;?•:>:•; :m 5 . ? . /^ ^v' PRINCETON, N. J. **(h Purchased by the Mrs. Robert Lenox Kennedy Church History Fund. BX 92 25 .M3 A2 isil McCrie, Thomas, 1772-1835. Miscellaneous writings, chiefly historical MISCELLANEOUS WRITINGS, CHIEFLY HISTORICAL, OP THE LATE MAR 9 1915. • THOMAS M'CRIE, D.D., AFTHOR OF THE " LIFE OF KNOX, ETC. EDITED BY HIS SON. EDINBURGH : JOHN JOHNSTONE, HUNTER SQUARE. MDCCCXLI. ENTERED IN STATIONERS HALL. Printed by John Johnstone, High Street, Edinburgh. PREFACE. The present collection comprises nearly the whole of the miscellaneous pieces of an historical nature, published by Dr M'Crie, at different periods of his life, in periodicals and pamphlets. These have been found sufficient to fill a volume of large size, without the addition of other papers, critical and theological, which the editor at one time con- templated publishing along with them. He may mention, particularly, the " Account of the Marrow Controversy," which appeared in four numbers of the Christian Instructor, with a continuation in manuscript, prepared for publication, and containing a minute investigation of the similar contro- versy in England, as managed by Hervey, Sandeman, and others. The extent which this Volume has unexpectedly reached, induces the editor to delay the publication of these, and other pieces of smaller size, until a future opportunity, when, perhaps, the state of religious controversy may call for them more urgently than at present. The earlier pieces in the Volume, which are selected from the Christian Magazine, a periodical to which Dr M'Crie contributed pretty largely, and of which he was at one time editor, appear necessarily under great disadvantage. Some of them, the editor is aware, might have been omitted, as at the best juvenile efforts, and never intended by the author iv PREFACE. to be seen beyond the pages of the comparatively obscure miscellany for which they were originally WTitten. But the authorship of Ihem being known, it was to be feared that, if not thus collected, they might have found their way to the public at some future time in a mutilated form, or without that careful selection and supervision which such posthumous publications require. The papers on " the Progress and Suppression of the Reformation in Spain," with other historical sketches in the same Magazine, which have been interwoven in well-known works of the author, it was not considered necessary to include in this collection. With regard to the other pieces in the Volume, the editor begs gratefully to acknowledge the readiness with which he has been permitted to republish them in their present form, by the Booksellers who possessed the copy-rights of the original publications in which they appeared. The Notes which he has taken the liberty to add to some of the more interesting papers, have proved a recreation to himself, and will not, he trusts, be deemed altogether without their use. And he has only farther to express his hope, that this Volume will be found not only useful to the student of history as a book of reference, but generally interesting as a permanent record of the author's sentiments on several points which have not been treated in his larger works. THOMAS M'CRIE. Edinburgh, -.4/))v7 15, 1841. CONTENTS. BIOGRAPHIES. Page. I. Life of Alexander Henderson, 1 II. Patrick Hamilton, 89 III. Francis Lambert, of Avignon, 103 IV. Dr Andrew Rivet, 113 v. Memoir of Mr John Mm-ray, 145 VI, The Taborites ; or, The Followers of Huss, . . , 153 REVIEWS. VII. Review of Milne on Presbytery and Episcopacy, . . . 169 VIII. Simeon on the Liturgy, 205 IX. Sismondi's Considerations on Geneva, . . . 223 X. Tales of my Landlord, 247 XL Orme's Life of Owen, 451 XXL Turner's Life and Times, . . ' . . , 521 PAMPHLETS. XIII. Free Thoughts on the ReUgious Celebration of the Funeral of the Princess Charlotte, 557 XIV. What ought the General Assembly to do at the Present Crisis? gjj XV. On the Right of Females to Vote in the Election of Ministers and Elders, . ggg INTRODUCTION LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. BY THE EDITOR, I HAVE little to say regarding the following sketch, in addition to what is stated in the " Life of Dr M'Crie" (pp. 151-154). It appears to have been the author's first attempt at extended biography, and to have been originally designed for separate publication ; but he was ultimately induced to insert it in five successive numbers of the Chris- tian Magazine for 1806, — a periodical of which he was at that time the sole Editor. The original manuscript has been preserved, and bears evidence of the author's intention to have enlarged the Memoir, had it been published separately. This he never appears to have attempted at any subsequent period ; still, however, the manuscript contains a considerable quantity of matter which had been omitted in the Magazine, from a desire to shorten the narrative, and which I have introduced into this edition. The additions thus made will, it is hoped, be found to contribute to the completeness and value of the Memoir. The notes which I have added may probably be found to throw some additional light on the passages to which they are appended. It may be proper to state, that (with one or two exceptions, which have been acknowledged) the matter of these notes is strictly original ; that they are gathered for the most part from documents which the author of the Life had not an opportunity at the time of consulting, and Vlll INTRODUCTION TO THE that the facts which they furnish have never been noticed in any previous Hfe of Henderson. Dr M'Crie always-held the character of Henderson in the highest veneration. Writing to his friend, Professor Bruce, in March 1803, he says, " For some time past I have had my eye towards a sketch of the life of Mr Alexander Hen- derson.* But reverence for the greatness of his character, and a conviction of inability to do justice to it, have kept me from doing any thing except marking down a few refer- ences to authorities and facts." The preservation of his manuscript shows, I think, that he had not abandoned his original intention of writing a full life of the Second Re- former ; and I have no doubt that had he followed out his de- sign of a series of biographies, Henderson would have ranked next to Andrew Melville. The following anecdote, trifling as it is, shows how sensitively he felt every thing affecting the character of the great heroes of the Reformation. Several years ago, an esteemed friend, while examining the manu- scripts in the Advocates'" Library, informed him that he had met with a letter apparently signed, " A. Henderson, 1641," in which the writer acknowledged his share in urging the execution of some rebels taken in arms. The discovery of a temper so inconsistent with all his previous ideas of Hen- derson's character, shocked my father extremely, and he declared, that if it should prove correct, he would give him up for ever. On minuter inspection, however, he found that the signature was " T. Henderson, 1647," a person who was then clerk of Parliament, and that the letter referred to the Irish rebels who were subjected to military execution * This mode of designating tlie hero of the Covenant, which is kept up throughout the following memoir, now sounds in our ears almost as oddly as Mr John Milton, or Mr William Shakspeare. In Henderson's time, liowever, it was considered no mean distinction for any one to be entitled to " write Master to his name," and the practice of applying the academi- cal title to great men, continued till the commencement of the present century. Henderson spelt his own name differently at different times. I have in my possession an attestation sent by him to the Town Council of Edinburgh, " subscryved in name of our session at Leuchars, August 20, 1626, M. Alexr. Henrysone." LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. IX at Dunavertie ; upon which he exclaimed, with high satis- faction, " Our man is safe, for by that time he was in Abraham's bosom." It has been subject of very general regret, that the materials for the personal history of Henderson are so defective. No man stood higher in the estimation of his cotemporaries ; but the contentions of the unhappy period which succeeded his death, left them no leisure to do justice to his history, and any attempts of this kind which were made, proved abortive. Principal Baillie, in a letter ad- dressed, in 1653, to Samuel Clarke, author of the well-known Martyrology, who was anxious to collect some information regarding the Scottish worthies, says, " I wish we had a narrative of another of ours to send to you ; I mean your sometime good friend Mr Henderson, a truly heroick divine, for piety, learning, wisdom, eloquence, humility, single life, and every good part, — for some years the most eyed man of the three kitigdoms.'''' * This desire was not realized at the time, when the facts of his private history might have been made known ; and no biography, worthy of the name of Henderson, had appeared when Dr M'Crie published his sketch in the unpretending pages of the Christian Magazine. A Life of Henderson, embracing a view of his " Times," has since appeared from the pen of the Rev. Dr Alton of Dolphington. Of this biography I shall only say, that it was hardly to be expected that the author could do full justice to the principles and conduct of his hero, in which, accord- ing to his own professions, he felt little sympathy. A his- tory of the life and times of Alexander Henderson, written in the cordial spirit of a thorough Presbyterian like himself, with nothing of the bitterness of party which characterised the age in which he flourished, is still wanting. From the ordinary histories of the period we in vain look for a candid account of the man whom Baillie describes as " the fairest ornament, after John Knox, that ever the Church of Scot- land did enjoy." In a late history of Montrose and the Covenanters, distinguished by a spirit of the most violent ♦ Baillie's (MS.) Letters, vol. iii., fol. 136. X INTRODUCTION, ETC. partizanship, Henderson is described as " the very Don Quixotte of Presbyterianism ; " while Dr Cook concludes an historical portrait of him by declaring his conviction, that " the man must have been truly resjiectahle.'''' Let us cherish the hope, that the day is not far distant when the sacred cause in which he " spent his strength and breathed out his life" will be better understood and appreciated, — when ampler justice will be done to the character of one in whom the virtues of the Christian were blended with those of the heroes and patriots of antiquity, and against whom, though living in an age of calumny and detraction, his worst enemies " could find no occasion nor fault, except they found it against him concerning the law of his God." LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. PART I. FROM HIS BIRTH, 1583, TO HIS ENTRANCE ON PUBLIC LIFE, 1637. Those transactions which have rendered the middle of the 17th century so famous in the history of Britain, aroused and drew forth to public view men of the most eminent talents, in the northern as well as the southern part of our island. Scotland could at that time boast of her patriots both in Church and State, inferior to those of no other na- tion ; — of statesmen, able, disinterested, enlightened, jealous of the rights of their country, and at the same time loyal to their prince ; — of ministers of religion, distinguished for learning and piety, and who counted nothing dear to them, provided that they might advance the kingdom of Christ, and secure their religious privileges. To that band of illustrious Reformers, who stgod firm against the encroach- ments of tyranny and superstition, we owe, under God, whatever we enjoy most valuable in religion and liberty ; although justice is seldom done to their character and actings in the histories of that period, and their memories have often been loaded with the most odious charges and libellous abuse. Among these, the subject of the following memoir held a conspicuous place ; and the stations to which he was called, and the important services which he per- A 2 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. formed, give a high interest to his character, and to the particulars of his life. Alexander Henderson was bom about the year 1583. Of his parents, or the circumstances of the early part of his life, no authentic information has descended to us. * Being intended for the service of the Church, he was sent to the University of St Andrews to complete his education, about the commencement of the 17th century. His abilities and application soon distinguished him in literary improvement ; and, after having finished the usual course of studies, and passed his degrees with applause, he was chosen teacher of a class of philosophy and rhetoric in that University, f * [Dr Aiton, who appears to have taken some pains to procure infor- mation from clergymen residing in the native district of the Reformer, and from others, regarding Henderson's birth, parentage, and early edu- cation, has supplied a few facts, which, though still meagre and unsatis- factory, may be here introduced. The parish of Creich in Fife claims the honour of his birth-place ; and the tradition of the country points out the property of Lithrie in that parish, as the particular spot where he first drew breath. The Hendersons of For del claim him as a cadet of their family, — a claim which is sujiported by their possession of a picture of him by Vandyke, and by the fact that his remains were interred in the burying-ground of their family in the Greyfriars' Churchyard. This is likewise confirmed by the testimony of Wodrow, who states that "he was born anno , of parents of good esteem, and descended from the family of Fordel (Henderson), in Fife, an old family, and of good repute." Henderson went to St Andrews, and was matriculated in the College of St Salvador, on the 19th of December 1599. He took the degree of Master of Arts in the year 1603. The year of his birth (1583) is ascer- tained from the inscription on his monument, where he is said to have died August 12, 1646, in his sixty-third year. Nearly two hundred years afterwards, in the same month, and at the same age, died his memorialist, Dr M'Crie ; and their ashes repose very near each other in the same churchyard. I may take the liberty of stating, from personal insijcction, that the portrait of Henderson in the possession of the Earl of Fife, at Duff House, conveys a far more favourable idea of his personal appear- ance, than that from wliich Dr Aiton has taken the likeness prefixed to his work.— Editor.] f Whiteloclce's Memorials, p. 123. — He was one of the jirofessors of St Andrews in the year 1611 ; for his name is affixed to a letter of thanks to the king, on occasion of his having founded a lilirary in the College, by the Rec- tor, Deans of Faculty, and other masters of the University of St Andrews, dated 4th May 1611. — Wodroic's MSS. fol., No. 34, Adwcates Library. LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 3 The Church of Scotland had, at this period, suffered a great change. The liberty of her Assemblies was infringed ; Episcopacy, with its attendant evils, obtruded upon her, and, to make way for these innovations, her most able and faithful ministers were banished, imprisoned, silenced, or driven into obscure and distant corners. Particular care was taken to poison the sources of learning, by placing the tuition of youth under the care of time-serving and corrupt men. The learned and intrepid Andrew Melville, who had presided over the College of St Andrews with great success and renown, was removed, detained, and at last finally ex- cluded from his station, under the most deceitful pretexts, and persons placed in his room, and that of his colleagues, who were fit instruments for disseminating such principles as were favourable to the corrupt measures then carrying on. Mr Henderson being then a young man, and ambitious of preferment, became a warm advocate for the new measures. Though the authority is not the best, yet there is reason to think that what Bishop Guthrie says of him is not without foundation, that " being Professor of Philosophy in St An- drews, he did, at the Laureation of his class, choose Arch- bishop Gladstanes for his patron, with a very flattering dedication, for which he had the Kirk of Leuchars given him shortly after." * This may assist us in determining the time at which Mr Henderson entered into the ministry. As he received the parish through the patronage of Arch- bishop Gladstanes, and as that prelate died in 1615, he must have entered on or before that year.-f- His settlement * Memoirs, p. 24. + In the " Biograpliia Scoticana, or Scots Worthies," it is said that Mr Henderson entered to Leuchars about the year 1620. But the facts ia that book are often stated with little accui-acy : in the present instance there is evidently an error. [" The exact period of Henderson's induction," says Dr Aiton, " has not been ascertained, even after inquiries in every quarter ; but it must have taken place some time between the end of the year 1611, when his name appears as Questor of the Faculty of Arts at St Andrews, aud the 26th of January 1614, when he, as one of the members of his Presbytery, signed a certificate in behalf of Mr John Strang." " He professed philo- sophy,'' says Wodrow, " for several years with great applause ; but weary- 4 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. at Leuchars, procured in the manner above mentioned, was unpopular to such a degree, that on the day of his ordina- tion, the people secured the church-doors, and the minis- ters who attended, together with the presentee, were obliged to break in by the window. When a sober people discover such violent symptoms of dissatisfaction with a minister, there is reason to conclude that there is something wrong either with the candidate, or the manner of his introduction among them. In the present instance there were both. For the person who was appointed to take the oversight of them, not only was known to be a defender of those corrup- tions to which the great body of the people in Scotland were averse, but discovered little or no regard to the spiri- tual interests of the flock upon whom he had been obtruded. A most unhappy connection, which it is probable would only have continued until his interest had procured him a change to a better living, had not every ground of dissatis- faction between him and his people been removed, and a foundation of lasting comfort between them laid in the merciful ordination of God. Mr Henderson had not con- tinued long in Leuchars, when an important change was effected on the state of his mind, — a change which had an influence upon the whole of his future conduct. About this time, that truly great man, Mr Robert Bruce, who had been banished from Edinburgh for refusing to com- ply with a mandate from the Court respecting the Gowrie conspiracy, and was driven from one part of the country to another, through the fears entertained from his opposition to the measures of the Court and bishops, had obtained liberty to return from Inverness, the place of his restraint. This interval of freedom he improved by preaching at different places to which he had access, and was followed by crowds, whom his piety, his talents, and his sufferings, drew together to hear him, particularly on fast-days and at communions. ing of that study, he betook himself to divinity, and shortly after was called to the ministry at Leucliars." " But all this time," he adds, " though his learning was great, he had made but small proficiency in piety." — Anal, i., p. 275.— Ed.] LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 5 Hearing of a communion in the neighbourhood, at which Mr Bruce was expected to assist, Mr Henderson, attracted by his fame, or from some other motive, went thither secretly, and placed himself in a dark corner of the church, where he would remain most concealed. Mr Bruce came into the pulpit, and after a pause, according to his usual manner, which fixed Mr Henderson's attention on him, he read, with his accustomed emphasis and deliberation, these words as his text, " Verily, verily, I say unto you, he that entereth not by the door into the sheep-fold, but climbeth up some other way, the same is a thief and a robber." Words so descriptive of the character of an intruder, and so literally applicable to the manner in which he entered upon his ministry at Leuchars, went like " drawn swords" to the heart of Mr Henderson. He who wished to conceal him- self from all, felt that he was naked and opened to the word of God, the secrets of his heart were made manifest, his conscience convicted, and, yielding to the force of divine truth, " he worshipped God, and, going away, reported, that God was of a truth" in those whose ways were so opposite to his own. In one word, the discourse of that powerful preacher on this occasion, was, by the Divine blessing, the means of Mr Henderson''s conversion.* Ever after he re- tained a great affection for his spiritual father, Mr Bruce, and used to make mention of him with marks of the highest respect, -f- We need not doubt that Mr Henderson's change of mind would soon discover itself in his conduct, and that he would strive by all means in his power to promote the edification of the people of his charge, and to remove the offence which he had caused by the manner of his first entrance among them. Let us hear himself speaking on this subject, in his address to his brethren in the famous Assembly at Glasgow, more than twenty years after the period of which we now speak. " There are divers among us that have had no such warrant for our entry to the ministry, as were to be wished. Alas ! how many of us have rather sought the kirk, than the kirk * Scots Worthies, p. 169, 3d edit. + Stevenson's History, p. 604. 6 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. sought US ! How many have rather gotten the kirk given to them, than they have been given to the kirk for the good thereof ! And yet there must be a great difference put between these that have lived many years in an unlaw- ful office, without warrant of God, and therefore must be abominable in the sight of God, and those who in some respects have entered unlawfully, and with an ill conscience, and afterwards have come to see the evil of this, and to do what in them lies to repair the injury. The one is like a marriage altogether unlawful, and null in itself ; the other is like a marriage in some respects unlawful and inexpedient, but that may be mended by the diligence and fidelity of the parties in doing their duty afterwards ; so should it be with us who entered lately into the calling of the ministry. If there were any faults or wrong steps in our entry, (as who of us are free ?) acknowledge the Lord's calling of us, if we have since got a seal from Heaven of our ministry, and let us labour with diligence and faithfulness in our office." * A concern about personal religion, and the salvation of the souls of men, has often led to a concern about the pre- rogatives of the King of Zion, as connected with the external government of his Church. This was exemplified in Mr Henderson. He began to look upon the courses of the pre- vailing party in the Church of Scotland with a different eye from what he had done formerly, when he was guided by a worldly spirit, and by views of ambition. Their tendency he perceived to be injurious to the interests of practical religion. He, however, judged it proper to give the existing controversy a deliberate investigation, the result of which was, that he found Episcopacy to be equally unauthorised by the Word of God, and inconsistent with the reformed con- stitution of the Church of Scotland, f He did not long want an opportunity of publicly declaring his change of views, and of appearing on the side of that cause which he had hitherto discountenanced. From the * Sermon preached before the Assembly at Glasgow, 1638, pp. 14, 15. t See the first of Mr Henderson's Papers to his Majesty at Newcastle ; usually printed aloii^' with King Charles's works. LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 7 time that the prelatic government had first been obtruded upon the Church of Scotland, a plan had been laid to con- form her worship also to the English model. After various preparatory steps, an Assembly was suddenly indicted at Perth, in the year 1618, in which, by the most undue influ- ence, a number of superstitious innovations * were authorised. Among those ministers who had the courage to oppose these innovations, and who argued against them with great force of truth, but without success, we find the name of Mr Alex- ander Henderson of Leuchars.-f It is remarkable, that it was proposed in this Assembly, that he and his friend, Mr William Scot of Coupar, should be translated to Edinburgh. This proposal, there is the best reason for supposing, was made with the view of soothing the inhabitants of that city, and of procuring a more ready submission to the other acts of that Assembly, without any serious intention of settling these able advocates for nonconformity in that station. " The bishops,'^ says Calderwood, " meant no such thing in earnest." I But the proposal testifies the esteem in which Mr Henderson was held, even at that early period, by the faithful part of the Church of Scojtland, unto whom he had lately adjoined himself. § In the month of August 1619, Mr Henderson and two other ministers were called before the Court of High Com- mission in St Andrews, charged with composing and pub- lishing a book, entitled " Perth Assembly," proving the nullity of that Assembly, and with raising a contribution to defray the expense of printing the work. They appeared, and answered for themselves with such wisdom, that the bishops could gain no advantage against them, and were * Usually styled the Five Articles of Perth . f Memoirs of Mr Robert Blair, p. 14. t History of the Church of Scotland, p. 713. § [Mr Henderson's popularity, during this period of his life, may be inferred from the additional fact, that, on the 29th of September 1631, he received a call from the parish of Stirling, with the concun-ence of the Presbytery and Town-Council ; which he declined to accept. — R<:ccrds of the Presbytery of StirUiu/. — Ed.] 8 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. obliged to dismiss them with threatenings. * Both before and after the ratification of the Acts of Perth Assembly by the Parliament in 1621, many honest ministers were greatly harassed on "^ account of their nonconformity. But the aversion to the newly introduced ceremonies was so general, and the minority against whose will they were car- ried, both in Assembly and Parliament, so respectable, that it was judged impolitic and dangerous to enforce a rigid and universal compliance with them. A number of ministers, who opposed and refused to practise them, were overlooked, and permitted to continue in their charges, particularly in the west country, and in Fife, where Mr Henderson's parish lay! From this period until the year 1637, it does not ap- pear that he suffered much, although he continued to be watched with a jealous eye, and cramped in his exertions for promoting the cause of truth and holiness. One feels a desire to. know how a person in Mr Hender- son's situation was employed during so long an interval of partial restraint ; and even when the records from which information is drawn are in a great measure silent, we may, without transgressing far the limits of history, form conclu- sions from the character of the man, and the appearance which he made when afterwards drawn into public notice. Secluded from the bustle of the world, he had an opportunity of conversing with his God, and of being admitted to those heavenly enjoyments, and attaining those religious experi- ences, which are often, in a high degree, the privileges of Christians placed in such circumstances, -f- * Row of Carnock^ History of the Kirk of Scotland, MS., p. 242. Mr David Calderwood, the celebrated author of Altare Damascenum, was also the author of the book in question. [When search Avas made for him in 1619, as the Author of "Perth Assembly," Calderwood was secreted in Cranston, "in a chamber appointed him by Lady Dame Sarah Cranston, who was many ways steadable to him. He removed from place to place, as the Lord provided for him, till the 27th August, that he embarked at Newhaven, and sailed to Holland." — CM. MS. Hist, iv., 836.— Ed.] + [The conjecture here formed is corroborated by the following facts which have been transmitted to us, regarding this early period of Hender- son's life. " Mr James "NVelhvood, a miuister,in his younger days was deeply LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. i) The time which Mr Henderson spent in his retirement, though obscure on the page of history, was not the least use- ful period of his life. Living sequestered in his parish, and excluded from taking any share in the management of the ecclesiastical affairs of the nation, he had leisure to push his inquiries into the extensive field of theology and the history of the Church, and laid up those stores of knowledge which he afterwards had an opportunity of displaying. The sedu- lous discharge of pastoral duties afforded him regular em- ployment, and in the success with which this was attended, he enjoyed the purest gratification. Besides this, he met occasionallyVith his brethren of the same mind at fasts and communions, when, by sermons and conferences, they en- couraged one another in adhering to the good old principles exercised. Mr Alexander Henderson was minister of Leuchars, near by him,aud gavehim a visit, and after long conference, could gain noe grounds upoii him, for Mr James was of a deep piercing vnt, and repelled all Mr Alexander could say to him by way of comfort ; so he goes to leave liim. Mr James gripps Mr Henderson's hand fast at parting. iMr Alexander asked him why he expressed so much kindness, for, says he, 'I never did you any courtesy or personal advantage.' ' I love you. Sir,' said Mr James, 'because I think you are a man in whom I see much of the image of Christ, and who fears God.' ' Then,' said Mr Henderson, 'if I can gain no more ground on you, take that,— 1 John iii. 14, By this we hiotc that ice have passed from death unto life, because we love the brethren: Upon this Mv James anchored faith, and this was the first thing that brought comfort to him. After this they parted ; but within a little he grew soe in the sense of the love of God, that the manifestations of the Lord aUowed him all his lifetime were wonderful."— Wodrow's Analecla, vol. ii., p. 222. There is another characteristic anecdote related of Hen- derson, in the diary of one Arthur IMorton, a minister in Fife, who laboured under extreme religious depression of mind. Not one of his friends could make the slightest impression on this melancholy man, till Henderson came to visit him. On hearing him bewail, among his other sins, the viola- tion of some private covenant which he had made with God, Henderson asked a sight of the document, and began, with consummate skiU, to point out its errors, telling him, with an air of authoritative severity, which brought conviction to the poor patient, that "there was one sin of which he had not yet repented, the greatest of them all, and that, vf as the mnkimj ofmch a covenant, which spoiled God of the glory of his grace, by relying more on the powers of nature and powerful means, than the merits of our Lord."— i»/*S'., Quarto, Adt. Lib. -Ed.] 10 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. of the Church of Scotland, and joined in fervent supplica- tions to God for the remedy of those evils under which they groaned. * Mr Livingston mentions Mr Henderson as one of those " godly and" able ministers''^ with whom he' got ac- quainted in attending these solemn occasions, between the years 1626 and 1630, " the memory of whom," says he, " is very precious and refreshing." -f- (Ki length the time for delivering the Church of Scotland arrived. The Lord regarded the prayers and fasting of his servants, made their light to rise out of obscurity, and re- stored their captivity in an unexpected and surprising way. Those who had become enamoured with the external form of the English Church, judged, in concurrence with the * [ hi connection with these Presbyterial meetings, which were connived at by the bishops in some places, and were useful for maintaining some union among the faithful ministers, before the year 1637, Wodrow re- lates the following anecdote of Henderson ; — " Mr Henderson, I hear, took great pains to gain the great Mr Wood, afterwards Professor of Divinity. Mr Wood was both Arminian and Prelatick in his youth. Mr Henderson perceiving him a smart and most acute young man, always made much of him, and was most kind to him when he met him at any time. One time he invited Mr Wood and Mr David Forret, both then Prelatick, to be present at some of their Presbyterial meetings. Mr Wood objected that they would not win in. Mr Henderson told them he needed not fear that, for he should bring them both in ; and so they were present at a Presbyterial meeting for prayer and conference. After the meeting was over, Mr Henderson called for them both, and said, ' Now Jacobe, what think you of our meeting, when compared with yours ? ' Mr Wood said, ' he was much taken with that meeting, and that there appeared to be much more of the Spirit of God with them, than at their Prelatick meet- ings.' Mr Fon-et seemed to be more taken ; he said, ' he saw nothing of the presence of God in their Prelatick meeting, by what he saw that day in their Presbyterial meeting ; ' but Mr Wood answered, ' We are men, and must not only have our aflections moved, but our judgments must be satisfied.' Mr Henderson was very well pleased with what he said, and replied, * That is very true, Jacobe, ye are men, and must have your judgment satisfied ; ' and so he inquired at Mr W. if he had read any of the Presbyteiian writers, and he having declared he had not, Mr Hender- son sent him Altare Damascenum, and desired him to peruse it seriously ; ac^cordingly he read it, and was entirely gained thereby. He declared his judgment was fully satisfied with what he had read in that book.'— Anal. vol. iv., p. 222. — Ed.] t I-iife of Mr John Livingstoji, p. 12. LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 11 court, that a fit season now offered for introducing its com- plete model into Scotland. Accordingly, in 1636, a book of ecclesiastical canons was sent down from England, and in the course of the same year a book of ordination. * After some delay, the Anglo-Popish Liturgy or Service-book framed after the English model, but with alterations, which, according to the scheme then on foot of reconciling the Romish and EngHsh churches, approached nearer to the Popish ritual, made its appearance. Had Scotland tamely submitted to this yoke, and allowed the threefold cord to be thrown over her, she might afterwards have sighed and struggled in vain for liberty. But the arbitrary manner in which these innovations were imposed, not less offensive than the matter of them, added to the dissatisfaction produced by former measures of the court and bishops, excited universal disgust, and aroused a spirit of opposition, which was not allayed until not only the obnoxious acts were swept away, but the whole fabric of Episcopacy, which during so many years they had laboured to rear, was levelled with the dust. Sensible of gross mismanagements, and galled with disap- pointment, the defenders of Scottish Episcopacy have en- deavoured to throw the blame sometimes on the young bishops, sometimes upon the statesmen employed in the transaction; but it is evident, that, while their counsels were in some things divided, they did all, young and old, churchmen and statesmen, urge forward, with singular in- fatuation, those measures which precipitated their fall. The tumult which was produced by the first reading of the Liturgy in Edinburgh, on the 23d of July 1637, is well known. Bishop Guthrie represents this disturbance as the result of a previous consultation in April, at which time, he says, Mr Alexander Henderson came from the brethren in Fife, and Mr David Dickson from those in the west, and, in concert with Lord Balmerino and Sir Thomas Hope, engaged certain matrons to put the first affront upon the Service- book. The bishop was so well acquainted with this piece of secret history, that he has given us the names of the * Row of Carnock's History, MB., p. 292. 12 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. women employed. It is rather unfavourable to. the credi- bility of this story, that it flatly contradicts the official ac- counts, not only of the Town Council of Edinburgh, and of the Privy Council, but of his Majesty also,"which declare, that, after the most strict inquiry, it appeared that the tumult was begun by the meaner sort of people, without any instigation, concert, or interference, of the better classes.* But the bishop himself, in his eagerness to asperse Mr Dickson, has mentioned a fact which enables us completely to disprove the charge, and which discredits his whole ac- count. He says that Mr Dickson, in going home by Stirling, gave out that his errand to Edinburgh was to accompany Mr Robert Blair to a ship which was to carry him to Ger- many.f Now, Mr Blair's design of going to the Continent was not hefore, but a considerable time after the tumult, being formed in the midst of the regular opposition which was made to the innovations, and at a time when there was r * Laxge Declaration, ijp. 23, 40. Burnet's Memoirs of D. Hamilton, p. 32. t Guthrie's Memoirs, pp. 23, 24. [Tlie ridiculous story told by Bishop Guthrie, of a preconcerted arrangement among the leaders of the Covenant to create a riot on this occasion, contradicted as it was by the authorities of the time, who instituted a close investigation into the cir- cumstances, has now been completely disproved by additional e\-idence. See Rothes' Relation, p. 3, and Appendix, p. 198. A true relation of the Prelat's Carriage for introducing the Bookes of Canons, &c. Bishop Burnet says, that " after all inquiry was made, it did not at all Appear that any above the meaner sort were accessory to that tumult." Baillie, who blurts out every thing he heard, never hhxts at any such conspiracy. Those who, in spite of such a mass of evidence to the contrary, persist in believing the malicious fiction of Guthrie, an apostate minister, whose Memoirs were published after his death by an editor of suspicious fidelity, and teem with reproaches against the Presbyterians, betray a pitiable de- gree of prejudice. A late writer, distinguished for an almost rabid hos- tility to the Covenanters has attempted to bolster up this story, by an anonymous letter, addressed to Archibald Johnston, proposing some plan for intimidating the bishops from making a public appearance in Glas- gow.— Napierh Montrose and the Corenanters, vol. i., p. 136. But here Mr Napier has found a mai-e's nest ; in his blindfold eagerness to asperse the Covenanters, he does hot seem to have discovered that this letter is dated "26th October 1638," that is, just fifteen months after the timiult at Edinburgh, which took place on the 23d of July 1637 !— Ed.] LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. ' 1-^ little appearance of the petitioners obtaining a favourable answer to their demands.* But although Mr Henderson had no share in any private cabal or plot, he had, from the first intimation of the pro- jected changes, expressed his disapprobation of them, and did not scruple, after their appealrance, publicly to expose their dangerous tendency. While this irritated the ruling party, it endeared him to others. As early as March 1637, we find Mr Rutherford thus writing to him :— " As for your case, my reverend and dearest brother, ye are the talking of ■ the north and south, and looked to so as if ye were all chrystal glass. Your motes and dust should [will] be proclaimed, and trumpets blown at your slips ; but I know ye have laid help upon One that is mighty. Intrust not your comforts to men's airy and frothy applause, neither lay your down- castings on the tbngues of salt-mockers, and reproachers of godliness." f His early and public appearances were the oc- casion of his being singled out among the objects of prosecu- tion, to deter others from imitating their ex^-mple. The Archbishop of St Andrews gave a charge to Mr Henderson and other two ministers in his diocese, to purchase each two copies of the Liturgy, for the use of their parishes, within fifteen days, under the pain of rebellion. Mr Hen- derson immediately came to Edinburgh, and on the 23d of August, presented a petition to the Privy Council for him- self'and his brethren, stating their objections, and praying a suspension of the charge.^ To this petition, and others * Row of Ceres's Supplement to Mr Blair's Life, MS., p. 30. See also Rutherford's Letters, Lett. 17L t Letters, part I. ep. 16. t [This SuppUcation, which is given at full length in Rothes' Relation, p. 45, was subscribed by Alexander Henderson, minister at Leuchars ; George Hamilton, minister at Newburn ; and James Bruce, minister of Kingsbarns. After declaring their willingness at first to receive one of the books to read, « that they might know what it contained before they could promise to practise it," which was refused them, they give the foUowing reasons against receiving the liturgy, after having read it :_1. Because this Book is neither warranted by the authority of the General Assembly, nor by any Act of Parliament. 2. Because the liberties and worship of the Scottish Church were warranted by both. 3. The Kirk of Scotland is a free and independent kirk ; and her own pastors -should be most able to discern 14 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. of a similar kind, providentially presented about the same time, the council returned a favourable answer, and trans- mitted to London an account of the aversion of the country to conformity. Tliis was an important step, as it directed all that were aggrieved to a regular mode of obtaining relief; and the Privy Council having, at this early stage, testified their aversion to enforce the novations, did after- wards, on different important occasions, befriend and pro- mote the cause of the petitioners. From this time forward, Mr Henderson took an active share in all the measures of the petitioners, and his pru- dence and diligence contributed not a little to bring them to a happy issue. They soon discovered his value, and im- proved it by employing him in their most important and delicate transactions.* Indeed, he was engaged with so little intermission in the public transactions which followed, that the history of the remaining part of his life necessarily involves some account of these. Without, however, enter- ing into a detail of public events, which may be found in the general histories of the period, although often very in- adequately and partially represented, it shall be the object of this memoir to select those incidents in which Mr Hen- derson was more particularly concerned, and which tend to throw light upon his character. As we are now to view him in a very different scene from the tranquil and retired one in which he formerly acted, it and dii-ect Avhat doth best beseem our measure of reformation, and what may serve most for the good of the people. 4. The ceremonies contained in tlie Book could be shown to depart from the worship of this Kirk, and in points most material to draw near to the Kirk of Rome. 5. The people have been otherwise taught, and would not submit to the change even where the pastors were willing. — Ed.] * [Baillie facetiously calls Mr Henderson and Mr David Dickson, "the tico Archbishops, by whose wit and grace, joined with two or three of the noblemen, all in effect was done." These, however, were but the heads which guided the movements, and the organs which gave expression to the sentiments, of a willing people. It is the boast and beauty of Pres- bytery, that while it calls no man Master upon earth, it natively brings forth, and cordially acknowledges, the hierarchy of talent, piety, and principle. — Ed.] LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 15 may be agreeable to hear his own beautiful and serious re- flections upon the ordinations of divine sovereignty in this matter, made when he was in London, in the midst of those great undertakings to which Providence had gradually con- ducted him. " When," says he, " from my sense of myself, and of my own thoughts and ways, I begin to remember how men, who love to live obscurely, and in the shadow, are brought forth to light, to the view and talking of the world ; how men that love quietness are made to stir, and to have a hand in public business; how men that love soliloquies and contemplations are brought upon debates and controversies ; and generally, how men are brought to act the things which they never determined, nor so much as dreamed of before ; — the words of the prophet Jeremiah come to my remem- brance, ' O Lord, I know that the way of man is not in himself ; it is not in man that walketh to direct his steps.' Let no man think himself master of his own actions or ways : ' When thou wast young, thou girdedst thyself, and walkedst whither thou wouldst ; but when thou shalt be old, thou shalt stretch forth thy hands, another shall gird thee, and carry thee whither thou wouldst not.'"* These reflections show that in the active part which he took in the troubles, he was neither goaded by resentment for the restraints to which he had been subjected, nor stimulated by that ambition which leads men to seek for fame in the embroilments of public affairs, — a remark which the whole of his subsequent life serves to justify. * Dedication to a sermon preached by him before the Parliament of England. 16 TJFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. PART 11. ' PROM THE SWEARING OF THE COVENANT, 1638, TO THE PACIFICATION AT BERWICK, 1639. The number of the petitioners against the innovations increased so rapidly, that in a short time the body of the nation was embarked in the cause, and they found it neces- sary to divide themselves into four companies, consisting of the noblemen, the gentlemen of the shires, the burgesses, and the ministers, and to commit the prosecution of their petitions to a certain number of deputies, or commissioners, appointed by each of these ; which was done with the ap- probation of the Privy Council.* After having been amused for some time with promises, their meetings were suddenly prohibited by a proclamation from his Majesty, under pain of rebellion. Alarmed by this procedure, and convinced that they could not confide in the court, they saw the ne- cessity of adopting some other method for strengthening their union. That to which they were directed was, both in a divine and human point of view, the most proper. They * These deputies met separately in the Parliament House, and sat around tables, from which the association obtained the name of The Tithles. [The designation of " The Tables" seems rather to have been derived from a phrase usually applied at that time to courts of justice. " Wlien the commissioners from sh}Tes and presbyteries mett and satt downe, what absurdity is it to call them so mett a table, seeing it is not a counsell table, or a judiciall table, such as the prelates called their tables. If we called it a judiciall table, let us be hanged for it. A taylor's table, sitting with his men sewing about it, or a company eating at such a man's table there is no absurditie in the speache ; and we did not call ourselves the tables, but uthers gave it that name." — Speech of Earl Rothes in Assembly 1638; Records of the Kirk of Scotland, p. 145 — Ed.] LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 17 recollected, that formerly, in a time of great danger, the nation of Scotland had entered into a solemn covenant, by which they bound themselves to continue in the true Pro- testant religion, and to defend and support one another in that cause against their common enemies. The several Tables being assembled, the noblemen having called Messrs Henderson and Dickson to their assistance, agreed to renew this covenant, and approved of a draught for this purpose.* This being sent to the other Tables, was unanimously adopted. It was substantially the same with the National Covenant, which had been sworn by all ranks, and ratified by every authority in the kingdom during the preceding reign, but was adapted to the corruptions which had been intro- duced since that period, and to the circumstances in which the Covenanters were placed, in which respect it differed from what was called the King"'s Covenant, afterwards en- joined. On the 1st of March 1638, the covenant was sworn with uplifted hands, and subscribed in the Greyfriars' Church, by thousands, consisting of the nobility, gentry, burgesses, ministers of the Gospel, and commons, assembled from all parts of Scotland ; and copies of it being circulated throughout the kingdom, it was every where sworn and subscribed with the greatest alacrity. " This memorable deed, of which it would be improper to forget the authors, was prepared by Alexander Henderson, the leader of the clergy, and Archibald Johnston, afterwards of Warriston, an advocate, in whom the suppliants chiefly confided, and revised by Balmerino, Loudon, and Rothes."" •]* * Baillie's Letters, i. 35. t Laing's History of Scotland, i. 134. [Letters of advertisement, dated Feb. 22, 1638, were sent througliout the kingdom, Avarningall Avho valued the cause of Reformation to repair to Edinburgh with all haste — Bow's History, p. 343. These Letters, copies of which will be found in Rothes' Relation, Avere not sent till after they found that " the prelates had, by mis- information of the King's Majestie, procured a proclamation for establishing the Service-Book, and discharging all meetings under pain of treason, — thus not only restraining our liberties, but taking from us all means of ordinary and lawful remedy." It is therefore "thought fit that all considerabls persons should be once here, to receive true information of the business that so nearly concerneth all who love the truth, the welfare of their B 18 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. About this time the city of Edinburgh fixed their eyes upon Mr Henderson for one of their ministers. Among other articles of information sent up to the Scottish bishops then at London, by .their friends in Scotland, was tho follow- ing : — " That the Council of Edinburgh have made choice of Mr Alexander Henderson to be helper to Mr Andrew Ramsay, and intend to admit him without advice or consent of the bishops." * It is probable that his own aversion to posterity and estate, how mean soever, and desire to enjoy the liberty of free subjects, that they may give their ojiinion herein." In other words, it was a call to the country to come forward in the great cause of civil and religious liberty. — Ed.] Burnet's Memoirs of D. Hamilton, p. 41. [The presentation to Mr Henderson appears in the Council Records, 4th May 1638. The vacancy first proposed for him -was in the southwest parish of the burgh. The Council, *' understanding the literature and qualificatioun of Maister Alexander Heudersoun, present minister of the Kirk of Luthers in FyifF, hes elected, nominated, and presentit out of the lyittes (leets) presentlie maid the said Mr Alexander." On the 21st Novem- ber in the same year, I find them employing two preachers to sup- ply " durmg the tyme of vacancie of sum plaices of their churches ;" and on the 2d of January 1639, it is said, "Whereas the Council haveing diverse tymes of before aymed to hate had Mr Alexander Henrysoune to the cure of ane church within the brugh," and understanding that the General Assembly held at Glasgow had, on the 18th of December last, " not only thought it necessary to transplant him to the church of Edinr., but also did, by an act of the dait foirsaid, transport the said Mr Alexr. fra the said church of Leucheries to the said church of Edinr., in consideration of all which, the Council, finding both the places of the church of this bnigh vacand be deprivatione of IVIr James Hanna and Mr Alexander Thomsone, and understanding of the literature, libilitie, and qualificatioun of Mr Alexr. Henrysoune, presents " &c., earnestly entreating the ministrie of the Presbytery of Edinburgh to admit the said Mr Alexr., and appointing a committee of their num- ber " to deal with him for this effect." — Edinburgh Town-Council Records. From its being said that they had "diverse tymes of before ajnined" at bringing Mr Henderson to Edinburgh, we might suppose that the presen- tation in May 1638 was not the first attempt they had made to obtain him ; but on searching the Records, I find no mention made of Hender- son's name in the various leets which they presented from time to time to tho bishojis, from 1614 to 1638, till the above date ; so that the ex- pression either refers to private applications, defeated, it may be, by the opposition of the bishops, or to their unsuccessful efforts to obtain him, LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 19 be translated, which he afterwards discovered to be very strong, and the desire of the petitioners not to throw any unnecessary obstacle in the way of the settlement, were the causes which hindered the motion from being carried into effect at this time. * In the month of July, Mr Henderson, together with Mr Dickson, was sent by the Tables to the north, to persuade the inhabitants to take the covenant, particularly those of Aberdeen, who, by the influence of their doctors of divinity, and the Marquis of Huntly, had hitherto declined to join with their brethren in other parts of the nation. Upon their arrival at Aberdeen, the doctors presented to them fourteen captious demands respecting the covenant, which they had drawn up with much care and art. Different papers passed between the doctors and the deputed ministers on this sub- from May to December 1638. It appears from the Records, that after the presentation to Mr Henderson in May 1638, no other was issued till January 1639, when he was again presented. The city of Edinburgk had the peculiar privilege, very early granted to it, of selecting and translating any of the settled ministers throughout Scotland. It is a curious fact, that the Council frequently found it no easy task to prevail on the ministers to comply with these metropolitan calls. In 1620, John Guthrie of Perth, and WiUiam Livingston of Sanquhar, having positively refused to be translated to Edinburgh, charges of horning were actually executed against them to compel compliance. Even these, however, proved ineffectual ; the ministers remained obstinate ; and as the Council " thought not fit to denounce them," they were obliged to prepare new leets. — Records of Council, Oct. 15, 1620. — Ed.] * [Almost all the large towns of Scotland seemed to have vied to do honour to this noble champion of truth and liberty. In 1638, the town of Dundee, from respect to his character, and gratitude for his efforts to pro- mote the good of his country, conferred upon him the privilege of a burgess. The following is a copy of his burgess-ticket, which is in the possession of Dr Lee : — " Die vigesimo octavo mensis Maij anno Dni. millesimo sexcen- tesimo trigesimo octavo tempore Jacobi Fletcher praepositi, Jacobi Scrymgour decani gildte, et Joannis Blyth thesarii. " Quo die Magister Alexander Henrysoune, minister Verbi Dei in Ecclesia de Leuchares effectus est burgensis et frater gildae burgi de Dundej propter ipsius merita. in Rempublicam praestita omni servata solennitate. Extractum de Communi registro omnium burgensium et fratrum gildae burgi per me Magistrum Alexandrum Wedderburne scribam ejusdem. — M. A. Wedderbubne." — Ed.] 20 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. ject, which were published. Those of the latter were written by Mr Henderson. The deputies being otherwise engaged, and seeing no prospect of removing the prejudices of men who had adopted principles which led them to comply with whatever the Court should enjoin, desisted from the controversy, and left it to be carried on by individuals through the press. * Being refused access to the pulpits of Aberdeen, they preached to great crowds of people in the open air. Many were disposed to mock ; but the only out- rage which took place, was committed by a student, named Logic, a profligate youth, who threw stones at the Com- * The friends of Episcopacy and ceremonies have boasted of the victory Tvhich tlie doctors obtained in this dispute ; and even others, imposed upon by the plausible air which pervades their papers, have, without sufficient examination, inclined to the same judgment. It was not difficult for the doctors and ministers of Aberdeen, being at home, and having access to their libraries, to muster up a formidable train of demands, to start cavils, to involve the subject by the introduction of a number of nice and casuistical difficulties, to give the whole an air of learning, by the quotation of authorities, and by these means to lead away the mind from the plain matter in dispute ; for in these the strength of their papers will be found to consist. A satisfactory solution of their most plausible objections may be found in Mr Rutherford's " Lex Rex," and his " Divine Right of Church Government." [In their duplies, the Aberdeen doctors carried their doctrine of subjec- tion to princes, and their defence of corruptions to such a height, that the king's commissioner found it prudent to suppress them for some time, and when they came abroad, they had the effect of confirming some who had been formerly wavering as to the propriety of the proceedings of the Tables. " I was lately of the mind," says Baillie, " that in no imaginable case any prince might have been opposed. I incline now to think otherwise. I am somewhat confirmed by the last duply of Aberdeen, which, though wisely for a time suppressed by the commissioner, yet, being sighted and approven by my Lord of Canterbury (Laud), is now come amongst us. They will have us believe, that our whole state, icere they to be all killed in a day, or to be led to Turkuni, to be spoiled of all liberty, goods, life, religion, aU ; yet they may make no kind of resistance. The conclusion is horrible, and their proof so weak, for all their diligence and learning, that I lilce it much worse than I did." — Letters, vol.