius, afterwards bishop of Sebaste. As Athanasius calls him a confessor, he must have attested his Christianity in Sidé during the Diocletian persecution. VOL. Il. 24 370 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY § 10. CRETE AND THE ISLANDS (ESPECIALLY THE IONIAN). From the epistle to Titus it follows that Christi- anity had reached Crete before the close of the apostolic age. About 170 a.p. Dionysius of Corinth wrote an epistle ‘‘to the church of Gorthyna and to the other churches of Crete” (Gorthyna being evidently the metropolis), and a second epistle to the Cretan church of Cnossus, whose bishop, Pinytus by name, wrote him a reply (EKus., H.#., iv. 23). But nothing further is known of early Christianity in the island, and no bishop came from Crete to the Nicene council. Achelis (Zeitschr. fiir die neutest. Wissensch., i. pp. 87 f.), like some other scholars before him, has tried to prove, from the evidence of the inscriptions, that Christian churches existed on the smaller islands, particularly in Rhodes and Thera and Therasia, as early as circa 100 a.p.; but the proofs of this are unsatisfactory, both as regards the fact of Christianity and the age of the inscriptions. ‘Thus, even in the third century, one may put a query opposite Thera and Therasia in connection with Christianity. But in Melos, again, Christians seem certainly to have existed in the third century. Patmos, with its great associations, they would hardly leave unclaimed till the fourth century; and martyrdoms are connected in tradition with Chios. Bishops from Rhodes (where early inscriptions have been also discovered), Cos, Lemnos, and Corcyra, attended the Nicene council. Paul is reported (Const. App., vil. 46) to have CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 371 installed Crispus as the first bishop of Aigina—a legend which denotes the existence of a church there at some early period. ‘The presence of gnostic Christians at Samé in Cephallenia may be inferred from Clem. Alex., Strom., i. 2.°5." § 11. Turace, Maceponia, Darpanta, Epirus, THESSALY, GREECE.’ We have but a faint knowledge of Christianity in the Balkan peninsula during the first centuries. No outstanding figures emerge, and Dionysius of Corinth, who exhorted and counselled many churches East and West by his letters during the reign of M. Aurelius, and collected these letters into a volume (Eus., H.F., iv. 23), stands quite by himself. The extension of Christianity was far from being uniform. In * Kurope,’ over against Bithynia, and Thrace, there must have been numerous churches previous to 325 (cp. also Vet. Const., iv. 43), as is evident from the 1 Epiphanius the gnostic, whose father was Carpocrates, was connected with Cephallenia through his mother, kai beds év Zapy THs KedadAnvias teripnta, evoa aitd iepov prtdv AGwv, Bwpot, tenevn, povoiov wKoddounTai Te Kal KaOiépwrat, Kal ovviovTes eis TO tepdv ot Kedaddjves xara vovpnviav yeveAvov amobéwow Ovovow “Emupaves, orevooval Te Kat ebwXodvTaL Kai Uuvor Aéyovrat (“ And is honoured as a god in Same of Cephallenia, where a shrine of huge stones, with altars and precincts and a museum, has been erected for him, and consecrated. And the Cephallenians celebrate his birthday at new moon, assembling at his shrine, doing sacrifice, pouring forth libations, and feasting, with song of hymns to him’”’). 2 These represent different provinces of the church with metro- politans of their own (ep. Optatus, ii. 1 : “ Ecclesia in tribus Pannoniis, in Dacia, Meesia, Thracia, Achaia, Macedonia’’). I group them together merely for the sake of unity, as we know little of their 312 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY church-history of Thrace during the fourth century. Corinth and Thessalonica had flourishing churches. But the larger part of the peninsula cannot have had more than a scanty population of Christians up till 325, so that we cannot speak of any common Christian character or type, of course, in this con- nection. [I shall therefore proceed to set down a list of the various places, not according to their pro- vinces, but as far as possible in chronological order. First, those which are known to us from the earliest period. Philippi, TpPOTH [zparns | peptoos +. Makedovias ror (Acts xvi. 12; Paul, Polycarp’s epistle; pseudo- Dionysius is our only witness to another letter of his addressed to Athens’). Thessalonica (where there was a synagogue, or else the synagogue of the province ; Paul; Antoninus Pius wrote to this city, forbidding any rising against the Christians [Melito, in Eus., HE., iv. -26]Gesuie metropolitan was present at Nicza, and also at the dedication of the church of Jerusalem, 7t. Const, Iv. 43). Beroea (Paul). respective histories. _Duchesne’s study, Les anciens évéchés de la Gréce (1896), and the earlier works of de Boor (Zeits. f. k. Gesch., xii. 1891, pp. 520 f.), and Gelzer (Zeits. f. Wiss. Theol., xxxii. 1892, pp. 419 f.), refer to a later period, but even the period previous to 300 may have some light cast on it by the list (Duchesne, p. 14), which assigns to Eubcea three bishoprics (Chalcis, Carystus, Porthmus), to Attica one (Athens), to Northern Greece ten (Megara, Thebes, Tanagra, Plateea, Thespie, Coronia, Opus, Elatea, Searphia, Naupactus), to the Peloponnese seven (Corinth, Argos, Lacedemon, Messina, Megalopolis, Tegaea, Patras). 1 For “ Macedonia,” see J. Weiss’s article in the Prot. R.- Encyklop., vol, xii. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 373 Athens ' (Paul). From the outset the church here was small, and small it remained, for in this city of philosophers Christianity could find little room. According to Dionysius of Corinth, Dionysius the Areopagite was the first bishop of Athens; Anto- ninus Pius forbade the city to rise against the Christians (see above); and after the persecution of M. Aurelius, Dionysius of Corinth wrote to the church (Eus., H.., iv. 23), “accusing them almost of apostasy from the faith since the death of their martyred bishop Publius; and mentioning Quadratus who succeeded Publius in the episcopate, testifying that the church had been gathered together again by his zealous efforts and had gained new ardour for the faith.” Origen, who spent some time in Athens, and indeed visited it on two occasions at least (Eus., vi. 32), mentions the local church in c. Cels., III. xxx.: “The church of God at Athens is a peaceable and orderly body, as it desires to please Almighty God. Whereas the assembly of the Athenians is refractory, nor can it be compared in any respect to the local church or assembly of God.” ‘The bishop of Athens attended Nicza. Corinth (Paul; the epistle of the Roman church to the church. of Corinth c. 95 a.p. ; Hegesippus, in Eus., HLE., iv. 22, eremevey 4 exxrAyoia 7 Kopw ov ev To ep0e oyw mex pe II piuou ETLOKOTEVOVTOS EV Kopi * ot9 ouveuea mAcwr els ‘Pouny, cat cuvderpiya ToS KopwAlow 7pLépas ikavas, ev ais cuvaveTranuev TO 0p0o Aoyw = “the Corinthian church remained by the true faith till Primus was bishop ' See the instructive article on “Greece in the Apostolic Age,” by J. Weiss, ibid., vol. vii. Apart from Corinth, Greece was a reduced country by the time it came into contact with Christianity. 374 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY in Corinth. I conversed with them on my way to Rome, and spent some time with the Corinthians, — during which we refreshed each other with orthodox teaching.” Dionysius of Corinth’). Cenchree (Paul; the Apost. Constit. [vil. 46] men- tions the first bishop, whom Paul is said to have appointed). Lacedemon (Dionysius of Corinth wrote a letter to this church [Eus., H.#., iv. 23], enjoiming peace and unity ; the fact of a Christian community existing in a country town like Iacedemon by the year 170, proves that missionary work had been done from Corinth throughout the Peloponnese, although the subsequent era shows that Christianity only got a footing there with difficulty). Larissa in Thessaly (Melito [in Eus., HE., iv. 20] tells us that Antoninus Pius wrote to this town, forbidding it to rise against the Christians),’? the metropolis; its bishop was at Nica, for, as I take it, the “Claudian of Thessaly,” as he is called in most of the lists, is the bishop of Larissa. The Greek recension actually describes him as such. 1 The second recension, extant only in Syriac, of the pseudo- Justin’s “‘ Address to the Greeks” (cp. Sttzungsber. der K. Preuss. Akad. d. W., 1896, pp. 627 f.), hails from Corinth perhaps, or at any rate from Greece. It is a third century document, and opens with these words: “ Memoirs which have been written by Ambrose, a senator of Greece, who became a Christian. All his fellow-senators cried out against him, so he fled away and wrote in order to show them all their mad frenzy.” In any case the reference is to the conversion of a councillor in a Greek city, 2 This edict, addressed by Pius to Thessalonica, Athens, Larissa, and “the Greeks,” shows that the strength of Christianity in these cities must not be underrated, Certainly, one has to bear in mind the intolerance of Greeks in all matters of religion, CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 825 A.D. 375 Debeltum in Thrace (Eus. v. 19 informs us that this town had a bishop towards the close of the second century). Anchialus in Thrace (which also had a_ bishop about the same time; Joc. cit.). Nicopolis in Epirus (according to Eus., H.E., vi. 16, Origen was there; so that there must have been local Christians at that time [Paul wished to winter there, according to the epistle to Titus). Byzantium in Europe (where the Christologist Theodotus was born about 190 a.p. [Hippol., Philos., vii. 35 ; perhaps one may refer also to Tert., ad Scap. iii.]; on Alexander, the local bishop when Arius appeared, cp. Alex. of Alex. in Theodoret, H.£., i. 2). Heraclea in Europe, the metropolis (Nicea). Stobi in Macedonia (Nicza). Thebes in Thessaly (Nicza). Eubcea, (Nicza). Pele in Thessaly (Niceza ; doubtful, however). Scupi [ = Uskiib] in Dardania (Nicaea. The entry runs as follows: Aapdavias - Aaxos Makedovias, alluding, I should say, to this bishopric). Trustworthy notices of the martyrs permit us finally to assume the existence of Christians in Adrianopolis (Ruinart, p. 439), Drizipara = Drusipara, and Epibata in Thrace, Buthrotus in Epirus, and Pydna.* 1 At Tricca in Thessaly, a certain Heliodorus was bishop (according to Socrates, H.E., v. 22). If he is to be identified, as Socrates declares he is, with the author of the romance, he must have lived at the close of the third century, for the romance dates from the reign of Aurelian, and was a youthful work. Rohde, however, doubts this identification. 376 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY. Thracian Christianity was that of Bithynia. No Macedonian or Greek Christianity ever arose, like the Christianity of Asia Minor, or of Syria, or of Egypt, vigorous as the missionary efforts of the Thessalonian church may have been.—For the local martyrs, see especially the Martyrol. Syriacum. § 12. Masia AND Pannonia, NoricuM AND DaLMATIA.! On the soil of Meesia (and of Pannonia, in part), while the Romans and the Greeks competed for the task of ruling and of developing the land, the former gradually got the upper hand, and the province must have been counted as Western in the main at an early period. Here, too, we find from Acts of martyrs and the church’s history in the fourth century, that Christianity secured a firm footing in the third century. Even by the time that Eusebius wrote, however, the local churches (like those of Pannonia) were still young. At the dedication of the church at Jerusalem, he writes (Vita Constant., iv. 43), the Meesians and Pannonians were represented by “the fairest bloom of God’s youthful stock among them” (Ta Tap’ avtots avOovvrTa KadXAn THs TOU Deod veoAatas). All that we learn from the Nicene subscriptions is that in “Dacia” (the country south of the Danube, modern Servia) at Sardica there was one bishopric, -with another at Marcianopolis in Moesia (near the shores of the Black Sea), but the Acts of the martyrs testify to the presence of Christians at Dorostorium 1 See the studies in Anal. Bolland., 1879, pp. 369 f., “Saints d'Istric et de Dalmatie.” cd CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 377 (Ruinart, p. 570, and Mart. Dasi), Tomi (Mart.), and Axiupolis (Mart.), previous to the council of Nicza. One Pannonian bishop was present at Nicea (bishopric unknown). ‘The Acts of the martyrs tell us of Christian communities at Sirmium (Ruinart, p- 432), Cibalis (2brd., p. 434), Siscia (2bed., p. 521; cp. Jerome’s Chron., ad ann. 2324), Singidunum (2dzd., p- 435),’ Noviodunum (Mart. Syr.), Scarabantia (2bid., p- 523), and Sabaria, the birthplace of Martin of Tours, whose parents, however, were pagans (bid., p. 523). The diocese of the notorious bishop Valens at Mursa would also be ante-Nicene. Even the distant Pettau had a bishop c. 300 a.p., and in Victorinus it had one who was famous as a theologian and author, well versed in Greek Christian literature. It is extremely surprising how few bishops from Meesia or Pannonia (even from the provinces men- tioned under § 11) were present at Nicaea. Was the emperor indifferent to their presence? Had they them- selves no interest in the questions to be discussed at the council? We cannot tell. Nevertheless, the fourth century saw a large proportion of the spiritual inter- change in the church between East and West realized in one province, and that province was Meesia. The likelihoced is that the number of bishops (and consequently of churches also) was still small (see above).—It is intrinsically probable that Christianity also penetrated Noricum, a country studded with towns and wholly Romanized by 300 a.p., with Pettau, too, lying close upon its boundary. But the sole direct evidence we possess is a notice of the martyr- 1 Ursacius was afterwards the bishop of this place. 378 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY dom of St Florian in Lorsch (Martyrol. Jer.: “in Norico ripense loco Lauriaco,” cp. Achelis, op. cit., p. 140). A saint called Maximilian was also honoured in Salzburg (Hauck’s Kirchengesch. Deutschlands, 1. p. 847), and Athanasius mentions bishops of Noricum about the year 343 (4pol. c. Arian 1.). But apart from Lorsch, no church in Noricum and no bishopric can be certainly referred to the pre-Constantine period. The wealth of inscriptions which have been dis- covered bring to light a considerable amount of Christianity in Dalmatia, which may be held with great probability to go back to the pre-Christian period, particularly as regards Salona (martyrdoms also; cp. now CYIL., vol. ii., Supplem., Pars Poster.), where a local churchyard goes back as far as the very beginning of the second century (Jelic, in the Rdm. Quartalschrift, vol. v. 1891; cp. Bull. Dalmat., vol. xv. 1892, pp. 159 f.). Four Christian stone-masons worked in the mines of Fruschka Gora, whither Cyril, bishop of Antioch, was also banished (cp. Passio quattuor coronat., in Sitzungsberichte der K. Preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch., 1896, pp. 1288 f.). \ 13. THE NorrH AND NortTH-wWEsST COASTS OF THE BLACK SEA. Theophilus, bishop of ‘ Gothia,” and Cadmus, bishop of Bosporus, attended the Nicene council. Both bishoprics are indeed to be looked for on the Balkan peninsula, but it is possible that ‘“ Gothia” 1 See Delehaye in Annal. Boll. (1904) on “Vhagiographie de Salone d’aprés les dernieres découvertes archéol.”’ CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 379 was the bishopric of Tomi. It does not follow that because there were Christians in those cities, there were Christian Goths by that time, for the cities were Greek. But it is indubitable that the conversion of this German tribe had commenced before the year 325. Ona military raid through Asia Minor in 258, the Goths had captured and taken home with them a number of Cappadocian Christians, who maintained their Christian standing, continued to keep up some connection with Cappadocia, and did mission-work among the Goths themselves (Philostorg., u. 5). It was Ulfilas, of course, who initiated the work of converting the Goths upon a large scale, but shortly before his day mission-work in the interior of Gotha (ets Ta €owWTATA Tis TorOias) was undertaken by the Mesopotamian monk Arnobius, who had been banished to Scythia (ep. Epiph., Her., xx. 14). Still, Sozomen (viii. 19) notes, as a striking fact, that the Scythians had only one bishop, although their country included a number of towns (in which, of course, there were Christians). Tradition tells us of some martyrdoms, which are not quite certain, at the Tauric town of Cherson during the reign of Diocletian. So far as I know, the inscriptions discovered in Southern Russia have not disclosed any Christian element which can be referred with certainty to the first three centuries. § 14. Rome, Mrppie anp Lower Iraty, Siciny, AND SARDINIA. For these and all subsequent regions in our dis- cussion, the Nicene list ceases to be of any service ; all it furnishes is the bare fact that deputies from the 380 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY bishop of Rome, bishop Hosius of Cordova (as the commissioner of Constantine), Bishop Marcus of Calabria (from Brindisi?), bishop Czecilian of Car- thage, and bishop Nicasius of Duja in Gaul (= Die), were present at the council. In place of it we get the episcopal lists of the synods of Carthage (under Cyprian), Elvira, Rome (313 a.p.), and Arles (314). The beginnings of Christianity in the Western towns (including Rome) and in the provinces are obscure throughout. 4 priori, we should conjecture that Rome took some part in the Christianizing of these regions, but beyond this conjecture we cannot go. The later legends which vouch for systematic mis- sionary enterprise on the part of the Roman bishops are unauthentic one and all. Some basis for them may have been found in the former passage in the epistle of Pope Innocent I. to bishop Decentius (ep. xxv. 2): “It is certain that throughout all Italy, Gaul, Spain, Africa, and Sicily, and the intervening islands, no one has founded any church except those appointed to the priesthood by the apostle Peter or his successors.” But this passage itself is a product of tendency, and destitute of historical foundation. In Rome and throughout Italy Christianity at first spread among the Greek population ' and retained 1 One recollects Seneca’s remarks upon the population of Rome: “ Jube istos omnes ad nomen citari et unde domo quisque sit quaere ; videbis maiorem partem esse quae relictis sedibus suis venerit in maximam quidem et pulcherrimam urbem, non tamen suam” («« Have them all summoned by name, and ask each his birthplace. You will find the majority have left their homes and come to the greatest and fairest of cities—yet a city which is not their own”), adv. Helv. 6. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 381 Greek as its language. Even Hippolytus, who belonged to the Roman church and died c. 235 a.p., wrote nothing but Greek ; and the first author to em- ploy the Latin tongue, so far as I know, is the Roman bishop Victor (189-199). The episcopal list of the Roman church down to Victor contains only a couple of Latin names. When Polycarp of Smyrna reached Rome in 154, he conducted public worship there (2.e. in Greek), and it was in Greek that the old Roman symbol was composed (about the middle of the second century, or, as some hold, later). The Roman clergy did not become predominantly Latin till the episcopate of Fabian (shortly before the middle of the third century), and then it was that the church acquired her first Latin writer of importance in the indefatigable presbyter Novatian. Long ere this, of course, there had been a considerable Latin element in the church. Since the middle of the second century, there must have been worship in Latin at Rome as well as in Greek,’ necessitating ere long translation of the scriptures. But the origins of the Latin versions are wrapt in mystery. They may have commenced in Northern Africa earlier than in Rome itself. The church of Rome was founded by some un- known missionaries at the beginning of the apostolic age. It was already of considerable importance when Paul wrote to it from Corinth, comprising several 1 According to the “Shepherd” of Hermas, the church still seems entirely Greek; at least the author never mentions bi- lingual worship, though he had the chance of doing so. Still, the Latin versions of his own book, of Clemens Romanus, and of the baptismal symbol, fall within the second century, 382 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY small churches (ecclesiola, Rom. xvi.) ; and “ its faith was spoken of throughout all the world” (i. 8). By the time Paul himself reached Rome, there was even a small church “in Cesar’s household” (¢v Kaicapos oixia, Phil. iv. 22). Not long afterwards, when the Neronic persecution broke upon the church, an “ingens multitudo Christianorum” (Tacitus) or zodv arH00s exrextav (Clem. Rom. vi.) were resident in Rome. Allowing for the fact that the “crowd” is reckoned one way in the case of judicial murders and another way in that of popular assemblies, we may still find both of these calculations sufficiently weighty. The members of the church of Rome must at that time have been already counted by the hundreds. Paul and Peter both fell in this persecution. But the church soon recovered itself. We meet it in the epistle of Clement (about 95 a.p.), consolidated, active, and conscious of its obligation to care for all the church. The discipline of ‘‘ our troops ” presents itself to this church and the other churches as a pattern of conduct, uniting them together in the ranks and bond of Christian love. The “rule of tradition” is to be maintained by the church. Order, discipline, and obedience are to prevail, not fanaticism and wilfulness; every element of excited fervour seems to be tabooed. ‘The Christian church of Rome had in fact adopted even by this time the characteristics of the city, Greek though it was in nature; it felt itself to be the church of the world’s capital. And already it numbered among its members some of the emperor’s most intimate circle. This consciousness on the part of the Roman church, which was justified by the duties which it CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 383 discharged, was recognized by other churches. Ignatius, the bishop of Antioch, extols it about 115 A.D. in extravagant language as being the “leading church in the region of the Romans” (zpokca6yra ev tor» xwptov “Pwpyaiwy) and “the leader of love” (zpoxa- Onuévn THs ayarns (ad Rom., inscript.), whilst Dionysius of Corinth writes to her, about 170 a.p. (Eus., H.., iv. 13), in terms that have been already quoted (cp. vol. 1. pp. 222, 230). These passages imply that the church had ample means at her disposal,’ and this, again, suggests a large number of members, including many rich people— an inference corroborated by the “Shepherd” of Hermas, a Roman document which lets us see deep into the state of the church in Hadrian’s reign, revealing a very large number of Christians at Rome, and betraying the presence among them of a consider- able number of well-to-do and wealthy members, with whom the author is naturally wroth. The epistle of Ignatius also proves how the church had pushed its way into the most influential circles of the population. Why, the good bishop is actually afraid of being deprived of his martyrdom through the misguided intervention of the Roman Christians! It goes with- out saying that, under such circumstances, the needs of the Christian community at Rome could not be met by a single place of assembly. But Justin says so explicitly. When asked by the judge, ‘‘ Where do you meet ?” he replies, “‘ Where everyone chooses and wherever we can” [which is evasive]. “Think you 1 We know, moreover, that Marcion brought her a present of 200,000 sesterces when he joined her membership (cp. above, vol. i, p- 194). 384 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY we can all meet in one place? Not so” (0a éacrw TT poatperts Kat Ovvapts eoTl, TAVTMS yap vouiCets ert TO avTo cuvepxer Ba yeas Tavras } ovxX ovTwsS dé), Still more valu- able is the testimony borne soon after 166 a.p. by the Roman bishop Soter, the author of the so-called second epistle of Clement. He observes, in con- nection with the saying of a prophet’ (c. u.), that Christians were already superior in numbers to the Jews; and although the statement is general, one must assume that, as it was written in Rome, it applied to Rome, and especially to middle and lower Italy. Thanks to the large number of Christians from all provinces and sects who continued to flock to Rome,” not merely did local Christianity go on increasing, but the church would have had the duty of caring for the interests of the church at large thrust on her, even had she not spontaneously borne it in mind. Besides, her position in the city grew stronger day by day. And in this connection the age of Commodus marked an epoch by itself. Eusebius relates (v. 21) how “our affairs then became more favourable, while the saving word led an uncommonly large number of souls of every race to the devout worship of God. In fact, a number of those who were eminent at Rome for their wealth and birth, began to adopt the way of salvation, with their whole households and families.” It is well known, 1 He is explaining Isa. liv. 1, partly of the Jews, partly of the Christians ; and in this connection he observes, ¢pypos eddKen etvat ad Tov Peod 6 Aads Hpdv, vovi d& muoTEvoavTEs TEloves eyevoucla TOV doxovvTwv éxew Oedv (see above, p. 151). 2 An almost complete survey is given by Caspari in his Quellen 2. Gesch. des Taufsymbols, vol. iii. (1875). CHRISTIANITY - DOWN TO 325 A.D. 385 e.g., how much influence the Christians had with Marcia, the “devout concubine” (PAcGeos radXax7) of the emperor.’ The advance made by Christianity among the upper classes, and especially among women, in Rome, resulted in the edict of bishop Callistus,? which gave an ecclesiastical imprimatur to sexual unions between Christian ladies and their slaves. Furthermore, the importance attaching to Christianity in Rome is proved by a number of passages from Tertullian,’ from the attitude of the Roman bishops after Victor, and from the large number of sects which had churches in Rome at the beginning of the third century. Besides the Catholic churches, we know of a Montanist, a Theodotian (or Adoptian), a Modalist, a Marcionite, and several gnostic churches besides the church of Hippolytus. After the reign of Commodus and the episcopate of Victor, the reign of Philip the Arabian and the episcopate of Fabian (236-250) form the next stage in the story (cp. Protest. R.-Encyhklop., v. pp. 721 f.). Two structural features mark the growing size of the church at Rome. One is the creation of the lower clergy with their five orders, the other is the division of the Roman church into seven districts (or 7 x 2), 1 Hippol., Philos.; ix. 12. The Roman bishop Victor went to and from her freely. One gathers from this passage also that the Roman church kept a list of all who languished in the mines of Sardinia. 2 The statement of the papal catalogue about Callistus having built a church in Rome across the Tiber (“trans Tiberim”’) may be quite authentic. 3 He writes, e.g., of the emperor Septimius: “Sed et clarissimas feminas et clarissimos viros, sciens huius sectae esse, non modo non laesit verum et testimonio exornavit” (ad Scap, iv.: cp.j above, p. 200). VOL. 11: 25 2 386 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY corresponding to the various quarters of the city (Catal. Liber: ‘“ Fabianus regiones divisit diaconi- bus”).! Two pieces of evidence throw light upon the extent and the importance of the church at this period (c. 250 A.D.) ; one is the saying of Decius that he would rather have a rival emperor in Rome than a bishop,” and the other is the statement of Cor- nelius, bishop of Rome, in a letter (Kus., vi. 43) to the effect that “there were 46 presbyters, 7 deacons, 7 sub-deacons, 42 acolytes, 52 exorcists, readers, and doorkeepers, and 1500 widows and persons in distress, all of whom the Master’s grace and lovingkindness support ‘4 (pec Burépous TET TEpaKoVTa €&, Staxovous eTT A, UTroOLaKOVOUS eTTA, axoXovOous ovo Kal TETTEPAKOVTA, eLopxirTas O€ Kal avayvarras chyna TuAwpOLs Ovo Kat TEVTHKOVTG, X7pas ou OAL Bomévors UTED Tas XiALas mTevtakoclas, ove TavTas 4 TOU der7roTou Xapes Kau (prarOpwria Svat peer). So far as regards statistics, this passage is the most weighty which we possess for the church-history of the first three centuries. In 257 a.p. the Roman ' Cp. Duchesne’s Le Liber Pontif., i. p. 148; and Harnack in Texte u. Unters., iv. 5. The entry in the papal list runs thus: “Hie regiones dividit diaconibus et fecit vii subdiacones,”— A propos of Clement I., the papal list had noted: ‘ Hie fecit vii regiones, dividit notariis fidelibus ecclesiae [sic], qui gestas martyrum sollicite et curiose unusquisque per regionem suam diligenter perquireret.” The statement, of course, is valueless. See further under “ Euarestus.” 2 So we learn from Cyprian, ep. lv. 9. With this antithesis we may compare a remark of Aurelian, preserved by Flavius Vopiscus (Aurelian, c. xx.): “ Miror vos, patres sancti, tamdiu de aperiendis Sibyllinis dubitasse libris, proinde quasi in Christianorum ecclesia, non in templo deorum omnium tractaretis”’ (“I am astonished, holy father, that you have hesitated so long upon the question of opening the Sibylline books, just as if you were debating in the Christian assembly and not in the temple of all the gods’’). CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 387 church had evidently 155 clergy (with their bishop), who were maintained and fed, together with over 1500 widows and needy persons. From this I should put the number of Christians belonging to the Catholic church in Rome at not less than 30,000.' The forty-six priests perhaps denote as many places of worship in the city; for, as we see from Optatus (ii. 4), there were over forty basilicas in Rome about the year 300 (“quadraginta et quod excurrit basilicas ”). This large number indicates the great size of the church. Shortly after Fabian, Dionysius (259-268) appar- ently constituted the class of parish churches in Rome, and at the same time determined the episcopal dioceses under the metropolitan see of the capital, the former task being completed by Marcellus (308/309). Such is Duchesne’s (op. cit., i. 157) correct reading of the statements in the papal list: “* Hic presbiteris ecclesias 1 Probably this estimate is too low. At Antioch, as Chrysostom narrates (opp., vii. p. 658, 810), the 3000 persons in receipt of relief were members of one church consisting of over 100,000 souls. In the case of Rome, then, we might put the total at about 50,000, which is the estimate of Gibbon, followed by Friedlander. One may conjecture, however, that the readiness of Christians to make sacrifices was greater about 250 in Rome than it was about 380 in Antioch, so that I shall exercise caution and calculate only 30,000, which would amount—if one takes very roughly the population of Rome at 900,000—to about a thirtieth of the population. Friedlinder’s (Stttengesch., iii, p. 531) calculations bring out a twentieth (50,000 to a million). He may perhaps be right; at any rate the total about 250 a.p. lies somewhere between a twentieth and a thirtieth (from 5 to 3 per cent.). But between 250 and 312 an extraordinary increase of Christianity certainly occurred everywhere, and at Rome as well, which I doubt not is to be reckoned at least as equivalent to a doubling of the previous total (from 10 to 7 per cent.). 