PRINCETON, N. J.
FOLIO BX 9458 [ G 7 A46 18fi*
Pr g ot e r^ Da r id A
France, chiefly in the
Number V«..l
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2014
https://archive.org/details/protestantexiles01agne
PROTESTANT EXILES FROM FRANCE.
VOLUME I.
i
Friyy-C Councillor in, JEnglcvnd &> Ireland,
PROTESTANT
EXILES FROM FRANCE,
CHIEFLY IN THE REIGN OF LOUIS XIV.
OR,
THE HUGUENOT REFUGEES AND THEIR DESCENDANTS
IN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.
BY
THE REV. DAVID C. A. AGNEW,
MEMBER OF THE GENERAL COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH.
THIRD EDITION.
REMODELLED AND GREATLY ENLARGED, INCLUDING THE FRENCH-SPEAKING
REFUGEES IN FORMER REIGNS.
VOLUME I.
REFUGEES NATURALIZED BEFORE 1681.
1886.
[FOR PRIVATE CIRCULATION]
TO THE COUNCIL OF
THE HUGUENOT SOCIETY OF LONDON,
AS CONSTITUTED IN 1885, THE BI-CENTENARY YEAR :—
President — Right Hon. Sir Henry Austen Layard, G.C.B.
r Sir Henry William Peek, Bart.
Vice-Presidents — <
( Col. Sir Edmund F. Du Cane, K.C.B.
Treasurer — Reginald St. Aubyn Roumieu.
Secretary — George Henry Overend.
J. F. La Trobe Bateman, F.R.S. Francis P. Labilliere.
William Morris Beaufort. W. J. C. Moens, F.S.A.
Arthur Giraud Browning. Professor Henry Morley, LL.D.
Major Charles J. Burgess. Very Rev. J. J. S. Perowne, D.D.
S. Wayland Kershaw, F.S.A. Reginald Lane Poole, M.A., Ph.D.
Lt.-Gen. Frederic P. Layard. Edward Ernest Stride.
and to his valued correspondents
George E. Cokayne, M.A., Norroy King-of-Arms ;
Henry Wagner, F.S.A. ;
Robert Hovenden,
Miss Frances Layard,
and others
too numerous to be named on this page,
The Author of a Book, entitled,
"PROTESTANT EXILES FROM FRANCE,"
printed in 1866.
humbly and fraternally inscribes
this third edition.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME I.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
PAGE
SECTION i. The Persecutions which drove French-speaking Protestants
into Exile ......... i
SECTION 2. England and the Refugees in the Reigns of Edward VI. and
Elizabeth . . . . . . . 6
SECTION 3. The Hospitality of James I. . . . . . .16
SECTION 4. The Times of Charles I. and Cromwell, and the Restoration of
Charles II. . . . . . . . .19
SECTION 5. Church-Government and Worship . . . . .27
SECTION 6. Naturalization to 1680, with Lists of Names . . 31
SECTION 7. Notes Gleaned from Old Registers of Marriages, Baptisms, and
Deaths . • . . . • . . .40
SECTION 8. Gleanings from Wills ...... 58
BOOK FIRST.
Refugees between 1 560-1680.
CHAPTER I.
Refugees of Earlier Date than the St. Bartholomew Massacre . . 65
CHAPTER II.
Eminent Descendants of the Earliest Refugees . • • .81
CHAPTER III.
Celebrated Refugees from the St. Bartholomew Massacre . . . . 91
CHAPTER IV.
The Earliest Refugees in Scotland . . . . . .101
CONTENTS.
PAGE
CHAPTER V.
Refugee Clergy in the Reigns of Henri II., Charles IX, Henri III., and
Henri IV. . . . . . . . . . 10S
CHAPTER VI.
Refugees in the Reign of Louis XIII., and their Descendants . .120
CHAPTER VII.
Refugees during the First Half of the Reign of Louis XIV. . . . 147
CHAPTER VIII.
Refugees being Converts from Romanism during the First Half of the Reign
of Louis XIV. 161
CHAPTER IX.
Families founded by Refugees from Flanders . . . . .168
CHAPTER X.
Families founded by Refugees from France, on the occasion of the St.
Bartholomew Massacre, and afterwards . . . . .193
CHAPTER XI.
Offspring of the Earlier Refugees enrolled as Peers, Baronets, Members
of Parliament, and Public Servants ..... 206
CHAPTER XII.
Offspring of the Earlier Refugees eminent as Bishops, Clergymen, and
Religious Authors . . . . . . . .218
CHAPTER XIII.
Descendants of the Earlier Refugees known in connection with Literature
and the Arts, Physic and Law ...... 230
CHAPTER XIV.
Additional Enquiries concerning Scotland ..... 256
CHAPTER XV.
Genealogical and Biographical Fragments
260
CONTENTS.
BOOK SECOND.
The Military Chiefs of the Huguenot Refugees of the Revocation Era.
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
The Three Dukes of Schomberg . .... 281
CHAPTER II.
The First Marquis De Ruvigny and his English Relations . . . 319
CHAPTER III.
Henri De Ruvigny, Earl of Galway ...... 339
CHAPTER IV.
Lord Galway's Refugee Relatives . . . . . .412
CHAPTER V.
Lieut.-General Le Marquis De Miremont, Major-General La Meloniere,
and Brigadier Pierre de Belcastel . . . . .415
APPENDIX.
I. Captain-General the Duke of Schomberg's Despatches . . . 429
II. Dedications of Books to the Marquis De Ruvigny .... 439
III. Letter from Rachel, Lady Russell . . . . . .441
IV. Copy of King Charles' Orders to Lord Peterborough . . .441
V. Dedications of Books to Lord Galvvay . . . . .442
VI. The Earl of Galway's Two Papers for the House of Lords . . . 444
HISTORICAL
INTRODUCTION.
— o
* §cction I.
THE PERSECUTIONS WHICH DROVE FRENCH-SPEAKING PROTESTANTS INTO
EXILE, EXPLAINED AND SKETCHED AS FAR AS 1680.
LOUIS XII., King of France, who died in 1515, being no lover of the Pope of
Rome or his authority, was favourably impressed by a representation
addressed to him by the Vaudois of Dauphiny and Provence, which declared
that they held the essentials of real religion, but did not believe in the Pope or his
doctrines. Royal Commissioners visited their Alpine homes, and reported to the
King to the following effect: — "Among these people baptism is administered, the
articles of faith and the ten commandments are taught, the Sabbath is solemnly
observed and the word of God is expounded ; as to the unchastity and the poison-
ings of which they are accused, not a single case is to be found." Louis exclaimed,
" These people are much better than myself and than all my catholic subjects."
This king was the responsible author of a medal with the inscription, " Perdam
Babylonis nomen " [I will destroy the name of Babylon], occasioned by the domi-
neering and warlike spirit of the sovereign Pontiff.
These Vaudois of France, the next king, Francis L, almost exterminated by
military executions and wholesale massacres, which the inhabitants of Cabrieres, in
Provence, resisted by force of arms, driving a regiment of papal mercenaries to the
very gates of Avignon. This was a small foretaste of the future civil wars, neces-
sitated by the unprovoked substitution of dragoon-law for regular and genuine
government.
Louis XII. was the father of Renee (or in Italian speech, Renata), consort of
Hercules, Duke of Ferrara. She was born in 15 10, and was a year younger than
her countryman, Jean Cauvin, whom we call John Calvin. Protestants, as literati,
found refuge from persecution in the ducal palace during the early years of her
marriage, namely, from 1528 to 1536. Calvin was there for a few months, under
the assumed name of Charles D'Espeville. But it is on account of her influence
during her widowhood, from 1559 to 1578, as an inhabitant of France, that the
Duchess of Ferrara is here mentioned. She then ceased to make any concealment
of her attachment to the reformed faith. Her castle of Montargis became a strong-
hold of Protestantism. It was the asylum of many reformed pastors, who called it
Hotel Dieu.
Francis I., the other son-in-law, and the successor of Louis XII., had a sister,
Marguerite de Valois, born in 1492, who married 'Henri I., King of Navarre, in 1527.
She gave effect to her religious convictions by receiving Calvin and similar refugees
at her Court. Her royal brother did not discourage her personal belief ; but she
often considered it necessary to conceal her faith, and to conform to Popish worship,
either through fear of persecution, or through attachment to her brother and to his
political interests. She is more celebrated as the mother of Jeanne dAlbret (who
became Queen of Navarre in her own right, in 1555), and as the grandmother of
Henri II. of Navarre (afterwards Henri IV. of France), who was born in 1553, to
Queen Jeanne and Antoine de Bourbon, her husband.
Antoine boldly professed the reformed faith, while Jeanne dissembled. He was
sentenced to death in France in 1560. This affliction awakened his queen's remorse,
and she proclaimed her faith. King Francis II. 's death put a stop to the execution
of the fatal sentence, and then Antoine recanted. Thus the royal couple exchanged
their professed creeds, and the better half stood firm to Protestantism. At this
VOL. I. A
2
HIS TORI C A L IN TR OD UCTION.
period (says Beza, Calvin's biographer) the Reformers had 2000 congregations in
France, and 400,000 worshippers.
The above details show how a Protestant faith got some visible footing in France.
Through the memory of the Vaudois, as well as the instructions of a few gifted
pastors, men could understand the main errors of the Romish system, especially in
its debarring the people from the reading of the Scriptures, and in exalting cere-
monies above moral conduct. And any suspension of the fear of persecution was
likely to change such inward notions into public inquiry and attendance upon the
preaching of religious reformers.
People who stigmatize the Reformers as rebels, on account of their occasional
armed resistance to persecution, should remember that if assassins come upon us,
though they be the emissaries of what is called government, no scriptural principle
of loyal subjection compels us to give them our lives ; and if we save or sell our lives
dear, we break no law. And laws that connive at, or virtually encourage and suggest,
the molestation of quiet citizens on the roadside, are laws only in name, and can be
enforced not by right, but by might alone. Up to 1 56 1, such was the molestation to
which French Protestants were exposed.
In 1 561 the Protestants obtained a breathing time, through the influence of a
great General and Statesman, the Grand Admiral of France, Gaspard de Coligny,
born in 15 16, and a convert to "the religion" in 1557. The notorious queen-
mother, Catherine de Medicis, widow of Henry II., continued Regent during the
minority of Charles IX. However rejoiced she might otherwise have been at the
recantation of Antoine de Bourbon, she resented it as an effect of the influence of
the Guises, whose party it strengthened. To counteract the political derangements
which she feared, Catherine encouraged Coligny, in 1 5 6 1 , to promote measures for
the toleration of the Reformed.
And now the Protestants were for the first time protected from personal molesta-
tion. And it was arranged that their assembling to hear preachings was not to be
a ground for legal accusations. Such was the Edict of January 1562. For the civil
war, which the infractions of this edict produced, the law-breakers are responsible,
namely, the Roman Catholics. The leader of the Protestants was Antoine Bourbon's
brother, the Prince of Conde. During the lull after the auspicious January, and
under the protection of the edict, he had made a public profession of the Protestant
religion. After his example, many persons of rank had done the same ; and the
number of persons who came to the Faubourgs of Paris to hear the preaching had in
a short time amounted to fifty thousand.
In the summer of 1562 the Queen of Navarre found that she could aid.her own
Protestant subjects only by arming them for self-defence. But becoming a widow
in October of that year, she, in 1563, established Protestantism in Navarre. From
the Papal citation, which followed that step, the French Court sheltered her for
political reasons. In order, however, to retain the custody of her son and daughter,
she fled with them in 1568, and took refuge within the fortifications of La Rochelle,
from whence she would not remove till September 1 57 1. The same city of refuge
was the sanctuary of many other leading Protestants. The pacification of August
1 570 was hastened by this circumstance. It was the beginning of those blandish-
ments from the Court towards the Huguenots, which ended in the massacre on St.
Bartholomew's day, 1572, in Paris. The Massacre of St. Bartholomew spread through
France ; and in it Coligny was the chief victim among 70,000 slain.
In order to understand the justification of civil war in France at this period, we
must consider some points of difference from our views of law and loyalty, belong-
ing to the very constitutions of ancient government as compared with more modern
monarchy and executive authority. After considering that the Bartholomew mas-
sacre made personal self-defence a Huguenot's only protection, the reader must picture
a French Protestant congregation, forbidden to carry any arms, yet surrounded by
Roman Catholics, armed with weapons which a raging priesthood stirs them up to
use against the unarmed worshippers, the law not visiting such murderous assaults
with any punishment. It must also be realised that it was consistent with loyalty
for a noble to have a fortress over which the king had no active jurisdiction, and for
a town such as La Rochelle to be equally independent of the sovereign. Such a
town, by feudal right, was as effectual a sanctuary against the king's emissaries as
any ecclesiastical building. It was as lawless for the king to go to war with the
town, as for the town to send an invading army against Paris. The independent
rulers of a fort or walled town had some duties to their own dependents, to which
even the king's claims must be postponed. The supreme authority of a king over
all towns and castles was a state of things which in theory the King of France
SECTION FIRST.
3
might wish: but it was not the constitution of France ; and therefore such coveting
was a species of radicalism on his part.
The inhabitants of La Rochelle owed to their independence their escape from
the St. Bartholomew massacre. The Queen of Navarre, though decoyed to Paris,
escaped by the visitation of God, who removed her " from the evil to come," and to the
heavenly country, about two months before. A very great Huguenot soldier, second
to none but Coligny, survived the massacre, namely, Francois, Seigneur de la Noue.
This " Francis with the Iron Arm " had been Governor of La Rochelle. He was at
Mons at the date of the massacre, but was spared, and graciously received by the
king. Assuming that he would recant in return for his life, the Court sent him to
La Rochelle to see if the citizens, on their liberty of conscience being promised,
would surrender to royal authority. La Noue, as an envoy, was coldly received.
Finding the citizens firm and courageous, he again accepted the chief command in
the Protestant interest, and the Royalist besiegers withdrew in the summer of
1573-
An edict, dated nth August 1573, conceded to the Huguenots liberty of dom-
estic worship and the public exercise of their religion in La Rochelle, Montauban,
and Nismes. The Government relieved its feelings of chagrin at such concessions
by inventing, as the one legal designation of French Protestantism for all time
coming, the contemptuous title, " La Religion Pretendue Reformee " (the pretended
reformed religion), or " La R. P. R." Charles IX., the responsible director of the
St. Bartholomew massacre, died in 1 574, and was succeeded by his brother, Henry III.
Catherine de Medicis, the mother of three successive Kings of France, was aiso
the mother-in-law of Philip II., King of Spain and the Netherlands. It was in the
kingdom of the Netherlands that the Protestantism of the European Continent was
most vigorous, the Dutch-speaking inhabitants being influenced by the reformers of
Germany, while the French reformers influenced the French-speaking inhabitants,
who were called Walloons, on account of their dialect of the language. Although
France and Spain were irreconcilable as kingdoms, yet Catherine and Philip had
been literally one as Romanists and persecutors. Philip's agent in the Netherlands
was that incarnation of cruelty whom the English people called " Duke Alva."
Alva's wholesale murders and the French massacres were but successive acts of
one drama. In 1564 Queen Elizabeth of Spain, accompanied by Alva, had received
a brilliant reception from the Queen-mother at Bayonne. On that occasion
Catherine and Aiva had entered into secret negotiations for the extermination of
heresy in Western Europe, the Duke promising, on behalf of Philip, to give a
tremendous example of the most sanguinary and relentless methods. The object of
the mysterious interviews, though not divulged, had been suspected ; and the French
Protestants had resolved to continue their attitude of armed observation.
The term " Walloon " designated (as I have already mentioned) an ancient dialect
of the French language. The designation, " The Walloons," belonged to all Philip's
French-speaking subjects, whether Romanist or Protestant. The Protestant.
Walloons received and accepted the nickname of "The Beggars" — les Gueux,
called by an English translator, the Gueuxes. A similar name was given to the
French Protestants — les Huguenots. That this was a nickname — a name given in
pleasantry — appears, from Bishop Jewel's "Defence of the Apology of the Church of
England" (chap. xvi. Div. 2). Jewel's Jesuit opponent, Harding, having used the
expression, " Your brethren, the Huguenots of France," the Bishop rejoined, " Our
brethren in France, whom in your pleasant manner ye call Huguenots? The grand
modern historian, Merle d'Aubigne, says that this name was imported from Switzer-
land, where in the year 15 18 the Duke of Savoy's party coined a French word from
the German Eidesgenossen (confederates), and gave the name to the independent
Genevans. The spelling varied in different chronicles of Geneva in those early
times: Bonivard in 1 5 18 wrote Eigucnots ; the Genevan registers in 1520, Eygue-
nots ; Galiffe in 1 526, Egucnot. " Michel Roset, the most respectable of these authori-
ties of the sixteenth century, generally wrote Huguenots." "We (D'Aubigne con-
tinues) adopt that form because it is the only one that has passed into our language,
it is possible that the name of the citizen, Besancon Hugues, who became the prin-
cipal leader, may have contributed to the preference of this form overall the others.
In any case it must be remembered, that until after the Reformation this sobriquet
had a purely political meaning — in no respect, religious — and designated simply
the friends of independence. Many years after, the enemies of the Protestants of
France called them by this name, wishing to impute to them a foreign, republican,
and heretical origin.'' 1 Having the same enemies and the same creed, the same life
1 D'Auliignt's " Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin " (in eight volumes), vol. i. p. u8.
4
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
and the same warfare, the Walloon and Huguenot martyrs, who are memorialised
in this volume, may be fitly united by the one designation of Huguenot refugees.
I shall go into some details concerning the sufferings of the Protestant Walloons in
my chapter i., and shall now proceed with Huguenot history.
The reign of Henry III. must here be passed over. When he was assassinated
in the camp near Paris in 1589, the Protestants under King Henry of Navarre were
in his army, taking the loyal side against the rebellious Roman Catholic League.
The Papists continued the rebellion, with a view to displace Henry of Navarre from
the throne of France, which was his rightful inheritance ; and thus the Protestants,
being evidently loyal still, require no apologist.
It is alleged, however, that by now becoming a party to a treaty with the king
of the country, the Protestant Church of France assumed an imperial position which
no civilised empire can tolerate, and that, therefore, the suppression of that Church
by Louis XIV., though executed with indefensible cruelty, was the dictate of political
necessity.
The reply to this allegation is, that this treaty was only the re-enactment and
further extension of a peculiar method of tolerating Protestants, devised by the kings
of France as the only plan to evade the necessity of being intolerant, which the coro-
nation oath made them swear to be. The plea that Protestants, as religionists, were
not implicitly subject to the King, but were to be negotiated with like a foreign
power, was the only apology for tolerating them, consistent even with the modified
oath sworn by Henri IV. — " I will endeavour, to the utmost of my power, and in
good faith, to drive out of my jurisdiction and from the lands under my sway all
heretics denounced by the Church" of Rome. As to this political treaty with the
Huguenots in its first shape, Professor Anderson 1 remarks, " Instead of religious
toleration being secured to them by a powerfully administered law, their protection
was left in their own hands, ... as if there was something in their creed which must
for ever render them incapable of amalgamating with other Frenchmen."
Royalty, which planned the treaty, was at least as guilty as the Protestant
Church, which entered into the plan. If persecution and extinction were the
righteous wages of the transaction, the humbler accomplice was not the only party
that had earned them. The only crime was consent to a royal programme, to which
the successors of Henri IV. made themselves parties by deliberate and repeated
declarations. The treaty to which we allude is the celebrated Edict of Nantes, dated
April 1598, 2 as a pledge of the observance of which the Protestants were confirmed
in the possession of several towns, with garrisons and ammunition, to be held and
defended by their own party in independent feudal style.
That this was a political eye-sore in a statesman-like view, is now acknowledged.
But that it was the last chance for religious peace and tolerance in France, cannot
be denied on the other hand. And to say that it was the cause of the Great Perse-
cution would be a historical blunder.
The bigotry of the Roman Catholics was the cause. In the provinces persecu-
tion was perpetual. Illegal treatment of individuals and congregations of the Pro-
testant party was rarely punished ; while the local magistrate, instead of a protector,
was often a leading persecutor. Through priestly instigation and intimidation, the
atmosphere of France was heated with uncontrollable and unextinguishable malignity
against the Protestants, who gained nothing by fighting with truce-breakers.
It was in the reign of Henri's son, Louis XIII., that fighting in defence of edictal
rights came to an end. The majority of the Protestants grew weary of fruitless
battles and sieges. Being always conscientiously loyal, they began to wish to make
an ostentation of their loyalty, and to rely upon that for fair and paternal treatment
from their King and his Cabinet. Undoubtedly, the King's animus was against the
feudalism as well as the Protestantism of the cautionary towns. The former was
their special offensiveness to the powerful Prime Minister of France, Cardinal
Richelieu.
Another argument against Protestants resorting to civil war, was that political
malcontents, bigots of the Roman Catholic creed, often joined their ranks, and gave
1 Introductory Essay by William Anderson, Professor in the Andersonian University, Glasgow (1852),
prefixed to his translation of "Jean Migault ; or the Trials of a French Protestant Family during the period
of the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes."
2 It is remarkable that that year is also the date of the death of Philip II. of Spain. For thirty-six years
that monarch had been an active enemy of Henry of Navarre (Henri IV. of France), and a substantial supporter
of the Roman Catholic League, especially since the year 1585, when he concluded a treaty with the rebellious
Cuises, "to extirpate all heresy both in France and in the Netherlands, and to exclude from the French throne
any prince who will profess, favour, or tolerate the pernicious doctrines of the so-called Reformers." — Student's
History of France,
SECTION FIRST.
5
a bad colour to their designs. Such a malcontent made advances to them in 1615 —
viz., the Prince of Conde, who induced the justly-honoured Protestant Henri, Due de
Rohan, to take the field. But their greatest and best counsellor, the sainted Du
Plessis Mornay, entreated his fellow-Protestants to keep back. He said, " The Court
will set on foot a negotiation, which will be carried on till the Prince has gained
his own ends, when he will leave our churches in the lurch and saddled with all the
odium." Such actually was the result. (" Histoire des Protestants," par De Felice,
p. 294, 2de edit?) Pierre du Moulin, the staunch Protestant champion, was opposed
to the civil war. (See Bates' Vitcz.) From a letter dated Paris, " Feb. 1617, written
to our far-famed Camden by M. F. Limiers, we may formulate the dictum, " Arma
Protestantium meliora sunt preces et vota." 1
If the fall of La Rochelle and the other cautionary towns has been ascribed to
the lukewarmness of the Huguenots themselves, it may, with at least equal reason,
be inferred that there was a principle in their inaction. To exchange the appearance
of feudal defiance for statutory subjection to their king was a lawful suggestion and
experiment. Accordingly, not only did the majority of the Protestants stay at home,
but many of them served in the royal armies. And after the pacification of 1629,
when Louis XIII. enacted the Edict of Nismes, they rested all their hopes of religious
liberty upon that monarch's satisfaction with their complete subjection to royal juris-
diction, and with the very strong loyalty of their principles and manifestoes. During
the minority of Louis XIV., their fidelity and good services were acknowledged by
the Premier of France, Cardinal Mazarin, under whose administration they enjoyed
much tranquillity, and by whose recommendation they filled many important offices
in the financial department of his Majesty's Government.
Any right or privilege rendering the Edict of Nantes theoretically dangerous,
as inconsistent with regal domination, had no being after 1629. 2 The monarch who
carried out the great and terrible persecution of the seventeenth century had no such
materials wherewith to fabricate a political justification.
The Protestants had liberty, from 1577 and thereafter, to build houses for public
worship, though not to call them "churches;" they were " temples." But in 1661,
when the death of Mazarin was a signal for mutilating the edict by perverse misin-
terpretations, a very large proportion of these " temples " was appropriated by the
Roman Catholics, or thrown down, on the plea that there were no written title-deeds,
or that during the civil wars they had been forfeited and consecrated to Roman
worship. With such explanations or with none, Louis XIV. took about one-half of
their temples from the Huguenots from 1661 to 1673. Locke writes in his Journal in
1676 as to the Protestants of Usez in Languedoc, "Their temple is ordered to be
pulled down, the only one they have left there, though three-quarters of the town
be Protestants. The pretence given is, that their temple being too near the Papist
church, their singing of psalms disturbed the service." Such arbitrary spoliation was
a motive to be "converted." So was the exclusion of Huguenots, first from learned
professions, and gradually from every trade. The impossibility of earning a liveli-
hood was a chastisement of the unconverted, to last until their conversion. The
Protestants at Nismes (says Locke) " had built themselves an hospital for their sick,
but that is taken from them ; a chamber in it is left for their sick, but never used,
because the priests trouble them when there." But priests and monks had liberty
to enter private houses wherever there was a sick or dying Protestant. The suffering
and the languishing were thus tortured with arguments and upbraidings ; with com-
bined threatenings and entreaties to pray to the Virgin and to abandon their faith
and hope concerning Christ and salvation. We can understand how Mademoiselle
de Cire, niece of the Marquis de Ruvigny, was, when dying in London, " ever mag-
nifying the goodness of God that she died in a country where she could in peace
give up her soul to him that made it." [Lady Russell's Letters.']
1 " Spero in fide et officio erga Regem perstituros, arma etenim Protestantes meliora sua esse preces et vota
non rar6 sunt expetti." — Camdeni et ad Camdenum Epislohe, No. 138.
2 The Edictal liberties which the Protestants deemed essential were five, namely: —
I. Liberty to themselves and all who shall profess their religion to live in all towns and places in the King's
dominions, without liability to inquisitorial visitation, and without being compelled to do anything against their
consciences.
II. Permission to exercise their religion publicly in certain places, and privately in their houses everywhere.
III. Power to fathers and mothers to make their own arrangements for their own children's education.
IV. An ordinance to all officers of justice to hold Protestants, indifferently with Catholics, eligible to all
employments and places of trust.
V. The right of appeal in all disputes to the Chambers (or Courts), presided over by a mixed bench of
Catholic and Protestant judges, called the Chambers of the Edict [i.e., instituted by the Edict of Nantes]. —
Memorial to the King of France in 1658.
6
HIS TORICA L INTR OD UCTION.
Note.
The Edict of Henry IV., King of France and Navarre, which he called Letters of
Edict for the establishment of good order and peace between our Catholic subjects and
those of the Pretended Reformed Religion (commonly called The Edict of Nantes),
dated April 1598, consists of a preamble and ninety-two articles (there are fifty-six
additional articles, dated 2d May 1598). Henri IV., in the preamble, declared, after
referring to his peaceable possession of the throne : " We could not better employ
ourselves than in what concerneth the glory of God's holy name and service, and in
providing that He may be adored and supplicated by all our subjects ; and if it hath
not pleased Him to permit at this time that it shall be in one and the same form
of religion, yet at least that it may be in one and the same intention, with such
regulations that there shall be no trouble or tumult among our subjects." The
conclusion of this preamble is N()US " avons par cet edit pcrpetuel et irrevocable
dit, declare, et ordonne, disons, declarons, et ordonnons."
Refraining from quoting what was political and diplomatical, I call my readers'
attention to one or two articles specially accordant with the King's expressed wish,
" that WE and this kingdom may always merit and preserve the glorious title of
Most Christian : "
1. That the memory of all matters passed both on the one side and the other
from the beginning of March in the year 1585, and during the other preceding
troubles, shall be quenched and hushed.
17. We forbid all preachers, readers, and other persons who speak in public, to
use any words, discourses, or talk which tendeth to stir up the people to sedition.
18. We also forbid all our subjects, of whatever quality and condition, to take
away by force or enticement, against the will of their parents, the children of those
of the Pretended Reformed Religion, in order to their being baptised or confirmed in
the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman Church.
19. The adherents of the said Pretended Reformed Religion shall not be in any
manner constrained, nor shall they stand obliged, by reason of abjuration, promises,
and oaths which heretofore they have made.
26. All disinheritings or deprivations, whether verbal or testamentary, uttered
out of mere hatred, or on account of religion, shall be abolished among our subjects.
70. The children of those who departed from this kingdom on account of religion,
and of the troubles, since the death of Henri II., our most honoured lord and father-
in-law — even though the said children were born out of this kingdom — shall be
reputed true Frenchmen and natives ; and we have declared, and do declare them,
to be such (provided that, if born in foreign parts, they return within ten years after
the date of this edict), without requiring letters of naturalisation.
73. If there be any prisoners or galley-slaves still detained by judicial authority
or otherwise, who were sentenced during the troubles or on account of the said
religion, they shall be discharged and set at full liberty.
§cction If.
ENGLAND AND THE REFUGEES IN THE REIGNS OF EDWARD VI. AND
ELIZABETH.
IN the reign of Edward VI., which, like the rule of Henry II. and the Guises over
France, began in 1547, the potentates of Europe, by their persecution of Pro-
testants, doomed their best subjects to death or flight. Exiles for the pure
Gospel's sake were scattered abroad in all directions. A Polish nobleman, John a
Lasco, fled to Embden in East Friesland, and his talents and learning, superadded
to his courageous piety, made his fellow-exiles invite him to take the office of pastor
over them. As the times grew blacker, Embden threatened destruction to his rlock ;
and he came over to England in 1548, in the hope of obtaining a settlement and a
place of worship in London by Royal Charter. Archbishop Cranmer, the Duke
of Somerset, and Secretary Cecil gave him encouragement. He took his departure
in March 1 549 to resume his charge in Embden, and to prepare his congregation
for their probable expulsion thence.
SECTION SECOND.
7
Bishop Latimer gave utterance to the true English sentiment in a sermon
preached before King Edward at this very time. His words were — "Johannes
Alasco was here, a great learned man, and, as they say, a nobleman in his country,
and is gone his way again ; if it be for lack of entertainment, the more pity. I
would wish such men as he to be in the realm, for the realm should prosper in
receiving of them. Qui vos rccipit ME recipit, who receiveth you receiveth me, saith
Christ ; and it should be for the King's honour to receive them and keep them." 1
It was also in 1549 that a part of the holiday illumination, which gratified the
eyes of the French king as he drove in procession through Paris, was the burning of
Protestant martyrs at stakes in several of the streets. The persecution in France
waxed fiercer; and many Huguenots fled into England. On the 13th August of
that year, writing from Lambeth, the well-known foreign exiles Bucer, Martyr, Alex-
ander, and Fagius, for the information of the Protector, pled with Cecil in behalf of
some poor French Protestant refugees, certifying as to them that, having been
compelled to forsake their own country for no other cause but that of religion, they
had come to this kingdom as to Christ's place of shelter ; [eos, nulla alia, quam
religionis causa, patriam suam descrere coactos, in hoc regnum venisse tanquam ad
Christi asylum.] 2
On John a Lasco's return to England, he received a royal charter, dated 24th
July 1550, granting a place of worship to the foreign Protestants in London, and
appointing him to be the superintendent of all the Protestants of Holland, France,
Switzerland, and Germany who had taken refuge in England. He is eulogized in
this Patent 3 as a man very eminent for integrity, of unblemished life, and of singular
erudition. In the preamble the King, as Defender of the Faith, and Supreme Head
under Christ of the English and Irish Church, declared it to be his duty to provide
for religion, and for unfortunate persons afflicted and banished on account of religion.
His Majesty represented himself as "pitying the condition of those refugees, who for
a considerable time have dwelt in our kingdom, and of those who daily enter it."
The first Refugees' Church (since known as the Dutch Church in Austin Friars)
was the place of worship for the refugees of all nations, two of the four ministers being
French, namely, Messrs Francois de la Riviere and Richard Francois. This reminds
us of a stanza composed in honour of the place of worship within Canterbury
Cathedral, granted to a similar foreign congregation in the days of Elizabeth : —
When Calvin's sons from Artois' fruitful fields
Blind persecution's iron hand expels,
This fostering church maternal shelter yields.
Beneath her roof where Gospel freedom dwells,
Beneath her spacious roof, in rites divine,
Lo, various sects and various tongues unite ;
In blissful league French, Germans, Britons join,
While hovering angels listen with delight. 4
As the above-named French ministers disappeared from England after the death
of Edward VI., we note here that La Riviere's surname was Perugel. He became
chaplain to the Prince of Conde, and was with him at the battle of Dreux, and after
the lost battle he escaped under the wing of Throgmorton, the English ambassador.
Beza honours him as a fortifier of the spirit of the prince. He also praises the other
minister, Richard Vauville or Francois, who had been minister at Bourges, and died
in charge of the French Church at Frankfort.
The French worshippers of London removed to the Chapel of St Anthony in
Threadneedle Street ; not that there was any schism between them and the German-
Dutch (Belgico-Germani). It was simply a more convenient arrangement for the
regular and sufficient administration of ordinances to the French-speaking refugees.
French churches gradually multiplied in London and the provinces. As these
churches accommodated the numerous and influential refugees from French Flanders,
they were often called Walloon churches, such being the designation given to the
population of French Flanders and to their dialect of the French tongue. As to
these churches, the original researches of Mr Burn, and the popularized details given
by Mr Smiles, 5 render it unnecessary that I should load this biographical volume with
statistical facts. Omitting London edifices, I give alphabetically the names of places
A\here French churches were established before and after the central date, 1685.
1 Latimer's Third Sermon before Edward VI. (Parker Society, p. 141).
2 Strype's Cranmer, Appendix, No. 105.
:; The Charter is printed by Burnet, Hist. Ref., vol. ii., Book 1st, Appendix No. 51.
4 Baynes' " Witnesses in Sackcloth," p. 103, quoting Duncombe's Canterbury.
5 Samuel Smiles, LL.D., whose compilation "The Huguenots" was published in 1SO7.
8
HIS TO RICA L INTR OD UCTION.
Before 1685, Canterbury, Colchester, Dover, Faversham, Glastonbury, Maidstone,
Norwich, Rye, Sandtoft, Sandwich, Southampton, Stamford, Thorney Abbey, Whit-
tlesea, Winchester, Yarmouth. [Some of these were literally Dutch churches, but
" Walloons " and " Huguenots " used them.]
At and after 1685, Barnstaple, Bideford, Bristol, Chelsea, Dartmouth, Exeter,
Greenwich, Hammersmith, Plymouth, Stonehouse, Thorpe-le-Soken.
On the 6th July 1553, the death of King Edward VI. took place; and thus to
Protestant refugees his kingdom was no longer a refuge. The bloody hierarchy of
Rome re-established its rule in England, and invested its regal slave, Queen Mary,
with the epithet which was truly its own. The Protestant exiles fled. John a Lasco
went back to the Continent, and the sanctuaries under his superintendence were shut
up. We say nothing of the dismal night which followed. We awake on the morning
of November 18th, 1558, and find that both the Popish Queen and the Cardinal Arch-
bishop of Canterbury have disappeared from the scene.
The refugees' protector, Archbishop Cranmer, having perished in the fires of the
last reign, another Protestant Primate had to be chosen. And the new Archbishop,
whose name has been embalmed by the Parker Society, was also a friend of the
refugees. The Bishop of London, Dr Edmund Grindal, (whose final destination was
Canterbury), took the necessary steps for having the charters of their churches
restored to them. The London refugees' petition for this re-establishment, addressed
to the Queen, was dated 10th December 1559.
Many refugees came over during the early years of the reign of Elizabeth,
England having become English again. I have ransacked Strype's numerous folios,
and have been much indebted to them. Strype's best documentary information is
from the papers of Queen Elizabeth's great minister, Sir William Cecil, known as
Mr Secretary Cecil, after 1570 as Lord Burghley, and after 1572 as the Lord High
Treasurer of England.
In 1562 the Queen was prevailed upon to send succour to the French Protestants.
Sir Nicholas Throgmorton had interviews in France with Theodore Beza, and con-
veyed to Cecil a letter from that famous divine, dated at Caen, 16 March 1562,
(signed) T. de Belze. This letter is printed in Strype's "Annals of Queen Elizabeth,"
Second Appendix, B., vol. i.
In 1567 a Secret League was concocted among the Popish Potentates for the
partition of Europe among rulers attached to the Church of Rome (Mary, Queen of
Scots, to receive the English crown), and for the extirpation of Protestantism — the
eleventh Article was to this effect, " Every man shall be commanded and holden to
go to mass, and that on pain of excommunication, correction of the body, or death,
or (at the least) loss of goods, which goods shall be parted and distributed amongst
the principal lieutenants and captains." ("Annals of Q. Eliz.," i. 538.) On 1 5th July
1 567 the Canterbury refugees presented a petition to the authorities of that city,
asking to be formed into an industrial fraternity. In 1568 there was a great influx
of refugees and an extensive founding of settlements for them throughout England.
Strype assures us {Ibid. p. 555), "This year flesh, fish, wheat and other provisions
bore a very cheap price ; and that which gave a greater remark to this favourable
providence of God to the nation was, that this happened contrary to all men's
expectations ; for all had feared, but a little before, a great dearth. This was
esteemed such considerable news in England that Parkhurst, Bishop of Norwich, in
his correspondence with the divines of Helvetia, wrote it to Gualter his friend, one of
the chief ministers of Zurich, and added that he was persuaded, and so were others,
that this blessing from God happened by reason of the godly exiles, who were hither
fled for their religion, and here kindly harboured ; whereby, in their strait circum-
stances, they might provide at a cheaper rate for themselves and their families."
Strype complains of a mixture of Anabaptists, and disorderly and criminal people
among those refugees, but adds, " many (it must be acknowledged) were very pious
and sober, and some very learned too. Of their wants this year compassion was had
among the bishops ; and I find Bishop Jewel, May 3, sending up to the Archbishop
three pounds six and eightpence, for the use of the poor exiles, for his part."
Influenced by the allegation (already alluded to) unfavourable to the religion and
morals of some refugees, the Government made a numerical and religious census of
foreign residents. Strype prints (supplement to Annals, vol. iv., No. 1) the Lord
Mayor's return of " Strangers in London, anno 1568" — beginning with these words:
— " As to the number of strangers as well within the city of London as in certain
other liberties and exempt jurisdictions adjoining nigh unto the same, both of men,
women, and children of every nation, as well denisons as not denisons, with their
names, surnames, and occupations — and what Houses be pestered with greater
SECTION SECOND.
9
number of strangers than hath of late been accustomed — and to whom they pay
their rents for the same, and how many of them do resort to any of the strangers'
churches." The number of strangers (including 88 Scots) was 6704, of whom 8S0
were naturalized, 1815 were of the English Church, and 1008 "of no church." The
Dutch formed an overwhelming majority, their number being 5225 ; the French
numbered 11 19 (the other- continental nations being all represented by 271 only).
1910 were of the Dutch Church, 1810 of the French Church, and 161 of the Italian
Church. In this year French refugees flocked into Jersey, as appears from the fol-
lowing letter from Sir Hugh Poulet to Mr Secretary Cecil, preserved in our State
Paper Office : — " It may please you to receive herewithal a letter directed unto you
from my son, Amyce Poulet, out of Jersey. And, understanding the contents thereof
by a copy of the same sent unto me, I do very well like their zeal at Jersey in the
receiving of these strangers to their present relief, and yet, for divers respects, cannot
like of any continuance of their abode in the Isle, nor of such others as shall happen
upon like occasion to arrive there hereafter (which are like to follow in greater
number), but rather being received there as passengers to be passed over from thence
with convenient speed unto this realm to their better security and relief, and to the
avoiding of such danger and peril to the Isles as otherwise might ensue. Wherein I
have thought it my duty thus to signify my simple opinion unto you, having received
no other news out of those parts, but that upon the Count Montgomery's passing
towards the Prince of Conde, the ministers and other fideles in Normandy are in
great doubt and fear of themself — as knoweth God who send them well to overpass
the same. At my poor house of Tytenhanger, in Hartfordshere, the 2d of October
1568. — Yours to command, Hugh Poulet."
In 1569, a census of 83 "Frenchmen, Flemyngs, and Wallounes" was made at
Rye, including four ministers, Hector Harmon {query Hamon) of Bacavile, Jacob
Caref of Ponteau, Nicolas Tellier of Rue, and Tousainth of Paure. Six men, includ-
ing Monsieur Delaplace and Anthoine Dehayes, are recorded as being " of Roan "
[Rouen]. 1 In 1571 there was a census of foreign Protestants of all nations resident
in London. I shall give copious extracts concerning Walloons and Huguenots in
my chapter first.
In 1572, the year of the St. Bartholomew massacre, Sir Francis Walsingham was
Queen Elizabeth's Ambassador at Paris ; his house was respected, and permitted to
be a sanctuary for fugitive foreigners, which favour he formally acknowledged, at
the same time requesting an official communication of "the very truth" regarding
the massacre. The massacre Walsingham called "this last tumult" and " the late
execution here;" Catherine De Medicis the Queen-mother's phrase was "the late
accidents here." Some garbled narratives were communicated during August ; and
on the 1st September King Charles IX. sent for the Ambassador and conversed
with him. The French Court wished it to be believed (as appears by Walsingham's
despatch of Sept. 1 3) that the French Protestants having been detected in a secret
conspiracy, the massacre had been designed to remove the ringleaders ; but now,
" the heads being taken away, the meaner sort should enjoy (by virtue of the edicts)
both lives and goods and liberty of their consciences." " The very truth" was first
heard in England from the mouths of the refugees ; our Queen rebuked the French
Ambassador, La Motte, for his self-contradictory tales, in the most solemn strain.
In December her Majesty had an opportunity, which she vigorously employed, to
rebuke King Charles IX. himself " for that great slaughter made in France of noble-
men and gentlemen, unconvicted and untried, so suddenly, it was said, at his com-
mand," declaring her conviction founded on evidence that " the rigour was used only
against them of the Religion Reformed, whether they were of any conspiracy or no."
— (Strype's " Annals," vol. ii. p. 167). And in reply to his request that refugees might
be discouraged from settling in England, our Queen instructed the Earl of Worcester,
when in Paris, to say to the King, " that she did not understand of any rebellion that
the refugees were ever privy to, and that she could perceive nothing but that they
were well affected to their Prince. But when such common murdering and slaughter
was made, throughout France, of those who professed the same religion, it was natural
for every man to flee for his own defence, and for the safety of his life. It was the
privilege of all realms to receive such woeful and miserable persons, as did flee to
this realm only for defence of their lives. As for their return to France, the chiefest
of them had been spoken to, and they made their answer, that the same rage of their
enemies, which made them first to flee hither, did still continue the cause of their
tarrying here, &c." Strype adds, " The better sort of the Queen's subjects were very
kind unto these poor Protestants, and glad to see them retired unto more safety in
1 Burn, page 276.
I. B
IO
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
this country ; but another sort (divers of the common people and rabble, too many
of them) behaved themselves otherwise towards these afflicted strangers, and would
call them by no other denomination but French dogs. This a French author, some-
time afterward, took notice of in print, to the disparagement of the English nation.
But George Abbot, D.D. (afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury), in one of his morn-
ing lectures [on Jonah] preached at Oxford, vindicating our kingdom from a charge
that lay only upon some of the meaner and worse sort, said, ' Those that were wise
and godly used those aliens as brethren, considering their distresses with a lively
fellow-feeling ; holding it an unspeakable blessedness that this little island of ours
should not only be a temple to serve God in for ourselves, but an harbour for the
weather-beaten, a sanctuary to the stranger, wherein he might truly honour the Lord
— remembering the precise charge which God gave to the Israelites, to deal well with
all strangers, because the time once was when themselves were strangers in that cruel
land of Egypt — and not forgetting that other nations, to their immortal praise, were
a refuge to the English in their last bloody persecution in Queen Mary's days.'" 1
The most remarkable proof which Queen Elizabeth gave, of the solemn impres-
sion made upon her spirit by the St. Bartholomew massacre, was her order to the
Archbishop of Canterbury to prepare special forms of prayer and to issue them by
her royal authority. Accordingly, on 27th October 1572, four prayers were published
and appointed to be used in churches (see Strype's " Life of Archbishop Parker,"
page 358). The first was a prayer for Repentance and Mercy; the second, a prayer
to be delivered from our enemies, taken out of the Psalms. The third was a prayer
and thanksgiving in behalf of the Queen, for her own and her people's preservation
" from all deceits and violences of our enemies, and from all other dangers and evils,
both bodily and ghostly." The fourth was entitled, A Prayer for the Persecuted and
Persecutors : —
" O Lord our God and Heavenly Father, look down, we beseech thee, with thy
fatherly and merciful countenance upon us thy people and poor humble servants,
and upon all such Christians as are anywhere persecuted and sore afflicted for the
true acknowledging of thee to be our God, and thy Son Jesus Christ, whom thou
hast sent, to be the only Saviour of the world. Save them, O merciful Lord, who
are as sheep appointed to the slaughter, and by hearty prayers do call and cry unto
thee for thy help and defence. Hear their cry, O Lord, and our prayers for them
and for ourselves. Deliver those that be oppressed ; defend those that be in fear of
cruelty ; relieve them that be in misery, and comfort all that be in sorrow and heavi-
ness, that by thy aid and strength, they and we may obtain surety from our enemies,
without shedding of Christian and innocent blood. And for that, O Lord, thou hast
commanded us to pray for our enemies, we do beseech thee, not only to abate their
pride and to stay the cruelty and fury of such as, either of malice or ignorance, do
persecute them which put their trust in thee, and hate us, but also to mollify their
hard hearts, to open their blind eyes, and to enlighten their ignorant minds, that
they may see and understand, and truly turn unto thee, and embrace that holy
Word, and unfeignedly be converted unto thy Son Jesus Christ the only Saviour of
the world, and believe and love his Gospel, and so eternally be saved. Finally, we
beseech thee, that all Christian realms, and especially this realm of England, may,
by thy defence and protection, enjoy perfect peace, quietness, and security, and ail
that desire to be called and accounted Christians, may answer in deed and life unto
so good and godly a name, and jointly, all together, in one godly concord and unity,
and with one consonant heart and mind, may render unto thee all laud and praise
continually, magnifying thy glorious name, who with thy Son our Saviour Jesus
Christ, and the Holy Ghost, art one eternal, almighty, and most merciful God, to
whom be all laud and praise, world without end. Amen"
Lord Burghley took a deep interest in the refugees. Among his papers was
found the following memorandum, which I copy in modernized spelling (see Strype's
"Annals," vol. iv., Supplement No. 4).
1 The family-likeness between English refugees on the Continent and French refugees in England appears
in the following paragraph from the " Life of Bernard Gilpin," chap. 3: — " 1554. While he stayed in the Low
Countries, he was greatly affected by the melancholy sight of crowds of his dejected countrymen arriving daily
in those parts, from the bloody scene then acting in England. These unhappy exiles, however, soon recovered
their spirits, and, dispersing into various towns, cheerfully applied themselves, each as his profession led, to gain
an honest livelihood. The meaner sort exercised their crafts ; the learned taught schools, read lectures, and
corrected presses — at Basil particularly, where the ingenious Oporinus was then carrying printing to great per-
fection. Their commendable endeavours, to make themselves not quite a burden to those who entertained them,
were suitably rewarded. The several towns of Germany and Holland, finding their advantage in these strangers,
showed them all imaginable civility ; many private persons likewise contributed to their aid ; but, above all
others, the generous Duke of Wirtemberg distinguished himself in their favour : his bounty to the English at
Sirasburg and Frankfort should never pass unremembered, where these things are mentioned." — (Gilpin's Lijc,
Collins' edition, page 102).
SECTION SECOND.
" Upon the massacre at Paris, Protestants fly into England, whereof a brief
account was sent up of those that fled to Rye from Rouen and Dieppe. Soon after
that massacre came over from Rouen and Dieppe to Rye 641 persons, men, women,
and children — families 85. They came over at several times in the months of August
and September, and some few in October ; but some few came over in August some-
what before the massacre. Besides in the beginning of November, the 4th, 7th, and
9th days, 58 persons more, most of them for religion ; several, Monsieur Le Vidame
of Chartres's servants. The view was taken of these French and other strangers,
within the town of Rye by the appointment of Henry Seymer, Mayor of that town,
and the jurats there. John Donning, Custos of Rye, sent up the catalogue, Nov.
the 22nd, to the Lord Treasurer, according to order sent to him. In this catalogue
are the names of divers entitled ministers, clerks, schoolmasters ; many merchants,
mariners and of all trades, and some gentlemen, with their children, wives, and
servants."
Lord Burghley was the principal proprietor of the town of Stamford, and through
his enlightened patronage/ a colony was founded there this year, to consist of
" estraungers beinge for conscience sake, and for the trewe and mere Religion of
Christe Jhesu, fledde into her Grace's Reaulme, and willinge to go to Stanford, and
theire to keep theyre Residence." Their spokesmen were Isbrand Balkius, their
minister, and Casper Vosberguis ; the colony consisted of manufacturers, silk- weavers,
hatters, cutlers, dyers, and other industrial people. [Strype in 171 1 says, "This
Walloon congregation and manufacture continued a great while in Stamford, but
now is in effect vanished. In the Hall, where they used to meet for their business,
the town feasts are now kept ; the place where they exercised their religion is not
known. Yet their last minister, a long-lived man, was known to many now alive "
(Strypc's " Life of Parker," page 367, and Appendix Nos. 72 and 73). ]
English popular sympathy with the victims of the St. Bartholomew massacre and
with their refugee kindred contributed to bring to a formal settlement the overtures
made in Canterbury for manufacturing and trading liberties. On 15th March 1574,
the Mayor (Mr Rose), Alderman Alcock, and Mr John Boys signed the "Articles
agreed by the Worshipful Magistrates of the City of Canterbury unto the Strangers
under their protection, to pursue the confirmation under the patent of her Majesty."
The trading and other working articles may be studied in Burn's History (p. 274),
prefaced by, "In priinis, they shall have full and free exercise of theire religion,
as all other congregations of this realme have, with competent church for their
assemblies." 2
The date of the horrible " sacking of Antwerp " was the beginning of November
1576. The Spaniards stripped all merchants, native and foreign, and massacred
Walloons indiscriminately. And simultaneously the French king increased his rigour
against the Huguenots; and at the same time "prohibition was made that no
Frenchman should be suffered to fly into England," according to information sent to
the Earl of Sussex, by his brother, the Hon. Henry Radclyff, from Portsmouth,
January 15th, 1576 [?- 1 577, new style]. This information, which includes information
as to the watching of the French coast in order to intercept fugitives, is printed in
Strype's " Annals of Elizabeth," vol. ii. page 406.
During all these years, until 1588, plots were hatching for the overthrow of
Protestant England and the dethronement of Queen Elizabeth. The Armada of
1588 was the Royal Spaniard's discomfited attempt to destroy England both as a
Protestant nation, and as a sanctuary for Protestant refugees. Wrath and revenge
were specially due to the kingdom in its latter function. In a bull, dated 5th
1 Out of gratitude to the English Government, a Huguenot refugee named Bertrand, Seigneur de La Tour,
gave information (dated at Spaa, near Aix-la-Chapelle, nth Aug. 1573) of a Foreign Conspiracy against Queen
Elizabeth. It was forwarded to Lord Burghley by Sir William bromheld, an officer of her Majesty s Guards, to
vthom the communication had been made in presence of Stephen Bochart, Seigneur Du Menillet. The Seigneur
de La Tour described himself as one " bound on many accounts to the most illustrious Queen of the English, on
account of her hospitality shewn to all the refugees lrom France for the Word of God, and esteeming the benefits
conferred by her Majesty upon all the brethren professing the same religion, to be common to him and all the
French exiles in Germany or in any other part of the world," [devinctus multis nominibus illustrissima; Regina;
Anglorum propter hospitalitatem exhibitam omnibus profugis ex Gallia propter Verbum Dei, existimans bene-
licia a sua. Majestate collata omnibus Fratribus eandem religionem profitentibus, sibi et omnibus Exulibus Gallis,
in Germania, sive in quacunque Orbis parte, esse communiaj. For the Latin original, see Strype's " Life of
Parker," Appendix, No. 91 ; for an abstract in English, see his " Annals of Elizabeth," vol. ii. page 254.
2 I quote from Bunce's Abridgement the two other orders of the Canterbury Burghmote during Elizabeth's
reign : —
15th July, 22d Elizabeth [1580] — "Agreed that the strangers inhabiting within this city shall pay to the
Chamberlain to the use of the House ,£15 in discharge of a taxation which should have been made upon them
towards repairing Westgate Tower, and other charges presently to be disbursed."
10th July, 24th Elizabeth [1582] — "From henceforth no more strangers shall be suffered to inhabit within
this city, unless allowed by the Mayor and three Aldermen, by Warrant under their hands."
i 2
HIS TOR ICA L INTR OD UCTION.
February 1570, Pius V. had alluded to this ; and in reply to that Pope, Bishop Jewel
of Salisbury had written " A view of a seditious Bull sent into England." After
quoting and exposing eighteen "untruths all packed in this Bull," the Bishop said: 1 —
"Yet there remaineth one pretence more against her Majesty : Ad quam velul ad
asylum omnium infestissimi perfugium invencrunt. ' Unto whom all such as are the
worst of the people resort and are by her received into safe protection.' .... This
he speaketh of the poor exiles of Flanders and France, and other countries, who
either lost or left behind them all they had, goods, land, and houses, not for adultery,
or theft, or treason, but for the profession of the Gospel. It pleased God here to
cast them on land ; the Queen of her gracious pity hath granted them harbour
They are our brethren, they live not idly. If they have houses of us they pay rent
for them. They hold not our grounds but by making due recompence. They beg
not in our streets, nor crave anything at our hands, but to breathe our air and to see
our sun. They labour truly, they live sparefully. They are good examples of
virtue, travail, faith, and patience. The towns in which they abide are happy, for
God doth follow them with his blessings."
In 1588 the Queen charged a loan on the city of London, and the great com-
panies subscribed separately. The Protestant strangers also had a subscription list, and
contributed the handsome sum of £4900; there was one subscriber of .£300
(Nicholas de Gozzi), eight subscribers of £200 each, including Peter Tryan, and
twenty-nine of £100 each, including John Hublone, Vincent de la Bar, Lewis
Sayes, &c.
It was this year that witnessed both the sailing and the destruction of the
Spanish Armada. The danger — the subscription — the deliverance having been
shared by all Protestants in our island, whether natives or strangers, it is disappoint-
ing to find that some members of parliament should at such an era speak against
the liberties of the refugees. Yet a fraternal feeling may have contributed to the
excellency of the oratory on the side of hospitality and equity. The English shop-
keepers were willing to allow the foreign refugees to manufacture goods and to
supply them wholesale ; but they were bent upon shutting up the retail-shops of all
foreigners.
The Burghley Papers (see Strype, vol. iii. page 543, and Appendix, No. 59)
preserve the substance of a speech on the right side of the question, which (as the
wrong side at other times has produced so much discreditable literature) I copy in
full, premising that the honourable member to whom it was a reply had just finished
his contribution to the debate by affirming the maxim, that we obey every precept
of charity by a patriotic and exclusive affection to our own fellow countrymen
[Omnes omnium charitates una patria complexa est].
A Speech in Parliament, anno 1588, upon a Bill against Strangers and Aliens selling Wares
by Retail. This Bill, as I conceive, offereth to the consideration of this honorouble House a
controversy between the natural born subject of this realm, and a stranger inhabiting among
us. Surely, before I proceed any further, I find myself doubly affected and doubly distracted.
For, on the one side, the very name of my country and nation is so pleasant in mine ears and
so delightful in my heart, that I am compelled to subscribe unto him who, having rehearsed all
the degrees of conjunction and society, concludeth thus, omnes omnium charitates una Patria
complexa est. Insomuch that in this case, wherein my country is a part, and especially that
part of my country [London] which as it is the head of the body, so ought it by me to be most
honoured and loved, methinks I might needs judge myself to be no competent judge in this
cause. But on the other side, in the person of the stranger, I consider the miserable and
afflicted state of these poor exiles, who, together with their countries have lost all (or the
greatest) comforts of this life, and, for want of friends, lie exposed to the wrongs and injuries
of the malicious and ill-affected. The condition of strangers is that they have many harbours
but few friends (multa hospitia, paucos amicos). In these respects I am moved with an extra-
ordinary commiseration of them, and feel in myself a sympathy and fellow-suffering with them.
But in the third place, I look on myself or rather into myself, and as I am in myself, which
is nothing but as I am intended here to be, which is more than I can be, though no more
than I ought to be, as in the place of a judge. In every cause it is the part of the judge
to hunt after the truth, to thrust affection off, to open the door to reason, and to give
judgment with respect to the matters in hand and without respect of persons (Judicis est
in causis verum sequi, seponere affectum, admittere rationem, ex rebus ipsis non ex personis
judicare). 2
And therefore I pray you that I may lay before you my judgment in the matter, as I have
declared my affection to the parties. The bill requireth that it be enacted that no aliens-
1 Jewel's Works, Parker Society, vol. iv. pp. 1148-9.
2 The orator seems to have paid his audience the compliment of leaving the Latin quotations untranslated.
Perhaps the transcriber ought to apologise to his readers for occasionally interpolating a translation.
SECTION SECOND.
'3
born, being neither denizens nor having served as apprentices by the space of seven years,
should sell any wares by retail.
Because it is required that this be made a law, let us consider how it may stand, first,
with the grounds and foundations of all laws (which are the laws of nature and the Law of
God), and secondly, with the profit and commodity of the commonwealth.
I will not detain you with mathematical or philosophical discourses concerning the earth
and man and man's residence thereon. The whole earth, being but a point in the centre of
the world, will admit no division of dominions ; punctum est indivisible. Man (as Plato saith)
is no earthly, but a heavenly creature, and therefore hath caput tanquam radicem infixum ccelo.
The residence or continuance of one nation in one place is not of the law of nature, which
(being in itself immutable) would admit no transmigration of people or transplantations of
nations. But I will propound unto you two grounds of nature, as more proper to this purpose.
One is that we should give to others the same measure that we would receive from them,
which is the golden rule of justice, and the other is that we ought by all good means to
strengthen the links of society between man and man (turn artibus, turn opera, turn facultatibus,
devincire hominum inter homines societatem), and that they wrench in sunder the joint
society of mankind who maintain that the cause of a citizen should have that attention which
is denied to the foreigner (qui civium rationem dicunt esse habendam, externorum negant, hi
dirimunt communem humani generis societatem).
The law of God is next, which in infinite places commendeth unto us the good usage and
entertainment of strangers ; in Deuteronomy, God lovet/i the stranger, giving him food and
raiment. Therefore love ye the stranger. In Leviticus, If a stranger sojourn with you in your
land, ye shall not vex him. But the stranger which dwelleth with you shall be as one of your-
selves, and ye shall love him as yourselves. For ye were strangers. In Ezekiel, it appeareth
that the land of promise was by God's appointment allotted as well to the stranger as to the
Israelite; for they shall part the inheritance 7vith you in the midst of the tribes of Israel, saith
the text. And the commandment which is given for the observation of the Sabbath forbids
the stranger to labour on that day ; whereby it may well be gathered, that at other times it is
lawful for him to exercise his lawful trade or vocation. So that for this point I may well con-
clude with Mr Calvin, who saith that 'tis an inhospitality and ferocity worthy of a savage to
oppress miserable strangers who take refuge in our safeguard (barbaries et immanitas
inhospitalis miseros advenas opprimere qui in fidem nostram confugiunt).
It hath been confessed that the arguments used against this bill do carry with them a great
show of charity, which (say they) being severed from policy is now no charity, but folly. I
will answer that if it be a good rule and principle in divinity morals before ceremonies (moralia
sunt anteponenda ceremoniis), it ought much more to be overruled in all consultations, that
things human be postponed for things divine ; (humana sunt postponenda divinis). Therefore
policy without charity is impiety.
But let us consider, how doth this charity overthrow our policy? Forsooth (it is said
generally) by impoverishing the natural subject and enriching the stranger; by nourishing a
scorpion in our bosoms ; by taking the children's bread and casting it to dogs ; and (more
particularly), first, by multitude of retailers (for the more men exercise one trade, the less is
every one his gain), and secondly, by the strangers' policy, which consisteth either in provid-
ing their wares in such sort that they may sell better cheap than the natural subject, or else by
persuading our people that they do so.
To the general accusation — if I should use no other defence but this, that these people
(the denizens I mean, for of them and for them only do I speak) having renounced their
obedience to their natural governor and countries, and having subjected themselves even by
their oaths to the obedience of her Majesty, to her laws and authority, are now to be
accounted of us, though not natural yet naturalized subjects — though not sprung up from our
root, yet firmly grafted into our stock and body — though not our children by birth, yet our
brethren by adoption — if (I say) I should use no other defence but this, I doubt not but I, in
the opinion of all or the most part of this honourable house, might clear them of the envious
title of the rich strangers, of the odious name of the venomous scorpions, and of the uncharitable
term of contemptible dogs.
But because the strength of the general accusation consisteth in the validity of the par-
ticular objections, I will, by your favour, in a word or two, make answer to them. It cannot
be denied that the number of retailers is somewhat increased by these denizens ; but yet not
so much, that the burden of them is so insupportable, as is pretended. For by the confession
of their adversaries, they are not in all, denizens and not denizens, in and about the city, of
all manner of retailers, above the number of fifty or thereabouts ; whereof it is probable that
the denizens (whom only my purpose is to maintain) exceed not the number of thirty — who,
being divided into many trades and companies, cannot so much impoverish any one trade or
company in the city of London by their number only, as is suggested.
As touching their policy, which consists in drawing of customers to their shops or houses,
either by selling cheap indeed, or else by persuading us that they sell their wares more cheap
than our nation can do, I take it (saving reformation) very easy to be answered. For if the
first be true that they do indeed sell better pennyworths, then we have no cause to punish but
to cherish them as good members of our commonwealth, which by no means can be better
enriched than by keeping down the prices of foreign commodities, and enhancing the value of
HIS TO RICA L INTR OD UCTION.
our own. Besides, the benefit of cheapness of foreign commodities by so much exceedeth the
benefit of dear prices, by how much the number of buyers of them exceedeth the number of
sellers, which is infinite. But if the second be true, that it is but our error to believe that they
sell their wares better cheap than our nation doth, then surely I cannot but think it very great
injustice to punish them for a fault committed by us.
It hath been further objected unto them in this house, that by their sparing and frugal
living, they have been the better enabled to sell good pennyworths. It seems we are much
straitened for arguments, when we are driven to accuse them for their virtues.
From the defeat of the bill, in opposition to which the above speech was delivered,
Strype justly infers, "the hearty love and hospitable spirit which the nation had for
these afflicted people of the same religion with ourselves." Not only was this bill
refused a second reading, but the same fate happened to another, which proposed
that the children of strangers should pay strangers' customs. Thus the late Arch-
bishop Parker's maxim (he died in 1575) was still adhered to, "profitable and gentle
strangers ought to be welcome and not to be grudged at." (See Strype's " Life of
Parker," p. 139.)
It will be observed that all that the refugees sought and obtained was the oppor-
tunity of earning their own livelihood. They suffered none of their people to solicit
alms. They maintained their own poor, a large portion of their congregational funds
being devoted to this purpose. And so grand and resolute was their determination
in this matter, that when the convulsions of a time of war made their trade low and
their cash little, their London consistory (or vestry, as the English would have said)
actually borrowed money to enable them to maintain their poor. This circumstance
came to light when Archbishop Whitgift communicated to the Pasteur Castol, the
Queen's desire that his congregation should contribute to the fund for raising an
English force to assist King Henry of Navarre, and to defeat the rebellion against
him as the legitimate King of France. Castol's letter in answer to the Archbishop
of Canterbury was dated 19th December 1 591 ; (it was in Latin and is printed in the
Life of Whitgift, Appendix (No. 13) to book 4th — Strype also alludes to it in the
body of the Life, p. 381, and in "Annals of Elizabeth," vol. iv. p. 82). This letter states
other interesting facts. Their gentlemen had gone over to France in the hope of
being repossessed of their estates. The able-bodied men had joined King Henry's
army, and their travelling expenses had been paid, their wives and children being
left to the charity of the church. The congregation had also been always ready to
make collections for their brethren in other places, and had responded to such
appeals from Montpellier, Norwich, Antwerp, Ostend, Wesel, Geneva, &c.
Having failed to put down refugee retailers by Act of Parliament, some Londoners
attempted to gain this end by threats of rioting. In May 1573 they had surreptiti-
ously issued this warning : " Doth not the world see that you beastly brutes the
Belgians, or rather drunken drones and faint-hearted Flemings, and you fraudulent
Father-Frenchmen, by your cowardly flight from your own natural countries, have
abandoned the same into the hands of your proud cowardly enemies, and have, by a
feigned hypocrisy and counterfeit show of religion, placed yourselves here in a most
fertile soil, under a most gracious and merciful prince who hath been contented, to
the great prejudice of her natural subjects, to suffer you to live here in better case
and more freedom than her own people ?
" Be it known to all Flemings and Frenchmen that it is best for them to depart
out of the realm of England between this and the 9th of July next ; if not, then to
take that which follows. There shall be many a sore stripe. Apprentices will rise
to the number of 2336. And all the Apprentices and Journeymen will down with
the Flemings and strangers."
Of equal merit with this miserable prose were some verses stuck up upon the wall
of the Dutch Church-yard on Thursday night, 5th May 1593 : —
" You strangers that inhabit in this land !
Note this same writing, do it understand ;
Conceive it well, for safety of your lives,
Your goods, your children, and your dearest wives."
&c, &c, &c, &c
By order of the Government, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London quietly
arranged with some merchants and master-tradesmen to act as special constables.
And some apprentices and servants who were found behaving riotously " were put
into the stocks, carted, and whipt." (See "Annals of Elizabeth," vol. iv. pp. 167-8.)
In 1598 the refugees' patron at court, Lord Burghley, died. And in the follow-
ing year we find the Lord Mayor of London forbidding the strangers, both Dutch
SECTION SECOND.
15
and French, to exercise their trades in the city. But it soon appeared that the
Christian hospitality of our Queen and of the Government had not died. By an
order in Council, dated Greenwich, 29th April 1599, the Queen required the Lord
Mayor to " forbear to go forward." The order was signed by the Archbishop of
Canterbury (Whitgift), the Lord Keeper (Egerton), the Lord Admiral (Lord Howard
of Effingham), by Lords North and Buckhurst, by the Controller of the Household
(Sir William Knollys), by the Secretary of State (Sir Robert Cecil, younger son of
Lord Burghley, and heir of his abilities), and by the Chancellor of the Exchequer
(Sir John Fortescue).
Another petty persecution was similarly stopped in 1601. Sir Noel de Caron
memorialized the Queen on behalf of several refugee tradesmen whose cases had
been brought up by informers. Lord Buckhurst, who had succeeded to the office of
Lord High Treasurer, wrote from Sackville House, 31st October 1601, directing the
Attorney-General (Coke) to quash all actions at law against the strangers, the
matter being under investigation by the Privy Council. (The documents described
in this and the preceding paragraph are printed in Strype's " Annals of Elizabeth,"
vol. iv. pp. 352-3.)
Strype gives a quotation from Lambard's " Perambulation of Kent," denouncing
" the inveterate fierceness and cankered malice of the English nation against foreigners
and strangers." Lambard begins by recalling "what great tragedies have been
stirred in this realm by this our natural inhospitality and disdain of strangers, both
in the time of King John, Henry his son, King Edward II., King Henry VI., and in
the days of later memory." He then declares his hope, "whatsoever note of infamy
we have heretofore contracted among foreign writers by this our ferocity against
aliens, that now at the last, having the light of the Gospel before our eyes, and the
persecuted parts [members ?] of the afflicted church as guests and strangers in our
country, we shall so behave ourselves towards them as we may utterly rub out the
old blemish."
In April 1598 the King of France, Henri IV., enacted the Edict of Nautes, which
is so named after the city in which his Council was held, and which was intended to
quiet the religious commotions of France by a considerable, though fragmentary,
toleration of the Huguenots. It was registered in the metropolitan Parliament at
Paris on 15th February 1599. Our Queen Elizabeth wrote to the English Ambas-
sador in Paris : " We doubt not that you bear in mind how advantageous it is to
our tranquillity, and to that of our kingdom, that the French party which makes
profession of being Reformed be maintained. And therefore we desire that on all
occasions, when you can contribute to make the Edict observed, you will not spare
yourself."
With regard to the spiritual office of Superintendent of Foreign Churches in
England, the accession of Elizabeth found it vacant, John a Lasco having finally
left our shores. But the churches found a worthy successor in a refugee gentleman
belonging to a noble family of Ghent, who had been an elder under a Lasco in the
Dutch Church of London. John Utenhove \ab Utenkovett], having been ordered to
quit Ghent (about 1 545), withdrew to Strasburg. In 1547 he was Cranmer's guest
at Canterbury, and, during the reign of Edward VI. usually resided in London.
He visited Zurich in 1549, with letters of introduction describing him as " That
nobleman of Ghent, alike distinguished by his birth and manners as by his faith and
piety." To these letters Bullinger responded, " That nobleman of Ghent, who is
in every way so distinguished, far exceeded your commendation of him." In Stras-
burg he was known as "a disciple of the French Church — a man of learning and of
godly judgment." In our State Paper Office there is a letter to the Queen from
Utenhove, dated London, 11th December 1559, in which he states, that for main-
taining the truth of the Gospel he had been expelled from his country by the
Emperor fifteen years ago. After the death of Utenhove, Bishop Gindal was
requested to become Patron and Superintendent, and, he having accepted the charge
by the Queen's permission, it thereafter remained with the bishops of the see of
London, ex officio. " The widow of Utenhove, with three children boarded with her,"
is an entry in the lists of strangers in 1568.
"Died on the 24th March 1603 (n.s.), Queen Elizabeth, who, having at her
coming to the crown promised to maintain the truth of God and to deface super-
stition, with this beginning with uniformity continued ; she yielded her land (as a
sanctuary to all the world groaning for liberty of their religion), flourishing in wealth,
honour, estimation every way " (I borrow the language of Archbishop Abbot, quoted
in Strype's "Annals," vol. iv. page 359.)
[6
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
gcciiott HI.
THE HOSPITALITY OF JAMES I.
THE Tudor Queen's example of hospitality was followed by her Scottish successor.
He wrote assuring letters both to the Dutch and to the French refugees. He
recognised the two special causes of the renown of the Queen, his deceased
sister — first, her zeal for the worship of God ; and secondly, her hospitality to
strangers. He declared his esteem for those who had left their native lands for the
sake of religion, and also the obligations under which they had laid their adopted
country by their contributions to manufactures, useful arts, and political economy.
His letter to the Dutch refugee church I copy from Strype ("Annals," vol. iv.
page 386):—
" Messieurs,— Encore que vous me n'ayez vu jusqu'a present, si est ce que je ne vous suis
point etranger ni inconnu. Vous savez quant a ma religion quel je suis, non seulement par le
bruit que vous avez pu entendre de moi, mais aussi par mes ecrits en lesquels j'ai veritable-
ment exprime quel est l'affection de mon ame. C'est pourquoi je n'ai besoin d'user de beaucoup
de paroles pour vous representer ma bonne volonte" envers vous, qui etes ici refugie's pour la
religion.
" Je reconnois que deux choses ont rendu la Reine, ma Soeur defunte, renommee par tout
le monde. L'une est le de'sir, qu 'elle a toujours eu, d'entretenir et fomenter le Service de
Dieu en ce royaume. Et l'autre est son hospitalite envers les etrangers — a la louange de la-
quelle je veux heriter.
" Je sais bien, par le temoignage des Seigneurs de ce royaume (comme vous m'avez dit),
que vous avez toujours prie Dieu pour elle, et que vous n'avez outrepasse' votre devoir. Je
sais aussi, que vous avez enrichi ce royaume de plusieurs artifices, manufactures, et sciences
politiques.
" Si l'occasion se fut presentee lorsque j'etois encore eloigne comme en un coin du monde,
je vous eusse fait paroitre ma bonne affection. Mais comme je n'ai jamais tache ni voulu em-
pieter sur le bien d'aucun Prince, aussi, puisque maintenant il a plu a Dieu me faire Roi de
ce pays, je vous jure que si quelqu'un vous moleste en vos Eglises, vous vous adressant a moi,
je vous vengerai. Et encore, quoique vous ne soyez pas de mes propres Sujets, si est-ce que
je vous maintiendrai et fomenterai, autant que Prince qui soit au monde."
To the French refugees he wrote : " Je vous protegerai ainsi qu'il convient a un
bon Prince de defendre tous ceux qui ont abandonne leur patrie pour la religion." 1
He kept his word royally, though he drew rather pitifully upon their gratitude by
asking the London pasteurs to write in his favour against John Welsh, and against
the other victims of the persecution which we were carrying on in Scotland beneath
hypocritical forms of law. The French and Dutch ministers wrote " a long letter in
elegant Latin" to the ministers of Edinburgh, dated from London, 26th February 1606;
the French ministers signed themselves Robertus Masso Fontanus, Aaron Cappel, and
Nathaniel Marius."- " By defective and otherwise misleading statements, the Govern-
ment succeeded in inducing a few foreign ministers, who had not the means of judging
of the merits of the case, to blame the imprisoned ministers, and to vindicate the
Government." 2 The malignant rumours with which the king and his councillors
had poisoned the minds of the refugees were contradicted by the good confessors
in a Latin letter, dated from the Castle of Blackness, and addressed to the Presby-
tery of Edinburgh, " with the intention that it should be sent to the ministers of the
French and Flemish Churches in London, for their better information."
We now lose the assistance of Strype, but a valuable auxiliary succeeds him.
The Camden Society volume entitled " Lists of Foreign Protestants and Aliens
resident in England 16 18- 1688, edited by Wm. Durran tCooper, F.S.A. (1862)," is
prefaced with useful information by the editor. Lord Treasurer Buckhurst now
appears in his new title of Earl of Dorset, and Secretary Sir Robert Cecil has been
raised to the peerage as Earl of Salisbury. The London Companies of weavers,
cutlers, goldsmiths, &c, so much esteemed for their feasts and funds, seem to have
prevailed on those statesmen to listen to them, and at least to make a show of
busying themselves for their protection against alien industry. It was complained
on 22d July 1605 "that the English merchants were injured because foreigners were
allowed to export baize and other goods without paying double custom."
1 Weiss, torn. i. p. 262.
- Young's " Life of John Welsh," p. 262. Fortes' " Records" (Wodrow Society), p. 531.
SECTION THIRD.
17
In July 161 5 the Weavers' Company urged that "the strangers employed more
workmen than were allowed by statute, and then concealed them when search was
made — that they lived more cheaply and therefore sold more cheaply than the
English — that they imported silk lace contrary to law," &c. In 1621 a longer plaint
survives [the original spelling may be seen in Durrant Cooper's Introduction, page
v.] : — " Their chiefest cause of entertainment here of late was in charity to shroud
them from persecution for religion ; and, being here, their necessity became the mother
of their ingenuity in devising many trades, before to us unknown. The State, noting
their diligence, and yet preventing the future inconvenience, enacted two special
laws, THAT THEY SHOULD ENTERTAIN ENGLISH APPRENTICES AND SERVANTS TO
LEARN THESE trades — the neglect whereof giveth them advantage to keep their
mysteries to themselves, which hath made them bold of late to devise engines for
working of tape, lace, ribbon, and such, wherein one man doth more among them than
seven Englishmen can do ; so as their cheap sale of those commodities beggareth all
our English artificers of that trade and enricheth them. Since the making of the
last statute they are thought to be increased ten for one, so as no tenement is left to
an English artificer to inhabit in divers parts of the city and suburbs, but they take
them over their heads at a great rate. So their numbers causeth the enhancing of
the price of victuals and house rents, and much furthereth the late disorderly new
buildings which is so burdonaus to the subject that His Majesty hath not any work
to perform for the good of his commons (especially in cities and towns) than by the
taking of the benefit of the law upon them, a thing which is done against his own
subjects by common informers. But their daily flocking hither without such remedy
is like to grow scarce tolerable."
In 1606 " double custom " was imposed upon baise as upon cloth exported. Lord
Dorset seems to have been inclined to discourage further immigration, on the plea
that foreign persecutions had ceased. That noble Lord died in 1608, and Salisbury,
who succeeded him as Lord High Treasurer, died in 1612. The complaints made
against refugees in 1615 and 162 1 were each responded to by the taking of a census,
one in 16 18 and another in 1621. The lists collected in 161 8 are printed in the
appendix to the Camden Society volume, and the lists of 1621 in the body of the
volume, pp. I to 26. These lists rather injured the case of the complainants by
revealing that they had exaggerated the number of foreigners and overstated the
proportion between foreign and native tradesmen. On the 30th July 1621 a Board
of Royal Commissioners was appointed to consider the laws affecting aliens, and to
propound regulations for the liberty of their wholesale merchants and for enforcing
the restrictions upon retailers. On 7th September 1622 (says Mr Cooper), "the
Commissioners ordered that, as the retailing of English goods by strangers was
hurtful to home trade, all strangers selling to strangers English goods should pay
half the duty on such commodities as would be paid for custom on export, &c, &c.
But little further took place. Any restrictions upon the refugees were unpopular
with the mass of the people, however desirable they might appear to the chartered
companies." — (Introduction, page x.)
King James was anxious to be independent of foreign countries for silk. He 1
therefore offered encouragement for the planting of mulberry trees, and the home
rearing of silk-worms. The refugees were able and disposed to promote the enter-
prise, and for this reason the King's letter, dated 16th November 1608, may be
inserted here. The letter was addressed to the Lord-Lieutenant of each county.
"James R.,
Right trusty and well beloved, we greet you well. It is a principal part of that
Christian care, which appertaineth to sovereignty, to endeavour by all means possible as well
to beget as to increase among their people the knowledge and practice of all arts and trades,
whereby they may be both weaned from idleness and the enormities thereof which are
infinite, and exercised in such industries and labours as are accompanied with evident hopes
not only of preserving people from the shame and grief of penury, but also raising and
increasing them in wealth and abundance — the scope which every freeborn spirit aimeth at,
not in regard of himself only and the ease which a plentiful estate bringeth to every one in
his particular, but also in regard of the honour of their native country, whose commendations
is no ways more set forth than in the people's activeness and industry.
" The consideration whereof having of late occupied our mind (who always esteem our
people's good our necessary contemplations) we have conceived, as well by the discourse of
our reason as by information gathered from others, that the making of silk might as well be
effected here as it is in the kingdom of France, where the same hath of late years been put in
practice. For neither the climate of this Isle so far distinct or different in condition from
that country (especially from the hither parts thereto) but that it is to be hoped, that these
I. C
i8
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
tilings which by industry prosper there may by like industry, used here, have like success ;
and many private persons, who for their pleasure have bred of those worms, have found no
experience to the contrary, but that they may be nourished and maintained here, if provision
were made for planting of mulberry trees, whose leaves are the food of the worms.
"And therefore we have thought good hereby to let you understand, that — although in
suffering this invention to take place we do shew ourselves somewhat an adversary to our
profit (which in the matter of our customs for silk brought from beyond the seas will receive
some diminution) — nevertheless, when there is question of so great and public utility to come
to our kingdom and subjects in general, and whereby (besides multitudes of people of both
sexes and all ages) such as in regard of impotency are unfit for other labour may be set on work,
comforted and relieved, we are content that our private benefit shall give way to the public.
And therefore, being persuaded that no well-affected subject will refuse to put his helping
hand to such a work, as can have no other private end in us but the desire of the welfare of
our people, we have thought good in this form only to require you (as a person of the greatest
authority in the county of , and from whom the generality may receive notice of our
pleasure with more conveniency than otherwise) to take occasion, either at the Quarter Sessions
or at some other public place of meeting, to persuade and require such as are of ability (with-
out descending to trouble the poor for whom we seek to provide) to buy and distribute in the
county of the number of ten thousand mulberry plants, which shall be delivered unto
them at our city of at the rate of three farthings the plant, or at 6s. the hundred,
containing five-score plants.
" And, because the buying of the said plants at this rate may at the first seem
chargeable to our said subjects whom we would be loth to burden, we have taken order that in
March or April next there shall be delivered at the said place a good quantity of mulberry
seeds, there to be sold to such as will buy them — by means whereof the said plants will be
delivered at a smaller rate than they can be afforded being carried from hence — having
resolved also in the meantime that there shall be published in print a plain Instruction and
Direction both for the increasing of the said mulberry trees, the breeding of the silk-worms,
and all other things needful to be understood for the perfecting of a work, every way so com-
mendable and profitable as well to the planter as to those that shall use the trade.
" Having now made known unto you the motives as they stand with the public good
wherein every man is interested — because we know how much the example of our own
Deputy-Lieutenants and Justices will further this cause — if you and other your neighbours
will be content to take some good quantities hereof to distribute upon your own lands, we are
content to acknowledge thus much more in this direction of ours — that all things of this
nature tending to Plantation, increase of science, and works of industry, are things so naturally
pleasing to our own disposition as we shall take it for an argument of extraordinary affection
towards our person — besides the judgment we shall make of the good disposition in all those
that shall express in any kind their ready minds to further the same — and shall esteem that
in furthering the same they seek to further our honour and contentment.
" Having seen in few years past that our brother the French King hath, since his coming
to the crown, both begun and brought to perfection the making of silks in his country, where
he hath won to himself honour and to his subjects a marvellous increase of wealth, we would
account it no little happiness to us if the same work, which we began among our people, with
no less zeal to their good than any Prince can have to the good of theirs, might in our time
produce the fruits which there it hath done — whereof we nothing doubt, if ours will be found
as tractable and apt to further their own good now the way is shewed them by us their
Sovereign, as those of France have been to conform themselves to the direction of their King.
" Given under our signet at our Palace of Westminster the sixteenth of November in the
sixth year of England, France, and Ireland, and of Scotland the two and fortieth." 1
The royal scholar gloried chiefly in hospitably "entertaining" foreign divines and
literati. His grant under the Privy Seal to the learned Casaubon has left on record
the sentiments which he desired to be associated with his memory: —
"James, by the grace of God, &c. To all to whom theis presents shall come, greeting. —
As our progenitours have heretofore been carefull to call into their Realmes persons of
eminent learning agreeing in profession of religion with the Church of England, and here to
make use of them for the furtherance of learning and religion among their people, as namely
of Paulus Fagius, Martin Bucer, Peter Martir, and others, soe have wee, in regard of the
singular learning of Isaac Casaubon, and of his concurrancie with us and the Church of Eng-
land in profession of religion, invited him out of Fraunce into this our realme here to make
his aboad and to be used by us as we shall see cause for the service of the church. And for
his better support and mayntenance during the tyme of his aboade here we are pleased to give
unto him, and of our especiall grace, certayne knowledge, and meare motion, have given and
graunted, and by theis presents for us, our heirs and successors, doe give and graunt unto the
saide Isaac Casaubon a certeyne annuitye or pencion of Three hundred pounds of good and
lawfull money of England by the yeare To have hould and yearely to receave the said
annuitye or pention of Three hundred pounds by the yeare to the said Isaac Casaubon or his
1 "Samuel Hartlib, his Legacy of Husbandry,''' third edition, London, 1655, page 59.
SECTION FOURTH.
19
assigncs during our pleasure. The same to begynn ymediatlye from the feast of the birth of
our Lord God last past out of the Treasure of us our heires and successors, remaining in the
Exchequer of us our heires and successors by the hands of the Treasurer and Chamberlain of
us our heires and successors there for the tyme being. The same to be paide at the fower
usuall tearmes of the yeare, That is to saie, at the feastes of the annunciation of the blessed
Virgin Marie, the Nativitie of Saint John Baptist, Saint Michaell the Archangel, and the birth
of our Lord God, by even portions, although expresse mention, &c.
" Witnes our selfe at Westm : the Nynteenth day of Januarye [161 1 ?] Per Breve de
private sigillo" &c. 1
King James divided the Scottish Church into two parties, viz., Conformilanes to
government by prelates, and " Nonconformitanes," i.e., stedfast Presbyterians. Near
the end of his reign there was an opportunity for a generous rivalry between those
parties. I quote from Calderwood's History : — " 1622. About this time there was a
collection through the countrie for the Kirk of France. It began in Edinburgh upon
the twelf and endit upon the twentie-sixt of Februar. The Nonconformitanes ex-
ceedit all others verie farre in their liberalitie. The servants maids and boyes were
not behind for their part, for they contributed foure thousand merks. The sum me
of the whole amounted to threttie or threttie-five thousand merks. The ministers
were forced to confesse that the Nonconformitanes were the honestest men in their
fiockes."
§ z c t i 0 it ED.
FRENCH PROTESTANTS AND ENGLISH POLITICS IN THE TIMES OF CHARLES I.
AND CROMWELL, AND AT THE RESTORATION OF CHARLES II.
THE Huguenots, both at home and in exile, felt a fraternal interest in the
troubles of Great Britain. The very soil of England was dear to them.
And even King Charles I., though his education, his tendencies, and his
connections might alarm them, succeeded to all the loyalty and devotion which the
refugees in England felt for former rulers of their adopted country.
The French Protestants never ceased to love and admire their " sovereign lord,
King Henry of Navarre;" and they were personally attached to his son and grand-
son, Louis XIII. and XIV. They never extended to their kings their rage against
priestly persecutors and Popish mobs. In 1625 Charles I., by his marriage with
their Princess, or " Madame," Henriette Marie, 2 became the son-in-law of their
lamented King Henri, and thus a brother to Louis XIII. It cannot be denied that,
soon after this matrimonial alliance, an English expedition had set out against the
Huguenots, which, happily, did nothing. This deed was atoned for by the arma-
ment of 1627, which (although it also effected nothing) produced an impression that
King Charles was doing his best to succour La Rochelle at the time of its memor-
able siege, and was thus personally deserving of the gratitude of the Huguenots.
He had also propitiated the refugees in the year 1626 (23d Nov.) by an order
addressed to all officers of the executive government which, reciting the honourable
reception and substantial bounties accorded to British subjects and their children
beyond the seas, required that the members of the Foreign Churches and their chil-
dren should be maintained in the peaceable enjoyment of all the immunities which
they held from His Majesty's predecessors. 3
The French Protestants were quite disposed to take the Royalist view of English
affairs, as far as their feelings were concerned. If the King of England had cordially
held the essentials of Bible Protestantism, and had promoted tolerant proceedings
towards all Protestant churches, the Huguenots would never have complained of his
blustering adherence to his prelatical and sacerdotal predilections. His complicity
with Archbishop Laud brought him into collision with the French Protestants.
English Church history, and especially the recorded experience of Archbishop
1 Wodrow MSS., Advocates' Library, Edinburgh.
2 Although historians call this queen " Henrietta-Maria," yet during her life the English called her " Queen
Mary;" and in the reign of Charles II., those French churches that used Durel's translation of the Anglican
Prayer-Book prayed for her as " La Reine Marie, Mere du Roi." Thilip Henry enters her death in his diary
thus : — " September 1669, Mary the Qu. Mother dy'd in this month in France." In 1625 the registrar of Canter-
bury Cathedral noted: — " Kinge Charles cae' to Can' the last of Maye to meete quene Marye."
1 Weiss (as above).
20
HIS TO RICA L IN TR 0D UCTION.
Whitgift, might have proved to Laud that the line of argument on which the
Anglican Church could successfully rely was, that what is right in Church govern-
ment means whatever is most practicable. The whole question is thus resolved into
a matter of convenience or of taste, as to which there may be two sides, without
either party having a right to heat its arguments with such epithets as " irreligious"
or " profane." After establishing itself in triumphant possession of the land by
means of the argument that Church government is a non-essential matter, the
Anglican system could never consistently proclaim itself to be the one thing needful.
Yet this inconsistency was the policy of which Laud was the grand mover and
martyr.
This change of attitude injuriously affected the relation of English Prelacy to
foreign Protestantism. The Scriptural and evangelical fathers of the Church of
England acknowledged the non-prclatic churches as professors of the same faith and
religion as themselves. The one true religion was not an insular monopoly, but a
European common property. It was reserved for William Laud, Archbishop of
Canterbury, to repudiate this communion of saints.
Laud's brotherly kindness and aspirations for communion took another direction.
He endeavoured to introduce into the Protestant Church, of which he was the
Primate, the suicidal principles, " that the Church of Rome is a true visible Church,
and never erred in fundamentals, no, not in the worst times ; that she is the ancient
holy Mother Church ; that her religion and ours of the Church of England is all one."
Such a view was not meant to be only additional ; it was to be corrective, and to be
substituted for the old declarations of fraternity with foreign Protestants. In 1634
the King, by advice of the Lord-Keeper Coventry, having caused letters-patent to
pass the Great Seal for a collection on behalf of the distressed ministers of the
Palatinate, Laud arrested the publication of the document, because it described the
religion of the sufferers to be " the true religion, which we, together with them, profess
to maintain." And a revised patent was issued, merely declaring that the foreign
pastors " suffered for TlliiiR religion"
Both the Dutch and French Protestant settlers soon felt the archprelate's ill-will.
It was a grievance to him to see their churches enjoying by law the free exercise of
their religion and discipline, exempt from all Archiepiscopal and Episcopal jurisdic-
tion. He began by using the plausible argument that such an exemption could
have been meant to endure only during the lifetime of the refugees ; and that their
children, being Englishmen by birth, were clearly subject to the bishops of their
respective dioceses. And further, that though the successors of King Edward had
confirmed all the exemptions, yet, at least in 1630, there was the reservation, "so
long as His Majesty shall be pleased."
The following documents are sufficiently interesting to be inserted in the place
of any narrative. The first was forwarded by Dr Richard Montague, Bishop of
Norwich, to Laud, who received it Feb. 21st, 1635, n.s. (Another petition, the same
in substance, was sent to the primate himself on the 26th June.)
" To the Right Reverend Father in God, Richard, Lord Bishop of Norwich.
" The humble remonstrance and Petition of the two Congregations of Strangers
in the city of Norwich.
" It hath pleased my Lord's Grace of Canterbury to send forth lately two
Injunctions to the three congregations of strangers, Canterbury, Sandwich, and
Maidstone, in his Grace's diocese, to this effect : — 1st. That their English natives
should separate from them, and resort to the English Parish Churches where they
dwell. 2dly. That the remainder of them, being strangers born, should receive and
use the English Liturgy, translated into their own language, upon the first day of
March next — the which is generally conceived to be a leading case for all the
strangers' congregations that are in England.
" Now, forasmuch as the said Injunctions seem to be opposite not only to certain
orders of his Majesty's most honourable Privy Council, heretofore upon several
occasions granted unto several congregations of the strangers, but chiefly to all the
gracious liberties and privileges granted unto them of old, and continued during the
reign of three most famous princes, King Edward, Queen Elizabeth, and King James,
of glorious memory, and confirmed by his now Majesty's regal word, our gracious
sovereign (whom God long preserve), which he was pleased graciously to give unto
the deputies of all the strangers' congregations in England, prostrate at his Majesty's
feet, the 30th of April, 1625.
" And also, that the observing of the said Injunctions will necessarily draw after
it many great and unavoidable inconveniences, both common and personal. As,
namely, that the parishes shall be needlessly charged with a great multitude of poor
SECTION FO UR TH.
21
strangers, that are English natives. Many natives shall, ipso facto, lose the benefit
of their toleration in exercising their manufactures, having not served their seven
years' apprenticeships, and be in danger of ruin or molestation. Many such also
that understand not well the English tongue, shall be little edified by the English
prayers and sermons which they shall hear. Their families shall be divided, some
going one way, some another, to their appointed assemblies — which may minister an
unhappy opportunity of licentiousness to servants and children that are loosely
minded. The alien strangers that shall remain, being not the fourth part of the now
standing congregations (especially in this city), for want of competent ability to
maintain their ministers and poor, must needs be utterly dissolved, and come to
nothing. So the ancient and much renowned Asyla, and places of refuge for the
poor persecuted and other ignorant Christians beyond the seas shall be wanting ;
whereat Rome will rejoice, and the Reformed Churches in all places will mourn.
" Many ministers (and those ancient) having no other means but their congrega-
tions, which shall then fail them, shall be to seek for themselves and their destituted
families. The foreign poor will be added to the native poor, and increase the charge
and burden of their several parishes, who will be to them no welcome guests ; or else
be sent away beyond sea, where they will open many mouths against the authors of
their misery. The commonwealth shall lose many skilful workmen in sundry
manufactures, whom in times past the land hath so much desired. Many thousand
English, of the poorer sort, shall miss their good masters that set them on work and
paid them well, which will cause them to grieve at their departure, if not to murmur.
" And say a handful of aliens should remain to make up a poor congregation,
where shall they baptize their new-born infants ? if in the parish churches, then shall
the strangers lose one of their sacraments ; and if in the said strangers' congrega-
tions, then it would be known when they shall be sent away to be admitted as natives
in their English parishes.
" A greater difficulty will yet arise about the English rites and ceremonies enjoined
to such aliens as shall remain. For though they mislike them not in the English
churches, unto the which, upon occasion, they do willingly resort, yet when this
innovation will come upon them, it will be so uncouth and strange, as it is doubtful
whether it or the separation of the natives from the aliens will bring the more
trouble, and whether they will not both be followed (though not cequis passibus) with
the utter dissolution of the congregations. And the rather, because it is not likely
that upon their want of a minister, any will be ready to come, (though sent for) from
beyond the seas, to serve them upon these two conditions: — 1st. To be contented
with so mean a stipend as they shall then be able to afford, and that uncertain too.
2d. To observe such rites and ceremonies as they were never acquainted withal, yea,
are offensive to some beyond the seas, from whence they shall be called.
" Lastly, forasmuch as we have given no occasion of offence that might deserve
the taking away of our former liberties, but have still demeaned ourselves peaceably
and respectively toward the English discipline, neither do we harbour any factious
English persons as members of our congregations — and also, that by two several
orders of His Majesty's most honourable Privy Council, your Lordship and your
successors have power to order the disordered in both the congregations, if any shall
happen.
" Therefore we humbly entreat your good lordship, &c, &c."
The following is an extract from the second document, being Laud's reply : —
" His Majesty is resolved that his injunctions shall hold, and that obedience shall be
yielded to them by all the natives after the first descent, who may continue in their congrega-
tions, to the end the aliens may the better look to the education of their children, and that
their several congregations may not be too much lessened at once. But that all of the second
descent born here in England, and so termed, shall resort to their several Parish Churches,
whereas they dwell
" And thus I have given you answer fairly in all your particulars, and do expect all obedience
and conformity to my injunctions — which, if you shall perform, the State will have occasion to
see how ready you are to practise the obedience which you teach. And for my part, I doubt
not but yourselves, or your posterity at least, shall have cause to thank both the State and the
Church for this care taken of you. But if you refuse, (as you have no cause to do, and I hope
you will not), I shall then proceed against the natives according to the Laws and Canons
F.cclesiastical. So hoping the best of yourselves and your obedience, I leave you to the grace
of God, and rest your loving friend,
August igt/i, 1635. W. CANT."
Prynne, to whom I am indebted for the foregoing documents, adds the following
particulars.
22
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
— " By these Injunctions these Churches were molested and disquieted some three
or four years' space ; some of them were interdicted, suspended and shut up for a time
for refusing conformity. Others of them were dissolved, their ministers deserting
them rather than submitting to these Injunctions. All of them were much dimin-
ished and discontented, the maintenance of their ministers and poor members being
much impaired, almost to their utter desolation, notwithstanding all the great friends
they could make to intercede on their behalf ; and they being brought quite under
that Episcopal jurisdiction and tyranny, from which they were formerly exempted.
Hereupon many conscientious aliens and their children deserted the kingdom, who
could not in conscience submit to the ceremonies and innovations in our churches ;
and most of their families were miserably distracted, as appears by a Summary
Relation of the Archbishop's proceedings herein presented to the Parliament, and
by a large printed book entitled, A Relation of the troubles of the Three Forraigne
Churches in Kent, caused by the injunctions of William Laud, Archbishop of Canter-
bury, A.D. 1634, set forth by John Bulteel, minister of God's word to the Walloon
Congregation of Canterbury, printed A nno 1645." (Prynne's "Trial of Laud," page 407.)
In due course the king, loving to govern by priestly directions, by secret tribunals,
and by martial law, plunged the country into a civil war. One astounding conse-
quence of this position of affairs was an Act of Parliament abolishing Episcopacy,
which was passed 10th Sept. 1642, but not to come into operation till the 5th Nov.
1643. With a view to organizing a Church for Great Britain, the Lords and Com-
mons summoned an Assembly of Divines to deliberate along with learned laymen.
This Assembly, which was preceded by a public sermon preached in Westminster
Abbey, on July 1st, 1643, and which held its eleven hundred and sixty-three
meetings in Henry VII. 's Chapel, is known in history as the Westminster Assembly.
The ministers of parishes in the Channel Islands were the Members of Assembly
with whom the French Ministers had the closest ties. Their spokesman was the
Rev. John de la March of Guernsey. On the 22nd Dec. he introduced a Deputation
from the French church of London, bearers of a Petition which was read to the
Assembly. Lightfoot gives the following summary of its contents : — First, "A con-
gratulation for our meeting ; " secondly, " laying open their charter made by Edward
VI. for their church in this city ; " tldrdly, " a grievous complaint of two that have
made a fearful rent and schism in their church, the one a doctor, and the other once
a monk, who have separated from their congregation and begin to gather churches;"
fourthly, " they desired us to present their complaint to the Houses [of Parliament."
This petition was referred to a committee.
On the preceding 22nd November it was ordered by the House of Commons,
" That the Assembly of Divines be moved to write letters unto some Divines or
Churches of Zealand and Holland, and to the Protestant Churches in France,
Switzerland, and other Reformed Churches, to inform them, against the great
artifices and disguises of His Majesty's agents in those parts, of the true state of our
affairs, and of the constant employment of Irish Popish Rebels and other Papists to
be Governors, Commanders, and Soldiers, the many evidences of their intentions to
introduce Popery, their endeavour to hinder the reformation here intended, and con-
demning other Protestant Churches as unsound because not prelatical. And that
the Scots Commissioners be desired to join therein. And likewise that the Com-
mittees of the Lords and Commons and of the Divines may advise with the Scots
Commissioners."
The Solicitor-General brought this order before the Assembly. A Latin letter
was accordingly drawn up and signed on 19-29 January following, both by the
officials and by six Commissioners from the Church of Scotland. The copy sent
to France was addressed to the Church of Paris, Reverendis et doctissimis viris,
Pastoribus et Scnioribus Ecclesice qua; est Lutetice Parisiorum, dominns et fratribus
houorandis.
Dr Grosart, in his memoir of Herbert Palmer, B.D., calls attention to the fact that
that loveable and able divine drafted the Westminster Assembly's Letter. [As to
Palmer, Samuel Clark says that he was born at Wingham, about six miles from
Canterbury, in 1601 : "he learned the French tongue almost as soon as he could
speak English ; even so soon, as that he hath often affirmed that he did not remember
his learning of it. And he did afterwards attain so great exactness of speaking
and preaching in that language, together with a perfect knowledge of the state of
affairs of that kingdom (especially of the Protestant Churches amongst them) that he-
was often by strangers thought to be a native Frenchman, and did not doubt but to
entertain discourse with any person of that nation for some hours together, who
should not be able by his discourse to distinguish him from a native Frenchman, but
SECTION FOURTH.
^3
judge him to be born and bred in France : so well was he furnished with an exact
knowledge, both of the propriety and due pronunciation of that language, and of the
persons, places, and affairs of that kingdom and the churches therein ; a thing not
often seen in one who had never been out of England." Before his death in 1647
he testified the affections of his heart by praying aloud for himself and others ; one
of the petitions was, " Lord, do good to Scotland and the churches of France ; bless
New England and foreign plantations." ]
Principal Baillie in one of his famous " Letters " (vol. ii. p. 1 1 1) had written, " The
Parliament became the other day sensible of their too long neglect of writing to the
churches abroad of their condition ; so it was the matter of our great committee to
draw up letters in the name of the Assembly for the Protestant Churches. The
drawing of them was committed to Mr Palmer, who yet is upon them " (7th Decem-
ber 1643). The inscriptions were many, but it was one and the same letter that was
transcribed and sent to the various churches. There was no continuous exchange of
correspondence ; so Baillie had occasion to say, when a correspondent desired that
a favourable letter sent in return from the " Zeland " church should be answered by
the [Westminster] Assembly ; " As for returning an answer, they have no power to
write one line to any soul but as the Parliament directs ; neither may they impor-
tune the Parliament for warrants to keep foreign correspondence. With what art
and diligence that general one to all the churches was gotten, I know. You know
this is no proper Assembly, but a meeting called by the Parliament to advise them
in what things they are asked."
Baillie hoped that some of the Huguenot Divines would help them by private
Letters. He said in 1644 ("Letters," vol. ii. p. 180) : " There is a golden occasion
in hand, if improved, to get England conform in worship and government to
the rest of the reformed. If nothing dare be written in public by any of the French,
see if they will write their mind for our encouragement, to any private friend here or
in Holland." He became rather out of humour with the Parisian Divines, and
declared " the French Divines dare not keep public correspondence, and I heard that
the chief of them are so much courtiers that they will not [say] the half they dare and
might ; policy and prudence so far keeps down their charity and zeal, &c, &c."
(" Letters," vol. ii. p. 1 70). However, in the end of 1644 he was better pleased (see his
vol. ii. page 253) and wrote, "It were good that our friends at Paris were made to
understand our hearty and very kind resentment of their demonstration of zeal
and affection towards the common cause of all the reformed churches now in our
poor weak hands."
Mr De la March, who apparently had been entrusted with the duty of forwarding
the Westminster Assembly's letter, reported on the 13th March that the senior pas-
teur of Charenton having received it, did, by advice of the pasteurs and elders, hand
it unopened to the Deputy-General of the Reformed Churches of France ; and that
the Secretary of State, having been informed of it, took it ill that these churches
should hold any correspondence with England in its divided condition. The con-
sequence was that the letter was still unopened, and those churches uninformed of
its contents. The Assembly therefore sent a Deputation to the House of Commons
requesting that the letter might be printed. 1 This request was immediately granted,
and it was ordered, " That the Letter from the Assembly of Divines to the Reformed
Churches beyond Seas shall be printed in Latin and English, with the several
inscriptions to the particular several churches, and that Mr Selden and Mr Rous
do acquaint the Assembly with this Order."
The Letter described the bigotted and persecuting policy of the Cavaliers and of
their ghostly advisers, their leanings to Popery, and their coolness and aversion to
Foreign Protestants. The illustrative facts were the sufferings inflicted on the
Church of Scotland, the massacre of Irish Protestants and the King's truce with their
armed murderers, and the opposition of the Court to the Westminster Assembly.
The conclusion contained three requests, (1) That foreign Protestants would be
persuaded of the innocence and integrity of the leaders of the popular party in
Britain ; (2) That they would sympathise with them as sufferers " in the same cause
wherein you yourselves have been oppressed;" (3) That they would make common
cause with them, " the quarrel of the enemy being not so much against the persons of
men, as against the power of godliness and purity of God's word wherever it is
professed. The way and manner of your owning us we leave wholly to yourselves."
It is plain that, with regard to the British broils, two counteracting influences
must have been at work in the minds of the Protestants of France. Their veneration
1 See both Lightfoot's and Gillespie's diurnal notes of the proceedings of the Westminster Assembly, which
are printed in the collected works of each author.
24
HIS TO RICA L INTR OD UCTION.
for kings, and their attachment to a royal family that was so intimately connected
with their own, disposed them to sympathise with Charles. Yet they were repelled
by insults both in word and deed, hurled by the favourite royal advisers against
their religious doctrines, worship and church government. Being Presbyterians both
in polity and in worship, their sympathy on theoretical grounds might have been
confidently claimed by a Parliament which had abolished the Laudean Prelacy, and
had created the Westminster Assembly.
But we have to pass on to the execution of Charles I. This was the crime and
blunder by which the Parliament lost all durable sympathy. The Presbyterians
could prove that this judicial murder was not their doing. And the Congrega-
tionalists are free from all blame, as far as their church principles are concerned ;
though the individual offenders, being members of the bar and of the army, professed
a theory of Church Discipline which bore the name of Independency. But the
great mass of mankind were led to believe that all Protestants who were not Epis-
copalians were Presbyterians. The name of Presbyterian was given to every form
of Protestant Dissent from Anglican Prelacy. And thus public report inculpated
the Presbyterians. As to the French Protestants, though they did not fall into that
mistake, yet their feelings of pity for the royal sufferer and for his illustrious family,
and for individuals among his clergy, amounted practically to the withholding of
sympathy from the Presbyterians of England.
The most celebrated writers against the execution of Charles I. were French
Protestants. They were well practised in the most courtly style of language, because
being accused of disloyalty by the Papists, they had continually to assert their
devotion to their own king. Having nothing to protect them but a monarch's good
pleasure or good humour, they favoured theories as to kingly claims which sound
rather slavish in modern ears. They saw the English court and country from a
distance ; and being inexperienced in the grievances of their English brethren, they
could bring forward their ultra-royalist arguments, without feeling encumbered by
any sense of provocation associated with the name of the Royal Charles Stuart.
The name of Claudius Salmasius was, in French, Claude Saumaise. It was his
attack on the executioners of King Charles that drew forth John Milton's first
defence of the Commonwealth of England. More notably connected with the Pro-
testants of France is the name of Du Moulin, Latinized Molinocus. Two sons of the
great French pastor of that name adopted England as their country, and both abjured
Presbyterianism, Louis becoming an Independent (he was M.D. of Leyden), and
Pierre becoming an Episcopal clergyman. The former, while clearing all religious
parties of the guilt of the king's murder, was a polemical author against the English
Presbyterians. The latter, a D.D. of Leyden, wrote the curious little book, for whose
title-page the printer contributed his blood-red ink to impress upon the reader that
the king's blood was crying from the ground for vengeance — " Regii Sanguinis Clamor
ad Caelum adversus parricidas Anglicanos."
The correspondence between the English and foreign Universities circulated
news and sentiments regarding England. The Theological colleges of the French
Protestants were of unsurpassed efficiency. Their University-seats were Saumur,
Sedan, Montauban, Nismes, Montpellier, and Die. Oxford and Cambridge recog-
nised their degrees, and were always willing to admit their graduates ad eundem.
Persecution gradually suppressed all the French Protestant Colleges and Academies
first, by a perverse interpretation of the Edict of Nantes, to the effect that theology
was not one of the liberal sciences intended by the Edict — and next, by a tyrannical
decree, that schools teaching only reading, writing, and arithmetic, were quite enough
for Huguenots. But during their brief existence, their universities were most worthy
of the name. The most intimate connections between them and those of England
were formed by natives of the Channel Islands, who studied in a French University
because their mother tongue was French, and yet were eligible for an English Church
living because England was their native kingdom.
The opinions of French Protestants concerning the divisions in England varied
in each individual case according to the views of their English correspondents. Being
foreigners, they had few means of sifting any statements which an esteemed English
friend might make or send to them. It would be a mistake, therefore, to ascribe to
the Huguenots one uniform sentiment regarding English politics. While Du Bosc's
biographer declared that all their theologians were on the Royalist side, James, Duke
of York, formed a totally different opinion. The Duke said to Burnet, " that among
other prejudices he had at the Protestant Religion this was one, that both his brother
and himself, being in many companies in Paris incognito, where they met many
Protestants, he found they were all alienated from them, and were great admirers of
SECTION FOURTH.
25
Cromwell ; so he believed they were all rebels in their heart." Burnet replied,
" Foreigners are no other way concerned in the quarrels of their neighbours than
to see who can or will assist them. The coldness which they had formerly seen in
the Court of England with relation to them, and the zeal which was now expressed,
naturally made them depend on one who seemed resolved to protect them."
The distaste with which, at first, French Protestants viewed Cromwell's govern-
ment gave way before his zeal for Protestantism and his intercessions to the
European powers in behalf of the persecuted. As a Protestant King had damaged
his influence by leaning on a Romanizing Archbishop, so the Republican protector
rose in estimation through his beneficence to poor Protestant people.
Cardinal Mazarin, the Prime Minister of Louis XIV., who had been lukewarm
in Charles's cause, vehemently courted an alliance with Cromwell. France and
Spain were at irreconcilable enmity, and England could not avoid taking a side in
the contest. The advocate of Spain was a Frenchman, the Prince of Conde, who
had withdrawn from allegiance to his native monarchy, and was living as a denizen
in the Spanish Netherlands, having some French Protestants among his followers.
He represented to Cromwell that the Huguenots might be willing to rise in France
against the Crown ; and that to incite them to this, he would revive the old heredi-
tary influence of the name of Conde by becoming a Protestant himself, on condition
that Cromwell would join him in a Spanish alliance. He also offered to conquer
Calais for the English. Mazarin made further advances, and made the more feasible
proposal to assist Cromwell to take Dunkirk.
Oliver resolved to be guided by the sentiments of the Protestant population of
France, and took counsel accordingly with one of the pastors of the French Church
of the city of London. He was a native of the Grisons, and at heart more a layman
than a pastor, as he ultimately proved by becoming a brigadier in the French Army.
This pastor, Jean Baptiste Stouppe, was sent by the Protector into France on a
private mission. I quote Burnet's account : —
"Cromwell sent Stouppe round all France to talk with their most eminent men,
to see into their strength, into their present condition, the oppressions they lay
under, and their inclinations to trust the Prince of Conde. He went from Paris
down the Loire, then to Bourdeaux, from thence to Montauban, and across the south
of France to Lyons. He was instructed to talk to them only as a traveller, and to
assure them of Cromwell's zeal and care for them, which he magnified everywhere.
The Protestants were then very much at their ease. Mazarin, who thought of nothing
but to enrich his family, took care to maintain the edicts better than they had been
in any time formerly. So Stouppe returned, and gave Cromwell an account of the
ease they were in, and of their resolution to be quiet. They had a very bad opinion
of the Prince of Conde, as a man who sought nothing but his own greatness, to which
they believed he was ready to sacrifice all his friends, and every cause that he
espoused."
Having upon this refused the Prince of Conde's offer, Cromwell had to consider
whether he would accede to the overtures of Cardinal Mazarin. The great reason
for his deciding in favour of the French alliance is thus reported by Burnet : — " He
found the parties grew so strong against him at home, that he saw if the King or
his brother were assisted by France with an army of Huguenots to make a descent
on England (which was threatened if he should join with Spain) this might prove
very dangerous to him who had so many enemies at home and so few friends."
The Huguenots had no reason to regret Cromwell's decision. The two memor-
able occasions of his using the French Alliance as a means of relieving persecuted
Protestants may be here given — the first in Burnet's words : —
" The Duke of Savoy raised a new persecution of the Vaudois. So Cromwell sent to
Mazarin, desiring him to put a stop to that ; adding, that he knew well they had that Duke in
their power, and could restrain him as they pleased ; and if they did not, he must presently
break with them. Mazarin objected to this as unreasonable ; he promised to do good offices ;
but he could not be obliged to answer for the effects they might have. This did not satisfy
Cromwell, so they obliged the Duke of Savoy to put a stop to that unjust fury. And Cromwell
raised a great sum for the Vaudois, and sent over Morland to settle all their concerns, and to
supply all their losses."
The other grand intervention is thus recorded by Oldmixon : —
Oliver relieves the French Protestants.
"All Europe was so sensible of his power, that the distressed in all parts of it flew to him
for refuge, and found it, even when their case was most desperate, as that of the Protestant
I. U
26
HIS TORj'CA L INTR OD UCTION.
inhabitants of the city of Nismes in France. There arose a difference between the burghers,
who were mostly Huguenots, the magistrates, and the bishop ; which growing tumultuary, the
Intendant of the Province repaired thither to prevent an insurrection. When he came there
the inhabitants opposed him, and preparations were made to reduce them by force. The
Protestants in France fearing to be involved in the guilt of the mutiny at Nismes, and
these burghers expecting severe chastisement, applied to Cromwell to intercede for them. This
was done very secretly. The Protector with equal secrecy assured them of his protection,
and immediately despatched a trusty agent with this letter to Cardinal Mazarin : —
" Eminentissimo Cardinali Mazarino,
" Eminentissime Domine Cardinalis, — Cum nobilem hunc virum cum Uteris, quarum
exemplar hie inclusum est, ad Regem mittere necessarie statuissem, turn ei ut Eminentiam
vestram meo nomine salutaret simul in mandatis dedi, certasque res vobiscum communicandas
ejus fidei commisi. Quibus in rebus Eminentissimam rogo vestram, uti summam ei fidem
habere velit, utpote in quo ego summam fiduciam reposuerim. Eminentise vestrse studiossimus,
OLIVERIUS,
"Ex Alba. Aula, 26th Dec. 1656. Protector Reip. Anglise.
" P.S. (of his own handwriting). — 'Je viens d'apprendre la revolte des habitans de Nismes.
Je recommande a votre Eminence les interets des Reformes,' i.e., I have just been informed
of the tumult at Nismes, I recommend to your Eminence the interests of the Reformed.
" He also sent instruction to Lockhart [Ambassador at Paris] to second the solicitations of
the agent, and if he prevailed not, to come away immediately. Mazarin complained of this
way of proceeding as too imperious, but he feared Cromwell too much to quarrel with him.
The Cardinal sent orders to the Intendant to make up matters as well as he could."
I have, said of Pasteur Stouppe that " he was at heart more a layman than a
pastor, as he ultimately proved, by becoming a Brigadier in the French army." But
I must acquit him of the suspicion of having abjured Protestantism in order to be
qualified for the army. At the restoration of Charles II. he could not stay in
London, the royalists being furious against him for having acted as a diplomatist
under Cromwell. He hoped to preach in Canterbury unmolested, but was followed
to that retreat. Among the records of the French Church of Canterbury Mr Burn
found a document thus described : — "28th August 1661. The king's letter requiring
the church not to admit or use Mr Stoupe as minister, but give him to understand
he is not to return to this kingdom, he being a known agent and a common intelli-
gencer of the late usurpers." During the early campaigns of the Williamite war in
Flanders, he was colonel of a regiment of Swiss Auxiliaries in the French service.
Soon after his death a number of his men went over to our king. " Brigadier
Stouppe," says D Auvergne, " died of the wounds he received at the battle of Steen-
kirk. That Stouppe was a Protestant and had been a minister. But I was told
that Colonel Monim, who had the regiment after him, was a Roman Catholic, and
had turned out the minister that belonged to the regiment, and put a priest in
his place, which so disgusted his soldiers that it occasioned a general desertion in his
regiment." . (DAuvergne's " History of the Campagne in the Spanish Netherlands,"
A.D. 1694, page 24.) In the year 1662 Baxter notices the case of Pastor Stouppe;
he says ("Reliquiae," p. 380), " Mr Stoope, the pastor of the French church, was banished
or forbidden this land, as fame said, for carrying over our debates into France."
Bishop Burnet erroneously calls Stouppe " a minister of the French Church in the
Savoy" [in the Strand, London]. At that time no such church had been founded,
although a West-End congregation was waiting for the sanction of Charles II. at his
Restoration. I have already given details of the troubles of the regular French con-
gregations in the days of Laud. It should here be added that the greater troubles,
which that prelate brought upon himself and upon his country, drew off attention
from the French congregations, and practically occasioned the cessation of their
vexations. Even the black Act of Uniformity in 1662 did not molest them. It
contained this proviso : — " Provided that the penalties in this Act shall not extend to
the Foreigners or Aliens of the Foreign Reformed Churches, allowed or to be allowed
by the King's Majesty, his heirs and successors in England." A revival of the
Laudean spirit betrayed itself temporarily in the year 1676 in Canterbury, when the
Anglican Consistorial Court suspended the Pasteur Delon from the ministry for
having solemnized, as usual, a marriage between descendants of refugees, and excom-
municated the virtuous couple as persons married clandestinely. The persecuting
proceedings were speedily cancelled by Royal order.
SECTION FIFTH.
27
CHURCH GOVERNMENT AND WORSHIP.
THE designation, "The Reformed Churches of France" (Lcs Egliscs Reformces
de France), instead of "The Reformed Church of France," must not connect
the Huguenots in the reader's mind with the Independent or Congregation-
alist system of Church-Government. The national title had to be avoided, partly
because Protestantism was tolerated, not throughout the kingdom but only in some
places, and partly because it would have needlessly offended the priest-ridden rulers
of the nation.
The Reformed doctrines and rites in France were Calvinistic. The worshippers
were called Calvinists, not as persons convinced by the study of theological manuals,
but as the spiritual offspring of Calvin himself — an ecclesiastical vineyard planted by
his own labours. Because they never had bishops or episcopal ordination, Bishop
Bossuet in his Pastoral Letter (J>age 11) thus reproached them : — "If your pretended
pastors will speak the language and attribute to themselves the authority of true
pastors, let them shew us the original of their ministry and, like St Cyprian and the
other orthodox bishops, let them make us see that they are descended from any
Apostle. Let them show us the eminent Chair, where all the churches preserve the
Unity, where principally shines the concord and succession of Episcopacy. Open
yourselves, my brethren, the books which you call your Ecclesiastical History; 'tis
Beza that has composed it. Open the history of these false martyrs whose unhappy
number they would have you to augment. You will find that the first who modelled
the Churches in France, which you call Reformed, were laics made pastors by laics,
and by consequence always laymen, who dared at all times to take the law of God in
their mouth, and without power did dare to administer the holy sacraments. Call to
your remembrance Pierre Le Clerc, a wool-carder ; I do not speak it in scorn of his
profession, or to revile an honest trade, but to tax the ignorance, the presumption
and the schism of a man who, without having predecessor or pastor to ordain him,
bolts out of his shop to preside in the Church. It is he who carved out the
pretended Reformed Church of Meaux, the first hatched in this kingdom, in the
year 1546."
The first Reformed Synod, which met on the 28th May 1559 and following days,
drew up a Confession de Foi in Forty Articles and a Discipline Ecclesiastiqne in Forty
Precepts. From these we discover the principles and practices of the Ecclesiastical
system (they are printed in the Appendix to Haag's La France Protestante, Pieces
Nos. X. and XL). The Doctrinal Articles, from the 29th to the 33d, describe the
Huguenot belief as to Ecclesiastical rule and rulers. The office-bearers are of three
orders, Pastenrs, Surveillans, and Diacres [(1) pastores or pastors, (2) episcopi or
overseers, (3) diaconi or deacons]. Instead of Surveillans, the word used in the
precepts of Discipline is Ancicns (presbyteri or elders). The duties assigned to the
pasteurs are similar to those of other Presbyterian Churches. The duties of the
ancicns are to assemble the congregation, and to report scandals to the consistory ;
while the diacres are to visit the sick, the poor and prisoners, and to catechize from
house to house. The elders and deacons are not elected for life, their continuance in
office being intended to be of freewill, only they must apply for permission to resign.
At an ecclesiastical meeting the president should be a pasteur ; but with this limita-
tion he is to be freely chosen at each meeting, and his position as chairman terminates
with the meeting.
The above rules recognize two courts, a consistory and a synod. A consistory
corresponded to a Scottish Kirk-Session, and was the local court for superintend-
ence over the members of one congregation. Between this court and a Synod, there
was another " meeting," which, though not named in the rules, is implied. A con-
siderable number of adjacent congregations were represented by their pasteurs, and
by a corresponding number of selected elders, in a higher court of superintendence
over congregations, called a Colloquy, the same as a Scottish Presbytery or an
English Classis. Next in the ascending scale of courts was the Provintial Synod,
the boundaries of whose jurisdiction over Colloquies could be conveniently mapped
out, through the geographical division of France into provinces. And the supreme
court was the National Synod, composed of representatives from the 1'rovincial
28
HIS TO RICA L INTR OD UCTION.
Synods ; it held the same position as the General Assembly of the Established
Church of Scotland.
The Public Edicts, which treated the French Protestants as a foreign people,
necessitated the erection of Assemblies for their secular affairs. Historians call
them political assemblies, but that is only a descriptive phrase, and not a formal
designation. They were called " Assemblies " ; the mass of them were local, and the
highest was called the General Assembly. When the cautionary towns were taken
away from the Protestants, there was little business left for these assemblies to
transact. There was still the payment of their pastors and deputies-general; the
funds came formally from the Royal Treasury, but really from the Protestant people,
who, having paid (Roman Catholic) tythes as citizens, were repaid by this provision
for their own spiritual guides. Professor Leonce Anquez, the historian of the
Political Assemblies of the Reformed of France, fixes the birth and death of those
assemblies by the dates, 1573 to 1622. At their final dissolution the Pastoral Fund
fell to be distributed by the National Synods which, when invested with that addi-
tional function, most closely resembled the present General Assemblies of the Free
Church of Scotland.
The English refugee congregations had a special discipline as old as the days of
Calvin. John a Lasco, their superintendent, was the first author of a Book of Discip-
line, intended for non-prelatic Protestants (older than both the Confession de foi and
the Discipline Ecclesiastique promulgated by the first French National Synod at
Paris in 1559). Archbishop Parker was tolerant enough to suggest in outline some
rules for the ministers of the foreigners' churches. In 1560 Calvin sent the Pasteur
Nicolas Des Gallars to London, and by him a Book of Discipline was drawn up,
founded upon the labours of a Lasco, the French Synod, and Parker. This Discip-
line was issued in 1561 under the editorship of a Lasco ; and copies were multiplied
in manuscript, to be lodged in the various churches, to be signed by the office-
bearers, and to be presented for signature to future office-bearers in all time
coming.
This code may have been from time to time amended in minor details, so as to
be better adapted to the circumstances of the refugees in England. A manuscript of
this kind was authoritatively consigned to the Norwich congregation on 5th April
1 589, space being left for the insertion of a paragraph appropriating the book to
Norwich, and for the local signatures. 1
The one unimportant difference between the refugee and the French Discipline is
that four orders of ministers are described in the English Discipline — pastors, doctors,
elders, deacons — the order of doctors includes Theological Professors and ordinary
schoolmasters. This Discipline requires a promise to be made by each pastor, elder,
and deacon on his ordination, and forms are prescribed varying according to the
respective offices, except the first clause as to loyalty, which is the same in all —
" item, vons promettez de garder et de maintcnir (autant qu en votes sera) le bien et
conservation de ce royaume, procurer {en ce qui vous sera possible) le paix et union de
celui, et ue consentir aucuncment a ce qui y pourroit contrevenir."
The Presbyterianism of the French Church was never doubted by any of its
British correspondents. King James VI. extracted letters of advice from French
pastors to Scotch ministers, on the ground that they were Presbyterian brethren.
When the Westminster Assembly communicated with the foreign churches, its letter,
in order to give it weight with those Presbyterian communities, was (by order)
signed by each of the Scottish Commissioners, the other signatures being only those
of official members. In 1660 it is true that several French pastors, having a personal
friendship for our mild-spoken King Charles, and having received partial and imper-
fect news as to the religious state of England, were favourable, on the whole, to the
Act of Uniformity, and almost seemed to wish our Presbyterians to conform to
Episcopacy. But the utmost that any of these reverend men could state as to their
own circumstances was that they regretted that they had no diocesan Episcopacy in
their church in France.
It was, however, from the department of worship that the imagination of Episco-
palianism in the French Church arose. Many excellent people value the Prayer-Book
as the grand feature of English Episcopacy. From the time of Edward VI. it was
well known in London and Canterbury that the worship of the French Church was
Calvinistic, and not liturgical in the Anglican sense. When, owing to the distance
of the City Church in Threadneedlc Street from their dwellings, some of the French
1 This manuscript was brought to light by Miss Lucy Toulmin Smith, and inserted by her, with a descrip-
tive narrative and notes, in the Norfolk Antiquarian Miscellany, Part III., 1S79. But it is now a British
Museum manuscript.
SECTION FIFTH.
29
in Westminster wished a place of worship at their own doors, they received church
accommodation from Oliver Cromwell. Thus the seed of liturgical disputes was
sown, though unintentionally; for, at the Restoration, Charles II. would not allow a
church for this West End congregation, unless it adopted the Anglican worship (all
the older congregations, however, being tolerated in worshipping according to their
home usages).
It will be remembered that Archbishop Laud attempted to force upon some of
the refugees' churches a translation of the English liturgy into the French language.
There was such an authorized translation from the date of the English Reformation,
for the use of our sovereigns' French-speaking subjects. 1 In 1552 a new edition
was contemplated to correspond with " the English new one, in all the alterations,
additions, and omissions thereof." This revision was committed "to a learned
Frenchman who was a Doctor of Divinity," under the direction of the Right Honour-
able and Right Reverend Thomas Goodrick, who was both Bishop of Ely and
Lord Chancellor. A petition was presented to Cecil on the part of a refugee printer,
that he might receive a patent for printing and publishing the new French Prayer-
Book for the use of the Islands of Jersey and Guernsey. Cecil wrote to Cranmer to
ascertain the necessary facts; and the Archbishop reported, first, that the first edition
had been translated by command of Sir Hugh Poulet, Governor of Calais, and
revised by competent persons, under the direction of the Lord Chancellor ; and
secondly, that, in his opinion, " the commodity that might arise by printing of the
book was meet to come to them who had already taken the pains in translating the
same." The refugee printer was therefore not employed, but it was printed and
published in 1 5 53. And this was the French Prayer-Book which Archbishop Laud
had in view.
After 1660, the French-speaking Englishman, Dr Durel, followed out the desires
of King Charles II. as to the worship of the Westminster French Church by under-
taking a new translation. And the King, on the 6th October 1662, issued a Procla-
mation that henceforth Dr Durel's Version of the Book of Common Prayer should
be used throughout Jersey, Guernsey, and the adjacent islands, as also in the French
Church of the Savoy, and all other French Churches in the English Dominions
which have conformed or shall hereafter conform to the Church of England — that is
to say, as soon as the book has been printed with the approbation required by law,
The License was obtained in the following year, dated from the Bishop of London's
Chambers in the Savoy, 6th April 1663. 2 This translation is an exact reproduction
of the English Prayer-book, including the prefaces, " It hath been the wisdom of the
Church of England," &c, &c. The translation falls below the original in some
respects, for instance, " Dearly Beloved Brethren " is rendered " Tres-chers Freres ; "
and "our most religious and gracious king" becomes "notre Roi tres-pieux et tres-
debonnaire." The Psalter however is taken from " la version de la Bible des Eglises
Reformers de France et de Geneve." This Prayer-Book was adopted by the
Westminster Congregation, which was thenceforth accommodated within the Savoy
Palace in the Strand. In the pulpit, before giving out his text, the preacher offered
up a prayer, one of the petitions being for le tres-reverend Pere en Dieu, Gilbert,
Seigneur Eveque de ce Diocese. The pasteurs and anciens retained their consistorial
powers ; but the congregation was under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of London,
as a judge to hear complaints from any quarter, and appeals from themselves.
I have said that the liturgical controversy arose from this Savoy Chapel affair.
When the King's terms were made known, Pasteur Hierosme (alias Jerome) advised
submission, declaring that any debate or delay would be wrong in the circumstances 3
— alluding probably to the strong current in favour of liturgical uniformity which
had set in. The reasons amounted to one, namely, that it could not be helped.
And the nervous pasteur prevailed with the congregation accordingly. Though the
result pleased Dr Durel, he was dissatisfied with the reasoning ; and accordingly he
published a book to prove that the Calvinistic ritual of the French Church was as
liturgical as the worship of the Church of England, and that the ceremonies of the
two churches were identical. This, however, was not the logic of facts. The pretext
for his statements as to a French Liturgy was a small printed collection of Prayers
(appended to Clement Marot's Psalms), out of which the officiating pasteurs might,
if they chose, read one or more prayers during public worship.
1 Strype's " Life of Cramner," Book ii., chap. 33, — also Appendix of Documents, Nos. 54 ami 106, — from
which it appears that the offer of the French Refugee was simply to print the French Frayer-Book, and not (as
Strype says) to translate the Frayer-Book into French.
- Ilanc Gallicam domini Joannis Durelli Liturgiae Anglicana: versionem perlegi, eamque per omnia cum
Originali Anglico concordem me reperisse profiteer. Geok. Stkadling, S.T.F., Rev. in Chnsto Fat. Gdb.
Lpisc. Lond. a sac. domesticis. Ex Aid. Sabaud. Aprile 6, 1C63.
3 Apologie des I uritains d'Angleterre, &.C., 1663 [a book winch I have already described J, page 123, &c.
30
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
This collection is called the Pricres Ecclesiastiques. In 1665 John Lauder,
afterwards Lord Fountainhall, gave this account of the Huguenot Church Service at
Poitiers : — " During the gathering of the congregation they sing a psalm. Then the
minister coming up, by a short set form of exhortation stirring them up to join with
him in prayer, reads a set form of confession of sins out of their pricres ecclesiastiques
or liturgie ; which being ended, they sing a psalm which the minister nominates,
reading the first two or three lines, after which they read no more the line as we do,
but the people follow it as we do in ' Glory to the Father.' The psalm being ended,
the minister has a conceived prayer of himself, adapted for the most part to what
he is to discourse on. This being ended, he reads his text. Having preached, then
reads a prayer out of their liturgy, then sings a psalm, and then the Blessing." 1
Some pastors made less use of this Devotional Manual, and some perhaps more ;
while others appear to have made no use of it. In the second volume of the Memoirs
of these Refugees, my readers will find a Life of the Rev. James Fontaine, who was
an opponent of liturgies. In his autobiography he mentions his eldest brother, the
Pasteur of Archiac, in Saintonge, who died before the Revocation, and of whom he
says, " He had the infirmity of stammering when he repeated anything that he knew
by heart, so he was obliged to employ another person to repeat the Creed and the
Lord's Prayer in his church ; but he could preach and pray extemporaneously
without any hesitation."
The Book of Prayers was therefore no real foundation for Dr Durel's special
pleading. The theoretical Anglican system, which was rigidly enforced in those
days, was more than permissive as to the reading of prayers, and it positively prohi-
bited extemporaneous ones. Every meeting for public worship and every preaching
of a sermon must be prefaced by the reading at full length of either the morning or
the evening service as printed in the Book of Common Prayer. Such commands,
backed by pains and penalties, are by no means in conformity with the simple offer
of a few " prieres ecclesiastiques " to be used at each pastor's discretion.
If Dr Durel had meant to state no more than that the French worship was not
altogether in conformity with that of the English Dissenters, his assertions would
have contained much truth. The Dissenters, while full of sympathy and charity
towards the refugees, admitted that there were diversities, and were quite content
that their foreign brethren should keep up a separate ecclesiastical system of their
own. As to active aid on their side of the English controversies, the Dissenters
expected none from the French refugees, who received personal kindness from men
of both parties, and whose position might be described as half-way between the two
contending systems. In Gilling's Life of the Rev. George Trosse, an eminent
dissenter, it is stated (p. 105), " The French Refugees, those noble confessors, who
were driven over hither by the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes and the bloody
persecution that ensued thereupon, had large supplies from his bounty ; to one
French minister he gave five pounds per annum." The Rev. Matthew Henry took
a lively interest in them. He says, "The French Churches usually begin their
public worship by reading Ps. exxi. 2, Our help is in the name of the Lord who made
lieaven and earth. On leaving the table, the Lord's Supper being ended, the
communicants sing, Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace according to
thy word ; for mine eyes have seen thy salvation" The fact is, that the Huguenots
sanctioned the use of two hymns only — one, a paraphrase on the ten commandments,
and the other, Le Cantique de Simeon? which might suitably follow any Gospel
sermon.
The Huguenots most strongly agreed with the Dissenters in rejecting the
Apocrypha. Dr Louis Du Moulin has an impassioned outburst on this subject in
one of his pamphlets ; it is as follows : — " The Conformists of England have been so
far from retrenching those practices and ceremonies of Rome, which the first
Reformers had retained, that they have called in others more gross than some of
those they had banished ; they have set up again the altars which they had thrown
down, re-established the reading of Bel and the Dragon, and of Toby and his dog,
in the Church. This is what they did in the last Conference (which was had at the
Savoy in the Strand near to Somerset House), where, after a long contest and a
1 North British Rcviav, vol. xli. p. 179.
3 1. Or laissez, Createur,
En paix ton serviteur,
En suivant ta promesse ;
Puis que mes yeux ont eu
Ce credit d'avoir vu
De ton salut l'adresse.
Salut, mis au devant
De tout peuple vivant
Pour l'ouir et le croire —
Ressource des petits,
Lumieredes Gentils,
Et d'Israel la gloire.
Clement Makot.
SECTION SIXTH.
warm dispute between the Non-Conformists and the Conformists, and these last
having got the better, one of them cried aloud with a great transport of joy at his
going out, Welly now the cause of Bel and the Dragon has carried it. This is what I
learned from the book of that great man, Mr Andrew Marvel against Dr Parker."
But we must not omit the subject of purity of communion. As the old English
Book of Discipline (Norwich, 1589) explains, discipline against individual communi-
cants, such as, summoning to appear before the consistory, censuring, and suspending
from the sacraments, was not so much for punishment as for restoration. An
interesting form of prayer was provided, to be used in the consistory at the time of
an offender's, orderly reconciliation to the church.
" Seigneur, Dieu et Pere, duquel les misericordes sont infinies, et qui ne desire point la
mort du peclieur mais qu'il se convertisse et qu'il vive, puisque tu nous as donne ton fils bien
aime et [tu as] accepte le sacrifice de sa mort pour la rancon de nos peches, suivant ce qui
nous est enseigne que la joye est grande au ciel pour la repentance des pecheurs — Nous te
rendons graces de ta bontd et misericorde envers notre frere ici present, te priants lui faire
cette grace que de plus en plus par une vraie repentance il soit de tout converti a toi, le
lavant et purifiant en sang de ton fils notre Seigneur Jesus Christ. Et lui fais cette faveur, par
ta misericorde, de Tenter tellement en ton fils notre Seigneur Jesus Christ et le conserver au
bercail de ton eglise, qu'il puisse avec nous tous perseverer le reste de ses jours en la crainte de
ton saint nom, a l'avancement de ta gloire et edification de ton eglise. Exauce nous, Pere de
misericorde, au nom de ton fils notre Seigneur Jesus Christ. Amen."
According to this refugees' Livredela Disiplinne, the Lord's Supper was dispensed
four times in the year, and provision was made for the public profession of their faith
by young persons on the Lord's Day before each Communion Sabbath. In the
French Church of Southampton, the names of persons admitted to the Lord's Supper
were inserted in the register, thus : —
3 Juillet 1580, _
Jan Vautier, jeusne fils, chez Guillaume Hersen.
2 Octobre 1580,
Suzanne Le Roy dit De Bouillon, jeusne fille.
Section 13 1.
NATURALIZATION TO 1680, WITH LISTS OF NAMES.
THE historical facts, which I have collected concerning the naturalization of
foreigners, may be prefaced by some topics connected with freedom of trade.
This will be convenient, because the Calendars in our Public Record Office
indicate that this is the subject of the earliest surviving State Papers regarding the
social position of foreign refugees.
The terms which first strike the attention of an investigator are the words post
and postmaster. The best explanation of the foreigners' post is contained in the 6th
article of the Canterbury Agreement : — " Item, they may have a post with horse or
waggons to carry and re-carry their wares, as well to London as elsewheare, for to
sell theare or cause them to be sould, without interruption by the waie or other the
said places." 1 The post was an establishment of men and means for the carriage of
goods from one part of England to another, and also, apparently, from England to
foreign parts. The men connected with such an establishment were called posts.
In the census of strangers in London in 1 571, we find the following "posts": —
" Olyver Detrymont, a soiornour, a Frenchman, and haith byne here the space of xxxviii
yeres. and lyveth by the trade of a post."
" John Phillippe, the post betwene this cytie and Sandwiche, borne in Flaunders, who hath
byn here iii yeares, and is of the Frenche churche."
And in the census of 161 8, there are the following entries: —
" Daniell Mercer, the sonne of a straunger, born at London, a post."