[i. p. 89. " I had drunken in, without examination, from Mr Cameron, in my youth, that slavisli tenet, that all resistance to the supreme magistrate in any case was simply unlawful; but setting myself to diligent reading, I found my doubts loosed, especially by Bilson, Grotius, Rivet, and the Doctors of Aberdeen.'" — lb., p. 152. — Ed.] LIFE OP ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 21 missioiiers while Mr Henderson was preaching ; and who, shortly after, was found guilty of the murder of a boy, and executed. After preaching in various places, and procur- ing the subscriptions of several hundreds in Aberdeen, be- sides those in different parts of the country, they returned to their constituents. The next public appearance which Mr Henderson was called to make, was in the celebrated Assembly which met at Glasgow. The petitioners continuing firm and united, the Court found it necessary to grant their demands, by calling a General Assembly and Parliament, to consider the grievances of which the nation complained. The first thing that engaged the attention of the Assembly, which sat down on the 21st November 1638, was the choice of a Moderator. Considering the critical state of affairs, the period which had elapsed since a General Assembly had been held in Scotland, the important discussions expected, and the multi- tude assembled to witness them, the filling of this station in a proper manner was of great consequence. It required a person of authority, resolution, and prudence, — one who could act in a difficult situation in which he had not for- merly been placed. Mr Henderson had given evidence of his possessing these qualifications in a high degree, and he was unanimously called to the chair. Having solemnly constituted the Assembly, he addressed the members in a neat and appropriate speech. Throughout the whole of that Assembly he justified the good opinion which his brethren entertained of him. To his Majesty's Commissioner he be- haved with the greatest respect, and, at the same time, with an independence and firmness which became the president of a free Assembly. His behaviour to the nobility and gentry, who were members, and to his brethren in the ministry, was equally decorous. His prudence and ability were put to the test on two occasions, — the premature dis- solution of the Assembly by the royal Commissioner, and the excommunication of the bishops. Of his conduct in these, it is proper to give some account. Although the King had called the Assembly, it was not 22 LIFE OP ALEXANDER HENDERSON. his design to allow them fairly to proceed to the discussion of ecclesiastical business, and to examine and rectify abuses, but only to cause to be registered such concessions, flowing from his own will and authority, as he found it necessary in present circumstances to grant. The Marquis of Hamilton, his Commissioner, had instructions not to consent formally to any part of their procedure, and, at a proper time, to op- pose a nullity to the whole. On the other hand, the members considered themselves as a free Assembly, and were resolved to claim and exercise that liberty and power which they possessed, agreeably to Presbyterian principles, and the laws of the land ratifying the Presbyterian government, and the freedom of its judicatories. The declinature of the bishops having been read, at the repeated request of the Commissioner, the Assembly were proceeding in course to vote themselves competent judges of the libels raised against them. Upon this, the Commissioner interposed, and declared that if they proceeded to this, he could con- tinue with them no longer, and delivered his Majesty's con- cessions to be read and registered. After the clerk had read them, the Moderator addressed his Grace in a grave and well-digested speech. He returned thanks, in the name of the Assembly, for his Majesty's goodness in calling the Assembly, and the willingness to remove the grievances complained of, which he had testified in the paper now read. He condescended upon the power which the Keformed Churches allowed to magistrates respecting ecclesiastical affairs, and declared that the Assembly were heartily dis- posed to give unto their King and his Commissioner, all that honour and obedience which was consistent with the duty they owed to the King of kings. " Sir," answered the Commissioner, " you have spoken as becometh a good Christian and a dutiful subject, and I am hopeful that you will conduct yourself with that deference you owe to your royal Sovereign, all of whose commands will (I trust) be found agreeable to the commandments of God." The Mo- derator replied, that being indicted by his Majesty, and constituted according to the acts and practice of former LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 23 times, they looked upon themselves as a free Assembly ; and he trusted that all things would be conducted agreeably to the laws of God and reason, and hoped that their King, being such a lover of righteousness, would, upon a proper representation, cordially agree with them. Having said this, he asked the members again if he should put the question as to the competency of the Assembly to judge the bishops ? The Commissioner urged that the question should be deferred. " Nay, with your Grace's permission, that can- not be," said the Moderator; " for it is fit to be only after the declinature hath been under consideration." The Commis- sioner repeated, that in this case it behoved him to with- draw. " I wish the contrary from the bottom of my heart," replied Mr Henderson, " and that your Grace would con- tinue to favour us with your presence, without obstructing the work and freedom of the Assembly." After having in vain insisted on the Moderator to conclude with prayer, the Commissioner did, in his Majesty's name, dissolve the Assembly, discharging them, under the highest pains, from continuing to sit longer. Upon the Commissioner's leaving the house, the Mode- rator delivered an animating address to the Assembly. He reminded them of the Divine countenance which had hither- to been shown to them in the midst of their greatest difficul- ties. They^had done all that was in their power to obtain the countenance of human authority, and now, when deprived of it, they ought not to be discouraged in maintaining the rights which they had received from Christ, as a court con- stituted in his name. " We perceive," said he, " his Grace, my Lord Commissioner, to be zealous of his royal master's commands ; have not we as good reason to be zealous to- wards our Lord, and to maintain the liberties and privileges of his kingdom?" Immediately after this, upon the Mo- derator's putting the question, the members did, first by uplifted hands, and then by a formal vote, declare their resolution to remain together until they finished the weighty business which^urgently demanded their consideration.* * Row's MS. History, p. 356. [It was at this momentous crisis that St LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. At the opening of the next session, Mr Henderson again addressed the Assembly, and put them in mind of the pro- priety of their paying particular attention, in the circum- stances in which they were now placed, to gravity, quiet- ness, and order ; not, he said, that he assumed any thing to himself, but he was bold to direct them in that wherein he knew he had the consent of their own minds. It is but jus- tice to add, that this advice was punctually complied with throughout the whole of that long Assembly. The Assembly having finished the processes of the bishops, agreed, at the close of their 19th session, that the sentences passed against them should be publicly pronounced next day by the Moderator, after a sermon to be preached by him suitable to the solemn occasion. It was in vain that he pleaded his fatigue, the multiplicity of affairs by which his attention was distracted, and the shortness of the advertise- ment with a view to preparation : no excuse was admitted. Accordingly, at the time appointed, he preached, before a very large auditory, from Psalm ex. 1 : " The Lord said unto my Lord, sit thou at my right hand, until I make thine enemies thy footstool." After narrating the steps which the Assembly had taken, and causing an abstract of the evidence against the bishops to be read for the satisfac- tion of the people, he, " in a very dreadful and grave man- ner" (says one who was present), pronounced the sentences of deposition and excommunication; the whole Assembly being deeply affected, and filled with mingled emotions of admiration, pity, and awe. * the Assembly were cheered by the accession of Lord Erskine, who, with tears in his eyes, entreated to be admitted into their society and covenant. Their courage was likewise greatly aided by the speeches of Loudon, Rothes, and Argyle. The conversion of the latter nobleman to the cause of Christ, is ascribed by Wodrow to Mr Henderson. " He took great pains to gain great men to Christ and his way. I hear that at the Assembly 1638, at Glasgow, he sat up a whole night with my Lord Lorn, who was afterwards made Marquis of Argyle, and suffered in 1661, and he entirely gained him to Christ. Mr Henderson said, he thoizght that was one of the best spent nights of his life, he having gained so great a man." — And., vol. ii. p. 222. — Ed.] * The sermon, with an account of the whole procedure, is on record in LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 25 On the day following, a petition from St Andrews was '^ presented to the Assembly, supplicating that Mr Henderson should be translated to that city. This was opposed by the Commissioners from Edinburgh, who pleaded that he was already their minister-elect. Mr Henderson himself was extremely averse to remove from his present charge, and keenly opposed it in the Assembly. He pleaded that he was too old a plant to take root in another soil, * and that he might be more useful where he was than in a public station. If he was to be removed, his love of retirement inclined him rather to St Andrews than Edinburgh. After a warm con- test between the two places, it carried that he should be translated to Edinburgh. Upon this decision of the Assem- bly, he submitted, having obtained a promise that he should be allowed to remove to a country charge, if his health should require it, or when the infirmities of old age should overtake him. -|- the journal of Assembly, and is also in print. See also Baillie's Letters, and Stevenson's History. [This seimon was published in 1762, in a small pamphlet, entitled, " The Bishops' Doom," with the following advertisement : — " It must be observed, in justice to the venerable author of the following sermon, that by the journal of the Assembly 1638, he had only allowed him from the evening of the preceding day to study that sermon. His thoughts, amidst such a multiplicity of work as was then on his hand, behoved also to be much perplexed ; and his sermon, though subjoined at the end of that journal, seems only to have been taken down in the time of delivery by an amanuensis." The reporter had begun to take down the prayer before pronouncing the sentence of excommunication, but could get no farther than the first sentence. " The concern of the congregation increasing as the awful part drew neai-, the amanuensis could not distinctly transcribe more of this very fervent prayer." — See the Sermon in Records of the Kirk of Scotland, pp. 174-180.— Ed.] * He was at that time fifty-three years of age. t Baillie, i. 142. [Many reasons were urged by the Commissioners from Edinburgh for his translation, such as, that "this city was most exposed to the trial of the corruptions imposed on the Church — that they were the centre of this kingdom — that they were the learnedest auditorie in the kingdome — that her Presbyterie was ever esteemed the most prime in this Church." " By all thir, and many moe reasons, did they urge the trans- portation of Mr Alexr. Henderson. The Moderator said, ' I will never go to answer any of these aiguments used heir with such multiplication, and 26 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. When the Assembly had brought their business to a con- clusion, Mr Henderson addressed them in an able speech of considerable length ; of which we can here only present an outline. He apologised for the imperfect manner in which he had discharged the duties of the situation in which they had placed him, and thanked them for rendering his task so easy by the manner in which they had conducted themselves ; exhorted them gratefully to remember the wonderful good- ness of the Almighty, and not to overlook the instances of favour which they had received from their temporal sove- reign. He adverted to the galling yoke from which they had been rescued ; pointed out some of the visible marks of the finger of God in effecting this ; and earnestly exhorted them to a discreet use and steady maintenance of the liberties which they had obtained. " We are like a man that has lain long in irons, who, after they are off, and he redeemed, feels not his liberty for some time, but the smart of them makes him apprehend that they are on him still : so it is with us ; we do not yet feel our liberty. Take heed of a second defection ; and rather endure the greatest extremity, than be entangled again with the yoke of bondage." In conclusion, he inculcated upon them a favourable construc- tion of his Majesty's opposition to them ; expressed his high a great deal of rhetorick, for providing the town of Edinr., — for it is very reasonable it be weill provydit ; but for my oune part, all these reasons do desuade me from granting their desyre ; and since there are such great things required of a minister that is there, surely my insufficiency makes me think every argument militate against my going there, how- soever they be strong for provyding the towne of Edinr.' " — Records of the Kirk, p. 183. Henderson's induction to the Greyfriars took place upon the 10th January 1639. "Mr And. Ramsay preached upon Matth. xxiv., beginning at the 24th verse. After sermon, he spake something to Mr Alexander and to the bailies. The ministers took him be the hand, and so did the bailies, elders, and deacons, in name of the towne." — Bobt. Douglas's Diary, Wad. MS., 8vo., x. p. 102. I may here mention, that he was translated, in January 1642, to the East Kirk. "The towne was desired be the Lords of Sessione to put Mr Alexr. Henrysoune in the East Kirk, where they and the Counsell are appointed to be hearers. This has maid the towne bring Mr Alexr. from the Grej'friars, where they had once put him, to that kirk, to be ordinar there with Mr Harie [RoUock]." — Wod. MS., Vol. Ixvi. No. 99 —Ed.] LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 27 sense of the distinguished part which the nobles, barons, and burgesses had acted, of the harmony which had reigned among the ministers, and of the kind and hospitable treat- ment which the members of Assembly had received from the city of Glasgow. After desiring some members to supply any thing which he had omitted, he concluded with prayer, singing the 133d Psalm, and pronouncing the apostolical benediction. Upon which the Assembly arose in triumph. " We have now cast down the walls of Jericho," said Mr Henderson, when the members were rising, " let him that rebuildeth them beware of the curse of Hiel the Bethelite." The distinguished place which Mr Henderson occupied in this Assembly, and the active part which he took in its pro- ceedings, could not fail, notwithstanding the propriety and moderation of his conduct, to expose him to the resentment of the court and bishops. In the " Large Declaration," drawn up by Dr Balcanqual, * and published in the King's name, he is called " the prime and most rigid Covenanter in the kingdom." f Archbishop Laud, in a letter to the Mar- quis of Hamilton, says, that the only thing, in the full accounts sent him of the proceedings of the Assembly, which required an answer, was, " That Mr Alexander Henderson, who went all this while for a quiet and calm-spirited man, hath shown himself a most violent and passionate man, and a moderator without moderation." Nor was the primate at any loss to account for this transformation of the lamb into the lion ; for he adds, " Truly, my Lord, never did I see any * Dr Balcanqual had attended the Assembly, and agented the cause of the bishops. He seemed studiously to oppose himself to the JNIoder-ator, and on one occasion, during a debate, illiberally reminded him, that he, with others of his brethren, had once patronized those measures which he now so much reprobated,— a reflection which Mr Henderson treated with dignified silence, and to which none of the members judged it necessary to reply. [It strikes me, that in marking this fact in the life of Henderson, the author may have intended a tacit reproof to those among his brethren, who were inclined, weakly enough, to twit him with having changed his sentiments regarding the power of the magistrate circa sacra.— See Life of Dr M'Crie, p. 63.— Ed.] t Large Decl., p. 237. 28 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. man of that humour (the Presbyterian), but he was deep- dyed in some violence or other ; and it would have been a wonder to me if Henderson had held free." * Meek-eyed and merciful Prelacy ! thou hast ever inspired thy votaries with moderation. The proceedings of the High Commission and Star Chamber will continue to bear witness, that their voice was never disgraced by rude passion, nor their hand stained with violence or blood ! The censures of men dis- appointed in the mad project of subjugating a whole nation under tyranny and superstition, will be regarded as praises by all good Christians and patriots. A short time after this. Laud and Balcanqual were declared " public incendiaries" by the King and the Parliaments of both kingdoms ; while Mr Henderson was honoured by them, and his conduct vindicated as laudable and patriotic. Whilst his countrymen were making preparations, during the winter 1639, for defending themselves against the hostile invasion from England, INIr Henderson's pen was employed in several publications, in vindication of their proceedings. Among other papers, he drew up " The Remonstrance of the Nobility, &c., within the kingdom of Scotland, vindicating them and their proceedings from the crimes wherewith they are charged by the late proclamation in England, Feb. 27, leSO," which paper, after being revised by the deputies, was published and circulated in England, and was of great ad- vantage to their cause in that country. He also drew up " Instructions for defensive arms," intended to give informa- tion to all among themselves respecting the just and neces- sary grounds of the defensive war into which they were forced. As this was hastily composed, and the subject was delicate, he declined making it public ; but one Corbet, a deposed minister, who fled to Ireland, carried a copy along with him, and published it with an answer, f As it contains a vindication of the conduct of the nation in that important affair, and of himself in the share which he took in it, a short view of its contents may not be im- * Burnet's Memoirs of D. Hamilton, p. 109. t Baillie, i. 151. Stevenson, p. 686. LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 29 proper here. The question he states, with great accuracy, to be, Whether or not the body of a nation, with the nobles, counsellors, barons, and burgesses, owning all just subjection to the supreme magistrate, and only seeking the enjoy- ment of their religion and liberties established and solemnly guaranteed to them, have a right to stand on their defence against a king, who, at a distance from his people, and misled by the misinformation and malice of evil counsellors, invades them at the head of a foreign force, to overturn their laws, and bring ruin upon themselves and their pos- terity ? That they have such a right, and that it is their duty to use it, he argues from the absurdities of the doctrine of non-resistance ; from the doctrine of Scripture and reason regarding the end of magistracy ; the line of subordination in which prince and people are placed ; the covenant-bond of both king and people to God ; the contract between the sovereign and his subjects ; the law of self-preservation and defence in other cases ; Scripture examples ; the testi- monies of the most judicious writers ; and similar cases in other reformed countries. The King being induced, by the determined appearance of the Scots (at Dunse Law), and the coldness which the English manifested in the cause, to listen to overtures for a pacification, Mr Henderson was appointed one of the Com- missioners on the part of his countrymen. He and Mr Archibald Johnston declined going to the English camp with the rest of the Commissioners on the first day of the treaty ; but being informed that his Majesty took notice of their absence, they repaired to it on the following day. The King and his English counsellors expressed their great esteem for Mr Henderson, who, throughout the whole of the treaty, and particularly in his speeches to his Majesty, displayed wisdom, eloquence, and loyalty. 30 TJFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. PART IIT. FROM THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 1639, TO HIS MISSION TO LONDON IN 1643. Bishop Burnet has remarked, that it was strange to see Mr Henderson, who had acted so vigorously against the bishops for meddhng in civil affairs, made a Commissioner for this treaty, and sign a paper so purely civil as the paci- fication was.* This is one of those reflections which appear plausible and acute at first view, but which a comparison of the two cases will discover to be groundless. Not to men- tion that the present was an extraordinary conjuncture, in which all that was dear to a people was at stake, and when it was proper that all their talents should be called forth and employed, it is evident that religion had been the prin- cipal cause of the quarrel, and that its interests were deeply concerned in the termination to which it might be brought. And although the articles of the pacification mentioned only the disbanding of the forces, yet it is well known, that these proceeded upon the King's declaration, engaging that all matters ecclesiastical should be determined by the Assem- blies of the Church ; that General Assemblies should be called once a year ; and that one should be convened in August to settle the present differences. When these things are considered, the presence of one of the ministry, who could explain any point of difficulty, and watch over the rights of the Church, may easily be vindicated. -f- But this • Memoirs of D. Hamilton, p. 143. t This reason is expressly assigned in the Act of the Committee of Parliament, empowering the Commissioners for a treaty of peace, anno LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 31 is toto cwlo different from bishops sitting as Lords of Par- liament, or filling the highest offices of State, which, besides other evils, render it impossible for them to attend to the important duties of their ecclesiastical function. Mr Henderson was one of the fourteen chief persons among the Covenanters who were sent for by the King to meet him at Berwick, after the Scottish army was disbanded. But an alarm having spread of a design against their life or liberty, they were stopped at the Watergate of Edinburgh, when they were setting out on their journey, by the popu- lace, who took their horses from them, and obliged them to return ; nor was it judged prudent that they should after- wards proceed : a measure which gave great offence to his Majesty. * 1640. " And because many things may occur concerning the Church and Assemblies thereof, therefore, besides those of the Estates, we nominate and appoint Mr Alexander Henderson and Mr Archibald Johnston, whom we adjoin /or that effect." — See Articles of the Large Treaty, pp. 8. 9. * [In a paper, entitled, " A True Eepresentation of the Proceedings of the Kingdom of Scotland since the late Pacification," published in 1 640, there are given " Some few of the many reasons for staying the noblemen and others named by his Majesty from repairing at this time to the Court at Barwicke." Among these are the following: — "I. His Majesty hath not been in use at any time of the greatest securitie to call any of his Majestie's subjects out of the kingdome after this sort j at this time then, which is so full of fears, to call for so many of such noblemen, without any warrant or command sent to themselves, it seems to us strange. 2. His Majesty knoweth that what is so instantly pressed at this time, was none of the articles agreed upon at that time ; and if it had been required that those fourteen should be sent to the camp, or to Barwicke, the con- dition had been harder than that we could have yielded to it. 3. Because we cannot judge the intention of minds but by that which we heare with our ears, and doth appear in action. We desire it to be considered, that all expressions of favour are put upon our adversaries, they esteemed and called his Majestie's good subjects, and their practices his Majestie's ser- vice. Upon the contrair, whole volumes are spread, not only stufted with such reproaches against almost the whole kingdome, and particularly against the persons now sent for, that it were a dishonour to a King to have such a kingdom, and a shame to be set over such subjects as we are described to be ; but also containing threatenings, and vowes of examplar punishments upon such as they are reported to be." The delicacy with which these reasons are enforced, manifests the profound respect which 32 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. At the opening of the General Assembly, which met at Edinburgh, August 12, 1689, Mr Henderson preached from Acts iv. 23 ; and in the conclusion of his discourse, addressed suitable exhortations to the royal Commissioner (the Earl of Traquair), and to the members of the Assembly. " We beseech your Grrace," he said, " to see that Csesar have his own ; but let not Csesar have what is due to Clod, and belongs to him. God has exalted your Grace to many high places within these few years, and more especially now. Be thank- ful, and labour to exalt Christ's throne. Some are exalted like Haman, — some like Mordecai. And I pray God these good parts the Lord has endued you withal, you may use aright, as the Israelites, when they came out of Egypt, did give all their silver and gold for the building of the taber- nacle. And you, right honourable, worshipful, and reverend members of this Assembly, go on in your zeal constantlie. Surely it shall be a refreshment to you and your children, that you should have lived when the light of the Gospel was almost extinguished, and now to see it quickened again. After all these troubles, with a holy moderation, go on ; for zeal is a good servant, but an ill master ; like a ship that has a full sail, and wants a rudder. We have need of Chris- tian prudence ; for ye know what ill speeches * our adver- the Covenanters always entertained for his Majesty, and their unwilling- ness to believe him personally guilty of treating them with duplicity ; but there is no reason to doubt, that this was a trap laid for the leaders of the Covenant, and that, had they been so simple as to fall into it, Charles would have treated them no better than he afterwards did the Earl of Loudon, and as he attempted to treat the members of Parliament, when they thwarted his projects. — Ed.] • [ Alas ! these " ill speeches," of which the Covenanters so frequently and so justly complained, and under the covert of which, their adver- saries made their ignominious flight into England, still continue to darken the waters of our national history ; nor has there yet appeared a full and satisfactory answer to them, although materials for this purpose lie scat- tered, in sufficient abundance, through the writings, published and un- published, of the period. — See Aiypcndlv to Dr M'Crie's Sermons on Untty. The whole history of these calumnies is disgraceful. First, their enemies charged them with motives which they honestly disclaimed, and with crimes of which they were^perfectly innocent ; and then, having galled LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 33 sarles have made upon us. Let it be seen to his Majesty, that this (presbyterial) government can very well stand with a monarchical government. Hereby we shall gain his Ma- jesty ""s favour, and God shall get the glory ; to whom be praise for ever and ever. — Amen." The Commissioner earnestly requested that the former Moderator should be continued in the chair, out of respect to Mr Henderson"'s abilities, as he protested, but rather, as was suspected, to support his Majesty's pretensions to the right of nominating the person who should occupy tliat place, and of continuing him in it at pleasure.* But this was opposed by the mem- bers of Assembly, and by none more than Mr Henderson himself, who urged, that it favoured the practice of constant Moderator^ which in former times had been employed as an introduction to Prelacy. On the 31st of August, Mr Hen- derson preached an excellent sermon, at the opening of the them " to the top of their bent," having driven them to the verge of the precipice, till, in desperation, they turned upon their assailants, these calumniators began to curse them in good earnest for those very extremities, with the original intention of which they had falsely and disingenuously charged them. — Ed.] • [On this occasion, Henderson displayed one of the leading traits of his character afterwards adverted to — a high-spirited sensitiveness to his personal reputation. His character, as the Moderator of the Assembly at Glasgow, had been traduced in the " King's Large Declaration," which was in fact the production of one Balcanquhal. But Henderson could not tamely submit to an indignity, even though published under the sanction of royalty. He felt justly indignant that such a creature as Balcanquhal should have availed himself of the King's name to give vent to his petty malignity. When, therefore, the Commissioner, as stated above, had paid a high compliment to his abilities, he replied, " By your Grace's speech, some may take great advantage to think that your Grace doth contradict his Majesty's late declaration ; because it is said there, ' You may very well judge what could be wisely done in that Assembly, when they had such an ignorant Moderator ;' and now your Grace giving me such a large testimony, doth directly contradict his Majesty's printed declaration. But I correct myself. I trust it shall be found not to be Us 3Iajesty's declaration." The Commissioner answered this with silence. Henderson then again declined accepting the chair, saying, " It savours of a constant Moderator, the first step of Episcopacy ; and, in truth, I have not a mind to be a bishop." " Ye might have been ane," said Traquair Records of the Kirk, p. 242 Ed.] C 34 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. Parliament, from 1st Tim. ii. 1-3, in which he treated of the end, utility, and duties of magistracy. In the year 1640, he was placed at the head of the Uni- versity of Edinburgh, by the Town-Council of that city. They had been accustomed to visit the College annually, which had made the rector remiss in the discharge of his office. They now resolved, instead of these periodical visi- tations, to choose a rector annually, and to ascertain more precisely the powers of his office, by instructions framed for that end. Agreeably to this resolution, they " chose Mr Alexander Henderson, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, rector of the University, ordaining a silver mace to be borne before him on all solemnities, and appointing certain mem- bers of the Town-Council, ministers of Edinburgh, and pro- fessors in College, his assessors." They empowered him to superintend all matters connected with the conduct of the principal and professors, the education of youth, the revenues, &c. ; to admonish offenders, and in case of obstinacy, to make a report to the Town-Council.* In this office, which he appears to have enjoyed, by re-election, to his death, he exerted himself sedulously to promote the interests of that learned seminary. From the superintendence of this peaceful seat of litera- ture, and from his pastoral functions, Mr Henderson was again reluctantly called by a new embroilment of public affairs. The King, yielding to the importunate solicitations of the Episcopal clergy, had refused, notwithstanding his promise at the late pacification, to ratify the conclusions of the Assembly and Parliament, suddenly prorogued the latter, denounced the Scots as rebels, and prepared again to invade the country. But the success of the Scottish army, who en- tered England in August 1640, necessitated him a second time to accede to pacific proposals ; and a treaty to this effect was begun at Rippon, which in a short time after this was transferred to London. Mr Henderson was appointed one of the Commissioners for this treaty. It was on this occasion that the foundation was laid of that conjunction in religion * Records of Town-Council. Arnot's History of Edinburgh, p. 391. LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 35 as well as civil amity, between Scotland and England, which was afterwards solemnly ratified and sworn ; and just and enlarged views of the state of public matters which produced this, and of the reasons upon which those who established it proceeded, are requisite in order to form a proper judgment of the public measures which were afterwards pursued by the friends of religion and liberty in the three kingdoms, as well as to vindicate the subject of this memoir for the part which he acted in them. But, sensible of the difficulty of convey- ing an adequate idea of the subject, within the limits to which he is confined, the memorialist enters not here upon this field. Suffice it to say, that upon a retrospective view of the state of the Scottish Church, her friends perceived that she had been exposed to perpetual danger, from the encroachments of her powerful neighbour. Her peace had been interrupted, and the spiritual government and worship which she had embraced, and solemnly sworn to maintain, had been repeatedly infringed and overturned, to make way for the more pompous, but superstitious form of the English Church. They perceived a concerted plan between the Court and English bishops, persisted in, and often renewed, to obtrude the hierarchy and ceremonies upon them. To this they could easily trace the late innovations which had so much distracted the kingdom of Scotland. They had been denounced as rebels from all the pulpits of the hierarchical clergy in England, who had twice, within two years, insti- gated his Majesty to make war against Scotland, and had contributed so liberally to raise the armies destined for sub- duing that country, that it was called, even in England, The Bishops War. On these grounds, the Scots saw little rational prospect of their being long allowed peaceably to enjoy their religious privileges, while the English hierarchy retained its power. At this time, too, multitudes in Eng- land, who were sensible of the corruptions, and groaned under the tyranny of their ecclesiastical government, ear- nestly desired reformation, and had given in petitions to the Supreme Court for the abolition of the hierarchy. And the Parliament, which was sitting at London during the time of 36 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. the Treaty, had, with great zeal, taken measures for the reformation both of government and worship. In these circumstances, the Scottish Commissioners, according to instructions from their constituents, gave in a proposal for " unity in religion, and uniformity in Church government, as a special means for conserving of peace between the two kingdoms." At the same time, they delivered to the English Commissioners a paper drawn up by Mr Henderson, which stated very forcibly the grounds of this proposal, and condescended upon a mode of carrying it into effect, which paper was transmitted to the English Parlament.* To the above demand a favourable answer was returned by the King and Parliament, signifying in general, that they approved of the affection expressed by the Scots in their desire, and that, " as the Parliament had taken into consideration the refor- mation of Church government, so they will proceed therein in due time ; " which answer was ratified as one of the articles of the Treaty. -f- During the whole time that he was in London attending on the Treaty, which was protracted through nine months, Mr Plenderson was laboriously employed. Besides taking his turn with his brethren, who attended as chaplains to the Scottish Commissioners, in the church of St Antholine's, I which was assigned unto them as a place of public worship, he and they were often employed in preaching for the Lon- * This paper, which is of great importance, is still preserved in MS. An abstract of it is given by Stevenson, p. 963. t Articles of the Large Treaty, p. 25. t [It is worthy of remark, that the church of St Antholine's, then occupied by the Scottish ministers, at a time when London began to testify a strong inclination towards the Presbyterian worship, was the place in which, very early after the restoration of the Protestant leligion, upon the accession of Queen Elizabeth, the reformed prayers were used, and the mode of singing introduced which was practised by the Protestants of Geneva. " The — day of September 1559, the new morning prayers began now first at St Antholine's, in Budge Row, ringing at five in the morning, and then a psalm was sung, as was used among the Protestants of Geneva ; all men, women, and yoimg folks singing together, which custom was about this time brought also into St Paul's." — Stnjpe's Life of Archbishop Grindal^ p. 27 Ed.] LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. S7 don ministers, both on Sabbath and on other days.* He prepared several tracts for the press, which were published without his name.-f- The polishing of the most important papers of the Scottish Commissioners was committed to him, before they were given in to the Commissioners and Parlia- ment of England. Those which respected religion were of his composition. During his stay in London, Mr Henderson had a private conference with the King, the special object of which was to procure assistance to the University in Scotland, from the rents formerly appropriated to the bishops. He was graciously received, and got reason to expect that his re- quest would be complied with. Mr Henderson returned to Edinburgh about the end of July 1641. The General Assembly had met at St Andrews some days before ; but as the Parliament who were sitting in Edinburgh, had sent to request them to translate them- selves to that place, for the convenience of those who were members of both, and as they wished that Mr Henderson, who had not then returned from London, should act as Moderator of this meeting, the members agreed that they should meet at Edinburgh on the 27th of July, and that the former Moderator should preside until that time. Mr Henderson had been elected a member of this Assembly ; but, as it was uncertain if he could be present, his consti- tuents had elected Mr Fairfoul to supply his place in case of his absence, and he had taken his seat at St Andrews. Upon Mr Henderson's arrival, Mr Fairfoul proposed to give place to him. This was keenly opposed by Mr Calder- wood, who insisted that his commission could not now be received ; in which he was seconded by Mr Henderson him- self. But the Assembly sustained his commission, and although he deprecated the burden of moderating, this also was, by a plurality of votes, laid upon him. Mr Calder- wood continued to insist upon the great irregularity of trans- lating the Assembly without a permanent Moderator, and of choosing one to this seat who had no commission. But * Laing's History. Stevenson. f Baillie, i. 236, 254. 38 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. although, in the judgment of the greater part of the mem- bers, he spoke unreasonably and peevishly, Mr Henderson treated him with great respect and patience. Instead of resenting his opposition as personal, he, previous to the dis- solution of this Assembly, publicly expressed his regret that Mr Calderwood, who had deserved so well of this Church, had been so long neglected, and procured a recommenda- tion of him by the Assembly, in consequence of which he was soon afterwards admitted to the church of Pencaitland.* The chief business which engaged the attention of the Assembly at this meeting, and on account of which Mr Henderson's abilities in the moderation were desired, was the affair of private meetings, the discussion of which threat- ened to raise dissension among the ministers. Some per- sons who were tainted with Brownistical and Independent notions, had insinuated themselves into those private societies for religious exercises which had been kept by serious persons, both in Scotland and Ireland, during the tyranny of the bishops, and had introduced some of their peculiarities into them. A number of the ministers who had witnessed the extravagancies of the Separatists, and were afraid that division and errors might thus creep into the Church, were desirous to restrain these meetings. * [" I have heard," says Wodrow, " that the famous Mr Henderson had a great respect for Mr David Calderwood, that he made much of him in that Assembly (1638) ; and when Mr Calderwood was jn-esent, Mr Henderson would very rarely either seek a blessing, or give thanks, or pray, but caused Mr Calderwood to do it, though he had no great gift either for prayer or preaching ; but his talent lay another way, for government, discipline, and writing." He adds, that the great and learned Mr Fergu- son of Kilwinning said to his father, " that he was angry now at himself that in his younger years he did not value nor respect Mr Calderwood, as he now clearly sees he should have done. He was always striking at us that were young ministers, and reproving us ; but we were ready too much to despise him on that account, because he had not that talent for preaching and prayer that some meaner men had." — Anal. vol. ix. p. 228. Calderwood, with all his ill temper, which was not improved by old age, was highly respected by his cotemporaries. He wrote more against Episcopacy, and gave more annoyance to the bishops, than all the rest of his brethren put together. For some account of his Pamphlets, sec Ap- pendix, No. I. — Ed.] LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 39 Others, among whom were those ministei's who had seen the benefit of private societies in the West of Scotland, and in Ireland, suspected that some designed to condemn all private meetings for Christian edification. In the Assembly held in Aberdeen the preceding year, the affair had been discussed, not without considerable heat. Mr Henderson, sensible of abuses in these societies, had repeatedly expressed his dissatisfaction with them ; on which account he was at first misunderstood by some of his brethren, and met with disrespectful usage from certain individuals who were in- clined to " the discipline of New England," as Independency was then termed. But the whole of his conduct showed that he was desirous only of correcting the perversions of these meetings. In the year 1639, he published a warm exhortation to the practice of the duties of family religion, which he considered as one remedy for such abuses. He afterwards droAv up a paper of caveats as to the use of such meetings, which gave general satisfaction to his brethren on both sides of the question. This was proposed to the Assembly at Aberdeen, at which he was not present ; but in consequence of the heat which prevailed there, it was set aside. The matter was revived again in this Assembly (1641) ; and the debate, which was conducted harmoniously, issued in the enactment of an Overture, drawn up by Mr Henderson, in conformity with his general sentiments for- merly expressed, and which may be seen in the printed Acts of this Assembly, under the title of " Acts against impiety and schism."* To this Assembly Mr Henderson delivered a letter which he had brought with him, addressed to them from a number of ministers in London and its vicinity, expressing their desires of reformation, and requesting advice from the As- sembly respecting the opinions of some of their brethren who inclined to Independency and popular government in the church. The Assembly gave him instructions to ans>ver this letter, f From the observations which he had made • See Appendix^No. II., Private Meetings in 1639. t Both letters may be seen in the Printed Acts of this Assembly. 40 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. during his late residence in London, and the intercourse which he had there both with ministers and people, he clearly foresaw that there would soon be a change in the English Church, and: that there was a prospect of their ap- proaching to greater conformity with the Church of Scot- land, an object which he had much at heart, and which, as one of the late Commissioners, he had endeavoured to ad- vance. He therefore moved, that the Assembly should take steps for drawing up a Confession of Faith, catechism, directory for worship, and platform of government, in which England might afterwards agree with them. The motion was unanimously approved of, and the burden of preparing them at first hand was laid upon the mover ; liberty being at the same time given him to abstain from preaching when he should find it necessary in attending to this interesting business, and of calling in the aid of such of his brethren as he pleased. He declined the task as too arduous, but it was left upon him ; and there can be little doubt, that this early appointment contributed to prepare him for giving assistance in that work, when it was afterwards undertaken by the Assembly at Westminster. Before the conclusion of this Assembly, Mr Henderson petitioned for liberty to be translated from Edinburgh. He urged that his voice was too weak for any of the churches in town ; that his health was worse there than in any other place, so that to keep him there was to kill him ; and that, in the act for his translation from Leuchars, there was an ex- press clause, which provided that he should have the liberty which he now craved. The Assembly were perplexed by his insisting upon this petition. The city of Edinburgh was ex- tremely averse to his removal ; they offered to purchase him a house and garden in an airy situation, that he might cease from preaching when he thought it necessary, and use his freedom in going to the country at any time when the state of his health required it. They were the more averse to his removal, as a petition had been presented to the Assembly for his translation to St Andrews, to be the Principal of the University there. Some imputed his earnestness for LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 41 removal from Edinburgh to his displeasure at the speeches of some of the inhabitants, on account of his opposition to their humour for innovations ; but he affirmed that health was the sole ground ; that if this did not fail, he would still con- tinue, even though liberty was given him ; and that, if he did remove, he would not go to St Andrews, but to some quiet country charge. His petition was at last granted ; but he either did not find it necessary, or was prevailed upon not to make use of the liberty which he obtained.* King Charles, having come to Scotland to be present in person at the Parliament held at this time, on the Sabbath after his arrival at Edinburgh, attended public worship, and heard Mr Henderson preach in the forenoon in the abbey- church, from Rom. xi. 36. In the afternoon he absented himself ;-f- but Mr Henderson having conversed with him respecting this, he afterwards gave constant attendance. As he had been appointed royal chaplain, he performed family worship in the palace every morning and evening, after the Scottish form. His Majesty attended duly upon this service, and exhibited no symptom of dissatisfaction or scruple at the want of a liturgy and ceremonies, — a circum- stance which gave the Scots encouragement to expect, that he would easily give way to the reformation of the English service. J On the last day of the meeting of Parliament, which it was the custom to hold with great solemnity, his Majesty being seated on his throne, and the estates in their places, Mr Henderson began with prayer ; and the business being finished, he closed the meeting with a sermon. The revenues of [the bishoprics were divided at this Parliament. Mr Henderson exerted himself on this occasion for the Scottish universities ; and by his influence, what belonged • BaiUie, i. 314, 315. f [His Majesty spent this afternoon in playing at golf. — Ed.] i Acts of Assembly, p. 129, 8vo. [This was simple enough. The " pious monarch," it appears, had acquired one of his father's habits, not very consistent with piety. " He siceires terriblie he knows who make im- pediment to his coming to Scotland (1641), and he shall possiblie remem- ber it when they do, least expect it." Riccalton to Stirling of Keir. — Wtd. MSS. 69._Ed.] 42 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. to the bishopric of Edinburgh and priory, was, not without difficulty, procured for the university of that city. As a recompense for his own laborious and expensive services in the cause of the public, the emoluments of the chapel-royal, amounting to about 4000 merks a-year, were conferred upon him. Some of his friends were displeased with his conduct dur- ing this Parliament, particularly in using means to screen from punishment some persons who had entered into en- gagements hostile to the late proceedings of the nation ; and reports, injurious to his character, and the purity of his motives, were circulated, and, as is common in such cases, met with too easy belief. * But one, -|- who differed from him in opinion as to the measures in question, bears witness, that " his great honesty, and unparalleled abilities to serve this church and kingdom, did ever remain untainted." In the next Assembly, he made a long and impassioned apology for his conduct. He said, that certain things for which he was blamed were done by the Commissioners of the Church, not by him ; that what he had received from the King for attendance upon a painful charge, was no pension ; that he had as yet touched none of it ; that he was vexed with injurious calumnies. Having given vent to his feelings, and received the sympathy of his brethren, and the assurances of their unshaken confidence in him, he was relieved, and recovered his cheerfulness. I cannot here forbear quoting Mr Henderson's words at another time, which discover to us the reflections which supported his pious mind, and dis- posed him to persevere in his patriotic and useful services, amidst " evil report "" as well as " good report.'" Having started the questions. How it comes about, that those who have deserved best of the public, have, in all ages, been re- quited with ingratitude ? and how notwithstanding of this, persons are continually raised up to perform the same ser- vices ? after producing the answers commonly given by phi- losophers to these questions, he adds, " Our profession can • See Appendix, No. IIL, Henderson's Eioneralion by the Parlimnent 1641. t Mr Baillie. LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 43 answer both in a word, that, by a special providence, such as have deserved well come short of their rewards from men, that they may learn, in serving of men, to serve God, and by faith and hope to expect their reward from himself ; —and that, notwithstanding all the ingratitude of the world, the Lord giveth generous spirits to his servants, and stirreth them up by his Spirit (the motions whereof they neither can nor will resist), to do valiantly in his cause." * During the year 1642, Mr Henderson was employed in managing the correspondence with England, respecting ec- clesiastical reformation and union, which the General Assem- bly had kept in their eye for some time past. The ministers about London who were attached to Presbyterian principles, had conceived a high esteem for Mr Henderson, whom, in a letter to the General Assembly, they style, " a brother so justly approved by you, and honoured by us ; "" and they confided more in him than in any other. The Parliament of England having abolished Prelacy, requested that some divines should be sent from Scotland to assist in the Synod, which they had agreed to call. Upon this, the Commission of the Church met, and being authorised by the former General Assembly, appointed certain persons as Commission- ers, to be ready to repair to England, as soon as it should bo necessary. Mr Henderson was one of these. He was averse to the appointment, protesting that on his former journey, he thought he should have died before he reached London ; but he at last acquiesced, not without complaining, that some persons were ready to impose heavy burdens upon him, and afterwards to invent or receive reports injurious to his character, -j* The dissensions between the King and the Parliament of England, which had prevailed for some time, and had now burst out into a civil war, hindered for some time this journey. Mr Henderson was sincerely disposed to use every proper means for effecting a reconciliation between the par- * Dedication to his Sermon preached before the English Parliament, July 18, 1644. t Baillie. Acts of Assembly, p. 141. 44 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. ties ; and Bishop Burnet says, that he joined with a num- ber of leading men in an invitation to the Queen to come to Scotland, upon terms consistent with her safety and honour, with a view of promoting a mediation — a proposi- tion which was rejected by the King. * After this, Mr Henderson went in person to his Majesty at Oxford, in company with the Commissioners from the State, who were sent to offer the mediation of Scotland.-f* The appointment was procured by some persons who entertained sanguine hopes as to the influence which he would have upon the King ; but it produced no good effect, except that of con- vincing him and others of the vanity of all hopes from that quarter of an amicable accommodation, that would be con- sistent with the liberties of England, or even with security for the enjoyment of those which Scotland had lately ob- tained. At first, his Majesty treated Mr Henderson with much attention, and strove to convince him of the justice of his arms ; but as soon as he found that he did not acqui- esce in his representation, his behaviour to him altered completely. He expressed high offence at the interest that the Scots took in the reformation of abuses in England, vindicated his employing of Papists in the army, and refused an allowance to the Commissioners to proceed to London to treat with the Parliament, although he had granted them a safe conduct for this purpose. They were insulted in the streets by the inhabitants of Oxford, and were even under apprehensions of their personal safety. While Mr Hender- son remained at Oxford, some of the university divines wished to engage him in controversy, by proposing certain questions to him respecting Church government ; but judg- ing it unbecoming his character, as a representative of the • Memoirs of D. Hamilton, p. 201. + Lord Clarendon says, that Mr Henderson had no authority from the Lords of Council, nor from any ecclesiastical court, and insinuates, that the King might have proceeded against him. — Hist, of the Rebellion, B. VI. But his Lordship was not sufficiently informed ;'for Mr Henderson had the authority not only of the Commissioners of the General Assembly, but of the Privy Council. See the Proceedings of the Commissioners for conserving the Treaty, p. 13, 29. LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 45 Church of Scotland, to engage in a petty dispute with a few private individuals, and viewing this proposal as proceeding from a disposition to cavil rather than to receive informa- tion, he signified that his business was with the King. * Lord Clarendon, who echoes the sentiments of the hierar- chical divines, is greatly offended at the distance, or, as he calls it, the haughtiness which Mr Henderson observed on this occasion. Upon his return to Edinburgh, he made a full report of his proceedings with the King, to the Com- missioners of the Church, who expressed their entire satis- faction with his conduct, and their judgment was approved by the next Assembly, who pronounced his carriage to have been " faithful and wise." f At this time the Marquis of Montrose, who had become disaffected to the cause of the Covenant which he had helped to establish, and who was secretly engaged to assist the King against the English Parliament, expressed a desire to have a conference with Mr Henderson, with the view of removing some scruples of conscience which he professed to entertain respecting the late proceedings of the Scottish Estates ; though the real design of the request was to gain time, in consequence of the discovery of a plot in which he was engaged, to bring over the Scottish army in Ireland, to suppress the most powerful Covenanters, and to raise Scotland in behalf of Charles. Mr Henderson complied with the request as soon as he returned from Oxford ; and they met at the bridge of Stirling, where they had a long conversation. The Marquis treated him with wonted respect, and listened to him with apparent deference ; but Mr Henderson soon per- ceived that he was immoveably fixed in his resolution, and he warned his friends, that they could put no confidence in Montrose. J * In one of the London newspapers of the day, it is said that a Popish Dr Taylor challenged Mr Henderson to a public dispute at Oxford ; so insolent had the Papists become through the royal favour. — Weeklt^ Intel- ligencer for 1643. t Clarendon's Hist. B, VI. BaiUie, i., 359. Unprinted Acts of Assem- bly for 1643. X [ Wishart, Montrose's historianand panegyrist, says, that he completely 46 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. The Scots were highly dissatisfied with the treatment which their Commissioners had received at Oxford ; and being now thoroughly convinced that the measures which the royal party were prosecuting were dangerous to both countries, they soon after entered into a very close alliance with the Parliament of England. hoodwinked the honest man, and, by him, deceived the Scottish leaders. For this there is not the slightest evidence, but the contrary. Mr Hen- derson was too sagacious, and too well acquainted with the JMarquis, to be imposed iipon by his duplicity. — Guthry's Memoirs, p. 129-131. BaiUie, i. 366. Guthry tells us " they conferred together by the water-side the space of two hours, and parted /ai/Zy without any accommodation;]" and he adds, that " Montrose having retired to his own house of Kincardine, began, after some days, to consider that Mr Henderson having made re- port to those that sent him, Aozo there was no appearance of his turnlmj to their way, it might be feared a resolution might be taken to ajjprehend him." This does not look as if Montrose thought he had " hoodwinked " or " out-manceuvi'ed " the Covenanter. — !Mr Napier, in his usual way, has given an imaginary picture of this interview, the virulence and profane- ness of which are equally beneath the dignity of history. " The Apostle of the Covenant, who mistook this for the signal of Montrose's apostasy " (i. e. of his being friendly to the cause of his country), " replied without reserve, &c. Then he uttered hallelujahs over the supposed acquisition of Montrose, and thanks unto his Lord God, who had vouchsafed to make use of himself as the minister and mediator of so gi-eat a work. But Montrose had already obtained all he desired from the Reverend Alex- ander Henderson !" — Napier's Montrose and the Covenanters, ii. 214. — Ed.] LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 47 PART IV. FROM THE FORMATION OF THE SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVE- NANT, 1643, TO HIS LAST INTERVIEW WITH THE KING AT NEWCASTLE, 1646. The General Assembly which met at Edinburgh, August 2, 1643, was rendered remarkable by the presence of Com- missioners from the Parliament of England, and the forma- tion of the celebrated Solemn League and Covenant. In the prospect of the important discussions which would engage their attention, the eyes of all were again turned to Mr Henderson, as Moderator, and he was the third time called to the chair. The business of the Assembly was conducted with great decorum in the presence of the English Com- missioners, Mr Henderson exercising his function with a species of austerity, which became his person, and which he could employ on proper occasions.