388 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY dedit et cymiteria et parrocias diocesis constituit,” and (p. 164) “hic fecit cymitertum Novellae via Salaria et xxv titulos in urbe Roma constituit, quasi diocesis, propter baptismum et paenitentiam multorum qui convertebantur ex paganis et propter sepulturas martyrum.” The parish churches of the city,’ to the number of twenty-five, are the churches inside the city with their respective districts. ‘The graveyards are the churchyards connected with the churches round about Rome (there being no rural parishes in the Roman church, and chor-episcopi being unknown in Italy). The “ parochiae diocesis” are the episcopal churches under the control of the metropolis; but unfortunately we know neither their number nor their names. The depth to which Christianity had struck its roots, even in the soil of culture, and the seriousness with which its doctrines rivalled those of the phil- osophers, may be seen from the discussions upon the dogmas of the various Christian parties in which Plotinus found it necessary to engage (cp. Carl Schmidt’s * Plotinus and his attitude to Gnosticism and the Christianity of the Church,” Texte u. Unters., N.F. v. 4). The Syrian ladies of the royal house, Alex- ander Severus, Philip the Arabian, and the consort of Gallienus, had already directed their attention to Christianity, while (as we have seen above, p. 284), Aurelian used the church as one basis for his Eastern 1 T have no call to go into further details in regard to these churches, as we are destitute of any information upon their further statistics. But their large number is itself significant, The papal catalogue—erroneously, of course—makes Pope Cletus create twenty-four parishes each under a presbyter at Rome; then again we read of Euarestus, “ hic titulos in urbe Roma dividit presbiteris.” CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 3825 A.D. = 389 policy, and favoured that party in Antioch which held by the bishops of Rome and Italy. As for the brotherly feeling and wealth of the Roman Christians at this period, the best proof of these is to be found in their support of the churches in Syria and Arabia (cp. Dionysius in Eus., vii. 5). During the subsequent period we find the usurper Maxentius assuming the mask of friendliness towards Christianity at the beginning of his reign, “7 order to cajole the people of Rome.” Tf this statement is reliable (Kus., H.E., viii. 14), it proves that Christians must have formed a very considerable percentage of the population. It is contradicted, however, by the fact that Maxentius ere long relied on Roman paganism, and persecuted the Christians. Further- more, we gather from the measures taken by Constantine immediately after the rout of Maxentius, as well as from his donations, how much importance he attached to the Roman bishop; and lastly, the sixth canon of Nicwa informs us that the Roman bishop exercised unquestioned rights, as metropolitan or higher metropolitan, over a number even of the larger provinces. I consider it likely, though I cannot adduce the proof of it at this point, that the most of Middle as well as of Lower Italy (and Sicily ?) was subject to“his higher metropolitan jurisdiction." 1 For the older controversies on this topic, see Hefele’s Concilien- Gesch., i. (Eng. trans., vol. i.). For the idea of the “ urbica dioce- sis,’ see especially the essay of Mommsen on “ The Italian Regions” in the Kiepert-Festschrift (1898), although it hardly covers the ecclesiastical conception. Let me explicitly observe that such terms as “metropolitan jurisdiction” or “higher metropolitan jurisdic- tion,’ cannot properly be used with reference to any of the Western provinces, for there was really no metropolitan class in the West 390 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Such are perhaps the most weighty testimonies at our disposal in regard to the increase, the extent, and the importance of the Roman church. As for the other Italian cities, we have to bewail the silence of our sources, although one statement is extant which casts a ray of light upon the situation. Eusebius (vi. 43) tells how Cornelius,' the Roman bishop, held a synod of sixty (Italian) bishops in 250/251 a.p. against Novatian. ‘This he quotes from a writing of Cornelius himself, and proceeds to affirm (from the same source) that in one most remote district of Italy (Spay te wépos Kat éedaxictov THs ItaXias, cp. vi. 43. 8) there were several bishops.” As not nearly all the bishops of a district ever attended any synod,’ we can hardly go wrong if we suppose before 325 a.p., as there was in the East. All that transpired was the accruing of certain powers to Rome (and Carthage) under the practical exigencies of the situation. We must think of these powers as in part less, in part greater, than those of the Oriental metropolitan centres, but in any case they were still indefinite—an indefiniteness which really told in favour of Rome down to the beginning of the fourth century. The Acts of a Roman synod held under Silvester describe its members as including 284 (Italian) bishops, 57 Egyptian bishops, 142 Roman priests, 6 deacons, 6 sub- deacons, 45 acolytes, 22 exorcists, and 90 readers from Rome, with 14 notaries. But as the Acts are a forgery, these numbers are worthless. 1 Who had not long ago been consecrated with the help of sixteen bishops (ep. Cypr., ep. lv. 24). * The story also shows that the Roman bishop’s metropolitan or higher metropolitan authority extended even this length. % A synod was held at Rome shortly before that of Cornelius, during the vacancy in the papacy. Novatian (Cypr., ep. xxx. 8), says of it: “ Nos... . et quidem multi et quidem cum quibusdam episcopis vicinis nobis et adpropinquantibus et quos ex aliis pro- vinciis longe positis persecutionis istius ardor eiecerat”’ (“We .. . .? in large numbers, and moreover with some neighbouring bishops CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 391 that the higher metropolitan jurisdiction of Rome embraced not less than a hundred episcopates about 250 a.p. From which it follows that the leading cities generally would almost ail have Christians within their walls.’ Churches can be traced in the following towns * :— Puteoli (Acts xxvii. 13 f.).? Naples (the catacombs render it probable that there were Christians here as early as the second century ; see also Liber Pontif., s.v. “Silvester.” The local. Jews must have been numerous from a very early period). Antium (Hippol., Phelos., ix. 12). [so that there must have been some in the adjoining towns] and some within reach, and some who had been driven away by the heat of that persecution from other provinces at a long distance’). It is remarkable that bishops, when forced to flee, made their way to Rome. 1 The remark of the papal list (s.v. “Silvester” ; cp. Duchesne, pp. exxxv. f.), and other sources, to the effect that Silvester held a synod of 275 bishops, after the council of Nicaea, may be correct. But I pass over this point. It was not the same synod as that ? mentioned above. 2 Hermes (V7s., ii. 4) unfortunately does not name the “ outside cities ” (€£w 7éAevs) to which a certain booklet was to be sent. They need not have been in Italy. One of the teachers of Clem. Alex, stayed in Greece (Strom., i. 1; cp. Eus., v. 11). 8 Nissen (Jtalische Landeskunde, II. i. (1902), p. 122), ranks Puteoli in the first class of Italian towns, with regard to the number of inhabitants. The evidence for Christians in Pompeii is unreliable, as also for the existence of local Jews. On the other hand, Puteoli had a strong community of Jews, and the Acta Petri vi. (Vercell.) presuppose the existence of local Christians, * A church must have been attached to the cemetery at Antium, over which Callistus was set by Zephyrinus.—Jews (ep. Schol. on Juy., Satir.,iv. 117 f.), but not Christians (despite the Acta Petri vi.), are to be traced at Aricia. 392 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Portus (Hipp. ; Synod of Arles in 316 a.p.).’ Ostia (Synod of Rome?’ in 313 a.p.; Lib. Pontif., s.v. “ Silvester ”). Albano (Lib. Pontif., s.v. “ Silvester ”). Fundi (Lib. Pontif., s.v. «« Anteros ”). Amiternum, near Aquila (Teate u. Unters., xi. 2, p- 46). Aureus Mons, or some other locality in Picenum (tbid., pp. 47, 53). Tres Taberne (Synod of Rome, 313 4.D.). Sinna [Cesena ? Segni ?] (zbzd.). Quintianum (2bid.). Rimini (2dzd.). Florence (zbid.). Pisa (ebid.). Faénza (zbid.). Forum Claudii [Oriolo] (2b2d.). Capua: (zbid., Arles 316 A.p.; Lid. Ponti eam *< Silvester, ’ There was also a _ local Jewish community). Terracina (¢bid.; cp. Acta Pet. et Paul 12, and Acta Ner. et Achill.). Preenesté (2b7d.). Ursinum (zbid.). Beneventum (zid.). Syracuse (Cyprian;* Eus., 4.#., x. 5, 21; Arles, 316 A.D.). 1 For the signatures to the council of Arles, ep. Routh’s Relig. Sacr:"), iii. pp. 312 f. 2 For the signatures to this synod (nineteen bishops), ep. Routh, pp. 280 f. 8 The earliest proof of any Christian churches in Sicily is furnished by Cyprian’s thirtieth epistle, c. v., although the Christian catacombs may actually go back as far as the second century. This epistle CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 393 Civita Vecchia (Arles, 316 A.D.). Civitas Arpiensium [in Apulia] (Arles, 316 a.D.). Cagliari (ebid.)." [Gaeta] (Acta Petri et Pauli 12). In the towns now to be mentioned, the existence of Christian churches (or bishoprics) is proved from martyrdoms and various notices. Such sources are not absolutely reliable in every case, but when one reflects that there were certainly about a hundred bishops in Italy circa 250 a.p., 1t becomes a priori probable, on this ground alone, that these towns had Christian churches in them. They are as follows :— Ancona. Aquila. Ascoli Pic. Assisi. Avellino. Baccano (Baccanas in Etruria). Bettona. informs us that during the Decian persecution letters were sent by the Roman clergy to Sicily. As Syracuse was certainly the capital of Sicily in the fourth century, there must have been a local church in existence about 250 a.p. Cp. Fiihrer’s Forsch. zur Sicilia Sotteranea (1897), pp. 170 f. Out of all the other Silician catacombs which Fiihrer has enumerated and described, there is not one which I would venture to assign to the pre-Constantine period, although Schultze (Archwol. Studien, 1880, pp. 123 f.) believes that he can deduce from the evidence of the monuments the existence of a Christian church at Syracuse by the second century, and even by the opening of that century. ! For Christians in the mines of Sardinia, ep. Hipp., Phelos., ix. 12; Catal. Liber., s.v. “ Pontian”; probably also, at an earlier date, Dionys. Cor., in Eus., H.E., iv. 23.—Eusebius, who became bishop of Vercelli in 340, came from Sardinia. 394 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Catania.* Cume. Fano. Ferentino. Fermo. Girgenti. Hybla maior. Leontion. Lucca. Messina (so Acta Pauli et Petri 7). Nocera. Nola (the martyr Felix). Perugia. Salerno. Sipontum. Spoleto. Taormina. Teano. Terni. Todi. Trani. We can probably assume that a Christian church 1 The Acta Felicis prove the existence of Christian churches in Girgenti, Catania (so, too, the Acta Euplij, Messina, and Taormina. Venosa, again, which is mentioned in these Acta also, appears to have contained no Christians, although this is not quite certain (it had a Jewish community). I have passed over the bishops (or bishoprics) mentioned in the Liber Predest., but as it is probable that ch. xvi. rests upon a sound, though misunderstood, tradition, and as it mentions bishop Eustachius of Lilybeum and Theodorus of Panormus, there is a certain probability of bishopries having existed in these places about the year 300, and of a Sicilian synod having been held about that time.—On the post-Constantine date of the Maltese catacombs in general, see Mayr, Rim. Quartalschrift, EY: iit, pp. 216£. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 395 existed at Clusium (in Etruria), as the cemetery of S. Catherine appears to belong to the third century (see Bormann in Corp. Inscr. Lat., xi. pp. 403 f.) Lower Italy, as our survey shows, had unquestion- ably a larger number of Christian churches than Middle Italy. The state of matters which prevailed in the interior of Middle Italy, and in fact not very far from the coast, even as late as the opening of the sixth century, is revealed by the history of Benedict of Nursia. It is impossible to ascertain the exact number of bishoprics c7rca 325 a.D., or whether they had increased since 100 A.D. § 15. Upper ITALY AND THE ROMAGNA. Not merely from negative evidence, but from the history of the church in these districts (which stood apart, however, in politics and culture) during the fourth and fifth centuries, is it rendered certain that Christianity entered them late and slowly, and that it was still scanty in the year 325 a.p.* As it passed from East to West in Upper Italy, Christianity must have fallen off and become more and more sparse. Before 325 we have no trustworthy account of any 1 As I have already (pp. 64 f.) gone into it with some thorough- ness, I do not take up at this point the passage in Theodore of Mopsuestia’s commentary on the Pauline epistles (Swete, vol. ii. 1882, pp. 121 f.). “In every province there were usually two, or at most three bishops, at first—a state of matters which prevailed till recently in most of the Western provinces, and which may be found still in one or two of them. As time went on, however, bishops were ordained not only in towns but also in small districts.” The fourth canon of Nicza presupposes that in none of the Eastern provinces were there fewer than four bishops. 396 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Christians in Piedmont and Liguria." The sole exception is Genoa, and even that is doubtful. The first bishopric in Piedmont was not established till after the middle of the fourth century (cp. Savio’s Gli antichi vescovi d Italia. Il Piemonte, 1898).2 The eastern side of Upper Italy, however, can be shown to have possessed several bishoprics, from whose subsequent demeanour and position it is plain that their authority was derived (*auctoritas praesto erat”) hardly from Rome but from the Balkan peninsula. Ecclesiastically, it was a longer road from Rome to Ravenna and Aquileia than from Sirmium, Sardica, and Thessalonica. And this state of matters 1 The statement of Sulpicius Severus (Chron., ii. 32) about the divine religion being received only at a later period on the other side of the Alps (“serius trans Alpes dei religione suscepta,” see below) may have also referred to the Maritime Alps. 2 In his Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands, 1. (p. 26), Hauck believes he can prove from Ambros, epist. i. 63 that a number of the bishoprics in Upper Italy had not been long in existence by the time of Ambrose. I do not doubt this. Only I would not like to base it on the passage in question. Ambrose is writing to the church of Vercelli, and he proceeds: “I am consumed with grief, because the church of God in your midst has not a priest yet, it being the only one destitute of such an official in all Liguria or Amilia or Venetia or the rest of the lands bordering on Italy’’ (‘“ Conficior dolore, quia ecclesia domini, quae est in vobis, sacerdotem adhue non habet ac sola nunc ex omnibus Liguriae atque Aemiliae Venetiarumque vel ceteris finitimis partibus Italie huiusmodi eget officio).” | Hauck recalls, correctly enough, that the bishopric of Vercelli was several decades old when Ambrose wrote, so that “ adhue non habet”’ means simply a temporary vacancy, while he infers from “nune ex omnibus” that the bishoprics of all the Upper Italian churches were of recent origin. But, if “adhue non” merely denotes a temporary vacancy, one can hardly take what follows in a different sense, CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 3825 A.D. 397 did not originate in the fourth century ; on the con- trary, it was not till then that, owing to the new political conditions of the age, the Roman church wielded an almost imperceptible influence over these towns and districts. The bishoprics were as follows :— Ravenna (its twelfth bishop was at Sardica, 343 A.D.). Mailand (synod of Rome, 313 a.p.; its seventh bishop was at Arles, 316 A.D.). Aquileia (synod of Arles). Brescia (its fifth bishop was at Sardica). Verona (its sixth bishop was at Sardica). Bologna (Mart. Vitals et Agricolae; see also Martyriol. Syriacum). Imola (Mart.). The evidence of martyrdoms is uncertain upon the existence of churches at Padua (though here the existence of a church is probable on a prior? grounds), Bergamo, Como, and Genoa.