" Alexsander Clemment, one of the Dutch poast; he is nowe in the lowe contrey " [the
Netherlands].
1 Burn, p. 275.
32
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
These are quoted as examples of the use of the word post. But — to return to
the reign of Elizabeth — the passion for governmental interference and for patent
offices, led to the creation of the office of Postmaster of Foreigners. We meet with
this designation for the first time in July 1568, when Sir William Cecil intimated to
the merchant-strangers that Raphael Van den Putte should be appointed to the
vacant office. This man had been recommended by the French pastor, Jean Cousin,
and by the Italian pastor, Hieronymus Jerlicus. Cousin had called him Du Puitz,
so that, perhaps, Mr Secretary Cecil had supposed him to be a Frenchman. On
July 25, the merchant-strangers, Italian, Spanish, German, and French, protested,
and sent to the Secretary the name of Godefroy Marshall, a Dutchman, to be " the
master of our posts." They recommended him as having lived twenty-two years in
the country, and having an English wife. They objected to Van den Putte as a
total stranger, and a post of Antwerp, subject to the chief postmaster of the King of
Spain, and not to the master of our posts here. Hoping for Cecil's consent, they
promise that they all will " praie to the Lord God for your Honour's felicious succes
and good prosperitie."
I find no materials to carry on the above narrative. The next topic is the provi-
sion of English hosts for Protestant strangers. The two subjects which my readers
must master are posts and hosts} The regulations as to hosting (or hostings) were
not understood by the refugees, who had usually been tolerated in the exercise of a
considerable amount of freedom of trade. The law, however, was declared to be as
old as 1495, and even fifty years older than that date. The principle was that
foreign traders could be recognised in England only as guests, each of whom must
trade in the name of some Englishman, who thus became his host. Or (to put the
point into legal language) the law was that all merchants, being strangers, aliens, or
denizens, should lodge at the tables of free hosts of the city of London, and other
cities and towns in England ; that every such merchant should sell through a host
to be assigned to him by the Mayor, Sheriffs, bailiffs, or other officers of the city or
town, the host to receive a commission per pound sterling on every transaction, and
it being always understood that no merchant strangers may hire or occupy houses
and cellars of their own.
There is a bundle of curious papers on this subject in our State Paper Office
which I have read. The date is conjectural ; some are supposed to belong to the
year 1575; the date of the creation of a new Patent Office, appointing one host for
all the strangers, is 1579. William Tipper obtained the patent of this office, farmed
to him for £^ per annum. The refugee merchants protested against this interference,
and against the whole principle of hosting, so energetically that the office was sus-
pended. Tipper began a prosecution in the Court of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen,
and the refugees had recourse to the Queen.
The lawyers who were consulted were Dr David Lewes and Dr William Awbrey.
They gave no consolation to the refugees, but signed an Opinion to the following
effect. Although the name of the office of Host of the Merchant Strangers is new,
the practical business of the office is as old as the law, by which every stranger
must have a host to receive his poundage, and which enacts, that if a stranger makes
a bargain without his host, his goods are liable to forfeiture.
The following was the refugees' petition (I have modernized the spelling) : —
" The Copy of the Merchant Strangers' Supplication exhibited to her Majesty.
" In most humble wise do show unto your gracious Majesty the merchant strangers fre-
quenting the Royal Exchange of London,
" That whereas heretofore, upon the new orders and new impositions lately published
touching the exercise of the exchange of merchants, hath [have] been shewed to your Majesty's
Privy Council, and to the Commissioners in that behalf appointed in December last, the
most special and evident griefs and inconveniences that would ensue, and grievously endamage
not only your orators, but also your Majesty's revenues in customs, and the very treasures
and coins of this your Majesty's noble realm.
" So it is that for redress therein required your orators, fearing the effects thereof so hard,
that (unless one remedy do come from your bounteous Majesty) they are not able to continue
in trade and merchandise, chiefly such as be wont to send out much more commodities of
this realm than they bring in, to the buying whereof they cannot find here, nor have made
over either by exchange beyond the seas, their necessary provision of money, by reason of the
impossible orders here to observe, and the excessive charges on both sides growing.
" Beside all these, your orators are credibly informed of a new trouble, heretofore by
men's memory not used, that by certain Letters Patent they should be forced to sell all
1 " 1 57 1 . Oct. 3. — William Ilerrlc solicits to be appointed Surveyor of Foreigners— proposes that every
Stranger, in his entering or going out of the kingdom, should receive a ticket with a seal attached." — Calenaar
of State Papers.
SECTION SIXTH.
33
their wares by brokers only, and to pay them, beside the ordinary certain excessive brokerage
whether brokers be thereto occupied or no. Moreover, one William Tipper hath likewise a
patent for the hosting of the most part of your orators, not knowing to have given any occa-
sion, wherefore they ought to be restrained and given in ward and keeping, with their fami-
lies and wares, to such as should please him with money, or by other means get the acc ons
[accommodations ?] from him to execute the same patent, for the execution whereof he keepeth
a court in every ward within the city of London, examining all strangers, likewise your
orators, taking twopence for every foreign-born for registering their names, and twelve pence
of every denizen. Beside this, he pretendeth generally of all their wares to have twopence
for every pound, and so to be made privy to all your orators' doings and writings.
"All these extremities being such, your humble orators of very necessity are driven to
recur to your Majesty's clemency, beseeching that of your Majesty's singular accustomed
goodness, always to them shewed, it may please your Majesty to ordain, that of all such new
burdens, extremely to them hurtful, and to your Majesty's realm unprofitable, they may be
delivered ; and that the Royal Exchange of Merchants may be used without any troublesome
orders and impositions, using brokers in exchange, buying and selling (if need be), for usual
stipend ; and likewise that they may be delivered from the bondage of William Tipp and of his
exaction, according as hitherto under your Majesty's protection they have used.
" And with heart and mind they will continue to pray to God for the increase and endur-
ance of your gracious Majesty, and for this your blessed realm's prosperity."
This matter may seem rather uninteresting, but the study of it is rewarded by
the discovery of the following valuable paper by Secretary Sir Thomas Smith,
which escaped the notice of the indefatigable Strype. I copied it in the original
spelling, but it will be better to print it in modern English.
" 7 he Copy of Sir Thomas Smith's Letter against hostage. Among other things in
the last docquct there is one — that is, the grant of a certain office of Hostings to one
William Tipper, that he only shall lodge all merchants strangers coming into Eng-
land, paying for that office ^5 by year to the Queen's Majesty. This office seemeth
new and strange to me, and contrary to our leagues made with the Low Countries
and with France, by which there should be no new grievances or burdens laid upon
them. How would we like that one man should lodge all Englishmen throughout
all France or Spain ? What, if he entreat them evil — compel them unreasonably, he,
his ministers or deputies — may they not seek them a new host ? Surely to me it
seemeth contrary to Magna Charta Anglice touching strange merchants, and to all
humanity, and to be indeed inhospitale ac ferum [inhospitable and savage], used in
no nation ever yet. I like no monopolies, for they be to the monopolyer tyrannical —
to all others, servitude and bondage. There may be some other reason which I see
not. Wherefore I thought good to stay it from sealing until I had advertised you
of it, which now I send you herewith, if you think so good to move her Majesty in
it, or else cause it to be sealed. For, until 1 be better persuaded, my conscience will
not suffer me to put the seal, until I had moved her Majesty in it again, whosoever
did obtain it ; for so I think it my duty, so long as I keep the seal, in anything
that toucheth her Majesty's honour, or breach of any league."
With regard to naturalization, there was no public Act of Parliament under
which a Protestant stranger could be naturalized on personal application and after
compliance with certain regulations. Naturalization depended on the free-will of
the sovereign, who could grant the favour and give authority for enrolling the names
of favoured individuals as adopted lieges or denizens {quod sint indigent). The
same favour might be obtained by a private Act of Parliament. As to the census
of Protestant strangers in London in the year 1 57 1 , it enables us to give a list of
denizens. We find also that, in the reign of Elizabeth, James de Bois, of Canter-
bury, was naturalized in the eighth year of her reign (1566-7), and that in her reign
Matthew de Quester, 1 a native of Antwerp, was naturalized by Act of Parliament.
In the next reign we have some names on record, but not so many as might have
been. The Scotch subjects of the king were aliens in England, and required grants
of naturalization. A memorandum in the State Paper Office, of date 1603, n< ites
that the naturalization fee paid by the Earl of Mar was thirteen shillings and fourpem e.
This amount of coin was valued by some receivers, who did not care about the pri-
vilege paid for, or for the privileged persons. And so, instead of names of accepted
and gratified denizens, we sometimes find such entries as these: — " 22 Aug. 1605.
Confirmation to John Stewart of a grant of the fees for making thirty denizens."
" 10 Nov. 1 61 8. Warrant for a grant of patents of denization to thirty foreigners to
be named by John Bownall — to take effect after a similar grant to John Hall."
1 Extract from the Searche, London, 1 57 1 : — "Mathewe de Quester, householder and notarye-publick,
Corutha his wyfe, Mathewe, John, and Cornelys, his children, borne in the lowe countryes, hath remayned here
these iii yeares, and cam into England v ycares ago for religion sake, and is oj the Italian churche."
I. E
34
HIS 10 RICA L IN TR OD UCTIOX.
In the following list of naturalizations we begin with denizens in London, given
in the census (or searclic for straungers) of 1571. That "search " reveals denizations
granted at the very era of the Protestant Reformation. (This shows the antiquity
of naturalizations, which appears also in the title of an Act of the last Parliament of
the bloody Queen Mary — " An Act for expelling all the French out of this kingdom
that are not denizens." l ) Next follow the names found in the Calendar of State
Papers for the reign of James I., and also (but within brackets) names in the Camden
Society lists for that reign. Then we give the naturalizations in the reign of Charles I.,
taken from the Calendar and from Patent Rolls ; and finally, those (before 1681) in
the reign of Charles II., copied either from the Patent Rolls in the Public Record
Office, or from a list in the Rolls of Parliament in the House of Lords : —
I.— Reign of Elizabeth.
Denizens in London, 1 571.
Symon Shevalier, 2 born in Rouen, coppersmith, resident since 1538. (F.C.) 3
Peter Dowsie, born in Masier, cutler, resident since 1559. (F.C.)
Peter Dellamare, born in Normandy, clockmaker, resident since 1523. (F.C.)
Nicholas Formoyse, born in Lusiers, cutler, came into this realme for religion about x yeans
paste.
Gyllam Barger, born in Tankerfielde [Tankerville], coppersmith, resident since 1533- (F.C.)
Thomas Sherowne, born in Maunter, cutler, resident since 1559. (F.C.)
John Dellamare, sojourner with the above, resident since about 1531. (F.C.)
Michaell Shero, born near Paris, scalemaker, resident since 1556. (F.C.)
Nicholas Kinge, born in Rouen, tailor, resident since about 1531. (F.C.)
Rowland Grushey, born in Normandy, sheath-maker, resident since 1535. (F.C.)
John Marie, born in Pountoys, cutler, resident since 1559.
Herbert Dublier, born in France, a founder of letters for printers, resident since 155 1. (F.C.)
William Forrest, born in France, a mouldmaker for buttons ["a mowldmaker for bottons,"]
resident since about 1536. (F.C.)
Jervis Sawier, bom in France, cutler, resident since 155 1. (F.C.)
James Macadie, born in France, was prentice with a joiner, resident since 1511.
Thomas de Shampoyse, born at Bettyns in Burgundy, cutler, resident since 1560. (F.C.)
Gyllam Lamadye, born in France, gardener, resident since 1 55 1.
Gyllam Danway, born in Normandy, "a maker of locketts and chapes," resident since
1541. (F.C.)
John Pennowe, born in France, bookbinder, resident since 1541. (F.C.)
James Dullaforrest, born in France, " imbroderer," came into this realme for religion.
John Tyller, born in France, resident since about 1 53 1 .
Nicholas Lyon, born in France, thicker of caps, resident since about 1511. (F.C.)
Lewes Caracas, Frenchman, bookbinder, resident since 1535.
Higat Baitram, born in France, button-maker, resident since 1536. (F.C.)
Marian Delawne, Frenchman, blacksmith, resident since 1562. (F.C.)
Thomas Parchment, skinner, came into this realme about xlvi yeares past to learne languages.
(F.C.)
Rowlin Bellmare, born in Normandy, came into this realme abowte xxx yeares past for
relygion. (F.C.)
Frauncis Lebroyle, born in "Jermanye," member of the French Church, came into this
realme Anno 1566 for relygion.
Michaell Barrat, born in Flanders, cutler, came over for religion about viii yeares paste.
Adrian Redlegge, minister, and Cycelye his wife, born in Holland, came into this realme
about xx yeares paste for the word of God. (" Hospitall.")
Morrys Mable, Frenchman, came into this realme about the third yeare of Kinge Edward the syxt.
John Makennis, Frenchman, pickmaker, resident since 1546. (F.C.)
'John Costen [Cousin], minister of the French Church, and Burgoniena, his wife, both French
borne. He came into this realme about ix yeares past for religion.
John Dehorse, Frenchman, hatmaker, re ident since 1550. (F.C.)
Richard Tanvile, coppersmith, and Collet, his wife, French born. They came into this realme
about v yeares past for religion.
Richard Leveret, brushmaker, resident since 1566. (F.C.)
Phillippe Cuttier, Frenchman, bookbinder, resident since 1 55 1. (F.C.)
Peter Forrest, French-born, goldbeater, resident since 1552. (F.C.)
Glode Benvoys, Frenchman, crossbow-maker, came into this realme about iiij yeares past for
religion.
1 "The British Chronologist," vol. i. paje 151.
2 The Christian names only of the wives having heen recorded, I omit them.
:: (F.C.) means " member of the l-'rench Church." I append the initials to the names of old resiJentcrs who
blood by their church.
SECTION SIXTH.
35
William Yollone, Frenchman, joiner, came into this reahne for religion about xi yeares past.
Mathewe Renison, Frenchman, hatmaker, came into this realme for religion about twcntye
yeares past. (F.C.)
Jane Tyrret, Frenchwoman, howsholder, victualler, came into t/iis reahne xxxvi yeares paste
with her uncle, who was servant to Kinge Henrye the VHIth.
Gyllymes Sage, Frenchwoman, resident since 1557.
Peter Bowes, Frenchman, hatband-maker, resident since 155 1.
Nowell Gobert, jerkenmaker, resident since 1559. (F.C.)
James Sarmoys, Frenchman, cutler, resident since 1559. (F.C.)
Peter Devangia, millener, resident since 1 5 3 1. (F.C.)
Margaret Crahane, widow, Frenchwoman, tailor, resident since 1551. (F.C.)
John Hanocke, Frenchman, feather-dresser, resident since 1558. (F.C.)
Peter Bonevalt, Frenchman, feather-dresser, resident since 1 5 5 1 . (F.C.)
John de la Myer, Frenchman, goldsmith, came into this realme about ix yeares past for
religion.
Bastian Bonnfoye, Frenchman, feather-dresser, resident since 1553.
Peter Barizar, Frenchman, feather-dresser, resident since 1559. (F.C.)
Thomas Votrollyer, Frenchman, bookbinder, came into this realme about vii yeares past for
religion.
John Osanna, Frenchman, joiner, came into this realme for religion about xii yeares past.
Valentyne Shavetier, Frenchman, box-gilder, came into this realme for religion about Hi
yeares past.
John Marchaunt, Frenchman, turner, came into this realme for religion about fyve yeares past.
Richard Locye, Frenchman, leather-dresser, came into this realme fur religion about xx yeares
past. (F.C.)
Launcelot Lardye, goldsmith, came into this realme for religion about ix yeares past.
James Scrusier, cook, came into this realme about viyeres past for religion.
Martyn Drewe, Burgundian, shoemaker, came for religion about v yeres past.
Benula de la Courte, Burgundian, hatband-maker, came into this realme about xiii yeares past
for religion.
Lewis de la Mare, Burgundian, goldsmith, resident since 1542. (F.C.)
Christofer Lardenoys, Burgundian, goldsmith, came into this realme for religion about Hi
yeares past.
Gabriel Martyn, Burgundian, sylkwever, came into this realme for religion about a yeare an J
half - past.
Aungelo Victoris, Sardinian, schoolmaster, came into this realme for religion about vi yeares
past.
Nicholas Lardenoys, Burgundian, goldsmith, came into this realme for religion about x
yeares past.
Peter Swallow, Dutchman, locksmith, resident since 1541. (F.C.)
James Mort, locksmith, came into this realme for religion about xxx yeares past. (F.C.)
Adrian Tressell, schoolmaster, came into this realme for religion about Hi yeares past.
Dennys Durland, Frenchman, currier, resident since 1521.
John Deboys, Frenchman, morris pike-maker, resident since 1535.
Marcye Bysmer, Frenchman, silk-weaver, resident since 1521 or 1531.
Martyn Demont, came into this realme for religion about v yeares past.
Gyles Corner, born in France, silk-weaver, resident since 1561.
Dennys Demaster, Burgundian, silk-twister, came into this reahne for religion about vii
yeares past.
John Edwyn, born in Flanders, silk-weaver, came into this realme for religion about iiii
yeares past.
Peter Crater, Burgundian, hatband-maker, came into this realme for religion about a yeare
and halfe past.
John Millorn, Burgundian, silk-weaver, came into this realme for religion about xii yeares
past.
Amnion Molton, Burgundian, silk-weaver, came into this realme about x yeares past for
< religion.
Henrye Leycocke, born in Tournay, marchant, came into this reahne for religion about
vii yeares past.
Peter Philator, born in Normandy, " came into this realme for religion about xii yeares past
and lyveth by sylkworkinge."
James Lemure, born in Artois, goldsmith, came into this reahne about iiii yeares past for
religion.
Michaell Corseills, born in Flanders, merchant, resident since 1563.
Gyles de Mylcam, born at " Newfell by Ricell " in Flanders, " occupieth weavinge of silke,"
resident since 1559.
Denneys Veille, born at " Nosvoh Suzandall " in Normandy, silk weaver, resident since
1561.
Peter Apple, born at Ypres in Flanders, merchant, who cam for religion.
Peter de Puys, born in France, stationer, resident since 1566.
36
I IIS TORI C A L IN TR OD UCTION.
William Brunnam, Frenchman, " embroderer," cam liither xii yearcs agoo for the persecu-
tions sake in Fraunce.
John de Blancques, Frenchman, bookbinder, cam into this realme about half a yeare agooe
for religion.
Adrian Brickpott, born in Antwerp, goldsmith, "hath byn resident in this citie many
years ; " " his cominge was for religion"
John Carr, born at Arras, glassmaker, "hath byn here iiii yeares ; " " cam hither for
religion."
Francis Crocosan, born in Flanders, cordwainer, " hath dwelt in London and Norwiche
these ii yeares."
Peter Fuckal, born in the Bishopric of Chartres in France, and Collecketour, his wife, born
in Valmont in Normandy; resident since 1544. (F.C.)
James Vinion, born at Paris, resident since 1558.
James Ditwighte, born in Rouen, resident since 1541. (F.C.)
Garrett Clargy, born in " Trocheampy," resident since 1521. (F.C.)
John Bowrey, born in Rouen, resident since 1521. (F.C.)
Sampson Leaver, born in Rouen, resident since 1535.
Gyllam Norrey, born in " Mountidey " [Montdidier ?] in Picardy, resident since 1533.
Guillam Pullen, born in Paris, resident since 1523.
John Nicoll, born in Paris, hosier, resident since 1521.
Charles Dyrrant, born in Paris, smith, resident since 1535. (F.C.)
John Sharfe, born in Rouen, goldsmith, resident since 1559.
Boneventure Leney, born in Paris, resident since 1541. (F.C.)
Robert Shalwaye, born at Rouen, resident since 1 55 1. (F.C.)
Nicholas Bunmarey, born at Rouen, resident since 1547. (F.C.)
Francis Derickson, born in Friesland, resident since 1527.
John Powkes, born in Valencye, resident since 156T.
John Cowtree, born in " Bydorne in Gascoyne," resident since 1550. (F.C.)
Nicholas Byshowe, born in Burgundy, silk-weaver, resident since 1560.
Tussyn Vyot, born in France, resident since 1561.
Gyles Seres, born in France, resident since 1555. (F.C.)
Lewes Seneor, Frenchman, resident since 1564.
Nicholas Deporte, born in France, leather-dyer, resident since 1534. (F.C.)
John Mylner, " Frenche person," resident since 1533.
Gabryell Hemman, Frenchman, resident since 1561.
Peter Bennett, Frenchman, resident since 1562.
Nicholas Heblen, born in France, resident since 1 55 1. (F.C.)
Powyll Tyttyll, Frenchman, resident since 1547.
Andrian Butlera, born in Tournay, silk-worker, resident since 1535. (F.C)
Thomas Farsyvyll, born in Armentieres in Flanders, goldsmith, resident since 1564.
Garret Falck, born at " Grube " in Brabant, resident since 1559. (F.C.)
Balthaser Lote, born in Antwep, resident since 1566.
Gyles Bar, born in "Valencye in Burgonye," silk-weaver, resident since 1551. (F.C.)
Michael Arte, Dutchman, resident since 1564, " of the Frenche Church."
Richard Beckett, tailor.
John Mahewe, Burgundian, silk-weaver, resident since 1561.
John Pyttaine, born in Artois, silk-weaver, resident since 1566.
Adam Hoyat, born in Artois, parchment-maker, cam for religion, " hath byn in Englande
iiii yeares."
Victor Colyn, born at Rouen, silk-weaver; he cam into England about viii yeares past for
religion.
Peter Demowbre, born in Burgundy, silk-weaver, resident since 1561.
John Barbe, born at Tournay, silk-weaver, " hath byn in England x tenne years ; he cam
for religion."
Peter Foye, of Tournay, silk-weaver, " hath byn in Englande about xi yeares past, and
cam for religion."
Antonatt Adam, widow, Burgundian, silk-weaver ; cam into Englande about v yeares past
for Religion.
Isaak de Eurges, born in Doucheland, bookbinder ; " he hath byn in Englande twentie
yeares and is of the French Churche."
Peter Eger, born in France, tailor, resident one year and a half.
Jakes Laboor, Frenchman, tailor, resident since 1531.
Stering Race, Frenchman, resident since 1546. (F.C.)
Gillam Dillimer, Frenchman, tailor, resident since 1 55 1. (F.C.)
John de Sotlatt, Frenchman, resident since 1547.
Nicholas Pyggott, Frenchman, resident since 1546. (F.C.)
Nicholas Hollingcourte, Frenchman, resident since 1543.
James le Forsey, Frenchman, resident since 1551.
Robert Howell, Frenchman, merchant, resident since 1555. (F.C.)
Galliard Tasson, Frenchman, soldier, resident since 1 561.
SECTION SIXTH.
37
Jaques Fyssher, Frenchman, resident since 1541. (F.C.) Another denizen is a lodger in
his house, viz., Arnolde de Mynew, merchant. (F.C.)
John Janne, Frenchman born, sackcloth-weaver ; cam for religion.
Thomas Chappell. Dutchman, butcher.
John Large, silk-weaver, "in England fyve yeares, he came for religion and ys of the
Frenche Churche."
Peter Derones, born in " Henego," silk-weaver, " in England x yeares, he came hither w th
his howshold for religion."
Nicholas Remy, born at " Mouse in Hennego," silk-weaver, " in England xii yeares, and
came for religion."
James Turvvin, born in " Hennego," silk-weaver, " in this realme ix yeares, and came for
Religion. "
James Clary s, born at " Lyle " [Lille] in Flanders, silk-weaver, " in England viii yeares at
Marche last, and came for religion."
Thomas Byggen, born at Rouen, quiltmaker, resident since 1561.
Jasper Holliard, Frenchman, printer, resident since 1538. (F.C.)
John de Grandsare, Burgundian, silk-weaver; "he came for religion, and goethe to the
Frenche Churche."
Matthew Prelio, born in Anjou, hat-maker, resident since 1531, "he resorteth unto the
Frenche Churche, and sometimes to his parishe churche."
John Petiawe, born in Constance in Normandy, "he makethe hatt bandes;" resident since
1551- (F.C.)
Onor Seneshall, born in Vallauncey, silk-weaver, resident since 155 t. (F.C.)
Giles Florey, born in France, hat-maker, " haith bynne here a longe tyme."
Phillipp Denoise, born in Paris, brazier, resident since 1531.
Simon Percey, born in Normandy, coppersmith, resident since 1519. (F.C.)
John Gardiehogs, Frenchman, cap thicker, resident since 1523.
Rowland Michaells, of Normandy, thicker of caps, resident since 1531.
John Launce, of Normandy, feltmaker, resident since 1538. (F.C.)
John Pynell, of Normandy, file-beater, resident since 1525.
Christopher Riall, of Normandy, brazier, resident since 1513.
Guilliame Mowbert, of Normandy, a currier of leather, resident since 1531, one of the
deacons of the French Church in 157 1.
Terrey de la Hey, of Tournay, silk-weaver, "in England ix years, came over for religion."
(His servant, Frauncis de la Pyne, aged 22, born at Cambray, "haith byne in England vi
wekes, came for religion.") (F.C.)
Thomas Gwertyn, of Roane, comb-maker, resident since 1545.
Peter Wood, Frenchman, merchant, resident since 1541.
James Tabey, of Valencienne, silk-weaver, resident since 1563.
Peter Harvie, Frenchman.
Andrewe Mullenbeck, Hollander, gunmaker resident since 1 531.
Michaell Baynarde, born in Rouen, silk-dyer, resident since 1554.
Anthonie Daullyn, alias Becque, Frenchman, resident since 1549.
Remye Le Clerke, of Hainault, resident since 1561. "French Church."
Andrewe Morell, Frenchman, " tradeth merchandise," resident since 152 r. (F.C.)
John de Graves, born in Brabant, joiner, and Hereanne, his wyf, "they came hether for
religion, the Mr. and his men of the Frenche Church."
John de Howssey, born in Valence, gunstockmaker, has been here iii yeres, came for
religion.
Ewstace Valen, born in Burgundy, silk-weaver, " bynne in England vi years," came for
religion.
Laurance Farran, Frenchman, resident since 1541.
Olyver Detrymont, Frenchman, " lyveth by the trade of a post," resident since 1533.
Peter Shatelyn, born in Artois, silk-weaver, came hither for religion in 1559.
Martyn Broke, Frenchman, resident since 1566. (F.C.)
Martyn Founteyne, Frenchman, resident since 1 5 2 1. (F.C.)
Devicke, of Rouen, bookbinder, resident since 1541. (F.C.)
Thomas Hacket, of St. Nicholas in Normandy, bookbinder, resident since 1541. (F.C.)
Jane Varrye, of Rouen, merchant, resident since 1551. (F.C.)
Noe -le Bock, born in " Henago," merchant, "hath bynne in England theis three yeres, and
came over for Religion."
Anthony Pouncell, merchant, resident since 1541. (F.C.)
Henrye de la Haie, sackcloth-weaver, "has byne here iiii yeres and came for religion"
Thomas Founteyn, born in Lyle, silke dier, "hath bynne in England theis tenne yeres,
came over for Religion."
James Remy, born in Burgundy, silk-weaver, "hath bynne in Fjigland theis xviii years and
came over for Religion."
38
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
Dennys Larshar,
Gylles Beckar,
Robert Bustort,
Andrew Morren,
John Cottell,
I )ionice Shriverie,
John Sinowe,
Peter Orrett,
John Dehorse,
Nicolas Furnier,
John de longe,
Peter Lambert,
Tussen Vassale,
Michaell Tuvell,
Ector Harte,
Vyncart Flamyn,
Geferye Delapin,
Johne Graunte,
John Du Pont, S'
Denizens in Suburbs of London, 1 571. 1
^ dwellinge in Hallywell streate in the parishe of S'- Leonardes in Shore-
j ditche.
) in habiting w* in the parishe of S'- Marye Matfellon al 5 Whyt-
f chapell.
dwellyng remayninge and abiding w' in y e precinke of saint Katherin's
by y e towre of London,
taken by y e balif and y e constable of the same precinckt the 19 daie
of December A° 1 5 7 1 and in y e 14 yeare of y e raigne of oure
soveraigne ladie Elyzabeth by y e grace of God of Englonde Fraunce
and Irelonde Queene defendor of y e faith &c.
dwellinge in Finsburye, Golding lane, White Crose streate and Grub
streate.
Giles in the Fylds.
Reign of James I.
4I/1 November 161 1. Pet. Anthoine Bourdin, Sieur de S 1 ' Anthoine — Julien Bourdin, Sieur
de Fontenay — in France.
iZth March 16 1 7. Francis Merlin, of Ypres, in Flanders.
ithjuly 161 8. John Buck, carver, a native of Rouen in France.
\oth November 1618. Anthoine Barlatier, born in Languedoc in France, with license to plant
and sell mulberry trees and other trees and herbs.
[Free Denizens in London, reported by the authorities in consequence of an order of the
Privy Council, dated 6th September 161 8.
Stephen Sampson, goldsmith, born in Morles in Brittanie.
James Droet [query, Druett?], merchant, born in Roane [Rouen].
Jasper Tion, born in London, son of a free denizen.
Anthony Trian, born in Flanders.
Arnold Cappell, born in London, son of a free denizen.
Robert Howell, born in St Peter's in France.
Peter Marineer, goldsmith, born at Orleans, aged 50 and upwards, wife and two children.
Seager Corcellis, merchant, born at Rouscaer in the dukedom of Cleves.
John Lulles, merchant, born at Antwerp.
William Bayarde, merchant, born at Eiper in Flanders.
Jacob Lucas, born at Amsterdam.
Philip Burlemachi, born at Sedan in France.
Sara Ducaine, widow of John Ducaine [Du Quesne].
John Minon, merchant, born in Newport in Flanders.
James Le Tour, merchant stranger, born in London, son of a free denizen.
Robert Betram (aged about 72), hatband-maker, born in the city of Roane.
Lucas Corcellis, born in London.
Giles Van de Put, merchant, born " in the towne of Per" in Flanders.
James de la Roye, born in London, merchaunt, tracking altogether to Fraunce.
David Carpreau, merchant, aged about 60, born at Tournay.
John Lores (or Loreo), merchant stranger, aged about 50, born at Digeon [Dijon].
John De Caine [Du Quesne], merchant, born "in Henoughe in Ath;" John, his son, born in
London.
David Papillion [Papillon], born in Paris — has been in London 30 years.]
[Some Denizens in London, reported 11th March 1622 (n.s.), being Master-Cutlers,
and their servants.
Peter Brocke Widowe Lambert. Peter Spetzy.
Oudenall Cratch, servant. John Paull. Peter Garret.
George Scate. John Haunce. Haunce Spright.]
Henry Lyskens. Jonas Melshar, servant.
1 Here we find only the names of individuals, and some lists seem to be missing.
SECTION SIXTH.
39
Reign of Charles I.
13 January
Meric Casaubon.
11 January
Isaac Du Laurie.
James Onesuoyde.
Roger Ariaeus.
Gervais Laundree.
1626. George Albert.
Francis de la Fosse.
Francis de la Fountaine.
1637. John Du Huesne.
Katherine Gamier.
Daniel Toreau.
David Angell.
Balthazar Le Marqui.
7 March 1637, Christiane Marie De
18 December 1638, Anne De Petain.
John De Lilliens.
John Le Laoust.
John Le Marq [Marg ?]
John Piren.
Gideon De Laune.
John Jacob Millen.
James Roberts.
Mathew Vandyke.
Lez de Vantelet.
8th August 1661.
Armand de Caumont, Marquis
de Monpuillon, in the king-
dom of France.
20th September 1661.
Peter Petit.
James Du Congett.
16th February 1662.
John Izard.
2nd August 1662.
Samuel Daveigar.
David Gabay.
6th March 1663.
Nicolas de la Fontaigne, alias
Wicart.
Anthony Cognart.
20/// March 1663.
Bon Coulon.
David Dollett.
Nicolas Maubert.
John de Cley.
^th April 1663.
John Colladon, armiger, doc-
tor of medicine.
Ayme"e Colladon, wife.
Theodore, Gabriel, Isabella,
and Susanne, children.
2%th April 1663.
Paul Docque-Mesineque.
Isaac Maubert.
John Bovillett.
Reign of Charles II.
1st November 1663.
Peter Blondeau.
Abraham Hobert.
Peter Morisco (of Lisle).
Mary Barrington.
21 th December 1663.
Henry Meyer.
Louis Chenerier.
Bastian Byer.
Nicolas Byer.
Rowlasse Janson.
Vincent Resselet.
\oth April 1666.
Jane Gazange.
Pierre Novelle.
Etienne Quonian.
Isaac Guillachon.
20th September 1669.
Cornelius De Lancourt.
John Paston.
Casper Braon.
"jlh November 1669.
Abraham Jaques Gubay.
19th June 1670.
Isaac Perrot.
31.57 August 1672.
Augustus Samuel Baron.
Baudouen Classin.
Peter Boussie.
Philip Pires.
Jacob De Torres.
Samuel Girard.
1st January 1673.
Isaac Vassius [Vossius].
6th April 1675.
Noel Marlier.
nth May 1675.
Jacob Chartier and wife.
2 7th June 1675.
John Bodart.
4th October 1675.
Henrietta Queroualle.
\6th December 1676.
Francis Mayott.
5th July 1677.
Thomas De Verigney.
2nd November 1677.
Gerard Barons.
16th November 1677.
Abraham Girard.
Edmond Helott.
16th November 1679.
Francis La Motte.
Hippolite Luzancy.
Mary De L'Angle, now the h e-
loved and faithful wife of
John Durell, D.D., Dean of
our free chapel at Windsor,
and one of our chaplains in
ordinary.
29/// November 1680.
Arnold Bouchery.
The folloiving were naturalized in an Act of Parliament in the year 167 J,
29 Charles II.
Peter Reneu, son of Peter, born in Bordeaux.
Francis La Besse, son of Isaac, born at Bergerac in Perigord.
Philip Musard, son of John, born at Geneva.
Laurence Uppendorf, son of Henrich, born at Tunderen in Holoteyn.
Michael Savary, son of Peter, born at Diepe.
John Westerbane, son of Cornelius, born at Catwick near Leyden.
Adam Altensleben, son of Hance, born at Magdeburg.
Anthony Cousteil, son of Isaac, born at Montauban, Province of Quircy.
Katherine Pryor, daughter of Jacob Young, born at Hamburg, wife of Arthur Pryor, of
Westminster, vintner.
Peter Vigorons, son of John, born at Nismes.
Catherina, now wife of Matthew Chitty, of London, merchant, daughter of John de Mouson,
born at Amsterdam.
40
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
Hubert Vickenstein, son of John, born at Rotterdam.
Theodore Hofstadt, son of Theodore, born at Frankfurt-on the-Maine.
Isaac Testard, son of Paul, born at Bloye in France.
Constance Corsellis, daughter of Zegar, born at Amsterdam.
Abraham Drochart, son of Dirick, born at Catwick in Leyden.
Henry Pelat, son of Jeane, born at Croix in Chevenes in Languedoc.
Peter Raoul, son of Isaac, born at Bourdeaux.
Note.
The Comte de Schomberg (afterwards Duke), and his youngest son Charles,
were probably naturalized in 1673, when it was proposed that they should be admitted
into the English army. The surname is properly ScJionberg. The French form,
Sckomberg, belongs to them as Protestant exiles from France. 1 The Marquis De
Ruvigny, his wife, and his sons, Henri (afterwards Earl of Galway), and Pierre, Sieur
de La Caillemotte, had lettres de naturalitc 'in England, granted by Charles II. before
1680.
I have found no record of the naturalizations of the Marquis de Mircmont and
his comrades.
action D II.
NOTES GLEANED FROM OLD REGISTERS OF MARRIAGES, BAPTISMS, AND
DEATHS.
Marriages.
23rd December 1567, iu God's house, Southampton, Gilles Senlin to Cicile Sariette, both natives
of Valencienne.
31st May 1568, in God's house, Southampton, Anthoine de Hanneroy, schoolmaster, to Marie
Bancquart. " Anthoine et Marie furent mis en promesses en I'Eglise de Zandwieh et non pas ici."
8th June 1572, in God's house, Southampton, Anthoine Cousin to Jane de la Croix, both
natives of Armentiere.
1 8th October 1579, in God's house, Southampton, Jan Mercier, native of Tournay, to Jane Le
Clerc, native of Valenciennes.
28th January 1582, in God's house, Southampton, Nicolas Le Plus, of Armentiere, to Margaret
Moieur, of Guernsey.
20th November 1586, in God's house, Southampton , [Rev.] Philippe de la Motte, of Tournay,
to Judith des Maistres, native of Armentieres.
2nd November 1588, in the parish church of St Botolph, A ideate, London, " Michell Didyer, a
stranger, born at Marseilles, in Provence, a pilot under Mr Candish in his voyage to the
South Endyes," to " Jaquete Desheaz, a maiden born in Jersey."
25th April 1591, in the French Church, Canterbury, Jaques Lescaillet, native of Le Gorge'
(son of J. L.), to Marguerite, daughter of Loys Bolin, native of Tourquvin.
14th May 1592, in the French Church, Canterbury, Scipion Le Febure (son of Nicolas), native
of Clambun, to Jane, daughter of Jaques du Boys, native of Turquin (?).
18th June 1592, in the French Church, Canterbury, Abraham Bourgeois (son of the late
Wallery B.), native of Senerpon, to Jane, daughter of the late Claude Fournier, native of Fresne.
nth July 1592, i?i the Dutch Church, Austin Friars, London, Pieter Le Gay, native of
Armentieres, to Catherine de Bohout, native of Antwerp,
nth February 1594, in the French Church, Canterbury, Elias Mauroye (son of the late E. M.),
native of Hoplires, to Elizabeth, daughter of Laurens Desbouveries, native of Zandwish
[Sandwich].
26th November 1594, in the French Church, Canterbury, Lauren Desbouveries, widower,
native of St. Gain in Melantois, to Catherine Pipelart, widow of Michael Castel, native of
Perone in Melantois.
10th January 1 598, in the French Church, Canterbury, Jan Du Quesne (son of the late Jan), native
of Valenciennes, to Magdelaine, daughter of the late Anthoine Desrouseaux, native of Bourne.
1 ScHOMBERG is the French form of the German name Schonberg, and the form adopted by all our
historians ; their usage the Author of a Huguenot Memorial volume is not called upon to abandon. The
German and French pronunciations must have been almost identical. The German pronunciation of the first
syllable is Shon (the c being mute), not unlike the French prefix champ, in which we see the shape of M, but hear
the sound of N (c having the sound of s, and p being mute). The name was known in France before our hero's
days.
In much more ancient times Schomberg, Due d'Hallvin, a Roman Catholic, was a marshal of France. To
the same family belonged Gaspard Schomberg, Comte de Nanteuil, who contributed to the accession of Henri
IV. to the throne by drafting the plan of an accommodation with the factious party of the League.
The Protestant Schombergs were a distant branch o( the family, settled in the Diocese of Treves on the Rhine.
SECTION SEVENTH.
4i
In 1599, in the French Church, Norwich, Jean du Cro to Antoinette Le Coq.
2 1 st October 1599, in the French Church, Norwich, Jean Bodart, native of Lovigni in Hainault,
to Martine de Grave, widow of Jaspart Cornillo of Armentieres.
17th December 1599, in Canterbury Cathedral, George Marson to Magdalen Primount
[Primont ?].
22nd January 1600 (n.s.), in the City of Londoii French Church (Threadneed/e Street), Jean,
son of Jean du Quesne, to Sara, daughter of Jean de Francqueville, native of Anucis.
29th January 1600, in the Dutch Church, Austin Friars, London, Jaques Lagniel, native of
Armentieres, to Maeyken Platevoets, native of Belle.
20th April 1600, in God's house, Southampton, Isaac Le Gay to Ester Behout.
14th December 1600, in the French Church, Norwich, Maximylien Monzony, native of
Arras (?) \?iatif Dara\ to Elizabeth Turkie, native of Norwich.
9th February 1602, in the Dutch Church, Austin Friars, London, Isaac Olivier, native of
Rouen, to Sara Gheerarts, native of London.
28th October 1604, in the French Church, Norwich, Timote Bonnaige [Basnage], to the
daughter of Adrien Lenglore.
5th February 1605, in the Dutch Church, Austin Friars, London, David Bonnel, native of
Norwich, to Catharina de Beste, native of Antwerp.
1 6th April 1605, in the Dutch Church, Austin Friars, London, Nicolas Houblon, native of
Ryssel, to Maria Godschalck, widow of Hendrick Cuyl.
29th May 1605, in Gods house, Southampton, Pierre Lescaillet to Ester Le Gay.
10th July 1608, in the French Church, Canterbury, Jaques le Keux, native of Canterbury, son
of Anthoine, to Jahel, native of Canterbury, daughter of Jacques le Hand.
27th July 1609, in the Parish Church of St Dionis, Backchurch, London, Mr John Wolfe,
appotechary, to Mrs Anne Lobell.
1 2th May 161 1, in the Fre?ich Church, Norwich, Jean Fatreau to Ester de Lannoy.
24th February 1612 (n.s.), in the French Church, Canterbury, Esaie Loffroy (son of the late
Antoine), native of Cambray, to Marie, native of Canterbury, daughter of the late Pierre
le Sage.
[Lsaie Loffroy filz de feu Antoine natif de Cambray et Marie le Sage file de feu Pierre
nativf de Canterbury :]
19th September 16 13, in the French Church, Canterbury, Jan Despaigne (son of the late
Gervais), to Marie, daughter of Cornille Sedt, both of Canterbury.
1 st June 1 6 14, in Canterbury Cathedral, " Robart Hill, Doc r in deuinitie," to Mrs Margaret
de Saravia.
25th October 1614, in the Dutch Church, Austin Friars, London, Pierre du Rien, native of
Artois, to Janneken Ootger, native of London.
1st April 16 16, in the French Church, Canterbury, Jan le Keux, native of Canterbury, son of
Anthoine, to Marie, native of Canterbury, daughter of Jan de Lespan.
7th April 1616, in the F"re7ich Church, Canterbury, Pierre le Keux, native of Canterbury, son of
Anthoine, to Anne, native of Canterbury, daughter of the late Nicolas du Chasteau.
8th December 1616, in the French Church, Canterbury, David Loffroy, native of Canterbury,
son of Anthoine, to Marie, native of Canterbury, daughter of Jan du Beuf.
29th December 1616, in the French Church, Canterbury, Monsieur Philippe Delme, minister
at Norwich, native of Norwich, son of the late Adrien, to Elizabeth, daughter of Elias
Maurois, of Canterbury.
1st October 1617, in the Parish Church of St. Antholin, London, John Sertaine to Mary
Deane.
7th October 16 19, in the Dutch Church, Austin Friars, London, Anthoine le Quien, native of
Valencien, to Anna Jans, native of Hoorn.
23rd January 1620 (n.s.), in the Parish Church of St. Mary, Aldcrmary, London, John Sartaine
to Marget Lewes, both of this parish.
15th August 1624, in the French Church, Canterbury, Jaques Six, native of "Andre pres de
Guine," son of the late Barthelemi, to Marie, native of Canterbury, daughter of the late
Jean le Poutre.
20th February 1625 (n.s.), in the French Church, Canterbury, Jaques Dambrine, son of Jean,
native of Lille, to Pasques Descarpenteries, widow of the late Jean Bauchart, native of
Landes.
29th November 1629, in the French Church, Canterbury, Jaques Dambrine, widower, native of
Lille in Flanders, to Marie, daughter of Venant de Labye, native of Canterbury.
15th August 1630, in the French Church, Canterbury, Simon Bourgeois, son of Daniel, native
of Valenciennes, to Marie, daughter of Israel Caron, of Canterbury.
13th February 1631 (n.s.), in the French Church, Canterbury, Nicolas Dambinne, native of
Lille, to Francoise, daughter of the late Jaques Desbouverie, native of Gain in Melantois.
22nd January 1632 (n.s.), in the French Church, Canterbury, Philippe L'Ernoult, widower,
native of L'Homme, to Anne Streeke, native of Agre, widow of Jean Dambrine.
25 th June 1634, in the Church of St Dionis, Backchurch, London, John Hugesson to Leah
Fortry.
31st August 1634, in the French Church, Canterbury, Jacques Caron, son of Israel, to Anne,
daughter of Esaie Loffroy, both of Canterbury.
I. F
42
HIS TO RICA L INTR OD UCTIOX.
14 th December 1634, in the City of London French Church (Threadneedle Street), Thomas
Carpenter of Oxford, to Sara le Chevalier of Canterbury.
20th September 1635, in the French Church, Canterbury, Philippe le Greve, native of Monnau,
son of Denis, to Etheile, native of Canterbury, daughter of Isaie de Lobeau.
6th January 1636, in the French Church, Canterbury, Sebastien Gambier, native of Valen-
ciennes, to Marguerite Lonschar, native of Mont Barlenschoy, near Arras.
16th April 1637, in the City of London French Church (Threadneedle Street), [Rev.] Nathaniel
Marie to Ester le Hure, widow of Andre Joye.
14th December 1637, in the City of London French Church (Threadneedle Street), Maistre
Guilbert Primerose, Docteur en theologie, chapelain du Roy et pasteur de ceste egiise, to Jeanne
Hersey, native of London, widow of the late Monsieur Aurelius.
29th March 1638, in the City of London French Church (Threadneedle Street), Nicolas Dam-
braine, native of Lille, to Claire Eaucon, native of Lille, widow of Gabriel Mareschal.
27th December 1640, in the City of London French Church (Threadneedle Street), Jaques Prime-
rose, M.D., to Louise de Hautmont.
2 1 st September 1641, in the City of London French Church (Threadneedle Street), Le Sieur
Guilbert Primerose, pasteur de ceste egiise, to Mademoise Louyse Laubel, widower and
widow, each married for the third time [" vefves et tons deux en 3 e nopces"] 1
1 1 th September 1642, in the French Church, Canterbury, Germain Claris.se, native of Neunhijz,
son of Jacque, to Marie, native of Canterbury, daughter of Fulque Gloriez.
27th September 1642, in the Dutch Church, Austin Friars, London, Gilles Wicks to Sara de
Lobeau, widow of Andre Grande.
23rd November 1642, in the City of London French Church (Threadneedle Street), Abraham le
Keux, native of Canterbury, to Barbe Brigode.
23rd January 1644 (n.s.), in the English Church, but registered at Threadneedle Street, City of
London French Church, Benjamin Du Quesne, native of London, to Olive, daughter of
Richard Prior, also of London.
9th April 1645, in the City of London French Church (Threadneedle Street), Pierre Dambrin,
native of Lille, to Marie Desmarets, native of Norwich, widow of Samuel de la Cueillery.
9th October 1645, in the French Church, Canterbury, Le Sieur Paul Dormion, widower, native
of Estaire, to Esther Capel (widow of Le Sieur Jean Drake, mittistre), native of London.
25th December 1645, in the French Church, Canterbury, Jean Six, natif de Cantorbery, son of
the late Jaques, to Anthoinette le Quien, native de le Croisette, Comte de St Pol, daughter of
Guillaume le Quien.
London (Threadneedle Street), 5th March 1646 (n.s.), date of the promise of marriage between
Jaques Guiot and Anne Bultel, widow of Jaques Maurois.
1 1 th June 1646, in the French Church, Canterbury, Jean le Keux, son of the late Jean, to Mar-
gueritte, daughter of Jean Despaigne.
3rd October 1647, i' 1 t ne City of London French Church (Threadneedle Street), Jean Ducane du
Quesne to Ester de la Place, native of Guernsey, daughter of Samuel de la Place, minister
of the Word of God.
30th June 1650, in the French Church, Canterbury, Arnould de le Me, son of the late Philippe,
to Flame [Elaine ?] Cremie, native of Valencienne.
27th October 1651, in Canterbury Cathedral, Mr Thomas Papillon to Jane Brodnax.
6th June 165 1, in the French Church, Canterbury, Barthelemy Six, son of Jacques, to Lea
Dambrin.
17th July 1651, in the French Church, Canterbury, Jean Six, son of Jacques, to Anne,
daughter of Estienne du Toit [Duthoitj.
23 rd March 1652, in the Church of Reusing ton, by [Rev.] Cesar Calandrin, Pierre de
Caumont, Marquis de Cugnac, to Elizabeth de Mayerne. (Registered in the Dutch
Church, Austin Friars, London.)
1 6th May 1654, in the Parish Church of St. Antholin, London, Gideon Despaine to Mary
Leleu.
22nd May 1654, in the Parish Church of St. Antholin, London, William Carbonnell to Elizabeth
Deliilers.
Canterbury, 2nd September 1654, date of the promise of marriage between Philippe, son of
Antoine Delme, native of Normain, and Elizabeth, daughter of the late Allard Bara.
15th October 1654, in the French Church, Catiterbury, Jaques de Cassel, son of Michael,
to Ester de Santhuni, widow of Pierre Bonte [Conte?].
Norwich French Church, 1655, date of the promise of marriage between Samuel de la
Cour and Marie Farvacque.
Canterbury, 9th November 1656, date of the promise of marriage between Jean, son of
Marc Claris, and Dorcas, daughter of Pierre Le Clerc.
Canterbury, nth November 1656, date of the promise of rnarriage between Jean Gambie,
native of Isee, near Arras, widower, and Marti ne de le Motte, widow of Pierre Pouchain,
of Manchein, near Lisle.
Canterbury, 1 6th November 1656, date of the promise of marriage between Pierre Le Due
(son of the late Christien), native of Guienne, and Jeanne, daughter of Thomas Loffroy,
native of Canterbury.
1 The entry of the betrothal was, "5 de Sept. 1641, Maistre Guilbet de Primerose, Docteur en Theol )gie
et Miniatre de la parole de Dieu en ceste egiise, et Louise de Lobel, veulve, native d'Anvers."
SECTION SE VENTH.
43
Canterbury, ioth April 1658, date of the promise of marriage between Daniel, son of the late
Simon Bourgeois, and Judith, daughter of Abraham Le More.
27th July 1662, in the City of London French Church, Threadneedle Street, Jean du Bois to
Sara Waldo, daughter of Daniel Waldo,
nth April 1664, in the French Church, Canterbury, Henry, son of John D'Espagne to Jeane,
daughter of John Bonte, both of Canterbury.
30th October 1664, in the City of London French Church, Threadneedle Street, Jean Delme" to
Deborah Leadbetter.
Canterbury, 25th February 1666 (n.s.), date of the promise of marriage between Elie Paul
Darande (son of Elie Darande of Southampton), M.A. of Oxford, and pastor of this church,
to Frances, daughter of Benjamin Pickering of West Hoadley, Sussex.
29th May 1666, in the City of London French Church (Threadneedle Street), [Rev.] David,
Primerose, native of Rouen, son of the late Pasteur David Primerose of Rouen, and
Madelaine Heuze, to Sara Palliart of London, widow of Maistre Jaques Felles, late pasteur
of Threadneedle Street.
[Rev. D. P. married, secondly, 25th April 1677, Judith, daughter of Daniel Du Prie and
Suzanne Deskien ; thirdly, 27 th December 1685 was the date of his promise of marriage
to Jeanne, native of London, daughter of Rene" Sasserie and Madeleine Moreau.]
26th August 1666, in the City of London French Church (Threadneedle Street), Jaques Caron
(son of J. C. and Anne Lofroy) to Marie Summers, widow of David Le Fer.
14th September 1666, in Westminster Abbey, the Lord Holies [so created 20th April 1661] to the
Lady [Esther, second daughter and co-heir of Gideon Le Lou, Lord of the Manor of Colum-
biers in Normandy, and widow of James Richer, Lord of Cambernon in the same province].
30th September 1666, in the French Church, Canterbury, Andre Despaigne, son of Jean, to
Ester, daughter of Anthoine Palsar, both of Canterbury.
4th April 1670 (registered at Sandtoft Chapel, Lincolnshire 1 ), "sont maries Matthew Pryme
et Sara Smaque.." (Extracted by Abraham de la Pryme and preserved in his Diary.)
1 8th August 1670, in Westminster Abbey, Mr Isaac Houblon to Elizabeth King [grand-
daughter of the Bishop of Chichester].
2nd January 1672 (ns.), in Westminster Abbey, Mr Abraham Houblon to Dorothy,
daughter of Sir Richard Hubert of Langley.
16th June 1672, in the City of London French Church (Threadneedle Street), Jean le Keux,
son of Jean and Anthoinette, to Suzanne Didier, daughter of Abraham and of Lea Mancke.
23rd January 1673 (n.s.), in the French Church, Canterbury, Nicollas De Bill, widower,
native of Dieppe, to Margerite Hallo.
Threadneedle Street, London, 21st May 1673, date of the promise oj marriage between
Frederik Casaubon, native of Soulingen, near Cologne (son of the late Pierre Casaubon
and Sibelle Aikin), and Anne, native of Paris, daughter of Guilluame Le Blanc and
Susanne Brondre.
Canterbury, 20th September 1674, date of the promise of marriage between Israel Loffroy (son
of Jacques), native of Canterbury, and Marie Van den Hayden (daughter of Abraham),
native of London.
22nd October 1674, in the French Church, Canterbury, Pierre Lernould, son of Philippe, to
Lea, daughter of Abraham and Lea Didier.
1st January 1675 (n.s.), in the French Church, Canterbury, Jaques Six, son of Barthelemi, to
Esther le Sedt.
4th March 1675 ( n - s -)' l;i French Church, Canterbury, Josue" Dambrin, son of Jaques, of
London, to Marie, daughter of Jean Vandebroucq of Sandwich.
27th January 1676 (n.s.), in the French Church, Canterbury, Jean Six, son of Jean Six and
Anne Duthoit, to Marie, daughter of Jean le Hocq and Marie Guenin.
7th December 1676, in the French Church, Canterbury, Pierre le Keux, son of the late Pierre
and Marie, to Anne Six, daughter of Jean Six and Anne Duthoit.
7th December 1676, in the French Church, Canterbury, Jaques Six, son of Jean Six and Anne
Duthoit, native of Canterbury, to Marie Le Keux, daughter of the late Jean Le Keux and
Marguerit Despaign, also a native of Canterbury,
nth February 1677 (n.s.), in the City of London French Church (Threadneedle Street),
Germaine Oufr£, native of St. Lo (son of Pierre O. and late Marye Robert), to Anne Fer,
native of LTsle, daughter of Alfonse F. and of Marie Le Gueux.
Canterbury, 25th November 1677, date of the promise of marriage between Arnoud De
Bouchery (son of Pierre), native of Rotterdam, pasteur de cette eglise, and Sara, daughter of
Pierre Matthieu [Peter Matthew], of London.
4th July 1678, in the French Church, Canterbury, Charles Lason, son of Jean, to Marie,
daughter of Abraham and Lea Didier.
7th August 1 68 1, in the City of London French Church (Threadneedle Street), Pierre Le Keux,
son of the late Jean Le Keux and Antonette Le Quicn, native of Canterbury, to [Marie
Marescaux].
15th July 1683, in the City of London French Church (Threadneedle Street), Samuel Roictorn,
merchant, widower, to Sara, daughter of Thomas Papillon, Esq., and Jeane Broadnax.
'The register of Sandtoft C1641 to 1681) was lost ; but a copy of it was in the possession of Rev. Joseph
Hunter, F.S.A., and used by him in his " History of the Deanery of Uoncaster," 1828.
44
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
1 6th August 1683, in the French Church, Canterbury, Abraham De Visme, widower, to Susanne
Lortier, widow of Adrien du Hamel.
13th November 1684, in the French Church, Canterbury, Francois Dambrin, son of F. d'Ambrin,
native of Verin in Picardy, to Elizabeth, daughter of Adrien Duhamel of Canterbury.
Canterbury, 9th March 1684 (n.s.), date of the promise of marriage between Jaques Basnage,
ecuyer, ministre de Rouen (son of Jaques Basnage, advocate in the parliament ofNormandie,
and Marie Cognard), and Susanne, daughter of Cyrus Dumoulin, ecuyer, ministre, and
Marie de Marbais.
10th February 1687 (n.s.), in the Parish Church of St. Dionis, Backchurch, Thomas Weely, de
Weeley, co. Essex, Eng., to Mary Papillon, of St. Mary le Bow, London.
16th April 1688, in the Frencli Church of Canterbury, Israel Loffroy, of Canterbury, widower,
to Marie de Hane, daughter of the late Jacob de Hane and Anne Delamare, native of
Calais.
14th August 1689, in the City of London French Church (Threadneedle Street), William Turner,
Esq., " fils de Thomas Turner, e"cuyer," to Anne Marie Papillon.
25th December 1691, in the City of London Frencli Church {Threadneedle Street), Pierre Claris,
of Canterbury (son of Pierre Claris and Madeleine Bleuze), to Esther, daughter of Elie le
Moreau and Elizabeth Du Pierre.
24th September 1696, in the Parish Church of St. Michael, Cornhill, London, John Lokewx
[Le Keux?], of the Tower Hamlete, to Maudlin Lernoult.
10th March 1698 (n.s.), in St. Michael's Parish Church, Cornhill, London, Benjamin Didier,
of Stepney, to Maria Martha Fomoulhett [Fenouilhet?].
2nd January 1701 (n.s.), in the Parish Church of St. Michael, Cornhill, Peter Snee, of St.
Buttolph, Bishopgate, to Leah Lekeux, of St. Dunstan, Stepney.
25th May 1 70 1, in the Parish Church of St. Dionis, Backchurch, London, Benjamin Caron, of
St. Dunstan, Stepney, co. Middlesex, widower, to Magdalen Lortur, of Wandsworth, co.
Surrey, spinster.
6th July 1703, in the Parish Church of St. Dionis, Backchurch, London, Thomas Loveday, of
Christ Church, London, to Sarah Lethieullier, of Clapham, Surrey.
19th December 1709, in St. Mary Aldermary's Parish Church, London, Stephen Hall, of St.
Mary. Whitechappell, widower, to Elizabeth Danbrine, of Enfield, widow.
24th May 1711, in the Parish Church of St. Dionis, Backchurch, London, Richard Hopkins, of
St. Hellen's, London, to Anne Lethieullier, of Clapham, Surrey.
24th November 17 12, in Canterbury Cathedral, Abraham Ducro to Mary Olive.
1 6th December 17 12 [registered in the parish of Hackney], Christopher Lethieullier, Esq., to
Mary Woolfe, by special license, at 7 p.m., at Sir Gabriel Roberts' house.
29th January 17 13 (n.s.), in Westminster Abbey, (Rev.) Peter Waldo to Emma Leigh.
14th November 1720, in Canterbury Cathedral, Gabriell Merriott to Mary Overy, both of
Milton, near Sittingbourne.
10th April 1 72 1, in Canterbury Cathedral, James Claris, of St. Alphage. to Mary Villiers, of
the precinct.
4th May 1721, in the French Chapel Royal, St. James 1 Palace, Westminster, by [Rev.] Mr.
Mesnard, [Rev.] Henry Justel, Rector of Clewer in Berkshire, to Charlotte Francoise De
la Croix, of the parish of St. James.
30th May 1 72 1, in Canterbury Cathedral, Robert Ellis, of Doddington, to Abigail Six, of
Holy Cross, Westgate.
April 1722, in Westminster Abbey, Paul D'Aranda, of St. Michael's, Cornhill, to Elizabeth
Emilie, of Wandsworth, Surrey.
27th November 1729, in Canterbury Cathedral, Stephen Six to Ann Coif, both of the parish
of St. Margaret.
10th April 1735, in the Parish Church of St. Michael, Cornhill, John Le Keux, of the Liberty
of Norton Folgate, co. Middlesex, to Mary Bargeau, of Christ Church, in the same
county.
Baptisms.
1567, God's House, Southampton, December 21, David, son of Jehan de Beaulieu, of Valen-
tienne, and Sara Van Honen, of London, his wife. Presented by Roland Rigne.
157 1, God's House, Southampton, June 21, Hester, daughter' of Anthone Flaiel and Peronne
Bino. 1 Witness, 2 Jan Clement, native of Arquichen sur le lis.
Children of Antoine Cousin, baptized in God's House, Southampton : —
Phebe, 23d November 1574. Witness, Nicholas de Severy, of Armentiere.
Rebecca, 4th October 1576. Witness, Pierre Verneleur.
Janne, 7th February 1580. Witness, Pierre de la Crois.
Elisabeth, 19th November 1581. Witness, Gilles de Roy.
1572, St. Dionis, Backclmrch, London, July 13, Joane, daughter of Vynsent Jovenox, stranger.
1575, God's House, Southampton, January 16, Daniel, son of Robert Le Quesne. Witness,
Jan Gersen.
1 On 15th July 16S8, a " Monsieur Bino " appears in Edinburgh as tutor to the Master of Napier. The
true spelling was Bineau, or Binaud.
• In Southampton, Canterbury, and London, thote (whom I sometimes call spomors) were tesmoins.
SECTION SEVENTH.
43
Sons of Gille Cousin, native of Tournay, baptized in God's House, Southampton : —
Pierre, 20th January 1575. Witness, Robert Cousin, brother of G. C.
Jacques, 14th April 1577. Witness, Jan Castelin.
Children of Robert du Chesne, baptized in God's House, Southampton : —
Jeremie, 25th March 1576. Witness, Jan Vincent.
Pierre, 12th November 1577. Witness, Denis Le Mercier.
Suzanne, 10th June 1582. Witness, Guillaume Bertelot.
1577, God's House, Southampton, January 24, Marie, daughter of Monsieur Robert de la Place.
Witness, Richart.
1580, God's House, Southampton, September 4, Jaques, son of Guillaume Bertelot. Witness,
Gilles de Bouillon.
Children of Robert Du Quesne, baptized in God's House, Southampton : —
Isac, 25th December 1580. Witness, Marin Pedriel.
Jacob, 1 st December 1583. Witness, Marin Le Sade.
Children of Mr Lawrence Waldo, Grocer, baptized in the Parish Church of All Hallows,
Bread Street, London : — -
1584. (n.s.) January 15, Margaret.
1585. (n.s.) January 17, Elizabeth.
1586. (n.s.) March 20, Thomas.
1587. April 2, Lawrence.
1590. June 24, Sara.
1591. July 4, Anna.
1592. September 10, Raphe.
1594. September 22, Judith.
1595. September 21, "Was christened Towe children of Mr Lawrence
Waldoes, of this parish, the one a man child, who was named
Daniell, the other a maiden, who was named Alice."
1597. (n.s.) January 23, Susan.
1598. (n.s.) January 22, Rebecca.
1 599. June 10, Daniell.
Children of Philippe de la Motte, ministre de la parole de Dieu, and Judith des Maistres,
baptized in the French Church, Southampton : —
Judith, nth March 1589. Witness, Balthasar des Maistres.
Elizabeth, 21st April 1590. Witness, Jan Mercier.
Jane, 10th October 1591. Witness, Pierre Le Gay.
Philippe, 20th December 1592. Witness, Claude Moutonier.
Marie, 3rd November 1594. Witness, Monsieur du Plantain.
Jan, 7th March 1596. Witness, Isaac Le Gay.
Josias, 13th February 1597. Witness, Robert Le Page.
Daniel, 12th March 1598. Witness, Jan Corniche.
Abigail, 18th May 1600. Witness, Estienne Latelais.
Joseph, nth April 1602. Witness, Bauduin de Bordes.
Jacques, 14th August 1603. Witnesses, Robert Le Page, Margaret Blier.
Mathieu, 24th April 1608. Witness, Francois Hersent.
Children of Antoine Lofro, Lofroy, or Loffroy, baptized in the French Church, Canter-
bury : —
1590, 29th November, David. Witnesses — Melsie William, Jaques Perin, Pagnette
de Houe, Marguerite LeTan.
1592, xst November, Pierre. Witnesses — Charles de Nimmay, Charles Huart,
Jorime, wife of Daniel Speinbourg, Marie, wife of Jaques Martin.
1594, 20th August, Marie. Witnesses — Defrumaux, Jaques Bonol [Bonel?], Cathe-
rine Desmarez, Perone, wife of Tiery.
1595, 9th October, Marie. Witnesses — Jan Honore, Antoine Des Mazeaux,
Mriselet Fan, the wife of Charle de Nimmay.
1590, Fre7ich Church, Canterbury, June 3, Marthe, daughter of Anthoine Ogier. Sponsors —
Jan Turpin, Jan du Cro, Francoise and Marguerite Ogier.
Sons of Jehan Du Quesne, baptized in the French Church, Canterbury : —
1590, 2nd August, Jehan.
1592, 1st May, David. Sponsors — Jehan Le Febure, come from London, the wife of
Francois Biscop, the wife of Monsieur Simon Goudart.
1 59 1 , French Church, Canterbury, February 14, Janne, daughter of Gervois Despaigne.
Children of Monsieur Samuel Le Chevallier, minister of the word of God, and Lea Cain el.
baptized in the French Church, Canterbury : —
1591, 28th February, Aaron. Sponsors — Antoine Herenq, Jehan Du Quesn
Catharine, wife of Jehan Houard.
1592, 1 8th June, Lea. Sponsors — Francois Biscop, Laurent Des Bouvries, Esther,
wife of Monsieur Cappel, Madame L'Escaillet.
I S95> 7 tn August, Rebecca. Sponsors — Pierre du Quesnoy, residing in Middel-
burg, and in his name, Thomas Mauroye, Paul Biscop; Elizabeth, wile of Elias
Mauroy, Magueritc, wife of Wm. Messeman.
4 6
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
1597, 14th July, Jahel. Sponsors— Monsieur Saravia, Le Sicur Simon Oudart. the
widow of Daniel Vignier, the wife of Samuel Houard.
1599, 26th August, Esther. Sponsors — Joseph Colle, Adrian De Cevillere, Marie,
wife of Andrew Baccle" ; Forine Lansel, widow of Daniel Speinbroug.
1609, 2nd April, Pierre. Sponsors — Le Sieur Josias . . . of London, Le Sieur
Jehan Du Quesne junior, Marguerite de Saravia, Catherine, wife of Le Sieur Jehan
Du Quesne senior.
1616, 4th February, Anne. Sponsors — Le Sieur Jan de la Mort, merchant, London,
and Anne, his wife, Guillaume Sant Gune, Mile. Corput.
1591, French Church, Canterbury, November 23, Jehan, son of Monsieur Le Jay. Sponsors —
Monsier Le Gras, for Monseigneur de Beauvoir La Noche, Ambassador from the King of
France to England ; Monsieur Lucian Renard, Barbe Galer, wife of Monsieur Le Gras ;
Marte Le Bar.
1592, French Church, Canterbury, Daniel (porte de dela la mer), son of Charles Du Bois.
Sponsors — Jan Hugue, Moyse Caron, Judith Du Bois, Gabrielle Boutiniere.
1592-, French Church, Canterbury, June 18, Abraham, son of Loys Bourgeois. Sponsors —
Abraham Bourgeois, Andre du Forest, Jane Fournier.
1595, Fre7ich Church, Norwich, June 29, Elizabeth, daughter of Victor Du Bois. Sponsors 1 —
Franchois de Heuz, Charle le Doux.
1595, French Church, Norwich, July 20, David, son of Jovinille Terrien. Sponsors — Phillippe
Terrien, brother; Guillame de Bonne, Ratelinne Gate, Jenne de Bonne.
Children of Thomas Bonnel and Jaquemaine Bygote, baptized in the French Church,
Norwich : —
1595, .10th August, Elizabeth, {born 30th July).
1603, 1st January, Isac. Sponsors — Bauduin Burgar, Franchois Despre, the wife of
Monsieur De Laune, Sarah Herber.
1606 (n.s.), 16th March, Judijc. Sponsors — Maxsymilien Du Kier, Pierre de Cort,
the wife of Pierre de Weore, the wife of Rolant Lescaillet.
Children of Jacques Farvacques (the first entry says Jaque Farvaque), baptized in the French
Church, Norwich : —
1595, 7th September, Jacob. Sponsors — Ernou Fphlipot, Jaque Le Dreu, Pironne
Des Pre\ Matieu Du Rieu.
1597, 28th July, Anne. Sponsors — Rogier Dejardin, Baudevin Burgard, Jenne,
wife of Jan le Febure ; Jacqueminne, wife of Jean Cornille,
1606 (n.s.), 1 6th March, Jan. Sponsors — Messior [Melchior] Didier, Jan Le Fevre,
the wife of Franchois Despre, the wife of Jan Castele.
1595, French Church, Canterbury, October 12, Jacques, son of Francois Despanne and Judith
Le Fabure.
1595, French Church, None'ich, October 21, Jacques, son of Jacob Seneschal. Sponsors —
Jean Fyerno, Nicolas Vaseur, Jenne Lecuslet, Jaquemaine, wife of Jean Cornyllys.
1595, French Church, Norwich, October 26, Elizabeth, daughter of Melchior Dydier and
Marie Desbonnet. Sponsors — Jan Watelier, Elizabeth Desbonnet.
1595, French Church, Norwich, November 16, Elizabeth, daughter of Vincan de Desprez.
Sponsors — Jan Cornilo, Jan Lescobie, the wife Hudelen, Elisabet Le Tuccke.
1595, French Church, Norwich, December 21, Sara, daughter of Pierre Phillipot [Phelipot?].
(" Moi Pierre Phillipot presente mon enfant este baptize. Jean Blevyn et Baptiste Carliez
pour parrins, et Jene Lirli avec Anne Baglan pr. marrins et nom sera appele Sara.") See
7th March 1609 (n.s.).
Children of Bauduin Burgar baptized in the French Church, Norwich : —
1596 (n.s.), 12th January [name illegible].
1597, 27th August, Jean. Sponsors — Jean Cornilo, Franchois Despre, the wife of
Jean Delaleu, the wife of Jacque Farvacq.
1600, 10th August, Jaque. Sponsors — Jean Crespelle, Bastie Clinquant, the wife of
Pierre Tibeau, the wife of Gille Cambien.
3602, 2nd May, Elizabeth. Sponsors — Simon du Quenoy, Joel Desormeaux, the
wife of Jean Crespel, the wife of Thomas Coquetu.
16 1 6 (n.s.), 9th February, Ester. Sponsors — Nicolas du Toict, Jacques du Prij,
Anthoinette, widow of Jean du Prij (absent), Anne Burgar.
1596 (n.s.), French Cliurch Norwich, March 9, a child of Moyse de le Met.
1596, French Church Canterbury, March 25, Jan, son of Jan Cousin. Sponsors — Jan Mon-
nier, Joel du Pire, Marguerite Barbe, Janne Cousin.
1596, French Church, Norwich, March 28, Elisabeth, daughter of Adrien de le Met.
1596, French Church, Norwich, August 2, a daughter of Andrieu de France and his wife.
Sponsors — Melsio Hanet, Jean Livein, the wife of Thomas Jouvest, the wife of Jean du Meny.
1597 (n.s.), French Church, Nonvich, January 22, Noe, son of Jean Heudelen.
1597 (n.s.), French Church, Norivich, March 6, Jacob. " Moy Michiel Farvaque et sa femme
present leur enfant pour estre baptize en Leglise de Dieu Et nous luy donnous pour nom
JacobT Sponsors — Bastien Bernac, Adrien de le Me, Jacqueminne de Bonine, Catelinne
Tevelin. " Dieu beny leglise."
1 At Norwich those (whom for convenience sake I call sponsors) were either farraiiis or marraines (spelt
very variously).
SECTION SEVENTH.
47
Children of Jacques Le Dm, baptized in the French Church, Norwich : —
1597, 20th June, Elisabet. Sponsors — Daniel A-Haize, Pierre Valiant, Jacquemien
Mahieux, Jenne Desgardin.
1602, 23rd October, David. Sponsors — [David?] Ahage, Jan Leechlen le jeune,
Chrestienne, wife of Jan Leechlen; Jaine Marie, wife of Hery Lechen.
1604, 25th November, Abreham. Sponsors — Jan de la Riviere, Jacque Le Cherf,
Colette de le Montagne, Flipote Fremaux.
1597, French Church, Norwich, June 22, a child of Jean Six. Sponsors — Abraham Desmon-
tainne, Jean Tripie, Marienne Susenne Cire, Judique Ploiart.
1597, French Church, Canterbury, August 18, Anthoine, son of Pierre Lescaillet. Sponsors —
Laurent Desbouveries, Pierre Lespaille, the wife of Jacques Lescaillet, the wife of Andrew
Baccle\
1598, French Church, Norwich, August 13, Elizabeth (born 13th), daughter of Jaques l'Es-
caillet and Elizabeth Desbonnets. Sponsors — Louis Desbonnets, sen. j Michel l'Escaillet,
Catheline l'Escaillet, Elizabeth Watelier.
Children of Bartilmo Kello (described in 1601 as a "writter"), whose baptisms are recorded
in the register of the City of Edinburgh : —
1 599, 13th May, Jeane. Witness, Arch d - Johnstoun, merchant.
1 60 1, 1st Marche, Josephe. Witnesses, Mr Robert Williamesone, writter; George
Bruse.
1600 (n.s.), Threadneedle Street, January 27, Francoise, daughter of Robert Howel and Marie
Le Nilay. Sponsers — Abraham Handect, M lle - Lusie, daughter of Milort Baron and Mrs
Adrys.
1600 (n.s.), Threadneedle Street, January 29, Jean, son of Jean Le Quien and Estre. Sponsors
— Richard France (Anglois), and Piter Anselain, Marie Agnart, wife of Valentin Marchant ;
Marie Bigot, wife of Estienne Thiery.
Children of Jan [or Jean] Marie, baptized in the French Church, Norwich : —
1600, 3rd February, Jan. Sponsors — Msstre Pierre Geibaut et Jan Lange,
Madamme Marie, et la femme de Jason Soinbonneau [?].
1602, 2nd July, Pierre.
1600 (n.s.), Threadneedle Street, March 2, Isaac, son of Abraham Chamberlan and Estre
Papillon. Sponsors — Martin Gardret, Peter Chamberlan, senior; Anne Papillon, wife of
David Chamberlan.
1600 (n.s.), Threadneedle Street, March 23, Jean, son of Pierre Fauconnier and Judith.
1600, Threadneedle Street, April 6, Mathyore, son of Henry Le Myre and Marye de Lobel.
Sponsors — Mr Mathyore de Lobell and My Ladye Cliffortt.
i6co, Threadneedle Street, April 29, Louys, son of Jean Correur and Susanne Cadan.
Sponsors — Adrian du Boille; Marie Badde, wife of Jacques Cramper ; Noele Godinel, widow
of Bertin Le Quien.
1600, Threadneedle Street, June 22, Anne, daughter of Gilles Du Pre and Catherine Des
Champs. Sponsors — Luther de Roubay, Barbe ; wife of Jean Dammeron ; Elizabeth Cousin,
fille.
Children of Rafaelle Desmasier, baptized in the French Church, Norwich : —
1600, 28th September, Jaque. Sponsors, Jan Tombe, Louis de Halvin, the wife of
Francois Depre, the wife of Pierre Vaillant.
1602, 20th June, Jenne.
1604, 16th December, Anne.
1601 (n.s.), Threadneedle Street, January 15, Ester, daughter of Noe" Gottray and Elizabeth
Fallan. Sponsors — Arnout de le Pierre, Jehan Despaigne, Jaquelaine de Callonne, wife of
Nicolas Escaillet ; Catherine, wife of Antoine Le Blan.
1 60 1 (n.s.), Threadneedle Street, February 10, Jean, son of Jean Du Quiesne and Sarra.
Sponsors — John Du Quiesne, senior; Agnes Lagacie, widow of Henry Ramon ; Anne, wife
of Jin de Franqueville, junior.
Children of Pierre Chamberlan (styled in the second entry P. C, junior), and Sara de Laune,
baptized in the City of London French Church (Threadneedle Street.)
1601, May 12, Pierre. Sponsors — Pierre de Laune, ministre de Nonvich ; Jacob
Gardenet, Magdelaine Chamberlan, widow.
1604, September 9, Sara.
1 60 1, Threadneedle Street, June 7, Abraham, son of Nicolas des Quien and Jehenne.
Sponsors — Martin des Planque, Marie, wife of Estienne Thieri ; Catherine, wife of Antoine
de Blancq.
1 60 1, Threedneedle Street, July 26, Tamar, daughter of Arnould Le Febure and Susanne Van
Acler. Sponsors — Pierre Catelle, Catherine, wife of Michel de Bordez, Marie, wife of
Noel Mascon.
Children of Robert Delabare (or Delabarr), baptized in the French Church of London,
whose baptisms are registered at St. Dionis Backchurch.
1 60 1, August 4, Robert. 1605 (n.s.), February 26, Peter.
1603 (n.s.), January 16, Vincent.
1602, French Church, Nonvich, March 28, Jenne, daughter of Martin Dallen. Sponsors —
Pierre Hauton, Robert Mouson, the wife of Jaques Noquart, the wife of Pierre Hauton.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
1603, French Church, Norwich, April 10, Jacque, son of Jonas Coteny and Janne Marte.
Sponsors — Thomas Bonelle, Jan Catelle, Marie Catelle, widow, La femme Lievin.
1603, Threadneedle Street, May 8, Moyse, son of Aaron Cappel, ministrc de ceste eglise, and
Estre Maurois. Sponsors — Mr Andrien Lamb, ministre Escossois ; Jehan Cabry, Marie, wife
of John Du Quiesne ; Francoise, widow of Nicolas De Lannoy.
1604, St. Mary, Aldermary, London, August 26, Robert, son of John Serten [Sertaine (?)].
1604, French Church, Norwich, November 4, Jenne, daughter of Jan Ducro. Sponsors—
Adrien Le Cocq, Jacqnox Du Buisson, the wife of Jan Martin, the wife of Abreham
Catelle.
Children of Daniel du Chesne and Judith, baptized in God's House, Southampton : —
Susanne, 19th May 1605.
Josne, 16 10. Witness, Pierre Borel.
1605, French Church, Norwich, June 9, Crestienne, daughter of Jan Dacier. Sponsors —
Michel Bertie, Jan Tripiez, Lenora Alart, Crestiene Malebranq.
1605, Threadneedle Street, December 8, Elie, son of Samuel Tout le monde 1 and Marie de
Fleimme.
Children of David Bonnel, baptized in the Dutch Church, Austin Friars, London : —
1605, 26th December, Catharina. 1 6 1 5 , 8th October, Jeremias
1607, 17th February, Susanna. 161 7, 27th July, Nathaniel. 2
1608, 7th August, David. 1618, 1st November, Sara.
1609, 26th November, Jacobus. 1620, 9th April, Symeon.
161 1, 26th May, Anna. 1621, nth November, Maria.
1612, 25th October, Samuel. 1624, 8th February, Paulus.
1614, 13th March, Ester. 1625, 10th July, Elisabeth.
1606, God's House, Southampton, May 26, Jean, son of Jean Racine and Jane Elkoc.
Witness, Gilles Behot. (See 5th April 161 2.)
1608, French Church, Norwich, October 18, Philipe, son of Jean Ollivier. Sponsors — Jacques
Farvaques, Philipes Le Secq, the wife of Crestien Cornille, the wife of Jean de Kerle.
Children of James Delanoy, baptized in the Parish Church of St. Dionis Backchurch,
London : — -
1608 (n.s.), 17th January, Elizabeth.
1610, 7th June, Suzan. (See 16th August 1612.)
1609 (n.s.), French Church, Norwich, March 7, Marie, daughter of Pierre Phlipot. Sponsors —
Ernou Phlipot, Anne Phlipot, Marie, wife of Gille Combin.
1609, French Church, Norwich, September 3, Marye, daughter of Jan Le Poutre. Sponsors —
Jan Molin, Jan Hanet, the wife of Abraham Castel, the wife of Crestien Cornille.
1 609, French Church, Norwich, October 8, Anne, daughter of Ernou Philipo.
Children of Timothee Basnage, baptized in the French Church, Norwich :—
1610 (n.s.), 1 2th February, Anne. Sponsors — Adrien Langlar, Olifer Desbonne, the
wife of Jan Fremaire, Marie Didier.
n 6 1 8, 20th September, Benjamin. Sponsors — Benjamin Basnage, brother of the
father; Pierre le De me, &c. [" Timothee Basnage presente son enfant pour este
batyzee — pour parrins son frere Benjamin Basnage (et en son nom Addrien
Lenguelair) et Pierre le De me, et pour marrins (the names illegible); le nom de
lenfant Benjamin, le 20 Septembre 1618."]
1610, French Church, Norwich, August 5, Pierre, son of Monsieur Delaune, ministre de la
parole dc Dieu a Norwic. Sponsors — Jaque Farvaque, Jan Castel, Sara, wife of Pierre
Chambrelan, of London ; Elyzabet, wife of Abraham de Blanzi, of London.
1 612, God's House, Southampton, April 5, Jaques, son of Jean Racine. Witnesses — Jaques
Paul, Susanne Bawdin.
Children of James Delanoy baptized in the French Church, London (registered at St. Dionis
Backchurch : —
1 61 2, 16th August, James (died November 16 19).
16 14, 1 2th June, Hester (died November 1616).
1616, 28th July, Abraham.
Children of Esaie Loffroy baptized in the French Church, Canterbury : —
1 61 2, nth October, Anne.
1616 (n.s.), 1 8th February, Samuel. Sponsors— Noe le Court, Pierre le Sage, Marie
Hacse, Marguerite Bonnel.
1 619, nth April, Anne.
1621, 25th December, Marie. Sponsors — Esaie de Lobeau, junior ; Susan, widow
of Maistre Primont ; Marie, wife of Pierre le Dors, junior.
1 The ancestor of this member of the London French Church seems to be the refugee whose name is found
in the " Searche for Straungers " in 1 57 1 in Queenhithe Ward : — "Gilbert Toute La Monde, born at Mercade
under Kinge Phillip, who haithe bynne here iiii yeares and a half, and came hither for Goddes word, as he
saieth, and is servant with Hanse Hulste." In 1618, in St. Olave's parish, Southwark, Mary Deflour, a shoe-
maker's wife, said that her husband was an Englishman named Samuel Tutlomonday. In 1642 Elizabeth Tout
le Monde was married to Jean le More.
2 The registrar has entered the surname of this family in the Dutch form, "Bonneel." But the father was
a Walloon, named "Bonnel." Nathaniel Bonnel, the infant registered here, became an elder in the Dutch
Church of London in 1678, and his name was correctly spelt in the list of elders.
SECTION SEVENTH.
49
1625, 17th July, Jaques. Sponsors — Francois and Jaques le Sage, Marie Gigon,
Esther Pierquin.
1628 (n.s.), 27th January, Elizabeth.
163 1, 13th November, Jahel.
1613 (n.s.), God's House, Southampton, January 24, Judith, daughter of Daniel du Quesne.
Witnesses — Jaques Pol, Judith du Gard.
Children of Pierre de Me, or du Me, baptized in the French Church, Norwich : —
1613, 25th July, Jeane (or Jenne). Sponsors — Victoir du Bois, and Madaline de
Cora, his wife ; Jean Martin le jeune, and Jenne de Freman, his wife.
1 6 1 8, 1 8th May, Pierre.
1 613, French Church, Canterbury, September 26, Emanuel, son of Bastien Gambier and Louise.
Sponsors — Jan du Boys, a son of Charles Plichard, the wife of Jan Roger, the wife of Jan
de Fortrie.
1619, French Church, Canterbury, Anne, daughter of David Lofroy and Marie. Sponsors —
Esaie Lofroy, Pierre Felmeneu, Marguerite, wife of Jan de Nau ; Rachel des Frennes.
Children of Philippe Delme, ministre en ceste eglise, and Elizabeth, baptized in the French
Church, Canterbury : —
16 19, November 11, Elizabeth. Sponsors — Le Sieur Elias Maurois, grandfather;
Madame Esther, wife of Monsieur Aaron Cappel, represented by her daughter,
Esther Cappel ; Marie Maurois, aunt.
162 r, November 18, Anne. Sponsors — Monsieur Jacob Desbouverie, ministre de la
parole de Dieu, uncle, represented at his request by Jaques Maurois ; Elie Maurois,
uncle; Marie, wife of Jaques le Grin, jun. (represented at her request by Susanne,
wife of Guillaume Messeman), aunt ; Anne Maurois, aunt.
1627, September 23, Philippe. Sponsors — Les Sieur Jaques de Neu, jun., and
Michel Cassel ; Mad lle - Lea, wife of Le Sieur Pierre de la Forterie, represented by
M IIe - Elizabeth, wife of Le Sieur Elias Maurois ; M lle - Anne Antoine Corcop, widow
of the late Mr Thomas Bui.
1630 (n.s.), March 21, Pierre (Le Bassin a baptiser mis). Sponsors — Mons r - Joseph
Colph, Le Sieur Noe Hudelen, represented by the Sieur Jaques Maurois; Madams-
Joanne, wife of Le Sieur Elie Maurois ; Anne, wife of Le Sieur Jaques Cassel,
represented by Marie, wife of Le Sieur Michel Cassel.
1633 (n.s.), January 27, Jean. Sponsors — Le Sieur le Biller, represented by Le Sieur
Michel Cassel ; Madame Anne, widow of Le Sieur Jaque Maurois ; Susanne, wife
of the late Noe Hudelen, represented by Jeanne Maurois.
1 619 [d'Angleterre], French Cliurch Nonvich, January 30, " Moi Jean Castel et Anne Delme
ma femme presentons notre fille po r - Xt nne - Baptesme." Sponsors — The father's brothers,
Toussaint Castel and Mingot Castel; Marjorie du Pont, the wife of another brother,
Philippe Castel, &c. [illegible].
1620, God's House, Southampton, March 25, Elizabeth (born 19th), daughter of Jehan Con
stance and Susanne du Chesne. Witnesses — Jehan Le Ruez, Eliz. Constance.
162 1, St. Mary Aldermary, London, April 8, Hester, posthumous daughter of John Sertayne,
dwelt in the Back lane [she was buried on 23rd February 1623 (n.s.), and is there registered
as the daughter of Mist s - Sertayne, dwelling in the Back lane.]
1625, God's House, Southampton, January 9, Elie Paul (ne le, 6th January 1625), fils de M re -
Elie d' Arande pasteur de ceste eglise et de D eUe - Elisabeth Bonhomme sa femme fut
baptise le 9 e du diet mois et an, presente par le Sieur Paul Mercier et par Esther Hiet.
1626, God's House, Southampton, May 21, Pierre (born 13th), son of Mre. Elie d' Arande and
Elisabeth Bonhomme. Sponsors — Pierre Seel, Elisabeth Hersent.
Children of Thomas Loffroy, baptized in the French Church, Canterbury : —
1627 (n.s.), 21st January, Esaie. Sponsors — Michel Le Gondery, Jean Morillon,
Marie, wife of Esaie Loffroy ; Anne Pollar.
1628, 7th September, Jeanne. Sponsors — Samuel de Lobeau, Samuel Caron, Sara
de Lobeau, Marie Gignon.
Children of Monsieur Jean Bulteel, ministre en ceste eglise, and Marie Gabri, baptized in the
French Church, Canterbury : —
1627, 26th August, Jean. Sponsors — Mr Richard Cuthbert, Le Sieur Jean Delannov,
represented by Le Sieur Elias Maurois ; Madle. Anne Valmy, wife of Mr Richard
Barnabe.
1629, 20th December, Gilles. Sponsors — Samuel De la Forterie, their brother-in-lav,
represented by Philippe Delme ; Jean Biscop, their uncle, represented by Samuel
• Hovar, jun. ; Madle. Maurois, widow of the late Sieur Elias ; the wife of Marc
Calogne, their cousin, represented by Madle. Lamy, wife of Monsr. Lamy.
1632, 3rd May, Jeanne. Sponsors — Samuel Gabri, their brother, represented by
Pierre Bultell, their brother; Philippe Biscop, their cousin, represented by Jean de
Beuer ; Anne Bulteel, their daughter, wife of Jacques Maurois ; Marie Bulteel,
their niece, daughter of Jacques Bulteel, their brother, represented by Ester, wife
of Pierre Bulteel, their brother.
1634, 28th September, Pierre. Sponsors — Pierre Bultel, their brother ; Rodolphe
Weckcrlin, represented by Pierre Bultel, their nephew; my lady Jane Boys (widow
G
HIS TO RICA L INTR OD UCTION.
of the late Sir John Boys), represented by Anne Bultel, wiJow of the late
Jaques Maurois, their daughter; Mademoiselle Bull, widow of the late Thomas
Bull.
1637, 28th May, Susanne {born 20th). Sponsors — Samuel Bulteel, their neplmv, son
of Jaques ; Mademoiselle Hanniwood, widow of Humphrey Hanniwood ; Esther
Bulteel, their niece, daughter of Pierre Bulteel, their brother, represented by Marye
Bulteel, their daughter.
Sons of Jaques Six, baptized in the French Church, Canterbury : —
1628 (n.s.), January 20, Barthelemi. Sponsors — Jean de Lillers, sen. ; Samuel
Horar, jun. ; Anne, wife of Jean Guasquier; Sara Le Poutre.
1629, December 13, Jean. Sponsors — Jean de Lillers, Chrestienne Le Long, Anne,
wife of Pierre le Keux.
1636, nth September, Abraham.
Children of Mathias Heudelen, baptized in the French Church, Norwich : —
1 63 1, 29th August, Judich. Sponsors — Jaques Le Grin, sen. ; Jan Haterville, Judith
Ferre, wife of Jaques Laucous ; Sara Ferre, wife of Jacob Page.
1636, 4th September, Noe. Sponsors — Pierre Le Fevre, Abraham Rique, Marie de
Mon, Jeanne Livin.
Children of Nicolas Dambrinne and Francoise Desbouverie, baptized in the French Church,
Canterbury : —
1631, 9th December, Philippe. Sponsors — Jaques Dambrinne, Philippe Delme,
Mile. Elizabeth, widow of the late Sieur Elias Maurois ; Anne, widow of the late
Jean Dambrinne.
1633 (n.s.), 20th January, Jean.
[See 31st August 1634.]
Children of the Worshipful Prebendary Meric Casaubon and Frances, baptized in Canterbury
Calhedral : —
1631, 22nd August, James (died).
1634, 7th April, Isaack (died).
1636, 24th July, John.
1640 (n.s ), 22nd February, Thomas (died 1642).
1641, 27th September, Isaak.
1632, French Church, Canterbury, 8th April, Anne, daughter of Jean Monid. Sponsors —
Abraham Monie, Jean Presin, Anne Lenquim, Estieanne Doucement.
1634, God's House, Southampton, 9th June, Sara (born 6th), daughter of Jehan Hersent and
Rachel Le Prime. [Baptized in the parish church.] Witness, Pierre Le Gay.
Children of Nicolas Dambrinne and Francoise Desbouverie, baptized in the City of London
French Church (Threadneedle Street) : —
1634, 31st August, Abraham. Sponsors — Edward Desbouverie; Elizabeth, wife of
Mr de Lane, ministre ; Marie, wife of Jacques Dambrinne.
1636, 8th May, Isacq. Sponsors — Jan Danbrinne, Cretienne, wife of Daniel
Desmarets ; Jenne Desbouvry.
1634, French Church, Norwich, 5th October, Marie, daughter of Elie Phlippo, senior.
Sponsors — Elie Phlippo, junior, and Marie, his wife.
1635, French Church, Canterbury, 29th November, Elie, son of Samuel de Farvaques.
Sponsors — Quentin Gallemar, Salamon de Lespan, the wife of Jean Houque, the wife
of Jean de Vismes, senior.
1636, French Church, Norwich, 31st July, Sara, daughter of Pierre Patin [or Patain].
Sponsors — Jaques Fervaques, Philippe Le Clercq, Marie Du Me, Jeanne Castel
1636, French Church, Norwich, 23rd October, Tite, son of Tite Bonasge [Basnage].
Sponsors — Jean Couper, Jaques Desmare, Marie Luce, Marie Lefevre.
Children of Isacke Romieu, baptized in the parish church of St Dionis Backchurch,
London : —
1637 (n.s.), 16th February, Jacob.
1645, 2nd October, Ester.
1637, French Church, Norwich, 23rd July, Sara, daughter of Elie Phlippo, junior. Sponsors —
Jan Lampreur, Jan Desquire, the widow of Pierre du me, Sara Phlippo.
Children of Paul de Farvaque, baptized in the French Church, Canterbury : — -
1637, 1st October, Paul.
1638, 15th November, Elizabeth.
Children of Isaac Le Quesne and Sara Du Quesne, whose baptisms (or most of them) 1 were
registered in the City of London French Church (Threadneedle Street) : —
1637, 26th October, Isaac (born 18th). Sponsors — Abraham Le Quesne, uncle;
Marie Houblon, nee Du Quesne, aunt.
1639, 14th July, Sara (born 8th). Sponsors — Jean Du Quesne, uncle; Madame
de la Fortrie, widow of Le Sieur Jean de la Fortrie, aunt.
' I am indebted for this interesting list to a correspondent. I am therefore not quite sure that all the
children are registered at Threadneedle Street, but the baptisms are authentic.
SECTION SEVENTH.
1 64 1, November Jehan, (born 23rd). Sponsors — John Le Quesne, uncle; Jeanne
Maurois, wife of Pierre Du Quesne. Officiating minister, M. Primerose.
1643, May, Abraham (born 30th April). Sponsors — Benjamin Du Quesne, uncle;
Sara de la Fortrie, cousin.
1644, 17th November, Jacques (born 7th). Sponsors — Le Sieur Jacques Houblon
uncle and father's cousin ; Madame Guis, wife of Sieur Salomon Guis. Officiating
minister, M. Ponjade.
1646, 27th September, Benjamin" (born 20th). Sponsors — Le Sieur Benjamin Du
Quesne, uncle; widow of Sieur Pierre Du Quesne, great-aunt. Officiating
minister, M. Cisner.
1648, November, Jane (bom 7th). Sponsors — Le Sieur Pierre Fontaine, Le
Sieur jacob de la Forteiie's widow («&*Jeane Crox). Officiating minister, M. de
la Marche, fits.
1640 (n.s.), French Church, Canterbury, February 9, David, son of Nicolas Des Fervaque.
Sponsors — Simon Oudart; Jeanne de la Marliere, wife of Jean Du Bois; Elizabeth du Pire,
wife of Paul De Farvaque.
1 64 1, French Church, Norwich, November 14, Anne, daughter of Arnoult Calvin.
1646, French Church, Norwich, November 22, Jean, son of Jacques Colle.
Children of Jean Le Keux and Antoinette Le Quien, baptized in the French Church,
Canterbury : —
1646, 10th December, Phillippe (born 3rd). Sponsors — Mons r - Phillipe Le Keux,
pasteur of the French Church at Dover ; Elizabeth de me, daughter of the late
Jaques, represented by the wife of Mons r - De me' ; Isabeau Lamiol, daughter of
the late Jean.
1647, 19th December, Jean (born 16th). Sponsors — Mons r - Jean de la Place,
Jean le quin, Mad lle - Susanne de la Pierre, Marguerite Le Keux.
1648, 6th December, Pierre. Sponsors— Pierre Le Keux, Esther Mancke, wife of
Edouard Le Keux ; Jenne Du bois jenne fille.
1647, French Church, Canterbury, May 16, Isaac, son of Simon Bourgeois and Marie Caron.
1650 (n.s.), French Church, Norwich, January 6, a child of Onias Philippe
Children of Abraham Didierand Lea Mancke, baptized in the French Church, Canterbury: —
1650, 1 2th May, Jean. Grandparents — Jean and Marie Mancke, Louis and Marie
Didier.
165 1, 26th October, Jean. 1666, 7th October, Elizabeth.
1664, 20th November, Jaques. 1 67 1 , 29th January, Benjamin.
165 1, Canterbury, October 5, Jean, son of Jean Mancke and Madeline Le leu.
1652, French Church, Canterbury, August 29, Jaques, son of Jean Six. Sponsors — Jaques
Six, Etiene du Thoist ; Marie, wife of said Du Thoist ; Marie, wife of said Jaques Six.
1653, French Church, Norwich, July 10, Pierre, son of Pierre Phillippo. Sponsors— Pierre
Castel and son, Elizabeth, wife of Elisee Phillippo ; Elizabeth, daughter of Pierre Castel.
Children of John Deneu and Mary, baptized in Canterbury Cathedral : —
1658, October 3, Richard. 1669, May 21, Mary.
1667, August 25, John.
1659, French Church of Thorncy Abbey, August 14, Susanne, daughter of Philipe de Bailleu
and Jenne de la Chasse. Witnesses — Jacques le Pla, Susanne de la Chasse. (See 20th
August, 1 665.)
Sons of Mr Adam de Cardonnel, ancien de ceste eglise, and Dame Marie Pescot [or Pescod],
baptized in God's House, Southampton : —
Adam, 1st November 1663. Daniel, 5th February 1665.
I i J ean ' 1 2nd Tune 1667 <f Witnesses— Joseph Delamotte, ancien.
£ { James, J J ( Jean Baillaird, diacre.
Philippe, 20th July, 1673, born, 7th July.
Children of Gedeon Despaigne and Marie le Leu, baptized in the French Church,
Canterbury : —
1664 (n.s.), 28th February, Marie. 1671, 10th March, Gedeon (born 2nd
1666, 22nd November, Elizabeth. March).
1669, 29th August, Susanne. 1676, 22nd October, Jeanne.
1664, Fietich Church, Canterbury, April 10, Elizabeth, daughter of [Elie] Paul D'Arande,
pasteur, and Esther. Sponsors — Jean de la Pierre, M.D. ; Marie Bate of London, Susanne
Stanley of Canterbury.
Children of Pierre Despaigne and Ester Le Houcq, baptized in the French Church,
Canterbury : —
1664, 29th May, Ester. 1674, 24th May, Jeane.
1667, 26th December, Rachel. 1676, 22nd October, Jeanne.
1672, 9th June, Jean (born 30th May).
1664, French Church, London, July 24, Jane (born 6th), daughter of Peter and Mary Collier.
(Registered at St. Mary Aldermary's.)
Children of Philipe de Bailleu and Ester Clerbau, baptized in the French Church of Thomey .
Abbey : —
1665, August 20, Philipe. Witnesses —Jean de Bailleu, Marie Clerbau, wife of Osee
Tasin.
52
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
1669, September 19, Jacob. Witnesses — Abraham Wantier ; Susanne Haguerier,
wife of Abraham de Bailleu.
1672, November 3, Daniel. Witnesses — Daniel de Bois; Peronne le Noir, widow of
Andrew Clerbau.
1674, August 30, Ester. Witnesses, Isaac Flahau ; Mary, daughter of Antoine Ris.
1676, December 4, Philippe. Witnesses — Marc Masingarbe ; Marie le Pla, wife of
Jean Masingarbe (see 10th August 1679).
1667 (n.s.), French Church, Canterbury, January 24, Benjamin, son of Elie Paul D'Arande,
pasteur, and Francoise Pickerin.
1667 (n.s.), French Church, Canterbury, February 17, Pierre, son of Christofle Laygle and
Marie Pruno.
Children of Pierre Delink and Sibella Nightingale, baptized in the City of London French
Church (Threadneedle Street) : —
1667, 17th February, Pierre. Sponsors — Jean Delme ; Anne, wife of Joseph de la
Motte, represented by Elizabeth Maurois, wife [widow] of Philippe Delme\
1669, 7th February, Samuel. Sponsors — Jaques de Neu; Marie, wife of Jaques
Deneu.
167 1, 26th November, Anne. Sponsors — Jean Sherly ; Elizabeth, widow of S r -
Samuel Dubois.
1672, 18th December, Phillipe. Sponsors — M r - Guillaume Carbonnel ; M lle - Jenne
Delme, wife of Le S r> Jean Crow, represented by M lle - Elizabeth Delme, widow of
Le S r - Samuel du Bois.
1675, 27th June, Elizabeth. Sponsors — Nathanell Deneu, Mad me - Anne Pescott (?),
widow of Sieur Joseph Delamotte.
1677 (n.s.), 24th January, Jean.
1679,12th October { f has ' 1 Twins.
J \ Jeane, /
[See 13th September 1670.]
Children of Jean Houblon [afterwards Sir Joh>i\ and Marie Jorion or Jourion, baptized in
the City of London French Church, Threadneedle Street : —
1667, October 6, Isaac. Sponsors — Isaac Houblon, Elizabeth Jorion.
1682 (n.s.), January 11, Elias. Sponsors — Jean Lordell, Eliz. Houblon jeune fille.
1686 (n.s.), February 17, Elizabet. Sponsors — Pierre Houblon, jun., Sarah
Trimmer.
1669, St Antholiris, London, March 26, Benjamin, son of Peter Houblon and Mary. (He
was buried on 26th December 1674.)
1670, God's House, Southampton, September 13, Phillipe (born August 28), son of Monsieur
Pierre Delm6 of London. [Baptized in the parish church by Rev. Thomas Pittis, in the
absence of Pasteur Courand.]
Children of Henry Despaigne and Jeane Bonte, baptized in the French Church, Canter-
bury : —
1670, 6th November, Henry. 1686, 28th November, Elizabeth.
1676, 9th January, Marie.
Children of Matthew de la Pryme and Sara Smaque, baptized in Sandtoft Chapel, Lincoln-
shire (Registrations extracted by Abraham de la Pryme, and preserved in his diary) : —
1 67 1, Le 15 Janvier naquit Abrah. fils de Math. Pryme et de Sarah Smaque et a
ete baptize le 22 du dit mois a Santoft, son parein est Abrah. de Prim et ea
mareine Francois Sterpin femme de Abr. Behareel.
1672, Le 9 d'Avril naquit Pierre fils de Mat. Prieme et de Sara Smaque et ete bap-
tize a Santoft le 14 de Juillet, son parein est Pierre Smacque et ea mareine Sara
Jacc b femme de Isanbaer Chavatte.
167 1, Threadneedle Street, April 9, Samuel, son of Samuel Despagne and Marie Baudry.
Sponsors — Nicolas Wicar for Gedeon Despagne ; Susanne Tibergin, wife of Jacques
Baudry, sen.
Children of Andre* Despaigne and Ester Delespan, baptized in the French Church, Canter-
bury ; —
1671, 23rd April, Judith. 1675 (n.s.), 4th March, Ester.
1673, 4 tn May, Jean. 1677 (n.s.), 25th February, Andre.
1672, French Church, Canterbury, June 14, Jaques, son of Pierre Alavine [Alavoine] and
Marie Mideleton.
1672, French Church, Canterbury, August 4, Isaac, son of Anthoine Saumon and Marie
Goderdman.
1673, Threadneedle Street, January 12, Elizabeth, daughter of Jean Delm£ and Debora, his
wife. Sponsors — Pierre Delme, Marie Deneu.
Children of Rev. Stephen Crespion and Margaret, baptized in Westminster Abbey : —
1675, April 4, Elizabeth (died). 1677, July 8, Margaret (died 1679).
1676, August 1, Stephen (died).
[Daughter of Rev. Stephen Crespion and Mary, baptized in Westminster Abbey : —
1694 (n.s.), January 23, Mary (born 16th) (she was buried 22nd September 1715).]
SECTION SE VENTH.
53
Children of Pierre Lernoult and Lea Didier, baptized in the French Church, Canterbury : —
1675, December 25, Lea.
1679 (n.s.), February 9, Pierre.
1677, Fre?ich Church, Canterbury, May 13, Elizabeth, daughter of Jaques Claris. Sponsors —
Isay Claris, Ester Claris.
Children of Timothy Waldow, mercer by trade, and Grace, his wife, baptized in the Parish
Church, All Hallows, Bread Street, London ; —
1677, July 15, Grace.
1 68 1 (n.s ), February 3, Joseph.
1678, French Church, Canterbury, June 17, Jacques, son of Israeli Loffroy and Marye [Van-
denhayden]. Sponsors — Jean le Houck, Jacq Six, son of Bartolomd; Judict le Houcq,
wife of Pierre ; the wife of Abraham Mauare.
Children of Jean Longuet and Marie Loffroy, baptized in the City of London French Church,
Threadneedle Street : —
1678, September 29, Benjamin. Sponsors — Benjamin de Jeune, Hester Loffroy.
1679, August 31, Samuel. Sponsors — Emanuel Conyers, Elizabeth Stone.
1681, December 25, Jean. Sponsors — Nathan Dodson, Ester Loffroy, jeune fille.
1683 (n.s.), March 4, Joseph. Sponsors — Joseph Dambrin, Sara Loffroy.
1685, October 4, Thomas. Sponsors — Thomas Hanson, Marie Dodson, wife of
Thomas Dodson.
1689, September 8, Ollivier. Sponsors — Thomas Hanson; Elizabeth Bouvier.
Children of Philipe de Bailleu (styled in and after 1681, Philipe Bailleu) and Marthe Des-
camps, baptized in the French Church of Thorney Abbey : —
1679, August 10, Pierre. Witnesses — Jean, son of Marc Lo ; Marie, daughter of
Pierre Descamps.
1681, September 18, Mary. Witnesses — Abraham Ris, Judith Descamps.
1683, May 28, Philip. Witnesses — David Bailleu; Mary, daughter of Pierre Des-
camps.
1685, April 12, Jacob (born 3rd March). Witnesses — Jacob Descamps, Jeune Ris.
1687, July 3, Susanne. Witnesses — Isaac Flahau; Sara Smacq, wife of Abraham Bailleu.
1692, April 14, Estienne (officiating minister, Mr Cairon). Sponsors — Etienne Le
Conte, Jeanne Flahau.
Children of Monsieur Arnould Bouchery (or Deboucherie), pasteur, and Sarah Mathews,
baptized in the French Church, Canterbury.
1680 (n.s.), January 28, Sara Maria. 1682, May 11, Rebecca.
16; 1, May 15, Pierre. 1684, November 2, Weyman.
1680, Threadneedle Street, May 30, Marie, daughter of Jacques Longuet and Anne Wasselaer,
his wife. Sponsors — Jaques de Cartegny, Marie d'Aillon.
1680, French Church, Norwich, December 4, Elizabeth, daughter of Jaques Le Dru. Spon-
sors—Israel Venin, Jean Sueman, Maire d' Unne, Sara Le Dru.
[This baptism is entered with an unusual display of calligraphy].
1681, French Church, Canterbury, September 26, Jeanne, daughter of Jean Ducro.
1681, Threadneedle Street, December n, Jean, son of Jean le Keux and Susanne Didier,
Sponsors — Jean Blondel, jun.; Marie Marescau, wife of Pierre le Keux.
1 68 1, Threadneedle Street, December ir, Daniel, son of David Primerose, nostre pasteur, and
Judith Du Prie. Sponsors — Daniel Du Prie ; Susanne Du Prie, wife of Le Sieur
Tavernier.
Children of Esaie Claris and Jeanne le Keux, baptized in the French Church, Canter-
bury : —
1682 (n.s.), 12th February, Gideon.
1689, 13th October, Ester.
1682 (n s.), French Church, Canterbury, March 2, Elizabeth, daughter of Josue" Danbrinne and
Mary Van de Brocke.
1682, French Church, Canterbury, June 15, Samuel, son of Samuel Dambrine.
1683 (n.s.), French Church, Canterbury, February n, Andre, son of Andre Despagne.
1683, French Church, Canterbury, May 20, Samuel, son of Jaques Six, son of Barthelemi.
Sponsors — Samuel Fremaux, and Marie, his wife ; Isabeau Patone, wife of Josue Danbrine.
Children of Samuel Despaigne and Marie Six, baptized in the French Church, Canter-
bury : —
1683, 27th May, Marie. 1692, 16th October, Samuel.
1685, 1 8th October, Samuel. 1696 (n.s.), 1st March, Anne.
1684, Threadneedle Street, August 3, Charles, son of Charles Lason and Marie Didier.
Sponsors — Jean le Keux, Judith Didier, wife of Samuelle Hannot.
1684, Threadneedle Street, October 26, Jacques, son of Jacques Du Quesne and Marie Cliche.
Sponsors — Corneille Orchant, Rachel Francois.
1686, French Church, Canterbury, March 25, Juditcq, daughter of J osue" Danbrine and Marie
Debrouke.
1686, French Church, Canterbury, April 25, Abraham, son of Francois Dambrain and Label
Tramet
1687 (n.s.), Threadneedle Street, February 5, Henry Alexandre, son of Mr David Primerose
54
HIS TO RICA L INTR OD UCTION.
ministre de cette eglisc, and Madame Jeanne Sasserie. Sponsors — Alexande Sasserie,
Madame Henrette Le feure.
1687 (n.s.), French Church, Catiterbury, February 1;, Rachel, daughter of Samuel Danbrine
and Marie Lizy.
Children of Rev. Dr Francis Durant de Breval and Dame Susanna Samoline, baptized in
Westminster Abbey.
1687, April 6, Theophilus. 1691 (ns.), January 4, Henry.
1688, December 3, Catherine.
1687, French Church, Canterbury, July 17, Marie, daughter of Jean Danbrain and Magdeline
De Vime.
1687, French Church, Canterbury, September 18, Marie, daughter of Isaac Danbrinne and
Fster Millon.
1688 (n.s.), Threadneedle Street, February 29, Benjamin, son of Christophle Lethieullier and
Jeane Ducane. Sponsors — Benjamin Lecane, Jeane Lethieullier.
1 6«8 (n.s.), French Church, Canterbury, March n, Isaac, son of Francois Dambrin and
Elizabeth Duhamel.
1689 (n.s.), French Church, Canterbury, January 10, Rachel, daughter of Josue" Dombrim.
Children of Israel Loffroy and Marie Dehane, baptized in the French Church, Canterbury: —
1689 (n.s.), 7th February, Jacques. 1691 (n.s.), 18th January, Jacob.
16S9, French Church, Canterbury, June 23, Elizabeth, daughter of Jean Danbrain and
Magdeline De Vime.
1689, Threadneedle Street, October 20, Marie Anne, daughter of Jaques Longuet and Marie,
his wife. Sponsors — Isaac la Neuvemaison, Judith Longuet.
1689, French Church, Canterbury, November 3, Jean, son of Francois Danbrin and Elizabeth.
Children of William Turner, Esq., and Anne Marie Papillon, baptized in the French Church,
Canterbury.
1690, 5th June, Thomas, born 30th May. Sponsors — Thomas Papillon, of London,
Esq., grandfather, and his wife, Jeanne Brodnax, grandmother.
1691, 30th August, William. Sponsors — Philip Papillon, uncle; Elizabeth Ward,
aunt.
1693 (n.s.), 16th March, Henry. Sponsors — Pierre Trovillar, pasteur; Miss Turner,
sister.
1694, 7th June, Jeanne.
1696, 1st November, Anna Maria. Sponsors — Philip Papillon, Esq.; Elizabeth
Turner.
1697, 16th December, Philippe. Sponsor — Thomas Papillon, grandfather.
1699, 28th September, Elizabeth.
Children of Abraham Didier and Anthoinette Lernoult, baptized in the French Church,
Canterbury : —
1601, 5th April, Abraham. 1699, 22nd June, Abraham.
1693, 1 8th June, Magdelaine.
1 69 1, French Church, Canterbury, December 6, Elizabeth, daughter of Francois Dambrin and
Elizabeth Duhamel.
1691, French Church, Canterbury, December 25, Andre, son of Jean Danbrine and Madeline
de Visme.
Children of Gerard van Heythuysen, jun., and Elizabeth Delme, baptized in the Dutch
Church, Austin Friars, London : —
1693, 25th January, Gerard. 1696, 26th August, Johannes.
1694, 22nd February, Elizabeth. i7°i> June, Delmee.
1693, French Church, Canterbury, March 26, Judith, daughter of Jean Dombrain.
1694 (as.), French Church, Canterbury, February 18, Jeanne, daughter of Jean Danbrein and
Madelaine De Visme.
1694, French Church, Canterbury, October 28, Jaques {born 17th), son of Jaques Six and
Ester le Sedt. Sponsors — Estienne Du Thoit ; Sara Lepaul, wife of Samuel Fremault,
1696 (n.s.), French Church, Canterbury, March 1, Anne, daughter of Samuel Dambrin and
Marie Six.
1696, Crispin Street French Church, London, March 1, Pierre David, son of Mr. Pierre Delme
and Elizabeth Le Clerc.
1696, French Church, Canterbury, September 6, Susanne, daughter of Jean Donbrim and
Madelaine De Visme.
1698, French Church, Canterbury, October 2, Daniel, son of Jean Dombrain and Magdelaine
De Visme.
1698, French Church, Canterbury, October 23, Abraham, son of Isaac Dambrin and Ester
Millon.
1699 (n.s.), Threadneedle Street, January 4, Philipe, son of Philipe Papillon, gentleman, of
1' unchurch Street. Sponsors — Thomas Papillon, Esq.; Madame Rawstorn.
1700, Westmvister Abbey, September 20, Stephen Francis, son of Stephen Monginot Dampierre
and Frances Breval.
1702, French Church, Canterbury, April 19, Sara, daughter of Isaac Danbrin and Ester
Mi Ion.
SECTION SEVENTH.
55
1709 (n.s.), Fretn/i Church, Canterbury, February 27, Jaques Deprez (born iSth), son of
Samuel Six and Marie Deprez. Sponsors — Doctor Deprez, Ester Six.
Children of Rev. Henry Justel, Rector of Clevver, baptized in the parish of Clewer,
Berkshire : —
1722 (n.s ), March 10, Charlotte, born 25th February.
1723, December 27, Emily.
1726, August 2, Henrietta. (Buried, 15th March 1728.)
Children of Daniel Minet, merchant, and Anna Maria, baptized in the Parish Church of
St. Dionis Backchurch, London : —
1726, November 9, Anne, b. October 24.
1729, November 19, Daniel, b. October 22.
1 73 1 (n.s.), French Church, Canterbury, February 26, Jaque, son of Jaque Six, jun., and Ester
Decanfour. Sponsors — Louis Decanfour, grandfather ; Ester Six, grandmother.
1794, Parish of Badingham, October 19.
Temple, \ twin-sons of Temple Fishe Chevallier, rector of this parish, and Sarah
Richard Edgecumbe, / his wife (late Sarah Edgecumbe, spinster), born, and baptized privately.
Children of Thomas Lefroy and Mary, baptized in St. Anne's Church, Dawson Street,
Dublin :—
1807, January 25, Thomas Paul.
1809, April 17, Jeffry.
181 1, June 24, George Thompson (privately). August 30 (publicly).
1 81 5, March 27, Benjamin {born 25).
Children of Samuel Sortain and Elizabeth, baptized in the Parish Church of Clifton : —
1809, August 13, Joseph {bom 20th July).
1 8 1 1 , July 14, Mary Ann {born 15th March).
DEATHS.
Died at Southampton, and buried 26th December 1567, 1 Jaques de Lean of Valencienne.
[" Jean Rapareilles, natif de Vallentienne, feut entere au cimitiere de Hampton
{i.e., Southampton) le vingtunieme de Septembre 1567.
" Jeude, fils de Bon Raparailles feut enterre le dix huictiesme, Octob. 1567."]
Died in London, in September 1577, and buried on the 10th at St. Michael's, Cornhill,
Jacob de Bordes, a Frenchman.
Died in London, in September 1582, and buried on the 14th in the churchyard of St. Dionis
Backchurch, Elsabeth, daughter of Peter Tipot, stranger.
Died of the plague, at Southampton, 3rd May 1583, Suzanne, daughter of Robert Mansel.
Died of the plague, at Southampton, 2st July 1583, Antoine Cousin; on 5th July, his
daughter Prisile; on 15th July, his daughter Janne ; on 19th July, his daughter Febe.
Died at Southampton, 27th April 1584, Robert Cousin.
Died at Southampton, 1st February 1586, Jeanne Massis, wife of Philippe de la Motte.
Died in London, in June 1586, and buried on the 18th in the churchyard of St. Dionis Back-
church, Maudlen, daughter of Nycolas Dillanoy, stranger. (His wife, Mari, had been buried
on 31st December 1576.)
Died at Canterbury, 28th January 1593, Mons r - le Gras, gentilhomme fran^ois et expert Juris-
consu/te.
Died at Canterbury, 5th January 1596, Maistre Anthoine Lescaillet, ininistre de I'Eglise JJ'a/-
lomie de ceste ville.
Died at Canterbury, 8th August 1597, Judith Lescaillet, wife of Louys Passit.
Died in London, and buried within St. Olave's Church, Hart Street, " 1599, April 17, Mr Dr
Barrow, in the chancel."
Died at Southampton, 13th October 1601, Josias de la Motte.
Died in London, 26th July 1602, within the parish of All Hallows, Bread Street, Mr Law-
rence Waldo, of this parish, grocer.
Died at Canterbury, 6th December 1602, Jan, son of Rolin Bourgeois.
Died at Canterbury, 26th June 1603, Anthoine Sys, seul (?) ancien.
Died in the parish of St. Dionis Backchurch, in 1603, the following children of Mrs Delanoy,
estrange/-: — Judith, buried July 1st; Paul, buried 17th; Jane, buried 22nd; Rachaell,
buried 25th.
Died at Canterbury, r 6th July 1603, Anne, daughter of Rolin Bourgeois.
Buried on Tuesday, 9th August 1603, in the churchyard of St. Peter's, Cornhill, London,
Jane de Hay, born in Gaunt.
Died in August 1603, and buried on the 15th, in St. Dionis Backchurch, Katherin, daughter
of Doctor Lobell, stranger.
Died at Canterbury, 18th August 1604, Louyse, wife of Remy Bourgeois and Gilles, his infant
son, his daughter Marie having died on the 15th.
Died at Canterbury, 26th August 1604, Elye, son of Jan Du Quesne.
1 In these gleanings I have noted the very first marriage, baptism, and burial recorded in a French Church
Register. The date ol each is in the month of December 1567 ; but after the first registration of a burial, two
burials of earlier date are recorded.
56
MS TO RICA L INTR OD UCTION.
Died in July 1605, and buried in St. Dionis Backchurch on the 21st, Mistress Lobell, wife of
Doctor Lobell, estranger.
Died in May 1609, and buried on the 21st in St. Dionis Backchurch, Matheas Lobell,
stranger.
Died in Canterbury, in January 16 13 (n.s.), and buried in the cathedral on the 19th, Doctor
Saravia, one of the worshipful prebendaries (Katheren, his wife, had been buried on 4th
February 1606, n.s.).
Died in September 1613, and buried in the churchyard of St. Dionis Backchurch on the 1 6th,
Mrs Delanoy, stranger.
Died 1st July 1614, and buried in Westminster Abbey on the 8th, Isaac Casaubon.
St. Dionis Backchurch, 10th May 1616, "Mr Doctor Lobell died in the par. of St.
Michaells in Cornhill, and was buried here in the chancel."
Died at Southampton, 6th May 161 7, [Rev.] Philippe de la Motte, ministre de la parole de
Dieu du fameuse memoire mourut le 6 e de May et fust enterre le & jour d compaigne de tons
les magistrals.
Died in London in July 1618, and buried on the 17th at St. Mary Aldermary's, the [first?]
wife of John Sartayne.
Died at Southampton, 14th June 1620, Isaac Le Quesne.
Died in London in January 1621 (n.s.), and buried on the 6th at St. Mary Aldermary's, John
Sartane (dwelt in the Back lane).
Died in London in August 1625, and buried on the nth at St. Mary Aldermary's, Ann,
daughter of John Sartaine.
D ed at Southampton, of small pox, 5th December 1628, Pierre d'Arande, a young child,
aged about 2\ years.
Died in London in December 1630, and buried on the 27th at St. Antholin's, James Denewe.
Died at Canterbury, nth March 1632, Philippe, son of Monsieur Delme.
Died at Southampton, 13th May 1633, Elie Darande, pasteur et mi?iistre.
Died at Canterbury, 27th August 1634, the son of Simon Bourgois.
Died at Canterbury, 6th November 1634, Gilles, son of Monsieur Jean Bultel, ministre de
ceste eglise.
Died in 1636 (n.s.), and buried in Westminster Abbey, March n, Mrs Casaubon, relict of
Mr Isaac Casaubon.
Died in May 1638, and buried on the 5th in the churchyard of St. Dionis Backchurch,
Abraham, son of Isacke Romieu (another son, John, was buried on 9th January 1643, n.s.).
Died at Canterbury, 17th September 1638, Jean Du Quesne.
Died in September 1638, and buried on the 26th in Canterbury Cathedral, Joseph Longe,
a Frenchman, of the Greyfriars' [parish].
Died at Canterbury, 5th November 1639, Andrieu, a young boy, son of Jean Despaigne.
Died at Southampton, 13th August 1640, Judith, widow of [Rev.] Philippe de la Motte.
Died at Canterbury, 21st March 1642, the wife of Isaye Loffroy.
Died at Southampton, 15th November 1644, Jacamimga, wife of Joseph De la Motte.
Died at Canterbury, nth November 1645, Marie Le Conte, widow of Pierre Des Vigne.
Died in London, in August 1646, and buried on the 15th in the church-yard of St. Dionis
Backchurch, Mr Isaac Romieu, a Frenchman. (His widow was buried on 16th July 1649.)
Died at Canterbury, 3rd December 1646, Isay Loffroy, son of Thomas.
Died in London in July 1648, and buried on the 19th at St. Antholin's, Mrs Delillers.
Died at Canterbury, 15th October 1560, Jean Mancke, en charge d'ancien.
Died at Southampton, 5th May 165 r, Anne Delamotte, widow of the Sieur Newland.
Died at Canterbury, 23rd June 165 1, Antoine Le Conte, aticien en c/iarge et de grand age.
Died at Canterbury, 17th December 165 1, Lea Deleroy, widow of Quintin Baudry.
Died at Canterbury, 9th March 1652 (n.s.), Anne Delme, widow of the late Jean Castel.
Canterbury, " 22 d'Avril 1654, morut nostre pasteur Monsieur De le mean heures du soir,
• et fut mis en terre le 26 de ce mois."
Died in July 1653, and buried on the 28th, at St. Michael's, Cornhill, Mr John Aurelius, an
interpreter.
Died in Canterbury in 1659, and buried on May 9th, in the Cathedral, Anne Popillion
[Papillon], daughter of Thomas and Jane.
Died in London in September 1659, and buried in the churchyard of St. Dionis Backchurch,
Mrs Fortree, a stranger.
Died at Southampton, 22nd August 1661, Paul Mercier. " Ce grand serviteur de Dieu Paul
Mercier decedant le 22 d'Aoust estant vendredi et fut ensepulture dedans cette eglise le
lundy ensuivant. Iceluy estant un des grands Pilliers de cette eglise et plein d'aumosne."
Died at Canterbury, in March 1664 (n.s.) and buried on the 6th, in the cathedral, Mr. James
Casaubon, " brother to y e right wor 11 Dr Merick Cawsabone, Prebend of this Church."
Died in 1667 and buried in Westminster Abbey, August 5th, Mr Peter de Cardinall.
Died at Southampton, 14th May 1668, Jean, Grandson of Mr Adam de Cardonnel ancien.
Died in 1669 ("•«■) and buried on January 31st, at Thorney Abbey. Elizabeth, virgin
daughter of Humphries Bayly.
Died at Canterbury, 27th September 1679, Abraham Six, diacre.
SECTION SEVENTH.
57
Died at Canterbury, 14th July 1671, and buried in the cathedral on the 21st, " Dr Mericke
Cassawbon, one of y e Prebendaries of this church."
Died at Canterbury, October 1671, Jaques Dubois, lecteur de ceste eglise.
Died in London in May 1673, and buried on the 21st, at St. Antholin's, Sara, daughter of
Peter and Elizabeth Houblon.
Died at Southampton, 20th September 1673, Mr Daniel Hersent, formerly an ancien of this
church.
Died in London in March 1675 (n.s.), and buried on the 17th, at St. Antholin's, Mrs. Mary
Denew.
Died at Canterbury, 18th May 1676, Jean Agace, en charge d' ancien.
Died at Canterbury, 28th March 1678, Jacques Six sire, aged 78 years, estant en serge
[charge ?] d'ancien en 1' eglise.
Death in Canterbury, 1678 — " Le 4 d'Aoust mournt la femme de Jean le Leu, a savoir Judit
le Keux, et jut la premier quie fut enterre selon I'acte de Parlentent ensevely en etofe de Line.'
[30 Car. ii. cap. 3.]
Died at Canterbury, 20th April 1680, Estienne Duthoit, ancien, aged within a month of 80
years.
Died at Canterbury, 14th December 1680, the widow of Le Sieur Philipe Lernoult.
Died in February 1681 (n.s.), and buried on the 4th in Canterbury Cathedral, Merick, son of
Mr John Casaubon.
Died in May 1683, and buried on the 30th, Andrew Minet, of the parish of St. Dionis Back-
church, London. (His daughter Elizabeth had been buried on April 12th. Another
daughter, Susanna, died in August 1650, also a son, Jonas.)
Died in Canterbury in October 1684, and buried in the Cathedral on 13th. " Dr Du-moulin,
one of y e Prebendarys of this Ch." (His wife Ann had been buried on 19th January 1681.)
Died at Canterbury, 28th December 1686, M. Delon, ministre.
Died in London, 5th August 1687, and buried in Westminster Abbey, [Rev.] Mr John
Shearole [Sharole], " a member of this church."
Died at Canterbury, 26th August 1688, Abraham Didier, ancien, aged 60.
Died in London in April 1690, and buried on the 8th at St. Antholin's, Mr. Benjamyn
Ducane.
Died in January 1692 (n.s.), and buried at St. Antholin's, London, on the 27th, Mr. Peter
Houblon, senior.
Died at Canterbury, 15th November 1692, Jermain Claris, door-keeper of the church, aged 75.
Died in February 1693 (n.s.), and buried on the 19th in the South Cross Aisle of Canterbury
Cathedral, Mr. John Casaubon.
Died in London in January 1694 (n.s.), and buried on the 16th at St. Antholin's, Mrs. Olive
Ducane.
Died in London in 1696, and buried on August 4 at St. Antholin's, Mrs. Mary Houblon.
Died at Canterbury, 5th October 1696, Samuel Loffroy.
Died in London in November 1697, and buried at St. Antholin's on the 25th, Mrs. Elizabeth
Houblon [wife of Peter (?)].
Died in London in December 1697, and buried on the 26th at St. Antholin's, Mr. Peter
Houblon.
Died at Canterbury, 17th January 1698 (n.s.), Bartholomy Six, nearly 70 years of age.
Died in London in April 1701, and buried on the 4th at St. Antholin's, Mr. Paul Houblon.
Died at Canterbury, 7th April 1701, Jaques Six.
Died at Canterbury, 12th November 1702, Jaques Lofroi, aged 77.
Died at Canterbury, 18th April 1704, Henri Despagne, ancien, aged 66.
Died at Canterbury. 26th July 1704, Henry Despaigne, jun.
Died at Canterbury, 25th November 1704, Pierre Despaigne, aged 75.
Died at Thorpe le-Soken, Essex, 3rd April 1705, Jean Six [" Le 3 e - de Avril 1705 este decedi
an seigneur Jean Six dela paroisse de Kirby eta ete enterre le 4 e- du meme mois au Cimetie're
de Thorp. H. Mestayer, Mitt."]
Died at Canterbury, 13th March 1707 (n.s.), Daniel Six, son of Jaques Six.
Died, 26th January 1708 (n.s.), and buried in Westminster Abbey, the Rev. Dr. Francis
Durant de Breval, one of the Prebendaries of this Church. [His child, Dorothy, had been
buried on nth August 1687, and a son, Henry, on 22nd August 1691.]
Died at Southampton, 27th January 1 7 1 1 (n.s.), Monsieur Adam de Cardonnel, aged 90 years
and 1 month, for 48 years an ancien in this church.
Died in 17 11, and buried in Westminster Abbey on December 2, [Rev.] Mr. Stephen Crespion,
one of the Canons of this church. (Margaret, his first wife, had been buried on 22nd
March 1688 (n.s.) His second wife, nee Mary Orris, was buried on 1st January 1759,
having died on 7th December 1758, aged 96.)
Died in April 1 7 13, and buried in South Weald Church, Essex, Rev. H. De Luzancy, 1! 1>
The Parish Register says, " Mr. Luzancy was bury' 1 - y e 20th day of April 17 13 from London ;
he was Viccar of this Parish Church."
Malthouse French Church, Canterbury, 20th June 17 13, the minister, elders, and majority of
heads of families met to elect two elders in the room of Israel Loffroy (deceased) and Jean
de Marliere (resigned).
I. H
58
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
Died in London in September 1714, and buried on the 27th at St. Antholin's, Peter Houblon.
Died in London, June 17 18, and buried in the new vault of St. Michael's, Cornhill, on the
22nd, Captain Papillion.
Died in Canterbury in May 17 19, and buried on the 4th in the cathedral, Mrs. Le Cassel.
Died in Canterbury in July 1719, and buried in Westminster Abbey, Mrs. Susanna Brevall,
aged 73 [widow of the Prebendary].
Died at Whitchurch Rectory, Oxfordshire, 26th May 1723, Rev. Luke de Beaulieu. The
Parish Register has: "Mr. Belewe, minister, was buried the 30 day of May 1723."
Below 11 Belewe" a subsequent rector has written in pencil the correction, "Beaulieu;" he
also inserted in pencil the following " Copy of Coffin Plate" : —
MR. LUKE DE BEAULIEU.
Died May Y e 26th 1723.
Aged 78 Years.
Died in London in December 1723, and buried on the nth at St. Antholin's, Samuel
Houblon.
Died on 19th November 1725, Mr. Daniel Walldoe, aged 12 years. (Buried in Westminster
Abbey.) [He was probably a son of Rev. Peter Waldo, D.D.]
Died in 1728, and buried in Whitchurch, 5th December, "Mrs. Priscilla De Beaulieu"
[widow of the deceased rector].
Died in 1729, and buried in the parish of Clewer, Berkshire, August 28, Rev. Mr. Henry
Justel, rector of this parish, and chaplain to His Grace the Duke of Montagu.
Died in May 1730, and buried on the 16th, in the great vault in the north aisle of the church
of St. Dionis Backchurch, Mr. Daniel Minet. [Anna Maria, his widow, was buried on 23rd
November 1743.]
Died in 1730, and buried in Westminster Abbey, December 31, Mrs. Frances Dampeard
[widow of Stephen Monginot Dampierre, and daughter of Prebendary de Breval].
Buried on 3rd May 1778, in Canterbury Cathedral, "Miss Isabella Lethieullier, in the north
aisle of the body of the church, and wrapped in linen."
Died in Canterbury in May 1789, and buried in the cathedral on the 8th, Christopher
Lethieullier, Esq.
Died in Canterbury in December T790, and buried in the cathedral on the 22nd, Mary
Lethieullier, widow, of the parish of St. Mary Bredin.
Died in Dublin in 1806, and buried in St. Anne's, 27th February, Thomas Paul Lefroy.
Died in Dublin in 18 14, and buried in St. Anne's, 23rd March, Mary, daughter of Thomas
and Mary Lefroy, aged 10.
gsction Dill,
GLEANINGS FROM WILLS.
THE Calendar of Wills proved in London from 1568 to 1618 contains no refugee
surnames of note, 1 and I had not sufficient time to examine many of the wills,
where the names seemed to betoken refugee testators. The first likely name
was Paschall de Lasperon, of Wells (will dated 13th January 1570), but he proved to
be an Englishman, as also did John Delehaye of King's Lynn, yeoman, 1 ith Decem-
ber 1576. My first successful search brought up an affidavit of the testament made
by word of mouth, by Thierry de la Courte, of Sommers Kaye, London, merchant,
native of Valenchiennes, " then using his five senses, remembrance, and understand-
ing," viz., on 28th July 1573; the affidavit was made before Parole Tipoote, public
notary, by Mr James Tovillet, called Des Roches, minister of God's Word in the
French Church in the City of London (aged 52), Nicholas Leonarde Tayler, native
of Vireng, deacon of the said church (aged 55), and James Jeffrey, merchant, native
of Valenchiennes (aged 37); the executors were Anthonie de la Courte, native of
Ouesnoy-le-Conte, merchant (brother of Thierry), James Rime his brother-in-law,
and John Tullier, merchant, native of Tournay; the witnesses were Denis Le Blanc
and Andrew Van Lander.
Translated out of French is a will dated 24th September, proved 22nd October
1 582 ; the testator is Anthony Du Poncel, a native of Sastin, in the county of St. Paul
in Artois ; he leaves to our parish of St. Dunstan, 6s. 8d., to our French Church
J I must except the Pastor William De Laune, L.R.C.P., whose will was proved on 12th March 1 61 1
(new style), and a copy of which is in my Chapter V.
SECTION EIGHTH.
59
6s. Sd., and to the Dutch Church, 6s. 8d. ; the executors are named, viz., John Lodo-
wicke, my wife's brother, and Peter Le Cat, husband of Jone Du Poncel, my niece,
assisted by Messrs. Anthony Coquel and Vincent de la Barre ; the witnesses are
Anthony Berku alias Dolin, and Peter Chastelin, " My gossopp."
On 6th June 1583, the will of Godfrey de Sagnoule, merchant stranger of London,
parish of great Saint Oldy, as declared before his decease, is sworn to by his widow,
Mary de Sagnoule alias Bongenier, before Dennis Le Blancq, notary public — namely,
that after payment of the testator's debts, and of £ 10 as a marriage gift to his nephew,
Daniel de Sagnoule, his wife shall have the residue. Witnesses, Margaret Selyn
alias Fontaine (aged 45 or thereabouts), widow of Nicholas Selyn ; Margaret Joret
alias Bongenier (aged 40), wife of Anthony Joret of London, merchant stranger ;
Erasme De la Fontaine alias Wicart (aged 27), and Peter Houblon (aged 26), mer-
chant strangers.
The will of Alexander De Melley, merchant, born at Houtain, near Nivelle,
Brabant, is dated 14th August 1583 ; he leaves 40s. to the poor of the French Church,
London — the half of the residue to his wife, Catherine Maignon, and the other half
to the children, John, Mary, Leah, and Rachel, of whom she shall take charge,
" causing them to learn to read and write." If his wife re-marry, the trustees for
his children are to be his brother-in-law, John Maignon and Michael Lart, shoe-
maker. Witnesses, Martin Maignon, Nicholas Leuart, James Garrett the younger,
Adrien Mulay.
There are three wills of the family of De la Haye, " translated out of French,"
with which I close my Elizabethan researches. In the year 1 579- Henry De la
Haye, merchant, London, native of Tournay, having been " visited with a long and
grievous sickness," makes his will — " first, giving thanks unto God for his infinite
benefits, and namely, for the knowledge of salvation and eternal life which he did
reveal unto him through his gospel, that he doth bestow of his goodness and mercy,
in all hope for to obtain pardon of his sins, commending his soul unto God, and
his body to be buried until the resurrection to come ; " he names his wife, Laurence
Carlier, and their children, Paul and Anne ; his wife to be executrix with Lewis Saye,
also a native of Tournay, and Robert Le Mason [Macon], minister of the French
Church ; he leaves £14. sterling to the deacons to be distributed to the poor of the
French Church, and other 40s. to be given to them that shall have most need, without
any diminishing of their ordinary alms, and £5 to the elders for to be bestowed about
the necessaries of the divine service and of the church. Then there is the will of the
above-named son, Paul De la Haye, merchant in London, native of Tournay, dated
6th August; proved nth August 1582, who leaves the charge of his goods to his
uncle, Anthony Carlier, merchant in Antwerp ; he bequeaths ^1100 sterling, besides
" patrimony, goods, situate at Tournay, and places thereabout," to his sister Anne,
wife of Fabian Niphius, "allowing her the full liferent of the whole," on condition
that " she and her husband approve the testament of my late mother, within fifteen
days after that this present testament shall have been signified unto them " — the
£1100 in the meantime to be in the hands of Nicholas Malaparte, widow of the late
Henry Monceau, and John Famas — the interest, in the event of the repudiation of
his mother's will, to be shared during the minority of the children between Mrs.