* It having been agreed that the union between the two kingdoms should be cemented by entering into a sacred league and covenant, Mr Hender- son presented a draught of one which he had composed, to a meeting of the three committees of the Parliament of England, the Scottish Convention of Estates, and General Assembly. This, after some alterations, was adopted by them, and transmitted to the General Assembly and Con- vention. -|- Being introduced into the Assembly by a most * [" We were exhorted to be more grave than ordinary ; and so indeed all was carried to the end with much more awe and gravity than usual. Mr Henderson did moderate with some little austere severity, as it was necesary, and became his person well." — Baillie, i. 397. — Ed.] + [It has been generally said that Sir Harry Vane tricked the Scots on this occasion, by procuring the insertion of the clause, " according to the example of the best Reformed Churches." If so, it was by a poor Jesui- 48 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. appropriate speech from the Moderator, it was received with the utmost applause, and adopted with tears of joy. With the same cordiality it passed the Convention of Estates, and was ordered to be transmitted to the Parliament of England for their approbation. The General Assembly renewed the appointment of their Commission respecting the members to be sent from them to assist the Assembly of Divines sitting in London ; and Mr Henderson was ordered to set out imme- diately, in order to procure the ratification of the covenant. On the 30th of August, Mr Henderson set sail from Leith for London, in company with other Commissioners. The Solemn League having been approved by the two Houses of Parliament and the Assembly of Divines, the members of the latter, with the House of Commons, convened in St Margaret's, Westminster, upon the 25th of September ; and having first sworn, afterwards subscribed the covenant. Immediately before they proceeded to this solemn work, Mr Henderson delivered an address to them, in which he warmly recommended the duty, as pleasing to God, exemplified by other churches and kingdoms, and accompanied with the most astonishing success. His account of the change which was effected upon Scottish affairs, by the renewing of the National Covenant, may be quoted, as affording a fair speci- tical evasion, which reflects disgrace only on the party which was guilty of practising it. The Scots understood the terms in their obvious mean- ing; and they were far from insisting that their Church should be the only model looked to in the reformation of the Church of England. The In- dependents, on the contrary, could not allege that they fulfilled this sti- pulation in any sense of the terms ; for none of the Reformed Churches were, at that time, formed after the Independent model. Wodrow in- forms us, that " my Lord Balmerino objected against the clause, and said he could not understand the reason why they were not plain and even- down. Sir Harry Vane certainly tricked Scotland in that affair ; but though the matter was very long debated in their sub-committee, as I have heard some say for part of three days, yet the matter was over- ruled and gone into, mostly through Mr Alexander Henderson^s authority, and the rest of the Commissioners to the Assembly, who urged that there was no ground to suspect the sincerity of the Honourable Houses of Par- liament. But in all our bargains, England still has tricked us." — Anal. MS., vol. v. — Ed.] LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 49 men of his style, as well as an animated and graphic picture of an interesting scene in which he had occupied a conspicu- ous place. " When the prelates were grown, by their rents and lordly dignities, by their exorbitant power over all sorts of his Majesty's subjects, ministers and others, by their places in parliament, council, college of justice, exchequer, and high commission, to a monstrous dominion and greatness, and, like giants, setting their one foot on the neck of the Church and the other on the neck of the State, were become intoler- ably insolent ; and, when the people of God, through their oppression in religion, liberties, and laws, and what was dearest unto them, were brought so low, that they choosed rather to die than to live in such slavery, or to live in any other place, rather than in their own native country ; — then did the Lord say, ' I have seen, I have seen the affliction of my people, and have heard their groaning, and am come down to deliver them.' The beginnings were small and contempt- ible in the eyes of the presumptuous enemies (such as use to be the beginnings of the greatest works of God), but were so seconded and continually followed by the undeniable evidence of Divine Providence, leading them forward from one step to another, that their mountain became strong in the end. No tongue can tell what motions filled the hearts, what tears were poured from the eyes, and what cries came from the mouths of many thousands in that land, when they found an unwont- ed flame warming their breasts, and perceived the power of God raising them from the dead, and creating for them a new world wherein should dwell religion and righteousness. When they were destitute both of monies and munition, which, next unto the spirits and arms of men, are the sinews of war, the Lord brought them forth out of his hid treasures, which was wonderful in their eyes, and matter of astonish- ment to their hearts. When they were many times at a pause in their deliberations, and brought to such perplexity, that they knew not what to choose to do for prosecuting the work of God (only their eyes were towards Him), not only the fears and furies, but the plots also and policies of the adversaries, opened the way unto them ; their devices D 50 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. were turned upon their own heads, and served for the pro- moting of the work of God. The purity of their intentions, elevated above base and earthly respects, and the constant peace of their hearts in the midst of many dangers, did bear them out against the malicious accusations and aspersions put upon their actions. All which were sensible impres- sions of the good providence of God, and legible characters of his work, which, as the church and kingdom of England, exercised at this time with greater difficulties than theirs, have in part already found, so shall the parallel be perfected to their greater comfort in the faithful pursuing of the work unto the end." * During the three following years, Mr Henderson remained at London, and was unremittingly employed in assisting the Assembly of Divines there in preparing the public formu- laries for the religious union between the three kingdoms, which had been sworn in the Solemn League. Being a stranger, and sustaining, with the rest of the Commissioners from Scotland, a peculiar relation to the Assembly, he spoke but seldom in its debates, although possessed of talents which qualified him for taking a leading part, and accus- tomed to public speaking in the Assembly of the Church at home. But when it was necessary to vindicate the prin- ciples of the Church of Scotland, and of the other Eeformed Churches, from slanderous imputations, he no longer kept silence. Mr Nye, a forward Independent, one day when he perceived the Assembly-House full of the prime nobles and chief members of Parliament, undertook to demonstrate, that the Presbyterian mode of drawing a whole kingdom under one National Assembly, was formidable and pernicious to civil states and kingdoms. Mr Henderson, indignant at such language from one who had solemnly engaged to pre- serve the government of the Church of Scotland, with honest warmth repelled the charge. He remonstrated against the inflammatory tendency of such speeches, showed that Nye had calumniated not only the Church of Scotland, but all the Reformed Churches ; and that he imitated Lucian and * Two speeches delivered before the subscribing of the Covenant, &e. LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 51 other pagans, who stirred up princes and states against the Christian religion.* His wisdom was displayed in preserving harmony among the members of Assembly, and in uniting their views as to those measures which were requisite in the prosecution of the great cause, which they had all solemnly sworn to promote. Different instances of this occur in the history of the pro- ceedings of that Venerable Assembly .-f- There were very keen debates in the Assembly respecting the office of Doctor in the Church ; those who inclined to Independency insisting that, by Divine institution, there ought to be a doctor in each congregation, as well as a pastor ; while others main- tained the absolute identity of pastor and doctor. When there appeared no prospect of accommodation, Mr Hender- son so managed the cause between the two parties, that they were brought, in a committee, to agree on certain pro- positions, which, without stating the absolute necessity of a doctor in each congregation, or the Divine institution of the office in formal terms, provided that where there was a plurality of ministers in one congregation, they may be de- signed to several employments ; the minister whose gift lay more in exposition than in application, being called " doctor or teacher."" [ On another occasion, when the Assembly were employed on the subject of ordination, that passage in Acts xiv. 23 (" They ordained them elders in every church"), being proposed as one proof of the doctrine, Mr George Gillespie, one of the Scots Commissioners, an acute dispu- tant, objected to the application, urging that the word rendered ordained by our translators, properly expressed the people's act of choosing by suffrages. This introduced a warm dispute, which was terminated by their agreeing to Mr Henderson's motion, that although prayer and fasting^ '^ mentioned in the latter part of the verse, might include the imposition of hands and ordination, yet the proof should be made to rest upon the whole verse, with a declaration of the Assembly ""s intention not to prejudge thereby any argument which might afterwards be urged from it on the question of * Baillie, L 437. t Ibid. 420. 52 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. popular election.* But while he exerted himself in recon- ciling differences which arose respecting subordinate steps of procedure, he steadily resisted every attempt, however plausibly made, to introduce principles contradictory to those of the Church of Scotland, and other Reformed and Pres- byterian Churches. Acting according to these views, he stated himself equally in opposition to the schemes of the Independents, and of a strong party in the House of Com- mons, who, tainted with Erastian principles, denied the divine right of Church government, and wished to subject the proceedings of the ecclesiastical judicatories to the con- trol and review of the Parliament.-f In the debates of the Assembly, there was often great heat. This was in some measure owing to their divesting their prolocutor, or mo- derator, of all power, as the House of Commons did their Speaker, and converting him (to use the language of one who witnessed their proceedings) into a mere chair. Mr Henderson lamented this evil, and on a fast-day, after the religious exercises were ended, he embraced the opportunity of bringing the members to a free and brotherly conference on the subject, in which, having seen their fault, they re- solved to guard against similar excesses for the future. X In the beginning of the year 1645, Mr Henderson was ap- pointed to assist the Commissioners of the two Parliaments in the treaty between them and the King, at Uxbridge.§ • BaiUie, i., 401, 420. f ^^'^^■> "•> 31, 68, 183, 194. X BaiUie, MS. Journal of Westminster Assembly, by ^Mr George Gil- lespie. § [It was with great reluctance that Henderson agi'eed to take any part iu this negotiation. Lord Loudon writes to Lord Warriston (30th January 1645), earnestly requesting him to procure a warrant from the General Assembly to authorise Mr Henderson to aid them iu the Treaty, — " whose service and abilities," he adds, " God has been pleased to use as a chief instrument, with success, in promoting of this great work in the whole progress thereof. We could hardly get him persuaded to go with us at all, because no warrant has been sent from the Parliament nor As- sembly for his going and assistance." On the 4th of P\>bruary following he again writes, " We moved Mr Alexander Henderson, by much persua- sion, to come hither, that he might be assisting to us by his best advice ; but upon no terms can he he moved to he present at the Treatie, unless LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. \^' '^ 53 The Parliamentary Commissioners were instructed to de- mand the abolition of Episcoijacy, and the ratification of the Presbyterian government. The King s Commissioners ob- jected to the abolition of Episcopacy, upon which it was agreed to hear the divines on both sides. Mr Henderson, in a speech which Lord Clarendon allows to have been eloquent, opened the cause, and took up that ground which bade fairest for bringing the question to the speedy issue which the state of matters required. Waving the dispute as to the lawfulness of Episcopacy, he said, " The'question now was, Whether or not that form of government was necessary and essential to the Church ? He argued^that it was not : in which opinion he was supported by the most eminent advocates for the Church of England since the Re- formation, who had not pleaded for the divine institution, or the necessity of Episcopacy. He stated, that the ques- tion could not be answered in the affirmative, without con- demning the Reformed Churches, all of whom, except Eng- land, were without bishops. He showed that the bishops had always retained many superstitious rites and customs in the worship and government of the Church : That of late they had over and above introduced many innovations, and made a nearer approach to the Roman communion, to the great scandal of the Protestant Churches abroad and at home : That they had been the prime instruments in em- broiling England and Scotland, and in kindling the flame which now raged through the three kingdoms : That for these reasons the Parliament had resolved to change this inconvenient and mischievous government, and to set an- other in its room, more naturally formed for the advance- ment of piety ; which alteration was the best expedient to unite all Protestant Churches, and to extinguish the re- mains of Popery ; nor could he conceive that his Majesty's there be a warrant and command to him from the General Assembly to that effect, wliich being restricted to the propositions for religion, would be verie useful, sm^ cannot be justly excepted against." — Wodroic''s MSS., Ixvii., No. 28, 29. This ought to suffice as an answer to those who are ready to blame Henderson for interfering, without authority, or beyond his province, in public matters Ed.] 64 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. conscience could be urged against this salutary change, see- ing his Majesty had agreed to the suppression of Prelacy in Scotland.''* But the advocates for Episcopacy were determined not to risk their cause upon such grounds as were palpable to all, but studied to involve the question, by introducing the dispute at large respecting Episcopal government. Dr Stewart, clerk of the King's closet, and Commissioner for his Majesty in matters of religion, enlarged upon the apos- tolical institution of Episcopacy, and endeavoured to prove, that without bishops the sacerdotal character could not be conveyed, nor the sacraments administered to any signifi- cancy. The debate, Dr Stewart said, was too general, and they ought to dispute syllogistically, as became scholars. To this Mr Henderson modestly replied, that "in his younger days he had taught logic and rhetoric ; and although of late he had declined that species of learning, yet he hoped he had not altogether forgotten it ; and therefore agreed to Dr Stewart's proposal." The dispute continued a consider- able time ; and although, as is common on such occasions, each party claimed the victory, yet, in the judgment of auditors who must be allowed not to have been prejudiced in favour of the divine right of Presbytery, Mr Henderson, while he equalled the King's Commissioners in learning, surpassed them in modesty.* The treaty being broken off without success, Mr Hender- son returned to London, and continued to assist the Assem- bly of Divines in their labours.-f- This year his health visibly * Whitelocke, p. 123, 127. See also Clarendon, h. viii. Collier, voL ii., p. 837. + At the time that the Directory for Worship was printed, ;Mr Hen- derson sent down a copy of it to a friend in Scotland, with the following note written with his o^vn hand at the beginning of it : — " To my reverend and deere brother, Maister James Thomsone, minister at Kilmainy, in remembrance of our old acqiiaiiitanco in Christ, and as a testimony of my constant affection, till God bring us to his own immediat presence, when we shall not need any Directory. " London, March 20, 1645. Alex. Hendeiisgn." Copy of the Directory for Worship, printed at London, A. 16-14, with a MS. note of Mr Henderson. LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 55 declined, and he suffered repeated attacks of the gravel and other disorders consequent upon hard study and confinement.* Towards the close of the year 1645, it was judged neces- sary that Mr Henderson, with some others, should go down to Scotland, to attempt to bring about better correspond- ence among the nobility, who, in consequence of the dis- tresses of the country, occasioned by the ravages of Mon- trose, had fallen into disunion and animosities, which were fomented by the secret artifices of the Court. But, just when they were ready to take their journey, Mr Henderson was stopped, in consequence of the earnest request of the ministers and city of London, who represented the impro- priety of his absence at that critical time, when certain questions, upon which the uniformity between the kingdoms turned, were in dependence.-j* The last service which he undertook during his stay in the English metropolis, was an answer to two scurrilous pamphlets against the Church of Scotland, by Bishops Adamson and Maxwell, which the Sectarians, in their great antipathy to Presbyterian govern- ment, had caused to be reprinted at London. But being called away before he had time to perform this task, he devolved it upon his colleague and intimate friend, Mr Baillie, who executed it with great ability in his excellent " Historical Vindication of the Government of the Church of Scotland." X The King's affairs, which had long been on the decline, were, in the spring of 1646, entirely ruined; upon which he threw himself, without any previous notice, into the Scottish * Baillie, ii., 109, 138-140. f Ibid., ii., 210, 215, 220. % Baillie, ii., 210, 215, 220. [There can be no doubt that Henderson published several pieces while he remained in London. BaiUie says, in Feb. 1641, " Think not that any of lis live here to be idle. Mr Hender- son has ready now a short treatise, much called for, of our Church disci- pline." (i., 245.) This treatise was published under the title of " The Government and Order of the Church of Scotland.'' A particular account of it is given in the end of this Memoir. After the lapse of two hundred years, such a piece is as "much called for" as ever ! Wodrow states, that, when in London, Henderson " published a book against Epis- copacy, and another against Independency." — Anal., i., 275. It is said that some of his pamphlets are preserved in the Biitish Museum. — Ed.] 56 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. army, who retired with him to Newcastle. He no sooner arrived, than he sent for Mr Henderson, who was his chap- lain, to come to him. * This was a critical moment. The Sectaries, who had the chief influence in the English army which had subdued the King's forces, were ready, upon his rejection of their terms, to have set him aside, altered the government and the whole state of the quarrel which had been maintained by the united arms of the two Parhaments. The only measure which promised settlement to the nation, and the restoration of the King to the actual exercise of his authority, was his speedy consent to the establishment of the Presbyterian reformation, which would have secured him the affection and support of the soundest and best part of the nation. That Charles was now disposed to grant this, there was reason to conclude from his declarations to the Scottish army, and his letters to the Parliaments, f Mr Henderson was judged the fittest person to deal with his Majesty about the necessity of a speedy compliance with this measure, and to remove any difiiculties with which his mind might still be embarrassed. In these circumstances, not- withstanding his unfitness for the journey, he complied with the King's request, enforced by the advice and entreaties of his fellow-commissioners ; and in doing so, he gave an- other striking proof of his public spirit for the advancement of religion, and the salvation of his country. He arrived at Newcastle about the middle of May. From his Majesty he received a welcome reception, but he soon perceived, not without deep concern, that he had been de- ceived as to his hopes of the King's compliance with the requisitions of his Parliaments. He signified, that he could not in conscience consent to the abolition of Episcopacy ; J * Row's Supplement to Blair's Life, p. 49, ^IS. + Whitelocke, 2n. Row's Supplement to Blair's Life, p. 49, MS. t;,With' Charles, the divine right of Episcopacy does not seem to have been more a matter of conscience, than " the right divine of kings to govern wrong,",without control from their people. The truth is, that as soon as he found himself safe in the Scottish camp, he began to entertain hopes from France, and particularly from the divisions between the Presbyterians and Sectarians, which he flattered himself he would be LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 57 and proposed, that Mr Henderson should carry on a dispute with some Episcopal divines, of whose names he gave him a list, in his presence. This Mr Henderson declined, as what he had no authority to undertake, and no reason to'expect, when he complied with his Majesty's request in coming to Newcastle. He represented also, that such disputations able to manage in such a manner, as to obtain his restoration uncondi- tionally, or at least upon easier terms than those now proposed by the Parliaments. The jjroposed disputations, and the conferences with Mr Henderson, there is reason to think, were expedients to gain time, rather than means desired for information. — Laing's Histonj of Scotland. [" 'Tis most true," says Oldmixon, " that the propositions sent to the King, then in the Scots army, were derogatory from his royal prerogative, and a great diminution of the sovereign power. But though the Par- liament were exorbitant in some demands, yet those about the King infused into him such notions of his honour, not only in supporting Epis- copacy, but in protecting themselves, that they would never let him make any compliance which was not consistent with their safety. ]\Iost of them, particularly JNIr Hyde (afterwards Lord Clarendon), were excepted out of the Parliament's pardon, and would surely have suffered for de- linquency, if they had been taken or delivered up, to be an example of terror to all future ministers of tyranny, and all evil counsellors." Re- marks on the History cf the Rebellion, p. 213. It is painful enough to think of these dastardly sycophants urging the infatuated monarch to his de. struction, in order to save their own worthless heads ; but it is absolutely sickening, with the knowledge of their motives in skulking under the royal scruples, to listen to their cant about the King's conscientiousness in refusing the propositions. " He was too conscientious," says Clarendon, " to buy his peace at so profane and sacrilegious a price." The peculiar construction of his JNIajesty's conscience may be judged of by the fol- lowing extracts from a letter (lately published) addressed to Dr Juxon, bishop of London, on the occasion of the propositions being submitted to him at Newcastle. He was required to change Episcopal into Presby- terial government, " ichich absolutlie to do," he says, " is so directly against my conscience, that, by the grace of God, no misery shall ever make me." He therefore proposes it as " a case of conscience" to the bishop, whether he might not yield to the present necessity. " The duty of my oath is herein chiefly to be considered ; I flattering myself that this way I better comply with it than being constant to a flat denial, considering how un- able I am hy force to obtain that which this way there wants not probability to recover, if accepted (otherwise there is no harm done) ; for my regal authority once settled, I make no question of recovering Episcopal government ; and God is my witness, my chiefest end, in regaining my power, is to do the Church service:'— Ellis's Original Letters, 2d Series, vol. iii, p. 235. Will it be 58 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. had seldom any good effect in putting an end to controver- sies, and that, in the present instance, such a mode would be exceedingly prejudicial to his Majesty's affairs. All that " I intended"" (said he), " was a free, yet modest expres- sion of my motives and inducements, which drew my mind to the dislike of Episcopal government, wherein I was bred in my younger years in the university." * It was, there- fore, agreed, that the scruples which the King entertained should be discussed in a series of papers, which should pass privately between him and Mr Henderson. These con- tinued from the 29tli May to 16th July. The papers are eight in number, five by his Majesty, and three by Mr Hen- derson. After perusing them, it is difficult to read without a smile the panegyrics which the Episcopalian writers have be- stowed upon the incomparahle wisdom of his Majesty, and the triumph which he obtained over Mr Henderson in the con- troversy, f It may be safely said, that the papers referred credited, that this letter, which coniirms the worst suspicions entertained by the Covenanters of Charles's duplicity, is extolled by the editor as a striking evidence of his conscientiousness ! — Ed.] * Papers which passed between his Majesty and Mr Henderson, usually printed at the end of King Charles's Works. t " Had his Majesty's arms (says Burnet) been as strong as his reason was, he had been every way unconquerable, since none have had the disin- genuity to deny the great advantages his Majesty had in all these writings." But people will not be deterred by these " high-swelling words of vanity " from judging of the papers for themselves, and forming their own estimate of them. It is remarkable that, since the Royal Papers possess such merit, they should be so little read, and so seldom, if ever, quoted on the subject of Episcopacy. " I have turned over Stillingfleet's Irenicum," says Dr Harris, "and his Unreasonableness of Separation, in wliich Church government is at large discussed. I have looked into many other volumes, but can find him seldom or ever numed."— Harris'' s Life of Charles /., p. 99. The King seems to have formed a better estimate of his o\vn talents than his panegjTists have done ; for he used to say that he was " a better cobbler than a shoemaker," — he liked better to correct the despatches and other papers of his ministers, than to compose them himself. — Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 70. [It is but fair to add, however, that the talents of Charles, as an author, were far from being contemptible. With a considerable share of his father's itch for theological controversy, he possessed a much more refined taste. D'Isracli has shown that some pieces, the authenticity of which LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON- 59 to exhibit no specimen of judgment, or of acquaintance with the controversy, which indeed he expressly declines to enter upon ; while in seeking to evade the force of the argument produced on the other side, he shifts from Scripture to the consent of the Fathers, which he could not produce, and with which he did not pretend to be acquainted. While he was continually urging his request for a formal dispute between Mr Henderson and the Episcopal divines, pleading that the universal consent of the Fathers, and practice of the primitive Church, should be admitted as the judge of controversies, and the authentic interpreter of Scripture, and starting objections respecting the power of the people to limit their princes, or to effect a public reformation, Mr Henderson gave him a counsel, the neglect of which cost the infatuated monarch his crown and his life. " While Archimedes," said he, " was drawing his figures and circ- lings in the sand at Syracuse, Marcellus interrupted his de- monstrations.— Sir, were I worthy to give advice to your Majesty, or to the kings and supreme powers on earth, my humble opinion would be, that they should draw the minds, tongues, and pens of the learned, to dispute about other matters than the power or prerogative of kings and princes ; and, in this kind, your Majesty hath suffered and lost more than will easily be restored to yourself or your posterity for a long time." Perceiving that he pertinaciously adhered to opinions which were disowned by all moderate Episco- palians, and maintained by such only as had acted as incen- diaries between the King and his Parliaments, Mr Henderson declined entering farther into a fruitless dispute. * While had formerly been questioned, were written in the King's own hand, Wellwood says, "I have seen several pieces of his own hand, and therefore may the better affirm, that, both for matter and form, they surpass those of his ablest ministers, and come nothing short of Strafford or Faulkland, the two most celebrated pens of that time."— Memoirs, p. 71.— Ed.] * [Some Episcopalian writers boast of this as a confession of defeat. '' The Presbyterian was co7ifessedly defeated," says Ellis ; " he died of chagi-in and disappointment within a short time after he left the King." —Origin. Let. iii. 315. This is wretched trifling. Henderson, it is tnie, gave up the dispute in despaii- of overcoming the King's prejudices ; but 60 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON, thus engaged, his correspondence with his friends in London apprised him that matters were fast approaching a crisis. In April 1646, his friend, Mr BailHe, writes him: — " The prevalent party desires nothing so much as the King''s re- fusing of any one of the propositions. It is the sense of all I meet with, that if the King should but delay to grant the propositions, this people will declare against him, and where is the evidence that he acknowledged himself defeated in argument ? The fact is, that he had prepared au answer to the King's last paper ; but, with a constitution shattered by the fatigues he had undergone in the service of the Church, and with a heart grieved and broken by the dismal prospect of the confusions which he foresaw would result from the obstinacy of Charles, he abandoned a contest, where personal advantage in controversial argument was the very last thing which he contemplated. He prayed unto the King, He for him prayed, and to him, and when he Foimd no persuasions of the tongue, or knee. Could make l;im know his good, or have the art To break his temper, it did break his heart. Elegy on Henderson. " I have several original letters of Mr Henderson," says Wodrow to one of his correspondents, " and some papers formed by him 1638, &c. I have a copy of his Reply to the King's Last Paper, in their debate which you know is printed." — Letters, vol. iii. p. 33. It would be of importance if this Reply could be discovered and printed. It has been Avell observed, that " Mr Henderson's arguments were texts of Scripture, and the King's argiiments were authorities from the Fathers ; so that if the King's arguments were stronger than Mr Hender- son's, the King must have triumphed over the Word of God." — Logan apiid Stevenson, iii. 114. But, in truth, it is absurd to speak of any tri- umph in the matter ; his Majesty evaded the qiiestion in dispute, and occupied himself with an entirely different subject, ^^z., the proper rule for determining controversies. " The King," says Collier, " for settling the sense of controverted places in Scripture, appealed to the practice of the pi-unitive Church, and the general consent of the Fathers." Hender- son, while he affirmed that there was no such primitive testimony, no such universal consent, in favour of modern Episcopacy, the Fathers very often contradicting one another, at the same time, shoAved that the rule proposed by his Majesty, however jilausible at first sight, was, in reality, more uncertain and erroneous than that of the Papists ; for the Papists bring tradition no farther than to an equality with tlie insjiired writings, whereas the King's rule would place antiquity above the Scripture. " For the interpretation of the Fathers shall be the Ai'oti, and accounted LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 61 reject him for ever from being King. Though he should swear it, no man will believe it, that he sticks upon Episco- pacy for any conscience." " May 19.— There is much talk here of the King s obstinacy ; the faction rejoices herein. If he would do his duty, in spite of all knaves, all would in a moment go right ; but if God has hardened him, this people will strive to have him in their power, and make an example of him." In July he wTites again :— " Your debates upon Episcopacy, I never took to be conscientious, but merely poli- tick, and a pretence to gain time. I hear France has, or will loose that scruple of conscience very easily. Will such base hypocrisy be blessed ? The passing of the proposition for Episcopacy will not do your turn now. You have that good property to do all out of time. Sir, if you have any power, let that man (the King) come off once very frankly in all things, and he shall have all he ought to desire. Will he do it by halfs and quarters, he is running to utter destruction ; who can help it ? Yet I must be one of the mourners for it. Sir, give over your disputations ; they are but vain." * This information Mr Henderson communicated to his Majesty (for whose ear it seems to have been intended), but it had no effect upon him. By this time. Commissioners from the respective Parliaments had come to Newcastle, with propo- sitions of peace to his Majesty, and also Commissioners from the General Assembly to join Mr Henderson. All of them, on their bended knees, begged him to grant the propositions, but he steadily refused. Afterwards Mr Henderson, with Mr Robert Blair (who had greater favour with the King than the rest), dealt with him most earnestly, and with tears, to satisfy the desires of his kingdom, but without success, j the very cause and reason, for which we conceive and believe such a place of Scripture to have such a sense ; and thus men shall * have dominion over our faith ' (against 2 Cor. i. 24,) and ' our faith shall stand in the wis- dom of men and not in the power of God.' "—Henderson's Third Paper. This seems very plain ; and yet the doctrine of Charles on this point is defended by his advocates as that of the Church of England l—Case of the Roijal Martyr Considered, ii. 201.— Ed.] • Baillie, ii., p. 205, 219, 220. 62 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. PART V. FROM HIS LAST SICKNESS TO HIS DEATH, AUGUST 1646. During his conference with the King, Mr Henderson's health, which was bad when he came to Newcastle, had grown much worse. His colleagues at London, alarmed at the accounts of it which they received, wrote to him, entreating that he would take care of himself, and not allow vexation, on ac- count of the obduracy of the King, to prey upon his spirits, and increase his disorder. " Let me entreat you for one thing," says Mr Baillie, in a letter to him, dated May 16, *' when you have done your uttermost, if it be Grod's pleasure to deny the success, not to vex yourself more than is meet : Si mundus vult vadere^ &c. When we hear of your health and courage, it will refresh us." In another letter, dated August 4, that correspondent writes to him : — " Your sick- ness has much grieved my heart. It is a part of my prayers to G-od, to restore your health, and continue your service at this so necessary a time. We never had so much need of you as now. The King's madness has confounded us all. We know well the weight that lies on your heart. I fear this be the fountain of your disease ; yet I am sure, if you would take courage, and digest what cannot be got amended, and if, after the shaking off melancholious thoughts, the Lord might be pleased to strengthen you at this time, you would much more promote the honour of God, the welfare of Scotland and England, the comfort of many thousands, than you can do by weakening your body and mind with LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 63 such thoughts as are unprofitable,"* And in the last letter he appears to have written to him, dated August 13, he says, " Your weakness is much regretted by many here. To me it is one of the sad presages of the evils coming. If it be the Lord's will, it is my hearty prayer oft-times, you might be lent to us yet for some time."" f But all advice and caution were now in vain. His consti- tution, which appears never to have been vigorous, was worn out with the fatigues both of body and mind to which he had been subjected, with little intermission, during nine years. His late journey had much injured it, and the behaviour of the King, together with the evils which his foreboding mind saw as likely to be the consequences of this, must have con- tributed to aggravate his trouble. Judging that his dis- temper was mortal, he resolved to return to Scotland. But before he left Newcastle, he obtained an audience from the King, and having again reminded him of the critical situa- tion of his affairs, he bade a final farewell to him, having discharged the duties of his commission, as well as of that employment which placed him about his Majesty's person, in the fulfilling of which he had enjoyed little satisfaction. He went to Scotland by sea, and arrived at Edinburgh, August 11, very sick and much exhausted. During eight days after this, he continued so weak, that he was able to discourse little. But he enjoyed great peace of mind, and expressed himself (in what he was able to say) much to the comfort of his brethren and Christian acquaintance who visited them. In a confession of faith afterwards found among his papers, written with his own hand, and expressed as his dying thoughts, among other mercies, he declares himself " most of all obliged to the grace and goodness of Grod, for calling him to believe the promises of the Gospel, and for exalting him to be a preacher of them to others, and to be a willing, though weak instrument in this great and It is observable, that Mr Baillie himself was reduced to the same distress of mind and body about fourteen years after, by the melancholy turn of affairs at the Eestoration. — Letters, vol. ii., p. 462. t Baillie, ii., 208, 220, 223. 64 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. wonderful work of Reformation, which he beseecheth the Lord to bring to a happy conclusion." * On the 19th of August he rested from his labours, sickness, and sorrow, being mercifully taken away from seeing the evils which were approaching, and the interruption which God, in his wise sovereignty, was pleased to give to that work, in the promotion of which he had been so zealous and useful.-|- His body was interred in Greyfriars'' churchyard. As he had no family of his own, his nephew, Mr George Hen- derson, performed the last kind office of humanity to his earthly part, and erected a monument over his grave, with suitable inscriptions, | * [The following interesting account of his last sickness is taken from the papers of Wodrow, who had it from Lilias Stewart, the provost's daughter. ]\Ir Henderson, shortly before his death, came up one day to the house of Sir James Stewart, Provost of Edinburgh, and dined with him, as he frequently used to do. He was in high spirits during dinner ; and after the meal was over, he asked Sir James if he had not observed him more than ordinarily cheerful. He answered, that he was extremely pleased to find him so well as he seemed to be. " Well," said Henderson, " I am near the end of my race. In a few days I am going home, and / am as glad of it as a school-hoy, xchen sent home from the school to hisfather^s house." He then desired that Sir James might wait upon him in his sickness, adding, " I will be much out of ease to speak of any thing, but I desire you may be with me as mu^i as you can, and you will see all will end well." Sir James performed his promise, and was much with him. "His fever," says Wodrow, " though lingering, soon seized his head, and he wavered when speaking aboiit temporal things ; but when his brethren of the ministry came in to see him, he spoke most sensibly and connectedly upon spiri- tual subjects. In a short time, he fell very low, and Sir James and severals were in the room. "When just dying, he opened his eyes, and looked uj) with a pleasant smile. The whole company were amazed ; for his eyes shone and sparkled like stars, and he immediately expired. None spoke till he was dead, when they asked one another what they saw, and all agreed that they observed his eyes shining like two stars," Anal, v., p. 105. The above account will be found to contain a few particulars in addition to those given in Aiton's Life, p. 597.^ — Ed.] t Blair's Life, p. 103. Row's Supplement, MS., p. 52. Acts of As- sembly, p. 421. X [Henderson was never married. It seems to be impossible now to find any clue to his collateral descendants. Of his nephew George, who erected his monument, we have no farther information. The name of Henderson, or Henryson, as it was anciently spelt, was far from being LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 65 These inscriptions testify the high esteem in which Mr Henderson was held at that time by all classes, as well as the affection of his relation. Not only was the lamentation for his death universal through Scotland, it extended also to England. A London newspaper, dated August 31, 1646, says, " This day — the only news was by letters from the North, and first of all, a sad lamentation for the death of Mr Henderson." * After the Restoration, when every species of indignity was done to the preceding work of Re- formation, and those who had been active in promoting it, the Earl of Middleton, the King's Commissioner, procured an order of Parliament in July 1662, for erasing the in- scriptions, and otherwise disfiguring his monument.-|- But uncommon in Scotland. But there Is no evidence of Alexander Henderson being related to any of the name whom I have met with. — Ed.] * Perfect Diurnal, No. 162. In another periodical paper of the day, an Elegiac Poem on Jlr Henderson's death is inserted, from which ex- tracts might have been given, but they would have prolonged the Memoir. The Kingdom's Weekly Intelligencer, No. 166. t Wodrow's History, vol. i. p. 151. Ludlow's Detection of the gross Forgeries of Dr Hollingworth. [Wodrow's words are, — " Some time in June or July this year, the Commissioner (Middleton) stooped so low as to pi'ocure an order of Par- liament for the razing of the Rev. Mr Alexander Henderson his monu- ment, in the Greyfriars' Churchyard. After his death, August 18, 1646, a monument was erected for him, with a pyramid and inscription, wherein some mention was made of the Solemn League and Covenant." It is probable that this was an order in CouuciL When Middleton and his coadjutor, Archbishop Sharp, were in the humour of razing inscrip- tions, they might have turned their attention to^ the follo'W'ing dedication, which the said Sharp prefixed to a thesis in 1646 : — " Reverendo et qua pietate quaeruditionejuxtaac prudentia clarissimo viro Domino Alexandre Hendersono, ecclesiastfe Edinburgeno vigilantis- simo, defsecatioris religionis apud Britannos instauratte organo selectis- siino, Regine ^Majestati a sacris, Euergette de inclyta Academia Andreana prreclare merito, Patrono suo summopere colendo," &c., i. e. — " To the Reverend ilr Alexander Hendei son, a man distinguished alike for piety, learning, and prudence, a most faithful minister of Edin- burgh, a choice instniment in restoring a purer religion in Britain, chap- lain to his Majesty, a most worthy benefactor to the illustrious University of St Andrews, and his own most frofouudly revered Patron." The inscriptions on Henderson's monument, which were included in the original manuscript of this sketch, will be given i.i the Appendix, No. III., "Henderson's Monument T — Ed.] E 66 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. at the Revolution, justice was again done to his memory. The monument was repaired, and the inscriptions replaced.* Had his enemies merely wrecked their resentment upon his perishable monument, it would have been a small matter ; but they industriously strove to blast his immortal reputa- tion. Laying hold upon the circumstance of his having died soon after his conferences with the King at Newcastle, they circulated the report that he had become a convert to his Majesty's cause, and that remorse for the part he had acted against him had hastened his death. But this report, which had not the least shadow of foundation, was contra- dicted by the concurring testimony of all who had access to be acquainted with his sentiments during that time. " The false reports (says Mr Baillie, in a letter to his cousin in Holland) which went here of Mr Henderson, are, I see, also come to your hand. Believe me, for I have it under his own hand a little before his death, that he was utterly dis- pleased with the King's ways, and ever the longer the more ; and whoever says otherwise, I know they speak false. That man died as he lived, in great modesty, piety, and faith." f Mr Blair, who was a fellow-commissioner with him at New- castle, and who had an opportunity of being acquainted with all his transactions with his Majesty, and his most private sentiments respecting his conduct, testifies that he held fast his integrity to the end, mentioning this incidentally in the memoirs of his own life, as a great inducement with him to accept of Mr Henderson's place as chaplain to his Majesty.j And Mr Livingston declares, that he was present, and saw him die with great peace and comfort. § The Monument still stands entire on the south-west side of Grey- friars' Church. It is a quadrangular pillar, with an urn at the top. + Baillie, ii. 232. — [" It was a piece of comfort to me," says the same writer in September 1649, " that the best of the land were, on more pro- bable grounds, taxed for compliance with sectaries, than I with malig- nants, whom yet I knew to be innocent ; and that I remembered the cloud of infamy under which superexcellent Mr Henderson lay, to my know- ledge, till God and time blew it away." — Let. ii, 338. — Ed.] X Blair's Life, p. 104. § Livingston's Characteristics, at the end of hig Life. LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 67 Yet, about two years after his death, a pamphlet was published, as his declaration upon his death-bed, which,* without an express recantation of Presbyterian principles, contained a high panegyric upon King Charles, particularly for devotion, magnanimity, charity, sobriety, chastity, patience, humility ; and expresses a deep sense of the guilt of the Parliaments in their conduct towards him. This pamphlet was the forgery of a Scots Episcopal divine, -f* No ' It was entitled, " The Declaration of Mr Alexander Henderson, principal minister of the Word of God at Edinburgh, and Chief Commis- sioner for the Kii-k of Scotland to the Parliament and Synod of England, made upon his death-bed." t Laing's History of Scotland, vol. i. p. 327. It is curious to observe how uniformly the defenders of Scottish Episcopacy have had recourse to falsehood and forgery for the support of their cause. From the beginning they have done so. Archbishop Adamson published a forged testament, purporting to be that of Mr Lawson, the successor of John Knox. One Patrick Scot published a pretended recantation of Mr Calderwood, sup- posing him to have been dead in Holland. Mr Calder, an Episcopal minister, and a champion of the cause in the beginning of the 1 8th century, published to the world that Mr Davidson, Presbyterian minister at Pres- tonpans in the reign of James VI., had embraced Episcopacy before his death, alleging as his authority a book written by Davidson, which he was never able to produce, though repeatedly called upon to do it. Thus, with that of Mr Henderson above noticed, we have four glaring instances of fabrication, within little more than a hundred years. A good cause may meet with a disingenuous advocate, but a course of such conduct must afford a strong presumption against the system in defence of which persons must have recourse to such weapons. This reflects greater disgrace on Episcopalians than even the consecration at the Nag's Head Tavern, with which their brethren in England have been so often twitted, or than that want even of Presbyters' orders, with which a late writer on ecclesiastical history (Dr Campbell) has charged the whole Scots Episcopal body. Let this uninterrupted succession of falsehood be set over against that unin- terrupted succession o{ priesthood, of which they, together with the High- flyers in England, are beginning again to talk loud, after the uninterrupted succession of kings has failed. [" One will be surprised to hear," says Dr Campbell, " that our Scot- tish Episcopal party, who have long affected to value themselves on the regular transmission of their orders, fiave none but what they derive from bishops merely nominal. Even their own writers acknowledge, that imme- diately after the death of Dr Ross, bishop of Edinburgh, the last of those ordained before the Revolution, there were no local bishops appointed to any diocese, or having the inspection of any people, or spiritual jurisdic- 68 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. sooner did it appear, than the General Assembly appointed a committee to examine it, and afterwards emitted a declara- tion of its falsehood and forgery. In this, '' out of the tender respect which they tear to his name (which ought to be precious to them and all posterity, for his faithful services in the great work of Reformation in these kingdoms, wherein the Lord was pleased to make him eminently instru- mental), they declare, that after due search and trial, they do find that their worthy brother, Mr Alexander Henderson, did, from the time of his coming from London to Newcastle, till the last moment of his departure out of this life, manifest the constancy of his judgment touching the work of the Re- tion over any district." They were called Utopian bishops. " The ordi- nation, therefore, of our jyresent Episcopal clergy is solely from Preshyters ; for it is allowed, that those men who came tinder the hands of Bishop Ross had been regularly admitted ministers or presbyters, in particular congregations, before the Revolution. Let no true son of our Church be offended," adds the Doctor, " that I acknowledge our nonjurors to have a sort of Presbyterian ordination ; for I would by no means be understood as equalising theirs to that which obtains among us." — Lec- tures on Eccl. Hist., i. 354. Had the learned Doctor thought it worth his while to prosecute his inquiries a little farther into this ridiculous pre- tence, he might have found a still more startling and conclusive proof against the canonical succession, so loudly vaunted of by our Scotch Episco- pal party, in the schism which took place about the year 1 728, between'the old College of Bishops, and a set of pretended bishops called the Usagers. Lockhart has given us a curious account of this schism ; and from this and^ other sources it appears, that the Usagers (with one Gadderar at their head, who was no regular bishop) ordained three bishops of their own stamp, with the aid of Bishop Miller, whom they bribed for the purpose, while he .was lying under suspension by the other bishops, who, on their part, solemnly declared the whole transaction " simoniacal and private, nidi and void." — Lochhart's Papers, vol. ii. p. 101, 335. From these three bishops, thus irregularly and simoniacally ordained, viz., Rat- tray, Dunbar, and Keith, "our present bishops," says Skinner, " derive their succession." — Eccl. Ilht., vol. ii. j). 648, &c. As to the old bisliops, if they can be allowed to be bishops at all who never had a diocese, they certainly were the only hands through whom, according to the canons which re- gulate such matters, and even according to the principles afterwards recognised by the Episcopalians of Scotland, the true succession could have descended, and without whose consent no regular orders could be conferred ; but they died out without ordaining any to succeed them, and thus the un- interrupted succession was irretrievably lost. " Thus matters rested," says an Episcopalian writer, who gives a full account of the whole contro- LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 69 formation in these kingdoms. All that he was able to speak in that time (from his arrival in Edinburgh till his death), did clearly show his judgment of, and affection to, the woi'k of Reformation, and cause of God, to be every way the same then that it was in the beginning and progress thereof ; as divers reverend brethren who visited him have declared to this Assembly, particularly two brethren, who constantly attended him from the time he came home, till his breath expired." After mentioning several other reasons, the de- claration thus concludes : " Upon consideration of all which, this Assembly doth condemn the said pamphlet as forged, scandalous, and false. And farther, declare the author and contriver of the same to be void of charity and a good con- science, and a gross liar and calumniator, led by the spirit of the Accuser of the brethren." * The removal of Mr Henderson at such a critical juncture was a great loss to the Presbyterian cause, and as such was lamented by the wisest men in the three kingdoms. His influence with the nobility was missed in the dissensions between the Church and the Estates of Scotland, in the affair of the Duke of Hamilton"'s engagement. Speaking of the commission from Scotland to Charles H. after his father's death, one of Baillie's correspondent's says, " Oh ! we miss now that precious servant of Christ, Mr Alexander Hender- son. He would have been a man fit for this purpose." -f- Alexander Henderson was enriched with an assemblage of endowments which have rarely met in one man. He possessed talents which fitted him for judging and giving advice about the political affairs of a nation, or even for taking an active versy, " till Bishop Freebairn died ; and with him ceased the possibility of preserving a canonical succession in Scotland at that time." — Principles Poli- tical and Religious. By Norman Sievwright, M.A., a Presbyter of the Church of England, p. 290. Skinner has attempted to give the go-by to this piece of secret history ; but it is easy to substantiate the facts now- stated, and should " our Scottish Episcopal party " persevere much longer in boasting of their succession, at the expense of unchurching all other denominations of Christians, it may be expedient to make them better known. — Ed.] * Acts of Assembly, p. 422, edit. an. 1682. + Mr Spang, in Baillie's Letters, ii. 327. 70 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. share in the management of them, had he not devoted him- self to the immediate service of the Church, and the study of ecclesiastical business.