* The insignificance of the churches even in the larger towns of Upper Italy about the year 300, seems to me to be proved by a passage from Paulinus Mediol. (Vita Ambrosii 14), where we read 1 St Martin of Tours, when a lad of ten (2.e., circa 326-329 a.p.), stayed at Pavia along with his father, who was an officer of high rank. As Sulpicius Severus (Vita Martini 2) remarks that “he fled to the church against his parents’ wishes, when a lad of ten, and demanded to be received as a catechumen” (‘‘cum esset annorum decem, invitis parentibus, ad ecclesiam fugit seque catechumenum fieri postulavit”’), it follows that there must have been a Christian church in those days at Pavia.—The first bishop of Padua of whom we possess reliable information falls in the reign of Constans. There is no trace of bishoprics at Como or Bergamo till the reign of Theodosius I. 398 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY that “on the invitation of the Florentines, Ambrose travelled down as far as Tuscany . . . . and erected a basilica in the city, where he placed the remains of the martyrs Vitalis and Agricola, whose bodies he had exhumed in Bologna. For the bodies of the martyrs had been buried amongst the bodies of the Jews, nor was their location known to the saints, had not the holy martyrs revealed it to the priest” ( In- vitatus Ambrosius a Florentinis ad Tusciam usque descendit .... in eadem civitate basilicam con- stituit, in qua deposuit reliquias martyrum Vitalis et Agricolae, quorum corpora in Bononiensi civitate levaverat. posita enim erant corpora martyrum inter corpora Judaeorum, nec erat cognitum populo Chris- tiano, nisi se sancti martyres sacerdoti ipsi revelarent ”). The Christian community at Bologna would seem therefore to have been still so small at the time of the Diocletian persecution, that it had no church building of its own." 1 [| must refrain from entering into any details upon the previous history of the church in the three great centres, Ravenna, Mailand, and Aquileia. The legends of Ravenna assign the eleventh and twelfth bishops a reign, between them, of 116 years, in order to run the twelve bishops (dating back from 348 a.p.) back to Peter. If the twelfth bishop of Ravenna attended the synod of Sardica, the local church may have been founded by the opening of the third century. In the early Byzantine period, Mailand claimed to have been founded by the apostle Barnabas, and consequently to be the only directly apostolic church in the West, besides Rome. This claim, however, is untenable. The fact of seven bishops having ruled till 316 a.p. suggests that the bishopric (and the church) was not founded long before the middle of the third century.—The founding of the church at the large town of Aquileia falls at a still later period, probably not until the Diocletian era, or shortly before it. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 399 § 16. GauL, BeLGium, GERMANY, AND RHA&TIA. On the shores of the Mediterranean and in the Rhone valley, where the Greek* population was in close touch with Asia, Christianity established itself® not later than about the middle of the second century. While the evidence as regards Marseilles, however, is only inferential’ (since the inscription which vouches for local Christianity cannot be assigned with absolute certainty to the second century), Vienna and Lyons are attested by the letter sent from the local Christians to the churches of Asia and Phrygia a propos of the persecution in 177 a.p. (Eus., H.E., v. 1 f.), while Lyons‘ is visible 1 On Hellenism in Southern Gaul, ep. Mommsen’s Rém. Gesch., v. pp. 100 f. (Eng. trans., i. 110 f.), Caspari’s Quellen zur Gesch. des Taufsymbols, vol. iii. (1875), and Zahn’s Gesch. des neutest. Kanons, i. pp. 39 f., 44 f At the opening of the fifth century, monasticism in the maritime districts of Southern Gaul was still in close touch with Eastern monasticism, forming in fact the last great proof of a living connection between that seaboard and the East. Even in the third century, however, Greek must have continued to be the language of educated people in Southern Gaul far more than Latin. 2 For Christians in the valley of the Rhone, see Ireneus (I. xiii. 7), who speaks of the vicious activity displayed by adherents of the gnostic Marcion: év rots Ka’ pas KXipnact THs “Podavovaias roAXds eénratyKace yovatcas (“In our own districts of the Rhone they have deluded many women’’). 3 The church of Lyons could not have been Greek at all, unless Greek Christianity had existed at the estuary of the Rhone. 4 On the peculiar political position of Lyons in Gaul, see Mommsen’s Rém. Geschichte, v. pp. 79 f. (Eng. trans., i. p. 87 f.). The percentage of inhabitants who spoke Greek in Lyons cannot have been large, as “unlike any other in Northern Gaul, and unlike the large majority of the Southern, it was founded from Italy, and was a Roman city, not only as regards its rights but in origin and character.” The local church, nevertheless, was still predominantly Greek czrca 190 a.p. 400 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY during the last two decades of the second century through the works of Ireneus. From the former document we see that Lyons had a bishopric by 177 a.p. Vienna was not far from Lyons, although it was in a different province (Narbonensis), but the relationship: disclosed by the epistle as subsisting between the two churches is obscure, and we may question, with Duchesne (fastes Gpiscopaux de lancienne Gaule, vol. i. 1894), whether Vienna had a bishop of its own at that date. This is not the place, however, to go into such a problem (see above, pp. 84 f.). Suffice it to say that it had a Christian community. I cannot accept the opinion that Vienna was quite untouched by the persecution (Neumann, der rdémische Staat und de allgem. Kirche, i. 1890, p. 29, note). All that can be ascertained with regard to the church- history of Lyons down to the days of Constantine has been carefully put together by Hirschfeld (“zur Geschichte des Christ. in Lugdunum vor Konstantin ” in the Sitzungsberichte d. K. Preuss. Akad. d. Wiss., 1895, pp. 381 f.). I single out the following points. 1. The church must have been predominantly Greek in the days of Ireneus. This follows from the Greek language of the letter and of the works of frenzeus, as well as from the names of those who perished in the persecution. Still, as these names indicate, a Latin element was not awanting either. 2. The church cannot have been large; for, although the persecution was extremely severe, and although it affected the whole church, the number of the victims did not amount to more than forty-nine. Hirschfeld, who (op. cit., pp. 385 f.) has made an CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 40] accurate study of the list of their names, so far as these have been handed down, throws out the con- jecture, which is not unfounded, that the number was even smaller, inasmuch as the public name and the cognomen are probably separated, and_ thus individuals have been doubled. The paucity of the church members follows also from the fact that a list of the surviving adherents of the faith was in existence, even as late as Eusebius (though he has not reproduced it). At this point also one must recollect the general evidence as to the beginnings of Christianity in Gaul, which we possess, e.g., in Sulpicius Severus, Chron., ii. 32: “Sub Aurelio deinde, Antonini filio, persecutio quinta agitata; ac tune primum inter Gallias martyria visa, serius trans Alpes dei religione suscepta ” (“Then under Eusebius, the son of Antoninus, the fifth persecution broke out. And at last martyrdoms were seen in Gaul, the divine religion having been late of being accepted across the Alps”). In the Passio Saturnini (of Toulouse) we also reaad—*“ . . . . after the sound of the gospel stole out gradually and by degrees into all the earth, and the preaching of the apostles shone throughout our country with but a slow progress, since only a few churches in some of the states, and these thinly filled with Christians, stood up together for the faith” (“* Postquam sensim et gradatim in omnem terram evangeliorum sonus exivit tardoque progressu in regionibus nostris apostolorum praedicatio corus- cavit, cum rarae in aliquibus civitatibus ecclesiae paucorum Christianorum devotione consurgerent ”). We may reject, as totally untrustworthy, the state- ment made by Gregory of Tours (Hist. F'ranc., i. 29: VOL. Il. 26 402 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY «“Treneus . . .. in modici temporis spatio praedica- tione sua maxime in integrum civitatem reddidit Christianam ”), to the effect that ‘in a short space of time Ireneeus made the whole city Christian again by_ . U ” his preaching. 3. Among several other unreliable data upon Christians in Lyons during the third century, the epitaph of a “ libellicus” falls to be noted (ze. of an official in charge of the “ libelli” during the reign of Decius? Hirschfeld, p. 397), as well as a certain bishop Helius of Lyons “tempore paganorum” (Gregor. Tours, Gloria Confess. 61). It is certain that during the age of Cyprian (ep. Ixvi. 1) Faus- tinus was bishop of Lyons, and that the synod of Arles (316 A.D.) was attended by a bishop from Lyons called Voccius (Vocius 4). Ireneus relates that he had to preach in Celtic,’ that there were churches é KéArow (I. x. 2), and that there were Christians among the Celts, who possessed the orthodox faith “without ink or paper.”’ The statement that his emissaries reached Valentia and Vesontio is perhaps trustworthy (see Hirschfeld, pp. 393 f.), but we must certainly form modest ideas of the results of the Celtic mission during the third 1 Contr. haer. pref., oi« emytyces tap yuav trav ev KédXrows dvatpiBovtrwy Kat rept BapBapov duadexrov TO weiorov aoxyoAoupevwv dywv TEXVYV. 2 III. iv. 1: “ Cui ordinationi assentiunt multae gentes barbarorum [primarily Celts and Germans are in the writer's mind] eorum qui in Christum credunt, sive charta vel atramento scriptam habentes per spiritum in cordibus suis salutem et veterem traditionem dili- genter custodientes,’ etc. (“In agreement with which are many barbarian nations, who believe in Christ, having salvation written by the Spirit in their hearts, and not with ink or pen, who preserve, however, the ancient tradition with care’’). Small store is to be SURISTIANITY DOWN TO 325~A.D. 403 century. What may be read in the Historia Fran- corum (ix. 3) as to the Western district, where the origins of Christianity do not fall earlier than the fourth century, holds true of many other parts of the country. But it is otherwise with the larger towns.' ‘These, however, owing to the _ peculiar constitution of the country, were not numerous, and only developed by degrees. As against Duchesne, I am unable to understand Eus., H.E., v. 23 (ep. above, pp. 76 f., 86 f.), except as meaning that when the Paschal controversy was raging, about the year 190, there were several bishoprics in Gaul (rev cara Paddiav TAPOLKLO”, as Eipnvaios ETLT TOPEl, ‘* parishes in Gaul superintended by Ireneus,” cp. v. 24. 11), and that their occupants held a synod at that period under the presidency of Ireneus. For these bishops we must look in the first instance to provincia Nar- bonensis, and the sixty-eighth epistle of Cyprian proves that about the year 255 a.p., at least, there was a bishopric at Arles. Rightly read, however, this epistle further teaches us that there was an episcopal synod held not only in the province of Narbonensis but also in that of Lyons, while c. 190 A.D. they still seem to have formed a single synod. Hence it follows that several Gallic bishoprics, whose set by the passage in Tertullian’s adv. Jud. vii. (‘* Galliarum diversae nationes Christo subditae ” =“ different nations of Gaul, subjugated to Christ”). More weight attaches to Hippolytus, Philos., x. 34. From the passages in Irenzeus one gets the impression that he must have spoken more Celtic than Greek. ! T leave aside the legends—e.g., that of seven bishops being sent from Rome to Gaul during the days of Pope Xystus II., with the consequent founding of the churches of Tours, Arles, Narbonne, Toulouse, Paris, Clermont, and Limoges. 404 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY origin Duchesne would relegate to the second half of the third century, arose as early as the first half of that century, in fact even by the end of the second century. Ad priori, it is probable that at one time Lyons had the sole episcopal see in the provincia Lugdunensis and Belgica, although this cannot have lasted for very long. It is utterly improbable, however, that Lyons was always the bishopric for the provincia Narbonensis. Special notices of the Gallic bishoprics are first furnished by the lists of the synods of Rome (313) and Arles (316), as well as by a couple of martyrdoms. The following are indubitable :-— In Narbon.—Vienna (cp. the epistle, JZart., Arles). Arles (Marcian, the bishop in the days of Cyprian, was an adherent of Novatian; bishop Marinus attended the synod of Rome, cp. Eus., H.H., x. 5. 19; at the synod of Arles there were forty-three churches represented, from most of the Western provinces). Marseilles (Arles). Vaison (Arles). Nizza [Portus Nicanus] (Arles). Orange (Arles). Apt i eurles). Toulouse (Mart., also trustworthy inferences from later periods). | In Lugdun.—Lyons (cp. the epistle, Iren., Faus- tinus, who was bishop in the days of Cyprian, Arles). Autun (Eus., H.E., x. 5. 19; bishop Reticius at Rome, 313). Rouen (Arles). Dié (council of Nicza, 325). CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 405 Paris (Mart. ; also trustworthy inferences from later periods). Sens (Mart. ; also trustworthy inferences from later periods). In Aquitania.— Bordeaux (Arles). Eauze (Arles). Mendé (Arles). Bourges (Arles). In Belg.