Monceau, Anthony Carlier, Gisbrecht Carlier, and the widow of John Flamen Noell
du Faye, unless the said sister and her husband " change of advice." His legacies
are — to my cousin, Peter Moreau, ,£100 Flemish ; to Johanna Morean, £30 Flemish,
with a carpet which belonged to my grandmother, widow of James de Catteye ; to
Maister Charles de Nielle, £25 Flemish, with two silver bolles ; to my uncle, Anthony
Carlier, £50 sterling ; to the poor of the French Church of London, £50 sterling ,
for the entertaining of the minister, £10 sterling ; for the entertaining of the scholars
of the said church, .£10 sterling — also 3 per cent, to his executors for recovering his
debts and selling of his merchandise, who shall give additional £30 to the poor of
the French Church, if funds be realised. The will of Lawrence Carlier, widow of
Henry De la Haye, was not proved till 20th October 1582 (though dated April 10) —
executors, Lewis Says, merchant, born at Tournay, and Alexander De Melley, mer-
chant, born at Houtaine, near Nivelle, in Brabant. Her legacies are £16 to the poor
and £4 to the funds of the French Church.
The will of Santine Le Febure, widow of Alexander Mancon, of the city of
London, is dated 28th March 1614, proved 21st March 1615 (n.s.); she leaves £10
to the poor of the French Church, London ; 20s. to Mr Alexander Marie, one of the
preachers of said church ; 20s. to my godson John Daniel, son of John ; 20s. to
Hester Foulon, widow of James Fontaine; £$0 to my sister, Chonnet Le Febure, a
maid and unmarried, living at Collonia, and one-half of my residue, recommending
6o
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
to her care my two nephews, Hubert Marisall, and his son David Marisall, to the
latter of whom I give .£25 sterling, to be paid to him at the age of twenty-one, the
interest to be applied to his nurture and bringing up, — whom failing, to his brother
John Le Taille ; £15 to my god-daughter Sara, daughter of John Mancon ; £5 to
another daughter Mary; ^30 to the children of Jacob Mancon, to be paid to them
at twenty-one, or day of marriage, and entrusted in the meantime to their grand-
father Bartholomew Panneu, of Southwark. To Jacob Mancon, my moveables and
my petticoat of violet cloth ; to Precilla Hesde, widow of John Paren, my good
cassarte or upper gown, my great kettle, one pair of coarse sheets, my old gown, also
40s. in ready money; 20s. each to Sara and Mary, daughters of Elias Browning ; to
Pieronne, widow of John Germaine, one pair of old sheets, one little red petticoat,
one good smocke, and 10s. ; to Anne, widow of Gilbert Tayllie, my little kettle and
the curtains of my bed ; 40s. each to my executors, Elias Browning and Anthony
Delimal. John Aurelius, notary public.
The will of John Le Roy is dated 16th February 1614 (n.s.), and proved 1 8th
October 161 5 ; he describes himself as " born at Roane in Normandy, merchant, now
dwelling in the city of London, and a free denizen ;" he leaves .£10 to those who
have the charge of the poor in the French Church of London ; 40s. to the poor of
the parish of St. Andrew Undershafte ; ^30 each to my nephews, Peter and John
Le Roye, sons of my brother Peter deceased ; all my goods and chattels to my wife
Mary, until my son John come to the age of twenty-five, at which age she is to pay
to him ^1000, on condition that at the age of twenty-four, or sooner, he confirm all
my lands, tenements, and hereditaments in Hertfordshire and London, to his mother
in liferent. If she marry again, then she is to give to John security for .£1000. If
John should die, then she and her heirs succeed. My wife to be executor, assisted
by my brothers, Timothy Blier and Claud Durell, and by my loving friend Hugh Ley.
The will of David Lescaillet is dated 27th April, proved 10th June 1618 ; he
describes himself son of the late Nicholas, born in London, and dwelling in London,
aged twenty-eight. " Imprimis, I do commend, now and at all times, my soul into
the hands of God my Creator, in the name of his well-beloved Son Jesus Christ our
only Saviour, Advocate, Mediator, and Redeemer, in and by whose death, passion,
and resurrection, I do believe and firmly embrace my salvation and redemption.
And concerning my body after that God shall have withdrawn the soul unto Him,
to give me the same, I do ordain the same to be buried and laid in the ground in
the Christian simplicity of the Reformed Churches, expecting with firm faith and
assurance, with all the believers in Jesus Christ, the happy resurrection of the latter
day in which I hope to see my Redeemer and to enjoy eternal life. In this faith
and assurance, grounded upon the promises of God in Jesus Christ and not upon
any other, I assure myself that I cannot in any wise perish." The following are his
bequests : —
£$ to the purse of the necessities of the French Church gathered together in
London ; £5 to the purse of the poor of the said church ; £5 unto my uncle Peter
Fremanly, for to help him to pay his debts ; £5 to my aunt Channette de Calonne ;
^5 to my aunt Frances de Calonne ; £3, and my cloth cloak of a brown gray colour,
to George Lambert, my cousin; 20s. to my godson Trouille, son of John Trouille;
20s. to my god-daughter Mary, daughter of Luther de Koubay j 1 £$ to my godson
Lewis Serrurier, son of Philippe ; I do acquit Elias Moreau all that he oweth me,
also Isaac Tronnel ; concerning that which Daniel Le Crew and David Des Bordes
shall be found to be owing unto me by my book, I do give and bequeath the same
to the poor of the French Church in London ; 20s. each to Lewis, Mark, Charles,
Mary, and Elizabeth de Calonne, the children of my uncle Mark de Calonne ; 20s.
each to Peter, Philippe, Mary, and Judith Serrurier, children of my uncle Philip
Serrurier; £5 each to Daniel, Luke, and Mary Lescaillet, children of the late
Gylles Lescaillet, on their coming to the age of twenty-five years, or to the state of
marriage, in case they do carry themselves honestly to the contentment of my exe-
cutors. The residue to be divided equally between my brothers and sisters, namely,
Josue Lescaillet, Nicholas Lescaillet, Elizabeth Lescaillet, wife of James Kindt,
J udith Lescaillet, and Mary Lescaillet, — provided always that the part and portion
of my said brother Josue Lescaillet shall be retained and kept in the hands of my
executors until such time as the said Josue Lescaillet shall come to the age of thirty-
five years, or that he have afore that time amended his life to the contentment of
my executors, my said executors paying him yearly the increase or interest at their
discretion ; £4 each to my executors, Mark de Callonne, Philippe Serrurier, and James
1 In the year 1600 we find Luther de Roubay a sponsor at a baptism. In 1618 he is reported as a tuffc-
taffeta weaver, resident in London, within Broad Street Ward, and a native of Tournay.
SECTION EIGHTH.
61
Kindt. Witnesses, Thomas de Wachter, Josua Mainer. Daniel Le Blancq, notary
public.
From the Norwich registry I have a translation of the will of Adrien de Le me,
aged 54, 28th September 1603 : —
Our help standeth in the name of God tvlio hath made heaven and earth. Amen.
This xxviii. day of September 1603, I, Adrien de Le me, son of Michiel deceased,
born at Nomayn, feeling myself sick of body, notwithstanding well disposed of mind,
being of 54 years of age, do make my Testament in manner as followeth.
I give thanks unto my God for the good he hath bestowed on me in this life, and
especially for that it hath pleased him to call me to the knowledge and participation
of his Son our Lord Jesus Christ, by whom I am assured of my salvation.
Concerning that small portion of worldly goods which it hath pleased him to
give me, I will have it to be disposed (God having taken me from this world) in
manner as followeth : — All my debts being duly paid, I do give unto the poor of the
French Church in Norwich, £2 sterling. Item, I give to the same church £1 sterling.
Item, I give to Philippe and Nathanael, both my youngest children — to each of
them ^30 sterling. And unto Pierre and Jacques, and Annis, my daughter, to every
one of them £20 sterling. And I give to Marie, my daughter, the wife of Jacques
Le Greyn, .£10 sterling. And if my wife Marguerite should die of this sickness by
which she is kept under at this present time, I will that my two youngest children,
Philippe and Nathanael, (instead of each ^30) shall have, I say, each ,£50 sterling—
also in like manner my three children, Pierre, Jacques, and Annis, shall have, I say,
£100 amongst them three — and my daughter Marie, wife of Jacques Le Greyn,
instead of ,£10, shall have £20 sterling. Moreover (if my wife shall die of this
sickness by the which she is at this present taken), I do give unto my daughter
Annis, I say, our best bed whereon I and my wife do lie, with two pillows, two pair
of sheets, both the coverings, the bedstead, and the curtains. Item, I give absolutely
to my son Pierre, my best cloak, hose, and doublet of grogryn, and my best hat.
And to my son Jacques I likewise give my cloak the best after the other, one pair
of breeches and jerkin of cloth, one wash doublet, and one hat lined with velvet.
And also likewise I give to Philippe my son, my great Bible, the Decades of Mr
Henry Eullinger, and the Institutions of Mr Calvin. If one or more of my children
should die before Marguerite my wife, their mother, I will that the one half or moiety
of the part or portion of the deceased shall return to Marguerite my wife, and the
other moiety shall be equally divided amongst the rest of my children. The rest of
the goods, which shall be found after my decease to me appertaining, shall be equally
divided amongst the aforesaid. And I, the Testator, do ordain for executors of this
my Testament, Jean Bodar, Everart Farvaque, and Jacques Le Greyn. And it is
my Will that this my Testament shall be duly kept and executed by the aforesaid.
In witness of truth I have subscribed this with my own hand in presence of Jacques
Le Greyn, 1 Jean Bodar, and Everart Farvaque, and Francois Desmarets, sworn clerk.
Proved in the Consistory Court of Norwich, on the 9th day of December 1603,
by the oaths of the executors within named.
Note.
The will of the above humble and pious testator is deposited at Norwich. I add here a
copy of the will of one of his grandsons, deposited in London : —
1686, July 9th.
In the Name of God, Amen. I, Peter Delme, merchant, citizen of London, and free of
die Company of Dyers in the same city, being (God be praised) in an indifferent state of
health of body, and of sound and perfect memory and understanding, yet knowing the
uncertainty of the state of this present life, and of my aboad in the world, Doe make this
my last will and testaments as followes : — Imprimis I committ my soule into the hands of
Allmighty God that gave it, beseeching him for the sake of my deare Lord and only Saviour
Jesus Christ, to pardon and forgive me all my manifold sinns and transgretions, being heartily
sorrowfull and penitent for the same. And that Hee would by His most holy and blessed
Spirite sanctify me throughout that I may appeare blamelesse at His comeing. My body I
committ to the earth from whence I came, where I order it to be decently interred, in the full
beleife and hope of a blessed resurrection at the last day, unto eternall life through Jesus
Christ my Lord. And for my temporall goods and estate which it hath pleased God to
bestow liberally upon me — after all my just debts, and whatsoever is due by me be fully paid,
which I order and desire be speedily and fully paid after my decease, and my funerall
1 The testator's son-in-law; the name is spelt Le Grin in the Canterbury French register. On 28th June
1 56S, John Le Grain, of Arras, was a Protestant martyr, beheaded at Brussels. Our Norwich friend, I am
informed, appears in 1600 in the Norwich French Register as Jacques le Grain.
62.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
expences discharged — I will and bequeath according to the custome of the City of London,
one third parte of all my goods and chattells and estate unto my deare and loveing wife,
Sibilla Delme'. Item, according to the custome of the said city, I will and bequeath one
other third parte of all my goods and chattells and estate to and among my six deare
children, Peter, Samuel, Ann, Sibella, Elizabeth, Elias and Jane Delme, 1 to be equally divided
amongst them, share and share alike, to be paid to my sonnes at their respective ages of one
and twenty yeares, and to be paid to my daughters at their ages of one and twenty yeares,
or days of marryage, which shall first happen, my will being in case any of my said
children happen to dye before the said times, that the survivors or survivor shall have the
deceased or deceased's share. And for the other third of all my goods and chattels and
estate which, according to the custome of the said city, I have in my owne dispose, I will and
bequeath unto the poore of the French or Walloone Church in Threadneedle Street, in
London, fifty pounds. Item, I will and bequeath unto the poqre of the Auncient Walloone
Church in the City of Canterbury, fifty pounds, to be paid to the Deacons for time being of
the said two churches for the use of the said poore. Item, I will and bequeath unto the poore
of the Parish of All Saints in the City of Canterbury, five pounds. Item, I will and bequeath
unto the poore children harboured in Christ Hospitall, in the City of London, fifty pounds, to
be paid to the Treasurer of the said Hospitall for the time being, for the use of said poore
children. Item, I will and bequeath unto my deare brother, John Delm£, tenne pounds.
Item, to my deare sister Elizabeth, widow of Samuel Dubois, tenne pounds. Item, to my
deare nephewes and nieces, to witt Elizabeth Delme, John, Margaret, Jane and Elizabeth
Crow, to each of them five pounds. Item, I will and bequeath unto my said loveing wife, one
hundred pounds. Item, I will and bequeath unto my son Peter, all my share of the grounds
and houses descended to me from my late cozen James Mauroie, situate in the Poultry, Old
Jury, Conyhoope Lane, and in the Alley betwixt Old Jury and betwixt Grocers Alley, in the
City of London, to him and to his heires for ever. Item, I give unto such hired servant or
servants who have lived with me the space of one yeare before my decease, and that shall live
with my wife one whole yeare after my decease, five pounds apiece, to be paid them at the end
of the yeare after my decease in case they have behaved themselves honestly and faithfully
during said time unto my said deare wife. Item, I will and bequeath all the rest and residue
of my goods and chattells and estate, wheresoever and whatsoever, to and among my said six
children, to be equally divided among them, share and share alike, to be paid my sonnes as
aforesaid at their respective ages of one and twenty yeares, and to my daughters as aforesaid
at their respective ages of one and twenty yeares or dayes of marryage, which shall first happen.
And in case of the death of any of my said children before the said times, the survivor or
survivors to enjoy and have the share of the dece d - or deceaseds out of this my last third cf my
estate. And in case they should all dye before the said times, my will is that one moyety of
this last third of my goods and chattells in my owne dispose and which is hereby bequeathed
to my said children, shall be paid unto my deare brother and sisters, or their children
representing them.
And I doe hereby order and appoint my deare and loveing wife to be my sole Executrix of
this my last will and testament, recommending her and my deare children to the protection of
Allmighty God, desiring my said deare wife to take care that our children be educated in the
fear of God, and in all good educacons according to the estate which it shall please God they
shall have, willing that the share of my estate which shall be due to my children be put forth
at interest from time to time by my said executrix for the use of my said children and at their
hazard, soe as shee take the same care to put the same forth as for her owne, allowing thirty
pounds per annum for each child for dyett, cloathing, and educacon, until their porcions
become payable to them. And I doe hereby renounce and revoke all other wills and testa-
ments whatsoever, declareing this to be my last will and testament, written with my owne
hand upon one sheet of ordinary paper, this nineth day of July, Anno one thousand six
hundred and eighty-six. In witnesse have subscribed the same. Peter Delme, 1686.
Proved by Mrs Sibella Delme at London, 4th January 1687 (new style).
1 There are seven names here for six children. I find no " Sibella " in the baptismal register of Threadneedle
Street. I find Ann and Elizabeth — probably the name of Ann was Ann-Sibella.
BOOK FIRST.
REFUGEES BETWEEN 1560 AND 1680.
Edinburgh Review, vol. 99, page 455 : — " The refugees who settled in England waited long for a
history of their fortunes, but they at length found a chronicler in Mr Southerden Burn, who having
been appointed in 1843 secretary to the commission for collecting the non-parochial registers of
baptisms, marriages, ano^burials, undertook the work of extricating, from the papers committed to
his hands, all the profitable matter they could yield. He has thence drawn an authentic sketch of
the French, Walloon, Dutch, and other foreign Protestant congregations harboured in England
since the reign of Henry VIII., in the form of a catalogue raison/ie of those curious archives, full of
particulars, dates, family names, and quotations ; being rather well-arranged materials of a book
than the book itself."
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
BOOK FIRST.
Chapter I.
REFUGEES OF EARLIER DATE THAN THE ST. BARTHOLOMEW MASSACRE.
As far as England is concerned, the years 1567 and 1568, and the persecutions in
the Netherlands renewed and intensified by Duke Alva, are the usual framework
for pictures of the flight and arrival of Protestant refugees. We picture a crowd of
Walloons whom a poet has described as
Calvin's sons from Artois' fruitful fields,
and a re-inforcement of Huguenots who joined them in their journeys through the
northern provinces of France. A history tracing this exodus hither and thither
might be compiled ; but materials for refugee biography at the earlier date are non-
existent, at least when the theme is limited to persons whose destination was
England. We cannot single out any remarkable sufferers and pourtray their suffer-
ings in their native Flanders, and then proceed to exhibit them in England as
refugees and citizens of an adopted country, whose lives have survived in the
memories of their new fellow-countrymen. The registers of their churches for the
earliest dates have not survived, excepting Southampton, where the refugees obtained
from Edward VI., and afterwards from Elizabeth, a chapel (originally dedicated to
St. Julian) known as " Domus Dei," Maisondieu, or "God's House." The surviving
register of this church begins with the month of December 1567, but the earliest
names are of no celebrity. The dates at which the other principal registers begin
are — Canterbury, July 1581; Norwich, June 1 595 ; London (Threadneedle Street),
January 1600.
If we go back a few years, perhaps to 1560, we get a glimpse of a refugee who
ultimately settled in England, but who, in the first place, fled to Frankfort. Old
papers in the possession of the Earl of Radnor 1 introduce us to the Chateau des
Bouveries, near Lille, where, at or about the date indicated, the Sieur Des Bouveries
was austerely attached to the Romish communion. His younger son, Laurent, had
imbibed Protestant doctrine. I now quote the substance of the old narrative: —
" Having frequently absented himself from mass, he was told by his father that he
suspected he had conversed too much with his heretic tenants, and that if he did not
appear at mass on the next Sunday, he would have him examined by the Inquisi-
tion. Laurent, thoroughly terrified by the intimation of such a procedure, fled
immediately to Frankfort-on-the-Main. Seating himself at the gate of a person who
kept a considerable silk manufactory, he was asked by him what occasion brought
him thither. Having explained, he was told by the old man that he himself had
been driven to Frankfort by persecution, and was therefore inclined to be his friend.
/ see, by the zuhitcness of your hands (said he), that you have not been used to hard
work ; but tf you n ill stay with me you will have only to keep my accounts and super-
vise my workmen. In that station Laurent gave entire satisfaction — married his
patron's niece — and at the old man's death became his heir. Ultimately he was one
of the many foreign Protestants who accepted Queen Elizabeth's invitation to
England."
The visitation or invasion of Duke Alva began at Brussels, 28th August 1567,
1 Quoted in "Collins' Peerage" (Brydges' edition), vol. v. p. 29. The Radnor Papers mention a German
martyr named De Fournestraux, who was burnt at the stake, being drawn to the place of execution by his own
coach-hordes.
I. I
66
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
and ended 1st December 1572. 1 His coming was really an invasion. It was uncon-
stitutional to bring and to quarter in the Netherlands an army from Spain. Margaret,
the Regent of the Netherlands, protested to her half-brother, King Philip, against
the mission of the Duke, and entirely resigned the government soon after. On 8th
September 1567 Margaret wrote to Philip to the following effect:—
"Your having committed so much authority and such a number of Spanish soldiers to the
Duke has been very prejudicial to my own honour, and to the pacified state of the country
under my government. Great numbers of people, with their goods and manufactures, have
fled away to foreign lands — either through the burdensomeness of these unwelcome guests, or
through despair of pardon, or through dread of impending miseries. The number of fugitives
is about a hundred thousand souls."
On the day after the date of this letter, the Duke treacherously apprehended
Count Hoorn, Count Egmont, and other leading men. This (says the historian)
"occasioned such a new terror that above 20,000 more quitted the land." On 18th
September, Lady Margaret issued a " placard," " laying some severe penalties on
those who should fly, and giving good words to such as should stay behind," but
without success. The Duke's " Council of Tumults," known as the Bloody Tribunal,
acted upon a regulation, that all Netherlanders, except certain zealous Romanists
known by name to the government, were heretics or abettors of heresy, having
been guilty either by commission or by omission. There was thus no security for
life or property. Multitudes now became refugees, not only because of conscientious
Protestantism, but because, although Romanists, they had been tolerant in the past,
and could, not face the spectacle of the future slaughter of their countrymen.
Margaret soon resigned the government and left the country.
Although she was considered lukewarm by her royal brother, and believed con-
cerning herself that she was pacifying the Netherlands by clemency, the persecution
of Protestants was nothing new. Confining our attention to surnames afterwards
known in refugee registers, we go back to March 1556-57, and we find that Robert
Oguier and his wife, and their sons Baldwin and Martin, were burnt at Lisle in that
month. 2 The refugees of the name of Ogier were probably of the same clan ;
Anthoine Ogier had a daughter baptised at Canterbury in 1590. John Lanoy, an
elder of the French Church, was burnt at Tournay, 27th November 1 56 1 . In the
register of the French Church of London in 1603, Francoise, widow of Nicolas De
Launoy, is mentioned. The elders of the French Church, who had a principal share
in the agreement with the Prince of Orange at Antwerp, 2nd September 1566, had
names of familiar sound — Francis Godin, John Carlier, Nicolas Du Vivier, and
Nicolas Selin.
What the Regent Margaret called her policy of pacification began at Valenciennes
in 1567, and by her judicial murders there she struck so much terror everywhere,
that it was said, The governess found the keys of all the other cities at Valenciennes.
Among the martyrs who suffered death at that city were Michel Herlin (the Gover-
nor) and his son ; Guido de Bres and Peregrine de la Grange, ministers ; Matthew
de la Hay and Peter de la Rue, elders; and Roland le Bouc and Francis Patton,
deacons. John Le Thieullier also died a martyr's death at Valenciennes in this year
or the next.
The city of Cambray had been so zealous as to drive away its archbishop, though
they could not prevent his return in 1567. At so early a date as 1561, Anthony
Karon was burnt at a stake at Cambray. The name of Caron was well known
among Protestant refugees in England. Moyse Caron was a witness to a baptism
in 1592 at Canterbury. (In 1634, at Canterbury, Jacques, son of Israel Caron,
obtained a wife from another family originally of Cambray, namely, Anne, daughter
of Esaie Loffroy ; and in 1666 their son was married in London. Marie, a daughter
of Israel Caron, was married at Canterbury, in 1630, to a native of Valenciennes.
Simon Bourgeois, and their son Isaac Bourgeois, was born in 1647.)
The celebrated name of Lefroy is a Gallicised form of the true surname Loffroy.
The family came from Cambray to Canterbury. Antoine Loffroy first appears in
the register of baptisms in 1590. He died before 161 1, the date of the marriage of
his son, Esaie, a native of Cambray, and a resident in Canterbury. Sir Henry
Lefroy has called attention to the ecclesiastical edict of 1586, promulgated in the
diocese of Cambray, and enforced by civil penalties in 1587, requiring all persons
in public life, of every description and grade, to sign a test and to declare them-
1 Gerard Brandt's "History of the Reformation in the Low Countries," vol. i. (published 1671, translated
into English 1720). For all historical matter I am mainly indebted to that justly-celebrated historian.
2 See Anderson's " Ladies of the Reformation," second series.
REFUGEES BEFORE THE ST BAR THOL OME W MA SSA CRE. 67
selves Romanists. This, combined with family tradition, gives the probable year of
the flight of the Loffroys. If we suppose that Antoine Loffroy and his wife became
refugees in 1587, we may safely say that Esaie, who had been born in Cambray, was
conveyed to Canterbury as an infant. In that hospitable city other children were
born, the baptism of David, in 1 590, being the first written evidence of his father's
settlement in England. The modern families of Lcfroy spring from Esaie, the
refugee babe.
Although we have not materials enabling us to picture an ancestor sentenced by
Duke Alva, or to trace the flight of a Loffroy refugee from Cambray, we know the
arms and motto of the family, both of which connect it with the patriots of the
long years of persecution. The motto is mutarc sperno (I scorn to change), and in
the arms there is a red cap of no stereotyped heraldic p ittern, but a special figure,
probably copied from the burlesque cos ume of a beggar in a masquerade. Thus
there is brought before us the historical scene when the patriots of the Netherlands
vociferated in the faces of prelates and grandees, The beggars never cJiange. In 1 566
the Count of Barlemont, observing that the Regent Margaret was alarmed at the
coming of a multitude of Protestants to her Court, said, " Madame, are you afraid of
those beggars (ces gueux) P" ; some have reported that he pointed at them and said,
"What a brave company of gueux /" The Protestants and their political sym-
pathisers accepted the designation. In the English language, those of them who
maintained the confederacy at home were called gucitxcs ; and at a later date their
sailors, who manned the privateers of the fleet of the beggars, were called water-
guenxes. Their watchword was Vivent les Gueux! Their medals, having the king's
head on the obverse, had, on the reverse, a beggar's wallet held between two right
hands, with the motto, Fidcles an Roi jusqites a la bcsace. They wore a livery of
grey cloth, and perhaps the Loffroy armorial bearing has handed down the pattern
of their livery cap. At their public dinners they sang the following couplet : —
" Par ce pain, par ce sel, et par cette besace,
Jamais les Gueux ne changeront pour chose que Ton fasse."
Philippe de la Motte, minister of the French Church, Southampton, from 1586 to
161 7, can be positively connected with Alva's persecutions and their weary sequel. 1
The following details from " Smiles' Huguenots " apply to him (though the chronicler
calls him Joseph). He was born at Tournay, of Roman Catholic parents, and was
apprenticed to a silkman in his native town. His master was a Protestant. De la
Motte became a convert to his religion, and on the outbreak of the Duke of Alva's
persecution, the young man removed to Geneva. In that academic retreat he studied
theology, and was ordained to the ministry. He returned to Tournay, ostensibly as
his old master's journeyman, but also as minister to the Protestants, who had to
worship secretly. A family manuscript, quoted by Mr Smiles, contains the follow-
ing narrative: — "An information having been given against him to the Inquisition,
they sent their officers in the night to apprehend him ; they knocked at the door,
and told his master (who answered them) that they wanted his man. He, judging
who they were, called De la Motte ; and he immediately put on his clothes, and
made his escape over the garden wall with his Bible, and travelled away directly
into France to St Malo. They, believing him to be gone the nearest way to the sea
coast, pursued towards Ostend, and missed him. From St Malo he got over to
Guernsey, and from thence to Southampton, where, his money being all gone, he
applied himself to the members of the French Church there, making his condition
known to them. Their minister being just dead, they desired he would preach to
them the next Sabbath day, which accordingly he did, and they chose him for their
minister." On 20th November 1586 he married Judith des Maistres, a native of
Armentieres. I find twelve children registered in the book of Southampton French
Church, where the marriage took place, five daughters and seven sons, who founded
families, spelling the name Delamotte. He died 6th May 1617, and the register
styles him ministre de la Parole de Dieu de fameuse memoire. He was honoured with
a public funeral.
Before the year 1567 fugitives from persecution came to England for shelter, but
probably with no expectation or fixed resolution of taking root. In the year 1561
the Primate and the Dean 2 granted to the fugitives in Canterbury the use of the
1 While John Utenhove died in peace in London before 1 56S, as superintendent of the refugee congrega-
tion, his kinsman, Antony Uitenhove, a gentleman of Ghent, was a victim of the Bloody Tribunal. "Alva
roasted him alive, tying him, for the diversion of the Spaniards, to a long chain, and turning him round the
stake, which was encompassed with a circle of fire, till the guards, moved with the painful and tedious sacrifice,
despatched him with their halberds in spite of the Duke." — Brandt.
2 There is no grant by Royal Charter, though there is a tradition of royal charters from Elizabeth and
Chalks II., and even from Edward VI. If there were any such, they were lost.
63
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
western portion of the undercroft of the cathedral. The local historian, Somner, said
(in 1640), " Let me now leade you to the Undercroft, a place fit — and haply (as one
cause) fitted — to keepe in memory the subterraneous Temples of the Primitives in
the times of persecution. The West part thereof, being spatious and lightsome, for
many years hath beene the Strangers Church." 1 The silk weavers of the congrega-
tion plied their looms on the week days in this sanctuary ; but as strangers, unre-
solved upon any final destination or settlement, they were content with toleration,
indulgence, or connivance ; they did not take legal steps for incorporation till 1567.
In that year their minister and schoolmaster drew up a Latin petition addressed
to the Court of Burghmote, applying to be incorporated as manufacturers of
" Florence serges, Bombasin, D. of Ascot serges, &c, of Orleance, Frotz, Silkwever,
Mouquade, Mauntes, Bages, &c, Stofes Mouquades." The Court received the
petition on 15th July, gt/i E/izabeth, and "agreed that there may be a company of
the strangers received to inhabit within the Liberties of this city, by order from the
Queen's Council, and upon orders to be devised by this house." These orders were
issued in the year 1 574, licensing their trade on the understanding " that they shall
not make cloath or kersies, such as the English doe make at this present," and that
they " sell in gross and not by retaile." The signatures to the petition of the year
1567 were Hector Hamon, minister; Vincent Primont, schoolmaster (institutor juven-
tutis) ; Gilles Cousin, master of works (magister operum et conductor totius congre-
gationis in opera); Michel Cousin, Jaques Guerin, Pierre Du Bosc, Jean de la
Forterie, Noel Lestene, Nicolas Dubuisson, Antoine du Verdier, Philippe de Miez,
Jean le Pelu, Pierre Desportes, Jaques Boudet, and trcs vidnce.
The pasteur, Hector Hamon, is supposed to have been of the same family as the
writing-master and caligraphist (latterly secretary to Charles IX.) Pierre Hamon,
who as a Protestant was strangled in the Place de Greve in Paris, 7th March 1569.
He himself had been pasteur of Bacqueville in Normandy. He is reported as a
settler in Rye in 1569 among Protestant strangers who " verie quietlie and orderlie
use themselves." The prayer of the Canterbury petitioners was not formally and
finally granted until after an interval of seven years, and meanwhile Monsieur
Hamon through chagrin may have left that city. But though the minutes of the
Court of Burghmote do not record it, it is possible that the petition signed by him
may have been presented in 1574 ; and if so we may suppose that his first appear-
ance as a refugee was at Rye, and that he settled at Canterbury thereafter. He
probably founded a refugee family; for in December 1735 we meet with Hector
Hamon, Esq., Major in Howard's Foot, and Colonel Isaac Hamon is in the Irish
pedigree of the Champagnes.
The teacher, Vincent Primont, was probably a young man. He asked and
obtained leave to teach the French language to English pupils, and was thus a
public benefactor. His daughter Magdalen was married in the cathedral on 17th
December 1599. The widow of " Maistre Primont" was alive on 25th December
1621.
The surname Cousin is deeply rooted in Great Britain, and those who bear the
name claim French Protestant ancestry. The reader has observed Gilles and Michel
Cousin on the Canterbury petition. The surname occurs again in Canterbury in
1596, Jan Cousin presenting his son Jan for baptism. But the name appears oftener
in Southampton. In 1572 Antoine Cousin, a native of Armentieres, was married to
Jane de la Croix : five daughters were born to him, three of whom, as well as him-
self, died of the plague in 1583. There were also two brothers, natives of Tournay,
Gilles and Robert Cousin; the latter died in 1584; but Gilles had two sons, Pierre
{born 1575) and Jaques {born 1577).
The surname De la Forterye also took root, though this refugee family, like
many others, gravitated from Canterbury to London. They trace their pedigree to
the Jean de la Forterie of 1567, who came from Lisle in Flanders. The refugee and
his wife sailed for England, and a son was born to them "on ship-board, as they
came." He received the name of Nicolas. "Nicolas de la Fortrye " became a
merchant in London, and married Anne, daughter of William Theissies (or Thieffries)
also a London merchant. His three sons were duly chronicled in 1633-34 : —
1. John de la Fortry, who married, 1st, Mary Biscop, and 2d, Anne de Franqueville,
whose son Abraham Forty, merchant, was residing, at that date, in Aldgate
Ward.
1 For more particulars see a Paper on the Crypt of Canterbury Cathedral, by W. S. Scott Robertson, in
Archaologia Cantiana, vol. xiii. Through being allotted to the refugees as a Christian church, the
western part of the crypt gained a celebrity which was denied to the eastern. " The lofty eastern crypt had
been, in 1546, assigned to the use of the First Prebendary, and was occupied by successive holders of that pre-
bend as a cellar for wood and coal, from 1546 until (about) 1866." — Page 551.
REFUGEES BEFORE THE ST BARTHOLOMEW MASSACRE. 69
2. Samuel Forterie, merchant, residing in Walbrooke Ward, who married Katherine,
daughter of John de Latfeur of Henault.
3. Peter Fortry, merchant, residing in Aldgate Ward, who married Lea, daughter of
Laurens des Bouvery.
The third was sometimes styled " of Greenwich " and " of East Combe, Kent,"
and founded the family of Fortrye of Wombwell Hall.
There came to England in 1680 the representative of a family, certainly involved
in the old persecutions under Philip II. in the Netherlands, but at a later date than
Duke Alva's vice-royalty. Alexander, Prince of Parma (afterwards Duke), assumed
the reins of government on 1st October 1 578. Brussels was in the hands of the insur-
gents, having the Baron de Heez, a nobleman of Guelderland, and a Protestant, as
its Governor. Parma took Brussels in 1585 ; Baron de Heez was made a prisoner ; 1
he was beheaded, and his estate was confiscated. His youngest son, Theodore Janssen
de Heez, fled to France, and founded a family at Angouleme ; and his grandson,
Theodor Janssen, born in 1654, came as a French refugee to England in 1680, and
founded a family of baronets.
In the year 1570, Anthony Solen, a refugee printer, received the freedom of the
city of Norwich ; in the liber introitnum there is this entry, " Alien, Anthony Solen,
prynter, jurat-civ, 1570." Mr George Vertue wrote to Mr Joseph Ames, in the
middle of last century : —
" Monday, Sept. 8. — Sir, According to your desire I have here enclosed the short note I men-
tioned to you at the Society [of Antiquaries] concerning a printer who first introduced
printing at Norwich.
"In 1565 many strangers from the low countries came and settled at Norwich city. Masters,
workmen, and servants had Her Majesty's letter-patent to work and make all sorts of
woollen manufactures there; men, women, and children, about 3925. This was encouraged
by the mayor and sheriffs of the city, who waited on Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, at his palace
there, and consulted about such orders as was necessary to regulate affairs concerning
strangers settling there, and having the freedom and liberty of the city granted to them.
Amongst these strangers the art of printing was now introduced here by Anthony Solen,
printer, one of the strangers, which was so well approved of by the city (1570) that they pre-
sented him with his freedom."
As to the refugees of Norwich, Mr Burn says, "The Dutch congregation had
the quire of the Friars Preachers 1 Church assigned them for their religious assemblies ;
the French or Walloons had the Bishops' chapel, and afterwards St Mary at Tomb-
land." The total of 3925, given by Mr Vertue, is founded on the " Searche," or
Census of 1 571 : —
Dutch (men), 868 ; Walloons (men), 203. Women, 1273 ; children under fourteen,
1 68 1.
The following entries are copied from their surviving baptismal register : —
" 1637. Abandon par le ministre et consistoire de l'eglise Wallonne de Norwich de la
chapelle on ils avoient eu le privilege de s'assembler depuis 63 on 64 ans — s'assemblevont
dorenavant au Temple de petite Sainte-Marie, a eux octoye pour dix ans par les Magistrats."
" 1638. L'eglise de Norwich prend le nom d'eglise Flamengue."
In the Public Record Office, the State Papers, domestic, Elizabeth, vol. 82, con-
sist of " The Reporte of the Searche of all the Straungers wythin London and
Southwark, and the liberties thereof, made the xth daye of November 1571." The
preamble of this report is : —
" To the ryght honorable the lordes of the Quene's Maiestyes most honorable
pryvie councell.
" Pleasythe youre honours, according to the tenor of youre honorable letters to
us the Maior and Aldermen of London latelye directed for the Inquisicion and
searche of all Straungers within this Citye and the lyberties of the same ; We, on the
tenth of this November, Informed the same accordinglye, as by thys booke heareafter
at large maye appeare unto youre honours."
The members and adherents of the French Church at the above date, in London
and Southwark, the liberties and suburbs thereof, were 1450 in number. The
Huguenots and their descendants numbered 657, but a few of these were of " no
church," and a few had joined their parish churches. Allowing for these deductions,
the proportion of Walloons to Huguenots in the congregation of 1450 may have
been 850 to 600. All these persons did not profess to be refugees on account of
religious persecution. Two or three had come to England in the reign of Henry
1 Motley gives the date of the capitulation of Brussels, 13th March 15S5, but mentions no executions.
7o
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
VIII. 1 and these and some others, according to their statement, emigrated to England
in order to prosecute their trades and earn a livelihood, with two exceptions, which
will be found in a footnote. A few came into England in the next reign, of whom
Morrys Mable, a householder and denizen, in St Faith's Parish in Paul's Church-
yard, distinctly stated that he came into this realm from France about the third year
of King Edward VI., but he had to add that he was of " no church." A minister,
whom the enumerator calls Adrian Redlegge, came in 1551 " for the word of God.''
In the same year Richard Locye, leather-dresser, "came for religion," also Matthew
Renisan, hatmaker, and Robert Leyclarke [Le Clerc ?], broker, and Jakalina, his wife.
The reign of Mary, our Romish queen, lasted from July 1553 to November 1558,
during which period several French Protestants, afterwards reported as denizens,
came over, although their denization may have been granted at a later date.
It will be more congenial to our theme to note the Walloon and Huguenot immi-
grants in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. We begin with names that took deep root
in their adopted country.
James Claris (or Clarys, as the report has it, being partial to the letter y) was a
silk-weaver, born at Lille, who with Katherine, his wife, came to England in March
1 563. He " came for religion," and joined the French Church of London under the
pastorate of M. Cousin. In 1571 he was a denizen and a householder in St Stephen's
Parish, Coleman Street Ward, London.
Another surname comes to view, derived from a locality in Flanders— Ambrin,
or Ambrine. But as the clerk of the consistory of the French Church was a
Frenchman, he naturally thought of the fortress of Ambrun (now spelt Embrun),
and the name was entered in the list of church members in 1568, and perhaps in
earlier lists, as Dambrun. John Dambrune is entered in the census of strangers of
1 571 as a joiner, and a householder in Blackfriars. He, with Jacqueline, his wife,
and Laurentia and Jane, his daughters, came to England "for religion " in 1654, and
joined the French Church of London. They are described as Burgundians. In 1570
William Dambrune, silk-weaver, born in Pallensen, came over for religion, and in
1 571 he was working at his trade in the service of Henry Jonet (a refugee for reli-
gion since 1567), in St Bennet Grace Church Parish. From either John or William
a London family descended, and they learned to spell their surname more correctly,
viz., Dambrin. In the next century refugees came over to Canterbury. They, for
once, hit upon their true name ; for I find in the Canterbury French Church register
of marriages in 1684 the name of " Francois Dambrin," son of " Francois d' Ambrin."
But usually the registrars were allowed to adopt every variety of spelling, Dan-
brinne, Danbrine, Dambrain, Danbrain, Dombrim, Danbrein, Dombrain.
In 1566 two merchants, Peter and Martin Bultayle, came into this realm for
religion, and were joined in August 1 57 1 by Pole [query Paul] Bultayle. These
three merchants were Walloons, members of the French Church of London, and
resident in the parish of St Bennet, Gracechurch. No doubt they were the ances-
tors of the present family of Bulteel, to whom we shall have occasion again to refer.
Turning to the parish of St Denys Backchurch, we find Marie Bultayle, widow, born
at Tournay, who arrived in 1567 with her sons, Philip and Lawrence, and all of
them members of the French Church ; these sons probably ought to have a place in
the same pedigree as the foresaid " merchaunts."
Among the leading famililes of the French Church of Norwich there was the
surname Farvaque or Farvacques. One of them was an ancien in 1608, and signed
a petition to the Bishop of Norwich along with the pasteur. Only a copy of that
petition has been preserved, in which copy his name was metamorphosed into
"Jaques Fornesques " (Lansdowne MSS. 841, fo. 53, Brit. Mus., now imprinted by
Miss Lucy Toulmin Smith). 2 Perhaps we have the ancestor of this family of
refugee gentlemen in the following person, entered in the census of strangers, Lon-
don, 1 57 1 : — "Blackfriars, Ward of Farringdon Within. Anthonye Fervake, gentil-
man, a Burgondian, came into this realme about three monethes past, and soiournethe
with Benula de la Courte."
I have already mentioned the family of Ogier. One of them was a refugee in
London in 1571 : — "Ward of Bridge Without, St George's Parish. John Ogier, of
St Omer, of thage of xxix. yeres, in England iii. yeres, Quinta his wif, borne at
Tourney, came over w th him and for religion ; his wif of xxx. yeres, having a child of
10 yeres of age ; silke-weaver."
1 For instance, James Macadie, resident within St Dunstan's Parish in the West, had been in England for
sixty years, and must have come over in 1 5 1 1, the third year of Henry VIII. ; and as that reign ended on 28th
January 1545, all strangers, who had been resident in England for more than a quarter of a century, according
to the census of 1 57 1, must have come during its course. Two householders came for religion in 1 54 1 (33 Hen.
VIII.), namely, kowlin Bellmare, and James Mort, locksmith, with Adrienne, his wife.
a " Norlolk Antiquarian Miscellany," Part iii. 1879.
REFUGEES BEFORE THE ST BARTHOLOMEW MASSACRE. 71
In Canterbury in the year 1567 we have encountered a Jean de la Forterie. In
the same year another of the same name (disguised by the official enumerator of
1 571) came to London: — "Tower Ward, St Dunstan's Parish. Nicholas Furtrye,
of Thile, merchant, came into this relme iiii. yeres past for religion ; Margeret his
wif ; Margarett & Samuell, childeren ; Michaell his servant ; & haith in his house
Gilam Jefrye, of Thile, who came ii. monethes past for religion ; Elizabeth his wif;
Elizabeth and Antonetta his children."
The last name in my list is Jaques Tuillier, minister, with his wife and two
children. Whether he was a Le TJiieullier, and whether this entry contradicts the
received statement that that no Lethieullier took refuge in England at this period, I
am not able to decide.
Having singled out the surnames of which I seem to know something, I proceed
to give an abridged account of other members of the French Church as described in
the "Searche" for 1 57 1, where they are arranged according to the parishes within
which they were then residing. I here arrange them according to the years of their
arrival in England. The reader must not suppose that only those "came for reli-
gion " whom I have thus described. I might have copied this description of a very
large proportion of the individuals, but for brevity's sake I have omitted it, except for
an occasional special reason. (I have not copied mispelt baptismal names as I did
in the list of denizens, neither have I thought it necessary to copy the favourite
letter Y when used for I, unless when I am copying verbatim and between inverted
commas.
1558.
Benula de la Courte, Burgundian, hatband maker, and Anne, his wife. 1
James Vinion [Vignon ?], born in Paris, and Jane, his wife, born in Normandy.
1559-
John Osanna, Frenchman, joiner, and Catherine, his wife.
William Brunnam, Frenchman, embroiderer, and Denise, his wife — "came hither for
the persecutions' sake in France" (resident in 1571 within the tenement of Master
Mathew du Quester).
John Sharfe, born in Rouen, goldsmith.
Charles Chartes [Chartres ?] born at Dieppe in Normandy, servant to Francis Derick-
son in 1 57 1.
John Millome [Milhomme ?], Burgundian, silk-weaver, and his wife.
Giles Wier, Frenchman, silk-weaver, and his wife.
Nicolas Remy, born at Mouse in Henego, silk-weaver, and Marie, his wife.
Peter Philater, born in Normandy, liveth by silk-working.
Giles de Milcam, born at Newfeld, by Ricell in Flanders, silk-weaver, and Clare, his
wife; she came in 1 561. John Mountaine, their servant, born in Brussels; came
in 1 571 for religion. Their other servant, Symonde Bewfatt, in the same year, " cam
to seeke his father and mother, who now be deade, and he remayneth servant as
aforesaide."
Peter Shatelyn [Chatelain ?], born in Artois, silk-weaver ; Magdalen, his wife, and
Daniel and Esaie, his sons. (In 1 571 he was an ancien of the French Church.)
1560.
Guillaume Shaftesbray, Frenchman, glover, and Marie, his wife. " French Church,
he ; Parish Church, she." They have four children — Paul, Mardoche, Susan, and
Judith.
William Yollone, Frenchman, joiner.
Nicolas Byshowe [Bichot ?], born in Burgundy, silk-weaver, and Catherine, his wife.
Jane Carrey [Carre ?], widow, mother-in-law of Nicolas Bistowe.
Peter Foye ; of Tournay, silk-weaver, Jane, his wife, and five children.
1 561.
Nicolas Formoise, born in Lusiers in France, cutler, and Thomasine, his wife. (John
Norishier, his servant, born in Paris, came in 1571 and joined the French Church.)
Peronne Kirton, widow, born in "Luke's" in Flanders.
Romaine Mainmora, born in Rouen, and Frances, his wife (she came in 1 564 ; he
became servant to Mr Daye, printer).
Margaret Dclavais, liveth by making silk lace.
1 Where I have materials, I have made the accounts of a wife or children to apply to the year of a refugee's
arrival in England ; but in this case, and in most cases, the state of the family in 1571 is all that I know.
72
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Nicolas Lardenois, Burgundian, goldsmith, and Frances, his wife.
Denys Veille, born at Nosvon Suzandall in Normandy, silk-weaver, and Marie, his
wife, born by Brussels in Brabant.
John Powkes, born in Valencia, and Pasquin, his wife, born in Bruges.
Toussaint Viot and his wife, born in France.
Gabriel Ilemman, Frenchman, and his wife.
Peter Demoubre, born in Burgundy, silk weaver, and Frances, his wife.
Renaud Cock [Coq ?], born in France, embroiderer, and Agnes, his wife.
John Bellfold, born in France.
Giles Gorner, born in France, silk-weaver, and his wife.
Amnion Molton, Burgundian, silk-weaver, and his wife.
John Lamuell, Frenchman, musician, his wife, and two children.
Peter Derones, born in Henego, silk-weaver, and Jane, his wife. His servants, John
and Moses Werie, and Jane Lebrouin, also came hither for religion.
Nicolas Blane, of Vallance, silk-weaver, aged 16, servant with Terry de la Haye.
(In 1 57 1 he had a wife, Antoinette, then aged 24, and a daughter, Marie, aged 2.)
William Barnes, of " Petune," silk-weaver, aged 13. In 1571 he married Perone,
aged 17, of Cambray, a refugee who had arrived in May of that year. Both came
over for religion.
John Mahewe [Mahieu ?], Burgundian, silk-weaver. Anthony Bornale and Paeon,
his wife, " cam over for religion " in 1562, " who lyeth nowe [in 1571] in the house
of the said Mahewe, and go all to the Frenche Church."
John Barbe, born at Tournay, silk-weaver.
Remy Le Clerke [Le Clerc ?], of Henault, aged 29. In 1 571 he had a wife, Anne,
then aged 28, and one child, Abraham, born in London.
Thomas Biggen, born at Rouen, quilt-maker.
Thomas Fountein, born in Lille, silk-dyer, Barbara, his wife, Peter and Theophile,
their children.
1562.
John Costen [Cousin], minister. See Chapter V.
John de la Myer, Frenchman, goldsmith. (Jacqueline, his wife, a Fleming, came in
IS7I-)
Launcelot Lardie, goldsmith, Catherine, his wife, and Sara, their daughter.
Peter Bennet, Frenchman, and his wife.
Mary Breart, Frenchwoman, widow, and two daughters.
John Turwin, born in Henego, silk-weaver, and Louise, his wife.
Terrey de la Haye, of Tournay, silk-weaver, aged 22. (He married Marie, of
Valence, and their children were born in England, viz., Abraham in 1565, John
in 1566, Elizabeth in 1569, and Marie in 1 571. He had in 1571, as a servant,
Francis de la Pine, a Cambresian, aged 22, who came for religion).
Hans Hoffstad and Peter Boleyn, born in the Low Countries, merchants, and their
wives.
Nicolas Mollier, of Rissell, in the Low Countries, merchant.
Catherine de Key, born in Flanders, joiner, and Matthew de Cambers, born in Artois,
her servant.
1563.
Michael Barret, born in Flanders, cutler, and Catherine, his wife.
Peter Bezo, born in Valencia beyond Antwerp, servant with Richard Watts, tailor.
Nicolas Olter and his wife, born in France.
Michael Corseills, born in Flanders, merchant, and Josyn, his wife.
James Tabey, of Valencienne, silk-weaver, aged 22. (Marie, who came over in 1567,
became his wife.)
Victor Colin, born in Rouen, silk-weaver, and Margaret, his mother ; he married an
Englishwoman, and in 1571 had two children.
Martin Ford, born in Rouen, is a coke [cook].
Anne Gorett, widow, born at Antwerp — " she lyveth by surgerye."
Harman Pottey (factor to Jaques Delafalis), Catherine, his wife, and Hans Com-
perce, his servant.
James Claris (see above).
John de Meray, born in Artois, cooper, and Sara, his wife. (Jamesye, his servant,
born in Cleveland, had come to England in 156 J.)
REFUGEES BEFORE THE ST. BARTHOLOMEW MASSACRE. 73
1564.
Thomas Votrollier, Frenchman, bookbinder.
Lewis Seneor, Frenchman. John Hue and his wife, his servants.
Thomas Farsivill, born at Armentieres, goldsmith, and Jacqueline, his wife.
Denys Demaster, Burgundian, silk-twister, and his wife.
Henry Leycocke [Le Coq ?], born in Tournay, merchant, Joanne, his wife, and a
child.
Gloie de Guie, of Paris, comb-maker, ?ged 26, and Jacqueline, his wife, aged 53-
Denys Debonnige, Burgundian, weaver of cruell lace. Marie, his wife, came in 1567.
John Lambart, born in Flanders, cobbler.
John Dambrune (see above).
1565.
Nicolas Reason, born in " Shanye " in Picardy, silk-weaver, and Annis, his wife,
born in Antwerp. " French Church, He. Douch Church, She."
James Scrusier, cook, and Marie, his wife.
Angelo Victoris, Sardinian, schoolmaster, and Anne, his wife, joined the French
Church.
Samuel Maxsion, born at Annys, tailor, and Adrienne, his wife.
Marie Garde, born in Constance in Normandy, maid-servant to John Petiawe.
John Pawle, of Maestricht, leather-dresser, aged 34, and Catherine, his wife, aged 28 ;
also Paul Mattowe, his servant, and Anne, his wife. (In 1 57 1 he received two
new-comers, Andreas Bourge, of Maestricht, aged 20, and Peter Seneschall, of
Arras, aged 21.)
Gerrard de Moincke, of Tournay, packthread-maker, aged 30, and Jane, his wife,
aged 20; his brother, James Le Moincke, aged 13, and a boy, John Venella,
aged 8.
Lewis Bergis, born at Doffyn [Dauphine" ?] in France, tailor, Martin, his wife, and
John de Chan [De Champ ?], his servant.
James Cockey, born at "Russell," packthread-maker, Marie, his wife, and Susan, her
mother.
Henry Reymond, born in Tournay, maker of sackcloth, Agnes, his wife, and Lewis,
Philippe, Catherine, Ester, Madeline, and Susan, their children, all strangers born.
James Dennis, of Bruges, silk-weaver, and Margaret, of Collen [Cologne], his wife.
Eustace Valen, born in Burgundy, silk-weaver, Jackamyn, his wife, and two children,
Samuel and Arte.
1566.
Francis Lebroyle, " born in Jermanye," Catherine, his wife, and Jane and Sara, their
daughters, all of the French Church.
Richard Tanville, French born, coppersmith, and Collet, his wife.
John Marchaunt [Marchand ?], Frenchman, turner, and Quintaine, his wife.
Martin Drewe [Dru, or Le Dru ?], Burgundian, shoemaker. Barbara, his wife, came
in 1569.
Peter Goodman [Bonhomme ?], Burgundian, silk-weaver, Michelle, his wife, and
Daniel, their son ; also Jane Gentile, their mother.
Paulles Tepotts, born at Dist in Brabant, scrivener, sworn before my Lord of Can-
terbury, and Cornelys, his wife, born at Antwerp ; " they cam bothe hyther the
firste of Maye 1 566, for religion, and are of the Frenche churche."
Anthony Wrighte, born in Friesland, " who cam for religion."
Martin Demon [De mont ? or, Diemen ?], and his wife.
Gratian Deroye, and Margaret, his wife; liveth by dressing of hemp.
John Edwin, born in Flanders, silk-weaver, and his wife.
John Demare, Walloon, tailor. Farnardo, also a Walloon and a tailor, had come
in 1564.
Francis Florin, silk-weaver ; Marie, his wife, Peter, Paul, Agnes, and Madeline, their
children.
John Large, and Walter, his brother, silk-weavers.
Peter Gibbert, born in Rouen, embroiderer, and Catherine, his wife ; " they cam
hethcr, as they saye, bycause of troubles that were then in Roan."
Jacqueline, wife of Peter La Feveron, silkweaver, born in Burgundy, and Jane, their
daughter.
John Pittaine, born in Artois, silk-weaver; Margaret, his wife; John de Lackantout
and Christian Die, his servants.
I. K
74
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
John de Williams, born at "Tornes" in France, merchant, and Catherine, his wife;
"came hither for the troubles that were in Fraunce ;" also, Francis Voison, of
Valencia, and his brother, both merchants. (All these were living together, in
1571, in St. Thomas Apostle's parish, Vintrey Ward, London.)
James Tellomond, born in Valencia, tailor, and Catherine, his wife.
Peter Furry, born in Valencia, weaver.
Peter Pinnforth, Frenchman, and his wife. (In the same house there were with him,
in 1 571, Baydinge Hockett and his wife, and Denys Hewicke, joiner.)
Martin Broke, Frenchman, and his wife.
Jane de Nova, of Lille, widow.
Francis Marshall, Walloon, merchant, and Jane, his wife.
John Jeffrey, born in Flanders, merchant, and his wife, and his brother, James
Jeffrey, merchant; Elizabeth Peters, their maid, and Anthony Caviliar, their
man-servant.
Anthony Russell, born in Verwick in Flanders, tailor. (In 1571 he had an English
wife, and lodged with Agnes Tolnage, widow.)
Antonatt Adam, widow, Burgundian, silk-weaver, and Sara, Rebecca, Rachel, and
Isaac, her children.
Nicolas de Prute, aged 25, born in Valencia, silk-weaver. (In 1 57 1 he had a wife,
aged 20.)
John Barley, born under King Philip, aged 38, carver.
Antoine Caronne, Burgundian, aged 31, fustian-weaver, and Catherine, his wife,
aged 20.
Nicolas Bassiet, Burgundian, his wife and son.
FClizabeth Chaudren, widow ; Allison Chaudren, her sister ; and John Kerton, her
servant. (In 1568 there were with her, Giles Butler, a dyer; Marie, his wife; and
her mother, Francis Brokell.)
Joanne de la Courte, born in Valencienne; she came for religion, and was married
in England to James Remy, silk-weaver, a refugee for religion since 1553- I n
1570 she was joined by her sister Marie, who " lyveth by workinge w th - her
nedell." In 1571 there was in the same house Marie, a poor child whose parents
were deceased, and was "kept of alms by the said James Remy."
Amerie Le Bucke, born in Valencienne, goldsmith (brother of Noe, see 1568).
I567-
Guillaume Guppie, born in Rouen, and Barbara, his wife (she came in 1569). He
became servant to Mr Jugge, printer.
John Gabie, born in Valencia in Burgundy, silk-weaver, and Joanne, his wife.
John Mansell, Frenchman, carver, and his wife.
Glode Benvois, Frenchman, crossbow-maker.
Christopher Lardenois, Burgundian, goldsmith.
John de la Tour, Burgundian, turner, and Marie, his wife.
Nicolas Garret, cobbler.
James Lemure, born in Artois, goldsmith.
Peter de Bonsquil, born in Flanders, merchant, and Iva, his wife.
John van Hesse, born in Brabant, joiner, member of the French Church.
John Dewie, born at Engye in Henego, and Jeneker, his wife ; their trade is making
ol sackcloth. In 1571 they had two men-servants.
Richard Skilders, born at Engye in Henego, and Thokyn, his wife, sojourners with
the said John Dewie. He came into England at Lent 1567, and liveth as a
servant by printing with Thomas East, stationer; she came over at Easter, 1568,
"and they cam for Relygion, and be of the Frenche Churche."
Guillaume Coppin, a Walloon, silk-weaver, his wife and five children.
Peter de Puis, born in France, stationer. Noel de Puis, his brother, and servant,
came in 1571 — sojourner with Marques Stacie. (See 1569.)
John Carr, and Jane, his wife, both born at Arras, and three children ; six servants,
being Italians and glassmakers, came in 1571 — all of the French Church.
Jacqueline Farriner, widow, born in Tournay, and Ester, her daughter. Denys de
Prie, Anthony Guillam, and Peter de la Haye, glassmakers, came in 1569, and
sojourn in her house.
Anthony Mare, bookbinder, and John Yarne, joiner, born in Burgundy; "they cam
for religion."
Adrian Preace, leather dyer, servant to Nicolas Deporte.
Margaret Remouth, widow, and Guillaume Harman, her son.
REFUGEES BEFORE THE ST. BARTHOLOMEW MASSACRE. 75
Mather Champion, surgeon, Catherine, his wife, and Clarette, their daughter, born
in Burgundy.
Dominique de la Noy [De Lannoy ?], born in Flanders, tailor, and Elizabeth,
his wife.
Godfrey Caginon, Cambresian [i.e., native of Cambray], hatband-maker, and Marie,
his wife.
Margaret Fountaine, widow, and Phillippes, Palles, Ester, Daniel, and James, her
children.
James Diosie and Peter Dellhey.
Robert Patriar, born in Flanders, twister of silk.
Thomas Smith, born in Flanders, turner, and his wife.
Stephen Denys, Burgundian, silk-weaver, and his wife.
Richard Thorne, Burgundian, tailor, and his wife.
John Cles, Burgundian, silk-weaver, and his wife.
Nicolas Delainoy, born in " the lande of Luke," merchant, and Catherine, his wife,
Lewis Bishop, merchant, Joanne, his wife, and David, his son.
John Pitte, of Gaunt, Phillippe, his wife, Marie and Annis, their daughters.
Hugh Bishoppe, Frenchman, merchant. Francis Bishoppe (son of the said Hugh),
Gilles, his wife, and John, Ester, and Anne, their children. (In 1571 they had a
manservant, a refugee just arrived.)
Lucas van Pieme, of " Ryssell," in Flanders, merchant.
John Sara, born at Lyons, weaver, Marie, his wife, and Lucretia, his daughter.
Anthonie Henricke, born in Henego in Artois, a twister of silk, Jane, his wife, John,
Charles, Catherine, and Susan, his children.
John Debalion, born at Henego, twister of silk, Colin, his wife, and Lorance, his
son.
James Bullen, born in France, silk-weaver, aged 56, and his wife, aged 26.
Alexander Muckowe, of Valence, flax-dresser, aged 36, Simona, his wife, aged 26,
and John, their son.
John de Boye, of Cambray, fustian weaver, aged 23, and Jane, of Cambray, his wife,
aged 34.
John Deverage, born in Armander in Flanders, silk-weaver, and Marie, his wife ;
he " cam over for religion, and useth to gooe to the Frenche churche."
John Franklin, born in Armander in Flanders, and Catlinge, his wife; "have ii.
children and resorte to the Frenche churche."
Henry de Campyna, born in Brabant, painter, and Jocan, his wife ; " they have ii.
children, and a mayde called Joane Bowes, they resorte all to the Frenche churche."
Adam Hoyat, born in Artoise, parchment maker, Marie, his wife, and one child.
His servants came in 1570 for religion, namely, Charles de Kenne and Jacob
Byers, both born in Artois.
Peter Pau, felt-maker, Anne, his wife, and Colet, her mother, " who cam into Eng-
lande for religeon," are sojourners with Adam Hoyat.
Margaret Poumare [Pommare ?], of Armentieres, widow, and four children.
Felix Larroue, born at Armentieres, Agnes, his wife, and one child.
Noah Bodoue, silk-weaver, Marie, his wife, and two children.
John de Graves, born in Brabant, joiner, and Hereanne, his wife.
John de Houssey [Houssaye ?], born in Valence, gunstock-maker, Jacqueline, his wife,
and Marie, their daughter.
Corayne, born in Valencia, liveth by brokery (1571).
Barbara de Latore, silk-weaver, born in Vallance, and Baldwin de Latore, her son.
Ambrose Hughbright, born in Lovaine, civil lawyer.
Lucan Sauen, Walloon, silk-weaver, Jane, his wife, Crispian, Daniel, Judith, and
Sara, their children.
Peter Mannock, . Walloon, silk-weaver, Jacomyn, his widowed mother, Giles, his
brother, and Joanne, his sister.
John Rohe, Walloon, joiner, and Agnes, his wife.
Christian Gnelladie, a Fleming, silk-weaver, Marie, his wife, Phcebe and Anne, his
daughters.
Peter Salvage, Walloon silk-weaver.
Jerome Halee, of Lille in Flanders, surgeon, Felix, his wife, and five children.
John Forman, born in Flanders, silk-weaver, Jane, his wife, John, Daniel, and Marie,
his children ; " came into Englandc for fearc of the Tyrannye of the Duke of
Alva."
John Rodger, Burgundian, silk-weaver, Madeline, his wife, Nicollo, his son, and Meis
Pettiefrey, his apprentice.
76
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Catherine Delacourt, widow, Burgundian, and one Henry, a young child.
Henry Widder, born at Tournay, weaver, and Berba, his wife.
Anthony Agachie, of Lille, a notary public authorized, and Jacqueline, his wife.
Roman and his wife, Burgundians.
Peter and his wife, Burgundians.
John Workman, born at Valencien in Henault, kenner of wool, Ellen, his wife, and
Judith, their daughter.
Gilbert Toute-La-Monde [Tout-le-monde], born at Marcade, servant with Hans
Hulste in 1571 (see my Gleanings from old registers of baptisms, anno 1605).
Jacob Cosier, born in Burgundy, aged 26, servant with Andrew Mullenbeck, gun-
maker.
Peter Canon, of Nivelle in Brabant, silk-weaver, aged 40, and Marcella, his wife, aged
18 (Peter, their son, was born in London in 1 5 7 1 ).
Alexander Millaine, born in Brabant, hosier, Catherine, his wife, and John, his son.
John Decuse, servant in 1 57 1 to Richard Allyn, cordwainer.
Charles Gobert, his wife, and three children.
Antonia Formatrou, widow, born in Flanders ; her trade is to make worsted yarn.
John de Lobell, born in Flanders, merchant, and Michelle, his wife.
John Suckey, Burgundian, tailor. Joanne, his wife, came in 1568.
Nicolas Doussone, Burgundian, tailor.
John Lackney, Walloon, potmaker.
Matthew Deproine, born at Hennego, and John Fever, basketmaker, servants in
1 571 to Richard Robinson.
Mark Garret, born at Bruges, picture-maker, Susan, his wife, Mark and Ester, their
children.
Henry Beaveward, of Luke, leather dresser, aged 32 ; Margaret, his wife, aged 36 ;
and four children, Abraham, aged 5 ; David, born at Antwerp, aged 2. A child,
Judith, was born in England in December 1569.
James De Roe, born in Flanders, locksmith, Marie, his wife, and Jacqueline, their
daughter.
Giles Founteine, born in Flanders, " lyveth by makinge of buttons," Pastinne, his
wife, and Jerome, his son.
Arnold Barnard, merchant, Marie, his wife, Francis, David, and Susan, their children.
Nicolas Furtrye [Fortrye ?], see above.
Henri de la Haie, sackcloth weaver, Florence, his wife, Peter, Israeli, and Agnes, his
children, and Peter, his cousin.
John Konge, Burgundian, his wife, and three children. In 1 571 there were twenty-
one souls in his house, including John Bellinger and his wife, who came in 1568 ;
John Dugland and his wife, Levin Adropp and his wife, and a servant, John
Begott, a boy.
Audry Stilman, born in Brabant, merchant.
Henry Jonet, born in Burgundy, silk-weaver ; Gilmote, born in Tournay, his wife.
Their children, Ester and Esaie, were born in Geneva,
1568.
Guillaume Cortall, silk-weaver,'Madeline, his wife, Isabell and Agnes, their daughters.
Peter Oliver [Olivier ?], born in Normandy, Tyffen [Tiphaine ?], his wife, and Isaac,
his son.
Valentine Shavetier [Chavetier ?], Frenchman, box-gilder, and Margaret, his wife.
John Pirsaie, Burgundian, goldsmith.
Adrian Tressell, schoolmaster, Frances, his wife, Charles, David, and Abigail, their
children.
Hanne Dehambarke, widow, parchment lacemaker, and Sara, her daughter ; also
Maria Deponte, a child, having neither father nor mother, who be kept of alms.
Isabel Leicocke [Le Coq ?], born in Flanders, "sempster."
Lewis de Rouse, born in Flanders, and his wife.
Jaques Taffin, who was Receiver to the King of France, born at Tournay ; Anna
his wife ; Denys, Jehan, and Jaques, their children.
Francis Stycklinge, born in Valencia, servant to Adrian Brickpott, goldsmith ; " his
cominge was for religion, he is no dcnizein, but he is of the Frenche churche."
Peter Tifry, silk-weaver, and Chrispanes, his wife; John Goddio, silk-weaver, and
Barbara, his wife, and Plone Tuurquey, a widow; they were born in Tournay, and
all sojourn (1571) in the house of Margaret Roberts.
James Furrey, born in Tournay, Deinse, his wife, and Lea, his daughter; "they
cam for religion." Farrand and Francis Bonger, brothers, are " borders" [boarders?]
with him.
REFUGEES BEFORE THE ST. BARTHOLOMEW MASSACRE.
77
Peter Gravener, leather dyer, servant to Nicolas Deporte.
John Bountifer, born in Burgundy, silk-weaver, and Blanche, his wife.
John Deloguta, born at Tournay, capmaker, with a wife and four children.
James Frier, born in Tournay, " a brogar," Elizabeth, his wife, and James, John, Anne,
and Mary, their children.
Thomas De la Grange, born in Tournay, cobbler, and his wife.
Anthony Jewrie, " a valbowne " [Walloon], Margaret, his wife, and Marie and Ester,
their children.
Hercules Dobbie, born under the Emperour's dominion, silk-weaver, and his wife.
James Drurie and Elie Fossie, born in Valencia in France, partners, live by the
dressing of flax.
James Le Quien [Le Quesne], born in Tournay, Anne, his wife, and Marie, their
daughter.
Robert Carpenter, born in Tournay, physician, and Catherine, his wife.
Arnold Heynowe [Hainau, or Henault ?], Frenchman, silk-weaver, Ellen, his wife, and
Leonard, their son.
John Peter [Pierre?], Frenchman, button-maker, and Madeline, his wife. Their
servants, Peter Peter and John Peter, came as refugees in i$70.
Martin Lygear [Ligier ?], silk-weaver, and his wife.
Alexander Peter and his wife, born in France, " a buyer and seller of horse."
Charles Depenway, born at Valencia, a weaver of cruell ; Lewis, Jane, and Barbara,
his children.
Clere Ramon, born in Tournay, wife of Hans Hulst.
Jane Josine, widow, of Valence, aged 52. In 1569 she was joined by Julienne Josine,
widow, aged 39. In 1571 they had with them Marie Josine, aged 13, and Jane
Josine, aged 12. Their trade is to spin wool.
John Preiste, born in Rouen, schoolmaster, his wife, and his brother's son.
Dominique Meiser, of Toulouse, a carver in stone, aged 24 ; Clara, his wife, born in
Paris, aged 18; and James, their infant son, born in Paris. (In 1571 there was
another son, Andrew, aged 1 1 months ; and in that year he had a servant who
came over for religion, John Boddeare [Bodier], of Vallence, aged 35.)
John Ogier, see above.
Oliver Nevell, born in Flanders, silk-weaver, and Marie, his wife, both of the French
Church ; "he came hether because his countrey was destroyed w th Enemies."
Rowland Hetrewe, born in Valencia, silk-weaver, Catherine, his wife, and two children.
Nicolas Brame, his servant. Sable Depois, his maidservant (she came in 1569).
Thomas Founteine, of Valencia, Catherine, his wife, John and Thomas, his children ;
" he lyveth upon his stock."
Noe Le Bock [or, Le Bucke], born in Henago, merchant. He married Anne, born in
Paris, who had come in 1566, both for religion, and had a son, Noe, born in 1569.
Joanne Graundverte, her maid, came with her in 1566. They had another maid
in 1 57 1 , a refugee just arrived, Marie Despinoye, born in Valencienne.
Sainte de Meres, widow, born in Tournay, Adrienne, Marie, and Joanne, her
daughters. She is sister to Gilmote, wife of Henry Jonet (see 1 567).
John Deverage, born at Armentieres, silk-weaver, and Marie, his wife.
John Franklin, born at Armentieres, silk-weaver, Catlinge, his wife, and two children.
Guillamme Rey, a Fleming, dresser of hemp, Mathewe, his wife, Philip, his son, and
Lewis, his cousin.
Jane Buckey, widow, a Fleming, spinner of yarn, and Adriana, her daughter.
Matthew Delaymontem, a Fleming, silkwainer, Marie, his wife, Timothy, Abraham,
Marie, and Sara, his children, and Lamberd Cordiner, his servant.
James Beane, Burgundian, silk-weaver, Jacqueline, his wife, Noy, his son, and Marie,
his daughter ; " cam into Englande for the Gospell."
Stais Tirrie, of " Russell," " a maker of fustian naples," and Elizabeth, his wife.
Guillaume Meder, born in Normandy, crossbow-maker, Blanche, his wife, and Marie,
their daughter.
Dominique de Florctt (lodger with Joyes Vandemanys, shoemaker).
John Cubis, of Flanders, schoolmaster, Christopher, his wife, Jousse Farresse, his
servant, and John Moission, a student of Brussels.
Govert Haumells, born at Antwerp, Clara, his wife, Arthur, Abel, William, and
Susan, their children ; he tcacheth the French tongue (1571).
Peter Broke, born in Flanders, aged 27, dyer, and Magdalen, his wife, aged 25.
Anthony Kaissar, or Emperour, born at Tournay, merchant-stranger, his wife, and
three maidens.
Simcn Hillett, servant in 1571 to Richard Albyn, cordwaincr.
78
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
John de Lanoye, born in Flanders, merchant, and Marie, his wife. Joanne Furney,
a child aged 7. Catherine Blomers, born in Flanders, came for religion in 1 570,
and dwelleth in the same house.
Jairus Cadgena, born in Burgundy, his wife and two children. (In 1 57 1 there were
twelve souls in his house, all reported as of the French Church, including " one
Symon, who haith byne a frier.")
Giles de Vallen, Burgundian, sackcloth weaver, Jois, his wife, Peter, John, and
Matthew, his children.
1569-
Nicolas Inglishe [L'Anglois], Frenchman, schoolmaster, Marie, his wife, David, his
son, and Ester, his daughter. (See my Chapter IV.)
James Clement, silk-weaver.
Marques Stacie, French person, born at Stegehera, broker, Frances, his wife, and
Nicolas, his child.
John de Blanques, Frenchman, bookbinder; resident in 1571 within the tenements of
Mr Matthew de Quester.
Guy and Nicolas Barnarde, brothers, soldiers, " cam for religion," " are yet of no
churche, but go to the French Church by occacon."
Jasper Galier, born in Tournay, weaver.
Peter Degardant, Burgundian.
Matthew Ruben, born in Flanders, silk-weaver, and Peter, his son.
Ellen Delamoto, widow, and Agnes, her maid.
John Pinnie, born in Tournay, flax-dresser, aged 36 ; Simona, his wife, aged 26 ; and
John, their son.
Massie Chaudron, born beside Dieppe, servant with John Petiawe.
Francis Crocosan, born in Flanders, cordwainer, and Marie, his wife.
Marc de Rounde, born in Burgundy, baker, and Margerie, his wife.
Peter Brene, Walloon, silk-weaver.
Robert Detter, born at " Russell," joiner, and Peronne, his wife.
Nicolas Bonneroy, of Tournay, silk-weaver, Margaret, his wife, and one child.
Michael Causshe, born at Tournay, hosier, Marie, his wife, and five children.
Francis Baldwin, born at Brabant, " liveth of his friendes."
Andrew Samean, born in Flanders, parchementer, aged 28, Margaret, his wife, and
three children.
Julian Sauter, born in Flanders, parchementer, aged 28, and Catherine, his wife,
aged 29.
Francis Marten, born in Brussels, and Gartred, his wife. [1 57 1. He " kepeth a
table for straungers, and has lodgers, namely, Jeremias Jorden, Walloon, physician,
and John Philippe, the post between this city and Sandwich ; also, John Van
Renoy, John Garrett, and Thomas Arnest, who " have byn in Englande since the
cominge of the shippes of the Prince of Orenge, and do belonge to the same."]
Derick Le poye, born in Henault, silk-weaver, Conyoe, his wife, and Francis and
Aymor, their children.
1570.
Nicolas Viart, glover, and Ellen, his wife.
Gabriel Martin, Burgundian, silk-weaver.
Peter Crater, Burgundian, hatband-maker.
Adrian Stoke, Burgundian, merchant.
Peter Eger, born in France, tailor, and his wife. Peter Dosancorts and one Didier,
also tailors, lodged in his house in 1571.
Francis Kreaper, born at Arras, silk-weaver, Catherine, his wife, and Marie, their
daughter.
Mary Cransey, widow, born in Flanders, aged 34, and one daughter, aged 2. Her
servants are Laurence Peryman, silk-weaver, aged 26, and John Clarke, aged 24.
Philippe Carden, born in Antwerp, silk-weaver, aged 33 ; Janakyn, his wife, aged 27;
and three children.
Charles Treasie, a Walloon born, silk-weaver, and Jane, his wife.
Lewis Mahuue [Mahieu ?], born at Lille, sackcloth-weaver, Martin, his wife, and six
children.
Mallerd de Mairclles, silk-weaver, and Jacqueline, his wife.
Peter Longe, born in Rouen, trader in merchandise, and Rollinne, his wife.
John Boder, a kynner of wool, Joanne, his wife, John and Daniel, his sons; "cam
into Englande for religion."
REFUGEES BEFORE THE ST. BARTHOLOMEW MASSACRE. 79
Slowe Danvell, Burgundian, sackcloth-weaver, and Catherine, his wife.
Peter Lull, born in Hembar, in Flanders, merchant, and factor to John Van Move in
1571.
Peter de la Place, born in St. Omer's, silk-dyer, servant with Thomas Pounteine.
William Dambrune, see above.
William Jornet, born in Tournay, silk-weaver, servant to William Dambrune.
1571.
Philippe Galliard, born in Flanders, Jane, his wife, " and three big maides of thage of
xxxi., xx., and xix. yeres," came into this realm at Shrovetide last. Their trade
is twisting yarn.
Jerom Dycan, Dutchman, member of the French Church, Jane, his wife, and Jerom,
Henricke, and Jane, their children.
Bartholomew Heweghowe, Dutchman, member of the French Church, Jane, his wife,
and Isaac, Catherine, Jane, and Judith, their children.
Michael Bowdwen [Baudouin ?], born beside Tournay, and Francis, his wife.
Stephen Cameas, servant with Michael Cameas, bookbinder.
Ashton Shovyne [Chovein ?], Frenchman, crossbow-maker, and Rosier his wife ;
attend the parish church.
Druat [blank], widow, born in France; she sojourneth with her son-in-law, an
Englishman.
Anthonie Fervake [Farvacque ?], gentleman, see above.
Margaret Harbark, silk-spinner.
Nicolas Herns, born in Valenciennes, silk-weaver, and his wife.
Bartholomew Debeas, servant to Ammon Molton.
Jerome Martin, salter, and his wife.
Ferno Rimere [Rimier ?], Burgundian, tailor, and his wife.
Denys Bacheler, born in Flanders.
Simon Henande, silk-weaver, and his wife.
John Seven, a Walloon, and Marie, his wife. Their maid servants, Jacqueline and
Jeanne Hicke, are also refugees and dressers of hemp.
Galetta le Torr, liveth by silk-working.
Alexander De Prie, born in Tournay, Margaret, his wife, James, Agnes, and Judith,
their children ; they live by making parchment lace.
Francis du Feaver, of Valencienne, a thicker of cloth, aged 50, and Brasnetta, his
wife, aged 60; "in England viii. dayes," they " came over for religion." With
him there is named Clement Butterflie, of Rouen, aged 45 ; " in England goyng
and comynge these viii. or ix. yeres, his last comynge about viii. monethes past, and
for religion as he saith, servant to Thomas Gwertyn, of Roan."
Ambrose Brittayne, born in Cambray, aged 36; Pocket Barbier, his wife; Guillaume,
their son, aged 10 ; Catherine, their daughter, aged 18 months.
Andros Walley, born in " Durte in Selande ; " " he hath byn in this realme vi. weeks,
and cam for religion."
John Marois, born at Antwerp, "who cam for religion about xiii. daies agooe."
Salvie Busscope [Biscop ?], born in Flanders, silk-weaver, aged 48 ; Marie, his wife,
aged 40; and five children between 3 years and 17.
John Badoue, born in Flanders, a sawyer of stones, aged 40; Elizabeth, his wife,
aged 50; and three sons, aged 26, 12, and 8.
Percival Criansey [Creanee ?], born in Flanders, capper, aged 50; his wife, and one
daughter aged 8 ; live with Widow Cransey [or Criansey ? or Creanee ?], see 1570.
Jacob Bukey [Bouquet ?], born in Flanders, a parchementer, aged 26 ; Jane, his wife,
aged 46 ; and one manchild and a daughter between 12 years and 8.
Daniel Daffin, of Tournay, aged 45, servant to Henry Beadman of Brabant (a
chandler of the Italian Church).
Sainte (or Sayate) de Raye, a maid that worketh fine sleeves.
Eugram Aloo, a Fleming, silk-weaver, his wife, and May and Jane, his daughters ;
followed into England by John Ortey, a kynner of wool, Bauduin, his wife, and
Nicholas, his son.
John Juda, Walloon, silk-weaver.
John Pilos, Walloon, silk-weaver.
Hannibal Barbillcy, born at Lille, silk-weaver, Marie, his wife, and Jacqueline,her sister.
Honoree Lebren, born at Tournay, widow, and two children; also Youmana, born
at Cambray, widow.
Thomas Clark, of Vallaunce, tailor, aged 38 ; Elizabeth, his wife, aged 35 ; and their
children, Anne,aged 5, Elias, aged 3, Marie, aged 12, Jane, aged 10, and Judith, aged 6.
8o
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Rowland Gargant, Frenchmen, silk-weaver, and Jane, his wife.
Arnold Hetrewe, born in Valencia, silk-weaver, father of Rowland (see 1 568) ; John
Guite, his servant, and another John Guite.
Gawyn de Vale [Veille], of Dieppe, merchant.
"John Vannesse, borne in Sallonde, hath byn here ii. monethes ; Peter Erasmos,
borne in the place aforesaide, hath byn here ii. weeks."
John Blanker, born in Flanders, surgeon, Perinne, his wife, and six children.
Vincent Cossifer, born in Burgundy, sackcloth-weaver, Agnes, his wife, and Phi-
lippe, his son.
Marie Gobbam, widow, and Catherine Forman, her daughter, a ribbon-weaver.
Widow Gaime [or Ganne], a winder of silk, and Matthew de Mounte, a Walloon,
turner, came into England about vi. months past for religion, and are both inmates
with John Pittaine (see 1 566).
Fermin Cye, of Flanders, silk-weaver, aged 30 ; Anne of Valencienne, his wife, aged
33 ; Abraham, Isaac, Ester, and Judith, their children, between the age of 6 years
and 1 ; a servant, Lewis Haverlois, of Sluce, aged 24.
John Cockhouse, of Bethune in Flanders, currier, aged 33, and four children, Mar-
garet (8), Elizabeth (6), John (3), and Marie (l£).
Philippe Oliver [Olivier?], silk-weaver, Julienne, his wife, Peter, Samuel, Jane,
Benjamin, Judith, and Sara, their children.
John Mutton, spinner of yarn, his wife, four sons, and one daughter.
Anthony Cornelis, servant to Richard Allyn, cordwainer.
Garrett de Cattene, Burgundian, dresser of flax, his wife and son.
Paskar Haubaude, Burgundian, tailor; came on 28th June.
George Burgis, born in the low countries of Flanders, parchmenter, and Phillipott,
his wife " w th a yonge suckinge childe."
Elizabeth Fakerbe, aged 30, wife of James Anderson of Fife in Scotland, aged 34, 1
and their child, born in Calais, aged 5. The family came from France for relief.
[There was included in this census, Guillaume Moubert of Normandy, 40 years in England,
one of the deacons of the French Church, a currier of leather, a denizen, and all his family
English.]
The following refugees are entered without the dates of their arrival : —
John Bergree, born in "Lyes" in the Low Countries, Marie, his wife, and one child.
Widow Blankare [Blanquiere ?] of Lille, and one son, a silk-weaver.
William Daroue, the elder, born at Lille, and Agnes, his wife.
John de Grandsare, a Burgundian, silk-weaver, and Catherine, his wife. Susan and Ester,
their daughters, were born in England.
Anthony Degardaine, Burgundian, silk-weaver, and Ellen, his wife.
Elizabeth Beyne, widow, a worker of silk, and Antoinette, her daughter.
Mr Portener, the Queen's Majesty's man, and Christopher, his servant, Frenchman.
John Janne, Erenchman, sackcloth-weaver, and Anne, his wife.
Andrew Depoins, born in " Monthenoe," shoemaker, and his wife.
Jaques Tuillier, minister, his wife, and two children, lodgers in 157 1 with Robert Howell,
merchant.
I regret that the above notices of the earliest refugees are so fragmentary, and
so deficient in biographical details. Many of the exiles of this period lived in their
descendants of the next generation, and of generations so closely following the next,
as to deserve the epithet of antiquarian. Therefore, before coming to the refugees
from the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, I shall devote a chapter to memoirs of
eminent descendants of the earliest refugees.
Note.
Several pasteurs' names occur in the Lists of Strangers in 1568 (Strype's Annals, vol. iv.
Supplement), in 16 18 (Camden Society List, Appendix), and in 1621 (Camden Society List,
page 1).
1 Although I give the first place to the wife as a native of France, yet Anderson, because a Scotchman, was
a "straunger" in England, and Scots had to be separately enumerated like other strangers. I shall copy the
entry verbatim, with the contents of each margin : —
Qt ,. ■ James Anderson of ffiphe in Scottland, of thage of xxxiiijty yeres hav-
Ff en 1 — " in ? to wif Elizabetn fakerbe, of thage of xxxty yeres came hether synce Parishe church— j.
lenc 1 ij. Midsomer last for releif, wth a child of v. yeres of age borne in Calys.
Another Scotchman's name occurs in the following paragraph which I copy in modernized English : —
"Jacques Lyvenhavle, gentleman of Antwerp, hath been here two months, being a suitor at the
Court and resorts to the French Church. William Melvyn, 'a Skott,' and servant to 'the Pas-
graveV came over about one month past about his master's affairs."
There is a Scotch tailor of " no churche " named Alexander Williamson, described as " a Scott who hath dwelt
here iiij. years," servant to Richard Beckett, a member of the French Church.
EMINENT DESCENDANTS OF THE EARLIEST REFUGEES. 81
1568. Ministers, Strangers, London. — In the parish of St. Edmund's, Anthonie Rodulphs,
Professor of the Gospel in the house of Mr. Sherington ; and these did adjoyn themselves
with him when he came first to the said house, viz., Vincent Bassens, Frenchman, minister of
the Gospel, and by that name put in exile by commandment of the French King. Laur
Bourghinomus, minister of the Gospel, of the household of Cardinal Castilion ; James Mache-
villens, minister of the Gospel, and put in exile ; Antonius Lixens, of the same profession,
and John Aubries of the Church of Bolloyne, exiled with others of the Gospel. [Strangers
that go to the English Church: Mr. Anthonie, preacher, of the city of Jeane.] Stephen De
Grasse, an old French preacher, and his wife, go to the French Church. St. Olyffe and
Alhallows Staining : James Deroche, preacher, Frenchman, and Mary, his' wife. Eastcheap :
Peter Hayes, born in Rone [Rouen], goes to the French Church, and dwelleth with his son,
the minister of St. Buttolph. Tower Ward in St. Dunstan's Parish in the East : John Vouche,
John Marny, John Bowthand, and Robert Philip, all ministers, being Frenchmen ; Stephen
Marvey, minister, and his wife. St. Olyff and Alhallows Staining : James De Rache, preacher,
and Mar)', his wife. Blackfriars : Mr. Cossyn, Frenchman, minister, and Breugen, his wife,
come for religion, with three boys, with two wenches, which go to school, and are of the
French Church. In St. Martin's-le-Grand : Peter Banks and Ursin, ministers of the French
Church. And Olyver Rowland and Bustein, ministers of the French Church. And Nove
Banet, Frenchman, minister..
16 18. Bishopgate Ward: Abraham Aurelius, minister of the Fr. congreg. in London,
b. in London. Charles Lebon, preacher, b. in Sandwich.
1621. Dovor : Mr Moyses Cartanet [Castanet?], minister and preacher of Godes word.
Mr Aaron Blondell, minister and preacher of the word of God.
Chapter II.
EMINENT DESCENDANTS OF THE EARLIEST REFUGEES.
PERHAPS the Gallo-Belgic refugee surname, which stands first in order of celebrity,
is Bonnell, or (as it was originally spelt) Bonel or Bonnel. In the Norwich French
Church MS. Book of discipline ecclesiastique, "Thomas Bonel" signed the "articles
de ceste discipline," as an " anchien," on 4th October 1595 ; and the signature of
"Daniel Bonnel" followed on 12th August 1596. The name of the former is still
legible at Somerset House, in the sadly dilapidated register of Norwich French
Church. In that register, which begins in 1595, there are entries of three children of
Thomas Bonnel and Jaquemaine Bygote, his wife. "Thomas Bonelle " is a witness
to a baptism in 1603. A Samuel Bonnel appears as a father in 1606. The family
removed to London.
In the lists of strangers in the metropolis, compiled in obedience to the Privy
Council Order of 6th Sept. 1618, there is found, among residents in Cheap Ward,
" David Bonnel, born in Norwich, the son of an alien, a mere/taunt." The authentic
pedigree in the "Visitation " of Middlesex, begins with David Bonnell of the city of
London, gentleman, and his wife Katherine, daughter of Best, of London,
gentleman ; the five sons of this couple are recorded, namely, David, Jacob, Jeremy,
Nathaniel, and Simeon, all alive in 1663, and a daughter Sarah, wife of Thomas
Ratcliffe. We obtain more light by consulting the register of the Dutch Church,
Austin Friars, London. It appears that his wife's maiden surname was De Beste,
and that she was a native of Antwerp, and that from love to her he deserted the
Walloon or French Church ; they were married in the Dutch Church, and all their
children were baptized there. The marriage took place on 5th February 1605, and
the baptisms range from 26th December 1605 to 10th July 1625 — seven sons and
seven daughters. He became a deacon in 1616, and an elder in 1626, his surname
being spelt Bonneel. The list in the "Visitation " gives us only the children that
survived in 1663, and were resident in London or in some locality in Middlesex. In
that list (as already noted) there are five sons.
The eldest of these five sons is styled David Bonnell of Isleworth, county Mid-
dlesex, Esq., and he was living in 1667 ; his wife was Ann, daughter of Andrew
Boevey of London, gentleman ; and his son (the only son in 1663) was Andrew
Bonnell of St. Dunstan's in the East, merchant, who married in December 1670, Ann,
daughter of Sir Thomas Aleyn, Bart. David Bonnell, Esq., of Isleworth, had a
daughter Mary, who in 1677 was married to Thomas Crawley of St. Dunstan's in the
East, merchant. She became a widow in 17 14, and died in 17 18 ; her surviving son,
I. L
82
FR ENCH PR 0 TES TA NT EXIL ES.
Thomas Crawley, assumed in 1726 the additional surname of Boevey on succeeding
to the landed estate acquired by the representatives of his great-grandfather. Mr
Crawley Boevey died in 1742, and his successor was a second Thomas Crawley Boevey,
Esq. {born 1709, died iy6g), whose son and namesake (born 1745) having married
Ann Savage, eventually the nearest relative of Sir Charles Barrow, Bart., M.P.,
became, in 1789, through a special remainder in that patent of baronetcy, Sir
Thomas Crawley Boevey, Bart. Sir Thomas Hyde Crawley Boevey, the present
and fifth baronet, is great-grandson to the first Sir Thomas.
The surname of Boevey, which has thus survived through so many generations,
is also a Protestant refugee name. The will of Andrew Boevey, of St. Dunstan's in
the East, London, merchant, proved in the Prerogative Court on 13th September
1625, is dated 3d July 1623. He mentions that he was born at Cortrich in Flanders
[now Courtray in Belgium], but is now in the fifty-first year of his residence in Lon-
don, being of the age of fifty-seven ; he leaves legacies to the Dutch congregations at
London and Norwich, and "to the poor of the reformed congregation at Harlem,
£5" (he mentions the children of Lewis Boevey, but does not state how he is related
to them). Mr. Boevey had been twice married, and had two sons, William (by the
first marriage) and James (by the second marriage). William, who died 15th July
]66i leaving £30,000 in personalty and considerable real estate, had one son
John, 1 and this son's only child Richard Boevey took the name of Garth, and is
ancestor of the Garths of Morden in Surrey. James Boevey (already named) was of
Cheam, Surrey, and also of London, merchant; he died in February 1696 (new
style). He and his half brother William were in 1649 joint-purchasers of the estate
of Flaxley Abbey in Gloucestershire, which they dealt with in various ways. Eventu-
ally it became the property of their eldest sister (their other married sister being
Mrs. Bonnell) Joanna (wife of Abraham Clarke), Lady of the Manor of Flaxley
Abbey, whose son Abraham Clarke inherited the estate, and dying in 1684 left it to
William, only son of the above-named James Boevey, by Isabel, daughter of William
de Visscher. William Boevey of Flaxley Abbey married in August 1685 Katherine,
daughter of John Riches of St. Laurence Pountney, London, merchant, and left her
a young and childless widow on 26th August 1692 ; she is supposed to be the
perverse widow who is such a fascinating figure in the Sir Roger De Coverley papers,
and who has a monument in Westminster Abbey. She enjoyed the life-rent of
Fdaxley Abbey, according to her husband's will ; and, at her death on nth January
1726, aged 57, Thomas Crawley, Mrs. Bonnell's representative, became Thomas
Crawley Boevey, Esq. of Flaxley Abbey ; the lineal descendants of the latter,
namely, the Crawley-Boevey Baronets, are now also " of Flaxley Abbey."
The name of Bonnell obtained celebrity in the person of James Bonnell, Esq.,
whose memoir, compiled by Archdeacon William Hamilton (published in London in
1703, and frequently reprinted), is a valued piece of biography. "Thomas Bonnell
(says the memoir), a gentleman of a good family near Ypres in Flanders, to avoid
the Duke of Alva's fury then cruelly persecuting the Protestants in the low countries,
transported himself and his family into England, and settled at Norwich, where he
was well received and much esteemed." 2 His son Daniel Bonnell, merchant in
London, left a son Samuel, who married Rebecca, daughter of Thomas Sayer, Esq.,
a residenter in the neighbourhood of Norwich, and who spent the prime of his life
in Genoa and Leghorn. The Rev. John Strype, the famous ecclesiastical antiquary
and annalist (born in 1643), was a nephew of Samuel Bonnell, Esq., and an associate
of his distinguished son, James. James Bonnell was born at Genoa in 1653, and
was brought by his parents to England in 1655. The father had been a prosperous
merchant but met with serious losses, by which, as well as by private advances of
money to the exiled royal family, he was seriously impoverished. Soon after the
Restoration he was rewarded, as appears from the Irish Patent Rolls (14 Charles II.
part 2), the index to which informs us that on 22d December 1662, Samuel
Bonnell, Esq., and James Bonnell, gent, received the office of Accountant-General
of Ireland. On the death of the former in 1664, the duties were discharged by
deputy on behalf of James, whose education proceeded under the charge of his
widowed mother and by the advice of Mr. Strype. Having taken his degree at
Cambridge, he continued his preparation for public life by travelling as a tutor to a
young Englishman. In 1684 he settled in Dublin, and "took his employment of
Accomptant-General into his own hands." His admirable mother died in England
in 1690. The following sentiments he left in writing : —
1 Besides this John Boevey (ancestor of Garth of Morden) William Boevey had two daughters, viz., (1)
Mary, wife of Francis Couitenay of Powderham, and ancestress of the Viscounts Courtenay, and (2) Judith,
wile of Sir Levinus Bennet of Babraham, Bart.
2 '1 he biographer, however, was mistaken when he added that Mr. Bonnell became Mayor of Norwich.
EMINENT DESCENDANTS OF THE EARLIEST REFUGEES. 83
" My chiefcst benefactress on earth is my mother ; she hath brought me to heaven. And
blessed be the memory of my father which hath influenced my life. I have no children to
bequeath these blessings to ; let them descend upon all the faithful children of Abraham, and
diffuse themselves the more for not being confined to a single line, till after many descents
they shall come at last to meet themselves at the great day of jubilee. O all ye that love
God, this is my legacy. The blessing, descended on me from my father and mother, I leave
among you."
During the reign of James II., public servants, popishly inclined, were apt to be
thrust into offices, especially in Ireland ; however, Mr. Bonnell, though an enthusi-
astic Protestant, was not a politician, and was undisturbed. His office was coveted
by an influential gentleman in the next reign, by whom he expected to be super-
seded ; but no change took place. When the abdicated king was in temporary
possession of Dublin, Mr. Bonnell shared in the general consternation. In Sir
Henry Ellis's volumes of Letters there is one from the Rev. Theophilus Harrison
to Rev. John Strype, dated Dublin, August 23, 1690, and containing this
sentence : — " Mr. Bonnell tells me he acquainted you with the transactions
of King James's government here, and how severely the poor Protestants were
handled ; their churches, contrary to the royal word, seized and profaned
by idolatrous worship." Bonnell's biographer says, " In the progress of the
war, the Protestants in Dublin were denied the exercise of their religion, their
churches turned into prisons, and their ministers confined." The victory of the
Boyne was, according to the old style, on the 1st July (though now celebrated on
July 1 2th), and two days after, Dublin felt the results. "How did we see the
Protestants (writes Mr. Bonnell) on the great day of our Revolution, Thursday, the
Third of July . . . congratulate and embrace one another as they met, like persons
alive from the dead!" Mr. Bonnell soon formed a firm resolution to become a
clergyman, and after long negotiations he agreed with a gentleman to be his
successor in his office under Government. In the end of 1693 he married Jane,
daughter of Sir Albert Conyngham, by whom he had two sons, Albert and Samuel
(who predeceased him), and one daughter. His feeble health did not permit him to
receive holy orders, and a malignant epidemic fever was the cause of his early death
{i.e., in the 46th year of his age), on the 28th April 1699. Now (said he) must I
stand or fall before my great fudge. It was answered that no doubt he would stand
firm before Him, through the merits of our crucified Saviour. His reply was, It's in
that I trust. He knows it's in that I trust. He was buried in St. John's Church,
Dublin, and his epitaph was contributed by Bishop King (afterwards Archbishop of
Dublin). 1
&.
JACOBI BONNELII, ARMIGERI,
Cujus exuviae una. cum Patris et duorum filiorum Alberti et Samuelis juxta sitae sunt.
Regibus Carolo II do - Jacobo II do - et Gulielmo III' 0 -
Erat a rationibus generalibus, in Hibernia, temporibus licet incertis, fidus —
ab omni factione immunis, nemini suspectus, omnibus charus.
Natus est Novembris 14°- 1653.
Patre Samuele, qui, propter suppetias Regiee Familise exulanti largiter exhibitas,
Officio Computatoris-Generalis Fisci Hibernici, An 0 - Dom. 1661
una cum filio remuneratus est —
Avo Daniele —
Proavo Thoma qui sub Duce Albano, Religionis ergo, Flandria patria sua exul,
Norvicum in Anglia profugit, ubi mox civis, et demum praetor.
Pietate avita et pene congenita, imb primaeva et Apostolica,
Eruditione, prudentia, probitate, comitate, et morum simplicitate
conspicuus —
Mansuetudine, patientia, et (super omnia) charitate
insignis —
Urbem hanc, exemplo et praeceptis meliorem, morte maestam, reliquit.
Obiit Aprilis 28, 1699.
Monimentum hoc ingentis doloris publici,
praesertim sui, exiguum pro meritis, posuit conjux mcestissima
Jana e Coninghamorum gente.
1 Ilis funeral sermon was preached by Bishop Wetenhall. The Bonnell motto was Tents Ptregrinus
et Ho j pes.
§4
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Another eminent refugee from Ypres was Francis La Motte, son of Baldwin La
Motte. Francis La Motte and Mary his wife fled from "the great persecution in the
Low Countries under the bloody and cruel Duke of Alva." They had hesitated
whether their place of refuge should be Frankendale in the Palatinate or England,
and providentially choosing the latter country they, in the fourth year of our Queen
Elizabeth, settled at Colchester, having made " piety their chiefest and greatest
interest, and the free exercise of religion their best purchase." This phraseology I
copy from the life of their son, John, included in Clarke's Lives of sundry eminent
persons in this later age (London, 1683), a life abridged from a separate memoir. To
old Samuel Clarke I am indebted also for all the facts, except several dates and the
contents of the will, which an obliging correspondent has furnished. John Lamot,
or Lamott, or Lamotte, or La Motte, was born at Colchester on 1st May 1577, but
when a young man he removed with his father to London. His father, who had
been " very forward and industrious in setting up and promoting the great and useful
manufacture of making Sayes and Bayes," died in London. John Lamotte had,
before his father's death, begun business on his own account as a merchant. He is
entered in the List of 1618, as an inhabitant of Broad Street, " John Lamot, born in
Colchester, useing mercJiandizeing, free of the company of Weavers in London."
His parish was the parish of St. Bartholomew the Little, near the Royal Exchange.
He served the public in various offices, and rose to be an alderman. His first wife
was Ann Tivelin, widow of David King, and a daughter of refugee parents settled
at Canterbury ; he had two sons and eight daughters, but Hester and Elizabeth
were the only children who grew up. His wife died in January 1626 (new style) ;
she was buried in St. Bartholomew by the Exchange on the 30th. John Lamotte,
Esq., married again in 1627, Elizabeth, widow of Levinus Munck, Esq., 1 " one of the
six clerks ;" by her he had no children, and he was again a widower in 1644, Mrs
Lamotte being buried on 22d October. He was for nearly thirty years an elder in
the Dutch Church in London. " Every year, upon the 17th of November, which
was the day when Queen Elizabeth came to the crown, that put an end to the
Maryan Persecution, he made a feast;" and would stand up before his guests and
make a good speech on the light of the Gospel and the national enjoyment of
liberty " for so many years, the number whereof he would alwayes tell them what
it was." He devoted much of his income to benevolent donations, giving a share
(as he himself put on record) to " the commonwealth, the service of God, the ministers,
and the poor members of Christ." " In that cruel and barbarous massacre in Piemont,
not long before his death, when a general collection was made for those poor crea-
tures who survived that storm, the minister and some other of the parish wherein he
lived (St. Bartholomew's Exchange) going to his house to see what he would contri-
bute, and sending up word to him what was the occasion of their coming, he came
to them and told them that they had had a collection in the Dutch Church for them
where he had contributed twenty pound ; and (saith he) the Devil hath tempted me
to put you off with this answer, but he shall not prevail, and therefore here is ten
pound for you more on this occasion."
His daughter Hester was married, first, on January 28th, 1623 (new style), to
John Mannyng, Esq., merchant, and second, to Sir Thomas Honeywood, knight, " of
Marks-hal " in Essex. Her three children by her first husband died young, and of
the seven children by her second husband there survived Elizabeth, Thomas, and
John-Lamotte Honeywood. The other daughter Elizabeth was married on 19th
July 1632 to Maurice Abbott, daughter of Sir Maurice, and niece of Archbishop
Abbott; her married life was brief; she left a son, Maurice. John Lamotte, Esq.,
died on 13th July 1655, aged 78, and his will, dated May 23d, was proved on 8th
August by Mr James Houblon of London, merchant, and by the testator's grandson,
Maurice Abbott. It is unnecessary to mention the domestic portion of the will,
except that it contains a legacy to his stepson, Rev. Hezekias King. His charitable
bequests were £5 to the poor of the parish of St. Bartholomew, and £20 for a weekly
lecture on Sunday afternoon ; £\oo to the Dutch Church in London, and another
£100 for maintaining their minister, also to the French Church in London, to
churches in Colchester and other places, to the poor in hospitals, prisons, &c, many
bequests. He also left a letter to his daughter, and to his four grandchildren, con-
taining benedictions and exhortations, and concluding, " I would have every one of
you to be zealous for the service of God — heartily affectionate to the poor members
1 Mr Munck was a refugee from Brabant, and is entered in the list of 16 1 8 as an inhabitant of Lime Street
Ward, where he is styled a gentleman, and stated to have been naturalized by Act of Parliament in the first year
of King James ; it is added, " hee is dark of his Ma'ys signet."
EMINENT DESCENDANTS OF THE EARLIEST REFUGEES. 85
of Christ — and to give with the relief a comfortable word when occasion permits.''
There is a very fine and rare engraved portrait of Mr Lamotte by Faithorne.
In 1619 Elie Darande, or D'Arande, appears as minister of the Walloon Church
(or God's house), Southampton. The name being often spelt D'Aranda, it is sup-
posed that he was of Spanish ancestry, and that his parents had fled from Flanders
from the Duke of Alva's persecution. His tongue was French, and he died at
Southampton, 13th May 1633. He had married Elizabeth Bonhomme, and had two
sons, Elie Paul D'Arande, or (as Calamy styles him), Rev. Elias Paul D'Aranda,
who was educated at Oxford, and took the degree of M.A., and Pierre {born 1626,
died 1628). The elder son {born 6th January 1625, died 1669) was, in 1648, Fellow
of Pembroke College, Oxford, and he served successively as a curate in Petworth,
Patcham, and Mayfield. But his sympathy with the Nonconformists drove him
from such employments in the year 1662, and in 1664 he became minister of the
French Church at Canterbury. Calamy says of him, " He was a man of consider-
able accomplishments, a valuable preacher, and of an agreeable conversation." His
first wife, Esther, had a son, Paul, and a daughter, Elizabeth {born 1664). He mar-
ried, secondly, in 1666, Frances, daughter of Benjamin Pickering, of West Hoodley,
Sussex, and had by her a son, Benjamin {bom 1667). The above-named Paul {born
1652, died 1712) was the father of another Paul D'Aranda {born 1686, died 1732);
both father and son were Turkey merchants in London. The name has died out,
the family being represented collaterally only.
In the year 1589 the signature, " Adrien de Le me," as a diacre of the French
Church was appended to the Norwich Book of Discipline. From this good deacon's
will, written in the French language, it appears that he was born in 1 549 at Nomayn
(probably Nomeny, fourteen miles north of Nancy), and that the Christian name of
his deceased father was Michiel. Adrien de Le me spent his refugee life in Norwich,
where he died in 1603. His will (dated 28th September, proved 9th December), which
is printed at the end of my Historical Introduction, implies that his capital amounted
to about ^250. His wife's Christian name was Marguerite. His daughter, Marie, wife
of Jaques Le Greyn, seems to have been his eldest child ; he had another daughter,
Annis, and four sons — Pierre, Jaques, Philippe, and Nathanael, the last two being his
youngest children. All these children were born before 1595, or before June of that
year, when the only extant register of the Norwich French Church begins. (Elisabeth,
daughter of Adrien " de le Met," was baptized in 1596 ; 1 and, if a child of our Adrien,
she must have died in childhood.)
The son Philippe became an eminent man. He must have been born about 1590.
He had made up his mind to be a pasteur in 1603, for his father, while bequeathing
clothes and furniture to his brothers, left to him his great Bible, Bullinger's Decades,
and Calvin's Institutes. He passed through his theological course successfully; and
at an unknown date, probably 161 5, he signed the Book of Discipline as minister of
the French Church of Norwich. His good education seems to have rendered his
peculiar name, De le me, displeasing to him. We can fancy the young divine solilo-
quising thus : du. me would be grammatical, or (if you change the gender) de la iuc\
but de le me is monstrous. Accordingly, he signed the Discipline, in " a clear, bold
hand," Philippe Delme, viinistre. In 1625 (or later) his brother signed as a deacon,
« pi erre d e m e," anc ] ; s a i so j n ti ie baptismal register of Norwich as " Pierre du me."
As to the pasteur, we at last obtain an authentic date, namely, the day of his
marriage in the French Church of Canterbury, 29th December 1616. He is entered
in the register as Philippe Delme, native of Norwich, and minister at Norwich, son
of the late Adrien. His wife was Elizabeth, daughter of Elias Maurois, of Canter-
bury. This marriage brought him into affinity with many good French families in
that metropolitan centre — the Maurois, the Desbouveries, the Du Quesnes, &c. His
eldest son was Elie, or Elias, but he is not registered at Norwich. Mr Delme's mar-
riage led also to his translation to the French pastorate of Canterbury. His other
children were baptized in that church — Elizabeth (16 19), Anne (1621), Philippe
(1627), Pierre (1630), and Jean (1633). (A daughter Jeanne was not registered at
Canterbury.)
His own worth and abilities, however, were greater than any family influence.
Again we have occasion to refer to the serviceable biographies by the venerable
Samuel Clarke. In one of these, the life of Herbert Palmer, B.D., he found occasion
to mention " Master Delme," " a godly, faithful, prudent, and laborious minister of
the French Church in Canterbury." The occasion was an invitation addressed to
Palmer to become the Lord's Day afternoon lecturer in Alphage Church, Canterbury;
this was "about the year 1626." " Master Delme (says Clarke), with divers others
1 Le 28 Mars 1596, Adrien de le Met presente son fille pour estre baptise*, le nom de Lcnfan sera Elisabeth.
86
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
of the most considerable gentlemen and citizens, having earnestly sought direction
from God in a matter of such concernment, did seriously advise about it, and, being
first assured of the concurrent desires of many others, did, by letters and messages to
Cambridge, signify to him the desires of the godly in that city that he would under-
take to preach a lecture among them."
The highest compliment paid to Delme was his being enrolled as a member of
the Westminster Assembly of Divines, although not as an original member. His
name was entered thus : " Philip Delme, or Delmy, of French Church, Canterbury, v.
Rathbone, deceased." Dr Grosart, in his memoir of Palmer, published in 1864, says
that the fragrance of Delme's memory has not yet exhaled in Canterbury. Philippe
Delme died there on 22d April 1653. The registrar of his death and burial returned
to the original spelling of his surname, and entered him as " nostre pasteur Monsieur
De le me." His family and descendants, however, have always spelt their name
Delme.
This eminent and lamented pasteur seems to have printed nothing. But his
youngest son, John, in the beginning of the next century, brought some fragments of
his manuscripts to light —
(1.) "The Method of Good Preaching: being the Advice of a French Reform'd
Minister to his Son. Translated out of French into English. London, printed by
J. B., & are to be sold by Andrew Bell at the Cross Keys & Bible in Cornhill, near
Stocks Market. 1701." 4to. 52 pp.
A rough translation had been made, and it was put into the hands of Rev. James
Owen, who prepared it for the press, as he explains in his dedicatory epistle " to his
honoured and dear friend, Mr John Delme, merchant," dated Salop, December 3,
1700. He also says : " 'Tis a pity these remains of your excellent father should lye
buried in the dark for so long a time. . . . 'Tis you that gives 'em a happy resur-
rection."
(2.) "A Spiritual Warning for Times of War, containing a description and prog-
nostick of War, with Christian Advice what is to be done when God either threatens
or inflicts that dreadful judgment, in a Sermon preached upon Jer. x. v. 22, 23, 24, 25.
By the author of the ' Method of Good Preaching.' Done out of French. London,
printed by F. Brudenell for John Lawrence at the Angel in the Poultry, and sold by
A. Baldwin near the Oxford- Arms in Warwick Lane. 1701."
The filial editor states that his father preached this sermon at Canterbury on
2d August 1626, upon a day of solemn humiliation appointed by King Charles I.
(3.) " The Parable of the Sower ; or, the Hearers' Duty. By the author of the
' Method of Good Preaching.' Done out of French. London, printed by F. Brude-
nell in Little-Britain. 1707."
This also was brought out by Mr John Delme, who says : " If I had the whole of
these excellent sermons preach'd by my father on this subject to the Walloon Church
in Canterbury, the composure wou'd have been longer and better."
The above are in the British Museum library.
Philippe Delme had made his will on 28th March 1653, and it was proved by his
widow, at Westminster, on January 4, 1654 (n.s.). As Mr Edward Arnold, notary
public, certified as to himself, " I have truly translated it (verb transtuli)," I infer that
the will was written in French, and therefore in the following copy I adopt modern
spelling.
In the Name of God. Amen. This eight and twentieth day of the month of March,
in the year one thousand six hundred fifty and three, I Philip Delme, Minister of the Holy
Gospel of my Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, according to the order which he hath established
in the Reformed Churches, for which I praise God, as I also most humbly do for his holy
vocation to grace and glory by the power of His Holy Spirit and of His word — finding myself
indisposed in body, but, God be thanked, in good disposition of mind and understanding, with
good memory, have found good to make my will, and to ordain and dispose of myself, and of
that which God in His liberality hath given me, in the form which followeth : — First, I
recommend my soul to the only Almighty God and wise mercy of my God and Father, by and
through the only sufficient and most perfect merits of my Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ His
only Son, who is come into the world to save and redeem me by His perfect obedience even
to the death of the cross ; and, therefore, also in the same faith I recommend unto Him my
body to be gloriously raised to immortality, from the sepulchre in which I ordain that it be
decently deposited. Moreover, I give to my son, Elias, all my books, saving such French
books which it shall please my well-beloved wife, his mother, to choose and take for herself.
Item, I give to my said son, Elias, sterling. Item, I give to my daughter, Elizabeth,
widow of the late Samuel Dubois, £150 sterling. Item, I give to my daughter, Jane, wife of
Mr John Crowe, Minister of the Word of God, ,£100 sterling. Item, I give to my son, Peter,
£100 sterling. Item, I give to my son, John, ^,300 sterling, to be paid unto him at the age
EMINENT DESCENDANTS OF THE EARLIEST REFUGEES. 87
of one and twenty years, but if he come to die before the said age, I ordain in such case that
his brothers, Elias and Peter, and his sisters, Elizabeth and Jane surviving — or in case of their
decease, their children or child, if they leave any — shall inherit the portion of ,£300 sterling,
of their said brother or uncle John, deceased, by equal parts, the children or child left after
the decease of their father and mother representing their father and mother deceased. And
I ordain and constitute my very dear and well-beloved wife, Elizabeth, executrix of this my
testament, ordering that she give to the stock of my regular Walloon Church of Canterbury,
£7 sterling. And further, I ordain that my said executrix distribute ^3 sterling to some
poor of my said church, who are regular and not schismatics, such as she shall think
fitting, and by such portions as she shall find convenient. And I ordain that she distribute
40s. in the same sort to the poor of our parish, therein comprising the poor of the hospital
upon the bridge. And as touching the rest of my goods, moveable and immoveable, actions, and
estate personal, I give to my most beloved wife, Elizabeth, to enjoy and dispose thereof ac-
cording as God shall direct her, continuing her ordinary care of our children, recommending
her and them, and all the Churches of God to the saving grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, true
God, with the Father in the unity of the Holy Spirit, particularly against all sorts of heresies
and schisms which Satan hath raised and raiseth, against which I most instantly recommend
unto them to watch, and always to guard themselves therefrom.
The witnesses to his signature, &c, were Stephen Du Thoit and John Oudart.
With regard to his eldest son, Elie (named after his grandfather, Elie Maurois),
he was born in the end of 1617 or beginning of 1618. He was admitted to the
ministry of the French Church in London, and was during the Commonwealth a
pasteur along with Messieurs Christofle Cisner and Jean Baptiste Stouppe. His father
left him his theological books, and also the MS. of the. Method of Good Preaching.
The heading of the first page of the imprint (already mentioned) is, " The method or
skill of good preaching, being the advice of a French minister to his son when he was
entering on the ministry, translated out of the French by a near relation — the father
and son zvere preacJiers of the Word in the French and Walloon Reformed Churches, and
both are long si?ice dead" (1701).
The father's widow, Mrs Delme, made her will in 1665, and the young pasteur
had died before that date. She had joined her son, Peter, in London. The pious
preamble of her will was an exact copy of her husband's, except as to her funeral,
where she speaks of the grave " in which I ordaine it [my body] to be deposed with
decencie and all Christian modestie." Her bequests were as follow : —
" I will and bequeath unto my sonne, Peter Delme, my largest silver boule with its cover,
being both guilte, and to his wife, a holland cupboard-cloth, laced with a nett lace. Item,
unto my said sonne, Peter, and my sonne John Delme, I will and bequeath all my bookes.
Item, unto my said sonne John, I will and bequeath myne owne portrature or picture of my
selfe, and to his wife a lawne cupboard- cloth, laced before with a needle-lace. Item, I will and
bequeath unto my daughter Elizabeth, widow late of Mr Samuel Dubois, my sable muffe. Item,
unto my daughter Jane, the wife of Mr John Crowe, I will and bequeath a peece of tapestrie-
covering. Item, unto my grandchildren, which shall be liveing att the tyme of my decease, I
will and bequeath fourtie shillings a peece. Item, I will and bequeath unto the Deacons of the
Walloone congregation of the Cittie of Canterbury, of which my late husband was Minister, for
the use of the poore of the said congregation, the sume of ten pounds sterling. Item, I will
and bequeath unto the poore of the Parish of All-hallowes in Canterbury (being the parish of
my birth), including the poore of the hospitall in that Parish, on the Bridge, two pounds
sterling. Item, I will and bequeath unto such of the poore of the French Church of London as
my executors shall thinke fitt, five pounds sterling. Item, I will and bequeath unto my neece,
Anne Ferbu, wife of John Ferbu, fower pounds sterling, to buy her cloathes, or other things of
which she shall stand in need. Item, I will and bequeath unto the children of my deceased
nephew, David Desquire of Norwitch, to witt, David, Susan, Anne, and Elizabeth, to each
twentie shillings. Item, I give and bequeath all the rest of my goods and chattells and all my
Estate, personall and reall, whatsoever and wheresoever, to my most deare children, to witt,
Peter Delme, John Delme, Elizabeth, late widowe of Samuel Dubois, and Jane, the wife of
John Crow, minister, to be equallie devided amongst them fower. And I do appointe and
ordaine my two sonnes, Peter Delme and John Delme, to be the Executors of this my last
Will and Testament — recommending them, the rest of my children, with all the churches of
God, to His Almightie Grace, by and for the love of Jesus Christ, my only Saviour and
Redeemer, true God, with His Father in the Unity of the Holy Spiritt.
"This done and ordained in London upon the thirteen day of July, in the yeare of our
Lord, one thousand six hundred sixty and five. In witnesse whereof, I have hereunto sett my
hand and seall. Elizabeth Delme. Signed, sealed, published, and declared and delivered by
the said Elizabeth Delme, the testator, as and for her last Will and Testament in the presence
of Peter Ducane. John Crow."
At the above date (13th July 1665) she described herself as "being in indifferent
good bodily health, in perfect understanding and good memorie." She seems to
83
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
have survived for seven years longer, as her will was proved at London, before
Kenelm Digby, LL.D., surrogate of Sir Leoline Jenkins, Knight, LL.D., by her sons
Peter and John Delme, nth November 1672.
Her sons Elie and Philippe had predeceased her ; the latter had died at Canter-
bury in 1632, aged 5. Pierre was the founder of the English family of Delme, and
he and his descendants shall be treated of in another chapter. It remains to speak
of Jean, or John, in whom the spirit of his ancestry eminently survived.
John Delme was baptized in Canterbury on 27th January 1733 (n.s.). He
became a merchant in London, and married in the French Church, Threadneedle
Street, on 30th October 1664, Deborah Leadbetter. Their only child Elizabeth was
baptized in the same church on 3d January 1673. She was married about 1692 to
Gerard Van Heythuyssen, junior, a member of the Dutch Church of London, and
four of her children are registered in that church. To that church Mr and Mrs
Delme seem to have been drawn, both their names on a gravestone being still legible
there ; —
Here lyeth the body of Mrs And of
Deborah Delme, obijt the 3d Mr John Delm£, objit
of April 1706, aeta. 59. 23d January 171 1. yEtatis 79.
He died 23d January 1712 (new style), and his will was proved by Peter Delme
and John Gunston on the 13th February following. It was dated 4th December
1707. He styles himself, "John Delme, of London, merchant," and says,
" First and principally I bestow my soul into the hands of the one eternall and ever
blessed Lord God, one in essence, three in persons, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, my Creator,
my Redeemer and Sanctifyer, trusting alone in free grace and the precious meritts of Jesus
Christ for everlasting salvation. I will and desire that my body may be decently buried with-
out pomp and ostentation, according to the discretion of my executors, with the approbation
of my dear daughter hereinafter named, in that burying place by me lately purchased, in the
church called the Dutch Church, in the parish of St. Peter Poor, in the City of London. . . .
I will that my executors, hereinafter named, shall within six months next after my decease pay
the summe of ^150, to be distributed by my said daughter unto such godly poor persons as
1 shall in my lifetime give my said daughter directions."
I have already mentioned his publication of a few of his father's sermons. The
"Spiritual Warning for Times of War," printed in 1701, had this characteristic letter
prefixed to it : —
" To my dear and well-beloved daughter, Mrs Elizabeth Van Heythuysen. — My dearest
daughter, — Ever since the Lord was pleas'd to bestow you upon me my paternal affection
hath constantly watch'd for, and most cheerfully embraced, all opportunities of doing you
good. A most tender love towards you began, grew up with, and, when you were disposed of
in marriage 'twas doubled with yourself. Ever since it hath been encreasing and multiplying
with that lovely offspring which our good and bountiful God hath given you. But, as there
is nothing which I long for so much as your souls, so above all things it fills my heart with
the sweetest transports of joy to find an holy work of God conspicuous and thriving in you,
and behold such buddings of his grace (as through the tenderness of their age can be expected)
in those endearing plants my grandchildren. When it pleased the Lord to take one of them
from us, the wound to nature was deep and sharp, but, I can truly say, the hopes I had of its
translation to a far better place was heavenly and healing balm. This world may well be
called a vale of tears, where exercises and afflictions are connected as if the removal of one
were to make room for another, and private troubles are swallow'd up in publick dangers.
You know how severely God hath corrected our Protestant Brethren in France and elsewhere,
He hath given them water of gall to drink. The nations also by warlike concussions have
been put into a bloody sweat and the clouds are returning after the rain ; a blacker tempest of
desolating war gathers and thickens over this part of the world. Can we — whose sins and
provocations have been, and still continue to be, so great — flatter ourselves with dreams of
perpetual tranquility? The wise man foreseeth the evil and hideth himself, but the fool
goeth on and is punished. My great concern for you and myself is, that we may understand
what course to take for allaying our present fears, or preventing, if possible, or (if that cannot
be done) preparing ourselves to bear (when they come) impendent judgments.
"I think more plain, more rational and scriptural advice cannot be desired than is con-
tained in the following discourse which I present unto you. It contains the substance of a
sermon preached by your reverend and pious grandfather, August 2, 1626, upon a day of
solemn humiliation appointed by King Charles I. I shew'd the original, written in French
by my dear father's own hand, to several French ministers who judged it as proper for this
time as ever it was for that wherein delivered, and advised me by all means to let it see the
light. I have done it into English for more publick service, and have dedicate it to yourself,
with your dear and honoured consort, as such a word in season which Solomon compares to
EMINENT DESCENDANTS OF THE EARLIEST REFUGEES. 89
apples of gold in pictures of silver. My wishes and prayers are for your happiness in all
respects, and I hope the Lord will be with you in your present circumstance and shortly make
you the joyful mother of another child — thereby (which is the glory of Christian parents by
their offspring) to increase the kingdom of Christ. As my chief concern is for the souls of
yourself and all yours, so my most sincere advice and earnest entreaty that you would lay out
yourselves to the utmost, and use your authority over children and servants for God. Re-
member, and often ponder, that noble character which God gives Abraham (Gen. xviii. 19).
/ know him that he will command his children and his household after him, and they shall keep
the way of the Lord, to do justice and judgment ; that the Lord may bring upon Abraham that
which he hath spoken of him. As 'tis our honour to be called (though not the natural, but which
is far better) the spiritual children of Abraham, let us not' natter ourselves in saying we have
Abraham to our Father, unless we walk in the footsteps of our father Abraham's faith (Rom.
iv. 12). Then, as 'tis said of him (Heb. vi. 13, 14), when God made a promise to Abraham,
because he could swear by no greater he svvare by himself, saying, surely Blessing I will Bless
thee, &c. — so also we, as it follows, v. 17, 18, with the rest of the heirs of promise, by two
immutable things in which it is impossible for God to lye, may have strong consolation when
we flie for refuge to lay hold on the hope set before us, &c.
" Great is the rage, deep the designs, deadly the conspiracies of Antichristian enemies
against the Church of Christ at this day. Let us not fear them as much as their sins — any
sordid compliance with them in doctrine, worship, and manners. So long as we keep close
to our God in a way of faith and holiness, amidst all the terrors of war the Lord will be the
shield of our help and the sword of our excellency. Then we may be sure that God will let
out no more of our enemies' fiery indignation against us than he himself sees fit, and will
sanctifie to exercise and refine our graces, and thereby also they will sooner become ripe and
kindle the consuming flames of Divine wrath against themselves.— I am, dear son and daughter,
your entirely loving and most affectionate Father, John Delme."
Monsieur Delme's colleague in Canterbury was the pasteur Jean Bulteel. 1 It
would appear that he was some years older than Delme, and came to Canterbury a
little before him, and thus was his senior colleague. He is the "John Bulteel of Can-
terbury," named in the pedigree of 1633-4 ("Visitation of London," c. 24, p. 300).
His grandfather was James Bulteel, of Tournay, whose wife's maiden surname was
Willocquean. This Walloon couple had two sons, John and Giles, refugees in Eng-
land. In 1633, John was represented by a son, Charles, of whom we hear no more.
Giles returned three sons, James, John, and Peter. James was resident in Canter-
bury in 162 1, as appears from a Government return, and was alive in 1632. John,
the pasteur, 2 is reported in 1633 as "of Canterbury." Peter, the third brother, was
returned in the lists of 161 8 as a merchant, then aged 37 ; and he in 1633 names his
five sons and two daughters. (His third son was the ancestor of the influential
Devonshire family of Bulteel.)
Peter, as already indicated, having been born in 1 58 1, we may say that John was
born in or before 1580. From the French Church Register of Canterbury, we know
that Monsieur Jean Bulteel, " Ministre de la parole de Dieu," and " Ministre dust,
evangile," married Marie Gabri, and had five children, Jean (1627), Gilles {born 1629,
died 1634), Jeanne (1632), Pierre (1634), and Susanne (1637). As Peter's male repre-
sentatives soon became a Devonshire family, we take the pasteur's eldest child to be
the "John Bulteel, gentleman," whom we shall notice in a future chapter. [As to
the surname Gabri or Gabry, Ciprian Gabry, merchant, came to England from Ant-
werp in 1582, and Gaspar Gabry in 1618 from Tournay.] The earliest date associ-
ated with the pasteur's name is 1619, in connection with a publication of which we
are to speak in another paragraph. From the valuable book which he contributed
to refugee history, we learn that a synod of all the foreign churches in England was
held at Norwich in 1619, and he was chosen its scribe (synod-clerk). He was elected
as ministerial deputy from Canterbury to a synod held in London in 1625. When
Archbishop Laud attacked the worship and liberties of the refugee churches, " John
Bulteel and Philip Delme, ministers of the French Church at Canterbury," were
appointed deputies to confer with the other churches. The title of the book is, " A
Relation of the troubles of the three Forraign Churches in Kent caused by the In-
junctions of William Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1634, &c. Written by J. B.,
minister of the Word of God." London, 1645 ; 4to.
Mr. Bulteel published translations of French religious books. The pasteur, Guil-
1 Perhaps this surname was originally Bulteau, which having been first translated by the learned into
Bui.teli.us was re-translated into Dutch and English as Bultel or BULTELL, and then Bulteel. Louis
XIV. had a secretary named Bulteau. And the famous library of Charles Bulteau was catalogued in Faris in
17 1 1 as Hibliotheca Bultelliana.
a The Canterbury register mentions Ester, wife of Pierre Bulteel, the pasteur's brother ; and this proves
that "John Bulteel, of Canterbury," was the pasteur.
I. M
*
90 FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
bert Primrose, in the year 1610, according to Anthony a Wood, had published four
volumes, entitled "Jacob's Vow opposed to the vows of monks and friars." The
first volume, containing two books, was translated into English " by John Bulteel, a
minister," and published in 4to, London, 1617. [Primrose became a refugee minister
in London in 1623.]
There was also published, " The Christian Combate, with a sermon of [on] Prayer
in time of affliction, on Psalm, 1. 15," translated by John Bulteel from the French of
Du Moulin. The great Du Moulin's book, of which the fourth French edition was
published in 1632, was entitled, "Du Combat Chrestien ou des Afflictions — a
JMessieurs de VEglise Rcformce de Paris!'
From this list it appears that Mr. Bulteel was alive in 1645. There is an uncer-
tainty whether the Pasteur Paul Gorgier, who died in 1689, officiated for forty-one
years, or only for four and a half (see my " Gleanings from Registers," in vol. ii.) ; if
it was for the longer period, he came in 1648,, and the vacancy may have been
occasioned by Mr. Bulteel's death.
I will close this chapter with a brief notice of a layman eminent both for piety
and for success in life, the son of a refugee from Flanders. The refugee was Pierre
Houblon, merchant-stranger, as to whom, see my Chapter IX. His eminent
descendant was his son Jacques, known as James Houblon, Esq., merchant of
London, and father of the Royal Exchange, who was born in 1592, and baptized in
the City of London French Church, Threadncedle Street, where, on November 1620,
he married Marie Du Quesne, "a woman of a meek and humble spirit," by whom he
had ten sons and two daughters, all nursed by her. - He died in 1682, and was
survived by seven sons. His funeral sermon was preached by Rev. Gilbert Burnet,
D.D. (afterwards Bishop of Salisbury), upon the text Psalm xxxvii. 37 (authorised
version). The preacher alluded to his anxious care of his children, and added, "not
being satisfied with what he said to them by word of mouth while he lived, he took
care that after his death he should still speak to them in a great many excellent
letters and papers which he left behind him." Some of these were printed in 1863,
with the title, " Pious Memories of Mr. James Houblon, senior, merchant of London,
who died June the 20th, 1682, in the ninetieth year of his age — being the substance
of several letters of counsell and advice, written with his own hand, for direction and
government of all his children in their short pilgrimage upon earth. London, Basil
Montague Pickering, 196 Piccadilly." Opposite the title-page is the note, " Printed
by John Archer Houblon, for private distribution, in remembrance of his good
ancestor." This monumental volume includes Burnet's Funeral Sermon.
From the sermon I extract some biographical notes : — " He was baptized in the
French congregation and continued a member of it his whole life. He was one of
the chief pillars of that congregation, in which he often served as Antient [an ancien, or
elder], and to the support of which, and of all the poor exiles that came over, he
contributed always so liberally, that if he did not still live in so many children, to
whom God has given hearts as well as fortunes like his, this loss would be very
sensibly felt. He did communicate once a month constantly, and was never absent
from their assemblies either on the Lord's day or on the week-day, and this was
become so customary for him, that it was not without difficulty that he was kept
from going thither even during his sickness." " He looked on the Reformed churches
by reason of the unreformed lives of the members of them with great regret, and did
apprehend there was a severe cup to go round them, and was afraid England might
drink the dregs of it, and might be again brought under the tyranny of the Church
of Rome and the inundation of a foreign power." " About forty-seven years ago
an unhappy accident had almost cut him off when he was yet in the strength of his
age ; be being at a training [militia drill] near Morefields, some powder took fire, by
which he with several others were blown up ; but though some of the rest were
struck dead outright, yet God had a great deal of more service for him in the world,
and so, after an illness of six or seven weeks' continuance, of which it was long
doubted whether he would ever recover, he was again restored to his family, and
lived to see his children's children and some of their children, to so great an increase,
that in his time a full hundred came into the world descended from him, all born in
full time, and all baptized save one. Of these, sixty-seven are yet alive, to which, if
eleven that are come into his family by marriages be joined, there wanted but two of
fourscore that had a right to his daily blessing."
The following is a characteristic specimen of his written address to his children : —
" If for our sins God should permit Popery to come in, labour by earnest prayers and
supplications to Him that He would give you His grace that you may be able to stand in the
CELEBRATED REFUGEES. 91
day oT visitation. Forsake not Him, least He forsake you when He shall appear in glory with
His holy angells. Desert not your profession for all the insinuations of wicked men or your
own relations, but say as that good man did, I will tread upon wife and c/iildren rather than
forsake my God. O remember what your Redeemer hath done and suffered for your immortal
souls. Whatever losses or sufferings^ ye may'undergo, be sure you hold fast the jewell of a
good conscience ; constancy is the crown of religion. Forsake all your good, yea, and your
very lives, rather than comply with Popery. Eschew evill and the appearance of it, and if
you must suffer, choose it rather than sin. If persecution by God's providence befall you,
remember that holy martyr who said as he was going t6 be burnt, One stile more, and I shall
come to my Father's house."
(Ehaptcv £11,
CELEBRATED REFUGEES FROM THE ST BARTHOLOMEW MASSACRE.
I.^Odet De Chatillon.
The name among_the victims of the St. Bartholomew massacre, that is remembered
with the greatest admiration and commiseration, is Admiral Coligny. My younger
readers should be informed that he was a great military commander (the title of
admiral not having been then made over to the Naval Service) ; also that Coligny
was his title of nobility, and not his surname. The family name was De Chatillon ;
there were three brothers in that generation. The youngest was Francois de
Chatillon, Sieur d'Andelot, and usually called Andclot ; he died in 1569. Gaspare!
de Chatillon, Comte de Coligny, the second brother, was the Admiral ofiFrance.
The eldest brother, although he died before the massacre, deserves a memoir among
Protestant exiles.
Odet de Chatillon, commonly called the Cardinal de Chatillon, was born on the
10th July 1517- It must be remembered that this date is antecedent to the Protes-
tant Reformation ; and that all the brothers, being born during the undisturbed reign
of Romanist superstition, were converted to Protestantism. The dignity of Cardinal,
with which Odet was invested, was no better than a temporal honour — a decoration
or compliment conferred on him on the 7th November 1533, that is to say, when he
was only sixteen years of age, by Pope Clement VII. At the same date he was
consecrated as Archbishop of Toulouse. In 1535 he obtained the Bishopric of Beauvais,
which, along with ample revenues, included the dignity and privileges of a Peer of
France. In 1544, being so well endowed as an ecclesiastic, he resigned all his own
heritage to his brothers. His tendencies towards Protestantism arose from aspira-
tions after religious life. In 1554, he issued his Constitutions Synodales, in order to
reform ecclesiastical abuses in his diocese. In 1564 he appeared as a doctrinal
reformer. In the month of April of that year, he administered the Lord's Supper
according to the rites of the French Protestant Church in his palace at Beauvais. His
neighbours raised a riot, in which his own life was threatened, and a schoolmaster as
as his protege was killed. He then deliberately renounced his ecclesiastical dignities,
and assumed the title of Comte de Beauvais. 1 The Pope cited him to appear before
the Inquisition ; but he took an early opportunity to wear his Cardinal's dress among
the King's Councillors, in order to proclaim his defiance of the Papal authority.
And on the 1st of December he married Elizabeth, daughter of Samson de Haute-
ville (a Norman gentleman) and Marguerite de Lore. As during this year, so after-
wards, he openly acted as a leading Huguenot negotiator.
In 1568 he negociated the peace of Longjumeau, avoiding all Bourbon schemes,
and confining his demands to the free exercise of the Protestant religion. Queen
Catherine de Medicis attempted, in violation of the peace, and by a coup d' etdt, to
seize the Protestant leaders, who, however, got secret information, and Conde and
Coligny retired precipitately within La Rochelle, whither the Queen of Navarre and
her son quickly followed them. The Cardinal, in August 1568, hurried from his
Chateau of Brele (near Beauvais), hotly pursued. Disguised as a sailor, he barely
succeeded in embarking at Sainte-Marie-du-Mont for England. His countess accom-
panied him, and their voyage was safely accomplished.
At Dover, on the 8th September, the Cardinal de Chatillon's arrival was an-
92
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
nounccd. The government of England had ordered every attention to be paid to
him. " Haste, haste, haste, haste, with all haste — vii. of the clocke in the morning,"
were the words written on the cover enclosing the despatch (signed Rowland Mekly),
sent to Lord Cobham at Cobham Hall, who was Lord Warden and Admiral of the
Cinque-ports. Lord Cobham, besides attending to his own duties in the matter,
forwarded the Despatch to Mr. Secretary Cecil. On the ioth inst., it was announced
that the illustrious visitor " was, at Canterbury, being accompanied with thirtye
persons ; of best accompte is Monsieur de Lygy." He proceeded by land to Graves-
end, and thence by water to London. On the 13th, Sir Thomas Gresham announced
that " my Lord Cardinall Chastillon arrived at the Tower wharf at 4 P.M." Royal
authority in those days made great demands upon the nobility for entertaining
strangers at their country mansions. The Bishop of London [Grindal] was excused
on account of the scantiness of his furniture. There is in the State Paper Office a
long letter, interesting to lovers of house-holding and house-keeping antiquities, in
which Lord Buckhurst explained apologetically that having received only very short
notice, he had entertained the Cardinal and the Bishop [of Aries] in very plain style
at his country seat at Shene (30th September 1568).
Queen Elizabeth received the noble Frenchman as a Prince, lodged him in Sion
House, and gave him audiences on Huguenot affairs. Dressed in black flowing gar-
ments, and conspicuous with his noble brow and venerable aspect, he was always
treated by our Queen with demonstrative affection as one of her intimate friends —
so much so, that the Londoners declared that the ambassador from the Prince of
Conde was a greater man than the veritable French Ambassador. As he was always
styled the Cardinal de Chatillon, the English were not certain as to his creed, and
cautiously designated him " a favourer, if not a member, of the Protestant Church."