* He was not more distinguished by the abilities which he displayed in his public conduct, than by the virtues which adorned his private character. Grave, yet aifable and polite ; firm and independent, yet modest and condescending, he commanded the respect, and conci- liated the affection, of all who were acquainted with him ; and the more intimately his friends knew him, they loved him the more. The power of religion he deeply felt, and he had tasted the comforts of the Grospel. Its spirit, equally removed from the coldness of the mere rationalist, and the irregular fervours of the enthusiast, breathed in all his words and actions. The love of liberty was in him a pure and enlightened flame ; he loved his native country, but his patriotism was no narrow, illiberal passion ; it opened to the welfare of neighbouring nations, and of mankind in general. Educated in Episcopal sentiments, and having the fairest prospects of advancement in a hierarchy fast rising in great- ness, after he had set out with an ardent mind in the career of ambition, he sacrificed his hopes to the convictions of his conscience, and joined himself to a small body of men, who, though honourable in the sight of God, were despised and borne down by those who were in power. As his adoption of the original principles of the Church of Scotland was not hasty, nor the effect of personal disgust, but of deliberate examination, and the fullest conviction, he persevered in the maintenance of them without deviation, amidst great temptations. Though he had received a liberal education in the first university of the kingdom, and had attained to an eminent station in it, he cheerfully devoted his time and talents to the care of a people in an obscure corner, where he lived contented and beloved upwards of twenty years, and from whom he at last submitted, with extreme reluctance, to be parted. Called forth by the irresistible cry of his dear country, when he found her reduced to the utmost Pinkerton, in his Iconographica Seotica, has denominated Mr Hender- son, "The Franklin of the Scottish commotions." LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 71 distress, by the oppression of ambitious prelates, supported by an arbitrary court and corrupt statesmen, he came from that retirement which was congenial to him, and entered upon the bustle of public business, at a time of life when others think of retiring from it. Though he sighed after his original solitude, and suffered from the fatigues and anxiety to which he was subjected, yet he did not relinquish his station, nor shrink from the difficult tasks imposed upon him, until his feeble and shattered constitution sunk under them, and he fell a martyr to the cause. He appeared on the public stage with a mind improved by reading and experience, and an acquaintance with man- kind, which genius, directed by cool attention, can acquire in situations very unfavourable. His learning, prudence, and sagacity, soon distinguished him among that band of patriots who associated for the vindication of their na- tional rights ; and he was consulted by the principal nobility and statesmen on the most important questions of public concern. Averse to severe or high measures, and disposed to unite all the friends of religion and liberty, he neverthe- less did not hesitate to approve of and recommend bold and decisive steps, when necessary to remedy intolerable griev- ances, or to prosecute and secure a necessary reformation. His sagacity and political wisdom were free from the base alloy of duplicity and selfishness, by which they are so often degraded. His integrity and virtue remained uncor- rupted, amidst the blandishments of the Court, and the in- trigues of the Cabinet. The confidence reposed in him, and the influence which he was enabled to exercise, which were as great as any ever enjoyed in a Presbyterian Church, he did not in a single instance betray or abuse. In forming an estimate of Mr Henderson's character, it would be improper to overlook his qualifications for assist- ing ecclesiastical judicatories, and particularly the Supreme Council of the Church to which he belonged, in which he repeatedly occupied the situation of moderator. In all large, deliberative, and free assemblies, the preservation of order, and expediting of business, depend greatly upon the 72 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON, talents and conduct of the person who acts as president. It is much to the credit of the subject of this memoir, that, in the Assembhcs in which he presided, there was no uproar, disorder, or indecentjy, although the times were turbulent ; and that, in the multiplicity of business which pressed upon them, confusion was avoided. His character, his appear- ance, his manners, procured him respect both from his brethren in the ministry, and those who acted as elders. With great dexterity he interposed, when there was any appearance of heat between the speakers, and ever, on such occasions, acted the part of a moderator. He knew how to bear with the scruples, and even the humours of good men, and at the same time to check unreasonable and wilful dis- obedience to necessary orders. Without infringing the liberty of the court, he could urge on a vote, or put a stop to tedious debate and desultory conversation. No honest mind could be hurt by the severity of his reproof, for all candid men could perceive the goodness which dictated it, or make allowance for the necessity of his situation. Even occasional discoveries of heat of temper, which are often to be seen in studious men of amiable dispositions, when wearied out with unreasonable opposition, were not without their utility in the situation which he occupied. It was his cus- tom as moderator, to introduce an important question with a short speech, in which he gave a perspicuous view of the cause ; and on its discussion, he also said a few words, re- capitulating the grounds of the Assembly's judgment. The pertinent and religious reflections which he threw in on re- markable occurrences, had often a most happy eftect, some- times filling the Assembly with deep concern, at other times cheering and elevating their minds amidst discouragements and heaviness. But, among all his qualifications, what de- serves particular attention, was that faculty of fervent, sweet, and appropriate prayer, which he exercised without flagging, through all the Assemblies in which he moderated. Mv Henderson was too actively engaged in public business to find much leisure for preparing works for the press. But though he published little to the world as bis own, his com- LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 73- positions were passed into acts both of the Church and State — obtained the sanction of the supreme authorities in the three kingdoms, were subscribed by all ranks of persons, and will continue to be famous in the history of his native country, and to be remembered as long as any taste for true patriotism and genuine religion remains. It will be re- collected by the friends of genuine liberty, and of the Pres- byterian Reformation, that the principal public papers from 1637 to 1646, and particularly the bond in which the National Covenant was renewed in 1638, and the Solemn League and Covenant, * were drawn by the pen of Alexander Henderson. Besides these, and his papers in the controversy with the King, he was the author of a tract, which does not bear his name, entitled, " The Government and Order of the Church of Scotland." This small publication, which was written and published when he was in London in 1641, attending the Treaty, -j* must have been very useful at the time ; and, with another pamphlet, published about the * [ These two transactions are frequently confounded by those who have not given close attention to the history of our Covenants. The Covenant sworn in 1638, was the old National Covenant of Scotland, commonly called the King's Covenant, in which Popery was specially abjured ; but it was renewed that' year, with the addition of a Bond, abjuring Pre- lacy, as contrary to the constitution of the Church of Scotland, which that Covenant was intended to confirm. When Prelacy was obtruded on the Church, it became necessary, in renewing the Covenant, to renounce it in special terms. The Solemn League, again, was not sworn till 1643, and had for its special objects, the preservation of the Church of Scotland, and the reformation of the Churches of England and Ireland, by the ex- tii-pation of the government by bishops, and the bringing of the three Churches in the three kingdoms into the nearest possible conjunction and ■uniformity. Both of these'deeds were national in their form and object, and could not now be sworn as they were at first, unless the nation were pre- pared to do so ; but they may be, and often have been renewed by churches, in the way of owning their federal obligation on ourselves, and on the nation at large, and joining in a bond adapted to the altered circumstances, and present exigencies of the Church. It is only in this way that the mi- nisters and members of the Church of Scotland, for example, could swear tJie Covenants ; and in tliis way they would, to use an old exi:»ression on the subject, serre themsehes heirs to the federal deeds of their ancestors. — Ed.] t [" Henderson's little treatise was afterwards reprinted here," savs Wodrow, "at our late happy Revolution." — MS. Letters, iv. p. 54. Ed.] 74 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. same time by Mr Gillespie, in defence of ruling elders and synods, * had its share of influence in preparing the minds of the English, particularly about London, for the adoption of the Presbyterian government. It may be consulted still, not only as a relic of the valuable author, but also for in- formation, as it contains a description, pretty circumstantial, of the government of the Church of Scotland, not only as it is to be found in her books of discipline, but as it was prac- tised at that period, -f- There are three sermons of Mr Henderson's in print. The first is that preached before the General Assembly in 1638, already noticed. Though hastily composed, it ex- hibits a condensation of matter, and accuracy of arrange- ment, which discovered a mind well stored with knowledge, and capable of bringing it forth with promptitude on emer- gent occasions. The thoughts which were applicable to the circumstances are well introduced ; they appear natively to rise from the subject, and they are illustrated and brought home with propriety and force. His second sermon is on Ezra, vii. 23 : " Whatsoever is commanded by the God of heaven, let it be diligently done for the house of the God of heaven ; for why should there be wrath against the realm of the king and his sons ? " It was preached before the House of Commons at their solemn fast, on Wednesday, Dec. 27, 1643, and is described by Mr Baillie, as " a most gracious, wise, and learned sermon," — a character which it justly deserves. :j: His third printed sermon was preached ' [This pamphlet is entitled, " An Assertion of the Discipline and Government of the Church of Scotland." — Ed.] t [For a fuller description of this treatise, see Appendix, No. IV. — Ed.] t [He divides the subject into three parts, — the evil to be avoided, the means for preventing it, and the connection between the two. Under the first head, he considers the greatness of the evil, in its breadth em- bracing " the whole realm of the King," and in its length extending even to posterity, " his sons." Under the means of prevention, he considers the rule of reformation, " the commandment of the God of heaven ;" the extent of it, " whatsoever is commanded ;" the manner in which it ought to be managed, "diligently ;" and the reasons of it, the greatness and sove- reignty of God, " the God of heaven ;" and a ground of common etjuity, it is " the house of the God of heaven." He lastly considers the connection LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 7& before the two Houses of Parliament, on Thursday 18th July 1644, in Westminster, being a day of public thanks- giving for a victory obtained by the forces of both king- doms, near York. The text is Matt. xiv. 81 : " And im- mediately Jesus stretched forth his hand, and caught him, and said unto him, O thou of little faith, wherefore didst thou doubt ? "" These sermons afford a specimen of his manner of preaching. It was strictly textual, so that none of his sermons could with propriety have been preached from any other passage of Scripture than that which is placed before them. His method is taken either from the natural division of the words, or from a proposition which shortly expresses their just import. Though composed hastily, amidst a multiplicity of avocations, they afford very favour- able specimens of his talents, and justify the reputation which he gained in this species of composition. As a pub- lic speaker, he was eloquent, judicious, and popular. His eloquence was easy, but impressive ; grave, but fluent. It was like the motion of a deep river, wkich carries one insensibly with a full tide, rather than the rapidity of a swollen torrent. " Learned, eloquent, and polite," says Grainger, " and perfectly versed in the knowledge of man- kind, he knew how to rouse the people to war, or negociate a peace. Whenever he preached, it was to crowded audi- ences ; and when he pleaded or argued, he was regarded with mute attention." * between the diligent performance of this duty, and the averting of wrath, and sfiows that even with regard to the blessings and miseries of this life, piety is the best policy, and that the mere restraints of c\\\\ laws, without the operation of religious principle, will avail little for repressing those sins which bring down the wrath of God upon a people Ed.] * [Clarendon says, that " to hear those sermons (of Henderson and the Scots divines), there was so great a conflux and resort, by the citizens, out of humour and faction ; by others of all qualities out of curiosity ; and by some that they might the better justify the contempt they had of them ; that from the first appearance of day on every Sunday, to the shutting in of the light, the church was never empty. They (especially the women) who had the happiness to get into the church in the morning (they who could not, hung upon, or about the windows without, to be auditors or spec- tators), keeping their places till the afternoon's exercise was finished, which 76 LIFE OF ALEXANDER HENDERSON. I may conclude with the following character of him, drawn by his friend Mr Baillie, in a speech he delivered be- fore the General Assembly in 1647 : — " That glorious soul of blessed memory, who now is crowned with the reward of all his labours for God and for us, I wish his remembrance may be fragrant among us, so long as free and pure Assem- blies remain in this land, which we hope shall be to the coming of our Lord. You know he spent his strength, and wore out his days, he breathed out his life in the service of God and of his Church. This binds it on our back, as we would not prove ungrateful, to pay him his due. If the thoughts of others be conform to my inmost sense, in duty and reason, he ought to be accounted by us and pos- terity, THE fairest ornament, AFTER JOHN KNOX, OF IN- COMPARABLE MEMORY, THAT EVER THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND DID ENJOY." both morning and afternoon, except to palates ridiculously corrupted, was the most insipid ani fiat that could be delivered upon any deliberation." Vol. i. p. 189, 190. This account may be safely left to confute itself. Discourses which attracted such crowds of all qualities, and induced them to hang from morning to night even upon the windows of the chapel, must have been any thing, one should think, but insipid aud fiat. Mr Brodie has well remarked, that " such language was naturally to have been ex- pected from the historian, whose task of vindicating the royal cause required something of this kind, and whose bigoted dislike to the Presby- terian establishment, and antipathy to the Scots, particularly the clergy, and above all, to Henderson, blinded him to any merit in them." " If we may form an estimate of their pulpit oratory from their works," adds this writer, " we may safely pronounce that the English did not discredit them- selves by flocking to hear such preachers." — History of the British Empire, vol. iii. p. 41, 42. As to Hume's gratuitous insult on them, which is copied by Laing into his History, and which only displays the dark malice which he bore in his heart against every thing like pure and undefiled religion, see Review of Tales of my Landlord, Part iii. — Ed.] APPENDIX TO THE LIFE OF HENDERSON BY THE EDITOR. No. I. CALDERWOOD'S WRITINGS. The works of Calderwood are numerous ; and as, from the dread of prosecution, tliey were almost all published without the author's name, it becomes difficult to fomi a complete and accurate catalogue. Dr Irving has given a very full list of them in his " Lives of Scottish Writers," vol. i. p. 318-322. The following hst, which I had drawn up before seeing Dr Irving's, differs very little from it, except in the arrangement ; the last nine tracts mentioned are given solely on that author's authority, Avhich stands deservedly high. 1. The true History of the Church of Scotland, from the begin- ning of the Reformation unto the end of the Reign of King James VI., 1 678, fol. Calderwood left a larger edition of this work in manuscript, the original of which is deposited in the British Museum; a copy of this lies in the Advocates' Library ; and the publication of it would prove a valuable accession to our historical literature. 2. Perth Assembly, printed anno 1619. The object of this treatise is to prove the nvJlity of the packed meeting of Assembly in 1618, and the unlawfulness of the " Five Articles of Perth," passed at that Assembly. 3. Parasynagma Perthense, anno 1620, This very rare tract (which is not mentioned by Dr Irving) is little more than an abridgment, in Latin, of the Perth Assembly, formerly mentioned, with some explanations of the National Covenant, which are fol- lowed by Andrew Melville's Anti-tami-cami-categoria. But it contains some curious additional matter. 4. The Course of Conformitie. This treatise, printed anno 1622, consists of an historical review of the various steps taken for the 78 APlPENDIX TO THE introduction and settlement of Episcopacy in Scotland, from 1597 down to the date of the pamphlet. That part of it (p. 20-45) which relates to Episcopacy, was written, as Calderwood informs us, by James, nephcAV of Andrew Melville. — Hist., p. 539. 5. Defence of our Arguments against kneeling in the act of receiving the sacramental elements of bread and wine, impugned hy Mr Michehone : imprinted anno 1620. 6. The Solution of Dr Resoliitus his Resolutions. On the same subject. 7. Queries concerning the state of the Church of Scotland: printed anno 1621. Consists of nine queries, all respecting the government and ceremonies of the English Church. 8. The Altar of Damascus, 12mo., pp. 222. This tract, of which his Latin Avork, Altare Damascenum, is an enlargement, was written in English by Calderwood in 1621, and is believed to be very rare. 9. Altare Damascenum ; seu Ecclesice Anglicance Politia. The Latin edition of the former greatly enlarged. The title of the work is founded on 2d Kings xvi. 10, 11, Avhere we are told that " King Ahaz saw an altar that was at Damascus, and sent to Urijah the priest the fashion of the altar, and the pattern of it. And Urijah the priest built an altar according to all that King Ahaz had sent from Damascus; so Unjahjnade it against King Ahaz came to Damascus." No title could be more appropriate to a work intended to analyze the policy of the English Church, which King James, on his acces- sion to the English throne, obtruded upon the Church of Scotland, through the agency of those whom he made bishops. It was pub- lished in 1623, under the assumed name of Edwardi Didoclavii, which is a transposition of the letters of his name, David Calderwood. The Altare Damascenum is, beyond comparison, the most learned and elaborate work ever written on the subject, embracing the whole controversy between the English and Scottish Churches, as to govern- ment, discipline, and Avorship. It was held in high estimation by foreign divines, in proof of Avhich it has been reprinted more than once on the Continent. A beautiful edition in quarto was published at Leyden in 1708. The work Avas never answex-ed, nor is it easy to see hoAv it could be ansAvcred. It is said that King James, after perusing it, sat for some time looking very pensive; and Avhen asked by one of the English bishops Avhat ailed him, he told him Avhat book he had been reading. " Let not that trouble your IMajesty," said the bishop, " I shall soon ansAver it." " AnsAver Avhat, mim 'i " replied LIFE OF HENDERSON. 79 the king ; " there is nothing here but Scripture, reason, and the fathers." — Preface to printed Caldericood, p. 5. Led. Typograph. Alt. Daviasc. 170S. 10. To the Altar e Damascenum there is usually appended the Epistle of Hieronymus Philadelphus De Regimine Scoticancs Ecclesice, with a Vindication of the Epistle against the Archbishop, both in Latin, by Calderwood. In this treatise he is very hard upon Spotswood, whom he accuses of being " ignorant of Greek, hardly knowing any thing of Latin, and much less capable of writing in it. He asserts that Spotswood's Refutatio libelli de Regimine, had been translated into Latin by some needy son of Esculapius ; or, as he else- where expresses it, it was " hatched by Joan. Rani Andrew Archiep., and favoured with a Latin complexion by some despised Doctor, idle for lack of patients." — Preface to Course of Conformitie. 11. In 1624 Calderwood published '■'■An Exhortation of the Particular Kirks of Christ in Scotland to their Sister Kirk in Edinhurgh" which contains passages of genuine eloquence. I may mention, that the fine allusion to Alexander the Great, made in Henderson's speech to the Commissioner in the Assembly 1638, Avas evidently borrowed from this treatise. Calderwood says, " His Majestic will not refuse, at your hands, the offer that Jerusalem made to Alexander. They could not suffer his image to be erected in their temple, but tliey were readie to please him in every thing wherein God was not displeased ; as to begin the accoimts of their times from his entrie to the towne, and to give him the name of all their first-borne sons." The application which Henderson made of this incident to the power which the king claimed to control the Church, by dissolving her Assemblies at his pleasure, is dfle of the noblest specimens of Christian oratory. " So, whatsoever is ours, we shall render it to his Majesty, even our lives, lands, liberties and all ; but for that which is God's, and the liberties of his house, we do think, neither will his Majesty's piety suffer him to crave, neither may we grant them, although he should crave it." 12. Tlie Pastor and the Prelate. 1628, 4to. 13. A Dialogue hetivixt Cosmophilus and Theophilus, anent the ui'ging of new Ceremonies upon the Kirke of Scotland. 1620, Svo. This Dialogue, which Dr Irving ascribes to Calderwood, is probably the same with that which Dr M'Crie ascribes to Mr John ^Murray. See the Memoir of IMurray in this volume. 14. The Speech of the Kirk of Scotland to her beloved childr0»}. 1620, Svo. 80 APPENDIX TO THE 15. A Replj/ to Dr Morton's general Defence of three Nocent . Ceremonies. 1623, 4to. 16.^ Reply to Dr Morton's particular Defence of three Nocent Ceremonies. 1C23, 4to. 17. An Epistle of a Christian Brother, &c. 1624, 8vo. 18. A Dispute upon communicating at our Confused Com- munions. 1624, 8vo. Id. A Re-examination of the Five Articles enacted at Perth, &c. 1636, 4to. 20. The Re-examination Abridged, &c. 1636, 8vo. 21. An Answer to M. J. Forbes of Corse, his Peaceable Warn- ing. 1638, 4to. No. II. THE DISPUTE ABOUT PRIVATE MEETINGS IN 1639. The origin of this dissension was a quarrel between Mr Henry Guthry, minister of Stirling, and the Laird of Leckie, an intelligent and pious, though somewhat enthusiastic man, whose exemplary devotion attracted around him numbers of his neighbom-s, whom he encouraged to meet in his house for religious exercises. It was alleged by some, who, it was supposed, came as spies, that he had used some expressions in prayer reflecting on the minister. The following extract will show the light in which these " nocturnal meetings " were regarded liy the kirk-session : — " At Stirling, the 22d day of July 1639. The quhilk day it was represented to the session, hbAV diverse within this congregation, being seduced thereto by the enticement of some strangers from England and Ireland, that have crepit in, do at their awin hands, and without the allowance of magistrates, minister, or elders, convein themselves confusedly out of diverse families, about bed-tyme, in some private house, and there for ane gi'eat part of the night, employ themselves in ane publick exercise of religion, praying successively, singing psalms, exponing Scripture, discussing questions of divinitie, — whereof some are so curious, that they do not understand, and some (as they state them) so ridiculous, that they cannot be edified by them ; by which uncowth and confused meetings, the common people are drawn to vilify and set at naught the exercise of God's worship in private and particular families apart, yea, some of them lightlie the pub- lic worship of God in the congregation, conceiving (as they ai'c LIFE OF HENDERSON. 81 taught by thir trafficking strangers) their private meetings to he moir effectuall in turning saules to God, than preaching itself. The session of the kirk having considered seriously of thir confused, untymous, and unallowable meetings, how they seem to be invented by some spirits favouring Brownism, and, gif they should be tole- rated to spread through this kirk, might prove likely means to over- turn the trewe forme of God's worship : And doubting also gif such of our people as through simplicitie and blind zeal have been overcome by them, in so doing, can be excused of the breach of that part of our covenant, where we swear to abstein fra the practice of all novations introducit in our kirk ; these meetings being ane no- vation to us never known, nor practised among us hot since Februar last, and for aught we know, destitute of the allowance and war- rand of any frie and lawful Assembly of this Kirk ; whairfore the session ordains ane remonstrance heirof to be maid unto the Pres- bytery, that they may consider seriously of the perrell imminent to our kirk, by thir seids of Brownism, which Sathan has begun to sow, and meantime discharges all within our congregation from keeping any such meetings." — Records of Kirk-Session of Stirling. It ought not to be forgotten, in forming our opinion of this judg- ment, that this Mr Henry Guthry, who manifests such a sensitive horror of innovations, such a conscientious dread of breaking any part of " our Covenant," and such respect to " the warrand of a frie and la-wfull Assembly," is the same person whom we meet with, after the Restoration, as Bishop of Dunkeld, and who was the author of the scurrilous and suspicious work, patched up after his death, called " Guthry's Memoirs." At the same time, it appears certain that these meetings occasioned considerable disorder in Stirling. On the 12th of August 1639, some of the inhabitants are summoned before the session, with the bailies, " for new deboirdings, which were so intolerable as forced the session to take ane present course. There- fore it is ordeaned that the minister, with all diligence, shall write to Mr Alexander Hendersone and Mr David Dicksone concerning their follies, and till their answer be returned, that the ringleaders of them shall be taken and put in ward., for preveining disorder." — Ibid. The Assembly at Aberdeen passed an act against the meetings, expressed in terms which gave great offence to many, particularly to the more pious portion of the ministry. Baillie gives a detailed ac- count of the dispute at this Assembly. " Mr Rutherford all the while was dumb ; only in the midst of this jangling, he cast in a syllogism, F 82 APPENDIX TO THE and required them all to answer it : ' What Scripture does warrant, an Assembly may not discharge ; but privy meetings for exercises of religion, Scripture warrants, James v. 16 : Confess your faults one to another. Mai. iii, 16 : Then they thai feared the Lord spake often one to another^ &c. Thir things cannot be done in public meetings, Ergo &c.' A number greedily haunsht at the argument, but came not near the matter. Mr Harry (Guthrie) and (Lord) Seaforth would not have Mr Samuel to trouble us with his logick syllogisms." — Baillie's Let., vol. i. p. 199. No. III. HENDERSON'S EXONERATION BY PARLIAMENT, 1641. It is highly probable that it was oAving to the injurious reports, noticed at p. 42, more than as a mere matter of form, that Henderson was induced to present the following petition to Parliament, craving exoneration and approbation of his carriage in the negotiation of the treaty, on the 28th of September 1641 : — " To the King's Most Excellent Majesty, and the Honourable Estates of Parliament, — The humble petition of Mr Alexander Hen- dersone, minister at Edinburgh, shoAving, that whereas being appoint- ed by the Presbyterie of Edinburgh to attend the General in the late expedition, I was, by the meeting of the ministers at Newcastle, and by the Committee of the Parliament, there joined with the Commissioners of the Treaty, wherein diverse matters of Church concernment were to be treated : And now the Treaty being, by the mercy of God, brought to a desired conclusion, and the Com- missioners approved and exonered in Parliament : My humble desire is, that if this Church hath sustained no prejudice by my weakness, and if it be found that, by my accessory labours for the publick, I have been faithful in whatsoever hath been intrusted to me by the Commissioners whome I did attend, I may also be exonered, and publicklie be approven, which shall be an encoiu-agement to me for afterward to contribute my best endeavours for the publick, and to pray that peace and all other blessings may be multiplied upon the King and kingdome. " 28th September 1641 — Red in audience of his Majestie and Parliament, who of certaine knowledge of the supplicant's faithfall and wyse carriage in all the actions of this trust, doe unanimouslie LIFE OF HENDERSON. 83 grant the desire of this supplication, and the exoneration and ap- probation craved." — Acts of Pari, of Scotland, vol. v. p. 420. To this I may add the Act of Exoneration itself, which is not inserted in the Printed Acts, but is preserved among the Manuscript Acts in the Register Office. " Act of Exoneratione and Approbatione in favoures of Maister Alexr. Hendersone. — The quhilk day the King's Majestic and Estates having taken into consideration the petitione given in to them by Mr Alexr. Henderson, minister of Edinburgh, making mention, &c. [^Here the petition is recapitulated.] And his Ma- jestic and Estates finding the foresaid desyre just and most reason- able, and having examinat the said Maister Alexr., his whole actions and carriage in the foresaid employment and trust put upon him, and compared the same -with the commissiones and instructions : And having considerit the same with the testimony of the King's Majestie, and of the remanent Commissioners who war in the Com- missione, and lyke trust with the said Alexr. Henderson : Doe unanimouslie find and declare, That the said Maister Alexr. Hendersone hath so wyslle, faithfuUie, diligentlie, and carefullie behaved himself in the foresaid charge and trust put upon him, in all the passages thereof, as he justly deserves their true testimony of his approven fidelity, diligence, and wyse carriage thereintill : And therefore his Majestie and Estates of Parliament do not onlie liberat and exoner him of all question or challenge that can be laid to him for his carriage in the foirsaid chairge and employment, hot also for the full demonstration of ther certaine knowledge of his faithfull and wyse carriage. Do xinanimouslie give him this trew testimony and approbatione, that he hath, in all fidelity, wisdom, and diligence, behaved himself in the foirsaid employment, chairge, and trust put upon him, as ane loyall subject to the King, and trewe patriot TO HIS COXJNTRIE." No. IV. HENDERSON'S MONUMENT. This Monument, which still stands on the south-west side of Greyfriars' Church, was originally in the form of a pyramid, but latterly, when renewed at the Revolution, in the shape of a quad- rangular pillar, with an urn on the top. It is already considerably 84 APPENDIX TO THE defaced, and unless some pains are taken to protect it by the com- petent authorities, will soon suffer more seriously from the constant operations going on around it. Does the memory of Henderson not deserve a more splendid and conspicuous monument in the city which he once so^erainently adorned ? It bears the following inscriptions, copied, no doubt, from the original monument : — On the East Side. M. S. D. Alexandri Hendersonii, Regi a Sacris, Edinburgensis, Ecclesias Pastoris, ibidem Academiae Rectoris, Academite Andreanae Alumni, Amplificatoris, Patroni. Qui contra grassantes per fraudem et tyrannidem Prelatos, liber- tatis et disciplinse Ecclesiasticae propugnator fuit acerrimus ; Super- stitionis juxta et succrescentium sectarum malleus ; Religionis cul- tusque divini purioris Vindex et Assertor constantissimus ; in quse, cum omni cura et cogitatione incumbens, assiduos, cum in patriae turn in vicino Anglia3 Regno, labores Ecclesiae utiles, sibi gloriosos exantlavit. Extremum spiritum effudit, die 12 Augusti aetatis 63. * On the North Side. Vir fult divinus, ac plane eximius, et omni virtutum genere, turn pietate imprimis, eruditione, prudentia illustris : Regi serenissimo, et utriusque Regni ordinibus juxta charus. Cui hoc monumentum pietatis ergo erigendum curavit Georgius Hendersonus, ex fratre nepos ; ipse sibi eternum in animis bonorum reliquit. t • Sacred to the Memory Of Mr Alexander Henderson, Chaplain to his Majesty, one of the Minis- ters of Edinburgh, Rector of the University there ; Alumnus, Benefactor and Patron of the University of St Andrews. Who was a most strenuous defender of the liberty and discipline of the Church, in opposition to the aggressions, by fraud and ^^olence, of the Pre- lates ; a formidable foe alike to Superstition and growing Sectarianism ; a faithful advocate and champion of religion, and the purity of divine worship ; in which services, after devoting to them all the energies of body and mind, and accomplishing, both in his native country, and in the neighbouring kingdom of England, unremitting labours, at once useful to the Church and honourable to himself, he breathed his last on the 12th (I9th) August 1646, in the 63d year of his age. t He was a godly and truly great man, distinguished for every virtue, and particularly for piety, learning, and prudence ; endeared alike to the LIFE OF HENDERSON. 85 On the South Side. Hanc quisquis urnam transiens spectaveris, Ne negligenter aspice ; Hie bueta magni cernis Hendersonii Pietatis hoc bustum vides. On the West Side. Reader, bedew thine eyes, Not for the dust here lyes ; It quicken shall again. And ay in joy remain ; But for thyself, the Church, and States, Whose woes this dust prognosticates. No. Y. HENDERSON'S TREATISE ON THE GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. I extract the following account of tliis treatise from one of Dr M'Crie's sketches of the Memoir. Mr Henderson published a tract, entitled " The Government and Order of the Church of Scotland," printed anno 1641, 68 pages quarto. It is anonymous, hut is knoAvn to he the production of Mr Henderson, from the testimony of Mr Baillie. — Let.^ toI. i. p. 245. The occasion of this treatise is stated in a prefatory address to the reader. Many godly persons, though wearied with the prelatic yoke, did yet crouch under it, not being acquainted with the model of a better government, and therefore afraid of change. In the mean- time, various schemes of Church discipline were proposed by different individuals, according to their various humours. Any thing that had been published respecting the policy of the Church of Scotland, was general and unsatisfactory. IVIisconceptions, arising from ignorance or prejudice, were entertained by many against it ; such as, that the true and original government of that Church had been Episcopalian .^that they had no certain rule or direction for public worship King, and to the Estates of both kingdoms. This monument of filial affection is erected to his memory by George Henderson, his nephew by the brother's side : He has left himself an eternal monument in the hearts of all good men. 86 APPENDIX TO THE — and that presbytery was hostile to monarchy. In opposition to these prejudices, he places the high and honourable testimony which had been borne to the policy of the Scottish Church by eminent persons, both in England and in the Reformed Churches abroad ; from which, and from the internal evidence contained in the follow- ing delineation, he concludes, that Scotland had been highly favoured — that it was no wonder she had stood to the defence of her refor- mation— and that England might profit by her example. Though the work is anonymous, and not avowed to be the production of a Scotsman, yet the author's affection to his native country and church breaks out towards the conclusion of the preface. After quoting the celebrated saying of Cicero, " Cari sunt parentes, cari liberi," &c., he adds, " If a patriot spoke so of his country, a citizen so of his republick, what should the Christian, born, baptized, and bred in Scotland, think and say, if he have been bom there, not only to this mortal, but to that immortal and everlasting life ? No children have better reason to say, We are not ashamed of our mother ; and it were to be wished that the saying were reciprocally true." To the treatise itself is prefixed the following intimation of its design : — " A desc7'iption, and not a demonstration, of the Church of Scotland is intended ; nan Jus, sed factum — their doing simply, and not the reason of their so doing, is desired. The delineation, therefore, of the face of that Church, without artificial colours, or dispute of her comeliness and beauty, is nakedly expressed in two parts, — the one of her officers, the other of her assemblies." The first part treats of the officers of the Church — of their calling and their respective duties. Under the Duties of the Pastor, he treats of the order observed in Preaching — in Baptism — in the Lord's Supper — Public Fasting — Marriage— and (in a negative way) of Burial of the Dead. Then follow the offices of Doctor, Elders, and Deacons. The second part treats of the Assemblies of the Church — of Ex- communication— of Elderships, Presbyteries, Synods, and General Assemblies. In the conclusion, he shows that " in the authority of these asso- ciations,— parochial, presbyterial, provincial and national, — and in the subordination of the lesser unto the greater, or of more particular elderships to the general eldership, doth consist the external order, strength, and stedfastness of the Church of Scotland." That as, on the one hand, they have manifested all tenderness to the weak, so, in virtue of their union and subordination, they have been able, by LIFE OF HENDERSON. 87 their spiritual authority and censures, to overcome lewd and wicked men, to detect and suppress all error and heresy, and to preserve truth and unity. In like manner, he says, there is " excited among the godly ministers an holy emulation, hy acquaintance and confer- ence, and by perceiving the gifts, one of another, which maketh them return from the Assemblies with a mean and humble conceit of themselves, and with new and strong resolutions for greater diligence in their studies, and faithfulness in every pastoral duty, to the com- mon benefit and edification of all the churches ; all the ministers are made more wise in matters of government, and all the congrega- tions are afi'ected with reverence to what is required of them by their particular elderships, as having the consent and approbation of the whole Church. Herb there is superiority without tyranny, PARITY WITHOUT CONFUSION AND DISORDER, AND SUBJECTION WITHOUT SLAVERY." As they had done and sufiered much for vindicating and maintain- ing what belonged unto God, so they desired that the things that were Cesar's should be rendered to Cesar. They had ever been wilUng to pay taxes and subsidies, even above their ability. They poured out prayers, in private and public, for his Majesty's person, government, and family, and were ready to sacrifice their lives for his Majesty's good. " Neither is this all ; but moreover, they do acknowledge that his Majesty, as supreme magistrate, hath not only charge over the commonwealth, but doth watch and have inspection over the Church and Church matters, but in a civil way." They account all that is vented to the contrary (such as, that they liked anarchy better than monarchy, and that they would turn a kingdom into a democracy) to be but the fictions and calumnies of the maU- cious enemies of God and his truth ; not unlike the lies which were devised against the primitive Christians. " They do still hold, that there can be no antipathy betwixt one ordinance of God and another. By him princes do reign ; and he hath also appointed the ofiicers and government of his own house. They do desire nothing than that the Son of God may reign, and that, with and under the Son of God, the King may command, and that they, as good subjects to Christ and the King, may obey." Qlt is highly desirable that this, and other pubUcations, written in defence of the Church of Scotland at that time, particularly some of those by Baillie and Gillespie, should be republished. Nothing better could be written on the subject ; and, with few exceptions, nothing could be more adapted to the present times. — Ed.] LIFE OF PATRICK HAMILTON, THE PROTO-MARTYR OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND.* Situated at a distance from the rest of Europe, and having then little intercourse with the neighbouring kingdom of England, Scotland remained ignorant of those opinions which had excited so much interest in other nations, during a period of ten years after the appearance of Luther. The Lollards of the west either being extirpated, or concealing their sentiments, not a tongue had for a long time been moved against the clergy, who, undisturbed and unsuspi- cious, enjoyed their rich possessions, and indulged their secular ambition. Not that men were blind to the vices which generally disgraced that order, or altogether insen- sible of the abuses in religion which they had introduced and supported ; but the dread of the power with which the Church was armed suppressed every murmur ; and a refor- mation was the object of faint desire, rather than of expec- tation, even with those who were convinced of its necessity. At length, Providence raised up a man, singularly qualified as an instrument for arousing the minds of his countrymen, and opening their eyes upon that system of error and super- stition by which they were enslaved and deluded. . * Originally published in the Christian Magazine for January 1806. 90 LIFE OF PATRICK HAMILTON. Patrick Hamilton was sprung of a noble stock, and nearly allied, both by the paternal and maternal side, to the royal family of Scotland. His father. Sir Patrick Ha- milton of Kincavil, was a son of Lord Hamilton, who was married to a sister of James HI., and brother of the Earl of Arran. * His mother was a daughter of John, Duke of Albany, brother to the same monarch. Sir Patrick Hamil- ton of Kincavil was captain of the castle of Blackness, and one of the most accomplished knights in Scotland. He was slain in 1520, in an affray between the houses of Arran and Angus, to which Kincavil showed himself more averse than Archbishop Beton, then an adherent of the house of Hamilton, who was afterwards the prime agent in the mur- der of the son of this valiant knight. *}* Patrick Hamilton, the subject of this memoir, was born in the year 1504. He was by his friends destined for the * Keith (Hist. p. 1) is offended with the writers who ascribe such hon- ourable birth to the martyr, and alleges, that this has been done to draw the greater odium of cruelty upon the clergy, of whose characters this historian is very tender. He says, that Sir Patrick Hamilton of Kincavil was a bastard son of Lord Hamilton. But this is a mistake, arising from his not distinguishing between two sons of Lord Hamilton of the same name, according to a usual practice in these times. Lord Hamilton had a natural son, named Patrick, who is the person referred to in the char- ters mentioned by Keith. But he must not be confounded with Patrick Hamilton of Kincavil, who, in a charter (April 1498), is called hrother-yer- man to James, Lord Hamilton ; and in another charter (Jan. 1513), is distinguished from a natural son. Scotstarvet, Cal. — Lindsay mentions that he called James, natural son of his brother, a bastard in contempt ; which he would not have done, if he himself had been of the same de- scription.— Pinherton's History of Scotland, vol. iii. pp. 45, 46, 289. + The celebrated Gawin Douglas, Bishop of Dunkeld, having gone, on the part of Angus, to promote conciliation, urged Beton to interpose, and, as became a churchman, to prevent the effusion of blood : the archbishop striking his breast, exclaimed, " There is no remedy ; upon my conscience, I cannot help it ! " The armour which he had concealed under his cas- sock rang with the stroke ; upon which Dunkeld said with a sneer, " I perceive, my Lord, that your conscience is not sound, as appears by its rattling." He then applied to Kincavil, who seemed willing to mediate for bringing about an agreement ; but his natural brother reproaching him as afraid to fight, he was stung with the sarcasm, and suffered a false honour to overcome his reason and humanity. — Pinkerton, ii. 181. LIFE OF PATRICK HAMILTON. 91 Church, in which, from his great connections, he had the prospect of the highest preferment. According to the custom then prevalent, of conferring church-livings upon children, he was in his youth made Abbot of Feme, a Premonstra- tensian monastery, in the shire of Ross. * He received the best education that Scotland, whose literature was at that time indeed low, could afford. Being a youth of excellent parfs, + he not only made quick proficiency in the studies prescribed to him, but possessed sufficient penetration to discover and pursue a more rational method of acquiring knowledge, than that which was then universally used in this country. Exploding the scholastic jargon in which the learning of the age consisted, he aimed at the revival of ancient literature and true philosophy. When he was in this state of mind. Providence threw in his way the means of acquiring some knowledge of the re- formed doctrine. This he received with all readiness of mind, and what he at this time tasted, excited a thirst which all the riches and honours of the world could not quench. He had already past through some of the orders of the Romish Church, although he was not yet admitted to the full exercise of the priestly functions ; and from what had taken place, we may easily conclude, that he would not anxiously desire the completion of such qualifications. His mind was in- tently fixed upon a more important object. From the time that he received any knowledge of the pure Word of God, he had not concealed it, and his discourse had excited the suspicions of the clergy, | But, sensible that his knowledge * The revenue of this abbacy was £165 : 7 : l^d.; bear, 30 chalders, 2 bolls, 2 pecks ; oats, 1 chalder, 6 bolls, 1 peck. — Keith, App. 185. t Buchanan calls him, " Juvenis ingenio summo, et eruditione singulari." — Histor. lib. xiv. + To this purpose are these words in the sentence afterwards pro- nounced against him : " And he being under the same infamy (of heresy), we decerning before him to be summoned and accused upon the premises, he of evil mind (as may be presumed) passed to other parts forth of the realm suspected and noted of heresy. And being lately returned," &c. What was said above of his being in orders, appears from the same document, in which he is declared " to be deprived of all dignities, hon- 92 LIFE OF PATRICK HAMILTON, was very limited, and that he did not enjoy opportunities of increasing it, he determined to leave Scotland. Taking along with him three attendants, he travelled into Ger- many, and repaired straightway to the University of Wit- temberg, the fame of which, under the superintendence of Luther and Melancthon, had spread throughout Europe, and attracted from different countries those who desired to study the pure Word of God. Pleased with the zeal and sincerity of the noble youth, these celebrated divines gladly received him, and " expounded unto him the way of God more perfectly." This happened in the beginning of the year 1527, and in the 23d year of his age. Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, having embraced the Refor- mation, had this year erected an academy at Marpurgh, with the view of assisting in the promotion of evangelical truth in his dominions, and placed at the head of it Francis Lambert of Avignon. This divine, who had formerly been an apos- tolical preacher, and general of a monastery of Franciscan observants, though he is comparatively little known, de- serves, on account of his eminent piety and useful labours, to have his name enrolled among the principal promoters of the Reformation. Mr Hamilton being recommended to him by the divines of Wittemberg, repaired to the newly erected academy. He was the first person who, in that seat of learning, exhibited and maintained certain theses on the principal subject of dispute between the Romanists and Reformed. What these were we learn from the treatise which he left behind him, concerning the difference between the law and Gospel, which contains the substance of what he maintained in this dispute, and afterwards taught in his native country. The master and the scholar had been brought to the knowledge of the truth in circumstances and by means so remarkably similar, and their views and dis- positions were so accordant, that an intimate and sacred ours, orders" as well as " benefices of the Church ; " yet it is added, that he, " not being admitted but of his own head, without license or privilege, hath presumed to preach heresy." — Fox^s Acts .and Monuments, p. 8S8, edit. 1596. LIFE OF PATRICK HAMILTON. 93 friendship was established between them. Lambert treated Hamilton as a colleague * and brother, rather than a pupil ; and Hamilton, while he improved the familiarity to which he was admitted for the advancement of his studies, felt for Lambert all the respect due to a preceptor and a father. Enjoying such advantages, both public and private, under the instructions of one who has given such proofs of his ac- quaintance with the Bible, Mr Hamilton, whose thirst after knowledge was unabated, grew every day in acquaintance with the Word of God. And with his knowledge his godli- ness increased. Lambert, in a preface to one of his printed commentaries, bears testimony, that he scarcely ever met with one who had such spiritual and sound views of the Scriptures as Patrick Hamilton, -f While Mr Hamilton prosecuted his favourite study in this learned retreat, there was only one thing which dis- turbed his repose. The thoughts of his native country often intruded upon his mind. Was it the desire of occupying that situation in the Church to which he had the title ? Was it the wish of revisiting his natal soil, his kindred and acquaintances, that created this uneasiness ? No ; these he had relinquished, or was willing to relinquish, for the sake of Christ and his Gospel. It was the deplorable state of his native country, involved in a religious point of view, in worse than Cimmerian darkness, which presented itself to his view by night and by day. While he ruminated upon this, he felt a strong and unconquerable desire to return to Scotland, and impart to his countrymen the beams of saving knowledge, by which his own soul had been enlightened. Having communicated his design to his friends for their advice, they endeavoured to dissuade him from it, or at • Some writers assert, that Patrick Hamilton acted as a public profes- sor in the academy of Marpurgh. — Bezw Icones, Ffj. Scultet. Annal.iova. iii. 176, ex Fox. comment, rer. eccl. gest. Fol. 122. But as his name does not appear in the list of professors, it is probable that he only acted occa- sionally as an assistant during the time that he studied there. + F. Lamberti Avenionensis Prsefat. in Comment, in Apocolyp. anno 1528. 94i LIFE OF PATRICK HAMILTON. least to protract his departure, by representing the danger to which he would expose himself. Even Lambert, who had himself strongly felt the same sacred passion, and had undertaken a similar journey into France in opposition to the remonstrances of many of his friends, from regard to the noble youth, joined in soliciting his stay. But the motion was from God, and could not be resisted. He was not ignorant of the overbearing influence of the Scottish clergy, of their enmity to the truth, and the jealousy with which they regarded hira in particular ; he must have laid his account with " bonds and afflictions ; but none of these things moved him, neither counted he his life dear to him- self, so that he might finish his course with joy, and the ministry which he had received of the Lord Jesus, to testify the Gospel of the grace of God." Having taken leave of his friends, he set out from Marpurgh, accompanied by one of the attendants whom he had brought with him, and arrived in Scotland about the commencement of the year 1528.* When the Apostle Paul was in Athens, and beheld that celebrated city universally addicted to idolatry, his " spirit was stirred in him," a holy zeal was kindled, he could no longer refrain, but, first in private disputation, and after- wards in a full assembly, he exposed their idolatrous tenets and practice, and preached unto them the true God and the Saviour. Similar were the feelings and conduct of Pat- rick Hamilton, when, with deep concern, he saw the gross ignorance, superstition, and idolatry, which every where reigned in Scotland. Wherever he came, he failed not to lay open the corruptions of the Church, and the errors by which the souls of men were ruined. So clear and convinc- ing were the arguments by which he supported his doctrine, and such were his fervent piety, and humble, mild demean- our, that a number of all classes listened unto him with pleasure, and collected in the places where he resided. Of this the clergy were not indifferent spectators. Alarmed at the influence which a person of his rank, zeal, and talents, would have in alienating the minds of men from them, and ' Lambert, ut supra. LIFE OF PATRICK HAMILTON. 95 incapable of defending themselves by the same weapons with which they were attacked, they resolved on his immediate destruction. James Beton, Archbishop of St Andrews, was at this time at the head of the Church, and, as chancellor of the kingdom, had, during the minority of the king, the supreme direction in the State ; a man of great ambition, regardless of religion, crafty, cruel, and scrupling at no means, how- ever flagitious, which were necessary to accomplish his designs. Afraid to proceed openly against young Hamilton by citation, he advised that he should be decoyed to St Andrews, under the deceitful pretext of a friendly confer- ence with him concerning the doctrine which he taught. Deeply convinced of the truth of what he maintained, Pat- rick gladly embraced the opportunity of confessing and de- fending it before the most learned body in the kingdom. Upon his arrival at St Andrews, every thing was done to banish his suspicions, and to induce him to make a full dis- closure of his sentiments ; he was allowed to enjoy his liberty, was treated with respect, and different members of the uni- versity entered into conversation and dispute with him. One of these was Alexander Ales, a canon of the metro- politan church of that city. He was a young man of pro- mising talents, and well acquainted with scholastic learning ; and, having turned his attention to the Lutheran contro- versy, flattered himself that he would be able to bring back Mr Hamilton to the bosom of the Catholic Church. But, instead of this, he was himself staggered by the reasonings of that gentleman, and still more by the constancy with which he saw him maintain his sentiments to the last, amidst the scorn, rage, and violence of his enemies. * An- * Jacobi Thomasii Oratio de Alex. Alesio. Lipsise, 1683. Bayle, Dic- tionaire, article, Ales, In the following year Ales having preached a ser- mon against the vices of the priests, was brought into trouble ; and in the year 1532, he fled into England, and embraced the Reformation. Upon the death of his patron, Cromwell, Earl of Essex, he went to Ger- many, and became professor of divinity in the university of Leipsic, where he died, anno 1665. 96 LIFE OF PATRICK HAMILTON. other person who had repeated conferences with him, was Alexander Campbell, prior of the Black Friars. The friar acknowledged that there were many things in the Church which stood in need of reformation, acquiesced in, and even applauded Hamilton''s judgment in the greater part of the controverted articles. Yet such was his versatility, avarice, or cowardice, that he treacherously gave information to his enemies of the sentiments which he had heard from him, and even consented to become one of his judges. When they had procured the wished-for information, ac- cording to a preconcerted plan, Mr Hamilton, while unsus- picious of danger, was seized at the dead hour of night, taken from bed, and carried into the castle. Next day he was presented before the archbishop and his council, and accused of maintaining a number of heretical and dangerous opinions, which were read in his presence. Being permitted to express his judgment respecting these articles, he boldly avowed, that " he held the first seven to be undoubtedly true," and offered to subscribe them ; " the rest (he said, with a candour which made no impression upon his adver- saries) were more disputable, but such as he could not con- demn, unless better reasons were produced against them than he had yet heard." The articles owned by him are variously expressed in different accounts ; the following are taken from the body of the sentence pronounced against him : — " That man hath no free will ; that man is in sin so long as he liveth ; that children incontinent after their baptism are sinners ; that all Christians, that be worthy to be called Christians, do know that they are in grace ; that good works make not a good man, but a good man doth make good works ; and that faith, hope, and charity, are so knit, that he that hath the one hath the rest, and he that wanteth the one of them wanteth the rest." * After con- versing with him for some time upon each of these articles, and finding him resolved not to renounce them, they re- * Fox, p. 888. Keith, App. No. 2. Spottiswood, 63. — The greater part of these articles arc explained and defended in a small treatise, written by him in Latin, and translated into English by John Firth. LIFE OF PATRICK HAMILTON. 97 mitted the question respecting heretical pravity to the doc- tors of divinity and of the canon law. Within a day or two, the primate held a solemn council in the cathedral church, assisted by the archbishop of Glasgow, and many other dignitaries of the Church ; when the doctors presented their censure, subscribed by all their hands, finding the seven articles heretical. Upon this, the council passed sentence upon him as an obstinate heretic, " depriving him of all dignities, honours, orders, offices, and benefices of the Church ; " and adjudging him " to be delivered over to the secular power to be punished, and his goods to be confis- cate." This sentence having been drawn up, read, and pro- nounced, was subscribed by all the council ; and, to give it the greater weight, the subscriptions of all persons of note who were in the place were procured ; even the names of children were added.* In the meantime, the primate had so managed, that the young king was absent on a pilgrimage to St Duthack in E,oss-shire. Lest, at his return, he should prevent their designs, through favour to the Abbot of Feme, a Hamilton, and a kinsman of his own, it was determined to carry the sentence into execution on the same day that it was passed. The secular judge having sentenced him to be committed to the flames, he was, on the afternoon of February 29, 1528, -f- led to the place of execution, at the gate of St Sal- vador's college, where a stake was fastened, with wood, coals, and other combustible materials piled around it. Though cruelly deceived by his enemies, and hurried to * The Earl of Cassilis being then only twelve years of age, was made to subscribe. — Knox, Spottlswood. f Lambert says that he was executed " Pridie kalendas Martii ; " Petrie says March 2 ; Spottiswood, March 1 ; Knox, the kst of February. As these writers agree that he was executed on the same day that he was condemned, and as the last of February is the day mentioned in the sentence, this appears to be the true date. The discrepancy in the accounts may partly have arisen from its being leap-year. Beza, who is not very accurate in his dates as to Scottish affairs, erroneously dates his martjrdom in the year 1530. He also ascribes his death to David Beton (the cardinal), instead of James, his uncle and predecessor in the archi- episcopal see. G 98 LIFE OF PATRICK HAMILTON. execution, Mr Hamilton was not unprepared for the awful hour. From the first time that he appeared before them, he perceived that they thirsted for his blood. During the in- terval between his apprehension and execution, he " pos- sessed his soul in patience," and felt the support of the truth which he had confessed, and the presence of his God. And in " the fiery trial," he acted with such faith, meekness, constancy, and undaunted resolution, as to equal the most famed martyrs of primitive times. Being come to the place where he was to suffer, he strip- ped himself of his gown, coat, and bonnet, and gave them to his servant who attended him, and had long slept in the same chamber with him, saying, " These will not profit in the fire ; they will profit thee. After this, of me thou canst receive no commodity, except the example of my death, which, I pray thee, bear in mind ; for albeit it be bitter to the flesh, yet is it the entrance into eternal life, which none shall possess that deny Christ before this wicked genera- tion. When he was bound to the stake, he exhibited no symptom of fear, but seriously commending his soul to God, he kept his eyes fixed towards heaven. The executioner set fire to the train of powder, which did not kindle the pile, but severely scorched the left hand and side of the martyr. In this situation he remained unmoved, until they went to the castle, and brought another quantity of powder, and materials more combustible. During this interval, the friars who were collected, molested him with their noisy speeches, calling out, " Convert, heretic ; call upon our Lady, Salve Regina." He answered, "Depart, and trouble me not, ye messengers of Satan." Prior Campbell continuing to revile him as a heretic, he, with holy indignation, mingled with pity, addressed him : " Wicked man ! thou knowest the contrary ; to me thou hast confessed. I appeal thee before the judgment-seat of Jesus Christ." The messengers having returned from the castle, the fire was now kindled. Amidst the noise of the flames, which burned with great vehemence, and the tumult of the people, he was distinctly heard to pronounce these last words : — " How long, 0 Lord, LIFE OF PATRICK HAMILTON. 