—Treves (Arles). Rheims (Arles). The investigations of Duchesne render it probable that there were Christians, but scarcely bishoprics,' during the pre-Constantine period in Angers, Aux- erre, Beauvais, Chalons, Chartres, Clermont, Digne, Embrun, Grenoble, Langres, Limoges, Metz, Nantes, Narbonne, Noyon, Orleans, Senlis, Soissons, Toul, Troyes, Verdun, and Viviers. Previous to Constans, Tours had no church (Greg., Hust. Mranc., x. 31). Were there martyrs in Amiens or Agen ? Eusebius declares that Constantine Chlorus did not destroy the church buildings in Gaul (AZ.E., viii. 13. ' At the same time, if even a small town like Dié had a bishop in 325 (who may have been a personal friend of Constantine—for this is the only unforced explanation of the fact that he was the sole bishop from Gaul at the Nicene council), then we must assume that the episcopate was much more widely spread through- out Gaul than we are able to show in detail. By the days of Hilary of Poitiers (359 a.p.) the episcopal organization of the country had made great strides, but there is certainly plenty of time between 312 and 359 for the addition of many bishoprics, Important towns may have had Christian communities, without any bishops, for a long period of time, but one can scarcely appeal with much confidence in favour of this conjecture to the declara- tion made by bishop Proculus of Marseilles to the synod of Turin (in 401 a p.). In order to justify his claim to metropolitan rights 406 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY 13), so that there must have been buildings of this kind. Lactantius, however (de mort. xv.), relates that he “allowed the churches, 7.e. mere walls which could be restored, to be demolished ” (** Conventicula, i.e. parietes, qui restitui poterant, dirui passus est ”). By the opening of the fourth century the church must have come to play a réle of its own in the towns of Southern Gaul. This is suggested by one consideration of a psychological nature. | Would Constantine, it may be asked, have deciared himself in favour of the church, if he had had always to live alongside an infinitesimally small Christendom during the years which he spent in Gaul’ immediately previous to his great change of front? I doubt it. The Oriental reminiscences of the church’s early size are insufficient. But, in any case, one must not immediately argue from its importance to its size, nor must one forget the necessity of carefully dis- tinguishing between the various towns (occasionally in process of transition from military encampments to actual towns’) and districts, especially between those of the north and of the south. Certainly in over Narb. II., he speaks of “‘easdem ecclesias vel suas parochias fuisse vel episcopos a se in iisdem ecclesiis ordinatos.’”’ We do not know where these parishes (“parochie’’) are to be sought; but they may have been small towns in the immediate vicinity of Marseilles. 1 In earlier days a typically Gallic Christianity, such as that of Northern Africa, can hardly be said to have existed. Irenzeus is a Christian of Asia Minor, not of Latin Gaul, nor did the Gallic church, as a Latin church, produce any prominent figure till Hilary of Poitiers. Gallic rhetoric then made its way into the church, which it stamped with an impress of its own. 2 On the cantonal divisions of Gaul, see Mommsen, op. cit., pp. 81 f (Eng. trans., i. p. 90 f.). CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 407 Belgica the church was still in a very humble way about 300 a.p., as is plain from its most important town, ‘Treves, whose bishopric (first occupied by Eucharius and Valerius) was not founded till the second half of the third century. ‘Even by the opening of the fourth century, the number of members in this church was small. One little building sufficed for their worship down to 336 a.p., nor were steps taken towards the erection of a new edifice till Athanasius stayed there, during his banishment ” (Athan., Apol. ad Constant. 15; cp. Hauck’s KG. Deutschlands,1. p. 28). Treves does not seem to have got its second church till the beginning of the fifth century. During all the fourth century the town remained substantially pagan, and what was true of Treves was practically true of Gaul itself, apart from the south-west and the districts of the Rhone, to judge from the evidence furnished by the fourth and fifth centuries. A Christianizing movement upon a larger scale began during the second half of the fourth century, but it did not produce any far- reaching effects, nor was it till after the middle of the fifth century that Gaul, 2.c. its Roman _ population, became substantially Christian. Nay, about 400 a.p, the world of Gallic culture was still pagan first and foremost. All our witnesses for the period place this beyond dispute.t| The religion of the country no longer presented any serious obstacle to the church ; but the Celtic element was overcome by Latin Christianity rather than by the German immigration (Mommsen, p. 92; Eng. trans., 1. p. 103 f.). 1 For the overthrow of paganism in Gaul, see Schultze, op. cit., ii. pp. 101 f. 408 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY The church-history of Germany begins with the well-known statement of Irenzus, i. 10 (ote af ev Tepuavias id pumevae exkAnolat GA\Aws TeTieTevKacW 4 GAAwS mapadwoarw): ‘Nor were the faith and tradition of the churches planted in Germany at all different.” Ireneus obviously refers to stable, z.c. episcopal churches, for only such churches could hand down any traditions ; so that it is certain that in the largest Roman towns of Germany (of which Cologne and Mainz occur immediately to our minds), there were Christian communities and bishops as early as the year 185 a.p. Unluckily all other evidence fails us at this point, nor are the episcopal lists of any value in this connection. All we know is that the bishop of Cologne was at Rome (in 313 a.p.; ep. Kus., x. 5. 19) and at Arles’ (316. .p.).\,. Yetohom small must the church have been, if even by 355 a.p. it had no more than one “little conventicle” (‘* con- venticulum,” Amm. Marc., xv. 5. 31).? This of itself ! Maternus, bishop of Cologne, must have been Constantine’s special confidential adviser, for it was he who, together with the bishops of Rome, Arles, and Autun, was entrusted with the pre- liminary investigation into the Donatist question. But the bishop's personal importance is not decisive for the size of his episcopate. From Theodos., Cod., xvi. 8. 3, we find that there was a synagogue also at Cologne in the reign of Constantine. ? Even the notices of martyrs in Germany (at Cologne and Treves) are quite uncertain, if not absolutely untrustworthy. Hauck (op. cit., p. 25) considers that only the account of Clematius at Cologne can be termed even “fairly authentic.” It describes (fourth century or fifth) the spot ‘where the holy virgins shed their blood for the name of Christ (‘‘ubi sanctae virgines pro nomine Christi sanguinem suum fuderunt”). It also mentions an old basilica, or memorial chapel, perhaps built in honour of these virgins during the reign of Constantine, CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 409 is enough to show that Christianity was an extremely weak plant throughout all Germany. -In Lower Germany, Tongern may still be claimed perhaps as a pre-Constantine bishopric; at any rate, not long after Constantine, the town had a bishop, Servatius, who is known from his connection with the Arian controversy. In Upper Germany there is no evidence of any bishopric or church before Constan- tine; but as it lay much nearer to Lyons than to Lower Germany, it is not necessary perhaps to restrict the range of Irenzus’s statement to the latter district (cp. the instance of Vesontio, already noted).' The earliest evidence for a church at Mainz occurs in 368 a.D., when the greater part of the inhabitants were already Christians (Amm. Marc., xxvu. 10). Jerome (ep. exxill. 16) explains how (‘ multa milia hominum ”) “many thousands of people” were slain zn the church, when the city was sacked by the Germans. This occurred, however, at the opening of the fifth century. As for Rheetia, we can trace Christian churches at Augsburg and Regensburg before Constantine; for the personality of St Afra the martyr is beyond doubt, and graves of martyrs have been discovered at Regensburg (cp. Hauck, p. 347). Beyond this, however, no sure footing is possible.’ ! Tertullian mentions Christians among the Germans (adv. Jud. vii.), but the rhetorical nature of the passage renders it untrust- worthy as a piece of evidence. 2 In the great enumeration of the ecclesiastical provinces given by Athanasius (Apol. c. Arian. i.), Germany is never mentioned, although even Britain is included. This is the less accidental, as Germany is also passed over in the similar enumeration of Vita Const., iii. 19, where both Gaul and Britain are named. So still in Optatus, de schism., ii, 1 and iii. 9. For Origen, see above, p. 160. 410 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY § 17. ENGLAND. At first Christianity could not gain any firm footing‘ in this province, which was really a military province and only veneered with Roman influence.’ Tertullian’s notice (in adv. Jud. vii.) is of no consequence, and still less weight attaches to the legend of a correspondence between the Roman bishop Eleutherus and an alleged king of Britain called Lucius* (Lib. Pontif., also Bede’s Hist. Angl., i. 4). Still it is quite possible that Christians had arrived in Britain and laboured there by the end of the second century. We may assume that the accounts given by Gildas and Bede of the martyrs Alban in Verulam (St Albans) and two others in Legionum Urbs (Czrleon)—during the Diocletian persecution—rest on some reliable tradition.* But the British church emerges into daylight first of all 1 Karly Christian inscriptions are totally lacking. 2 «The language and customs that penetrated thither from Italy remained an exotic growth in the island even more than upon the continent’ (Mommsen, op. cit., v. p. 176; Eng. trans., i. 193). 3 Lucius is Lucius Abgar of Edessa, and his British kingship is due to a confusion (see my study in the Stéz. d. Preuss. Akad. d., Wiss., 1904, pp. 909 f.).—Origen presupposes the presence of Christians in Britain (Hom. IV. in Ezek., tom. 14, p. 59). 4 The utter silence of our sources upon the church-history of Britain during the third century is perhaps intelligible. “ Hardly anything is told us about the fortunes of the island, from the third century’? (Mommsen, p. 172; Eng. trans., i. 189).—The martyrdom of Alban cannot be pronounced quite authentic, as the oldest sources declare that no martyrdoms occurred during the reign of Constantius Chlorus. Still, this statement does not pre- clude the occurrence of one or two. Even previous to Gildas (circa 430 a.p.), relics of the saint can be shown to have existed. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 411 through the fact of three bishops," from London, York, and Lincoln (though the name of this locality is uncertain), having attended the synod of Arles in 316 a.p. ‘Two of these bishops bear classical names, but the third is indigenous (Eborius). | If three bishops from Britain were present at Arles, we are justified in concluding that the number of British bishoprics was more numerous still. Only, we know nothing whatever on this point. All we do know is that Britain was rapidly Christianized in the course of the fourth century,” when the native population became practically Christian, while the tribes of Germany continued to remain almost entirely pagan. § 18. Arrica, Numrpra, MAuRETANIA, AND TRIPOLITANA.” The strip of coast lying between the sea and the mountain-range upon the southern coast of the western Mediterranean belongs to Europe, not to Africa. During the imperial age, the most import- 1 In accordance with the division of the country into shires, the Latin towns of Britain rose as gradually as those of Gaul. York was the headquarters of the army, while Camalodunum probably formed the civil capital. It is noticeable that no trace of a bishop can be found at the former town or at the trading centre of London, until a comparatively late period. ? It is perhaps worthy of notice that, when the synod of Rimini met, with an attendance of over four hundred bishops, three British bishops alone accepted the imperial provision for the upkeep of members (Sulpic. Sever., Chron., ii. 41: “ Inopia proprii publico usi sunt” = they availed themselves of the public fund, owing to lack of private means—which appeared unbecoming, “indecens,” to their fellow bishops). This implies that the churches were still poor. 3 See Leclereq, / Afrique chrétienne (Paris, 1904). 412 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY ant province in this part, ze. Africa proconsularis, was a second Italy. ‘The country reached its zenith of prosperity between the end of the second and the close of the third century. * During this period, when the Romanizing of the country cunde its greatest advances,’ the Christian church attained a growth within this wide and fruit- ful province which was only paralleled in Asia Minor. But previously to this, the church of Carthage, which is the earliest of the great Latin churches, must have been of importance, ere ever it emerges into the light of history. The early writings of Tertullian pre- suppose a large church in the capital as well as the extension of Christianity throughout Northern A frica.® But one thing surprises us, and it is this. Tertullian tells us next to nothing of the early history of the 1 Many natives even of the better classes still spoke Latin with reluctance in the second century; cp. Apuleius, Apol. Ixviii. (of a young man), “ Loquitur numquam nisi punice, et si quid adhuc amatre graecissat; enim Latine neque vult neque potest” (“ He never speaks anything but Punic or a smattering of Greek picked up from his mother; Latin he neither can nor will attempt’’). The language of educated people, with which the superimposed Latin of these North African provinces had to reckon, was Greek. The * suaviludii,’ or lovers of the play, at Carthage in Tertullian’s day (ep. de corona vi.), preferred to read Greek rather than Latin, and for their benefit Tertullian wrote his de spectaculis in Greek (see Zahn’s Gesch. des neutest. Kanons, i. p. 49). The Barbary vernac- ular had been long ago displaced from public usage by the Punie inhabitants. It waned still further under the Roman régime, though it still survived in the intercourse of foreign rulers. On the Latinizing of Africa by means of the settlement of Italian colonists in the country, see Mommsen’s Rém. Gesch., v. p. 647 (Eng. trans., ii. 332 f.). 2 Particular account must be taken of ad Scap. ii. v.: “Tanta hominum multitudo, pars paene maior civitatis cuiusque” (“Such are our numbers, amounting almost to a majority of the citizens CHRISTIANITY DOWN 'TO’S25 A.D: 418 Carthaginian church, and as little of the other churches in Africa—even of their contemporary history indeed. For Tertullian remained the citizen of a great city, even when he became a Christian. The country was no concern of his; and, besides, he lived wholly in the present and the future. Nothing is known to us of the primitive Greek period of the African church. We learn, however, that Perpetua conversed in Greek with bishop Optatus and the presbyter Aspasius, while Tertullian also wrote in Greek as weil as in Latin. The Greek versions of the primitive Acts of the African martyrs may be almost as old as the Acts themselves,' and it is with martyrdoms, primarily in the year 180, that the church-history of Northern Africa commences. At that period Namphano of Madaura and several in every city”): “Tanta milia hominum, tot viri ac feminae omnis sexus, omnis aetatis, omnis dignitatis” (“So many thousands of people, so many men and women, people of both sexes, of every age, of every rank’’): “ Quid ipsa Carthago passura est, decimanda ate” (“What will Carthage herself suffer, if you must decimate her?’’): “ Parce Carthagini, si non tibi, parce provinciae, quae visa intentione tua obnoxia facta est concussionibus’’ (“ Have mercy on Carthage, if not on yourself; have mercy on the province which, by the disclosure of your purpose, has been rendered liable to acts of extortion’’). Similar remarks occur even in his earlier (circa 197 A.D.) Apology ; ep chaps. ii. and xxxvii.Unfortunately, we have not the slightest information upon the relations subsisting between primitive African Christianity and the innumerable synagogues of the country. 1 From its very foundation, a special tie must have continued to exist between the African church and that of Rome (Tertull., de praescr. xxxvi.: “ Roma unde nobis quoque auctoritas praesto est” = Rome, whence we too derive this our authority), but we know no details of this, and it does not necessarily follow that Roman Christians brought the gospel to Africa. The relations of the church with Jerusalem, which Augustine affirms, are abstract. 