But inquirers knew his decided profession, his Protestant chaplain, and his worship
in Protestant Churches. In the beginning of 1571, during the interval of treacherous
tranquillity in his native country, his friends in France summoned him home. He
set out for Hampton Court to report himself to our Queen at a farewell audience.
His last appearance in public was on the occasion of our queen's visit to the
Royal Exchange in February 157 1 (n.s.). An unaccountable and depressing indis-
position seized him. He proceeded as far as Canterbury, and there, in the house of
Mr. John Burgey, he died about the 14th of March. Though poison was suspected,
the criminal who administered the poisoned apple did not confess the deed until more
than a year afterwards. At the time all that could be said is preserved in our State
Papers. "2d March 1570. — Sir H. Killigrew could not see the Cardinal, who was
indisposed, but Mrs. Walsingham saw his wife in the evening ; it appeared that his
sickness is not without danger, the rather for that in his conceit it is accompanied
with much melancholy." Canterbury, Friday, 30th March 1571, was the date of the
report from Mr. Roger Marwood and Mr. Thomas Leighton, after conference with the
widow regarding the cause of the death of the Cardinal of Chastillon. Her opinion
was that some sudden illness had seized him in London on the occasion of the
queen's visit to the Royal Exchange, after which his health seemed to fail, he com-
plaining of a burning greife at his stomake. On a post-mortem examination a certain
unnatural spot was found in the inner part of his stomach, but after examining
persons as had access and were doing about him, suspicion could be attached to
none.
Odet de Chatillon lies buried in Canterbury Cathedral — the spot is described in
Dart's History of the Cathedral, as being "at the feet of Bishop Courtney, between
two of the pillars bending circularly." It is marked by "a plain tomb of bricks, made
like a round-lidded chest, or not much unlike a turf grave, but higher, and composed
of bricks plastered over and painted with a lead colour."
The Bishop of Winchester (Robert Horn) wrote to Henry Bullinger of Zurich,
from London, August 8, 1571 — " The Cardinal, a nobleman of first rank, a pious man
and an exile here among us for the sake of religion, while he was sojourning some
days at Canterbury, waiting for a wind for his prosperous and safe return, was taken
off (as they report, and is indeed credible) by the deadly poison of the Papists, and
wasted away, destroyed by wickedness and crime."
II. The Vidame of Chartres.
Jean de Ferrieres, Seigneur de Maligny, was the son of Francois (or Jean ?) de
Ferrieres and Louise de Vendome. Through his maternal ancestry, he was cousin
and heir of Francois Vendome, Vidame of Chartres.
CELEBRA TED REFUGEES.
93
The Bishopric of Chartres was a seigneurie, of which the proprietor was the
Bishop. It was thus a temporal lordship, of which, in ordinary circumstances, the
Lord or Prince would be the civil and criminal judge. Such functions, however,
being unsuitable for an ecclesiastical person, his lordship's courts were held for him
by a vice-gerent or vice-lord, called in Latin Vice-Dominus, and in French Lc
Vidame. In many such bishoprics the Vidame was appointed by the Bishop, and
was removable by him; but in some, the office of Vidame was hereditary; the
designation of the office was virtually a title of nobility, and thus the Vidames of
Chartres were Protestants.
The English were familiar with the title of the Vidame of Chartres. The Vidame
Francois Vendome, was one of the French hostages for the full payment to England
of 400,000 crowns of gold (value 6s. 8d. each), being the price of the restitution
of Boulogne to France in 1551. He is often mentioned in the diary of King
Edward VI. (transcribed by Bishop Burnet into his " History of the English Refor-
mation"). He died on 16th December 1560, and was succeeded by the subject of this
memoir.
The Vidame Jean de Ferrieres served in all the civil wars in France under Conde
and Coligny. He was renowned for valour and energy, as was his wife Francoise,
widow of Charles Chabot, Sieur de Sainte-Fry, daughter of Francois Joubert, Sieur
de Launeroy, by Perronnelle Carre. Archbishop Parker, having occasion to address
him in Latin, styled him clarissimus Jieros. At the same time, not knowing what a
Vidame could possibly be, he translated Vidame of Chartres into " Vidamius
Carnutensis.' 1
The Vidame of Chartres came in 1562 as an envoy from the Huguenots, and
Queen Elizabeth entered into a treaty, giving them 6000 infantry and 100,000
crowns " to prevent Normandy from falling into the hands of the Guises, lest they
should seize its ports and carry their exterminating war against Protestants into
England." She had no quarrel with the French King himself, who was a minor ;
and she refused his ambassador's request to deliver up the Vidame to him as a
traitor. In our State-Paper Office, there is a warrant to the Receiver-General of the
Court of Warde, to pay ^300 quarterly to the Vidame of Chartres, dated Strand,
nth November 1562.
In 1 569 he again came to England as a resident ambassador from the French
Protestants. He was reputed to be " a great nobleman of France, and of chief
account among the Protestants — a learned and very good man " (Strype). On 3d
August 1569, Bishop Grindal wrote to Cecil that he had obtained for the Vidame
the use of the Bishop of Ely's house in Holborn till Michaelmas. On 4th January
1570, the Queen wrote to the Farmers of Customs "to permit the Vidame de
Chartres to receive certain wines for his own use, duty free."
We now come to Paris in the black autumn of 1572. The great Coligny has
been wounded by a ruffian in a street, and Charles IX. has paid him a visit of
pretended condolence. Two quotations will give information regarding the Vidame.
The first quotation is from De Thou's famous History: —
" The nobles of the Protestant party took counsel together. John de Ferriers, Vidame of
Chartres (in the presence of Navarre and Conde), conjecturing what was indeed the matter,
and that this tragedy was begun with the wound of Coligny, but would end in the blood of
them all — therefore he thought it most safe that without delay they should depart the city. He
produced testimonies and tokens for his opinion from the rumours that were spread abroad.
For it was heard by many, when upon the marriage day the Protestants went out of the church
that they might not engage in worship, the Papists said by way of mirth, that within a few days
they should hear mass. Also it was openly spoke in discourse by the chief of the city, that at
that marriage should be poured out more blood than wine — that one of the Protestant nobles
was advised by the President of the Senate that he should with all his family betake himself for
some days into the country ; also that John Montluc, Bishop of Valence, before going ambassa-
dor into Poland, counselled Rochefoucauld that he should not suffer himself to be intoxicated
and turned about by the smoke and unwonted favour of the court, that he should not be too
secure to run himself into danger, and that he should timeously withdraw himself, together
with other nobles, from the court."
1 Bishop Grindal wrote of him as " Monsieur Vidame." French Protestant writers often call him "The
Vidame," as if he had been the only hereditary Vidame.
But Francois d'Ailly, Vidame of Amiens, was a refugee who died in London in 1 561. His brother Louis
succeeded him. In 1567 Louis, and another brother Charles, were killed at the battle of St Denis. Then
Charles' son, Philibert Emmanuel d'Ailly, succeeded as Seigneur de Pequigny and Vidame d' Amiens. This
last-named Vidame relapsed into Romanism, although he did not desert Henri IV. Marguerite d'Ailly, his
sister, was married in 1581 to Francois de Coligny, Signeur de Chatillon, fourth son of the martyred Admiral,
The Marquis de Ruvigny was connected by marriage with the family of Ailly de La Mairie.
94
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
The second quotation is from Comber's " History of the Parisian Massacre,"
p. 207 : —
" The escape of a large body of Huguenot nobility from the toils spread around them on
this day of St. Bartholomew [1572] is so remarkable as to appear plainly to the attentive and
judicious observer a providential event. This body, by the advice of the Vidame of Chartres,
would not lodge near the Admiral's quarters, which they suspected to be dangerous, but pre-
ferred as much safer the suburbs of St. Germain. However, although they retired to this
quarter, expressly out of just diffidence of Charles and his perfidious Court, and from a dread
of their treachery and cruelty, yet as soon as ever the confused noise of the massacre in the
city arose, they seemed from that moment utterly infatuated and quite unable to guess at its
cause. Nay, even when the Viscount Montgomery communicated the news which he had
received concerning this tumult to the Vidame of Chartres, and a council of all the nobles was
hereupon convened, yet, contrary to all probability, and even to common sense, the result of
their consultation was, that this insurrection of the Guisian party was not only without, but
even against, the King's will, and that it would be a becoming act of loyalty to sally forth in a
body and assist their sovereign in defence of his just authority. How little did Charles
deserve these generous resolves ! Maurignon, who was appointed to butcher these nobles, was
now, in consequence of his orders, in the suburbs, and waiting impatiently for succours which
Marcel was ordered to send him from the city. And during some hours their execution was
(humanly speaking) very easy, nay, almost inevitable. But lo ! the providence of God, which,
having suffered these nobles to advance to the very brink of ruin, now snatched them thence
by an Almighty hand in a manner, as it were, visible to the eyes of men. Marcel was
dilatory in carrying his part of the orders into execution ; the designed assassins dispersed to
plunder; Maurignon was impatient for the arrival of his associates ; at length the Duke of
Guise resolved to head a body of the guards, and himself to perform the horrid butchery.
He advanced to the gate of the suburbs ; behold, strange mistake ! — wrong keys were
brought ; the right keys were to be sought for ; much time was lost ; the morning appeared,
and discovered to the too loyal Huguenot nobility a detachment of guards crossing the
river in boats, the Duke of Guise himself being at their head ; and they heard a firing from
the windows of the palace, which was now understood to be, by royal command, against the
Huguenots — for, as Guise was commanding the guards, they must be supposed to be acting
against his adversaries. These nobles, struck dumb with astonishment, soon recovered the use
of their faculties so far as to resolve on instant flight as their only security, and they exerted
themselves so effectually as to escape the Duke of Guise's pursuit, sailed to England, and
raised their swords in many a future day of fair battle, and obtained victories against a
perfidious tyrant who, by firing on his unarmed innocent subjects, in the hour of peace and of
generous confidence in his solemn oaths, had forfeited all the rights of sovereignty and even of
common humanity."
It appears from the Vidame's own statement that the Duke of Guise actually
entered his house before he could escape, but that he concealed himself, and at
length secretly got access to the King, who gave him a safe conduct. Instead of
being again duped, and going home to be murdered, as the King intended, he
used the royal autograph as a passport to the coast of France, and sailed to
England, where he landed on the 7th September. He wrote a Latin letter to
Lord Burghley (Strype's Parker, Appendix No. 70), of which the following is a
translation : —
" My most honoured Lord, — I have been delivered from the Parisian executions, and
have slipped out of the hands of Guise, who first pursued me into my very house, and after-
wards wove every kind of snare around me. At length, when they thought me inveigled by
the King's safeguard, and it was reported to them that I was at home, they hasten to assault
me with open violence. But God, by His favour, has infatuated their counsel, and brought
me to the sea unknown to myself; and having embarked on board ship, He has led me hither
to you. Nothing, next to the avenging of this impious crime, is so desired by me as to come
into the presence of her Majesty, on whose piety, power, and prudent counsel, evidently
depends the only hope of curbing that fury so openly spreading in the Christian world. How-
ever much I may be carried away by my great desire, I have been unwilling to approach the
Queen inopportunely and indiscreetly. I shall wait her Majesty's resolution. In the mean-
time I shall inform my family how happily God has provided for my safety. I shall write to
the King (although I shudder intensely at the thought of him) that, if I can, I may soothe his
savage heart, that he may not proceed to more cruel measures against my wife on account of
what may appear to him my contempt of his promise to me as to my safety — a promise not
free from subtlety and remarkable imposture — yet the blame of such contempt I must fling
back upon another. May God give counsel, who has already given succour, and has brought
me to a safe port. Beyond measure I desire to see and hear for myself how your people are
affected by such an unheard-of calamity. Meanwhile I ask your Lordship to recall to her
CELEBRA TED REFUGEES.
95
Majesty's memory my most humble devotion to her, of which the future shall witness the con-
tinuance. You, my Lord, will be the medium of great consolation to me if I may understand
from you that her Majesty sympathises with us, and does so abhor such great perfidy that her
soul cannot bear any outward dissimulation regarding it. Not that I doubt that herself shudders
at the mere thought of it. But I fear that by using too mild language concerning it she may
contribute new life to the butchers, who may affect not to hear the mutterings of neighbouring
princes. I wish, and I believe it will be realised, that the princes will show themselves
to be the persons they ought to be. Not the least punishment that these butchers can feel
will be the fear of future vengeance. Do not believe that they can be rendered tractable by
smooth oratory ; they will be ever more and more insolent if they are gently dealt with. I
avow that the national sentiment concerning them should be disclosed not by words alone
but by action, that they may see that there is not merely an expenditure of words but an
alliance of hearts for impending action. I pray that God give to you, who are in no lack of
counsel, that mind that knows how to reap the fruit of consultation, and that He may pre-
serve you, my Lord, long to be the counsellor of your realm. — Your Lordship's most faithful
and affectionate.
" September 1572."
The Queen showed the most marked compassion for her old friend, the Vidame.
In the beginning of November several servants of his household landed at Rye. It is
sa : d, however, that he hastened to join the remarkable Huguenot rally, and succeeded
in entering La Rochelle and placing himself under the command of La Noue.
(There is a French memoir of the Vidame de Chartres by the Comte de la Ferriere-
Percy, but I have failed to obtain a copy.)
III. Ralph Le Chevalier.
Raoul (or Rodolphe) Le Chevalier has somewhat perplexed genealogists, by
having, unlike the refugees in general, assumed another surname during his wander-
ings. In the lists of 1568, he appears in London, as Anthonie Rodulphs, Professor
of the Gospel in the house of Mr. Sherrington ; and further on, he is again noticed as
" Mr. Anthonie." Some authors, ambitious of great accuracy, have therefore styled
him carefully " Antoine Rodolphe Le Chevalier;" but, in fact, Antoine was not his
name at all. He is usually spoken of as Rodolphus Cevallerius.
From King Edward VI. he had received a patent, dated at Waltham, August 7,
I 552, granting to him naturalisation, and also committing in trust to Sir Anthony
Cook, knight, and George Medle, Esq., that he should have the next prebend that
should fall vacant in Christ Church, Canterbury. This was the result of a Latin
letter to the King from Archbishop Cranmer, a translation of which I copy : —
" Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, to King Edward VI., Grace and peace from
God the Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ.
" Most Illustrious Prince — Although Horace wisely admonishes :
' Qualem commendes etiam atque etiam adspice, ne mox
Incutiant aliena tibi peccata pudorem,'
yet since Mr Ralph Chevalier, a Frenchman, 1 has entreated that I would open for him a means
of access to your favour through my recommendation, I could not deny the excellent young
man this obligation, both inasmuch as he was formerly recommended by Master Bucer, a man
of pious memory, and that his remarkable modesty and learning, which have been known and
tried through my private intimacy with him, also deserve it. For he lived in my house a whole
year or more, where he exhibited very many proofs of his eminent piety and his surpassing
ability. Having afterwards proceeded to Cambridge, he gave gratuitous lectures on Hebrew,
to the great satisfaction and advantage of his hearers. He has no other means of livelihood
than from myself and the Lord Chancellor (Bishop of Ely), who pay him a yearly salary accord-
ing to our means. But since from the severity of the times everything at present is sold for
twice as much as formerly, necessity compels him to have recourse to your Majesty, the refuge
of all pious and learned men, and to beg assistance from your bounty. -It is unnecessary that
I should write at greater length, since I am well aware that the disposition of your Majesty is
most gracious towards learned and pious men. I merely wish to intimate that Master Ralph
is to be counted in the list of such, while I entreat that in addition to that goodwill which your
Majesty would spontaneously feel towards Ralph because of his brilliant endowments, some-
thing further may be added on the ground of his being a stranger, for concerning such persons
Moses expressly saith, God loveth the stranger, giving him food and raiment ; love ye therefore the
stranger. Those who are in the Scriptures called gods ought above other men to imitate God
1 D. Radulphus Chcvalxrus, Callus.
9 6
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
in this kind of piety, and to approach to His likeness as nearly as they possibly can. Which if
your Majesty shall regard, our Lord Jesus Christ (who declares that which is done to strangers
to be received by Himself) will not only guide you in this life and take up His dwelling with
you, but when you shall depart this life will bring you into His eternal mansions, and instead
of a temporal kingdom will give you one that is everlasting. — The servant of your serene
Majesty, T. Cant."
During the brief remainder of Edward's reign, Le Chevalier continued to read
Hebrew with his pupils in Cambridge. But the accession of Queen Mary drove him
out of England. He had hopes from the nobles of Lady Jane Grey's party, but his
hopes perished on their scaffolds. When the Duke of Suffolk's brother, Lord John
Grey, obtained a pardon and was set at liberty, the great Calvin wrote to him from
Geneva, where Tremellius, and his son-in-law, Le Chevalier, alias Mr. Anthony, were
then residing. In his letter, dated 13th November 1544, Calvin said :
" Though I congratulate the most illustrious Duke, your brother, and your excellent niece,
a lady whose example is worthy of everlasting remembrance — to both of whom it was given,
even in death itself, to commit their triumphant souls into the hands and faithful keeping of
God — yet in the midst of so many most distressing tidings it afforded me no common comfort
to hear that you have been snatched from the very jaws of death, and are still preserved to us
in safety. The anxiety I had felt owing to the false report of your death was first relieved, a
short time since, by Immanuel Tremellius and his son-in-law, Anthony, who, while speaking
in commendation of your own liberality and offices of kindness towards them, added, that in
the ruin of your most noble family they had great reason to deplore their own loss as
individuals. They complained, among other things, that on the first bursting forth of this
storm they were deprived of those means whereby they had hoped to derive some alleviation
of their poverty in their exile. Now that you are restored, they implore that kindness from
you which they have in so many ways experienced, if there be any hope and any possibility
of recovering that means of support which they so greatly stand in need of."
There was no possibility. In the Academy at Geneva Le Chevalier found
exercise for his talents as a Hebrew reader or professor for a time. Next, he appears
as Professor of Hebrew at Strasburg. I have no dates during Mary's reign. After
the accession of Elizabeth, there is Bishop Grindal's letter to Calvin, 19th June 1563,
containing this message, " Salute in my name Master Beza and your other colleagues
— as also Master Anthony, the Professor of Hebrew."
After this, Le Chevalier accepted the pastorate of the French Church of Caen,
in Normandy (which included a Hebrew lectureship for the Protestant students),
and settled there with his wife and family. The year 1567 is the date of the
printing (by Henry Stephanus) of RodolpJii Cevallcrii Rudimenta Hebraicce Lingua,
in quarto. The troubles of French Protestants being always on the increase, he
at length found that, though he had a home, little or no salary was forthcoming.
Accordingly in 1568 he followed the example of the refugees from Flanders, and
betook himself to London, travelling alone. We are much indebted to Dr. Grosart
for printing and annotating an old English account-book of this period, entitled
The Spending of the Money of Robert Nowell, Esq. This gentleman and his
executors were liberal in gifts of money and clothing to poor scholars. Le Chevalier
now received help from Mr Nowell, whose account-book proves that his first employ-
ment at this date was Hebrew Lecturer at St. Paul's. The entry (rendered into
modern English) is as follows : —
" 1569, the 17th of February. Given to Rodolphus Chevalier, minister of Caen in Nor-
mandy, and now in exile, and Reader of the Hebrew Lecture in Paul's, as by his acquittances
appeareth, over and above his gown before entered, in money, 20s."
In May 1569, Sir Anthony Cooke and Secretary Sir William Cecil (Chancellor
of the University) had secured for him the appointment of Professor of the Hebrew
Language and Learning in the University of Cambridge, and he went down with
good letters of introduction. Secretary Cecil undertook to obtain a safe conduct
into England for his wife and children. The following was a joint letter from Arch-
bishop Parker and Bishop Grindal : —
"To our loving friends, Mr Vicechancellor of Cambridge, and to the heads of the
same " : — " Understanding of the good and godly affection that divers of your University bear
to the knowledge of the Hebrew tongue wherein originally, for the more part, was wrytten the
word of God. — To the gratifying of the same, as we have in our former letters commended
our Trustie and Welbeloved Rodolphus Cevallerius, otherwise called Mr. Anthony, so we now
send him unto you — a man, whom we have aforetime not only known in the same university,
CELEBRA TED REFUGEES.
97
but also have seen good testimony of his learning in the said tongue, and having more expe-
rience of his good zeal to exercise his said talent towards all such as be desirous to be
partakers of the same. Whereupon this is to pray and require you to accept him as his
worthiness for his learning and diligence (as we trust) shall deserve. Whereby you shall not
onely your selves receive the fruit to your own commendations, but also give us occasion to
devise for your further commoditie as Almighty God shal move us, and our hability upon any
occasion shal hereafter serve. And thus wishing to you the grace of God to direct your
studies to His glory, and to the profit of the Commonwealth, we bid you al heartily wel to
fare : from Lambith this 20th of May. — Your loving friends, Matthue Cantuar.
Edm. London."
We have one allusion to his career in this chair. Rodolph Zuinglius, a grandson
of the Swiss Reformer, wrote from Cambridge, 26th January 1572 : —
" I rejoice, not so much on my own account, as for the sake of my studies, that I have the
means and opportunity afforded me of hearing that most famous and learned man, Master
Anthony Chevalier, to whom our Germany can scarce produce an equal in the knowledge of
Hebrew, or one who can bear a comparison with him, except Immanuel Tremellius."
Le Chevalier had a distinguished pupil named Jan Van der Driesche, a native of
Oudenard (son of Clement, a Walloon refugee in London, and an ancien). He
earned the following certificate : —
" Johannis Drieschii studia, tarn Hebrsea in quibus i 11 i fidelem et assiduam operam navavb
quam Graeca quorum varia experimenta dedit, vehementer probo et laudo ; morum integri-
tatem, quam privatim quam in contubernio, integrum annum perspexi, et singularem pietatem
et amo et colo. Quae non homininibus testata esse modb velim, sed Deo imprimis votis et
precibus omnibus commendata, ut opus quod in ipso non vulgare dignatus est inchoare, ad
fastigium usque perducat ad Suam Gloriam et ipsius salutem.
" Cantabrigiae, 15 Septembr. 1570. R. Cevallerius, Hebr. Professor."
[This worthy pupil became famous as Joannes [or, Janus] Drusius, Professor at Zeyden.]
On 27th January 1569-70, Le Chevalier had been presented to his long-expected
Prebend of Canterbury — " the seventh prebend in that church," says Strype.
Through the diplomacy of Catherine de Medicis, the Huguenots were enjoying
such tranquillity at home, that he was summoned back to Caen to resume his joint
charge of pasteur and professor. He does not appear to have resigned his English
preferments. If the Parker Society has correctly copied the date of young Zuingli's
letter (quoted above), he was expected at Cambridge during the University terms
1 57 1 -2. Probably he duly resided and officiated during those terms, and dedicated
the long vocation to his countrymen and students at Caen. Certainly he was in Caen
in August 1572, and had to fly from the St. Bartholomew Massacre. He hastened to
his adopted home, where his family were ; but illness arrested him in Guernsey, in
which island he made his will, dated 8th October 1572. Strype (in his life of
Parker) gives an abstract of the will. He calls himself Rauf Le Chevalier (according
to Strype) — probably Raoul, or Rodolphe. He speaks of the fidelity and constancy
which he always found in his wife in all his persecutions for the gospel. He gives
thanks to the " Right Worshipful and Most Dear Fathers," the Archbishops of
Canterbury and York, for all the gentleness and favour which he had received at
their hands. He appeals for their kind offices to his widow and children, on the
acknowledged ground that " he had taken pains according to his small talent in
sundry churches and schools, and had always been content with his food and
raiment." He names his only son, Samuel, his daughters, Jael and Mary, and his
nephews beyond sea, Robert, Anthony, and Oliver, He requests that Mr. Emanuel
(Tremellius), Professor at Heidelberg, might be informed of his decease — he "who
gave me my wife." He had no debts ; but the Church of Caen owed him two
hundred and fifty livres 1 for travelling expenses. He trusted that our Queen will
continue without deduction the grant made to himself, and that she would deal with
his family as King Edward VI. had done in the case of the widow of Martin Bucer,
whom his Majesty of blessed memory had invited to remain in England, promising
to see to the marrying of her daughters. He addressed his requests to the two
Archbishops, "for God's sake, and for the sake of our Lord Jesus Christ, and for the
love of the Holy Ghost," and his concluding sentence was, "Lord Jesus, come for
the defence of the poor churches." He died at Guernsey, at the age of sixty-five.
1 A livre in the old French coinage was the equivalent of a modern franc. Therefore 250 livres represent
about ten pounds sterling. His " travelling " must have been from Cambridge to Caen, and the return journey*.
I. N
9 3
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
His son, Samuel Le Chevalier, was Pasteur of the Canterbury French Church in
I 591. The register informs us that his wife's maiden name was Lea Cappel, probably
a daughter of Pasteur Aaron Cappel of the London French Church. I observe the
births of seven children — Aaron ( r 591), Lea (1592), Rebecca (1 595), Jahel(i597),
Esther (1599), Pierre (1609), Anne (1616). Although the Baptismal register
begins July 1 58 r , there is a blank between June 1584 and 24th July 1590. During
that interval older children than Aaron may have been born. The learned Professor
Le Chevalier may be regarded as the founder of an English refugee family, of which
I may have something to say hereafter. {See chapter xii.).
IV. The Pasteur Brevin.
The Pasteur Cosme Brevin took refuge in the Channel Islands after the St.
Bartholomew massacre, and was in the reign of Elizabeth the minister of the Island
of Sark. His son was the Rev. Daniel Brevint, Rector of St. John's, Jersey, father
of the more celebrated Daniel, the Very Rev. Daniel Brevint, D.D., Dean of Lincoln
{born 1616, died 1695). Dr Brevint was M.A. of Saumur, and was the first native
of the Channel Islands who was made Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford, through a
royal foundation in favour of such insular aspirants to Anglican ordination. This
he lost during the Commonwealth, which interregnum he spent in Normandy, doing
the duties of a French pastor. On his return home, he became a Prebendary of
Durham, and was promoted to his Deanery in 168 1. Dean Brevint's works are still
read : they are (1) Missale Romanum, or the depth and mystery of the Roman Mass,
laid open and explained for the use of both reformed and unreformed Christians,
1672; (2) The Christian Sacrament and Sacrifice, by way of discourse, meditation,
and prayer upon the nature, parts, and blessings of the Holy Communion, dedicated
to Lady Elizabeth Carteret, 1673 ; (3) Saul and Samuel at Endor, or the new waies
of salvation and service, which usually temt men to Rome and detain them there,
truly represented and refuted; as also a brief account of R. F., his Missale Vindi-
cation, or Vindication of the Roman Mass, 1674. His "Christian Sacrament" is
remarkable on account of the following sentence, " O Rock of Israel, Rock of Salva-
tion, Rock struck and cleft for me ; let those two streams of blood and water, which
once gushed out of Thy side . . . bring down with them salvation into my soul."
This perhaps suggested Toplady's verse : —
" Rock of Ages cleft for me ! let me hide myself in Thee ;
Let the water and the blood, from thy riven side which flow'd,
Be of sin the double cure — cleanse me from its guilt and power."
V. Refugees in the Channel Islands.
Some refugee memorabilia concerning the Channel Islands have been furnished
to me by a friend. The firm establishment of the reformed faith in the Channel
Islands dates from the excommunication of Queen Elizabeth by Pius V. in 1570.
The Islands which, as part of the ancient Duchy of Normandy, had been under the
jurisdiction of the Bishop of Coutances, were transferred to the English Diocese of
Winchester. An old chronicle, which appears to have been written by a member or
retainer of the De Carteret family, is still extant in the original French, and the fol-
lowing is a translation of Chap, xxxviii., the subject of which is " Hoiv several notable
persons and other good families, from France and elsezvliere, transported themselves to
Jersey as well to Guernsey on account of religion, and to avoid the danger of great per-
secutions ; and on the good reception and entertainment which they have had in the said
islands."
" Scarcely had the Churches of Jersey and Guernsey been re-established and reformed (as
you have just read) than the news spread and was repeated everywhere. Accordingly, many
good families and notable persons transported themselves into the said islands, there to hear
the Word of God purely and freely preached, and to avoid the great danger of the troubles and
persecutions which were carried on in France. They were affectionately and humanely re-
ceived, and are and have always been, from time to time, well entertained and protected by
the captains, gentlemen, and other respectable inhabitants of the said islands. Some remained
longer than others, but all enjoyed during their residence the liberty in which they were
guarded and protected in complete security from danger. The following are most of the
names, but specially of those persons, both ministers and others, who during the time of the
troubles and persecutions, retired to Jersey : —
CELEBRATED REFUGEES.
99
MINISTERS.
Mr De la Ripandine.
„ Du Val.
„ Dangy.
,, Pierre Henice.
„ Des Travaux.
,, Pincon.
,, Bonespoir.
,, Des Serfs.
„ Parent.
„ De Freiderne.
„ Du Perron.
„ De Chautmont.
„ De Haleville.
„ Moulinos.
,, Vincent Du Val.
„ Gerin. 1
„ Des Moulins. 2
„ Monange (has been minister both of St.
Pierre-Port in Guernsey, and of St.
Helier in Jersey).
„ Beny.
,, Nicholas Le Due.
„ Bouillon. 3
„ G. Riche.
„ Mathurin Laignaux.
Mr G. Mix. 4
„ Cosmes Brevin. 5
„ Olivier Mesnier.
„ Marin Chestes.
„ Martin.
Pierre Baptiste.
„ Nicolas Maret.
Thomas Johanne.
„ Toussaint Le Bouvier.
,, Thomas Bertram.
„ Julien Dolbel.
Laurens Machon.
„ Josue Bonhomme.
„ Edouart Herault.
„ Nicholas Baudoin (minister both of St.
Pierre-Port in Guernsey, and of St. Marie
in Jersey).
„ Jacques Girard.
„ Le Churel.
,, G. Treffroy.
,, Jean Girard.
,, Arthur Walke (minister of the Chasteau de
Mont Orgeuil in Jersey).
Percival Wybone (minister of Chateau
Cornet in Guernsey).
SEIGNEURS AND OTHER FRENCH GENTLEMEN.
Le Comte de Montgomery, and )
Madame, his Comtesse. J
Mr. de Montmorial, and )
Madame, his wife. )
Mr. the Commander of the Order of Malta.
Mr. Le Baron de Coulosse.
Madame de Laval, and her )
Maitre-d' hotel, and all her suite. J
Madame, the Lady of )
Cardinal Castillon. 6 /
Mr. De Liage, and Madame, his wife.
„ Daigneux.
,, Des Colombiers.
„ Bisson.
„ De Moyneville.
„ De Montfossey.
„ De Groneville.
,, De la Branche and his wife.
„ De St. Voist.
„ Des Granges.
The above lists are from the old manuscript. For the following I am indebted
to my correspondent. It appears that Mr. Baudoin accepted his charge in Jersey in
1585, owing to some disagreement between the French ministers and the governor
of Guernsey (Sir Thomas Leighton). Before that date, Mr. Le Due had been pastor
of St. Martin's in Guernsey. The ten parishes of Guernsey were about (or soon
after) this date, however, given to French Protestant ministers, of whom the follow-
ing is a list : —
Maitre Marin Chrestien dit Bonespoir, St. Pierre-Port.
,, Pierre Le Roy dit Bouillon, St. Pierre du bois et Torteval.
„ Mathurin Loulmeau dit Du Gravier, St. Martin.
,, Pierre Merlin, exercant alternativement le ministere de la parolle de Dieu en ville.
„ Jacques Roullees, St. Andre.
,, Jean Marchant, La Foret.
„ Jean Du Quesnel, Le Catel.
,, Jean De Cherpont, Le Valle.
,, Noel Perruquet dit De la Melloniere, St. Samson.
In 1589 most of these returned to France. The following names afterwards occur. Jacques
Guyneau (died 1592). George Chappelain (died 1592). Dominique Sicard (1592). Jean
De la Valine (1592). Samuel Loulmeau (1592). Daniel Dolbel (1596). Jcremie Valpy
1 A family of the name of Guerin, originally of Clerac in Provence, still exists in Guernsey.
2 A family surnamed Moulin, in Guernsey, is (according to tradition) descended from a refugee minister.
3 A family of this name was in existence in Guernsey, in the beginning of this century.
4 The surname of the great Dr Allix was often spelt as above.
5 Grandfather of Dean Brevint.
6 This was the Comtesse De Beauvais, widow of Odet de Chatillon, commonly called the Cardinal.
100
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
(1597). Nicolas Baudoin (recalled to Guernsey and reinstated in the Town Parish in 1599;
died 1 613, aged 87). Thomas Millet (1602). Samuel De la Place (1603). Pierre Painsec
(1604).
VI. The Pasteur Marie.
Jean Marie, pasteur of Lion-sur-mer, was a refugee in England from the St.
Bartholomew massacre. He is supposed to have belonged to the same family as
the Huguenot martyr, Marin Marie, a native of St. George in the diocese of Lisieux.
It was in the year 1559 that that valiant man, who had become a settler in Geneva,
was arrested at Sens when on a missionary journey to France, laden with a bale of
Bibles and New Testaments, and publications for the promotion of the Protestant
Reformation ; he was burnt at Paris, in the Place Maubert, on the 3d August of that
year. Our pasteur was well received in England, and was sent to Norwich, of which
city he appears to have been the first French minister. He was lent to the Reformed
churches of France when liberty of preaching revived, and so returned to Normandy,
where we find him in 1583. The first National Synod of Vitre held its meetings in
that year, between the 15th and 27th of May Quick's " Synodicon " (vol. i. p. 153)
quotes the following minute : — "Our brother, Monsieur Marie, minister of the church
of Norwich in England, but living at present in Normandy, shall be obliged to
return unto his church upon its first summons ; yet, because of" the great success of
his ministry in these parts, his church may be entreated to continue for some longer
time his absence from it." He certainly did return to Norwich, because on 29th
April 1589 the manuscript Book of Discipline was submitted to the consistory for
signature ; and Jan Marie signed first, and his colleague N. BASNAGE, second.
One of his sons, Nathaniel Marie, became one of the pasteurs of London French
Church, and married, 1st, Ester, daughter of the pasteur Guillaume De Laune, and
2dly (in 1637), Ester le Hure, widow of Andre Joye. The Norwich pasteur had
probably another son named after himself, a commercial residenter in his native
city ; for two sons of a Jan Marie were baptized in Norwich French Church ; (1)
Jan, on 3d February 1600, and (2) Pierre, on 6th July 1602. Madame Marie, pro-
bably the pasteur's widow, was a witness at the first baptism.
VII. The Pasteur Basnage.
Nicolas Basnage was the pasteur of Carentan, a small sea-port south of Cher-
bourg in Normandy. He took refuge in England after the St. Bartholomew massacre,
and became pasteur of Norwich, where, seventeen years afterwards, he was Marie's
colleague, as we have already seen. He returned to Carentan, and died as its Re-
formed Pastor. Although so little is known of his personal history, he is celebrated
as the ancestor of several distinguished Protestants. His son, Benjamin, born in
1580, was probably a native of Norwich, but the only surviving church register does
not begin till 1595. This register indicates that the refugee pasteur had other two
sons, named Timothy and Titus, or rather, Timothee and Tite. The marriage of
Timothee is recorded, and the baptism of his two children. Tite does not appear
till 1636, when he presents his infant Tite for baptism. I identify Timothee Basnage
as a brother of Benjamin, and consequently a son of Nicolas, on the evidence of the
registration at Norwich, upon 20th September 15 18, of a little Benjamin, son of
Timothee, when Timothee's brother, Benjamin, absent in body, but represented by
the child's maternal grandfather, is named as a sponsor. I conjecture that Timothy
and Titus were the elder sons, and had become established in some branch of trade
or manufacture at Norwich before their father's return to Normandy ; and that
Benjamin (born in 1580) was the youngest son, who was taken back to Carentan and
dedicated to the Christian ministry. At the age of twenty-one, Benjamin began his
pastoral charge at Sainte-Mere-Eglise (a. church affiliated to Carentan), apparently
in the first instance as a curate to his father. He never left this charge although
from his piety and talents he became a most influential man in National Synods and
in all the councils of the Reformed Churches of France.
The Basnages, for three generations, were almost historical characters ; but as
none of them settled in England, I must content myself with giving the following
very slight pedigree : —
THE EARLIEST REFUGEES IN SCOTLAND.
[Rev.] Nicolas Basnage, of Norwich and Carentan.
IOI
1604.
Timothee = a daughter of
Adrien
Languelair.
Anne,
born 16 10.
Benjamin,
born 1618.
Tite =
Tite,
bom 1636.
Benjamin =
pasteur of Sainte-Mere-Eglise,
bom 1580; died 1652.
I
Antoine, born 1610; died 1691.
Refugee in Holland in 1685 ;
pasteur of Zutphen.
I
i
Samuel,
born, 1638; died, 1731.
Also a refuge preacher at
Zutphen ;
Author of
" Annales Politico-Ecclesiastici
a Caesare Augusto usque ad
Phocam," 3 vols, folio,
1706.
[In reply to the twelve folio
volumes of Baronius.]
Henri, born 16 15; died 1695.
Advocate in the Parliament
of Rouen.
Jacques, 1
born, 1653; died, 1723.
Pasteur of the Hague from
1709;
Author of " Histoire de la
Religion des Eglises Re-
formers," 2 vols. i2mo., 1690.
[in reply to Bossuet] ;
" Lettres pastorales sur le
renouvellement de la
persecution," 1698 ;
" Histoire de l'Eglise depuis
Jesus Christ jusqu' a present,"
2 vols, folio, 1699 ;
" Histoire des Juifs," 5 vols.
i2mo., 1706, translated into
English as "Basnage's History
of the Jews," folio, 1708.
Henri,
born, 1656; died, 1710.
An advocate, and a refugee
in Holland,
Author of " Traite de la
tolerance des religions," 1684,
and
" L'histoire des ouvrages des
savants,"
24 vols., 1687-1709.
Chapter ID.
THE EARLIEST REFUGEES IN SCOTLAND.
PIERRE DE MARSILLIERS is the earliest name of a French Protestant in Scotland,
probably an exile. He was Master in the Greek school of Montrose, founded by
John Erskine of Dun, and had Andrew Melville as his scholar in 1557 and 1558.
No account of the reception of refugees from the St. Bartholomew massacre can
be found. There is a blank in the extant Minutes of the Town Council of Edinburgh
from 4th June 1 571 to 13th November 1573, and in the City Treasurer's Accounts
from 1567 to 1579. The Town Council had an interview on 13th November 1579
with John de la Mothe, Frenchman. The Minute indicates that some Huguenots
in " the Rochelle " had been in Scotland as refugees, and that while there, a Scotch-
man had borrowed money from them and had not yet paid them ; there was a
lawsuit on this matter in the Scotch Courts against Paytrik Tournett, the debtor, and
Peter Tournett, burgess of Edinburgh, his father, as the son's surety. De la Mothe,
as the creditors' procurator, asked and obtained the needful arrestments.
The baptismal register of Aberdeen begins in 1 563, and when we come to the
year 1572, we find evidence of the interest taken by Scottish Protestants in the
Huguenots of France. In that year Mr John Craig was minister, and Mr Walter
Cullen was reader, in the kirk of Aberdeen. The latter acted as registrar, and on
hearing the news of the massacre on St. Bartholomew's Day, he wrote the following
entry, with the rubric, "allien admerall of f ranee" in the register-book : —
"The twenty-fourth of Awgvvst, the zeir of God 1572 zeiris, Jaispart of Culleyne, gryt
admerall of france, was crwelly murdrest in paris ond r colluir of frendschip at the kyng of
1 See what appears to be his promise of marriage in my "Gleanings from Old Registers," in the Historical
Introduction to this volume, date 9U1 march 1684 {nezu style), register of Canterbury French Church.
102
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Nawenn's brydell and onder nycht, be the mosit cursitt kyng of France, mansuir his bond,
and be the dewyse of the paip, cardinalls, bischoipis, aboitts, priovvris, moynks, freires,
chaunwnis, prestis, nvvnnis, and haill rabell of y< deweillige switt of papists dewysset at the
counsall of treyntt, quhas crwel murder we pray god to rewenge. So be it."
The drift of this manifesto is not hard to be understood. As to some of the
words, Jamieson's Dictionary has Mansweir, to perjure ; he has SOTTER, a swarm
of insects, and refers to the Icelandic noun SlOT, a multitude ; so that the registrar,
if now alive, would perhaps say, " the whole rabble of that devilish swarm."
A Scotch gentleman, Sir James Kirkcaldy, happened to be in Paris, and a letter
from him to his distinguished brother in Edinburgh, dated August 22 and 25, 1572
(according to the Calendar of the Scottish Series of State Papers), contained the
startling news : " Marriage of the King of Navarre and Madame Margaret. Assas-
sination of the Admiral. Particulars of the massacre of them of the religion by the
French king, by his brother the Duke of Guise, and by other princes." Queen
Elizabeth sent Killigrew as her ambassador in Scotland in order that the lesson of
the St. Bartholomew massacre might be impressed on Scottish statesmen, namely, to
beware of Queen Mary's faction, and to cultivate friendship and amity with Pro-
testant England. One of the instructions to Killigrew was, " To request the nobles
and others to take warning by the strange accident in France, in which the Admiral
and a great number of the noblemen of the Reformed Religion have been murdered
— to think what efforts are being made to eradicate and destroy all such as shall
make profession of the true religion ; and among these efforts may not there be a
design, by the offer of pensions and by other fair promises, to cut off the nobility of
Scotland ? " Killigrew seems to have been well pleased with the state of public
feeling in Scotland regarding "the late most horrible and detestable murder com-
mitted in France ; " and wrote from Edinburgh, 13th June 1573 : " The ministers are
still as earnest in their sermons against the French king as though the news of the
Admiral's death had come but yesterday."
Among the refugees in London in 1 571, my readers have already seen in my
chapter i., the names of Nicolas Langlois and his wife and children. I now copy
them from the original census verbatim : —
The Warde of Faringdon w th in )
Blacke-Fryers. 10 Nov. 1571. j
French Nicholas Inglishe, Frenchman, scoolem', howsholder, Marye, his wife, French
' and David, his sonne, and Yester, his daughter, came into this realme rh" h
about two yeares past for religion. Lhurcn.
This is the family immortalized in antiquarian society by David Laing, LL.D.,
who introduces us to them in Edinburgh, in the year 1574, and to whom I am mainly
indebted for my information regarding them (though it now appears that they fled
from France before the date of the St. Bartholomew massacre). Whatever may have
been the date of their arrival in Scotland, the family was kindly received on their
landing at Leith. Marie Presot, wife of Nicolas Langlois, was an adept in calli-
graphy, which she turned to good account. On the anniversary of St. Bartholomew
in 1574, "9 Calend. Septemb. 1574 quo die multa Christianorum millia, duos abhinc
annos in Galliis trucidatione perfidiosa, e vivis fuerunt sublata," Nicolas Langlois
wrote a Latin letter to Mr David Lyndsay, Minister of Leith, acknowledging his
obligations. The letter is followed by a copy of some sets of verses, in which his
wife exhibits her beautiful writing in various styles of penmanship. This artistic
portion of the still-existing manuscript is introduced by the announcement, " Uxor
mea vario caracteris genere ilia pro viribus in sequente pagina, me suasore, descripsit;"
and it is signed thus : — Marie Presot Francoise escrivoit a Edimbourg le 24 d' Aoust,
1 574-"
The son, David, probably died in early life. In an ancient scrap-book, now the
property of the Marquis of Lothian, some Latin verses are written, signed, " David,
cognomento Anglus, natione Gallus, et educatione Scotus."
Ester was born in London in 1571 (the Threadneedle Register of that period is
non-existent). Thanks partly to her mother's example and instruction, she became a
wonderful calligraphist, and is still well known as such. Mr. Laing's Paper in the
Proceedmgs of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 1866-67, is entitled, "Notes
relating to Mrs Esther (Langlois, or) Inglis, the celebrated calligraphist, with an
enumeration of Manuscript Volumes written by her between the years 1586 and
1624." Besides Ester, there was another daughter Marie, who died between 161 1
and 16 14, as appears by the father's will and relative documents. Perhaps there
w as also a son, Jaques ; at any rate in the year 1614, " Jaques Inglis, wax-maker in
Edinburgh," was cautioner for Nicolas Langlois' widow as her husband's executrix.
THE EARLIEST REFUGEES IN SCOTLAND.
103
The City Treasurer's Accounts bear evidence of the kindness shown to this
refugee family: —
1578-9, March.
Item to Nicholas Langloys Francheman, and Marie Prisott, his spous, for thair help and
relief of sum debt contractit be thame in the zeir of God 1578, . £70 o o
1580, July.
Item to Nicholas Langloys Francheman, and Marie Prisott, his spouse, . 80 o o
1 58 1, July.
Item to Nicholas Langloys Francheman, Master of the French schole,
conforme to his Ma tles precept, ...... £~So o o
He alsso received his pension of Fifty Pounds Scots at Whitsunday term in the years 1582,
1583, 1584, and 1585.
The first and only notice of the " Franche scole " in the Town Council Minutes is
on 20th June 1578. The payment of £10 annually as the " maill " or rent of this
school is curiously mixed up in the accounts with the interest of money borrowed in
order to build a house [luging, i.e., lodging] for an Edinburgh minister (Scotch, and
not French), — the two payments amounting to £43, 6s. 8d. No schoolmaster's name
is mentioned in the Treasurer's Accounts till 1581, when Nicholas Langloys is named,
as quoted above. He had most probably been a schoolmaster in France ; and it
seems certain that he exercised that honourable profession as a refugee in London,
where sympathy for his condition as an exile for the Protestant Reformed religion
would lead to his being employed by English people to give lessons in the French
language. The same commiseration and the same thoughtfulness pervaded the inha-
bitants of Edinburgh (or Lislebourg, as he sometimes called it). His fame as a private
teacher of French would suggest the idea of a French public school, with a subvention
from the city funds. He was known in the Scottish metropolis as the Master of
the French school for at least thirty years.
A little MS. in the British Museum entitled, " Livret contenant diverses sortes de
lettres escrit a Lislebourg, par Esther Langlois, Franchise, 1586," is probably little
Esther's advanced exercise-book under her mother's tuition. Esther was married in
1596 to Bartholomew Kello ; but in her manuscripts she continued to call herself by
her maiden name. These manuscripts, beautifully illuminated, and sometimes further
adorned with her own portrait, entirely with her own hand, were executed for pre-
sentation to her patrons and patronesses, some of whom were exalted personages,
and from whom she received gratuities in return. A French Psalter, dated 27 Mars
1599, and presented to Queen Elizabeth, bears her signature as Esther Anglois. In
1600 she adopts the signature EstJier Inglis. Her husband and herself lived in
Edinburgh for several years after their marriage. He had received a learned educa-
tion, and was honoured by the notice of King James, who employed him as a
messenger to the Netherlands in January 1600. There is an unsigned grant from
the King to Bartliilmo Kello, clerk, appointing him clerk of all passports, testimonials,
and letters of commendation from our sovereign Lord to foreign Princes, &c, to be
written by the maist exquisit and perfyte wreater within this realme. He probably
followed his royal patron to London. There are extant signatures of himself and
spouse, dated "at London, 8th August 1604," and one of her manuscripts is dated
" London, this first day of January 1608," but before this date he had taken holy
orders : the Rev. Bartholomew Kello was collated to the rectory of Willingale Spain,
near Chelmsford, 21st December 1607, the King being patron. The manuscript just
alluded to is written in imitation of print, and contains the following brochure :
" A treatise of Preparation to the Holy Supper of our only Saviour and Redeemer
Jesus Christ. Proper for all those who would worthily approach to the Holy Table
of our Lord. Moreover, a Dialogue contenand the Principal poynts which they who
wold communicat should knowe and understand. Translated out of French in
Inglishe for the benefite of all who truely love the Lord Jesus. By Bartholomew
Kello, Parson of Willingale Spayne in the Countye of Essex." This MS., as well as
many others, was in Mr. Laing's possession ; it is No. 16 of the Twenty-Eight manu-
scripts described in his Paper. Her father died on the 10th August 161 1 at Edin-
burgh ; her mother was alive in July 1614.
In 161 2, Esther is styled by an admirer of her talent : " L'unique et souveraine
Dame de la plume." Her husband and herself seem to have returned to Edinburgh
in 161 5 ; a MS. of that year on La Vanite" et Inconstance du Monde was in the pos-
session of the late James Douglas, Esq., of Cavers (No. 23 in Mr. Laing's list). Their
only surviving son, Samuel Kello, comes to view as an Edinburgh student in 1617,
and he took the degree of MA. in 1618. A letter from his mother to "the most
104
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
mightie monarche," petitioning for his admission to an English university, is preserved
in the Register Office, and is reproduced in facsimile in " The National MSS. of
Scotland" (Part iii. No. 93); it is dated Edenbrugh, 20 June 1620. He was admitted
to Christ Church, Oxford, and became (it is said) minister of Speakshall, or Spexall,
in Suffolk. " Mrs. Esther Inglis, spouse of Barthilmo Kello, indweller in Leith," died
on 30th August 1624, aged 53. The admirable Scottish divine, Robert Boyd of
Trochrig, alludes to her in his diary thus : " Ce moys de Juillet 1625, estant a Edin.,
j' appris la mort d' Esther Angloys, femme de Bart, de Kello; damoyselle done de
pleusieurs beaux dons ; et, entre autres, excellent escrivain par dessus toutes les
femmes de son siecle, dont j'ay quelques beaux monuments de sa main et son amide
enverse ma femme et moy." Her husband survived until 15th March 1638 ; at the
time of his death he was styled " Barthilmo Kello, minister of God's word, and
indweller in Edinburgh." Besides her son, two daughters, Elizabeth and Marie, also
survived her. Her portrait, painted in 1595, was in Mr. Laing's possession, and
having been engraved under his superintendence, it adorns vol. vi. of the Proceedings
of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. (I find the baptisms of two children in
the Register of the City of Edinburgh — Jeane in 1599, and Joseph in 1601.)
Among the young men of rank residing in Stirling Castle, and educated along
with King James VI., under the tutorship of the great George Buchanan, was a
French Protestant youth, Jerome Groslot, Sieur de 1'Isle. His father, Jerome
Groslot, Bailli of Orleans, was killed in that city during the St. Bartholomew
massacre. He had, during his lifetime, shown hospitality to Buchanan ; and young
Jerome, who fled to Scotland after the massacre, was requited by the sage's affection
and generosity. When he returned to France, the Sieur de 1'Isle was not forgotten
by the king, who employed him in a private negotiation with Henry IV. He sat in
the Synod of Privas in 1612. Although not an author, he was esteemed as one of
the literati of his day. The following is a certificate which George Buchanan
addressed to Theodore Beza : —
" Jerome Groslot, a young man of Orleans, who is the bearer of this, although born in a
distinguished city, of most distinguished parents, is, however, best known in consequence of
his calamities. In that universal tumult and universal phrensy which prevailed in France, he
lost his father and his patrimony, and was himself exposed to jeopardy. As he could not
remain at home in safety, he chose to fix his residence in Scotland till the violence of that
storm should a little subside. As the state of national affairs is now somewhat more tranquil,
and his domestic concerns require his return, he is determined to travel through England,
that, like Ulysses, he may become acquainted with the manners and cities of many men ; and,
as far as the shortness of his time will permit, may familiarize himself with a branch of civil
knowledge which is of no trivial importance. This journey, I trust, he will not perform with-
out receiving some benefit, such as he has derived from his late peregrination. During his
residence in Scotland, he has not lived like a stranger in a foreign land, but like a citizen
among his fellows. The study of letters he has prosecuted so successfully, as not only to be
able to soothe by their suavity the sorrows incident to his disastrous condition, but also to
have provided for himself and his family a resource against the future contingencies of life.
Here it is not necessary for me to persuade, or even to admonish you to treat this excellent
youth with kindness ; for that is what the uniform course of your life, and the bond of the
same faith, demand of you, nay, even compel you to do, for the sake of maintaining your own
character. G. Buchanan." 1
" Edinburgh, July the fifteenth, 1581."
From Melchior Adam's Lives of German Philosophers, it appears that " Groslot
visited the English universities in the company of Paulus Melissus Schedius, and
sailed with that philosopher to France, in the spring of 1583." Dr. Irving (in his
Life of Buchanan) informs us that "several philological epistles of Groslot may be
found in the collections of Goldastus and Burman. In the latter collection occur
his annotations on Tacitus. Casaubon calls him nobilissimus doctissimusque vir."
Melchior Adam names and describes him as " Hieronymus Groslotius Lislaeus,
nobilis Gallus, cujus majores ex Francia Germanise oriundi erant, qui cum adolescen-
tulo Jacobo VI. Scotiae rege sub Georgio Buchanano educatus fuerat."
No formal reception of Huguenot refugees in Scotland seems to have taken place
until the year 1586. The troubles in France at that period may here be summarized.
On 10th June 1584, the Duke of Anjou, best known as the suitor of our Queen
Elizabeth, had died at the early age of 30, and by his death King Henri of Navarre
became the heir-presumptive to the French throne. This circumstance had led to
the revival of the League, whose real aim was to dethrone King Henri III. in favour
1 From Buchanani Eflstolcc — (the translation is by Dr Irving).
THE EARLIEST REFUGEES IN SCOTLAND.
105
of the Duke of Guise, but which now raised a cry in favour of Charles, Cardinal of
Bourbon, the next heir after the Royal Navarre heretic. On /th July 1585, Henri
III. made a treaty with the League, in which he bound himself to extirpate the
Reformed Religion, and which resulted in a declaration of war against the Huguenots.
And this civil war was desolating France in 1586.
In 1586 King James gave his royal licence to French Protestants and their
ministers to live in Scotland ; and the General Assembly of the Scottish Church of
that year instructed Andrew Melville to write a letter in their name, assuring
the refugees that every effort would be made to render their situation agreeable.
One of the first who came over was Joachim Du Moulin, Pasteur of Orleans. The
Town Council of Edinburgh voted stipends to the ministers of the refugees (11th
May 1586), and allowed them to meet for public worship in the common hall of the
College. A general collection was made throughout the parish churches in 1587.
Dr. Lorimer 1 gives an interesting extract, from the Minute Book of the General
Kirk-Session of Glasgow, May 23, 1588, "the which day the session ordains Mr.
Patrick Sharp, Principal of the College of Glasgow, and Mr. John Cowper, one of
the ministers there, to go to the [Town] Council on Saturday next, and to propound
to them the necessities of the poor brethren of France banished to England for
religion's cause, and to crave of them their support to the said poor brethren." The
Presbytery of Haddington took a special interest in Monsieur Du Moulin himself, on
October 18, 1589, when they had before them "the warrant from the Synodal for the
ingadering of the support to Mr. Mwling banest out of France."
I compiled the above paragraph for my previous edition, and out of reverence to
history and historians I do not alter it. But according to my information, it was
about a hundred years afterwards that a French refugee congregation assembled in the
Edinburgh College Hall ; and as to the Town Council Minute, its tone was as cordial
as could be desired, but no definite grants were made. The rubric describes it as
being " Anent the fraynche kirk to cum to yis bur* " I have the Minute Book open
before me, but as the minute has been printed, I take it for my readers' use from the
printed copy, 2 and give them a version of it in modern spelling in a parallel
column : —
11 May 1586. A?;ent the heids and articles
givin in before thamc for the pairt of the min-
is ten's of the Fraynche Kirk that is to cum heir
at the kingis majesties desyre, als weill for
tha/ne selffis, as for sic utheris of that natioun,
that will follow thame, off the qithilk the tenour
followis : First, thay desyre of the guid towne
ane tempill sufficientlie to be prmydet and put
in decent ordour. Secundlie, ane ludgein for
the ministeris provydet frelie with fyve chal-
meris, als neir the kirk as it may be gottin, and
helpit with sum movebills after the guid toivnis
discretion/!. Thirdlie, that the said Fraynche
strayngeris may half ane testimonial/ of my
lord p roves t, bailyeis, counsall and deykius to
be tvelcum and uset freyndlie to do thair honest
besynes, and exerceis thair particulare craftis
without impediment, as thair awin frie bur-
gessis. Fast, gif any uther thing be thocht
necessar or expedient, that sail nocht be pre-
judicial! to the towne, that may serve the said
strayngeris without the qithilk thai can nocht be
commodet, that of the townis guid will thai may
be helpit —
With the quhilks the said provest, bailyeis,
counsall and deykius of craftis, being ryplie
avyset, after thai had considerit the Christiane
ttewtie quhilk thai aitcht to schaw unto thair
I rether, afflictet for the trewth and sinceritie of
the Ei'angell professit with thame, as als lump-
ping that the saidis brether, be thair godlie and
honest conversatioun, sail be ane exampill of
guid lyfe and maneris unto all the inhabitants
11 May 1586. Anent the heads and articles
given in before them on the part of the min-
isters of the French Kirk, that is to come here
at the King's Majesty's desire, as well for
themselves as for such others of that nation
that will follow them, of which the tenor
follows : First, they desire of the good town
a temple to be sufficiently provided and put
in decent order. Secondly, a lodging for the
ministers provided freely with five chambers,
as near the kirk as may be gotten, and helped
with some movables according to the good
town's discretion. Thirdly, that the said
French strangers may have a testimonial from
my Lord Provost, Bailies, Council and Dea-
cons to be welcome and used friendly to do
their honest business, and exercise their par-
ticular crafts without impediment, just as their
own free burgesses. Lastly, if any other thing
be thought necessary or expedient, which shall
not be prejudicial to the town [and] which
may serve the said strangers [as a thing] with-
out which they cannot be commoded, that of
the town's good will they may be helped.
As to which [heads and articles] the said
Provost, Bailies, Council, and Deacons of
crafts, being ripely advised, after they had
considered the Christian duty which they
ought to show unto their brethren, afflicted
for the truth and purity of the Evangell pro-
fessed along with them, as also hoping that
the said brethren, by their godly and honest
conversation shall be an example of good life
' " Historical Sketch of the Frotestant Church of France," hy Rev. John Gordon Lorimer, page 75.
s "Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh, 1573-1589" (printed for the Scottish Burgh-Records Society),
page 45 8 -
I. O
io6
FR ENCH P ROTES TA N T EXILES.
of this burgh, and that, be thair honest Industrie and manners unto all the inhabitants of this
and experience in thair craftis, with tyme, thai burgh, and that, by their honest industry and
sail be ane gritler furtherance and avantage to experience in their crafts, in time, they shall
the commoun weill than the tred and commoditie be a greater furtherance and advantage to the
quhilk may fall in thair hands may be hurtfull common weal than the trade and commodity
to any particulare persoune ; thairfore, thai which may fall into their hands may be hurt-
willinglie accordet and agreit to the saids articles ful to any particular person, therefore, they
as followes : — willingly accorded and agreed to the said
Anent the first, it is universally accordet that articles as follows : —
the saidis ministeris and bretherein sail haif Anent the first, it is universally accorded
deput and assignet unto tliame ane sufficient that the said ministers and brethren shall
tempill. Anent the secund, Ike said ministeris have, deputed and assigned unto them, a
sail haif ane sufficient lugeing with the chalmcris sufficient temple. Anent the second, the said
efferand thairto frelie. Anent the thrid, it is ministers shall have a sufficient lodging with
lykewayes agreit thairto, with provisioun that, the chambers effeiring thereto freely. Anent
quhen it sail p/eis God to bring the estaitt of the third, it is likewise agreed thereto, with
France to ane resonabill quyetnes as concerning provision that, when it shall please God to
the materis of relligioun, gif any of the said bring the state of France to a reasonable
brether sail still remayne within the libertie of quietness as concerning matters of religion, if
this burgh, thay to be oblist to mak thame sclffis any of the said brethren shall still remain
frie with the toivne and with thair craftis as within the Liberty of this Burgh, they be
uther inhabitants of the burgh hes done of before, obliged to make themselves free of the town
Fynallie, anent the last heid the samin wes fullie and with their crafts, just as other inhabitants
agreit upoun in all poynts. of the burgh have done before. Finally,
anent the last head, the same was fully agreed
to in all points.
There seems to have been a large influx of refugees into England at this time,
which taxed the resources of the French churches there beyond their powers. The
Edinburgh Town Council agreed to help them through a public collection : —
" 21th Sept. 1587. — Upon the report of John Edzeir of the misterful estaitt of the
Fraynche kirk in Ingland — Grantis that ane voluntare contribution be maid throw this burgh
for thair support, and that the avyse of the kirk be tayne heirinto that ordour may be tayne
thairwith on Fryday nist." [The Scottish adjective misterful, or mistirful, means necessi-
tous : tayne means ta'en, i.e., taken.]
Very little additional information is given in the Books of the Commissariot of
Edinburgh. The Commissary, Mr. John Preston, on 1st June 1 591 , confirmed
" Stevin Peiris," Frenchman, in the Canongate, as executor, being the nearest
kinsman of Peir [Pierre ?] Dolerance, Frenchman, servitour to my Lord Seytoun, who
had died intestate on 21st May, having in his possession forty pounds Scots.
We find also "The Inventar of y e guids, geir, sowmes of money, and debtis per-
teining to umq 11 Nicolas Inglis frenchman m r of y e frenche schole in Ed r the tyme of
his deceis Quha deceist upon y e tent day of August y e zeir of God 161 1 yeris ffaith-
fullie maid and geven up be Mary Preset his relict spous and only exec x in lyfe
nominat be y e defunct in his l r Will underwrytine as y e samin of y e twelff day of May
y e zeir of God foresaid."
This inventory was laid before Mr. John Arthur, Commissary of Edinburgh, on
23d July 1614. The reason why the widow is described as the only executrix in
life is, that a daughter Marie Inglis, whom her father had made joint-executrix, had
died in the interval between 1611 and 1614. The inventory detailed 1 silver piece
and 4 silver spoons, weighing in all 11 oz., value £3 per oz. — .£33 ; library, value
£20; ready gold and purse-pennies, value 20 merks ; 2 little gold rings, "price of
baith, ten tnerkis ;" utensils, domicils, and abulzements of his body, value 200 merks.
Due by Thomas Foulis, £2154. Due by Bartilmo Kello, ^480. Total of inventory
and debts, £2840, 6s. 8d. Scots money. [Apparently the debtors had paid the annual
interest regularly, as the debts represent what they owed to the testator.]
The following was Nicolas Langlois', alias Nicholas Inglis', will : —
Au nom de Dieu. — Je Nicolas Langlois, Francois, Maistre de L'ecole francoise en ceste
ville de Lislebourg, me sentant sain d'entendement et malade de corps Jay bien vouleu or-
donner mon testament et dernier volunte comme sensuit Je Recommende et laisse a Dieu
nion ame Et quant au corps Je desire que apres mon decez il soit enseveli a la facon accom-
tumee en attendant le jour de la Resurrection bien heureuse. J'ordonne ma femme Marie
Presot et ma fille Marie Langlois elles deux mes seules execeteures et entremeteures avec mes
biens quelconques. En Tesmoinge de ce Jay signe" ce present testament et ma derniere
volume" de ma main Le douzieme de may M D C sixcentes onze En presence de Henry
THE EARLIEST REFUGEES IN SCOTLAND.
107
Oliphan ct Jaques Broun tesmoings. Sic sub r Nicolas Langlois. H. Oliphant tesmoin Ja.
Broun testes.
The degree in which the population of Edinburgh was affected by the immigra-
tion of French refugees in 1586, can be conjectured from some entries in the surviving
registers of baptisms and marriages, in which the earliest date is 1595. The result of
these and similar searches may appear in a future chapter.
NOTE.
If (as tradition has long reported) the Howies were Albigenses who fled from the ancient
and horrible persecution of their Bible-loving and inoffensive community, they may be truly
called the very earliest French evangelical refugees in Scotland. Their surname, as a Scotch one,
would be pronounced Houie, not unlike the celebrated French name Huet. Their tradition is
that three brothers, bearing the surname of Howie, tied from persecution in France more than six
hundred years ago : one settled in Mearns parish, another in Craigie parish, and the third in
the parish of Fenwick, and the secluded farmhouse of Lochgoin. Many generations of the
refugee's descendants have occupied that farm, and its farmhouse, which has become cele-
brated through the courage and piety of its inmates. The tenant in 1684 was James Howie,
a godly and persecuted Covenanter. The preface to the first edition of " The Scots
Worthies " (that prized book of good Presbyterian memoirs) was dated at Lochgoin, July 21,
1775 > tne conscientious and patriotic author was John Howie (born 1736, died 1793). The
eldest son of that excellent writer died a few days before him ; another son, Thomas Howie,
died in Lochgoin in 1863, aged eighty-six. To the same stock belonged the Rev. Thomas
Howie (born 1678, died 1753). There is a tombstone in Annan Old Churchyard (a horizontal
slab on supports) which commemorates him and some of his house : —
Here lyes the corps of the Revrd. Mr. Thomas Howie
late Minister of the Gospel at Annan,
where he exercised his office upwards of 50 yrs., during all which time he was faithful and
diligent in his Lord and Master's service, and his principal care was to seek to save his own
soul and those of oyrs. and in hopes of having the approbation of Well done, good and faithful
servt., enter into the joy of thy Lord. He departed this life May 23d 1753, aged 75.
Here lyes the corps of Elizabeth Davidson
late spouse to Mr. Tho. Howie Min r of the Gospel at Annan.
She was a pious and resigned Christian, and affectionat wife and indulgent moy r , and in
hopes of a blessed resurrection departed this life Sept r 23d 1 75 1, aged 80.
Here lye Margaret and Christiana Howies, daughters to Mr. Thomas Howy minister of the
Gospel at Annan and Elizabeth Davidson his spouse, who both departed this life in May
1722. Marg. aged 9 years and a half, Christiana, three.
Isa. LXV. 20 The child shall die an hundred years old.
Dear children, ye were most sprightly and fair,
Of grace, love, and smartnes instances rare ;
But in health these deaths thou Peggie foretold.
And Heaven much longd for who then coud withhold ?
Qu A D T D P
os nguis irus risti ulcedine avit
H Sa M Ch M L
Here lies Thomas Johnstone, Esq. of Gutterbraes, late Provost of Annan, Grandson of the
late Rev. Thomas Howie, who died 2d Sept. 1815, aged 85.
The venerable divine seems to have had no son, but his daughter Elizabeth was married
to John Johnston of Gutterbraes, and was the mother of the above-named Provost {born
1730), and of an eminent Scotchman, Rev. Bryce Johnston, D.D., minister of Holywood, in
the county of Dumfries {bom 1747, ordained 1 7 7 1 , died 1805). The Rev. Mr Howie is the
author of a little work entitled " The present state of most professors, with a seasonable
warning to them and others. Opened in some sermons on Matt. xxv. 5 and Eph. v. 14.
By Mr; Thomas Howy, Minister of the Gospel at Annan. Drumfrks, printed by Robert Rae,
at his printing-house in the Kirkgate. 17 15."
*+* The following Frenchmen took the degree of M.A. in the University of Edinburgh in
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: — Daniel Plataaus and Gabriel Bonnerin (1592).
Thomas Mazerius, afterwards pastor of Lusignan (1595). Joannes Olivarius, minister, and J.
Baldoynus (1597). Joannes Argerius (a most excellent youth, who was accidentally drowned
immediately after his return to France), Petrus Baldoynus, Honorius Argerius, and Stephanus
Baldoynus (1598). Joachimus Dubouchet, Theodorus du Bouchct, and Joannes Bardin of
Xaintonge (1600). Jacobus Robertus (1638).
ioS
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Chapter 3.
REFUGEE CLERGY IN THE REIGNS OF HENRI II., CHARLES IX., HENRI III.,
AND HENRI IV.
I. Refugees in the Universities.
Peter BlGNON, a French Protestant, had assisted Professor Wakefield in conducting
his Hebrew class in Cambridge. The chair becoming vacant, he obtained a public
certificate of his eminent diligence and ability, dated ioth November 1574, signed by
Drs. Perne and Norgate, and other University men. This certificate he presented to
the Chancellor of the University, Lord Burghley ; and his lordship supported him
with much zeal, writing in his favour to the Vice-Chancellor and Heads of Colleges,
and also promoting a subscription to augment the stipend ; in the latter movement
he enlisted the energies of Archbishop Parker. The reply of the University authori-
ties was that they were bound to elect a Master of Arts to the vacant lectureship, and
to give a preference to a Fellow of Trinity College ; that, therefore, Mr. Bignon was
not eligible, and to suspend the statute in his favour would be a discouragement to
their own graduates. They undertook, however, to show kindness to him, if he would
continue to reside with them. Strype adds, "what they did for him I find not ; pro-
bably they allowed him to be a private reader and instructor of scholars in that kind
of learning, and might allow him an honorary stipend." (Life of Parker, folio,
page 470).
The first mention of the refugees in the Athence Oxonienses is under the date, 4th
July 1576. " Peter Regius [Le Roy ? — ], a Frenchman, M.A. of twelve years' standing
in the University of Paris, now an exile for religion, and a catechistical lecturer in
this university, supplicated that he might be admitted Bachelor of Divinity, and that
the exercise to be performed for it might be deferred till Michaelmas Term following,
because he shortly after designed to return to his native country. But the regents,
upon mature consideration, returned this answer, that he might take the said degree
when he pleased, conditionally that he perform all exercises requisite by the statute
before he take it. On the same day, Giles Gualter [Gaultier ?], M.A., of eight years'
standing in the University of Caen (another exile, as it seems), did supplicate under
the same form ; but whether either of them was admitted, it appears not.'
Pierre Baron, a native of Estampes, Licentiate of Civil Law of the College of
Bourges, was a learned theologian, and on taking refuge in England, he was honour-
ably as well as hospitably received at Cambridge by Dr Andrew Perne, Vice-
Chancellor of the University. From his case we infer that French literati, coming
among us without any knowledge of English, and finding our great men unable
to speak French, introduced themselves in Latin addresses and salutations. Monsieur
Baron would give his name as Petrus Baro, and hence he became known as Mr.
Barrow. As Petrus Baro he was entered in the books of Cambridge University,
where he was incorporated on 3d September 1575, as Licentiate of Civil Law, and
also received the degree of D.D. ; the adjective Stempanus was sometimes added to
his name to indicate the place of his nativity. He seems to have been appointed
Lady Margaret's Professor of Divinity at Cambridge as early us 1 574, although he
did not draw the stipend till 1576; for in a letter to the Lord Treasurer (Burghley),
dated Cambridge, 21st November 1580, representing what slender remuneration he
had received, he states that he had held the professorship for six years (totos sex
hoxe annos). In the Spending of the Money, of Robert Nowell, we find the following
entries : —
" Too one m r Barrowe, a lamed frenchman of Cambridge the 10 th of January A 0 1575, 20/-;
[the year appears to have been 1576, new sty/e].
" Too one m r Peter Barrow, docto r of divinitie in Cambridge, by thandes of Osmounde,
late of the kinges College there, the 31 st of Januarie 1578, 10/-
" Too one docto r Barowe a poore learned stranger, the 27 th daie of Aprell 1579, 20/-
"Too one m r Docto r Barrowe, a larned stranger, the ioth of Januarie 1579 : sent the same
by m r Whitakers of Cambridge, ^5 ; [the year was 1580, new style'].
In 1576, on July nth, Petrus Baro was incorporated at Oxford as D.D. Anthony
a Wood calls him Baro, but admits that the name is by some called Baron.
This able professor wrote many volumes and tractates ; but he unhappily signal-
ized himself by combating the received opinions concerning divine grace in the
salvation of men, and in suggesting propositions for a verbal and apparent harmoniz-
ing of Romish and Protestant doctrines on that subject and on kindred points. The
BOOK FIRST, CHAPTER V.
109
Lambeth Articles defining and elucidating the Reformation doctrines were sent down
to Cambridge to promote peace, and commanded to be held as statutory at least to
the extent, " that nothing should be publicly taught to the contrary." The only rebel
was Dr. Baro, who, on 12th January 1595, preached a sermon to the clergy (Concio
ad Clerum), re-asserting his own theorems. Queen Elizabeth had heard of the
Doctor's former irregularities, and communicated her warm displeasure to Arch-
bishop Whitgift, her Majesty being pleased to observe that " Dr. Baro, being an alien,
ought to have carried himself quietly and peaceably in a country where he was so
humanely harboured and enfranchised, both himself and his family." Dr. Baro was
touched by this appeal, and also by the Archbishop's moderation ; to the latter he
wrote a letter dated 13th December 1595, expressing his adherence to his own pub-
lished doctrines, making this promise — " I will keep peace as long as I shall be here " ;
as to the Queen he said, " I wish it may be known at length to the Queen's Majesty
what my piety and reverence is toward her ; indeed for her, and for the defence of the
state of this church which she defends, I would shed my blood, if need were, with as
willing and ready a mind as her own faithful subjects ought to do, and as she would
have me do, since she has been willing to make me free of her kingdom, and my wife
and children, and to confirm it with her seal." The death of Dr. Whitaker had just
happened (viz., on 4th December), and Dr. Baro had desired to be promoted to the
Regius Professorship of divinity thus left vacant. For the sake of peace, however, he
refrained from making any application for that chair ; and in 1596 he withdrew from
Cambridge, having resigned his Lady Margaret professorship. He is said to have
explained his reasons for retreating, in three Latin words, " FUGIO NE FUGARER." He
settled in London, in Crutched Fryers. There he died in April 1 599, and was buried
in the Church of St. Olave, Hart Street. The entry in the register of St. Olave's is,
" 1599, April 17, Mr. Doctor Barrow, in the chancel." 1 The city clergy attended his
funeral (by order of the Bishop of London), and six Doctors of Divinity were his
pall-bearers. Strype informs us that he left a large posterity behind him, and that
his eldest son, Samuel Baro, was a physician, and lived and died in Lynn-Regis, in
Norfolk. Anthony a Wood says, " The Baros, or Barons (as they are by some
called), who do now, or did lately, live at Boston, in Lincolnshire, and at King's Lynn
in Norfolk, are descended from him."
There was published in his lifetime a black letter volume, entitled, " A Special
Treatise of God's Providence, and of comforts against all kinde of crosses and
calamities to be fetched from the same, with an Exposition of the 107th Psalme —
hereunto is added an appendix of Certain Sermons and Questions, conteining sweet
and comfortable doctrine as they were vttered and disputed ad clerum in Can>
bridge — by P. Baro, D. in Deuinitie. Englished by I. L., Vicar of Wethersfielde."
*** In 1660, Dr. Peter Heylin, Archbishop's Laud's biographer (known in Scotland as
Lce-ing Peter), published a book or huge pamphlet, entitled, " Historia Quinquarticularis, or
a declaration of the judgement of the Western Churches, and more particularly of the Church
of England, in the five controverted points, reproached in these last times by the name of
Arminianism." In 1673 a reply was published by Henry Hickman, B.D., entitled, " Historia
Qiiinquarticidciris exarticulata ; [The History of the Five Points shown to be pointless.]
Heylin could not deny that the Lambeth Articles were the publicly professed mind of the
Church of England, but he makes much of the fact that King James refused to incorporate
them within the Thirty-nine Articles. Hickman proves that King James, thinking the Thirty-
nine Articles sufficient, and being told that the Lambeth Articles had been drawn up at a
special crisis with a view to pacification, decided to leave them outside the Prayer-Book for
the use of Divines only. " When such questions (said his Majesty) do arise among scholars,
the quietest proceeding is to determine them in the University, and not to stuff the Book with
conclusions theological." One of Heylin's arguments was that " Doctor Baro " was an
avowed opponent of the Lambeth Articles, and " that Bishop Bancroft, when Baro died in
London, three or foure yeares after his leaving Cambridge, took order to have most of the
Divines in and about London to attend his Funeral — this plainly shows that there were many
of both Universities that openly favoured Baroes doctrines " (p. 90). To this Hickman re-
joins, " But do we indeed favour — and plainly declare that we favour — the opinions of those
whose Funeralls we attend ? If so, then we must never go to the Funeral of a Roman
Catholick ; then did Queen Elizabeth and her Bishop Grindal plainly discover themselves
friends to Popery when they so magnificently celebrated the Funerals of the Emperor "
(page 212, second edition).
1 Colonel Chester's MSS. [I had the advantage of the friendship and correspondence of the late Colonel
Chester, and information received from him is thus acknowledged throughout this work. J
no
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
II. Alexandre and Des Gallars.
Pierre Alexandre was one of the foreign pastors, hospitably entertained by-
Archbishop Cranmer. His comrades were more eminent men, namely, Paul
Buchlein, alias Fagius (bom 1504, died 1550), Martin Bucer (bom 1491, died 1551),
and Peter Martyr j Vermiglio (born 1500, died 1562). Mr. Alexandre first visited
Cranmer in 1547, and remained in England as minister of Allhallows, Lombard
Street, London, and on 14th April 1551 he was installed Canon of the eighth pre-
bend of Canterbury. He was deprived on the accession of Mary, but on her death
he returned and was re-instated in his canonry. He set himself to collect the scat-
tered French Church of Threadneedle Street, and it was represented that having
been provided with a prebend he would serve without salary. Application, however,
had been made to the great Calvin to send a pastor from Geneva ; and, when Mr.
Des Gallars arrived, it was still undecided whether Alexandre should be admitted
as his colleague. He seems to have been so recognised for a brief period, in 1560,
with a nominal salary of twenty merks. The only effect appears to have been great
and growing dissension in the congregation. VVhether Alexandre died at his post
in London I cannot discover. He disappears from the scene and from the canonry
of Canterbury in 1 561 . He is sometimes called "Minister of Aries," and the new
edition of Haag notes a conjecture that he was there about 1560.
Roset's MS. Chronicle, preserved at Geneva, narrates (vol. vi. p. 58) what fol-
lows : — " After the decease of Queen Mary of England, and the accession of
Elizabeth, her sister, persecutions ceased there, and there was some liberty for
Christians. The [French] Church of London sought a minister from Geneva, to
repair their but lately ruined condition, and obtained Nicolas des Gallars. At that
time the English departed from Geneva, having taken their humble leave of the
seigneurie, 30th May 1560, and having presented a book containing their own and
their children's names, to be preserved as a testimony of their debt to the town of
Geneva. Some of them had acquired the rights of burgesses, and all had conducted
themselves honestly. The Scotch also betook themselves to their own country,
where also the Gospel began to flourish."
Des Gallars reported his arrival in a letter to Calvin, dated London, 30th June
1560, and from that letter I compile a narrative. The elders of the French Church,
some of whom were not favourable to his appointment, accompanied him to the
Bishop of London (Grindal). The bishop exhorted the elders that, having now
obtained more than they had dared to hope for, they should not be ungrateful to
God and to Mr. Calvin ; that henceforth they should be ruled by Mr. Des Gallars'
recommendations, and should act by his advice in all circumstances ; that they
should be heartily friendly to him, and admonish the whole church of their duty to
him. The bishop assured Des Gallars that he might regard him and his as wholly
at his service, and might come and see him at any time. The pasteur in reply re-
quested his lordship to assume authority over the congregation in order to keep
them to their duty, and especially to preside on the occasion of Mr. Calvin's letter
being read to the assembled people. The bishop promised to be present, but
resigned all authority into the hands of the pasteur. He then spoke to Des Gallars
of admitting Pierre Alexandre as his colleague, who had already begun to collect a
church, and was acceptable to the people ; all the more, because, enjoying a prebend
of Canterbury, he would ask no salary, and would be no burden on a congregation
that was at present both small and poor. Des Gallars said that that was a matter
which required deliberation and further consultation with his lordship.
It appears from the books of his church that his full designation was Nicolas
des Gallars, Sieur de Saules. He succeeded in uniting the congregation, and also
was engaged in completing a Book of Discipline for all the French refugee churches.
His health was so much impaired by our English climate, that he quitted our shores
in the summer of 1563. Bishop Grindal gave him a letter to Calvin, dated June 19,
thanking him for Des Gallars' services, and stating that he had left to his successor,
Mr. Cousin, a quiet and well-ordered congregation which he had found in a most
disturbed condition. The climate of England had greatly injured his health, having
bereaved him of a beloved wife and of children. Another winter in London might
have been fatal to him.
Des Gallars became minister of Orleans in 1564. He published an edition of
Irenaius in 1570 at Geneva.
BOOK FIRST, CHAPTER V.
1 1 1
III. Cousin.
The pasteur, Jean Cousin, as a sound divine, a beneficent Christian, and an able
and influential man, was never equalled among all the refugee clergy. Although
Bishop Grindal's superlatives were entirely laudatory, and not intending any personal
comparisons (in fact, Cousin at the time had no colleague), yet they were literally
true. He was the most faithful and most beloved of the ministers of the French
Church (D. Joannes Cognatus, 1 Gallia^ ecclesiae, quae apud nos est, minister fidelis-
simus et frater meus in Domino carissimus). He was educated for the ministry at
Geneva, and was sent to Caen in 1559, to organise the Protestant Church. The
church was joined by important persons, among whom Haag mentions Vincent Le
Bas, Pierre Pinchon, and sixteen nuns from the Abbaye aux Dames. In a short
time the Protestants were a majority of the inhabitants of Caen, and in 1560 they
occupied two of the established churches. It appears that Cousin went to London
soon after the accession of Elizabeth, in order to assist the pasteur Des Gallars. He
was at Caen in the thick of the civil war of 1562, either as its minister or as a visitor.
In that year the Huguenots attacked and devastated those Romish ecclesiastical
buildings which they did not require for their own worship ; and Cousin told the
magistrates that idolatry had been tolerated too long, and was now to be overthrown.
To counteract this religious revolt the Marquis d'Elbeuf, on the part of the Royalists,
took the command of the garrison and retired into the castle. All his sorties were
repulsed by the citizens re-inforced by fugitives from Rouen. The townspeople
then sent for the Admiral Coligny, who compelled the garrison to surrender. But
this success was of little material advantage, because the proclamation of peace
through all France left Caen without any title to Protestant public worship, and the
citizens had to worship in the surrounding villages of Vimont, Fontaines, and
Allemagne.
In June 1563, on the departure of Des Gallars from England, Cousin became the
sole pasteur of the London French Church. His old preceptor and correspondent,
Theodore Beza, became the chief pastor of Geneva, on the death of Calvin in May
1564. 1565 he wished to receive some token of encouragement or sympathy from
our Queen Elizabeth. Cousin's letter to Cecil, preserved in our State Paper Office,
throws no light upon the nature of Beza's request, but I have copied it as a speci-
men of the writer's style : — ■
A Monsieur, Monsieur Cecille, Secretaire du Prive Conseil de Sa Majeste.
"Tres honnore Seigneur, II pleut a sa majeste restant a Richemont me dire qu'elle
feroit response par son Secretaire a Theodore de Beze. A cause dequoy j'ay retenu
l'homme messagier jusques a ce jour, or pour ne defaillir au devoir d' amitie selon la
requeste du d ct De Beze a moye specialement faite par ses lettres de luy envoyer quelque
response. C'est l'occasion, mon Seign r , pour quoy j'ay prins la hardiesse de vous escrivre
ce mot de Lettres, le vous presentant par un mien amy accompagne du messagier, fousse
moymesme fait volontiers le voyage, tant pour ent re [entendre?] par v re grace Fintention
de Sa Majeste que pour faire la reverence a vostre seigneurie. Mais la charge de l'eglise
(parce que je suis seul) m'a retenu
qui sera,
priant Le Seigneur n re Dieu,
Monsieur Le Secretaire, vous
impartir de plus en plus les graces
de son saint Esprit, et du sante —
vous donner longue et heureuse vie,
De Londres ce 22 d'Aoust 1565,
V re tres obeissant serviteur,
Cousin.
In 1568 the trade of the refugees received a shock through a proceeding of the
Duke of Alva. The Spanish government attempted to get possession of some cargoes
in English ports, but the queen having ascertained that these cargoes were private
property, took them under her guardianship. Accordingly the Duke seized all
English cargoes in Spanish ports ; the Queen retaliated by seizing Dutch cargoes in
her ports. This arrestment suspended the business of many refugees of all the
foreign churches. 2 Pasteur Cousin laid their case before the Bishop of London
1 The able and successful translator of the Zurich Letters (Parker Society) made a mistake in translating Cog-
natus into Cousins — a singular form into the plural. The popular form of the name in England was Cousins ;
but the bishop knew better, and was familiar with his signature "Jean Cousin," or usually "Cousin " only.
8 Perhaps this or some similar arrest is alluded to in the census of 1571, which says that Henry von Diepen-
beck, born in Antwerp and dwelling there, came with Mons r . de Swevingham "about the matters of tharrest,"
and sojourneth together with Andreas de Formestraux, David Shorer, and Hans Browne.
I 12
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
(Grindal) ; and after an interview, he wrote the following pithy letter to Bishop
Grindal . —
Honore Seigneur,
Suyvant Padvertisement je vous ay donne touchant les Complaintes de nos
Marchans, pour les incommodites qui leur surviennent bien grandes et journellement en leurs
traffiques, je vous supplie d'avoir souvenance, es lettres que vous ferez pour la Cour, de points
suivans.
Premierement, Leurs Debiteurs font refus de les payer.
Secondement, Leurs Crediteurs ne less veulent supporter, ains 2 les pressent par impor-
tunite pour avoir payement.
Tiercement, Quant aux Lettres de Change, ils tombent en reproche et prejudice de leur
credit.
Votre humble serviteur,
Jean Cousin.
The government undertook to except the cargoes belonging to Protestant
refugees. And with this view, lists of names were called for. All church members
born in Flanders, and in other places under the dominion of the King of Spain, were
included in the list. The French list, dated January 1569, was signed by Jean
Cousin, Antoinede Pouchel and Pierre Chastelain, pasteurs, and by Michel Chaudron,
Gerard de Lobel and others, anciens. (Strype's Life of Grindal, Book I., chap. 13.)
In 1569 Cousin presided at consistories held about a foreign minister, a Spaniard
by birth, but a French preacher by education, known as Corranus, or rather as
Antonio Corrano {alias Bellerive ?) That minister was learned and eloquent, but
his piety was brought under suspicion through the reckless and irreverent style
of his theological speculations. Cousin would not adopt the idea that instead of
making provision for the instruction of the people in definite truths, the church
should provide perches, provender, and dormitories for " enquirers ;" because to give
to a blundering enquirer the salary intended for a teacher would be an abandonment
of the souls of the people to perish for lack of knowledge. Corrano's case came up
through his own petition for admission to the London French Church. But his
opponents laid on the table a letter, which he admitted to be his own writing, and
which contained a series of heterodox statements. He defended himself by pleading
that the letter was written by way of questioning, not of affirmation. Cousin replied,
" Such kind of questioning is not meet in these times for a minister of God's church."
In November 1571 he is entered in the census of strangers as residing in Black-
friars, and as a denizen. Great liberties were taken with the spelling of names in
those old lists. In a list for 1568 printed in Strype's "Annals of Elizabeth," vol. iv.,
he and his family are entered as residents in Blackfriars thus : — "Mr Cossyn, French-
man, minister, and Breugen, his wife, came for religion, with three boys and two
wenches, which go to school, and are of the French Church." In 1 57 1, the enume-
rator mentions, " John Costen, minister of the French Church, and Burgoniena, his
wife, both French borne," and adds, " He came into this realme about ix. yeares past
for religion." The reader will find still greater liberties taken with the surname if
he consults the imprint of the ledger, entitled, "The Spending of the Money" of
Robert Nowell :—
" 1569. 12 of febr. Geven to John Tawsin, minister to the frenche churche, as
apperethe by his acquitance. 53s. 46."
" To a poore frenche minister in the p'sence of m r Coosyns the frenche p'chere the
the 16 th of Novemb r A 0 1571. 10s."
" Too m r Coosynns the frenche preacher the 16 th of februarye A° 1573. 10s."
In May 1578 there is this entry, "Too one m r Coosins wieffe, a poore wyddowe
stranger. 2s. 6d." This may have been the good pasteur's widow. We may, there-
fore, conjecture that it was on account of Mr Cousin's death, that in February 1 578
the London Church petitioned the Synod in France that Messieurs De Villiers and
De la Fontaine, formerly his volunteer coadjutors, might be settled in London.
IV. De Villiers.
Pierre de l'Oiseleur, chevalier, Seigneur de Villiers, was a native of Lille. He was
educated for the law, and practised as an advocate in the parliament of Paris ; but,
meeting with disabilities and severe handling as a Protestant, he retired to Geneva,
probably in the year 1 564. He was befriended by Beza, and by his advice he became a
1 This word was in use as a synonym for "mais." Boyer said of the word (in his Royal Dictionary), " il
est vjeux et ne se dit qu'en raillant." Mic'ge marks it as obsolete, and translates -A—lmt, but rather.
BOOK FIRST, CHAPTER V.
ii3
student of divinity and a minister of the gospel. At Geneva he was a visitor in the
family of Charles de Brichanteau, chevalier, Seigneur de St. Martin and Nigerets, a
French refugee like himself. The result was his marriage to the seigneur's daughter,
Jeanne de Brichanteau.
He returned to France as pasteur of Rouen. His birth and manners commanded
esteem in high places. While holding the pastorate of Rouen, he was permitted to
act as chaplain to Admiral Coligny and the Queen of Navarre, and thus came under
the favourable notice of the Prince of Conde. The assassins of St. Bartholomew's
Day, 1572, sought for him at Rouen. " Then (says Brandt) he retired with his wife
and seven children to a certain castle [the chateau La Riviere-bourdet] two leagues
from the town, but was suddenly surprised, yet wonderfully escaped ; for his perse-
cutor, a hatter of Rouen, was himself so amazed and confounded, that he suffered
the minister to escape, though he talked with him. Then all was plundered, and his
seven children forced away with nothing but one loaf among them, which was like-
wise taken from them at last."
He came to England " in a threadbare cloak," says Camden, and read a Divinity
lecture. Money was subscribed for him, and he assisted in conducting the ministra-
tions of the PVench Church in Threadneedle Street. No doubt he often made use of
the Latin tongue to state his case and wants to the benevolent, and signed himself
Petrns Villerius. We find the following entries in The Spending of the Money of
Robert Nowell : —
"To m r vellyrious a larned preacher the 16 th of februarye Anno 1573 20/."
" To m r vellerious a french preacher the 13 th of Januarye A° 1574 20/."
" To m r villirius a larned ffrenchman the 13 th of maye A° 1575 30/."
" Too m r vellirius, the 8 th of Januarye A 0 1575 (1576 n.s.) 20/."
"Too to m r Vellerious a larned straunger his towe children the 7 th of december 1577 20/."
"Too one m r velerious daughter the 8 th of maye 1578, 10/."
Being resident in London, he acted as a political agent for the Prince of Conde,
and as a correspondent he exercised considerable influence over the Prince of Orange,
William the Silent. His position as a French gentleman, and his varied talents,
explain his influence, and not Camden's idea (unsupported by fact) that he had
" grown rich " by English charity.
The French Church of London asked the French National Synod of the Protestant
Church to allow him to be settled as their pastor. The Synod resolved to hold him
to be pasteur of Rouen, but consented to lend him to London; this was in 1578.
His eloquence has been celebrated by Baudius (Dominique Baudier) thus : —
Villerium-ne oblivione transeam
Primo mini summoque dicendum loco,
Coeleste pectus, cujus ex reconditae
Mentis scatebra, flos medullaque eloqui
Sermone dia vena limpido fluit ?
In 1579 we find him settled in Holland as chaplain of the Prince of Orange, to
whom he became a Privy Councillor, and at whose death in 1584 he was continued
in all his employments by Prince Maurice. He seems to have been ennobled as
Lord of Westhoven ; 1 he died at Westhoven in the island of Walcheren in 1 593.
He was the author of " An Apology for the Prince of Orange " (against the King of
Spain's condemnation of that great and chivalrous prince). He published, in 1579,
under the initials, C.Q.D.A., a book, entitled, Ratio inennd(2 Concordice inter Ecclesias
Reformatas [a method of promoting concord (and accord) among the Reformed
churches]. In the same year he wrote, in the name of the Protestant ministers of
the Netherlands, a letter to the authors of the Lutheran Book of Concord, in which
he said, " You would act very prudently and Christianly if you would be pleased to
use more cautiously that unhappy expression, WE condemn. You make use of an
argument which appears to you of the greatest strength, namely, that you agree in
the Confession of Augsburg and with Luther. Although we concurred with you in
this, we would not declare that Confession to be a gospel, nor Luther to have
dominion over our faith. Let things contend with things, differences with differences,
arguments with arguments. None of us have ever brandished before you the great
names of Zuinglius or CEcolampadius, of Calvin, Bucer, Melancthon or Martyr, who
nevertheless, do far exceed Luther in learning. Neither are those names mentioned
in our own churches and schools ; for we content ourselves with quoting the Word
of God, on which alone we depend, yet without rejecting the consent of the Primitive
Church."
1 Gerdesius (Scrinium, torn iv. pars 1), styles him Seigneur de Villiers et Westhoven.
I. Y
ii 4
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
De Villicrs also wrote a book on the Rights of Princes. He incurred Camden's
displeasure by opposing an English alliance, and preferring an alliance between the
Netherlands and France — in this he followed the views of his great master, the
lamented Coligny. He can hardly be condemned for disliking the Earl of Eciccster's
administration. Some of the Earl's soldiers captured him on the road between
Westhoven and Flushing. "Allow me," said De Villiers, " a short time in Midel-
burg for necessary business before you take me to Flushing." " Oh, certainly," said
Colonel Russell. The gates of Midelburg opened to the prisoner — a prisoner no
longer, for the magistrates of the town took him under their protection. The King
of Navarre had invited him to his household and council, but as Prince Maurice, on
becoming Governor of the States, asked him to remain at his posts, he would not
remove. In 1588 Du Plessis Mornay wrote to the French ambassador, "You do
well in keeping a strict correspondence with Monsieur de Villiers ; you know how I
have always lauded (and that not sparingly) the talents God has given him ; and
I find it easy to love a man whom I honour." (See Gerdesii Scrinium, torn iv.
pars i.)
V. De la Fontaine.
The Pasteur Robert Le Macon, Sieur de la Fontaine, was born in 1535. He was
a Protestant minister of Orleans on 25th April 1562, when the National Synod of
the Reformed Church met in that city. The Synod chose Antoine de Chandieu
(known as Sadecl) to be their president, and Robert Le Macon, Sieur de la Fontaine,
to be one of the scribes, or Clerks of Synod. In Orleans he had the Pasteur
Beaumont as his colleague, and at the end of 1562 he obtained as a friend and
neighbour the Hebrew professor, Matthieu Beroald. He was a sponsor at the
baptism of a daughter of the latter on 12th March 1569. What was known among
the Huguenots as the third civil war broke out in 1568, and the fury of the
Romanists was specially felt at Orleans, so that about that time the Protestant
congregation was scattered and the pasteurs fled. Monsieur de la Fontaine eventu-
ally came to London, and officiated in the French Church in Threadneedle Street.
The year on which his services are first recorded is (according to Burn) 1574- The
Church in France still considered Orleans to be under their care, and his pastoral
tie to be enduring. A National Synod assembled at St. Foy in February 1578. To
this Synod a petition was presented from " the brethren of the French Church of
London, in the kingdom of England," praying that Messieurs de Villiers, minister of
the church of Rouen, and De la Fontaine, minister of the church of Orleans, might
be given to them as their pastors. The Synod granted this request to the extent
that these ministers should be lent to the London brethren to re-organise their
congregation, and that thereafter they should return to their flocks in France.
In the beginning of 1588 our Queen was disposed to enter into a treaty of peace
with Spain. At this time De Villiers was chaplain to Prince Maurice, Governor of
the States. The Protestants of the Netherlands were filled with consternation at a
report that Elizabeth wished them to be content with liberty of conscience, and not
to demand the toleration of their public worship. Three pastors came to London
on an embassy, and brought a letter of introduction from De Villiers to his former
colleague. De la Fontaine received them on the 24th June, and told them his belief
that if a good peace could be made with Spain, little care would be taken of religion.
He warned them that the Lords of the Queen's Council would by no means suffer
ministers to meddle with State affairs and with the civil government. "You must
excuse yourselves," said he, "by saying, We arc here as clergymen only, and concern
ourselves with nothing but religion"
We pass on to the year 1596, which was an eventful one for De la Fontaine. On
Sunday, 19th May, he hired a boat to carry him to his lodging beyond London
Bridge. While on the river the boat was unaccountably swept into the current
under an arch of the bridge, and he himself was caught up by the water-wheel. Yet
he escaped not only death but injury of any kind. He publicly gave thanks at the
next meeting for worship in his church, preaching a sermon on Psalm xxxiv., which
was printed. In a prefatory account of this thanksgiving sermon he announced that
he was 61 years of age. (This enabled us to give 1535 as the year of his birth.)
In the month of June following, a petition from London having been presented to
the National Synod of Saumur, requesting that Monsieur de la Fontaine might
remain (he himself, by letter, joining in the request), the Synod resolved to comply
with the petition, always reserving the right which the churches in France have to
him ; and the Orleans congregation consented on condition that Monsieur Du
Moulin, senior, should be settled over them.
BOOK FIRST, CHAPTER V.
In 1600 he published a volume of sermons entitled " Les Funerailles de Sodome
et de ses filles, descriptes en vingt Sermons sur l'Histoire de Moyse en Genese,
chapitre, 18 et 19." To this volume was added the thanksgiving sermon on Psalm
xxxiv. In 1603 he was named among the divines appointed by the National Synod
of Gap to consult and correspond concerning union with the Lutherans.
We meet him once more in the year 1604. 1 the year of Bishop Vaughan's promo-
tion to the See of London. On that year Mr. de la Fontaine made a Latin speech
to the former Bishop (Bancroft), who had received his appointment to Canterbury,
and another to the new Bishop. The latter speech is interesting, as narrating the
fact that on the accession of Elizabeth, the office of Superintendent of Foreign
Churches, which had been held by John a Lasco, was given to John Utenhove, who
held it till his death. It was after that event that Bishop Grindal was requested to
become Patron and Superintendent, and he having accepted the charge with the
Queen's permission, it devolved by custom on the Bishop of London, ex officio.
Bishop Vaughan, in reply, eulogised John a Lasco as vir prczstantissimiis, ornatus
multis dotibus animi ct ingcnii, and acknowledged the good services to religion and
to the state, rendered by the Foreign Churches, with which he had been acquainted
for a quarter of a century. He expressed regret at the internal dissensions in the
Church of England, and concluded by apologising for his latinity, his speech being
ex tempore. Mr. de la Fontaine replied briefly (in Latin), that as refugees they could
not interfere in English ecclesiastical affairs, but that they would entertain any
suggestion for the promotion of peace in the Church, an end for which they would
even lay down their lives. A letter (formerly described) proves that in February
1606 he had as colleagues Messieurs Aaron Cappel and Nathaniel Marie.
In 1610 the bookseller, "Richard Field, demeurant aux Black-Frieres," published
a new edition of " Les Funerailles de Sodome," " livre grandement utile et necessaire
pour appendre a bien et sainctement vivre." Although it is described as " ceste
derniere impression," there is no indication of the author being deceased at that
date.
The Messieurs Haag state that De la Fontaine had several children who settled
in England. His eldest son removed to France, and continued the family as a
French Protestant one. He was known as Louis Le Macon, Sieur de la Fontaine et
dAncerville, conseillev du roi et tresorier de la gendarmerie ecossaise.
VI. Castol.
Pasteur Jean Castol of the City of London French Church was installed, probably
m 1579, an d as De Villiers' successor. He was a zealous minister and an influential
man at Court. In 1583 the learned Scottish divine, Andrew Melville, had recourse
to him to contradict false reports and insinuations regarding the Presbyterians ;
Melville's Letter to Castol is still preserved ; Dr. M'Crie informs us that it is in the
Cotton MSS., Calig. C. IX., 59. Strype frequently mentions Castol, and calls him
" a discreet and learned man," — " a knowing person, who had considerable intelligence
from abroad, and especially from France." I have already given the substance of
his letter to the Lord Treasurer in 1 59 1 , representing that the more wealthy members
of his congregation had gone to the army of Henri IV. at their own expense, and that
the poorer- men, if able-bodied, had been provided with the means of joining that
royal army; thus he demonstrated that no contribution could be sent for the equip-
ment of the English auxiliary forces destined to fight under the same standard. The
letter, " so piously and judiciously expressed," is printed at full length in the original
Latin in Strype's Life of Whitgift, Book IV., Appendix No. XIII. It concludes
thus : —
" Ista sunt, amplissime Domine, quae mihi de nostro coetu nimis, et magno cum dolore
meo, comperta sunt, et de quibus Dignitatem tuam ad vitandam omnem offensionem
certiorem factam velim. Ut finem dicendi faciam, magni beneficii loco repono quod tantum
et tarn praestantem monitorem habemus qui nos ad Christianas charitatis obsequium provocare
dignetur ; sed quoniam summa est tenuitas, et opes non suppetunt, sequitatem ac modera-
tionem tuam e nostro nomine omnem sordium et tenacitatis labem abstersuram spero. Vale,
Honoratissime Vir. Deus te, superstite augustissima Regina, diu incolumem servet et omni
benedictionum genere locupletet. Datum, Londini, 19 December 1591.
" Amplitudini et Dignitati tuas addictissimus
Joannes Castollus."
The writer had declared his belief that King Henri's contest was "pro Dei
1 Stiype's "Annals of the Reformation," vol. iv. ( 1 73 1 ), folio, p. 394, No. cexcii., &c.
u6
FREXCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Eccleski." This view had also been endorsed by our government. A prayer for the
good success of the French King was printed in 1590, with this title: — " A Prayer
used in the Queen's Majesties House and Chapel for the prosperity of the French
King and his Nobility, assailed by a Multitude of notorious Rebells that are
supported and waged by great Forces of Foreigners, August 21, 1 590." I copy it
from Strype (Annals, Vol. IV., page 41) : —
" O most mighty God, the only protector of all kings and kingdoms, we thy humble
servants do here with one heart and one voice call upon thy heavenly grace, for the prosper-
ous state of all faithful Christian Princes, and namely, at this time, that it would please thee
of thy merciful goodness to protect by thy favour, and arm with thine own strength, the Most
Christian King, the French King, against the rebellious conspirations of his rebellious sub-
jects, and against the mighty violence of such foreign forces as do join themselves with these
rebels with intention to deprive him most unjustly of his kingdom, but finally to exercise
their tyranny against our Sovereign Lady and her kingdom and people, and against all others
that do profess the gospel of thy only Son our Lord Jesus Christ. Now, O Lord, is the time
when thou mayest shew forth thy goodness and make known thy power. For now are these
rebels risen up against him, and have fortified themselves with strange forces that are known
to be mortal enemies both to him and us. Now do they all conspire and combine themselves
against thee, O Lord, and against thy Anointed. Wherefore, now, O Lord, aid and maintain
thy just cause ; save and deliver him and his army of faithful Subjects from the malicious,
cruel, bloody men ; send him help from thy holy sanctuary and strengthen him out of Zion.
O Lord, convert the hearts of his disloyal subjects. Bring them to the truth and due obedi-
ence of Jesus Christ. Command thy enemies not to touch him, being thy Anointed, pro-
fessing thy holy Gospel, and putting his trust only in thee. Break asunder their bands that
conspire thus wickedly against him. For his hope is in thee. Let his help be by thee. Be
unto him, as thou wast unto King David whom thy right hand had exalted, the God of his
salvation, a strong castle, a sure bulwark, a shield of defence, and place of refuge. Be unto
him counsel and courage, policy and power, strength and victory. Defend his head in the
day of battle. Comfort his army, his true faithful noblemen, the Princes of his Blood, and
all other his faithful subjects. Strengthen them to join their hearts and hands with him.
Associate unto him such as may aid him to maintain his right, and be zealous of thy glory.
Let thy holy angels walk in circuit about his realm, about his loyal people ; that the enemies
thereof, though they be multiplied in numbers, though they exalt themselves with horses and
horsemen, though they trust to their numbers, to their shields, and glory in strength, yet they
may see with Elizeus the unresistible army of angels which thou canst send for the defence
of thy inheritance ; and that thy enemies may know and confess that thy power standeth not
in multitude, nor thy might in strong men ; but thou, O Lord, art the help of the humble, the
defender of the weak, the protector of them that are forsaken, and the Saviour of all those
who put their trust in thee. O merciful Father, we acknowledge thy gracious goodness in our
own former deliverance from the like kind of enemies and rebels against thy Anointed, our
Sovereign Lady and Queen professing thy Gospel. So will we do in this, and be as joyful of
it, and no less thankful for it, and make the same to be for ever an occasion unto us of more
faithful subjection to our own dread Sovereign — whom, Lord, we beseech, now and evermore
most mercifully bless, with health of body, peace of country, purity of religion, prosperity of
estate, and all inward and outward happiness, and heavenly felicity. This grant, merciful
Father, for the glory of thine own name, and for Christ Jesus' sake, our Mediator and only
Saviour. Amen."
Another Latin letter by Castol is extant (Strype's Whitgift, Book IV, Appendix
No. 32). It was addressed to the Archbishop of Canterbury, who forwarded it to
the Lord Treasurer. The date was 24th July 1596; the contents were news from
abroad. Henri IV. is called Gallus, and Philip of Spain Hispanus ; and peace
between them is deprecated, as threatening combined hostilities against the Dutch.
Our Queen's friendship, he hints, will not be much valued by either potentate, except
as events may render it convenient ; (credo augustissimae Reginae amicitiam, non
factis sed eventis tantum, ab ejusmodi sociis ponderari).
VII. De Laune.
Monsieur Guillaume De Laune has been passed over by Mr. Burn when com-
piling his list of pasteurs of the City of London French Church. But he has styled
himself "in Ecclesia Gallicana minister" in his book, which I shall describe after-
wards, published in London in 1583. He was descended from the ancient family of
De Laune de Bclmenil in Normandy, and was born in 1530. Along with his special
and more sacred studies he combined the study of medicine, which he prosecuted
for eight years at Paris and Montpellier, under the Professors " Duretus " and
" Rondeletus." He was ordained to the ministry of the Reformed Church of France
in 1558, but in what parish we are not informed, but probably it was Dieppe. He
BOOK FIRST, CHAPTER V.
117
is first seen by us in propria persona as a refugee in London in 1582. In that year
the College of Physicians of London heard with dismay that a refugee French pastor
was practising medicine in the city and suburbs. M. De Laune was accordingly
summoned to appear before them, and at their court, of 7th December 1582, he was
formally interdicted from practising while unlicensed, but was at the same time
summoned to another meeting at which his case should be fully considered. On the
22d December he appeared accordingly, and laid before the court a written petition,
representing that he had a complete university medical education in France, and
had been in the habit of combining a medical practice with a pastoral charge for
twenty-four years, and that there had been no complaint against him. He stated
that as a refugee on account of religion, he had become dependent upon the practice
of physic for his livelihood, and for the support of his large family, his household
consisting of thirteen souls. He therefore petitioned the college for some formal
sanction of a continuance of his practice. He also handed in a certificate from the
consistory of the French Church, signed by R. Le Macon, de la Fontaine. The
result was that in the most gratifying manner and with complete unanimity, he was
admitted as a Licentiate of the College of Physicians. He continued his services in
his two capacities as preacher and physician until his death ; his name appears in
the books of the college as a licentiate on 18th April 1603. His wife's maiden name
was Desloges, and she predeceased him. On 27th November 1610, he made his
Will, which was proved by his son, Gideon Delaune, and his son-in-law, Nathaniel
Marie, on 12th March 161 1 (new style). Thus he died at the age of eighty. This
refugee pasteur, "tarn probus et tarn doctus," is the ancestor of all the English
Delaunes. His eldest son was Gideon Delaune, known as Apothecary to King
James I. His son, Pierre, I shall notice in this chapter. Of his other children and
descendants a future chapter will speak. He seems to have written or dictated his
Will in English. I annex a copy : —
" In the name of God, Amen. I, William Delaune, preacher of the Worde of God and
Physician, beyng in healthe of bodye and of sounde and perfecte memorye (laude and praise
be given vnto Almightie God for the same), do make and declare this my last will and
testament in manner and forme following. First and principally, I commend my soule into
the mercifull handes of Almightie God, the Father, the Sonne, and the Holie Ghoste, hoping
and steadfastly beleving to have free remission of all my synnes thoroughe the onlie merittes
of Xriste Iesus. My bodya I committ unto the earthe to be decently buryed nere vnto my
late deere wife yf it be possible. And as touching the Disposition of my Lande and tene-
ments with their appurtenez I give the same in manner and forme following ; that is to saye,
I give in forme of sale to Gideon de Laune, my eldest sonne, his heires and assignes for ever,
all and every my messuages Landes tenements rentes reversions services and hereditaments
(excepting that which I give unto my sonne, Paule Delaune, as here belowe shall more largely
appeare) scituat and beyng in the precinct called the Blacke Fryers, nere Ludgate of London,
which I late purchased of Eq. William More, uppon this condition and with this promise,
that my sayed sonne, Gideon Delaune, his heyres, executors, administrators, or assignes,
shall within five monethes after my decease, paye or cause to be payed the severall sommes
of money and legaceys hereafter particularly mentioned and expressed, that is to saye, To the
poore of the Frenche Churche in London, fower poundes : To the poore of Blackelryers and
of the churches of Norwiche and Deepe — to every of them twentie shillinges. To my poore
kyndred beyond the sea, five poundes, to be administered by my sonne, Nathaniell Delaune,
at his discretion. To my sister-in-law, Mary Desloges, widowe of Cornellis Tance, three
poundes. Item, I give vnto my sonne, Paule Delaune, and his heires for ever, for the good
services which he hath done me, the newe house which I have built, with the appurtences
thereof, that is to saye, the great Courte and the house of office therein, with the same
ingresse and regresse to and from the streete which ar at this daye— as allso one of the
chaumbers, which he shall chuse readye furnished, as yt shal be founde at my decease, and
allso the apothecarre stuff and furniture in the sayed new house (paying unto Gideon de
Laune, his eldest brother, the somme of fiftie poundes). Item, I give vnto my said sonne,
Paule Delaune, and his heires for ever, those fiftie pounds which ar mentioned in a bond,
under the names of Mr. Burt, Mr. Hartley, and Mr. Boulton, as allso my silver guilt pott of a
pynte for a remembraunce. Item, I give vnto Abraham De Laune, sonne and heire unto
my sonne, Gedeon Delaune, the greate silver guilt salt seller for a remembraunce. As for the
rest of my goodes as well of five hundred and fiftie poundes which arise of the sale of my
howses and heritages as of the rest of my goods, to vvitt, moveables, chattels, debtes, and
readie money, I will that they be equallye devided vnto all my sonnes and daughters — that is
to saye, vnto Gedeon Delaune, my eldest sonne, unto Peter, Nathaniel, and Paule, and Henry
Delaune, sonne and heire vnto Isack Delaune, my sonne deceased (who for his manage
receyved one hundred poundes), unto Sara, Ester, and Elizabeth, my daughters, equalising
them that have least receyved with them that have most receyved. As for my sonne in lawe,
Peter Chambleyn, my will is that he repaire the cntrye of my house where he nowe dwelleth,
n 8
FREXCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
as it wa$ when he entred therein, as he ought to doe by the Judgement of honest men accord-
ing to Lawe, and as he hathe allreadye promised by wrytinue, before that he receyve any
benefitt or commoditye by this my will. And, whereas, my Daughters have had more than
my sonnes by the meanes of their mother, as well at their manages as at the Decease of their
saied mother, I give vnto my saied sonnes, to each of them fyve poundes.
" Item, I make and ordeyne my son Gedeon Delaune and Nathaniel Mary my sonne in lawe
executors of this my will. Provided alwayes, and notwithstanding anything in this my Will
before specified, that yf my sayed sonne Gedeon Delaune shall refuse to take upon hym the
execution of this my will and make probat thereof, or taking the same uppon hym doe not
paye all and every the legacyes by me hereinbefore given to any person or persons according
to the limitation intent and true meaning of this my will, that then I give and bequeath all
and every my sayed messuages Landes tenements rentes reversions and hereditaments vnto
my sonne Peter Delaune and his heires. And if he refuse, then unto my sonne Nathaniel
Delaune and his heirs, and so consequently at their refuse unto my sonne Paule Delaune and
his heires and assigns for ever in the same nature and with the same conditions as was here
abovementioned and given unto my sayed sonne Gedeon Delaune, and then I will and
bequeathe vnto my sayed sonne Gedeon Delaune the somme of one hundred and fiftie
poundes.
" In witnesse whereof I the sayed William Delaune have hereinto set my hande and sealle
vppon the seaven and twentieth daye of November in the yeres of the raigne of oure soveraigne
Lord James by the grace of God King of Englande Scotland Fraunce and Ireland Defender
of the faithe &c, that is to saye, of England Fraunce and Ireland the eight, and of Scotland
the fower and fortith. William de Lawne.
Sealed and subscribed by the said William Delaune and by hym confessed and acknow-
ledged to be his last will and testament in the presence of me — Robert Andrewes, Martin
Browne, Roger Langton."
Through the kindness and courtesy of William Munk, Esq., M.D., Herveian
Librarian and Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians, London, author of " The
Roll of the R. C. P. of London," 3 vols. Svo, I am able to present my readers with
the minutes of the college regarding Mr. William Delaune, including the French
certificate :
" 7 0 Decembris 1582.
" In istis comitiis comparuit Gul. Launaeus, Callus, Professor Theologiae : illique interdic-
tum est ne exerceat medicinam in posterum, nisi Licentiam in Collegio secundum consuetu-
dinem et privilegia impetraverit. Ft quoniam confessus est se artem medicam exercuisse,
idcirco 11 1 i injunctum est ut in proximis comitiis (nempe postridie Divi Thomae) personaliter
adsit ut ibi expectet et audiat quod de se ulterius concludendum est."
" 2 2 Decembris 1582.
" Comparuit Gulielmus Launaeus, Gallus, predicator, qui per literas supplicatorias petiit
humiliter ut nostra bona cum venia, liberum illi esset in hac Civitate Medicinam exercere, prop-
terea quod ejectus e Patria Religionis causa, non habebat unde aliter viveret aut se et onerosam
suam familiam sustentaret.
" Copia Literaiitm Supplicatoriarum Gulielmi Launaei.
" Prudentissimi Domini Doctores,
" Gulielmus Launaeus, Verbi Dei Praedicator ac Medicus, hue Religionis erga tanquam ad
asylum, Dei Gratia et Regiae Majestatis dementia, (quae cujuslibet legitimae vocationis usum
propter Christum afflictis libere concessit) profugus — gravi numerosae familiae pressus onere, ad
cujus nutritionem nullum praebuerit immotum lapidem, nec aliunde habet unde id potest quam
ex arte medicinae, cui per octo annos Lutetian et Monspelii sub Duretio et Rondeletio, doc-
toribus expertissimis et praaceptoribus observandissimis, edoctus. Jam hos 24 annos, quum
perfunctiones ecclesiasticas facilius licuisset, suis conteraneis et paucis aliis iisque pauperioribus
tam fideliter ac feliciter ex'ercendae animum suum applicavit, ut ne uni quidem adhuc justam
querimoniae causam dederit. De munere suo coram quibuslibet, vel literis dicti sui veritatem
probantibus, vel libris ab ipso compositis, vel privata sive publica tentatione responsurus.
Jam 52 annorum aetatem agens supplex deprecatur vos, humanissimi et piissimi domini
doctores, ut per vestram charitatem etiam aliquid de Jure vestro remittentes, quod beneficium
jam expertus est, et vobis gratias agit, illi permittatur, vel quod adhuc vivere super est hie
medicinam faciundo transigere, vel donee eum disciplina ecclesiastica ut prasdicationis debitum
munus expleat alio recovaverit. Id si per. vestram humanitatem et erga extraneos solitum
amorem impetraverit, eum suosque omnes devinctos habebitis ut Deum Optimum Maximum
assidue precentur ut Doctissimo vestro ccetui semper adsit, et caeptis omnibus benedicat
vestris. IUud vobis facillimum, nemini Deo dante noxium, mihique tanti lestimandum
vestrae beneficentiae, ac si singulis diebus tredecim animabus panem vestrum divideritis."
" COPIA literarum in Launaei pnzdicti favorem scriptarum in nomine Consistorii.
" D. Gulielmus Launreus, gravissimis Ecclesiae tempestatibus e Ministerio, quod
patienter in Gallia multos annos obiit, expulsus, ex quo Londinum se recepit magna
BOOK FIR S T, CHA P PER V. 119
cum nostratium approbatione ac (pmesertim tenuiorum quibus gratuitam operam
impendere non gravatur) commoditate medicinam fecit. Nihilominus in Ministerio
Ecclesiastico (minime tamen ordinario nec stipendiario) nobis operam suam denegare
solet, — partim ut dona a Domino sibi collata in usum Ecclesise conferat, — partim ut,
Deo (quod speramus) iterum vocante, paratior ad ministerii munus obeundum redire
possit. Hsec ita esse Nos, ecclesias Londino Gallicas pastores et seniores, testamur
Londini in Consistorio 12 Calend. Januarii 1582.
" R. Massonius Fontanus.
" Consistorii nomine."
" His literis perlectis et consideratis, gravioris fortunse et egestatis tam probi viri doctique
ratione habita, unanimi consensu conclusum est, ut liceat illi in posterum libere et pacate
medicinam exercere in hac Civitate et alibi, modo se gerat modeste et decenter erga nos
censores et collegas nostra? Societatis, nostrique Collegii dignitatem (quantum in se est) in
omnibus tueatur, et in toto persolvat annuatim ad usus Collegii III. lib. ad quatuor usuales
hujus Regni terminos, in sequas portiones dividendas."
The only book published by this worthy refugee was an abridgment (in Latin)
of Calvin's Institutes of the Christian Religion. He informs us, " At a time when
the fields of France were whitening for the harvest, I had completed the study of
medicine, and was girding myself for its practice, but was recalled to the elements
of theology and to undertake the ministry. The Institutio of John Calvin was the
work, next to the Holy Bible, which I chose for study and to be stored in memory.
People, who go to a garden embellished with an infinite variety of flowers, usually
make a nosegay of those that have delighted either their sight or their smell, so that
when they have left it the garden is still present to their view. So I, in this theo-
logical parterre, perceiving marvellous celestial odours, collected from its chapters
and sections, as from delightful garden beds, what my eyes, mind, and memory
most desired to have always present ; and hence you have this Epitome." The title
is, " Institutionis Christianas religionis a Joanne Calvino conscripts Epitome per
GVLIELMVM LAVNEVM, in Ecclesia. Gallicana. ministrum," 1st edition, London,
1583 ; 2nd edition, 1584. The Dedicatory epistle, dated 10 Cal. Matii 1583, begins,
" Pietate et dignitate illustri viro, Domino Richardo Martino, omnium Angliae
Mineralium fidelissimo Custodi Regio, ac celeberrimse Civitatis Londinensis pruden-
tissimo Senatori." There are Greek and Latin Odes by Miles Bodley, Timothy Le
Macon (Massonius), and Isaac Delaune, the author's second son. (An English trans-
lation of De Laune's Epitome was executed by Christopher Fetherstone, minister of
the Word of God).
VIII. Pierre de Laune.
Pierre, the third (but eventually the second surviving) son of the reverend
physician, became pasteur of the French Church of Norwich. The signature,
Pierre de Laune, still survives in the Norwich book of discipline, but there is no
date. The only notice of him in the register is the baptism of his son, Pierre, on
5th August 1610. His ministry was during a period when refugees, and especially
their children, were tempted to take offence at discipline and to fly to the parish
church. A petition was accordingly presented to the Bishop of Norwich, requesting
his interference in the case of individuals suspended in 1601. The petitioners —
namely, the minister, P. de Laune, and the elders, Jean Fremault, Baudouin Burgar,
Jaques Farvacques, and Francois Desprez — represented that the congregation was
under strict obligation to the city of Norwich to maintain its own ministers, mini-
sters' widows, divinity students, and poor members, while its members as individuals
were also taxed with parochial duties [dues] for the maintenance of the English
ministry. Their suit to the bishop was to help us in bringing home these two
strayed sheep [Pierre Truye and Nicolas de Cortc]. This petition was, presented in
1608. The date of a final settlement was 161 3 (according to Blomefield's " History
of Norfolk," vol. ii. page 256), and was to the effect that, " According to their first
patent the strangers should not be assessed by the court to the [English parochial ]
ministers' wages in their parishes for anything but their houses and grounds, the
payment for their values and stock being left to their own congregations, — they being
to be governed by the bishop as to spirituals, by the city as to temporals, and their
own church by their elders and deacons." In the same year the French refugees of
Norwich were relieved from another grievance by the abolition of an independent
commercial charter granted to the Dutch on February 6, 1606 (old style), " without
120
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
the knowledge of the City or of the Walloons." The Privy Council cancelled this
charter on 13th November 161 3, on the solicitation of the Norwich Town Council.
Troubles as to desertions from the French Church were renewed in 162 1. The
consistory made a representation to the Privy Council that Denis Lermitt
[L'hermitte], Joel Desormeaux, and Samuel Canby, " have upon some displeasure
misconceived against Mr. Peter de Lawne, their minister, whom we know to be a
learned, grave, and discreet preacher, not only withheld from him their usual contri-
bution, but have withdrawn themselves from the congregation and church wherein
they had formerly borne several offices, and continued members thereof ever since
their baptism." The Privy Council referred the matter to the Bishop, the Mayor,
and the Justices, who enforced the decision of the year 161 3, and declared that
those regulations must be adhered to. It appears that Monsieur De Laune after-
wards aggravated or complicated debatable matters by accepting a benefice in the
Church of England, which he declared he would hold along with the French pastorate
of Norwich. He was created D.D. of Cambridge by the king's command, on Febru-
ary 1636 (n.s.).
As formerly stated, there was an affinity between the families of Marie (the first
refugee pasteur), and of Delaune. Ester, the sister of our D.D., was the first wife cf
Marie's son, Pasteur Nathaniel Marie, of London. Nathaniel's daughter, Elizabeth,
was married in London to a pasteur, named Pierre d'Assigny. It is possible that
the bridegroom may have been induced to pay a visit to his wife's uncle, and thus
the French Church of Norwich became acquainted with him. Certainly, on account
of the feeling that Dr Delaune, as a beneficed clergyman, ought to go and reside at
his benefice, the congregation elected D'Assigny ; and a formal induction must
have taken place, because the signature, " Picre d'Assigny, Ministre," survives in the
old book of discipline. (There is no date ; but the next pasteur, Isaac Clementt,
signs on 13th February 1650). The only date we have is the birth of DAssigny's
son in 1643. This son seems to have been named Marie, his maternal grandfather's
surname. On matriculating in the University of Cambridge, his name was entered
as Marius, a form which had the advantages of being Latin and more evidently
masculine. He became an ordained clergyman, and was B.D. of his university in
the year 1668. His writings obtained him a place in the Imperial Dictionary of
Biography, but no church living or pastoral charge is mentioned. His works are
" The Divine Art of Prayer" (1691) ; " The Art of Memory" (1699) ; " The History
of the Earls and Earldom of Flanders" (1701). He translated from French into
English, Drelincourt's Christian's Defence against the Fear of Death, and a sixth edi-
tion of the translation was published at London in 1709. He was buried in the
nave of the church of Woodham-Walter in Essex, on the floor of which there is a
stone with this inscription : —
Here Lyeth ye Body of the
Revd. MARJUS D'ASSIGNY, B.D.,
Who dyed No. 14, 1717, Aged 74 Years.
%* On 14th February 17 16 (n.s.), " Elizabeth Dassigny, of S l - John, Wapping,"
was married in St. Michael's Church, Cornhill, to John Raine, of Stepney.
Chapter S)E
REFUGEES IN THE REIGN OF LOUIS XIII. AND THEIR DESCENDANTS.
I. Casaubon.
The greatest Frenchman who took up his residence in England in the reign of
James I., was Isaac Casaubon. He was the offspring of refugees from more ancient
persecutions. His parents fled from Bordeaux in Gascogne 1 in the reign of Henri
II.; his father was the Pasteur Arnauld Casaubon; his mother's maiden name was
Jeanne Rousseau. Isaac was born at Geneva on 8th February 1559 (o.s.). He
1 This is not the famous Bordeaux, or Bourdeaux, which is in the Province of Guienne.
REIGN OF LOUIS XIII.
121
became Greek Professor at Geneva in 1583, and held his chair till 1597, when he
removed to the Greek Chair in the College of Montpellier. The chief sources of
information concerning him are the collection of his letters (Casauboni EpistoLne),
and his Diary, begun at Montpellier, which was composed in the Latin language,
and which was printed in the same learned tongue by the University of Oxford in
the present century. In the beginning of the seventeenth century he came under
royal patronage and was brought to Paris, and honoured with office and salary as
Reader to the King and Keeper of the Royal Library. His favourite friends and
correspondents were Protestants ; Henry Stephens (Henricus Stephanus) was his
father-in-law ; Theodore Beza Was his idol ; he also greatly admired Andrew
Melville. I quote a part of his first letter to Melville, dated at Paris, 1601 (M'Crie's
translation) : —
" The present epistle, learned Melville, is dictated by the purest and most sincere affection.
Your piety and erudition are universally known, and have endeared your name to every good
man and lover of letters. ... I have always admired the saying of the ancients, that all good
men are linked together by a sacred friendship, although often separated by many a mountain
and many a town. . . . Permit me to make a complaint, which is common to me with all the
lovers of learning who are acquainted with your rare erudition. We are satisfied that you
have beside you a number of writings, especially on subjects connected with sacred literature,
which, if communicated to the studious, would be of the greatest benefit to the Church of God.
Why do you suppress them, and deny us the fruits of your wakeful hours ? There are already
too many, you will say, who burn with a desire to appear before the public. True, my
learned Sir, we have many authors, but we have few or no Melvilles. Let me entreat you
to make your appearance, and to act the part which Providence has assigned you in such a
manner as that we also may share the benefit of your labours. Farewell, learned Melville,
and henceforward reckon me in the number of your friends."
In 1603 Casaubon visited Geneva and was overjoyed to find Beza still alive to
welcome him — "Theodore Beza! what a man! what piety! what learning! O truly
great man ! " (these are his expressions in his diary). The assassination of Henri.
IV. happened in i6io(May 14); and it was during the consternation and perplexities
incident on such a tragic and sudden catastrophe, that Casaubon accepted King
James' invitation, and arrived in London.
It may be questioned, however, if we should give a place among Protestant
Refugees to one concerning whom Du Moulin wrote, " By all means detain Casaubon
in England, for if he returns to France there is every reason to fear that he will
recant." This expressed a general apprehension felt in the French Protestant
churches. The grounds for it were stronger than mere suspicion, because Casaubon
had allowed himself to be drawn into familiar and argumentative correspondence
with Romish proselytizers. The learned Dr. M'Crie's conscientious verdict may be
quoted : — "When Rosweid published that Casaubon had intended to profess himself
a Roman Catholic, the statement was strongly contradicted by his son Meric, and by
Jacobus Capellus. But it is evident from his own letters that Casaubon, although he
could not easily digest some of the grosser articles of the Popish creed, was seriously
deliberating on the change ; and his son has kept back a part of one of his letters
which contains strong evidence to that purpose." — (Life of A. Melville.)
Nevertheless, he was born, lived and died a Protestant, and took no step to dis-
appoint the hopes of the National Synod of Gergeau (May 1601), whose confidence
he had sought. That Synod resolved on a minute to the following effect : — "A letter
from Monsieur Casaubon having been read, the Synod ordered that an answer be
sent to him, expressing our joy for his constancy in the true religion, and exhorting
him to perseverance in it." Du Moulin's hope, that this constancy and perseverance
would be finally secured by his settlement in England, had a wider basis than mere
residence. The Protestantism of James L, who had renounced the simplicity of
Presbyterian ritual for the state and pomp of Anglican ordinances, was a combina-
tion of constancy and compromise which was well suited to Casaubon's views. Pie
thus settled down into a Protestantism of the cavalier or royalist type. On 30th
Oct. 16 10 he recorded in his diary his approbation of the ordination of an archbishop
and two bishops for Scotland, and began at once to look upon Presbyterians and
Puritans as needing his prayers for their amendment as well as Romanists. And in
January 161 1 he fell on his knees at the rails of an Anglican altar, and thereafter
declared fervently his approbation of receiving the Communion elements in that
attitude — his preference to kneeling there, as contrasted with the French and Swiss
custom of sitting at the Lord's Table [like Galilean fishermen].
Casaubon had corresponded with the king as James VI. of Scotland, who had
not forgotten him. A correspondent in England was the learned William Camden.
I. Q
122
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Our ambassador, Sir Henry Wotton, was also a warm personal friend. And thus
he had contemplated with pleasure his removal to England. He came in October
1610 with his wife, the mother of his nineteen children. She was Florence, daughter
of Henri Stephanus, and had been married to him at St. Peter's, Geneva, on 28th
April 1586.
On the 17th January 161 1, he was made a Prebendary of Canterbury, and was
allowed to hold the prebend without taking holy orders. In the same month the
king granted him ,£300 a-year (see a copy of the Grant under the Privy Seal, in my
Historical Introduction).
In the State Paper Office there are letters alluding to Casaubon, of which I give
extracts : — ■
Sir Thomas Lake wrote to the Earl of Salisbury, 7th April 1611 : — "His
Ma 1 - also willed me to advertise your lo. that whereas Mo r Causabon was sending
his wife into France to remove his family hither and his library, your lo. should
writt in his Ma'- name to his Amb r - in France to give unto hir all manner of assist-
ance that he may, in furthering hir return or procuring any favors from the Court
there which may further it."
John Chamberlain wrote to Sir Dudley Carleton, London, 20th November
161 1 : "I was this day with the Bishop of Ely, and among other talk lighted upon
Casabon who, it seems, is scant contented with his entertainment of £300 a-year,
being promised greater matters by the late archbishop who bestowed a prebend upon
him at Canterbury which he valued at six score pounds a year, and falls not out
worth the fourth part."
As to the pension, there is extant His Majesty's Memorandum : — " Chancelor of
my Excheker, I will have Mr. Casaubon paid before me, my wife, and my barnes
(23d September 1612)." 1 His friend, Andrew Melville, for resisting the introduction
of Episcopacy into Scotland, was undergoing a four years' imprisonment. Dr.
M'Crie says, " The warm approbation of the constitution of the Church of England,
which Casaubon expressed, and the countenance which he gave to the consecration
of the Scottish prelates at Lambeth, were by no means agreeable to Melville. But
notwithstanding this he received frequent visits from him in the Tower ; and on
these occasions they entertained and instructed one another with critical remarks on
ancient authors, and especially on the Scriptures." Casaubon has recorded his
delight with an improved punctuation of 1 Tim. iii. 15, 16, of which Melville informed
him : — " These things write I unto thee — that thou mayest know how thou oughtest
to behave thyself in the house of God, which is the Church of the Living God. The
pillar and ground of the truth, and great without controversy, is the mystery of
godliness, God was manifest in the flesh," &c. It is said that such society was
Casaubon's relief from the literary tasks set him by the king. " He (says M'Crie)
who had devoted his life to the cultivation of Grecian and Oriental literature, and
who had edited and illustrated Strabo, Athenseus, Dionysius of Halicarnassus,
Polyaenus, and Polybius, was now condemned to drudge in replying to the Jesuit
Fronto le Due, correcting His Majesty's answer to Cardinal Du Perron, refuting the
annals of Cardinal Baronius, and writing letters to induce his illustrious friend De
Thou to substitute King James's narrative of the troubles of Scotland in the room of
that which he had already published on the authority of Buchanan."
His twentieth child was born in England. Chamberlain writes to Carleton,
London, 4th November 1612 — "Casaubon had a son lately born here, christened by
the King and the Archbishop of Canterbury, whose deputies for that purpose were
the Bishops of Bath and Wells, and Rochester; the godmother was Sir George
Caries lady."
Under the year 161 3 Anthony Wood notes : — " The most learned Isaac Casau-
bon was entered a student in Bodley's Library as a member of Christ Church in the
month of May, but died soon after to the great loss of learning ; he was a great
linguist, a singular Grecian, and an excellent philologer." Maittaire furnishes the
date of his death, viz., 1st July 1614. 2 I find in a letter from John Chamberlain to
Sir Dudley Carleton, dated London, 7th July 1614, "Casaubon died some few days
since, and his wife and children are suitors for his pension."
I have not attempted a list of his publications. With regard to his " Epistolae,"
Dr. M'Crie refers to the folio edition by Almeloveen (Theodorus Janson), published
in 1709, prefaced by J oh. Fred. Gronovius, in a dedicatory epistle dated 9 Kal. Oct.
1638.
1 " Household Words," vol. xi. page 76.
2 This is the date on his monument. Camden, in his "Jacobi I. Annalium," says: — " 1614, Junii 30. —
Isaacus Casaubonus, vir eruditus obiit ; sepultas Westmonasterii juxta Chaucerum." But Michael Maittaire
(Slcpliaiiorum Hisloria, p. 538) may be safely relied on.
REIGN OF LOUIS XIII
123
Besides what was published, his pen was ever producing fragmentary papers
which, as well as his manuscript notes on the margins of the volumes in his library,
were much sought after. In the following century a volume entitled Casauboniana
was compiled from these. If, like many similar compilations, this little book is of
trifling importance, it is nevertheless pleasing as illustrating Casaubon's love for
Biblical studies, and the theoretical excellence of his religious sentiments. As to
evangelical truth, he quotes with approbation the following aphorisms : —
Fides justificat causative, opera justificant ostensive.
Fides impetrat quod lex imperat.
As to error, he writes, " The best of kings has shewn us a book entitled, ' The
Catechism of the Polish Churches, which worship the God of Israel and the man
Jesus,' than which book none more sinful, none more detestable, has been published
for many centuries. Yet the author has dared to dedicate it to the King of Great
Britain. O what wickedness ! Lord Jesus, blot out these impieties from the
memory of mankind. Amen."
He makes a note of a visit from Du Moulin : — " Du Moulin came to me with a com-
plaint that I often criticised his writings in unhandsome terms , and I did not deny
that I felt displeasure at the freedom and causelessness of his condemnation, repudia-
tion, and vituperation of pious writers among the ancients. He asked for my copy
of his ' Apology for the King of England,' in which I had written some notes on
passages in which (if I mistake not) he had greatly offended. I gave him the
volume, and asked him to take all in good part. I wish that it may be so, and that
all my enterprises, as well as his, may be directed to the glory of God."
Isaac Casaubon was buried in Westminster Abbey, where there is a tablet to his
memory (opposite Dryden's monument) with this inscription : —
ISAAC: CASAUBON
(O Doctiorum quidquid est, assurgite
Huic tam colendo nomini)
Quern Gallia reipublicae literarias bono peperit
Henricus IV. Francorum Rex invictissimus
Lutetiam literis suis evocatum Bibliotheca; sua? prsefecit
* Charumque deinceps, dum vixit, habuit,
Eoque terris erepto,
Jacobus Magn. Brit. Monarcha, Regum doctissimus,
Doctis indulgentissimus, in Angliam accivit,
Munifice fovit,
Posteritasque ob doctrinam seternum mirabitur
H. S. E.
Invidia major. Obiit aeternam in Christo vitam anhelans
Kal. Jul. MDCXIV. set. LV.
Qui nosse villi Casaubonum
Non saxa, sed chartas legal
Superfuturas mannori
Ei profuturas posteris.
The Rev. William Beloe ("Anecdotes of Literature," vol. v. p. 124) gives some
curious and friendly jottings regarding him in an article on Sir Henry Savile.