99 shall darkness cover this realm ! how long wilt thou suffer this tyranny of men ! Lord Jesus, receive my spirit ! "" In this manner did Patrick Hamilton finish his short but glorious career, in the 24'th year of his age ; having obtained of God the honour to be the first martyr to the reformed religion in Scotland. According to our limited views, we are ready to lament his untimely end, and to form concep- tions of what might have been the fruit of the labours of such a man, if he had escaped the fury of his enemies. But He who " sees the end from the beginning," and whose wis- dom leaves at a distance the thoughts of his people, and covers with confusion the best concerted schemes of his ad- versaries, judged otherwise. And when we form our judgment from the event, we cannot but perceive, that in the situation of Scotland at that time, nothing could have contributed so much to awaken the minds of men from that dead sleep in which they were sunk, and to spread the knowledge of the truth, as the death of this martyr. The flames in which he expired were, " in the course of one generation, to enlighten all Scotland, and to consume, with avenging fury, the Catho- lic superstition, the Papal power, and even the Prelacy it- self." * The constancy and patience with which he suffered, made a deep impression upon the spectators. The report of his execution, which quickly spread through the kingdom, excited many to inquire into the causes of his death, and produced discussions respecting his tenets, which were fa- vourable to the truth, and led to a change of views. The opinion that he was a true martyr, was strongly corrobo- rated by the death of Prior Campbell. The awful citation which he received from the dying servant of God, seized his conscience, and he died a short time after in a state of dis- traction and horror, — an example of divine judgment which could not fail to strike the most thoughtless and sceptical. Nor were the conferences and disputations in which Mr Hamilton was engaged at St Andrews fruitless ; by these seed was sown in the university, which soon after made its • Pinkerton. 100 LIFE OF PATRICK HAMILTON. appearance, and which all the violence and industry of the Papists could not eradicate. Can we refrain- from extolling the disinterested and heroic zeal wrought by the Spirit of God in the breast of this youthful martyr ? When he left his native country, and repaired to a Protestant university, he relinquished, for the sake of the truth, all those fair prospects of worldly honour and affluence which solicited his hopes ; and, on returning to Scotland, he " put his life in his hand," the only remaining pledge of his devotion to God, and love to his countrymen. He confided in the divine protection as long as he had any useful work to perform, and was willing to die as soon as the work allotted to him was finished. Such sacrifices must be made, such hazards must be run, in order to achieve de- liverances the most advantageous to mankind. To make the attempt requires no ordinary degree of zeal and courage, no common impulse of the Spirit. The mere dictates of reason, the cold calculations of human prudence, must not, in such cases, be listened unto, or made the rule of action. Yet surely reason will not condemn, but rather applaud, such high degrees of virtue and piety as it cannot reach. Shall the soldier, who, at the command of his general, mounts the breach, and places himself in the forlorn hope; — shall he who, to turn the fate of a single battle, generously throws away his life, — be extolled as a hero ? And shall the person who, in the cause of God and truth, exposes his life, by adventuring to attack the strongholds of supersti- tion and spiritual despotism, to tear off the veil from dam- ning delusion, — though at the risk of falling in the attempt, that he may incite others to a more successful enterprise ; — shall he be derided and stigmatized as visionary and en- thusiastical, and as dying like a fool ? God forbid. While the primate and his brethren had the mortifica- tion to find their conduct little approved by the nation, and condemned by the learned and good, they had the gloomy satisfaction of receiving a letter of congratulation on the occasion, from the University of Louvain, in whicli they praise them for " their excellent virtue," and " worthy LIFE OF PATRICK HAMILTON. 101 deed," in cutting off that " wicked heretic." The " thing " itself, they say, was " commendable," and " the manner of the proceeding was no less pleasant." * But justice has been done to the memory of Patrick Hamilton, while that of his murderers and their admirers has been justly loaded with execration. The principal of Marpurgh college dignifies him with the title of " The first and renowned apostle of the Scots." Beza says, that " he ennobled the royal race of the Hamiltons by the precious crown of martyrdom." And Pinkerton declares, that he received " the eternal fame of being the proto-martyr of the freedom of the human mind." -f- * Fox, ut supra, p. 889. t The same author says, that in the blood of Cardinal Beton was avenged the murder of Patrick Hamilton by his imcle and predecessor. [Patrick Hamilton, though not the first Scotsman who suffered for opposing the tenets of the Church of Rome — there having been one or two instances of martyrdom for the truth in our country before his time — may be justly termed " the Proto-martyr of the Reformation in Scotland," inas- much as he was the first who suffered in defence of the truth, after the Reformation had commenced. The above memoir contains nearly the whole authentic information which has been collected regarding this illustrious martyi-. The style in which it is written will be observed to be much more easy and elegant than that of the two following memoirs ; a circumstance which may be accounted for, partly from the nature of the subject, which more deeply interested the feelings of the author, and partly perhaps from his having been thrown more on his own resources in composing it, than in the other articles, which partake somewhat of the idiom of the Latin authorities from which he drew his information Ed.] LIFE OF FRANCIS LAMBERT OF AVIGNON.* In the Christian Church " there is neither Jew nor Greek," French, German, nor Scots ; for they " are all one in Christ Jesus." The boundaries marked out by seas and rivers ; the distinctions produced by diversity of language, laws, or man- ners, or even by external colour and shape ; the antipathies excited by national prejudices, pride, ambition, and interest, — are either overlooked or swallowed up by the liberal and comprehensive spirit of Christianity. Whenever any one becomes a Christian, he is no longer to be regarded as " a stranger or foreigner," but as " a fellow-citizen with the saints," who, in every place, call on the name of the Lord. It must be allowed, that we feel a more lively inte- rest in the characters and actions of those whose names are familiar to our ears, who spake the same language with ourselves, who lived, acted, and suffered in places which we know, have seen with our eyes, and can point out to others with the finger. We ought not, however, to regard as strange or foreign to us, the characters and lives of those who belonged to a different country ; but be ready to adopt, in a higher sense, the words of a Roman poet, Homo sum, humani nihil a me alienum puto. " I am a Christian, and I reckon not any thing foreign to me that concerns a Christian." * From the Christian Magazine, Vol. X., February 1806. 104 LIFE OF FRANCIS LAMBERT. Perhaps the unity of the visible Church was never more strikingly exhibited since the days of the apostles, than it was at the comnienceraent of the Reformation. * They were engaged in the same cause, they had a common enemy, and they regarded and received one another as brethren. By epistolary correspondence, by travelling from place to place, by the kindly reception of those who fled from perse- cution, or came to inquire after the truth, they knew and took an interest in the affairs of one another, to which we are altogether strangers in the present state of the Protes- tant Churches. But, abstracting from such considerations, the subject of the following memoir has a claim upon our attention and regard, from the tender affection he bore to Patrick Hamilton, and the instrumentality which he had in forming the views of that illustrious person who first brought the light of the reformed Gospel to Scotland, -j* Francis Lambert was born in the year 1487, in Avig- non, a celebrated city in France, situated near the river Rhone, upon the confines of the Alps, which divide France from Italy. J His father, who was of Burgundian extraction, * " Quanta et quam constans concordia animoinim," &c. (says a cele- brated ^v^iter) : " How great and how constant was the concord and con- junction of soul, at Wittenberg, between Luther and Melancthon ; in Switzerland, between Zuinglius and Ecolampadius, and afterwards be- tween Bullinger, Martyr, &c. ; in the territory of Geneva, between Cal- vin, Farel, and Viret ; in France, between Faber of Estaples and the Rulfi ; at Strasburgh, between Bucer, Capito, Hedio, Gryneus ; between Cranmer, who promoted the work of God in England, and Knox, the Reformer of Scotland, and between Calvin and the Helvetian divines ; in the Palatine, between Ursin and Olevian ! What eminent ministers of Jesus Christ ! Yet in these teachers of different regions, and many others who were their contemporaries, whose names I here pass over, not only the same zeal in the cause of God, but mutual fraternal love did burn, without emulation or envy ; if we except the more violent attack of Luther upon Zuinglius, who, however, appeared to be reconciled to him at the conference of INIarpurgh. But, among the rest, and many other illustrious persons, there subsisted a concord, which was not only wonder- ful, but, to speak the truth, divine." — VitrifKjain Apocalypsin, p. 199. Not. t See Life of Patrick Hamilton. X A short account of the life of Lambert was published by two German LIFE OF FRANCIS LAMBERT. 105 was secretary of the Pontifical legation and apostolic palace ; Avignon having been for some time a residence of the Popes. He died when his son was very young. The sovereignty and power of divine grace are often very conspicuous in its operation upon the minds of those who are placed in situations most unfavourable to religious im- pressions, whose knowledge is small, and even clouded with error or superstition. From early youth, Lambert was deeply impressed with a sense of religion ; and afterwards, when his knowledge was greatly increased, and he had frankly renounced his former errors, he could not deny the work of the Spirit of Christ on his mind at this perio'd. Being desirous to devote himself to religious meditation and practice, he, in the fifteenth year of his age, entered a Franciscan monastery of the order of Minorites, called Observants, at Avignon. His youthful mind was imposed upon by the exterior show of humility and sanctity which these monks assumed. He expected to be associated with persons who, having retired from the world, were wholly occupied with religion, " prayer all their business, all their pleasure praise." But how was he disappointed to find, that under a sanctimonious garb and outward carriage, were concealed all the passions and vices of men of the world ! Let us hear his own words, in a writing which he afterwards published, assigning his reasons for relinquishing the order. " I admired their decent dress, their humble countenance, their downcast eyes, the delightful expressions of feigned piety which they uttered, their naked feet. I praised the gravity of their gesture, their slow step, their folded arms, and their exquisite and finished mode of preaching. I was ignorant of the heart of the wolf which lay concealed under the clothing of the sheep. But God, in his deep counsel, willed that I should be deceived by men, that I might dis- authors. A number of particulars respecting him are to be found in the histories of Seckeudorf and Gerdesius. Where no authorities are men- tioned in this memoir, the facts are taken from, and depend upon, the authorities produced by Schoelhorn, in his Amanilates Liter arice, torn, iv. p. 307, 309. 106 LIFE OF FRANCIS LAMBERT. cover the reality of what was so much applauded ; nor do I doubt that, by the providence of God, I was received into their society, and seduced by their artifice, that, in discover- ing the truth, I might be able to make public the abomi- nations hid within these whited sepulchres." During the period of his noviciate, the real state of the monastery was carefully concealed from him ; but when he had professed and taken on the vows, they no longer used the same reserve or secrecy. Upon making the discovery, it is impossible (he tells us) to describe the grief and an- guish of mind which he continued to feel ; doomed as he was to live among men who vexed his soul with their un- righteous deeds, and then derided the concern which they had caused. Being appointed to the public ministry of the Word, as soon as they found that he preached in a way opposite to their wishes, they violently opposed him. " The people," says he, " heard the Word of God, and received it with avidity ; but these, like deaf adders that stop their ears, refused to hear the word of the Highest." Yet such was his reputation, that after some years he was appointed Apostolical Preacher.* This, though a laborious office, as it was conscientiously and painfully discharged by him, was an unspeakable relief to him, as it gave him an opportunity of being frequently absent from the convent. After being fatigued with constant preaching during a number of months, he was accustomed to return to the monastery. " On such occasions," says he, " evil speeches, injuries, revilings, were my daily food." In the year 1518, while he preached in a certain city of France, the people were deeply impressed with his doctrine, and, as an evi- dence of their repentance, brought forth the pictures, char- tels, and other instruments of superstition, by which they had been encouraged to continue in sin, that they might be committed to the flames. One of the preachers of Papal indulgences greatly opposed him ; but he exposed so con- • An Apostolical Preacher iji the Romish Church does not receive this title from the Apostolical or Papal see, but is so called, because he is ap- pointed to go about like the apostles, and preach the Gospel every where. LIFE OF FRANCIS LAMBERT. 107 vincingly the wicked arts of this impostor, that the magis- trates condemned and expelled him from the city. When he came to the houses of those who entertained the Mino- rites, and knew that they were notorious whoremongers, usurers, or injurious persons, he was accustomed secretly to reprove and counsel them. This the friars loudly con- demned, "for they dreaded more,"" says he, "the loss of one supper, than the damnation of their hosts."" It would be tedious to rehearse the different instances of persecution which our young divine suffered, and his strug- gles to exoner his conscience in the situation in which he found himself. Wearied out with opposition, he wished to enter among the Carthusians. " I was afraid," says he, "to return to the common society of men, lest I should be a stumbling-block to those extensive regions in which I had preached the Gospel, I flattered myself, that though I could not preach the Gospel in peace, I might be allowed to profit men by my writings. But this also was an illusion- of Satan." The monks, having found some of Luther's writings in his possession, seized upon them, and having condemned them as heretical, caused them to be burned in the capital of the province. A short time after this, Lambert left France ; and, having gone into Germany, he openly re- nounced the monkish order. Lambert left the convent, anno 1522, in the 35th year of his age, having spent 20 years under the monastic habit. Lest his enemies should seize him, or make an attempt upon his life, he was obliged to assume in public the name of John Serran. Before going into Germany, he continued for some time in Switzerland. Wherever he came, he preached as often as he had opportunity, and conversed with all the learned with whom he met, desiring to increase his knowledge. Se- bastian de Montfaucon, bishop and prince of Lausanne, heard him with approbation, and defended him against his adversaries. Having gone to Berne, he conversed with Berchthold Haller, who, at his desire, gave him a letter of introduction to Zuinglius at Zurich. Haller, in this letter. 108 LIFE OF FRANCIS LAMBERT. mentions that Lamberfs sentiments were not in every point scriptural, but that in many articles he had made profi- ciency, which, " considering that he was a Franciscan, an Observant, and a Frenchman, was wonderful." Zuinglius gladly received him. Lambert, in a sermon which he preached at Zurich, taught, among other things, the invo- cation of saints. Zuinglius affirmed that he was in an error. Upon this, a conference was appointed between them, in which Lambert, overcome by the force of truth, confessed his error, and, with folded hands, publicly gave thanks to God. * Immediately after he reached Germany, he published to the world his reasons for renouncing the monastic order. This publication concludes in the following manner : — " I revoke what I have preached any where, which does not thoroughly agree Avith the simplicity of the sacred Gospel. I beseech all who have heard my sermons, or read my writ- •ings, to reject whatever in them may be discordant with the truth now revealed. And I trust that he who hath brought me out from captivity worse than Egyptian, will enable me, by future writings, abundantly to repair all my errors. I renounce the Pope as antichrist, and all his decrees, not wishing to be a partaker of his apostate kingdom ; and am willing to be excommunicated from it, as I am persuaded it is excommunicated and accursed of God." Coming to Isenac in the end of 1522, he expounded the Gospel according to John, and exhibited, for disputation, certain positions concerning confession, satisfaction, clerical matrimony, &c., which greatly provoked the priests, but con- tributed to the progress of the Reformation. In January 1523, he came to Wittenberg, where he was kindly received by Luther, who entertained him in his house for a considerable time, and afterwards applied in his behalf to the Elector of Saxony, through Spalatinus, his chaplain and counsellor. The letter which he wrote on this occasion shows the high regard which he had for the man : — " There is with me at present John Scrran, whose real name is Francis Lambert, * Gerdes. Hist. Evang. Reform., torn. i. pji. 277, 27S. LIFE OF FRANCIS LAMBERT. 109 who, by persecution, is reduced to exile and poverty. Con- cerning the integrity of the man there is no doubt. Al- though we have abundance of lecturers, yet, if possible, I would not have him dismissed. He pleases me in every re- spect, and, as far as can be judged of any man, I think him worthy of being supported in his exile. But you know my circumstances do not put it in my power to do this. It is my opinion, that the prince should be advised, in the love of Christ, to settle 20 or 80 florins upon him, until such time as he can be supported by his countrymen, or his own labours." He was accordingly provided for, first by Spalatinus, and afterwards by the Elector. Lambert did not waste his time in idleness at Witten- berg. It was matter of great grief to him, that, from igno- rance of the German language, he could not preach to the people. But he expounded the Scriptures in Latin to the students who attended him ; and as soon as he finished a book, he printed his commentary upon it, first in Latin, and afterwards in French. This last he did with the view of disseminating the doctrine of the Gospel in his native coimtry, the reformation of which he ardently wished. It was not long before the fruit of his labours, in this respect, began to appear. His publications, which were sent to different places in France, diffused the knowledge of the truth, which was received with avidity by many, particu- larly in those places where he had travelled as apostolical preacher. In the year 1524, he received an invitation from a num- ber of persons in Metz, a city of Lorraine in France, to visit them, and preach the Gospel there, urging, that there was a promising prospect of success, although much oppo- sition might be expected. For such an opening he had anxiously waited, and was prepared to risk his life in the attempt. But, upon consulting Luther and Melancthon, they strenuously dissuaded him from it ; they urged that he was already settled in a sphere of usefulness ; that it was not his duty to leave it on such a precarious design; that so great were the fury and power of the adversaries of the 110 LIFE OF FRANCIS LAMBERT. Gospel in that country, that he could not expect to obtain liberty to preach, or to escape with his life. These argu- ments, though they staggered, did not satisfy his mind. He felt a strong inclination to preach the word of life in France ; he was afraid to resist the call of his countrymen. His mind was greatly distracted, and sleep departed from him. At last he had recourse to the lot, which he looked upon as a method of obtaining the decision of heaven in extraordinary and important occasions, and upon this left Wittenberg, and repaired to Metz. But let us hear him giving an account of the matter in his own words, in an apology to the Elector of Saxony : — " Perhaps you were displeased that I, about a year ago, left your territory, in opposition to the advice of all my friends, and without first consulting your excellency, then at Nuremberg. But who- soever is angry with me, let him, I pray, be angry, and not sin. Verily God called and commanded me to leave Wit- tenberg, and go to Metz, and, in the event of their not per- mitting me to preach Christ there, to repair to Strasburg, or some other city of Germany, bordering upon France, that I might be near to my brethren, and ready to give them assistance, until I should be called elsewhere. The command of God was urgent ; I durst not for a moment delay complying with it ; I could have had no rest in resist- ing it. It did not proceed from contempt or ingratitude towards your Highness. God forbid." The people of Metz received him with joy ; the magis- trates of the city were friendly to him ; but the inquisitors and monks raged against him, excited an insurrection, and would have thrown him into prison, had not the senators interposed. He found himself obliged to leave Metz, and retired to Strasburg, where he encouraged the friends of the truth by his writings. Though disappointed of his ex- pectations at Metz, he was not discouraged. The Word of God was not bound. After mentioning the martyrdom of John Castellan, who had been a preacher in tliat city, he says, " God fought with him against his enemies, and, in the place of one, has raised up a thousand. And if they shall LIFE OF FRANCIS LAMBERT. Ill also kill me, and Christ shall think me worthy of the glory of martyrdom, ten thousand shall rise up in my room." Such was the fame of Lambert's piety and talents, that the Landgrave of Hesse sent for him to assist in promoting the reformation of religion within his dominions. He was present at a synod assembled by that prince at Homberg in 1526, drew up the propositions to be disputed, and was chosen to defend them in the Latin tongue, as Adam Crato did in the German, before an immense multitude of people, gathered from all parts of Hesse. Only two persons ap- peared to oppose them, who, immediately after the dispute, left the country. Li 1527, he was made principal of the newly erected college at Marpurgh, in which station he laboured with indefatigable industry until his death, form- ing the minds of many for the ministry, and diffusing the knowledge of the Scriptures by his writings. One of the last public acts of his life, was his attendance upon the conference held at Marpurgh in 1529, between the Saxon and Helvetian divines, at which Luther and Zuinglius, with many other eminent men, were present. This was procured chiefly by the zealous exertions of the Landgrave, with the view of settling the differences among the Protestants, occasioned by their discordant sentiments respecting the Eucharist. On this occasion, Lambert gave a striking display of that candour and love of truth, for which he had been always distinguished. Before this, he had been inclined to the sentiments of Luther upon the subject, and lay under great obligations to that reformer. But he resolved (as he afterwards wrote to a friend) " to seek the truth, and to regard, not by whom this or that should be spoken, but what should be spoken." Accordingly, being convinced by the arguments of Zuinglius and his friends, he embraced that side of the question, and persevered in its maintenance. * * Some Lutheran writers have called in question this fact. But it is sufficiently authenticated. The Landgrave said to a Silesian gentleman, " that some thought that the Marpurgh conference had been of no advan- tage ; but they were mistaken, for both he and his divine, Francis Lambert, had, by means of it, embraced the true doctrine of the Eucliarist." The 112 IJI'K 01' I'RANCIS LAMBERT, In the year 1530, Lambert was seized with th(3 plague, or, as some writers anscjrt, with the l^^ngliwh sweating sick- ness, which then raged at Marj)urgh, and died greatly re- gretted, as he had lived esteemed, both by the Saxon and Helvetian divines. Ho was, says Schoelhorn, " a man pious, learned, laborious, of the most ardent zeal for propagating the truth, and, while tossed from place to place by reverses of fortune, studying to do good to all by pen, lip, and life." And Wiseman, a celebrated Lutheran Writer, gives him this character : " fervid, ingenious, intrepid, and endued with a deep sense of religion, as his acts and writings testify." As the Reformation derived advantage; cliieHy from the writings of Lambert, it may be proper to mention his ])rin- cipal works, particularly his commentaries upon Scripture. He published ;i commentary upon Luke, ])rinted at Wit- tenberg, anno L523 ; a commentary upon marriage, Norin- berg, 1525;* upon the Song of Solomon, 1525; upon the vocation of the faithful, the vocation of the ministry, and Matthias by lot, &c., a collection of almost all things theolo- gical ; a commentary upon IJosea ; upon Joel ; upon Amos ; Obadiah and Jonah ; upon Micah, Nahum, and Habakkuk, — all printed in 152() ; upon Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi ; upon prophecy, learning, &c., I52() ; of the causes of the blindness of many ages ; an exposition of the A])ocalyps(\ 152H Jit Strii!sl)urf,'li aro said to liave suppressed a letter which Lainhcrt liad written on tlie suljject. — JloUhxjcr. JIht. tiacr anient., ii. p. 80. Ger- (lem. Jllxtnr., toni. ii. KiG, com]). 2I(). Microlius (a Liitlieran author) ciuiiiierates " FraiuM.stMis Lanibertua " aiuoiifr the divines of the Itefornied Church. — Syntarim. Ecclcs.llktor., part iii. p. 42(). * This was occasioncd^jy his entering into the matrimonial life, con- trary to tlie rules of tlie Tojiish churcli as to clergynicn. f Fox's Acts and Monuments, pp. t)'J8, y'2[), edit. 159(). LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET.* With the numerous writings of this eminent divine, the learned of different countries have long been acquainted. They have been deservedly held in great esteem in Britain, although none of them have been translated into the English language.' The particulars of his life, and of his godly and most edifying death, are less generally known. The following account, drawn from the most authentic sources, may not therefore be unacceptable, or altogether useless. If some parts of it concern more immediately the scholar and the divine, in others the Christian will find himself interested. The family of Rivet, originally from Orthes, settled in St Maixant, a city of the Province of Poitou in France, towards the end of the fifteenth century. William, the grandfather of our divine, had three sons, James, Andrew, and John. These, together with their father, embraced the reformed doctrine when it began to spread in France, and persevered in their adherence to it, notwithstanding all the severities to which this exposed them ; a laudable example, which was long followed by their posterity. The descendants of the two oldest sons continued to occupy respectable and even honourable stations in their native country. The youngest, John, married, in 1566, Catherine Cardel, daughter of James Cardel, Lord of Morinieres, a person respectable for his rank and talents, and who, though he never separated from * From the Christian Magazine, Vol. IX., October 1805. H 114 LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. the Church of Rome, was favourable to the cause of tlic Reformed. The young lady had, before her marriage, openly espoused the doctrines of the Reformation, and was a woman of a superior mind, adorned with many virtues, and eminently pious. She bore her husband three sons, Andrew (the subject of this memoir), John, and William. Their second son, John, a youth of great hopes, died prematurely, while he was successfully prosecuting his philosophical studies in Scotland. The youngest, William, after he had studied in France, Scotland, and at the University of Ley- den, was ordained pastor at Tailleburgh, in the province of Saintonge. He enjoyed the esteem of the reformed churches in general, and of those of his own province in a high degree, and lived to an advanced age, having survived, for a con- siderable time, his eldest brother, of whom we now proceed to speak more particularly, * Andrew Rivet was born at St Maixant on the 22d of June 1572. By a dangerous fall which he received in his infancy, through the carelessness of a servant, his life was for some time despaired of. Struck with the danger, his pious mother devoted him to God, promising, in concurrence with her husband, that, if his life was spared, he should be educated for the sacred ministry ; and, with' a view to this, both of them often poured out the most fervent prayers and tears for the divine blessing upon him. Many are now be- come so enlightened as to despise all such exercise as this, and condemn parents for setting apart in their intentions, or training their children to the ministry ; yet it is undeni- able, that many who have been eminently useful in the pub- lic service of the Church, have been thus early devoted ; and it rather appears, that parents do therein act a dutiful part, while their resolutions and promises are formed and prose- cuted with submission to the arrangements of Providence, * Mr William Rivet was the author of several works. He wrote a treatise " De Libertate Ecclesiastica," another, " De Convivio Sapientiaj," and some tracts against Veronus, besides an apologetical epistle against Amyrald, printed in his brother's works. — Andr. Bireti Opera, tom. iii., Dedicatio, LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. 115 and with a view to those gifts which the Head of the Church may be pleased to bestow.* After being taught the first principles of the Latin tongue in his native city, young Rivet was put under the care of Monsieur Blacher, minister of St Gelais, with whom he not only made great proficiency in Latin and Greek, but also acquired some knowledge of Hebrew. Being deprived of this teacher by the persecution which then raged, he re- turned to St Maixant, and was taught by Adam Newton, a Scotsman, who, returning to his native country, was made tutor to^^Prince Henry, eldest son of King James, f After his removal, being discountenanced by the master on account of his religion, Rivet went to Rochelle, where he studied under the following masters :— Philip Birgam, Professor of Hebrew ; Peter Martin, Professor of Philosophy ; and Peter Rose, Professor of Eloquence. Having a strong desire to visit foreign universities, he meant to have gone to St An- drews, in Scotland, which at that time flourished under the care of the celebrated Andrew Melville ; but the fame of the University of Orthes, in Beam, which the King of Navarre had recently founded, attracted him. When young men rise from the languages to the study of the higher branches, few of them carry along with them that diligence and ardour which are requisite for prosecuting them. On the contrary, having escaped from their former restraints as from a prison, they often spend the liberty which they now feel in idleness or in dissipation. The plan pursued in the University of Orthes was calculated to prevent this evil. Besides the public professors, there were two teachers, who met with the young men every forenoon and afternoon, to repeat the in- structions of the professors, over and above the examination and disputation. John Josion was at this time Professor of Logic and Ethics ; Alexander Blair, | of Physics and Meta- * [The reader may be reminded by this of a simikr incident recorded in the Life of Dr M'Crie, p. 5 Ed.] + This was the person whom King James employed to translate Father Paul's History of the Council of Trent into Latin. + During the sixteenth century, Scotsmen were to be found as tutors in most of the principal scliools on the Continent, 116 LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. physics. So successfully did young Rivet prosecute his studies under these professors, that in 1589 he was admitted Bachelor of Arts ; and in the following year he attained, not without applause from a numerous audience, the highest degree in philosophy. Having gone through this course of preparation in secular learning, he entered upon the particular study of divinity, to which, like another Samuel, he had been early devoted, and with a view to which all his studies had been conducted. He ccmld with ease read the Old Testament in Hebrew, and the New in Greek. What was more, he began to feel a pro- found devotion for the Scriptures, and an ardent thirst for becoming acquainted with their contents. He studied divinity under the celebrated Lambert Danseus. When he had attended his lectures two years, the academy being broken up by the violence of the Papists, he was forced to separate from his beloved teacher, and returned to Rochelle. Here his fame reached the Duke of Tremouille, who, being desirous of securing him for his church at Touars, employed the Rev. Francis L'Oyseau, his chaplain, to speak to his parents, and actually allowed him the amount of the stipend during the remaining period of his studies. John Baptista Rotan, a divine of the University of Heidelberg, a disciple and acquaintance of Zanchius, acted at this time as pastor and professor at Rochelle. Pleased with the abilities and application of Rivet, he encouraged the young divine by pri- vate advices, and spoke highly in his commendation to others. As an evidence of the ardour with which he prosecuted his preparation for the ministry, it is mentioned, that besides performing the ordinary exercises prescribed to the students, he associated with some of the more advanced, who met four times a-week, and by turns delivered private discourses among themselves, by which he acquired a habit of composi- tion, together with a readiness of expression. The church of Touars, being now destitute of a pastor, earnestly pressed his license. In consequence of their solici- tations, he appeared before the Synod of Niort. So youthful was his appearance, that some of the ministers entertained scruples about proceeding ; but such was the uncommon LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. 117 satisfaction which he gave on his trials, that with the utmost unanimity he was judged worthy of the ministry by the whole of that large and i-espectable body. He was accordingly ordained, at Touars, on the 24th of March 1595, in the 23d year of his age ; JNIons. St Joyeuse, minister of Nerac, pre- siding on the occasion. Having obtained a settlement in the Church, Rivet did not relax in the prosecution of his studies. " He did not act like many theologians," says Monsieur Dauber, in a funeral oration pronounced after his death, " who fix this as the goal of their exertions, and having attained it, become solicitous about an advantageous marriage, and then give themselves up to indolence, without being concerned about adorning the spouse of Christ, or rendering themselves more fit for preaching the Gospel of Christ." Nor was he even satisfied with what many good men make the summit of their ambi- tion, the promoting of the good of their own church; although this is no small or illaudable object. The views of Rivet were still more enlarged. The charge upon which he had entered was indeed onerous, and difficult for a young man of twenty-three. In a numerous congregation, in a city which was the capital of the dukedom of Touars, where he had for auditors the Duke de la Tremouille and his court, he preached thrice every Lord's day, besides the performance of other parts of ministerial duty. But his desire was not merely to discharge these duties with diligence and approbation, but to advance the general interests of the Church at large. For this end he laboured to qualify himself to become an able champion of the truth. Nor did he want means for accom- plishing this. The Duke de la Tremouille, his generous patron, directed Monsieur L'Oyseau to order a Parisian bookseller to purchase the best authors among the Greek and Latin fathers, and made a present of them to Rivet. Encouraged by this aid, he made a judicious division of his time between his pastoral functions and other studies, which he prosecuted with renewed ardour. He examined with accu- racy all the controversies of the age, extracted the opinions of adversaries in their own words, and rendered himself 118 LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. SO familiar with tho writings of the chief fathers of the Church, that he could produce them when necessary for silen- cing those who boasted of their authority. In all his con- troversies with th^ Papists, his superiority in this point is conspicuous. He did not confine his reading to theological writings ; but, by an acquaintance with the most approved authors on different subjects, he increased his stock of know- ledge, drew from them what was adapted to his subject, and was enabled to display a varied erudition in all his works. But he applied himself principally to the study of the sacred writings, and neglected nothing which was necessary for ascertaining and illustrating their meaning. Monsieur L'Oyseau had, since his settlement at Touars, acted the part of a father to our young divine, who, in his turn, entertained for him the affection and reverence of a son. Their friendship was cemented by a marriage, which he now contracted, with the perfect approbation, of his parents, with Susanna, the amiable daughter of this venerable pastor. * By this marriage he had four sons. During the first years of his settlement at Touars, public afikirs were much em- broiled, and his studies and domestic security were more than once interrupted ; but an end was put to their troubles by the pacification at Nantz in 1598. The uncommon diligence of our divine, joined with great piety, acuteness, and solidity of judgment, excited in all who knew him high expectations of his future usefulness. The province of Poitou were the first to recognise this ; and when he was yet in his 28th year, they selected him, with others, to answer the writings of the adversaries. To this appointment we owe several of those publications with which he afterwards favoured the public. In the Provincial Synod he was often employed as secretary and president. He was deputed to the National Synod of France, anno 1601. Of this venerable assembly he was five times a member, thrice he was chosen secretary, and once president. In the Acts * lie had been pastor of Nantz, which he was forced by jierseciition to leave, but he was shortly after this restored to his flock. — Quick's Symdicon, i. 225. LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. Il9 of the National Synod which met at Tonneins, anno 1614, we find the following resolution : — " This Assembly approv- ing the labours of Mr Andrew Rivet, pastor of the church of Touars, and particularly those learned works of his pub- lished against the adversaries of the truth, gave him their thanks for them ; and, as a testimony of that love and honour they bear him, do give him the sum of six hundred livres out of the common stock of all the churches." * By the Synod which met at Vitre, anno 1617, he was nominated, along with Messrs Ohamier, Chauve, and Moulin, three luminaries of the French Church, to concert measures for promoting a correspondence with all orthodox Churches, and effecting a closer union among them.^f" Next year, when he with the same persons were on their way to assist at the Synod of Dort, they were stopped by a prohibition issued out by Louis XIII.| The second Synod of Vitre, anno 1617, appointed Mr Rivet to compose a history of the French Churches ; and those nominated to collect materials in each province were enjoined to remit them to him. He excused himself to the Synod of Alez 1620, for not performing this task, as the memorials from the provinces had not been communicated unto him. § His removal from France hin- dered the prosecution of this valuable undertaking. Such was the opinion which they entertained of Rivet's sagacity and integrity, that the Duke de la Tremouille, and the celebrated Philip Morney, Lord du Plessis, the Gover- nor of Saumur, consulted him on the most important affairs respecting the political security of the Protestants in France. In the year 1610, he accompanied the delegates who were sent from the Protestants to the Court upon the succession of Louis XI XL, and was appointed to deliver an oration in their name to the Queen-mother, Mary of Medicis, in which he spoke with a mingled freedom and caution, which com- manded the praises of the Duke D'Espernon and other cour- tiers, although it was not very pleasing to the Cardinals who * Quick's Synodicon, i. 417. t Ibid., p. 499. X Ibid., clxiii., comp. Dauberi Oratio Funebris in Rivetum. § Ibid., i. 480 ; ii. 10. 120 LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. were present. He was present at a General Council of all ranks of the Reformed in France, which met at Saumur in 1611; and a Convention in the province of Poitou, which met in 1 61 6, of which he was elected vice-president. In such assemblies the public good is not so much hurt by the adop- tion of wrong measures through inadvertence and mistake, which may be corrected by experience and future opportu- nities, as by the entrance of party-spirit, and a regard to private interest. On these occasions, Mr Rivet exerted himself to prevail upon all to study the common advantage of the body, and discouraged and steadily refused to join with those who wished to form parties, with the view of promoting their own interests. His remonstrances at the Convention of Saumur against this evil were remembered afterwards, when a remedy could not be so easily applied. The fame of Rivet had now spread into foreign countries ; and the States of Holland determined, if possible, to obtain him for the University of Leyden, which they had resolved to fill with the most learned teachers that they could pro- cure. Upon application to the Provincial Synod of Poitou, seconded by the influence of Maurice, Prince of Orange, with the Duke of Tremouille, the States, not without difficulty, obtained a grant, with the consent of the church of Touars, that Mr Rivet should go to Leyden for a limited time. After the labours of twenty-five years among them with singular acceptance, he was dismissed, with many tears, by his own flock and his brethren in the ministry. His Excellency the Prince of Orange, and the curators of the university, wrote to the National Synod, which met at Alez 1620, for a prolongation of the term of his continuance, which the Synod granted, out of the high respect which they had for that illustrious prince, and their desire for an entire union with the churches of the Netherlands. The application was renewed at the Synod of Oharenton 1623, when he was allowed to continue some time longer. It was not until 1631 that they yielded to his permanent establish- ment in Holland ; such was the estimation in which he was held by the church of Touars, the province of Poitou, and LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. 121 the whole Synod. During this time various attempts were made to settle him in the Universities of Saumur or Mon- tauban.* The qualifications requisite for filling the pulpit and the academical chair are different, and many who have occupied the former with usefulness and high acceptance, have been found unfit for the latter. The active part of Dr Rivet's life was almost equally divided between the two, and it is hard to say for which of them he was best qualified. If, during his pastoral incumbency, he had a regular oppor- tunity of addressing a multitude immediately upon the con- cerns of their precious souls, and of assisting the ecclesias- tical councils in his native country ; on the other hand, in his academical station he was serviceable to all the churches, by training up for the ministry the youth who flocked from the different parts of Europe to Leyden ; while the learned leisure which he enjoyed enabled him to plan, compose, and publish those works, by which he, being dead, yet speaketh. It was his happiness to be associated at Leyden with col- leagues distinguished for piety, learning, and zeal for the truth, with whom he lived in habits of the closest friend- ship and unity, so that he was accustomed to say with par- ticular satisfaction in his old age, that there never had been any strife or contention, or the slightest jar among them. The names of John Polyander, Anthony Thysius, Anthony Walseus, James Trigland, and Frederic Spanheim, are still associated with that of Andrew Rivet, and will long be remembered and mentioned with respect by those ac- quainted with their writings. About the time of his removal to Holland, Dr Rivet was visited with severe domestic affliction. He lost his father, a venerable old man of eighty-one years of age ; a few weeks afterwards, he was deprived of his beloved wife, whom he was forced^ to leave behind him at Touars, until she should recruit her strength, greatly reduced by frequent attacks of colic. This double loss affected him deeply ; he felt himself reduced to a state of solitude in a strange country, burdened * Quick, ii. 43, 112,217,288. 122 LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. with the care of four male children, and distracted with domestic affairs, at the commencement of his professorship, the labours of which required the whole man. But his piety, and particularly his sense of the important duties of his station, overcame his feelings. That he might disengage him- self from the cares of the family, he, the following year, mar- ried Mary Moulin, widow of Anthony des Guyots, a militai y officer of rank, the daughter of the Rev. Joachim INIoulin, pastor of Orleans, and sister of the celebrated Peter du Moulin, pastor and professor at Sedan, a most accomplished and virtuous lady, with whom he lived nearly thirty years with the greatest comfort. It is mentioned, as an instance of his strict attention to his academical duties, that on this occasion he did not go beyond sea until the commencement of the anniversary vacation, and returned with his spouse before the time of renewing the lectures. Being appointed by Frederic Henry, Prince of Orange, to oversee the education of his son and heir, William, Dr Rivet removed from Ley den to the Hague in the year 1631. Though this necessarily caused an intermission of his aca- demical exercises, he was continued honorary professor, and by his writings and attention to the welfare of the univer- sity, he was careful that this should not be a nominal title. Under the tuition of such a master, the prince, who was a youth of genius and amiable dispositions, made such profi- ciency, and exhibited such early proofs of wisdom, as ex- cited the hopes, not only of Holland, but of the reformed world in general. In 1641, Rivet accompanied the court of the Hague to London as domestic chaplain, on occasion of the marriage of the Prince of Orange with the Princess Mary, daughter of Charles I. When he was formerly in England upon his own marriage, he was graciously received by King James ; and such was the respect in which he was held, that Charles I., on the present occasion, presented him with his picture, together with a golden chain of great value. At this time, the affairs of religion were greatly embroiled in England, in consequence of the high hierarchical measures of Archbishop LIFE OP DR ANDREW RIVET. 123 Laud and his party, who had made an unsuccessful attempt to obtrude the liturgic worship and ceremonies upon Scot- land, and laboured to spread Arminianism and Popery in England. The nation called loudly for reformation of re- ligious, as well as of civil abuses ; and various petitions were presented to the English Parliament for the abolition of Episcopacy, and other grievances. Dr Rivet made it his business to investigate the true state of matters, and the ground of the dissatisfactions. He was intimately acquainted with Archbishop Usher ; Williams, Archbishop of York ; and Morton, Bishop of Durham. These prelates acknow- ledged to him, that the Church of England stood in need of reformation, and professed their great dissatisfaction with the proceedings of Laud, who was then in prison. They consulted with him as to the best method of restoring peace to the distracted Church. They wished to adopt a middle plan between the discipline of Holland and England, ac- knowledging, that the latter was lax, but alleging that the former was too rigid. In doctrine, they, and particularly Bishop Usher, professed a cordial agreement with their brethren in Holland. During the time that Dr Rivet was in London, Messrs Henderson, Baillie, and Rutherford were also there, attending upon the Commissioners of Scotland for a treaty between the two kingdoms. They had several meetings with him, which were to their mutual satisfaction. " We have met at length sometimes with Dr Rivet," says Mr Baillie ; " he is fully in our minds, and against the bishops." * Some years afterwards, when the Assembly of Divines at Westminster were labouring, against manifold opposition, to bring the Church of England to a nearer con- junction and uniformity with the Reformed Churches, some of their enemies endeavoured to prepossess the mind of Dr Rivet against them by false aspersions. Of this Mr Baillie complains to Mr Spang, minister of the Scots congregation at Campvere in Holland, in a letter, dated June 28, 1644. " Certainly Mr Rivet is very ill informed. As I am an honest man, I never heard man, privately or publicly, speak * Baillie's Letters, vol. i. p. 295. 124 LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. either of his person, or any of his writs, but with honour ; if he or any there will give ear to all that is written from London at this time, they will wrong themselves. That of burning his, or any other divine's book over seas, is a malig- nant calumny." And in a subsequent letter he says, " I did assure you of the great falsehood of the informations which came to Dr Rivet." * In the year 1646, our divine was placed at the head of the Orange College, which his Highness, Prince William, had newly founded and endowed in the city of Breda. In this station he continued until his death. Though removed from France, Dr Rivet continued to take a lively interest in the affairs of the Reformed Churches of his native country. We need not therefore wonder that he did not remain an indifferent observer of the disputes con- cerning universal grace, which were excited among them, and by Avhich they were so much divided and weakened. The seeds of the new doctrine were sown while Mr Rivet was in France, by Mr Cameron, a Scotsman, who was first minister at Bourdeaux, and afterwards Professor of Divinity at Saumur, a man possessed of a quick and subtle genius, of great reading, considerable eloquence, and very insinuat- ing in his manners ; but greatly addicted to his own opinions, and fond of novelty in his views of doctrine, and explications of Scripture.-f- His opinions took root, particularly in the University of Saumur ; and two of his scholars, Amyrald and Testard, publicly circulated them in their discourses and writings. They did not deny, that by the purpose of God, and the death of Christ, the salvation of a certain number was secured ; but they taught, that there was an antecedent decree, or purpose of God, to give salvation to all mankind through Jesus Christ, if they believed on him ; • Baillie's Letters, vol. ii. pp. 29, 34. t Dr Cameron was called home, by King James, about the year 1G22, and made Principal of the College of GlasgoAv, in the room of Mr Boyd of Trochrig, with the view of promoting conformity to the Articles of Perth, lately enjoined. He attempted to disseminate his new views in that university also See Zfemoirs of Mr Robert Blair, pp. 40, 41. LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. J 25 and that, in the same sense, Christ died for all mankind. This doctrine is substantially the same with that which was attempted to be revived in this country about the middle of the last century. In following out this opinion, Amyrald advanced a number of untenable and dangerous proposi- tions, as to the means of salvation enjoyed by the heathen (teaching that there was a faith which might be derived from the works of creation and providence), and also as to the imputation of Adam's sin. Mr Rivet was far from being satisfied with the opinions of Cameron ; yet, from the strong manner in which he asserted the efficacy of Christ's death as to the elect, and from a regard to his talents, and the peace of the Church, he was willing that he should be treated with lenity, and exerted himself for this purpose. He did not even give a decided negative to a proposal that he should be settled as colleague with Cameron in the University of Saumur. But afterwards, when Amyrald taught more avowedly and boldly the senti- ments of his master, he became sensible of the extent and dangerous nature of the evil. In the meantime, the new opinions continued to spread in France, and produced great agitation. Dr Rivet, who was now in Holland, was re- peatedly urged by his French acquaintances to declare his sentiments upon the controversy, and to vindicate the doc- trine received in the Reformed Churches. Hearing that the cause was to come before the National Synod at Alenson, anno 1687, he, in compliance with these solicitations, drew up a " Synopsis of doctrine, concerning Nature and Grace, drawn from the writings of Amyrald and Testard, with Reflections,"" which he sent to the Synod, with the approba- tion of the divines of the University of Leyden, Groningen, and Franequer. This treatise, which is published among the author's works, may justly be pointed out as a specimen of the most candid and pacific controversy. He first states distinctly, from their writings, and often in their own words, the sentiments of the patrons of the new doctrine, on the different articles which were controverted. Secondly, he separates, and mentions with due commendation, those 126 LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. things in which they did not recede from the orthodox doc- trine. He then more particularly points out those things in which they departed from the common doctrine, shows briefly the invalidity of their arguments, their inconsistency with other sentiments to which they still professedly adhered, and that all their refinements did not free the doctrine of predestination and grace from the objections alleged against it, or satisfy the adversaries. This treatise was read in the Synod, and contributed materially to elucidate the question, and to discover the dangerous tendency of the new opinions. " The Synod writes to you," says Monsieur TAngle, in a letter to Dr Rivet, " and thanks you for the care you have of us. All good people think your book excellent. You have as many friends in the Synod as there are heads in it ; for, thank God, your name is blessed in our churches," Those who have attempted to introduce novel opinions into churches having a fixed profession of faith, have often denied any departure from the standards, and defended themselves from the writings of those who were never be- fore suspected of entertaining sentiments such as theirs. On this occasion, the abettors of the new doctrine insisted that they had not departed from the common doctrine, or even from the very pointed canons of the Synod of Dort ; and Amyrald, in particular, produced, in his defence, testi- monies from the most celebrated Reformers, down from Calvin, closing the whole with the testimony of " Mr Andrew Rivet, minister of the Word at Touars." Daille, in his answer to Spanheim, made large additions to these testimonies ; and the public were astonished to find (what had never before been suspected), that these lights of the Reformed Church were friends of a conditional election, and universal grace. But the illusion was transitory, and the triumph short. It is not difficult to extract from former authors, detached senti- ments, or incidental and loose expressions, appearing to favour an error which was not then broached, or which they were not guarding against, while they wrote against adversa- ries of an opposite description. Persons of an impartial and comprehensive mind can easily discriminate between these LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. 