414 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY Christians from Sciltum (a town which must have been situated in proconsular Numidia) were all put to death.t We have thus evidence for Christians in Numidia as early as for Christians in Carthage. “The works of Tertullian prove the existence of Christian churches in four towns of Africa, and only four, viz., Hadrumetum, Thysdrus, Lambzesa, and Uthina. All of these were places of importance, Lambeesa in Numidia being the chief military depot in Africa.” As Hadrumetum and Thysdrus lay in Byzacium (ad Scap. iii.-iv.), the latter province must also have contained Christians by this time. And even in Mauretania they were to be found, for Tertullian (op. cit. 1v.) mentions a bloody persecution of the local Christians by the governor of Mauretania. We have his testimony, therefore, to the existence of Christians in Numidia,? Byzacium, and Mauretania.‘ 1 From the Vita Cypriani per Pontium (i., cp. xix.) it follows that no cleric was martyred at all in Africa, previous to Cyprian, i.e. to 258 a.p. This is extremely remarkable. The clergy knew how to live on good terms with the authorities, as is plain from the bitter complaints about the “deer-footed”’ clergy and their method of evading a threatening persecution by means of bribery (Tert., de fuga in persecut.). Tertullian’s treatise ad Martyres shows that up till the date of its composition there had been very few martyrs in Africa. He refers not to early Christian martyrs, but to Lucretia, Regulus, ete. ” Lambesa is meant in ad Scap. iv. (“ Nam et nunc a praeside Legionis vexatur hoc nomen” = for even at present our Name is being harried by the governor of Legio). * Cp. also the story of Vespronius Candidus in ad Scap. iv ; he was “legatus Augusti pro praetore” in Numidia (CJL, vol. viii. n. 8782). * The existence of quite a number of bishops in Africa as early as 200 a.p. is proved by the passage in de ‘fuga xi., which speaks of bishops who had fled during the persecution. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 415 We have no information upon the strength of the Punic element in the church about the year 200 or during the course of the third century. ‘Tertullian and Cyprian tell us practically nothing about it, and we might suppose it did not exist at all. But in the fourth century (cp. especially the writings of Augus- tine) its strength is patent; both bishops and _ parish priests had to know Punic in those days. We can quite imagine how the Punic population inclined less rapidly to Christianity than the Greco- Latin incomers, and how it remained decidedly retrograde even in the third century, during which period the names of the African bishops are almost entirely Latin. Yet from the very outset the Punic element was never quite absent. Punic names occur, ¢.g., among the martyrs, and in fact the first African martyr, Namphano, was of Punic birth. On the other hand, no Punic version of the Bible, so far as we know, was ever essayed— implying that the Christianizing of the Punic popula- tion meant at the same time their Romanizing.* The Latin Bible originated in Africa probably at an earlier period than in Rome, and Africa formed the motherland of Latin Christian literature. In this sense the country possesses a significance for the history of the world. The strong military element in the vocabulary of the African church is also one feature which deserves close attention. It can be verified as early as Tertullian, who was a soldier’s son. But it is far more 1 On the Punic element in the African church, see Zahn’s Gesch. des Neutest. Kanons, i. pp. 40 f. For the benefit of Christians who knew nothing but Punic, the Bible was translated during worship, and there was also preaching in Punic. 416 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY surprising to find how prominent it is in the religious dialect of Cyprian, which became authoritative after- wards. Was this element accidental, we may ask? or are we to suppose that relations were established at an early date between Christianity and the military camps in Africa? The very juristic element is not simply to be referred to Tertullian’s influence; for it is clear that the ecclesiastical dialect which grew up in Africa was the work of immigrant officials and soldiers, in so far as it was not vernacular. Between 211 and 249 (Cyprian) we-can discover that a large increase in Christianity took place at Carthage and throughout all the African provinces. Then it was that “so many thousands of heretics ” (‘tot milia hereticorum,” Cypr., epist. lxxil. 3) were brought over to the church. Even at the synod of Carthage held under Agrippinus (not later than 218-222 a.p.) to discuss the validity of heretical baptism, there were seventy African and Numidian’ bishops present,” while ninety bishops attended® a synod at Lambesa,* presided over by Cyprian’s 1 T do not enter into the question of the political and ecclesiastical divisions of Africa, for which one must refer to the investigations of Mommsen and Schwarze (Unters. tiber die Gussere Entwickelung der A frikanischer Kirche, 1892). There were synods for the separate pro- vinces (though we do not know when these originated), and a general synod. The position of Carthage is quite plain from Cypr., ep. xlviii. 3: “Quoniam latius fusa est nostra provincia, habet etiam Numidiam et Mauretaniam sibi cohaerentes” = Since our province has extended more widely, it has also Numidia and Mauretania within its sweep). 2 Augustine, de unico bapt. c. Petil. xiii. (xxii.); ep. Cypr., ep. xxi. 3 It is not certain whether they were entirely Numidian. 4 The passage may be read, however, in such a way as to leave the place of meeting an open question. In that case there were deliberations conducted also at Carthage. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. 417 (ep. lix. 10) predecessor Donatus (“ante multos fere annos,” says Cyprian, 2.e. certainly not later than 240 a.p.). Unfortunately we do not possess any lists of these two synods; but, when one bears in mind the well-known fact that only a certain proportion of bishops attended synods as a rule, the above numbers enable us to infer that a remarkable expansion of the church had occurred by the middle of the third century, although one must never forget that the organization of the church in Northern Africa evidently demanded a bishopric even when there were but a few Christians, 7.c. in every township. In Africa the episcopal organization was still more thoroughly worked out than in Asia Minor or Lower Italy. Of detached presbyters and deacons we hear not a syllable; even from Cyprian’s ep. lxii. 5 it is not necessary to infer that such functionaries were in existence.’ 1 The episcopal organization in Africa was one result of the municipal organization of Northern Africa which was derived from the Pheenicians. “When the Roman rule began in Africa, the C. territory then consisted in the main of urban communities, for the most part small in size, of which there were counted three hundred, each administered by its suffetes; in this matter the republic did not introduce any change”’ (Mommsen, Rém. Gesch., v. p. 644; Eng. trans., ii. 329; on the transformation of this organization in Italian towns, see pp. 640 f.; Eng. trans., ii. pp. 332 f.). Among other reasons why the church failed to root itself among the Berbers, we may, perhaps, include this, that these tribes held chiefly to the hills and steppes and lacked any municipal arrangements ; they simply formed unions of natives, directly con- trolled by the suzerainty of the provincial governors. Such conditions rendered any Christianizing process almost out of the question. It was only in certain Celtic provinces, such as Ireland, that the church surmounted this obstacle, and not until she had acquired in monas- ticism a fresh and more opportune instrument for her propaganda. VoL. Il. 27 418 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY From the writings and correspondence of Cyprian we can see quite clearly the size of the Carthaginian church and the graduated order of the local clergy,’ as well as the diffusion of Christianity throughout the provinces. His treatise de lapsis shows that during the previous thirty years the new religion had become naturalized and secularized in the capital as a “ religio licita,” spreading through all ranks and classes. The victims of the Decian persecution, 7.e. those who succumbed by renouncing their faith, must have counted by the thousand. But above all, the per- sonality of Cyprian himself shows the importance which already attached to a bishop of Carthage. Read his letters and his martyrdom, and you get the impression that: here was a man who enjoyed the repute, and wielded the authority, of a provincial governor (‘“ praeses provinciae”). He is certainly not a whit inferior to Paul of Samosata (see above, pp. 190, 281 f.). We can readily credit his statement (ep. Ixvi. 5: “novus credentium populus” =a new host of believers) that numerous pagans were won over to Christianity under his episcopal rule. But unfortunately we are ignorant of the circum- stances which operated in order to render Christianity in Africa so effective. And such circumstances there must have been. Cyprian’s personality, eminent as he was, constituted but a single factor in the Chris- tianizing process.” 1 Though not to the same extent as in Rome. It held true, even within the Christian church, that “ Rome must take precedence of Carthage, in virtue of her size” (“pro magnitudine sua debet Carthaginem Roma praecedere,”’ ep. lii. 3). 2 Still the central position in Christendom held by Carthage about the middle of the third century is entirely due to Cyprian, CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 3825 A.D. 419 For statistical purposes Cyprian’s writings are of little service. According to ep. lxu. 5, he forwarded, along with his letter to some Numidian churches which had been laid waste by brigands, a list of all those members of the Carthaginian church who had contributed the large sum of a hundred thousand sesterces as ransom money [see above, vol. i., pp. 194, 205, 231 f.], but unluckily this list has not been engrossed along with the letter, so that we do not possess it.' According to ep. lix. 9, he furnished Cornelius of Rome with a list of all the African bishops who had kept aloof from the Novatian schism. But this list also has been lost. No item can be learned from the notices of the African synods which were held before the great synod upon heretical baptism. It is not instructive to be told that an who corresponded with bishops in Rome, Spain, Gaul, and Cappa- docia, and took pains to bring his letters upon the question of apostates “to the notice of all the churches and all the brethren ”’ (“in notitiam ecclesiis omnibus et universis fratribus,” ep. lv. 5). He governed the churches of Northern Africa from the Syrtes to Mauretania. 1 Uhlhorn (die christ. Liebestitigkeit in der alten Kirche, p. 153; Eng. trans., p. 158) writes thus: “The Carthaginian church cannot as yet [7.e. in the days of Cyprian] have been large. Cyprian remarks in passing that he knew every member of it—which proves that at most it amounted to three or four thousand souls.” Uhlhorn has ep. xli. 4 in view, but we cannot possibly infer from this passage that Cyprian knew all the members of the church. In my opinion, three or four thousand is too low an estimate. The passages upon the persecution, as well as others (including those upon the heretics), give one the impression that Uhlhorn’s estimate is put too low, even were one to regard it as equivalent to the number of independent males, in which case it would need to be trebled or quadrupled. Still, Uhlhorn is right in pointing out that, to judge from the letters of Cyprian, the Carthaginian church cannot have numbered its members by tens of thousands, 420 EXPANSION OF CHRISTIANITY bb) “ample number of bishops ” (‘‘ copiosus episcoporum numerus”’), 2.¢. 42, 66, 37, 31 (from the proconsular province ; 18 Numidian bishops are enumerated), and 71 attended these gatherings. On the other hand, great importance attaches to the protocol which we possess in Cyprian’s works upon the synod of 256 or 257 a.p. (on the subject of heretical baptism). Here the votes of 87 bishops are verbally reported, and the sites of their bishoprics are given. At a single stroke we are thus informed of a large number of bishoprics which were in existence previous to 256-257. No doubt, a not inconsiderable proportion of these have not yet been identified, despite the remarkable advances made by investigators of Africa under the Romans. Still the majority can be identi- fied, with the aid of the later councils, the Corpus Inscript. Lat. (vol. viii.),and the investigations of Tissot and others (see below). Buishoprics already existed in all parts of Northern Africa (four, e.g., in Tripolitana), the greater number being in the northern proconsular province, and fewest, as one might expect, in Maure- tania," while Numidia reveals quite a considerable number.” We are justified also in assuming that this great African council was attended by the majority 1 See the Acts of the martyred Typasius Veteranus (Anal. Boll., 1890, p. 116), which belong to Cicaba Mauret., and open with these words: “In temporibus Diocletiani et Maximiani imperatorum parva adhue christianitatis religio fuit” (“In the days of the emperors Diocletian and Maximian, the Christian religion was still a small thing”’). 2 Numidia proconsularis and Numidia itself, when put together, seem to have embraced hardly fewer bishoprics than Africa pro- consularis (z.e. Zeugit. and Byzacium together). As we should expect a priori, the majority of the bishoprics which have been identified lie on the main routes. CHRISTIANITY DOWN TO 325 A.D. = 421 of the bishops in these provinces who were favour- able to Cyprian, unless special circumstances prevented them from putting in an appearance. Those favourable to heretical baptism naturally absented themselves, and we do not know how strong they were.' But they were certainly not in the majority. As for the total number of African bishops in the days of Cyprian, we can hardly put that, I should think, above a hundred and fifty.’ It is unfortunate that the Christian inscriptions of Africa, which in many respects are so unique and valuable, afford an extremely small amount of reliable material for the pre-Constantine age. As a rule they are almost entirely undated, and consequently almost entirely useless for our present purpose. The numerous inscriptions of the martyrs were almost without exception the work of a later age, and in general they testify, not that a martyr suffered in such and such a place, but that he was reverenced there, or that his relics had been brought thither. To work through the material furnished by the Christian inscriptions of Africa, therefore, yields little or nothing for the third century, although the results are so important for the fourth and fifth and sixth. As for the African Acts and accounts of the martyrs, they present a hard problem. a xil. Xvi. XViii. abe. 3.0 l5 Xxili. XXiv. XXV. XXVii. XXVIiil. END EX ES PASSAGES FROM THE NEW TESTAMENT MatTrHew 9 i. 43 LS £. i. 40, 44 7,44f. i. 182 ee i. 183 ey i. 160 11 i. 43, 46 hat i. 40 i. 41, 106, 242, 5 6 £, | 368, 435; ii. 23 ( 170 32 li. 3 34-37 i, 489 42 i. 183, 4345 ii. 2 13 i. 416, 434 25 rey eAifee! 21 i. 44 98 i. 159 48 ii. 10 18 ies Ve ried 4 28 i. 41, 46, 399 21 li. 58 28 f. i. 41 f. 6 f. eee lire 8 i. 434; ii. 1, 10 15 ee 9 ii. 158 f. 14 ew hf 35 f. i. 147, 180, 233 19 li. 232 19 f. i. 44 f.3 ii, 172 469 Mark i. 32, 34,) . 