Madame Casaubon survived till March 1616. This energetic and devoted lady is
described by Maittaire as ever the most faithful partner of her husband's vicissitudes,
and also as a frequent sufferer from illness. As refugees their life was one of much
penury. She made a journey from London to Paris in 161 3, to obtain some money
due to him, and returned on 26th October 161 3, only to be laid up with a tedious
illness. Having recovered, she made another journey to Paris in March 1614, and
in the following July her husband died. Isaac Casaubon himself seems to have been
an invalid for the last two years of his life; and a correspondent of Camden writes
of him with commiseration, while he hopes that he will live to complete his edition
of " Polybius." In the year 1617 his notes on the first book [only] of Polybius were
printed in Paris [Is. Casauboni commentarii posthumi ad Polybii librum primum],
the copyright being granted by Louis XIII. to Florence, daughter of Stcphanus and
widow of Casaubon ; the dedicatory epistle was signed by /. dc Gravelle 1 du Piu, her
son-in-law.
The names of Casaubon's twenty children seem never to have been recorded, but
traces of thirteen have been found (chiefly in his Epistolce) : —
1 In Durham Cathedral, 29th December 16S3, there was registered the burial of " Frances Gravelle, niece to
Isa. Casaubon." [Query, grand-daughter of Isaac Casaubon, and niece of Meric Casaubon?]
124
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
1. ] y 1iilippe, born 5th August 1589.
2. Jean [Joannes], born 1590.
[He departed from the faith.]
3. Abigail (died in 1596).
4. Gentille, born 1596.
5. Elisabeth, born in Montpellier, 1597.
6. Jeanne [Joanna], born 1598.
7. Meric, born in Geneva 1599. His spon-
sor was Meric de Vic, Governor of
Calais, afterwards Lord-Keeper of the
Great Seal of France.
8. Anne, born 2d November 1600.
9. Paul, born 27th November 1602.
10. Pierre[?], who married Sibelle Aikin.
[See as to his son [?], extract from
Threadneedle Street marriage register,
2 1 st May 1673, in my Historical In-
troduction ; see also my chap, xiii.]
11. Charles, born 28th September 1607.
12. Marie, born 4th October 1608.
13. James (godson of His Majesty James I.,
after whom he was named), born 19th
October 1612. [Ant. a Wood says — " 18
Nov. 1 641, James Casaubon of Exeter
College was, by an Act, created M.A. —
which is all I know of him, only that he
studied for some time in that house for
the sake of the rector, Dr. Prideaux,
merely to advance himself in the know-
ledge of divinity."] He died in Can-
terbury in 1665, and was buried in the
Cathedral on March 6th. 1
Referring to No. 7 in the above list, I begin a memoir of Florence Etienne Meric
Casaubon, known as the Reverend Meric Casaubon, D.D., who was born at Geneva
on 24th August 1599. He was his father's only companion on his journey to Eng-
land. He had received his early education at Sedan. He completed his school
education at Eton, and afterwards (in 1614) he went to Oxford. His father had a
strong affection for that University. To quote the words of Dr. Samuel Parr, " He
had sagacity enough to estimate all the aids and all the encouragements which
Oxford then afforded to men of letters." The only difficulty was the expensiveness
of living there. "The prudence and parental affection of Isaac Casaubon impelled
him to make enquiries upon the spot ; from enquiries he proceeded to experiment ;
and by experiment he found that the stateliness of the buildings, the largeness of the
public revenues, the hospitable living of the heads of houses, and the expenses of the
more opulent academics, were not incompatible with the economical plan which he
had formed for his son. . . . Instead of being sent, as the father intended to send
him (if Oxford had been too expensive), to the care of that great scholar, Daniel
Heinsius, Meric entered at Christ Church." 2
His college tutor was Dr. Edward a Meetkirk, the king's Professor of Hebrew ;
but he had hardly begun his studies at Oxford, when his father died. His mother
survived, and her learned relatives gave him, we may be sure, both counsel and
assistance. He became M.A. in 162 1. It was in that year that he made his first
appearance as an author in the filial task of vindicating his father's character —
" Pietas contra maledicos patrii nominis." His next pamphlet, " Vindicatio patris,"
though similar in its title page, had a much narrower range. I myself was imposed
upon (and might have led my readers into the trap) by a pamphlet dated 1630,
professing to be from Isaac Casaubon's pen, or, as the title expressed it, " published
in the name of ' Casaubon,' A.D. 1624 — called in (the same year), upon misinforma-
tion — but now (upon better consideration) reprinted with allowances ; " the name of
this publication was, " The Original of Popish Idolatry ; or, the Birth of Heresy."
But I learned from Anthony a Wood's pages that Meric Casaubon, in his " Vindic-
atio Patris," dated 1624, gave true information that the pamphlet was a forgery, " full
of impertinent allegations out of obscure and late authors whom his father never
thought worthy the reading, much less the using their authority."
In 1626, Meric Casaubon was formally naturalized as an English subject. He
became B.D. in 1628, and became parson of Bledon, in Somersetshire, and in 1630,
by command of King Charles I., he was made D.D. of Oxford. He was ultimately
Rector of Ickham, in Kent (4 miles from Canterbury), and a Prebendary of Canter-
bury.
He used to mention several providential deliverances in his life. When a boy in
Geneva, he was saved from death in the night-time, the house having taken fire.
During his residence in Christ Church, Oxford, he recovered from a sickness, " when
he was given over for a dead man." He was upset in a boat on the Thames, and
was buoyed up by his clerical coat, but the two watermen were drowned. The civil
wars in England also brought troubles upon him, his jure divino royalist principles
(enlivened by personal gratitude to the king) having secured his adherence to the
despotic party as opposed to the parliamentary statesmen. 'Nevertheless, Oliver
Cromwell was generously sensible of his worth. Casaubon, on account of the death
of his wife, excused himself from an interview with Cromwell, who offered to be his
literary patron, and to employ his pen in writing a chronicle of the late civil war ;
1 The Dublin Journal, 21st June 1743, announces the marriage of " William Casaubon, junior of Carrigg,
co. Cork, to Miss liell Rogerson, daughter of the late Lord Chief-Justice Rogerson."
2 Dr. Samuel Parr, " Notes on the Spital Sermon," in his works, vol. ii. p. 557.
REIGN OF LOUIS XIII.
125
he also offered him a gift of money through a bookseller, and without any written
receipt. Both of Cromwell's offers were refused with serene disdain. Our hero
might have saved himself from poverty without any active compliance with the
Commonwealth ; yet we read with respect about his voluntary privations (including
the loss of his livings), of which we obtain a glimpse, in his letter to Archbishop
Usher, dated —
"London, Oct. 21, 1650.
" May it please your Grace, I was with Mr Selden after I had been with your Grace ;
whom upon some intimation of my present condition and necessities I found so nohle as that
he did not only presently furnish me with a very considerable sum, but was so free and forward
in his expressions, as that I could not find in my heart to tell him much (somewhat I did) of
my purpose of selling, lest it might sound as a further pressing upon him of whom I had
already received so much. Neither, indeed, will I now sell so much as I intended ; for I did
not think (besides what I have in the country) to keep any at all that would yield any money.
Now I shall, and among them those manuscripts I spoke of to your Grace, and Jerome's
Epistles particularly — the rather because I make use of it in my De cultu Dei (the first part
whereof your Grace hath seen), which I think will shortly be printed. As for my father's
papers, I do seriously desire to dispose of them some way, if I can, to my best advantage, but
with a respect to their preservation and safety — which I think would be, if some library, either
here or beyond the seas, had them. I pray, good my Lord, help me if you can, and when
you have an opportunity, confer with Mr Selden about it. I will shortly (within these few
weeks, God willing) send a note to your Grace of what I have that is considerable, and will
part with— not but that I had much rather keep them, had I any hopes at all ever to be ac-
commodated with books, and leisure to fit them for public use myself. But that I have no
hopes of; and certainly, so disposed of as I would have them in my lifetime, they will be safer
than in my keeping, in that condition I am. It would be a great ease to my mind to see that
well done, for I have always reckoned of them as of my life ; and if any mischance should
come to them whilst they are in my keeping (and indeed they have been in danger more than
once, since this my tumbling condition), I should never have any comfort of my life.
" I have sent your Grace the Jerome that you might see it ; and if you desire to keep it by
you, I shall humbly crave a note of it under your Grace's hand. So I humbly take my leave.
Your Grace's in all humble duty, Mer. Casaubon."
In Anthony a Wood's long list of this author's works I do not find the De Cultu
Dei. His only production now easily accessible consists of some annotations on
the Psalms and Proverbs, reprinted in the last edition of the Westminster Assembly's
Annotations on the Bible. Passing over various pamphlets, I note his books on
" Enthusiasme " (1655), and on Credulity and Incredulity, two volumes (1668-70).
In 1656 there was published a Second edition, revised and enlarged, of his " Treatise
concerning Enthusiasme, as it is an effect of nature, but is mistaken by many for
either Divine Inspiration or Diabolicall Possession." He writes with genuine pity,
and says of one deluded enthusiast, p. 169, "Although I honour his sufferings, yet I
do not think myself bound by that to approve his doctrine." It was in 1664 that he
published " Of the necessity of Reformation in and before Luther's time."
Dr. Meric Casaubon was restored to his spiritualities by Charles II., and spent a
tranquil literary life ; he, however, had lost his wife in 1649. He himself survived
till 14th July 1671. He was the father of John Casaubon, surgeon in Canterbury, who
died in 1693, aged 56, and whose son, Meric, had died in 168 1. On the 21st July the
learned and venerable prebendary was buried within his cathedral, where his
epitaph contains the following encomium : —
Sta et venerare, viator !
Hie mortales immortalis spiritus exuvias deposuit Meric Casaubon
Magni Nominis ) ,
Eruditique Generis j M )ar h£Eres
( Patrem Isaacum Casaubonum ]
quippe qui < Avum Henricum Stephanum I habuit
( Pro-avum Robertum Stephanum j
Heu quos viros ! qua? literarum lumina ! quce asvi sui decora ! ipse eruditionem per tot
erudita capita traduce excepit, excoluit, et ad pietatis (quae in ejus pectore regina sedebat)
ornamentum et incrementum feliciter consecravit, rempublicamque literariam multiplici rerum
et linguarum supellectile locupletavit —
Vir, incertum doctior an melior —
in pauperes liberalitate.
in amicos utilitate
in omnes humanitate,
in acutissimis longissimi morbi tormentis Christiana patientia,
insignissimus.
%* Dr Parr's sketch of his career, written (as that kind-hearted and precise
writer declared) " for the credit of Oxford," is worth quoting : —
126
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
" Meric Casaubon entered at Christ-church ; he soon became a student there ; he took
both his degrees in arts ; he published several useful works in literature and theology ; he was
preferred by Archbishop Laud ; he was created Doctor of Divinity by the order of Charles I.
Though deprived of his livings, he refused to accept any employment under Cromwell, when
an immediate present of nearly four hundred pounds, an annual pension of three hundred
pounds, and the valuable books of his father, which had been purchased by James I., and then
deposited in the Royal Library, were proffered to him at different times. He recovered his
ecclesiastical preferment after the Restoration ; he lived prosperously and studied diligentlv,
till he had reached his seventy-second year ; and by his learning, affability, charity, and piety, he
proved himself worthy of all the attentions which had been shewn to him by the parent who
loved him, the university which had educated him, and the princes who had succoured him."
*** In the folio edition of Casauboni Epistohe there are fine portraits of Isaac and Meric,
also the filial vindications of the former by the latter, reprinted from the original pamphlets.
It appears (from a note by the Parker Society) that Isaac Casaubon's manuscripts found a
home in Archbishop Marsh's Library in Dublin.
II. De Mayerne. 1
Louis Turquet, a learned Protestant of Lyons, with his wife, Louise, daughter of
Antoine Le Macon, fled from the St. Bartholomew massacre to Geneva. He called
himself De Mayerne from a country house which he acquired in the neighbourhood of
Geneva. His son Theodore (named after the great Beza) was born at Mayerne,
28th September 1573.
Theodore Turquet de Mayerne received his early education in Geneva, and then
studied at Heidelberg. He chose the medical profession, for which he was
educated at Montpellier, where he took his Bachelor's degree (M.B.) in 1596, and the
degree of M.D. in 1597. He is said to have come to Paris immediately thereafter.
Certainly he obtained eminence in that metropolis at an early date as a physician
and a lecturer. He was an accomplished chemist ; and his introduction of chemical
remedies into his medical practice brought upon him the enmity of the Faculty of
Paris, who regarded him as an innovator and an empiric. He, however, obtained the
countenance and possessed the confidence of a veteran reformer in medicine, Joseph
Duchesne (known by the Latin name of Quercitanus), physician to Henri IV. The
king favoured De Mayerne in spite of the Medical Faculty, and appointed him, in
1600, physician to the Due de Rohan, ambassador or envoy to Germany and Italy. In
1603 one of his opponents published a book entitled "Apologia pro medicina
Hippocratis et Galeni contra Mayernium et Quercitanum." To this attack Mayerne,
in the same year, printed a reply with the title, " Apologia in qua videre est, inviolatis
Hippocratis et Galeni legibus, remedia chemice praeparata tuto usurpari posse." The
Faculty, by an interdict, now excluded him from their fraternity. He ceased to
lecture but continued to practise, and was enrolled among the king's physicians.
The office of First Physician {premier medecin) to the King was open to him on
the death of Du Laurens. There was, however, a condition annexed, namely, that
he should abjure the Protestant religion. Cardinal Du Perron undertook to convert
him, but failed to make the slightest impression. Notwithstanding this, Henri IV.,
being convinced of his pre-eminent claims, would have given him the appointment,
but was prevented by the Queen, Marie de Medicis. In 1606 Du Mayerne sold his
office of physician-in-ordinary and came to England. He was immediately made
physician to Anne, Queen Consort of England. He was invited to Oxford, and on
8th April 1606 was incorporated as M.D. " with more than ordinary solemnity." But
probably, too, he was induced to return to France, to a king who had already profited
by his skill. On the assassination of the gallant monarch in 1610, our King James
recalled him to England by letters under his own hand, and sent a messenger to
conduct him. It is said that the widowed Queen of France endeavoured to change
his religion and to retain his services, and, according to one authority, this was the
date of Cardinal Du Perron's attack upon his faith.
On his arrival in England, a new patent as royal physician was granted to him.
Among our State papers there is a letter from Dr. Mayerne to Sir Thomas Winde-
bank, dated 6th June 161 1, in which he " asks what ceremonies there are on taking
the oath — hopes there will be no expense thereon, his patent having cost him enough
already." On the following June 18, there is a memorandum of a grant of ,£200 to
Dr. Th. Mayerne "for charges in removing himself and his family out of France."
His name appears pretty often in State Papers and Patent-Rolls, sometimes in
grants of pensions for himself and his wife. The learned Casaubon, with whom
lie was intimate, spoke with envy of his fortune in money matters ; but he exag-
' See Wood's "Athcnie Oxon : " (Fasti), anno 1606; "The Roll of the Royal College of Physicians of
London," by William Munk, M.J.)., Vol. 1. ; and Ilaag, "La France Protestante."
REIGN OF LOUIS XIII.
127
gerated " Turquett's preferment," some grants being merely promissory, to take
effect on the Queen's death, or replacing grants which had expired. 1 In 1612
De Mayerne was one of the physicians in attendance upon Henry, Prince of Wales.
King James, being fond of communicating with the French Protestants, sent the
doctor to France in 161 5 on a private negotiation. Some of his patients seem to
have been nearly inconsolable, and he wrote to one of them from Paris on Feb-
ruary 7 : "In this frost, diseases make a truce with the body." On April 7, a letter
from London said, " Mayerne has returned from France and brought over the
minister Du Moulin." On 5th July 1616 he was admitted a Fellow of the College
of Physicians of London, at an extraordinary meeting specially convened for the
purpose. The college employed him in 1618 to write the dedicatory epistle to the
King, which was prefixed to the first Pharmacopoeia. The Queen died in 16 19, and
De Mayerne became first physician to the King; on 13th September his own
annuity was fixed at £600, besides £75 for house rent, and £300 a-year to his wife
for twenty-one years after his death. In this year his father, a steadfast Protestant,
who had obtained celebrity as a political and historical writer, died in Paris. Dr. De
Mayerne was now joined by his mother, who spent the rest of her life in England.
In 162 1 he acquired an old baronial property in the Canton de Vaud, within the
environs of Aubon (now spelt Aubonne), the title of Baron dAubon coming to him
along with the estate. On it he had a house or chateau, named Aspron or St. Aspre,
where his sister, Madame Marie Bayon was living in 1655, an d who continued in it
after his death as liferentrix of the estate, with an additional annuity of ,£40. The
King conferred on him the honour of knighthood at Theobalds, 14th July 1624.
During that year Sir Theodore Turquet de Mayerne, Baron d' Aubon, received leave
of absence, and wrote a letter of instructions to his majesty's ordinary physicians ;
the King seems to have been rather an unruly patient. The doctor's absence was
probably of short duration.
In the next reign he was first physician to Charles I. and Henrietta Maria, and
apparently enjoying Court favour, even to a greater extent than ever. Before the
execution of the King he retired to Chelsea ; and after the tragic event he received
upon parchment an appointment as first physician to Charles II. This charge,
however, he had no opportunity of exercising, for he spent the rest of his life in
England, and did not survive the Commonwealth. He died at Chelsea, 15th (26th)
March 1655, in his 82d year, "full of years, wealth, and reputation." A week before
his death he dictated his will, describing himself as " Theodore Mayerne of Chelsy in
the countie of Middlesex, knight, being weak in body but of perfect memory and
disposing understandirg, not knowing how soon it may please God to take me out
of this valley of tears into His everlasting Kingdom. I " (he continued) " do cheer-
fully resign my soul into the hands of Jesus Christ my Saviour, and commit my body
to the earth to be disposed of according to the mind of my executrixes, in such place
and after such decent manner as they shall think fit, in hope and assurance of a
joyful resurrection at the last day to eternal life." In Richard Smyth's Obituary
(printed by the Camden Society) there is this entry: " 1655, March 29, Sir Theodor.
Mayern, the King's physician, aged 82 years, buried." He was buried in the chancel
of the Church of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, beside his mother, his first wife, his four
sons, and a daughter. He seems to have adhered to simplicity of ritual, and to have
worshipped with the Presbyterians, sometimes also with his own church in Thread-
needle Street and with Monsieur D'Espagne. His funeral sermon was preached by
Rev. Thomas Hodges, a Presbyterian divine, who during the Commonwealth was the
parish minister of Kensington, and was the only witness to the execution of his will,
8th (19th) March 1654 (old style). 2
He was twice married. His first wife is called in our State Papers, Margaret
Elburgh de Boetzler (the Messieurs Haag call her Marguerite de Boetslaer) ; she had
two sons, who died young. His second wife had the Christian name of Isabella.
By her he had two sons and three daughters, of whom only two daughters lived to
marriageable age, namely, Elizabeth and Adriana.
Elizabeth {born 7th January 1633), was married in the Church of Kensington, on
23d March 1652, to Pierre, Marquis de Cugnac, son of Henri de Caumont, Marquis
de Castelnauth, and grandson of Marshal, the Due de la Force; the marriage was
1 " His greatest emulation or envy is at Turquett's preferment, who hath /400 pension of the K., £200 of
the Q., with a house provided him, and many other commodities, which he reckons at ^1400 a-year. "—Jolin Cham-
berlain, Letter to Sir David Carleton, Knt., Ambassador at Venice, London, 20th November 161 1. [His pension
at this date was ^400, to cease on the death of the Queen. He had also a grant of ^200 a-year, to begin at th<t
Queen's death.]
3 From the register of St. Peter's, Comhill : " 1633, Julie 25, maried Mr. Thomas Hodges, minister, and
Mris.' Elizabeth Turner of St. Martins in ye fifeilds."
128
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
performed by Mr. Cesar Calandrin, and was registered in the Dutch Church of
London. She died at Chelsea, ioth July 1653, and her mcerens conjux erected a
monument with the following epitaph :
D. O. M. S.
Elizabethan,
equitis Theodori de Mayerne Baronis Albonse filiee,
Marchionis de Cugnac,
patre
Henrico de Caumont, Marchionis de Castel Nauth
et avo
Jacobo Nompar de Caumont, Duce de La Force
(primo Francise Marescalo, regiorura exercituum
longum imperatore fortissimo fortunatissimo invictissimo),
nati,
Uxori dulcissimae lectissima? charissimae
XVI t0 post nuptias mense acerbo ereptce fato.
Conjux in amoris inconcussi et irruptse fidei monumentum
mcerens posuit.
Obiit X mo Julii MDCLIJI in pago Chelsey juxta Londinum.
Vixit annos XX., menses VI., dies III.
The youngest daughter, Adriana, was Sir Theodore's only surviving child and
heiress. She and her mother, Isabella de Mayerne, were appointed his executrixes,
his nephew, John Colladon, M.D , being assured of the testator's " confidence of his
affection, assistance, and fidelity to my wife and daughter after my decease." His
wife had been provided for by the marriage settlement, as to which the will says : —
" whereas by virtue of an agreement between me and my beloved wife, upon contract
of marriage, there are many conditions I am engaged to keep and observe, it is my
will and pleasure that all the said conditions in the said agreement, by me made and
assented unto under my hand and seal, be to her inviolably kept and observed ; and
I will that no person or persons whatsoever, claiming anything under me or by virtue
of any power derived from me, shall molest, trouble, question, or require any account
of my said wife concerning the estate by her brought to me, or since fallen to her by
the death of her father, of which I have not demanded any account during my life,
nor will I that she give any account to any after my decease." He mentions three
nieces, Aymee Colladon (wife of John) Lametaire, and Windsor, and be-
queaths .£100 to the poor of the French Church in London, £40 to the poor of
" Monsieur Espaigne's " church, ,£50 to the poor of Chelsea, and .£500 to be dis-
tributed among his servants. He seems to have been in the habit of laying up sums
of money in a box, for charitable uses ; for his Will says : " I give to the magistrates
of the city of Geneva all the moneys that shall be found in the poor's box at the
time of my decease, towards the building of a pest-house for the benefit of the said
city." [The sum remitted to the hospital, according to the hospital authorities at
Geneva, was £200 sterling.]
Sir Theodore was the greatest chemist in his generation, and a discoverer and
patentee in the departments of distillation, artists' colours, &c. On 24th March 1636
(n.s.), there was a grant of a patent to Sir Theodore De Mayerne and Dr. Cadiman,
"for distilling strong waters and making vinegars out of cider, perry, and buck ; " and
on 4th August 1638, Sir William Brouncker was incorporated with them. On 23d
September, in consequence of a complaint of the Company of Apothecaries, a peti-
tion was presented from Sir Theodore de Mayerne, first physician to the King and
Queen, Sir William Brouncker, one of the gentlemen of the Privy Chamber, and
Thomas Cadiman, physician to the Queen, praying that the apothecaries should be
admonished by their lordships, " to content themselves with their proper trades, to
speak with reverence of the Lords, to acknowledge their teachers and superiors — the
physicians — after a more respective manner, to think of nothing more than to furnish
their shops well r and to use diligence about their patients." In 1660, Robert
Phelipps petitioned Charles II. "for the place of Garbler of Spices and Seeds, as
granted by the late King to Sir Theodore Mayerne, and void by his death." The
writings of Sir Theodore were collected in a folio volume, edited by Dr Joseph Browne,
printed in 1701. Dr. Munk says," The printing is extremely incorrect [let us hope
it was rectified in the edition of 1703] ; the work, however, is most amusing, and
affords a good idea of the duties of a fashionable physician in the early part of the
seventeenth century." ,
In the chancel of St Martin-in-the-Ficlds, "a fair monument, with a flourishing
1 Faulkner's Chelsea, vol. i. p. 210.
REIGN OF LOUIS XIII.
I 2
and high-flown epitaph " was erected over his grave. So says Anthony a Wood. A
to the epitaph, my readers can form their own opinion. Here it is : —
Ita semper valeas, lector !
ejus venerare monumentum per quern tarn multi valuerunt.
Qui nunc cinis est, hoc marmore conditus, nuper fuit ille ingens
THEODORUS MAYERNUS
magnum nomen — alter Hippocrates — orbi salutifer —
saeculi sui decus — anteactorum pudor — futurorum exemplar.
Peritiae in re medica incomparabili, scientiaeque naturae arcanorum profundissimae,
accesserat
incredibilis politicarum rerum usus, prudentia, facundia, ingenii lepos,
usque ad miraculum.
Erant vivi sermones merae gratia?, sentential gemmae, consilia oracula.
Eminebat verb tenax sanioris pietatis professio et vindicatio.
Non alius apud reges ingenua ITAPPH2I A felicior,
aut proceribus merito acceptior, aut tenuibus opem ferre paratior.
Inter diversos personarum gradus et varias temporum vices,
ubique idem sibique similis,
sapiens, commodus, fortis, inconcussus,
ut genio suo turn res turn homines ipsamque adeo fortunam subjecisse videatur.
Quid de Mayernio plura?
Mayernium dixeris, omnia dixeris.
Anima ccelo, ossa huic tumulo, nomen immortali famae relinquuntur.
Lector ! vive et vale.
Qui sape in mortem, solers, sua tela retorsi —
Morborum ad curas ipsa venena trahens—
Vel, moriens, similem per Christum exerceo praxin,
Qua-que est mors aliis est medicina mihi.
His portrait was prefixed to his Syntagma praxeos in morbis internis (printed by his
godson, Sir Theodore de Vaux in 1690) with the following abridged epitaph : —
Theo : Turquet : De Mayerne, Eques Auratus,
Patria Gallus, Religione Reformatus, Dignitate Baro,
Professione alter Hippocrates, ac trium regum (exemplo rarissimo) Archiater
Eruditione incomparabilis, experientia nulli secundus,
et,
quod ex his omnibus resultat, fama late vagante
perillustris.
Anno aetat : 82.
Adriana, his heiress, was married at Chelsea in 1659, to Armand de Caumont,
Marquis de Monpouillan. The Messieurs Haag have memorialized a nobleman of
these names and title, as a brother of the Marquis de Cugnac (husband of Elizabeth
De Mayerne), and have stated that he was born in 161 5, and died a refugee at the
Hague, 16th May 1701. 1 They name two wives, but not Adriana. As to this (pro-
bably his first) wife, there can be no doubt. In the register of St. Paul's, Covent
Garden, the intended marriage is published (after the Commonwealth form) for the
last time on 18th January 1656-7, thus: — "Arnaunt de Chaumont Marquise of
Mount Pelian, of this parish, and Adriana Demiyerne of Chelsea, singlewoman."
Two years and a half afterwards, the marriage is registered at Chelsea, thus: — " 1659
July 21. The Right Hon. Armond de Coumond Lord Marquest of Mompolion and
Mrs. Adriana de Miherne." 2 The long interval may be explained by his military
campaigns under Turenne.
The married life of Adriana, Marchioness de Monpouillan, like her sister's, was
brief. She died at the Hague in 1661. Her husband visited England in that year,
and was naturalized at Westminster on the 8th of August.
III. Du Moulin.
The family of Du Moulin has produced illustrious men in successive generations.
There were two Protestant branches — the branch of Mignaux and the branch of
Lorme-grenier. To the former belonged Charles Du Moulin, the celebrated jurist,
who was born in 1500, joined the Protestant congregation of Paris in 1542, and died
in 1566. To the latter belonged the first Joachim Du Moulin, husband of Jeanne
de Houville, to whom in her widowhood is attributed the deed of disinheriting her
son, Joachim, for becoming a Protestant. The younger Joachim espoused France >ise
1 The same date is given in Pointer's "Chronological History of England," vol. i., published in 1714.
a Colonel Chester's MSS.
I. R
ISO
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Gabet, daughter of Innocent Gabet, chief judge of Vienne, in Dauphine. He must
have been her second husband, for she is designated Douairtirc dn Plessis (Dowager-
Lady Du Plessis). Joachim suffered persecution as a Protestant, and his son, Pierre,
was born in the chateau of Buhy, where his parents had taken refuge, which was the
seat of Philippe Du Plessis Mornay's eldest brother. The date of the birth of Pierre
Du Moulin is 18th October 1568.
The Du Moulins were in Paris during the St. Bartholomew massacre. Joachim,
flying from the Romish butchers, managed to consign his four young children to the
care of Ruffina, a Roman Catholic woman who had at one time been his servant.
She laid them on a bed below the bed-clothes, and little Pierre (not quite four
years of age) began to howl. At once some assassins appeared in search of him.
The faithful Ruffina managed to upset a number of tin and brass utensils from a
shelf, and with stentorian voice began and continued to exclaim about the supposed
accident, noisily kicking the pots and dishes, while pretending to pick them up.
She thus drowned the boy's cries, and the ruffians went away without finding him.
On lifting the bedclothes she found that Ester, the eldest child, had laid her hand so
firmly on Pierre's mouth, that he was almost choked to death. The parents with all
their children made good their escape to Muret, thence to Sedan, where Pierre became
the head-boy of the school.
While the son's school years seem to have been tranquil, the father's life was full
of vicissitudes. On Good Friday, 1584, he was holding a meeting in a private house
in Paris, and dispensing the Lord's Supper, when the gendarmes entered and arrested
him. By the king's command, the parliament banished him out of the kingdom.
During his exile he lived in Scotland — where he was, probably in 1586 when King
James issued a license to French Protestants to live in Scotland — certainly in 1589,
when the Presbytery of Haddington had before them their Synod's warrant to make
collections in the churches for " Mr. Mouling banest out of France." The French
congregation at Orleans was almost annihilated by the St. Bartholomew massacre,
and its ministers had been allowed to transfer their services to London. Sometime
before 1596 Joachim Du Moulin was doing the duties of a pasteur at Orleans, and
in that year the Synod of Saumur settled him there. When he finally retired in
161 5, he had been a minister of the gospel for fifty-six years.
To return to Pierre Du Moulin — at the age of twenty (anno 1 588) he went to London
for his higher school education. Thence he removed to Cambridge, where he was a
pupil of Dr. Whittaker. During the long vacation he preached in the City of London
French Church. After a four years' residence in England he went to Leyden — as a
student at first, but very soon he was made Professor of Philosophy and the Greek
language. On 28th February 1599, he became a Protestant pasteur of Paris. In
161 1, Andrew Melville, who had been banished to France, was his guest.
Isaac Casaubon died in 1614, and our King James, being bereaved of a literary
and controversial associate, consulted Dr. Theodore Mayerne. I quote the following
paragraph from Geeves' Status Ecclesice Gallicance : —
"In the year 1615 King James sent by Sir Theodore Mayerne to invite Du Moulin into
England, to confer with him about a method of uniting all the reformed churches of Christen-
dom, to which he had been often solicited by Monsieur Du Plessis. The issue of which voy-
age was, that King James resolved to send letters to all Protestant princes to invite them to
union, and desired the French churches to frame a confession, gathered out of all those of
other reformed churches, in the which unnecessary points might be left out, as the means of
begetting discord and dissension. Two months before Du Moulin's coming into England,
Du Perron had made an oration in the States assembled at Blois, where he had used the king
very ill, and had maintained that the Pope had power to depose kings ; and having published
it in print, he sent it to his Majesty. To answer that oration, King James made use of Du
Moulin's service for the French language ; and it was printed the first time in French, while
Du Moulin was in England, in that year 1615, before it was printed in English. The king,
going to Cambridge, carried Du Moulin along with him, and made him take the degree of
Doctor."
During this visit, which was of only three months' duration, he preached before
the king within the palace of Greenwich on Romans i. 16, " I am not ashamed of the
Gospel of Christ."
Du Moulin was a representative of the Provincial Synod of the Isle of France,
Picardy, and Champagne in the National Synod of Gap in 1603, and again in 161 2
at the National Synod of Privas, when Daniel Chamier was elected moderator, with
Pierre Du Moulin as his assessor. In 1620 we find him moderator of the National
Synod of Alez, but in 1623 Louis XIII. wrote to the National Synod of Charenton
that his Majesty prohibited him from exercising the ministry. It will be sufficient
REIGN OF LOUIS XIII.
131
to give the consequent narrative in the words of the Rev. John Quick (Synodicon,
vol. ii. p. 105).
" The reason of the French king's indignation against Monsieur Du Moulin, and
for which he would never [thereafter] admit him to serve either in his church of Paris
or in any church or university of the kingdom, as it hath been related to me by some
eminent ministers of that nation, was this : when Louis XIII., by the advice of Car-
dinal Richelieu, his perpetual coadjutor in all affairs of state (as he called himself),
did first attempt the ruin of those poor churches, Monsieur Du Moulin writ a letter
to James I., King of Great Britain, in which he informed His Majesty that not only
the eyes of all the Reformed Churches of France were upon him for help in this the
day of their exigency and great distress, but the eyes also of all the other Reformed
and Protestant churches in Europe. This letter was delivered to the king, but
(as some credibly informed) dropped afterwards into the hands of the Duke of
Buckingham, who sent the very original itself unto the French king. Upon the
receipt whereof, he immediately issues out warrants to seize and apprehend Monsieur
Du Moulin — which were not executed with that speed and secrecy but that Monsieur
Du Moulin had timely notice given him by some of his friends at court to flee for
his life out of the king's reach and dominions, which he did accordingly, and was
sometime afterwards called to be pastor and professor in the church and university
of Sedan, a little principality, of which the Marshal Duke of Bouillon was sovereign.
And here this worthy minister of Jesus Christ lived the rest of his days, dying in a
good old age and full of days in the ninetieth year of his life."
Thus his end was peace and honour, among the haunts of his childhood and
youth. His last sermon, preached a month before his death, was from the text,
"My flesh also shall rest in hope." He died 10th March 1658.
Du Moulin (known to the learned as MolincBiis) was the author of eighty separate
publications, enumerated by Haag — the most celebrated were, " The Buckler of the
Faith" (161 8), and "The Anatomy of the Mass" (1636-39). He was a prince among
controversialists, and therefore the terror of the Jesuits, who made this anagram on
his name :
Erit Mundo Lupus = Petrus Du Moulin.
His epitaph was written by his son and namesake, as follows :
Qui sub isto marmore quiescit olim fait
PETRUS MOLIN^US.
Hoc sat, viator ! Reliqua nosti, quisquis es
Qui nomen inclytum legis ;
Laudes, Beati gloria haud desiderat,
Aut sustinet modestia.
Obiit Sedani, ad 6 Non : Mart : 1658, a?t. 90.
The younger Peter Du Moulin was born in 1600, he was D.D. of Leyden, after-
wards incorporated in Cambridge, and on 10th October 1656 at Oxford. As a
refugee he first appears in Ireland, where during some years of the Commonwealth
he was under the patronage of Richard, Earl of Cork. Next he acted as tutor in
Oxford to Charles Viscount Dungarvan and Hon. Richard Boyle. He had taken
orders in the Church of England, and constantly preached at Oxford in the church
of St Peter-in-the-East. He became famous through his contact with the great
name of Milton, whom he violently assailed in his Regii Sanguinis Clamor ad ccelum
adversus parricidas Anglicanos ; the little book was anonymous, but was acknow-
ledged by the author in course of time. In 1657 he trafficked in calm waters, and
published a long treatise On Peace and Contentme?it of Mind, which reached a third
edition. At the Restoration he was made a Royal Chaplain ; and being installed as
Prebendary of Canterbury, he resided in that city till his death, at the age of 84, in
October 1684. His sermons and other writings were admired in their day, and he
was an honour to his name.
Another son 1 of the great Du Moulin was Louis Du Moulin, born in 1603.
was a Doctor of Physic of Leyden, and incorporated in the same degree at Cam-
bridge (1634) and at Oxford (1640) ; he was admitted a licentiate of the College of
Physicians at London, 7th February 1649 (n.s.) Under the Parliamentarian Com-
missioners he was made Camden Professor of History in the University of Oxford.
The Camden Society (1881) has enabled us to give the exact words of his commis-
1 There were three sons ; the other was Cyrus Du Moulin, who married Marie de Marbais, and died in
Holland before 1680 ; his daughter was married in 1684 to Jacques IJasnage.
132
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
sion. The rubric or marginal note is "Dr. Du Molyn, History Reader of the Univer-
sity, admitted by the Visitors, Oct. the lOth, 1648." 1
"Septemb : 14 0 1648.
" At the Committee of Lords and Commons for the Reformation of the Universitie of Oxon :
" Whereas it appeared to this Committee that Mr. Robert Waringe, the pretended Historie
Reader of the Universitie of Oxford, hath not submitted to the authority of Parliament in the
Visitation, nor delivered upp the Insignia of his office according to a former order of this
Committee being thereunto required when he was Proctor of the said Universitie, and being
chosen into the place of History Reader by Doctor Fell, pretended Vice-Chancellor and
Heades of Houses when the Universitie was under Visitation, and contrary to the Articles ot
the Surrender of Oxon : as by a Letter from the Generall is declared : And whereas it was this
day resolved by this Committee that for an effectual remedy hereof the said Mr. Robt : Waring,
the pretended History Reader, be removed from the said place, and that Dr. Lewis Du Molyn,
recommended upon good testimony for a person of piety and learning, be History Reader :
It is Ordered by this Committee, that the sayd Doctor Lewis Du Molyn be, and hereby he is
constituted and established, History Reader of the said Universitie of Oxon in the place of the
said Mr. Robert Waring, pretended Historie Reader, and shall enjoy and have all profitts,
priviledges, advantages and benefitts by any statute, custome, or right, belonging to the said
place. Francis Rous."
"Oct. 10.
" Ordered : That Dr. Du Mullyns, upon his Petition, be dispensed with for his readinge
the present Terme as History Reader ; saveing his first Lecture."
The Royalist Commissioners turned him out soon after 1660, and he retired to
Westminster. He had adopted the Independent theory of church government, and
he worshipped with the Nonconformists. He is described as of a hot and hasty
temper, no doubt aggravated by the intolerance with which he was treated by the
ruling powers in Church and State, and even (it is said) by his own brother, the
Prebendary. Otherwise he was a sociable and agreeable member of society, especi-
ally of literary society. In 1678 Rou met him in London, and describes him as
d un caractere tout singulier : he said that he had translated Rou's Chronological
Tables into English, and that a nobleman would be at the expense of engraving and
publishing them, if Rou consented. That consent was refused (very unwisely, for
afterwards they were pirated and appeared as the production of a Dr. Tallents). At
a much earlier date Louis Du Moulin got into controversy with Richard Baxter,
publishing under the pseudonym of Ludiomseus Colvinus, instead of his Latinised
name, Ludovicus Molinaeus. Baxter concludes his account of these contests by
declaring, " all these things were so far from alienating the esteem and affection of
the Doctor, that he is now at this day one of those friends who are injurious to the
honour of their own understandings by overvaluing me, and would fain have spent
his time in translating some of my books into the French tongue." Again, in 167 1,
Baxter writes, " Dr. Ludov : Molineus was so vehemently set upon the crying down
of the Papal and Prelatical Government, that he thought it was that he was sent
into the world, for to convince princes that all government was in themselves, and
that no proper government (but only persuasion) belonged to the churches. To
which end he wrote his Parcenesis contra cedificatores imperii in imperio, and his Papa
Ultrajcctinus, and other tractates, and thrust them on me to make me of his mind,
and at last wrote his Jugulum Causes with no less than seventy epistles directed to
princes and men of interest, among which he was pleased to put one to me. The
good man meant rightly in the main, but had not a head sufficiently accurate for
such a controversy, and so could not perceive that anything could be called properly
Government, that was, in no way, co-active [co-ercive] by corporal penalties. To turn
him from the Erastian extreme and to end that controversy by a reconciliation, I
published An Hundred Propositions conciliatory, on the difference between the
magistrate's power and the pastor's."
It was as to the doctrines of personal salvation, that Louis Du Moulin seems to
have agreed with Baxter, who, along with entire reliance on the merits of Christ,
curiously insisted on somehow introducing our own good works into the purchase-
money of our salvation. Dr. John Owen, the opponent of Baxter in this matter,
consistently excluded all our good works from the purchase-money, and placed
them among the things freely purchased for — graciously presented to— actually
possessed by the saved sinner. Du Moulin had enjoyed Dr. Owen's friendship at
Oxford, and had dedicated to him his Introductory Lecture. On this and similar
knotty points of Divinity the outed professor wrote to the quondam Dean of Christ
1 He printed his Introductory Lecture, with the title, " Oratio auspicalis cui subjuncta est laudatio clarissimi
viri Gul : Camdeni, dicente Lud. Molinoeo, Prof. Hist. Camd. ct. M.U. Oxon: 1652." 4to. (Dedicated to
John Owen, Dean of Christ Church.)
REIGN OF LOUIS XIII.
133
Church with characteristic vehemence, and the great theologian's letter in reply has
been printed. 1 Only a few lines can be inserted here : —
" Sir, — I have received your strictures upon our Confession, wherein you charge it with
palpable contradiction, nonsense, enthusiasm, and false doctrine — that is, all the evils that
can be crowded into such writing. I understand, by another letter since, that you have sent
the same paper to others. When you shall have been pleased to read my book on Justifies
tion, and have answered solidly what I have written upon this subject, I will tell you more of
my mind. . . . (Signed) John Owen."
In some of Louis Du Moulin's controversies, his relatives were against him.
The French, unlike the more frigid English, and like the clannish Scots, acknow-
ledged cousins of every degree as relations. The following table shews how the
Du Moulins were connected with English neighbours : —
Joachim Du Moulin, pasteur of Orleans.
Pierre Du M. {the great). Ester Du M., wife of Rene Bochart.
Pierre Du M., jun., Louis Du M. Samuel Bochart. Marie Bochart,
Prebendary of Canterbury. wife of J. M. De L' Angle,
of Rouen.
Samuel De L' Angle, J. M. De L' Angle, Marie De L.,
afterwards D.D. Canon of Canterbury, wife of Dean Durell.
Dr. Du Moulin had some angry paper warfare with three Deans — Stillingfleet,
Durell, and Patrick, and with his kinsman, Canon De L'Angle ; and before his death
he wrote for publication a retractation of all the mere personalities which he had
printed. What most offended the dignitaries was that in the last year of his life he
published these two pamphlets — (1.) The conformity of the discipline and govern-
ment of those who are commonly called Independents to that of the ancient Primitive
Christians. (2.) A short and true account of the several advances the Church of
England hath made towards Rome. His comparatively young relative De L'Angle,
besides using an unbecoming magisterial tone, had brought Prebendary Du Moulin's
name into the dispute. Louis Du Moulin, in reply, hoped that his brother would
discover where the Church's true distemper lay, and thereafter what was the remedy
for it. His concluding paragraph I quote as a specimen of his style : — " In a word,
I hope from my brother that being reconciled to the people of God and to me, he
will make my peace with Monsieur de L'Angle, which he may easily do ; for often-
times some seem to be in great wrath and indignation, who would fain notwithstand-
ing be made friends again, when they find they are angry without cause and to no
purpose. I attribute that bitterness of his towards me, not to his natural temper,
which is meek and humble and full of benignity, but to that great distance which he
fancies to be between his fortune and mine, and to that high place of preferment
wherein he now is. So that I say of him what the fable reports of the Lamb and
the Wolf — that the Lamb seeing from the top of the house, where he was, the Wolf
passing by, gave him very railing and injurious language; but the Wolf answered
him mildly, ' I do not concern myself much at thy sharp and scornful words, for I
am sure thy nature is quite contrary to it, but I attribute it to the highness of the
place to which thou art exalted, which makes thee to forget thy usual and ordinary
sweetness of temper.'" Dr. Du Moulin died on the 20th October 1680, and was
buried in St. Paul's, Covent Garden. He was aged 77.
IV. D'Espagne.
The most able divine of the Refugee Churches in England was Jean D'Espagne,
called by the English John Despagne (or Despaigne). He was a native of Dauphine,
born in 1 591 , and ordained to the pastorate at the age of nineteen. 2 It is said that
he came to England soon thereafter, perhaps after the assassination of Henri IV.
' See Owen's Works (Goold's edition), vol. i., page cxiv., where the letter is printed at full length.
2 See a useful book, entitled, " Sound Doctrine, extracted from the writings of the most eminent Reformed
Divines chiefly of the French Protestant Church. Translated from the French. Bath. 1801." The French
Original was published at Basle with the following " Approbation " : — Imprimatur, Johan. Balthasar Burcar-
dus, S.S. Th. D. et. Prof.; Facul. Theologicx in Academia Basiliens. h. a. Decanus, D. 29 Septembr. 1768.
134
FRENCH PR O TES TA NT EXILES.
His name does not appear until the era of the Westminster Assembly and the Long
Parliament. The City of London French Church claimed the charge of all the
French Protestants in London, and resisted the formation of a congregation in West-
minster. About 1641 the Due de Soubise, being physically unable to go to the City
Church, provided service in a room in his house, which he opened for public worship.
Perhaps Monsieur D'Espagne was the preacher to this courtly congregation ; at all
events, we find him established under the patronage of the Parliament when (as above
stated) his name first appears. That he had long resided in England appears from
his Dedication of his book on " Popular Errors " to King Charles I. in 1648, to whom
he says, " The deceased king, father of your Majesty, was pleased to command the
impression [i.e., to order the printing and publication] of a manuscript which was the
first fruits of my pen." In 1647 Mr. D'Espagne's congregation met in the house of
the Earl of Pembroke ; and many of his published pieces were originally sermons
preached before that auditory. He obtained celebrity among the nobility and gentry.
The consequence was, that during the Commonwealth, when Presbyterian and Con-
gregationalist worship prevailed, and when the liturgy of the Anglican Church was
under interdict, the fact that such an aristocratic congregation and such attractive
preaching was under the protection of the men in power, was the occasion of a large
accession of members to Mr. D'Espagne's church. They found more ample accom-
modation in Durham House in the Strand. And on the pulling down of that man-
sion, Parliament, on 5th April 1653, gave them the use of the chapel of Somerset
House. 1 Pasteur D'Espagne dedicated a tractate to Oliver Cromwell, probably in
1652, for the English translation issued in 1655 has the following addition : — "An
Advertisement to the Reader, who is to understand that this book in the originall
made its addresses to his Highness the Lord Protector at that time when he was
onely Generall of the Armies of the Commonwealth." The original Dedication
began thus :
"A Son Excellence, Messire Olivier Cromwell, General des Armees de la Republique
d'Angleterre. Monseigneur, Ni le temps ni aucun changement ne me rendront jamais ingrat
envers mes bien-faicteurs. Mon troupeau et moy demeurons eternellement redevables a. tous
ceux qui ont est6 membres du dernier Parlement, specialement au Seigneur Comte de Pem-
broke, au Seigneur Whitlock l'un des Commissaires du Grand-Sceau, et a un grand nombre
d'autres personnes honorables. Nous sommes aussi grandement obligez au tres-honorable
Conseil d'Etat qui est a present, et, entre tous, au Noble Chevalier Gilbert Pickering et a
Monsieur Stricland. Mais sur tout nous devons a Votre Excellence un remerciement parti-
culier et perpetuel," &c.
Mr. D'Espagne did not survive till the Restoration, and thus was spared from
sharing in the liturgical disputes inaugurated by the jovial king ; he died 25th April
1659, aged 68. As already stated, Dr. De Garencieres was one of his converts ; he
wrote an epitaph for his spiritual father in the following terms :
JOHANNES DESPAGNE, Sti. Evangelii Minister,
Doctrina Singulari,
Studio indefesso,
Morum suavitate,
Adversorum tolerantia,
inclytus,
Post exantlatos in Dei vineae cultura per annos 42 labores
Meritus orbis admirationem
Quotquot bonorum recordationem,
Fama, non solum legibus, sed etiam calumniatorum ore
confitente et chirographo, integra,
Et (quod caput est) Ecclesia Gallo-Westmonasteriensi
(in cujus sinu corpus ejus conditur)
auspiciis suis et ductu,
Hispanis frustra reluctantibus,
fundata.
Senio confectus, sensibus integer, mori se sentiens
placide" ultimum dormivit,
Anno 1659, Aprilis 25, yEtatis 68.
Theophilus de Garencieres, D. Med.,
ejus proselyta, posuit.
Dr. De Garencieres prefixed three sets of verses, one in French, one in Latin,
1 John Evelyn writes on 3d August 1656 : " In the afternoon I went to the French Church in the Savoy,
when I heard Monsieur D'Espagne catechize."
REIGN OF LOUIS XIII.
135
and the third in Greek, to his pasteur's last and posthumous publication. The
French ode begins thus : —
Belle Iumiere des Pasteurs,
Ornement du Siecle ou nous sommes,
Qui trouves des admirateurs
Partout ou il y a des homines —
Guide fameux de nos esprits,
Dont les discours et les escrits
Charment avec tant de puissance.
His books being little known, I give a list of them. Where the title is deficient,
the reader will understand that I have not seen the work. Two of the French titles
are copies from reprints, and thus I am unable to give the dates of their first
publication. They were translated into English ; so I give the English titles in a
parallel column.
La Manducation du Corps de Christ
consideree en ses principes, . . 1640
[Dedicated to Frederic Henry, Prince of
Orange.]
Nouvelles Observations sur le Symbole
de la Foy, ou, Premiere des quatres
parties de la Doctrine Chrestienne pres-
cribes sur le Catechisme des Eglises
Francoises, 1647
L' Usage de 1' Oraison Dominicale
maintenu contre les objections des In-
novateurs de ce temps.
Les Erreurs Populaires es poincts gener-
aux qui concernent 1' intelligence de la
Religion, rapportes a leurs causes et com-
pris en diverses observations.
Abbrege d' un sermon, preschee le 12
de Septembre 1648, sur la Traitte" qui
alloit commencer entre le Roy et le
Parlement.
Sermon funebre de 1' Auteur sur la
mort de sa Femme.
Abbrege de deux Sermons qui ont
precede X Ordination d' un Pasteur en 1'
Eglise Francoise de Cantorbery.
Considerations sur 1' Eclypse de Solcil,
ad venue le 29 de Mars 1652.
Nouvelles Observations sur le Deca-
logue.
The Eating of the Body of Christ, con-
sidered in its principles. Translated out
of French into English, by John Rivers
of Chaford, in Sussex, Esquire, . 1652
New Observations upon the Creed, or
the first of the four parts of the Doctrine
of Christianity, preached upon the Cate-
chism of the French Churches. Trans-
lated out of French into English, . 1647
The Use of the Lord's Prayer, main-
tained against the objections of the In-
novators of these times. Englished by
C. M. D. M., 1647
[A new translation, flavoured with Scotch
Episcopal bitterness, was produced and
printed at Edinburgh, by Mr. Andrew
Symson in 1702.]
Popular Errors, in generall poynts
concerning the knowledge of Religion,
having relation to their causes, and re-
duced into divers observations, . 1648
The Abridgementof a Sermon, preached
on the Fast-day appointed to be held for
the good successe of the Treatie that was
shortly to ensue between the King and
the Parliament, September 12, 1648.
Faithfully translated into English, by
Umfreville, gent, .... 1648
A Funerall Sermon of the Author on
the death of his wife.
[This, I think, was not translated into
English.]
An abridgement of two Sermons which
preceded the Ordination of a Pastor in
the French Church of Canterbury.
[This, I think, was not translated into
English.]
Considerations on the Eclips of the
Sun, March 29, the yeer 1652.
New Observations upon the Decalogue,
or the second of the four parts of Chris-
tian doctine preached upon the Cate-
chism, 1652
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
136
Advertissement sur la fraction et dis-
tribution du pain au Sacrement de la
Cene, obmises en plusieurs Eglises Ortho-
doxes.
La Charite* de Parlement d' Angle-
terre envers 1' Eglise Frangoise receuillie
en la Chappelle de 1' Hostel de Sommer-
set.
Shibboleth, ou reformation de quelques
passages es versions Frangoise et An-
gloise de la Bible. Correction de diverses
opinions communes, peintures historiques,
et autres matieres.
Sermon funebre sur la mort de Philippe
Comte de Pembroke.
An Advertisement on the Breaking
and distributing of the Bread in the Sacra-
ment of the Supper, omitted in many
Orthodox Churches.
[This was a controversy among the refu-
gees, and the tract probably was not
translated into English.]
The Charity of the Parliament of Eng-
land to the French Church, gathered in
the Chapell at Somerset House.
Shibboleth, or the reformation of
several places in the translations of the
French and of the English Bibles. The
Corrections of divers common opinions,
History, and other matters. Faithfully
translated into English, by Rob. Cod-
rington, Master of Arts, . . 1655
A Funerall Sermon on the death of
Philip, Earl of Pembroke.
[The Earl died in 1655.]
Appended to " Shibboleth " is a copy of a speech entitled, " The thanks returned
to the Lord Generall in the name of the French Church, Gathered in the Chapell at
Somerset house, by John Despayne, Pastor of the said church, August 8, 1653."
The following note is appended : — " His Excellence most gratiously did answer us ;
and having declared that our thankfulness were due more unto the State than to his
person, he did assure us alwaies to imploy his power to protect us, but most remark-
ably pronounced these words, which we never shall forget : / love strangers, but
principally those zvlio are of our religion." After the Author's death there was pub-
lished " An Essay on the Wonders of God in the Harmony of the times, generations
and most illustrious events therein enclosed, from the original of ages to the close of
the New Testament. — Written in French by John D'Espagne, Minister of the Holy
Gospel. Both parts published in English by his Executor, London, 1662." [An-
other publisher re-issued this book with a new title-page, dated 1682, in which it is
designated, The Harmony of the Old and New Testament.] The executor signs
his name Henry Browne, and describes himself as an English Churchman, who,
" during these late times of horror and confusion, both in our Church and State,"
found a refuge in the French Church at Durham House, along with "many of the
Nobility and the best of the Gentry who rendered both to God and Caesar their
due."
I cannot pass from Monsieur D'Espagne without giving a specimen of his style.
The following is a translation of two paragraphs in his Observations on the
Creed : —
" When our Lord was going to display his divine power by a miracle, it was frequently
preceded by some sign of human weakness. Previous to his rebuking the wind and the sea,
he was asleep. Before he cured the deaf man he looked up to heaven and sighed. Being
pressed by hunger, he caused the fig-tree to wither. When he was going to raise Lazarus from
the dead, he first groaned in the spirit and was troubled. Finally, when he caused the earth
to quake, the rocks to rend, and the graves to open, it was after he had given up the ghost.
Amidst the most glorious demonstrations of his eternal power and godhead, and even before
he displayed them, he was pleased first to give a proof that he was a real man."
" When wine was wanted for others, Jesus Christ turned the water into wine ; but when He
himself was thirsty, He asked water of a Samaritan woman. When others were hungry, He fed
some thousands with a few loaves, but when He hungered and saw a fig-tree in the way, on
which He found nothing but leaves, He did not make it produce fruit for His own use, as He
might have done by a single word. When wearied with a journey, He might have commanded
angels to bear Him up in their hands, or caused Himself to be carried by the Spirit, as Philip
afterwards was. But He never wrought miracles for His own use or convenience ; as He came
into the world for the benefit of others, so for others His miracles were reserved."
One more specimen from his " Popular Errors :" —
" To represent religion as a mere doctrine of morality is an enormous error. The doctrine
of religion consists of two parts — the former shows what God has done for man; the latter
REIGN OF LOUIS XIII.
137
teaches what man ought to do for God. That first part is the genuine and essential character-
istic which distinguishes the Christian religion from all others ; for there is no false religion
which does not teach good works. But to teach what God has done for us in the work
of redemption is a doctrine to be found in the Christian religion only. The real essence of
Christianity lies in this first part, for all other religions teach salvation by the works of man
toward God, but our religion exhibits salvation as the work of God toward man. Salvation
is grounded upon the good which God bestows upon us, not upon the good that we do.
Hence it follows that morality is not the fundamental doctrine of Christianity. On the con-
trary, that part of it which we call morality is built upon the grace of God. And therefore it
is a very rash assertion that the doctrine which treats of morals is the most excellent part of
the Christian religion, and that to be a good Christian it is sufficient to be a good moralist.
Without the doctrine of salvation, which is the first part, all our morality is dark and heathenish.
All Christian virtues are effects of sanctification, which is a work of God. It is a prejudice
natural to man, in speaking of the method of obtaining salvation, to think immediately of
works as the real efficient cause of it. The Jews, taking this for granted, asked our Saviour
about the nature of works alone (John vi. 28). All men, except Christians, ground their
hopes upon works, not being able to conceive of another merit as the means of salvation.
This principle was engraven on the heart of man from his creation, namely, that he should
obtain eternal life by his works, which was true in the state of innocence, because works then
would have produced this result if man had not lost his strength. And he still clings to that
principle, having retained an impression of it ; though the Fall, having deprived him of
strength, demonstrates so plainly the vanity of his pretensions."
V. Refugees in Oxford.
Nicholas Vignier, M.A. of Saumur, was incorporated as M.A. at Oxford on
14th October 1623, and took the Degree of B.D. in 1624. This date brings us to the
end of the reign of King James.
In the next reign the first French graduate is memorialised among Oxford
writers by Anthony Wood : "John Verneuil was born in the city of Bordeaux in
France, educated in the University of Montauban till he was M.A., flew from his
country for religion's sake, being a Protestant, and went into England, where he had
his wants supplied for a time by Sir Thomas Leigh. He retired to Oxford in 1608,
and on 4th November, aged twenty-five, he was matriculated in the University as a
member of Magdalen College, from which House, as from others, he received relief.
In 1625 (December 13) he was incorporated M.A., being the Second-Keeper of
Bodley's Library, where he performed good service for that place, and wrote for the
use of students there these things following: — (1) Catalogus Interpretum S. Scripturas
juxta numerorum ordinem qui extant in Bibliotheca Bodleiana, 4to, 2nd. edit,
Oxford, 1635. (2) Elenchus authorum tarn recentium quam antiquorum, qui in
quatuor libros Sententiarum et Thomae Aquinatis Summas — item in Evangelia
Dominicalia totius anni [the extracts from the Gospels accompanying the Prayer-Book
Collects], et de Casibus Conscientise, necnon in Orationem Dominicam, Symbolum
Apostolorum et Decalogum, scripserunt. Printed with Catalogus Interpretum, 1635.
(3) Nomenclator of such Tracts and Sermons as have been printed and translated
into English, upon any place or book of the Holy Scripture, now to be had in
Bodley's Library, i2mo, Oxford, 1637-42. (4) He translated from French into
English, a Tract of the Sovereign Judge of Controversies in matters of religion, by
John Cameron, D.D., of Saumur, Divinity Professor in the University of Mantauban,
afterwards Principal of Glasgow, 4to, Oxford, 1628. (5) He translated from English
into Latin a book entitled, Of the deceitfulness of man's heart, by Daniel Dyke of
Cambridge, Geneva, 1634. The said John Verneuil died in his house within and
near the East-gate of the city of Oxford, and was buried on 30th September 1647,
in the church of St. Peter-in-the-East, at which time our public library lost an honest
and useful servant, and his children a good father " — [aged 64].
NICHOLAS Lamie, having spent seven years in the study of medicine in the Uni-
versity of Caen in Normandy, entered Pembroke College, Oxford, and took the
Degree of Bachelor of Physic in 1631. Another Frenchman, William Manouvrier,
styled Dominus de Pratis, was admitted to practise surgery. [De Pratis is the Latin
rendering of Des Pre's, or Desprez.]
Gabriel du Gres, a Frenchman, studied sometime among the Oxonians —
afterwards went to Cambridge, as it seems, and returning thence soon after, taught
privately for several years the French tongue in Oxford University. His works are:
— (1) Grammatical Gallicai Compendium, Camb. 1636; (2) Dialogi Gallico-Anglico-
Latini (including regular pronunciandi, &c), Oxford, 1639, 1652, 1660; (3) Life of
Jean Arman du Plessis, Duke of Richelieu and Peer of France, Lond. 1643 ; and
I. S
1
138 FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
other things as 'tis probable, but such I have not seen, nor know anything else of
the author. [I adopt the phraseology of Anthony a Wood.]
VI. St Michel.
Monsieur Marchant de Saint-Michel was High-Sheriff of Anjou, in the reign of
Louis XIII. He was a man of wealth, as was his brother, a Reverend Canon. The
latter being, of course, a celibate, the son of the former, as the heir of both, was a
youth of "great expectations." Young St Michel entered the German military
service, and at the age of twenty-one became a convert to Protestantism, for which
reason he was disinherited by his father and also by his uncle. He then found a
home in England, as gentleman carver to Queen Henrietta Maria. But a friar
thought fit to rebuke him for not going to mass. St Michel struck the friar, and lost
his appointment. Nevertheless, he married a daughter of Sir Francis Kingsmill, the
widow of an Irish esquire, and settled at Bideford in Devonshire, where he had chil-
dren, of whom a son and a daughter are identified. St Michel was persuaded to
return to France and to take a house in Paris for himself and his family. He served
in the French army ; and once on returning home, he was distracted to find that his
wife and two children had been inveigled into the convent of the Ursulines. One of
these children was the lovely Elizabeth (born in 1640), then twelve or thirteen years of
age, and " extreme handsome." He succeeded in rescuing his family, unperverted by
Romanism, and again betook himself to England, apparently settling in London.
At the age of fifteen, Elizabeth was married to Samuel Pepys, gentleman, now
known to fame as the " diarist." She is called, in the register of St Margaret's,
" Elizabeth Marchant de Saint Mitchell, of Martins-in-the-ffeilds, spinster ; " the date
of her marriage is 1st December 1655. Her brother, Balthazar St Michel, thus
became a protege of her husband, the really able naval administrator. His debut in
naval warfare delighted Pepys : he writes —
" June 8, 1666. — To my very great joy, I find Baity come home without any hurt after the
utmost imaginable danger he hath gone through in the Henery, being upon the quarter-deck
with Harman all the time. ... I am mightily pleased in him, and have great content in, and
hopes of his doing well."
Again —
"21st November 1669. — Sir Philip Howard expressed all kindness to Baity when I told
him how sicke he was. He says that before he comes to be mustered again, he must bring a
certificate of his swearing the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and having taken the sacra-
ment according to the rites of the Church of England. This, I perceive, is imposed on all."
Balthazar was made Muster-Master in 1668, and in this office he was allowed to
employ a deputy in 1669, and to accept an appointment in the Admiralty. The
latter year was the date of the lamented Mrs Pepys' death, whose epitaph, written by
her husband, is on a monument in the Church of St Olave, Hart Street: —
H. S. E.
cui
Cunas dedit SOMERSETIA, Octob. 23d 1640
Patrem e praeclara familia Matrem e nobili stirpe
de St Michel Cliffodorum
ANDEGAVIA CUMBRIA
ELIZABETH A PEPYS
Samuelis Pepys (Classi Regise ab Actis) Uxor
Quae in Coenobio primum, Aula dein educata Gallica,
Utriusque una claruit virtutibus
Forma, Artibus, Linguis, cultissima.
Prolem enixa, quia parem non potuit, nullam.
Hinc demum placide cum valedixerat
(Confecto per amamiora fere Europse itinere)
Potiorem abiit redux lustratura mundum
Obiit 10 Novembris
I yEtatis 29.
Anno < Conjugii 15.
( Domini 1669.
Her father and mother seem to have survived her ; for in 1672 Balthazar alludes
to his mother as but recently a widow. I quote from his letter to Pepys, dated,
" Deale, August 14th, 1672." — " Hond. Sir, you dayly and howcrly soe comble me
REIGN OF LOUIS XIII.
139
with, not only expressions, but allsoe deeds of your worthyness and goodness, as
well to myselfe as the rest of your most devoted humble creaturs heare, that I am
as well as my poor drooping mother whoose continuall illness since the death of my
father gives me but li tell hopes shee will survive him long, &c. . . . Litell Samuel,
whoe speakes now very pretely, desiers to have his most humble duty presented to
his most honrd. Uncle and Godfather which please to accept from your most humble
litell disiple." In 1686 Balthazar St Michel became Resident Commissioner of the
Navy at Deptford and Woolwich with £500 per annum. He was married, but that
his wife was the person whom Pepys called his wife's brother's lady, " my lady Kings-
ton " (15th March 1661), is not probable: (there were other brothers). He
appears among the relatives at Pepys' funeral in 1703 as Captain St Michel ; his son,
Samuel St Michel, and his daughter, Mary, are mentioned. Perhaps he had been
promoted to the rank of Post-Captain in 1702, as on that year a successor took his
post of Commissioner. 1
%* Mr Pepys had in his service a native of Pluviers (or Pithiviers), the capital of Le
Gatinois. The man's name was James Paris Du Plessis, and he was the author of a manu-
script (British Museum, No. 5426), entitled, " A short history of human, prodigious, and
monstrous births," for which Sir Hans Sloan, in 1733, gave him a guinea. Du Plessis, in his
letter to Sir Hans, dated from The Hat, Port Street, over against Rider's Court, Soho, says of
himself and his manuscript : —
" It is a collection I made wilst I was a servant to my most honourable master, Mr
Samuel Pepys, in Yorck Buildings, and Mr Laud Doyley in the Strand, of most honourable
memory, and in my travels into several countries of Europe with Mr John Jackson in the
jubily year, and several others. Being aged of 70 years, I being sickly and not able to serve
any longer, and having about a thousand volumes of books I had collected in my younger
dayes, with a considerable collection of prints, medals, curiosities, I took a little shop and ex-
posed my said goods to sale ; but it not pleasing God to bless my undertaking, and spending
in it all the money I had, I have been oblidged to leave off shopkeeping, and take a garret to
lodge myself and goods," &c.
The thirty-six pictorial illustrations and descriptive articles in the manuscript are cata-
logued in All the Year Rontid for 1861 (vol. v., page 331). From this account it appears that
he was a son of Jacques and Charlotte Du Plessis Paris ; that a sister of his mother was the
wife of the Sieur Martel, Doctor of Physic and Surgeon ; and that he himself married a
daughter of James De Senne, of London, a French Protestant of Dieppe, by Mary Rosel, his
wife.
VII. Le Gay.
Pierre Le Gay, a merchant in La Rochelle, fled after the calamitous surrender of
that town and stronghold, and took refuge in Southampton, " bringing little or
nothing with him." Walking one day in a street of Southampton, he met unex-
pectedly a young lady to whom he had been attached in his native country. They
renewed their acquaintance as refugees, and were married. He embarked in mer-
cantile transactions; and "so extraordinary" was "the blessing of God on his
industry in merchandise," that in a few years he was able to buy the estate o"f West
Stoke in Sussex, " where he lived in great credit to the day of his death." Soon
after 1662 his daughter became the second wife of the Rev. John Willis, who had
been ejected from the Rectory of Wollavington for conscience sake. During her
life this son-in-law lived with Mr. Le Gay, and preached in his house to the family
and to a small congregation of friends and neighbours. 2
VIII. De la Pryme.
The siege of La Rochelle filled the Protestants in French Flanders with such a
sense of insecurity, that about eighty Walloon and Huguenot families came over to
Hatfield, near Doncaster, in Yorkshire, about 1628-30. They were drawn to this
royal village by the scheme for draining the great fens in the levels of Hatfield
Chase, presided over by Sir Cornelius Vermuyden. The head of one of those
families was Charles De la Pryme, 3 of Ypres, in Flanders. In Flemish the word
1 Except for the dates connected with the Commissionership, my sole authority for the above Memoir is
Pepys' Diary, and accompanying materials. The ancestry of St Michel and his sister is described in Balthazar's
Letter to I'epys, dated Sth Feb. 1673-4, and summarized in the Editor's Life of Pepys. Why that letter is not
given there, verbatim and at full length, I do not understand. It seems to have been printed along with one
edition of the Diary, for the late Mr Burn gives this quotation from it (Balthazar is alluding to his father), " He
for some time, upon that little he had, settled himself in Devonshire, at a place called Bideford, where and
thereabouts my sister and we all were born."
2 The "Non-Conformists' Memorial," by Calamy and Palmer, vol. iii. page 336.
3 I am almost entirely indebted to The Surtees Society's Publications, vol. liv., and to the late Professor
Piyme's Recollections, edited by his daughter.
HO
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
pricm means a large dagger or poniard. The arms of De la Pryme were earned by
a crusader of the twelfth century, named Alexander Priem, whose services were re-
warded with a patent of gentility and a grant of arms, being a cross and poniard
quarterly, — the crest, a cross upon a wreath. The refugee changed his armorial
bearings, but his descendants in this country have reverted to the old arms.
Charles de la Pryme was possessed of some capital, but lost many hundreds of
it in the drainage scheme, which as a work (though not as a speculation) was suc-
cessful after " incredible labour and charges of ,£400,000." His wife's maiden name
was Prudence, and she survived him only a few days ; both were buried at Hatfield,
he on 30th December 1699, and she on 5th January 1670. In his will he gave
" unto the poore of the French and Dutch congregation of Santoft the summe of
three pounds." He left three sons, Abraham, Matthew (or Matthias), and David.
Abraham, of Hatfield, gent, married in 1666, Anne Dillingham, and died 23rd
July 1687 ; his children are unrepresented. David, of the Levels, married Mary
Guoy ; he was buried at Hatfield on 1st February 1672, and she on 26th October of
the same year; their son, David, died intestate, and the administration of his pro-
perty was granted to his grandmother, Susan Guoy, on 6th October 1684. The
second son of Charles and Prudence, namely, Matthias de la Pryme, of the Levels,
he was born on 31st August 1645. According to tradition he grew up a man of
immense size ; he was weighed against another man for a wager in the market-place
of Thorne ; and he was only twenty-eight stones, while his competitor was thirty.
He married, in 1670, Sarah (born 17th November 1649), daughter of Peter Smaque,
" a rich Frenchman, that with his whole family was forced from Paris by persecution
for his faith, and was come to live in these Levels." Her surname puzzled English
people, and was probably seldom pronounced correctly ; her own son in after years
thought that her name was Smagge. 1 Matthias de la Pryme died on 29th July 1694,
in his forty-ninth year, and was buried at Hatfield ; his widow was not laid beside him
until 8th December 1729 ; she died at the age of eighty, having survived her two sons
as well as her husband. Her elder son was Rev. Abraham de la Pryme, B.A.
Cantab., F.R.S. (born 1671, died 1704); of him I shall give a separate memoir. But
as he was the head of his family, I here mention any facts that connect him with his
successors. He resigned his first curacy, and came to Hatfield in 1697. He was,
in 1698, appointed Curate and Divinity Reader of the High Church, Hull (which is
also named the Church of the Holy Trinity). " He was employed (says Mr Tickell,
writing in 1769) by the Mayor and Aldermen to inspect and arrange the ancient
records of the corporation of Kingston-on-Hull. From these original papers he has
made long extracts, which are bound up in volumes and lodged in the Guildhall,
with a general Index directing us to the originals, so that any record, previous to the
period bounded by the present century, may be as readily examined here as any
enrolment in one of our register offices." He left Hull in 1701, and died at the
parsonage of Thorne, near Hatfield, on 12th June 1704. The younger son of
Matthew de la Pryme and Sarah Smaque was Peter, baptized at Sandtoft, 14th July
1672; he married at Thorne, in 1695, Frances, daughter of Francis Wood, of the
Levels ; he succeeded his brother, Rev. Abraham, in the family properties in York-
shire and Lincolnshire ; he is styled "of Crowtrees Hall in the Levels." His wife
was buried at Hatfield, 14th July 1707 ; he survived for seventeen years. He was
one of the original trustees of the Hatfield, Thorne, and Wroot School Property left
by Henry Travis. In 1722 he was elected Surveyor of the Levels. He died 25th
November 1724, aged fifty- two, and was buried at Hatfield. Two sons survived
him, the elder of whom succeeded to the landed property, namely, Abraham de la
Pryme, of Carr-side, in the parish of Hatfield. The Yorkshire soil in course of time
slipped away from his progeny, and that great county is more concerned with his
younger brother Francis. In the first place, however, we must deal with Abraham,
who was born in 1700, and married at Hatfield, on 23rd December 1725, Emelia,
daughter of Rev. James Grenehalgh, Rector of Hooton-Roberts. He was buried at
Hatfield on 8th October 1740, and she on 18th July 1769. He was survived by one
son James, born at Hatfield, 4th January 1731 (n.s.) (He himself is not heard of in
Hatfield after this date ; two infants who died before him had been buried there,
Peter in 1727, and Margaret in 1728 ; a younger sister, Elizabeth, who died in 1741,
and another, Emelia, who died in 1760, wife of William Green, M.D., were also buried
at Hatfield.) The above-named James is styled " of Sheffield, merchant ;" he married
at Manchester in 1755, Elizabeth, daughter of James Greatrex ; the memory of this
alliance is preserved in Manchester by a street named Pryme Street. He died in
1 Perhaps the truth lay half-way, and there was no accent to the final E, which in that case would be mute.
I find in the French Church Registers of Thorney Abbey, in 1687, Sara Smacq, wife of Abraham Bailleu.
REIGN OF LOUIS XIII.
141
1784, in his fifty-fourth year. He had several sons, born in Sheffield — James (1755),
Abraham and Francis, twins (1758). He himself was buried in the Isle of Man,
having become connected with that island through the marriage of his son Abraham
to Elizabeth Wheelhouse, of Kirk Malew, Isle of Man, and through the marriage of
his son Francis, — first, to Jane, daughter of Rev. Joseph Cosnahan, Vicar of Braddan,
Isle of Man ; and secondly, to Mrs Boys nee Hester Geneste, daughter of Lewis Geneste,
of Douglas, Isle of Man. Neither of the twins left male representatives. But the
above-named James, born 15th November 1795, married at Blackburn, and dying at
Naze House, at the age of seventy-two, was buried at Kirkham, Lancashire, in 1828.
His elder son, Francis, was buried there in 1850, aged sixty-five, and the younger
son, Charles, died at Sidney, New South Wales, in 1831, aged forty-four ; both of
these were unmarried, so that the senior line of the family of De la Pryme is extinct.
But here we must chronicle that Abraham the twin removed to the Isle of Man, not
on account of his wife's relations, but because he had ascertained its capabilities for
commercial enterprise. He introduced the cotton manufacture into the island in
conjunction with his twin brother Francis. The brothers built a mill at Ballasalla,
manufactured British Plantation cotton into yarn and cloth, with which they supplied
Liverpool for ten years. During that period the authorities allowed it to be imported,
duty free, but, most unhappily and injudiciously, at the end of that period, the Liver-
pool Custom-House decided that it must pay a foreign duty, and the works had to
be abandoned ; the mill was ruined, and the cotton manufacture has not again been
resumed. Francis died in 1805, and Abraham died at Liverpool in 1825.
The following facts are taken from " the humble Petition of Abraham de la
Pryme " to " His Majesty's Commissioners of Enquiry in the Isle of Man," dated
21st October 1791 : —
"In the year 1779 he removed with his family from England to the Isle of Man, for the
conveniency of water and the low price of labour, to carry on the manufacture of spinning
and weaving cotton, and, at a very great expense, erected there a mill and other buildings ;
has ever since employed a great number of the inhabitants ; has always imported cotton from
Liverpool of the growth of the British Plantations, and regularly for ten years exported the
manufacture of the said cotton, either in cloth or yarn, by proper certificate, from the Isle of
Man to Liverpool, free from duty, as being the manufacture of the said Isle. But, in Septem-
ber 1791, three packs, containing 630 pounds of yarn and 6 pieces of cloth in the gray, were
detained in the Custom-House of Liverpool for the payment of duty. The petitioner repre-
sents that the imposition of a Foreign Duty is next to a prohibition, will render the erection
of the mill and other buildings nearly a total loss, and will leave him under the disagreeable
necessity of removing with his family out of the Isle of Man. As to the grounds of the
demand made by the Liverpool Custom-House, he begs leave to observe —
" 1st. That he did not apprehend that cotton wool, of the growth of His Majesty's Planta-
tions, and spun in the Isle of Man, would be deemed foreign growth.
" 2nd. That by a late Act of Parliament, cotton yarn, spun in Ireland from cotton of
foreign growth, may be imported into Great Britain, duty free."
We now return to Francis de la Pryme, son of Peter, and nephew of Rev.
Abraham de la Pryme. He was born in 1702. In 1724, on his father's death, he
took up his residence at North Ferriby, seven miles west from Hull, and was a
merchant in Hull, known as " the town and county of Kingston-upon-Hull." He
was a magistrate of the town ; he was sheriff of the county in the year " 1745, when
the town ditches had to be cleaned, and the walls repaired and newly strengthened,
in fear of the Pretender and his army." He was twice Mayor. In the list of Mayors
his name appears to have been changed thus : —
"Mayors of Kingston-upon-Hull. 1749, Francis de la Pryme. 1766, Francis Pryme."
His grandson, Professor George Pryme, in his Autobiographical Recollections,
explained the variation thus: — "During the seven years' war, 1756 to 1763, the
national feeling was so strong against anything French, that my grandfather dropped
the prefix of de la, and henceforth called himself Pryme only. My father continued
to do so ; but the original name has been revived in the person of my son, who was
so registered at his baptism." Francis Pryme died in 1769, aged sixty-seven. He
had been twice married, and by his first wife, Mary, daughter of Alderman Christo-
pher Thompson of Beverly, he had one surviving son, Christopher, born 1st August
1739. He was known as " of Cottingham ; " he died in September 1784 from the
effects of a fall from his horse, and was buried at Ferriby. He had married, in 1774,
Alice, daughter of George Dinsdale, Esq., residing at Nappa Hall, and sister of Rev.
Owen Dinsdale, Rector of Welford ; she survived him as his widow till 16th October
1834, when she died, aged eighty-six, and was represented by her son, George
142
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Pryme, and her grandson, Charles de la Pryme, of whom I shall speak in another
chapter. Looking back at the Christian names of three generations, the reader will
understand how the memory of the Prymes is preserved in Hull. " Pryme Street,
Christopher Street, and Alice Street were called after them ; as George Street has
since been called after their son, and Charles Street after their grandson."
The refugees at Hatfield obtained a license from Charles I. for a religious service
in French and Dutch. The first congregation was in the refugee Charles de la
Pryme's house. Ultimately they built the chapel of Sandtoft, in the parish of
Belton, Lincolnshire; it was disused soon after 1 68 1 .
IX. Briot.
Nicholas Briot was a gentleman of Lorraine, the reputed inventor of the coining-
press, and graver of the mint to Louis XIII. But unable to submit to serious religi-
ous disabilities as a Huguenot, he withdrew, as a voluntary exile, into England, and
in 1626 became chief-engraver to the London Mint, through the patronage of King
Charles I. In 1633 he received an appointment in Edinburgh, and in 1635 succeeded
Sir John Foulis as Master of the Mint in Scotland. In 1637 his daughter Esther
was married to Sir John Falconer, and this son-in-law was conjoined with Nicholas
Briot in his office. Briot, however, returned to England on the outbreak of the civil
war ; he secured for the king's service all the coining apparatus of the nation, and
finally is said to have died of grief on his royal patron's death. Sir John Falconer
was of the Halkerstoun family, and ancestor of the Falconers of Phesdo. Mr Smiles
enumerates several fine medals executed by Briot, who " possessed the genius of a
true artist."
X. COLLADON.
Before 1500 the head of the family of Colladon was Judge and Governor of
the town and fortress of La Chatre in the Province of Berry ; the office seems to
have been hereditary, and the Governor, Philippe Colladon, spent money upon the
fortifications. His eldest son, Germain, succeeded him. His wife's maiden name
was Guillemette Bretonnier, or De la Bretonniere, and he had six children. Two of
his younger sons embraced the Reformed faith. One of these was Germain Colladon,
advocate at Bourges in his native province, in whose house the first Protestants met
for public worship. The other brother was Leon Colladon, also an advocate at
Bourges, and Doctor of Laws. They had grown-up families before they were called
to suffer relentless persecution for the faith. At length they fled to Geneva as
refugees in the year 1550, and were forthwith enrolled as Genevan inhabitants. A
note-book of a member of the congregation of Bourges is still preserved, in which
there is this entry, "1550, le mardi ic/ jour d'anoust, partirent de ceste ville de
Bourges, maistres Germain et Leon Colladon, freres, advocats en ladite ville avec
leur femmes et enffans et toute leur famille, et s'en allerent demeurer a Geneve."
On 28th August, "Leon et Germain Colladons" were formally received by the
council.
Leon Colladon had married Guinemonde Bigot, daughter of Nicolas, sieur des
Fontaines. His birthplace was the fortress of La Chatre; he died at Geneva on
31st August 1552, leaving two sons and five daughters. His elder son, Nicolas, had
been a pasteur in France, and became a pasteur and professor in Switzerland ;
he died at Lausanne in May 1586, leaving (it is believed) no descendants. The
younger son, Germain, also a minister of the gospel, married Christofla Trembley,
and left a son, Daniel. This was the pasteur of Morgues, Daniel Colladon, who
married there, in 1584, Susanne Bret, and was the father of Isaac Colladon {born
1590), pasteur of Aubon. There was at a later date a Theobald Colladon, pasteur
of Aubon. There is a legal document docqueted, " Procuration dounee par Esther
Colladon a Theobald Colladon ministre a Aubonne pour revendiquer les biens et
effets existans dans la maison de nob. T. de Mayerne, dite Maison de S. Aspre"
(quoted in the Second Edition of " Haag," from which I have taken all my
pre-refugce facts in this memoir).
We are now within sight of our hero, afterwards known in England as Sir John
Colladon. The connection of the Colladons with Aubon, the barony from which Sir
Theodore De Mayerne took his title, as well as the document just alluded to, seem
to show some existing relationship between the Colladons and the Mayernes before
Sir John's marriage to the Baron's niece. But we must still give him his baptismal
name.
REIGN OF LOUIS XI II.
143
Jean Colladon was the son of Esaie Colladon, Professor of Medicine at Geneva
in 1 596. (Esaie was a citizen of Geneva, of the old La Chatre stock ; but more I
know not.) At the renowned Temple of Charenton, near Paris, in July 1637, Jean
Colladon, son of Esaie Colladon and Marie Chauve, was married to Aimee de
Frotte, son of Pierre de Frotte, Sieur de Mesnil and Judith de Mayerne. But before
this date he had come to England to study medicine, probably on the invitation of
Sir Theodore de Mayerne, who lent him money, and he became an M.D. of Cam-
bridge on 23rd November 1635. Before he could aspire to a commanding position
in the medical profession, the Civil Wars and the Commonwealth successively came
in. As he afterwards filled a prominent position with some ability, we may conjec-
ture that Royalist principles kept him in the shade until he was nearly fifty years of
age. The idea that he had not been very successful in making money is suggested
by his uncle's will (his uncle, Sir Theodore, as already said, made his will in
March 1655, a week before his death), which says :
" Whereas my nephew, John Colladon, Doctor in Physic, doth owe, and stands engaged,
and stands indebted unto me, in several sums of money — the principal amounting to two
thousand pounds at the least, or thereabouts, besides the interest due to me for the same for
divers years past — I do hereby give and bequeath all the said sums to my beloved niece
Aymee Colladon, his wife, for the advancement of herselfe and children, in testimony of my
affection towards them. And of the said sum or sums, and every part and parcel thereof, as
well principal as interest, I do wholly and fully discharge my said nephew, in confidence of his
affection, assistance, and fidelity to my wife and daughter after my decease."
In a few years his advancement came. At the restoration of Charles II. he was
made one of the King's physicians. His name appeared in a public document on
1 6th December 1661, at the top of the list of the trustees of the Westminster French
Church in the Savoy, as " Dr John Colladon, Physician-in-Ordinary to the King."
Ke was formally naturalized on 5th April 1663, along with Ayme Colladon, his
wife, and four children — Theodore, Gabriel, Isabella, and Susan. He is described
in Latin as armiger (equivalent to " esquire "), and in medicinis doctor. He was
knighted at Somerset House, 8th August 1664, as " S r - John Colledon of S l - Martin's-
in-the-Feilds."
In December 1664 he was elected an honorary Fellow of the College of Phy-
sicians. Sir John Colladon is sometimes mentioned in Pepys' " Diary ; " his name
may be recognised under various spellings — Collaton, Colliton, &c. The clerk who
wrote his uncle's will made it Collydon. By that will Sir Theodore de Mayerne
ordained, that in the event of the decease of his surviving child without issue, the
half of his fortune should pass to Lady Colladon. This event actually happened in
1661 (see my De Mayerne Memoir). The De Mayerne money would help to account
for Sir John Colladon's influence and importance in his adopted country. He died
on 21st December 1675, declaring as to his means, "point d 'heritage ; tout a ma
femme."
Sir Theodore de Mayerne had in his will made no mention of either his books or
his manuscripts. These, we may conclude, became the property of Sir John Colla-
don, upon whose death (and not before) they were presented to the library of the
Royal College of Physicians of London. It was not until after Sir John's death that
any of the manuscripts were printed. (See my Memoir of De Mayerne.)
Theodore, the eldest child of Sir John Colladon, and named after Sir Theodore
de Mayerne, was created an M.D. of Oxford on 20th December 1670. [Anthony
a Wood calls him Theodor. Calladonius, Esq.] The Royal College of Physicians
admitted him as an Honorary Fellow on 25th June 1685, but he received from King
James a charter constituting him a Fellow of the College, and he was admitted on
1 2th April 1687. He was Physician to the Royal Hospital of Chelsea on and before
2 1st February 1699, on which day he was knighted at Kensington. He, as well as
his wife, was known as a benefactor of the French refugees ; for Le Neve, in his
Catalogue of Knights, adds, " he was a Walloon." Sir Theodore Colladon was in
attendance at the death of William III. In October 1707, when he wrote his will, he
had an only child, Ann, and his sister Susan (or Susanna) was the wife of Dr John-
Wickart, Dean of Winchester. He mentioned (in that will) a cousin at Geneva,
Germain Colladon, also, " my brother," Isaac de Cambiague, now at Geneva ; this
brother-in-law was the second husband of Isabella Colladon. Isabella (who was
naturalized in 1663 with the rest of the family) married, first, Louis Saladin, of
Geneva ; secondly, Isaac Cambiague, Seigneur de Martheray.
Sir Theodore Colladon died in 17 12, and was interred in the burying ground of
144
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Chelsea Hospital. His will was proved on nth November 1712 by his widow,
Susanna Maria, Lady Colladon. This lady was a great benefactress of the refugees.
We find the Earl of Galway and Mr De la Mothe taking counsel with her regarding
the Huguenots released from the galleys in 171 3 ; and as late as 1749, when the
Earl of Lifford leaves ^500 to the refugees, the chosen almoner is Lady Colladon.
Miss Colladon, Sir Theodore's only child, was appointed sub-governess to the
princesses on 28th May 1718. Her marriage settlement was dated 10th April 1725 ;
her husband was Charles Montagu, Esq. of Papplewick, in the county of Notting-
ham, and of the parish of St George, Hanover Square. Her son, Right Hon.
Frederick Montagu, was born on 4th January 1726, and succeeded to Papplewick
in 1759 ; he was one of the Lords of the Treasury, became a director of the French
Hospital on 4th October 1775, and died unmarried on 30th July 1800. But Dame
Ann Colladon is still represented through her only daughter Anne (bom 1728, died
1 2th September 1786) by her great-great- grandson, Andrew Fountayne Wilson, now
Andrew Montagu, Esq. of Papplewick.
XI. Primerose.
The pasteur, Gilbert Primerose, was a Scotchman, and a preacher of the Church
of Scotland, who, when his native country was disturbed by royal intermeddling
with his church, chose to remove to France, and to undertake the office of the
Christian ministry among the Huguenots. So far he cannot be classed among
French refugees. But in Du Moulin's case, we have seen how King James, who was
a practical enemy of Protestantism in Scotland, chose to figure as a Protestant
champion in France, so as to offend Louis XIII., and to occasion the banishment
from France of Huguenot pasteurs who were of Scotch extraction.
Gilbert, son of Gilbert Primros, surgeon (afterwards principal surgeon to James
VI.), was born in Edinburgh, in or about 1573. 1 His father, preferring a more
ancient university to the infant College of Edinburgh, sent him to St. Andrews in
1587. In that year his name appears among the nomina intrantium as Gilbertus
Primrosus. He left college with a diploma of MA. The date of his removal to
France is not known, but it must have been about 1 598. He betook himself to St.
Jean dAngely, in the province of Saintonge. Having exercised his gifts as a
preacher with high and general satisfaction, he was appointed to the church of
Mirambeau. While serving this rural pastorate, he continued to live at St. Jean
dAngely, and in that city two of his sons were born. His fame soon reached the
city of Bourdeaux, which was in the adjacent province to the south. That congre-
gation was an unusually important charge, and in 1598 the National Synod of the
French Churches, assembled at Montpellier, decided that there was at its disposal
" no pastor sufficiently qualified for the church of Bourdeaux," and appointed the
Colloquies [presbyteries] of Albret, Higher Agenois, and Perigord to fill the pulpit
provisionally for a year, i.e., each colloquy to provide for four months' supply. In
1 60 1 the case came before the National Synod at Gergeau, which came to the fol-
lowing decision : — " The Synod does not count the demand of the church of Bour-
deaux reasonable, which requires Monsieur Primerose to be given them for their
pastor, because he cannot be taken from the church of Mirambeau, whereunto he is
appropriated." Ultimately, however, the " demand " (which is not so strong a word
in French as in English) was granted ; and in the first roll of ministers which Mr
Quick printed, and which is dated 1603, he is found as one of the ministers of
Bourdeaux, in the colloquy of Lower Agenois, and provincial Synod of Lower
Guienne. He had signalised his admission to the French pastorate by spelling his
name Guilbert Primerose. He sat in the National Synod of La Rochelle in 1607 as
a representative of his province. At one of its meetings he presented a letter to the
Synod from the magistrates and ministers of Edinburgh, and also from His Majesty
the King of Great Britain, recalling him to his native country to become a minister
of Edinburgh. Mr Primerose stated that he had never absolutely engaged himself
to the Church in France, or to any French congregation, but had always reserved a
liberty of departure if he should be duly recalled. The Synod acknowledged this,
but entreated him to consider all the circumstances, and to have a tender care and
1 The earliest extant baptismal register of Edinburgh begins with 1595, and therefore we cannot give the
date of our Gilbert's birth. A family group appears near the beginning of the iegister : — " Baptism on Sunday,
28th September 1595. James Primros, writter — a son named Gilbert. Witnesses, Gilbert Primros, chirur-
gener, and Mr George Tod, -writter ." [James was the great surgeon's nephew, and father of Archibald, ancestor
of the Earls of Rosebery.J
REIGN OF LOUIS XIII.
H5
respect to the church of Bourdeaux, which, by " his most fruitful preaching and
exemplary gospel conversation," had been exceedingly edified. Whereupon he pro-
mised not to abandon the congregation until it should be better supplied. During
his French pastorate he published sermons, " written in good French" (says Anthony
a Wood), namely, in 1610, four volumes entitled "Jacob's vow opposed to the vows
of monks and friars," and a volume of eighteen sermons, entitled La Trompette de
Sion, exhorting to repentance and fasting. He also edited, in 161 5, La defancc de la
religion refornu'e, being a letter from a venerable member of his congregation, named
Blouin, to an apostate son.
M. Primerose continued at Bourdeaux in peace until Whitsunday 1619. At this
date Father Arnoux, a Jesuit, preached before Louis XIII., at the Castle of Amboise,
and declared that neither the Catholic Church nor the Order of the Jesuits held it to
be lawful to murder kings, and that both were agreed in anathematising rebels and
king-killers. M. Primerose, having been present at that sermon, took the first oppor-
tunity of sending a message to Father Arnoux with the following questions which
were actually put to him before influential witnesses : —
1. The friar, Jacques Clement, stabbed Henri III., a prince excommunicated by the Pope.
Did he, or did he not, kill his king?
2. If the Pope excommunicated his present Majesty, would you own Louis XIII. as
your king ?
3. If upon the excommunication of Louis XIII., an assassin (such as Jean Chastel, Pierre
Barriere, or Francois Ravaillac, disciples of the Jesuits) should attempt his life, would you curse
and anathematise him as guilty of treason ?
These questions having been put to him, the Jesuit Father was silenced ; but he
had his revenge. He used his influence to procure an Act which was registered in
the Parliament of Bourdeaux, that no stranger, being an alien born, should be
minister of a congregation in France. The exact date at which this ordinance took
effect in M. Primerose's case does not appear ; but he seems to have remained in
France till the meeting of the National Synod at Charenton, in September 1623.
The Synod sent a deputation to the king, to petition for the restoration of the outed
ministers. The royal reply was to the effect that it was his pleasure, for reasons
known to himself, that the ministers Du Moulin, Primerose, and Cameron should be
banished, and that no answer could be listened to ; but that he would tolerate their
residence in France, on condition that they should not receive any employment either
as professors or pastors. It was immediately after this notification that M. Primerose
removed to London, being now about fifty years of age.
His sons, having been born in France, did not share in his denudation. We may
mention here the second son, David, who was born at St. Jean d'Angely in the
beginning of the century. He studied at Oxford and Bourdeaux, and became M.A.
of Bourdeaux. In 1623 he returned to Oxford, and was incorporated as M.A. He
then studied Divinity under Dr Prideaux, and took the degree of B.D., 22d April
1624, Prideaux saying to him on the completion of his examination, Accepimus res-
ponsionem tuam, mi fili, tanquam adventantis veris gratissimam primam rosam. In
Quick's list of French Protestant ministers for 1626, he appears as one of the pasteurs
of Rouen.
Guilbert Primerose, on his arrival in England, was forthwith installed as one of
the ministers of the London French Church. There is no evidence that in his
youthful career in Scotland he had offended King James. Certainly, as a refugee,
he was received graciously. Perhaps he introduced himself into favour by a printed
tract, dated 1624, entitled, " Panegyrique a tres-grand et tres-puissant Prince, Charles
Prince de Galles, par Gilbert Primerose, pasteur de l'Eglise Francoise de Londres,"
in which both father and son are rhetorically laude.l. The king wrote in his favour
to the University of Oxford ; and on 18th January 1625 (n.s.) he was incorporated
there as M.A., in virtue of his St Andrews' degree. The Chancellor's letter w as
read, declaring the singular probity and great learning of Mr. Gilbert Primerose, and
the fact that he had spent twenty years in the study of theology, concluding by
nominating him for the degree of D.D., the king's letter, testifying to his learning
and worth, being also read ; he thus obtained his doctor's degree, but on the ensuing
27th of March, King James died. David Primerose now came forward with a
poetical effusion of two hundred lines dedicated to John, Farl of Mar, and entitled,
" Scotland's Complaint Vpon the death of our late Soveraigne, King James of most
happy memorie, by Mr. D. Prymerose. Edinburgh, Printed by John Wreittoun,
Anno Dom. 1625."
L T
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
At this date Dr Primerose had not received preferment at court. It was Charles
who was his great patron. It is doubtful whether either of the above-mentioned
brochures was helpful to his advancement. His own account (in a dedicatory
epistle to one of his books) is that Sir James Fullerton introduced him to the new
king, and thus paved the way for his appointment as one of the chaplains to King
Charles I. His pastoral discourses and writings were creditable to him. In 1624
(October 7) he had preached a fast-day sermon, which was printed in 1625 with the
title: — "The Christian Man's Tears and Christ's Comforts." In the same year he
published a volume of nine sermons, entitled, " The Righteous Man's Tears and the
Lord's Deliverance." In the following year appeared his best publication, " The
Table of the Lord, whereof — 1. The Whole Service is the Living Bread ; 2. The
Guests — any man ; 3. The Mouth to eate — Faith onely." This valuable little
volume is made up of two sermons, of which the first was preached at Whitehall to
the King's House on the Communion day, 3rd July 1625 ; and the second was
preached at " Otlans " "before the Kings Majestie," 12th July 1625. The dedica-
tory epistle is addressed to " the Right Honourable S ir James Fowlerton, First
Gentleman of his Majestie's Bedchamber," &c. On 28th July 1628, Dr. Primerose
was installed as Canon of Windsor.
This was a disastrous year to the Protestants of France. On October 30th, La
Rochelle surrendered to Richelieu after a siege of nearly fifteen months. The Pope,
Urban VIII., wrote a coarse and jubilant letter to Louis XIII., dated 28th November
1628. Our Bishop Hall replied in a letter entitled, " Inurbanitati Pontificia?
Responsio Jos. Exoniensis," dedicated " Amico mihi plurimum colendo D°- Gilberto
Primrosio, S. Theol. Professori, Ecclesiae Gallicae Londinensis Pastori, Regiae Ma"- a
sacris." This epistle called forth a reply, " Reverendo in Christo Patri viro incom-
parabili Josepho Hal, Episcopo Exoniensi, Gilbertus Primirosius s.p.D." The
Pontifical " Breeve " and the above-named rejoinders were printed in 1629.
There was one religious subject in which King Charles, like his father, unhappily
interested himself, namely, the observance of the Sabbath. To recommend the
Sunday Book of Sports to the frequenters of taverns was easy; but it was difficult to
fit it and similar secularizations of the Lord's Day into a religious theory. As to
the day of sacred rest, the problem for courtly divines in the days of the Royal
Stuarts was to find the minimum of self-denial for the rich, and the maximum of
work for the poor, which could be plausibly defended by a lover of the Gospel.
Before the year 1633, David Primerose of Rouen seems to have communicated with
his father concerning the possibility of solving the problem. The doctor says —
" I wrote to my sonne, preacher of the gospell at Rouen, desiring him to set downe in a
paper (distinctly and clearely), his opinions concerning the Sabbath, with the confirmation
thereof by such arguments which hee should think most pregnant, and a solide refutation of
the contrary arguments — which he did accordingly, but in the French tongue as writing onely
out of a dutifull affection to condescend to my desire " — " I kept it by me three yeeres," — also
" the additions which he sent me at divers times afterwards."
Unable to obtain a translator, the Canon undertook the work himself ; and a
quarto volume appeared, entitled : " A Treatise of the Sabbath and the Lord's Day,
distinguished into foure parts. Wherein is declared both the nature, originall, and
observation as well of the one under the Old as of the other under the New Testa-
ment. Written in French by David Primerose, Batchelour in Divinitie in the
University of Oxford, and Minister of the Gospell in the Protestant Church of
Rouen. Englished out of his French Manuscript by his Father, G.P., D.D. Lon-
don, 1636."
Dr Primerose and Mr Bulteel were the acknowledged leaders of the French
Protestant refugees. The former resided in " Chiswell Street, near the Artillery
Yard, in the suburbs of London." The doctor had been married in France, his first
wife being the mother of his children ; he married secondly, 14th December 1637,
in Threadneedle Street, Jeanne Hersey, widow of Monsieur Aurelius (probably
Abraham Aurelius, his predecessor in the pastorate); thirdly, on 21st September
1 64 1, Louise dc Lobel, a native of Antwerp, his third wife having him as her third
husband. He died in 1642, probably in November or December (the patent for
appointing his successor in the canonry of Windsor being dated December 27). I
present my readers with the following fragment of a pedigree : —
REIGN OF LOUIS XIV.
GUILBERT PRIMEROSE =
147
/ Jaques = Louise de Hautmont
( [James]
M.A. of Bourdeaux, M.D. of
Montpellier, incorporated at
Oxford in 1629; practitioner
at Hull; — married, 27 Dec.
1640, in Threadneedle Street.
[Revj Robert Banks, Vicar of
Hull, wrote to Ralph Thoresby,
on 14 Apr. 1708, in reply to
enquiries as to local authors :
— " Old Dr Primrose wrote
several books in re medial
whilst he lived here, but was
a Frenchman born."]
David = Madeleine Heuze { Etienne
Pasteur of Rouen
David, Pasteur of
Threadneedle Street
(see my next chapter).
j [Stephen],
born 12
January
1606 (n.s.)
whom his
father cut
off with
sixpence.
[John],
born
24 Nov.
16 to.
REFUGEES DURING THE FIRST HALF OF THE REIGN OF LOUIS XIV.
The reign of Louis XIV. over France and Navarre began on 14th May 1643, an< J
continued until 1st September 1715. We may therefore say that the period between
his accession and the first year of the dragonnades (1681) was the first half of his
reign. If we calculate his reign from his accession, the period is rather more than a
half; it is rather less than a half if we begin with the year (1651) when he was
declared to be of age.
I. Refugees enrolled at Oxford.
1648-9. March 8. ABRAHAM HUARD, alias Lompi-e, sometime of the University
of Caen, in Normandy, was created Doctor of Physic by virtue of the Chancellor's
[Earl of Pembroke's] letters, which say that " his affections to the cause of the par-
liament have exposed him to sufferings. . . . He is a Protestant of France, and his
quality and sufferings have been made known to me by persons of honour, gentlemen
of quality, and physicians of this kingdom, as also by one Mr. John Despaigne, one
of the French Ministers of London, Sec."
1655. Dec. 13. Lodovic DE Lambermont, of Sedan, a young man of great
hopes and learning, son of John Lambermont of the same place, and Doctor of
Physic of the University of Valence. His diploma for the taking of that degree at
Valence bears date 8th March 165 1. Under the name of Lambermontius is extant
AntJwlogia Grcec. Lat. Lond. 1654. Query if by him ?
1656-7. March 10. The most famous and learned THEOPHILUS DE Garencieres,
of Paris, who had been made Doctor of Physic at Caen in Normandy, on 27th
October 1634, was incorporated here in the same degree, not only upon sight of his
testimonial letters (which abundantly speak his worth), subscribed by the King of
France's Ambassador in England (to whom he was domestic physician), but upon
sufficient knowledge had of his great merits, his late relinquishing the Roman
Church, and zeal for that of the Reformed. On the 23rd of the same month he
was admitted a candidate of the [Royal] College of Physicians of London. His
published writings were — (1) " Anglice Flagellum, seu Tabes Anglia:." Lond. 1647
[a medical book on the Plague]. (2) The admirable virtues and wonderful effects of
the true and genuine Tincture of Coral in Physic, grounded by reason, established by
experience, and confirmed by authentical authors in all ages. Lond., 1676. He
also translated into English "The true prophecies or prognostications of Michael
Nostradamus, Physician to K. Henry II., Fran. II., and Cha. IX., Kings of Fiance,
&c." Lond., 1672, folio. He died poor, and in an obscure condition, in Covcnt
Garden, within the Liberty of Westminster, occasioned by the unworthy dealings of
FRENCH PR 0 TES TA NT EXILES.
a certain knight, which, in a manner, broke his heart. 1 It appears that the Pasteur
D'Espagne was instrumental in his conversion to Protestant faith. That he left a
son and heir to continue his name may be conjectured from the title-page of a volume
that now lies before me: "General Instructions, Divine, Moral, Historical, Figura-
tive, &c, shewing the Progress of Religion from the Creation to this time, and to the
End of the World, and tending to confirm the Truth of the Christian Religion. By
Theophilus Garencieres, Vicar of Scarbrough, and Chaplain to his Grace Peregrine,
Duke of Ancaster." York, 1728. He was probably the founder of a Yorkshire
family, for the York Courant of 13th January 1767 has the following announcement :
" On Wednesday last was married, at St. James', Westminster, Mr Garencieres, jun.,
an eminent apothecary of this city [York], to Miss Wade, eldest daughter of the
late Wade, Esq., of Greville Street, Hatton Garden, an amiable and accom-
plished young lady with a handsome fortune."
Perhaps the younger Theophilus was a grandson of the learned physician and a
son of Dudley Garencieres, or he may have been Dudley's younger brother. In
either case we chronicle (on the authority of Alumni W cstmonasterienses) the name
and career of the latter. He was enrolled in Westminster School in 1667, from
whence he was elected to Cambridge in 1669. He became B.A. of that University in
1672 and M.A. in 1676. He settled in Cheshire as Rev. Dudley Garencieres, rector of
Handley, on 26th May 1684, to which preferment was added the rectory of Waver-
ton in the same county in 1696. He was a minor canon of Chester Cathedral, and
on 3rd November 1696 he was installed as a Prebendary; "he is said to have been
the only minor canon of Chester who was ever raised to a prebendal stall in that
cathedral." The Rev. Prebendary Garencieres died in April 1702, and was buried
within his cathedral.
1656. April 10. Peter Va.SSON was created Bachelor of Physic by virtue of
the Chancellor's (Oliver Cromwell's) letters, dated 25th March, which say that he,
the said Chancellor, had received very good satisfaction from several hands touching
Mr Vasson, as to his suffering for his religion in his own nation, his service in the late
wars to the Commonwealth, his skill in the faculty he professeth, and success (through
the blessing of God) in the practice of it, together with the unblameableness of his
conversation," &c. [In 1659 Peter Vasson or Vashon became M.D.]
To these may be added the incorporation on 17th November 1662 (temp. Chas. II.)
of Peter Richier of Maremne in Saintonge, who had taken the degree of Doctor of
Physic in Bordeaux in 1634. [Was he the father of Isaac Richier, who was made
Lieutenant-Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Bermudas in October 1689?]
The cotemporary Huguenot theologians, incorporated at Oxford, are the
following : —
1656-7. Jan. 29. ABRAHAM Conyard, of Rouen, in Normandy, who had studied
divinity several years in academies in France and Switzerland, was created Bachelor
of Divinity by the decree of the members of Convocation, who were well satisfied
with his letters-testimonial under the hands of the pastors of the Reformed Church
of Rouen, written in his behalf.
1670. Dec. 20. Louis Herault (called by Anthony a Wood "Lew, Herald,
Pastor of the French Church at London"). His father was Didier Herault {born
about 1579, died 1649), Professor of Greek in the College of Sedan, and latterly
advocate in the parliament of Paris, who had two sons — Isaac (godson of Isaac
Casaubon, baptized at Charenton, 20th December 1609), and Louis.
Louis Herault was a distinguished student of theology at Sedan, and became
pasteur of Alencon, where, in 163 1, he obtained celebrity by a long controversy with
a capuchin. He came to London in 1643, as successor to Dr. Primerose in the
pastorate of the French Church. He outstripped his predecessor in devotion to
Charles I. Dr. Primerose, in 1626, had predicted a happy and beneficent reign for
" our majesticall, heroicall, and religious king," " so long as his royall eares shall
hang at the wise tongs of moderate and godly senatours." But Pasteur Herault
was loud in his defence when his schemes were immoderate and unscrupulous, and
seemed to commit his congregation, whose wisdom it was to be neutral in politics,
to the slavish dogmas of the anti-parliamentary faction. He seems to have thun-
dered on the king's behalf, and against the Parliament in the Threadneedle Street
pulpit. And consequently, after the king's death, he did not dare to remain in
London or in England, but escaped to FYance ; and there, in the same year (1649),
lie printed his sermons, twelve in number, and entitled, " Le pacifique royal en
deuil " [the pacific royalist in mourning]. This volume was published at Saumur ;
but he seems to have officiated in his old church in Alencon, where, on the restora-
1 Wood's Athena Oxcnienses; Munk's " Roll of the Royal College of Physicians of London," vol. i.
REIGN OF LOUIS XIV.
149
tion of Charles II., he preached twenty sermons, which were published with the title,
" Le pacifique royal en joye;" these were printed at Amsterdam in 1665. The new
turn of the wheel both brought him back to Threadneedle Street, and also thrust out
Pasteur Stouppe (see my Historical Introduction). Herault, Felles, and David
Primerose were, at or about this date, associated as collegiate pastors. Whether
Herault was immediately reinstated, I do not know. It was not till 1670 that his
loyalty was acknowledged at Oxford by the bestowal of the degree of D.D. upon
Ludovicus Heraldus. In 1671 (August 15), he was presented to a canonry in the
ninth prebend in Canterbury Cathedral. This led to his taking up his residence in
the city of Canterbury, where he died in 1682. He appears in the Cathedral register
of burials as " Dr. Herault," under the date of 5th November 1682.
II. Danois.
Ezechiel Danois (sometimes called Daunois) was a native of Compiegne. He
matriculated as a student in Geneva as E. DANNOSIVS in the year 1616. He entered
the ministry of the French Reformed Church in 1620, and is on record as pasteur of
Sezanne in 1625, next of Lisy in 1626, and then of Compiegne in 1650. He was
sent as almoner to the garrison of La Brielle in Hanover, from whence he removed
to England in 1652. At that time a French congregation was in process of forma-
tion at Thorney Abbey in Cambridgeshire. In 1646, and following years, a Sieur
Du Perrier was attempting to form the French settlers at Whittlesey into a congre-
gation, but had not been successful. M. Danois, being a solid and staid man as old
as the century, succeeded in uniting the French of both localities into one congre-
gation at Thorney, and was settled as its first minister in September 1653. He had,
in 165 1, issued a polemical pamphlet, entitled " Remarques sur la retractation de
Pierre J arrige rejesuitise ;" but at Thorney he lived a tranquil life for twenty-two
years, being esteemed a great student and a man of immense learning, as well as a
faithful preacher and pastor. He died on 24th February 1675, new style. His
epitaph is in Thorney Church : —
M. S.
Venerandi senis Ezechielis Danois, Compendiensis, Galli,
Ccetus Gallici qui hie congregari ccepit a.d.mdclii pastoris primi,
qui studio indefesso, doctnna. et severitate movum nulli secundus,
ingens litteratura; thesaurus hie orbe latuit,
Deo — sibi — paucis aliis notus,
eisque contentus testibus per liv annorum spatium,
ex quibus xxn hie Thorney Abbatise,
summo cum fructu ministerio suo functus,
tandem hie ubi laboris sibi et quietis locum invenit.
Obiit 24 Feb r - A 0 - D ni - mdclxxiv.
III. HlEROSME.
As I recorded in a previous chapter, the truly great and good man, Pasteur Jean
D'Espagne, the minister of the Westminster French Church assembled in Somerset
House, died in April 1659. He was succeeded by the Rev. James Jerome or
Hierosme. The Restoration of Charles II. took place immediately after this
pasteur's settlement. The French Church in the City, founded in the reign of
Edward VI., and recognised by succeeding Protestant monarchs, was an establish-
ment not to be disturbed. But a French Church in Westminster was a community
of modern origin, and sanctioned by the Cromwells only. The question therefore
arose whether King Charles II. ought to recognise it. I have detailed the negotia-
tions and discussions on this question in my Historical Introduction. The king
offered the congregation a place of worship within the Savoy Palace in the Strand,
on condition of their adopting the Anglican Liturgy translated into French. This
offer, after hesitation, was accepted on the advice of Mr. Jerome.
He removed to Ireland, where, on 9th March 1667, was enrolled the Lord
Chancellor's certificate in behalf of James Jerome, D.D., to inhabit in Ireland, and in
1668 a grant to him of .£30 per annum ; on the 1st March 1668 he was made
Precentor of Waterford Cathedral. Then there is the King's letter, dated 14th July
1668, "The King taking notice of the piety and learning of James Hierome, clerk
(to whom the Lord-Lieutenant, in consideration of his being a stranger, and one who
not only early submitted to the government of the Church of England but brought
the French congregation which then met at the Savoy to conform thereto, gave the
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
vicarage of Chapel-Isold), has thought fit, as well in consideration thereof, as in
regard of his undertaking to expend ^300 in repairs of house and land, to grant him
a lease of a ruinous house, and one acre and a-half of land in Chapel-Isold for 99
years, at 40s. per annum, together with free grazing for two horses and eight cows
in Phoenix Park for same term." Dr. James Hierome was presented in 1676 to the
vicarages of Mullingar and Rathconnell, and in 1677 to the Rectories of Churche-
towne and Piercetowne, all in Meath Diocese, and finally on 7th April 1680 to the
Rectories of Clonegan and Newtownelenan in Lismore Diocese. (The above parti-
culars from the Irish Patent Rolls were extracted for me by my valued correspondent,
Mr. John J. Digges La Touche.)
IV. David Primerose.
David Primerose, one of the pasteurs of Threadneedle Street after the restora-
tion of Charles II., was born at Rouen, being a son of David, pasteur of Rouen, by
Madeleine Heuze, and grandson of Dr. Guilbert Primerose (already memorialized.)
As to the minister of Rouen, I note now, in addition to what my last chapter contains,
that he was alive in 1642, and died before 1666.
The younger David Primerose followed in the steps of his grandfather, not only
in ministering within the French Church of Threadneedle Street, but also in marry-
ing thrice, and in taking to wife the widow of a predecessor. In the year remembered
as the date of the Great Fire of London, 1666, on the 29th day of the preceding
month of May, he married Sara Palliart, widow of the late pasteur Jaques Felles.
He married, secondly, 25th April 1677, Judith, daughter of Daniel Du Prie, and had
by her a son, Daniel, baptized 14th December 1681. He married, thirdly, in
December 1685, or January 1686, Jeanne, daughter of Rene Sasserie, and had by
her a son, Henry Alexander, baptized 5th February 1687 (n.s.). On 20th November
1687 our pasteur was a witness to the baptism of Marguerite Charlote Baignoux.
In my Volume Second I shall give an account of the reception in England of the
stream of French Protestant refugees from the dragonnades of 168 1. The refugees
and their fellow worshippers in London City, headed by Mr. Primerose, went on a
Deputation and gave thanks to his Majesty Charles II., who had proclaimed through
the Privy Council a national welcome. The memory of this interview was preserved
in a printed brochure entitled, " The Thanks given to the King on behalf of the
French and Dutch Churches in the City of London for the favour granted by His
Majesty to the Protestant Strangers retired into this kingdom — spoken, October 19,
1 68 1, by David Primerose, Minister of the French Church in London. Printed,
October 24, 1681."
I am unable to give any more biographical facts regarding Mr. David Primerose.
But as his church was burnt in 1666, and was rebuilt under his supervision, a note may
be here added regarding the sacred edifices occupied by his congregation. I do
little more than systematize the jottings furnished by Mr. John Southerden Burn in
his History of our Foreign Protestant Refugees.
* # * It appears, from a memorandum by the Pasteur Aaron Cappel, written in or about
1592, that in 1548 the Pasteur Richard Vauville [alias Francois], " homme vraiment entier
et parfait en la piete chretienne," had collected a congregation of French Protestants in
London. Cappel gave as his authority a book printed in 1552 by Mr. Walleran Poulain,
ministre a Glastonbury ; and he believed that it could be proved that it was mainly out of
regard for French-speaking refugees that Edward VI., on 24th July 1550, granted to Protestant
strangers the Church in Austin- Friars, known as " The Temple of Jesus." That strangers of
other nations came into royal favour in the train of the French may be inferred from the fact
that in King Edward's charter no ministers were named except the French pasteurs, Francois
de la Riviere and Richard Francois.
The French (as my readers know) soon separated from the Dutch for convenience sake.
On 16th October 1550 the Dean and Canons of Windsor granted a lease of the Church of
St. Anthony's Hospital, in Threadneedle Street, to the superintendent, ministers, elders, and
deacons of the Dutch and French Church in London. Under the presidency of the super-
intendent, John a Lasco, an arrangement was made that the Dutch should occupy " the temple
of Jesus," on the following conditions — namely, that they should put the Threadneedle Street
church into good repair for the use of the French, and pay half the rent of the latter church,
the Dutch recognising the right of the French to have occasional preaching within the temple
in Austin-Friars. The lease of Threadneedle Street church was renewable at the end of
periods of twenty years. From 1628 to 1642 one of their pasteurs was a Canon of Windsor,
and perhaps obtained for them more permanent tenure. Or, the congregation may have
received more liberal terms in order to induce them to rebuild the church after the fire. For
these conjectures, however, no one but myself is responsible.
REIGN OF LOUIS XIV.
151
The Great Fire of London broke out on 2nd September 1666, and continued during four
days and four nights. The French Church in Threadneedle Street was destroyed. The
Dutch refused to contribute to the building of a new church. The re-building was accom-
plished by the French congregation alone, by means of collections and subscriptions, amount-
ing to £3300. The new French Church in Threadneedle Street was consecrated on 22nd
August 1669, and kept its doors open for public worship and ordinances for about a century
and three quarters.
New streets required to be constructed, and the French Church must be pulled down. In
April 1840 the city of London bought it ; a jury valued the leasehold interest at ^2000, and
the freehold at ^1977, the congregation retaining the carving and the interior fittings. The
pasteur, Paul Charles Baup, preached the last sermon within the venerated building in the
year 1842. A new church was built in St. Martin's-le- Grand, and was consecrated by the
pasteurs, Francois Martin and W. G. Daugars. on 19th March 1843. A proposal had been
made in the consistory that the Bishop of London (Dr. C. J. Blomfield) should be asked to
consecrate the new French Church. But a majority decided that the consecration should be
conducted according to the ceremonies of the Reformed Church of France, " grounding their
opinion (says Mr. Burn) upon the Presbyterian principle," and considering that " the spirit of
freedom and religious liberty, which their fathers had transmitted to them," were opposed to
Episcopal consecration. The pasteurs, in a suitable letter, invited the bishop to be present
at their church's consecration. " His lordship in his reply assured the consistory of his good
wishes, and of the pleasure the invitation had given him ; but being about to leave London
on account of his health, he found it impossible to be present on the occasion personally,
though he promised to be so with his prayers."
Denis Papin, born at Blois in 1647, was the son of Denis Papin, receiver-general
of taxes, and an ancicn. He had an uncle, a medical practitioner, Nicolas Papin,
whose proficiency in scientific studies occasioned Denis's resolution to study medicine.
He was educated at the Protestant Academy of Angers, and passed for his medical
degree in 1669, but owing probably to the hardships to which Huguenots were ex-
posed, he could meet the fees with only a promise to pay. It was to science (not to
medicine) that his heart was devoted. 2 In 1671 we find him at Paris, as assistant to
Huygens, the experimental philosopher. He was installed as a scientific worker in
the French Academy. His experiments were directed to the atmospheric air, its
weight, and the power of a vacuum ; he printed a pamphlet on those experiments
and their results in 1674, under the title of Experiences du vuidc. Flailing to obtain
encouragement from the great Colbert, and feeling acutely his temporal disabilities
as a Protestant in France, he emigrated to London in the year 1675.
Through the assistance of the Hon. Robert Boyle, he obtained scientific employ-
ment from the Royal Society, and added to his investigations the powers of steam.
His remuneration was small, but he was more than consoled by receiving the title of
Fellow 6f the Royal Society (F.R.S.) in the year 168 1. At this period he invented
what is known in English as Papin s Digester, and in French as la marmite de Papin,
a boiler with a safety-valve [the very first safety-valve), through which all indigestible
matter was removed from bones, &c, and a mass of digestible food was collected
together. Of this invention which came into general use, he published descriptions
in 1 68 1 and 1687.
In April 1682, Papin accepted an invitation from the Chevalier Sarotti, founder
of the Venetian Academy of Natural Science, and he resided in Venice for about
two years. Of this sojourn he gives an account in the Amsterdam edition of " La
maniere d'amollir les os et de faire cuire toutes sortes de viandes en peu de temps et
a peu de frais, avec un description de la machine dont il faut se servir a cet effet."
The success of this invention, and also his departure for Venice, are recorded
in a lively manner by John Evelyn in his diary, thus : —
" 1682. 12 April. — I went this afternoone with severall of the Royal Society to a
supper, which was all dress'd, both fish and flesh, in Monsieur Papin's Digestors, by
which the hardest bones of beefe itselfe and mutton were made as soft as cheese
without water or other liquor, and with lesse than 8 ounces of coales, producing an
incredible quantity of gravy ; and, for close of all, a jelly made of the bones of beef,
the best for clearness and good relish, and the most delicious, that I had ever scene
or tasted. We cat pike and other fish bones, and all without impediment ; but
nothing excelled the pigeons, which tasted just as if bak'd in a pie, all these being
1 See Ilaag's "La France Protestante ;" and a Memoir of Papin, by Henry C. Ewart, in the Sunday
Magazine fox i8bo.
2 In the Library of the Grand Duke of Hesse there is a manuscript by Papin, on painless operations in
sti'gery ( l'raitc des operations sans douleur).
152
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
stew'd in their own juice without any addition of water, save what swam about the
digester, as in balneo. The natural juice of all these provisions, acting on the grosser
substances, reduc'd the hardest bones to tendernesse ; but it is best descanted — with
more particulars for extracting tinctures, preserving and stewing fruite, and saving
fuel — in Dr. Papin's booke, publish 'd and dedicated to our Society, of which he is a
member. He is since gone to Venice with the late Resident here (also a member of
our Society), who carried this excellent mechanic, philosopher, and physician, to set
up a philosophical meeting in that city. This philosophical supper caus'd much
mirth amongst us, and exceedingly pleas'd all the company. I sent a glass of the
jelley to my wife, to the reproch of all that the ladies ever made of the best harts-
horn."
One of the company was Sir Christopher Wren, President of the Royal Society.
Amidst the constant remarks as to softening bones, he jocularly asked whether a
process could not be discovered for hardening soft bones (alluding, perhaps, to the
infirmities of age, or to the effeminacy of the men of that generation). Wren's latest
biographer (Lucy Phillimore), records this joke and adds : " A modification of
Papin's Digester-Kettle still exists, and goes by his name, though used far less than
it deserves."
Papin returned to London, and his reinstalment is noted in a Minute of the
Royal Society, dated 23rd June 1684, and which explains his willingness to try his
fortune in other lands. In that Minute, his remuneration is fixed at £j, 10s.
per quarter. At this period he contrived, and produced, some machinery, including
a tube, similar to one applied in the nineteenth century to the atmospheric railway,
connected with an air-pump of his own invention. His object was to convey to a
distance the mechanical power of water.
An accomplished German Prince, Charles Landgrave of Hesse Cassel, was
attracted by Papin's genius and abilities, and was also anxious for his aid in carrying
out a grand enterprise of water-works. He offered him the Professorship of Mathe-
matics in the University of Marbourg. This offer Papin accepted, and gave in his
resignation to the Royal Society on 23rd November 1687. He settled at Marbourg,
and there he married a widowed cousin. In 1688 he attempted, by means of gun-
powder and gases, to obtain the desired vacuum for his atmospheric engine ; but in
1690 he made a great step, by obtaining the vacuum through the alternate genera-
tion and condensation of steam. In the latter year he read a paper on Steam-
Power to the Philosophical Society of Leipsic. In 1692 our Royal Society made
him a liberal offer, and he actually came to London to treat with the Society ; but
the Landgrave made a higher bid, and Papin remained at Marbourg. In 1695 he
published a duodecimo volume, entitled, " Recueil de diverses pieces touchant quelques
nouveaux machines, par D. PAPIN, professeur de mathematiques dans l'universite de
Marbourg et membre de la Societe royale de Londres. Cassel, J. Estienne, libraire
de la Cour." In 1696 the Landgrave made him a Privy Councillor, and he was
frequently in Cassel to meet the calls of the public service. His incessant experi-
ments and inventions excited great interest, but could not but arouse jealousies
among monopolists and others interested in antiquated customs and institutions.
He invented a steam-gun, and in the year 1707 he invited the Landgrave and the
leading public men to witness its firing. An hour was fixed, but his Highness was
not punctual ; and while he was waited for, the guns exploded, and several persons
were mortally wounded. Of course there were two explanations, which friends and
opponents felt at liberty to select from. According to one, the Landgrave's unpunc-
tuality occasioned the deaths ; according to the other, his unpunctuality happily
saved his princely life. As was natural, the latter explanation was preferred, and
Papin was disgraced. He, however, was permitted to leave Marbourg, on his own
representation that he wished to make an experimental voyage in his steamboat, not
only by river, but by sea, to London.
An English inventor had built a boat propelled by paddles moved by horse-
power. Papin had seen this, and was led to construct a boat on the same model,
but with his own steam-engine to propel it. When he was ready to embark and to
steam away from Cassel in his original steam-boat, he was delayed by the necessity
of obtaining a pass, and the pass which he did obtain was of doubtful efficacy, at
ceast for any distance. His route was by river to Bremen, and thence by sea. He
1 m barked with his wife and family on 25th September 1707, and proceeded, with
the knowledge of the opposition of the boatmen of the Eulda and the Weser, who
were combined as a trade-union against all innovations. He arrived safely at Loch,
the junction of the two rivers ; but at that spot, the boatmen demanded his
machinery. While he hesitated, they dragged it out of the boat, and shattered it
REIGN OF LOUIS XIV.
153
into fragments. The broken-hearted inventor sent his family back to Cassel, and he
himself was again a lonely refugee in London, and was content to return to the
service of English men of science. The only remaining traces of him are in his
letters to Sir Hans Sloane, the secretary of the Royal Society ; the last, to which I
find reference, is dated 23rd January 17 12. The date of his death has not been
ascertained.
Professor W. J. Macquorn Rankine in the " Imperial Dictionary of Biography " has
truly said : — " In connection with the steam-engine, Papin was unquestionably the
inventor of the safety-valve and of the piston ; and though his inventions never
attained any practical success, they formed essential steps towards, and elements in,
the inventions of his followers."
VI. JUSTEL.
Henri de Justel was (says the Biographia Britannicd) born at Paris in 1620.
He was Secretary and Councillor to Louis XIV. and had a high place in the con-
fidence of that king. As a great scholar and man of letters he was of the same
reputation as his father, Christophe Justel (who died in 1649). He was the chieftain
of Protestant controversialists, though his position at court compelled him to shelter
among the anonymous. His " Answer to the Bishop of Condom's [Bossuet] Book,
entituled, An Exposition of the Doctrine of the Catholick Church upon matters of
controversie," was translated and printed at Dublin in 1676. It was licensed for the
press by Dr Edward Wetenhall with this observation, " If any one should think that
in this book he finds anything not quite in conformity with the doctrine and offices
of the Anglican Church, let him set that to the account of the peculiar constitution
of the Reformed Churches in France. Assuredly I judge the body of the Reply to
be truly worth its weight in gold, and worthy of this imprimatur" Justel's Dedica-
tory Epistle is " To Monsieur Conrart. Since it is you, sir, who inspired me with
the thought of undertaking the defence of our common cause against a Prelate of
the reputation of the Bishop of Condom, be pleased also to become responsible to
the public for the manner in which I have acquitted myself herein. I am persuaded
a man could not set here a better name than yours, to do no wrong to himself, or to
give more weight to the Answer he had made. It is notorious that you are known
through all parts where desert is known. You are equally loved and esteemed by
all worthy persons both of one and the other communion, and by the Bishop of
Condom himself. And as all the world agrees, that none can wear a spirit or an
heart more upright than that which you own, so it will easily be presumed that
those sentiments which you shall have approved are no less sincere than faithful.
Nor can any say that this in an anonymous work, in that they see not my name
here, if that you will be pleased it be known that he who writ it has the honour to
be one of the friends of Monsieur Conrart."
Justel's house in Paris was much visited by distinguished Englishmen, among
these John Locke and Rev. Dr Hickes are specially mentioned ; and to them should
be added Wake, who in his publications against Bossuet got many hints from the
above-named compendious volume and its author. Dr Hickes returned from
France to England in 1674, and by him Justel sent to the University of Oxford the
manuscript of Canones Ecclesice Universalis in Greek, which his father had printed.
How the University acknowledged this gift, Anthony Wood has recorded in the
Fasti: — "1675, June 23. Henry Justell, Secretary and Councillor to the Most
Christian King, was diplomated Doctor of the Civil Law ; he was a most noted and
learned man, and, as the public register said, non modb omni scicntiarum et virtutum
gencre per se excelluit, vcriun etiam parentis optimi et ernditissimi Christoph. Justclli
doctrinam et merita, ornando et excolendo, sua fecit. He had given several choice
MSS. to the public library, and had sent by Mr George Hicks of Lincoln College
(who became acquainted with him at Paris), the original MS. in Greek of the
Canones Ecclesice Universalis, put out by his father Christopher, which is at this
time in the Public Library. What this eminent author Henry Justell hath written
and published, the printed catalogue belonging to that library, commonly called the
Oxford Catalogue, will tell you."
Hickes, in conversation with Justel in Paris, remarked on the frequent demolition
of the Protestant temples, nothwithstanding the Edict of Nantes. Justel replied,
"As I am wont to talk in confidence with you, I will tell you a secret which almost
none of us know besides myself. Our extirpation is decreed ; we must all be
banished our country or turn Papists. I tell it you because I intend to come into
I. U
154
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
England where I have many friends, and that when you see me in your country you
may remember that I told you."
In 1676 Henri Justel married his cousin Charlotte de Lorme. Their daughter
was buried on March 17, 1681, the eve of their departure from France. Weiss
informs us: — "Justel, who was secretary to Louis XIV., early penetrated that
monarch's designs. Resolutely making up his mind, he sold his rich library several
years before the Revocation, and went to England. This was great joy to Bayle.
' I hope,' he said in his Nouvelles de la Ripublique des Lettrcs, March 1684, ' Monsieur
Justel, who now resides in London, and who is so inquiring, so learned, so well
informed in all that concerns the Republic of letters, and so well disposed to con-
tribute his information, will tell us many things that will do much honour to this
Journal.' Scarcely had Justel arrived in London when he was named librarian to
the King of England. Such was his reputation as a learned man, that he was more
than once chosen to arbitrate in erudite quarrels. His rich and copious conversa-
tion attracted St. Evremond, who loved those talking libraries (ces bibliotheques
parlantes)."
On his arrival in 1 68 1, Justel called on Hickes at his house on Tower-Hill, and
reminded him of his prediction. The office which he obtained was Keeper of the
King's Library at St. James's ; the annual salary was £200. One of his hospitable
friends was John Evelyn. We meet him in Evelyn's diary during the severe frost of
January and February 1684, when the ice on the Thames was covered with streets
of booths where all sorts of shopping could be executed, meat was roasted, carriages,
carts, and horses driven along ; there was a printing press where the people had
their names printed on cards for sixpence per name ; and Justel' s card is still
preserved by a collector.
Mons r - et Madme. Justel.
Printed on the river Thames being frozen.
In the 36th year of King Charles the II.,
February the 5th, 1683.
,
Justel added with a pen V.S. (for vieux style), to indicate that the true date was
1684. On the 8th February Evelyn writes : — " I went this evening to visit that great
and knowing virtuoso, Monsieur Justell. The weather was set in to an absolute
thaw and rain ; but the Thames still frozen ; " " 3d December, I carried Mr. Justell
and Mr. Slingsby, Master of the Mint, to see Mr. Sheldon's collection of medals."
The last entry is dated 13th March 1691 : "I went to visit Monsieur Justell and the
library at St. James's, in which that learned man had put the MSS. (which were in
good number) into excellent order, they having lain neglected for many years ;
divers medals had been stolen and embezzled."
" Henry Justel " was formally naturalized at Westminster, 15th April 1687, after
a residence of six years. This truly great man died in September 1693, and was
buried at Eton. His widow survived him. " Madame Charlotte Justel " is registered
in London as godmother to Jean Moisant, on 24th January 1695. He was also
survived by a son, Henry, B.A. of Oxford in 1700, and MA. in 1701. The Rev.
Henry became chaplain to the Duke of Montague. On 4th May 1721 he is
registered in the French Chapel of St. James' Palace as Rector of Clewer in Berk-
shire, on the occasion of his marriage to Charlotte Francoise De la Croix. 1 The
Rev. Henry Justel had three daughters born and baptized at Clewer, of whom two
(Charlotte and Emily) survived him. He died in April 1729, and was buried at
Clewer.
VII. MUSSARD.
Jean Mussard, goldsmith, took refuge in Geneva, flying out of France at or before
1579. By Anne Le Grand, his wife, whom he had married in 1574, he had five sons.
The second, named Jean Mussard, married Clermonde Crespe in 1609, and had two
daughters and three sons, of which sons both the eldest and the youngest bore the
name of Pierre ; the latter, who was born in 1627, was styled le cadet (the younger).
This was the learned, eloquent, and orthodox Pasteur Pierre Mussard.
Having settled in France as a pasteur, and being of a French family, he is en-
titled to a place among the Huguenot refugees. The city of Lyons was his home as
1 "Le 4 May 1721 en vertu d'une Licence de I'Arch. Mr. Mesnard a beni le manage de Henry Justel
Kcctcur dc Cluer en Berkshire avec Charlotte Francoise De la Croix, de la Paroisse de St. James, fille."
REIGN OF LOUIS XIV.
155
a French minister ; there he was ordained and inducted in 1655. He sat as a repre-
sentative member in the National Synod of Loudun in 1659-60.
Mussard's learning and talents secured for him a host of admirers, including his
dignified neighbour, the Archbishop of Lyons (Cardinal De Villeroy). In 1667 he
published anonymously (at Leyden) his famous book, " Les Conformit.es des cere-
monies modernes avec les anciennes, ou il est prouve que les ceremonies de L'Eglise
Romaine sont empruntees des Pai'ens." It was professedly a sequel to a treatise by
another author, which had been published in France in 1662, entitled : — " Traite des
Anciennes Ceremonies: ou Histoire, contenant leur naissance et accroissement, leur
entree en l'Eglise, et par quels degrez elles ont passe jusques a la Superstition,"
dedicated to Charles II., King of Great Britain, by Jonas Porree. In 1669 Mussard
was President of the Provincial Synod of Burgundy, which met at Is-sur-Thil ; its
minutes have been preserved, and form an important document in Church History.
Soon afterwards, through a trick of the Jesuits, Mussard had to leave Lyons, and
removed to Geneva, having received an invitation from the municipal council of that
city. The company of pasteurs, not having been consulted, did not give him the
right hand of fellowship. They pressed him to sign their formula, but he preferred
to resign his charge in Geneva. It seems that, in 1675, he was enrolled as a pasteur
of the French Church of the City of London. He may have officiated there at that
time. However, he did not finally pitch his tent in our metropolis till 1678. In
1673 and 1674 he had published two volumes of sermons, and in 1675 a Latin treatise
entitled " Historia deorum fatidicorum cum eorum iconibus, et Dissertatio de divi-
natione et oraculis." Another tractate is also mentioned, " Jugement de Messieurs
de la Propagation de la Foi sur le traite du Purgatoire de Mr. A. Robie."
The children of Monsieur Mussard, by his first wife, Clermonde Sermand, were
Francoise (Madame Du Teil), a son, Jacques, and another son, Antoine, who, by his
wife, Jacqueline Mollet, had a daughter Anne, and a son Louis Benigne Mussard —
this grandson had two descendants, Michael-Charles and Theophile.
Returning from great-grandsons to the old pasteur, we chronicle his second
marriage to Marguerite Chouet, probably a near relative to Chouet, the librarian of
Geneva, at whose request Mussard's Latin treatise was composed. The offspring of
this marriage were Anne and Theophilus Mussard ; the latter died without issue in
1747- The exact date of the death of the pasteur himself is not known, but it was
before 1692, the year of the publication of Quick's Synodicon, for the last page of
that work records his death in the service of the French Church of London, or before
1686, according to Haag. All the readable facts in his biography are due to the
reverend puritan, John Quick, who says, in the above-quoted page, " He told me "
the trick of the Jesuits by which he was outed from the Reformed Church at Lyons.
" His modesty made him not put his name to his works, but he himself told me he
was the author of them. Les Conformites doth speak English, for I have seen the
translation in a bookseller's shop." So said the Rev. John Quick in 1692. Two
translators, one in 1732, the other in 1745, were of opinion that Les Conformites had
not been translated into English before their day. The dedication of the translation
published in 1732 is signed James Du Pre, and the title is, " Roma Antiqua et
Recens, or the Conformity of Ancient and Modern Ceremonies, showing from indis-
putable testimonies that the Ceremonies of the Church of Rome are borrowed from
the Pagans." The translation of 1745 is anonymous, and entitled, " The Conformity
between Modern and Ancient Ceremonies, wherein is proved by incontestible autho-
rities that the Ceremonies of the Church of Rome are entirely derived from the
heathen. With an appendix shewing the conformity of their conduct toward their
adversaries."