127 things, and will not protract a controversy by such methods, or for their own vindication, or even in support of what they reckon truth, impute opinions to men which are at variance with their avowed sentiments, — sentiments which pervade their writings, and which all the world considered them as maintaining. Dr Rivet, while he was prepared to defend his doctrine from the Word of God, was careful to vindicate the authors who had been represented as favouring the new doctrine ; and, with the same view, he drew up a col- lection of testimonies from the public confessions and acts of the Reformed Churches, and from their most eminent writers, which he published separately from the Synopsis. Though he was not without suspicions that Amyrald and his friends had not acted with sufficient ingenuousness, and still retained, under equivocal terms, their obnoxious senti- ments, yet Dr Rivet acquiesced in the decision of the Synod, which, after exacting certain concessions and explications, enjoined silence as to the points of dispute. * But the controversy soon broke out with greater violence. Amyrald had been greatly irritated by the clear exposure which our divine had made of his tenets, and by his steady opposition to them. In a long preface to "A Specimen of Animadversions concerning Universal Grace," which he published in the year 1648, he attacked Dr Rivet with great virulence and abuse, accusing him of creating enemies to him in France, by pri- vate letters to ministers and people, and even persecuting him beyond seas, by inciting the Assembly at Westminster to condemn his doctrine. Thus rudely attacked in a book which was every where circulated, the venerable divine, at the age of seventy-six, again appeared in the field of contro- versy, and, in an " Apologetical Epistle," addressed to his brother, he repelled the assault with becoming dignity and spirit ; but, at the same time, with a moderation in which he showed himself as much superior to his antagonist, as in years and learning. After a modest allusion to his long ser- vices and his age, with a complaint of the manner in which he had been treated, he gave a particular detail of all that * This decision may be seen in Quick's Synodkon, vol. ii. p. 353-357, 128 LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. he had done in the affair, either privately or publicly, which completely wiped off the aspersions which had been thrown upon him. The Assembly at London had also sent him a formal attestation, in which they unanimously declared, that he never made any representation to them, directly or indirectly, on the affair of Amyrald, nor had ever urged them to condemn his doctrine. * Dr Eivet, now far advanced in years, still continued stout, and in general, healthy. In the year 1650, he wrote to his beloved and only surviving brother, AVilliam, lord of Champvernon, and minister of Tailleburgh, a letter concern- ing " a good old age.'' In it he says, " On the 2d of July last, according to the Gregorian computation, I jfinished my 78th year, and, on the day following, entered my 79th ; my comfort, whom God hath yet preserved to me, having reach- ed the 76th year of her age, and the 29th of our matrimo- nial connection. Both of us, thank God, enjoy a healthy old age, I particularly, who can either walk or stand (for I seldom sit) when I read or write. My eyes are not yet so dim as to require the assistance of glasses, which my wife has used for several years, as also her celebrated brother (Peter Du Moulin), who is four years older than me, and is a rare example of one who, at such an age, retaining his wonted strength of body and mind, still discharges his office in the church and in the university, to the singular edifica- tion of both." He then proceeds to mention, that their advanced age, and the disease with which they had lately been attacked, admonished both him and his brother to prepare for death, and rendered the subject of his letter proper for their meditation. The subject is excellently handled. -f- A rich vein of piety, erudition, and wisdom, matured by experience, runs through the whole. The phi- losophy of Cicero, and the morals of Seneca, are here re- fined and exalted by the divinity of Paul, and the wisdom of Solomon. * Baillie's Letters, vol. ii. p. 171. Epist. prefix, ad. Exercitat. Spaiihemii. de Gratia Universali. t This Letter, De Senectute Bona, is in vol. ii. of his Works. LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. 129 We are now approaching to the close of the life of this great and good man. During the remaining part of this year, he was principally employed in revising his printed works, and in superintending a new edition of the whole, which had been much called for. He had the satisfaction of seeing the first volume in folio published in 1651, and pro- ceeding with the remainder ; but his attention to this work was withdrawn by events of a distressing nature ; nor did he ever recover, so as to be able to resume it. He who had borne domestic trials with fortitude, who had laid in the grave a beloved wife, and three sons of great expectation, who had just arrived at maturity, now sunk under the cala- mities which befell the church and commonwealth. A dark cloud threatened to cover the British Churches, after a bright prospect of reformation. Late occurrences did not augur well to the reformed churches in France ; and during the last year, they had been deprived of some great lights, his former acquaintances and dear friends. The recent death of Frederic Spanheim, that ornament of the University of Leyden, greatly affected him. But above all, was he af- flicted by the mournful tidings of the death of the two illus- trious members of the house of Orange — the father, who had always treated him with the most distinguished regard, — and the son, his pupil, of whose piety, ardent attachment to the true religion, and resolutions to set forward reformation, he had the most satisfactory proofs, but who was taken away in the 25th year of his age, after exciting hopes in all who knew him. The grief of Dr Rivet, on this occasion, was neither slight nor transitory. It was observed by his friends, that his visage was altered, and that his strength visibly decayed ; yet he seemed to recover, and attempted by letters to console the widowed princesses. But his grief had taken a deep hold of him, and was the means of bringing on that inveterate disorder which, in a short time, put a period to his mortal life. He who was made so instrumental in promoting the inte- rests of the Church during the active part of his life, was honoured by God to give a remarkable testimony to religion 130 LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. on his death-bed, which is deserving of a particular record, and of being more generally known than it has hitherto been. Although Dr Rivet still enjoyed good health, with the ex- ception of occasional attacks of the stone, yet his mind had for some time been turned to the subject of death, and he ap- peared to be impressed with the opinion of the near approach of his own dissolution. He often departed from his ordinary course in reading the Scriptures in his family, and selected such passages as Job xiv., Psal. xlix., cxliv., Eccles. iii., iv. Walking in the garden with a friend the week before he was seized with his last illness, and giving directions as to the dressing of some trees, " If I am spared," said he, " to the spring, the sight of them will give me pleasure; if not, I shall enjoy a garden infinitely more delightful." His friend sug- gesting that there was no reason for him speaking thus, as his constitution was so firm, he reproved him, and said, that he ought to speak to him in another manner ; that he was arrived at that age when he should be daily looking for death ; and that he had reason to thank God that he was prepared for an immediate departure. The same day being requested by Monsieur Hulse, the pastor of the French church at Breda, to preach the sermon after the dispensation of the Sacrament of the Supper, he chose as his text, Psal. cxliv., 3, 4 : " Lord, what is man, that thou takest knowledge of him ! or the son of man, that thou makest account of him ! Man is like to vanity : his days are as a shadow that passeth away." To a friend he signified, before going to the pulpit, that he had a design of choosing another passage more adapted to the occasion, but felt himself so strongly inclined to meditation upon death, that he could not apply his mind to any other subject. He delivered the discourse with a strong voice, and with great animation and fervency. Never did his audience hear from him a more excellent sermon, both as to the matter, and the weighty expressions he used. Every word which he uttered appeared to come from the heart, and to sink into the hearts of the hearers. He en- larged upon the shortness and vanity of human life, which LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. 131 he illustrated by many striking comparisons. He placed death before the eyes of the aged ; but when he came to that part of the sermon in which he mentioned the recent death of his illustrious pupil, his firmness gave way, and he melted into tears. Next day he continued to enjoy his usual health ; but on Tuesday, the 27th December,* he complained of a violent pain in the lower part of the intestines, caused by obstruc- tion. In vain did the most skilful physicians use means to expel the cause of the disorder ; its virulence resisted and baffled all their efforts. His body swelled, and the tumour ascending and spreading to his vitals, his heart and breast were excessively pained. When he learned the nature of the disease, he himself pronounced it mortal : " Not," said he, " that I refuse the use of remedies ; for the sake of my friends, let every thing which is thought proper be done ; as to the event, I rest securely upon my God." His niece, Mary du Moulin, having signified, in answer to his inquiry, that she also thought his disease mortal, he commended her for speaking to him in that manner, requested her never to leave him, but to endeavour to comfort and support him ; " For, though I am not alarmed at death," added he, " yet, I am afraid I may sink under the acuteness of the pain." He then prayed thus : — " Great God, thou art my Father, and hast given me both life and the new life. Thou hast taught me from my early youth, and hitherto I have declared thy wonders ; leave me not now in old age. Hitherto thou hast graciously continued me in uncommon soundness of body and faculties. Lord God, if it is thy will that I be farther employed in thy service, thou canst in a moment alleviate the disease ; but if thou hast decreed otherwise, I am thy servant — thy will be done ; only make me resigned to thy will. Let not the good Spirit depart from me ; and since thou hast been pleased to lay me aside from thy work, grant that I may die in such a manner as to be an example to others ; that I may persevere in that sound doc- trine which I have taught, and give such a confession before * Anno 1650. 132 LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. witnesses, as may instruct and edify thy Church ; that, by a lively faith, I may apply to myself the promises of the Gospel, to my eternal consolation. Thou knowest my debility and infirmities ; suffer not these excruciating pains to carry me to impatience and complaints. Support me under them ; keep the door of my lips." He earnestly entreated his wife to leave him, and take another bed, that she might not be afflicted with the sight of his sufferings. He continued to pour out, in the hear- ing of his niece, the most pious ejaculations, expressive of patience, penitence, faith, and zeal, mingled with self-denial and abasement : " God hath wrought for me ; I will mention his righteousness toward me. If I should say I am righteous, my mouth would condemn me. God forbid ; rather I will acknowledge mine iniquity. I pray that my grief for sin may be increased as this body is rent with pain, that I may present the sacrifice of a contrite heart, pleasing to God. Accept, 0 Lord, this imperfect sacrifice, and let its defects be supplied by the perfect righteousness of the great High Priest." " Grace," cried he again, " mere grace," and re- peated Rom. viii. 33, 34. Awakening from a short slumber, he broke out, " I am God's, he shall save me. He hath honoured me with an holy vocation ; he hath not allowed his gifts to be altogether useless in me ; indeed I can say, that in his service I was far from being actuated by covetousness. I was first persuaded of the truth of the Gospel which I preached to others. Yea, I tasted of the good word of God ; I felt its power penetrating even to the dividing of the soul and spirit. Thou knowest my heart, eternal God ; thou knowest that I am not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ, and that I have studied thy honour. I humbly acknowledge, that any good that is about me has flowed from thy grace ; my defects I ascribe entirely to my own innate corruption. Alas ! how often have I come short and sinned in the dis- charge of the duties of my sacred office, not only by omission but positive transgression. Long ago would I have been rejected, had I not had to do with a benign and forgiving Master. Enter not into judgment with thy servant. Pardon, LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. 133 my God, pardon the iniquities of thy servant. I do not object to thy correction, only let not the temptation exceed my strength, lest I fall into impatience, and become a stumbling-block to others. O how light is the correction when compared with the greatness of my fault ! How slight are any temporary pains compared with the eternal punish- ment from which I am redeemed by Him who poured out his soul on the cross for me ; for me — this is the language of faith, particularly applying the general promises ! This in- deed is a faithful saying, and worthy it is to be received by all, that Jesus Christ came into the world to save sinners, of whom I am the first. Seal all thy promises on my soul. Grant that from the bottom of my heart I may understand these delightful words, Be of good cheer, my son, thy sins be forgiven thee."" His wife having put him in mind that he ought to send for his son from the Hague ; " By all means," said he, " it should have been done before. I desire to see him, not from any carnal affection (for I no longer love any according to the flesh), but that I may bless him before I die." He gave directions that every visitant should be admitted to him. " A man in my station," said he, " ought to be an example to others on such an occasion, and to give a confession of his faith, not to gratify vain gloriation, for it is a small matter with me to obtain the approbation of men ; but I wish the salvation of many, and to bear testimony to the truth of those things which I have publicly taught." When a num- ber of his friends were present, " Behold," cried he, " a monument of the great mercy of God ! He hath loaded me with benefits temporal and spiritual all my life ; and now, before excessive age has made me peevish and sick, he comes to me, he prevents me, he calls me. I do not mourn at leaving the world, I have lived long enough ; I have been allowed to make a trial of all things, and have found them to be vanity and vexation of spirit. Christ is gain ; in life and death he will not desert me ; if he loads the body with pain, he increases the joy of the soul. Come, and I will tell you what he hath done for my soul : I called upon him, he 134 LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. opened his ear, he heard me, and blotted out my iniquities like a cloud." He would permit no minister to go away until he had prayed with him : " Pray," he would say, " it is a proper season.^' His wife still continuing beside him, " It is grieving to me," said he, " to see one whom I honour so much, so aged, and feeble, thus deprived of rest, and distressed;" but finding that she was reluctant to leave him, he acquiesced : " Well, as you will have it so, stay ; it is a satisfaction to me to see you ; God will strengthen you." Throughout the evening of Friday the 30th, he endured the most excruciating pains ; the intervals of relaxation were filled up with fervent prayers for the Church, the pastors, and magistrates. " O God, do not withdraw thy protection from these provinces ; transfer not from them thy candlestick ; let not thine anger wax hot on account of the great increase of wickedness and profanity. Incline the hearts of men to repentance, that thy judgments may be prevented. Preserve the body in unity ; in the first place, keep them united to thee, without which all unity is but conspiracy. Grant that the people may remain grateful and kind to that prince who is the only surviving branch of that illustrious race which thou hast used to bring thy work to perfection in the midst of them. Inspire the boy* with the spirit of thy fear, of prudence, courage, and magna- nimity ; deliver him from profane men, from flatterers, and persons who minister to vicious and infamous pleasures ; and give him the assistance of faithful and uncorrupt men, lovers of the truth and of equity. It is time, Lord, for thee to assist." In the morning he was completely exhausted, by much speaking, and by abstinence ; for such was the violence of the disorder, that his stomach instantly rejected even the smallest quantity of drink which he took to quench his burning thirst. His body, too, was tortured by the dif- ferent remedies which the physicians were using. Yet he This was the young Prince of Orange. William, who was afterwards the instrument of the happy deliverance of Britain, at the Revolution, in 1688. LIFE OP DR ANDREW RIVET. 135 bore all with great patience, often saying, " I told you before that they would not avail ; but it matters not, the usual practice must be followed ; do what you think proper for your own satisfaction." While he lay quiet, he overheard them expressing their fears, that if there was not a sudden change, a delirium would come on, and a discharge from the mouth of what was not suffered to pass in the natural chan- nel.* This greatly distressed his mind, and he again poured out his soul in prayer : "My God, have pity upon me, and free me from this disgrace which I greatly dread, for thou art merciful." And smiting upon his belly, " This sack," said he, " is corrupt and filthy ; it is a sink, and collection of pains. I thank my God who hath afflicted me in this ignoble part, and hath, in the meantime, left my heart sound, and my brain free and pure. Grant, O God, what above all things I desire, that nothing may come from this mouth, breathing aught that is contrary to charity and thanksgiving. O, that it may never be contaminated with such filthiness ! "" Next morning, which was the first day of the year 1651, as soon as he perceived the light, he said, " Lord, thou hast indulged me with the sight of another year ; thou hast pro- longed my life to the middle of this century." Being in- formed that the weather was inclement, he expressed an anxiety lest his son should be hindered. That day he was visited by a great number of acquaintances, among whom were some from his native province of Poitou. To them he spake thus : — " I rejoice that I have an opportunity of con- fessing my faith before you, who are my countrymen. I request you to treasure it up in your memory, and to testify it as it may be necessary. You see before you a man weak indeed, but without dissimulation, who attests, that ho never wrote any thing which he has published, nor taught * [In the medical report drawn up after Ins death, Dr De la Cruce mentions it as a singular fact, that this usual symptom of the disease never appeared in Dr Rivet's case. " It was well ordered," he says, " that the mouth out of which such sweet strains of heavenly eloquence had flowed, should not be thus defiled." — Ed.] 136 LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. any thing by word of mouth, which did not accord with the sentiments of his heart, and with the doctrine delivered by the prophets and apostles. It is the same with what is con- tained in the public. Confession of those churches in which I now live, and in which I am resolved to die. The Lord, the omnipotent God, confirm you in the faith, that no one may draw you away from it. Seek first the kingdom of heaven. Learn to number your days. Look at me ; am not I an example to you? Eight days are now elapsed since I, then sound and healthful, addressed you on the sub- ject of human weakness ; see now in me the truth of what I spoke. Visible things which fall under the eye make a more deep impression than words that strike the ear." Then bidding them farewell, " the Lord," said he, " keep you from the allurements of the world, and give you an increase of his fear, and of all spiritual and temporal bless- ings." Having risen from bed, and being seated upon a chair, he perceived that the swelling had now reached the cavity of his breast. Being apprehensive that his death was near, he sent for Dr Dauber the lawyer, and consulted him about appending a codicil to his testament. When this was finished, he resumed his bed with great serenity. He again requested his niece to remain with him, and assist him in his prayers. Then, as one rapt in spirit, he exclaimed, " My God, thou hast drawn me, and I was drawn. Thou hast known me from the womb of my mother with a know- ledge of mercy and power. Thou hast called me, thou hast opened mine ears, and I was attentive. I have preached thy message in the congregation, and thy word was sweeter than honey in my mouth. Who am I, O God ! dust and ashes, an earthen brittle vessel, which thou hast honoured, by pouring into it the sacred liquor, the seed of immortality ! Thou livest, and thou makost alive ; I shall not die, but live through eternity that life which is hid with Christ in God. What can I say more ? I am unworthy of that faith which thou hast wrought in me, and of the benefits thou hast conferred upon me. It pleased thee that I should be LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. 137 born of faithful parents, and especially of a holy mother, who, from my infancy, consecrated me to thy service, ex- cited me to the sacred resolution by many prayers, and, with the most anxious care and affection, infused into^me the seeds of piety. The omnipotent God, who works all in all, blessed her sedulous culture, heard her fervent prayers, and accepted my ministry."* On Monday he rose from bed, and was able to walk to his study, and write two short letters, one to his brother William, and another to his brother-in-law, Du Moulin. He expressed great anxiety to see his son. The physicians made still another attempt to remove the obstruction, by the use of the bath and the application of clysters. These, with frequent fomentation, relieved him a little, and symp- toms of convalescence even began to appear. But the disorder was inveterate, and the pains returned. On Tuesday, his niece perceived him to be more than ordinarily afflicted, and suspected by his sighs, that he laboured under more than bodily pain. At last, in a languid tone, he said, " Who is there ? Is there any stranger present V She assured him there was not, and inquired the reason of his disquietude, and of the absence of his wonted cheerfulness under his distress. " Alas ! " answered he, " He who re- joiced my heart is departed from me ; I have grieved the spirit of the Comforter. Wretch that I was ! I listened to those who spoke of my restoration. I began to be pleased with the desire of life. Who would have thought it, after I had tasted the fruits of the celestial Canaan ! What shall I do ? Whither shall I go ? When I speak. He answers me not. He hath deprived me of my wonted power of speech. Formerly a sacred fire inflamed my meditations ; now vain thoughts drive across my mind. Ancient satire, and such trifles, intrude upon my recollection. Dearest niece ! " said he, embracing her, " assist me by your dis- course ; pray that the Comforter may return." While she * He more than once, on his death-bed, mentioned with the most heai't- felt gratitude his mother, and her dedication of him to the ministry. 138 LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. suggested such places of Scripture as, through the divine blessing, might be the means of comfort to him, he showed, by what he said at intervals, that his mind began to emerge from trouble. But so severe had the conflict been, that he fell into a swoon. In the meantime, his son arrived from the Hague. Re- covering from the faint, and seeing his friends around him, he fixed his eyes upon them, and with cheerfulness addressed them : — " Farewell, my dearest wife ; we have lived in concord for thirty years. I thank thee for thy assistance, which has been a great solace to me. I rolled all do- mestic cares upon thee. Persevere, I beseech thee, in treating my children with love. And thou, my son, love and be observant of this dearest companion of my life, the partner of my joys and sorrows, who has discharged the duty of a mother to thee.* This I both request and com- mand, as ever you would expect a blessing upon the sub- stance acquired by my labour. Divide among yourselves, according to equity, without litigation and complaint. Ma- nage thy affairs with gentleness and Christian prudence. Chiefly cultivate peace ; O Frederick ! " (alluding to the im- port of his name) " be rich in peace." Then, taking both their hands, and joining them together, " Promise," said he, " that you will cultivate a mutual and holy friendship." When they had readily done this, " I believe you," said he, " for I never had any reason to doubt of your sincerity." He then commended to his son the care and education of the children of one of his deceased sons, whom he had taken and reared as his own. When the day broke on Thursday, " It shines," said he ; " in a short time I shall not be able to distinguish between day and night. I approach to the last watch of the night which introduces the great and eternal day. I go to that place Avhere the sun shall no more afford his light ; but God shall be my eternal light." In the evening he felt extremely weak, and his speech failed. " I am exhausted ; I am going hence ; succour me, 0 Lord, do not tarry." But ' She was his step-mother. LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. 139 about midnight he recovered a little, and again addressed himself to his friends around him, mingling, as usual, prayers with his discourse. On Friday he was so exhausted and parched with thirst, not daring to drink, that it appeared as if every moment would be his last. Towards the evening the pains greatly increased, and the frequent returns of fainting admonished the attendants of approaching death. Yet even then his faith and patience grew stronger : " Weep not for me," said he ; " this last hour has no terror to me. My body indeed suffers, but my soul is soothed by His consolations, and I am satisfied to the full." He then stretched out his finger to the boys, and spoke kindly to them. Having prevailed on them to go to an adjoining room to take some food, " My meat,"" said he, " is to do the will of God, and finish my course." At midnight he called his wife, and took a cheerful fare- well. " I go to my Father and your father. All shall be well. Amen, amen. Farewell, my son ; farewell, dearest niece ; fear not, I have prayed for you. I am ready. Come, Lord ; I pant, I hope, I knock. Open, open. Lord, to thy poor afflicted servant." After this, he was not able to speak, except a few words. At eight o'clock in the morn- ing of Saturday the 7th of January, the change of his coun- tenance, and convulsive fits which he underwent, gave warn- ing of a speedy dissolution. His friends, who were around his bed, continued, according to his former request, to suggest consolatory passages of Scripture, and to put up short petitions for him, to which he answered by a single word, expressive of his confidence and hope. " O great God ! send thy Spirit of consolation into his heart." — " He is come" answered he. " Let him take the whole armour of God." — " / Jiave it." " Give him the crown of righteousness." — " He will.'''' After a short prayer, during which he remained with his eyes fixed, and his hands lifted up, one of the company said, " I think he is now rejoicing in the vision of God ; " to which he attempted to answer, " Omj" — yes, and almost at the same moment gently expired. 140 LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. Thus died Dr Andrew Rivet, in the 79th year of his age. It was intended to have subjoined a sketch of his character and account of his sTitings ; but the very interesting par- ticulars of his death have extended so far, that this must be postponed. That this example of a life highly useful, and a death so comfortable and triumphant may have a due in- fluence upon all Christians, and on ministers of the Gospel in particular, is the prayer of Philistor. [So far had our Author proceeded with the memoir of this excellent divine. The subject was not continued in the Magazine ; nor does it appear that he ever afterwards ful- filled his design of giving a sketch of the character of Rivet, or an account of his \\Titings. We shall endeavour to supply, in part at least, and as briefly as possible, this blank, which ^\dll be regretted by such as have taken an interest in the foregoing memoir. If we may judge from the liberal testimonies of his cotem- poraries, and from the eulogiums, the epitaphs, and the funeral orations, which were called forth by his death, and are inserted in his works, no person in that age lived more generally admired and beloved, or died more deeply regret- ted, than Andrew Rivet. The style of high and unqualified admiration which distinguishes these productions, although, in ordinary cases, it must be received with considerable de- ductions, was certainly, in his case, no more than due to his character, as it appeared in his life, and as it is still attested by his writings. In one of them, he is described as " the prince of theologians, the honour of the church, the light of the academy, excelling in life and doctrine the fame which he will unquestionably leave behind him to the latest pos- terity. Adorning the profundity of his learning by a holy life, he has left behind him a name unsullied by a single stain, and crowned by a most blessed death." " Possessed," says another, " of a sublime genius, of stupendous erudition, of singular piety, and a rare combination of virtues, he was destined, by a course of Herculean labours, to clear his way through the most intricate controversies, and to restore the LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. 141 purity of divine truth; while, by his noble voice and pen, he animated his fellow-labourers, and confirmed the hearts of the faithful." With all his commanding talents and varied erudition, Dr Rivet was a man of the most amiable dispositions in private life. Kind, conciliating, generous, and benevolent, he engaged the afiections of a numerous circle of friends, secured at first sight the good graces of strangers, and could hardly be said to have had a personal enemy. The efffect of these attractive qualities was aided, in no small degree, by his personal appearance, which, judging from the description of his friends, compared with the por- trait prefixed to his works, was at once mild and majestic. He was of middle stature, erect in his carriage, with a large and prominent brow, an open countenance, and eyes beam- ing with a mingled expression of kindness and intelligence. Indeed, we might conclude, that the man who lived in terms of friendship and intimacy with such persons as Philip Morney du Plessis, Peter Moulin, Deodatus, Alting, Mes- trezat, Spanheim, Maresius, Daille, Drelincourt, Boyd of Trochrig, Buxtorff, and others of the same high stamp, must have possessed no ordinary share of mental and moral attractions. But the most distinofuishing trait of his char- acter was certainly an indefatigable vigour of mind, a quality which remained to the end of his life, unbroken by age, and undiminished by labours, so great, that, to us in these degene- rate times of literary exertion, they might be deemed over- whelming. To look at the three ponderous folios, each con- taining upwards of one thousand pages, which contain his Latin works, one cannot but be amazed at the intellectual powers which have left such a gigantic monument behind them. And our astonishment is not lessened when we learn, that these works were composed in a standing posture, for he never sat do^^^l when engaged in study. His bodily health bore pace with his mental vigour. He never used spectacles, nor put on a cloak even in the midst of winter. Temperate in his habits, and simple in his tastes, he possessed in a sin- gular degree, that tranquil equanimity of mind, which is the best preservative of health and happiness. His strong faith 142 LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. enabled him to look down with contempt on " the things which are seen and temporal ; " and no event, in public or in private Hfe, however sad or unforeseen, could ruffle histemper, or even provoke his surprise. It was a common saying with him, " Nothing is impossible ; I never wonder at any thing." And yet this serenity of mind was far removed from stoical apathy of heart : no man could feel more deeply. Of this we have an affecting proof in his grief for the death of the young prince, whose education he had conducted : all his friends were struck with the alteration produced on his ap- pearance. He attempted to rally his spirits, but, says Dauber, " his grief had struck its roots too deeply, and had touched the vitals ; he struggled against it for a little, but carried a sorrowful and broken heart with him to the grave." The Latin works of Eivet are comprised, as we have just said, in three large volumes folio. The first contains his Exercitations and Commentaries on Genesis, Exodus, and the Decalogue. These are chiefly critical, and are distin- guished for the learning and ability with which the various difficulties that occur in the sacred history are explained. The second volume is of a more miscellaneous kind, including, besides commentaries and meditations on the Psalms, on Hosea, and on the fifty-third chapter of Isaiah, his Isagoge, or Introduction to the study of the Scriptures ; his Criticus JSacer, or an Examination of some Writings ascribed to the Fathers ; Disputations on the Doctrines of Grace, and on the Popish Controversies ; a Treatise on Preparation for the Lord's Supper ; several Homilies ; and his Letter on a Good Old Age. His third volume commences with his Catholicus Orthodoxus, a most profound and elaborate treatise, in which the testimonies of the ancient fathers are brought to bear with conclusive effect against the doctrines of the Church of Rome ; Jesuita Vapulans, which is a defence of Peter du Moulin's Epistle to Balsac, and contains a vindication of Calvin and Beza, accompanied with a fearful exposure of the vices of the Romish clergy; his Apology/ for the Blessed Virgin Mar9/, intended to place her character in its true light, and refute the errors of those who dishonoured her, by making LIFE OF DR ANDREW RIVET. 143 her the object of Divine worship ; his Theological Disputa- tions on various subjects, — those on original sin and election, containing the most satisfactory explanations of these mys- terious points ; his Treatise on the Imputation of Adam's sin, in which he quotes no less than 166 authorities in proof of the doctrine ; his Controversy with Ami/raid on Universal Grace ; his Controversies with Grotitis, which refer principally to the loose principles advocated by that learned writer, who may be viewed as the founder of the Neologian school, and to his latitudinarian scheme for healing the divisions of the Church ; and his Mysteries of the Jesuit Fathers. Some of these works were translated into French. His French vs^orks were chiefly on practical subjects, such as repentance, piety, &c. In 1639, he published, " Instruction Chretienne touchant les spectacles publics des comedies et tragedies.*" Dauber informs us, in his funeral oration, that Rivet had written his own life in French, and expresses a hope that it would be given to the public ; but of this work I can find no account, and rather think it was never published.— Ed.] MEMOIR OF MR JOHN MURRAY. MINISTER OF LEITH AND DUNFERMLINE IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.* Those persons who have been faithful in bearing witness for the interests of Christ, deserve to have their memories preserved, even although there be nothing very remarkable in their story. Several of the following particulars were never, as far as known to the writer, before communicated to the public. Mr John Murray was a witness and sufferer for the Reformed principles of the Church of Scotland against the usurpation of the bishops, in the beginning of the seventeenth century. He was settled as minister of Leith, where he was colleague to Mr David Lindsay, who was made bishop of Ross. He opposed the appointment of the bishops, and denounced the innovations made in the discipline and government of the church. Archbishop Spottiswood, who was son-in-law to Bishop Lindsay, and others of that fraternity, being often in Leith, and being employed to preach for the bishop, Mr Murray watched them narrowly ; and if they uttered any unsound doctrine, or endeavoured to support the authority of bishops over other pastors, he never failed, in his next sermon, to confute them. When the scheme of constant moderator was introduced, he opposed it in the Presbytery of Edinburgh, not only by his vote, but also by his strenuous reasoning, demonstrating that its tendency was to overthrow the liberties of the Church. When the six ministers, who * From the Christian Magazine, Vol. VII., July 1803. K 146 MEMOIR OF MR JOHN MURRAY. had kept the Assembly at Aberdeen in 1605, were pro- nounced guilty of high treason at Linlithgow, for declining the judgment of the secret council in that matter, Mr Murray publicly condemned' the sentence, in his addition to the ex- ercise at Edinburgh ; and he kindly entertained the minis- ters at his house in Leith, when they were on their way to banishment. After this, Gladstanes and Spottiswood, with a number of other bishops, having come to Leith, with the evident design of triumphing in their success, he boldly challenged them in his sermon for obscuring the good cause, and slandering the banished ministers, to promote their own selfish and worldly interests. * Being an eye-sore and continual restraint upon them in that situation, they were determined to have him removed from it, and waited an opportunity against him. This soon occurred, and they prosecuted it in a manner suitable to their character and designs. At a Provincial Synod in Edinburgh, in 1608, Mr Murray, having been moderator of the preceding meeting, preached on Gal. v. 1 : " Stand fast, therefore, in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free,*" &c. In this sermon, he rebuked the avarice and ambition of some of the ministry, who claimed superi- ority over their brethren, worldly dignities, and rich bene- fices, asserting this to bo the cause of the distractions in the Church of Scotland at that time, as it had often been before. " We carry more credit," said he, " and are better accounted of in the hearts of those who fear the Lord, when we contain ourselves within the compass of our calling, with the style of Mr George, Mr John, pastor of such a place, than when we borrow, through ambition, the titles of worldly honour and dignities, loving the style of my Lord Bishop, better than to be called a faithful and diligent minister. The time hath been, when our Church and liberties have been as a defenced city or house ; but now, doors and windows are partly cast open, partly broken up, and enemies entered ; so that faithful keepers will be forced either to yield, or to suffer. But to suifer is far better. For, if either our liber- * Cald. 561, .575. MEMOIR OF MR JOHN MURRAY. 147 ties, through craft, be undermined, or, for reward, given out of our hands, it is likely the Lord will never honour us with them again. But if, by violence, they be thrawn out of our hands, then possess we a good conscience, and, in God's mercy, shall repossess them again, when he thinketh time. Some of us, not contented with our standing in the ministry, have climbed up to higher places, both in kirk and commonwealth, than God hath called us unto, through cove- tousness, seeking the profits of this present and perishing life, through ambition affecting preferment, and imparity in power and authority over their brethren ; who, to win to themselves preferment, have troubled the peace of Jerusalem, and hurt the liberties thereof. If any will call to mind the times past, when there was any trouble or stir in the Church, they shall find that the authors and instruments of it were ever some who, through covetousness and ambition, which two were the bane of the Church, have sought to them- selves a pre-eminence among their brethren ; whose deaths and epitaphs may be a terror to those who tread in their footsteps." The sermon was, without his knowledge, print- ed at London, — of which Bishop Bancroft getting intelli- gence, most probably from his good friends in Scotland, caused a search to be made among the printers, and, hav- ing seized upon it, put a copy into the King's hand. The King marked some passages which he called erroneous, and sent them, with the sermon, to Secretary Elphingston, charging him to examine Mr Murray, if the sermon was his, if he put it to press, and if he stood to the defence of the errors contained in it. He acknowledged that the sermon was what he had preached, and that he had given a copy of it to a friend, who importuned him for it ; but maintained, that it was printed without his knowledge. He declared, that he could not retract any thing in it, nor acknowledge that it was erroneous, and showed that the King had put a harsh construction upon some passages in the sermon. The Secretary required him only to acknowledge that he had given offence, and promised him preferment, if he should leave the cause in which he was engaged. All the 148 MEMOIR OF MR JOHN MURRAY. answer he returned was, " God make me faithful in that glorious office whereunto I was called." Upon the Secretary's writing in his favour to the King, it is said his Majesty was content to let the matter rest. But this coming to the knowledge of two of the bishops, they insisted for a sight of the sermon from the Secretary, and called a meeting of their brethren, who, after joint deliberation, drew up four articles of charge, in which they endeavoured to prove, from different parts of the sermon, that he had accused the King's Majesty. Though what chiefly galled them was the reproof of their ambition and avarice, yet they endeavoured to state the prosecution upon a ground which would appear less invidious, and more action- able. Having procured Mr Murray's citation before the council, the King's advocate produced the articles against him. He was appointed to give in answers next day. But, instead of giving particular answers to every article, which would have implied an acknowledgment of the council as the competent judge of his doctrine, he presented a suppli- cation, in which he stated, that the charges were founded upon inferences drawn from his sermon, contrary to its scope, which was not directed against his Majesty, but against the evils which prevailed among the ministry, and begged that the trial of his sermon might be left to the presbytery, or provincial synod. The council were disposed to accept this as a sufficient answer ; but the bishops in- sisted that he should give an answer in writing to every particular article, thinking by this to ensnare him. Being required to comply with this, he said, that his answer, though general, applied to every article in particular ; that, if he were to answer formally, it would be by denying the inferences and that the places of his sermon would answer for themselves. He appealed to his hearers, among whom were many judicious noblemen, gentlemen, and minis- ters, if he had uttered any thing in that discourse which could bear the construction which was now put upon it. Chancellor Seaton still urging him to give in particular answers in writing, he answered with firmness, " I have MEMOIR OF MR JOHN MURRAY. 149 given my answer, ray Lord ; I have my calling to attend upon." The clerk having read the places from which the articles were drawn, it was clearly seen that his words were wrested. The chief persons in the council spoke in his de- fence at some length. Archbishop Gladstanes, in a passion, told them that the supplication which he had given in was in fact a declinature. But, instead of being listened to, he was rallied upon his logic. " Albeit ye be Lord of St An- drews," said the chancellor, " yet it seemeth ye have never been in St Andrews." Mr Murray was, in the end, called in, and favourably dismissed to his charge. The bishops, mortified with their own disappointment, and irritated by the manner in which they had been treated, sent up an in- formation to the King, complaining heavily of the procedure of the council. Upon this, his Majesty, displeased that the council had showed so little deference to his own critical powers, and those of his bishops, sent them a sharp rebuke, and peremptorily ordered the captain of the guard imme- diately to apprehend Mr Murray, and to commit him to confinement in the castle of Edinburgh.* The bishops, having got this faithful man removed out of their way, preached whatever they pleased in Leith without opposition, and held their principal consultations in that town. But they were not satisfied with his confinement in the castle of Edinburgh, which was too near to his parish, and the place of their consultations. They therefore sent up one of their number to London, with instructions drawn by the hand of Spottiswood, among which this was one, that he should obtain of his Majesty, that Mr John Murray be charged by the council to enter into confine- ment in the town of New Abbey, on the borders of England, near Dumfries. Accordingly, by the King's direction, he was brought out of the castle (where he had been confined about a year), and presented before the council. Large promises were made to him by the Earl of Dunbar, pro- vided he would comply with Episcopacy ; but he declared that he never would. The King's letter, stating the par- • Cald. 575-578. Kow of Carnock's Hist, of the Kirk of Scotland, MS. p. 185. 160 MEMOIR OF MR JOHN MURRAY. ticulars of his confinement, being read to him, he, with some temper, expressed before the council the feelings of a gene- rous mind at the unworthy conduct of his persecutors. " It may be," said he, " it is his Majesty's will ; but I know well that it is not his Majesty's invention, whom I never offended. It is the device of men maliciously set against me, without a just cause, for their own particular ends, before whom I may prefer myself in all loyal obedience to his Majesty, both as a minister and as a subject." The bishops felt, and were abashed. Chancellor Seaton, gathering some courage, said, " that it was a most barbarous and unworthy dealing in the bishops to put one of their brethren in the ministry from the place where he exercised his calling, and cast him out to a remote part, where he had no provision allowed him. His calling, his quality, and the quality of the gentle- woman his wife, did crave another kind of respect, and greater discretion." The bishops were silent ; the Lords of Council were almost ashamed of their own passiveness. But the former trusted to the efficacy of the King''s missive ; the latter were afraid of incurring his Majesty's displeasure a second time. Mr Murray went to the place of his confinement, where his family suffered greatly both for want of fuel and pro- visions. His wife and children, who had been delicately brought up (for Mr and Mrs Murray were descended from, and connected with, some of the best families of the king- dom), unaccustomed to such hard treatment, became sickly, and at last two of the children died.* He had removed to Dumfries, where he preached for some time ; but finding his situation little improved, and that there was no appear- ance of the malice of the bishops relenting, he resolved, without license either of King or council, to transport him- self and family to Dysart. After having remained there privately for about half a year, he removed to Prestonpans, where he preached. Some years after this, he received a call from the town and parish of Dunfermline (with con- sent of the presbytery), to be their minister. His scttle- ' Row's History, ttt sitjtra. MEMOIR OF MR JOHN MURRAY. 151 ment among thexn was obtained with great difficulty, after much interest being used. But he was not suffered to re- main there long, for Spottiswood, his arch-enemy, being made Bishop of St Andrews in 1615, almost the first thing which he did, was to visit the kirk of Dunfermline, when he silenced Mr Murray, and devolved the whole charge of that extensive parish upon Mr Andrew Forster, a person desti- tute both of gifts and grace. This person, having been visited by Providence with sickness, was seized after his recovery with great distress of mind. He confessed that at the Assembly of Glasgow 1610, he had sold Christ for a paltry sum of money ; and that, having a numerous family, and being very poor, he had, by means of a false key, at different times abstracted money from the kirk-box. One Sabbath, the subject in his ordinary course of lecture being John xii. 6, he was seized with such horror when about to begin, that he ran out of the pulpit, expressing, among other things, an apprehension that the magistrates were coming to take him out to execution. Being in this situa- tion, he silenced himself, and requested Mr Murray, for Christ''s sake, to take the charge of the congregation. And yet, some time after this, having been reduced to beggary, Archbishop Spottiswood intruded him, in spite of the people, into a country parish in Perthshire, where he died covered with debt and infamy. Mr Murray, thus providentially restored to his ministry, continued to exercise it in Dunfermline from the year 1616 to 1622. No sooner, however, was a new occasion given for prosecuting him, by his nonconformity to the Articles of Perth, at that time ratified by Parliament, than he was summoned before the High Commission, removed from Dunfermline, and confined within the parish of Fowlis in Strathern. * Here he resided in Gorthie, which belonged to his brother. Sir David Murray, a courtier. Upon the * It is probable that the cause of his prosecution was a small treatise published about this time (of which he was the author), entitled, " A Dialogue between Cosmophilus and Theophilus, against the Innovations on the Woi'ship and Government of the Kirk of Scotland." 152 MEMOIR OF MR JOHN MURRAY. death of his brother in 1629, he removed again to Pres- tonpans, where he died in the year 1632. On his death-bed he enjoyed much comfort. To those who visited him during his sickness, he delivered many excel- lent exhortations. In particular, he entreated them never to consent to the corruptions which had been introduced into the Church. He was not one of those who represent the external government of the Church as of trivial concern, comparing it to anise, mint, and cummin ; he considered it as nearly connected with the rights of the Redeemer, and the promotion of practical godliness. He professed that " it was to him matter of much praise and joy, that the Lord had thought him worthy of the honour of suffering for the glorious cause of God, and of giving a testimony to his truth, before a corrupt generation ; that it was his comfort on his death-bed, that he had never disfigured the well-favoured face of the Kirk of Scotland. As Christian experience and practical godliness have been so often pressed to the dis- paragement of all contendings about the external form and discipline of the Church, it may be observed, that in this eminent person they were closely united, as they have been in a great cloud of witnesses, with which we are compassed about." He said, " his keeping of himself clean from the cor- ruptions brought into this kirk," albeit in weakness, " was a great comfort to him now in the time of his extremity. And any that have consented to them, if they were in my con- dition," continued he, " exchanging time with eternity, they would repent of their wicked courses, or else they would not find such comfort in death as I do this day. Blessed be the name of my gracious Lord^therefor, in Christ Jesus my only Saviour." * ^ * Row's History, ut supra. THE TABORITES; OR, THE FOLLOWERS OF HUSS IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. * About the commencement of the fifteenth century, isome of the writings of the English proto-reformer, Wickliffe, were carried into Bohemia, by a gentleman of that country, who had studied at Oxford. These writings recommended them- selves to many learned Bohemians, particularly in the Uni- versity of Prague, who were struck with the force of truth, and the knowledge of Scripture, which they contained. Among these was John Huss, an eminent pastor in one of the churches of Prague, and rector of the university there. He did not adopt all the opinions of Wickliffe, and re- mained under the influence of several of the errors of the age, which that great man had been enabled to throw off; but he adopted the leading sentiment which was the polar star that directed Wickliffe in all his inquiries after truth, viz., the supreme authority and sufficiency of the Scriptures as the rule of faith, -j- His doctrine, and his recommenda- tion of the writings of Wickliffe, tended to open the eyes of * From the Christian Magazine, Vol. VIII., 1804. + *' The authority of the holy Scriptiires, which are the law of Christ, infinitely surpasses any other writing, how authentic soever it may ap- pear, because the authority of Jesus Christ is infinitely above the autho- rity of all mankind." — Wickliffe s Trialous, apud VEnfant's Council of Constance, vol. i. b. ii. § 60. 154 THE TAB0RITE8 ; OR, many to the reigning abuses, and to lead others farther into the knowledge of the truth than himself. The fate of Huss is well known. Being summoned to appear before the Council of Constance, and refusing to abjure his opinions, he was, in pursuance of a decree of that council, burned alive in 1415 (as well as his disciple, Jerome of Prague), notwithstanding the safe conduct which he had obtained from the Emperor Sigismund. In the meantime, the knowledge of the truth was spread- ing in Bohemia. About the time that Huss set out for Con- stance, Jacobel de Mise, or James of Misa, began to preach publicly against the practice of withholding the cup from the laity in the sacrament of the Supper; and showed from Scripture, and the practice of the primitive Church, that the eucharist ought to be administered to all the communi- cants in both kinds or elements. Having written to John Huss upon this subject, he, in several letters, expressed his approbation of this sentiment, and also composed a treatise in his favour. Jacobel being supported by several other priests, and by the approbation of the people, carried his sentiment into practice ; and the communion was dispensed in both kinds, in several churches in Prague. The practice spread quickly through the different provinces of the king- dom ; and the people every where flocked to those ministers who administered the ordinance after the scriptural mode. We may now inquire into the origin of the name of Tahorites, which was given to the followers of Hiiss. " The Taborites," says Mosheim, " derived their name from a mountain well known in sacred history." * Does the learned historian mean, that the mountain called Tabor in Scrip- ture, lay in Bohemia ? or does he mean, that the persons alluded to were addicted to the use of Scripture names ? This mistake is the more unaccountable, as a little before he had mentioned a circumstance, which plainly suggests the true origin of the name. Speaking of a mountain in which they held their religious meetings, he says, " This mountain they call Tabor, from the tents which they first * Mosheim's Church History, cent. 15, p. ii. chap. 3, § 6. THE FOLLOWERS OF HUSS. 155 erected there for their habitation." * Those who wished to enjoy the communion as instituted by Christ, were ob- liged, as w^e shall see immediately, to repair to a mountain in the district of Bechin, where they erected a tent (or, as Mosheim says, tents), in which they celebrated divine wor- ship. The Bohemian word Tabor signifies a tent. This name, therefore, they gave to the mountain ; and hence they came to be known by the name of Taborites. The account which KEnfant gives of this matter is also inaccurate. In his history of the war of the Hussites, he says, that Ziska, their general, made choice of this mountain as a proper situation for a fortified city ; that he ordered his people to erect tents in the places where they wished to have houses ; from which circumstance, the mountain was called Tabor.-f- In his history of the Council of Constance, however, a different account is given. He there says, that Nicholas of Hussinetz (not Ziska), being banished from Prague, repaired to the place afterwards called Tabor, and made it a place of resort and worship. ^i But the most credible and authentic account of this matter is given by Laurentius de Byzinius, in a journal which he wrote of the wars of the Hussites, and which L'Enfant does not appear to have consulted. He was Chancellor of Prague, and alive at the time of which he writes. His account is to the following purpose. The communion, under both kinds, met with great opposition in the district of Bechin. The curates and vicars drove all who befriended it out of their churches. Being deprived of divine service, some of the pastors conducted their flocks to a neighbouring mountain. There they erected a tent in the form of a chapel, in which they performed divine service, and administered the com- munion to the people in both elements. The service being ended, they took down the tent, returned to their houses, and called the mountain Tabor. This happened in the year 1419. Their brethren from other villages having heard * Moslieini's Cluirch History, cent. 15, p. ii. chap. 3, § 3. t Guerre de Hussites, p. 91. X Council of Constance, vol. ii. b. 5, § 22. 156 THE TABORITES; OR, of this, assembled with them, and proposed to encourage and strengthen one another, by meeting at the same place, and communicating together. " The report of these assemblies," says Byzinius, "having spread on all sides, they became every day more numerous. They came to Tabor, not only from the villages round about, but also from Prague, &c., and from many places in Moravia, some on foot, some on horseback ; some from a religious view, to hear the Word of God, and communicate with their brethren ; others from curiosity ; and others with the design of acting as spies, and to seek something to speak against." * The same author gives us a particular account of their manner of worship. The most learned and eloquent of their ministers began in the morning, by preaching the Word of God to the people, divided into different companies ; on which occasion they censured boldly the avarice and pride of the clergy who oppressed them. Other priests received the confessions ; and then others distributed the communion under both kinds, which service lasted from morning till mid-day. At mid-day, they partook of a sober repast which was prepared for them. The refreshment being finished, the priests rose and returned thanks ; after which they marched in procession round the hill, singing psalms and hymns, and then retired to their houses (says this author), without turning to the right hand or to the left, lest they should hurt the grass. So large were the assemblies, that on one day there were above forty-two thousand people present. Some lords prohibited their vassals from going to Tabor, under the penalty of death, and confiscation of their property ; but they persisted in going at the risk of both. When we dbnsider the darkness in which the world was enveloped at the beginning of the fifteenth century, and the opposition against which the truth was obliged to struggle, we need not wonder that it was gradually and slowly un- folded. The Bohemian proto-martyr wrote from his prison, in Constance, to his friends in Bohemia, " That he had a • Diarium Belli Ilussitici, p. 187 ; apud Beaiisobre Supplement a L'His- toire de la Guerre des Hussites, p. 14. THE FOLLOWERS OF HUSS. 167 strong desire to expose unto them all the abominations of Antichrist, that they might know and guard against them. But he trusted in the Lord, that he would raise up to them, after his death, pastors who, by His assistance, would dis- charge their duty more fully and successfully ; who would bring to light all the impostures, crimes, errors, guile, pride, hypocrisy, and impurity of the Man of Sin, and not be drawn aside from the truth, either by promises or threatenings." * The expectation of this confessor was not disappointed. Some account has already been given of the restoration of the cup in the Lord's Supper, by the instrumentality of Jaco- bel de Misa, — of the general reception which this met with throughout Bohemia, — and of the crowds who assembled, particularly on the mountain which they called Tabor, to participate of the ordinance under both kinds, or elements. Still, however, the opinion of transubstantiation, the cele- bration of mass, and the practice of auricular confession, with other remains of Popery, were retained. But, having once begun to consult the Scriptures, and adopted them as the rule of their faith and practice, men could not long remain under the influence of these absurd and superstitious inventions. Accordingly, many of the Hussites, or Taborites, threw off these corruptions, and embraced the purity and simplicity of the Gospel. This was the occasion of a great schism among the Hus- sites. Though all of them strenuously opposed the tyranny of the Court of Rome, and the corruption of the clergy, and zealously maintained the use of the cup in the Lord's Supper, yet a great part, timid, and prejudiced in favour of opinions and practices which had received the sanction of ages, and were every where submitted to, were averse to any farther reformation. A diversity of religious practice was introduced among them, and, after some time, the difference came to an open breach. Two parties were formed ; the one of whom were called Oalixtines, from their distinguishing tenet, which was pleading for the use of the chalice, or cup, in the Lord''s * Praefatio in Confessionem Ministronim Ecclesise Picardorum in Bohe- mia, &c., p. 8. 