39 \ 1. 159 ii. 9 oes Uy Len ili. 14 i. 399 f. 15 i. 159 vi.-13 tO var 27 i. 41 ix. 38 i. 160 Si. 1 i. 43 xii. 16 i. 42 28.34 i. 17, 18 xiii. 9 i. 41 10 1. 42 xiv. 9 i. 42 Xvi. 9 i. 160 17 i. 160 LuKE hao! ii. 37 = ji 45, 65, 84, ; i; . 116; 326 £ iii. 14 ii. 205 iv. 23 i. 123 26,27 i. 46 34,41 i. 159 5 eal a i i. 46 xii. 4 li, 29 xiii. 28,29 i. 46 xvi. 9 lig 22 INDEX OF PASSAGES 470 LuKke—contlinued xxi. 24 i. 46 xxii. 30 i. 46 xxiv. 47 i. 45, 46 Joun i, 29 1. 47 lii. 29 ii. 30 Ven lete i. 306 f. 22 1. 47 vii. 48,49 i. 53 x. 16 i. 47, 83 £., 306 xii. 20 is ATCA. XV.8=15 ws 29 f. Acts i i. 46 Oats 1. 405 li, 18 i. 434 vi. If. i. 54 f., 402 Vine, IL ie LD pds 25 li. 259 26 f. i. 58 ix. 19 f. i. 59 31 £0! Fi, 50; Ht xi. 26 iG, O4— am 15 f. eA a 122i SN ar xis ii. 11 MVE i. 50 xiii. 1 i. 59, 65 jin i. 108, 419, 421 f. xiv. 23 rie geil XV. i. 68, 88 f., 97 4 rie ep | 23 ii. 97 sak, WU li. 372 XVii. 19109 £7475 f. 18 i. 110 28 rh 1h (2 xviii. 2 i. 6 26 ii. 222 xix, 13 i. 163 Rx, 26 li. 5 xxi. 10 f. 1. 421 16 ii. 2 os i. 513 ii, 172 f, 247 xxii. 4 f, i. 413 xxiv. 5 rey XXVii. 3 li, 2A XXVili. 13 f. li. 391 Ol) i. 4105 ii. 9 RoMANS i. 8 li, 382 ii. 8 1. 134 19 1 Le viii. 29 ii. 31 DX. — Ke i. 305 xi. 25 f. rhe ants ijt Games, the heathen, i. 376 f.; it, S51 f. Gnosticism (see also Syncretism), i, 30, 112 f, 141 f£., 290 f,, 296 f., 308, 353; ii, 229 f,, 371. Gospel, individual and social, i. 184 f,; ii, 48 f. Guardian spirits, belief in, i. 167; il. 40, 44, etc, Healing, Christianity as the Gospel of, i. 121 f. Heathen, missions to, i. 54 f,, 108 f.; ii. 170 f. Hellenism, influence of, i. 19 f., v4 f, 112 f£., 454; ii, 129 f, 136 f., 302, 326 f. 341 f, 349 f., 447 £, 463. | Hellenists, in Jerusalem, i. 55 f. Heresy and heretics, i. 312 f,; ii, 62 f., 293, 443 f. GENERAL INDEX Hermas, i. 117 f., 197 f., 425- 429, 445 £., 468; ii. 381, 383, 391. Heroes, spiritual, i. 272, 450; ii, 8, 54. Hippolytus, i. 162, 203, 311, 313, 331; ii. 116, 157, 176, 239, 290, 347 f. Holiness, development of the idea of, i. 265 f.; ii. 8, 9. Hospitality, i. 219 f. Hypsistarii, i. 3; ii. 327, 341. Idolatry, attacks on, i. 98 f., 367. Ignatius, i. 236 f., 289, 406 f.; ii, 52, 89, 98 £, 223 f, 236, 383. Imitation of Christ, i. 107. Immorality, crusade against, i. 151; ii. 441 f. Impostors, Christian, i. 443, 480 f. Inscriptions, i. (p. ix.), 3, 208, 4123 ii. 39, 41 £., 185, 192 f., 196 f., 243, 275, 336, 358, 362 £, 370, 378, 421, 434. Israel, the true, i. 301 f. Ireneus, i. 82 (on Old Testa- ment), 165 f. (on demons), 255, 256 (on charismatic gifts) ; ii. 75 £., 174 f£., 308, 400, 402 ff. Itinerants, i. 66 f., 428 f., 436 f., 453, 462 f. James, the Lord’s brother, i. 50, 51. Jesus, relavives of, ii. 243, 247, 2st Jesus Christ and the universal mission, i. 40 f. Jesus Christ, his preaching, i. ESI) fi: Jewish Christians, i. 68 f., 72 f. Jews, attitude of, i. 66 f. Jews, mission to the, i. 50 f., 106 f. Jews, persecutions by, i. 3, 66; | ii. 193. 475 Jews at Rome, i. 5 f. 336 f.; ii. 192 f. John’s Gospel, i. 46 f., 83 f., 298, 306 f, 317, 479; ii. 137. Judaism, a universal religion, i. 11 f., 392. Judaism and public opinion, i. 336 f. Judaism, its numbers, i. 10 f.; ii. 174, ete. Judaism and its propaganda, i. 14 f. Judaism and the State, i. 2 f., 323 f. Julian, i. 351; ii. 5, 451, ete. Justin, i. 77-80 (on Jews), 108 f., 164 f. (on demons), 189, 264 (on Christian morals), 284, 291 (on angels), 292, 311, 319, 327 (on Christian loyalty), 355, 356, and 489 (his conversion), 448, 449, 463 f. (a traveller), 490; ii. 173 (on spread of Chris- tianity), 383 (his trial). Labour, emphasis on duty of, Lj215, .f. Latin Christianity, ii. 462-464. Letters, function of Christian, see under Catholic epistles. Literature, circulation of, i. 462 f. Love, Christian, i. 213 f., 239 f. ; ii. 9, 49. Lucian,’ i. 134,235 £5 1 128, ete. Luther, i. 15. Luxury, i. 198, 380. Lydia, ii. 221. Magic, i. 292 f.; ii, 139. + Marcion, i. 64, 81, 299; ii. 383, AAS f. | Manicheans, i. 393 f.; ii. 296 f., 4A5, Marriages, mixed, 235 f, il. ay Gg ck 476 GENERAL INDEX Martyrs, i. 264 f., 368 f., 458 £; | Pagan elements in Christianity, ii, 120 f£., 178, 205, 310 f, | i. 291 f, 395; ii. 327 f, $41, 343 f., 351 £., 408, 413 f. 349 f., 417 £, 437 £, 441 f. MaOyrai, ii. 1 f. “Pagan,” origin of term, 1. Medicinal metaphors, i. 131 f. SVE 2a Melito, i. 328 f., 465; ii, 151. Paul, i. 53 f., 69 'f., 185);4020ns Methods of Christian propa- ii. 39°f., 187, ete. ganda, i. 102 f., 473 f.; ii. | Pentecost, ii. 160. 46 f. Persecutions, i. 178, 201 f, Metropolitans, ii. 64 f., 389, ete. 229 f., 323 f.; ii. 112, 400 f. Military class, the, i. 385 f.; ii. | Peter, i 57, 70 f.; ii 39 f, 204 f., 448 f. ete. Military metaphors, i. 317 f.; | Philosophers, Christian, i. 447 ii. 20 f., 415. f.; ii, 188. Miracles, i. 257; ii. 70. Philosophers, pagan, see Celsus Missionaries, the Christian, 1, and Porphyry. 398 f. Philosophie schools, i. 447 i Missionary preaching, i. 15, i 457 f. 104 f.; ii. 145 f. Philosophy, Christian view of, Mithraism, i. 321, 461 ; ii. 447 f. i. 458, 480 f. Monasticism, ii. 229, 316, 417. Philosophy, Judaism a, i. 14. Monotheism, i. 36 f., 282 f., 375. | Ilurrod, see under Believers. Morality, i. 260 f., 316, 488 f.; | Plagiarisms, i. 318 f. ii, 54. Pliny, i. 266 f. ; ii. 116 £, 0725) Mysteries, the Christian, i. 286 f., 331. 485 f. Polemic, anti-Christian, i. 338 f. ; Mysteries, pagan, i. 35, 486. ii, 97 f. Political standpoint of Christians, i. 303 £., 323 f. Polytheism, i. 26 f., 170, 364 f. Poor, care of the, i. 190 f. Porphyry, i. 126, 350 f., 396, ASA; ii, 129-4, 120it Presbyters, i. 242, 246, 450 f.; ii, 61 f., 65 f., 343. Priesthood, i. 394. Prisoners, care for, i. 203 f. Names of Christians, ii. 35 f., 263. Narcissiani, ii. 196. “‘Nazarenes,’ i. 53; ii. 5. Neoplatonism, i. 393 f.; ii. 136 f. Nero, ii. 116, 163. Number of Christians (see also under various provinces), ii. geo ht. Prophets, Christian, i. 142, 415. Prophets, Jewish, i. 142, 415. Oathis, i:°372;°385°f. Prophets, women, i. 166, 443; Offices, civil, i. 384 f.; ii 187 f, | i. 228 £, 340. 201 f., 282 f., 374. Proselytes, i. 12 f., 54, 58 f., Officials, support of Christian, 488. i. 195 f.; ii. 386, 411. Ordination, ii. 67 f. .| Quakers, the, ii. 34. ‘‘ Orientalism,” i. 30 f. Origen, i. 178 f., 453 f., 492; | Race, Christianity the third i, 140-f., 277 f,, ete. human, i. 300 f. GENERAL INDEX Raising M55: f. Rationalism, early Christian, i. 284 Reactions against Christianity, Jewish, i. 57 f., 64 f., 409 f. Reactions, pagan, i. 29; at. Recompense, idea of, i. 116 f. Resurrection of Christ, i. 115 f. Riches, i. 117 f., 183 f. Roman Christianity, prestige of, i. 230 f., 466 f, 470 f.; ii. 379 f., 445, 453, 458, 459. the dead, i. 166, ins —*‘ Sacrament,” ii. 22. _.Sacraments, attractiveness of, i. 286 f. ‘Saints, : i. 7 f, “Sect,” ii. 13. Sick, visiting the, i. 150, 163. Simon Magus, adherents of, ii. 162-165, 256. Sins, forgiveness of, i. 268 f. Slaves, Christian, i. 207 f. (ep. p. 24). Speculation, early Christian, i. pet. Spirit, activities of the Holy, i. 254 f. Sate, the, i. Sit f. Statistics of Judaism, i. 8 f. Statistics of Christianity, ii. 60 f., 321 f., 387, 419 f,, 452 Stephen, i. 52 f., 55 f. «‘ Strangers and pilgrims, f.; ii. 13, 55. Supper, the Lord’s, i. 286 f. ; ii. Dos Symbolism, i. 29 f., 289 f. Synagogue, Jewish, LOU Eas; th ie LES, 192. - Synagogue,’ tit, ULE Synods, church, ii. 59 f., 328 f. 322 £., 342 f., Syncretism, i. 37 f., 296 f., 391 f. ; ii. 327 f., 467. Suwrnp, i. 124, 129 f. 5 315 | 477 Tacitus’ 1.5 fF inots & Tatian, i. 168, 262, 307, 355 f,, 370 f., 448; ii. 293 f., 446. Teacher, Christ the, ii. 1 f. Teachers, Christian, i. 320 f., 416 f., 419 f., 444 f.; ii, 357 f. Tertullian, i. 38, 114, 139, 151, 153 f. (on demons), 189, 199, 202, 205 ff., 216 f., 259, 261, 275, 276 (on inquiry), 292, 307, 322-324 (on the State), 329, 340 f. (defending Christians), 354, 361 (on Old Testament), 365 ff. (on poly- theism), 372 f., 442, 455 f, 458,479 f., 485 f. (on baptism), 490; ii. 17, 21 f. (military language), 37, 117, 118, 121 f,, 153 f. (on expansion of Christi- anity), 187, 207 f. (on soldiers), 225 f. (on women), 230 f., 329, 409, 412 f., 450 (on Mithra). Testament, the Old, i. 77 f., 353 f. Thaumaturgus, Gregory, ii. 350 f. | Theatres, i. 376 f. Themison, i. 429. Thomas, Acts of, ii. 293. Travels, Christian, i. 21 Trinity, idea of the, i. 39, 111, 482, Twelve apostles, the, i. 84-85, 438 f.; ii. 166. 278, 279, 9983. > ~~ Universalism, Christian, i. 40 f. ; li. 145. | Valentinus, i. 290, 327, 464; ii. 14, 30, 33, 186, 291, 307. _ Villages, Christians in (see also under Chor-episcopi), ii. 23, 268, 343, 446, 456. | Visions, i. 251-f., 481 f.; ii. 229, 348. Wealth, Christianity and, under Luxury. see 478 GENERAL INDEX Widows, care of, i. 149, 197 f. Work, obligation of, i. 215 f. “Wisdom” (seeunder Gnosticism | World, Christian view of the and Hellenism), i. 274 f., 295 f. history of the, i. 302 f. Women, Christianity and, i. 460, | World, stern attitude to the, i. 479, 492; ii. 183 f., 217 f,, 118. 285. Worldliness, see under Pagan Women, Callistus and, i. 211, | elements. B12 sai, 180; 238. f., 385. Worship, public, ii. 51 f. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX Abbadis, see Vade. Abbir Cellense, ii. 425. Germaniciana, li. 425, maius, ii. 425. »» Minus li. 425. Abitini, i. 456, 492; ii, 425, 433. Abyssinia, see Ethiopia. Acbia, ii. 426. Acci, ii. 439. Achaia, i. 228; ii. 78, 89 f., 460 f. Acinipo, ii. 440. Adana, ii. 325. Ad Badias, ii. 431. Ad Maiores, ii. 431. Ad Medera, ii. 426. Adraa, ii. 254. Adriani, ii. 355. Adrianopolis, ii. 375. Advingi, ii. 440. HEigea, ii. 234. gina, ii. 371. /Elia, see Jerusalem. Africa, i. 4 f., 464 f. ; ii, 28,101 £, 411 f., 460, ete. Agbia, ii. 426. Agee, ii. 325 f. Agen, ii. 405. Agense Oppidum, ii. 426. 3) 33 Aggya, ii. 426. Aila, ii. 259, 267. Ain Kebira, ii. 434. Ajune, ii. 440. Akmonia, ii. 358, 363. Alasus, ii. 273. Alatina, ii. 433. Albano, ii. 392. Albans, St, ii. 410. Alexandreiopolis, 307 f. Alexandria, i. 5 f., 212, 448 f, (school at), | 459; ii. 189 f., 209 f., 234, 244, 262 f.,| 305 f., 308, 320 f.,| 458. Alexandria, canton of, js Oc Alexandria parva, ii. 324. Alex-Island, ii. 312. il. Alistra, ii. 369. Alphokranon, ii. 318. Alutina, see Alatina. Amasia, ii. 214, 335, 348, 361. Amastris, i. 248; ii. 79 f., 246, 322 f., 347. Ambiensis, ii. 433. Amblada, ii. 363. Amida (= Diarbekir), ii. 297. Amiens, ii. 405. Amisus, i. 2; ii. 244, 3a2- Amiternum, ii. 392. Ammedera, ii. 426. Ammoniace, ii. 310. Amorion, ii. 363. 479 Amphipolis, ii, 243. Anacipolis (?), ii. 315. Aneea, ii. 367. Anazarbus, ii. 325. Anchialus, ii. 246, 375. Ancona, ii. 393. Anvyray. a” 073, 8s 103, 246, 332, 359 f., 456. Anceyyra ferrea, ii. 367. Andalusia, ii. 436. Andrapolis, ii. 299. Andujar, ii. 440. Anea, ii. 259, 267 f. Angers, ii. 405. Anim, ii. 260 f., 267. Antaradus, ii. 273. Anthedon, ii. 265. Antinoe; ii. 312° €, 317, 319, 322. Antioch (Isaurian), ii. 369. 13 =, (Carian), «ai. 367. » © (Pisidian),~ 1. 8. cif cin. 243, 363. (Syrian), i. 2 f., 14, 59 f., 68 f., 86 f., 227 f£., 236 f, 421 f, 454 f., 463; ii. 89 f., 99 f, 243 f, 276 f., 387, 466, ete. 3) a 480 Antipyrgus, ii. 319, Antium, ii. 391. Apamea (Bithyn.), ii. SiO 1D i (Phrygian), ii. 245, 333, 362 f. 3, (Pisidian), -ii. 304. 5 (oynian),i 71, 465; ii. 278, 287 f., 361. Aphaka, ii. 275. Aphrodisias, ii. 243. Apollonia, ii. 367. Apollonias (Bithyn.), iL.) SDDe + (Carian), ii. 368. Aprocavistus, ii. 288. Apt, ii. 404. Aptungi, ii. 432. Apulia, ii. 393. Aque Regie, ii. 428. Aque ‘Tibilitane, ii. 432. Aquila, ii. 393. Aquileia, ii. 397 f. Aquitania, ii. 74, 405. Arabia, i. 2315 ii. 254, 299, 300 f., 389, 461. ATAmue tee > 62/2: Arbela, ii. 298. Arbokadama, ii. 288. Ardabau, ii. 245, 333, 362. Areopolis, see Rabba. Arethusa, ii. 288 f. Argos, ii. 372. Ariace, ii. 159 f. Ayicia, ii. 391. | | Arragon, ii. 436. Arsinoé, ii. 312 f., 318. | Arycanda, ii. 125, 336, 368. Ascoli Pic., ii. 393. Ascalon, ii. 259 f. Ashdod, ii. 243. Asia- Minor. 2 £, 327 ; ii. 174, 326 f., 457, 464, 465, ete. “Asker, see Sichar. Aspendus, ii. 369. Assisi, ii. 393. Assuras, ii. 426. Assus, ii. 243. Assyria, see Syria. Astaroth, ii. 252. Astigi, ii. 440. AStigat, ii. 345 f. Asturica (Astorga), ii. 436, 4377. Ategua (Ateva), ii. 440. Athens, i. 243, 334 f., 475 £.3 ii, 243, 372 Pele, Athribitiec canton, ii. 307 f., 318. Attalia, ii. 243, 369. Attica, ii. 372. Augsburg, ii. 234, 490. Aulana, ii. 260. Aulona (see Anea), ii. 269. Aurelianopolis, ii. 367. Aureus Mons, ii. 392. Ausafa, ii. 426. Ausuaga, ii. 426. Autumni, see Aptungi. Autun, ii. 107, 404 f. Auxerre, ii. 405. Auzia, i. 43 ii. 434. Arles, ii. 74 f., 403, ete. | Auzuaga, ii. 426. Armenia, ii. 79 f., 105 | Avellino, ii. 393. f. 342 f., 458, etc. Arnem, ii. 252. Axiupolis, ii. 377. Axum, ii. 251, 299. Arpiensium civitas, ii. | Azani, ii. 362, | Azotus, ii. 259. 393. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX Babylonia, i. 2 f.; ii. 243. Baccano _(Baccanas), li. 393. Bactria, ii. Bade, ii. 431. Badis, ii. 431. Beetica, ii. 439 ff. Bagai, ii. 426. Bagis, ii. 367. Bakatha(Bakathus), ii. 303. Balanee, ii. 288. Balkan peninsula, ii. 371 £., 396. Ballis, ii. 433. Bamacorra, ii. 426. Barata, ii. 369. Barbe, ii. 440. Barbary, ii. 435. Barca, ii. 440. Barcelona, ii. 439. Baris, ii. 364. Barké, ii. 319. Basanitis, ii. 254 f. Basti, ii. 439. Batana, ii. 298. Batanea, ii. 254 f. Bataneza, near Cesar. Pal., ii. 260, 268. Beauvais, ii. 405. Belgica, ii. 400 f., 461 f. AV ts Beneventum, ii. 392. Bereitan (Berothai), ii. 3038. Berenicé, ii. 86 f., 313 f., 319, 323. Beretane (?), ii. 303, Bergamo, ii. 397. Bercea (Maced. ), ii. 222, 243, 372. » . (Syrian) sem 251 f., 290. Berytus, ii: 27apeas 292. . Bescera, ii, 431, GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX Bethabara, ii. 260, 268. Beth Gubrin, ii. 259, 269. Bethlehem, i. 259, 267. Bethphage ii. 261. Bettona, ii. 393. Biltha, ii. 426. Bisica Lucana, ii. 427. Bithynia, ii. 244,353 f., 447, 457, 467, ete. Black Sea, i. 3; ii. 378 f., 461. Blaundus, see Standus. Bobba, see Obba. 2209's‘ ai. Bolitana civitas, ii. 433. Bologna, ii. 397 f. Bomotheus, ii. 319. Bordeaux, i. 20; ii. 405. Bosphorus, ii. 80 f., 378 f. Bostra, i. 463 ; ii. 256, 281, 300 f. Bourges, ii, 405. Brescia, ii. 397. Brindissi, ii. 380. Britain, see England. Bruzos, ii. 362. Bubastis, ii. 318. Bubiduna, ii, 433. Bucolia, ii. 322. Bulla, ii, 426. Buruc, ii. 427. Busiris, ii. 315. Buslacena, ii. 427. Buthrotus, ii. 375. Byblus, ii. 275 f. Byzacium, ii. 414 f. Byzantium, i. 464; ii. 246, 375. Cabra, ii. 440. Cerleon, ii. 410. Cesaraugusta, ii. 437, 438 f. Cesarea (Bith.) ii. 355. », (Cappad.) i.| 463; ii. 79 f. 2101 £, 338 f. (Mauret.), i. 4; ii. 432. (Palest:). ii: 243, 256 f., 260 f., 265 f., 461, ete. Philippi, see Paneas. Cesena, ii. 392. Cagliari, ii. 393. Calabria, ii. 80 f. Calagurris - Fibularia, li. 440. Calahorra, ii. 438. Calama, ii. 423, 432. Camalodunum, ii. 411. Campsas (?), ii. 355. Capernaum, ii. 261. Capitolias, ii. 259. Cappadocia, i. 2 f. (Jews in), 205; ii. 229, 232 f., 243, 338 f., 379. Capsa, ii. 427. Capua, ii. 392. Caria, i. 2; ii. 367 f. 3) 3) Carpi, ii. 427. Carrhe, ii. 216, 294 f. Carthage, i. 4, 213 f., 235, 346; ii. 156, 246, 412 f., 418 f., 435, 440, 455. Carula, ii. 440. Carthagena, ii. 439. Cartenna, ii. 433. Case Nigre, ii. 432. Castra Galbe, ii. 427. Castellona, ii. 440. ~ Castulo, ii. 439 f. Catalonia, ii. 436. Catania, ii. 394. Cazlona, ii. 439. Cedia, ii. 427. 