*** " Philip Musard, son of John, born at Geneva," was naturalised in England by Act of
Parliament in 1677. Mary, daughter of Mr Philip Musard, jeweller to our Queen Anne, was
married in 1706 to Christopher, eldest son of Sir Christopher Wren, Architect of St. Paul's
Cathedral, and grandson of Christopher Wren, D.D., Dean of Windsor, and was the mother
of a fourth Christopher Wren.
VIII. De Beaulieu.
Luc de Beaulieu was a French Protestant, born in 1645, 1 0l " whose antecedents
we know little, except from Anthony a Wood, who says, "he was born in France,
educated in his juvenile years in the University of Saumur, and came into England
upon account of religion about the year 1667." Pie was made divinity reader in
1 I am much indebted to the Rev. John Slatter, rector of Whitchurch, to John A. Stewart, Esq., M.A.,
Oxon., and to other obliging correspondents!
1 5 6
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
St. George's Chapel, Windsor, having joined the communion of the Anglican Church.
Of this he practically gave public notice in his pamphlet, published in 1675, entitled,
" Take heed of both extrcams, or plain and useful Cautions against Popery and Pres-
bytery." He earned considerable fame by translating into English a valuable Latin
MS. composed by the then deceased Bishop Cosin. When King Charles II. was in
exile, the Romanists presented his titular Majesty with a Latin MS., asserting and
defending the dogma of transubstantiation. Dr Cosin, on the part of the Protestants,
composed and presented a reply in the same language. On the restoration he was
made a bishop, but always refused to print the aforesaid MS. ; on his deathbed,
however, in 1672, he was understood to consent to its being translated and pub-
lished. The work was undertaken by De Beaulieu, and was published in 1676; and
it is in the English of this accomplished refugee that Cosin en Transubstantiation
obtained, and has retained, celebrity. I give the contents of the original title-page :
The History of Popish Transubstantiation, to which is premised and
opposed the Catholick Doctrine of the Holy Scriptures, the Ancient Fathers, and the
Reformed Churches about the sacred elements and presence of Christ in the Blessed
Sacrament of the Eucharist — Written Nineteen years ago in Latine by the Right
Reverend Father in God, John, late Lord Bishop of Durham, and allowed by him to
be published a little before his death at the earnest request of his friends. London :
Printed by Andrew Clark for Henry Brome at the Gun at the West of St. Pauls.
1676."
The translator presented a copy to the Bodleian Library, and wrote upon the
bottom of the title-page, donum interpretis.
The Epistle Dedicatory is addressed, " To the Right Honourable Heneage Lord
Finch, Baron of Daventry, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England."
" My Lord, — The excellency of this Book answers the greatness of its author, and perhaps
the badness of the Version is also proportioned to the meanness of the Translator. But, the
English being for those that could not understand the original, that they also might be
insiructed by so instructive a Discourse, I hope with them my good intent will excuse my
fault ; only my fear is, I shall want a good Plea wherewith to sue out my pardon for having
intituled a person of the highest honour to so poor a labour as this of mine. My Lord, these
were the inducements which set me upon this attempt, it being the subject of the Book, to
clear and assert an important truth, which is as a Criterion whereby to know the Sons of the
Church of England from her adversaries on both hands, those that adore and those that pro-
fane the blessed Sacrament ; these that destroy the visible sign, and those that deny the
invisible Grace : I thought I might justly offer it to so pious and so great a son of this Church,
who own'd her in her most calamitous condition, and defends her in her happy and most
envied restauration. I was also perswaded that the Translation, bearing your illustrious name,
would be thereby much recommended to many, and so become the more generally useful.
And I confided much in your goodness and affability, who being by birth and merits raised to
a high eminency, yet doth willingly condescend to things and persons of low estate.
" My Lord, I have only this one thing more to alledge for myself: That besides the attes-
tation of publick fame which I hear of a long time speaking loud for you, I have these many
years lived in a Family where your Vertues being particularly known are particularly admired
and honoured ; so that I could not but have an extraordinary respect and veneration for your
Lordship, and be glad to have any occasion to express it. If these cannot clear me, I must
remain guilty of having taken this opportunity of declaring myself
Your Lordship's
most humble and
most obedient servant,
Luke de Beaulieu."
(The second edition was published in 1679.)
His attraction to Oxford was its library. He seems to have early made the
acquaintance of Dr. John Fell, Dean of Christ Church, and through his favour or
approval he was made a member of that renowned college in Oxford University.
The reverend doctor, soon afterwards, became Bishop of Oxford, and to him as a
" Right Reverend Father in God," Beaulieu dedicated a small devotional manual,
signing himself, "Your Lordship's most dutiful Son and most humble Servant, L.B."
This book was entitled, " Claustrum Animce : The Reformed Monastery; OR, The
Love OF JESUS. A sure and short, pleasant, and easie way to HEAVEN. In
Meditations, Directions, and Resolutions to Love and Obey Jesus unto Death. In
two Parts. London, Printed for Henry Brome at the Gun in S. Paul's Churchyard
the West-End. MDCLXXVll." (The Second Part has a shorter title-page, dated
MDCLXXVI., and the Imprimatur is dated February 16, 1675-6.) This pocket manual
has been much admired, especially by one school of divines, and was reprinted in
1865 by [Rev.] F. G. L[ee]. But I have the original before me. The long Preface
REIGN OF LOUIS XIV.
157
begins thus: — "'Tis probable that they who, these many years have cry'd out Popery
(till they made way for it to come) upon every thing they lik'd or understood not,
will start and think that their fears are come upon them at the sight of the first title-
page. And possibly our Lay-Abbots will also be frighted at it, as though the
dispossest Ccenobites were coming again to reclaim their old mansions and fat
indowments. . . . [However] its design is not to alter the establish'd religion, but to
make us more devout and sincere in the profession thereof — nor yet to inrich any
persons with temporal estates, but to make us gather treasures in heaven and set our
affections on things above." Further on in the preface, he exclaims, " Must we retire
into TJiebais with the Fathers of the desert ? — Must we confine ourselves to the
solitude of a Monastick Cell? — Or shall we become Quakers and profess the sullen-
ness of melancholy fanaticks ? — Why, truly in Popish Countreys the Cloister hath
ingrossed the name of Religion, and they that would be, or be thought to be, devout
beyond others, do usually put on a Fryers hood, and imbrace the Rule of some
Religious Order. And amongst us Puritanism hath usurp'd the name of Godliness!'
" I would have every Christian to be really devout and precise without entering the
Cloister or Conventicle." In his preface to Part Second, he says : —
" My Monastery as to the place is the Church— as to the Rule is the love of Jesus — and
the orders of it are such as should be observed by all Christians. . . . Not that I would deny
that places for religious retirement might afford many great advantages in order to greater
devotion and heavenly mindedness ; for I bewail their loss, and heartily wish that the piety
and charity of the present age might restore to this nation the useful conveniency of them.
Necessary reformations might have repurg'd Monasteries as well as the Church, without
abolishing of them ; and they might have been still houses of Religion without having any
dependence upon Rome. . . . Yet we must go to heaven ; wherever we live we must live to
God that we may live with God ; therefore — if we cannot have a material — we must have a
spiritual cloister, which may defend us against temptations, and guide and assist us in doing
our duty. Such a one is the love of Jesus ; it will protect us against all dangers and spiritual
enemies better than the strongest walls of any Abbey; and it will make us devout and zealous
in God's service beyond what the exhortations of the wisest Abbot could do."
De Beaulieu next testified to his Protestantism by publishing a tract, entitled,
"The Holy Inquisition, wherein is represented what is the Religion of the Church of
Rome," London, 1681.
As Anthony a Wood {Fasti, ii. 225) says that De Beaulieu "exercised his minis-
terial function," we may say that he came among us as a minister of the Reformed
Church of France. But he became a Church of England man (as my quotations
from the Reformed Monastery have shown ; see also Part I., p. 49), and a supercili-
ous partizan of that communion. He did not therefore regard it as an imperious
demand from her that he must ignore his Foreign Orders and submit to re-ordination,
if he wished to be an Anglican clergyman. His first step was to be formally natur-
alized at Westminster on 28th June 1682 (see List VI. in my Vol. II., Historical
Introduction), where he was inserted in the Patent-Roll as " Luke de Beaulieu," with-
out the designation of minister or clerk. He obtained a chaplaincy as his title to
English Orders, and was ordained (in 1682 ?) as chaplain to the Lord Chief-Justice
Jeffries. In that capacity he preached a sermon, which was printed with the title,
" The terms of Peace and Reconciliation between all Divided Parties, a Sermon
preached at the Assizes held for the county at Bucks, at the town of Wycomb, on
the 1st July 1684, on Romans xii. 18." The University of Oxford conferred upon
him the degree of Bachelor in Divinity (B.D.), on 7th July 1685, and in October of
the same year he became Rector of Whitchurch in Oxfordshire, in succession to
Rev. Edmund Major, deceased. It was on the 17th January 1686 that he, as " Lucas
Beaulieu," was made a Prebendary of St. Paul's Cathedral (stall of Twyford), on the
promotion of Dr. Cartwright to be Bishop of Chester. And on the 21st May 1687
he was installed to the third Prebendary Stall of Gloucester Cathedral, on the death
of Dr. Washbourne. Promotion so flowed upon him under the Royal Stewart ami
his Chancellor, that it seemed certain that he would soon be a Dean ; and, accord-
ingly, though the blessed and glorious Revolution stopped this flow of promotion,
he was often called Dean Beaulieu. The Historical Register, however, styled him
correctly (in 1723), "Mr. Beaulieu, Prebendary of St. Paul's." He seems to have
been a resident rector at Whitchurch, as far as his other appointments permitted.
He preached a sermon before the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen at Guildhall,
27th December 1685, on St. Judc, verse 3, which was printed in 1686.
He united with the learned clergy, in publishing sermons (usually anonymous)
against Popery, and against Romish doctrines and customs, in the end of the reign
of James II. His contribution to this scries was, "A Discourse showing that
1 5 8 FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Protestants are on the safer side, and that their religion is the surest way to heaven."
4to., 'London, 1687. This pamphlet is mentioned by Beloe in his Anecdotes, the
copy before him having this note written upon the title-page, " by M r - bolieu, Chap-
lain to the Lord Chancellor Jefferies." Identified in politics, though not in character,
the chaplain and the chancellor passed away from public notice simultaneously.
During the clerical years of his life, the Reverend Divine had called and signed him-
self " Luke Beaulieu." But many years after his death the ground in the churchyard
of Whitchurch, in which his remains repose, was unavoidably disturbed, and his
coffin-plate was found, inscribed thus, " M r - Luke De Beaulieu. Died May y e 26 th
1723, aged 78 years." His widow, Mrs Priscilla De Beaulieu, was buried beside him
on 5th December 1728.
IX. MlEGE.
"Guy Miege, gentleman," having been an associate of the later Huguenot
refugees, may be chronicled as a French Protestant who settled in England about a
quarter of a century before the Revocation. He first appears at Gravesend on 1 5th
July 1663, on board ship in the suite of the Earl of Carlisle, Ambassador Extra-
ordinary. In 1669 he published, " A Relation of Three Embassies from his Sacred
Majestie Charles II., to the Great Duke of Muscovie, the King of Sweden, and the
King of Denmark, performed by the Right Ho ble - the Earle of Carlisle in the years
1663 and 1664. Written by an Attendant on the Embassies, and published with his
Lp s - Approbation." The Approbation was in this form : — " Having seen the Relation
of my Embassies into Moscovy, Sweden, and Denmark, written by G. M., I do hereby
give him leave to print and publish the same. The 30 of November 1668.
(Signed) CARLISLE."
" Licensed March the 26 1669. (Signed) Roger L'ESTRANGE."
Guy Miege became celebrated for his French Dictionaries, in which, it may be
remarked, he illustrates the use of the noun Earl, thus : — " The Earl of Carlisle, Le
Comte de Carlile." The dictionary which he found in use was Randal Cotgrave's,
originally published in 1632. In 1677 Miege launched "A New Dictionary, French
and English, with another, English and French, according to the present use and
modern Orthography of the French. Inrich'd with new words, choice phrases, and
apposite proverbs, digested with a most accurate method and contrived for the use
both Of English and Foreiners. By Guy Miege, Gent. London, Printed by Tho.
Dawks, for Thomas Basset, at the George near Cliffbrd's-lnn in Fleetstreet, 1677."
This quarto volume was followed by another, entitled, "A Dictionary of Barbarous
French, by way of Alphabet, of Obsolete, Provincial, Mis-spelt, and. Made Words in
French. Taken out of Cotgrave's Dictionary, with some additions. A work much
desired and now performed for the satisfaction of such as read Old French. By Guy
Miege, Author of the New French Dictionary." London, 1679. In Nicholls'
Literary Anecdotes we find the title of a periodical, " L'Etat present de l'Europe,
suivant les Gazettes et autres Avis dAngleterre, France, Hollande, &c. Imprime
a Londres pour M r - Guy Miege, auteur. No. 1, Sept. 25, 1682."
Not satisfied with his Dictionary, he set to work and wrote with his own hand
his Great Dictionary, published in 1688, in the preface to which he says that his first
book was hastily done to meet a public demand, and as to the second, that the
Barbarous Words were "so much wanted at first, and as much nauseated at last."
His new dictionary was a splendid folio volume, entitled, "The Great Fren'CH
Dictionary, in Two Parts. The First, French and English ; the Second, English
and French, according to the Ancient and Modern Orthography.- Wherein each
language is set forth in its greatest latitude — the various senses of words both proper
and figurative are orderly digested and illustrated with apposite Phrases and
Proverbs, the Hard Words explained, and the proprieties adjusted. To which are
prefixed the Grounds of both languages, in Two Grammatical Discourses, the one
English, and the other French. By Guy Miege, Gent. London, Printed by J.
Redmayne, for Tho. Basset, at the George near St Dunstan's Church in Fleet-street,
1688." 1 He published at the Hague, " The Short French Dictionary," 2 vols. Svo.,
5th edition, 1701. Chamberlayne's Anglice Notitia was an annual volume, like an
almanac, which began in 1668 ; Miege brought out a similar volume in 1707, entitled,
" The Present State of Great Britain," dedicated to Henry de Grey, Marquis of Kent
(I have not met with any other volume).
" The Great French Dictionary " was superseded by Abel Boyer's Royal
1 M. Mii'-ge published " An English Grammar" soon after this date, and seems to have agreed with Boyer
as to a division of labour — Miege instructing French people in English, and Boyer instructing the English in
French.
REIGN OF LOUIS XIV.
159
Dictionary, which was more strictly lexicographic. But Miege's Folio is full of
interest from its short paragraphs illustrative of the habits of thought and expression
of the men of his time. As to himself, like most refugees of the period, he was much
in the society of Church of England men, and plied with unscrupulous gossip con-
cerning Puritans, Conventicles, Whigs, Presbyterians, and Scotchmen, the com-
pendious result of which appears in a few places in his Dictionary. But his good
French Protestant education is apparent. Thus he defines theology, as that "whereof
God is the proper object " ; and says, " Faith, Hope, and Charity are the three
theological virtues " ; to this he adds a note, " Faith is called a Theological Virtue,
because it hath its Object and ends in God, the object of Faith being God's veracity,
or infallibility in speaking truth — Hope, because it's God's infinite inclination to do
good to all — CHARITY, for that its object is God's infinite perfection whereby he is
the object of all love." We have some of his sentiments as a French Protestant.
I hate a religion that loves to swim in
bloud.
The horrid massacre that was made of the
French Protestants on S. Bartholomew's Day
in the year 1572.
Persecution is the door to happiness.
Canaan has still the same Way, a Wilderness.
It's an ill wind that blows nobody good.
Huguenot, a nick-name which the Papists
of France used to give to the Protestants
there.
Je deteste une religion sanguinaire ; j'ab-
horre une religion qui est tonjours alteree de
sang humain.
L'horrible massacre qui fut fait des Pro-
testant de France le jour de la S. Bartelemi
l'An 1572.
La Persecution est le chemin du ciel ; on
n'entre dans la Canaan celeste que par de
grands et d'afreux deserts.
C'est un provcrbe a quoi revient d pen prh
le notre, A quelque chose Malheur est bon.
Un Huguenot, un Protestant, un Religion-
aire.
l|3|r This name the French Protestants (as several authors write) got from a gate of Tours,
called the Gate of S. Hugo, at which the Protestants of Tours used at first to issue out to
their assemblies in the fields. Others think this name was given unto them from a night-
walking spirit called S. Hugo, in regard they had their first meetings for the most part in the
nights, as had the primitive Christians in the time of their persecutions. Some, more improb-
ably, and indeed ridiculously, derive their name from the first words of an Apology which they
are fabled to have made to the King, the words being (as they say) Hue Nos venimus ; and as
the Protestants did derive that appellation from the word Protestamur, so from those words
Hue Nos they fancy came the name Huguenots.
It appears that in Miege's time the word refugee had not been coined by the
English, nor had its French participial root refugic been brought into use as a noun
(in fact the French do not seem to have ever coined such a noun, for Francois
refugics ought to be translated " sheltered Frenchmen "). (Professor Weiss called the
world-wide community of Huguenot refugees le refuge, but added that such is not
pure French, " nous le savons bien.") Neither had the word stranger or straunger
been then applied to refugees. But Miege has the word " un fugitif," one that flies
(or is fled) out of his country — also the phrases " to fly to a place for shelter,'' — se
refugier en quelque lieu ; " he is fled to me for shelter," — il s'est refugic auprcs de moi;
" to be kind to foreigners," — etre ami des etrangers ; avoir de la bonte ct des egards
pour eitx. After the word " Frenchman," he says, " Note, that heretofore the word
Frenchman was wont to be used for every outlandish man." He seems to have
rather understated the privileges of denization : —
Denison, or Denizen. Regnicole affranchi par les Lettres du Roi, qui en vertue de ces
Lettres jouit a peu pres des memes Privileges que les Naturels des Pais. C'est
un Degre de Naturalization en usage en Angleterre.
f$^* A Denison signifies in law an alien infranchised in England by the King's Charter,
and inabled almost in all respects to do as native subjects, namely, to purchase, and possess
lands, to be capable of any office or dignity. Yet it is short of Naturalization, because a
stranger naturalized may inherit lands by descent, which a man made only a Denizen cannot.
And in the Charter whereby a man is made Denison, there is commonly contained some one
clause or other, that abridges him of that full benefit which natural subjects do injoy. Now,
when a man is thus infranchised he is said to be under the king's protection ; before which
time he can enjoy nothing in England, nay, he and his goods might be seized to the king's
use.
The observations of M. Miege on the difference between English and French
ideas and ways are serviceable, and often amusing. After explaining the English
parliament to mean the national legislature, he comes to
i6o
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
The Ten Parliaments of France — les dix Parlements de France.
These are only supreme Courts of Judicature both for civil and criminal
causes, and they take their names from the places where they are fixt, viz., the
Parliament of Paris, in the Isle of France ; of Toulouse, in Languedoc ; Bowdeanx,
in Guienne ; Aix, in Provence ; Grenoble, in Dauphine ; Dijon, in Burgundy ; Rouen,
in Normandy ; Rennes, in Brittany ; Pan, in Beam, and Metz, in Lorrain.
In the French-English part we discover : —
Badaut — a silly man, a Parisian (in a burlesk sense).
Turning to the English-French part we find : —
Cockney — un Badaict de Londres.
H§F This word is applied only to one born within the sound of Bow-bell, that is, within
the City of London, and came first (according to Minshew), out of this tale. A citizen's son
riding with his father out of London into the country, and being utterly ignorant how corn
grew or cattel increased, asked when a horse neighed what he did ; his father answered the
horse doth neigh. Riding further, the son heard a cock crow, and said, Doth the cock neigh
tool Hence, by way of jeer, he was called Cockneigh. But Cambden takes the etymology
of Cockney from the Thames called of old time Cockney at London. And others say, the
little brook, which runs by Turn-hole or by Turn-mill Street, was anciently so called.
A Bowling Green. Parterre uni de gazons ou Ton joue a la Boule comme sur un tapis
verd. Et c'est de ces Bowling- Greens d'Angleterre qu'est le mot de Boulingrin en
France, qui signifie un parterre de gazons.
Pudding — un Boudm.
JKgfll faudroit etre cuisinier pour decrire ici toutes les sortes de Boudin qui se font en
Angleterre. . . . Boyled Puddings — Baked (or, Pan) Puddings. Les uns et les autres se
font avec de la fleur de farine, du suif de beuf, du lait, des ceufs, et des raisins sec ou des
raisins de Corinthe. II y en a qui se distinguent par quelque autre ingrediens qu'on y met, et
d'autres qui se font d'une different maniere au rest, c'est un plat d'Angleterre, a quoi les
Etrangers s' accoutument facilement.
To Thank. II faut remarquer sur ce mot une manilre Angloise. C'est que quand on
demande en Anglois a un ami comment il se porte, la reponse est ordinairement Very well, I
thank ye (Fort bien, je vous remercie) C'est ce qu' on exprime ordinairement en Francois en
ces mots, Port bien, graces a Dieu — Fort bien, pour vous servir, oti, a votre service. Cependant
on trouvera l'expression Angloise assez juste et raisonnable, si Ton considere que le Remerci-
ment que s'y fait est par rapport a la bonte qu'on a de s'enquerir de notre sante.
Beef-Eater. Mangeur de beuf. C'est ainsi qu'on appelle par derision les Yeomen of the
Gard dans la Cour d'Angleterre qui sont des Gardes a. peu pres comme les ceut Suisses de
France. Et on leur donne ce nom la, parcequ' a. la Cour ils ne vivent que de beuf, par opposi-
tion a ces Colleges d'Angleterre ou les ecoliers ne mangent que du mouton.
Although the following specific is inserted in the French department, it was pro-
bably suggested by the English climate : —
Pomme cuite, ou rotieau feu, a baked apple.
L' experience nous apprend tous les jours Experience shews us daily that the pulp
que la chair d'une pomme cuite, mise chaude- of a rosted apple, put hot on bloud-shed and
ment sur les yeux rouges et enflammes, est inflamed eyes, is almost the only remedy for
presque Funique remede a ce mal. this evil.
Under the verb ecorcher, he has these phrases : —
II ecorche un peu de Latin. He speaks broken Latin ; he speaks it
little — has a little smattering of it.
Ecorcher les Auteurs. To understand Authors very little ; or, to
translate them ill.
In another place he has the phrase, to speak broken English (ecorcher l'Anglois,
le parler mal).
I fear that the following phraseological sentence must have been suggested by
what he saw in England : — " If an ass do but speak once, as Balaam's did, we
wonder ; but let a man have every part of a beast, wallow in drunkenness, go upon
all-four, or lose his speech together with his legs, 'tis a thing scarce taken notice of."
M. Miege's knowledge and experience as a French Protestant appear in the fol-
lowing entries in his Great Dictisnary : —
Edict, un Edit, as, The Edict of Nantes, which was made in favour of the Protestants of
France, called (and intended to be) unrepealable, and yet lately repealed.
La Chambre Mipartie, in a town in France, was the same as A Cha?nber of the Edict.
Chambres de l'Edit (ou, de 1'Edit de Nantes). Courts of Judicature, formerly estab-
lished in divers good towns of France, in the Huguenots' behalf, one-half of the judges being
Protestants, and the other half Papists ; [for which reason they were sometimes called cham-
bres mipartiesA
CONVERTS FROM ROMANISM DURING REIGN OF LOUIS XIV. 161
Les Payens n'entendoient rien a fait de The Heathens were but dunces in their
Persecution. Nous avous veu dans nos jours ways of persecution ; we have seen in our
queque chose de bien plus raffine, et qui les days a far subtler method, and which goes
passe infiniment. far beyond them.
Ceux de la Religion. Those of the Reformed Religion, the Pro-
testants, the Huguenots. 1
Une Conversion d la Dragonne. A conversion made by dragoons.
La nouvelle Methode des Dragons est si efncace qu'il n y a point de Religion que ces
Missionaires armez ne puissent imposer la ou ils sont les plus forts. Siecle admirable, ou
ceux qui se piquent d'etre Chretiens par excellence ont trouve le secret de faire les Chretiens
Juifs, de Juifs Mahometans, et de Mahometans Payens ; apres cela si on veut qu'ils en revien-
nent il n'y aura que les faire derechef Chretiens Orthodoxes ou Heretiques.
A converting dragoon, a booted mis- Un Dragon Convertisseur, Missionaire
sionary. bold.
Les Dragons sont allez en Mission dans The Dragoons are gone to perform their
notre Province et ces bien-heureux Apotres mission in our Province, and those blessed
font partout des Miracles dignes de leur pro- Apostles do such miracles everywhere as suit
fession. their profession.
He gives us, among some Additions (1688), a piece of late news about the
Refugees after the Revocation of " L'Edit de Nantes, edit irrevocable, qui cependant
a ete dernierement revoqtte"': —
Louis d'or. — I said it was worth but eleven livres ; but, gold having grown
scarce by the flight of French Protestants (who carried with them a good part of the
gold used in France), both the Lewises and Spanish Pistoles were lately raised to the
value of eleven livres, ten sous.
Chapter
REFUGEES BEING CONVERTS FROM ROMANISM DURING THE FIRST HALF
OF THE REIGN OF LOUIS XIV.
I. Breval.
Rev. Francis Durant de Breval, D.D., was a member of a monastic order, and
was one of the preachers to Queen Henrietta Maria. The exact date of his conver-
sion to Protestantism I cannot find, but he preached in the London French Church
in the Savoy in October 1669. His sermon was generally applauded ; but on Sunday,
17th October, the Superior of the Capuchins at Somerset House rudely assailed him,
and denounced the sermon as infamous and abominable. It was therefore translated
into English, and published with the title " Faith in the Just victorious over the
World, a Sermon preached at the Savoy in the French Church, on Sunday, October
10, 1669, by Dr. Breval, heretofore preacher to the Queen Mother; translated into
English by Dr. Du Moulin, Canon of Canterbury; London, printed for Will. Nott,
and are to be sold at the Queen's-Arms in the Pell-Mell, 1670." The text was
1 John v. 4 ; and the heads of discourse were (1.) Who are those which are born of
God ? (2.) What victory they obtain over the world. (3.) What this faith is which
makes them obtain the victory.
In or about 1670 he was made a chaplain in ordinary to the King, and one of the
pasteurs of the French Church in the Savoy; he also had a diploma as Doctor of
Theology. In the next year he had an opportunity of proclaiming his functions and
dignities in print. Having been privileged to baptize a converted Jew 2 publicly in
1 So abominable to a Huguenot was the designation (the only legal one in France) la religion pre-
tendue reformee, that Mtfge never mentions it ; but he gives another phrase, Les pretendus Catholiques
Koinains ; and another, Cela est aussi irrevocable arte P Edit de Nantes.
2 The convert was an Italian, highly educated in polite learning and Jewish antiquities, son of a famous
Jewish physician in an Italian City, and nephew of a wealthy Jewish merchant in Alexandria. When he was
about thirty-five years of age, he made a journey to Constantinople, in order to meet the promised Messiah. And
deeply chagrined at finding himself the victim of a contemptible impostor, he went to Egypt, and paid a long
visit to his uncle in Alexandria. In that city, without his uncle's knowledge, he prosecuted long and anxious
enquiries as to Christ and Christianity ; and at length he declared himself to the Romish missionaries as a con-
vert willing to be baptized. The danger of offending his relations was such, that the advice of the French
Consul was asked and acted upon. And accordingly he sailed from Alexandria for Marseilles and Paris, with
letters of introduction from the consul. When he arrived in France he heard for the first time that there were
two very different communions in the Christian Church, namely, the Romish and the Reformed ; and he was
warned that, before separating from Judaism, he should make up his mind to which of the two he would unite
himself. He took this advice. Through the consul's letter he obtained frequent interviews with a celebrated
I. X
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
his church, he printed the sermon which he had preached on that occasion; it was
published with the title: " Le J nif Baptist — sermon presche dans 1' Eglise Francoise
de la Savoye. Par Monsieur de Breval, Docteur en Theologie, Chappelain Ordinaire
de Sa Majeste, ct un des Pasteurs de cette Eglise. A Londres, imprime par
Thomas Niewcomb, et se vend chez Hen. Herringman, Libraire dans la Nouvelle
Bourse, et chez Wil. Nott dans le vieux Mail aux Armes de la Reyne, 167 1."
In May 167 1 he was made a prebendary of Rochester. On nth February 1672
(n.s.), John Evelyn notes : — " In the afternoon that famous proselyte, Monsieur
Brevall, preached at the Abbey in English extremely well, and with much eloquence ;
he had been a Capuchin, but much better learned than most of that order." He
was made a Prebendary of Westminster, 21st Nov. 1675, and in the same year he
was, by royal command, created S. T. P. of Cambridge. He became Rector of
Milton, Kent, on 12th July 1680, but continued to reside at Westminster. He died
26th January 1708 (n.s.), and was buried in Westminster Abbey. By Susanna
Samoline, his wife (who died 4th July 1719, aged seventy-three), he had three sons,
Theophilus, Henry, and John-Durant, and four daughters, Dorothy, Catherine,
Frances, wife of Stephen Monginot Dampierre, and Mary Ann. The youngest son,
known as Captain Breval, was an author of poems, and of several folio volumes of
travels, well printed and illustrated. (See Chapter XIII.)
II. BERAULT.
Pierre Berault, a zealous son of Roman Catholic parents, was born in France in
1642, and entered a monastery in 1659, where he resided for eleven years, intend-
ing to go out as a missionary preacher. He has given the following account of
himself
" The special motives which induced me to enter into a Covent, being about
seventeen years old, was to preach the holy gospel unto them that I did believe
deceived, and to give the light of the truth to the Protestants which I thought to
live amidst the darkness of ignorance. I continued in that resolution about eleven
years, and being ready to perform it, that which happened to St. Paul almost
happened unto me. . . . When I was ready to ask and receive letters to Turkie or
England, that I might bring unto the Roman Church those that I could find
separated from her, whether they were men or women, and being ready to perform
my resolution, I heard an inward voice saying unto me, Thy zeal is not just ; those
which thou wilt persecute are the true children of God. Astonished by that voice
which spoke to my heart, I answered, Lord, let me know the truth. And after I
had several times instantly begged that favour from the Lord, his Divine Providence
presented me two books, TJie Perpetuity of Fait Ji, written by one Claude, minister,
living at Paris, and Calvin's Institutions. And after I had examined and compared
these two books with the Holy Scripture, and discoursed some few days with the
said Claude, minister, I found that this inward voice which spoke to my heart was
true. Therefore, leaving my first resolution, I came into England, not that I might
bring unto the Roman those that I should find separated from her, but that I might
separate them that I should find of that communion."
The above particulars are quoted from a neat little book which he published at
London in 1680, entitled, " The Church of Rome evidently proved heretick, by
Peter Berault, D., who abjured all the errors of the said church at London in the
Savoy, upon the 2d day of April 1671." Dedicated to the Right Reverend Lord
Henry, Bishop of London. The Romanists boast of their devotional books. In
order to explain and illustrate the devotions of good Protestants, Berault, in 1682,
published a little manual in French and English, interleaved, with the titles : —
" Le Veritable et Assure Chemin du Ciel en Francois et en Anglois. The true and
certain Way to Heaven, both in French and English." Dedicated " to the Right
Honourable George Berkeley, Lord Berkeley, Mowbray, Seagrave, and Bruce, Baron
of Berkeley Castle, who had the honour to be sworn one of His Majesty's Privy
Council, July 17, 1678, — since, by His Majesty's gracious patents of creation, made
Viscount Duresly and Earl of Berkeley, on the onc-and-thirtieth year of His
Parisian AbW; but he also conferred with a Protestant minister as frequently, although secretly. The Abbe
did not confine his arguments to ecclesiasticism and theology, but dilated, in magnificent style, on the worldly
advantages which he could promise him. But when the enquirer announced his determination to be baptized in
the Reformed Church, the Abbe had recourse to tremendous threats, not only of the persecution of the proselyte
in the event of such baptism, but also of the royal vengeance against all the Reformed congregations of France.
Protestant friends, therefore, suggested that the candidate for baptism should go to Amsterdam or to London.
The first opportunity was for London. There he was anew received as an enquirer by Dr. de Breval, with consent
01 the Bishop of London. The bishop had a final interview with him, and sanctioned his baptism on the next
Loid's Day w ithin the P'rench Church in the Savoy.
CONVERTS FROM ROMANISM DURING REIGN OF LOUIS XIV. 163
Majesty's Reign, Annoque Dom. 1679." A third booklet followed in 1683, " The
Church of England evidently proved the Holy Catholic Church." Dedicated " to
His Highness Prince Rupert, Count Palatine of the Rhyne, Duke of Bavaria and
Cumberland, Earl of Holderness, Constable of the Royal Castle of Windsor, Knight
of the Noble Order of the Garter, one of his Majesty's most honourable Privy
Council," &c.
Mr. Berault sought a livelihood by teaching, as appears by his advertisements :
1680. " If any Gentleman or Gentlewoman have a mind to learn French or Latin, the
author of this treatise will wait upon them ; he hath a very good method. He liveth in Wood
Street, at the White-Horse."
1682. " If any Gentleman or Gentlewoman, &c. He hath a good method, &c."
1683. "If any Gentleman or Gentlewoman hath a mind to learn French or Latin, the
author of this treatise will wait upon them ; he liveth in Thames Street, over against Baynard's
Castle."
He was married probably in 1684, and had a son, Peter, as may be conjectured
from the circumstance that Peter Berault and Peter his son were formally naturalized
at Westminster, 8th May 1697. (Two persons of his surname died in poverty, and
were buried at St. Michael's, Cornhill : Anne Berault, on 4th September 1712 ; and
widow Berault, on 20th February 1713, n.s.).
III. De Luzancy.
M
HlPPOLlTE DE LUZANCY 1 was by birth a Roman Catholic, and became M.A. of
the University of Paris, one of the monks of La Trappe, and an eloquent preacher,
1 sometimes itinerating, but regularly officiating at Montdidier in Picardy. In 1672 he
fled to England, and in the pulpit of the London French Church in the Savoy he
abjured the Romish creed on July nth. He had an influential and discriminating
patron, the Bishop of Oxford, the Hon. and Right Rev, Henry Compton, sixth son
of the second Earl of Northampton. To him he dedicated his Abjuration Sermon,
of which the title-page is: "A Sermon preached in the Savoy, July 11, 1675. By
Mr. De Luzancy, Licentiat in Divinity, on the Day of his Abjuration. English'd.
London, Printed by W. Godbid, and are to be Sold by Moses Pitt at the Angel over
against the Little North-Door of St. Paul's Church. 1675. Where you may have the
same Sermon in French, as it was Preached." The text was John viii. 32, " Ye -shall
know the truth, and the truth shall make you free." He said : " I was born in the
Romish Church, I have studied her doctrine, I have been prepossessed with her
opinions, and have had no small zeal for the traditions of my ancestors. But I say
at the same time, and I am come hither to declare it, that that same voice which
sounded in the ears of the Apostle has also sounded in mine, and that the same grace
has touched my soul. I acknowledge, brethren, that I feel a great pleasure within
me in making this public declaration ; for — besides that in so doing I witness my
faith to you — I also know the sweet disposition of your souls. You upon earth have
a due sense of God's mercies as the angels have in heaven. You rejoice no less at
the conversion of sinners than at the perseverance of saints. 'Tis to the increasing
of this holy joy that I purpose to set out in this Discourse the reasons that brought
me to this change ; they are included in these words, Ye shall know the truth. I
sought after this truth with all the diligence I could. I begged of God he would
open the eyes of my heart. For it is through the eyes of our heart we must see the
truths of salvation ; for those of the mind are never able to bring us to that height
of clearness which is necessary for us. The Roman Church has not known the truth,
because she has not sought it where it is to be found, and has sought it where it is
not to be found."
A Jesuit named St. Germaine having threatened to assassinate him, the King
issued a proclamation for the protection of De Luzancy. The Romanists furiously
and incessantly attacked his reputation, but he was supported by his noble patron,
Bishop Compton, who in the end of 1675 had become the Bishop of London. How-
ever, one of the Savoy pastors, Rev. Richard Du Maresq, believing the accusations,
published a sermon, with a preface, accusing De Luzancy of baseness, lying, and
dissimulation. The bishop seized the pamphlet, and suspended the author from his
pastoral functions. The Marquis de Ruvigny and Dr. Durel undertook to act as
mediators, and Mr. Du Maresq having acknowledged the offence of printing his pre-
face without the bishop's imprimatur, was released from suspension. The bishop sent
De Luzancy to Christ Church, Oxford, and the Chancellor (the Duke of Ormond)
1 Anthony a Wood calls him " Ilippolytus du Chastclct dc Luzancy."
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
recommended that he should be created M.A., which was done on 26th January
1676 (n.s.). William Rogers of Lincoln's Inn, a Romish proselyte, having circulated
a pamphlet defaming De Luzancy, was, in the August following, arraigned before
His Majesty in Council and severely reprimanded.
During his residence in Oxford, De Luzancy published two books, viz., " Reflec-
tions on the Council of Trent " (1677), and "A Treatise against Irreligion " (1678).
His academic leisure ceased in the end of 1679, when he was presented by Bishop
Compton to the vicarage of Dover-Court, in Essex ; the town and chapel of Harwich
were in the parish, and hereafter he is often styled minister of Harwich. On 16th
November 1679 he was naturalized at Westminster as Hippolitus Luzancy. Anthony
Wood sneeringly endorses the accusations against him, but the steady support which
he received from his bishop seems to be his complete vindication. In Harwich he
married, and lived unmolested. He interested himself in politics. From him Samuel
Pepys, as an unsuccessful candidate for the representation of Harwich in the conven-
tion of Parliament summoned by the Prince of Orange, received the following letter
of condolence : —
" 7^ January 1689. — Sir, — I have been desired by your friends to send you the enclosed
paper, by which you may easily be made sensible how we are overrun with pride, heat, and
faction, and unjust to ourselves to that prodigious degree as to deprive ourselves of the greatest
honour and advantage which we could ever attain to, in the choice of so great and so good a
man as you are. Had reason had the least place amongst us, or any love for ourselves, we
had certainly carried it for you. Yet if we are not by this late defection altogether become
unworthy of you, I dare almost be confident that an earlier application of the appearing of
yourself or Sir Anthony Deane will put the thing out of doubt against the next parliament.
A conventicle set up here, since this unhappy Liberty of Conscience, has been the cause of
all this. In the meantime my poor endeavours shall not be wanting ; and though my sted-
fastness to your interests these ten years has almost ruined me, yet I shall continue as long as
I live your most humble and most obedient servant, De Luzancy."
He was made a chaplain to the Duke of Schomberg (whose second title was
Marquis of Harwich), and also to the second duke. In 1690, on the death of the
first duke, he published two obituary brochures — one styled a Panegyric, and the
other an Abridgment of his Life {Abrege' de la vie, &c). He has chronicled very few
facts regarding the illustrious marshal, but he displays his own acknowledged elo-
quence to considerable advantage. He obtained the degree of B.D., and published
in 1696 a volume of " Remarks on several late writings published in English by the
Socinians, wherein is shown the insufficiency and weakness of their answers to the
texts brought against them by the orthodox, in Four Letters, written at the request
of a Socinian gentleman." In 1701 he published " A treatise of the two sacraments
of the gospel Baptism and the Lord's Supper according to the Scriptures and the
doctrine of the Fathers." On its title-page he is styled " Vicar of Dover-Court and
Harwich." Bishop Compton continued his friend, and through his patronage he was
translated to the vicarage of South-Weald on 15th December 1702. Here he spent
the last years of his life. He published "A Sermon preached at the Assizes for the
County of Essex, held at Chelmsford, March the 8th, 1710, before the Honourable
Mr. Justice Powell. By H. de Luzancy, B.D., Vicar of Southweald, in the said
County. London, 17 11." [1710 must be according to the old style.]
Mr. De Luzancy appears to have been in London in the month of April 17 1 3,
when he died. He was buried at South Weald, the 20th day of April 171 3.
IV. De La Motte. 1
Francis de la Motte and Hippolite Luzancy are the only two names in the Grant
of Naturalization, dated at Westminster, 16th November 1679. De la Motte, like
Luzancy, preached an Abjuration Sermon in the French Church in the Savoy in
1675. The former does not mention a month and a day; but as he is named first
in the Grant, and as his sermon is advertised as already published, upon Luzancy 's
printed sermon, we may conclude that he abjured first. The title-page of De la
Motte s sermon is : —
" The Abominations of the Church of Rome discovered in a Recantation Sermon
lately preached in the French Church of the Savoy, whereunto are added many
curious particulars of the practices of the Papists beyond the seas. By Franc, de la
Motte, late Preacher of the Order of the Carmelites newly converted to the Church
of England. English'd. London : Printed by W. G., and are to be sold by Moses
1 Al a much later dale a military officer, proprietor of the estate of La Motte, near Courtray, who had
settled ai I cht, was converted to Protestant faith. See the pamphlet, "The Conversion of Francis de
Chains, Sii hi dc la Motte, and all his family to the Reformed Religion ;" done out of French, by Mr. Rawlins.
London, 1 714.
CONVERTS FROM ROMANISM DURING REIGN OF LOUIS XIV.
165
Pitt, at the sign of the Angel, over against the little North door of St. Paul's, 1675.
Where you may likeivise have the same in French, as it was Preached."
The sermon was printed about a month after it was preached. His text was
Rom. v. 20, Where sin abounded grace did much more abound. It was not so much
the text, as a motto, intended to express his contrition for having delayed so long
the step which he has taken. He says, " I have been for seven years in a continual
deliberation, struggling with myself, convinced in my judgment, but could never
resolve until now." " I have learned in the study of the Holy Scripture, in the
reading of the Ancient Fathers of the Church, and from the records of antiquity,
without the assistance of Protestant books, or any information from ministers."
" All that I have said [in this sermon] concerning the abuses of the Romish Church
are things whereof I am very well assured. I have for six or seven years searched
for reasons whereby I might defend them, sometimes applying myself to the Holy
Scripture, sometimes to the ancient fathers and modern authors. I sometimes
seriously proposed my objections to a great number of most accomplished men,
with whom I had been long conversant, and never could receive any satisfactory
return." Therefore he said in his prayer before the sermon, " Forgive, O my God !
forgive me the sin of having so long detained Thy truth in unrighteousness, against
my conscience and Thy secret motions."
De la Motte seems to have been a distinguished Brother of the Order of the
Carmelites. He was admitted by the Bishops to be a Preacher in Cathedrals ; he
acted three times as Prior's Deputy in his monastery. His abjuration was not
resolved upon for worldly reasons. He says, " I never wanted bread, I have always
had too much at command, and have ever met with more happiness in my under-
takings than I could wish." Now, "according to the laws of the land that I have
forsaken, I am [liable] to be punished in an exemplary manner" "as a declared
rebel and apostate." " The greatest crime that I have committed is that which I
have been guilty of this day by forsaking a superstitious religion." " I have left the
assurance of a sufficient provision for my maintenance to embark myself and rely
wholly upon God's good providence. I have caused my best friends to become my
most deadly enemies ; I have made of my parents and relations my persecutors and
sworn adversaries. I have left for ever a country where I enjoyed as much worldly
happiness as was possible, to come to live and die in another, where I have no other
expectation nor means to advance myself but only through your kindness and
favour." "And at what time? I must to the glory of God acknowledge it that it
was at a time in which I had the strangest and natural engagements to keep me in
my predecessors' religion and in my former profession."
The preacher gives an interesting anecdote connected with his monkish career.
He is replying to an argument in favour of Popery grounded upon the desertion of
the Protestant church by Turenne (who died that very year), and many noblemen
and gentlemen. Such changes, he maintains, are brought about by worldly fashion
and interest ; but that French Protestants, as a body, are stedfast. His anecdote is
this : — " A lady of quality, whilst as a messenger from God, I solicited and exhorted
her to acts of charity and compassion, caused me once to make an offer of 8000
francs [£320], to a maidservant of the Reformed Religion, to try if I could by that
means make her become a proselyte. I attempted it with all the rhetoric and
philosophy I could make use of for such a purpose, but she still remained constant,
and slighted us both for the vanity of our attempt."
As De la Motte declared that he had not been proselytized by Protestant
ministers, so he chose as his patron a statesman and not a bishop. His printed
sermon is dedicated, To the Right Hon. Sir Joseph Williamson, One of His
Majesties Most Honourable Privy Council and Principal Secretary of State, to
whom he writes thus : —
" The approbation with which you were pleased to honour this Discourse when it came
out of the pulpit at the time of my recantation, will not suffer me to doubt but that you will
accept of it also now that it comes out of the press. I hope it will not be unserviceable in
this nation to settle in the profession of the truth the wavering minds of many too much
inclinable to Popery. This consideration with the importunity of my auditors have prevailed
upon me to publish these lines, which I desire may be look'd upon as a testimony of the
sincere profession of my faith, and of that loyalty and obedience which I do hereby vow to
the Gracious Monarch o( these Noble Kingdoms where I come to seek for a shelter. I might
with reason expect to find it amongst Protestants. But the insolence and insulting humour of
the party that I forsake, and the affronts that I have already met with, even in the streets,
since my profession, force me to flie to the protection of your Honour. . . . Your generosity
and goodness will, I hope, pardon my present boldness, as proceeding from a thankful!
acknowledgement of your former favours."
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
V. Breton.
Martin Breton is another refugee proselyte, of whom I can find nothing except
the statement entered, on 19th November 1676, in the Register of the Chapel Royal
in St. James' Palace, Westminster (transcribed by Mr. J. Southerden Burn for his
History of Parish Registers). The entry is as follows : —
" Monsieur Martin Breton, a priest and preacher at St. Paul's Church at Paris,
made his recantacon in the Chapell after Evening Prayer imediately before The
Grace of o r L d - Jesus X L &c, on Nov'- 19, 1676. He declared his unfeigned
sorrow y l - he had bin so long detained in the Ch. of Rome, and promis'd as long as
his life should last he would bee a true Son of the Church of England. In testimony
whereof he gave it under his hand openly, to the Ld. Bp. of London then Dean of
the Chappell."
VI.. Du Veil.
Three brothers, named Du Veil, natives of Metz, were of Jewish parentage, and
were won over to the Roman Catholic Church. In this communion further study
and inquiry resulted in their becoming Protestants, two becoming refugees in
England, and the third in Holland. 1 The eldest, Daniel Du Veil, was baptized
under royal sponsorship at the palace of Compiegne, and was thereafter named
Louis Compiegne Du Veil. On his professing Protestantism, and retiring to
England, Bossuet wrote a letter to him which Rou, in a book entitled La Seduction
ehidc'e, printed with the title, " Lettre de M. l'eveque de Meaux a un savant Juif retire
en Angleterre, lequel apres avoir ete converti au Christianisme, mais au Christianisme
Romain, avoit enfin quitte cette religion pour embrasser la Protestante, ayant ete
mieux instruit." He was made librarian to the King of England, and his interpreter
for the oriental languages. He published some annotated translations of Rabbinical
books, including a " most elegant " Latin translation of Maimonides.
The celebrated brother was Charles Marie Du Veil. Having discovered from
the Old Testament that Jesus our Lord was the true Messiah, he renounced Judaism.
His father, deeply humiliated and greatly enraged, rushed at him with a drawn
sword, but some bystanders prevented any murderous violence. His new convic-
tions are ascribed partly to the influence of the celebrated Bishop Bossuet, and, at
any rate, it was to the Roman Catholic Church that Du Veil united himself. At his
baptism he received the names Charles Marie. He became a canon-regular of
Sainte Genevieve, and was a popular preacher. The degree of D.D. he received at
Angers in the year 1674. He was also Professor of Divinity in the University of
Anjou. He published a commentary on the first two Gospels, in which he took
occasion to defend Romish dogmas and superstitions. Being recognised as a suit-
able opponent to the Huguenots in a public disputation, he set himself to prepare
for the meeting by a more minute study of controversial treatises and books of
reference. But before the appointed day he had refuted himself.
Suddenly he fled to Holland; there he abjured Popery in the year 1677. He
took refuge in England soon after. He was ordained a minister of the Church of
England, and was received into a noble family as chaplain and tutor. In 1678 he
published a new edition of his Commentary on Matthew and Mark, retracting all
Romish annotations and arguments. He also confessed his former complicity in
Romanist misquotation — for he says as to the revised books, " now, whatever writers
I quote I quote truly." He also reprinted his Commentary on the Song of Solomon,
and dedicated it to Sir Joseph Williamson, President of the Royal Society. Several
commentaries followed, all in the Latin language. Readers were, however, honestly
warned not to expect all the advantages which we might anticipate from his Jewish
birth. He writes, " I for the most part use the ancient Latin version of the Scriptures,
as being that which I am best acquainted with ; but I always diligently remark when
it differs from the original texts, the Hebrew and Greek." His " Literal Explana-
tions " appeared in the following order: — The Minor Prophets in 1680 (dedicated
to Lord Chancellor Finch), Ecclcsiastes in 1681, and the Acts of the Holy Apostles
in 1684.
The last mentioned commentary is memorable as calling attention to a new
modification of his religious views. Since the date of his preceding publication, he
had abjured the theory and practice of infant baptism, and had become a Baptist
minister, under the influence of an excellent and venerable champion, Rev. Hanserd
Knollys. From that community he had accepted a small salary, which, along with
1 lie became Taster of Spyck, near Gorcum. — See "Rous Memoires," tome L, p. 12S.
CONVERTS FROM ROMANISM DURING REIGN OF LOUIS XIV.
a small medical practice, constituted his temporal support. His new views, which
he had adopted at a pecuniary sacrifice, he introduced very largely into his " Notes
on the Acts." The English translation of that exposition, being attributed to
himself, is singular and interesting. I may observe that his Baptist opinions did not
alienate his old French friends. Pastor Claude wrote to him as to his last commen-
tary, " I have found in it, as in all your other works, the marks of copious reading,
abundance of sense, right reason, and a just and exact understanding." The Roman
Catholic Calmet did not miss the opportunity of making a sarcastic reflection ; he
says, " Charles Marie Du Veil was a canon-regular, &c. ; afterwards he abjured the
Catholic faith, became an anabaptist, and so died in the beginning of the eighteenth
century, having gone through all religions without having any." We, however,
believe the Baptist historian Crosby, who calls him " such a pious good man, that he
brought an honour to the cause in which he was embarked."
All his Episcopal friends, except Tillotson, forsook him — so that Du Veil
characterised " Henry Compton, Lord Bishop of London," as " formerly my greatest
and most liberal benefactor." This is in his commentary on the Acts — where are
also the following allusions to English cotemporaries — Dr William Lloyd, Bishop of
St Asaph's, " a man of excellent parts, great erudition, singular piety and benignity,
to whom I do (and shall all my lifetime) acknowledge myself extremely bound."
The Rev. Richard Baxter, " that indefatigable preacher of God's word, famous for
knowledge and piety." Also, " that man of a most solid judgment, and in defending
the principles of the orthodox faith against Popery and irreligion, short of none, the
most religious and most learned Gilbert Burnet, D.D., to whose large charity to the
poor and strangers I profess myself greatly indebted." And, " that equally most
religious and eminently lettered divine, Doctor Simon Patrick, Dean of Peterborough,
whose signal and sincere charity I have often experienced." Sir Norton Knatchbull,
Knight and Baronet, "most accomplished with all manner of learning," and Katherine,
Viscountess Pollington, " that pattern of an upright and godly conscience." As an
English preacher, Du Veil was unsuccessful ; and his congregation in Gracechurch
Street was dissolved at his death in 1700.
Note.
In the reign of Louis XIII. there was a French ecclesiastic whose conversion to Protest-
antism was attested by his admission to the ministry of the Church of England. Paul de la
Ravoire was major-domo to the Archbishop of Spalato (Marco Antonio de Dominis). That
prelate, whose residence was in Spalatro, in Venetian Dalmatia, had sided with the Venetians
against Pope Paul V. ; he resigned his archbishopric, and came to England as a professed
Protestant about 16 17. De la Ravoire went back to France, but, either on his late master's
account or his own, was so ill received, that he had to take refuge in England. Both the
Archbishop and he himself seem to have had some diplomatic dealings with Venice in favour
of England, and to the supposed disadvantage of France. All that we know about the
reverend French refugee is gathered from the Calendar of English State-Papers (reign of
James L). A letter from the Archbishop of Spalato to Carleton, dated 5th July 161*7, "recom-
mends Paul de la Ravoire, whose dealings with the Venetian resident have had no bad end,
and who is well confirmed in the true religion." From another letter from the same, dated
Lambeth, 2d January 1618, we find that he "has not heard lately from Paul de la Ravoire,
and knows not whether he be alive or dead." In his letter dated London, 27th September
1618, he "recommends the business of the bearer, Paul de la Ravoire, and begs that he may
be protected from the malice of France." Paul de la Ravoire himself writes to Carleton
from London, 28th December 1618, that " his affairs in France go so ill" as to surprise the
Archbishop of Canterbury (Abbot) and other friends, " I am with Spalato, but am of no use
to him, he having got another maitre-d 'hotel in my absence."
De la Ravoire again wrote to Carleton (London, 21st August 1619), "Thanks for favours.
Am lodging with the Archbishop of Spalato, and hope, by Buckingham's favour, to get a
prebend, as promised by the king." The small preferment that he actually got is known,
only through the tidings of his death. There was an official letter to the Bishop of Bangor,
dated 26th September 1622, "Admit Dan. Louhet to the donative of Llandinam, vice Paul
de la Ravoire, deceased."
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
€hapt*r I£.
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FLANDERS.
I. BOUVERIE and PUSEY.
Side by side with a Dutch Protestant Church there was a Walloon or French Pro-
testant Church at Sandwich in the early years of Queen Elizabeth's reign. To this
French Church there came from Frankfort-on-the-Maine, 1 in 1568, Laurens des
Bouveries {born 1542), a master silk-weaver, and his wife {nee Barbara Van den Hove,
native of Frankfort-on-the-Maine). He (as we are informed at a later date) was a
native of St. Gain, in Melantois, i.e., as the moderns express it, of Sainghin, near
Lille. No church registers survive ; but in his History of Foreign Refugees, Mr Burn
has described an account-book " de l'eglise de Sandeuuyt Francoise " from 1568 to
1 571, in which Laurens des Bouveryes gets credit for a gift to the poor of twenty
shill ings, being the proceeds of a sale of baize [ad cause de bayes p Iny vendues ici pour
le droict des pouvres]. In October 1571 he subscribed a shilling for the poor, Jan des
Bouveries giving eightpence. This was a calamitous year ; the plague had visited
Sandwich, and the refugees erected a wooden hospital. Soon afterwards it seems to
have been decided by the French congregation to leave Sandwich, its members having
been invited to other English towns. Laurens des Bouveries removed to Canterbury,
perhaps in 1574, when the mayor and magistrates of that city granted manufacturing
and trading privileges to the strangers coming over for refuge, " with like liberty as
those of Sandwidge."
In the surviving French register of Canterbury, which begins with the year 1581,
we find him in 1592 as a sponsor at the baptism of Lea, daughter of the pasteur
Samuel Le Chevallier ; again, in 1594, at the marriage of his daughter Elizabeth
(Mrs Maurois), who is described as " native de Zandwish." On the 26th November
of the latter year he, as a widower, married Catherine Pipelart, native of Perone, in
Melantois, widow of Michael Castel.
The good refugee had three daughters — Elizabeth (Mrs Maurois), Jeanne (Mrs
De la Tombe), and Lea (Mrs De la Fortrie). He had five sons — (1) Edward (of
whom presently) ; (2) Jacob, minister of Heilighorn, in Holland, who married
Catherine, daughter of John Lethieullier ; he is registered as a godfather (by proxy)
at Canterbury in 1621 ; (3) Valentine (unmarried); (4) Samuel (married); and (5)
Jaques (married). [Jaques Desbouveries was a resident in Canterbury in 1618.]
Edward, the founder of the present English family, removed to London ; he is
officially returned in 161 8 as a resident in Broad Street, thus : " Edward Le Bouuere,
born in Canterbury, his parents straungers ; " he died in 1625. He was the father of
Sir Edward Desbouverie, knight, who was knighted on board a ship 19th March 1684
(1685 new style?). Sir Edward was a wealthy Turkey merchant of London {born
1621, died 1694); he married Anne, daughter of Jacob de la Forterie, of London,
merchant, and had seven sons and four daughters. Of the daughters — (1) Jane mar-
ried John de l'Eau, of London, merchant ; (2) Jane, married Sir Philip Boteler, of
Teston, Kent, baronet ; (3) Mary ; and (4) Elizabeth, both died unmarried. The sons
were — (1) William, (2), Edward, (3) Jacob, (4) Peter, (5) Daniel, (6) John, and (7)
Christopher. Of these, the third {born in 1659) M.P. for Hythe, acquired a consider-
able estate at Folkestone, and died 2d September 1722 ; the seventh was Sir Chris-
topher Desbouverie, knight, {born 1671, died 1733), of whom and of his descendants
I shall speak in a separate section. Returning to the father of this large family, Sir
Edward Desbouverie, knight, I note that he died at his seat at Cheshunt, in Hert-
fordshire, 2d April 1694.
For several generations each head of this family obtained a step in worldly rank.
The above-named Sir Edward was knighted by James II. His eldest son, William
(born in 1657), who had been elected Deputy-Governor of the Bank of England on
2d April 1707, was created a baronet 19th February 1714 (n.s.). Sir William was
twice married — first, to Mary, daughter of John Edwards, Esq., of London ; and
secondly, to Anne, only child of David Urry, Esq., of London, and granddaughter of
John Urry, of Millplace, in the Isle of Wight. His surviving children were of the
second marriage. The first and second sons were successively heads of the family,
and his elder daughter Jane was the wife of John Allen Pusey, Esq. of Pusey, in
Berkshire ; a son (Christopher) and a daughter (Anne) died unmarried. He died in
1 Collins' Teerage, article, Earl of Radnor, to which I am greatly indebted.
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FLANDERS. 169
17 17. His monumental tablet is affixed to one of the pillars of the church of St.
Catharine Cree, London ; it bears the arms of Des Bouverie and thereon an
escutcheon-of-pretence of the arms of Urry : —
Near this place lies
interred in a private vault, the body of
SIR WILLIAM DES BOUVERIE,
Bart.; deceased the 19th day of
May 1717. Aged 60.
His eldest son, Sir Edward Des Bouverie, second baronet, was M.P. for Shaftes-
bury in the two Parliaments of George I. and in the first Parliament of George II.
He married, on 8th July 17 1 8, Mary, daughter of John Smith, Esq., of " Beauford-
buildings," parish of St. Clement Danes, formerly one of the Commissioners of
Excise ; she was the younger sister of Anne, Countess of Clanricarde. Four weeks
before his marriage he had paid his fine into the chamber of London to be for ever
discharged from serving the office of sheriff. He acquired the estate of Longford,
near Salisbury. His lady died on 3d January 1721, without issue, and he himself in
1736, November 21st. He died at Aix, in France, but was buried at Britford, near
Salisbury, beside his wife.
The third baronet was the surviving brother, Jacob, who seems to have introduced
Bouverie as the spelling of his surname. The family adopted a motto most appro-
priate to intrepid refugees, Patria cam, carior libertas. Sir Jacob Bouverie was
raised to the peerage on 29th June 1747 as Baron Longford and Viscount Folkestone.
He died in 1 76 1. [As to Viscount Folkestone and his son, the Earl of Radnor, see
my Chapter XL]
Bouverie of Beaclnvorth and Teston (extinct). Sir Christopher Des Bouverie,
knight, born in 1671, was the seventh and youngest brother of Sir William, the first
baronet. He was knighted by Queen Anne on 23d June 171 3, on presenting an
Address from the South Sea Company. He married Elizabeth, daughter, and
ultimately sole heir of Ralph Freeman, Esq., of Beachworth, in Surrey. The
children of this marriage were two sons and two daughters, who at a very early age
became orphans, Lady Des Bouverie dying on 13th December 1727, and Sir
Christopher dying at his house in Leicester-Fields, London, on 22d January 1733.
As to the children —
(1.) The elder son, Freeman, died in 1734, m ear ^y youth.
(2.) The younger son, John, became the head of this branch. He was born in
172 1, and when his chief, the first Viscount Folkestone, changed the spelling of the
family name, he was known as John Bouverie. His manhood fulfilled the high
promise of his youth. He was an accomplished scholar and a popular English
gentleman. He spent some years in his travels in Europe and Asia ; and develop-
ing antiquarian tastes, he amassed considerable collections of medals, gems, and art-
treasures. He and his companions, Robert Wood and Henry Dawkins, brought
home magnificent inscriptions. As to his last tour, it may be that he lingered too
long, for, becoming suddenly indisposed, he died at Smyrna, 8th September 1750,
aged 29. In that foreign soil he was buried, and there a monumental pillar attests
the admiration and affection felt for him. His sisters became co-heirs of the family
estates. (Mr Richard Phelps, a scholar of high reputation, had been his travelling
tutor, and probably wrote his epitaph.)
(3.) Anne, wife of John Hervey, Esq., one of the King's Justices-itinerant, suc-
ceeded to the estate of Beachworth in Surrey. She died 1st April 1757.
(4.) Elizabeth (unmarried) obtained the mansion and estate of Teston, near
Maidstone, as her share. She died 1st October 1798.
The following is the epitaph on the monument at Smyrna : —
Hospites ! quicunque literarum venustiorum aut studiis aut patrocinio cultores estis
idonei — quicunque virtutum omnium, quae aut:; publicae utilitati inserviunt aut vita?, privatoe
decori sunt et ornamento, fautores [estis] probi — huic Marmori adeste, et grato animo memo-
riam recolite egregii juvenis
JOHANNIS BOUVERIE
qui antiqua et illustri apud Anglos familia (de republica, de ecclesia optime merita, Fidei
Reformata? cui nomen dedisse sibi fuit rei avitae direptionem pati, animoso pietatis exemplo,
militante)
feliciter oriundus,
nobilitatem, quam a Majorum virtutibus acceperat, suis clariorem reddidit.
Is enim erat
qui bonorum et doctorum omnium lacrymas meretur,
I. Y
170
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
si quid habent laude digni
artiutn elegantissimarum peritia ab omni affectione longissime aliena — multifaria eruditw adeo
ostentationis expers adeo recondita, ut illius modestia (nisi comitem notissimum habuisset
summum animi candorem)
invidiam forsan argueretur.
Dignus certe qui posteris tradatur,
si quid habent honesti amabilis moruin simplicitas amaenissima urbanitate exornata, priidenha a
calliditate abhorrens,
placidissima indoles, inconcussa fortitudo, probitas antiqua.
Exiinii animi dotibus dignitatem contulit et gratiam peculiarem
mira corporis venustas,
ut in illo comitas, benevolentia, fides, non pectoris tantiim incolae, at fronti palam insedisse,
intuentibus aspectabiles viderentur.
Europa. pene universa. semel peragrata,
in patriam regressus non vitia aut ineptias (quod quorundum est peregrinantium) sed linguas,
sed artes, sed quicquid erat morum liberalium, secum advexit. Jucundissimis politionum anti-
quorum studiis praecipue deditus, numismata, gemmas, et variora id genus x£//i>jX/a, pretiosas
veteris Italian reliquias, sumptu amplo sed judicio pari — ingenii elegantissimi futura oblec-
tamenta —
sedule comparavit.
Eheu ! fatale mentis ornandae studium !
quod flentes simul collaudare cogimur !
His enim intentus quum in Asiam trajecisset, Graeciae etiam et ^Egypti eruditionum gazas
Romanis additurus,
morbo repentino correptus
in ipso itinere
(pro/i ! spes hominum fragiles ! proh ! nostras delicias breves !)
e vita excessit.
The estate of Beachworth 1 had come to him through his mother {ne'e Elizabeth
Freeman), and the estate of Teston through his aunt Anne, wife of Sir Philip
Botcler, Baronet, of Teston. In Literary Anecdotes he is styled "Mr. Bouverie of
Teston." Both of these estates were eventually possessed by his younger sister
Elizabeth, who, although unmarried, was known as Mrs Bouverie of Teston.
The will of Elizabeth Bouverie, of Teston, written entirely in her own hand, was
dated 12th October 1786. She was also the proprietrix of the estate of Beachworth,
Surrey (to which were united two estates in Kent, namely, Sutton-Vallence and
Langley). After the death of her sister, Mrs. Hervey, in 1757, these estates had
been inherited successively by that sister's sons, Stephen and Christopher Hervey,
both of whom died without issue. Miss Bouverie, of Teston, divided her estates, in
1786, among four heirs : —
f. Betchworth, in Surrey, she left to the Hon. William Henry Bouverie, half-
brother of Jacob, second Earl of Radnor.
2. Sutton-Vallence, in Kent, she left to the Hon. Bartholomew Bouverie, brother
of the above, and half-brother of the same earl.
3. Langley, in Kent, she left to the Hon. Philip Pusey, of Pusey, half-brother of
William, first Earl of Radnor.
4. Teston, in Kent, she left to Sir Charles Middleton, Baronet, and made him her
sole executor and residuary legatee.
Although she gave this well- merited testimony of regard to an excellent friend,
yet the Bouverie family received substantial notice and benefit. Besides the three
estates (named above), it received three legacies thus: — The Earl of Radnor, £100 ;
Hon. Edward Bouverie, senior, of Delapre Abbey, £ 1000 ; Hon. Edward Bouverie,
junior, nephew of the senior, and youngest brother of William-Henry and Bartho-
lomew, £1000. These main provisions she never varied, although she lived until 1st
October 1798, and on the 22nd of that month the Will, WITH THIRTEEN CODICILS,
was proved by Sir Charles Middleton, of Hertford Street, in the parish of Saint
George, Hanover Square, in the county of Middlesex, Baronet, Admiral of the Blue.
His task as executor was no sinecure, the legacies and annuities being very numerous.
The most interesting were the following : —
^2000 to Dr. Philip Lloyd, Dean of Norwich. (This legacy lapsed by his death, and was
changed into an annuity of ^300 to his widow, by codicil of 25th June 1790.) There were
also several legacies to the clergy upon her estates.
jQiooo to Rev. William Cawthorne Unwin. of Stock, Essex. (This legacy lapsed by his
death, and was transferred to Mrs. Unwin, his widow, by codicil of 7th March 1787.)
p£iooo to Thomas Jones, Esq., of Park Street, Westminster.
1 The pronunciation seems to have been Bet hworlh ; it often was spelt so.
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FLANDERS. 171
£40 a-year to Frances, daughter of the late General Montpesson, and wife of Mr. Oliver,
attorney at Manchester (also a legacy of £200, by codicil of 10th April 1790, to her
daughter Frances, and ^200 to John Oliver, of Beachworth).
£300 to Mrs. Hannah More, of Bristol (April 10, 1790), and ,£100 a-year to Mrs.
Hannah More, now or late of Bristol (19th October 1792).
,£2000 to William VVilberforce, Esq., of Old Palace Yard (19th October 1792), " request-
ing him to employ the same in any such benevolent purposes as he shall judge proper."
Sir Charles Middleton's wife, daughter, and son-in-law are noticed (10th April 1790): —
£S°° " to be disposed of by my friend Lady Middleton, in such charities as she shall think
proper." £100 to Gerard Noel Edwards, Esq. ^"100 to Mrs. Edwards. To Lady Middle-
ton's kinsman, Samuel Gambier (eldest son of John, deceased), she left ^2000 in her will ;
and in the last-named codicil Captain James Gambier, R.N., received ^2000, Rev. James
Edward Gambier, Rector of Langley, ,£300, and Cornish Gambier, Esq., ^300.
To public charities she made the following bequests : —
^1000 to St. George's Hospital, near Hyde Park Corner.
^500 to the Middlesex Hospital.
^500 to the Westminster Infirmary.
500 to the Asylum, near Westminster Bridge.
^"500 to St. Luke's Hospital, near Moorfields, established for the reception of incurable
lunatics.
^500 to the Philanthropic Society (10th April 1790).
/,'ioo to the Charity School of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields (7th June 1797).
*** On 1st May 1805, Sir Charles Middleton, Bart., First Lord of the Admiralty, was
raised to the peerage as Baron Barham, of Barham Court and Teston.
Bouverie, of Delapre Abbey, county of Northampton, is the family founded by
Hon. Edward Bouverie, M.P. for Salisbury, afterwards for Northampton (who died
on 3rd September 18 10), second son of Jacob, first Viscount Folkestone. His
mother (the Viscount's first wife) was Mary, only child and heiress of Bartholomew
Clarke, Esq., of Delapre Abbey. Mr. Bouverie married, on 30th June 1764, Harriot,
daughter of Sir Edward Fawkener, who was for many years ambassador at the
Porte. His sons were Edward Bouverie, Esq., of Delapre Abbey {born 25th October
1767, died 14th April 1858); Rev. John Bouverie, Rector of Woolbeding, and Pre-
bendary of Lincoln {born 13th January 1779, died, 9th June 1855), and Lieutenant-
General Sir Henry Frederick Bouverie, K.C.B., G.C.M.G., Colonel of the 97th
Regiment, and Governor of Malta {born nth July 1783, died at Woolbeding House,
14th November 1852). This distinguished officer, who wore the Egyptian and
Peninsular medals, was the father of Captain Hugh Montolieu Bouverie, who was
killed at the battle of Inkerman. The married daughters of the Hon. Edward
Bouverie, M.P., were Harriet Elizabeth, Countess of Rosslyn (died in August 1810);
Mary Charlotte, Mrs. Maxwell of Carriden (died in 1 8 1 6) ; Jane, Lady Vincent (died
in 1805); and Diana Juliana, wife of Hon. George Ponsonby, of Woolbeding, Sussex
(died 1 8th July 1808). Edward Bouverie, Esq., of Delapre Abbey, who died in
1858, aged ninety, was succeeded by his son, General Everard William Bouverie
{born 1789, died 1 8th November 1871). Another son, Captain Francis Kenelm
Bouverie, of the 62nd Foot {born 7th August 1797), had died in his father's lifetime
(19th September 1837), leaving a son (born 12th July 1836), who became the only
surviving male heir of his family, and is the present John Augustus Sheil Bouverie,
Esq., of Delapre Abbey, High Sheriff of Northamptonshire in 1877. Mr. Bouverie
has two sons and five daughters.
Other Bonveries who became landed proprietors. What I have to note here is
chiefly in illustration of the will of Miss Bouverie of Teston, as already condensed in
this chapter.
Under this will there was founded another family of Bouverie of Betchwortli in
Surrey. On 5th September 175 1, William Bouverie, afterwards the first Earl of
Radnor (father by his first wife of the second Earl), married, secondly, a relative of
Lady Pleydcll, Rebecca, daughter of John Alleyne, Esq., of Barbadoes. Their
eldest son, William Henry, was born 30th October 1752, and on 16th August 1777
he married Lady Bridget Douglas, daughter of James, fourteenth Earl of Morton.
He sat as a member of the House of Commons for Salisbury and for Downton ; he
came into possession of Betchworth in 1798, and died 23d August 1806. He had
become Hon. William Henry Bouverie, in 1 761, on the death of his grandfather, the
first Viscount Folkestone. His only son, Charles Henry, born in 1782, died, in 1836,
unmarried. His eldest daughter, Elizabeth, became, in 1814, the second wife of
George Hay Dawkins Pennant, Esq., of Penrhyn Castle, but had no children; she died
in 1859. His younger daughter, Maria Rebecca, was married, on 3d October 1808, to
i;2
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
William Ashe A'Court, Esq., son of Sir William Pierce Ashe A'Court, Bart, who
succeeded to the baronetcy in 1817, and in 1828 was created Baron Heytesbury; she
was the mother of the present Baron, and died, 6th October 1844. Her mother,
Lady Bridget Bouverie, had died on 26th February 1842.
Under Miss Bouverie of Teston's will, the family of Bouverie of Sutton-Vallence,
in Kent, was founded in 1798, in the person of Hon. Bartholomew Bouverie, M.P.
for Downton, next younger brother of the Bouverie just memorialized. He was born,
29th October 1753, and married, 9th March 1779, Mary Wyndham, second daughter
of Hon. James Everard Arundel. He was one of the Commissioners for Auditing
the Public Accounts. His wife died in 1832, and the same year his eldest son,
Henry James Bouverie, Commissioner of Customs, died, unmarried, aged fifty-one.
His other sons shall be noticed among the clergy. He died 31st May 1835. His
daughter, Harriet, was the mother of the late Lord Dalmeny, M.P. (who died in
185 1), and of Hon. Bouverie Francis Primrose, C.B., Secretary of the Boards of
British White Herring Fishery and Scottish Manufactures, and grandmother of the
present Earl of Rosebery.
Puscy of Pusey (in Berkshire). The Pusey estate has been held since the Saxon
times by the tenure of a horn, still preserved at Pusey. This tenure is known as
Cornage, or the service of a horn, and the estate was granted by Canute, according
to Camden and Fuller (quoted by Burke). The direct line failed in 17 10 by the
death of Charles Pusey of Pusey, Esq. That gentleman's sister was Mrs Allen ; to
her son, John Allen, the ancient estate came in the said year 1710, and he assumed
the additional name of Pusey. Jane, daughter of Sir William Des Bouverie, first
baronet, was the wife of this John Allen Pusey of Pusey, in the county of Berke, Esq.
— which Mrs Pusey died on 10th January 1742, and was buried at Pusey, leaving no
children. Her brother, Sir Jacob Bouverie, Bart., on 21st April 1741, had married a
second wife, Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Sir Robert Marsham, Bart, first Baron
Romney, by Elizabeth, eldest daughter and co-heir of Admiral Sir Cloudesly
Shovell; the one surviving son of this marriage was Philip, born in 1746 (Oct. 8), who,
cn his father's elevation to the peerage in 1747, became the Hon. Philip Bouverie.
The date of Mr Allen Pusey 's death I cannot find, indeed dates are here very scarce,
but he died a widower, and at least two sisters succeeded him. His sister, Elizabeth,
was the wife of Mr William Brotherton, and was, as well as her husband, deceased
before 1st March 1760, on which day Miss Jane Allen was sworn to administer, as
her brother's only surviving next-of-kin. She probably inherited the estate and name
of Pusey in 1760, the ultimate heir having been already, by some bequest or settle-
ment, declared to be the last Mr Allen Pusey's wife's nephew — namely, her youngest
nephew, the Hon. Philip Bouverie. He, after the death of the last Miss Allen Pusey,
entered into possession, dropped the name of Bouverie, and adopted that of Pusey
only. Here I have no date, but we may get an approximation by quoting a clause
of the will of good Miss Bouverie of Teston, dated 12th October 1785 : —
" And I do also give and devise unto the Honorable Philip Pusey of Pusey, in the county
of Berks, all that the manor and lordship (or reputed manor and lordship) of Langley, in the
said county of Kent, . . . also the perpetual advowson right of patronage and presentation to
the parish church of Langley." [Then follows a long description of the woods and farms, with
the tenants' names.]
It thus appears that the Hon. Philip Pusey had this surname and estate in the
year 1786. And probably that is the exact year of his succession, because I find in
Nichols 1 Literary Anecdotes a letter from Mr Daniel Prince, dated September 17,
1789, in which the writer says, " My wife and I were last week at Mr Pusey's house
at Pusey, that ancient Danish-hold estate. Mr Pusey, whose name was Bouverie,
is making great improvements in that neiv-acqnircd estate, in well preserving, and
adding, by modern sculpture and painting, to the memory of that ancient grant."
On 20th August 1798, Mr Pusey married Lady Lucy Cave {nee Sherard), widow of
Sir Thomas Cave, Bart., and daughter of Robert, fourth Earl of Harborough. Mr
Pusey died 14th April 1828; Lady Lucy Pusey survived until 27th March 1828.
They had three sons. The eldest, Philip Pusey, Esq., M.P. successively for Chippen-
ham, Cashel, and Berkshire, was an influential and popular country gentleman, Pre-
sident of the Royal Agricultural Society of England in 1854, and editor of the
journal of that Society. He was born in 1799, married in 1822 Lady Emily Frances
Theresa Herbert (who died 16th November 1854), daughter of the second Earl of
Carnarvon, and dying on 6th July 1855, was succeeded by his only son, the present
head of the family, Sydney Edward Bouverie Pusey, Esq. of Pusey, born 15th Sep-
tember 1839, author of " Permanence and Evolution, an inquiry into the supposed
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FLANDERS. 173
mutability of Animal Types" (London, 1882). The second son of the founder was
the celebrated Rev. Dr. Pusey (see Chapter XII.) ; and the third son is Rev. William
Bouverie Pusey, M.A., Rector of Langley, Kent, born 14th May 18 10. The crest of
the Pusey family is " a cat, passant."
[For other descendants of the refugee, Des Bouveries, see Chapter XL]
II. HOUBLON.
The noun houblon, in French, means hops ; on the heraldic shield of the Houblon
family there are three poles with hops growing round them. There appears to have
been no refugee of that nume resident in London in 1 57 1.
To the Government loan of 1588 the strangers subscribed .£4900. Mr Burn
(History, page 11) prints the subscription list, from which it appears that Lewis
Sayes contributed .£100, Vincent de la Bar £100, and John Hublone £100. Strype,
in his Annals, vol. iii., page 517, records the preparations for encountering the
Spanish Armada, and says, " The Queen took up great sums of money of her city of
London, which they lent her readily, each merchant and citizen according to his
ability. And so did the strangers also, both merchants and tradesmen, that came to
inhabit here for their business or liberty of the Protestant religion, in all to the sum
of .£4900. Whereof among the strangers, John Houblon was one, of whose pedigree
(no question) is the present worshipful spreading family of that name."
I find the name for the first time in 1583, when Peter Houblon was a witness to
a testamentary declaration, and was styled, " a merchant-stranger, aged 26." This
is the Peter Houblon who at his son's funeral was eulogized as "a confessor" (a
refugee from the Duke of Alva's fury) by Bishop Burnet. (See my Chapter II.)
In Alva's vice-royalty, however, he was only eleven years of age. Perhaps his
father was the above-named John Houblon, and he may have been brought to
England by him during the long-continued persecutions usually associated with
Duke Alva's name.
I conjecture (see my Chapter XV.) that Peter Houblon had three sons, James,
Peter, and Paul ; but as the two latter did not marry Du Quesnes, I am not informed
concerning them. The eldest son, James Houblon, was born on 2d July 1592, and
was baptized in the City of London French Church, where in after-life he was an
ancicn. In November 1620 he married Marie Du Quesne, 1 a daughter in a refugee
family represented by the modern house of Du Cane, and had ten sons and two
daughters. A daughter or daughter-in-law is praised by Pepys in 1665 in these
terms, "a fine gentlewoman," and "she do sing very well." On 5th February 1666
he extols " the five brothers Houblon," — " mighty fine gentlemen they are all."
Again Pepys writes, 14th February 1668, " It was a mighty pretty sight to see old
Mr Houblon (whom I never saw before), and all his sons about him, all good
merchants." The brothers seem to have been much together. At an earlier date,
15th May 1666, Pepys wrote thus : — " The five brothers Houblon came and Mr Hill
to my house ; and a very good supper we had, and very good discourse with great
pleasure. My new plate sets off my cupboard very nobly. Here they were till
about eleven at night ; and a fine sight it is to see these five brothers thus loving
one to another, and all industrious merchants." The other great diarist, John
Evelyn, wrote as to 16th January 1679, " I supped this night with Mr Secretary at
one Mr Houblon's, a French merchant, who had his house furnished en Prince, and
gave us a splendid entertainment." The venerable Mr James Houblon, known as
the Father of the Royal Exchange, died on Tuesday, 20th June 1682, at 6 P.M., and
was buried on the 28th, in St. Mary Woolnoth's. Pepys commemorated him in the
form of an epitaph, thus :—
JACOBUS HOUBLON, LONDINAS,
Petri Alius ob fidem Flandria exulantis.
Ex centum nepotibus habuit septuaginta superstites, filios quinque videns mercatores florcn-
tissimos, ipse Londinensis Bursa? pater. Piissime obiit nonagenarius, a.d. 1682.
(If he had survived for twelve days more, he would have attained the age of 90.)
Bishop Burnet printed a funeral sermon containing much information. He records
his surviving to such a great age, although in his 43d year he received severe
injuries from a gunpowder explosion which occured at a militia drill near Moorfields.
The sermon was dedicated "To the Most Honoured Master {Peter, James, John,
Jacob, Isaac, Abraham, Jeremiah} Houblon, sons of the deceased Mr. James
1 Marie Du Quesne, aunt of the above-named Marie, had in 1613 became the second wife of James's father,
Peter 1 loublon.
174
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Houblon." The site on which his residence stood is now occupied by the Bank of
England, "the noblest monument he could have" (says Pennant).
Peter Houblon, the eldest of the sons, was less eminent than Pepys' " five
brothers." It is known of him that he married Elizabeth Dingley, who was buried
in St. Antholin's Church on the 25th November 1697, and where, on the following
26th December, he himself was laid. They had a daughter, Sara, who had been
buried on 21st May 1673, and apparently were survived by a son, Peter — the " Mr
Peter Houblon" whose burial was registered on 7th September 1 7 14.
The second son of James was Sir James Houblon, M.P. for London from 1698
till his death. He was an intimate friend of Samuel Pepys, the diarist, who has
recorded that " James Houblon told me I was the only happy man of the Navy, of
whom (he says) during all this freedom the people hath taken to speaking treason,
he hath not heard one bad word of me." He wrote a letter in behalf of his friend
(dated London, August 8th, 1683): " Mr Richard Gough. This goes by my deare
friend, Mr Pepys, who is embarqued on board the Grafton Man-of-warr commanded
by our Lord Dartmouth who is Admiral of the King's fleet for this expedition . . .
If his occasions require any money, you will furnish him what he desires, placing it
to my account. I am your loving friend, J AMES Houblo.n." His eldest brother
did not come forward as a public man ; it is to this second James (afterwards Sir
James) that Evelyn alludes when after 1682 he speaks of" Mr. Houblon." He says
in 1683, 1 6th March, " I dined at Mr Houblon's, a rich and genteel French merchant,
who was building a house in the Forest, [i.e., Epping Forest], near Sir J. Child's, in
a place where the late Earl of Norwich dwelt some time, and which came from his
lady the widow of Mr. Baker. It will be a pretty villa, about 5 miles from White-
chapel." On 3d October 1685, Pepys invited Evelyn to dinner in order to show him
the papers which King James II. had written, which were said to make manifest
that his royal brother and predecessor had died a Papist. The two diarists had a
private interview for the purpose after dinner, and the only other confidant was " Mr.
Houblon, a rich and considerable merchant [whose ancestor] had fled out of
Flanders on the persecution of the Duke of Alva." On 29th September 1692, Mr.
James Houblon was sworn into London civic office as alderman of Aldersgate Ward.
The following 29th of October was Lord Mayor's day ; King William and Queen
Mary dined at Guildhall, and Mr. Houblon received the honour of knighthood along
with seven others. The first board of directors of the " new bank " (Bank of
England) was chosen by the subscribers on 12th July 1694, and at the top of the
list was Sir James Houblon. Lady Houblon's maiden name was Sarah Wynne ;
she was a daughter of Charles Wynne, Esq., of London. Sir James died (says Le
Neve), "about 25th October 1700," and was buried in St. Bennet's, Paul's Wharf,
31st October, about ten at night, in a vault in the middle aisle of that church. Lady
Houblon died as his widow on 27th May 173 1. Their family consisted of three
daughters and two sons. The daughters were Elizabeth (wife of John Harvey, Esq.
of Norfolk), Dorothy, and Sarah. The elder son, Wynne Houblon, seems to have
lost his life at Lisbon, in August 1694 ; Narcissus Luttrell writes, " Mr. Brown, an
English merchant, made a noble treat upon the news of Admiral Russell's arrival in
the Mediterranean, for the ^English envoy, Mr. Methuen, and the company drank
plentifully ; the young genqfefnen went a serenading, which occasioned a quarrel
with the natives, in which some.of them were killed, as, one of Mr. Methuen's sons
and one Mr Houblon." The^fflcher son appears in the records of the Commissary
Court of Edinburgh as " James Howblong, of the parish of St. James, Westminster,
in the county of Middlesex, Esquire, merchant in London ; " he had been appointed
by Queen Anne " one of the Commissioners for managing the Scots Equivalent,"
and ,£612 sterling of salary was due to him at his decease in or before 171 5 ; his
sister, Sarah Houblon, spinster, was confirmed as his only executrix, and her
" cautioners " were Sir John Cope of London, knight ; Richard Houblon, of London,
Esquire [her cousin, afterwards Sir Richard] ; and Alexander Dundas, M.D., her
factor in Edinburgh, 21st April 17 1 5.
The third son of the first James was Sir John Houblon, the most eminent of the
brothers, Alderman for Cornhill Ward, and member of the Grocers' Company. The
first Lord Mayor's day in the reign of William and Mary was 29th October 1689.
Luttrell writes : " The 29th was observed the usual solemnity of the Lord Mayor's
show, which was very splendid ; their Majesties and the Prince of Denmark did his
lordship [Sir Thomas Pilkington] the honour to be there, and in a balcony in Cheap-
side to see the show, which was very fine and great appearance of the citizens ; and
there was the royal city regiment of Volunteer Horse led by the Earl of Monmouth
[who afterwards succeeded his uncle as Earl of Peterborough] ; and after the show
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FLANDERS. 175
was gone their Majesties, both houses of parliament, the privy councillors, the judges,
and other persons of quality, were entertained at Guildhall with a most noble dinner ;
and his Majesty was pleased to confer the honour of knighthood on Christopher
Lethuleer and John Houblon, Esqs., the present Sheriffs, &c." On 26th April 1694
he became one of the Lords of the Admiralty, an office which he held till November
1702. On 26th July of that year he subscribed .£10,000 to the "new bank" (the
Bank of England) ; and the new co-partnery at its first meeting on the 10th inst.
elected him as Governor, with Mr. Michael Godfrey as Deputy-Governor. 1 Sir
John Houblon was elected M.P. for Bodmyn in 1695, and sat in the House of
Commons till 1705. He was also Lord Mayor of London. Luttrell gives us details
of a long contest, which began in September 1692, at which time "the church party
put up Raymond and Sir Peter Daniel, and the whiggs Sir John Fleet and Sir John
Houblon." The numbers at the poll were : — Fleet, 2486 ; Houblon, 2445 ; Raymond,
2167; Daniel, 2069; and the Court of Aldermen chose Sir John Fleet. In 1693
the candidates were Sir Jonathan Raymond and Sir Thomas Cook on the one side,
and Sir William Ashurst and Sir John Houblon on the other, and the result of the
poll was — Ashurst, 1927; Houblon, 1914; Raymond, 1008; Cook, 958; and the
first two names, according to custom, being sent up to the Court of Aldermen, the
Court was divided, 13 being for Ashurst, and 12 for Houblon, so Sir William
Ashurst became Lord Mayor. In 1694 Sir John was too busy to give any thoughts
to Guildhall. But on 28th September 1695 he was chosen unanimously. Luttrell
writes: — "Tuesday, 29th October 1695 — This day Mr. Justice Rokeby of the
Common Pleas took his place in the Court of King's Bench ; after which Sir John
Houblon, the new Lord Mayor (attended by the aldermen and liverymen of this
citty, who came down to Westminster in their barges) was sworn at the Exchequer
Barr ; from whence he returned into the citty, where a splendid dinner was prepared,
the Lord Keeper, Judges, and several of the nobility were present." Elkanah Settle,
the poet, signalised the occasion by publishing " The Triumphs of London. Per-
formed on October 29, 1695, for the entertainment of S r - John Houblon, K 1 -' Lord
Mayor of the City of London. Containing a true description of the several pageants,
with the speeches spoken on each pageant. All prepared at the costs of the Worship-
ful Company of Grocers. To which is added a New Song upon His Majesty's
return, by Elkanah Settle. London, 1695," 4to, 16 pages. In 1696 there was a
public subscription for building the " noble fabric " of Greenwich Hospital ; Sir John
Houblon subscribed £100.
His wife was probably a daughter in a French refugee family ; she is called by
French registrars Marie Jorion, or Jourion, and by English, Mary Jurion. According
to the inconvenient English custom, they resorted for religious ordinances sometimes
to the parish church and sometimes to the French Church, so that I cannot give a
complete list of their children. I find in Threadneedle Street register their son
Isaac, baptized 6th October 1667. The next as to whom I have information is
Matthew, baptized also in London, but in the parish church of St. Christopher-le-
Stocks, 25th October 1670, where he was buried 29th July 1671 ; then in 1672 the
next child was baptized and buried, name, Samuel ; the next also was baptized
there, 25th December 1673, name, Benjamin. Then I find in Threadneedle Street
register, Elias, baptized 1st January 1682 (n.s.), and Elizabet, baptized 17th
February 1686 (n.s.). I have not found the baptism of one son who grew to man-
hood, Rev. Jacob Houblon, Rector of Moreton. Sir John Houblon was buried in
the church of St. Christopher-le-Stocks, 18th January 171 1 (n.s.). Mary, Lady
Houblon, survived until 10th December 1732.
The present Houblon family descends from Jacob, the fourth son of the elder
James and Mary Du Cane, his wife. Deferring our notice of him, we state on the
authority of an authentic manuscript pedigree, that there were originally ten brothers ;
and when we collate the names with those prefixed to the Funeral Sermon, we
conclude that, in the lifetime of the elder James, three died — viz., Daniel (the 7th),
Benjamin (the 8th), and Samuel (the 9th). Jeremiah was the tenth ; of him I have
no account, except that the four died unmarried.
The fifth son of the elder James was Isaac Houblon, born 1638 ; he was a
merchant of St. Mary Woolchurch, London. He was married in Westminster
Abbey, on 1 8th August 1670, to Miss Elizabeth King (born 1649), an orphan,
daughter of the recently deceased Bishop of Chichester. Isaac seems to have been
1 Mr. Godfrey's connection with the Bank had an abrupt and melancholy termination. lie with two other
directors had gone to Holland on a project of establishing a mint there, for the payment of King William's army
then in the field. In July 1695 Sir James Houblon, Sir William Seawen, and Mr. Godfrey dined with the
King in his tent, and then accompanied His Majesty to the trenches, where a cannon ball killed Mr. Godfrey
as lie stood near the King. Luttrell, vol. iii., p. 503.
176
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
a very handsome man, — a compliment which a melancholy occasion gave an oppor-
tunity for recording. I allude to the Great Fire of London in 1666, of which Pepys
has given such a graphic sketch. The diarist walked into the midst of the conflagra-
tion on " Lord's day," 2d September, with a message to the Lord Mayor from the
King and the Duke of York. He writes : —
" Saw the fire rage every way, and nobody, to my sight, endeavouring to quench it, but to
remove their goods. . . . Met my Lord Mayor [Sir Thomas Bludworth] in Canning Street,
like a man spent, with a handkercher about his neck. To the King's message, he cried, like
a fainting woman, ' Lord, what can I do ? — I am spent, people will not obey me ; I have been
pulling down houses, but the fire overtakes us faster than we can do it ; ' — that he needed no
more soldiers, and that for himself he must go and refresh himself having been up all night [it
was then nearly 12 noon]. So he left me and I him, and walked home[ward], seeing people
almost distracted, and no manner of means used to quench the fire. . . . Here I saw Mr.
Isaac Houblon, the handsome man, prettily dressed and dirty, at his house at Dovvgate,
receiving some of his brothers' things, whose houses were on fire, and, as he says, have been
removed twice already, and he doubts (as it soon proved) that they must be in a little time
removed from his house also, which was a sad consideration."
Mr Isaac Houblon's will was dated 14th February, and proved 27th March 1702.
His widow died 26th August 1719.
The sixth son of the elder James was Abraham Houblon, born 1639, a Director of
the Bank of England from its commencement in 1694, and elected the Deputy-
Governor on 5th April 1701. In May 1702 he became one of the Commissioners of
the Victualling Office. On 2d January 1672 (n.s.) he married, in Westminster Abbey,
Dorothy, daughter of Sir Richard Hubert of Langley, grand-daughter of John King,
formerly Bishop of London, and first cousin of Mrs. Isaac Houblon. 1 She died in
July 1703, aged 61. Abraham Houblon succeeded to, or acquired, his father-in-law's
mansion, as the announcement of his death styles him Abraham Houblon, Esq., of
Langley, County Bucks. He died on nth May 1722 in his 83d year. He was the
father of Sir Richard, and of Anne, wife of Henry Temple, first Viscount Palmerston.
The Political State of Great Britain contains the following notice: — "Died, 13 Oct.
1724, Sir Richard Houblon, who left the bulk of his estate to his sister Lady Palmer-
ston, and to Mrs. Jacob Houblon." [On 2d December 1723, " Samuel Houblon,
Esq." died suddenly; he was probably named after Samuel Pepys, and may have
been a son of Sir James Houblon.]
Returning to Jacob, the fourth son of the elder James, we identify him as the
Rev. Jacob Houblon, rector of Bobbingworth, who married, 17th July 1662, Eliza-
beth, only child of Rev. Thomas Wincup, D.D., of Ellesworth, and had three
daughters — Anne, Elizabeth, and Hannah, and two sons, of whom Jacob died without
issue. Charles, the survivor, married Mary Bale, and was father of Jacob Houblon,
Esq., M.P. for Hartfordshire from 1741 to 1747, who married Mary, daughter of Sir
John Hynde Cotton, Bart., grandfather of Jacob (who married Susannah, heiress of
John Archer, Esq.) and great grandfather of John Archer Houblon, Esq., of Halling-
bury and Welford, M.P. for Essex. The last-named gentleman died on 1st June
1832, and is represented by his eldest son and namesake, John Archer Houblon,
Esq., of Hallingbury and Culverthorpe, and by his second son, Charles Eyre, Esq.,
of Welford (Berks). The latter has a son and heir, George Bramston Eyre, Esq.
The English houses of Du Cane (or, rather, one family with many branches) spring
from a good refugee named Du Quesne. His family includes a competent chronicler
(Sir Edmund Frederick Du Cane, K.C.B.), who has privately printed the result of his
researches and collections. This is fortunate, for there were several refugees of the
name, and there was a genealogist of last century who was so anxious to find a place
III. Du Quesne {now Du Cane).
John King, Bishop of London from 161 1 to 1621.
Dorothy King = Sir Richard Hubert of Langley,
Groom Porter to Kings
Charles I. and II.
Elizabeth King = Isaac Houblon,
Dorothy Hubert = Abraham Houblon.
Sir Richard Houblon.
Anne, Viscountess Talmerston.
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FLANDERS. 177
for all of them in one pedigree, that in an accepted pedigree there was found a grand-
father, aged only nineteen. There were two Pierre Du Quesnes who died in London
in 1671 ; each had a brother named Jean, and the father of each was named Jean ; the
wills of both of them are in the Somerset House Registry.
The refugee with whose family we are now concerned was Jean Du Ouesne, a
native of Ath, in the Province of Hainault, 1 who fled from Duke Alva's persecutions
in or about 1568. He came to Canterbury, and afterwards removed to London, pro-
bably before 1600, the date of his son's marriage. He was an ancien of the French
Church. In the official lists of " Straungers " in 161 8, he is entered as a merchant
and a free denizen, residing in Broad Street ward. A Jean Du Quesne died in Can-
terbury, 17th September 1638. But our refugee is probably the person noted in
Richard Smyth's Obituary as " Mr. Ducane in the Old Jury," buried in London,
1st September 1640.
Jean Du Quesne (secundus), the elder son of the refugee, was married in Thread-
needle Street on 22d January 1600 (n.s.) to Sara De Francqueville, a native of
Antwerp, daughter of Jean de Francqueville and Anne Le Maire. He was a diacre
of the French Church. He was not included in the census of 1618, having died in
London, 1 8th August 1612. A copy of his will, "translated out of frenshe," is in
Somerset House, beginning thus : —
" In the name of God, Amen. This sixteenth day of August 1612, I John du Quesne the
yonger, beinge att this pnt. sick, was willing to ordaine my Testament and last will, peceably
submittinge myself to God's will, commending unto him my soule, he having Redeemed the
same by the benefit of his deare sonne Jesus Christ, I give my bodye to the earth attending
the blessed Resurrection of the faithfull."
The will was witnessed by " Peter du Quesne, his brother," and " Peter du Quesne,
his cosin."
This cousin's existence seems to establish the fact that another refugee was Julien
Du Quesne, brother of Jean. The cousin Pierre was probably the Pierre Du Quesne
who married, in 16 1 8, Ester, daughter of Hubert de la Vincquiere, and who is called
" fils de Julien Du Quesne."
The " brother " Peter is, in the census of 1618, entered as living with his father.
He was a diacre of the French Church. He married, in 161 1, Sara, native of Norwich,
daughter of the late Hugues Harber, and had five sons and two daughters, but the
line is extinct.
We come to the third Jean Du Quesne, grandson of the refugee Jean (and son of
Jean, from whose will we have quoted). He was born in London, 31st January
1 60 1 (n.s.), married, 22d September 1647, Ester, daughter of Samuel de la Place,
" ministre de la Parole de Dieu," and did not die until 22d April 1684, at the age of
eighty-three, although he had received at the age of eleven from his father a supple-
mentary legacy of .£200 " because of his infirmities."
A sister of the third Jean Du Ouesne was Marie {born 17th October 1602), who
became in 1620 the wife of James Houblon, the ancien, and died of the plague, 15th
September 1646. Another sister, Sara {born 1608, died 1653), was married in 1636
to Isaac, son of Abraham Le Quesne, of Rouen.
There were several brothers of the third Jean Du Quesne ; we single out Pierre,
whom we may call Peter, the father of the founder of the English family. Peter Du
Quesne {born 11th July 1609) married at Canterbury, 7th July 1636, Jeanne, daughter
of Elias Maurois, of Canterbury (son of Elie Maurois, refugee from Hoplire), by
Elizabeth, daughter of Laurens Des Bouverie. Their seventh son, Peter (born on
Tuesday, 17th March 1646, new style), founded the English family which has
anglicised the spelling of its name. The proper name Quesne is a corruption of the
noun chesne or clicne, signifying an oak ; and ch being often pronounced like k, this
noun to an Englishman would have the sound of cane ; hence arose the name,
Du Cane.
Peter Du Cane, born in 1646, was an influential citizen of London. On 15th
August 1649 he was chosen as one of a committee of fifteen persons " to prepare
bye-laws for the neiv bank " [i,e., the Bank of England]. On 1 ith March 1697 (n.s.)
he was heard at the bar of the House of Commons in opposition to a bill for
" engrafting " upon the Bank. He married, in 1676, Jane, daughter of Richard Booth,
Esq., Alderman of London, and died at Tunbridge on 1 6th September 1714, aged
sixty-eight. His son, Richard Du Cane {born 13th October 1681, died 3d October
« 1744), married Anne, daughter and heiress of Nehcmiah Lyde, Esq., and grand-daughter
maternally of Colonel Thomas Reade, a famous parliamentarian soldier ; he was M.P.
1 The other family were refugees from Valenciennes at a somewhat later date.
L Z
178
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
for Colchester in the first Parliament of George I., and a director of the Bank of
England.
The heir of Richard and Anne was Peter Du Cane (bom 22nd April 171 3, died
28th March 1803), High Sheriff of Essex in 1744-5. He became by purchase Lord
of the Manor of Great Braxted ; he was a Director of the East India Company and
of the Bank of England. He married, 27th May 1735, Mary, daughter of Henry
Norris, of Hackney, and was after his death represented by the heirs of his body
thus : —
r. Peter (born 1741), who married, in 1769, Phebe Philips, daughter of Edward
Tredcroft, Esq., of Horsham, and died in 1822, leaving a son,
Peter (born 19th August 1778), M.P. for Steyning, who died in
May 1 84 1, leaving no heirs.
2. Rev. Henry Du Cane, Vicar of Coggeshall, Essex (born 21st September 1748),
who married, 4th April 1778, Louisa, daughter of John Charles Desmadryll, Esq.,
and grand-daughter maternally of Major-General Desborough. He died twelve
years before his elder brother, namely, on 16th April 1810. His three sons were: —
(r.) The Rev. Henry Du Cane, of the Grove, Witham, Rector of St. Bennett's,
Paul's Wharf (born 1786, died 1855).
(2.) Major Richard Du Cane, of the 20th Light Dragoons (born 1788, died 1832).
(3.) Commander Charles Du Cane, R.N. (born 1789, died 1850).
The estate of Braxted Park is now in the possession of the heir of the third of
these sons. But following the order of birth, we may note that the late Captain
Percy Charles Du Cane, of the Scots Greys (born 1840, died 1873), was the last sur-
viving male heir of the first line ; his sisters are, Emily, Mrs. Codd ; Louisa Mary,
Lady O'Malley ; Charlotte, Mrs. Luard ; and Anna Maria, Mrs. Wilkinson.
The second line is represented by (1) Richard Du Cane, Esq. (born in 1821), who
married, in 1859, Charlotte Maria, daughter of Sir Josiah John Guest, Bart, and
Lady Charlotte Elizabeth Guest ; (2) Colonel Sir Edmund Frederick Du Cane,
K.C.B. (born in 1830), of the Royal Engineers, Inspector-General of Military Prisons,
and Chairman of the Commissioners of Prisons. To this line belonged Rev. Arthur
Du Cane (born 1825, died 1865), Minor Canon of Wells Cathedral.
The third line is represented by Sir Charles Du Cane, K.C.M.G., of Braxted
Park (born in 1825), Chairman of the Board of Customs (formerly M.P. for North
Essex, and a Lord of the Admiralty, afterwards Governor of Tasmania) ; he married,
in 1863, Hon. Georgiana Susan Copley, third daughter of Lord Lyndhurst.
IV. Le Thieullier. 1
Jan Le Thieullier (as already noted) died as a martyr at Valenciennes in 1567
or 1568. His grandfather, Pierre Le Thieullier, is on record as having been born in
1466, and as having married, in 1490 (he being aged twenty-four), Agnes Couillet,
aged nineteen. His son, the martyr's father, was Jan Le Thieullier, husband of
Jeanne Mesureur. The martyr's wife was Catherine Godin, but whether she sur-
vived him I am not informed. His family were scattered, but did not take refuge in
England. His son Jan retired to Cologne, and of him it is recorded that he married
Jeanne, daughter of Jan Trappe, of Tournay, and had a son Jan; that he died
in 1593, and that his widow remarried with Jan de Weez, of Frankfort. She was
bereaved of her second husband also. In 1605 she came to England as Madame
de Weez, with her son, Jan Le Thieullier (bom 1 591), who now becomes 2 John
Lethieullier. Madame died 01124th July 163 1 , in London. Mr. Lethieullier lived
for some time at Great Ilford, in Essex, and married a very young lady of a refugee
family, Jane, daughter of John De la Forterie and of Anne de Francqueville, by
whom he had ten children. These were not all born in England, the civil wars
having driven Mr. and Mrs. Lethieullier to Amsterdam. The family, however,
returned and settled at Lewisham, he carrying on his business as a London mer-
chant. He died at the age of eighty-eight, at Lewisham, on 2nd November 1679,
and was buried at Peter-le-Poor, London. 3 (His widow died in 1693, aged eighty-
two.)
Their eldest daughter, Jane (born 1629), was married, on 22nd May 1649, to Mr.
1 I am much indebted to George E. Cokayne, Esq., Norroy King-of-Arms, and to Sir Edmund Du Cane,
K.C.B.
2 Although he is the only refugee whom I can find on record, there was probably another, perhaps a
brother, father of Christopher (b. 164S). The Historical Register says, "1728, Sept. 18. Died, aged about
eighty, Christopher Lethieullier, Esq., father to the lady of Sir Richard Hopkins."
' The refugee's sister, Catherine, was married, in 1630, to the Pasteur Jacob Desbouverie, of Heilighorn
in Holland ; another sister, Margaret, died of a fall from a w indow.
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FLANDERS. 179
James Burkin, merchant in London (their children were registered in the Dutch
Church); another daughter, Leonora, was married, first, on 7th July 1658, to Charles
Marisco [Marescaux], merchant, of London, and secondly, on 28th September 1675,
to Jacob David.
Of the sons, Peter died at Ilford in 1646, aged ten. Samuel, born in Amsterdam
in 1643, was perhaps the most prosperous of all, but he lived a bachelor; on 12th
July 1694 he was elected one of the first Board of Directors of the Bank of England;
on 1 8th July 1695 he paid the fine to be excused the acceptance of the office of
Sheriff. Narcissus Luttrell writes on 7th February 1710 fn.s.), " Samuel Lethulier,
Esq., an eminent merchant of this citty, is dead, and, 'tis said, has left an estate to
the value of £100,000." There were also twin sons, William and Abraham, born
2nd December 1646. William married Mary, daughter of Henry Powell, of London,
merchant ; he died at his house in Maddox Street, Hanover Square, 9th February
1733. In 1688 he had three daughters, Mary, Sarah, and Anne, and two sons, John
and William ; after 1688 he appears to have had a son, Henry, probably Henry
Lethieullier, Esq., a Director of the South Sea Company in 172 1. Abraham
Lethieullier married Protesay, daughter of Edward Pitts, of London, linen-draper ;
in 1688 he had Mary, Jane, and Abraham ; after 1688 he had a daughter Anne, who
was married to Christopher Burrow, of Holborn, a Director of the East India Com-
pany, son of Thomas Burrow and Jane Lethieullier, and grandson of Sir Christopher
Lethieullier. Luttrell writes, "21st June 1705. This morning Mr. Abraham
Lethulier, an eminent merchant, being melancholly, hanged himself."
But the two elder sons of John Lethieullier and Jane de la Forterie, named John
and Christopher, demand special notice. For the sake of clearness, we shall speak
of them as knights, the rank to which they attained.
(1.) Sir John Lethieullier, the refugee's eldest son, was born in 1633 ; he
married in London, iSth May 1658, Ann, daughter of Sir William Hooker, knight
and alderman. Pepys is not complimentary to Hooker, who (says the diarist)
" keeps the poorest, mean, dirty table in a dirty house that ever I did see any
Sheriff of London, and a plain, ordinary, silly man I think he is, but rich." But he
goes on to say, " Only his son, Mr Lethieuillier, I like for a pretty, civil, understand-
ing merchant, and — the more by much — because he happens to be husband to our
noble, fat, brave lady in our parish that my wife and I admire so." John Lethieul-
lier was elected Sheriff of London in 1674, and was knighted at Guildhall on the
29th October of that year. He became a widower in 1702. He was an influential
member of the Old East India Company. The Historical Register announced : "4th
January 17 19. Died, Sir John Lethieullier of Lewisham in Kent, knight, aged
ninety years. He was, in fact, about eighty-six. He had four daughters, of whom
Anne {bom 1663) was married on 17th April 1683, to John Delaune, of London,
merchant (she married, secondly, Sir William Dodwell of Sevenhampton, Glouces-
tershire, and died in 1719). The youngest daughter, Leonora, died in 17 1 7, unmarried,
aged thirty-eight ; Letitia, who was aged twenty-two in 1688, died unmarried, and
Jane in early childhood. As to Sir John's two surviving sons, I begin with the second,
William, who was by birth the third, named after Sir William Hooker, but Sir John
was so anxious to do honour to his father-in-law, that after the death of one William,
he gave his name to the next son, born in 1672. William Lethieullier, Esq., married,
first, Mary, daughter of Nicolas Manning of Hamburgh, merchant, and secondly, Miss
Salkeld ; and, according to the Dublin Journal, he died on 3d April 1743. His son
was Colonel William Lethieullier, F.A.S., who married, on 10th April 1733, Kitty,
third daughter of Sir John Tash, knight, alderman of Walbrook Ward ; he was
celebrated as an Egyptian traveller and collector of curiosities, and dying in 1756,
bequeathed to the British Museum " a very perfect mummy," and a curious col-
lection of English antiquities. The eldest son of Sir John Lethieullier was John
Lethieullier, Esq., of Aldersbrooke in Essex, where he settled in 1693. He married
in 1695, Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Joseph Smart of Havering in Essex, by w hom
he had three sons and two daughters. The death of this lady is thus recorded in
the Historical Register : — " 1724, Nov. 20, Died Mrs. Lethieullier, wife of John
Lethieullier of Aldersbrook, in the county of Essex, Esq., of a contusion she received
in her head by the overturning of her coach." Mr. Lethieullier was reported to be
aged twenty-nine in the year 1688, and must have been born in 1659 ; at his death,
in 1737, he must have been in his seventy-eighth year, although the Historical Regis-
ter says, "January 1737. Died in the eightieth year of his age, at his house in Ormond
Street, John Lethieullier, Esq., merchant, and son of the late Sir John Lethieullier,
knight." His eldest son John had predeceased him; he was therefore succeeded
by his second son, Smart. His third, and second surviving, son was Charles Lethieul-
lier, LL.D., F.A.S., Fellow of All-Souls' College, Oxford, and Counscllor-at-law,
i So
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
who was married, and died ioth December 1759, aged forty-one, leaving an only
child, Mary. Smart Lethieullier, Esq., of Aldersbrooke, was born 3d November
1 70 1 ; he married on 5th February 1726 (new style), Margaret, only daughter
of William Sloper of Woodhays, in the county of Bucks, Esq., but she died without
issue on 19th June 1753, aged forty-five. He himself died on 27th August 1760, in his
fifty-ninth year ; as an eminent man he will appear again in another chapter. Dying
childless, he was succeeded by his niece, Mary Lethieullier, above described. She is
described as "a young lady of immense fortune" by the Gentleman's Magazine, on
the occasion of her marriage to Edward Hulse, Esq., who became in 1800 Sir
Edward Hulse, third baronet ; she is the ancestress of the succeeding baronets, now
of Breamore House, Hants.
(2.) Sir Christopher Lethieullier, the refugee's second son, was born on
2 1 st July 1639, and married, in the parish church of St. Pancras (Rev. Thomas
Watson, parson of Walbrooke, officiating), on 20th August 1661, Jeanne, alias Jane,
daughter of Peter Du Cane, alias Du Quesne, of London, merchant. The young
couple, according to an old family memorandum, " lived at Peter Du Quesne's house
until March 1663 (n.s.), then at their father Lethieullier's until the sicknesse year,
June 1665, then at Sheen and so continued at the house in Austin-Fryers
until the fourth year after the fire." The bridegroom was a Turkey merchant and an
alderman, and did not receive the honour of knighthood until 29th October 1689,
when he was Sheriff of London and Middlesex, along with Sir John Houblon, who
was knighted at the same time. 1 For a very short period was he Sir Christopher
Lethieullier, for he died on 13th July 1690, having nearly completed his sixty-first
year. His widow, who was born 24th August 1644, survived till 3d August 17 18, dying
in her seventy-fourth year at London. Sir Christopher had five children, Christopher,
Benjamin, Jane, wife of Thomas Burrow (she died in 1734), Anne, wife of Sir Gerard
Conyers (Lord Mayor of London in 1722), and Mary (who died 7th May 1744, aged
seventy). Mr. Benjamin Lethieullier, the youngest child and second son, was baptized
in Threadneedle Street on 29th February 1688 (n.s.) ; he lived for a time at Sheen,
married, and had a son, Christopher, who was represented by a daughter unmarried.
Sir Christopher's elder son, Christopher Lethieullier, Esq., of Belmont, Middlesex,
was born in 1675, married, on 16th December 17 1 2, "by special license, at 7 P.M., at
Sir Gabriel Robert's house," Mary Woolfe ; I quote from the register of the parish
of Hackney. Sir Edmund Du Cane informs me that the bride was a widow lady,
Mrs. Iremonger, and eldest daughter of Sir James Woolfe. Mr. Lethieullier was a
Director of the Bank of England in 1717 and subsequent years, the last being 1728.
The date of his death was 21st November 1736 ; the Historical Register says he died
at Bath, and styles him " Christopher Lethieullier, Esq., late Bank-Director." His
sons, Benjamin and Christopher, predeceased him. His daughter, Mary, was
married on 24th December 1746, to Sir Matthew Fetherstonhaugh, Bart, F.R.S., and
died on 27th August 1788, leaving an only son, Henry, who succeeded his father as
Sir Henry Fetherstonhaugh, Bart., of Up Park.
V. De La Forterye.
In my Chapter I. I mentioned the first De la Forterye, a native of Lille, refugee
in Canterbury in 1567, and his son, Nicolas, 2 merchant in London. I also noted a
refugee in London, who was a native or had been an inhabitant of Thiel until 1567,
when he arrived among us, namely, Nicolas Furtrye, with a daughter, Margaret, and
a son, Samuel. From the Christian names of the two families I conclude that they
were nearly related ; but I believe that the English refugee family sprang from the
Canterbury refugee John, and from his son Nicolas, and from his grandsons (sons of
Nicolas) John, Samuel, and Peter, who anglicised their surname into Fortrye.
(1.) John Fortyre married, first, Anne, daughter of Jean de Francqueville and
Anne Le Maire, and secondly, Marie Biscop. In 1633 we find mention of his three
sons, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and three daughters, Mary, Sarah, and Jane. In
that year, Abraham, merchant of Aldgate Ward, was the head of a family, his wife's
maiden name being Jane Vandeput, and had a daughter, Jane, and two sons, John
(aged about three years), and Abraham (aged about eight months) ; but after 1633
this family disappear from view, and we have no record of the marriages or deaths
1 Narcissus Luttrell writes in September 1689. "Mr. Hubland and Mr. Lethulier, who on Midsummer-
day last were chosen sherifs, and afterwards, to be excused, paid their fines to the court of aldermen, have their
money returned to them, and have signed bonds to hold (the Common Hall at their last meeting declaring
against fine.-, except with their consent)."
2 Nicolas was supposed to have been born in 1567, and to have married Margaret, daughter of William
Thieflfries, of London.
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FLANDERS. 181
of Isaac and Jacob. Turning' to their sisters, we find that Mary was the wife of
Solomon Goris, and Sarah seems to have been unmarried. Jane we have already
met with as the wife of John Lethieullier. So that her representatives also represent
John Fortrye, namely, the descendants of Sir Edward Hulse, Baronet (who died in
1816).
(2.) Samuel Fortrye was in 1634 a merchant in London of Walbrooke Ward ; his
wife was Katherine, daughter of John de Latfleur of Henault. In that year their
son Samuel was twelve years old, and there were two daughters, Katherine and
Mary. But I know nothing about them, except that genealogists say that the male
line survived for a time in Leicester, and that it is collaterally represented in the
English peerage.
(3.) Peter Fortrye 1 was a merchant of London in Aldgate Ward in 1633, and
married, about 1600, Lea, daughter of Laurence Des Bouverie. He was styled Peter
De la Forteri, or Fortrye, of London, and of East Combe, Kent. I have not the
date of his death, but his wife died in 1659. He had one son and heir, James, and a
daughter, Lea (who died in 1678), wife of Edward Adye of Barham ; (also, another
daughter, Susanna, Mrs. Bulteel, of whom I shall speak when I come to her
husband's family). James became James Fortrye, Esq., of Wombwell Hall, North-
fleet ; he married Mary, daughter of Edward Allanson, of Bromley; he died in 1674,
the father of the next squire of Wombwell Hall. The above-mentioned Mrs. Adye
had a daughter, Rosamond, wife of George Elcock, of Barham, Esq., and was the
mother of Rosamond Elcock. The second James Fortrye married, first, Elizabeth,
daughter of Edward Seymour of Woodlands, Dorset (who died 1st January 171 5),
and secondly, his fascinating cousin Rosamond. He died in 1727, leaving one son,
James. This third James Fortrye, of Wombwell Hall, married Ursula, daughter
of Captain Robert Chadwick, R.N., but died childless in 1744. Mrs Adye («/<? Lea
Fortrye) had a son, James, born in 1663, but he left no heir. She had seven married
daughters (1) Mary, wife of John Wilkinson, of Shelve, Esq. ; (2) Lea, Mrs. Boys ;
(3) Anne, Mrs. Marsh, of Nethersole ; (4) Susanna, wife of Ruishe Wentworth, Esq.,
a nephew of one of the earls of Strafford ; (5) Rosamond, wife of George Elcock,
Esq.; (6) Elizabeth, married in 1734 to William Hugessen, of Provender, Esq.; (7)
Dorothy, wife of Henry Eve, of Canterbury, Esq. The representatives of the De la
Forterye refugee descend from Mrs. Wentworth. Her daughter and heir, Mary,
named after her grandmother Fortrye, was the wife of Thomas, sixth Baron Howard
of Effingham, who died 10th July 1725, without male heirs; but there were two
daughters and co-heirs, Anne and Mary. The Hon. Anne Howard was married
to Sir William Yonge, fourth baronet of Escott (a baronetcy now extinct). The
Hon. Mary Howard, was married in June 1733, to George Venables Vernon, Esq.,
of Sudbury ; she had a son, George, born 9th May 1735, and a daughter, Mary, but
died in February 1 740. Mr. Vernon was raised to the peerage in 1762 as Lord
Vernon, and the above-named George became the second Lord Vernon in 1807, and
died 1 8th June 181 5, aged eighty. He had no sons, so that the barony devolved on
his half-brother, the second wife of the Hon. Mary Howard's husband. But the
second Lord Vernon did not leave the De la Forteryes unrepresented. For, in the
first place, he himself by his wife Georgiana, daughter of William Fauquier, Esq.
(whom he had married on 25th May 1786), left a daughter, Georgiana, who had been
married on 19th September 1809, to Edward, third Lord Suffield, and was the
mother of Edward Vernon Harbord, fourth Lord Suffield (she died 30th September
1824). And in the second place, as to the second Lord Vernon, his sister, Hon.
Mary Venables Vernon, was married in 1763 to George Adams, Esq., who, in 1773,
assumed the name of Anson ; she was the mother of Thomas, first Viscount Anson
(so created 17th February 1806), and the grandmother of Thomas, first Earl of
Lichfield (so created 15th September 1831). She was the mother of eight sons and
three daughters, and thus all the Anson family represent the De la Forterye refugee ;
this was doubly the fact in the case of the late George Edward Anson, Esq., C.B.
(born 181 2, died 1849), Keeper of the Privy Purse to Her Majesty, Treasurer of the
Household, and Cofferer to H.R.H. the Prince Consort, who married Georgiana
May, daughter of the third Lord Suffield by Hon. Georgiana Venables Vernon.
Mrs. Anson left an only daughter, Mary, who was married in 1877 to Rev. R. Digby
Ram. [Mrs. Anson remarried in 1865 with Charles Edward Boothby, Esq. of New
Lodge, Burton-on-Trent, J. P., a grandson of Major Sir William Boothby, Baronet.]
1 I am very much indebted to Henry Wagner, Esq., F.S.A.
182
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
VI. Lefroy (formerly Loffroy). 1
In my Chapter I. I have sketched the antecedents of the Leffroy family — " a
Cambresian family that preferred religion and liberty to their country and property,"
during the series of persecutions usually associated with the name of " Duke Alva."
Cambresian is an adjective coined from the name of the city of Cambray, from which
Antoine Loffroy fled in 1587, being then (it is supposed) in his thirty-eighth year.
This refugee gentleman brought with him both money and jewels, which he seems to
have employed partly in buying house property in Canterbury, and partly in equip-
ping silk (or silk-dyeing) warerooms in that city, which was his adopted residence.
He died before February 161 2. The date of his marriage was probably 1585, and
his son Esaie was a refugee child. The baptisms of other children are registered in the
French Church of Canterbury — David, his second son, 29th November 1590; Pierre,
third son, ist November 1592 ; two daughters, each named Marie, who died in
infancy (a Loffroy, supposed to be a fourth son of the refugee, appears in 1627,
namely, Thomas Loffroy, who had a wife, Anne, and an infant, Esaie, in 1626, and
an infant, Jeanne, in 1628, which Esaie died in 1646, and which Jeanne was married
in 1656 to Pierre Le Due). The above-named David Loffroy married, on 6th
December 1616, Marie, daughter of Jan du Beuf ; the birth of their daughter, Anne,
is registered at Canterbury, but thereafter they are not heard of, and it is said that
they emigrated to Rotterdam. Pierre, the next brother, disappears from notice after
his baptism. It is therefore from the eldest, Esaie, that our Lefroys descend.
Esaie Loffroy, after the death of his father, married, on 24th February 1612 (n.s.),
Marie, daughter of the late Pierre Le Sage, a refugee. The Government List of
Strangers in Canterbury, made in the year 1621, places him, not among " English-
borne " [i.e., English-born], but among " Strangers " — proving that he was born in
Cambray. " Esaje Loffroy '' is twelfth on the list headed by his brother's father-in-
law, Jean du Beuf. His wife died on 21st March 1642, having had five daughters
and two sons. The eldest daughter, Anne, became, in 1634, the wife of Jaques
Caron, and her son, Jaques Caron, was married at Threadneedle Street, London, in
1666. Of the sons, Samuel, born in 1616, did not long survive. The other son,
Jaques Loffroy, was therefore the only male heir. He is the first head of the family,
the dates both of whose baptism and of whose death we have; he was baptized on 17th
July 1625, and died on 12th November 1702, aged seventy-seven. He married Miss
Margaret Pigden,and they had three sons, Samuel, Israel, and John; the daughters (we
must choose one account out of two conflicting ones) were Elizabeth, wife of Samuel
Longuet, 2 Ester, Mrs Agar, and Sara, who was married thrice, and was successively
Mrs Hanson, Mrs Woodman, and Mrs King. During this period the spelling of the
family surname began to fluctuate between Loffroy and Lefroy. The father of the
sons and daughters named above becomes James Lefroy in his will, dated in 1702.
As this is the oldest will, it deserves to be copied : —
" In the name of God, Amen. I, James Lefroy, of the City of Canterbury, silk-dyer, being
at present ill and weak in body, but of good understanding and memory, thanks be to God,
and considering the uncertainty of this mortal life, do make this my last Will and Testament
in manner following. First, I recommend my Soul to God who gave it, and my Body 1 leave
to the earth to be decently buried. Item, I give unto my grand-daughter, Elizabeth Oldfield,
and heirs, all that messuage and tenement, backside, and garden with the appurtenaces, situate,
lying, and being in the Parish of the Blessed Mary of Northgate, in the said city, known by
the sign of the King's Head, and now in the occupation of Anne Landman, widow, or of her
assignes. Item, I give and devise unto my said grand-daughter, Elizabeth Oldfield, and heirs,
all that messuage and tenement, with the appurtenances, situate, and being in a certain lane
called Turnagain Lane, in the Parish of All Saints, in the said city, and now in the occupation
of Saffory Day and a Frenchman. Item, I give unto son, Israel Lefroy, and his assignes
during his life, my piece of land called the Tenterfield, lying in a place called the Friers in
the said city, and after his decease, I give the said piece of land, called the Tenterfield, unto
my grandson, Thomas Lefroy, and his heirs. Item, I give unto Elizabeth Vanson, who now
liveth with me, the sume of ten pounds and a feather-bed. Item, I give to my son, Israel
Lefroy, and his assigns, during his life, the use of my presses, coppers, flatts, and all other
1 This memoir is, to a very large extent, compiled from a splendid privately-printed folio, a presentation
copy of which I received from the author, Lieut. General Sir John Henry Lefroy, K.C.M.G., C.B., entitled :
'• Notes and Documents relating to the family of Loffroy— of Cambray, prior to 15S7 — of Canterbury, 15S7-1779
— now chiefly represented by the families of Lefroy of Carriglase. CO. Longford, Ireland, and of Itchel, Hants
— with branches in Australia and Canada. Being a contribution to the History of Foreign Protestant Refugees.
By a Cadet. For Private Circulation." WoolwLh, 1868.
2 There was at this date a Marie Loffroy, wife of Jean Longuet, and I thought of changing the names in the
I ' 1 accordingly, as a correction. I will not, however, presume to do so. I shall regard them as two couples,
and will return to them when treating of the family of Longuet.
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FLANDERS. 183
materials belonging to my dying-house, and after his decease, I give all the said presses, cop-
pers, flatts, and all other materials belonging to my dying-house, unto my grandson, Thomas
Lefroy, and the residue of my goods, chattels, and personal estate, I give unto son, Israel
Lefroy. And I do make my said son, Israel Lefroy, sole Executor of this my last Will and
Testament, and I give to my daughters, Longuet, Agar, and Woodman, and my grand-daughter,
Elizabeth Oldfield, and her husband, and to my grandson, Thomas Lefroy, and his wife, to
every one of them five pounds a-piece for mourning, and I give ten pounds to the poor of the
Walloon congregation in Canterbury. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
seale, this twenty-sixth day of September, in the first year of the reigne of our Sovereign Lady
Ann, now Queen of England, &c, and in the year of our Lord 1702."
Israel, the executor, was his only surviving son; he had married, first, in 1674,
Marie Van den Hayden, and, secondly, in 1688, Marie de Hane, and by them was
the founder of two families, but the second became extinct in 1764. The senior
family consisted of Mrs Oldfield and one surviving son, Thomas, baptized on 16th
January 168 1 (n.s.), the future chief. As to the venerable Israel Loffroy, he was
known, to the last, among the refugee community by his true name and surname.
There had been some ecclesiastical division among them, arising from sorry liturgical
disputes ; a party, to which he belonged, removed from the famous crypt of the old
cathedral to a temporary meeting-house, in order there to enjoy the Anglican liturgy
in French. The secession soon collapsed, and I mention it only because we cannot
find the exact day of his death, and because a minute of the Malthouse French
Church, Canterbury, states that the minister, elders, and majority of heads of families
met to elect an elder in the room of Israel Loffroy, deceased — which minute is dated
13th June 1 7 1 3. The silk-dyeing business was left to Israel Loffroy's widow, and
passed to the junior family. Thomas had married in August 1802, when he was
twenty-one years of age, a lady of good position in the county of Kent, and seems,
while he retained some of the property in Canterbury, to have been very cordially
received, and to have spent much of his time in the parish of Petham. His wife's
maiden name was Phcebe Thompson. In the year of their marriage a blazon of the
arms of Lefroy impaling Thompson was executed, and it is still preserved at Itchell ;
it is a shield, 3J by 3 inches, and is painted in oil on canvas. They had nine
children, of whom only two survived, Lucy (born 1715), unmarried, and Anthony
(born 1705), the founder of the modern Lefroys. Mr Thomas Lefroy died on 3d
November 1723, in his forty-third year, and was buried at Petham Parish Church.
His widow lived till 31st March 1761, when she died, aged eighty-one. In her will
she calls herself " Phcebe Leffroy, of the parish of All Saints in the City of Canter-
bury, Widow," but desires to be buried in the parish church of Petham, " near to the
grave of my dear husband, Thomas Leffroy." Her daughter, Lucy, was her heiress,
and represented the family at Canterbury until her death in 1784. A compendious
history of Thomas and Mrs. Lefroy, and their two children who attained maturity,
was executed in monumental style in the parish church of Petham, thus : —
In hope of a joyful Resurrection. Here lyeth buried the body of Thomas Lefroy, of the
parish of All Saints', in the City of Canterbury, of the Family of Lefroys, of Cambray, in
France. He married Phoebe, 2d daughter of Thomas, 2d son of Henry Thompson, of Kent-
field, in this parish, Esq., by Phcebe, daughter of Anthony Hammond, Esq., of St. Albans, in
the parish of Nonnington,
Who had four sons and five daughters,
only two of whom survived,
Anthony and Lucy.
Also, Phoebe, his wife, lies under this Stone, who died March 31, 1761,
aged 81 years.
In Memory of Lucy Lefroy, daughter of Thomas and Phoebe Lefroy, who died unmarried
17th July 1784, aged 69, and in filial, fraternal, nepotal affection could not be surpassed, nor
in the firm belief of those Divine Promises that support the real Christian in the moments of
dissolution.
Anthony Lefroy, her brother, died in Tuscany,
14th July 1779, aged 75.
Of the last-named Anthony Lefroy, I give a separate memoir in my Chapter of
Literati ; and I shall come to the family of Elizabeth Langlois, his wife, in my next
volume. It will be sufficient to say here that he resided at Leghorn, and was mar-
ried in the year 1738. His one surviving daughter, born in May 1740, Phcebe
Elizabeth, was married in 1770 to an Italian Count, II Signor Conte Carlo de
Medico Staffetti, and died in 1777, leaving children. Of Mr. Lcfroy's three sons, the
youngest, John Benjamin, died in infancy; but the first founded an Irish family and
the second founded an English family.
FRENCH P ROTES TA NT EXILES.
(i.) The Irish Lefroys. Their modern chief was Lieut-Colonel Anthony Peter
Lefroy. He was born at Leghorn in 1742, and was sent to England in 1752 along
with his brother, for education. It was his choice of a profession that eventually
destined him to be the founder of an Irish family. His name was put down for a
commission in the army, and on nth January 1763 he became an ensign in the
33d Foot. The regiment was quartered in Ireland ; thither he went, and there he
remained. Regiments once quartered in Ireland during last century were usually
allowed to stay there. There our hero served, and received his several steps of pro-
motion during twenty-eight years, and he lived for other twenty-eight years as a
retired Lieut-Colonel in his house at Limerick. It was on 25th June 1785 that he
obtained his Lieut.-Colonelcy and the command of the 9th Light Dragoons (that
regiment, in 1785, had been in Ireland for sixty-seven years, and it remained for
sixteen years thereafter). Lieut-Colonel Lefroy resigned his commission on 30th
July 1 79 1 . He was a member of the Royal Irish Academy (M.R.I. A.). He died at
Limerick on 8th September 1819, aged seventy-seven. His children (besides five
daughters) were : —
1. The Lord Chief-Justice of Ireland, Right Hon. Thomas Lefroy, born 1776,
died 1 869. His decision to study for the Irish bar, and his success in life, strengthened
the claim of his family to be called Irish.
2. Captain Anthony Thomas Lefroy, 65th Regiment, born 1777, died 1857.
3. Captain Benjamin Lefroy, Royal Artillery, bom 1783, died 1869. Some of his
descendants went to Upper Canada and to Melbourne.
4. Christopher Lefroy, R.N., born 1784, midshipman on board H.M.S. San
Fiorenzo ; killed in action, 13th February 1805.
5. John Lefroy, died in infancy.
6. Rev. Henry Lefroy, M.A., born 1789, vicar of Santry, near Dublin, and Rural
Dean. Some of his descendants settled in Western Australia.
The Lord Chief-Justice (of whom I shall give a memoir in another chapter) was,
as a landed proprietor, Lefroy of Carrig-glas, in the County of Longford. He mar-
ried, in 1799, Mary, only daughter and heir of Jeffry Paul, Esq., of Silver Spring,
County Wexford. His children are : —
1. Anthony Lefroy, of Carrig-glas, LL.D., born 1800, M.P. for County Longford
from 1830 to 1837 and from 1841 to 1847, and for Dublin University from 1858 to
1870; he married in 1824, Hon. Jane King (who died 1st December 1868), daughter
of Viscount Lorton and grand-daughter of Robert, second Earl of Kingston. They
had two daughters, Frances, who was married on 22d March 1849 to Colonel David
Carrick Buchanan of Drumpellier, and Mary Louise, who was married in June 1852
to Lieut.-Colonel Hon. William Leopold Porsenna Talbot (he died 12th August
1881), youngest son of the third Lord Talbot de Malahide. Mr. Lefroy well upholds
the politics and religion of his family, as is illustrated by his being a member of the
Carlton Club and National Club, London, of the University Club of Dublin, and the
Kildare Street and Sackville Street Clubs in that city.
2. Thomas Paul Lefroy, 1 born in Dublin in 1807, and baptized in St. Anne's
Church, Dawson Street, on 27th January. He is M. A. of Trinity College. He mar-
ried, on 1st July 1835, Hon. Elizabeth Jane Sarah Anne Massy, youngest daughter
of the third Lord Massy (she died 30th July 1874). Mr. Lefroy was a Queen's
Counsel in Ireland, and is now County Judge of Down ; he is his father's biographer.
His eldest son is Thomas Langlois Lefroy.
3. Very Rev. Jeffry Lefroy, M.A., born in 1809, Dean of Dromore. (see Chap-
ter XII.)
4. George Thompson Lefroy was born in Dublin in 181 1, baptized privately on
June 11, and publicly on August 30. He was treasurer of the Irish Ecclesiastical
Commissioners, and after the Disestablishment he retired on a pension and took up
his abode in France.
5. Benjamin Lefroy, born in Dublin 25th March 181 5, died young.
(2.) The English Lefroys. This line in its senior representatives has not
been migratory, though through varying nomenclature it appears at an earlier date
as Lefroy of Ewshott House, and at a later as Lefroy of Itchell Manor. Ecclesias-
tically, it was always similarly localized. Its founder was the second son of Mr.
Anthony Lefroy, of Leghorn, the Rev. Isaac Peter George Lefroy. He was born at
Leghorn on 12th November 1745, and came to England for his education in March
1752. He had among his luggage two little suits of clothes, "one of scarlet cloth
yyith a belt and a sword, the other of purple camlet turned up with red." Along
1 Another Thomas Paul Lefroy died in Dublin in 1806.
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FLANDERS. 185
with his elder brother he used to spend his school holidays at Canterbury. His
college education was at Christ Church, Oxford. After taking his degree of B.A ,
he was elected a Fellow of All Souls' College in the same University, on the plea
that he was " founder's kin " (the founder was Archbishop Chichele, of Canterbury,
who died in 1443). The college, in one or more cases of old date, had acknowledged
the descent, or kinship, of Right Hon. Sir Dudley Digges, Master of the Rolls, who
died in 1638. So that the Lefroy descent may be stated thus : —
t Anne Digges (who died 1664), was married to Anthony Hammond,
J Phoebe Hammond (who died 17 13) „ Thomas Thompson,
~) Phoebe Thompson „ Thomas Lefroy,
( the last couple being the grand-parents of Isaac Peter George Lefroy.
In 1777 the dignified Fellow became Rector of Compton in Surrey; in 1778,
Chaplain to Amelia, Baroness Conyers. In December of 1778 he removed from his
Fellowship into the state of matrimony, his wife being Anne, daughter of Edward
Brydges, Esq., of Wootton, Kent, and sister of the accomplished Sir Egerton
Brydges. About the same time he became Rector of Ash, and his family may
thenceforth be regarded as a Hampshire family. In 1784 he succeeded to the
property of his maiden aunt, Lucy, at Canterbury. After a quarter of a century of
married life, Mrs. Lefroy died in December 1804, having fallen from her horse, and
surviving only twelve hours in a state of insensibility. A pathetic and glowing
eulogium upon her appeared at the time in the Gentleman 's Magazine. Mrs. Lefroy 's
sister, Deborah Jemima Maxwell nee Brydges (wife of Henry Maxwell, Esq., of
Ewshott House, Hants), had died in a similarly dreadful manner on 31st March
1789, being accidentally burnt to death. Mr. Lefroy survived his wife only till 15th
January 1806, when he died in his sixty-first year. Mr. Maxwell died on 22d July
1 818, having bequeathed Ewshott House to his nephew, Rev. John Henry George
Lefroy, who had in 1806 succeeded his father both as the rector and as the head of
the English Lefroys. He seems to have resided in the rectory until his death in 1823,
at the comparatively early age of forty-one. Of his younger brothers, Christopher
Edward Lefroy, Esq., and Rev. Benjamin Lefroy, I shall have occasion to speak in
another chapter. The second Lefroy-proprietor of Ewshott was Charles Edward
Lefroy, Esq., the eldest surviving son of the deceased rector. During his possession
of the estate and in the year 1829 the old house was pulled down, and the new and
enlarged mansion was named after the manor of Itchell. Mr. C. E. Lefroy of Itchell
Manor was born in 1810; he was educated at Winchester and at Christ-Church,
Oxford, took his first degree in 1832 with honours, and proceeded to MA. in 1836.