158 THE TABORITKS; OR, Supper ; the other retained the name of Taborites, which was formerly a name given to all the Hussites. The old city of Prague, the capital of Bohemia, with the principal nobility, adhered to the Oalixtines ; the inhabitants of New Prague, with those who dwelt at Tabor and the neighbour- hood, were the principal supporters of the other party. This division was similar to that which, in the following century, separated Protestants into the two great bodies of Lutheran and Reformed. They had all united in a solemn league to defend the com- munion under both kinds against the favourers of the Court of Rome and the Council of Constance, who, under the Em- peror Sigismund, successor to Wenceslaus, King of Bohemia, threatened to subjugate them. Even after their ecclesias- tical union was marred, both parties occasionally joined their arms in opposing the common enemy ; but their religious differences often interrupted their outward peace ; and, at last, the variances which they produced ruined their affairs, and completely subjected them to their adversaries. The first public difference which appeared between them, was principally on a political ground. The nobles and ma- gistrates of Prague consented to treat with the Emperor, who amused them by this until his forces were collected. This happened in 1419. Ziska, the valiant captain of the Taborites, refused to accede to this treaty, and left Prague in displeasure. He, however, returned to its defence, when besieged by the huge army which Sigismund had gathered together. While the Taborites resided in Prague on this occasion, they performed divine service according to the mode which appeared to them most scriptural. Their ministers wore their beards like other men, they had not the shaven crowns of the Popish priests, and they were dressed in clothes of a grey or brown colour. They did not repeat the canonical hours. They performed worship sometimes in the open air, sometimes in private houses, avoiding the churches, either because they were dedicated to saints, or because they were profaned by images. They observed none of the THE FOLLOWERS OF HUSS. 159 ceremonies of the mass. Before communicating, the whole assembly, kneeling, repeated the Lord's Prayer. After this, the minister who was to officiate, approached a table cover- ed with white linen, upon which stood the bread and wine. The bread was cut or broken, for they did not use wafers. The wine was not in cups of gold or silver, which had been consecrated, but in vessels of pewter, wood, or stone. The minister pronounced, with a loud voice, and in the vulgar tongue, the words of consecration. This being finished, he caused the other ministers present and the people to com- municate. They did not elevate the eucharist after conse- cration, and consequently did not adore it ; nor did they keep any of it till next day. This service, so simple, so novel, shocked the university and a great many of the priests in the city of Prague. They had banished the costly and superfluous ornaments of the service, but they retained all the other rites, and in particular used the canon of the mass. Zealous for the old ritual, they could not refrain from publicly exclaiming against the Taborites for their neglect of it. These, in their turn, blamed the Popish service as totally destitute of Scripture authority, and stigmatized those who stickled for it as Pharisees. The people mingled in the quarrel of their priests ; one party approved the Calixtine rite, another preferred the Taborite. Some of the inhabitants refused to receive the communion from the hands of their priests, unless they laid aside their sacerdotal vestments ; and the women, at the instigation of their husbands, hindered them from performing the service with their ornaments. It was in this manner that, in the year 1420, the sad division originated.* After the raising of the siege of Prague, the Taborites presented to the city twelve articles, upon the acceptance of which, they engaged to defend it to their utmost ability ; but threatening to leave it, if these were not complied with. These articles respected the punishment of notorious crimes, the restraint of luxury, the abolition of Pagan laws, the preaching of the Word, the regulation of the conduct of the * Byzinii Diarium Belli Hussitici, apud Beausobre's Supplement, &c., 88. 160 THE TABORITES; OR, clergy, the banishment of the faithless enemies of the truth, the abolition of monasteries, images, decorations in the ser- vice of God, and the extirpation of every antichristian plant. They concluded their demand with these words : " It is in the defence of these truths, dear brethren, that we have risked our property and our lives, and many of us have shed our blood. We are resolved, through divine assistance, to maintain them, and we wish that you should agree with us in them: in this case you may depend upon our aid as long as we live." The people of the new city readily received these articles ; those of the old demurred, and demanded time to consult with the doctors of the university, who rejected some of the articles. The magistrates who were chiefly averse, were removed by the people to make way for the agreement ; but their articles not being cordially adopted, the Taborites left the city. It may be proper now to take a view of the doctrinal articles held by the Taborites, in distinction from the Calix- tines. It is the more necessary to inquire into these, as they have been misrepresented by many writers. The principles of the Calixtines are easily ascertained. They demanded that the Word of God should be explained to the people in a perspicuous manner ; that the sacrament of the Sup- per should be dispensed in both kinds ; that the clergy, in- stead of bestowing all their attention on the acquisition of wealth, should occupy themselves about their proper busi- ness, and be ambitious of living like the holy apostles ; and that transgressions of a more heinous kind, or mortal sins, should be punished. They represented many things in divine institutions as left to the regulation of human pru- dence, and thought that the institutions of the holy doctors were to be observed, when not expressly contrary to Scrip- ture. The opinions of the Taborites have not, however, been so clearly stated. L'Enfant gives an account of an assembly composed of both parties, in which Peter de Maldonowitz read thirty-one articles as the opinions of the Taborites. But it is evident that many of these were disowned by them, and the historian affords us no rule by which to distinguish THE FOLLOWERS OF HUSS. ] 61 those which were imputed, from those which were real, or those which were held by all, from such as were entertained only by a few. " Some Taborites," says he, " defended them all. Others more moderate, excepted certain articles which they allowed to be pernicious, and said were falsely imputed to them. At the Council of Constance," said one of their number, "they charged us with only forty heretical articles, and you load us with more than seventy. They demanded copies of the articles, that they might have it in their power to answer them." * Nor does the account which Mosheim gives, do justice to the Taborites. " They not only insisted," says he, " upon reducing the religion of Jesus to its primitive simplicity, but required also, that the system of ecclesiastical government should be reformed in the same manner, the authority of the Pope destroyed, the form of divine worship changed ; they demanded, in a word, the erection of a new church, a new hierarchy, in which Christ alone should reign, and all things should be carried on by a divine direction and impulse. In maintaining these extravagant demands, the principal doc- tors among the Taborites, such as Martin Loquis, a Mora- vian, and his followers, went so far, as to flatter themselves with the chimerical notion, that Christ would descend in person upon earth, armed with fire and sword, to extirpate heresy, and purify the Church from its multiplied corrup- tions."-f This is very inaccurate. " They required," indeed, " that the system of ecclesiastical government should be re- formed, the authority of the Pope destroyed, and the form of divine worship changed ; " but was not all this implied in " reducing the religion of Jesus to its primitive simplicity," which the historian does not blame ? Were these " extra- vagant demands ?" Were they not the same which were afterwards successfully repeated at the period of the Refor- mation ? " The new hierarchy in which Christ alone should reign, and all things be carried on by a divine direction and impulse," was a sentiment entertained by a few of the Tabo- • Guerre des Hussites, torn. i. 140. + Mosheim, cent, xv., cap. iii. § 6, h 162 THE TABORITES ; OR, rites, not by all. It is equally injurious to them to say, "that the principal doctors among the Taborites flattered them- selves with the chimerical notion that Christ would descend in person upon earth, armed with fire and sword," &c. Mosheim also imputes to the Taborites in general, the bloody maxims mentioned by him in the note. In short, it does not appear that the learned historian had duly attended to the diary of Byzinius, which he justly praises, and which L'Enfant certainly had not seen. Byzinius, Chancellor of Prague at the time of which he writes, and a Calixtine, enables us to distinguish between the sentiments common to all the Taborites, and those which were maintained only by some of them. The following were the sentiments of the body : 1. " The faithful ought not to receive and believe as catholic truths what the fathers have written, but only that which is clearly contained in the canonical books of the Bible." 2, " Whoever studies the liberal arts, and takes the degrees of Bachelor, Master, or Doctor, is a vain man, a pagan, and sins against the Gospel of Christ." Beausobre has observed on this article, that it refers to the scholastic learning and sophistry of that time ; and that the School, and the masters of the School, succeeded to the synagogue and the Pharisees against whom our Lord witnessed. S. "It is not necessary to keep any decree of the fathers, any human rite, or tradition." 4. " Chrism, holy oil, extreme unction, the custom of consecrating all things, sacerdotal vestments, &c., ought to be abolished." This article explains the preceding. 5. " Children ought not to be exorcised before baptism; nor are god-fathers or god-mothers necessary." '6. " All missals, rituals, ^religious ornaments, ought to be removed and burned." 7. " Auricular confes- sion ought not to be observed." In the discipline of the Taborites, however, public confession was exacted for public offences. 8. " The fasts of lent, and others, introduced by men, ought not to be kept." 9. " The faithful are not bound to keep any festival but the Lord's day." 10. '• Every priest who officiates with the tonsure, the surplice, &;c., or who says mass according to the accustomed rite, ought to be THE FOLLOWERS OF HUSS. 1 6S despised as the apocalyptic harlot." 11. "It is not per- mitted to evangelical priests to enjoy temporal possessions." 12. " There is no purgatory : It is useless and senseless to perform good works for the relief of the dead." 13. "Prayer to departed saints savours of heresy or idolatry." Such were the opinions first entertained by the Taborites. Some things they may have carried too far. This is common at the beginning of a reformation, where men, in avoiding one extreme, are ready to fall into another ; but still, as one has said, extreme for extreme, that of the Taborites was infinitely preferable to that of the Church of Rome. Let us now hear the sentiments which are attributed by Byzinius, not to all, but to some of the Taborites (sacerdotes qiiidam Taborienses) . The following is a summary of them : " That at the consummation of that age, Jesus Christ should come secretly as a thief, and restore his kingdom ; that this should not be an appearance of grace, but of vengeance, and of retribution upon his adversaries by fire and sword ; that at that period, every one of the faithful, even every ecclesi- astic, would be bound to draw his sword, and shed the blood of the enemies of Christ's law ; that all cities, towns, and villages would be destroyed and burned, except five cities, in which the faithful would take refuge ; that the Taborites were the angels whom God has sent to cause the faithful to withdraw themselves from the places devoted to destruction, and that they were the army which the Lord had sent to purge his kingdom from all scandals, and to execute divine vengeance upon the nations that were enemies to the law of Jesus Christ ; that, at the conclusion of this work, Christ would descend personally from heaven, in a visible manner, to take possession of his kingdom upon earth, and shall hold a great feast upon the mountains, as his marriage-feast with the Church ; that after this coming of Christ, which shall precede the last judgment, there shall be no kings, nor princes, nor prelates, nor exactors, nor tribute ; that there shall be no persecution of the saints, no sin, nor scandal, nor abomination ; that there shall be no need of preaching, nor sacraments, nor temple, because the Lord Almighty shall 164 THE TABORITES ; OR, then be himself the temple of his people ; that, when Christ has appeared in a visible manner, all those who are dead in Christ shall be raised, and shall come first with him — to judge the quick and the dead; after which, all the elect who are alive in all parts of the earth, shall be caught up in the clouds ; and that this would arrive in a few years, so that some of those who were then alive, should see the risen saints, and among the rest, John Huss, because God would hasten it for the elect's sake." * Such is the prophetic system ascribed to some of the Taborites, and which began to be preached by certain priests among them about the year 1420. Beausobre observes, that we have this account from their enemies, and is of opinion, that many things in it are exaggerated and misrepresented, if not falsely imputed to them. He thinks that they were of the same sentiments with the Millenarians. In his ex- amination of the account, he has, doubtless, pointed out inconsistencies which render some parts of it suspicious. But it is unnecessary to enter into particulars. We know that in later times, when men have been enabled to throw off errors, and led to examine the Scriptures, there have arisen persons who have given way to delusions and dangerous extremes, particularly from an incautious and presumptuous interpretation of the prophecies. But these sentiments were not embraced nor favoured by the body of the Taborites. Accordingly, in a Synod held by them in 1422, they drew up a number of articles, in which, among other things, they condemned the disorders committed during the war by the licentious soldiery ; and in particular, disavowed the imper- tinent applications which certain priests made of the words of Scripture, to authorise this license {mentis scripturarmn jper sacerdotes explicationibus) .-f Different conferences were held between the Calixtines and Taborites, with a view of bringing about a reconciliation ; * Diarium Byzinii apud Beausobre, supplement a I'histoire de la guerre des Hussites, p. 91. t Vide Confes. Taborit. a Balthazar. Lydio edit, in Waldens., torn, i., cap. 48. p. 251. THE FOLLOWERS OF HUSS. 165 but they were broken off without gaining the end. In one of these, at Beraune, in 1428, they disputed, not only on the seven sacraments, but on predestination, free-will, and justi- fication.* The historian does not inform us what were the particular sentiments entertained by the Taborites on these last points ; but it is highly probable that they were the same with those which were afterwards- adopted by the Re- formed Churches. The Eucharist was the principal subject of another conference.-f* The Calixtines did not differ from the Roman Church on this article, except in two things : — they administered it under both elements, and they gave it to infants. The last part of their practice they founded upon the words of our Lord, John vi. 53. In this the Taborites opposed them.:|: The Council of Basil, which met about this time, devised means for suppressing Hussitism, and their agents inflamed the differences between the Taborites and Calixtines. At last. In a Synod which assembled at Kuttenberg in the year 1442, the Taborites, by common consent, drew up a confession of their faith. This confession may be seen at large in L''Enfant's history.§ It contains, in general, the same view of divine truth which was afterwards exhibited in the Confessions of the Protestant Churches. After the suppression of the Taborites, which was effected soon after this, the standard of truth was upheld by a secession which was made from the Calixtines in the year 1457. Those who separated joined themselves to the remnant of the Taborites. Terrified by the destruction of the latter, and the rancour with which they were prosecuted, they changed their name, and assumed that of Bohemian Brethren. I| Churches com- posed of these continued to exist at the time of the Refor- mation, and entered into a correspondence with Luther, Melancthon, and other Reformers.^ * L'Enfant, guerre des Hussites, i. 266, 267. + Ibid., ii. 142. X Balthazar. Lydii notse in disput. Taboritar, p. 132. § Tom. ii. 132. II Narratiuncula de fratr. orthodox, in Bohem., &c., per Esrom Rudiger. script, an. 1579. Lydii proleg. in disput. Taborit., cap. ii. H Lydii prolegom. in Notce, &c., cap. ii., etiam Pro?em., in Conf. fratr. Bohem. 166 THE TABORITES ; OR, THE FOLLOWERS OF HUSS. Soon after the separation above mentioned, they published a confession of their faith ; and afterwards, on occasion of various misrepresentations, they presented at difterjent times to the emperor, and other princes, four other confessions, before Luther made his appearance. All of these exhi- bited the same doctrine with the original confession of the Taboiites. REVIEWS. REVIEW OF MILNE ON PRESBYTERY AND EPISCOPACY * There are some controversies which are attended with such difficulties, and have been managed by persons of such estabhshed reputation, that it is incumbent, even upon him who has the truth on his side, to pause before he engages in them, and to inquire if he possesses the requisite abihty and information, lest he should be foiled in the contest, and expose both himself and the cause which he has rashly undertaken to defend. There are other controversies of a very different com;glexion, but with respect to which also, a prudent person may reasonably hesitate before he embarks in them. The object of the contest may be frivolous, and the prize, though easily gained, may be unworthy and ig- noble ; or, although the armour of strong argument and extensive information may not be requisite, the combatant may need to be well practised in self-command, moderation, and patience, so as not to suffer himself to be provoked to contemptuous and improper language, by the ignorance, the petulance, or the abuse of his opponents. This must always be the case where prejudices are brought forward instead of arguments, and assertions substituted in the room of authorities ; where a disputant makes a monopoly of all that is good to his own party, and loads the opposite with all * The Difference stated betwixt the Pi-esbyterian Establishment, and the Episcopal Church of Scotland. By the Rev. James Milne, minister of St Andrew's Chapel, Banff. A new Edition, pp. 80. Aberdeen, 1811. [From the Christian Instructor, Vol. "V., July 1812.] 170 REVIEWS. that is evil ; and where claims, which could scarcely be admitted in the case of persons of acknowledged superior excellence, are set up in behalf of those who, in the judg- ment of all the world besides themselves, are at the very best no better than their neighbours. We confess that we hesitated as to the propriety of noticing the work now under review ; for which of the rea- sons just mentioned, we shall leave our readers to judge, after making them a little acquainted with its contents and strain. All that have turned their attention particularly to the subject, will readily acknowledge, that it is not so easy a matter, as might at first be imagined, for a person to give a fair and impartial statement of the difference be- tween two religious parties, to one of which he himself be- longs, and is zealously attached. Even granting that he is perfectly well-informed as to the history and sentiments of both ; granting, farther, that he conscientiously intends to tell nothing but the truth ; still his partiality to one side will manifest itself, will insensibly give a colouring to his statements, and, if he is not habitually and strictly on his guard, will betray him into inaccuracy |ind occasional mis- representation. We took up this pamphlet with the dis- position of giving to its author the full allowance, to which this common infirmity of our nature entitled him from a candid critic, and liberal opponent. Knowing just so much of him as that he was a minister of " the Episcopal Church of Scotland," we did not expect from him an absolutely fair and accurate statement of the difference between that church and " the Presbyterian establishment."" We would have been happy, however, to have received from him infor- mation as to the peculiar tenets of those with whom he is connected ; we would have passed with a smile the exclusive appropriation of the term church to his party, and admired, if not the tenderness of his conscience, at least the tenacity of his memory, which preserved him from ever carelessly bestowing that epithet on the Presbyterian establishment, through his whole book. We might have found it difficult to suppress our surprise at some of the sentiments avowed, PRESBYTERY AND EPISCOPACY. 171 and have judged it necessary to correct some of the mis- statements into which he had fallen. All this would have been an employment very different from what has fallen to our lot. But, before proceeding farther, we shall lay before the reader some specimens of the strain in which the work is written. The following is part of his account of the origin of the Presbyterian establishment, which he ascribes to the exertions of Andrew Melville. And we select this the rather, because it is evident that the author has laboured it with great care, and expected that it would have a power- ful effect upon his reader. " Upon his return into Scotland in July 1574, he (Melville) began immediately, with the gloomy austerity of the puritanical religionist, the confident arrogance of the meddling demagogue, and the satirical ill-nature of the snarling cynic, to provoke discussions, and to create jealousies, with the intent of overturning Episcopacy, and establishing upon its ruins the ecclesiastical republicanism of Geneva. He had the address to raise a party of followers, who embraced his opinions, and entered into his views, with as much ardour as his most sanguine wishes could desire." * * * " The cause thus set on foot possessed little in itself, and derived less from its advocates, to recommend it to public favour. Among a people who knew and valued the Avords of truth and soberness, no esteem would have been conceived for such a cause — no ear would have been given to such advocates. But, at this period, which may be called the reign of fanatical delusion, the Scots Avere blinded and misled, in no ordinary degree, by its influence. They were, it is true, completely emancipated from the enslaving ignorance of Popish superstition : still they had minds uninformed or unsettled with regard to several things, — strongly disposed to in- subordination, turbulence, innovation, and fanaticism ; and therefore prepared, with precipitate inconsideration, to take moroseness for gravity, dogmatism for the conviction of truth, railing for the zeal of a fervent spirit, nonsensical cant for godly edification, rebelHon for the spirited assertion of unquestionable rights, and obstinacj^ for undaunt- ed perseverance in defence of truth and righteousness." — pp. 15-17. The following is his account of the worship at present practised in the Presbyterian Church. *' The way of worship in the Presbyterian establishment, is con- ducted upon a principle which is indubitably fanatical, and encourages the ideas and feeds the hopes of the fanatically disposed mind ; raises preaching to an eminence not its due, depresses prayer into the rank of a secondary and subordinate duty, and makes the holy communion 172 REVIEWS. not, as it was designed to be, an act of devotion frequently performed, but, perhaps, with some few exceptions, a kind of spectacle annually resorted to ; occasions an unjustifiable dependence on the officiating minister, and affords him, if he be in the interests of error, an oppor- tunity of expressing, in public prayer, without any immediate check, notions, views, and feelings, prejudicial to true faith, sound morality, and rational devotion ; keeps the prayers that are to be joined in unknown, until they are uttered ; subjects devotion to unavoidable interruption, as often as they are not understood, or cannot be ap- proved ; and renders it always exceedingly difficult, sometimes wholly impossible, to recollect distinctly what has been asked of God ; and, at the same time, is full of omissions, which, to a sober mind, con- versant in the history of the primitive Church, must appear as un- edifying as they are singular, and which are, in fact, palpable proofs of the frenzy of that fanaticism, to which they may be traced as their proper origin," — pp. 61, 62. From these extracts, which afford a fair specimen of the work, the reader may form some idea of its strain and spirit. It is difficult to conceive any thing more remote from sober and dispassionate discussion, from the simple and fair state- ment of differences. Every thing is coloured, aggravated, or distorted. Its tendency is to provoke, not to convince ; to inflame, not to inform. The object of the author seems to have been to extract the essence of all that had been said by his party in favour of their church, and to compress within the smallest possible bounds, whatever they had advanced against the Presbyterian establishment, and the conduct or principles of its promoters in former times. Add to this, that while he abstains from all reasoning, he has advanced, with the utmost dogmatism, propositions of the most disputable kind, or which have been refuted a thousand times, and has boldly asserted, as facts, a mul- titude of things discreditable and injurious to the Presby- terians, without deigning to take the ordinary course in such cases, of producing the authorities, or referring to authentic and credible vouchers. On this account we cer- tainly are of opinion, that this pamphlet is, in itself, un- worthy of any reply, or of a serious review. Yet knowing that there are many who are ready to be influenced by con- fident and strong assertions, provided they remain uncontra- dicted ; presuming that the pamphlet has had a considerable PRESBYTERY AND EPISCOPACY. 173 circulation, from the circumstance of its being a neiv edition of it which now lies before us ; and not expecting, for the reasons already given, that any Presbyterian will think of undertaking a formal refutation, — we judge it proper to make a few strictures upon it, which may be sufficient to show how little reason the author has for the arrogant tone which he has assumed. This pamphlet, then, contains a Dedication to the Author's Congregation, an Introduction, five Chapters, and a Con- clusion. The first chapter treats " Of the Origin of the Presbyterian Establishment, and of the Episcopal Church of Scotland ; " the second, " Of the Doctrinal Standards of the Presbyterian Establishment, and of the Episcopal Church of Scotland ; "" the third, " Of the Doctrine of the Presbyte- rian Establishment, and of the Episcopal Church of Scot- land ; " the fourth, " Of the worship of the Presbyterian Establishment, and of the Episcopal Church of Scotland ; " and the fifth, " Of the Government of the Presbyterian Establishment, and of the Episcopal Church of Scotland." The whole pamphlet consists of only 80 pages, printed in a large type, and style sufficiently modern. In Chap. I., Mr Milne runs over the whole ecclesiastical history of Scotland, from the establishment of the Reforma- tion in the year 1560, to the Revolution in 1688. How either the Presbyterian establishment, or the Episcopal Church, could be considered as originating during that long period of 128 years, may appear mysterious to some ; but the object of the author, in the narrative, is very evident. He dare not plead that the Church of Scotland, between 1560 and 1575, or "the reforming party in Scotland" (for he will not give even them the name of Church), was the same with the Episcopal Church. " But," says he, " ignorant as that party appears to have been of the nature and constitution of the Christian Church, and exceptionable as some of their tenets must be pronounced, it may, notwithstanding, be affirmed, that their principles do, upon the whole, favour the Episcopal Church, and are against the Presbyterian establishment, in the questions concerning Church government, and the mode of elebrating Christian worship. It may also be affirmed, that the 174 REVIEWS. Presbyterian establishment has adopted every thing novel in their sentiments ; while the Episcopal Church differs from them in those things only, wherein they betrayed their want of the spirit of the primitive Church, and abandoned her doctrine and practice." — pp. 28, 29. A very modest demand truly ! A very equal partition ! The bad and the good in our reformers was about nearly equal ; the former belongs to the Presbyterians, the latter to the Episcopalians. But let us hear what Mr Milne has got to say respecting the origin of Episcopacy, and the antiquity of its establish- ment in this country, " In order to avoid prolixity," he says that he thinks proper to wave inquiries respecting the plantation of Christianity in Scotland, " although not un- connected with the subject of this chapter."" This may be deemed prudent, as well as proper, as he would have met, near the very outset, with (what has proved to all Episco- palians) a very puzzling point — the uncanonical and disor- derly Culdees^ among whom, ordine inusitato, even bishops were subject to a 'presbyter. * It might be equally prudent in him to decline entering into any statements to " justify separation from the Church of Rome," as he must have run the greatest hazard of driving upon the dreadful Scylla of schism, or, in avoiding it, of condemning instead of justi- fying the Reformation, or at least the principles and man- ner in which it was conducted in every Protestant country. He says, it is sufficient " to observe, that at the era of the Reformation, Episcopacy, in itself, was not considered by any of the Reformers as a part of those corruptions " of Popery, — pp. 12, 13. We think it sufficient to reply, that at the era of the Reformation, Episcopacy was not considered by any of the Reformers as a part of divine institution, but as a mere human appendage. On this ground, it was abo- lished and rejected by most of the Protestant churches. In England it was retained from political and prudential con- siderations. The English Reformers, including Archbishop Cranmer and his colleagues, were unanimously of opinion, * Bedse Hist., lib. iii. cap. 4. PRESBYTERY AND EPISCOPACY. 175 and did not scruple to express their opinion, that bishops and presbyters were all one at the beginning of Christian- ity. * We can farther inform Mr Milne, that the showy and pompous ritual of ceremonious worship, for which he prefers the Episcopal so much above the Presbyterian service, was regarded by these men as a burden, from which they would willingly have relieved the Church of England, if the circum- stances of their time would have permitted, -f- And we chal- lenge him to produce a single writer of the Church of England, before Dr Bancroft, who pleaded for the divine in- stitution of Episcopacy, or the necessity of the imposition of the hands of a bishop to constitute valid ordination to the ministry. Yet these are two points for which the Scots Epis- copalians contend as stiffly, as ever they did for the most important and fundamental doctrines of the Gospel. Not- withstanding the antipathy which Mr Milne feels against Calvin for his " ecclesiastical republicanism," and his " exe- crable " doctrines, he would very fain introduce that Ee- former as a friend of Episcopacy, p. 13. The decided and matured sentiments of Calvin respecting church government, are not to be collected from incidental expressions, or from complimentary titles which he gave to the English bishops, but from his " Institutions,*" in which he treated the subject professedly, from the constitution of the Church of Geneva, in which Presbyterian parity was established by him, and from that of the Eeformed Churches in France and Scot- land, in which his advice was expressly asked and followed. Where, and on what occasion, Calvin pronounced an anathema against the rejecters of the English hierarchy, Mr Milne has not been so kind as to inform us. We shall, however, do him the favour of pointing out the passage to which we suppose he refers ; and give him the words, which he can insert in the next edition of his pamphlet. I In that * Burnet's Hist, of Reformation, vol. i. App. pp. 223-225, 324 ; vol. iii. p. 105. App. p. 88. Strype's Cranmer, App. p. 20. Collier's Hist. vol. ii. App. No. 49. + See the authorities for this produced in M'Crie's Life of Knox, p. 427- 431. [Vol. 3, Note R, 5th edit.] X " Talem nobis Hierarchiam si exhibeant, in qua sic emineant Epis- 176 REVIEWS. passage Calvin is not speaking of the English hierarchy, and does not appear to have had the most remote eye to it. He is speaking hypothetically, and the supposition which he makes wiU not apply, in any of its parts, to the English hierarchy. Can it be said of it, that the bishops " hold of, and refer to no other head but Christ ? " At the Reformation, was not the papal supremacy transferred to the prince in that country I Did not Calvin condemn this supremacy, and assert, that those who gave the title of supreme head, under Christ, to the King of England, acted both inconsiderately and blasphemously ? * Can it be said of the English bishops and clergy, that they are " united by no other bond than the truth of Christ V It is, how- ever, readily granted, that Calvin, though he did not ap- prove of the English hierarchy, entertained a justly high regard for the Protestant prelates of that Church ; and they had the same regard for him. And we have not the least doubt, that they would have unanimously joined in pronouncing that person " worthy of every anathema," who would have presumed to speak of the Genevan Reformer in the manner Mr Milne has done in the note at the foot of p. 18. We have already stated, that Mr Milne has not substanti- ated his narrative by references to authentic documents. In a note at the beginning of Chap. I., he says, " For the facts mentioned in this chapter, the reader is referred to ' Collier's Ecclesiastical History,"' and to ' Sage^s Fundamental Charter of Presbytery,"' — a book which should be in the hands of every member of the Episcopal Church of Scotland,"'"' p. 12. This, except in one instance, is the only reference throughout that chapter, which is wholly historical. Every body acquainted with the writers named knows, that his reference to them copi, ut Christo subesse non recusent ; ut ab illo tanquam unico capite pendeant, et ad ipsuiu referaiitur ; in qua sic inter se fraternam societa- tem colant, ut non alio modo quam ejus veritate sint colligati ; turn vero nuUo non anathemate dignos fatear siqui erant qui non earn revereantur summaque obedientia observant." — Cahinus De Necessitate Reform. Eccles. * Comment, in Amos, cap. \\i. p. 1029, edit, anno 1576. PRESBYTERY AND EPISCOPACY. 177 is the same as if a Romanist were to refer to Baronius and Bellarmine. Both Collier and Sage were tories, and jure dimno prelatists, of the very highest stamp ; keen opponents of the Revolution and of the Presbyterians ; who wrote more as polemics, than as historians. What information could Collier have about Scottish affairs, but what he received from Scottish writers ? Why is Spottiswood not referred to, an authority far superior to both? Is it on account of his sins, in not holding the divine right of Pre- lacy, and in freely giving the name Church to the Presby- terian establishment ? And must he, on these accounts, be kept out of " the hand of every member of the Episcopal Church of Scotland V Did not the author know, that the friends of Sage have been obliged to confess, that there is a number of mistakes, in point of fact, in the " Fundamental Charter ;"" * and that his opponents have demonstrated, that he has completely failed in his attempted historical proof of the hierarchical and,liturgic principles of our Reformers? -f Why, at any rate, should the reader be sent to search at large the " Fundamental Charter," for verifying the facts alleged by Mr Milne, when, after all, many of these are not to be found either in that work or in Collier I An examination of some of his facts will show what reli- ance is to be placed on his statements, and how little reason he had for bringing them forward with such confidence. " In Scotland,"" says he, " the Reformation was carried on chiefly by laymen^'' p. IS. Were Guillaume, Rough, Knox, Willock, Harlow, Winram, Spottiswood, Douglas, and Carsewell, lay- men ? We have always understood, that it was chiefly by these men that our Reformation was carried on. He adds, " Presbyters, however, and also bishops, concurred in it."" That a few bishops concurred in it, we allow ; but Provi- dence granted very little of the honour of advancing our Reformation to persons of that order. And although it should render that work still more vile in the eyes of Mr Milne and his friends, we must tell them, that even the * Vindication of the Fundamental Charter, p. 79. t Anderson's Letter of a Coiintrj-man to a Curate, ^mss/w. M 178 REVIEWS. bishops who embraced the Reformation were not admitted to exercise any ecclesiastical authority as bishops, and that, when some of them wished to be employed as superintend- ents, they were rejected for want of requisite qualifications.* So that, notwithstanding all the laborious researches and argumentative twistings of Sage, to disprove the Fundamental Charter of Presbytery, it will remain a truth, that Scotland was reformed by Presbyters. The author is evidently at a loss, in speaking of the settle- ment of religion at the Reformation. He would fain claim it as Episcopalian ; yet, aware that he might be pressed with pregnant proofs to the contrary, he passes so many censures upon it, and makes so many concessions, as com- pletely to enervate his plea. " It must be confessed," says he, " that John Knox, by his stern temper, his violent zeal, his seditious principles, and his stubborn fanatical prejudices, contributed not a little to mar the work of reformation in Scotland. But John Knox, with all his extrava- gances of opinion, and irregularities of conduct, manifested no symptoms of iiTeconcilable hatred against Episcopacy. When the Reformation first obtained a national establishment, in 1560, he advised and sanctioned the appointment of superintendents, who, notwithstanding the democratical principles upon which they were constituted, did enjoy the superiority, and execute the functions of bishops." — pp. 13, 14. We do not think it worth while here to defend the char- acter of our reformer against the random strokes of this author ; but we would request the reader to observe, that, according to Mr Milne, sternness of temper, violent zeal, seditious principles, and stubborn fanatical principles, are not irreconcilable with Episcopacy. And farther, that per- sons may " enjoy the superiority, and execute the functions of bishops," " notwithstanding the democratical jyrincifles upon which they were constituted." Why, then, we would ask, impute the introduction of Presbytery to the violent and " ecclesiastical republicanism" of Andrew Melville, when all these principles existed in that establishment which he is alleged to have overturned ? Nor do we reckon it neces- sary to enter into any detail to prove, that the Scottish * Knox's Historic, p. 327. PRESBYTERY AND EPISCOPACY. 179 superintendents did not enjoy the superiority, nor execute the functions of bishops ; as this has been so often and so triumphantly established. They were not episcopally or- dained ; they derived all their authority from the Church ; the exercise of their power was bounded and regulated by the General Assembly, to which they were accountable, and did give an account of their conduct at every meeting ; they were not acknowledged as holding any distinct or permanent office in the Church, but merely as persons to whom a pro- visional superintendency was committed, from reasons of expediency at that period. Even Archbishop Spottiswood, in attempting to evade these facts, has been betrayed into a glaring corruption of the original document.* Knox's advising the appointment of superintendents does not, there- fore, prove that he favoured Episcopacy ; and there is the best reason to think, that he continued to the end a strenu- ous opposer of its introduction into the Church of Scotland. Mr Milne says, that "the entire appearance of the Episcopal polity was restored, and the official names appropriated to the Episcopal order were revived, by an Assembly convened at Leith, in January 1572. In the next Assembly, which met the same year, at Perth, on the 6th August, some, it is true, excepted to this settlement, and would agree to it only as an interim establishment. The ground of their discontent, hoAvever, was not Episcopacy in itself, but the revival of the titles of Archbishop and Bishop, which, in their blind and intemperate zeal against the Church of Rome, they imagined to be scandalous." — pp. 14, 15. This is a very extraordinary passage, in several respects. Would not the reader imagine, that Mr Milne recognised this as a' lawful Episcopal government, and allowed, that at last, primitive order was restored in the Church of Scotland I His language, on a superficial reading, would lead to this idea ; but it is expressed with great caution. " The entire appearance of the Episcopal polity, — the official names ap- propriated to the Episcopal order, were revived." The fact is, that this was all that the convention at Leith did. They * Comp. Spottiswood's Historie, pp. 152, 158, with the head Of Super- intendeats, in First Book of Discipline ; Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 538, 539. See also Epistolse Philadelphi Vindicise, apud Cald. Altare Damascenum, p. 724-728, Lugd. Batav., 1708. Petrie's History, pp. 218, 219 ; and M'Crie's Life of Knox, p. 465-467. (Vol. ii., p. 283, 5th edit.) 180 REVIEWS. expressly declared, that those to whom the official names of archbishop and bishop were given, should exercise no more power than had been given to superintendents, and that they should be subject" to the General Assembly equally with them.* But as this agreement was not made by a regular and ordinary meeting of the General Assembly, the Assem- bly at Perth resumed the affair. And what did they do ? " Some," says Mr Milne, " excepted to this settlement." But the truth is, that " the whole Assembly, in one voice, as well they who were in commission at Leith, as others, solemnly protest, that they mean not, by using such names, to ratify, consent, or agree to any kind of Papistry or super- stition ; and in like manner, they protest, that the said heads and articles agreed upon, be only received as an interim, until farther and more perfect order be obtained," fccf- The reader is requested to observe, that, in this important document on the subject, not only are the hierarchical titles protested against as Popish, but it is protested farther, that all the heads and articles agreed upon at Leith, be received only as an ivitei^im. " Unto the which protestation the whole Assembly in one voice adhere." The fact is notorious, that the Court were at that time pressing a species of Epis- copacy upon the Church ; and that the Church, when she acquiesced in this arrangement, for a time, religiously re- served her right afterwards to throw it off. After this, it is ridiculous to talk of the introduction of new principles from Geneva, to fabricate a plot against Episcopacy, and conjure a ghost to employ, " with indefatigable perseverance, all the efforts of a wild and ferocious bigotry for its extirpation," p. 15. It is pitiful to see the shifts to which Sage (who possessed respectable talents) is driven on this point ; and indeed, he seems to have been sensible of his awkward situ- ation, and quits it as soon as possible, with the significant words, " But enough of this, proceed we in our series."! After the failure of such a writer, we think it would have * Petrie, p. 373. Fundamental Charter, p. 199. t Calderwood, p. 57. Petrie, p. 376. Fundamental Charter, p. 204. J Fundamental Charter, pp. 205, 206. PRESBYTERY AND EPISCOPACY. 181 been but prudent in Mr Milne to have passed over this point altogether, even though it had been at the expense of sup- pressing the laboured portrait of Andrew Melville, which he has modernised from Sage. As to his intemperate invective against Melville, we shall only say, that if he had kno\vn his real character, the eulo- giums passed upon him by Scaliger and Lipsius, the esteem in which he was held by his learned contemporaries abroad, as well as at home, his fame as a divine and a poet, as well as a linguist, and the unprecedented pitch to which he, in a short period, raised the literary reputation of his native country, Mr Milne would have spoken of him with a little* more modesty. In what he has said about him, he has betrayed a gross ignorance of his character. " The dictates of prudence,'" says he, " or the suggestions of timidity, re- strained him from appearing in person, and from being the first publicly to denounce Episcopacy," p. 16. All who know any thing of Andrew Melville, know this, that if his character is to be attacked, it must be in a different quarter from that of excess of prudence, or defect of courage. But perhaps Mr Milne will succeed better in the next fact which he advances. " There was, at this time, among the ministers of Edinburgh, one John Durie, a well-intentioned, but a weak and credulous man. — This minister, who afterwards saw his error, and repented of his rashness, was persuaded to declai-e, in an Assembly held in Edin- burgh on the 6th of August 1575, that there were reasons which he and other brethren of his mind had to propose against the office and name of Bishop."— p. 16. Now, there are several things here, which, though they should go down with " every member of the Episcopal Church of Scotland,"" will not be so readily credited by the stubborn Presbyterians. In the first place, they will not think it very likely, that " a weak and credulous man" would be placed among the ministers of Edinburgh, especially as great care was taken, at that time, to have the most able ministers planted in the principal towns. But, passing this, as it might be an oversight, they will be apt to think that Mr Milne was rather simple and short-sighted to give such a 182 REVIEWS. description of Durie, when he intended to boast of his be- coming a convert to Episcopacy ; for where was the wonder that " a weak and credulous man" should, in the decline of life, have been induced to ^^change sides ? Had he repre- sented him as a hasty, forward young man (either supposi- tion would have been equally near the truth), it would have looked a great deal better.* But is it a fact that " this minister afterwards saw his error, and repented of his rashness V So, indeed, Spottiswood has said, and after him Sage, and after him our author. But unfortunately for all three, it so happens, that there still remains the nnost satisfactory evidence of the falsehood of this allega- tion. Mr James Melville, minister of Anstruther, and son-in-law of John Durie, has left a diary of his own life, and of the transactions of his time, copies of which are in several of our public libraries. In this diary he relates, that he was present at his father-in-law's last sickness (the time at which his recantation is said to have been made), and that as he lived, so he died, continuing constant in his opposition to the measures which the king was employing to have churchmen introduced into Parlia- ment, as a prelude to the complete establishment of Episco- pacy. " The more I think on him," says his son-in-law, " the more [I praise] God that ever I knew him ; praying God, that as I have seen the outgate of his conversation, as the apostle says, Heb. xiii. 7, so I may follow the same in faith. He oft regrated and inveyed upon the worldly fashions and business of the ministry, saying, he feared they should become as vile in the people's eyes as ever the priests were. And as concerning the matter of bishops, my uncle, Mr Andrew, expressed his mind therein in his epitaphs, which, being most pertinent for that which was even at his * Spottiswood says, that Durie was " a man earnest and zealous in every thing he gave himself unto, but too credulous ; " an epithet which that historian commonly applies to such of the opponents of Episcopacy as he tliought well of. — History, p. 458. Sage says, that he was "too too credu- lous."— Fund. Charter, p. 219. Mr Milne (perhaps understanding the repetition of the adverb as emphatic) has turned this into elegant modern English — " a weak and credulous man." PRESBYTERY AND EPISCOPACY. 183 death Tn hand, I have here insert. He desired, indeed, earnestly to have lived till the Assembly, which was hard at hand, that he might have discharged his mind to the king and brethren ; but that which alive he could not, Mr An- drew supplied faithfully after his death. Note^ It is good to be honest and upright in a good cause, for the good cause will honour such a person both in life and death.""* We shall insert one of the epitaphs here referred to : — Durius ore tonans, Edina pastor in urbe, Arcuit a stabulis quos dabat aula lupos. Celurca in Cajlum migravit nunc, quia non quit Arcere a stabulis quos dabit aula lupos.t Thus has Mr Milne given us an opportunity of vindicat- ing a very ^worthy man from an aspersion which has lain too long upon his memory. The Scottish Episcopalians have, somehow, been always singularly fond of availing themselves of the argument from the retractations of Presbyterians on their death-bed, and they have been as singularly unfortu- nate in managing it. Mr James Lawson, the successor of Knox in Edinburgh, having died in 1584, during his exile in England, Archbishop Adamson attempted to circulate a testament, which he alleged to have been made by him, re- tracting Presbyterian principles.^ But it was so universally regarded as a forgery, that Spottiswood does not so much as allude to the allegation in his account of Lawson's death.§ We shall not repeat the account given in our last Number, * Melville's Diary, pp. 335, 336, of the copy now before us. (P. 308, Ban. edit.) t Ibid., p. 338. [I may here subjoin honest James Melville's rude translation of this epitaph : — In Edinbrouche the thoundering of Jhone Durie weill was harde, Wlien courtlie wolfFes from Chryste's flock he flegged and debarde. Now in Montrose to heavin he flittes, for griefFthat he can nought The courtlie wolffes debar from Kirk, quhilk Chryste hes deirly bought. There are seven of these epitaphs, and the point in each of them is the same, turning on the idea of his being unable to survive the introduction of Episcopacy. Never, perhaps, except in the case of Henderson, was calumny so completely answered. — Ed.] X Calderwood's History, pp. 166, 174. § Spottiswood's History, p. 335. 184 REVIEWS. of the recantation forged in the name of Mr David Calder- wood, in 1622, and of its ill success,* Mr Alexander Henderson, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, and a com- missioner to the Westminster Assembly, died soon after his conference with Charles I. at Newcastle. He was a man of too much note among his party, to be allowed to leave the world without making a recantation. Accordingly, the Episcopalians industriously circulated the report, that he was not only vanquished, but converted, by his royal an- tagonist.+ But this was not enough, for within two years, a declaration, in the name of Mr Henderson (the forgery of a Scots Episcopal divine), was published, in which he was represented as expressing great contrition for acceding to the proceedings of the Presbyterians. Upon the appear- • We may, however, add the information which Mr William Jameson has furnished respecting that forgery. " Scarce for a long time," says he, " could I be persuaded of the truth of this, so odd and so strangely qualified was the fact, till after much search I lighted on the book, which is now in my hands ; it bears this title — ' Catherwood's Recantation ; or, a Tripartite Discourse. Directed to such of the Ministerie and others in Scotland, that refuse Conformity to the ordinances of the Church,' &c. London, printed by Bernard Aslop, dwelling in Distaffe Lane, at the Sign of the D&lphin. 1622. His epistle to the reader is, as he pretends, dated Amsterdam the 29th of November 1622, for it was reported that Mr Calderwood had died there. The pamphlet itself consists of 50 pages in 4to, stuffed with ful- some flattery of the king and the hierarchies, silly sophistry for prelacy, odious railing against the government and discipline of our Church and Reformers, and Mr Knox in particular." See " Some Helpes for Young SchoUers" &c. (afterwards quoted), p. 8. t Baillie's Letters, ii. 232. If we are to believe Episcopalian wi-iters, Charles was a most powerful disputant, and had he been spared, must have soon taken off all the Presbyterian champions. Mr Carte, in his " Irish Massacre set in a True Light," tells us, that Mr Richard Vines, after re- turning from the Treaty at Uxbridge, assured one of his brethi-en, that the king " gave such evidences of Episcopacy, that the world could not an- swer ; that he had convinced him it was agreeable to the primitive times ; and that, among all the kings of Israel and Judah, there was none like him." To be sure, it is somewhat discreditable to this story, told by the half-brother of Mr Carte's gi-eat-grandmother, that Mr Vines should, four years after this, at the Treaty of Ne^vport, have again entered the lists of argument with his Majesty, and reasoned as sti'ongly as ever agaiust^Episcopacy. PRESBYTERY AND EPISCOPACY.- 185 ance of this, the General Assembly called and examined a number of persons who were present with Mr Henderson during the conferences at Newcastle, and during the time that elapsed from his return to Edinburgh till his death, who all declared that he had continued to the last constant and unaltered in his sentiments ; upon which the Assembly passed an act, declaring " the said pamphlet forged, scanda- lous, and false, and the author and contriver of the same void of charity and a good conscience, and a gross liar and calumniator, led by the spirit of the accuser of the breth- ren.""* In the middle of the 18th century, this convicted forgery was credulously revived by Mr Euddiman, who, not- withstanding his learning, is well known to have laboured under the weakest prejudices on the subject of Jacobitism and Episcopacy. On that occasion it was triumphantly ex- posed by Mr Logan.-f- Another example may suffice. Mr Robert Oalder, an Episcopal minister, and well known champion for primitive order, in a vindication of a sermon which he had preached, January SO, 170-3, after introducing the story of Durie's recantation, asserted, that Mr John Davidson, minister of Prestonpans, a contemporary of Durie, and a warm defender of Presbytery, had also retracted his sentiments before his death. In support of this assertion, he produced the following words, which he said Mr David- son used in a small tractate at the end of a Catechism pub- lished by him, " Be obedient to archbishops and bishops, and stand not out against them as I have wickedly done." Mr William Jameson, Professor of Church History in Glasgow, suspecting the truth or the accuracy of the statement, ap- plied to Mr Calder for a sight of the Catechism, who pro- mised to procure it for him. He applied to him again, again, and again, but could obtain nothing but excuses and * Acts of Assembly, p. 420-422, printed anno 1682. Livingston's Characteristics, subjoined to his Life. Ludlow's Truth brought to Light, or the Forgeries of Dr Hollingworth Detected, 1693. Laing's History of Scotland, iii. 340, 2d edit. Neal's History of the Puritans, by Toulmin, iii. 321-324. t Logan's Second Letter to Mr Thomas Ruddiman, 1749. 186 REVIEWS. evasions. Mr Calder had seen the oook, and had read in it the words which he had quoted, but he had not a copy of it : he would procure it from the relict of an Episcopal minister who had it : her copy was gone to the country, but he would write for it : a letter would not do, he must go for it personally : he had not gone. Mr Jameson, having procured from Sir Robert Sibbald a copy of Davidson's Catechism, which did not contain one syllable of the alleged retractation^ republished it word for word, and prefixed an account of the whole transaction with Calder.* We leave the reader to draw his own conclusions from this regular succession of fabrications.! It would be easy for us to follow Mr Milne, kata podas, through the remaining part of his history of Scottish Pres- byterianism and Episcopacy, and to show that the most of his alleged facts are false, misrepresented, or irrelevant. But we are afraid we would weary our readers, who must be of opinion, that the unsupported allegations of any writer are not entitled to such a refutation. We shall, therefore, be more general in our subsequent remarks. His account of the conduct of the friends of Presbytery after its estab- lishment, is equally inflamed with that which he had given of their previous behaviour. Believe him, and you must conceive, that a sullen, fanatical, disorderly, and rebellious spirit, pervaded the whole land ; actions, rash, daring, and subversive of public order, were perpetrated ; excommuni- cations fulminated ; sermons and prayers stuffed with rail- ing against private characters, and sedition against the government, — these formed the whole history of the Presby- terian period, until the sun of Episcopacy, rising gently, but irresistibly, by its benign influence dissipates the gloom, and drives the monsters of the night into their native obscurity. Believe him, and nothing was ever more quietly, more fairly, more Christianly effected, than the introduction of Episco- * Some Helpes for Young SclioUers iu Christiauity, as tliey are iu use and taught — in the New Kirk of Salt-Preston ; Discourse jirefixed, p. 1-5. Reprinted in the year 1708. t [These fabrications are referred to, though less minutely, in tlic Life of Henderson Ed.] PRESBYTERY AND EPISCOPACY. 