481 Celts, ii. 75 ff., 152 ff, 402 f. Cenchree, ii. 243, 374. Centurionis, ii. 432. Cephalitana possessio, li. 434. Cephallenia, ii. 371. Chaduthi, ii. 343. Chalcedon, ii. 355, Chalcis, ii. 372. Chalons, ii. 405. Charisphone, ii. 343. Chartres, ii. 405. Chenebri, ii. 319. Chenoboscium, ii. 316. Cherchel, ii. 433. Cherson, ii. 379. Chios, ii. 370. Choraba, see Kochaba. Chullabi, ii. 427. Cibaliana, ii. 427. Cibalis, ii. 377. Cicabis, ii. 420, 433. Cilicia, i. 3 f. (Jews in), 59 f., 203, 412; ii. 324 f., 359 f. Cillium, ii. 424. Cirta, i. 4; ii. 422, 427. Civita Vecchia, ii. 393. Claudiopolis, ii. 369. Cleopatris, ii. 318. Clermont, ii. 403, 405. Clusium, ii. 394. Cnidos, i. 2. Cnossus, ii. 246, 370, Sy 1. Coele-Syria, see Syria. Cologne, ii. 246, 408 f. Colonia (Cappad.), ii. 338. Colosse, ii. 220, 243, 361. .Commagene, ii. 326 f. Como, ii. 397. Complutum, ii. 438. Constantinople, ii. 328, aoe Copts, ii. 300, 321. 31 482 Corcyra, ii. 370. Cordova, ii. 380, 438, | 439 f. Corinth,i.188 f., 244f., 443; ii. 243, 372 f. Crete, i. 59 f., 248; ii, 79 f, 243, 370 i Ctesiphon, see Sel- eucia. Cuicul, ii. 426, 427. Cuma, ii. 394. Curubis, ii. 427. Cuse, ii. 317. Cyprus, 1. 2.08, (50mk. ii. 291 f., 458. Cyrene (Cyrenaica, Pentapolis), i. 2 f. ; ii. 80 f., 246, 304 f. 322 f. Cyrrus, ii. 288 f. Cyzikus, ii. 367. Dacia, ii. 157 f., 371 £, 448, Dalmatia, ii. 376 f., 461. Damascus, i. 4 f.; ii. 243, 275, 276. Dara, ii. 298. Dardania, ii. 80 f., 375, 461. Darnis (Dardanis), ii. 319. Debeltum, ii. 84, 246, ila Decapolis, ii. 252 f. Deir Ali, ii. 275 f. Delos, i. 2. Der ’at, ii. 254, Derbe, ii. 243, 363. Diana (Veteranorum), 427. Didensis, ii. 427. Die (Gaul), ii. 404 f. - Digne, ii. 405. Dikella, ii. 319. 380, Diocesarea (Cappad.), see Nazianzus. Diocesarea (Isaur.), ii. 369. ea (Palest.), i: 261 f, Diodoris, ii. 298. Dionysiana, ii. 437. Dioscome, ii. 362. Diospolis (Egypt), ii. Sins 3 (Palest.), see Lydda. Diospontus, ii. 348, 361. Dokimion, ii. 358. Doliche, ii. 288. Dorostorium, ii. 376. Doryleum, ii. 362. Drepana, ii. 355. Drizipara (Drusipara), ey Rat Ase Drona, ii. 440. Duja, see Die. Eauze, ii. 405. Eedaumana, ii. 361. Edessa, i. 84, 122; ii. 103, 245, 278, 292 f., 353, 410, 458. Egypt, i. 2 f. (Jews in), 162 f, 451 f. (teachers in) ; ii. 90 f., 246, 304 f, 458. Elatea, ii. 372. Elepel, ii. 440. Eleutheropolis, ii. 259, 263, 267. Eliocrota, ii. 440. Elvira, 4. 457214;,.217 ; ii. 439 f. Emmaus, ii. 253, 259, 266. Embrun, ii. 408. Emerita, see Merida. Emesa, ii. 91 f., 274. England, ii. 410, 411, 448, GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX Epagro, ii. 440. Ephesus, i. 237 f.3 ii. 29, 79 f., 243, 365 f., etc. Epibata, ii. 375. Epiphania (Cilic.), ii. 325, 361. 5s (Syrian), ii. 288. Epirus, ii. 375, 461. Esbus, ii. 303. Ethiopia, ii. 102, 160, 323 f. Eubeea, ii. 372, 375. Eucarpia, ii. 362. Eumenea (Phryg.), ii. 245, 333, 358 f, 362, ete. ‘‘ Rurope,” i..;8Omsee 871, £,6m Evora, ii. 439. Faénza, ii. 392. Fano, ii. 394. Faro, ii. 439. Ferentino, ii. 394. Fermo, ii. 394. Flavias, ii. 325. Florence, ii. 392 f. Forum Claudii, ii. 392. Fruschka Gora, _ ii. 378. Fundi, ii. 392. Furni, ii. 103, 422, 427. Gabbala, ii. 288. Gabrum, ii. 440. Gabula, ii. 288. Gadamana, ii. 361. Gadara, ii. 259, 267. Gadiaufala, ii. 427. Geeta, ii. 393. Gaetuli, ii. 157. Gatfsa, ii. 427. Gage, ii. 369. Galatia, i. 228; ii. 81 f., 243, 356 f. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX Galilee, i. 5335 ii. 249 f. Gallicia, ii. 439. Gangra, ii. 347. Garbe, ii. 432. Gaul, i. 4, 20; ii. 73 £, 106 f,. 152 £, 399 f., 460, 461. Gaza; ii. 91 f., 259 f., 262 f. Gazaufala, ii, 427. Gele, ii. 296. Gemella, ii. 440. Gemelle, ii. 427. Genoa, ii. 396, 397. Georgia, ii. 285, 353. Gerasa, ii. 303. Germanicia, ii. 288. Germaniciana, ii. 428. Germany, ii. 152 f., 408 f., 448, 461. Gerunda (Gerona), ii. 439. Gibar, see Girba. Gindarus, ii. 288. Girba (Girha), ii. 428. Girgenti, ii. 394. Gor, ii. 428. Gorduba, ii. 428. Gorthyna, i. 2, 247; ii. 78 £., 246, 370, 371. Gothia, ii. 80 f., 378 f. Granada, ii. 436, 440. 5; Greece, ii. 59, 188, 373 f., 460. Greater Greece, see Italy. Grenoble, ii. 405. Grimenothyre, ii. 362. Guadix, ii. 439. Gurgites, ii. 438. Gustra (= Ostra), ii. 297. Hadrianopolis, ii. 303. Hadrumetum, i. 4; ii. 414, 424, Halicarnassus, i. 2. Harbath Glal., ii. 298. Harran, see Carrhe. Helenopolis, see Dre- pana. Helenopontus, ii. 357. Heliopolis (Egyptian), . S28: Heliopolis — (Pheeni- cian), ii. 274 f. Henchir-el-Atech., ii. 43.4, Henchir-Harat, ii. 430. Henschir Tambra, ii. 428. Heraclea, ii. 375. Heracleopolis magna et parva, ii. 317. Hermethes (?), ii. 317. Hermopolis magna et parva, Minus, il. 428. Letopolis, ii. 317. Libya, ii. 85 f., 304 f., SLs Liguria, ii. 396. Lilybeeum, ii. 394. Limata, ii. 432. Limene, ii. 363. Limoges, ii. 403, 405. Lincoln, ii. 411. London, ii. 411. Lorea, ii. 439 f. Lorsch, ii. 378. Lucar la Mayor, S., ii. 440, Lucca, ii. 394. Lugdunensis, ii. 404 f. Lunda, ii. 362. Luperciana, ii. 428. Lusitania, ii. 437. Lycaonia, ii. 356 f. Lycia, i. 2; ii. 368 f. Lycopolis, ii. 317, 319. Lydda, ii. 259, 266. Lydiay ils dats 364 f. Lyons, i. 4; ii. 74 fi, 246, 399 f. Lystra, ii. 243, 363. urbs, il. Macedonia, i. 228; ii. 50, 51, 80 f., 460. Macedonopolis, ii. 295. Macomades, ii. 428. Mactaris, ii. 428. Madaba, ii. 303. Madaura, ii. 246, 413f., 424, Madili, see Midila. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX Magnesia, i. 237 f.; li, 245. Magydus, ii. 253, 369. Mailand, ii. 397 f. Mainz, ii. 246, 408 f. Majuma, ii. 262. Malaga, ii. 440. Malta, ii. 243, 394. Malus, ii. 103, 361. Mamre, ii. 261. Manganea, see Bata- nea. Marasch, see German- icia. Marazana, ii. 428, Marcelliana, ii. 429. Marcianopolis, ii. 376. Mareotic district, ii. 318 f. Margaritatum, ii, 288. Marmarika, ii. 319. Marseilles, ii. 399 f. Martos, ii. 439. Mascula, ii. 429. Mauretania, i. 43 ii. 414 f., 419, 424 f, 432, 434, 438, 461. Maximinianopolis (Egypt), ii. 317. » (Palest.)) iieem », (Pamph.), ii. 369. Maxula, ii. 433. Medicones, ii. 361. Media, i. 2; ii. 296. Medila, see Midila. Megalopolis, ii. 372. Megara, ii, 372. Melitene, ii. 206 f., 213, 245, 289, 342 f. Melos, ii. 370. Membressa, 429, Memphis, ii. 318 f. Mende, ii, 405. Mentesa, ii. 439. Mercurialis pagus vet- ii, 425, GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX eranorum Medeli- tanorum, ii. 429. Merida, ii. 436, 437 f. Mesopotamia, i. 23; ii. 245, 295 f. 461. Messina, ii. 394. ” 372. Metelis, ii. 318. Metropolis (Isaur.), ii. 369. (Pisid.), ii. 363. Metz, ii. 405. Midila, ii. 429. Miletus, ii. 243, 368. Miley, ii. 429. Misgirpa, ii. 429. Mitylene, ii. 243. Miili, ii. 427. Moabitis, ii. 252 f. Mexsia, ii. 376 f., 448, 461. Montemayor, ii. 440. Montoro, ii, 440, Mopsuestia, ii. 325. Motella, ii. 362. Moxiane, ii. 362. Mugue, ii. 429, Municipium, ii. 440. Murcia, ii. 436, Mursa, ii. 377. Muzula, ii. 429. Myndas, i. 2. Myra (Lyc.), ii. 246, 333, 368. Myrsiné, ii. 319. Mysia, ii. 364 f. 9 Nabatitis, ii. 254. Nantes, ii. 405. Naples, ii. 246, 391. Narbonensis, ii. 82 f., 402 f. Narbonne, ii. 403. Naro, i. 4. Naupactus, ii, 372. (Peloponn. ), ii. | | Nilus Nazianzus, ii. 338. Neapolis (Pisid.), ii. 363. 33 425, 429. 2 (Zengit.), ii. Neapolis = Sichem, ii. 259. Neocesarea (Pont.), ii. 350 f. i (Syr.), ii. 288. |Neronias, ii. 325 f., 361. | Nicewea, ii. 355 f. Nikiopolis, ii. 317. Nikomedia, i. 463; ii. 203, 245, $32 f., 354 f,, 465. Nikopolis (Arm.), ii. 342. # (Epir.), © ii. | 243 £., 375. (Palest.) see 3) Emmaus, | (Nilopolis), ii. | 313 f., 317. Nisibis, ii. 295. Nividunum, ii. 433. Nizza, ii. 404. Nocera, ii. 394. Nola, ii. 394. Noricum, ii. 448. Nova (Nova Petra), ii. 4.29, Nova Sparsa, ii. 429. Noviodunum, ii. 377, 433. Noyon, ii. 405. Numidia, i. 231 f.; ii. 414 f., 419 f., 460. 376 f, Oasis, small and great, i. 317 f. Obba, ii. 429. Nazareth, ii. 253, 261. Octavum, ii. 429. (Tripol.), ii. | 485 Oea, i. 43 ii. 425, 429. Olympus, ii. 368. | Opus, ii. 372. Orange, ii. 404. | Oriolo, ii. 392. Orleans, ii. 405. Orléansville, ii. 434. Orthesia, ii. 272. Osroene, see Edessa. Ossigi, ii. 448. Ossonova, ii. 439. Ossuna (Ursona), 440. Ostia, ii. 392. Otrus, ii. 245; 333, 362. Oxyrhynchus, ii. 313 Sic il. Padua, ii. 397. Page, see Gage. Palestine, i. 10 (Jews in), 229; i. 247) f., 460 f. Palmyra, ii. 276 f., 284, 300. Paltus, 1.272. |Pamphylia, i. | 368 f. Pandataria, ii. 244. 'Paneas, i. 1453 ii. 252 E270: Panemon Teichos, ii. 369. Panephysis, ii. 318. | Pannonia, ii. 80 f., 376 | ao | Panormus, ii. 394. | Paphlagonia, ii. 342 f., 348. Paphos, ii. 243, 291 f. Pappa, ii. 364. | Paratonium, ii. 319. Parembole, ii. 318. Parethia (?), ii. 355. Paris, ii. 107, 403 f. Parium, ii. 245, 332 f., 364. QO. oot J ii. 486 Parnassus, ii. 338. Parthia. 2 £54 177, 299. Patara, ii. 368 f. Patmos, ii. 370. Patras, ii. 372. Pavia, ii. 397. Pele, ii. 375. Pella, ii. 243, 248 f. Peloponnesus, ii. 372 f. | Pelusium, ii. 318 f. Pentapolis, see Cy- rene. Pepuza, ii. 245, 333, 362. Perea, ii. 254, 259. Perdikia, ii. 369. Pergamum, i. 2, 130; ii. 243, 366 f. Pergé, ii. 243, 369. Persa = Perra, ii. 298. Persia, ‘ii. 103, 205 f., 461. Perugia, ii. 394. Petra, ii. 303. Pettau, ii. 377. Pheeno, i. 203 ; ii. 260, 268. Phakusa, ii. 318. Pharbetic district, ii. 318 f. Phaselis, i. 2. Phasko, ii. 319. Philadelphia (Egypt), 11. 312k, (Arab.), li. 303. a (Asian), i. 70, 238 f. ; ii. 89 f., 243. Phila, ii. 322 f. Philippi, i. 246 f. 5 ii. 195 f., 220 f., 226, 243, 372. Philistia, ii. 461. 3) Philomelium, ii. 245, 322 f£., 363. | Phoenicia, ii. 271 f., | 461. | Phrebonitic district, ii. | SO7GE | Phrygia, i. 3 f. (Jews in), ii. 228 f., 245 f., 356 f., 457. Phthenegys, ii. 318. Phydela, ii. 343. Picenum, ii. 392-393. Piedmont, ii. 396, 461. Pisa, ii. 392. Pisidia, ii. 356 f. Pityus, ii. 353. Platza, ii. 372. Pocofeltz, ii. 432. Pompeii, ii. 391. Pompeiopolis (Cilic.), Moos sp (Pont.), ii. 347. Pontia, ii. 244. Pontus, i. 224, 248 ;) lived (ti. 244, 262, | 347 f., 457. ‘Pontus Polemiacus, ii. 349 f., 357. Porthmus, ii. 372. Portus, ii. 392. Preeneste, ii. 392. Proconsularis, Africa. Prosopitic district, ii. 307 f. Prusa, it. 355. Prusa-ally invsoo. Prymnessus, ii. 362. Ptolemais (Cyren.), ii. see 313 f. iS (Phoenic.), Mie43: 3 (Theb.), ii. Sit. Puteoli, ii. 243, 391. Pydna, ii. 375. | | Quintianum, ii. 392. | Quoturnicensis, ii. 430. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX | Rabba, ii. 303. Raphanee, ii. 288. _Raphia, ii. 267. Ravenna, ii. 396, 397. Regensburg, ii. 409. | Resaina, ii. 295. | Rheetia, ii. 409 f., 448, _ 461, Rheims, ii. 107, 405 f. | Rhodes, i. 25; ii. 370: | Rhossus, ii. 287, 290. Rimini, ii. 392, 411. Romagna, ii. 395 if Rome, i. 4 f. (Jews in), | 20, 244 f., 448 (schools at), 463 f. ; ii, 185 f, 192 f. (Jews in), 228 f., 243, 379 ff., 418 f., 439 (Mithraism), 458 f. Rostoces, ii. 312. Rotarium, ii. 432. Rouen, ii. 404. /Rucuma, ii. 429. Rusicade, ii, 429. Sabaria, ii. 377. Sabrata, ii. 430. Sadagolthina, ii. 338. Sagalbina, ii. 440. Sais, ii. 307 f. Salamis (Cyprus), ii. 243, 291. Salavia, ii. 439. Salerno, ii. 394. Salona, ii. 378. Salzburg, ii. 378. Samaria (land and city), i. 58, ii, 249 f,, 259, 266. Samé (Cephallenia), ii, 246, 371. Samos, i. 2. Samosata, ii. 288, Sampsame, ii. 2. Sanaus, ii. 362, Sansorus (?), ii. 355. a oo eT GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX Saragossa, see Czsar- | augusta. Sardica, ii. 376. Sardinia, i, 5. f., 203 ;| ii. 393. | Sardis, ii. 243, 366 f. Sarin, ii. 343. Sarmatia, ii. 157. Saron, ii. 243. Satafis, ii. 434. Satala, ii, 344, Scarabantia, ii. 377. Searphia, ii. 372. Schedia, ii. 319. Scili (Scilium), ii. 234, 246, 414 f. 424, Scupi, ii. 375. Scythia, ii. 81 f., 299, 379, 461. Seythopolis, ii. 263, 266, 270. Sebaste (Armen.), ii. 259, 342 f. Sema rye.). “i, 358 f., 362. Ms see Samaria. Sebennytus, ii. 318. Sebulon, ii. 259. Segermes, ii. 430. Segni, ii. 392. Selambina, ii. 440. Seleucia (Isaur.), ii. 369. a (Pamphyl. ), ii. 369. » (Pisid.), ii. 363. . (Syz:),.* ii, 245, 288. bs Ctesiphon, 1. 297-£. Senlis, ii. 405. Sens, ii. 405. Sepphoris, see Dioc. Palest. Serae, ii,-160, 300. Seville, ii. 438. Shargerd, ii. 298. Sibapolis, ii. 298. | Siblianoi, ii. 362. Sicca, ii. 430. Sichar, ii. 259, 268. Sichem, ii. 266. | Sicilibba, ii. 430. Sicily, ii. 392 f., 459. | Side, i. 2, ii. 369. Sidon, ii. 243, 273. Sigus, ii. 430. | Sikyon, i. 2. Silandus, see Standus. Simittu, i. 4. | Singidunum, ii. 377. Singilia Barba, ii. 440. Sinna, ii. 392. Sinope, ii. 246, 332 f., 349. Sipontum, ii. 394. Sirmium, i. 492, 377, 396. Siscia, ii. 377. Sitifis, i, 4; ii. 430, 433. ii. Smyrna, i. 3 f., 70, 238 f, 246 f, ii. 223 f., 243, 245,| 366. Sodom, ii. 303. Soissons, ii. 405. Solia, ii. 440. Sousse, ii. 434. Southern Italy, ii. 379 f,, 458 f. Spain, ii. 244, 319, 435 f., 460. Spania (=Spalia), ii. | 338. Sparta, see Lacede- mon. Spoleto, ii. 394. Standus, ii. 366. Stektorion, ii. 362. | Stobi, ii. 375. Suburburensium gens, | ii. 430. Sufes, ii. 423, 430. Sufetula, ii. 430. | 487 Sutunurum, ii. 430. Syarba, ii. 369. | Sydra, ii. 369. Syene, ii. 314 f. Synnada, i. 453; ii. 359, 362. Syracuse, ii. 246, 392 f. Syria, i. 2 f. (Jews in), ii. 376 f. (Christi- anity in), 458. | Syrtes, ii. 419. Tabatha, ii. 267. Tabennisi, ii, 216, 316. Tanagra, ii. 372, Tanis, ii. 318. Taormina, ii. 394, Taposiris, ii. 313, 319. Tarraco, ii. 436. Tarraconensis, ii. 437. Tarragona, ii. 438 f. Tarsus, ii. 80 f., 243, 324 f. Tauche, ii. 319. Tauric peninsula, ii. 379. Tavium, ii. 361. Teano, ii. 394. Tegeea, ii. 372. Tell el-Asch’ari, 254. Tentyre, ii. 317. Termissus, ii. 369. Terni, ii. 394. Terracina, ii. 392. Teva, ii. 440. Thabraca, ii. 430. Thagara, ii. 433. Thagasté, ii. 433. Thagura, ii. 433. Thambi, ii. 430. Thamogade, ii. 430. Tharasa, ii. 430, Thasarte (see following word). Thasualthe, ii. 430. Thautic district, ii, 319. il. 4.22, 488 Thebais, see Egypt. Thebes, ii. 80 f., 372, Sia: Thebeste, veste. Thelea (Thelsea?) ii. 273. Thelebte, ii. 430. Themisonium, ii. 362. Thene, ii. 422, 430. Thera, ii. 370. Therasia, ii. 370. Thespie, ii. 372. Thessalonica, ii. 374. Thessaly, ii. 80 f., 374, 460. Theveste, ii. 214, 430. Thibaris, ii. 430. Thibiuca, ii. 433. Thibiura, ii. 433. Thibursicum Buré, ii. 433. Thimida 431, Thinisa, ii, 431. Thmuis, ii. 190, 312 f., 318 f. Thrace, ii. 371 f. Thubune, ii. 431. Thuburbo (minus ? maius?), ii. 431, 434. Thucca, ii. 431. Thuccabor, ii. 431. Thunisa, see Thinisa. The- see 243, il, Regia, Thyatira, ii. 223, 243, | 359 f., 367. Thysdrus, ii. 122, 414, 424, Tiberias, ii. 260, 261. Tiberiopolis, ii. 363. Ticabis, ii. 433. Tigisis (Numid.), 432. Tingi, ii. 214, 433. Tipasa, i, 4; ii, 424, ASA. il. Tizica, ii. 433, 434. Todi, ii: 394. Toledo, ii. 439. Tomi, ii. 377, 379. Tongern, ii. 409. Toul, ii. 405. Toulouse, ii. 403. Tours, ii. 403, 405. Trajanopolis, ii. 362 f. Tralles 6237" £4 ai. 245. Trani, ii. 394. Trapezuntum, ii. 353. Trastevere, i. 7. Tres Taberne, ii. 392. Treves, ii. 405 f., 462. ‘Trieea, .'1.> 13069". ao: Trimithus, ii. 291 f. Tripolis (As.), ii. 367. 2 a» (Pheen:)5 ve. 262, 273 f. Tripolitana, ii. 420, 425 f., 461. Troas, i. 238 f.3 ii. 243, 363. Troyes, ii, 405. Tucea, ii. 431. Tucea Terebenthina, li, 431. Tucci, ii. 439, 440. Tuscany, ii. 398. Tyana, ii. 338. Tymion, ii, 245, 333, 362. Tyre, ii, 243, 272 f. Ulia, ii, 440. Ululis, ii, 431. Umanada ( = Humana- des), ii. 369. Upper Italy, ii. 395 f,, 461. Urci, ii. 439, 440. Ursinum, ii. 392. Ursona, ii. 440, Uskiib, ii. 375. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX Uthina, ii. 414, 424. Utica, i. 45 ineaaae 434, Uturnucensis, ii. 430. Uzalis, ii. 431, 434. Uzappa, ii. 426. Uzelis, ii. 431. Vade, ii. 431. Vaga, ii. 431, Vaison, ii. 404. Valencia, ii. 436. Valentia, see Sanaus. he (Gall amg 402, Vallis, ii. 433. Vasada, ii. 364. Venosa, i. 4123 ii. 394. Vera, ii. 440. Vercelli, ii. 396. Verdun, ii. 405. Verona, ii. 397. Verulam, ii. 410. Verum, ii, 432. Vesontio, ii, 402, 409. Victoriana, ii. 431. Vicus Augusti, ii, 431. Vicus Cesaris, ii. 431. Vicuna, ii. 74 f., 246, 399 f. Vine (?), ii, 440, Viviers, ii. 405. Volubilis, i. 4 (Jews in). York, ii, 411. Zama (regia, minor), ii, 431, 432. Zanaatha (?), ii, 303. Zela, ii. 343, 348, 361. Zeugitana, ii. 420. Zeugma, ii. 288. 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