Pie was called to the Bar in June 1836, but indifferent health prevented him from
practising his profession. He was a gentleman of distinguished benevolence, piety,
and integrity. In 1840 the Right Hon. Charles Shaw Lefevre made him Secretary
to the Speaker of the House of Commons, an office which he held for sixteen years ;
and after the Speaker's elevation to the Viscountry of Eversley, he was made
Taxing-Master to the House of Commons. He married in August 1845, Janet,
eldest daughter of James Walker, Esq., LL.D., F.R.S., Civil Engineer. In 1854,
800 acres of wild land in Mr. Lefroy's property were required for the Board of
Ordnance, and a compulsory sale was the consequence ; a reasonable price, however,
was to be agreed upon. Dr. Walker, his father-in-law, met the representatives of the
Board, and the price £22,500 was agreed upon. Mr. Lefroy, regarding it as a matter
of conscience, and also considering that he held a parliamentary office, feared that
the price was extortionate, and requested a revaluation, and ultimately accepted
£20,000 for the land, which is now a part of the domain of Aldershott. His wife
died suddenly on 5th October 1858, and he resolved to build a church, sacred to her
memory, at P"leet Railway Station, in his own property. His father-in-law joined in
the project, and lived to see it opened on 15th April 1862 ; but at that date Mr.
Lefroy had departed this life at the age of fifty-one, and in that church of Fleet there
is this inscription : —
To Charles Edward Lefroy, Esq., born March 9, 1S10, died April 17, 1 86 r,
founder of this church, who, in the midst of his work for God's glory and the good
of this parish, was taken to his rest.
The brothers of Mr. Lefroy are Rev. Anthony Cottrel Lefroy, MA. of Christ
Church, Oxford (born 1812), Incumbent of Crookham, Surrey, now Vicar of Longdun,
near Tewkesbury; Licut.-General Sir John Henry Lefroy, K.C.M.G., C.B., late
Colonel Commandant of the Royal Artillery (born 1817), the historiographer of his
family; and Henry Maxwell Lefroy, Esq. (born 1818), of Western Australia. Their
eldest sister, Anne Lefroy, was married in August 1829 to John M'Clintock, Esq., of
I. 2 A
!
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Drumcar, M.P. for County Louth, who, on 2 1st December 1868, was created Baron
Rathdonnell (he died 17th May 1879). The present head of the English Lefroys is
the eldest son of Charles Edward, namely, Charles James Maxwell Lefroy, Esq., of
Itchell Manor, late Captain in the 14th Hussars; he was born on 12th September
1848, and married, on 14th August 1872, a kinswoman of Lord Rathdonnell, Eliza-
beth, eldest daughter of Alfred Henry M'Clintock, Esq., M.D., LL.D.
VII. Delme.
The family of Delme springs from Michiel de Le me of Nomayn, alias Normain,
probably the town of Nomeny in Flanders. His son, Adrian, was a refugee in
Norwich. His signature as a diacre of the French Church in that city — " Adrien de
Le me" — appears in the Norwich Book of Discipline, now in the British Museum.
His will is copied in my Historical Introduction. At its date, 28th September 1603,
the testator declares himself to be " of fifty-four years of age ; " it was proved in the
consistory of Norwich on the following December 9. His children were Pierre,
Jaques, Marie, Annis (probably a name of endearment for Anne, the S being mute),
Philippe, and Nathaniel. The eldest, Pierre, seems to have adopted the signature
" Pierre de me." Like his father, he was a deacon ; he was married and had children,
but no surviving descendants have been affiliated to him. Marie de Le me was the
wife of Jaques Le Grin (alias Le Greyn, properly Le Grain), who signed as a frere-en-
charge on 12th August 1596. Annis or Anne was the wife of Jean Castel who
signed on 4th July 161 5 ; she died at Canterbury, as his widow, in 1652. Philippe,
who adopted the name of Delme, was the pasteur successively of Norwich and of
Canterbury, whose memoir is in my Chapter II. These slight notices are all that I
can collect of the family viewed as a Norwich family.
There seems always to have been a close correspondence between the refugee
families of Norwich and Canterbury, and frequent intermarriages. It was while he
was minister at Norwich that the pasteur, Philippe Delme, on 29th December 1616,
was married at Canterbury to Elizabeth Maurois. (This lady in her will mentioned
a nephew, David Desquire of Norwich, who signed as a deacon there on 29th May
1634.) Mr. Delme was translated to the French Church of Canterbury in or about
1619 ; and as he is the ancestor of the old English family, that family in its second
stage was a Canterbury family. 1
Rev. Philippe Delme, ) f Elizabeth Maurois,
pasteur of Canterbury, > = < was married on 29th December 1616;
died 22d April 1653. j ( her will was proved nth November 1672.
I ,
1,11 1 .1 .1 1 n
Elie, Elizabeth, Anne, Jeanne Philippe, Pierre, Jean, \
pasteur of bapt.1619, bapt.1621. or Jane, bapt. 1627, bapt. 1630, bapt. 1633, (_ Deborah
London wife of wifeofRev. died 1632. of whom merchant [ — Leadbetter.
French Samuel John Crow. presently, of London. )
Church, Du Bois, (Icouldnot
1653, died survived find her Elizabeth, Mrs Van
unmarried him as his baptism; Heythuysen, only child
(Icouldnot widow. butsheisin (see Chapter II.).
find his the family
baptism). wills).
The third stage presents us with a London family. Mrs. Delme ne'e Maurois,
having been left a widow in 1653, joined in London her son Elie, pasteur of Thread-
needle Street. At the date of her husband's death, her son, Peter Delme, was aged
twenty-three, and John Delme was aged twenty. Before many years these were her
only surviving sons, and both became prosperous merchants and men of rare excel-
lence. Mr. Peter Delme\ citizen and dyer, in or about 1664, married Sibilla Nightin-
gale ; they lived in the parish of St. Thomas the Apostle, where their eldest son, an
infant, was buried on 26th January 1665 (new style); she survived him for many
years. His holograph will has been presented to my readers beside the will of his
refugee grandfather in my Historical Introduction. From it it may be inferred that
he died about Christmas 1686, or New Year's day 1687. In my gleanings from
registers the reader will find the baptisms of his children, and in his will the names
of the six survivors at its date. Thus briefly, for want of materials, I dismiss them
1 Some of the old Nomeny stock seem to have staid in their native country until about 1650, when another
family of Delme came over to London. This accounts for entries in the French Registers which I duly inserted
in my Historical Introduction, but which cannot be fitted into the pedigree of the descendants of the first refugee.
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FLANDERS. 187
all, except his eldest surviving son Pierre, the ancestor of the English family, alias
Sir Peter.
Pierre Delme, junior, was baptized in the city of London French Church, Thread-
needle Street, on 17th February 1667. The witnesses were his uncle, John Delme,
and Anne, wife of Joseph De la Motte, for whom the infant's grandmother stood
proxy. The next mention I find of him is in the will of that uncle, dated 1707.
Mr. Peter Delme was then forty years of age. Possessing an ample fortune, and not
requiring any substantial legacy, he was ignored as a nephew, and was appointed
one of his uncle's executors as a " good friend" of the testator. In or about the year
1709 he married Anne, daughter of Cornelius Macham, of Southampton, and his
eldest son and heir was born in 1710. Mr. Delme proved his uncle's will on 13th
February 17 12 (new style). He was bereaved of his young wife (aged twenty-six)
on 1st January 17 14 (n.s.). At this date he was a common council-man, and pro-
bably an alderman of the city of London. On March 13 he received a grant of
arms from Queen Anne, namely, " Or an anchor erected Sab. between two lions
passt. gardant in fess Gides. Crest : A lion passant Gules before an anchor Sab.,
wreath, Or and Sab." George I. came to the throne on the following August 1 ;
and on 23rd September 17 14, along with the Lord Mayor of London, Mr. Delme,
as alderman of Langbourn Ward, waited upon his Majesty, and received the honour
of knighthood at St. James's Palace. After a period of widowhood he married a
second wife, Mary, daughter of William Fawkener, of London.
His civic career can be traced in the Historical Register. On 15th April 1717,
Sir Peter Delme, knight and alderman, was elected a Director of the Bank of Eng-
land, and occupied his seat for ten years by annual re-election. On 24th June he
was elected a Sheriff of London and Middlesex. In May 17 18 he became Lieu-
tenant-General of the Artillery Company of London. In 1722 the Lord Mayoralty
began to open to his view. " 28th September. This day came on the election of a
Lord Mayor of the city of London for the year ensuing. Sir Gerard Conyers and
Sir Peter Delme, the two aldermen next the chair, were declared to have a majority
of hands in the Common Hall. But a poll was demanded and granted for Sir
George Mertins and Sir Francis Forbes, which began on the 1st of October, and
ended on the 3rd. The next day the Sheriffs declared that having cast up the poll,
the majority of votes had fallen on Sir Gerard Conyers and Sir Peter Delme, who
were accordingly returned to the Court of Aldermen, who made choice of the
former." Domestic bereavement visited Delme at two remarkable epochs of his
life. His first wife was not destined to be Lady Delme ; his second wife was not
to be a Lady-Mayoress. Lady Delme died on 5th May 1723. On September 28 of
that year the Court of Aldermen declared him Lord Mayor of London for the year
ensuing, and he fulfilled his year of office. He died suddenly on 4th September
1728, in the sixty-second year of his age.
Sir Peter's daughter, Anne, was married, in April 1735, to Sir Henry Liddell, Bart.,
M.P. for Morpeth, afterwards raised to the peerage as Lord Ravensworth ; her only
child, Anne, was married in 1756 to Augustus Henry, third Duke of Grafton, and is
ancestress of the succeeding line of dukes. The Duchess of Grafton's second son
was General Lord Charles Fitzroy, father of Vice-Admiral the Hon. Robert Fitzroy,
M.P., the chief of the meteorological department of the Board of Trade.
Peter Delme, eldest son and heir of Sir Peter Delme, was born on 28th February
1 7 10, and baptized in London at St. Gabriel's, Fenchurch Street. He was styled
"of Grosvenor Square," and was M.P. for Luggershall, in Wiltshire, from 1734 to
1741, and for Southampton from 1741 to 1754. He married, first, in 1737, Anna
Maria, daughter of Sir John Shaw, Bart., of Eltham (she died in 1740); and secondly,
in 1 74 1, Miss Christian Pain, also of Eltham, who was the mother of his children,
two sons and two daughters. The elder son, John, of Erie Stoke, Wilts, died in
1768. Mr Delme died 10th April 1770. His surviving son was Peter Delme, Esq.,
M.P. for Morpeth, who was the squire of Titchfield Place (Hants), of Erie Stoke
(Wilts), and of Canon Hill, Braywick (Berks). He was born on 19th December
1748, and married, on 16th February 1769, Lady Elizabeth Howard, " the beauty of
the court of Queen Charlotte," fifth daughter of the Earl of Carlisle. (This lady sur-
vived him, and re-married with Captain Charles Gamier, R.N.) This Mr. Delme
sold Erie Stoke, and bought Cams Hall; he died in 1789, in his forty -first year ; he
was the founder of two families.
His eldest son was John Delme, Esq., of Cams Hall, near Fareham (Hants), born
25th July 1772; he married Frances, eldest daughter of George Gamier, Esq., of
Wickham. His eldest son, John, died aged about twenty-one. His successor was
the second son, Henry Peter Delme, of Cams Hall, born 1793. He was an officer in
ISS
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
the Con naught Rangers (88th Foot), was present at Vittoria, the battles of the
Pyrenees, and other engagements, for which he received the Peninsular medal with
six clasps. He married Mary (who died in 1871), eldest daughter of John Gage,
Esq., of Rogate, brother of the third Viscount Gage, and died 29th January 1883,
aged ninety. The third son of John Delme, Esq., was Captain George Delme, R.N.
The younger son of Mr. and Lady Elizabeth Delmd became in 1832 (in right
of his wife, ne'e Anne Milicent Clarke, representative of the Radcliffes) Emilius
Henry Delme Radcliffe, Esq., of Hitchin Priory (born 1774, died 1832). He was
succeeded by his eldest son, Frederick Peter Delme Radcliffe, Esq., born in 1804;
the third son, the late Rev. Charles Delme Radcliffe, was the father of Lieutenant-
Colonel Emilius Charles Delme Radcliffe, of the 88th Regiment, and of Rev. Henry
Eliot Delme Radcliffe, Rector of South Tedworth. The above-named Frederick-
Peter died 30th November 1875, and was succeeded by his fifth but eldest surviving
son, Captain Hubert Delme Radcliffe, of the 23rd Royal Welsh Fusiliers. This
gallant officer died 13th October 1878, aged thirty-nine; and he was succeeded by
his next brother, Francis Augustus Delme Radcliffe, Esq., now of Hitchin Priory,
born 1st June 1845, married, 14th April 1874, Georgy Melosina Mary Elizabeth,
eldest daughter of the late Admiral Sir Charles Talbot, K.C.B.
VIII. BULTEEL.
The refugee ancestry of this family has been detailed in my Chapter II., at the
beginning of a Memoir of Pasteur Jean Bulteel, of the French Church, Canterbury.
The witnesses of the baptisms of his children, as given in the Historical Introduction
and commented upon in my Chapter II., bring before us a living exhibition of the
three brothers, James, John (the pastor), and Peter, sons of Giles Bulteel and Marie
Brontin, as they appear in the visitation-pedigree of 1633-4. It is with Peter that
we have now to do. By the Government-List (see Camden Society Volume) we know
that he was thirty-seven years of age in the year 1618; this brings us to a formal
commencement.
Peter Bulteel, of London, merchant in Broad Street Ward, was born in 1 581 .
His wife was Hester, daughter of Hugh Harber {anglicised Herbert), a refugee at
Norwich. His sons seem to have been grown-up men in the year 1633, for the
fourth son, Charles, signed the official pedigree for his father in that year. There
were two daughters, Hester and Sarah, and five sons, Peter, John, 1 James, Charles,
and Samuel. Peter, the son and heir, married Susanna, daughter of Peter Fortry
(or de la Forterye) of London, and of East Coombe, Kent, by Leah, daughter of
Laurens Des Bouverie ; this Mrs. Peter Bulteel died in 1692, her only son died
unmarried, and her daughters were Mrs. Mills, Mrs. Miller, Mrs. Creech, Mrs. Daniel,
and Mrs. Gratwich. The other sons of the elder Peter Bulteel are unrepresented,
except the third son, James. He is styled James Bulteel, of London, afterwards of
Barnstaple in Devonshire, and he married Miss Peard of Barnstaple. Two children
of this marriage are on record. Mary, the wife of Sir Richard Vyvyan, Knt, M.P.,
Master of the Mint at Exeter, who was created a baronet in 1645, ar >d is still repre-
sented in the same rank. Samuel Bulteel, of Tavistock, her brother, married a
daughter of John Kekewich, Esq., of Catchfrench, Cornwall, and died in 1679. His
son and successor was another Samuel Bulteel, of Tavistock, who had married
Azrael, daughter of Daniel Condy, of Tavistock ; but he died a year after his father,
and at the early age of twenty-eight. He, however, left two sons, besides a daughter,
Jane, who died young. His eldest son, a third Samuel Bulteel, died unmarried ; but
the second son, born in 1676, founded a family which is still existent. He was
James Bulteel, Esq., of Flete, M.P. for Tavistock ; 2 his wife was Mary, daughter and
heiress of Courtenay Crocker, Esq., of Lynam (or Lynham, or Lyneham). Mr.
Bulteel died in 1756, aged eighty; and his eldest son, James, died leaving a son,
Courtenay Crocker Bulteel, unmarried. The daughters of Mr. Bulteel, M.P., were
Mary, wife of John Francis Pengelly, Esq., of Scotridge ; Jane, wife of Rev. John
Gandy, of Plymouth ; and Catherine and Azrael, both unmarried. One surviving
son continued the family, namely, John Bulteel, Esq., of Flete, who married Hon.
Diana Bcllenden, daughter of John, Lord Bellenden, and had four sons and three
daughters — the latter being Catherine, Mrs. Harris, Diana, Mrs. Hutcheson, and
Mary. The eldest son, James, was unmarried. And the next head of the family was
John Bulteel, Esq., of Flete and Lyneham, who married Elizabeth, daughter of
1 This may possibly be "John Bulteel, gentleman," whom I put among the literati as a son of the
Canterbury pastor.
' "The Commons (3d February 1 710) agreed with the committee that Tames Bulteel, Esq., and not Mr.
Maniton, was duly elected for Tavistock." — Luttrcll.
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FLANDERS. 189
Thomas Pening, Esq., of London (I pass over at present his brothers, Thomas
Hillesden Bulteel and Henry Bellenden Bulteel). Hitherto dates have been scarce,
and I have not the date of the death of the John Bulteel, Esq., just mentioned ; he
had three daughters and two sons, John-Crocker, and Courtenay-James-Cooper.
But we have dates as to the elder of these two sons, namely, John Crocker Bulteel,
Esq., of Flete and Lyneham. He married, on 13th May 1826, Lady Elizabeth Grey,
second daughter of Charles, second Earl Grey, K G., known as the father of the
Reform Bill. After the passing of that Bill, which gave additional members to
Devonshire, Mr. Bulteel sat as M.P. for South Devon. He was High Sheriff of
Devonshire in 1841. He died on 10th September 1843, while Lady Elizabeth
Bulteel survived till 8th November 1880.
Their only son, John, born 26th June 1827, was only sixteen years of age at his
father's death. Much of the ancestral property seems to have been sold, and he is
now styled John Bulteel, Esq. of Pamflete. He married, on 23d March 1854,
Euphemia Emily, daughter of the late Lieut-Colonel Parsons, and has a son and
heir, and other children.
The daughters of Mr. and Lady Elizabeth Bulteel are — (1) Mary Elizabeth,
(2) Georgiana Frances, (3) Louisa Emily Charlotte. The eldest was a Maid of
Honour to the Queen, and was married, on 30th April 1861, to the Right Hon. Sir
Henry Frederick Ponsonby, K.C.B., Private Secretary to the Queen. On the same
day her youngest sister was married to Edward Charles Baring, Esq., now Lord
Revelstoke.
IX. DAmbrin, or Dambrine (now Dombrain).
In my Chapter I. I have traced up this surname to Ambrin (or Ambrines) in
Flanders. The mistake of picturing its cradle in Embrun (then spelt Ambrun) led
to the conjecture that the first refugee fled from the St. Bartholomew Massacre.
But Rouen was a natural rendezvous for fugitives from Flanders. Flight from
Embrun would have been in the direction of Switzerland or the Mediterranean.
Rouen, it is said and may be believed, was a stage in the first refugee's journey.
But the idea that he had first made a pilgrimage through the whole length of France
from south to north is plainly erroneous. We have to look further back than 1572.
In the London census of 1 571 John Dambrum, who came over in 1564, is described
as a Burgundian, and William Dambrune, who came in 1570, is said to have been
" born in Pallensen." We have no early vouchers of the propagation of the family in
the metropolis. We find a Joseph Dambrin in London in 1683 as a witness to the
baptism of Joseph Longuet. In 1675 there was a Jaques Dambrin, of London,
whose son, Josue, married, in Canterbury in that year, Marie, daughter of Jean
Vandebroucq, of Sandwich (the lady's maiden surname is sometimes spelt Van de
Brocke, or Van de Brouke) ; they seem to have taken up their abode in Canterbury,
where their children were baptized — viz., Elizabeth, in 1682, Juditcq, in 1686, and
Rachel, in 1689. In passing I may mention refugees of the name from Picardy.
On 13th November 1684 Francois Dambrin, son of F. DAmbrin, native of Verin in
Picardy, married in Canterbury, Elizabeth, daughter of Adrien Duhamel, and there
are recorded baptisms of three of his children, Isaac, in 1688, Jean, in 1689, and
Elizabeth, in 1691.
The probability seems to be that our family of Dombrain springs from Lille, and
appears in the Canterbury registers for the first time in 1625. At the end of the
previous century we may locate Jean DAmbrines at Lille. The refugee named in
1625 is his son, Jacques Dambrin. Two other Dambrins, namely, Nicolas and
Pierre, are registered as natives of Lille, and may be decided to be brothers of
Jacques and sons of Jean.
Jacques Dambrin married in Canterbury, in 1625, a widow, Madame Bauchart
{ne'e Pasques Descarpenteries), and having became a widower he married, in 1629,
Marie, daughter of Venant de Labye. There are no children of his upon record —
and none of his brother, Pierre, who married, in 1645, Madame De la Cueillery (ride
Marie Desmarcts), a native of Norwich.
Nicolas Dambrine married in Canterbury, in 163 1, Francoise, daughter of the
late Jacques Desbouverie. He resided in Canterbury for about three years, and there
two of his sons were baptized, Philippe (9th December 163 1), and Jean (20th
January 1633). After this he removed to London, and two more sons were baptized
in the French Church in Threadneedle Street, Abraham (31st August 1634), and
Isaac (8th May 1636). He appears to have been a widower, and to have re-manicd
in London, in 1638, with Madame Marcschal (tt/e Claire Faucon). It seems that a
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
descendant of his (though from neglect of registration we cannot tell which) was the
ancestor of the modern Dombrains. We have a conjectural succession thus : —
1. Jean Dambrines, of Lille, before 1600.
2. Nicolas Dambrine, one of his sons, who, as a refugee, married Francoise Desbouverie
in 1631.
3. The sons of Nicolas — four whom we have already named (and other two who may have
been his sons) : —
(t) Philippe, he has no marriage or offspring on record.
(2) Jean, married Magdelaine De Visme, and had Marie, b. 1687; Elizabeth, b.
1689; Andre, b. 1691 ; Judith, b. 1693; Jeanne, b. 1694; Susanne, b. 1696;
Daniel, b. 1698.
(3) Abraham, has no marriage or offspring on record.
(4) Isaac, married Ester Millon, and had Marie, b. 1687 ; Abraham, b. 1698 ; Sara,
b. 1702.
(5) Samuel, married, first, Marie Lizy, by whom he had Samuel, b. 1682; and
Rachel, b. 1687 ; secondly, Marie Six, by whom he had Anne, b. 1696.
(6) Francois, married Elizabeth Tramet, and had Abraham, b. 1686.
The refugees were exposed to many anxieties and struggles for subsistence, and
this family subsided for a time among the working classes, as appears from a list of
burials in Canterbury of persons named Dombrain, shown to me by a learned corres-
pondent. At last their industry was rewarded by their reappearance as a family of
note, under the chieftainship of Mr. Abraham Dombrain, who was the head of a pros-
perous posting establishment in Canterbury; he was born in 1762, and died in 1837,
aged seventy-five. Mr. Dombrain married, first, on 7th January 1783, in St. Michael's,
Canterbury, Elizabeth Dyne (who died in 1789), and secondly, on 30th January 1793,
in St. Mildred's, Canterbury, Elizabeth Aldridge. Sir James Dombrain, Knight, was
a son of the second marriage ; he was baptized at St. Mildred's, 5th January 1794.
He entered the Royal Navy, and rose to the rank of Commander. In 1817 he became
Deputy Comptroller-General of the Coastguard of the United Kingdom. On 19th
December of this year he married Mary, daughter and heiress of Robert Furly, of
St. Alphage, Canterbury, by Jane Seguin, his wife. In 18 19 he was promoted to
the rank of Comptroller-General of the Coastguard, upon receiving a commission
to organize the Coastguard service on the coast of Ireland. For thirty years he
presided over the force which he had introduced and organized. He received the
honour of knighthood from the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland in 1844. Lady Dombrain
died at the Hill, Monkstown, County Dublin, on 15th September 1864, aged sixty-
seven. Sir James died in September 1871. His son, the Rev. Henry Honywood
Dombrain, was incumbent of St. George's, in Deal, and afterwards vicar of Westwell,
Kent ; he is the author of a very fair, simple, and thorough reply to Professor
Maurice (author of "Theological Essays," and "Doctrine of Sacrifice"), entitled,
" The Sacrifice of the Lord Jesus in type and fulfilment, viewed in connexion with
recent statements on the subject," London, 1858. Sir James's grandson is the Rev.
James Dombrain, rector of St. Benedict's, Norwich.
X. De Lillers.
" The family of De Lillers," says Sir Edmund Du Cane, " traced descent from
Raoul de Lillers, who lived in 1348. In Heralds' College is the pedigree down to
1663, extracted by M. Le Blon, Pursuivant of Arms at Valenciennes, and attested
before the officers of the Court of Haynault and Mons. It mentions Jean de Lillers,
natif de Basse Flandre, 1430, his son, Jean de Lillers, native of Lille, whose epitaph
is in the church of St. Stephen's, Valenciennes ; also, about 1500, Francois de Lillers,
who married Jenne Le Maire."
The family first appears among refugees in Canterbury in the government return
of 1621. The names are Jean de Lillers I'atsne', Jean de Lillers le jenne, and Arnold
de Lillers. The first two refugees, father and son, appear in the Visitation of
London in the year 1664. The father is styled Jean de Lillers of Canterbury,
County Kent, in which city he probably spent his refugee life and died ; his wife s
maiden name was Marie de Sauchuns, of Cambray, in Flanders. The son becomes
John de Lillers, of London, merchant. He had a brother of the same occupation,
Isaac de Lillers, who married Jeanne Du Ouesne, of Valentia [Valenciennes], and
had two sons, Isaac and Jacob, and a daughter, Mary, wife of Nathaniel Denew [De
Neu]. Arnold de Lillers (named in the Canterbury list of 1621) was probably
another brother. He married Marie le More, in the city of London French Church,
in the year 1669.
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FLANDERS. 191
Returning to Jean de Lillers le jeiine (Mr. John De Lillers), I note that he was
twice married, and had a daughter by each wife. By his first wife, Marie, daughter
of Jean Lespin, he had a daughter, Marie, wife of Jaques De Neu, and mother of a
numerous family. The second wife of John de Lillers, Anne, daughter of Elie
Maurois, of Canterbury, had a daughter, Elizabeth, wife of Guillaume Carbonnel.
Mrs. Carbonnel (as I shall have another opportunity to relate) had a numerous
family j one of her sons was named De Lillers, and was intended probably to keep
the ancient surname in remembrance. Through the mistakes of reporters and
printers this memento of the old De Lillers family became scarcely recognizable.
The Historical Register called him in 1722, Mr. Delliers Carbonel, and in 1723 Mr.
Delithir Carbonnel; in 1724 and 1728, however, he is correctly entered as Mr.
Delillers Carbonnel.
XL Waldo.
Genealogists have succeeded in individualising the far-famed Peter Waldo, and
have put on record that he died in Bohemia in 11 79 — that he was unmarried — but
that he had a married brother, Thomas Waldo, 1 whose children retired from their
native town, Lyons, and settled in the Netherlands, where they were represented in
the reign of our Queen Elizabeth. One of their name fled from Duke Alva's perse-
cutions in 1568, and founded families in England. Among them the tradition is that
his name was Peter ; at all events he was a Waldo, was twice married, and had eight
children, of whom Lawrence and Robert left descendants. Robert Waldo founded
a family at Deptford. The noteworthy persons of the Waldo stock descended from
Lawrence Waldo, citizen and grocer, of the parish of Allhallows, Bread Street,
London. The baptisms of his twelve children between the years 1583 and 1599 are
recorded in the register of that parish church, where also we read : " Mr. Lawerence
Waldoe of this parish, grocer, departed his life in this world the 26th day of July
1602, and was buried in the church chancel the 2d of August then following." The
above spelling of his name is unique ; it is evident from other entries that the
true spelling was Waldo.
His twelfth child was Daniel, baptized 19th June 1599, citizen and cloth- worker,
who died in'1661. From this Daniel Waldo and Anne Claxton, his wife, the persons
of whom I have to speak descended.
Mrs. Waldo's father, Mr. Claxton, was a proprietor in Harrow-on-the-Hill, and
thus the Waldo family took root in that classical region. Mr. and Mrs. Waldo's eldest
son was named Daniel, after his father, and we shall have occasion to mention his
offspring. But as the second son attained the honour of knighthood, it will make
this brief memoir more clear if we begin with him.
Sir Edward Waldo was born in the year 1632 and died in 1708 (new style) ; he
had a splendid town mansion, which, on occasions of public pomp and civic
pageantry, was the resort of members of the Royal family, and where he received the
honour of knighthood from Charles II. on 29th October 1677. Sir Edward was
married three times, and is represented in the female line through the descendants of
his first wife (Elizabeth Potter, an heiress) by Calmady Pollexfen Hamlyn, Esq.,
and Vincent Pollexfen Calmady, Esq. By his third wife he had one daughter,
Grace, whose first husband was Sir Nicholas Wolstenholme, Bart, and who was
married secondly to the eighth Lord Hunsdon (she died on 9th May 1729).
In Harrow Church a marble monument stands, with this inscription : —
Here lyeth y e body of
S R EDWARD WALDO, knight,
a kind and faithful husband, a tender and provident father,
a constant and hearty friend, a regular and sincere Christian,
eminently distinguished by an uninterrupt'd course of
charity and humility,
and not less so
by an inviolable fidelity in keeping sacred his word.
Universally esteem'd when alive
and lamented when dead.
To his pious Memory
Elizabeth, daughter of S r - R d - Shuckburgh,
of Shuckburgh in Warwickshire,
his third wife,
out of a dutiful affection erected this Marble Table.
He died the 4th of Feb. mdccvii — Aged lxxv.
1 I am very much indebted to the privately printed pamphlets of Morris Charles Jones, Esq. , anil Coningsby
Sihthorp, Esq.
192
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Sir Edward's elder brother was Daniel Waldo, of Gray's Inn and of Harrow-on-
the-Hill, Middlesex, Esq. Daniel's son, Rev. Peter Waldo, D.D. {bom 1672, died
1746), rector of Aston Clinton, Bucks, married, in Westminster Abbey in 171 3,
Emma, daughter of Theophilus Leigh, Esq., by Mary, daughter of the eighth Lord
Chandos. Rev. Dr. Waldo was lineally represented in Harrow until 1790. Mr.
Daniel Waldo had a large family ; his eighth child, Elizabeth, Lady Wiseman, is
represented by Sir William Wiseman, of Canfield, Essex, ninth baronet ; her husband
was Sir Edward Wiseman, Knight, younger brother of the second baronet ; but her
great-grandson became the sixth baronet on the failure of the senior line.
Peter Waldo, who signed the merchants' loyal manifesto in 1744, was a son of
Samuel {died 1698), a younger brother of Sir Edward ; this Peter Waldo {bom 1689,
died 1762) was an author in defence of the Athanasian Creed, and was the father of
another Peter Waldo {bom 1723, died 1804), author of a Commentary on the Liturgy
of the Church of England ; this branch resided at Mitcham, in Surrey, and possessed
some ancient oak carving, in which is cut out the name, "PETER Waldo, 1575 "
[or 3 ?]. It is remarkable that " Waldo on the Liturgy " is introduced with an Epistle,
dated 9th March 1772, dedicating the book to Charles Jenkinson, Esq., one of the
Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury, the eminent statesman in whose
descendants the Waldo wealth seems to have accumulated. (This statesman, who
eventually inherited the baronetcy of Hawkesbury, was in 1786 created Lord Havvkes-
bury, and in 1796 Earl of Liverpool.)
Another brother of Sir Edward was Mr. Timothy Waldo. The Historical
Register introduces him and his branch of the family, beginning with his grandson,
whose marriage is announced thus: " April 4, 1730. Timothy Waldo, Esq., one of
the Solicitors of the Court of Chancery, and one of the Common Council for Broad
Street Ward, son of Timothy Waldo, of St. Martin's-in-the Fields, Gent, and grand-
son of Timothy Waldo, wholesale linen draper in Broad Street, was married to Miss
Wakefield, only child of Mrs. Wakefield, of Cambridge Street, Soho. She was given
in marriage by Mr. Isaac Waldo, of Stretham, and the ceremony was performed by
Dr. Waldo, of Harrow-on-the-Hill." Of course the Timothy last mentioned was Sir
Edward's brother. The Timothy first mentioned was Timothy the third ; he was
knighted on 12th April 1769, and became Sir Timothy Waldo, of Clapham (Surrey)
and of Hever Castle (Kent) ; he died in 1786. His heiress was his daughter Jane,
born in 1738, who was married in 1762 1 to George Medley, Esq., M.P., but had no
children; her husband died in 1797 ; she survived him for thirty-two years, and died
on 14th December 1829, in her ninety-second year; her property was sworn under
£180,000. We must now return to the first Earl of Liverpool ; he died in 1808, and
his titles were borne successively by his two sons, namely, by his first wife's son, Sir
Robert Bankes Jenkinson, Bart, second Earl of Liverpool (who died in 1828), and
by the son of his second wife, Sir Charles Cecil Cope Jenkinson, Bart, third Earl of
Liverpool (who died in 185 1, aged sixty-seven). This third and last Earl of Liverpool
had three daughters, and among them and their heirs the bulk of the Waldo money
is settled, as I am informed. Their mother was Julia Evelyn Medley, daughter and
heiress of Sir George Shuckburgh Evelyn, Bart. The eldest daughter, Lady
Catherina, was married in 1837 to Colonel Francis Vernon Harcourt, ninth son of the
Archbishop of York, and died in 1877; the second daughter, Lady Selina, was mar-
ried, first, in 1833, to Viscount Milton, and is the mother of the Hon. Mrs. Portman ;
as Dowager Viscountess Milton she remarried in 1845 with George Savile Foljambe,
Esq. ; the third daughter, Lady Louisa, was married in 1839 to John Cotes, Esq., of
Woodcote, and is the mother of Charles Cecil Cotes, Esq.
Although there are American Waldos with English descendants, the name of
Waldo in connection with the Protestant refugee is preserved by the Sibthorp family
only. Isaac Waldo, of London, brother of the first Peter, of Mitcham, had a daughter
Sarah, wife of Humphrey Sibthorp, M.A., M.D., Fellow of Magdalene College,
Oxford, and Sherardian Professor of Botany, to whom she was married on 20th Sep-
tember 1740, and who was succeeded in 1769 by his son Humphrey, who, like his
sons, received military rank as an officer in the Royal South Lincolnshire Militia.
Colonel Humphrey Sibthorp {bom 1744, died 181 5), M.P. for Boston, and afterwards
for Lincoln, assumed in 1804 the surname and arms of Waldo in grateful remem-
brance of his kinsman, the second Peter Waldo, of Mitcham. His sons were Con-
ingsby Waldo Waldo Sibthorp, Esq. {died 1822), M.P. for Lincoln, and Colonel
Charles De Laet Waldo-Sibthorp {died 14th December 1855), "a favourite of the
House of Commons for his humour and eccentricities," who was M.P. for Lincoln for
1 I find the marriage in a newspaper of the day : — " 1762, Nov. 5. George Medley, Esq., of Buxted Tlace,
jn Sussex, to the only daughter of Timothy Waldo, Esq., of Clapham."
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FRANCE.
193
nearly thirty years ; the latter was succeeded by his son, Major Gervaise Tottenham
Waldo Sibthorp, who died in 1 86 1, aged forty-six. A brother of Colonel Charles came
into the possession of the Waldo mansion at Mitcham, the Rev. Humphrey Waldo
Sibthorp.
*** Although I have stated, on good authority, that it was in memory of the second Peter
Waldo, of Mitcham, that Colonel Sibthorp assumed the name of Waldo, yet he must have in-
tended respectful reference to his true ancestor in the female line, Isaac Waldo of London (the
same whom the Historical Register, in 1730, styled Mr. Isaac Waldo, of Streatham). The
armorial bearings of this good citizen, as well as the arms of his father-in-law, are engraved
upon two ledger stones in the chancel of the church of All hallows. Isaac Waldo married
Sarah Chase, daughter of Mr. Richard Chase, citizen and grocer of London, by Sarah, his
wife ; and (as already stated) Isaac's daughter, Sarah Waldo, was married to Professor
Sibthorp in 1740. Her own baptism had been registered in her parents' parish church of
Allhallows thus : — ' 1711, March 6, Sarah, da. of Isaac and Sarah Waldo;" and the baptism
of her eldest child may be seen in the same register: " 1741, July 23, Sarah, daughter of
Humphrey and Sarah Sibthorp, of the city of Lincoln." Isaac Waldo seems to have had ten
children, of whom Mrs. Sibthorp was the only survivor; certainly, eight children predeceased
him, viz., two Daniels, Ann, Peter, two Elizabeths, Edward, and Isaac. Most of these died in
childhood, but young Isaac died in his seventeenth year in 1731. The second Daniel was
buried in Allhallows Church on 1st May 1740, having died in his twenty-fourth year; on him
there is this affecting epitaph : —
Here also lieth y e Body of Mr. Daniel Waldo,
son of y e said Mr. Isaac and Mrs. Sarah Waldo,
who died in y e 24th year of his age, a young
Man of great Hope and Student in Phisic
of University College, in Oxford
Heu !
Vitse vetans
spem inchoare longam.
There is a chalice in the church, on which is this inscription : —
This was given by Mr. Isaac
Waldo, of Allhallows,
Bread Street, in the year
1727, for the use of Sick
Persons of that Parish, and
also that of St. John's
the Evangelist.
Chapter
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FRANCE ON THE OCCASION OF
THE ST. BARTHOLOMEW MASSACRE, AND AFTERWARDS.
I. Trench.
I BEGIN this section with some appropriate and glowing words written by the Rev.
Dr. Sirr 1 : — •" The noble family of Clancarty, unmindful of a long and illustrious
pedigree, appear careful only to preserve the memory of one ancestor — a faithful
servant of God, who established himself in Great Britain, and proved himself regard-
less of his ancient rank and heritage, so that he might retain the religion of the
Bible, and escape at once the allurements and persecutions of papal idolatry.
Frederic de la Tranche, or Trenche, Seigneur of La Tranche in Poitou, from which
scigneurie the family derived its name, was a French Protestant nobleman, who, find-
ing he must renounce either his conscience or his station, voluntarily expatriated
himself, left his home, his kindred and his estates, in the troubles which arose about
religion in his native land, took refuge in enlightened England, and established him-
self, A.I). 1574, in the county of Northumberland In about two centuries
the posterity of the faithful exile who renounced all for Christ, having persevered in
1 A Memoir of the Honourable and Most Reverend Power Lc Poer Trench, last Archbishop of Tuam.
By the Rev. Joseph D'Arcy Sirr, D.D., Vicar of Yoxford, Suffolk, and late Rector of Kilcoleman, Diocese of
Tuam. Dublin, 1845.
I 2 B
194
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
the profession of the same holy truths which caused him to endure suffering, and
having met at every step of their course with distinguishing proofs of the providential
favour of God, were finally elevated in two distinct branches to the highest rank
amongst the noblest in the land of their adoption."
In 1576 the refugee seigneur married Margaret, daughter of Thomas Sutton, Esq.
His eldest son's name is not recorded. The second son, the Rev. James La Tranche,
removed the scene of action to Ireland. He obtained the ecclesiastical benefice of
Clongall, acquired estates in County Cavan, and married Margaret, daughter of
Hugh, Viscount Montgomery of Ards. The refugee's youngest son, Adam Thomas
La Tranche, probably resided in England, as he married Catherine, daughter of
Richard Brooke, Esq., of Pontefract. His son Thomas was the male heir of the
family, and married his cousin Anne, the only child and sole heiress of the Rev.
James La Tranche. Thomas and Anne settled at Garbally in County Galway, and
left two sons, Frederic (who died in 1669) and John.
(1.) The grandson and representative of Frederic was Richard Trench, Esq., of
Garbally, who was a member of the Parliament of Ireland in 1 761, representing
County Galway. His wife, Miss Frances Power, was the heiress of the wealthy
families of Power and Keating ; she also represented the Barons of Le Poer. The
heir of Richard was William Power Keating Trench, Esq., who represented the
county of Galway in the Irish Parliament from 1768 to 1797. In the latter year he
was transferred to the Upper House as Baron Kilconnel of Garbally ; and was
further promoted in the Peerage of Ireland, on 3rd January 1801, as Viscount
Dunlo, and Earl of Clancarty, in the county of Cork. The Earl died on 27th April
1805.
(2.) The second line of the refugee family of La Tranche begins with the Very
Rev. John Trench, Dean of Raphoe, younger son of Thomas and Anne La Tranche.
The Dean married Anne, daughter of Richard Warburton, Esq., and dying in 1725
was succeeded by his eldest son, Frederic (who died in 1758), of Moate, County
Galway. He was succeeded by his son, Frederic {born 1720, died 1797), of Moate
and Wood lawn, who by his wife Catherine, daughter of Francis Sadleir, Esq., of
Sopwell Hall, had seven sons and five daughters. His eldest son, Frederic Trench,
of Woodlawn (born in 1 757), represented Portarlington in the Irish Parliament, and
on 27th December 1800 was created Baron Ashtown in the Peerage of Ireland, the
patent being in favour of himself and his late father's heirs-male.
(1) Frederic (died 1669).
a son — name unknown
I
Richard, M.P. (died 1768).
William (died 1805),
1 st Earl of Clancarty.
Fragment of a Pedigree.
(2) John (died 1725).
I
Frederic, of Moate (died 1758).
Frederic, of Moate and Woodlawn (died 1797).
Frederic, of Woodlawn Francis (died 1829), Richard (died i860)
1 st Baron Ashtown of Sopwell HalL barrister-at-law.
(died 1840),
no issue.
Frederic,
2d Baron Ashtown
(see Chap. XI.).
Richard-Chenevix,
Abp. of Dublin
(see Chap. XII.).
Richard,
2d Earl of
Clancarty
(see Chap.
XL).
Power,
Abp. of
Tuam
(see Chap.
XIL).
William,
Rear-Ad-
miral.
William,
Prebendary
of Tuam
(see Chap. XIL).
Charles,
Archdeacon
of Ardagh
(see Chap.
XIL).
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FRANCE. 195
II. Chambrelan (afterwards Chamberlen). 1
Guillaume Chambrelan and Genevieve Vignon, his wife, and sons were refugees
in England from the St. Bartholomew massacre. He is said to have been a younger
son of Le Comte de Tanquerville (or Tankerville), in Normandy, a very ancient
family, with a pedigree going back through a long track of centuries. That such
was his descent was believed by Bishop Atterbury more than a century and a half
after his arrival on our shores. The bishop said of the refugee's direct lineal
descendant in 1728 (as the Latin scholar may still read for himself on one of the
finest monuments in Westminster Abbey), " He was a man so elegant and brilliant
— of a spirit so brave and lofty — of a disposition so prone to munificence, and a
nature so ingenuous and liberal — that it had easily been supposed that his race had
sprung from some noble founder, although it were not known that he was a descendant
of an illustrious family, now 400 years old, the ancient Comtes de Tankerville." The
Chambrelan refugee was also connected with the Huguenot Norman families of De
Laune and Papillon. Guillaume De Laune, a member of the family of Belmenil, I
have memorialized in Chapter V., he was a refugee clergyman and physician ; and
his descendants will be found at the beginning of my Chapter XIII. In the last-
named chapter I shall go into the particulars of the lives of the Chamberlans —those
whose memory has been preserved. Here I can give only some fragmentary infor-
mation. The refugee was so anxious to preserve the name of Pierre in his family,
that he had two sons of that name, who grew up and married. The senior Pierre
left a daughter, wife of Mr. Cargill, of Aberdeenshire. The other, sometimes called
Pierre Chambrelan, junior, married Sara, daughter of the above-named Guillaume
De Laune. I infer from the French registers, that besides the two Pierres, the
refugee couple had two sons, Abraham, husband of Estre Papillon, and David,
husband of Anne Papillon. Abraham is described as a merchant of London, alive
in 1633, who had married " Hester, daughter of Thomas Papillon, of France." His
second son, Thomas, also a merchant of London, became Sir Thomas Chamberlain,
Knight ; his wife was " Mary, daughter of Philip Burlimachi, of London, merchant."
The line of Pierre Chambrelan, junior, can be traced further, thus : —
Peter Chamberlan, surgeon = Sara Delaune.
Peter Chamberlan, M.D., Physician = Jane, daughter of Sir Hugh Sara Chamberlan,
to the King, bapt. 12th May 1601
died 22(1 December 1683.
Middleton, Bart. bapt. 9 Sept. 1604.
Hugh Chamberlen, M.D. = Dorothy, dau. of John Brett, Esq., of Kent.
I
I
Hugh Chamberlen, M.D.,
born 1664; died, 17th June 1828.
He was thrice married, but left no son
(see my Chapter XIII.).
*** The following notice of a death, inserted in the Historical Register, seems to apply to
a brother or an uncle of the last-named Dr. Chamberlen: — " 1723, October 26. Dy'd John
Chamberlen, Esq., Secretary to the Governors of the Bounty of Queen Anne, and Member of
the Society for propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts."
III. Papillon. 2
The surname of Papillon is of great amtiquity in France, in England under the
Norman dynasty, and again in France at the era of the Protestant Reformation. In
the London Lists of Strangers in 161 8, under the heading Broad Street, there is this
entry: — " David Papillon, born in the city of Paris in France, free denizen in London
30 years." His great-grandfather was Antoine Papillon {died 1525), an influential
Huguenot, a correspondent of Erasmus, and a protege of Marguerite de Valois,
sister of Francis I., in whose Court he held an appointment. David's grandfather
was also a staunch Protestant, and one of the victims of the St Bartholomew
1 The lamented Colonel Chester intended to print a Chambrelan pedigree, the want of which my readers
will regret.
2 A refugee, probably bearing this surname, was in London in 1 571, in the parish of St. Olave's, Ward of
Bridge-Without, and is entered in the census of strangers as Clement BUTTERFLIE. See my Chapter I.
196
FREXCH PROTEST A XT EXILES.
massacre, 1572. David's father was Thomas Papillon, gentleman of the bedchamber
to Henri IV., and thrice his ambassador to Venice, but voluntarily retired into private
life when the King abjured Protestantism; he had married on 12th August 1572
(the time of the festivities that preceded the massacre) Jane Vieue De la Pierre, and
died 20th November 1608. David Papillon had a brother Thomas (born in 1578),
Counsellor of the Parliament of Paris, and, in 1620, scribe to the Synod of Aries,
who had a son, David, described as " a good and learned man, who was banished from
Paris, and was imprisoned for three years at Avranches in Normandy, as an obstinate
Huguenot," and then allowed to retire to England, where he died in 1693 ; he, of
course, was the nephew of our David Papillon who founded the English family.
David Papillon, of Broad Street {born 1579, died 1659) was also of Lubenham in
Leicestershire ; at the date of 161 8, when we first meet him, he was married to his
second wife. His first wife, Mary Castel, to whom he was married in 161 1, had died
in 1614; her son died in infancy, but a daughter Mary survived, and was afterwards
the wife of Peter Fontaine. Mr. Papillon married, secondly, on 4th July 161 5, Anne
Mary Calandrini ; " she was of a family famous through many generations at Lucca
in Italy," being daughter of Jean Calandrini, and granddaughter of Juliano Calan-
drini (Pope Nicholas V.'s brother), " who adopted the Reformed religion, and had to
leave his possessions at Lucca and to take refuge in France." A memorial of this
Mr. Papillon is Papillon Hall, the house which he built at Lubenham, and which is
now the property of the Earl of Hopetoun. He was also celebrated as a military
engineer, having been employed by Cromwell to fortify Northampton, Gloucester,
and other towns. He was the author of the following publications : — (1) A Practical
Abstract of the Arts of Fortification and Assailing, containing Foure different
Methods of Fortifications, with approved rules to set out in the Field all manner of
Superfices, Intrenchments, and Approaches, by the demy Circle, or with Lines and
Stakes. Written for the benefit of such as delight in the Practice of these Noble
Arts. By David Papillon, Gent. I have diligently perused this Abstract, and do
approve it well worthie of the Publick view. Imprimatur, Io. Booker. London :
Printed by R. Austin, and are to be sold at the south side of the Exchange and in
Pope's head Alley, 1645. [Dedicated "To His Excellencie Sir Thomas Fairfax,
Generalissimo of the Forces of the honorable houses of Parlement," signed " your
Excellencies most humble and devoted servant, David Papillon, ^Etatis suae 65," and
dated " London, January 1st, 1645."] (2) " The Vanity of the Lives and Passions of
Men. Written by D. Papillon, Gent : — Eccles. i. 2. Vanity of vanities, saith the
Preacher, vanity of vanities, all is vanity. April 9, 165 1, Imprimatur, John Downame.
London, Printed by Robert White, 165 1." [Dedicated " To my beloved sister, Mrs.
Chamberlan, the widow ; " dated ''From London, June 1, 1651." The epistle con-
cludes thus : — " I commend you to the Lord's protection, desiring to remain, dear
sister, your loving brother, David Papillcn."] 1 Mr. Papillon died in 1659, in his
eightieth year, leaving, with other children, 2 his heir Thomas Papillon, Esq., of
Papillon Hall and Acrise (born 1623, died 1702). Mr. Thomas Papillon corresponded
with his excellent cousin, David Papillon of Paris (already mentioned), and welcomed
him to England after his release from imprisonment. The following is an extract of
a letter to Thomas from David, dated Paris, February 8, 1681 : —
" Nous vous remercions aussi des teinoignages qu'il vous plait nous donner de votre
affection singuliere, partictilierement de la forte et sainle exhortation que vous nous faites de
demeurer fermes en la foi et en la profession de la vraie religion. C'est une chose que nous
ne pouvons esperer de nos propres forces, mais que nous devions demander et devions
attendre de Celui en qui et par qui nous pouvons toutes choses. II a conserve ce precieux
don en la personne de notre pere Thomas, de notre aieul commun Thomas, et de notre bis-
aieul sur lequel il a premierement fait relever la clairte de sa face et de son evangile, et lui
meme fait Fhonneur d'etre du nombre de ceux qui lui presentment leur vie et leur sang dans
cette journee celebre de l'Annee 1572, marchant par cette voie douloureuse sur les pas de
son Sauveur et marquant a ses descendants par son exemple que ni mort, ni vie, ni principaute,
ni puissance, ni hauteur, ni profondeur, ni chose presente, ni chose a. venir, ne les doit separer
de Paffection qui Dieu leur a temoigne en son Fils. Vous savez cela aussi bien que moi,
mais il me semble que ces exemples domestiques ne doivent point etre oublies ; or, comme
il est important de les imiter il est tres utile de les repasser souvent en la memoire et la
pensee.
" Comme je ne prends point de part dans l'administration des choses publiques, et ne
1 As conjectured in my Chambrelan memoir, Mr. Papillon had two sisters, Estre and Anne, both married
to Chambrelans alius Chamberlans.
* One of these children was Philip Papillon, a member of Exeter College, Oxford, in 1625, who inscribed,
in the copy of William Browne's Poems presented to that college, an English epistle in verse, headed " Euterpe
to her dcerest darling, \Y. B." Beloe's Anecdotes, vol. vi., p. 59.
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FRANCE.
197
m'en mele que par les prieres que Dieu me commande de faire pour la paix de l'Etat et de
l'Eglise, je vous avoue que je vois bien que le dessein des ennemis de notre religion est de
l'extirper, ainsi que vous m'avaz marque par votre lettre [de 17 Mars 1680] ; mais je n'ai pas
assez de veux pour penetrer dans les evenements. Je sais que la reformation de la religion
est un oeuvre de Dieu ; peut-etre il ne voudra pas la detruire. Sa colere n'est pas a. toujours
et ses misericordes sont eternelles. Quoiqu'il soit, nous ne pouvons mieux faire que de le
prier de nous preserver, et de lui demander qu'il ait pitie de son Heritage, qu'il ne nous
abandonne point, et qu'il nous donne la grace de demeurer fermes dans sa maison et dans sa
service."
Thomas Papillon, 1 Esq., bought the manor of Acrise in Kent, in 1666, and lived
in the mansion, as did the next four generations of his family. He was M.P. for
Dover 1679 to 1681, and 1688 to 1695, and for London from 1695 to 1701. He
married Jane, daughter of Thomas Brodnax, of Godmersham. He was celebrated
as a champion of civil and religious liberty in the reign of Charles II. ; he had been
a Sheriff of London 1681-2. It was the two Sheriffs' duty to name the Grand Jury,
and during his year of office, the corrupt government failed to induce them to
tamper with the lists of names. The Lord Mayor was therefore employed in a plot
to change the mode of election of Sheriffs, which had hitherto been by an open poll.
The plot proceeded on the custom of nominating a candidate by drinking his health,
and the Lord Mayor claimed that by thus drinking to a man, he not only proposed
him, but absolutely elected him. Mr. Papillon, disregarding the plot, opened a poll ;
at its close Papillon and Dubois were found to be duly elected Sheriffs for 1682-3.
His Lordship having decided in favour of two other nominees, Mr. Papillon formally
demanded that he should attend and swear him and Dubois into office, and legally
arrested his Lordship for non-compliance, an arrest having been granted by the
Judges. For this alleged offence Mr. Papillon was brought to a jury trial and fined
;£io,ooo. He retired to Holland, and did not return to England till 1688-9. Under
the new dynasty he became First Commissioner of the Victualling Office. He had
been apprenticed to the Mercers' Company of London in 1638, became a freeman in
1646, and was elected Master in 1682 ; he bequeathed £10,000 to that company "to
relieve any of his family that might at any future time come to want." He had
married Miss Jane Brodnax (or Broadnax), in 165 1, in Canterbury Cathedral. One
of his daughters was Elizabeth, Lady Ward, wife of Sir Edward Ward, Lord Chief
Baron of the Exchequer ; another daughter was Mrs. Rawstorn, and a
third, Anna Maria, 2 was the wife of William Turner, Esq., of Gray's Inn, afterwards
of The Friers, Canterbury. His successor was Philip Papillon, Esq., of Acrise {born
1660, died, 1736); he was for some years Treasurer of the Victualling Office. He
sat as one of the members of Parliament for Dover from 1700 to 171 5. [He at first
contested this seat unsuccessfully at a bye-election. Secretary Vernon wrote,
on December 16, 1697, " Aylmer is chosen Parliament-man for Dover; he had 11 1
votes, and Papillon but 90."] He married first, in 1689, Anne, daughter of William
Jolliffe, Esq., of Carswell, Staffordshire, whose only surviving son was David, his
heir. He married secondly, in 1695, Susanna, daughter of George Henshaw, Esq.,
by whom he had five children. [One of these was Philip 3 Papillon, Esq., of West
Mailing {bom 1698, died 1746), who married, first, Marianne de Salvert, and secondly,
Gabrielle de Nouleville.] David Papillon, Esq., of Acrise and of Lee {born i6gi,died
1762), was a Commissioner of Excise from 1742 to 1754; M.P. for Romney from
1722 to 1728, and for Dover in 1734. He died at Canterbury. His wife was Mary,
daughter of Timothy Keyser, Esq. (She died on 6th February 1763, having survived
her husband exactly a year.) Their son was David Papillon, Esq., of Acrise {born
1729, died 1809), Commissioner of Excise from 1754 to 1780, and Chairman of the
Board of Excise from 1780 to 1790; he married, in 1753, Bridget, daughter and heir
of William Turner, Esq., of the White Friers (grand-daughter of William Turner,
and Anna Maria Papillon), by whom he had Thomas, his heir, and other children ;
he died at Lee. [A younger son was John Rawstorn Papillon, Esq., of Lexden
Manor, in Essex, born 1761, died 1837; another son was Rev. William Papillon,
M.A. of University College, Oxford, who published at Norwich, in 1801, a volume,
dated from Wymondham, entitled, "The Sacred Meditations of John Gerhard, trans-
lated into blank verse."] Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Papillon, of Acrise, com-
1 The French pronunciation of this gentleman's surname had not disappeared in his generation. Narcissus
Luttrell invariably calls him Mr. PAPILLION.
a Anne Marie Papillon was married, in 1669, in the French Church of Threadneedle Street, London, to
William Turner, Esq., " fds de Thomas Turner, ecuyer." The baptisms of her children are in the registers of
the French Church of Canterbury— viz., Thomas (1690), William (1691), Henry (1693), Jeanne (1694), Anna
Maria (1696), Philippe (1697), and Elizabeth (1699). See my Historical Introduction, Sect. VII.
3 This "Philipe" was baptized at Threadneedle Street, on 4th January 1699 (wic stjle), 1 1 is father is
described as I'hilipc Papillon, gentleman, of Fenchurch Street.
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
mandant of the East Kent Millitia {born 1757, died 1838), married, in 1791, Anne,
daughter, and eventually co-heiress of Henry Cressett Pelham, Esq. of Crowhurst
Park, Sussex, and had three sons and seven daughters, of whom the second son is
the Rev. John Papillon, Rector of Lexden, father of the Rev. Thomas Leslie
Papillon, Fellow of New College (formerly of Merton College), Oxford. The next
head of the family was the eldest son of the late Lieut.-Colonel Papillon, Thomas
Papillon, Esq. of Crowhurst Park {born 7th March 1803), J. P. and D.L., who married,
in 1825, Frances Margaret, second daughter of the late Sir Henry Oxenden of
Broome Park, Kent. His sons are — (1.) Philip Oxenden Papillon, Esq. of Lexden
Manor House (successor to his grand-uncle), M.P. for Colchester from 1859 to 1865,
who married Emily Caroline, third daughter of the Very Rev. Thomas Gamier, Dean
of Lincoln, and now the head of the family. (2.) Rev. Thomas Henry Papillon,
Rector of Crowhurst. (3.) Major John Ash ton Papillon of the Royal Engineers,
who married Lydia, fifth daughter of Rev. William Girardot, of Hinton Charter-
house, Somersetshire. (4.) Captain David Papillon, 92d Highlanders. The family
motto is, Ditat servata fides ; on the shield are three representations of a butterfly
(papillon), and a chevron. Over the family vault at Acrise is this inscription : —
H. S.
ex gente Papillanorum
ab avis atavisque longe clarus
pietate in Deum, patriam et suos
assidua, forti, pura.
.^Emulentur posteri.
%* Mr. John Dubois, citizen and weaver, whose name in 1682 was associated
with Mr. Thomas Papillon, was probably of Huguenot origin. He married Sarah
Waldo (sister of Sir Edward), and had three children — (1.) John (died before 1707).
(2.) Charles, of Mitcham, Surrey, who died 20th October 1740, aged eighty-three,
celebrated for his botanic garden and collections of shells and fossils. (3.) Mary,
born in the East Indies about 1694, was married to her cousin, Peter Waldo, of
Mitcham (eighth child of Samuel), and died 20th January 1773. Jacques du Boys
(or, du Bois) was a refugee from the neighbourhood of Lisle in Flanders (son of
Guylliam du Boys), and he is on record in the visitation of London, as one "who
came over into England in the tyme of persecution," with his wife, Jane, daughter of
Gregory Matelyne. These are declared to be the parents of Peter du Bois, merchant
in Cordwayner Ward, London, who was living in 1634, having married, first, Eliza-
beth, daughter of John Monier ; secondly, Katherine, daughter of John Bulteel ; and,
tliirdly, Mary, daughter of Friscobald, of Florence.
IV. Carbonnel.
The pedigree of this family is in Heralds' College, London, has been brought
down to the year 1694, and continued to 171 1. It might, I believe, be continued
further, but being a Norman family, it is possible that its representatives may think
that they " came with the Conqueror." My impression is (as our facetious weekly
visitor, Punch, would say) that they came by another boat.
The parent stem is designated Carbonnel, Signeur de Chassagia et de Souzdevae
(Normandie). The first person named is Nicolas Carbonnel, Vicomte de Constantin,
who, with Guillametta de Constantin, his wife, belonged to the parish of Marigni.
His son was Thomas, merchant of Caen, who, by his wife, Marie, daughter of Jaques
Carrel, a gentleman of Caen, was the father of three sons and six daughters. The
sons were Jean, Guillaume, and Michel. Jean was for a time one of the secretaries
to Louis XIV., and he had one son, Jaques, and one daughter, Marie ; it is doubtful
if he or his children were ever in England. The same may be said of Michel Car-
bonnel of Caen, merchant, who had four sons, all represented in the pedigree as
having died' unmarried, except the second, named Daniel.
Guillaume Carbonnel, however, was among the refugees and merchant strangers
in London. He married in the parish church of St. Antholin, on 22d May 1654,
Elizabeth, only daughter of Jean de Lillers and Anne Maurois. The five daughters
of this respected couple died unmarried before 1694. But there were seven sons, six
of whom grew up, and occupied good positions in life. The eldest son, John Car-
bonnel, of London, merchant, married Sarah, daughter of Edmund Sawyer of Hay-
wood, Berkshire, who died 13th January 1702 (n.s.), leaving an only child, William,
who was living in 171 1. The marriage of the second son, Thomas, also a merchant
in London, is recorded, to Mary, daughter and co-heir of Richard Ailey; he had two
daughters, Mary and Frances — also an only son, Thomas, who, with his father, seems
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FRANCE. 199
to have been alive in 1727; for the Historical Register notes, "1727, May 13,
Thomas Carbonnel, jun., Esq., appointed Sword-Bearer of the City of London, in
the room of Isaac Man, Esq., deceased." William and Michael, the third and fourth
sons of the elder Thomas were merchants, the latter at Cadiz. David Carbonnel,
Esq., the fifth son, was, in 1694, one of the Grooms of the Privy Chamber to King
William III. Peter, the sixth son, died young, before 1694. MrDelillers Carbonnel,
the seventh son, seems to have been the most eminent member of the family ; he was
a merchant in London, and frequently elected a Director of the Bank of England ; I
have noted his election in the year 1722, 1723, 1724, and 1728. John Carbonnel, Esq.,
formerly Deputy of Aldgate Ward, died on 28th November 1729. In May 1734, Mr
Carbonnel, Commissioner of the Salt Office, died.
V. De Cardonnel.
This family has been traced to Caen ; there is in that neighbourhood a small
Norman town, named Cardonnel. The first refugee was the Seigneur of the Chateau
de Cardonnel; this chateau was seized by the French government, and converted
into a Jesuits' College. M. de Cardonnel brought a large sum of money into England,
and lent considerable sums to King Charles II., which were never repaid. The date
of his arrival is not known, but Adam de Cardonnel of Southampton, an ancien of
the French Church there, was his son, born 27th December 1620. According to the
Signet Book in the Public Record Office, London, Peter de Cardonnel was appointed
Customer and Collector of Southampton in August 1660 ; he was, no doubt, Adam's
brother, and there was another brother, Philip. Peter, as the collector of customs at
Southampton, was non-resident, and, in 1665, when the plague raged in the seaport,
he sent a donation of £5 from his residence in St. Margaret's, Westminster ; there
he died in August 1667, and was buried in Westminster Abbey; he is registered as
Mr Peter de Cardinall ; his estate was administered by Catherine, relict of his
brother, Philip, 15th August 1667. There was a William de Cardonnel of Magdalen
College, Oxford, B.A., 1674; M.A., 1687. Peter de Cardonnel was admitted into
Westminster School in 1673, from whence he was elected to Christ Church, Oxford,
in 1678, took the degree of B.A. in 1681, and M.A. in 1685; he continued to reside
in Oxford, where he died, and was, on 20th March 1699, buried in Christ Church
Cathedral, leaving the reputation of being " a very good French scholar, in which
language he wrote an elegy on the death of Sir Ferdinando Fisher, and several sets
of laudatory verses prefixed to some of the works of Payne Fisher, whose great friend
he was." 1
We return to Adam de Cardonnel, born 27th December 1620. The Southampton
Burgess-Book has, under date 23d May 1662, " Adam Cardinall, Esq., was admitted
and sworn one of the burgesses and guild of this town, gratis." About this time he
married Marie, daughter and heiress of Nicolas Pescod of Holbury, Cadland, and
Langley, in Hampshire; she was born in 1630, and died 27th July 1708. Mr De
Cardonnel is also said to have been Collector of Customs, perhaps in succession to
his brother. In 1664 he was an ancien of the French Church, called God's house. I
observed the baptisms of five of his sons in the register, Adam (1663), Daniel (1665),
John and James, twins (1667), and Philip (1673). In 1690 he was elected sheriff, but
was excused from serving. He died on 27th January 171 1 (n.s.), aged ninety years
and one month. Of his sons, Adam and James left descendants. According to the
will of one of his sons, the ancien had also three daughters, Deborah, Mrs Oldfield;
Elizabeth, Mrs Batt ; and Mary, Mrs Prince.
The eldest son of the ancien was known as Adam Cardonnel ; he was baptized in
the French Church of Southampton on 1st November 1663. He obtained employ-
ment in the War Office in the reign of William III. Narcissus Luttrell notes, 1 8th
February 169^, " Mr. Cardinal of the War Office is made Treasurer to the Hospital
for sick and wounded men ; " again, 21st November 1700, " Mr. Cardinall of the War
Office is made letter-carrier to the king, in room of Mr. Vanhusle." " 29th December
1702, Mr. Cardonell succeeds Mr. Blathwayt as Secretary of Warr." He was, how-
ever, induced to become secretary to the Duke of Marlborough, and, as such, he is
remembered. He was valued as speaking and writing the French language fluently ;
and although no more than an Englishman of French ancestry, his connection
with a French refugee church, and the influx of French Protestants from France,
must have given him much of the air of a Frenchman, and familiarity with French
pronunciation and idioms. On 14th January 1709-10, Luttrell says, " Adam Car-
donnell, Esq., secretary to the Duke of Marlborough, is made secretary of war." He
1 " Al nmni Westmonasterienses " (edition of 1852), page 183. There was about the time of the St. I'a -
tholomew Massacre a "William Cardinall, of Great Bromley, Co. Essex, Esq."
200
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
had a seat in the House of Commons as M.P. for Southampton in seven parliaments,
from 1 70 1 to 1 7 10. When the fortunes of the Duke, his master, failed at the English
court, and when a semi-Jacobite and semi-Bourbon government set themselves to
annoy and to discredit the illustrious Captain-General, it was not likely that his secre-
tary would escape. In those days the sale of offices, and the pocketing of per-
quisites, and similar money-making tricks, were habitually indulged in and winked
at, always with the risk that a change of government might bring with it an affected
horror and actual punishment. This risk overtook Mr Cardonnel. Attention was
called to the fact that he had been receiving a perquisite from army contractors in
the shape of an annuity of £500, and of course he was expelled from the House of
Commons. It is to be regretted that the English atmosphere had lowered the moral
standard of a descendant of Huguenots. Still the penalty was understood to be in
reality the mere vengeance of Harley and Bolingbroke. And in the next reign, accord-
ing to Collins' peerage, he might have been a Secretary of State, if he had so desired.
Mr. Cardonnel was twice married, first, to Mrs. Elizabeth Teale, a widow lady,
and secondly, to another widow, Mrs. Elizabeth Frankland, daughter of a French
refugee, Rene Baudouin, of London, merchant. Mrs. Frankland had been a relation
of the baronet of that name at Chiswick, with which place Mr. Cardonnel either had
become connected or became connected after his second marriage. In his will he left
£\o to Mr. Wood, minister of Chiswick ; £\o to the poor of the parish, and £10 to
its charity school, while he styles himself " Adam Cardonnel, of the parish of St.
Margaret's, Westminster, Esquire." The Historical Register announces: " 17 19,
Feb. 22. Dy'd, Adam Cardonnel, Esq., secretary to the Duke of Marlborough." His
life, though active and eventful, had not been long, for he was only in his fifty-sixth
year. He left a son, Adam, and a daughter, Mary, both by his second wife. She
survived him as his widow, residuary legatee, and executrix ; there were other three
executors, Charles Le Bas, Esq. ; Rene Baudouin, and Frederick Frankland, Esq.,
barrister-at-law, a son of Sir Thomas Frankland, Bart. He left £35,000 to purchase
an estate for his son, and £10,000 to his daughter; £100 a-year to be doled out to
his brother Peter; a legacy of £500 to his brother Daniel ; as to James, he forgave
him a debt of £2000 and upwards, and gave him a legacy of £1000. To his step-
sons, Isaac and Thomas Teale, he left £500 each ; to his stepdaughter, Elizabeth
Frankland, £5000. Omitting legacies to some friends and servants, I note that he
left sums " to buy him a ring" to Henry Lumley, Esq., 100 guineas ; to Rev. Richard
Hill, 100 guineas ; to Sir Thomas Frankland, Bart., j£20 ; to Thomas Frankland,
Esq., his son, £20 ; to Rev. Dr. Hare, Dean of Worcester, £20 ; to Robert Pescoe, of
the city of Winchester, Esq., £20. The will was proved by the widow only, 5th
March 1 7 19 (n.s.). Her father died in 1728, aged seventy-eight; this accounts for
one trustee. Charles Le Bas, of Cecil Street in the Strand, Esq., died suddenly, 22d
September 1724. Young Adam Cardonnel, Esq., died 22d September 1725, and
administration of his affairs was granted to his widowed mother on October 26. It
was probably in consequence of this sad event, and of the complications it occasioned,
that the widow accepted an offer of marriage from the surviving trustee ; and thus,
although married for the third time, she became the first wife of Frederick Frank-
land, Esq. (See the Peerages.) According to his original powers, Mr. Frankland
proved the late Secretary Cardonnel's will on 16th May 1738. The representation
of the first line of De Cardonnel thus devolved upon the only daughter, Mary. She
had been married in February 1734 (n.s.) to the Hon. William Talbot. Collins says
that she was only fifteen years of age, but the fact was that the marriage took place
fifteen years after her father's death. Mr. Talbot succeeded to the peerage in 1737
on the death of his father, and became the second Baron Talbot, and was created
Earl Talbot in 1761 (the first and last earl). Mary, Countess Talbot, had an only
child, Lady Cecil Talbot, who was married on 16th August 1756 to George Rice,
Esq., M.P. for Carmarthen. On 17th October 1780, Earl Talbot received the title of
Baron Dynevor, which was to descend to his daughter, Lady Cecil Rice, who had
become a widow on 3d August 1779. On the death of the earl, 27th April 1782, she
thus became Baroness Dynevor, and is the ancestress of a line of barons still subsisting.
In 1 787 she assumed the surname and arms of De Cardonnel only, and for a long period
of years this was the surname of the Lords Dynevor. Ultimately the surname Rice
was resorted to, De Cardonnel being sometimes inserted as a Christian name. The
first De Cardonnel Baroness died on 14th March 1763, aged fifty-nine. The present
baron is Arthur De Cardonnel Rice, sixth Lord Dynevor, born 1836, succeeded 1878.
The secretary's brother, James de Cardonnel, was one of the twins, baptized in
the French Church of Southampton, 2d June 1667. He entered upon public life as
secretary to Mainhardt, Duke of Schombcrg and Leinster. In the Burgess-book of
Southampton there is this entry: " 1698-9, January 31. James de Cardonnel, Esq.,
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FRANCE. 201
secretary to the Commander-in-Chief, is admitted free." He and his sons are recog-
nised in his brother's will as presumptive heirs in the event of the brother's own
descendants failing. [One of these sons was Maynard (named after his ducal patron),
who died in Ireland in February 17 19 (n.s.), and is styled " late of Chelsea."]
For twenty-eight years he was one of the Commissioners of Salt. On 9th
December 17 14, Benjamin Mildmay, John Danvers, Thomas Woodcock, James
Cardonnel, and Charles Dent, Esqs., were appointed Commissioners for the receipt
and management of his Majesty's duties on salt. This Board was reconstituted on
21st November 1 7 1 5, omitting Danvers, and adding Arthur Ingram, Esq., for duties
" upon salt and rock-salt ; " and again, on 4th April 1721, the names being Thomas
Woodcock, James Cardonnel, Thomas Milner, Esqs. ; Sir Thomas Rous, and William
Churchhill, jun., Esq. Mr. Cardonnel in his last years was settled in Scotland, and
his migration northward is thus explained. Before 1742, fourteen Commissioners of
his Majesty's Customs were appointed for England and Scotland, seven to reside in
London, five in Edinburgh, and two to attend to the outports ; no particular Com-
missioners being named for any port, they all resided by turns in the different places.
But on 9th September 1742, five Commissioners for Scotland were appointed,
namely, George, Lord Ross, Richard Somers, Colin Campbell, James Cardonnel,
and Alexander Arbuthnot, Esqs. Mr. Cardonnel occasioned the first vacancy, for
he died on nth April 1744. On 1 8th February 1745 a new Board was gazetted,
containing the four surviving commissioners, and Mansfeldt Cardonnel, Esq., in the
room of his deceased father. Mansfeldt Cardonnel held this office for thirty-five years;
he resided at Musselburgh. Accidentally I met with his name in an old Edinburgh
Literary Gazette, in a burlesque action for damages, in which the Lord Justice-Clerk
(Rae) is represented as referring to " the genteel inhabitants of Fisherrow and Mus-
selburgh and Inveresk, and likewise Newbigging," and to " Commissioner Cardonnald,
a gentleman whom I knew very well at one time, and had a great respect for ; he is
dead many years ago." He died 17th November 1780, aged eighty-four; he sat along
with Mr. Alexander Legrand from 1747 to 1763 ; the Board was joined in 1777 by
the renowned Adam Smith ; Mr. Cardonnel was the senior commissioner on and after
2d December 1758. His son was an accomplished gentleman of literary, artistic,
and antiquarian tastes, and reverted to the Huguenot name ; he was Adam Mans-
feldt de Cardonnel, member of the Antiquarian Society of Edinburgh. As Adam
de Cardonnel, he published two volumes of interesting engravings and etchings, with
explanatory letterpress, namely, Numismata Scotice (in 1786) and " Picturesque Anti-
quities of Scotland" (in 1788). His friend, Mr. Lawson, of Chirton and Cramling-
ton, in Northumberland, inserted his name in a deed of entail of those estates. Mr.
Adam de Cardonnel eventually succeeded to them, and assumed the additional name
of Lawson. His eldest son, Mansfeldt de Cardonnel Lawson, Esq., died without
issue at Acton House, Northumberland, on 21st November 1838. His youngest
daughter, Hannah Mary, was married on 9th February 1824 to Lieut-Colonel Joseph
Edward Greaves Elmsall, of Thornhill and Woodlands, Yorkshire, whose eldest son
was William De Cardonnel Elmsall of Woodlands, each child being named De
Cardonnel.
VI. Le Keux.
This French refugee family were of long standing in Canterbury ; the true sur-
name was Le Queux. If K was substituted for Qu, in order to guide the English
to the right pronunciation, the final X ought at the same time to have been struck
off ; that might have prevented the intrusion of the absurd sound of CKS. The
first name on record is Antoine le Keux. He came to Canterbury in or before 1 5S5.
This we infer from the fact that his three sons, the eldest of whom entered into the
marriage state in 1608, were born in Canterbury.
Anthoine le Keux =
I
I i J
Jaques, Jan, Pierre,
married, on 10th July married, on 1st April married, on 7th April
1608, 1616, 1616,
J ah el, Marie, Anne,
daughter of Jaques le daughter of Jan de daughter of the late
Hand. Lespan. Nicolas du Chasteau.
Jean = Marguerite, dau. of
m. 1646. John Despaigne.
I. 2 C
202
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
The sons of Jaques were (i) Jean, of whom afterwards ; (2) Edward, husband of
Esther Mancke ; (3) Philippe, named after the pasteur Philippe Delme. Philippe
Le Keux, or Le Oueux, studied for the ministry of the French Church in England ;
the Colloquy of London, on 27th August 1646, appointed M. Delme and two elders
to ordain him at Dover as the first minister of the French congregation there ; he
was translated from Dover to Canterbury in 1653 as M. Delme's successor. He
married Jeanne Vincent, of London (according to Mr. Burn).
Jean Le Keux, son of Jaques, married, on 25th December 1645, in the French
Church of Canterbury, Antoine Le Quien, a refugee from " Le Croissette," in the
" Comte de St. Pol," daughter of Guillaume Le Quien. Jean Le Keux had three
sons — (1) Philippe, named after his uncle, the pasteur of Douvres, born 3rd Decem-
ber 1646, died young; (2) Jean, born 16th December 1647, who founded a family;
(3) Pierre, baptized 6th December 1648; he also founded a family which, being still
represented, I shall begin with.
Pierre Le Keux was born after his father's death, after which event we hear of
the family as residents in London, and prospering in silk-weaving. His wealth
became assured by his marriage to a rich wife, Marie, daughter of Pierre Marescaux ;
this event took place in Threadneedle Street Church, on 7th August 1681 (although
the registrar failed to ascertain the lady's name). Mr. Le Keux joined the first regi-
ment of the Tower Hamlets Militia; we find him styled Major Peter Le Keux in
1698, and he rose to be Lieutenant-Colonel. The line was carried on by his sur-
viving son, William. In the Political State of Great Britain I find the following
announcement: — "2nd April 1723, Died, Colonel Peter Le Keux, at his house
in Spittlefields, after a lingering illness, at an advanced age [73] ; he was one of
the Justices of the Peace for the Tower Liberty, one of the Commissioners of
Sewers, one of the Deputy-Lieutenants for the Royal Hamlets, and Lieutenant-
Colonel of the first regiment therein, and one of the Commissioners of the
Land Tax for Middlesex ; he married one of the daughters and co-heiresses of
rich old Mr. Marisco." His son William {born 1697, died 178 1) was styled "of
Hayes, Middlesex," as heir of his mother; his wife was Elizabeth Shewin, of East
Grinstead. William's son and heir, Peter Le Keux {bom 1757, died 1836), married
Ann Dyer, at Shoreditch in 1776. His sons were the distinguished engravers, John
and Henry. John Le Keux {born 4th June 1783, died 2nd April 1846) married
Sarah Sophia Lingard, and was the father of John Henry Le Keux, of personal and
hereditary celebrity in the same field. Henry Le Keux {born 1787, died 1868) was
a much admired architectural and historical engraver (see chapter xiii.).
We return to the elder son of old Jean Le Keux, of Canterbury, who also was
named Jean ; he was baptized at Canterbury on 19th December 1647, and married
in the City of London French Church, on 16th June 1672, to Susanne Didier,
daughter of Abraham Didier and Lea Mancke. He had, with many other children,
a son, Pierre, and a daughter, Jeanne. The son, Captain Peter Le Keux, of Steward
Street, Spitalfields, Weaver, was baptized in the City of London French Church,
17th February 1683-4, an d married, at St. Dunstan's, Stepney, 29th July 1712, to
Sarah Bloodworth, of the Artillery Ground, London ; he died 20th June 1743, aged
sixty. His son and heir, John Le Keux {born 1721, died 1764), married, in 1746,
Hester Williams, of East Greenwich, and left an only son, Richard Le Keux (born
1 2th October 1755), who was buried at Christ Church, nth April 1840, aged eighty-
four, leaving no heirs of his body. The head of the branch of the family, descended
from Peter Le Keux and Mary Marescaux, took possession of the considerable
estate which Richard left, this claimant believing himself to be the true heir, and
probably confounding one Peter Le Keux of the old time with another, both of
whom were militia officers. The late Mr. Southerden Burn made practical use of
his knowledge of French refugee families by dispossessing him in the interest of the
grand-daughter and heiress of Jeanne Le Keux, which Jeanne was the sister of Peter
(born in 1683-4) mentioned above. Mr. Burn informed Mr. Le Keux that he
possessed documentary proof of the rights of this heiress ; but an erroneous pedigree
was relied upon by Le Keux, and an action of ejectment was resorted to. It was
proved that Jeanne Le Keux (baptized in the City of London French Church, 24th
March 1677) was married at St. Dunstan's, Stepney, to Francois Marriette, merchant,
of St. James's, Westminster, 20th April 1699. Her son was James Marriette {born
1708, died 1759), who married Alice Jones in 1753. He left one child, Mary Anne
Marriet {Anglicc Merrit), baptized at St. Dunstan's, West, on 31st March 1754, and
married, at St. Anne's, Westminster, on 31st May 1778, to Isaac Wheildon. Mr.
Burn put Mrs. Wheildon in possession of the Le Keux inheritance in 1846, she
having then attained the age of ninety-two.
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FRANCE. 203
VII. Emeris.
Members of the family of Emeris, being French Protestants, fled from the St.
Bartholomew Massacre, and soon after 1572 acquired landed property at Southwood,
in Norfolk, on which they resided till 1768, and which is still the inheritance of the
head of the family. The Rev. John Emeris, of Southwood (Norfolk), and of Louth
(Lincolnshire), M.A., Rector of Tetford, Fellow of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge
(born at Southwood, 1735, died 1819), married, in 1768, Anne, daughter of William
Smyth Hobman, great-niece and eventually co-heiress of David Aitkinson, Esq.
By her Mr. Emeris inherited the estate of Fanthorpe in Lincolnshire. His son and
heir was the Rev. John Emeris, B.D. (who died 13th April 183 1), Rector of Strangton
Parva, Bedfordshire, Perpetual Curate of Altringham and Cockerington, Lincoln-
shire. By his wife, Elizabeth (whom he married in 181 5), daughter of Rev. John
Grantham, of Ashby, M.A., he had two sons, of whom the eldest is another John
Emeris, now of Southwood. The present Rev. John Emeris was born in 1816; he
is MA. of University College, Oxford, and, having married in 1852 Anne Elizabeth,
daughter of James Helps, Esq., is the father of the John Emeris of the rising genera-
tion. The other son of the late Rector of Strangton Parva is William Robert
Emeris, Esq., of Louth (born in 1817), J. P., M.A. of Magdalen College, Oxford ; he
married, in 1850, Isabella Barbara, daughter of the Rev. Robert Gordon, grand-
daughter of George Gordon, D.D., Dean of Lincoln. The family motto is
" Emeritus."
VIII. Despard.
Philip D'Espard fled to England from the St. Bartholomew Massacre. He
succeeded in bringing property with him, and attracted the attention and confidence
of Queen Elizabeth, who sent him to Ireland as a Royal Commissioner. He
acquired large ironworks in Queen's County, and large tracts of land there and in
the County of Kilkenny. The peasantry long applied to the district the name,
Despard's Country. He was the ancestor of Colonel William Despard, an officer of
Engineers in King William III.'s reign, whose son was Member for Thomastown in
the Irish House of Commons in 171 5, and afterwards sat for County Kilkenny.
Another descendant, Philip Despard (born in 1680), married, in 1708, one of the five
co-heiresses of Colonel Elias Green ; her portion was Killaghy Castle in Tipperary,
with 1500 acres of land, which remained with the Despards until within the last
quarter of a century. In April 1779 Captain Edward Marcus Despard, of the
English army, described as a "native of Ireland and well-connected in that country,"
distinguished himself along with Nelson. I quote from the Pictorial History of
England (Reign of George III., Book III.. Chapter 1): "Nelson, who had just been
made Post-Captain, was sent to take Fort San Juan, upon the river of the same
name which flows from Lake Nicaragua to the Atlantic, being assisted by a few land
troops and some Mosquito Indians. He ascended the then almost unknown river,
and, after indescribable toil and suffering, reached on the 9th of April a small island
on which there was a fort that commanded the bed of the river, and served as an
outwork to the town. This fort Nelson resolved to board. Putting himself at the
head of a few sailors, he leaped upon the beach. Captain Despard followed him,
gallantly supported him, and, together they stormed the battery. Two days after-
wards the two heroes came in sight of the Castle of San Juan, which they compelled
to surrender on the 24th of April. Nelson was accustomed to count this as one of
the most perilous expeditions in which he had ever been engaged; of 1800 men,
counting Indians and all, only 380 returned." Captain Despard rose to the rank
of Colonel, but believing himself entitled to higher promotion, he formed that con-
nection with revolutionary clubs which terminated so fatally in 1803. At his trial
(says the same historian) " Sergeant Best argued that Colonel Despard, a gentleman,
a veteran officer, could not have embarked with such men in such wild schemes,
unless he had been bereft of his reason. He dwelt upon his former high character
and past services The first witness for the defence was the gallant Nelson,
who, in energetic language, bore honourable testimony to the character of Despard ;
they had, he said, been on the Spanish Main together in 1779, they had been
together in the enemies' trenches, they had slept in the same tent ; assuredly he was
then a loyal man and a brave officer. General Sir Alured Clarke and Sir Evan
Nepean declared that they had always considered his loyalty as undoubted as his
bravery, and that he had returned from service with the highest testimonials to his
character."
204
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
The following is Lord Nelson's evidence on 7th February 1803, at the trial at the
Session-House, Newington, Surrey, before Lord Chief Justice the Right Hon. Lord
Ellenborough and a bench of judges : —
The Right Honourable Lord Nelson was sworn and examined by Mr. Gurney.
" Q, How long has your Lordship known Colonel Despard?"
" A. It is twenty-three years since I saw him. I became acquainted with him in the year
1779 at Jamaica. He was at that time Lieutenant in what were called the Liverpool Blues.
From his abilities as an engineer I know he was expected to be appointed. . . ."
[Lord Ellenborough here said, " I am sorry to interrupt your Lordship ; but we cannot
hear, what I daresay your Lordship would give with great effect, the history of this gentleman's
military life ; but you will slate what has been his general character."]
" A. We went on the Spanish Main together ; we slept many nights together in our clothes
upon the ground ; we have measured the height of the enemies' wall together. In all that
period of time no man could have shown more zealous attachment to his Sovereign and his
country than Colonel Despard did. I formed the highest opinion of him at that time as a
man and an officer, seeing him so willing in the service of his Sovereign. Having lost sight of
him for the last twenty years, if I had been asked my opinion of him, I should certainly have
said— If he is alive he is certainly one of the brightest ornaments of the British Army."
Among the Irish proprietors in last century I find the name of William Despard,
Esq., of Coulrane and Curtown (Queen's County) at Killaghy Castle (County
Tipperary) ; he had a large family, of whom the fifth son, John, was Adjutant-
General in the war with America, and rose to high rank. This Lieut-General John
Despard married Harriet-Anne, daughter of Thomas Hesketh, Esq., and sister of
Sir Thomas Dalrymple Hesketh, third Baronet of Rufford Hall, and had an only
child, Harriet Dorothea, who was married in 1816, to Vice-Admiral Henry Francis
Greville, C.B. (a kinsman of the Earl of Warwick) ; she died in 1856, leaving five
daughters and a son, Major Henry Lambert Fulke Greville. The Despard family is
creditably represented among the clergy.
IX. Six.
This refugee family is best remembered in Canterbury. The surname first occurs
in the account-book of the refugee French Church of Sandwich, described by Mr.
J. S. Burn. In that book it is recorded that in February 1569, Jan de la Laye and
Salomon Six were commissioned to buy 12 bushels of grain for distribution among
the poor. Like the Des Bouveries the Six family seems to have removed to
Canterbury from Sandwich. One of them was an ancien, and died in Canterbury
in 1603.
The family survived in Canterbury until the end of last century. There is a
singular resemblance of surnames in the French Churches of Norwich and Canter-
bury. This may have arisen (as Mr. Burn suggests) from the migration of refugees
from Sandwich to Norwich. In both register-books the name of Six occurs fre-
quently at early dates, but without suggesting a starting-point for a long pedigree
until the year 1624. Without multiplying extracts I note the earliest entry of a
baptism, which is a child of Jean Six, 22d June 1597, born at Norwich. Barthelemi
Six became the head of the Canterbury stock ; we have an indication that he had
died before 15th August 1624, the day of the marriage of his son Jacques to Marie
Le Poutre (also a Norwich surname), a daughter in a refugee family of Canterbury.
In the Canterbury register (more communicative than that of Norwich) we are told
that the family of Six came from " Andre pres de Guine." Jacques Six became an
ancien of the French Church, and died in office on 28th March 1678, aged sixty-eight.
He left three sons, Barthelemi, baptized 20th January 1628 (n.s.), Jean, baptized 13th
December 1629, and Abraham, baptized 1 ith September 1636. It is from Barthelemi
that the longest-surviving descendants sprang ; therefore in the following memoir we
shall begin with the youngest .and end with the eldest.
( 1 ) Abraham Six married Elizabeth Le Keux ; he became a diacre of the church and
died in office on 27th September 1670, in his thirty-fourth year, leaving an infant family.
The elder son was Jacques, born 1665, who in 1686 married Elizabeth Despaigne, and
died on 7th April 1701, leaving a son, Guillaume, and two daughters, from which
three children there were no recorded descendants. The younger son of Abraham
Six was also named Abraham, born 1667, who married Susanne Despaigne. He was
a silkweavcr, as probably his ancestors were. But the fact is noted in reference to
him because he removed to London and carried on that industry at Booth Street, in
the parish of Stepney and county of Middlesex ; he had four children baptized in
Canterbury — Elizabeth, born 1696; Susanne, born 1697; Abraham, born 1699; and
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FRANCE.
205
Jacques, born 1702 ; and two daughters in Threadneedle Street, London — Susanne,
born 1706, and Marie, born 1708.
(2.) Jean Six married Anne, daughter of Estienne Duthoit, on 17th July 165 1.
He had two sons, Jacques and Jean. Jacques Six {born 1652), married Marie Le
Keux, on 7th December 1676, and had a son, Estienne, who left an only child, Anne.
The younger Jean Six {born 1654) married, on 27th January 1676 (n.s.), Marie,
daughter of Jean Le Hocq, or Le Houcq. This marriage became a famous event.
The High Church party in Canterbury wished the descendants of the refugees to
consider themselves English people, and to discontinue resorting to French pasteurs
for the solemnization of their marriages. The Anglican Church Consistory were
resolved to establish the opinion that such marriages were clandestine marriages.
And it so happened that they took hold of the marriage of Jean Six and Marie Le
Houcq as a specimen case, assailed it as a clandestine marriage, excommunicated
Jean Six and his wife, and suspended from the ministry the officiating pasteur, M.
Delon. Upon a petition to the king all this ecclesiastical censure was reversed.
The French Church marriages were not again interfered with — a conclusion which
became all the more real, when in the course of five years the fresh hordes of fugitives
from the persecutions in France, made it evident that refugee life was not yet a thing
of the past. The j'ounger Jean Six had three children, who died young or un-
married. The elder Jean Six had been baptized by the pasteur Philippe Delme in
1619, whose son, Jean Delme (afterwards a merchant in London), born in 1632,
became the companion of his youthful days, and the companions kept up a corre-
spondence through life. When the above-named Mr. John Delme" was seventy-five
years of age, he printed his father's sermons on the Parable of the Sower, with this
epistle prefixed : —
" To my much esteemed and dear friend, Mr John Six, in Canterbury.
" Sir, — Our long acquaintance and kind correspondence, both civil and religious, is very
challenging, and demands the preserving of it in all offices of reciprocal love. I am much
behind-hand, methinks, in the duties of it towards you. What I can't do at once, I vvou'd
endeavour to do by little and little, still preferring the best things wherein you most delight.
The many precious evidences you have given me, in the matters of God's glory and Christian
edification, make me dedicate to you in the same spirit some Sermons of my dear and much
honoured father, of precious memory not only to myself but to you also, who was your faithful
pastor. They are concerning the right hearing of God his holy word. I have been too long
preparing 'em for the press ; but upon our late being together, I thought none could better
promote it than yourself by commending it to your numerous offspring, and to others of that
Church of which you are a Member and Elder, for the benefit of their precious and immortal
souls.
" If I had the whole of these excellent sermons preach'd by my father on this subject to the
Walloon Church in Canterbury, the composure wou'd have been longer and better. What is
defective can't be help'd ; and wherein my translation is so, I pray you and every one that
reads it to bear with me, not imputing to the Author what faults may proceed from my version
or from the want of those papers which have been mislaid. If but gleanings do yield so much
good, how much more benefit wou'd the whole have produc'd ! I desire to be very thankful
to God for what there is of it, and that I had an able friend and good hand in the ministry of
the Gospel to digest it in order which otherways wou'd never have seen the light. Now
committing you and the candid readers to Father, Son, and Spirit, who alone can build us up
in faith and holiness, I remain, Sir, Your very affectionate friend and humble servant,
Aug. 2, 1707. John Delm£.
(3.) Barthelemi Six, the head of the refugee family, married in 165 1 Lea
Dambrin, and died on 17th January 1698 (n.s.), being within three days of attaining
threescore years and ten. His son, Jacques Six, baptized nth July 1652, married
in 1675 Ester de Sedt ; he died probably in 1734, his will having been proved on
10th October of that year, and if so, his age was eighty-two. He left two sons,
Samuel and Jaques. Samuel, bom 1683, married Marie, daughter of " Docteur
Deprez," and had a son, Jaques Deprez Six, unmarried. Jaques (the younger
brother of Samuel), born 17th October 1694, married Ester, daughter of Louis
Decanfour, and had a son Jaque, born 30th January, baptized 26th February 173 1
(n.s.). At this date, although French was still the language of the congregation in
the undercroft of the cathedral, and of their registers, the descendants of the very old
refugees were English people. And I have no doubt that the last-named infant is
James Six, Esq., F.R.S., father of James Six, M.A. (see my Chapter XIII.).
206
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Chapter £1.
OFFSPRING OF THE EARLIER REFUGEES ENROLLED AS PEERS, BARONETS,
MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT, AND PUBLIC SERVANTS.
I. Viscount Folkestone.
Jacob Des Bouverie was the second son of Sir William Des Bouverie, and
brother of Sir Edward, the second baronet. Like his father, uncles, and brother, he
was a successful London merchant. He was the namesake of his uncle Jacob, M.P.
for Hythe (in the third and fourth parliaments of William III., and the last of Anne),
at whose death on 2d September 1722 he succeeded to an estate at Folkestone, in
Kent. On 31st January 1723 he married Mary, only child of Mr. Bartholomew
Clarke, an eminent London merchant, who made a large fortune, and acquired
Hardingstone and Delapre Abbey in Northamptonshire. Mr. Des Bouverie
succeeded his brother on 21st November 1736 as third baronet, and entered into
possession of Longford Castle, near Salisbury. Lady Des Bouverie died on 24th
November 1739, and her memory is kept up by the family of Bouverie of Delapre
Abbey, founded by her second son. Sir Jacob was M.P. for Salisbury in the ninth
parliament of Great Britain, and also held the honorary office of Recorder of that
city, then known as New Sarum. On 21st April 1741 he married his second wife,
Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Robert, Lord Romney ; her son, Philip Bouverie,
founded, or rather revived the family of Pusey. Sir Jacob adopted Bouverie as the
spelling of his surname ; and as Sir Jacob Bouverie he was advanced to the peerage
on 20th June 1747 as Viscount Folkestone and Baron Longford.
In 1754, on the suggestion of Mr. William Shipley, of Northampton, the Society
for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce was instituted. The
following account was read before the Society of Antiquaries : —
" At the first meeting which was held at Rathmill's Coffee House, in Henrietta Street,
Covent Garden, March 22, 1754, were present Lord Viscount Folkestone, Lord Romney,
Dr. Hales, Mr Henry Baker, Mr. Shipley, &c., &c. It was then proposed to give premiums
for the discovery of cobalt, and for the cultivation of madder, and for the best drawings made
by boys and girls. The above two noble lords, to whose goodness, generosity, and public
spirit, the very being of this Society must ever be acknowledged entirely owing, resolved (at
another meeting) to make a beginning with these articles ; and as money would be wanting,
each of them paid down .£10, 10s., and ^10, 10s. for Lord Shaftesbury, but subscribed
,£5, 5s. apiece only in the book, lest a larger sum might discourage others. At the same time
some other gentlemen paid £2, 2s. each ; but the number being small, the aforesaid noble
lords declared that they would make good all deficiencies, and accordingly paid thirty guineas
more."
Viscount Folkestone was elected President, and was continued in the chair for
life by annual re-election. He died on 17th February 1761, and was buried at
Britford. His second wife survived as Dowager Viscountess Folkestone, till 25th
September 1782.
By his first wife he had four daughters. The eldest, the Hon. Anne Bouverie,
was married in 1761 to the Hon. and Rev. George Talbot, D.D., third son of Lord
Chancellor Talbot. The second, Hon. Mary Bouverie, became, on 20th March 1759,
the second wife of Anthony Ashley, fourth Earl of Shaftesbury ; she was the mother
of the fifth and sixth earls, and the grandmother of the able and estimable seventh
earl, who was born on 28th April 1801, and died on 1st October 1885.
II. Earl of Radnor.
William, eldest son of Jacob Des Bouverie (afterwards Sir Jacob Bouverie, third
baronet), was born in 1725. Although England has always been proud of her
merchant princes, yet no merchant was raised to higher rank than baronetcy till
1747, in which year Sir Jacob was raised to the peerage as Viscount Folkestone.
His friend, Mr. Mark Stuart Pleydell, had been created a baronet on 19th June
1732. He had an only child and heiress, Harriot Pleydell. To this young lady the
Hon. William Bouverie was married on 14th January 1748, with the prospect of
adding to the family possessions her father's estate of Coleshill in Berkshire. On
4th March 1750 an heir was born and named Jacob ; but the young mother died on
FAMILIES FOUNDED BY REFUGEES FROM FRANCE. 207
the 29th May following, and was buried in the family vault at Bridford. Mr.
Bouverie erected a monument to her memory in the parish church of Coleshill, with
an affectionate epitaph : —
Sacred to the most endeared memory of
THE HON. HARRIOT BOUVERIE,
daughter and only child of Sir Mark Stuart Pleydell, Bart.,
by Mary his wife.
In person, manner, disposition, and uncommon understanding, most amiable.
In gentleness, candour, and humility — in prudence, sincerity, and beneficence —
in substantial and uniform piety —
most exemplary ;
the accomplished woman — the universal friend — the real Christian.
As a daughter, she was obedient, she was affectionate ;
As a parent (short, alas ! her trial), tender, solicitous.
The ornament of her own family, —
the admiration of that into which she married, —
loving and beloved with entire unvaried affection,
an honour to the marriage state,
she blessed a husband who can never enough lament
the loss of so incomparable a wife.
Gulielmus Bouverie, praehonorabilis viri Vicecomitis Folkestone
Alius natu maximus, infeliciter superstes, cum lacrymis posuit.
Britfordiae comi. Wilton in sepulchro suis sacro
depositi sunt cineres.
Mary, Lady Pleydell, was the daughter of Robert Stuart, and granddaughter of
John Stuart, Esq. of Ascog, in Bute. Her first cousin was Mrs. John Alleyne {nee
Mary Terrill), sister-in-law of Sir John Guy Alleyne, Bart. This Mrs. Alleyne had
a daughter, Rebecca, who on 5th September 175 1 became the second wife of Hon.
William Bouverie, and died as Rebecca, Viscountess Folkestone, on 4th May 1764,
her husband having succeeded his father as the second Viscount on 17th February
1761. The noble widower married, thirdly, on 22d July 1765, Anne, daughter of Sir
Thomas Hales, Bart., and widow of Anthony Duncombe, Lord Feversham (who had
been also Baron of Downton, in Wiltshire). Although the third wife, she was the
first Countess, for on the 31st October following, William, Viscount Folkestone, was
created Earl of Radnor 1 and Baron Pleydell-Bouverie, of Coleshill.
Sir Mark Pleydell died in 1768, having bequeathed Coleshill to his grandson
Jacob, by courtesy Viscount Folkestone, at the same time granting a remainder (to
which, however, it has never been necessary to have recourse) in favour of the other
Bouverie heirs, on condition that each inheritor of Coleshill should, with his children,
adopt the double surname of Pleydell-Bouverie. The first Earl of Radnor died 28th
January 1776, in his fifty-first year. His successors in his titles and estates have
attained to a greater age. The second Earl of Radnor (the son of Harriot Pleydell),
Jacob Pleydell Bouverie, M.A., F.R. and A.S., formerly M.P. for Salisbury, Lord
Lieutenant of Wiltshire, died 27th January 1828 in his seventy-eighth year. This
nobleman's praises were sounded by an enthusiast for church decoration, the
Rev. Thomas Ford, D.C.L., vicar of Melton-Mowbray. It seems that Rev. John
Morres, M.A., had been tutor to Lord Folkestone (afterwards third earl). Lord
Radnor in 1798 presented this clergyman to the rectory of Nether Broughton, and
signalised the deed by giving " a very superb set of communion plate " to his church.
Dr. Ford, on 22d May 1799, wrote to Mr. Nichols, suggesting that an engraving of
the vessels should be inserted in the Gentleman's Magazine, with the following
letter : —
"Permit me to offer to public notice a very choice and costly gift, which the piety and liberality
of a noble peer has lately dedicated to the church. It is a paten and cup from the Earl of
Radnor for the use of the altar at Nether Broughton, Leicestershire — every way corresponding
with the character of that nobleman, so justly esteemed for classical erudition, judicious taste,
polished manners, unshaken integrity, and inviolate attachment to the principles of orthodox
belief. This leads him to a reverence for the service, and whatever contributes to the dignity
and ornament of churches under his immediate patronage. There is a chapel in the Cathedral
of Salisbury belonging to his lordship by right of ancestry, which I am informed is converted
into an Oratory for his own use, and beautified with a profusion of elegance. The annexed
plate represents the donation [to Nether Broughton Church]. I was charmed with the design
and execution of it, and delighted to find amidst such a decay of piety and decline of affection
for the House of God among persons of high rank, that zeal for the worship w hich is after the
1 The noble family of Kobartes had in 1679 acquired the title of Earl of Radnor, which expired with the
fourth Earl in 1764.
208
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
beauty of holiness in the Church of England, was not quite waxed cold The attention
of the noble donor to the honourable and graceful celebration of the Eucharist could not have
been directed to a place where is a more becoming propriety and precision in the observation
of the rites and ceremonies of our most excellent church. (Signed) T. Eord." 1
The eldest son and successor of this venerable peer, William, third earl, was
eminent as a leading nobleman of the Whig party ; his politics, then called extra-
vagant, would now be regarded as moderate; he was born i ith May 1779, and died
9th April 1869, in his ninetieth year. He was succeeded by Jacob, the present
and fourth Earl of Radnor (born 1 8th September 1815), his eldest son by his second
wife, Anne Judith, daughter of Sir Henry Paulet St. John Mildmay, Bart. The heir
of the fourth Earl is William, Viscount Folkestone (bom 19th June 1841), M.P. for
South Wilts.
The Earls of Radnor have a prominent place among the descendants of French
refugees as governors of the French Hospital of London. The first earl was elected
to that presidential seat on 3d October 1770, and held it for five years. The second
earl was elected on 28th January 1779, and officiated for thirty-nine years. The
third earl was elected at the death of his father, and officiated for forty-one years.
The fourth earl was elected a director of the hospital on 6th August 1842, in his
father's life-time, and on his accession to the earldom he was elected governor.
III. Earl of Clancarty.
Richard Trench, Esq., of Garbally (bom 1710, died 1768), was a member of the
Parliament of Ireland in 1761, representing county Galway. His wife, Miss Frances
Power, whom he married in 1732, was the heiress of the wealthy families of Power
and Keating, and the blood of the heir of the King of Cork, MacCarty-More, Earl
of Clancarty, flowed in her veins ; she also represented the Barons of Le Poer. The
heir of Richard was William Power Keating Trench, Esq., a popular country gentle-
man, who represented the county of Galway in the Irish Parliament from 1768 to 1797.
At the latter date (on 27th Nov.) he was transferred to the Upper House as Baron
Kilconnel of Garbally, and was further promoted in the Peerage of Ireland, on 3d
January 1801, as Viscount Dunlo, and Earl of Clancarty in the county of Cork. The
earl died on 27th April 1805, having had (by his wife Anne, eldest daughter of
Right Hon. Charles Gardiner and sister of Luke, first Viscount Mountjoy) seven
sons and seven daughters. His heir, Richard Le Poer Trench, the second earl (bom
1767, died 1837), was our ambassador at the Hague, and one of our representatives
at the Congress of Vienna ; his portrait appears in the historical picture of its mem-
bers. He was elected M.P. for Rye in the British House of Commons in 1807 and
1 81 2. He brought to his family the additional honours of peerages of the United
Kingdom, and a hereditary seat in the House of Peers — receiving the title of Baron
Trench in 181 5, and of Viscount Clancarty in 1824; he also was offered and per-
mitted to accept the title of Marquis of Heusden in the Netherlands. He married
Henrietta Margaret, daughter of Right Hon. John Staples, and was the father of
William Thomas, third Earl of Clancarty (bom 1803, died 1872), an excellent and
influential nobleman, and zealous Protestant. The present and fourth earl is Richard
Somerset Le Poer Trench, Earl of Clancarty, eldest son of the third earl, by Lady
Sarah Juliana Butler, daughter of Somerset Richard, third Earl of Carrick. The
present earl was born on I3th*january 1834, and married in 1866 Lady Adeliza
Georgiana Hervey, daughter of Frederick William, second Marquis of Bristol ; his
heir apparent is William Frederick, Viscount Dunlo, born in 1868. The family
motto for Le Poer is " Consilio et prudentia," and for Trench, " Dieu pour la Tranche,
qui contre ? "
IV. Baron Ashtown.
Frederic Trench, Esq. of Moate, county Galway (son of Very Rev. John Trench,
Dean of Raphoe, by Anne, daughter of Richard Warburton, Esq.), succeeded his
father as head of his branch of the Huguenot refugee family in 1725, and died in
1758. He was succeeded by his son, Frederic of Moate and Woodlawn, born in
1720. This gentleman showed his zeal for religion by munificently supporting the
Dublin Society for promoting English Protestant Working Schools in Ireland. The
report of this society for 1773 states, under the heading, Woodlawn, county of Galway :
" Frederick Trench, Esq., in order to have a school erected in this place, hath pro-
1 Nichols' " Illustrations of Literature," vol v. p. 229.
DESCENDANTS AMONG PUBLIC MEN
2C9
posed to the society to grant two acres of land in perpetuity, rent free during his
life, and after his death at such rent as the society shall think advisable ; he hath also
proposed to build the school-house and offices for a sum of £300, 011 which he will
engage to spend the sum of £500, but believes they will cost him nearer £600." The
society accepted these proposals. This society had subscribers in England, for
instance, Peter Du Cane, Esq., 177 1-2, £5, 5s.; Mr Abraham Ogier, do., £1, is. ; Sir
Timothy Waldo, knight, do., £5, 5s. Among the members in Ireland, in 1773, Wil-
liam Despard, Esq., is named. Mr. Trench married Catherine, daughter of Francis
Sadleir, Esq. of Sopwell Hall, and died in 1797, having had seven sons and five
daughters. The eldest son was Frederic Trench, Esq. of Woodlawn, born in 1757 i
the second son was Francis Trench, Esq. of Sopwell Hall, born in 1758, who married
Mary Mason ; the fourth son was William Trench, Esq. of Cangort Park, King's
County {born 1769, died 1849), father of Rev. Frederick Fitzwilliam Trench {born
1799, and of Henry, of Cangort Park (bom 1807, died 1881), who married in 1836
Georgiana Amelia Mary, daughter of the first Lord Bloomfield.
Frederic Trench, of Woodlawn, Esq., was member for Portarlington in the Parlia-
ment of Ireland, and, on 29th December 1801, was created Baron Ashtown in the
peerage of Ireland, the patent being in favour of himself and his late father's heirs-
male. Lord Ashtown died, without issue, on 1st May 1840, aged eighty-three, and the
representation of his noble house devolved upon the family of his brother, Francis, who
had died in 1829. The eldest son of the latter, namely, Frederic Mason Trench {born
in 1804), thus became the second Lord Ashtown. He had married in 1831 Henrietta,
daughter of Thomas Phillips Cosby, Esq., and was the father of the (1) Hon. Fre-
derick Sidney Charles Trench {born in 1839), who married in 1867 Lady Anne Le
Poer Trench, daughter of the third Earl of Clancarty ; (2) of Hon. Cosby Godolphin
Trench of Sopwell Hall (born in 1844), who married Maria, eldest daughter of Sir
Richard Musgrave, Baronet ; and (3) of the Hon. Harriette Mary Trench, who mar-
ried in 1883 the Hon. Frederick Le Poer Trench, second son of the third Earl of
Clancarty, but died in 1844. The second Lord Ashtown died on 12th September
1 8 10, but had been predeceased by his eldest son, who had died on 2d March 1879,
leaving heirs. Frederick Oliver Trench, third Lord Ashtown {born 2d February
1868), is thus a grandson of the second Lord.
V. Janssen, Baronets. 1
As related in my chapter I., Theodore Janssen de Heez, a son of the martyred
Baron de Heez, fled from Brussels in 1585, and took refuge in France. He became
a naturalized French subject and a Huguenot worshipper, and settled in Angoulesme.
His son, Abraham Janssen, of Angoulesme, was the husband of Her.riette Manigault.
Their son, Theodore Janssen, was born in 1654. Sharing in the troubles of the
Huguenots, he removed to England in 1680, and was naturalized by Royal Letters
Patent at Westminster, on 2nd July 1684 (see my vol. ii., Historical Introduction,
list ix.). He became an eminent merchant, and was knighted by King William III.,
at Kensington, on 1st May 1696. Having successfully taken part in the commercial
arrangements of the Utrecht Treaty, he was created a Baronet by King George I.,
on nth March 171 5 (n.s.).
Sir Theodore Janssen was a public-spirited man and also attentive to business,
so that he amassed a large fortune. He purchased the Manor of Wimbledon.
Having invested money in South Sea Stock, he was made a Director of the Com-
pany, an honour which cost him dear. His reverses of fortune, however, did not
shorten his life. His manor was sold to the Duchess of Marlborough for £15,000.
His property was seized and sequestrated by the House of Commons, as were the
properties of all the directors, in order to pay the Company's creditors ; at the same
time a sum of money was returned to each as a grant or allowance. In the list he
appears as follows : —
Person. Estate. Allowance.
Sir Theodore Janssen. £243, 244, 3s. 1 id. £50,000.
This was a higher rate of allowance than was granted to any other on the list
(except in the cases of two or three small estates), his private character and public
services were generally acknowledged. He died at Wimbledon on 23rd September
1748, aged ninety-four. The Gentleman's Magazine says, " He left France several
years before the persecution of the Protestants, and settling here as a merchant,
improved a fortune of £20,000, given him by his father, to above £300,000, which
he possessed till the year 1720, when (so far from being in any secret) he lost above
1 I am much indebted to Nichols' " Literary Anecdotes," and to Ilunry Wagner, F.S.A.
I. 2D
2IO
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
,£50,000 by that year's transactions. Yet, as he was unfortunately a director of the
South Sea Company, the Parliament was pleased to take from him above £220,000
(nearly one-half being real estate), by a law made ex post facto, which was given for
the relief of the proprietors of that company, though they had gained several millions
by the scheme, and though it appeared, when his allowance came to be settled in the
House of Commons, that he had done many signal services to this nation." (The
writer gave his figures from memory.)
Over the entrance to a vault in Wimbledon Church are engraved the arms of the
Janssens, and this inscription, " This vault contains the remains of the body of Sir
Theodore Janssen, Bart., once Lord of this Manor, 1748. Likewise Sir Abraham
Janssen, Bart, 1765."
Sir Theodore married Williamse, daughter of Sir Robert Henley, of the Grange,
Co. Somerset, Knight (she died in September 1 7 3 1 ), and had five sons and three
daughters, who survived him. One of the daughters, Barbara, was the wife of
Thomas Bladen, M.P. for Ashburton ; Mary was married on 20th July 1730 to Charles
Calvert, sixth Lord Baltimore, and was the mother of Frederick, seventh Lord
Balti more. Sir Theodore's sons were : —
1. Sir Abraham, second baronet, died at Paris, 19th January 1765.
2. Sir Henry, third baronet, died at Paris, February 1766.
3. Sir Stephen Theodore, fourth baronet, of whom presently.
4. William, married a daughter of James Gaultier.
5. Robert.
It will be observed that his three elder sons successively became baronets. The
baronetcy expired with the third, who maintained the high character of the family,
and I give some incidents in his life.
Stephen Theodore Janssen was a leading London merchant. His signature
appears to the merchants' loyal manifesto, in view of the Rebellion of 1745, and he
was considered to have done very good service to the Government at this epoch.
In 1747 he was elected one of the Members of Parliament for the city of London.
In 1748, the year of his father's death, he became an alderman. He was Master of
the Company of Stationers in 1749 and 1750. He married Catharine, daughter of
Colonel Peter Soulegre. The BritisJi Chronologist notes : — " 1754, Sept. 28. Stephen
Theodore Janssen, Esq., alderman and stationer, vice-president of the British Herring
Fishery, was elected into the high office of Lord Mayor of London for the year
ensuing."
It was during his Mayoralty that a reverse of fortune threatened him. And soon
after, he had to compound with his creditors. He retired to a country house, and on
the death of his wife, in 1757, he returned to London, as a lodger — living in the
most frugal manner, in order to pay his creditors in full, one after another. The
office of Chamberlain of the city of London becoming vacant, he for the same
honourable purpose desired its emoluments, and offered himself as a candidate. Of
course, there were many competitors, and much " strife of tongues." But the elec-
tion terminated in his favour, the numbers at the poll being — Janssen, 13 16 ; Turner,
1202; Till, 250; Ellis, 229; Freeman, 180. Tootles Chronological Record notes:
l /65, January 15. Alderman Janssen was elected Chamberlain of the city of Lon-
don, in the room of Sir Thomas Harrison, deceased ; the poll, which closed on the
19th, gave him 13 16 votes ; there were five candidates for the office." The follow-
ing letter to the Livery of London was issued on 16th January 1765 : —
" Gentlemen, — As it has been impossible for the whole of what I said to the Livery of
London, on the day of election, and what I intended further to say, could be all got ready for
the papers, through the multiplicity of business in which I am engaged, I hope the conclusion
of what I intended saying with respect to my debts, on account of which I have been so much
traduced, will be satisfactory to my fellow-citizens for the present.
" During the year I had the honour of being Lord Mayor, I met with very unexpected
disappointments of considerable sums of money ; this occasioned my leaving several debts
unpaid contracted during that year. Soon after, a commission issued against me, upon which
I laid down my equipage, discharged all my servants except three, and retired with my wife
and child to a house of thirty-six per annum, in Hertfordshire. My wife died about two years
after. I then took a lodging in town of eighteen shillings a week, and lived there — as I have
ever since done — without a servant, although many times afflicted with illness. I may also
aver that I have spared myself clothes, and that in my diet I have been as sparing as a
mechanic.
" All this while my income has been about ^600 per annum, consisting of an annuity of
£$00 from my late father-in-law, and further allowance from my family. Out of this I can
safely say I have not spent more than £120 per annum, and that all the rest has been faithfully
paid among my creditors (although not obliged by law, they having signed my certificate;,
DESCENDANTS AMONG PUBLIC MEN.
21 I
amounting in the whole to between ^4000 and ^5000. A list of many of them paid in full
is left with the Common Council of Bread Street Ward, of which I am alderman. I do further
declare, that it is my determined resolution to continue living in the same frugal manner, till
the last shilling is discharged ; and in case any turn of fortune should happen to me, my whole
just debts shall be discharged so much the sooner, as I am determined to persevere in pre-
serving the character of an honest man.
" Stephen Theodore Janssen,
" Thrift Street, Soho."
His brother, Sir Abraham, left him an annuity of £500 (this was in 1765).
Stephen offered it for sale at Garraway's, when his brother, Sir Henry Janssen,
bought it for £5000; this was paid to the creditors. The amiable brother did not
long survive ; he died in 1766, and the City Chamberlain succeeded to his title and
fortune. Sir Stephen had some years of prosperity. He was elected a Director of
the French Hospital on 4th October 1769. On 6th February 1776 he resigned the
office of Chamberlain, " by reason of age and infirmity." He died, the last survivor
of the five brothers, on 7th April 1777, " universally respected for his many public
and private virtues" {Gent. Mag.). He had no son, so that the baronetcy became
extinct. He left an only daughter, Henrietta, born in 1752, to whom her grand-
father, Soulegre, had bequeathed £20,000.
NOTE.
The South-Sea Company was one of those Joint-Stock Companies which were known as
Bubbles, and induced people to subscribe large sums of money, under an assurance that the
King in Council would grant charters to all such companies. However, an Order in Coun-
cil, dated 12th July 1720, gave warning that petitions for charters would be dismissed. The
Histoiical Register of that year gave many names of such Bubble Companies, some of which
are worthy of our friend Punch :—
For carrying on a General Insurance from losses by Fire.
For supplying London with sea-coal (,£3,000,000).
For erecting salt-pans in Holy Island (,£2, 000,000).
For carrying on an undertaking of great advantage, but nobody to know what it is.
For insuring of horses (£"2,000,000).
For a wheel for perpetual motion (£1, 000,000).
For importing beaver fur (£"2,000,000).
The Bottomry Society.
For insuring to all masters and mistresses the losses they shall sustain by servants
(^"3.° 00 . 000 )-
For effectually settling the Island of Blanco and Sal-Tortugas.
For extracting silver from lead.
For the transmutation of quicksilver into a malleable metal.
Nearly 100 such undertakings, proposing to raise about £"300,000,000, are named in the
list- " Most of the said Bubbles found many subscribers, some of whom sold their permits,
or first subscriptions, at a great profit, whereby the last buyers were at last bubbled out of
considerable sums."
VI. Bayley, Baronet.
Like Hatfield, Whittlesey became a scene of the draining operations of Sir
Nicolas Vermuyden, and about the year 1646 a French congregation endeavoured to
establish itself there. But in 1652 it united with the French Church of Thorney
Abbey, about four miles distant, and also situated in the Isle of Ely and county of
Cambridge. Among the settlers was Philippe de Bailleu, who is so named in the
baptismal register for twenty years, numely, from 1659 to 1679 ; he became Bailleu
in 168 1 , and so continues till 1692. Ultimately he adopted the surname of Bayley,
and in his will, dated 30th July 1705, and proved 18th December 1706, he calls
himself Philip Bayley the elder, of Whittlesey, in the Isle of Ely, in the county of
Cambridge, yeoman. From the register and from his will we find that he was
married four times: — 1st, in 1658 to Jeanne de la Chasse ; 2d, in 1664 to Ester,
youngest daughter of Andre Clerbau of the Levels, in the parish of Hatfield,
Yorkshire ; 3d, in 1678 to Marthe Descamps ; and 4th, after 1692, to Susanne de
Lo ; 1 she survived him, and received as his widow £110 in cash, and "one of my
best beds with the bedstead, bedding, and furniture thereunto belonging, and all
that chest of linnen I had with her at the time of our intermarriage." His brother,
Jean de Bailleu, otherwise John Bayley, survived him, and is named in his will ;
' Estienne de Lo was an ancien at Norwich, 12th August 1596. The Thorney family usually dropped the de.
212
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
others of his name, probably brothers, were Abraham de Bailleu, husband of Susanne
Haguerier (1669), and David Bailleu (1683).
By his first wife, Philippe de Bailleu had a daughter Susanne, born 1659, who
died before him. By his second wife he had Philippe, born 1665 ; Jacob, born \66g ;
Daniel, born 1672 ; Ester, bom 1674, and Philip second, born 1676, of whom at the
time of his death Daniel was the only survivor. By his third wife he had Pierre,
born 1679; Mary, born 1681 ; Philip third, born 1683; Jacob, born 1685 ; Susanne,
born 1687; and Estienne, born 1692, all of whom survived him except Pierre and
Estienne. In 1705, Daniel was aged thirty-three ; and Mary, aged twenty-four, had
become Mrs. Hardly, wife of Daniel Hardly ; Jacob and Susan were twenty and
eighteen respectively. His surviving sons, therefore, were Daniel, Philip, and Jacob.
His "nephew," Jacob Ris, was probably a nephew of his third wife ; he and John
Bayley were the executors. The testator's son, Daniel, was a married man, and had
in 1705 two children, Susan and Daniel ; so was his son, Philip, with one child
named Martha. The charitable bequests were "unto the po^re people belonging
unto the Erench congregation at Thorney," and 40s. " unto the poore people of
Whittlesey." The house and farm in which he died was his own property, bought
from William Clarke ; his other property was leasehold, and consisted of (1) a farm
in Thorney ; (2) a piece of ground called Sparkes's Close, extending to 27 acres ;
(3) a parcel of land at the Old Sluice in Whittlesey, extending to 40 acres, held from
the Duke of Bedford ; (4) a parcel of land called Willowhall Farm, held from the
Earl of Torrington ; this last was bequeathed to the youngest sons, but seems to
have come into the occupation of the eldest, who is styled in the pedigree Daniel
Bayley of Willow Hall. From him the modern family descends. He was baptized
in the French Church of Thorney on 3d November 1672. His wife's maiden name
was Ester du Bois (he himself seems to have been named after Daniel de Bois, who
stood as a witness at his baptism). He died in 1729, in his fifty-seventh year,
leaving a son, Isaac, born in 1706, the year after the date of Philippe de Bailleu's
will. Isaac Bayley was sometime of Oxney near Peterborough, and afterwards of
Chesterton in Huntingdonshire; he died in 175 1, aged forty-five. He had married
Orme, daughter of Henry Bigland, Esq., and was the father of Rev. Edward Bayley,
D.D., Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, rector of Courteenhall (who died in
181 3), and of John Bayley, gentleman.
Mr. John Bayley (who died about 1790) married Sarah, daughter and heir of
Rev. White Kennet, prebendary of Peterborough, and grand-daughter of the Bishop
of Peterborough. Their eldest surviving son was John Bayley, born 3d August 1763.
He was educated at Eton, and entered Gray's Inn in November 1783, where he
devoted himself to the study and private practice of law, and published in 1789 a
" Summary of the Law of Bills of Exchange, &c," still the standard work on the
subject; also " Lord Raymond's Reports," ably annotated, in 1790. He v/as called
to the bar on 22d June 1792, and was promoted to the degree of Serjeant in 1799.
In May 1808 he was made a Judge of the King's Bench, and was knighted ; he sat
there for twenty-two years, holding for seventeen years the next place to the Chief
Justice. In 1816 he published an edition of the Prayer Book of the Church of
England. In order to lighten the labours of advancing years he was removed to
the Court of Exchequer on 14th November 1830 as "additional Baron," but was
accorded his place of seniority next to the Chief Baron, which he occupied till
February 1834, when he retired. Foss says in his " Dictionary of Judges": "Sir
John Bayley occupied the Bench for twenty-six years, with the highest reputation as
I a lawyer, and undiminished respect and esteem from every one who acted either
with or under him." He was made a Privy Councillor on March 5, and a Baron on
March 15, 1834. The Right Honourable Sir John Bayley died on 10th October
1 841 ; he was the father of the second Baronet, of Rev. Kennctt Champain Bayley,
Rector of Copford, and of Francis Bayley, Judge of the Westminster County Court.
The second Baronet was born 23d December 1793, and was a barrister-at-law ;
■ he married in 1822 Charlotte Mary, second daughter of John Minet Fector, Esq. of
Kearsney Abbey, near Dover. He became Sir John Edward George Bayley in
1841, and died 23d December 1871.
His successor, Rev. John Robert Laurie Emilius Bayley, was born 16th May
1823 ; he was educated at Cambridge, from which University he has the degrees of
B.A., M.A., and B.D. He was ordained in 1846 by the Bishop of Oxford; he married
in 1855 Marianne Sophia, third daughter of Edward Royd Rice, Esq. of Dane Court,
M.P. for Dover for twenty years. He became a London clergyman in 1867, when
he was presented to the vicarage of St. Johns, Paddington. He succeeded to the
DESCENDANTS AMONG PUBLIC MEN.
213
baronetcy in the end of 1 87 1, and chose the designation of Sir Emilius Bayley (all
his sons have the additional baptismal name of Emilius).
*** That the ministry of the reverend Baronet is an earnest, scriptural, and effective one,
may be inferred from the following list of his publications : — ■
r. The Choice: Five Lectures on Confirmation. 1st edition, 1857; 2d edition, 1865;
3d edition, 1867 ; 4th edition, 1880.
2. The Christian Life viewed under some Practical Aspects. 1867.
3. Commentary and Sermons on St Paul's Epistle to the Galatians. 1869.
4. The Power of Goodness : a Sermon preached (in substance) in the Parish Church of
St. Margaret's, Westminster, on Sunday morning, April 2d, 1876, after the Funeral of the Rev.
W. Conway, M.A., Canon of Westminster, and Rector of St. Margaret's.
5. The Meekness of Wisdom : a Sermon preached (in substance) in St. John's Church,
Paddington, upon Sunday morning, April 22d, 1877, on the death of Benjamin Shaw, Esq.,
M.A., late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
6. Christian Treasure-Trove : an Account of the recent discovery of Ancient Manuscripts,
containing the whole Epistle of St. Clement of Rome to the Corinthians, a.d. 98. Two Lec-
tures delivered in St. John's Church, Paddington, June 19th and 26th, 1877.
7. Thorough : Being an attempt to show the value of Thoroughness in several depart-
ments of Christian Life and Practice, pp. xxxix. 386. 1st edition, 1878; 2d edition, 1879.
8. The Spirits of Just Men made Perfect : a Sermon preached in the Parish Church of
Tilmanstone, Kent, upon Sunday, December 8th, 1878, on the death of Mr. Rice, of Dane
Court, who died November 27th, 1878, in the eighty-ninth year of his age. Printed by request
for private circulation.
9. Deep unto Deep : Being an inquiry into some of the deeper experiences of the Christian
Life. Pp. xxxvi. 384. 1880.
The conclusion of the preface to the last-named book has a good Huguenot ring : — " It is
not so much the abstract idea of suffering which proves a difficulty to the Christian as the
endurance which it calls for. The tendency of all suffering is to depress the mind, to weaken
the spiritual nerve-power (if I may so express it), and to deprive us of that courage of which at
the time we stand in special need. Now, Christianity is emphatically a manly religion ; quit
you like men, be strong, is the apostolic exhortation. The idea of bravery underlies that prin-
ciple of endurance which is habitually urged upon us in the New Testament. Let us be brave,
then, if God calls us to pass through tribulation. The prospect which lies before the Christian
is a grand one ; the resources within his reach are ample : /// God's Word will I rejoice ; in the
Lord's Word will I comfort me."
VII. MARRYAT, M.P.
Students of refugee biography will probably discover that refugees of this stock
came to England both in the earlier immigrations and also after the Revocation
Edict of 1685. The surnames Mariette, Marriott, Merrit, &c, seem to appear
frequently, but I have not met with any pedigrees. There is, however, one celebrated
family that adopted the spelling Marryat, as to which we are always told that the
first settler in England was a French refugee, a fugitive from the St. Bartholomew
massacre of 1572 ; and there being no reason to doubt the accuracy of this tradition,
the family is memorialized in this chapter. As, however, they do not appear to have
revealed anything more as to the past, we must describe them as we first find them,
" a highly respectable family at East Bergholt, in Suffolk." 1 In the first quarter of
last century they are found in London, where Thomas (afterwards Thomas Marryat,
M.D.) was born about 1725. Dr. Marryat commenced his medical practice at Loth-
bury, a district situated behind the Bank of England ; he printed some " Medical
Aphorisms" in 1756, which he withdrew from publication in favour of his larger
work, entitled " The Art of Healing ; or, a New Practice of Physic " (which first saw
the light in Dublin), latterly styled " Therapeutics ; or, the Art of Healing." He
left London in 1762, and practised medicine in Dublin and several towns in the
North of Ireland. He returned to England in February 1774, and practised success-
fully at Shrewsbury. Ultimately he settled at Bristol ; and I find the last sad
announcement in the Gentleman s Magazine, "Died, 4th June 1792, Dr. Marryat, an
eminent physician at Bristol." In the ninth edition of his "Art of Healing," he
informs us, " This work has passed through five quarto editions at one guinea, and
four in octavo." A quarto edition was published at Shrewsbury in 1775; the fifth
edition was a pocket volume, Birmingham, 1775, which was reprinted as the sixth in
1777, reproducing an autobiographical preface which had been given in the fourth.
The last edition issued in his lifetime was the tenth, the preface being dated Bristol,
July I, 1791. [I have before me the fourteenth edition, Bristol, 1798.] He was the
1 Gentleman '.r Magazine for 1S24, part i., in an article from which 1 shall further quote.
214
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
father of Joseph Marryat, M.P., and of Samuel Marryat, a successful barrister, who
rose to be a King's Counsel.
Dr. Marryat's eldest son, Joseph, was born in London in 1756. His father's cir-
cumstances were never affluent, and the young man was the architect of the fortune
at which he arrived. Having early resolved to be a merchant, he was sent to the
island of Grenada, in the West Indies, where about twelve years of his life appear
to have elapsed. Happening to visit Boston, he met there a young lady, whom he
married in 1788, Charlotte, third daughter of Frederick Geyer, Esq., known as an
A merican " loyalist." This step led to his return home, and he settled in London
in 1789 as a West Indian merchant. He was Agent for the islands of Grenada and
Trinidad. Such was his eminence, that he rose to be Chairman of Lloyd's ; he was
also the head of the banking house of Marryat, Kaye, Price, & Co. He entered the
House of Commons in 18 12 at the ripe age of fifty-six; he was elected one of the
M.P.'s for Sandwich on 7th October 1812, and was re-elected on 18th June 1818 and
7th March 1820; he spoke with authority on colonial questions and the interests of
commerce. His country seat was Wimbledon House, in Surrey. " Living during
the vacation of Parliament almost entirely at his country house, he dispensed most
nobly and liberally the comforts of hospitality to a large neighbourhood around him."
He was a staunch Tory of the old school, and an exemplary High Churchman.
" Few men (says Sylvanus Urban) were more fully impressed with a conviction of
the awfulness, and, at the same time, the consolation of revealed religion ; and con-
sidering the active career of his life, there were not many men of such affairs who
could give a better account of the faith that was in them." He lived to a good age,
though his life was shortened by extensive ossification of the heart. On the after-
noon of the Sunday before his death, he was engaged in drawing up an epitaph on
an old and faithful servant who had lived with him for thirty years, and who had
been killed two days before by being thrown from a cart. Mr. Marryat felt this
bereavement acutely. On the following Monday, 24th January 1824, he was in his
office in Mansionhouse Street, and died suddenly while in the act of writing a frank.
The Prime Minister, the Earl of Liverpool, by letter, condoled with Lloyd's com-
mittee on " the loss of a man of so much excellence and worth." He had nine chil-
dren, of whom two are on record, (1) Joseph and (2) Frederick.
The eldest son, Joseph Marryat, is also on record as M. P. for Sandwich. He did
not immediately succeed his father as a representative of that cinque port ; on 10th
February 1724, at the requisite bye-election, the return was " Henry Bonham, Esq.,
vice Joseph Marryat, Esq., deceased." But at the next General Election, on 10th
January 1826, he was elected. On the accession of William IV. there was a dissolu-
tion of Parliament, and Mr. Marryat was re-elected on 31st July 1830. On the 15th
November, on a motion for the revision of the Civil List, the Duke of Wellington's
ministry was defeated by a majority of 233 to 204, and the era of Earl Grey and
debates on the Reform Bill followed. Mr. Marryat adopted an opposite line of
politics from that of his deceased father, and supported the Bill. On 21st March
1 83 1, the second reading was carried by a majority of one, the numbers being 302 to
301, Mr. Marryat as much as any other member being entitled to be regarded as the
glorious one. The ministry having a few days thereafter been defeated in the House
of Commons by a majority of eight, another dissolution of Parliament was the result,
Mr. Marryat was again re-elected for Sandwich on 4th May 1831. In this Parlia-
ment the Bill passed the House of Commons by a majority (tellers included) of 347
to 238, and Mr. Marryat's name appears in the majority in a large sheet printed and
published for framing. This majority did not prevent the House of Lords from re-
jecting the Bill, which did not become law till 1832, the House of Commons having
again passed it by a majority of 355 to 239. Parliament was dissolved in Decem-
ber, in order that an election might take place under the Reform Act; on the 12th
of that month Mr. Marryat was elected by the enlarged constituency of Sandwich.
This Parliament was of short duration. Earl Grey having been succeeded as Prime
Minister by Viscount Melbourne in 1834, the King summoned Sir Robert Peel to
form a new ministry, by whose advice a dissolution took place. Thereafter Mr.
Marryat's name disappeared from lists of the House of Commons.
The second son of the senior Joseph Marryat was Captain Frederick Marryat, of
the Royal Navy. He was born in London on 10th July 1792, and was named after
his American grandfather. He entered the Navy on 23d September 1816, his first
ship being the Imperieuse (44), commanded by Lord Cochrane, in which he served
till 1809, having taken part in more than fifty-three sea-fights. In cutting out a
ship of the enemy at the Bay of Arcupon, he was very severely wounded ; he was
carried down in a state of insensibility, and was pronounced to be dead, until he
DESCENDANTS AMONG PUBLIC MEN.
215
faintly whispered, by way of refutation, " You are a liar." He repeatedly signalised
himself by jumping overboard and saving the lives of drowning men. He was pro-
moted to be Lieutenant in 181 2, and joined H.M.S. Espiegle. But after an unsuccess-
ful effort to save a drowning sailor, he burst a blood-vessel, and was sent home in-
valided. He returned to active service in 18 14, and became a Commander in the
next year. Peace followed, and he did not rise to the rank of a Post-Captain until
1825. In that year he was made a Companion of the Bath (C.B.), and was also
decorated with the medal of the Royal Humane Society. Not being wedded to the
past like his father, he openly condemned the press-gang, and was in advance of our
sailor-king who, in consequence, it is said, refused him his smile, although he could
not help being delighted with his nautical romances. By these he became famous,
and will always be remembered, especially by " Peter Simple," which was published
in 1835. But he also gained much credit in more serious studies. He was a Fellow
of the Royal and of the Linnean Societies. In 1837 he published "The Universal
Code of Signals for the Mercantile Marine of all Nations," for which valuable work
Louis Philippe, King of the French, made him a Chevalier of the Legion of Honour,
and sent him the Gold Cross of that Order of Knighthood. (There is an edition
published in 1869, edited by G. B. Richardson.) He visited America, and printed
two series in six volumes of a work, entitled " A Diary in America, with Remarks
on its Institutions," London, 1839. He married Catharine, daughter of Sir Stephen
Shairp. His son, Lieutenant Marryat, perished in the wreck of H.M.S. Avenger, in
February 1842. Captain Marryat died on the 2d of August 1848.
VIII. Professor Pryme, M.P.
Francis, nephew of Rev. Abraham De la Pryme, was born in 1702 ; he was twice
Mayor of Hull, and died 7th July 1769. He had dropped the prefix de la (as ex-
plained in my Chapter VI.), so that his son was known as Christopher Pryme, Esq.,
of Cottingham (Yorkshire). Mr. Christopher Pryme was born in 1739, and married
Alice, daughter of George Dinsdale, Esq., residing at Nappa Hall, and sister of Rev.
Owen Dinsdale, Rector of Welford. Mr. Pryme died in September 1784, at the
comparatively early age of forty-five, from the effects of a fall from his horse ; he
was buried at Ferriby.
George Pryme, his only child, was born at Cottingham, on 4th August 1781, and
was thus only three years of age at his father's death ; but his mother lived a widow
for sixty years. His school education was at Hull, under Rev. Joseph Milner. He
entered Trinity College, Cambridge, in October 1799, and in January 1803 he took
his degree of B.A. with honours, coming out as sixth wrangler — an honour due to
his intelligence and accuracy as a mathematician, for he avoided cramming and late
hours. During his faithful and industrious under-graduate career, he cheered his
leisure hours with poetic composition, and produced prize Latin poems in 1801 and
1802, for each of which he received a University medal. In 1804 he won Dr.