187 pacy into Scotland by James VI. No violence, no bribery, or corruption, on the part of the monarch ; no perjury or de- ceit on the part of the prelates ; not so much as a High Commission Court to be heard of. But primitive order, or the entire appearance of it, being restored, religion flourishes, and the people are all contented and happy, until the hydra, Presbytery, again rears its horrid head, and throws all things back into confusion and anarchy. O fortuuatam natam, me Consule Romam ! But let the truth be told, and how is the picture reversed ! Who knows not the wretched system of favouritism under which James VI. acted from the time that he assumed the reins of government into his own hands in Scotland ; his infatuated partiality to those who continually plotted his own destruction and that of the Protestant religion ; and his persevering attempts to overthrow the liberties of the Presbyterian Church, which produced that spirit of firm re- sistance and bold rebuke on the part of the ministers, against which Jacobites have so often declaimed, but which the true friends of liberty will not scruple, in the main, to applaud I* Who is ignorant of the series of hypocrisy, dissimulation, and perfidy, — the low, mean, and unworthy arts, — the vio- lent and unconstitutional stretches of power, — the flatteries, threats, bribes, imprisonments, banishments — by which Pre- lacy, with its train of arbitrary canons and childish cere- monies, was obtruded upon Scotland, and maintained for a course of years, in opposition to the known inclinations of the great body of intelligent ministers and people ? And who without the pale of the Scots Episcopal Church needs now to be told, that the measure which at last aroused the spirit of the nation, and excited them as one man to throw off the yoke (the imposition of an Anglo-Popish liturgy and canons), was planned and executed in such a way as to proclaim the infatuation of its promoters, and to verify the * Those Avlio have read only the common histories of that period, would do well also to consult a valuable tract by Principal Baillie, entitled, " A Historical Vindication of the Government of the Church of Scotland," printed anuo 1646. ] 88 EEYIEWS. old adage, '"'■ Quern Deus vult 'perdere prius denientatf" This is freely admitted by Clarendon and Burnet.* We were prepared for a tragical account of the civil war in the reign of Charles I. ; and from the spirit of the author, we were not surprised to find him improving the part which Presbyterians acted in it to the discredit of their religious system. His narrative of this presents the usual jumble to be found in the Tory historians of that period — a confounding of the patriotic resistance made by the Parliament to the arbitrary and illegal measures of Charles, with the excesses of violent republicans, and enthusiastical turbulent sectaries, in overturning the constitution. There are only two things in this part of his narrative, or rather invective, upon which we shall animadvert at present. The first is his assertion that the Scots sold their king to the English, when he had taken refuge in their camp, p. 23. This is a calumny as easily refuted as it has been frequently repeated. The well known fact is, that both the Scots and English Parliaments had been for years engaged in hostilities against the king, under the conviction, that he had formed the design of overthrowing their fundamental laws and liberties. When the royal party was subdued, and the king had fallen into the hands of one of the allied powers, why should an arrange- ment be represented as disgraceful, which had for its only object the committing of the keeping of the royal person to one of the Parliaments, until the subsisting differences be- tween him and both were amicably settled ? This was all that the Scots did. But did they not receive a sura of money for giving him up ? They did not. The ^200,000 which they received from the Parliament of England, was but a very small part of an acknowledged debt owing to them, as arrears to their army, by an express treaty made several years before. The payment of it was voted by the English Parliament four months before they had come to any arrangement with the Scots respecting the disposal of the king's person ; and, during this interval, there were * Clarendon's History, b. ii. p. 84. fol. Burnet's Mem. of the Dukes of Hamilton, pp. 29, 30. PRESBYTERY AND EPISCOPACY, 189 several hot debates between the commissioners of the two kingdoms on this subject.* How then, without a viola- tion of all truth, can these two transactions be identified ? Whether the Scots did right or wrong in this measure, they cannot be charged with acting upon mercenary motives. But strong reasons were not wanting to persuade them to comply with the demand of the English Parliament. The king had always resided in England since the union of the crowns ; the Scottish army had gone into that country as an auxiliary ; their refusal to comply with the claim of the English Parliament would have involved the kingdoms in another bloody war ; Charles had peremptorily refused to accede to the propositions for peace which they had pre- sented to him ; and, lured by the hope (which ultimately proved his ruin) that, amidst the divisions which prevailed, he would be able to manage, so as to resume his authority without restrictions, he had repeatedly written to London for liberty to repair thither, previous to the time that the Scots Parliament agreed to commit him to the English : in a word, before consenting to this, the Scots obtained the strongest assurances that nothing would be attempted injurious to his person and just authority. Besides, could they anticipate the tragedy which was acted two years after ?-f- The other assertion, that the Presbyterians were equally sharers of the infamy of Charles's murder, with the Inde- pendents and other English sectaries (p. 24), is, if possible, still more unfounded and calumnious than the former. Such language has, indeed, been often used in " Thirtieth of Jan- uary" sermons, and similar publications, but it is not easy to conceive any thing more contradictory to the best establish- ed facts. In the English Parliament which restored Charles II., a member, wishing to curry favour with the new rulers, asserted in a speech, that those who first drew the sword in * Principal BaUlie's Review of Bishop Bramhall's Warning against the Scots Discipline. Dedic. pag. penult. Delf. 1649. Ludlow's Letter to Hollingworth, p. 67. 1662. Stevenson's History, iii. 115S-1168. Laing's History, iii. 342-344. f See the authorities in last note, with Lord Hollis's Memoirs, p. 68. 190 REVIEWS. the civil war, were equally criminal with those who cut off the king's head ; but he was instantly ordered to his knees, and severely reprimanded. Of all others, the keen Episco- palians have the least reasan to provoke an inquiry into the remote causes of this catastrophe. It was persons of this stamp who poisoned the royal ears with their fulsome adulation, and slavish principles ; who, by preaching up the absolute authority of kings, and the passive obedience of subjects, pushed on a prince, too much inclined of himself to such principles, to adopt and persevere in those unconstitu- tional measures, which produced a breach between him and the Parliament, The conduct of the Episcopal divines who surrounded his Majesty, and inculcated upon his conscience the divine right and absolute necessity of Prelacy, was the principal cause of his rejecting the propositions made to him in the Isle of Wight, which was followed by his arraignment and execution. The Presbyterians, both in England and Scotland, were unanimously attached to monarchy ; not an individual of them was a republican. One has only to look into " Baillie's Letters," and to read his confidential corres- pondence with his friends at that period, to be convinced of the dread which they all felt at the prospect of Charles's execution, and the horror with which they were struck at its perpetration. As soon as it appeared that his trial was intended, they publicly declared against it in their prayers, preachings, protestations, and remonstrances. We have now before us the representation of the Presbyterian minis- ters of London, presented to the General and Council of War, January 18, 1649, subscribed by 47 persons; and also that of the ministers of Banbury and Brackley, pre- sented January 25th, subscribed by 19 ; in both of which they boldly censure that measure, and solemnly warn them against persevering in such wickedness. Representations and remonstrances, in the same strain, from the minis- ters of the other provinces, were also sent up to Lon- don ; the number of subscribers to these amounted to about 800. A few Independent ministers also joined in these. The Scottish commissioners, acting under instruc- PRESBYTERY AND EPISCOPACY. 191 tions from both church and state, used every means to induce the Rump of the English Parhament to desist from the trial of their sovereign, and entered a public protes- tation against their procedure. When Charles was exe- cuted, the English Presbyterians were not deterred by the threatenings of the army, from publishing to the world their detestation of the deed. The Presbyterians in Ire- land acted in the same determined manner. * The bit- terness with which Milton inveighs against them, in his Defensio pro Populo Anglkano, is a convincing proof of the united and determined opposition which the Presbyterian body had made to the measure which he had undertaken to defend. Mr Christopher Love, an eminent Presbyterian minister, was executed on Tower Hill for favouring the royal cause. Did any of the bishops become martyrs in their master's cause at this time ? Did they not either flee the kingdom, or conduct themselves in such a manner as to secure their safety under the republican and regicide gov- ernment ? We never heard of above two Episcopal divines (Dr Gauden, and Dr Hammond), who gave in any repre- sentation against the design of the sectarian government to execute Charles. The account which our author gives of the introduction of Episcopacy into Scotland, under Charles II., is of a piece with the preceding part of his narrative. He passes over the perfidy of the monarch in violating the most solemn engagements, and falsifying reiterated promises which he * A Serioxis and Faithful Representation of the Ministers of the Gospel within the Province of London, to the General and his Council of War. Reprinted at Edinburgh, 1649. The Humble Advice of the Ministers of Banbury and Brackley (to the same). London, printed, 1649. A Vin- dication of the Ministers of the Gospel in and about London, 1649. A Solemn Testimony against the present Proceedings of Sectaries in Eng- land, in reference to Religion and Government, from the Commissioners of the General Assembly, Edinburgh, 1649. Bates, Elenchus, p. 11. Historical Essay on the Loyalty of Presbyterians, p. 240-249, printed 1713. A Sample of Jet- Black Prelatic Calumny, in answer to a Pamphlet called A Sample of True-Blue Presbyterian Loyalty, p. 89-110. Glasgow, 1713. Stevenson's History, iii. 1289-1302. Neal's History of the Puri- tans, by Toulmin, iii. 488-508. 192 REVIEWS. had made to preserve Presbyterian government, with his inofratitude to men who had suffered so much for their ad- herence to him. He conceals the unparalleled treachery of Sharp, who, being intrusted. by the Presbyterians with the management of their cause in Holland and at London, basely betrayed it, and continued to amuse them in his let- ters with the most false information, and the most hypo- critical pretences, until the scheme for overthrowing their liberties was matured ; securing to himself the archbishop- ric of St Andrews as the reward of his iniquity. * He keeps back the fact which even a bishop thought it neces- sary to record, that the managers in the Parliament which overturned Presbytery, and restored Episcopacy, were, dur- ing the time of its sitting, " almost perpetually/ drmik^ "f- While he describes at large the excesses of which he ac- cuses the Presbyterians, he palliates and throws a shade over the arbitrary statutes, the bloody edicts, the fines, imprisonments, banishments, the tortures, intercommunings, executions, and massacres ; the too faithful record of which remains to the eternal disgrace of the Government of that period, and the recital of which must make the blood of every person of humanity to run chill. He suppresses the issue of these measures, in bringing the nation to the very brink of Popery and slavery, from which it was delivered by the ever-memorable and glorious Revolution. Instead of this, we have the following important piece of information : — "At tlie Revolution, in 1688, the Scottish bishops taking the apostolic precept of submission to the supreme power in the most unrestricted sense, and reasoning upon the principles of the consti- tution as then generally understood, refused to transfer to King William the allegiance which they had sworn to their still living, but less conscientious Sovereign, James YII. For this reason they were deprived of their worldly dignities and emoluments ; and, together with their ejected clergy, were thrown on the support of those who adhered to their ministrations." — p. 26. And what friend of genuine liberty is not disposed to * See the correspondence between him and Jlr Robert Douglas, in Wodrow's History, vol. i., Introduction ; and Burnet's History of his owTi Times, i. 129, 130, 170. Edinburgh, 1753. t Burnet's Historv of his own Times, i. 168-174. PRESBYTERY AND EPISCOPACY. 193 exclaim, Amen ! so it was, and so it ought to have been? And this was " the origin of the Episcopal Church of Scotland." Before leaving this chapter, however, we must not omit the concluding paragraph. " It may l^e proper to add, for regulating the judgment in regard to some circumstances connected vfiih it, that Christ allows not his religion to be propagated by doing violence to any man. Persuasion, and not compulsion, is the means of conviction which He authorises ; and, indeed, the only means that can agree with the nature of man, who is a free agent, and suit the genius of Christianity, which is a reasonable service. Every Church, therefore, that either herself per- secutes, or that instigates the magistrate to persecute those who dis- sent from her, forgets what spirit she is of, and incurs blame."' — p. 29. All this is very good. " But, on the other hand, when such as think they are in posses- sion of the truth, attempt to disseminate it by means that are un- justifiable, or illegal, and oblige the magistrate, in maintenance of the peace and order of society, to draw the sword, what they suffer on this account is not persecution, but the punishment which they deserve, and which Christ predicted would be inflicted on them, Avhen he said, ' All they that take the sword, shall perish with the sword.'" — pp. 29, 30. * If this was not intended as an apology for the " severe coercive measures "" adopted against the Presbyterians dur- ing the preceding reigns, we know no pertinent purpose for which it could be introduced ; and if this was the inten- tion, the reader is left to judge what confidence is to be placed in the fair principles of the foregoing paragraph. It may not be improper here to give an extract from a Roman Catholic publication, which appeared within these twelve years. The author, after pouring the most virulent abuse on the Reformers in general, particularly those of Scotland, affects to confess that Catholics, as well as Pro- testants, " have been guilty of shameful excesses, under pre- text of religion and zeal ; " but he immediately turns upon his heel, and apologises for his party. " Yet give me leave to observe," says he, " that there is between them a striking difference in many respects. 1st, The Catholic religion was never introduced into this or any other country, by perse- cution, but by preaching; whereas the Reformed, religion was every where introduced by fire and sword. When Ca- N 194 REVIEWS. tholic princes enacted severe laws against their Protestant subjects, it was to keep them in the ancient religion, which both they and all their ancestors professed, ever since the beginning of Christianity ; whereas, when Protestant princes adopted similar measures towards their Catholic subjects, it was to make them forsake the old religion, in which they had been brought up, and to embrace a new modelled one. 8d^ Protestant princes persecuted Catholics, for not sub- mitting to the authority of a new Church which themselves allowed to be fallible, and for not adopting doctrines which themselves acknowledged might possibly be false, — which was an intolerable, cruel, and most absurd tyranny ; where- as Catholic princes, when they used the like means, either to prevent their subjects from turning Protestants, or to call them back to the faith which they had themselves pro- fessed before, acted upon this principle, that these doctrines which they wished to enforce were infallible truths, being the faith of that Church which Almighty God always had upon the earth, in which he has always been worshipped according to his will, and which St Paul denominates the pillar and ground of truth.'''' — " Catholics, through all the world, acted upon this principle, that the Church which the Protestants had left, and to which they wanted them to re- turn, was that same Church planted by the apostles, and known in all ages under the name of the Holy Catholic Church, which all Christians are bound to obey — a fact which Protestants themselves cannot deny; but the con- sequences of which they strive to evade, by pretending, against the express testimony and promise of Christ, that the gates of hell have prevailed against it." * Satan will sometimes transform himself into an angel of light, and preach like an apostle of toleration ; but examine him a little narrowly, and the cloven foot and forked tongue will appear. In Chapters Second and Third, Mr Milne professes to ' " An Enquiry whether the Marks of the true Church be applicable to Presbyterian Churches : Woe unto them ! For they have perished in the gain- suying of Core, Berwick, printed by Lochhead and Gracic, 1801 ." — p. 96-98. PRESBYTERY AND EPISCOPACY. ' 195 state the difference between the doctrine of the Presbyterian establishment, and of the Episcopal Church of Scotland. The second chapter is a complete specimen of his favour- ite argumentum ad invidiam. Its drift is to excite preju- dices against the Westminster " Confession of Faith," from the political principles and conduct of its compilers. We have already said enough to expose the futility and falsity of his charges on this head. In other respects, the Pres- byterians have no more reason to be ashamed of the com- pilers of their Confession, than the Episcopalians of the framers of their Articles. It would be well if both classes in the present day were more like to their worthy predeces- sors, in orthodoxy, zeal for the truth, and a holy life. We have no desire to detract, in the slightest degree, from the merits of those men who composed the English Articles, for whom we entertain a high veneration. But it is not dero- gatory to them to say, that they were inferior in point of biblical learning, and accurate theological knowledge, to many divines in the l7th century, who were employed in composing the Confession of Faith. Mr Milne says, that the framers of the articles " proceeded with the utmost circumspection in this business ; conferred frequently among themselves ; and, after mature deliberation, came to a con- clusion," p. 36. We have only to say, that from the records of the Westminster Assembly, it appears that they pro- ceeded in the same way. And if they were not called to " give the highest possible proof of their sincerity, by laying down their lives at the stake for the Protestant faith,"" they, at least, gave as high proof of their sincerity as the non-jurant ministers at the Revolution did (p. 36), by re- nouncing their worldly emoluments, when they could no longer retain them with a good conscience. In the third chapter, Mr Milne gives a very frightful representation of the nature and tendency of Calvinism, and extols the doctrine of the English Articles, which he asserts to be undoubtedly anti-Calvinistic. We do not mean to enter upon this subject here, but refer the reader to our review of the Bishop of Lincoln's pretended refuta- 196 REVIEWS. tion of Calvinism ; * and we believe that it will be the opinion of all, that if the bishop has failed in his attempt, the minis- ter of Banff will not be able to boast of great success. We shall, however, state a few facts, of which we strongly suspect that he, and the Scottish Episcopalians in general, are in a great measure ignorant. He insists, as we have said, that the English Articles are anti-Calvinistical. For our part, we are so much convinced of the contrary, that we cannot perceive how an unprejudiced and ingenuous Arminian can, ex animo, subscribe them ; and we do not wonder at the attempts, however unsatisfactory, which have been made to explain away the subscription as a mere bond of peace. But let the following collateral evidence be weighed. We know of none who deny that the confessions adopted by the Reformed Churches of Switzerland, Geneva, and Scotland, were strictly Calvinistic. But we have the unsuspected testimony of an English bishop, and a martyr too, that in the year 1550 (previous to the revisal of the articles), Archbishop Cranmer, the bishops of Rochester, Ely, St David's, Lincoln, and Bath, were sincerely bent on advanc- ing the 'purity of doctrine, agreeing in all things loitli the Helvetic churchesy -f- Cranmer not only maintained a close correspondence with the Genevan reformer, and consulted him on every important step of the English reformation, but communicated to him his plan of a common confession for all the Reformed Churches, of which Calvin expressed his high approbation. J Knox, whose sentiments were thoroughly Calvinistical, was one of the persons employed in reviewing the articles. § The Puritans, who were decid- edly of the same sentiments, never expressed the smallest scruple about the doctrinal articles ; and the English dis- senters continued to subscribe them until 1779. The applica- tions for relief from this subscription were chiefly made by such of them as had imbibed Arminian and Socinian tenets, [Referring to two able articles in the Instructor for IMay and June 1812.— Ed.] t Hooper apiid Burnet's Hist, of Reform., iii. 201. % Strype's Cranmer, 409, 410. § Burnet, iii. 212. Strype's Cranmer, 273. PRESBYTERY AND EPISCOPACY. 197 and they were preceded by a similar application from seve- ral hundreds of Episcopal clergy, who were known enemies to Calvinism. * That the sentiments of the dignitaries of the Church of England were highly Calvinistical in 1595, is ut beyond all doubt by the " Lambeth Articles," " com- posed and agreed upon by John, Archbishop of Canterbury ; Richard, Bishop of London; Richard, elect Bishop of Bangor; and sundry other reverend and learned divines there pre- sent." -f- The Lambeth Articles were adopted by the Irish Convocation, anno 1615, and ratified by royal authority. | Such also were the sentiments of the English bishops and divines who assisted at the Synod of Dort in 1618, when the Arminian tenets were condemned, and the Calvinistical doctrines ratified. § Subsequent to that period, under the influence of Archbishop Laud, who had formed the mad scheme of bringing the English Church to a nearer confor- mity with the Church of Rome, great entertainment was given to the Arminian doctrines, on account of their affinity to the Romish ; and from that period must be dated the gradual diffusion of anti-Calvinistic sentiments, which first infected the high-church, and afterwards spread among the low-church divines of that communion. If we turn to Scotland, the evidence is equally strong. The doctrine of the old Scots Confession is unquestionably * Bogue and Bennet's History of Dissenters, vol. iv. p. 155-166. + Take the following as a specimen of them : — 1st, " God from eternity hath predestinated certain men unto life ; certain men he hath reprobated unto death. 2d, The moving or efficient cause of predestination unto life, is not the foresight of faith, or of perseverance, or of good works, or of any thing that is in the persons predestinated, but only in the good- will and pleasure of God. 7th, Saving gi-ace is not given, is not commu- nicated, is not granted to all men, by which they may be saved if they will:'— Collier's History, ii. 644. Strype's Life of Whitgift, p. 462. X Collier's History, ii. 70S. Parr's Life of Archbishop Usher, Appen- dix, pp. 30, 31. § Theologorum Magn£e Britannipe Sententia, apud Acta Synodi Nat. Dordrechtanse, p. 490-505. Hanovife, 4to. Some time after their return, the English delegates drew up and published a " Joint Attestation," in which they declared, that the judgment which they had given at the Synod was "not only warrantable by the Holy Scriptures, but also conformable to the received doctrine of our said venerable mother," the Church of England, 198 REVIEWS. Calvinistical, and this was the creed of all the Episcopalians in Scotland until 1616. In that year the Bishops drew up a new Confession of Faith, And what was the strain of its doctrine ? Rigidly Calvinistical. * The old Scots Con- fession was revived in the year 1670, in the oath called the Test, in which the whole Episcopal clergy swore that they " believed the said Confession to be founded on, and agreeable to, the written Word of God ; " that they would adhere to it all the days of their life, and educate their children therein,-}- In the year 1692, four years after the Revolution, 180 Episcopal ministers, with Dr Canaries at their head, applied to the General Assembly, in their own name and in the name of the whole body of Episcopal clergy in the north, to be admitted to ministerial communion. On that occasion they not only agreed to take this formula, " I, A. B., do sincerely declare and promise, that I will submit to the Presbyterian government of the Church as it is now established in this kingdom ;" but they also promised " that they would subscribe the said Confession of Faith {the West- minster Confession), and Larger and Shorter Catechism, con- firmed by Act of Parliament, as containing the doctrine of the Protestant religion professed in this kingdouL^J After this statement of facts, the reader may judge with what decency or consistency Mr Milne could give such a repre- sentation of the doctrine of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland as he has done. When he described it as making God, " in the very worst sense, a respecter of persons — an * That Confession contains, among other articles equally strong, the following : — " This God, before the foundation of the world was laid, ac- cording to the good pleasure of his will, for the praise of the glory of his grace, did predestinate and elect, in Christ, some men and angels unto eternal felicity, and others he did appoint for eternal condemnation, ac- cording to the council of his most free, most just, and most holy will, and to the praise and glory of his justice. — Albeit all mankind be fallen in Adam, yet only those who are elected before all time, are in time re- deemed, restored, raised, and quickened again ; not of themselves, or of their works, lest any man should gloiy, but only of the mercy of God." — Calderu'oodh History, p, 668. t Wodrow's History, ii, pp. 193, 194. X Anderson's Defence of the Presbyterians, pp. 7, 8. PRESBYTERY AND EPISCOPACY. 199 unrelenting Deity — a tyrannical despot — charged with all the crimes which bring upon the reprobate everlasting damnation," a doctrine which " destroys the distinction between virtue and vice, and releases "" man " from all re- sponsibility for what he does, — nourishing a vicious indo- lence, fostering a presumptuous security, and raising and strengthening a fanatical confidence ; " did he not know that this was the doctrine received, believed, and avowed, by the most distinguished Episcopalian divines in England, Ireland, and Scotland ; and that it is the doctrine to which his own party offered to subscribe after the Eevolution ? In the meantime, all who adhere to this doctrine have the satisfaction to know, that his representation of it is as false and calumnious as it is destitute of all proof. In his fourth chapter, Mr Milne attempts to show the superiority of the Episcopalian above the Presbyterian mode of loorship. Here he is confessedly obliged to desert the rule of Scripture, and to take shelter under the practice of the primi- tive Church. " The sacred volume," says he, " prescribes only general, and apparently incidental, rules for the exercise of it." Now, if there is any thing about which God in every age has shown himself jealous, in guarding against human in- ventions and additions to his ordinances, it is in the matter of his immediate worship. How often are such declarations as this to be found in Scripture, " In vain do they WORSHIP me, teaching for doctrines the commandments of men V Matt. XV. 9. Mr Milne says, " The primitive Church, following, as we may believe, apostolic precedent, observed, besides the Lord's day, several other days in memory of Christ and of his martyrs ; — offered up to God preconceived prayers, &c." But why should we believe this without a shred of evidence ? Is there the least reason from all the New Testament to think, that the apostles observed the holidays in question ? Can it be incredible, or is it unlikely, that the primitive Church early departed from the practice of the apostles, when we find particular churches so much inclined to it, while they were yet alive ? " Ye observe days, and months, and times, and years : I am afraid of you." Gal. iv. 10, 11. 200 REVIEWS. We have innumerable examples of prayers, both personal and social, private and public, used under the Old and the New Testament. Dare the advocates of the Liturgy assert, that these were offered up according to a prescribed, or established form ? Can they prove it in one instance ? As to the Lord's prayer, have they as yet been able to prove that ever the apostles used it as a form, or that Christ in- tended that it should be so used ? Do they imagine that the Presbyterians will agree to prefer the doubtful, uncer- tain, and uncanonical practice of the ancient Church (into which so much superstition soon crept), to the clear and undeniable practice of the saints, as recorded in the inspired Scriptures ? " In the primitive Church," says Mr Milne, " communicants received the Eucharist in a worshipping attitude.*" But did our Saviour and his apostles receive it in that attitude ? They did not. And Mr Milne should have known, that the Presbyterians, while they have such example on their side, can not only disregard the practice of (what he calls) the primitive Church, but can laugh to scorn all such puerile arguments, as that " the posture of sitting was introduced by the Arians," and that " the Pope communicates sitting." Mr Milne says that the first Re- formers in Scotland used the Liturgy of the Church of Eng- land from 1557 to 1564 ; and that, when it was superseded, another form of prayer, known under the name of John Knox''s Liturgy, was adopted in its stead. The first of these assertions, when advanced by Sage, was refuted by Anderson.* With respect to the last, it is sufficient to say, that what is called Knox's Liturgy is rather a Directory than a Form of prayer, the minister being left to vary from the words of it, or even to substitute other prayers of his own ; of which any person may be satisfied by consulting the book itself. What the author has advanced in pp. 58, 59, as to assistance of the Spirit in prayer, is either flatly contradic- tory to Scripture and the doctrine of the Church of England, or it is altogether impertinent to the subject. And to dis- miss this part of the subject, we may safely leave it to the * The Counti-yman's Letter to the Curate, printed iu the year 1711. PKESBYTERY AND EPISCOPACY. 201 determination of any sensible serious person who has at- tended for some time in a Presbyterian and Episcopalian congregation, which of the two modes of divine service is the most simple, instructive, impressive, and devotional. Mr Milne has not got much to say in behalf of Episcopal government^ in the last chapter of his pamphlet. " Thus," says he, after amusing his reader for a while by some desul- tory reflections, " Thus do necessary implication and credible testimony," i. e., human testimony, " evince the apostolic institution, and the permanent obligation of Episcopacy." And this is the only ground upon which the boasted divine right of Episcopacy rests, which is the very pillar of unity, one of the essentials in Christianity, without which there can be no church, no ministry, no regular dispensation of divine ordinances, and no ordinary or assured way to heaven ! If Timothy and Titus be unhisJioped (which they have been long ago, in the way of being advanced to the more honourable ofiice of Evangelists), our author retreats upon the apocalyptic angels ; if he cannot prove these to have been bishops (which none of his predecessors have been able to do), he entrenches himself behind the testimony of the early fathers, and then cries out, that, if we dislodge him from this last stronghold, we will go far to overthrow " the genuineness and authenticity of the books of the New Testament." The reader must be curious to see this evi- dence for Episcopacy, which is paramount to that for the sacred books. Take it in the author''s own words. " Clement, in his Epistle to the Corinthians, speaking, without doubt, of the ministers of the Christian Church, distinguishes them by the allusive names of High Priest, Priests, and Levites. Poly- carp, in his Epistle to the Philippians, does not, indeed, mention expressly the order of Bishops. That Epistle, however, clearly implies the existence of such an order in the Church. Besides, who were Clement and Polycarp ? The former Avas Bishop of Rome, and the latter was Bishop of Smyrna, by the very appointment of apostles themselves." — pp. ()G, 67- In reply to this, we can only shake our heads, and say, if the authenticity of the New Testament depend upon such evidence as this, actum est ! * * "It is all over with it." 202 REVlfiWS. We have been induced to bestow attention on this work, chiefly because it afforded us an opportunity of correcting a number of misrepresentations in the history of our Church, which we know to be extremely common among a certain class of writers. In taking leave of the author, we would give him our advice, that if he shall resolve to write again upon this subject, he should select some one particular branch which he can discuss, in the way of bringing forward authorities for the facts which he alleges, and arguments for the positions which he assumes ; in which case he may expect lenity to be exercised towards him, notwithstanding partial blunders, and transient transports of temper. But if he shall neglect this salutary advice, his future publications will be deemed unworthy of notice by Presbyterians, and after circulating for a while in the hands of a party, will go whither, we are afraid, the present, notwithstanding the notice we have taken of it, will soon be found. In vicum, vendentem thus et odores. In the meantime, we would recommend to him seriously to read over his own pamphlet, keeping in his eye, as he goes along, the sound advice which he gives to his flock, in the following passage of his dedication, with which we close our review. " Love of the truth comprehends freedom from corrupt prejudice, from vicious attachment, and sordid selfishness ; diligence and atten- tion la seeking, patience and candour in weighing evidence ; and resolution and courage to declare for the side towards which that evidence preponderates, to espouse the cause which it supports, to enter the path which it lays open ; or, in other words, to embrace- the doctrines, the certainty of which it proves, and to practise the duties, the obligation of which it establishes. " This disposition constitutes what the Scripture calls the eye that sees, and the ear that hears ; the infantile docility which qualifies for admission into the kingdom of God ; the meekness which re- ceives the ingrafted Avord that is able to save the soul ; the honest and good heart in which it takes deep root and bears fruit. It is a disposition, therefore, without which the evidence of the Gospel cannot be assented to, nor its doctrines believed, nor its precepts obeyed ; and Avhich, for this reason, should be earnestly asked of God by prayer, and assiduously cultivated by all the methods proper for the purpose. " This assertion is fully substantiated, and this duty is powerfully PRESBYTERY AND EPISCOPACY. 203 enforced, by the treatment which the truth meets with from those in whose heart is no love of it. When the truth is laid before such persons, accompanied with an evidence Avhich they find them.selves to be unable to disprove, they are offended at it, and affect to hold it in contempt, or else try to divert attention from it, by arguments drawn, perhaps, v^ath the confidence of ignorance, the inveteracy of prejudice, or the wrath of kindled resentment, fi-om custom, from opinion, from personality, and fi-om consequences, and addressed, not to the understanding, but to the habits, the prepossessions, the fancies, the affections, and the passions of men. It is manifest that these pervert their reason, and subject themselves to the inthralment of error. And can such conduct be blameless, and end happily ? " REVIEW OF SIMEON ON THE LITURGY * Mr Simeon is well known as a pious, evangelical, and elo- quent preacher, and as the author of different publications, intended as helps to students and young divines in the com- position of Sermons. In the former line his popularity is great, and we believe that it is deservedly so. In the latter de- partment, his labours have also met with approbation ; and although we do not apprehend that a person will ever become an able or distinguished preacher, by practising upon sleletoi\s prepared to his hand, and have ground to fear that, in many instances, they have proved hindrances instead of helps to composition ; yet, we are very far from denying altogether the utility of the design, or wishing to detract from the merits of its execution. The selection of texts is judici- ously made; the divisions, although too strongly marked M'ith uniformity on subjects very different, are, in general, simple, natural, and just; and the topics suggested for illustration are scriptural, apposite, and frequently striking. We have no doubt that they have afforded important and The Excellency of the Liturgy, in Four Discourses, preached before the University of Cambridge, in November 1811. To which is prefixed. An Answer to Dr Marsh's Inquiry respecting "the neglecting to give a Prayer-Book with the Bible." By the Rev. Charles Simeon, M.A., Fellow of King's College, Cambridge. Pp.111. Cambridge, 1812. [From tlie Christian Instructor, Vol. VII., August 1813.] 206 REVIEWS. useful hints to those who have looked into them solely with that view, and not for the purpose of servile adoption ; and even when a very different use has been made of them, we have had the satisfaction to know that some conffresrations have had an opportunity of hearing good orthodox divinity, with which they never would have been edified, but for the " Helps to Composition." In the present work, Mr Simeon appears before the public in a new character, — for we do not recollect that he has, on any former occasion, distinguished himself as a polemical writer. But though it be among his first essays in this line, it must be confessed that he does not display any symptoms of timidity, having, at the same time, entered the lists against the high church party, in the person of their redoubted champion, Dr Marsh, and against the whole host of Presby- terians, and Protestant Dissenters, in opposition to whom he engages to defend, not only the lawfulness and expediency, but also the excellency of the English Liturgy. This certainly required, on the part of the author, a competent portion of confidence in his own powers, in addition to a thorough con- viction of the goodness of the cause in which he had em- barked. Notwithstanding this, we entertain strong doubts as to Mr Simeon's being as well qualified for descending into the arena of controversy, as he is for ascending the pulpit. The truth is, that the preacher and the polemic, the orator and the controversialist, are two different characters ; and the person who makes a respectable and even a distinguished figure in the former character, may make but a poor and awkward one in the latter. Tillotson could not have written the " Essay on Human Understanding," and Blair was not qualified for managing the controversy against Hume on Miracles. Mr Simeon will not, at least, be offended with our comparisons, especially when we add, that, as far as sen- timent is concerned, we prefer his skeletons to the finished pieces of either of these celebrated preachers. The popular, the open, the declamatory style of composition to which public speakers are often habituated, however much it is suited to a promiscuous audience, and how useful soever it may be for ex- ON THE ENGLISH LITURGY. 207 plaining and impressing upon their minds great and acknow- ledged truths, disqualifies them for close argumentation, and for unravelling the intricacies, and exposing the fallacy of sophistical reasoning. Tropes and interrogations, emphatic pauses and expostulations, especially when they are accom- panied with the corresponding gesticulations and tones, have a powerful effect upon hearers ; but they lose much of their force when committed to writing, and the sturdy disputant, who often has not a spark of imagination, esteems them no more than the leviathan does brass and iron. Mr Simeon is not unacquainted with the rules of controversial warfare, and he has made abundant use of its tactical terms. He takes his ground., he plants his foot, he challenges — dares— dejies his adversary, he questions him, he drives him from every refuge. But amidst these oratorical flourishes (which he might have spared without weakening his argument), we suspect that he more than once throws himself open to an acute and vigilant antagonist. We speak at present of his controversy with Dr Marsh. The principal object of the tract before us is to establish, " The Excellency of the Liturgy," i. e., the Prayer-book of the Church of England. Our author has chosen as the text of his discourses on this subject, Deut. v. 28, 29, — " They have well said all that they have spoken : O that there were such an heart in them ! " Mr Simeon is aware, and he does not pretend to conceal, that these words have no manner of reference to the subject to which he has thought proper to apply them. He tells us, that after considering his text " in its true and proper sense," and after investigating " its hidden import, and spiritual or mystical application," he means to take it " in an improper and accommodated sense, and to notice it in reference to the requests which we from time to time make unto God, in the liturgy of our Estab- lished Church." We know that Mr Simeon can plead precedents for this, drawn from the practice of preachers of different ages, and of different communions. But this does not satisfy us as to the propriety or the decency of using a passage of Scripture as a mere motto, or set-off to a dis- 208 REVIEWS. course, and after paying our compliments to it, and coldly noticing it in the introduction, to dismiss it altogether in the remaining part of the sermon. Perhaps we are uncharitable, but we confess that when we have met with a text used in this way, and have found the preacher discovering his know- ledge of the passage, by first giving its proper sense, and then handling it in a quite different mode, we have been forcibly tempted to suspect, either that he wished an opportunity of displaying his ingenuity, or that he could not find a passage in the Bible which suited his subject. We are not so rigid as to find fault with the occasional use of a phrase or passage of Scripture by way of accommodation, in a sermon, or in any serious discourse ; we think this may be done with propriety, and with happy effect ; but we must protest against the com- mon use of texts of this kind, so long as a text is considered as the theme, argument, and gi-ound-work of the discourse to which it is prefixed. Mr Simeon appeals to the example of the apostles, " who not unfrequently adopt the language of the Old Testament, to convey their own ideas, even when it has no necessary connection with their subject," p. 28. But we beg leave to remind Mr Simeon (for he cannot be altogether ignorant of it), that the apostles do this only in the way of occasional and transient illustration, and not when they are about to establish a controverted doctrine, or to demonstrate the excellency of any part of the Christian system. We have reckoned it the more necessary to give this caveat, because the author is a teacher of others in the art of preaching ; and as his authority stands high, there is danger of his example being followed in a departure from the line of good sense and propriety. We are happy, however, to have it to add, that he has given us an excellent sermon on the proper sense of his text. In the first discourse he considers the words as setting before us the sentiments and dispositions which God approves: the sentiments — " They have well said all that they have spoken :"" the dispositions — " O that there was in them such a heart.''' Having analysed the speech of the Israelites, which met with the divine approba- tion, he finds in it the following sentiments.: " An acknow- ON THE ENGLISH LITURGY. 209 ledgment that they could not stand before the Divine Majesty, — a desire that God would appoint some one to mediate between him and them, — and lastly, an engagement to regard every word that should be delivered to them through a mediator, with the same obediential reverence, as they would if it were spoken by God himself."" Now, this is worthy of Mr Simeon. It is natural, it is just, it is simple, and, at the same time, accurate and comprehensive. We should willingly extract the whole of the illustration of these particulars, so much are we pleased with it ; and we cannot refrain from quoting the following paragraphs. Having illustrated the second sentiment from Deut. xviii. 15, and Acts iii. 22, Mr Simeon goes on thus : — " Here it should be remembered, that we are speaking, not from conjecture, but from infallible authority ; and that the construction we are putting on the text is, not a fanciful interpretation of our own, but God's own exposition of bis own words. Behold, then, the sentiment expressed in our text, and the commendation given to it by God himself; it is a sentiment which is the very sum and substance of the whole Gospel ; it is a sentiment, which whosoever embraces truly, and acts upon it faithfully, can never perish, but shall have eternal life. The preceding sentiment, that we are inca- pable of standing before an holy God, is good, as introductory to this ; but this is the crown of all ; this consciousness that we cannot come to God, and that God will not come to us, but tbrough Christ. This acquiescence in him as the divinely appointed Mediator ; this acceptance of him as ' the Way, the Truth, and the Life ; ' this sentiment^ I say, God did, and will approve, wheresoever it may be found. The Lord grant that we may all embrace this sentiment as we ought ; and that, having tasted its sweetness and felt its efficacy, we may attain, by means of it, all the blessings which a due reception of it will insure ! " — pp. 9, 1 0. In illustration of the third sentiment, he says, — " The moral law was never given with a view to men's obtaining salvation by their obedience to it ; for it was not possible that they who bad transgressed it in any one particular, should afterwards be justified by it. St Paul says (Gal. iii. 21), 'If there had been a law given which could have given life, verily righteousness should have been by the law.' But the law could not give life to fallen man ; and, therefore, that Avay of obtaining righteousness is for ever closed. With what view, then, was the law given ? I answer, to show the existence of sin, and the lost state of man by reason of sin, and to shut him up to that way of obtaining mercy which God has revealed in his Gospel. I need not multiply passages in proof of this ; two will suffice to establish it beyond a doubt : — ' As many as O 210 a£ VIEWS. are under the law, are under the cui'se ; for it is written, Cursed is every one that continueth not in all things which are written in the book of the law to do them.' vVgain, ' The law is our schoolmaster to bring us unto Christ, that we might be justified by faith.' — Gal. iii. 10-24. But when the law has answered this end, then it has a farther use, namely, to make known to us the way in which we shoidd walk. In the first instance, we are to flee from it as a cove- nant, and to seek for mercy through the Mediator ; but when we have obtained mercy through the Mediator, then we are to receive the law at his hands as a rule of life, and to render a willing obe- dience to it." — pp. 11, 12. But we must leave, for the present, this pleasing theme, and advance, along with our author, to debatable ground. " Perhaps,"" says he, " there never was any human composi- tion more cavilled at, or less deserving of such treatment, than our Liturgy. Nothing has been deemed too harsh to say of it." Without stopping to examine this appeal to the compassion of his readers, let us attend to his general vindication of it, as " lawful in itself, expedient for us, and acceptable to God." His first argument is, " The use of a form of prayer cannot be wrong, for, if it had been, God would not have prescribed the use of forms to the Jewish nation." But here we must stop the author in limine. He knows very well, that it is one of the first rules in contro- versy to state accurately the point in debate, and this he did not neglect to do in his prefixed dispute with Dr Marsh. How comes it about that he has omitted this entirely here ? He speaks of the use of a form of prayer, of a precomposed prayer, and he seems to think that he will have vindicated his Church, provided he prove that it is not unlawful to pray in a form of words, or in a form that has been precomposed. But we must inform him, that we can grant all this, and yet insist that the practice of the English Church, respecting this part of Divine service, is unlawful, inexpedient, and unacceptable to God. The proper question is, — Is it lawful and expedient to have set forms of prayer for every part of the public service of God, the use of which shall be authori- tatively imposed upon all the ministers of the Church, and which they shall be bound to repeat invarially on the same days of every recurring year, without the slightest diminu- OxN THE ENGLISH LITURGY. 211 tion, addition, or alteration ? The Church of England says, that it shall be so within the whole of her extensive pale ; so it has been for upwards of two centuries and a-half ; and because they could not submit to this, thousands of serious persons have been subjected to great hardships and suffer- ings, and myriads have been driven from her communion. And we affirm, that no arrangement similar to this is to be found in the history either of the Jewish Church, or of the Christian Church, during at least the five first centuries. When the question is properly stated, our author*'s proofs must appear very lame. How does he prove that the Jewish Church had a prescribed and imposed liturgy ? First, by the directions given to Aaron and his sons, respecting the man- ner in which they were to bless the people. — Numb. vi. 23. Now, although we should grant that the priests were always to employ the same words in pronouncing a solemn benedic- tion on the people, does it follow from this, that they had also forms prescribed for all their public prayers ? But we cannot even make that concession ; for it is apparent from the passage, that they were not restricted to one^form in benediction, but were left to choose among a number. " On this wise," or after this manner, ye shall bless ; either saying, "the Lord bless thee, and keep thee ;" or, " the Lord make his face to shine upon thee," &;c. It was enough if they " put the Lord's name upon the children of Israel "" in bless- ing them ; as appears from the last verse of the chapter, which explains those which precede it. This view of the words agrees with the apostolical benediction, which is ex- pressed in different forms, in different epistles. The next proof is nothing to the purpose, being a solemn deprecation or oath, in the case of manslaughter. — Deut. xxi. Nor can t he prayer to be used at the offering of first-fruits (Deut. xxvi. 5) help our author's argument ; for, not to mention that this is a singular direction limited to one part of the service, there is no evidence that the Israelites were confined to the repetition of the words there mentioned. When it is said (Jer. xvi. 19), " The Gentiles shall come unto thee from the ends of the earth, and shall say, Surely our 212 REVIEWS. fathers have inherited lies, vanity, and things wherein there is no profit;*" must we understand this as a form of prayer which the Gentiles should use ? Besides, the prayer at the offering of first-fruits was not a common prayer for the con- gregation, but to be used by " every offerer "" individually ; and our author does not plead for the expediency of forms " in private prayer,"" and thinks it " desirable that every one should learn to express his own wants in Ms oion language.'''' But why should we dwell on these things ? Our author does not venture to assert that the Jewish Church had a common prayer-book, or that those who presided in this part of their religious service in the temple or in the syna- gogues, performed it according to precomposed and pre- scribed forms. If this had been the fact, would it not have been mentioned somewhere in the Old Testament ? Would not these formsof prayer have been expressly recorded among the other forms of that Church, which have been so particu- larly and minutely transmitted to us ? How strange is it that Christians should so eagerly strive to " put a yoke upon the neck of the disciples," which was not imposed on the Church of God while she was yet in a state of minority, under tutors and governors, and in bondage under the elements of the world ? How strange that good men should, in extol- ling the excellence of a stinted liturgy, seem to forget, that " because they are sons, God hath sent forth the Spirit of his Son into their hearts, crying, Abba, Father." To eke out his argument from the Old Testament, Mr Simeon has adduced the psalms sung in the Jewish Church. But he does not seem to be aware that this, instead of strengthening, cuts the nerves of his argument. For when the Jews had forms o^ psalmody, why had they not also forms oi prayer for their public worship ? We can produce their psalm-book ; let our author produce their prayer-book. We find forms of psalmody expressly delivered to be used in public worship (1 Chron. xvi. 7), and we find them used in the ordinary service of the Church hundreds of years after they were composed (2 Chron. xxix. 30). Let Mr Simeon find the formsof prayer which were so delivered and so used. ON THE ENGLISH LITURGY, 213 In vain does he attempt to identify the two exercises ; for, whatever similarity there is between them, it is evident, both from Scripture, and from the nature of things, that prayer and praise are two specifically distinct ordinances and parts of worship. They were so under the old, they are so under the new dispensation. — See 1 Cor. xiv. 15 ; James v. 13. There can be no joint singing without a prescribed form of words ; but who will say, that a prescribed form of words is necessary to joint prayer ? The reader will now judge what force there is in the following appeal of our author : — " What are hymns, but forms of prayer and praise ? and, if it be lawful to worship God in forms of verse, is it not equally so in forms of prose ? We may say, therefore, our adversaries themselves being judges, that the use of a form of prayer is lawful." On the subject of our Lord''s prayer, so frequently intro- duced into discussions respecting liturgic forms, we do not mean to enter at present, as we have already had opportuni- ties of considering it. Mr Simeon has said nothing to prove that our Saviour prescribed it as a form to his disciples, far less that he intended it to be used in this way by the Chris- tian Church after his resurrection. And he has said nothing to vindicate his Church for the frequent and unbecoming repetition of it in the service of the same day, — a practice which has long been offensive to serious persons, and which receives not the slightest countenance from the example of those ancient churches to whom our opponents appeal, who used it sparingly, and only in the more solemn parts of their service. On the practice of the post-apostolical Church, our author produces nothing but the testimonies of Lucian and Pliny, respecting the psalms and hymns sung by the primitive Christians, which are quite extraneous and inapplicable to this subject ; and a trite reference to " the Liturgies of St Peter, St Mark, and St James,"" palpable forgeries, which no learned man ought to mention in argument. In the primi- tive Church there was no precomposed prayer, even in the celebration of the Eucharist. " The President," says Justin Martyr, in his account of their practice, " offers up prayers 214 REVIEWS. and thanksgivings according to Ms ability.'''' * " We pvay from the heart, without a monitor," says TertuUian, when speaking of the public prayers of the Christians, and con- trasting them with those of the heathen.-}- In the writings of the fathers, we meet with the " reading of lessons, — the reading of the sufferings of the martyrs, — the reading of epistles" from churches or eminent individuals ; but we believe it will be difficult to produce a passage from them, in which the " reading of prayers " is mentioned. We have catalogues of the furniture of the ancient churches, — the Scriptures, the holy table, the font, the wine, the oil, the candlesticks, the tapers, are mentioned ; but not a word of a prayer-book, or a book of homilies. The bishops of those days could both preach and pray without book. Livy in- forms us, that, on a certain occasion, some persons took into their head to introduce new rites into Rome, and to pray after a different mode from the established liturgy of the empire, upon which the senate ordered all the new prayer- books to be delivered up against a particular day.j How then comes it to pass, that we never read, during the persecutions of the Christians by the Roman emperors, of their being called to deliver up their Liturgies ? Had they possessed them, and been as fond of them as our friends of the Church of England are of theirs, we should have heard as frequently of the traditors of the Prayer-Book, as we do of the traditors of the Scriptures. Eusebius has told us, in his life of Constantino (lib. 4), that the emperor gave parti- cular directions to have the different churches of his new * ' O zrgoKrrui ey;^a; ofjioius kki ivy^a.piffrias oirn ^iiya./*i; auru avu'^tfi^-rii. Justm Martyr. Apol. 2, Oper. p. 162. Lutetia?, 1551. Origen asserts the same thing. Contra Cels. lib. 8, p. 402. Cantab. 1656. And the phrases o