Claudius Buchanan's prize for an original Greek Ode. He became a Fellow of
Trinity College, Cambridge, on 1st October 1805, and proceeded to the degree of
M.A. in July 1806.
Mr. Pryme adopted the profession of a barrister, and was called to the bar at
Lincoln's Inn, on the same day as Lord Campbell, 15th November 1806. In order
to supply a desideratum in academic education, he began to lecture on Political
Economy at Cambridge in March 181 3, and continued to do so for fifty years. He
published at Cambridge, in 1823, " An Introductory Lecture and Syllabus to a Course
delivered in the University of Cambridge on the Principles of Political Economy."
On 21st May 1828 the University conferred on him the title of Professor of Political
Economy ; he published a third edition of his Introductory Lecture and Syllabus in
1852, and a "fourth edition, corrected," in 1859; he continued to lecture till 1863.
He had published at Cambridge in 18 18, a " Counter-Protest of a Layman in reply
to the Protest of Archdeacon Thomas."
Professor Pryme was elected one of the M.P.'s for the borough of Cambridge in
December 1832 (population, 14,300; number of voters, about 245). He was tw ice
re-elected by the largely increased constituency, and retired from Parliament at the
dissolution in 1841. He was a useful member of the House of Commons, and spoke
clearly and sensibly ; he was sometimes called upon to preside when the House was
in Committee on a non-official legislator's Bill. He wrote, chiefly from memory,
some of his experiences in the House. 1 In 1834 he printed for private circulation a
Mr. I'ryme's recollections arc incorrect as to my late father, Sir Andrew Agnew, when he professes to de-
scribe the passage, through t lie House of Commons in Committee, of his Bill for the better observance of the
2l6
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Memoir of the Life of Daniel Sykes, M.A., Recorder of Hull, and late M.P. for
Beverley. In 1838 he published "Jepthah and other Poems." His "Autobio-
graphical Recollections " were edited by his daughter after his death.
His country house was Wistow, in Huntingdonshire. He had married, in 1813,
Jane Townley Thackeray, daughter of Thomas Thackeray, late surgeon in Cam -
bridge, and sister of Dr. Frederick Thackeray, physician in Cambridge. He had two
children, Alicia (Mrs. Bayne), and Charles De la Pryme, Esq., of the Inner Temple,
M.A. of Cambridge, barrister-at-law. It is to be regretted that Professor Pryme was
not a more prolific author. He was a man of great natural powers and of varied
learning, a successful barrister, and a competent professor. He had a strong venera-
tion for his old Protestant ancestors, and revived the true spelling of their surname
in the person of his son. He died at Wistow, being the senior member of the
Honourable Society of Lincoln's Inn, on the 2d December 1868, aged eighty-seven.
The following verses appeared in print more than thirty years ago : —
I saw her first in beauty's pride,
As from my gaze she turned aside ;
I marked her brightly beaming eye,
As in the dance she glided by ;
I heard her voice's genial sound
That shed a joy on all around,
Nor thought, till then, there was on earth
A heart so full of love and mirth.
Again I saw her beauteous face,
But gone was all its cheerful grace ;
And there was sorrow in her eye,
And more than sadness in her sigh.
She smiled less sweetly than before,
For a sister's sombre veil she wore ;
And in a convent's dreary cell
Had bid the world and hope farewell.
And once again I met her gaze,
There was no smile of former days ;
No sombre convent-veil was there
To mock the maniac's vacant stare.
And on that priest I heard her call,
Who lured her from her father's hall,
And that bright happy English home,
Before her thoughts had strayed to Rome.
Cambridge. Charles De la Pryme.
IX. Chief-Justice Lefroy, D.C.L.
Right Hon. Thomas Lefroy, M.P. (whose pedigree I have already detailed),
was born in Ireland on 8th January 1776. He entered Trinity College, Dublin, on
2d November 1790, and after a brilliant University career, took his degree. He was
called to the Irish Bar in 1797, but did not practise until he had completed a course
of legal study at Lincoln's Inn. He formed a friendship during his college life with
a fellow-student, which ended in his engagement to be married to that student's
sister. The incident became unusually romantic. The Irish rebellion broke out in
the County of Wexford in May 1798 ; the young lady and her mother took refuge in
Wales, while the father, Jeffry Paul, Esq., of Silverspring, remained in Wexford to
fight as an officer of yeomanry. Accordingly, Thomas Lefroy was married to Mary
Paul (eventually her father's heiress) at Abergavenny, on 16th March 1799. He
practised at the Irish Bar with eminent ability and success; in 1816 he became a
King's Counsel; in November 1818 he was made His Majesty's Third Serjeant-at-
law; he rose to be First Serjeant, and was long known as Serjeant Lefroy. He was
often styled Dr. Lefroy, his university having conferred on him tHe degree of D.C.L.
Mr. Lefroy became a very wealthy gentleman. As such, he devoted himself to
the Tory or Conservative party. He also aimed at the highest seats on the Bench
without serving as Solicitor-General and Attorney-General for Ireland. In those
Lord's Day. He has mixed up in his memory Sir Andrew's Hill (which never reached the Committee stage), and
another Hill brought in by Mr. J. S. Poulter, M.P. for Shaftesbury. The facts are these :— Having failed to get
a second reading {ox his own Hill, which was intended to provide rest for all the working classes, Sir A. Agnew
gave way to Mr. William Peter, M.P. for Hodmyn, and to Mr. Poulter, each of whom brought in a partial Iiill
against Sunday trading. Mr. Poulter's Bill passed the second reading and got into Committee ; but the House,
by so-called amendments, put a fool's cap upon it, so that Sir A. and his friends joined in throwing it out at the
reporting stage. It was probably Mr. Poulter who said that he felt himself in bondage to the Lord's Day
Observance Society, although Mr. Pryme's recollections atttibute the saying and the sensation to Sir Andrew
Agnew (erroneously, I am certain, because Sir A.'s views were rather in advance of that Society).
DESCENDANTS AMONG PUBLIC MEN.
217
days elections were as expensive as they have been since, and election petitions (i.e.,
petitions to the House of Commons against the validity of a specified election) were
much more expensive than now. He and his eldest son long sat in Parliament in
order to support their party, at the expense to the former of eighteen contested elec-
tions and four Parliamentary petitions. He and his family were persons of remark-
able personal piety ; and in those days, being Irish Episcopal Protestants, they
believed it to be a religious duty to be Conservatives or Tories. It was otherwise in
the days of the Earl of Galway, a Protestant and a Christian as eminent as any
modern worthy. That Lord's Tory opponent, the Duke of Ormond, Lord-Lieutenant,
burnt publicly, as " Whiggish," a sermon printed in Dublin under the Lords-Justices,
his predecessors, in favour of the Protestant succession, concluding thus : —
" If there be any (thou God, Protector and Guardian of virtuous and religious Kings !)
who, making profession of thy pure religion established in these nations, yet are not sensible
of the blessing of their condition under the present happy constitution — who, making profes-
sion of the true Protestant religion, are yet in the interests of another Prince, an enemy to it —
if there be any who prefer the tyranny of a Popish knight-errant Pretender to the just dominion of
a religious and illustrious Protestant Queen and her established successors — if there be any who
would remove the noble patriots from the ministry and management of public affairs (who are
the bulwarks of the nation's honour, liberties, and religion, against all enemies both foreign and
domestic) to make way for principles of Passive Obedience and Divine Right, sources of
slavery — or if there be any, who are either fools or knaves enough to think to secure the Pro-
testant Religion and Interest under the tyranny of a Catholic Prince and Government — do
Thou, O Lord God of truth, equity, and justice (of what distinction soever they may be) con-
found 'em in all their devices, and let all the people say with me, Amen." 1
Thus the old Irish Tories indignantly burnt what their successors would print,
preach, and circulate.
Following out his deliberate and legitimate ambition, Mr. Lefroy refused Puisne
Judgeships in 1820, 1821, and 1823. In 1830 he went to London as M.P. for Dublin
University, having at that date only ninety-two constituents. In 1835 Sir Robert
Peel made him an Irish Privy Counsellor, and designed him to be Master of the Rolls
on the Irish Bench, but Sir Robert was out of office before the occurrence of the
expected vacancy. It was at the age of fifty-four that Mr. Lefroy entered Parlia-
ment, and he never became a Parliamentary orator. On his elevation to the Bench
as a Baron of Exchequer in 1841, his speeches in the House of Commons were
characterized by Sir Robert Peel as having been perfectly judicial in their tone and
the reverse of exciting. The reporters (represented by the late James Grant 2 ) said
of him : " The reporters consider his rising to speak to be quite a windfall ; the time
he is up affords them a corresponding cessation from their arduous labours ; strangers
in the gallery, who know no better, consider that the House itself has risen whenever
Serjeant Lefroy rises. I have seen the honourable and learned gentleman thin the
House with such incredible expedition, that the benches, which but a few minutes
before were crowded, have become almost entirely deserted. The reading of the
Riot Act does not more effectually disperse a mob than the honourable member
does the legislators of the Lower House."
In 1 841 when Sir Robert Peel returned to office, all parties considered Mr.
Lefroy entitled to the position of Lord Chancellor of Ireland ; but Sir Edward
Sugden, the great English lawyer, was preferred, Mr. Lefroy (as already stated)
becoming a Baron of the Exchequer. In 1852 the Earl of Derby made Sir Edward
Sugden Lord Chancellor of Great Britain, and Chief-Justice Blackburne Lord
Chancellor of Ireland ; Baron Lefroy succeeded the latter as Lord Chief-Justice of
Ireland. The new Chief-Justice continued to be immensely admired as an acute,
profound, and distinguished lawyer, and intensely respected as a courageous and
consistent Christian, and heartily beloved, not only by his family, but by the whole
community. His publications were connected with the legal profession. In 1802
he published a tract on " Proceedings by elegit for recovery of Judgment Debts ; " in
that year Lord Redcsdale came to Dublin as Lord Chancellor, and Mr. Lefroy had
a large share in the publication of his "Decisions." In 1822 he became secretary to
the Irish Scripture Readers' Society, and drew up its rules ; he, in fact, suggested
the formation of the Society, and started it with a donation of £1000. The present
manor-house of Carrig-glas, rebuilt by him, is a monument to his memory. When
he was approaching his ninetieth year, it was understood that he was willing to
retire from public life, when he could resign "gracefully" — namely, whenever his
1 Rev. Prebendary Stoughton's (Lord Chancellor's Chaplain) Sermon preached before the State in Christ
Church in Dublin on Monday, 31st January 1709 (n.s.).
2 " Random Recollections of the Lords and Commons." Second scries vol. ii., Chapter xi.
I- 2 E
2l8
FERNCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
own political friends should return to power. This change of government did not
occur immediately, and some animadversions having been made, he had the advan-
tage of receiving and reading numerous monumental eulogies on himself. Such
panegyrics were just ; they are well summed up by a sentence in the Illustrated
London Nczvs : "Calm, dignified, learned and courteous, a profound lawyer and
Christian gentleman, Chief-Justice Lefroy will long be remembered as one of the
greatest lawyers who have adorned the Irish Bench during the last half century."
The Register states, " He continued to take his seat on the bench and to hear causes
until his ninetieth year, when the return of Lord Derby to place gave him the
opportunity of gracefully resigning his post in the month of May 1866." He died
at Bray, near Dublin, on 4th May 1869, aged ninety-three, "the oldest member of
the legal profession in the three kingdoms."
X. Right Hon. E. P. Bouverie.
The most eminent living scion of the Radnor stock is the Right Honourable
Edward Pleydell Bouverie, now of East Lavington Manor, near Devizes. He was
born on 26th April 18 18, and was educated at Harrow and at Trinity College,
Cambridge, where he took the degree of M.A. in 1838. He adopted the profession
of a barrister, and in 1844 he entered the House of Commons as M.P. for the
Kilmarnock district of boroughs ; he represented that variegated constituency for
thirty years, a period of distinguished public service, of which he possesses a grateful
memento in a splendid shield having the Bouverie coat-of-arms as a conspicuous
centre-piece, surrounded by the armorial bearings of the boroughs of Kilmarnock,
Dumbarton, Renfrew, Rutherglen, and Port-Glasgow. He married, on 1st November
1842, Elizabeth Anne, youngest daughter of General Robert Balfour of Balbirnie,
and has a family. He was Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department
from 1850 to 1852. " His high talents and business habits recommended him for
the appointment of Chairman of Committees of the House of Commons, the duties
of which he discharged with great efficiency from April 1853 to March 1855." In
August 1855 he became President of the Poor-Law Board, and so continued till the
resignation of Viscount Palmerston's ministry in 1858. Since that date he has not
held any political office, though he continued to be an M.P. until 1874. In 1862 he
introduced a Bill proposing to relieve from the traditional indelibility of Holy Orders
any clergymen desiring to withdraw from the Church of England on account of a
change in their opinions. His Bill did not pass into an Act of Parliament, but the
desideratum was afterwards granted. He was appointed the Second Church Estates'
Commissioner in 1859. As a Privy Councillor, which he has been since 1855, he has
the style of " Right Honourable ; " by birth he is " The Honourable," being the
younger son of the third Earl of Radnor. Lady Jane Harriet Ellice, and Mary,
Baroness Penzance, are the sisters of Mr Bouverie.
<Ehapt*r £11.
OFFSPRING OF THE EARLIER REFUGEES EMINENT AS BISHOPS, CLERGYMEN,
AND RELIGIOUS AUTHORS.
I. Archbishop of Tuam.
The Trench family are best known to fame through having produced two Arch-
bishops — one of the Clancarty family, and the other of the Ashtown line. The
second son of the first Earl of Clancarty was Power Le Poer Trench. This esteemed
Divine was born in Dublin on ioth June 1770. His father not having been raised
to the peerage till the end of the century, he was entered as " filius Gulielmi equitis"
in the books of Trinity College (Dublin) in 1787 ; he was declared to have been
" educatus sub ferula majistri Ralph." He had only been ten years a clergyman,
when (in 1802) he was elevated to the episcopal bench as Bishop of Waterford. In
1809 he became Bishop of Elphin, and in 18 19 he was promoted to the Arch-
bishopric of Tuam. He is know n as " The last Archbishop of Tuam," because that
diocese was reduced to a bishop's see, two of the four archbishoprics of Armagh,
DESCENDANTS AMONG BISHOPS AND CLERGY.
219
Dublin, Cashel, and Tuam having been doomed to abolition as unnecessary. At his
death, in 1839, he left behind him the reputation of great dignity, piety, assiduity,
and beneficence. The following is his epitaph in the Cathedral of Tuam : —
AOHA EN T^I2TOI2 ©EH.
The Chief Shepherd,
Whom he loved and served, in whom he now sleeps,
Called away from the evil to come
The Hon. and Most Rev. Power Le Poer Trench, D.D.,
Lord Archbishop of Tuam,
On the 26th of March 1839.
A lover of hospitality, a lover of good men, sober, just, holy, temperate,
Holding fast the faithful word.
With a father's love
He presided nineteen years over this province,
With unquenchable zeal promoted the spread of true religion,
With uncompromising fidelity opposed error,
With inflexible integrity obeyed the dictates of an enlightened conscience,
With surpassing benevolence relieved want,
With mingled meekness and dignity exercised his apostolic office.
Dearer to him than life itself was the word of the truth of the Gospel,
And tenderly did he sympathize with the whole Church
In all her joys and sorrows.
To him to live was Christ,
To die was gain.
His afflicted clergy, deeply mourning their bereavement, yet sustained by
the certainty of his bliss, and encouraged by the brightness of his ex-
ample, have erected this record of their grateful love.
Besides the old diocese of Tuam, the Archbishop's actual diocese included the terri-
tories of the suppressed sees of Ardagh, Killala, and Achonry. The clergy of
Ardagh set up a monumental slab in Longford Church, and also established an
exhibition in the University of Dublin, called "The Power- Trench Memorial;" an
annual prize in money to be given to the son of an Ardagh clergyman who shall
have distinguished himself in the Divinity class, prior to the commencement in each
year.
The Archbishop left two sons and six daughters. The younger son, Power, died
in 1872, Lieut.-Colonel 2nd Dragoon Guards. The elder son, William, married, in
1830, Lady Louisa Trench, eldest daughter of the second Earl of Clancarty, and
died 1 ith May 1854, leaving two daughters : —
(1.) Harriet Anne, wife of Henry William Meredyth, who died in the lifetime of
his father, Sir Henry Meredyth, Bart., leaving two sons.
(2.) Sarah Louisa, wife of James Peddie Steele, B.A., M.D. Edin.
, " II. Archbishop of Dublin.
The Archbishop Trench of the present day belongs to the Ashtown line.
Frederic, the first Lord Ashtown, was the eldest of seven brothers ; the sixth of
these was Richard Trench, Esq. (who died 16th April i860), a barrister, whose wife,
Melesina, was the heiress of her grandfather, Richard Chenevix, Bishop of Waterford
(see my vol. ii). Richard and Melesina had four sons, of whom the second, Richard
Chenevix Trench, was born on 9th September 1807. He graduated at Cambridge,
and held benefices in England ; he is also D.D. Having earned a brilliant reputa-
tion as a scholarly, elegant, and learned author, possessed of uncommon and varied
information, he was rewarded with the Deanery of Westminster. And when the
advisers of the Crown were in search of a worthy successor to the erudite and
versatile Archbishop Whately, their choice rested upon Dean Trench, who was
accordingly consecrated Archbishop of Dublin on the 1st of January 1864. In his
early manhood, he first attracted attention as a poet, gleaning beautiful thoughts
from romantic and oriental sources. He has issued many interesting publications
on the English language viewed from every point. As a scholar, his distinction
rests chiefly on his work on the Greek Synonyms of the New Testament, and on his
Hulscan Lectures. In Biblical literature, his " Notes on the Parables," and "Notes
on the Miracles," contain a rich apparatus of illustrative materials, compiled partly
from the Fathers of the Christian Church. From his selection of synonyms he
omitted the principal words which involve doctrinal controversies; and it was
220
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
conjectured that he was a negative theologian. But his distinct doctrinal views
concerning the way of salvation are to be found in his " Five Sermons preached
before the University of Cambridge." In his Exposition of the Epistles to the
Seven Churches, the reader will perceive his decided and increasingly strong senti-
ments concerning Church-Government. Archbishop Trench's private relationships
are all Huguenot. A descendant of the old Seigneurs de la Tranche, and the best
known representative of Bishop Chenevix, he is a nephew of the first Lord Ashtown,
also a cousin, and (through his wife, nee the Hon. Frances Mary Trench) a brother-
in-law, of the present Lord Ashtown. [Before going to press, I have to add that the
Archbishop died on 28th March 1886, and was buried in Westminster Abbey.]
Without attempting a chronological list of the Archbishop's works, I may be
allowed to call attention to their wide circulation. His eight lectures on " English,
Past and Present," originally delivered in King's College, London, and collected into
a volume, have reached a tenth edition, and a cognate manual 011 " The Study of
Words " has attained its seventeenth edition; while there is a fifth edition of a " Select
Glossary of English Words used formerly in senses different from the present," and
a seventh edition of " Proverbs and their Lessons." A sixth edition is announced of
his " Hulsean Lectures of 1845 and 1846." There is a fourteenth edition of his
" Notes on the Parables of our Lord," an eleventh edition of the " Notes on the
Miracles of our Lord," and a tenth edition of the Synonyms of the New Testament.
I am inclined to say that his most eloquent passages are in his second course of
Hulsean Lectures, which I have read twice, although I quote only the eloquent
title-page of the first edition, " Christ the Desire of all Nations, or the Unconscious
Prophecies of Heathendom — being the Hulsean Lectures for the year 1846. By
Richard Chenevix Trench, M.A., Vicar of Itchenstoke, Hants, Professor of Divinity,
King's College, London, and Examining Chaplain to the Lord Bishop of Oxford."
Cambridge, 1846.
As specimens of his thoughts and of his style I give two extracts from the
"Notes on the Parables." The first extract describes the "Hid Treasure," and the
" Pearl of Great Price : " —
" The kingdom of God is not merely a general, it is also an individual and personal, thing.
It is not merely a tree overshadowing the earth, or leaven leavening the word, but each man
must have it for himself, and make it his own by a distinct act of his own will. He cannot be
a Christian without knowing it. He may indeed come under the shadow of this great tree
and partake of many blessings of its shelter ; he may dwell in a Christendom which has been
leavened with the truth, and so in a degree himself share in the universal leavening. But
more than this is needed, and more than this, for every elect soul, will find place. There will
be a personal appropriation of the benefit, and we have the history of this in these parables
. . . Under one or other, as finders either of the pearl or of the hid treasure, may be ranged
all who become partakers of the blessings of the Gospel of Christ.
" Of these, there are some who feel that there must be an absolute good for man in the
possession of which he shall be blessed and find the satisfaction of all his longings, and who
are therefore seeking everywhere, and inquiring for this good. Such are likened to the
merchant that has distinctly set before himself the purpose of seeking goodly pearls, and
making these his own. Such are the fewer in number, but are likely to prove the noblest
servants cf the truth.
" There are others who do not discover that there is an aim and a purpose for man's life,
or a truth for him at all, until the truth as it is in Jesus is revealed to them. Such are
compared to the finder of the hid treasure, who stumbled upon it unawares, neither expecting
nor looking for it."
The second extract is from the exposition of the parable of " The Prodigal
Son : " —
" The prodigal though thus graciously received, with his sin not once mentioned against
him, does not the less make the confession which he had meditated when the purpose of
returning was first conceived in his heart [' Father, I have sinned,' &&]. And this is well ; for
though God may forgive, man is not therefore to forget. It is after, and not before, the kiss of
reconciliation that this confession is made ; for the more the sinner knows and tastes of the
love of God, the more he grieves to have outraged that love. . . . The truest and best
repentance follows, and does not precede, the sense of forgiveness. Thus repentance will be
a lifelong thing, for every new insight into that forgiving love will be as a new reason why the
sinner should mourn to have sinned against it. It is a mistake to affirm that men — those, I
mean, in whom a real spiritual work is going forward — will lay aside their repentance so soon
as they are convinced of the forgiveness of their sins, and that therefore . . . the longer
men can be kept in suspense about their forgiveness the better, as thus a deeper foundation
of repentance will be laid. This is a preposterous view of the relation in which repentance
and forgiveness stand to each other, their true relation being opened up in such passages as
DESCENDANTS AMONG BISHOPS AND CLERGY. 221
Ezekiel xxxvi. 31, and xvi. 60-63. The younger son, albeit with the clearest evidence that
his father is pacified towards him, does not the less confess his shame. He does not, indeed,
utter all that he had once intended. ... In his dropping of these words [' Make me as one
of thy hired servants '] — in his willingness to be blessed by his father to the uttermost — there
is evidence that the grace already received has not been received in vain."
III. Archdeacon of Ardagh.
Returning to the Clancarty line, we note the Honourable Charles Le Poer Trench
(born in December 1772), fourth son of the first Earl of Clancarty, and brother of the
Archbishop of Tuam. He was educated for the Church, and was D.D., Vicar-
General of Clonfert, and Archdeacon of Ardagh. He died in 1839, which was also
the year of the Archbishop's death. His sons were (1) Rev. Frederic William Le
Poer Trench, M.A., rector of Moore and Drum, in the diocese of Tuam {born 1808) ;
(2) Charles Thomas {born 18 10, died 1854), who married Frances Anne, the Arch-
bishop's daughter ; (3) Major-General Henry Luke Le Poer Trench, late of the
Bombay Staff Corps {bom 1820).
The following account of the Archdeacon is in the words of Dr. Sirr, who says :
" He was a man of great original genius, and rare powers, intellectual and corporeal.
His mind was well stored with various knowledge ; his wit was of the first order, and
his conversation abounded with such felicitous and amusing anecdotes, illustrative of
every subject on which he discoursed, that there never existed a more agreeable ■
companion. He won all hearts — his fascination extended to the cabin as well as to
the palace. When, through the grace of God, he was led to reflect more seriously
on his ministerial responsibilities than he had in the early part of his ministry, his
extraordinary energy of character was all concentrated in promoting the progress of
divine truth. Schools rose up in every direction. His position as brother to the
noble proprietor of the soil, gave him peculiar facilities in protecting the poor, who
had the boldness to send their children to scripture schools in defiance of priestly
interdicts. No labour was too great, no service too humble, for his ardent zeal. No
engagements, no visitors, were permitted to interfere with his prescribed periods of
attendance at remote localities. It mattered not what the season of the year, what
the dangers of the way or the darkness of the evening, off he marched to instruct the
ignorant and poor. Lantern in hand, he would wend his appointed way from his
house at Ballinasloe, across the wood of Garbally and intervening bog by the
shortest cut he could discover, to the village of Derrywillan, where a few peasants
wanted to receive his pastoral instruction. The Rev. James Anderson, who fre-
quently attended him on such excursions, says he was the best catechist and lecturer
he ever knew. Late in life Archdeacon Trench acquired the power of reading the
Scriptures in the Irish language, that he might thus be able to communicate the
knowledge of divine truth to those who spoke that tongue in a manner that would
commend itself to their attention, and reach both their hearts and understandings.
He carried constantly about him wherever he went, with this view, either the Irish
Bible or New Testament. On one occasion, travelling by the mail to Galway, he
found himself in company with three Roman Catholic gentlemen going to the
assizes. He entertained them at first with general and amusing conversation. His
wit soon got them into the most bland and cheerful humour. When their laughter
was at the highest, he suddenly interrupted them, saying, " I'll venture to say none
of you think I can speak Irish.' Some doubt was expressed. 'Wait till you see,'
he replied ; and pulling out the Irish Bible from his pocket, he read the Irish version
of Psalm cxxx. He then asked them if they knew what it was he read. ' Yes,' said
one of the party, ' it is one of the seven penitential psalms ; when David fell to the
bottom of an old well, he cried out from the depth to God, and as he repeated first
one psalm and then another, God raised him up by degrees, and when he finished the
seven, he found himself safe and sound at the top of the well.' This strange inter-
pretation enabled the archdeacon to remove the ignorance which occasioned it, and,
having exposed the fabulous character of the supposed miracle, to comment with
propriety on the words, ' out of the depths have I cried unto Thee,' &c, and to direct
the minds of his friends to the extent of guilt acknowledged by the Psalmist, the
nature of the forgiveness he sought, the trust he had in the word of God, his earnest
longing for the presence of the Lord, and the plenteous redemption to which the
royal prophet invited the attention of Israel."
222
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
IV. Prebendary Le Poer Trench.
The next younger brother of the Archbishop of Tuam was Rear-Admiral William
Le Poer Trench {born 1771, died 1846). He was twice married, and was represented
at the time of his death by three sons: — (1) William (of whom afterwards); (2) Rev.
John Le Poer Trench {bom 1802, died 1866), represented in the Army and Navy;
and (3) Frederick Netterville Le Poer Trench.
Returning to William, we memorialise him as Rev. William Le Poer Trench, D.D.,
born 2d February 1801. He was chaplain to his uncle, the Archbishop, who gave
him the rectory of Killereran in 1825. He afterwards is called Rector of Moylough.
He was well known as a Prebendary of Tuam. Of him the Rev. Dr. Sirr says, " He
was the intimate and admired friend of all the clergy, who were wont to meet from
month to month at the palace. He was a careful and diligent student of the Scrip-
tures — an active and zealous clergyman — one who entered with constitutional
warmth into the prosecution of every good work and labour of love, was
known to every diocese in Ireland as the originator and joint-secretary of the Church
Education Society." That Society was founded in 1838 ; it grew out of the Educa-
tion Society of the Diocese of Tuam. The Prebendary died in 1868.
j V. Bishop of" Peterborough.
George Jeune, or Le Jeune, was a descendant of a good family of Montpelier
(formerly of La Marche), Sieurs de Chambeson. Mr. Smiles, to whom the family
pedigree was communicated, informs us that he took refuge in Jersey and was
settled there, in the parish of St. Brelade, in 1570, in which year he married Marie
Hubert. The Register for 1869 mentions his lineal descendant, the late Francis
Jeune, Esq., of Jersey, and takes occasion to correct a mistaken report that he was a
miller ; " there was a mill on his estate formerly attached to a monastery, at which
the neighbouring landowners were compelled to grind, and he received the dues, but
in no other sense was he a miller." His eminent son and namesake, Francis, was
born in 1806. His early education was received at the College of St. Servan, St.
Malo. On its completion he was sent to Pembroke College, Oxford, and took his
degree of B.A. in 1827, with honours (first-class in classics); he regularly proceeded
to M.A., and was afterwards D.C.L. Soon after taking his first degree he became a
Fellow of Pembroke College, and held his Fellowship till his marriage in 1836.
From 1834 to 1838 he became celebrated as the Head-Master of King Edward the
Sixth's School in Birmingham, and then received through Lord John Russell the
joint-preferments of Dean of Jersey and Rector of St. Helier's. In 1843 he returned
to Oxford as Master of Pembroke College and Canon of Gloucester ; during the fol-
lowing twenty years he was a leader in University Reform, having a principal share
in founding the Middle-class Examination, in establishing the departments of Law
and Modern History, and of Natural Science, and in writing the Report of the Com-
mission of Enquiry. In Theology he was the determined opponent of Dr. Pusey.
In 1864, through Viscount Palmerston, he became Dean of Lincoln, and (after a few
months' residence in his Deanery), Bishop of Peterborough. His health began to
give way, and he died on 21st August 1868. His personalty was sworn under
^35,000. His will, dated 23d March 1868, was to this effect: — "By this my last
will I, Francis Jeune, Bishop of Peterborough, commend my soul to Almighty God,
through the merits of the Saviour who loved me and gave Himself for me ; and
bequeath all my estate whatsoever to my good and loving wife, whom I name as
guardian of my children under age, if need be, and executrix of this my will."
The memory of the Bishop of Peterborough is affectionately preserved in Oxford
University by the Jeune Memorial Prize, to be competed for annually, and to be
awarded for the best Essay on some thesis contained and maintained in the Bishop's
printed works.
This admirable prelate delivered in 1867 his Primary Charge to the Clergy and
Churchwardens of the Diocese of Peterborough, which was printed. It proved to be
his last and dying charge. It has been reprinted along with five of his great
sermons ; a new edition has just been issued, under the title of "Primary Charge and
Sermons, by the late Right Rev. Francis Jeune, D.C.L., Lord Bishop of Peterborough.
The following is a list of his sermons (all, except the fifth, were preached before the
University of Oxford) : —
1. The Studies of Oxford Vindicated, June 20, 1845.
2. " Let every man take heed how he buildeth," October 26, 1845.
DESCENDANTS AMONG BISHOPS AND CLERGY.
223
3. The Throne of Grace — not the Confessional, October 16, 1846. First edition,
1846; second edition, 1867.
4. " Was Paul crucified for you ? " [A Sermon proving that our Lord Jesus
Christ did not die in order to finish a career of martyrdom exemplarily.] Preached
December 6, 1863. First and second edition, 1863 ; third edition (published after his
accession to his bishopric), 1864.
5. The Unknown Sufferings of Christ, a Sermon preached at St. George's,
Leicester, on Sunday, October 9, 1864. By Francis, Lord Bishop of Peterborough.
His sermons being not as widely known as those of more prominent authors, I
extract three specimen paragraphs.
In the sermon named first, there is this able and instructive statement: —
" The Word of God is not a mere string of moral precepts — an abstract creed — the dry
rubric of a ritual service. The Bible is history — the only history of the greater half of time ;
it is poetry — the chosen source of the inspiration of almost all the great poets of modern days ;
it is deep argument ; it is philosophy. Thus it connects itself with every branch of human
knowledge ; it awakens and interests every taste ; it finds illustration in every art ; it is asso-
ciated with all that is striking in nature. Unlike false religions, ours rests upon demonstration,
and challenges criticism, and opposes every other system, and so comes into collision with the
most busy intellects, and arrays against it some of the strongest feelings of the human mind.
It cannot fail, therefore, to develop the powers of its advocates to the utmost. Whether for
explanation or defence, Christianity urges the chronologist to his calculations, the historian to
his researches ; it descends into the eruxails of the earth with the geologist, or scales the
heavens with the astronomer; the metaphysician analyses the mind — the 'critic deciphers
manuscripts and weighs syllables — in its service ; it inspires and employs the genius of the
poet and the artist ; the proselytizing spirit, which animates it, compels it to study every lan-
guage and to examine every creed ; scarcely any question, social, moral, or political, which it
does not feel commissioned to decide. The ministers of religion, if ignorant or timid, may
perhaps look on the labours of philosophers and the spread of knowledge, with suspicion and
fear; but religion herself finds new confirmation in every discovery, and feels that she is best
loved where she is best known. The Bible and the evangelical system are so constructed, that
they compel men, whether as friends or as foes, to enter upon the whole extent of human
knowledge. Wherever Scripture is regarded as the sole rule of Faith and placed in the hands
of all who will receive it — wherever the right and the duty of private are upheld — it
follows, almost necessarily, that literature and science shall flourish and civilisation be
perpetuated."
The second extract sounds as if a stalwart old Huguenot was speaking to us
from the grave. It is from the Sermon on the Throne of Grace : —
" Experience shows, independently of Scripture and reason, that the Romish doctrine of sacra-
mental absolution and auricular confession are not of God. ... It is no vague suspicion that
makes us fear that he, into whose ear is poured the whole moral pollution of a community,
can hardly keep himself pure, or apply the dreadful knowledge in which he has been trained,
without corrupting, or increasing corruption. . . . Long may the holiest affections of English
parents be enlisted against the attempt to remedy evil, however sore, by the inoculation of the
very virus which is destroying souls. May the peace and the honour of our homes ever be
jealously protected from the despotic influence of spiritual direction. May the priest never be
permitted to destroy the confidence between mother and child, between husband and wife,
between friend and friend."
The last and most eloquent extract, although taken from his sermon preached in
1863, may be accepted as his final and dying testimony : —
" In those dark hours when man is made to repossess the iniquities of his youth — when
the arrows of the Almighty, the poison whereof drinketh the spirit, rankle in the soul — a
miserable comforter would he prove who should preach only the example set forth, the witness
given, by the death of Christ ; for that example the sinner has not followed — that doctrine it
is which condemns him. In vain would he be told that the cross is a declaration of uncon-
ditional mercy; for conscience, knowing full well that the wages of sin is death, and convinced
that the wrath of God is revealed from heaven against all unrighteousness, would give the lie
at once to such a mutilated gospel. Let me hear when I am on the bed of death that Christ
died in the stead of sinners, of whom I am the chief — that He was forsaken of God during
those fearful agonies, because he had taken my place — that on His cross I paid the penalty of
my guilt. Let me hear too that His blood cleanseth from all sin, and that I may now appear
before the bar of God not as pardoned only, but as innocent. Let me realise the great mystery
of the reciprocal substitution of Christ and the believer — or rather, their perfect unity, He in
them, they in Him, which He has expressly taught. And let me believe that, as I was in
effect crucified on Calvary, He will in effect stand before the throne in my person — mine the
sin, His the penalty — His the shame, mine the glory — His the throne, mine the crown — His
the merits, mine the reward. Verily Thou shalt answer for me, O Lord my Righteousness ;
in T.iee have I trusted, let me never be confounded."
224
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
VI. Clergy of the Bouverie Family.
(i.) Prebendary J. Bouverie. — Rev. John Bouverie was the second son of Edward,
of Delapre Abbey ; he was rector of Woolbeding in Sussex, and a prebendary of
Lincoln. Born 13th January 1779, died 9th June 1855, aged seventy-six.
(2.) Prebendary E. Bouverie. — Rev. Edward Bouverie, second son of Bartholomew
Bouverie, M.P., was born 15th August 1783. He was vicar of Coleshill, also a
chaplain in ordinary to the Queen, and a prebendary of Salisbury. He married,
20th November 181 1, Frances Charlotte, daughter of Henry Reginald Courtenay,
Bishop of Exeter ; in 1835 this lady's brother succeeded to the peerage as eleventh
Earl of Devon, and she became Lady Frances Bouverie ; she died 29th March 1854.
The prebendary survived till 22d July 1874, having almost completed his ninety-first
year.
(3.) Archdeacon Bouverie. — Rev. William Arundell Bouverie, the third son of
Bartholomew Bouverie, M.P., was born 6th February 1797. He was rector of
Denton Harleston, and Archdeacon of Norfolk. He died 23d August 1877, aged
eighty.
(4.) Canon Pleydcll Bouverie. — Hon. and Rev. Frederick Pleydell Bouverie was
the third son of Jacob, second Earl of Radnor. He was born 16th November 1785.
He became B.A. of All Souls' College, Oxford, in 1805, M.A. in 18 10. In 18 16 he
was rector of Pewsey in Wiltshire, and in 1826 rector of Whippingham in the Isle
of Wight, and Canon of Salisbury. He married 18 14, Elizabeth, daughter of Sir
Richard Joseph Sullivan, Bart, of Thames Ditton, and by her had six sons and seven
daughters. The eldest son, Frederick William, is a Rear-Admiral ; the second,
Laurence, is a Lieutenant-Colonel, and the fourth is Lieutenant-Colonel Philip
Arthur Pleydell Bouverie Campbell, of Dunoon. Canon Pleydell Bouverie died on
6th June 1857, in his seventy-second year.
(5.) Rev. Edward Bouverie Pusey, D.D. — As already detailed, this celebrated
divine was a grandson of Jacob Bouverie, first Viscount Folkestone. He was born
on 22d August 1800. He was educated at Eton, whence he went to the University
of Oxford, which was his residence during the remainder of his life. He graduated
in 1822 with honours as a first-class in classics, and became a Fellow of Oriel College.
In 1828 he was made Regius Professor of Hebrew and a Canon of Christ Church.
In that year he married Maria Catherine, youngest daughter of Raymond Barker,
Esq. of Fairford Park, Gloucestershire. (She died in 1839, leaving a son, Philip
Edward, who died before his father, and two daughters.)
His first appearance as an author was also in 1828, and was occasioned by Rev.
Hugh James Rose's Lectures on German Rationalism. Pusey's book was rather a
rival performance than a reply. Rose approved of rational theology within certain
limits, and found the germs of rationalism (in the offensive sense) among the succes-
sors of the Protestant Reformers. Pusey found the rationalistic germs in the nature
and circumstances of the Protestant Reformation itself. This book, which he with-
drew from circulation in 1834, I might have passed over without notice, if it had not
been that it was the author's first note in his denunciations of Protestantism, and in
his declaration of war between the Catholic system and the Genevan. The French
Protestants, like all Christendom, have heard of the Anglican party of anti-Pro-
testants, named Puseyites, after this descendant of the refugees. They have been
startled by hearing that a scion of such stock, although not himself joining the
Romish priesthood, should advocate a theory of the Lord's Supper but slightly
different from the Romish mass, also the confessional, priestly absolution, convents,
&c, &c, &c. Dr. Pusey became known as a leader in the Romanizing direction in
1833, the date of the publication of No. 1 of those Oxford " Tracts for the Times "
(which occasioned the nickname of Tractariaus), which were continued until the
series had reached No. 90. He was a partner in their production from the first,
although he was the actual writer of none until No. 18. In 1843 he preached before
Oxford University on the " Holy Eucharist," and was suspended from preaching
before the University for three years. This is not the place for enlarging on such a
subject. Dr. Merle D'Aubigne has expressed the astonishment of the descendants
of the Huguenot refugees in their own language, 1 thus : —
" U s'est forme, meme parmi des ministres anglicans, un parti enthousiaste des rites — des
habits sacerdotaux — des doctrines superslitieuses de Rome — et qui attaque vivement la
Refonne. Les exces aux quels se portent quelques-uns de ceux qui le composent sont inouis.
L'un d'eux etablit une comparaison entre les reformateurs et les hommes de la terreur —
1 D'Aubigne, " Histoire de la Reformation au temps de Calvin," tome v., preface.
DESCENDANTS AMONG BISHOPS AND CLERGY.
Danton, Marat, Robespierre, &c— et donne meme l'avantage a ces derniers (T/ie Guardian,
20 Mai 1868). La Reformation, dit encore ce pretre anglican, n'a pas ite, une pentecote ; je la
regarde comme un diluge — un acte de la vengeance divine."
Notwithstanding all his lofty disdain of non-Catholics, it is satisfactory that the
progress of events led Dr. Pusey to claim a brotherhood with all believers in " the
supernatural," and in the inspiration and integrity of the Scriptures. In i860 he
entered into the field of Old Testament prophecy in vindication of the holy prophets
— their superhuman predictions and large Messianic references. In 1864 he pub-
lished a most valuable work, entitled " Daniel the Prophet." His determined Pro-
testant opponent, Dr. Jeune (Bishop of Peterborough), wrote: — " While I venture to
oppose the teaching of eminent men, I am not insensible to the claims which they
may have on our reverence and gratitude. What member of the Church of Christ
can be unthankful to Dr. Pusey for his wonderful work on the Prophet Daniel ? " 1
In this, and in his commentary on the Minor Prophets, Dr. Pusey served his genera-
tion well as a Hebrew scholar and professor. The publication of his accurate and
interesting commentary on the Hebrew text of the Twelve Minor Prophets was begun
in i860 and completed in 1877. It is full of devotional matter, in which, amidst
some Puseyism, there is much in common with Evangelical Protestants, even as to
the foundations of the Christian hope and of the Christian life. Thus, while we
grieve that he should say that Zechariah's prophecy of a fountain open for sin and
for uncleanness is fulfilled in baptism, and that Malachi's prophecy of a pure offering
is fulfilled in the " unbloody sacrifice of the Holy Eucharist," we cordially accept two
of his comments on the prophecies of Micah : —
vii. 19. He will subdue oitr iniquities, and thou wilt cast all their sins into the depths of the
sea. " It is a Gospel before the Gospel. God would pardon, and He, not we, would subdue
sin in us. He would bestow
of sin the double cure,
Save us from its guilt and power."
vi. 8. Walk humbly with thy God. " It is not a crouching before God displeased, but the
humble love of the forgiven. Walk humbly, as the creature with the Creator, but in love,
with thine own God. Humble thyself with God, Who humbled Himself in the flesh. Walk
on with Him, who is thy Way. Neither humility nor obedience alone would be true graces ;
but to cleave fast to God, because He is thine All, and to bow thyself down, because thou art
nothing, and thine All is He and of Him. It is altogether a Gospel precept."
Dr. Pusey died at Ascot Priory, where he happened to be on a visit, on 1 6th
September 1882, in his eighty-third year. He was buried at Christ Church, Oxford.
There are still, as of old, two French churches in London, one in the city, and one
in the West-end — the former maintaining the platform of public worship of Charenton and
Friedrichsdorf ; the latter using Durell's Anglican liturgy translated into French. As to the
former, I have spoken of its modern condition in my memoir of Rev. David Primerose. The
latter I mention here, because the Rev. Frederick William Bryon Bouverie, LL.B., is the
present incumbent, having been elected by the vestry in 1870. His place of worship in the
first part of the Clergy List is styled " the French Anglican Church of St. John (la Savoy)
it ought to have been "La Savoie;" in the second part it is called the French Episcopal
Chapel, Bloomsbury. The annual salary is ^260.
VII. Rev. Canon Chevallier, B.D.
I long had the hope of being able to connect the Chevallier family with the
refugee Professor of Hebrew, Raoul (or Rodolphe) Le Chevallier, alias Rodolphus
Cevallerius, who died on his way home to Oxford, in the Island of Guernsey, in
1572. His son was the Pasteur Samuel Le Chevallier, French pasteur of Canter-
bury in 1590, who by Lea Cappel had several children (see a list in my Historical
Introduction). I have made unsuccessful enquiries for a pedigree or some genea-
logical hints, and finally was referred to an oracle at Ipswich, but the oracle was
dumb. The family which I have found, however, is said to be sprung from " French
Huguenots, who left France for Jersey, in consequence of the troubles of the six-
teenth century, and proceeded thence to England." Before the accession of George
III., it had become a Suffolk family ; and the first notice that has met my eye is the
following : —
" 20th Oct. 1762. — Rev. Mr. Chevallier was instituted to the living of Great
Wrattling, in Suffolk, on his own petitions, himself being the patron, and to the
rectory of Kedington alias Ketton, in Suffolk, on the presentation of Mr Henry
I.
1 "The Throne of Grace— Not the Confessional," 2d edition, p. 4.
2 F
226
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Harrington." This clergyman is the same as Rev. Temple Chevallier, of Aspal — so
styled in 1796. Next we find the Rev. Temple Fishe Chevallier, Rector of Bading-
ham, in Suffolk [son of the above ?] ; he married Sarah Edgecumbe. Mrs. Chevallier
gave birth, on 19th October 1794, to twin sons — (1) Temple, (2) Richard Edge-
cumbe, and they were baptized privately the same day. I am not informed as to
the younger son, but I am now to give a memoir of Temple, 1 who, though he may
have seemed delicate when new-born, did, by " reason of strength," reach the verge of
fourscore years.
The school education of Temple Chevallier was obtained at Bury St. Edmund's
and at Ipswich. At the University of Cambridge he had an eminent career. He
took his first degree with honours as Second Wrangler. He was ordained as a
clergyman in 1820, and proceeded to the degree of B.D. He was Vicar of the
Parish of St. Andrew the Great in Cambridge, and Fellow and Tutor of St. Catherine
Hall. In one year he was examiner both in Classics and Mathematics; " he is the
only man who has been thus distinguished." He was the Hulscan Lecturer in the
years 1826 and 1827. The title of his first course of Lectures was " On the Historical
Types contained in the Old Testament — twenty Discourses preached before the
University of Cambridge, in the year 1826, at the Lectures founded by the Rev.
John Hulse." The other Hulsean volume was entitled, " Proofs of the Divine
Power and Wisdom derived from the Study of Astronomy." He also published " A
translation of the Epistles of Clement of Rome, Polycarp and Ignatius, and of the
Apologies of Justin Martyr and Tertullian, with an introduction and brief notes
illustrative of the Ecclesiastical History of the first two centuries," Cambridge, 1833.
He edited " Pearson on the Creed ;" his edition was printed at Cambridge in 1859.
In 1834 he removed from Cambridge to Durham University, to which lately
founded institution he dedicated his commanding talents and zealous labours. He
accepted the Professorship of Mathematics, and founded the Durham Astronomical
Observatory, of which he was the first Director. He also undertook the pastoral
charge of the parish of Esh, to which he was presented by Wadham College (Ox-
ford), and he laboured there for about thirty-five years. The large majority of his
parishioners being Romanists, his duties and experiences were like those of an old
Huguenot pasteur ; but happily the priest could subject him to no worse sufferings
than the reports of volleys of curses fulminated from his pretended Catholic altar.
Mr. Chevallier was made a Canon of Durham Cathedral in 1865. His health failed
in 1 87 1, and he died in his eightieth year, on 4th November 1873.
An aunt of the Reverend Canon, Harriet Chevallier, was married, in 1796, to
John Cobbold, Esq. (son of John, son of Thomas), of The Holywells near Ipswich,
born 1774, died i860; she predeceased him in 1831, having had six sons and eight
daughters. Her eldest son was John Chevallier Cobbold, Esq., of The Holywells,
born 24th August 1797, M.P. for Ipswich from 1847 to 1868, died 6th October 1882,
having had eight sons and five daughters. His eldest son, John Patterson Cobbold,
Esq., M.P. (born 1831, died 1875), had a son and heir, John Dupuis Cobbold, born
in 1 86 1 , who is now of Holywells, Wise Bishop, and Capel Hall, and was one of his
grandfather's executors. The other executors were the testator's sons, Thomas
Clement Cobbold, C.B., born 1833; Nathaniel Fromanteel Cobbold, born 1839; Felix
Thornley Cobbold, born 1841.
VIII. Dean of Dromore.
Very Rev. Jeffry Lefroy, son of Chief-Justice Lefroy, was born in 1809, and
baptized in St. Anne's Church, Dawson Street, Dublin, April 17. He was educated
at Trinity College, Dublin, and took the degree of M.A. in 1832. He married a
cousin of Lord Ashtown, Helena, daughter of Rev. Frederick Stewart Trench, by
Lady Helena Perceval, sister of the sixth Earl of Egmont. He was ordained to the
Christian ministry in 1833, and became the Incumbent of Aghaderg (Loughbrick-
land) in County Down. He received many letters from his eminent father, to whom
he was a congenial correspondent. [I may here remark that the Chief-Justice was
a great student of the Bible, a study which he began at the age of nineteen. He
writes on 10th August 1822, "I had from the year 1795, more or less, read the
Scriptures, but not with faith, nor as a little child, but in the pride of a Socinian
spirit, and consequently I remained long in the dark." " In the year 1 816 I first
began to have any view of God's true method of salvation for a sinner."]
The Chief-Justice wrote to Rev. Jeffry Lefroy on 8th April 1833 : —
1 I am much indebted to a Memoir in Sunday at //ome.
DESCENDANTS AMONG BISHOPS AND CLERGY. 227
" I was delighted to hear that you had made your debut in the pulpit, and trust and pray
that you may be kept firm to the anchorage you have taken — Christ and Him crucified, the
poiuer of God unto salvation. Yes, this is the weapon for slaying Satan ; this is the practical,
efficient, influential truth for bringing souls to God, whilst your great orators are spending rheir
breath in vain, and scattering their tropes and figures, sowing the wind, and consequently only
reaping the whirlwind." " I would give you one caution, that is, to avoid making up a sermon
of a collection of observations, having no beginning, no middle, no end — no premises, no con-
clusion — which might stop anywhere, and might be shaken in a hat, and drawn out as good a
sermon as in the order in which it was composed. The first thing is to consider what con-
clusion you wish to establish ; and then, when you lay before your congregation the point or
points you mean to establish, go regularly through your reasoning to establish the conclusion.
And, if the subject should lead in the discussion to any collateral remark, come back again
to your road, and mark that you do so Examine well the literal meaning of your text ;
it is dangerous not to hold to the latter as the foundation, before you proceed to the spiritual
import or application of language."
In 1876 Mr. Jeffry Lefroy was made Dean of Dromore, in succession to Dean
Bagot. Dean Lefroy continued to reside at Aghaderg Glebe, where he closed his
useful but uneventful life, at the age of seventy-six, on 10th December 1885.
IX. Rev. Canon Trench, LL.M.
A younger brother of the first Lord Ashtown was styled William Trench, Esq.,
of Cangort Park near Roscrea. He married, on 18th June 1798, Sarah Elizabetli
Frances Henrietta Ricarda, only daughter of Hon. Robert Moore, and grand-
daughter of the fifth Earl of Drogheda. Their eldest son was the Rev. Frederick
Fitzwilliam Trench, born nth March 1779, who married, on 16th February 1835,
Louisa Alice, daughter of Colonel the Right Hon. Robert Ward, and grand-daughter
of the first Viscount Bangor. The eldest son of this marriage was Rev. William
Robert Trench, born 9th October 1838. He was educated at Cambridge, and has
taken the degree of LL.M. He was ordained by the Bishop of Chester, deacon 1870,
priest 1 87 1. He is Curate of All-Saints, Notting Hill, London, and shares with
other clergymen the cure of 16,000 souls. He was made an Honorary Canon
of Liverpool in 1880. He married, 18th January 1877, Edith Anna Hamilton,
daughter of Charles Langton, Esq., and has a son, Frederic Charles, born 25th
November 1877.
X. Rev. Joseph Sortain, B.A.
This eminent minister of the Countess of Huntingdon's congregation in Brighton
loved to speak of his Huguenot ancestry, but of the period of their settlement in
England he has not informed us, the only indication being that his forefathers
(spiritual certainly, and personal too, perhaps) were victims of the massacre of
St. Bartholomew. Therefore I place him in my Volume First. The second edition
of Hang indicates that the true spelling of the name is Certain — which chronicles a
refugee of that name, aged seventy-seven, relieved in London after 1685, and Gabrielle
Certain, a native of Limousin, aged nineteen, daughter of Pierre, and a refugee in
1726 in the Canton de Vaud.
The family appeared in England as early as 1604 in London, in the parish of St.
Mary Aldermary ; the registrar seems to have been told to spell the name like the
English adjective certain, which he did according to his idea ; and so we find, on
26th August 1604, the baptism of Robert, son of John Serten. But twelve years
thereafter the register describes a house in the parish as " Mr. Sertain's, in Tornbase
Lane." In St. Antholin's, another London parish, we find, on 1st October 1617, the
marriage of another John Sertaine. Returning to St. Mary Aldermary 's, we read
under the date 17th July 161 8 the burial of the wife of John Sartayne, who remarried
on 23d January 1620 (n.s.) as John Sartaine, and was buried on the 6th January
following as "John Sartane," who "dwelt in the Back Lane." A posthumous
daughter of "John Sartayne," named Hester, was baptized on 8th April 1621, but
she died, and was buried on 23d February 1623 (n.s.) as " Hester, daughter of
Mist*' Sertaync, dwelling in the Back Lane." The last entry is the burial of a
daughter by his first marriage, " 1625, Aug. II. Ann, dau. of John Sartaine." Thus,
as we have seen the name D'Ambrin anglicized by successive steps into Dombrain,
Certain became Serten, and finally Sortain. I can quote no intermediate registra-
tions until we come to 1809 at Clifton, where are recorded the baptisms of the two
children of Samuel Sortain and Elizabeth, his wife — Joseph, born 20th July 1809,
and Mary Ann, born 15th March 181 1.
228
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
The grandfather of Joseph 1 honoured his Huguenot ancestors as a noble army of
martyrs, and continually prayed that their posterity might be worthy of them. He
presented his grandson with a folio copy of " Fox's Book of Martyrs," with this
inscription in gold letters : —
Joseph Sortain.
This book is the gift of his grandfather.
My son, remember thou the God of thy fathers.
The grandson obeyed the injunction. One proof of this was, that in after years,
when at the head of a household, he was in the habit of reading the twenty-third
Psalm at family prayers on the evening of every Saturday. If he was asked for an
explanation, he would reply, " It was a custom of my Huguenot forefathers, and I
wish to gain inspiration for my Sunday duties by the associations it thus calls up."
His grandfather also bequeathed to him some money to provide for his education for
the Christian ministry.
Although a native of Clifton and a student of Cheshunt College, he had to repair
to Dublin for his university education, the English Universities being then shut
against him as a Nonconformist. The year of his matriculation at Trinity College
was 1828. He left Dublin in 1831 with a view to his ordination at Brighton. He,
however, returned occasionally to his University to attend examinations, and it was
in the year 1833 that he took his degree. In the latter year he married Bridget
Margaret, third daughter of (the then deceased) Sir Patrick M'Gregor, Bart, sister of
Sir William, who died in 1846, and of Sir Charles, who at the latter date succeeded
to the baronetcy. Mr. Sortain had been bereaved of his father in 1S30 and of his
sister in 1832 ; his mother survived until 1838.
His ministry in Brighton was one of great fidelity, brilliancy, and celebrity. In
the Examiner newspaper for 8th May 1856, there was this allusion to him : — " There
is a chapel in Brighton which is always attended by a crowded congregation, because
the attention is not exhausted before it is riveted by one of the most eloquent
preachers of our time in the highest sense of the word — the eloquence of the earnest-
ness of a pure, enlightened, and earnest spirit, for such is Sortain's." The gifted
W. M. Thackeray characterized him as " the most accomplished orator I have ever
heard in my life." Mr. Justice Talfourd bore witness to his " eloquence, which, even
to one who has heard Robert Hall, is wholly unsurpassed." Sortain during his whole
life enjoyed the friendship of that noble band of Nonconformist ministers known as
The Clayton Family? He wrote to Rev. George Clayton on his mother's death : —
"27 Bedford Square, Brighton, \Wi January 1836.
My very dear Sir, — In the Globe last Saturday, I read an account of the death of the
invaluable Mrs Clayton. ... I have been thinking if it is possible to imagine a case in which
death could have been more fully deprived of his wonted sting. Mrs Clayton has been
spared so long [to the age of ninety], and meanwhile had the declivity of life made so gentle
in its descent — has had the usual monotony of age so cheered and kept alive by the active
events and usefulness of her sons' lives — and has been so fully comforted with the consola-
tions of hope and faith — that I can conceive of no more holy or pleasing an end. She has
indeed been a shock of corn fully ripe. In some instances it would seem as if the seed was
left too long after maturity, only to gather mildew and expend its healthiness. But this,
though the ingathering has been long delayed, was still golden. . . .
Joseph Sortain."
Seven years afterwards he had to condole with the same family on the death of
their father in his eighty-ninth year. He said, " You and your whole family have
the best sympathies of the entire Christian Church. I believe there never was a
servant of Christ who, after a most honourable, dignified, consistent, and useful life,
waited for the consolation of Israel with a more legitimate hope. It was his lot to
be the link between the calm, sober-minded, judicious ministry of the former gene-
1 I am mainly indebted to his published Memoir, 2d edition. London, 1862.
2 Rev. John Clayton, > t?,
/ / 6 I Mary Flower,
vr • » r w'-u. r° 43 ' 1 t a > = died nth January 1866,
Minister of Weighhouse Chapel, London, j e 1 qo
Married in 1779 by Rev. Wm. Romaine. / | S v •
1 i i
Rev. John Clayton, jun. Rev. George Clayton, Rev. William Clayton,
b. 1780, d. 1865, b. 1783, d. 1862. b. 1784, d. 1838.
Member of the Eclectic Society, Minister, first at Southampton, Minister at Saffron-Waldon,
Minister at Kensington, ultimately at York Chapel, London. ultimately chaplain to the
ultimately at the Poultry. Grammar School, Mill Hill, Ilendon.
Retired in 1848.
DESCENDANTS AMONG BISHOPS AND CLERGY.
229
ration and the fervid, active one of the present. 0 would that we could with like
patience possess our souls ! "
With regard to the system of Mr Sortain's ministry, it suggests the usual differ-
ence of opinion whether every sermon to an organised congregation should contain
an offer of free pardon and salvation to sinners, or whether each sermon should be a
fragment of progressive religious instruction. On the one system the conviction is
that, considering that to one or more of the hearers any sermon may be his last, a
minister should always have one paragraph in his sermon stating the Gospel offer.
On the other system, a knowledge of the Gospel offer is distinctly assumed, and it is
judged to be inexpedient to be always laying the foundation and abridging the time
to be spent in building. The latter has often been the idea of young men, and may
sometimes have seemed to be Mr Sortain's idea, his stock of knowledge being exten-
sive and always ready to his hand. This may have occasioned the criticism of the
younger John Clayton, written when that venerable divine was eighty years of age.
It was not Mr Sortain's lot to reach the confines of old age. Of a delicate frame,
and under the pressure of too abundant and continuous labours, he died in his fifty-
first year, on 16th July i860. What Mr Clayton wrote of him from Torquay, 5th
September i860, was as follows : —
" I am much afflicted by the death of Mr Sortain, whom I had known from his boyhood.
He was a man and minister sui generis, and I could strongly sympathise with many who
deplored the loss of the pastor in North Street Chapel. But some of his panegyrists, in the
ardour of their love and zeal, gave him ample credit on some few points in which, I think, he
did not excel. I am happy, however, to know from very good judges that for the past few
years his ministry has been more fully evangelical than it was aforetime."
I have quoted the above in order to give the reply of Mr Aveling, the biographer
of the Claytons : — 1
" I am very happy to know, from very good judges as well as from personal observation,
that Mr Sortain, with a pure eloquence, with great beauty of illustration and intense earnest-
ness of manner, by manifestation of the truth commended himself to every man's conscience
in the sight of God. Some of the most stirring appeals ever addressed to crowded audiences,
and some of the most full and faithful exhibitions of the cross of Christ ever presented by the
heralds of the Gospel, were delivered from the pulpit of North Street Chapel, Brighton, by its
departed minister, whose soul was too strong and vigorous for the fragile form in which it
dwelt."
Mr Sortain was buried in his favourite churchyard of Hove, near Brighton. On
his tombstone is this epitaph : —
Sacred to the Memory of
The Rev. Joseph Sortain, B.A.,
for 28 years Minister of North Street Chapel, Brighton,
who died July 16th, i860, aged 50.
" Where I am, there shall also my servant be." — John xii. 26.
In his own church a tablet was erected —
Sacred to the Memory of
The Rev. Joseph Sortain, B.A.,
who for upwards of 28 years proclaimed and vindicated "the truth as it is in Jesus" within
this sanctuary with unwavering fidelity, rare eloquence, and marked catholicity of spirit.
He was born July 2 2d, 1809,
and, after suffering prolonged affliction with cheerful resignation,
entered into rest July 16th, i860, aged 50 years.
" Other foundation can no man lay than that is laid, which is Jesus Christ."
*** Mr. Sortain's serviceable literary career began with Reviews for the British Critic.
He was the author of the article on " Bentham's Deontology " in the Edinburgh Review (1835)
and of the article on Lathbury's " History of the English Episcopacy " in the same Review
(1836). He published a " Funeral Sermon on Rev. Henry Mortlock," 1837 ; " Lectures on
Romanism and Anglo-Catholicism," 1841 ; " Life of Lord Bacon" (Religious Tract Society) ;
" Hildebrand and the Excommunicated Emperor," a tale, 1850 ; " Count Avensberg and the
Days of Luther," a tale, 1852; " Sermon on the Death of the Duke of Wellington," 1852.
These varied performances were seasonable, having been suggested by the wants of the time.
He had planned a work which should take a permanent place in literature, namely, " The
Life of Grotius;" and in his search for materials, he had discovered twenty-three unpub-
1 "Memorials of the Clayton Family. With unpublished correspondence of the Countess of Huntingdon,
Lady Clenorchy, the Revs. John Newton, A. Toplady, &c. liy the Rev. Thomas \V. Aveling." London,
Jackson, Walford, & Ilodder, 1S67.
230
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
lished letters addressed by Grotius to Casaubon. This important work he did not live to
execute.
I began this memoir with a reference to his printed allusion to his forefathers. It is in his
last Lecture on Romanism : — " Shades of my forefathers ! shall the two dread days of St.
Bartholomew in their shrieks, or in their prolonged patient suffering, awaken within me the
feeling of revenge? Cursed — nay, Anathema Maranatha — be the persecutor, be his garb
Protestant or Roman. Our retaliation is that of Christ, Father, forgive t/ietn,for they know not
what they do. Our retaliation is that of the protomartyr, Lord, lay not this sin to their charge.
" Avenge, O Lord, thy slaughter' d saints . . .
. . . Their martyr'd blood and ashes sow
O'er all th' Italian fields,
that from these may grow
A hundredfold, who, having learn'd Thy way,
Early may fly the Babylonian woe."
dThapt*r £111,
DESCENDANTS OF THE EARLIER REFUGEES KNOWN IN CONNECTION WITH
LITERATURE AND THE ARTS, PHYSIC AND LAW.
As we have to range over nearly three centuries, we cannot classify the individuals
memorialized, but must adopt a chronological arrangement.
I. Gideon Delaune, and others.
In my Fifth Chapter I have memorialized the Pasteur Guillaume De Laune,
who was also a Licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians. His eldest son was
Gedeon de Laune, anglice Gideon Delaune, who was brought over to England by his
refugee parents. Although he did not aspire to be a medical practitioner, yet he is
the only son who still has some fame, being remembered as apothecary to King
James I. He is entered as such in 1618 in the Government List of Strangers. His
bust now stands in the Apothecaries' Hall, London. He acquired the property of
Sharsted, in Kent, which (as it is not referred to in his will) he must have made over
in his own lifetime to his eldest son Abraham. In RicJiard Smyth's Obituary there
is this entry : — " March 3, 1658-9. Mr. Gideon de Lawne, apothecary in Black Fryers,
aged ninety-two, buried."
He had married, first, Judith Chamberlan, and secondly, Jane, who survived him.
Although he had nine children, yet his line became extinct in the third generation.
I have information only as to the eldest son Abraham, of Sharsted ; he married
Anne, daughter of Sir Richard Sondes, of Throwley, Kent. The eldest son of this
couple became Sir William Delaune ; he was a merchant of London, knighted at
Whitehall on 10th January 1664 (n.s.), who had married, first, Anne, daughter and
heir of Captain Thomas Heywood, of Gillingham, and secondly (in 1662), Dorcas,
daughter of Sir Robert Barkham, of Weynflete, Lincolnshire. 1 Sir William had by
his second wife a son William (who perhaps was William Delaune, Esq., of Dodding-
ton, M.P. for Kent from 17 14 to 1722, and married to Miss Swift on 8th December
1 721). The second and third sons of Abraham Delaune, named George and Michael,
both came to untimely deaths. George had married in December 1660 Dorothea,
daughter of Sir Thomas Allen. His death is mentioned by Richard Smyth : " 27th
Dec. 1662. Mr. De Laun, merchant in Lothbury, with his wife and whole family and
some lodgers, was burnt with his house — not one person saved." Samuel Pepys'
Diary suggests the remarks that the people of London made on this dismal calamity :
" 1662, Dec. 29. To Westminster Hall, where I staid reading at Mrs. Mitchell's shop.
She told me what I heard not of before, the strange burning of Mr. De Laun, a mer-
chant's house in Lothbury, and his lady (Sir Thomas Allen's daughter) and her
whole family; not one thing, dog nor cat, escaping; nor any of the neighbours
almost hearing of it till the house was quite down and burnt. How this should
come to passe, God knows, but a most strange thing it is." The news spread into
Wales, and the Rev. Philip Henry noted the event in his diary thus: — "1663,
January 7. I heard of y e burning of Mr. Delawn's house near lothbury in london, in
1 Lady Delaune was left a widow, and remarried with Sir Edward Dering, of Gray's Inn.
DESCENDANTS OF THE EARLIER REFUGEES.
231
y e flames whereof perisht himsf wife children and servants to the number of 10 or 12.
twas a brick house, the fire began in y e lowest roomes, twas on Dec. 25 at night." A
few years later Michael Delaune, while walking, was killed by a fall of bricks from a
house. The English Delaunes descend from a brother or brothers of Gideon, the
Royal Apothecary ; but I have not the means of tracing and affiliating them. 1 There
were two names of some celebrity. Thomas Delaune, being challenged to the work
by the Anglican Reverend Dr. Benjamin Calamy, wrote and published " A Plea for
the Non-Conformists," together with some strictures on Infant Baptism, for which he
suffered imprisonment in the reign of Charles II. There was also Rev. William
Delaune, D.D., of St. John Baptist's College, Oxford, BA. in 1683, B.D. in
1688, and D.D. in 1697, President of his College, March 12, 1698 (n.s.), for four years
successively Vice-Chancellor of the University, Lady Margaret's Professor of Divinity,
Rector of Chilbolton in Hampshire, Prebendary of Winchester in 1701, Prebendary
of Worcester in 1714. He died the 3d of May 1728, aged sixty-nine. After the
Revolution of 1688, the Non-jurors, having expected him to adhere to their party,
bore him a grudge, which found vent after his death in a satirical Latin epitaph,
describing him as tenuis in body but tumens in spirit. But his true monument is a
volume containing "Twelve Sermons upon several subjects and occasions," by William
Delaune, D.D., President of St. John's College, Oxford, and Margaret Professor of
Divinity. London, 1728.
II. Paul Delaune, M.D.
Dr. Paul Delaune was the youngest and apparently the favourite son of the old
Pasteur William Delaune. He was MA. of the University of Cambridge in 1610.
He studied medicine abroad, and became M.D. of the University of Padua on 13th
October 16 14, and was incorporated at Cambridge on 19th January 1616 (n.s ). He
was admitted a Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians of London, 21st April
161 8, and rose to be Senior Censor in 1643. Several years of his prime he spent in
Ireland as physician to the Viceroy, and thus he never gained much ground as a
practitioner in London. But as a medical lecturer he was eminent. He read in his
turn the Anatomy Lecture at the College of Physicians. A vacancy occurred in the
Chair of Physic in Gresham College in a singular manner in the year 1642. Pro-
fessor Thomas Winston, M.D., foreseeing the triumph of the Parliamentary Party,
and fearing (as it was thought) that he might have offended some of its leaders by
repeating words which he had overheard, formally asked and obtained leave from
the House of Lords to emigrate to France. He went away quietly without resign-
ing his chair, which was after the lapse of six months declared to have become
vacant. Partly through the interest of his relative, Mr. Thomas Chamberlan, Dr.
Delaune was appointed to the professorship. As Professor of Physic he was a great
success, and the college was highly satisfied. In 1652, however, Dr. Winston be-
came homesick, and having satisfied Oliver Cromwell's government that he never
offended the parliament by any public action, he obtained leave to return to Eng-
land, and obtained the restoration of his property, and along with it the Gresham
professorship. Dr. Delaune in his old age (a septuagenarian) found himself desti-
tute, and this through the action of one to whom he had been a true friend in time
of trouble, and who through his ample fortune was in no need of a professor's salary.
Cromwell provided for Dr. Delaune in 1654, by appointing him Physician-General
to the English Fleet. After that date all that is certainly known is that he sailed
for the Pacific Ocean, and was present at the taking of Jamaica. The fleet returned
without him ; and the general belief was that either the West Indian climate or the
yellow fever had occasioned his death in the month of December 1654. (See
Munk's Roll of the Royal College of Physicians, vol. i.)
III. Chamberlan (or Chamberlen).
We have to chronicle four generations of medical practitioners, descended (it is
said) from Guillaume Chambrelan, a younger son of Le Comte de Tanquerville, in
Normandy, who fled from the St. Bartholomew's Massacre to England, accompanied
by " Jcncveva Vignon," his wife. He had (with other children) two sons, and for
some sentimental reason he named each of them Pierre. These sons have been
identified as good refugee Protestants of the designated period, and it is immaterial
1 The late lamented Colonel Chester intended to print a very minute Delaune pedigree, and so contented
himself with answering, in a letter to myself, only a very few questions, for which I was duly grateful, and can
now only regret that he did not live to print the pedigree. He informed me that the old pasteur and physician
was the progenitor of all the Delaunes in England.
232
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
what was their pedigree. The senior Pierre is said to have left a daughter. It is
with Pierre Chambcrlan, junior, that this memoir is concerned.
1. Pierre Chamberlan is known in medical annals (see Munk's Roll) as Peter
Chamberlan, surgeon and general medical practitioner, of London. He married
Sara, daughter of William Delaune, preacher of God's word and physician, who men-
tions him in his will as a son-in-law. They had two children, registered at Thread-
needle Street : Pierre (12th May 1601), and Sara (9th September 1604).
2. Peter Chamberlan, born in 1601, followed his father's profession, but rose to a
higher position, having become physician to King Charles I. and Charles II. He
became M.D. of the University of Padua in 1619, and was incorporated at Oxford
on 26th June 1620, and at Cambridge in 162 1. Having completed his studies with
universal approbation at so early an age, he was fond of asserting himself as a born
gentleman and man of spirit, as appears from the Annals of the London College of
Physicians. That learned and nervously respectable body did, on 7th April 1628,
elect him a Fellow, but it was only by a majority, and only upon the condition that
the President was to admonish him that his dress too much resembled that of a
young gentleman and a courtier, and that he must exchange it for the decent and
modest costume of a grave physician. Dr. Chamberlan proved an able and success-
ful physician. The Czar sent an autograph letter to King Charles L, saying that
the Doctor was willing to enter into his service, and requesting his Majesty's permis-
sion to that effect. The imperial letter was followed by the despatch of a distin-
guished escort to Archangel, to welcome the Doctor to Russia, and conduct him to
Moscow. But instead of a physician, a royal letter arrived, informing the Czar that
a native Russian, Dr. Elmston, had studied medicine in England, and had gone
home with all necessary qualifications, and that the King could not spare Dr.
Chamberlan. The Doctor devoted himself much to midwifery ; and ignoring the
pockets of his medical brethren, he had the audacity to propose that the King
should found a company of female practitioners in that department. For this and
other acts of so-called contumacy, the Physicians dismissed him from his Fellowship
on 23d November 1659. Dr. Chamberlan married Jane, daughter of Sir Hugh
Middleton, Bart., and had eleven sons and two daughters. He purchased the manor
of Woodham-Mortimer Hall, near Maldon, in Essex. In my last edition, when
writing the memoir of his grandson, my authorities led me to say of him, " he
brought Mauriceau's invention of the obstetrical forceps into notice and use." The
grandson did no such thing, except that he persevered in the use of what was his
grandfather's invention, and translated Mauriceau's treatise, which had followed in
the same line, published in 1668. Dr. Peter Chamberlan's invention — an instrument
so long kept secret by the inventor and his relatives, but benevolently used by him
in his practice — " has probably saved more lives than any mechanical invention ever
made." The ferment that he raised among the doctors is evident from Dr. Munk's
list of his writings : —
1. A Paper delivered by Drs. Alston, Hamaeus, Bates, and Micklethwaite, together with
an answer by P. Chamberlan. 4to. London, 1648.
2. The Poor Man's Advocate, or, England's Samaritan. 4to. London, 1649.
3. Master Blackwell's Sea of Absurdity, concerning sprinkling, calmly driven back. 4to.
London, 1650.
4. The Disputes between Mr. Crawford and Dr. Chamberlan at the house of Mr. William
Webb. 4to. London, 1652.
5. A Discourse between Captain Kiffin and Dr. Chamberlan about imposition of hands.
4to. London, 1654.
6. Legislative Power in Problems. Folio. London, 1659.
7. The Sober Man's Vindication, discovering the true cause and manner how Dr.
Chamberlan came to be reported mad. Folio. London, 1662.
8. Vindication of Public Artificial Baths.
9. A Voice in Ram ah ; or, a Cry of Women and Children. London. i2mo.
10. To my Beloved Friends and Neighbours of the Blackfriars. London. Folio.
11. The Accomplished Midwife (posthumous).
He died 22d December 1683, aged eighty-two. Woodham-Mortimer Hall passed to
another family, who in the year 18 15 were making some alterations in the entrance
porch. Built over the porch, a series of closets stood, one over the other. When
the flooring of the uppermost closet was taken up, there was found among a number
of empty boxes, a cabinet containing coins, trinkets, letters, and a curious collection
of midwifery instruments, and the celebrated forceps among them. The instruments
are described in the Transactions of the Medico-Chimrgical Society, Vol. IX.
3. Hugh Chamberlen, M.D., was a son of the Doctor just memorialized, and
DESCEXDANTS OF THE EARLIER REFUGEES.
233
grandson of Sir Hugh Middleton, after whom he was named. In 1664 he signed
himself Hugh Chamberlen, thus leaving out the a (a relic of his French origin) from
the last syllable of his name. He seems never to have applied for admission to the
College of Physicians, resenting perhaps their treatment of his father. Materials for
a memoir are therefore wanting. He inherited a fine medical practice which
descended to his own son and namesake in beautiful preservation. His wife w as
Dorothy, daughter of John Brett, Esq., of Kent.
4. Hugh Chamberlen, jun., M.D., the son above alluded to, was born in 1664,
and educated at Trinity College, Cambridge, where he was created M.D. (comitiis
regiis) 8th October 1689. He wrote " Queries concerning the Practice of Physick."
181110. London, 1694. In the same year he became a Fellow of the Royal College
of Physicians. He maintained the splendid practice to which he succeeded, and in
1723 had a notable patient in the Tower, the Jacobite Dr. Atterbury (late Bishop).
Dr. Chamberlen translated Mauriceau's Traite des maladies des femm.es grosses. He
was three times married, and had three daughters, but left no son. His memory,
however, survives. He died on 17th June 1728. His monument was provided by
Edmund, Duke of Buckingham, and his epitaph by Bishop Atterbury. Mr. George
Lewis Smith says that this monument, which is in Westminster Abbey, is executed
in marble of different colours by P. A. Scheemakers and Laur. Delvaux, and is
" of striking effect ; " the recumbent statue of the author, and the figures of
Health, Longevity, and Fame are all gracefully and successfully designed and
executed.
The following is the epitaph : —
HUGO CHAMBERLEN,
Hugonis ac Petri utriusque Medici filius ac nepos,
Medicinam ipse excoluit feliciter et egregie honestavit :
ad summam quippe artis suae peritiam
summam etiam in dictis et factis fidem, insignem mentis candorem,
morumque suavitatem, adjunxit,
ut an languentibus an sanis acceptior, an medicus an vir melior esset,
certatum sit inter eos qui in utroque laudis genere
Primarium fuisse uno ore consentiunt.
Nullam ille medendi rationem non assecutus,
depellendis tamen Puerperarum periculis, et avertendis lnfantium morbis,
operam praecipue impendit,
eaque multoties cavit
ne illustribus familiis eriperentur haeeredes unici,
ne patriae charissimae cives egregii.
Universis certe prodesse (quantum potuit) voluit,
adeoque, distracta in Partes republica,
Cum iis, a quorum sententia discessit, amicitiam nihilominus sancte 'oluit,
artisque suae praesidia lubens communicavit.
Fuit ille
tanta vitae elegantia et nitore, animo tarn forti tamque excelso,
indole tam propensa ad munificentiam,
specie ipsa tam ingenua atque liberali,
ut facile crederes prosapiae ejus nobilem aliquem exstitisse auctorem,
utcumque ex praeclara. stirpe veterum Comitum de Tankerville
jam a quadringentis Ilium annis ortum nescires.
In diversa quam expertus est fortunae sorte,
Quod suum erat — quod decuit — semper tenuit ;
cum Magnis vivens
baud demisse se gessit,
cum Minimis non aspere, non inhuman^,
utrosque eodem bene merendi studio complexus,
utrisque idem, Deque utilis ac charus.
Filius — erat mini in patrem pietate ;
Pater — filiarum amantissimus quas quidem tres habuit,
unam e prima conjuge, duas ex altera, castas, bonas, matribus simillimas ;
cum iis omnibus usque ad mortem conjunctissime vixit.
Tertiam Uxorem sibi superstitem reliquit.
Ad humaniores illas ac domcsticas virtutes tanquam cumulus accessit
Rerum Divinarum amor non (ictus,
summa Numinis Ipsius reverentia,
quibus imbuta mens, exuvias jam corporis depositura,
ad Superiora se erexit,
I. 2 G
234
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
morbi diutini languoribus infracta permansit,
et vitam tandem hanc minime vitalem — non dissolute, non intructuose" actam —
morte vere Christiana claudens,
ad patriam co3lestem migravit.
Obiit 1 7 0 Junii, a.d. 1728,
annis sexaginta quatuor expletis, provectiore aetate sand dignus,
cujus ope effectum est
ut multi, non inter primos pene vagitus extincti,
ad extremam nunc senectutem possint pervenire.
Viro Integerrimo, Aniicissimo
ob servatam in partu vitam,
ob restitutam saepius et confirmatam tandem valetudinem,
Monumentum hoc Sepulchrale ejus Effigie insignitum posuit
EDMUNDUS DUX BUCKINGHAMENSIS,
appositis inde statuis ad exemplum marmoris antiqui expressis, quae
quid ab illo praestitum sit, et quid illi (redditus licet)
adhuc debetur, posteris testatum faciant.
Besides his above-named contributions to medical literature, an anonymous
brochure concerning one item in his own professional practice is said to have been
written by him ; it is entitled, "A Philosophical Essay upon the celebrated Anodyne
Necklace recommended to the World by Dr. Chamberlen." London, 17 17. It is
dedicated to Dr. Chamberlen.
IV. John Bulteel, M.A. Oxon.
It is recorded that there was resident in Dover in the reign of Charles I. a French
Frotestant named John Bulteel, not related (as far as I can discover) to the Pasteur
Jean Bulteel, of Canterbury. He and his son are brought into notice through the
latter's reception of an honorary Oxford degree at the period of the restoration of
Charles II. After the resignation of Richard Cromwell, and the death of the Duke
of Somerset, Lord Chancellor Hyde was elected Chancellor of Oxford University on
27th October 1660. The Chancellor was created Earl of Clarendon in 1661, and
visited Oxford in September. Anthony a Wood says : " Creations were made in all
Faculties either by the favour of His Majesty, or of Clarendon, the Chancellor of the
University, when he was entertained by the University in September 1661." John
Bulteel, secretary to Edward, Earl 0/ Clarendon, was then enrolled as Master of Arts.
How long he had served his famous chief, we are not informed. It is well known
that the Earl was disgraced, and went into banishment in 1667. Mr. Bulteel did not
long survive this reverse of fortune, for " he died at batchelor, in the parish of St.
Martin-in-the-Fields in Westminster, Anno 1669."
It appears that through Clarendon's interest he was elected to " the Long or
Pensioners' Parliament" 0114th April 1661. The official return of members elected
at that date for Lostwithiel, in Cornwall, contains the names, Sir Christopher Wrey,
Knight and Baronet, and John Bulteel, Esquire, of London. The next return is,
"3 February 16^. Hon. Silas Titus, Esq., vice John Bulteel, Esq., deceased."
By some light pieces he obtained a place in Biographia Dramatica, vol. i., and in
Hazlitt's Dramatic Literature of Great Britain. His works are : " London's Triumph ;
or, the Solemn and Magnificent Reception of that Honourable Gentleman, Robert
Tichburn, Lord Major, after his return from taking his Oath at Westminster, the
morrow after Simon and Jude day, being October 29, 1656, with the Speeches spoken
at Foster-lane-end and Soper-lane-end. London, printed for N. Brock at the Angel,
in Cornhill. Dedicated to the Lord Major and Skinners' Company by J. B." 2.
" Berinthus, a Romance." London, 1664. 3. A Translation of Corneille's Amour a
la mode, 1665.
V. John Bulteel, Gentleman.
The date of the death of John Bulteel, M.A., being 1669 (or 1670, n.s.), I venture
to chronicle "John Bulteel, gentleman," as John, son of the pasteur John Bulteel, of
Canterbury, who on 26th August 1627 was baptized in that archi-episcopal city within
the undercroft of its cathedral as Jean, fils de Mons r - Jean Bulteel, ministre en ceste
1 rtise et Marie Gabri sa femme. We may suppose that this well-born and well-
educated gentleman came to London as a votary of literature, and undertook to
execute translations from French and from Italian, as well as from Latin and Greek.
DESCENDANTS OF THE EARLIER REFUGEES.
235
He was alive in 1683, and was married to a daughter of Richard Woodward, Esq.
This appears from the following dedicatory epistle : —
" To the truly virtuous Mrs. Esther Woodward, the relict of Richard Woodward, Esquire,
Deceased.
" Madam, — There being but two sorts of persons, fit for the patronage of such a book,
the Great and the Good — as I have for many reasons declined the first, so I know my choice
of the second to be so judicious by dedicating this to yourself, that I dare adventure to affix
my name to it, which I have not done to many others. I will not let loose my pen to launch
into your just praise, lest it be look'd upon as interest or flattery ; besides — virtue and good-
ness ever carry their own commendations as their own reward with them.
" This piece is one of the noblest Reliques of Antiquity that ever was transferr'd to us.
A learned author calls it a heaven full of asterismes — a body full of eyes — in which, if there
be any defect, it is the too many beauties crowded together, and like a banquet of sweetmeats,
must be tasted at intervals, lest it prove over-lushious and cloy, and one thing impare the relish
of the other, though each be exquisite in its self.
" This, though but paper, may perpetuate your name beyond the duration of monuments
of marble or porphiry, for the Apopthegmes of the Ancients shall last till time shall be no more,
and may your memory live so too.
"Ah I shall add is, Madam, to desire you would forgive the weaknesses I maybe guilty of
in this or any other thing relating to yourself, and that you would believe it a great truth
(which I expose to the world's contradiction, if otherwise) that I am unfeignedly and without
any mental reservation, Madam, your most obedient Son and most humble Servant,
" John Bulteel."
" York Garden, this 20th of January 1683."
The volume heralded in this dedication was entitled : — " The Apophthegmes of
the Ancients, taken out of Plutarch, Diogenes-Laertius, Elian, Atheneus, Stobeus,
Macrobius, and others. Collected into one volume for the benefit and pleasure of
the ingenious. London, Printed for William Cademan, at the Pope's Head, in the
New Exchange in the Strand, 1683."
In 1664 he had published " A Relation of the State of the Court of Rome made
in the year 1661, at the Council of Pregadi, by the most excellent the Lord Angelo
Corraro, Ambassadour from the most serene Republique of Venice to Pope Alex-
ander II. — translated out of Italian, by J. B., Gent." This translation was printed
as the Second Part of a Volume on the City of Rome, published in 1664. But in
1668 it was re-printed as a separate work, and dedicated to Mr. Matthias Van
Benningen. I cannot trace him further than 1683, in which year he brought out a
folio volume, translated from the French, namely, "A General Chronological His-
tory of France before the reign of King Pharamond, and ending with the reign of
King Henry IV. By the Sieur de Mezeray, Historiographer of France. Translated
by John Bulteel, Gent. London, Printed by T. N. for Thomas Basset. 1683."
The " Apophthegmes," being published in the month of January, although dated
1683, may probably bring the dates of his career down to 1684. As it is valued in
the present day as a scarce book, I shall briefly describe it. He says in the preface,
" An Apophthcgmc, called in French un bon mot, and which may be called in English
a good saying (though its signification is somewhat more extensive in the original),
is a pithy and short sentiment upon a subject, or a ready and sharp answer." The
volume is a collection of aphorisms and repartees, sometimes explaining the circum-
stances in which they were uttered. But having been taken from the Greek and
Latin Classics, they introduce us not to modern society but to " the ancients."
He further explains, " The foundation of this work is taken from Plutarch
and Diogenes Laertius, &c. But I have not omitted the addition of a great many
others gathered from Erasmus, and such as Lycosthenes hath reduced into chapters.
... I do not know any piece of antiquity that stood in greater need of being
revised and corrected. . . . To make them the more quaint and concise, which is an
essential property of an apop/it/iegiuc, I have pared away all the superfluous circum-
stances. ... I have set down no moral reflections."
The following are specimens of Mr. BulteePs " Apophthegmes " : —
P. 252. Zeno's servant cried out while he was beating him for pilfering, I was predestinated
to steal. And to be beaten too, said Zeno.
P- 33°- One said to an ill reader, When you read you sing, and when you sing you sing
scurvily.
P. 102. The Emperor Adrian said to some lawyers who desired that they might be allowed
to plead, That they had no want of leave but of ability.
P. 320. A Roman Lord, meeting a stranger that resembled him very much, asked him if
his mother had never been in Rome. No, replyed he. but my father hath been often there.
236
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
P. 1. Cyrus, being yet a child, told Astyages, who would persuade him to drink wine, that
he feared it was poison, having observed that in Astyages himself it occasioned reelings and
other strange disorders.
P. 316. Diogenes was blamed for throwing some wine out of his glass. I had rather throw .
that down, said he, than that that should throw me down.
P. 72. One that was very superstitious being amazed that a mouse had gnawed his stock-
ing, it would have been a wonder indeed, said Cato, if the stocking should have eat the
mouse. t , 4
P. 1 70. The prognosticators making it a great prodigy that a serpent had' wound itself
round the keyxjf Leotichides' door, No, said he, but it would be one, should the key wind
itself about the serpent.
VI. Frederic Casaubon.
I found this meritorious artist's name in the books of the French Church of
Threadncedle Street, and. have claimed him as a grandson of the great Isaac
Casaubon ; the registration of his betrothal, marking him a stedfast Protestant, de-
clares that his father was Pierre Casaubon, who had settled in Germany. But as
the maiden name of Pierre's wife was Sibelle Aikin, there can be little doubt that
he himself was an immigrant from England. Frederic Casaubon was betrothed to
Anne Le Blanc, native of Paris, daughter of Guillaume Le Blanc and Susanne
Brondre, at London, on May 21, 1673.
When Horace Walpole was compiling his memorials of English painters, he
made use of the previous researches of " Graham" (as he calls him) in the same field.
This [Richard ?] Graham, as I am led to believe, published a regular book, but I
have been unsuccessful in my search for that book. But a learned correspondent has
called my attention to a translation from the French of Roger de Piles' " Art of
Painting and Lives of the Painters," to which translation, published in 1 706, there is
appended an " Essay towards an English School, with the lives and characters of 100
painters ;" this Essay is said to be partly by Graham. And in it I find a brief
memoir of Frederic Casaubon, evidently the same person who in his above-men-
tioned betrothal is said to be a native of " Soulingen, near Cologne;" his birth-place
accounts for his surname having sometimes been spelt Kerseboom, while his English
refugee ancestry explains the spelling Cansabon, which his grandfather had often to
tolerate. Having convinced myself and my readers (I hope) of his ancestry, I now
copy the essayists' memoir of this accomplished painter.
" He was born at Solingen, a city of Germany, in the year 1623. At eighteen
years of age he went to Amsterdam, to be instructed in the art of painting, but by
whom is uncertain. From thence he removed to Paris in 1650, and worked some
years under Monsieur Le Brun ; but afterwards was sent to Italy by the Chancellor
of France, and maintained there by that minister fourteen years, two whereof he
spent with Nicholas Poussin, of whose manner he was so nice an imitator that some
of his pieces have been taken for his. Thus qualified for History Painting he came
to England ; but not finding encouragement here in that way, he bent his studies
towards portraits, wherein he was not unsuccessful either as to drawing or likeness.
He was the first that brought over the manner of painting on glass (not with a print
as the common way now is), in which he performed some histories and heads ex-
ceedingly well. Perspective he understood thoroughly, having been disciple to two
excellent masters in that art. He spoke five languages admirably well, and was in
short an accomplished painter. He died in London in the year 1690, and lies buried
in St. Andrew's, Holborn."
VII. Francis Le Pipre, Esq.
The first Le Pipre in England was a Walloon refugee in Canterbury about the
period of Duke Alva's bloody tribunal. He founded a wealthy Kentish family. We
are indebted to "Graham" and Walpole for the mention of the "gentleman artist"
Francis Le Pipre (they spell the name Le Piper, but erroneously, because his family
never anglicised the surname). The epithet "gentleman" was applied to him,
partly because he did not take money for his paintings, drawings, and etchings —
partly (I regret to say) because he was known in London as a man of the world,
somewhat prodigal in his habits and irregular in his life. " He would often go away
(say the essayists) and let his friends know nothing of his departure, make the tour
of France and the Netherlands afoot, and sometimes his frolic carried him as far as
Grand Cairo. He never advised his friends and relations of his return any more
than he gave them notice of his intended absence, which he did to surprise them
DESCENDANTS OF THE EARLIER REFUGEES.
237
alternatively with sorrow and joy. By this means, at several times he travelled
through part of Italy, part of Spain, France, Germany, the Netherlands and Holland.
The greatest curiosities that he sought after were the works of the painters, which he
examined everywhere with pleasure and judgment, and formed to himself a manner
of design, which no man in that kind ever excelled or perhaps ever equalled." The
word design was italicised because he had not much practice in the art of colouring,
though he was an enthusiastic admirer of Rembrandt and Augustus Caracci, and
especially of Titian. His, forte perhaps was "in what moderns call caricature. But
he was also a landscape-painter and a sketcher from nature, being considered "a
great master in perspective ; " " he always carried a long book about him like a
music-book, which when he had a mind to draw he opened, and, looking through it,
made the lower corner of the middle of the book his point of sight," &c. He almost
spent his patrimony, and for a short time worked for money ; but (in his case, unfor-
tunately) " another estate fell to him by the decease of his mother." " He drew
some designs for Mr Isaac Becket, who performed them in mezzo-tinto ; whenever
he pleased he could draw enough in half-an-hour to furnish a week's work for
Becket." " He drew several of the Grand Signiors' heads for Sir Paul Rycaut's
History of the Turks, which were engraved by Mr Elder." " He etched several
things himself, generally on oval silver-plates for his friends, who being, most of 'em,
as hearty lovers of the bottle as himself, put 'em to those uses which were most
serviceable to them, and made lids with 'em for their tobacco boxes." " In the latter
part of his life he applied himself to the study and practice of modelling in wax in
basso-relievo, in which manner he did abundance of things with good success ; he
often said, he wislicd he had thought of it sooner, for that sort of work suited better
with his genius than any." He died in Aldermanbury about the year 1698, "yet
lives still in the memory of his acquaintance with the character of an accomplish'd
gentleman and a great master in his Art ; his pieces are scatter'd up and down,
chiefly in the city, and the best and most of them are in the hands of his brother, a
merchant of London (1706). His corps was carried from Christ-Church Hospital
(1698) to the Church of St. Mary Magdalen, Bermondsey, in Southwark, where 'twas
buried in a vault belonging to his family."
The family retained not only the spelling of the surname, but also its pronun-
ciation. This appears from the record of the aforesaid brother's death in the
Historical Register : — " 1724, June 2. Dy'd Peter le Peeper of Spittle-Fields, Esq.,
an eminent merchant." His testamentary memorandum shows that the Register s
spelling was merely phonetic and therefore amusingly wrong.
"May the nineteenth, one thousand seven hundred and twenty— if it should please All-
mighty God to take me away, would have coach horses and household goods disposed of —
my present wife Sarah Le Pipre all jewell and plate and five thousand pounds of the first
money that come in according to an obligacon in Contract of Marriage — my son P r . the house
in Fanchurch Street — the Lease of houses behind the Exchange and fifteen hundred pounds
shall \ part to my son P. and f to my daughter Dilitia and my son Gabrill [on the margin,
" This lease of house and the fifteen hundred pounds is what S r . Gabrill Roberts left in his
Will and Testament."]— and what overplus when debts are paid to be equally divided betwixt
my above said three children."
In the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, 21st of June 1724. — Appeared personally,
Andrew Broughton, of the parish of St George-the-Martyr, in the County of Middlesex,
merchant, and John Bull, of the parish of St Peter-le-Poor, London, gentleman, and severally
made oath that they well knew and were acquainted with Mr. Peter Le Pipre, late of the parish
of Stepney in the county of Middlesex, merchant, deceased, and with his manner and character
of handwriting, this deponent, Andrew Broughton, having been formerly in company with him
in trade, and they both have been very conversant with him deceased, and have divers and
sundry times seen him write, and they having both now seen and perused the Schedule here-
unto annexed, beginning thus, "May the 19th, 1720 — If it shall please Allmighty God to
take me away," and ending thus, "to be equally divided betwixt my above said three chil-
dren," do verily believe the same to be all of the proper handwriting of the said Peter le Pipre
deceased.
22nd of June 1724. — A commission issued to Peter le Pipre, lawful son, and one of the
residuary legatees named in the Will or Testamentary Schedule, of Peter le Pipre, late of the
parish of Stepney, &c, to administer, &c. &c. (no executor having been nominated therein)-
238
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
VIII. Rev. Abraham de la Pryme, F.R.S.
Abraham, son of Matthew de la Pryme and Sara Smaque, was born within the
parish of Hatfield, in Yorkshire, on 15th January 1671. Before he was twelve years
old he began an autobiography and diary and record of every- day observations,
occurrences, and on dits, entitled " Ephemeris Vitve Abrahami Pryme ; or, a
Diary of my own Life, containing an account likewise of the most observable and
remarkable things that I have taken notice of from my youth up, hitherto. Eccl.
Vanity of Vanitys. All is vanity and vexation of spirit. Man's life is but a vain
thing and a series of evils. Teach us then, O Lord, so to number our days that we
may obtain everlasting bliss in thyne eternal kingdome." Here we have abundance
of materials.
He tells us that he was born " (to all the miserys of life) at a house about the
middle of the Levels, about the middle way on the high road-side on the left hand
as you come straight from the Isle of Axholmeor Haxyhorn from Epworth to the
little neat town of Hatfield." " My father can speak Dutch and my mother French,
but I nothing yet but Inglish." " In 1680 my father shifted dwelling and went and
lived at an old great larg hall in the Levels, which was built by Mijn Heer Van
Valkenburg, one of the great drainers of the country." Following the old style of the
year, he says as to 1684 : " In this year in Feb. dyed King Charles the Second of a
disease they call an apoplexy, as they say ; he is mightily lamented by every one, as
well by his enemies as friends ; and I heard a gentleman say that came from London
that the citty was in tears, and most of the towns through which he came. Yet
perhaps it may be that they wept not so much for the love they bore him, as for fear
that his brother who now reigns may be worse than he. Good God, prevent it ! "
As to 1686, " This year was published an order against bonfires and fireworks upon
any account whatever. The vulgar and every one soon perceived what it drove at,
viz., the hindering of rejoicings and sports on gunpowder treason night. Therefore
that nevertheless they might not loose the priviledge of haveing some merriment and
of shewing their abhorrence of popery, they invented illuminations — that is, every
house when that night came set all their windows as full of candles as ever they could
hold in all the great towns of England, which caused a most delicate spectacle." As
to 1688, "About the end of this year happen'd in England the greatest revolution
that was ever known. ~i- mean by that most bold and heroick adventure of the most
illustrious and famous Wil. Hen. Nassaw, Prince of Orange, who soon turned the
scale of affairs, and delivered us out of all our fears of tyranny and popery which, as
farr as I can possibly see, would infallibly have fain upon us."
Under the rule of William and Mary he could quietly concentrate his thoughts
upon his prospects of a college education. His Presbyterian father wished him to
study at Glasgow College. Abraham had different thoughts, having been prejudiced
against Presbyterians by people who believed true religion to be nothing but a
silently and painfully calculated viaticum. He writes in 1689: " This day I heard
my father say that as he went to Doncaster fair, he overtook a company of godly
Presbyterians who were singing salms as they rid. Was not this a great peece of
affectedness, and more out of vain glory and pride than piety ? I have heard of a
Presbyterian minister who was so precise that he would not as much as take a pipe
of tobacco before that he had first sayed grace over it. My father, alas ! inclines
mightily this way, as does all the French and Duch of these Levels, and he would
needs have me to go to the University of Glasco, but I do not intend it. I hope God
will so incline my father's will as to suffer me to go to Cambridge, which thing I beg
for Jesus Christ his sake." His father yielded to his wish, and in the end of April
1690 he set out for Cambridge ; there he took the degree of B.A., and was afterwards
ordained as an Anglican curate. How successfully the scandalous tongues of college
dons, county squires, and coffee-house coteries had worked upon the fancy and the
fears of the innocent curate may be seen in an extract from his diary : " 1696, Oct. 10.
Having been a little melancholy this day, I was very pensive and sedate, and while
I remained so, there came several strange thoughts in my heart which I could not
get shutt of. Methought I foresaw a Religious Warr in the nation, in which our
most apostolick and blessed church should fall a prey to the wicked sacrilegous
Nonconformists, who should almost utterly extinguish the same, and set up in the
place thereof their own enthusiastick follys, which God prevent! &c, &c." In this
matter specially, but also as to all anecdotes, he exhibits a credulity which would
astonish us if we did not know that his generation was credulous in the extreme. I
have let my dates go astray for once in order to dismiss ecclesiastical topics, which I
do, with the remark that while I condemn the diarist's personalities, I can cheerfully
DESCENDANTS OF THE EARLIER REFUGEES.
239
tolerate him when he exclaims, " The glorious Church of England, the best and most
pure Church in the whole world ! "
Returning to his University career, we find that he was admitted a pensioner of
St. John's College on 1st May 1690. His diary during his life in Cambridge contains
eloquent eulogies on Robert Boyle and Isaac Newton. There has been some con-
troversy over the latter eulogy, which it is hopeless to enter upon, because (as the
late Joseph Robertson, LL.D., said to myself) historians, chroniclers, and extractors
from registers can hardly be persuaded to pay practical attention to the old style, when
the year began on March 25, and when 1st January 1692 came after 31st December
1692 instead of coming (as it would do now) twelve months before it. On account
of this neglect, some of our historical dates and many biographical ones are a whole
year wrong. And it appears to me that the controversialists as to the date of the
burning of Newton's papers argue as if at that time 31st December 1692 was,
of course, followed by 1st January 1693.
Abraham de la Pryme took his degree of B.A. in January 1694 (n.s.). On 29th
July his father died. Abraham, no doubt, wrote the admired epitaph on his father,
which still attracts attention in Hatfield Church. Some of the pages of the diary
being lost which were written at this time, we have not his word for it that he actually
composed the epitaph. But on 3d August 1700 he wrote: "Yesterday I went upon
some business to Hatfield, by Doncaster, where my relations lived, and where I set
up a noble monument in the church for my father." Here is the epitaph in modern
spelling (for the antique spelling, see the Surtees Society volume) : —
Sacred to the Honour of God and the Dead.
At the foot of this Pillar lies buried, in certain hope of rising in Christ, the body of
Matthew Pryme of the Levels, Gent,
(son of Charles De la Pryme, of the city Ypres in Flanders),
who married Sarah, daughter of Peter Smagge, gent., citizen of Paris, and having lived forty-
nine years in this vain world (a pattern of virtue, honesty, and industry) departed to a better
the 29th of July a.d. 1694, leaving behind him a good name, a mournful wife, and of eleven
children whom God had given him only five living, Abraham, Peter, Sarah, Mary, and Francis,
who, out of gratitude to God and duty to the excellent memory of the dead, did most freely,
willingly, thankfully, and deservedly erect this monument to his memory.
Abraham made his widowed mother's house at Hatfield his headquarters for a
time, while he ranged about the country making antiquarian observations and collec-
tions. His temporal circumstances were good ; and on 29th June 1695 he became
curate of Broughton, near Brigg, in Lincolnshire, with an annual salary of .£30.
Here he carried on topographical researches, and communicated his information to
the Royal Society, the result being a few papers in the Philosophical Transactions.
Desiring to write a book on its local history, he resigned his curacy. On 20th
November 1697 he writes : " I have now left my curacy at Broughton, in Lincolnshire,
and am come to live at Hatfield, the better to carry on my history of that place."
He did not remain for quite a year in the maternal home, for on 1st September 1698
he accepted the appointment of curate and Divinity Reader of the Church of the
Holy Trinity at Hull. Here he continued his antiquarian studies. The valuable
manuscripts which he compiled here and elsewhere (for he did not live to print and
publish anything) are fully catalogued and described by the Surtees Society.
As to 1699, he says : " This year we have had a fast day to pray God to turn the
hearts of the enemys of our holy religion from persecuting the Vaudois and French
Protestants. It is certain that they are very grievously persecuted in all the inland
towns of France and the four provinces thereof, but not very much so in the cittys
and places we trafic to. To ballance this persecution, the Papists have raised a
report beyond sea that we do most grievously persecute, rost, boyl, and torment
those of their religion here; and they have had great fasts and processions in all the
Papist countrys for this imaginary persecution."
We come now to " Volume the Second of the Life of Abrah. de la
PRYME, containing an account of all the most observable and remarkable things that
lie hath taken notice of from the year 1700, beginning at January, unto this time, to
witt, the year 17 . ." His expenses in visits to interesting localities, and in making
multifarious antiquarian collections, threatened to ruin him financially. On 3d
August 1700 he wrote to Dr. Gale, Dean of York, who had admitted him to his
friendship about two years previously, " I am at very great charges in keeping corre-
spondence, and in buying of books and in carrying on my studdy of antiquitys, even
to the danger and hazzard of my own ruin, and the casting of myself into great
debts and melancholy." His object was to obtain promotion from a curacy to a
church living through the Dean's interest. He also appealed to the Mayor and
240
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Aldermen of Hull to use their interest with the Duke of Newcastle, or some other
nobleman or member of parliament. In his Memorial to their Worships, dated
April the 5th, 1701, he writes, "I have almost finish'd and prepared for the press
the whole history, antiquitys, and description of Hull, in long folio, containing a suc-
cessive historical account of its original building, incrcas, and fortune in warre,
battels, sieges, revolutions of state and government, &c, from its first building unto
this time, which, when published, will be exceedingly to the honour and glory of the
town, and the future peace, good, and welfare thereof. I have been at great charges
in employing my friends at York, London, Oxford, Cambridge, and other places, in
searching records there relating to the same, and in running through almost an
infinite fateague, night and day, of continual writeing, reading, searching, compare-
ing, reviewing, and composing of books, records, papers, and deeds, concerning the
same, and inserting them into the same." Through the Dean's good offices, the
Archbishop of York recommended Mr. De la Pryme to the Duke of Devonshire,
who presented him in the year 1701 to the living of Thorn, " a markate town a little
of of my town of Hatfield," and he was duly admitted to the parochial charge on
1 6th October. In the same year, although only thirty years of age, he was elected
a Fellow of the Royal Society. But too soon the diarist, Ralph Thoresby of Leeds,
had to write the following mournful record : — " 1704, June 20. Was much concerned
to hear of the death of my kind friend, Mr. Abraham de La Pryme, Minister of
Thorne, who, visiting the sick, caught the new distemper or fever, and he died on
Monday after, the 12th inst., in the prime of his age; he was a Fellow of the Royal
Society, has several letters in the Transactions, had made a great collection of
MSS., compiled the History of Hull, in three vols. fol. . . . Lord! sanctify afflic-
tive providences." 1 The following is the inscription on his gravestone in Hatfield
Church : —
Here lies all that was mortal of Abraham de la Pryme, F.R.S., Minister of
Thorn, in the county of York, son of Matthew de la Pryme, and Sarah, his
mournful relict. He died June the 13th, 1704, in the 34th year of his age.
Tho' snatch'd away in youth's fresh bloom, A painful priest — a faithful friend —
Say not that he untimely fell ; A virtuous soul — a candid breast —
He nothing ow'd the years to come, Useful his life and calm his end,
And all that pass'd was fair and well. He now enjoys eternal rest.
IX. Thomas D'Urfey.
Thomas D'Urfey, 2 dramatic and song writer (better known as Tom D'Urfey), was
of Huguenot descent. At a much earlier date than the revocation, his parents came
from La Rochelle to Exeter, where he was born in 1653. Addison says in the
Guardian, No. 67, 28th May 1713 :— "I myself remember King Charles II. leaning
on Tom D'Urfey's shoulder more than once and humming over a song with him.
It is certain that that monarch was not a little supported by 'Joy to Great C?esar,'
which gave the Whigs such a blow as they were not able to recover that whole reign.
My friend afterwards attacked Popery with the same success, having exposed Bellar-
mine and Porto-Carrero more than once in short satirical compositions which have
been in everybody's mouth. He has made use of Italian tunes and sonatas to pro-
mote the Protestant interest, and turned a considerable part of the pope's music
against himself." He also satirised the Harley-Bolingbroke ministry, for he took
the true refugee view of the Peace of Utrecht, as a bad bargain for Britain and for
the Protestant interest : —
" A ballad to their merit may
Most justly then belong,
For, why ! they've given all (I say)
To Louis for a song."
The zeal of Dryden for Romanism may be regarded as partly explaining the
severity of his criticism upon D'Urfey. I allude to the following recorded dia-
logue : —
"A gentleman returning from one of D'Urfey's plays the first night it was acted,
1 Rev. Robert Banks, Vicar of Hull, wrote to Thoresby, December 29, 1707 : — " Mr. Prime, a little before
he left us, took some pains to collect what he thought remarkable out of the writings and records in the Town
Hall, which, after his death, the Mayor and Aldermen purchased of his brother, who lives at Hatfield. As to
the rest of his manuscripts, they were about two years since in his brother's custody, and it may be easily known
whether he has disposed of them or no, and to whom."
! The original spelling was, perhaps, D'Urfe, or D'Urfy. Abraham De la Fryme would not have approved
of this placing of D'Urfey's memoir so close to his own ; for he writes in 1697 thus: — " I was this day with a
bookseller at Frigg, who was apprenticed to one who printed that scurrilous pamphlet against Sherlock intitled
The Weeselt (the author of which was Durfee). He says that he is certain that his master got about ^Soo for
it. He says that Durfee was forced to write an answer to it intitled The Weesel Trapped."
DESCENDANTS OF THE EARLIER REFUGEES.
241
said to Dryden, 'Was there ever such stuff? I could not have imagined that even
this author could have written so ill.' ' O sir,' said Dryden, ' you don't know my
friend Tom as well as I do ; I'll answer for him he will write worse yet.' "
What D'Urfey professed was rather to sing than to write. His comedies, like
others of that age, or even like its still admired social and satirical essays, contained
much that ought never to have been written. The words of his songs were simply
arrangements of syllables and rhymes, done to measure, for music. But that in his
characteristic vocation he was destitute of merit, no competent critic will assert. A
good word is spoken for him, in Notes and Queries (3d series, vol. x. p. 465), by a
great authority in music, Dr Rimbault, who says of " poor old Tom D'Urfey " : —
" His works — including many that have entirely escaped the notice of bibliographers
— occupy a conspicuous place on my bookshelves, and my note-books are rich in
materials of Tom and his doings. He existed, or rather, I might say, flourished for
forty-six years and more, living chiefly on the bounty of his patrons. He was
always a welcome guest wherever he went, and even though stuttering was one of
his failings, he could sing a song right well, and greatly to the satisfaction of the
merry monarch. His publications are numerous, but Tom (it may be surmised) did
not make much by his copy. The chance profits on benefit nights brought more into
his pockets than the sale of his plays to the booksellers." He died at the age of
seventy. His memorial-stone, on the south wall of St James's Church, Piccadilly,
gives as the date of his death 26th February 1723. Le Neve, in his MS. diary
quoted by Rimbault, says " D'Urfey, Thomas, the poet, ingenious for witty madri-
gals, buried Tuesday, 26th day of February, 1722-23, in St James's Church, Middle-
sex, at the charge of the Duke of Dorset." The following sonnet is not unworthy of
preservation. "To my dear mother, Mrs Frances D'Urfey, a Hymn on Piety, written
at Cullacombe, September 1698.
" O sacred piety, thou morning star
That shew'st our day of life serene and fair ;
Thou milky way to everlasting bliss,
That feed'si the soul with fruits of paradise ;
Unvalued gem, which all the wise admire,
Thou well canst bear the test of time and fire.
By thee the jars of life all end in peace,
And unoffended conscience sits at ease.
Thy influence can human ills assuage,
Quell the worst anguish of misfortune's rage,
Pangs of distemper, and the griefs of age.
Since thou — the mind's celestial ease and mirth—
The greatest happiness we have on earth —
By heav'n art fixed in her that gave me birth ;
My life's dear author, may your virtuous soul
Pursue the glorious race, and win the goal.
Thus may your true desert be dignified,
To age example, and to youth a guide.
Lastly (to wish myself all joys in one),
Still may your blessing — when your life is done,
As well as now — descend upon your son."
X. William Wood, Esq.
The name of Dubois has, probably, often disappeared in the anglicized form,
" Wood." Francois Dubois, with his wife and son, fled from the St. Bartholomew
massacre to Shrewsbury, and is said to have founded a ribbon manufactory there.
His descendants removed to Wolverhampton, where they purchased coal mines, and
built extensive iron forges, some of which are still in operation. Here, about 1652,
the family name is Wood ; and William Wood (born in 1671) known as the " Irish
Patentee," was fourth in descent from the refugee, Francois Dubois. If Dean Swift
had known or told that Wood was of a family of metallurgists, he could hardly have
succeeded in his political scheme of imposing upon the Irish people the notion that
that copper coinage was bad, as to which, there is evidence that " the weight and
fineness of the metal was determined by Sir Isaac Newton, the master of the
mint."
The abusive outcry against Mr. Wood having given him a bad name among un-
informed people, I must briefly state the facts. In 1722 King George I. granted to
William Wood, Esq., a patent for coining farthings and halfpence for Ireland, and
halfpence and twopences for the plantations of America. In September 1723 the
Houses of Lords and Commons of Ireland resolved that Mr. Wood's obtaining of the
I. 2 H
242
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
patent and his coining and circulation of the copper money were fraudulent and
ruinous to Ireland. Both Houses sent Addresses to the King soliciting His Majesty
for the aforesaid reasons to resume the coinage into his own hands. The King in
reply assured the Irish Parliament that he would enquire into and punish any abuses
committed by the patentee. And Lord Carteret, Principal Secretary of State, wrote
to the Lord Lieutenant on 10th March 1724 (n.s.), to send to London all necessary
papers and witnesses for establishing a charge of fraud against the patentee in a
" trial upon sciere facias" before a jury in London. This requirement was addressed
to the Lord Lieutenant three times ; but although the witnesses' expenses were to be
paid, the Irish authorities declined to send over any persons, papers, or materials
whatsoever to support the charges made against His Majesty's patent and the
patentee. The King therefore referred the Irish Addresses to a Committee of the
British Privy Council, whom he empowered to make an independent investigation as
to Mr. Wood's copper and coins. The Committee in their Report, dated from the
Council Chamber at Whitehall, the 24th day of July 1724, remarked upon the very
extraordinary circumstance, " that in a matter that had raised so great and universal
a clamour in Ireland, no one person could be prevailed upon to come over from
Ireland in support of the united sense of both Houses of Parliament of Ireland ; and
that no papers, no materials, no evidence whatsoever of the mischiefs arising from
this patent, or of the notorious frauds and deceit committed in the execution of it,
could now be had, to give your Majesty satisfaction herein."
The facts ascertained by the Committee were that the want of copper money in
Ireland had been represented 1 and proved before the issuing of the patent ; and, so
far from obtaining the patent in a clandestine and unprecedented manner, that Mr.
Wood was one of several candidates for it ; also, that the Law-Officers of the Crown
consulted Sir Isaac Newton at every step. Sir Isaac Newton, Edward Southwell,
Esq., and John Scrope, Esq., tested the copper used by Mr. Wood. A further testing
was now made in presence of the Committee of the Privy Council, both as to its
absolute goodness and value, and also as to its excellence compared with previous
coinages for Ireland ; and their Lordships were satisfied that Mr. Wood's coinage was
superior to all before it, and that, far from being defective, it rather exceeded the
conditions of his patent.
The patent was for fourteen years only, and the quantity of copper was limited
to 360 tons, or £100,800 sterling, to be issued gradually year after year. £17,000
only had been issued up to the date of the complaint. The Committee recommended
the authorities in Ireland to withdraw all hindrances and prohibitions to the
circulation of the copper halfpence and farthings ; but that for the satisfaction of the
people of Ireland, and according to Mr. Wood's own suggestion to the Committee,
the total circulation should be restricted to £40,000. The King issued a pro-
clamation accordingly.
The King's grant and the patentee's character and conduct were completely
vindicated. But the only true ground of complaint being indisputable and unchange-
able, namely, that " William Wood, Esq." was not an Irishman — and the Lord Lieu-
tenant of Ireland, the Duke of Grafton, being no match for Dean Swift — it would
appear that arrangements were made whereby the King vacated the patent in the
following year. The memory of Mr. Wood was honourably kept up by his worthy
son, Charles, whom we are next to notice.
XI. Mr. Charles Wood.
The fourth son of William Wood was Charles Wood (who died in 1799), assay-
master in Jamaica for thirty years, a man remarkable for energy and ability, and of
such high moral and religious principles that, notwithstanding the notorious corrup-
tion of the age, he never took a perquisite. On his return home he married, and
built Lowmill Ironworks, near Whitehaven ; and removing from Cumberland into
South Wales, he erected the Cyfarthfa Ironworks at Merthyr Tydvil. At Jamaica
he signalized himself by a discovery (substances and products, although known to
the inhabitants of uncultivated regions, are always said to be undiscovered until
made known to the scientific world), as to which Knight, in his Cyclopaedia of
Industry, says, " Platina, or Platinum, is an important metal which was first made
known in Europe by Mr. Wood, assay-master in Jamaica, who met with its ore
in 1741." I give an abridgement of the statements contained in the "Philosophical
Transactions."
1 The expression " not worth a rap" is derived from a wretched metallic token called a rap, which was in
circulation in Ireland owing to the want of copper halfpence.
DESCENDANTS OF THE EARLIER REFUGEES.
243
On 13th December 1750, William Brownrigg, M.D., F.R.S. (through William
Watson, F.R.S. ), presented to the Royal Society the following specimens : —
1. Platina, in dust, or minute masses, mixed with black sand and other impuri-
ties, as brought from the Spanish West Indies.
2. Native Platina, separated from the above-mentioned impurities.
3. Platina that has been fused.
4. Another piece of Platina that was part of the pummel of a sword.
Mr. Watson read several papers " concerning a new semi-metal called Platina"
one of which was the Memoir by Dr. Brownrigg, who says : — " This semi-metal was
first presented to me about nine years ago by Mr. Charles Wood, a skilful and
inquisitive metallurgist, who met with it in Jamaica, whither it had been brought
from Carthagena, in New Spain. And the same gentleman hath since gratified my
curiosity by making further inquiries concerning this body. It is found in consider-
able quantities in the Spanish West Indies (in what part I could not learn), and is
there known by the name of Platina di Pinto. The Spaniards probably call it Platina,
from the resemblance in colour that it bears to silver. It is bright and shining, and
of a uniform texture ; it takes a fine polish, and is not subject to tarnish or rust ; it
is extremely hard and compact, but, like bath-metal or cast-iron, brittle, and cannot
be extended under the hammer. . . . When exposed by itself to the fire, either in
grains or in larger pieces, it is of extreme difficult fusion, and hath been kept for two
hours in an air furnace in a heat that would run down cast-iron in fifteen minutes :
which great heat it hath endured without being melted or wasted ; neither could it
be brought to fuse in this heat by adding to it Borax and other saline fluxes. But
the Spaniards have a way of melting it down, either alone or by means of some flux ;
and cast it into sword-hilts, buckles, snuff-boxes, and other utensils."
Dr. Brownrigg's paper gave the details of many experiments ; as to these, he
wrote from Whitehaven, February 13, 175 1 (n.s.) : — "The gentleman, whose experi-
ments on Platina I mentioned to the Royal Society, was Mr. Charles Wood, who
permitted me to make what use of them I pleased ; and I did not pretend to have
made any new discovery, nor to know so much of that body, as hath long been known
to the Spaniards. I might indeed have made use of his authority, but he was not
ambitious of appearing in print."
One of Charles Wood's living representatives is his granddaughter, Mrs. Mary
Howitt {nee Botham), a picturesque poetical authoress, sometimes publishing works
entirely her own, and sometimes in partnership with her husband, Mr. William
Howitt, who died at the age of eighty-four, on 3d March 1879. She herself has long
had an honourable place in the literature of her country, her guiding sentiments being
(as she herself avows), " the love of Christ, of the poor, and of little children." In
1885 she wrote recollections of her life in a well-known periodical. As to those
articles, the Spectator said : — " Nothing in Good Words is more interesting than the
autobiography of Mrs. Howitt. This venerable lady, now in her eighty-sixth year
(an excellent portrait is given of her), writes as pleasantly and as vigorously as ever.
Her reminiscences of her education (which was very much her own work) are par-
ticularly interesting."
XII. Captain Breval.
John Durant Breval was the only surviving son of the Rev. Francis Durant de
Breval, D.D., S.T.P., Prebendary of Westminster. He entered the famous school of
Westminster in 1693, and was in 1697 elected from it as a student of Trinity College,
Cambridge. In 1698 he was one of the young poets who welcomed King William
on his return after the peace of Ryswick. In 1704 he was M.A. and Fellow of
Trinity College. The renowned Dr. Richard Bentley had become the Master of the
College in 1700; and before many years of office he began and maintained a series
of quarrels with the Fellows. Unfortunately, too, in the Lower House of Convoca-
tion the Master of Trinity and Prebendary de Breval had a violent altercation. The
Prebendary's death in January 1708 (n.s.) did not mitigate Dr. Bentley's animosity.
Mr. John Breval became at that time embroiled in the case of a lady maltreated by
her husband. So active was his interference in a special instance of ill-usage, that
the husband raised an action against him for assault. Breval was advised that the
summons was illegally framed, and did not appear before the court, and he was
outlawed for non-appearance. Such a case raised a great deal of talking ; and, of
course, some one made a scandalous insinuation against the gallant Fellow. Acting
upon this insinuation, and without further enquiry, Dr. Bentley deprived him of his
Fellowship on 5th April 1708. The Senior Fellows formally and energetically
244 FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
protested against " this clear case of malversation " (as Bentley's right reverend
biographer admits it to have been). They declared that Breval might raise an
action of damages because "his father was just dead, in poor circumstances, and all
his family were beggars." The ex-Fellow did not risk an expensive lawsuit, but
left Cambridge, and joined our army at Flanders as a volunteer. The talents which
he had shown in old academic learning were now displayed in acquiring modern
languages with extraordinary facility. The Duke of Marlborough, who took notice
of him, soon discovered his aptitude for high-class work, and employed him in
negotiations with several German princes. He gave him a commission as Captain
in the army.
After the peace Captain Breval became a great traveller, his companion or pupil
being Lord Malpas. His first attempts in literature were in the form of plays and
rhyming essays. One of these, published in 1717, was a burlesque upon Pope and
his friends Gay and Arbuthnot, entitled "The Confederates, a farce by Joseph Gay."
Such being its theme, it was— without any disparagement to its intrinsic merits —
the occasion of his receiving a place in The Dunciad. Pope certainly succeeded in
recording the true pronunciation of his satirist's surname,
'Twas chatt'ring, grinning, mouthing, jabb'ring all,
And noise and Norton, brangling and Breval.
In 1734 Captain Breval published "A History of the House of Nassau, especially of
the Orange Branch of it."
But his best and truly great works were his four folio volumes of Travels in
Europe, handsomely printed and profusely illustrated. Bernard Lintot was his
publisher, and issued in 1722 "Proposals" for printing Captain Breval's Remarks on
several parts of Europe, illustrated with several maps, plans, and above forty copper-
plates. Volume i. was published in 1722, volume ii. in 1723, and a second edition
of the complete work appeared in 1728. He continued his visits to various parts of
Europe, and two new folios were produced. I have these two additional volumes
before me ; they are entitled, " Kemarks on several parts of Europe, relating chiefly
to their antiquities and history, collected upon tlie spot in several tours since the year
1723. By John Breval, Esq., author of the former Remarks;" London, 1738. The
plates, engraved by Fourdrinier from original drawings, are forty-two in number,
and illustrate Italy, Sicily, and the south of France. Among the subscribers are
Moses Amyrault, Esq., Colonel Batareau, James Bonnel, Esq., Mr. John Charron of
Leghorn, late Sir Edward Desbouverie, Bart., Major Foubert, Isaac Lehup, Esq.,
and Lord Viscount Primrose. To transcribe the names and titles of members of
the peerage who subscribed for the work would fill two or three pages. This was
his last work ; he died in Paris in January 1739 (n.s.).
XIII. Smart Lethieullier, Esq. 1
As the family to which this gentleman belongs has already been described in
detail, it is sufficient to say that he was the second but eldest surviving son of John
Lethieullier, Esq., of Aldersbrook, in Essex, and grandson of Sir John Lethieullier.
He was named after his grandfather, Sir Joseph Smart, of London (knighted 1696,
died 1703). His university education was at Oxford, where he was a gentleman-
commoner of Trinity College. He succeeded his venerable father on 1st January
1737 (n.s.), when he was in his thirty-fourth year. He reminds us of Abraham de
la Pryme. He made England the scene of his travels, and collected immense mate-
rials for illustrating the civil and natural history of his native country. He compiled
numerous Itineraries, diligently using his pen in noting the antiquities which he
met with, and skilfully employing his pencil in making drawings of everything re-
markable. He made a great collection of English fossils in two large cabinets
scientifically arranged. These he catalogued and described in a folio volume, in which
the most rare specimens were accurately and artistically drawn. His admiration for
the marbles of Italy led him to visit those regions, and besides making a fine collec-
tion, he compiled an illustrated MS. volume regarding them. He enriched his cabi-
nets and library with the spoils of Italy — the former containing medals and coins ;
the latter, many volumes of valuable engravings. He also made some explorations
in Germany. All this he accomplished without impairing his estate ; for he left to
his heiress not only Aldersbrook, but also the manor of Birch Hall in Theydon Bois.
His heiress was his niece, daughter of his brother Charles, who died in December
1 759, he himself surviving only until August of next year. His manuscripts were the
1 Founded upon Nichols' " Literary Anecdotes," vol. v. pp. 368, &c.
DESCENDANTS OF THE EARLIER REFUGEES. 245
most remarkable and representative relics of his life. All that he printed consisted
of articles in Archceologia, and in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal
Society : —
1. A Letter to Mr. Gale on the Icening street and other Roman roads in England. Anno
1735 (Arch. vol. i.)
2. A Letter to Mr. Gale, relating to the shrine of St. Hugh, the crucified child, at Lincoln.
Anno 1736.
3. A Letter to Mr. G. Vertue, relating to some antiquities at Bordeaux in France.
4. Observations on Sepulchral Monuments, in a letter to James West, Esq. (Arch,
vol. ii.)
5. An account of the burning of the steeple at Danbury by lightning. Anno 1749. (Phil.
Trans., vol. xlvi. p. 611).
Mr. Collinson describes him as " a gentleman every way eminent for his excel-
lent endowments." Another panegyrist calls him " an excellent scholar, a polite
gentleman, and universally esteemed by all the learned men of his time." These feel-
ings are more fully brought out in the epitaph upon his tomb at Little Ilford : —
In memory of Smart Lethieullier, Esq.,
a gentleman of polite literature and elegant taste,
an encourager of art and ingenious artists,
a studious promoter of literary enquiries,
a companion and a friend of learned men,
judiciously versed in the study of Antiquity,
and richly possessed of the curious productions of nature.
But who modestly desired no other Inscription on his Tomb
than what he had made the Rule of his Life :
To do justly, to love mercy,
and to walk humbly with his God.
He was born Nov. 3, 1701,
and deceased without issue, Aug. 27, 1760.
[The following sentence in the Grcnville Papers refers perhaps to his scientific
and antiquarian collections: — Earl Temple to Mr. Wilkes, Stowe, October 29, 1 761 ,
" I gave your paper concerning Mr. Lethieullier to Mr. Pitt, who with great pleasure
promised to obey your commands."]
XIV. Anthony Lefroy, Esq.
Anthony Lefroy was born on 10th December 1703, the eldest child and ultimately
the only son of Thomas Lefroy, of Canterbury, and Phoebe Thompson, his wife (see
my memoir of this family). He was apprenticed by his father to Mr. Mark Weyland
(or Wayland), a merchant in London. He had not completed his twentieth year
when his father died (3d November 1723), and the widowed mother removed to
Bartlett Buildings in London, to be near her son. Her brother, young Lefroy 's
uncle, had taken a great interest in him. This Major Edward Thomson, who was
quartered in Ireland, wrote to his sister on 29th March 1721, " I had a letter from
my best nephew Anthony very lately; he has made a good use of his time, and
writes an incomparable good hand, fitt for the business he is put to." Anthony
Lefroy went out to Leghorn in the end of 1728 ; it is said that he had obtained a
share in the house of Langlois & Son. At that date Miss Elizabeth Langlois was
only eight years of age ; to her he was married nearly ten years afterwards, viz., on
February 27, 1738. This young wife had four brothers. Of these, Christopher,
John, and Benjamin, were bachelors to the end, and concentrated all their father-like
affection upon their sister's children. (Her other brother, Peter, was Field-Marshal-
Lieutenant and Grand Master of the Ordnance in the Austrian service.) 1 Mr
Anthony Lefroy was energetic and successful in business, and founded a house of
his own. He also devoted himself to the study of antiquities, and was elected a
Member of the Etrusca Academia in 1753. He seems to have been a Levant mer-
chant, and to have prosecuted a commercium nobile in pin res Asiaticas rcgiones. His
wonderful collection of medals contained coins of Asia, Cappadocia, Pcrgamos,
Numidia, Mauritania, Cyrene, Syria, Egypt, Pontus, Thracia, Parthia, Paconia.
These with his other collections were brought into public notice through a reverse of
fortune which overtook him in 1763. An elaborate catalogue with a preface was
drawn up, and is still known as the Catalogus Nuinisniaticns Mnsei Lcfroyani. There
was some hope that the King of Great Britain might be induced to buy the collec-
1 Langlois is a refugee family of the Revocation period ; sec my vol. ii.
246
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
tion as a whole ; and with this hope Mr. Wortley Montague wrote the following
letter to his brother-in-law, the Earl of Bute : —
" My Lord, I should not have troubled your lordship at present, and particularly as I wrote
so long a letter very lately, which I hope deserv'd your consideration • but, my Lord, I think
it my duty to inform you of anything I meet with that may be worth your notice, and much
more so when I find anything that may afford both use and delight to his Majesty. I leave
at Leghorn to be sent to your lordship by the first ship catalogues of the Greek and Latin
gold, silver, and copper medals which comprise the cabinet of Mr. Lefroy of this place. I
shall not take upon me to tell your lordship how compleat and magnificent a cabinet this is,
nor how many of the most rare medals there are in it, much less to point out those which are
not to be found anywhere, I mean in no other cabinet. You are so well acquainted with these
matters that I shall only say that y e gold and silver ones are perfectly preserv'd. I have pass'd
some hours in examining them, and I do not think any of them can be doubted of, and indeed
was glad to find by the proofs Mr. Lefroy shew'd me afterwards, that my opinion coincided
with those of the ablest antiquarians. The statues and busts are undoubted and excessively
fine ; the intaglios are few but extreamly fine. Among the statues that of Paris is extreamly
beautiful ; the whole composes the richest private cabinet I believe to be met with. Mr.
Lefroy's family having taken a different turn from what he propos'd, he would be glad that
this treasure he has been collecting this forty years was dispos'd of all together, that the work
of his life may not be torn to pieces ; that is an idea he cannot bear. If your lordship thinks
it would be pleasing to his Majesty, whoever you please may examine the whole — Mr. Dalton
(if he is still in Italy), or whoever else you please. I know nothing of the price, but can
answer for the magnificence of this cabinet. If this meet with approbation I shall be happy
in having given on this, as I shall on every occasion, a mark of my attention to what may be
conducive to his Majesty's service
"I have the honour to be with the greatest truth and respect, my Lord, your Lordship's
most affectionate and most obedient servant,
" Ed. Wortley Montague."
" Leghorn, the 8ik April 1763."
A cabinet, containing 6550 pieces, would have found a fitting home in a royal
palace. But such was not to be its fate ; it was sold by auction in the year 1763.
Mr. Lefroy, desiring some learned leisure, had assumed a partner, and his house
had become Lefroy and Charron. But M. Charron, a French gentleman, was un-
successful in his management, and the house had become unsteady in 1763. A crisis
came on 29th November 1772, when Mr. Lefroy's partner committed suicide. From
Mr. Lefroy's letters of 1773, I find the following extracts: — "The weight of all the
dependancies lays upon me to finish .... I trust in the Divine Providence that He
may grant me life and strength to go through with them." " I am now upwards of
seventy years of age, daily decline, and have a very bad sight."
In 1774 his eminent friend, Mr. Thomas Hollis, died. This admirable man had
often presented books to Mr. Lefroy's library ; one of these was a reprint of Sir
Samuel Morland's History of the Church of Piedmont, printed and bound under Mr.
Hollis's directions ; " the binding is blotched with red to imitate stains of blood, the
tools are reversed, and the whole ornamentation is made significant of the persecu-
tions the book records." Mr. Lefroy's name occurs in the published Life of Hollis in
a manner that shows in what esteem the hero of the memoir held his correspondent
as an accomplished and scientific man.
Mr. Lefroy's two sons, Anthony and George, had been sent to England in boy-
hood, and no doubt he had hoped to spend the evening of his days with them in his
native country. But in 1 770 he had given up this hope, as appears from a sentence
in his letter to Louis Chauvel, Esq., dated Leghorn, November 2, 1770, in which,
after alluding to his loss of .£30,000, he says, " As my income, I am told, will scarce
be sufficient to live upon in England, where living is dearer than in Italy, I may not
have the pleasure of seeing you." On 24th January 1775 he made his Will, appoint-
ing his brothers-in-law, Christopher and John Langlois, and his two sons, Captain
Anthony Peter Lefroy, and the Reverend Isaac Peter George Lefroy, his sole
executors, and Harry Fonnereau, Esq., his assignee at Leghorn. In November of
that year George Lefroy visited his father and mother, and found them in good
health, " after an absence of upwards of twenty-three years." This is the last sight
of him which I can obtain. He died at Leghorn on 17th July 1779, in his seventy-
sixth year. His epitaph was written by Dr. Gentili : —
Antonio Lefroy, Cantuarensi, claris orto majoribus, cujus animus a natura bene infor-
matus juventutem egit in literis — qui deinde Liburnum se contuht ubi mercaturam excoluit
honeste et decore Bonarum artium fautor adjutor statuas, tabulas pictas, antiqua numismata,
sibi studiose comparavit. Vir autem bonus et prudens familiam, patriam, sapientts unice
DESCENDANTS OF THE EARLIER REFUGEES.
247
amavit. Officia auxit liberalitate, multa passus et gravia, asquam semper servans mentem.
Obiit in hac urbe Anno mdcclxxix. prid id. Julii.
(His widow came to England in 1781, but died 30th November 1782, and was buried at
Basingstoke).
*** Mr. Lefroy's name may be seen in the vestibule of the library of All Souls' College,
Oxford, engraved on the base of a Corinthian tripod discovered and presented by him : —
Aram Tripodem olim matri deum in templo Corinthi consecratam
dedit donavit Custodi et Collegio Omnium Animarum
Antonius Lefroy, armiger, mdcclxxi.
This tripod was drawn and engraved for Sir Egerton Brydges, and the plate, along with
another page of engraved coins from the Lefroy Cabinet, is to be found in his periodical,
The Topographer.
It is singular that a similar honour was done to Mr. Lefroy's two great-grandsons, Charles
Edward Lefroy and Anthony Cottrell Lefroy, aged respectively eighteen and sixteen, who in
the year 1823, while snipe-shooting in the parish of Crondel on Bagshot Heath, discovered a
hoard of 101 gold coins of a great many varieties, and many of them unique. Two pages of
engravings of these coins may be found in Akerman's " Numismatic Chronicle," vol. vi.
XV. James Six, Esq., F.R.S. /
Mr. Six was baptized in the venerated Undercroft of Canterbury Cathedral as
Jacques Six on 26th February, having been born in Canterbury on 30th January
1731 (n.s.). I have already detailed his pedigree, with its chronology. Therefore
in this memoir I adopt the statements and the glowing phraseology of the Obituary
Notice in Nichols' " Literary Anecdotes," vol. ix., pp. 348, &c. He was the repre-
sentative of one of the French refugee families who settled at Canterbury in the
reign of Queen Elizabeth on account of the persecutions of the Protestants in France,
and established the silk trade there. Mr. Six was brought up to that business, but
on its decline retired early in life on a handsome competency to pursue his love of
science, and with care to educate his son and daughter. He was recognised as a
learned and practical astronomer. He also made some useful experiments in elec-
tricity, and possessed very good and expensive electrical machines, which he perfectly
understood. He volunteered his services as an electrician to the medical profession,
who gratefully availed themselves of his offer in all suitable cases. He was also well
known as a florist, and could, with peculiar beauty, taste, and precision, paint the
flowers he had reared, as well as use the pencil elegantly on other subjects. Thus
with many fascinating pursuits he filled up his time without having much to bestow
on general society, though his disposition was cheerful, communicative, and philan-
thropic in the highest degree. He with indefatigable attention watched over a
Sunday-school principally instituted by himself. He was a member of the congre-
gation of the Church of the Holy Cross, Westgate, Canterbury, to which he, with
another gentleman, presented an organ which accompanied the voices of the little
choristers who were fostered by his care, encouraged in piety and industry by his
precepts, and indulged by his benevolence in whatever contributed to their well-doing
in their humble station. Mr. Six devoted himself to the welfare of the young around
him all the more as a pious work to engage his thoughts at the period when the
severe stroke of losing his only and very accomplished son oppressed his heart with
the deepest sorrow. His son, of whom we give a separate memoir, died at Rome in
December 1786. Mr. Six still persevered in his study of the works of God. Some
accurate discoveries in the sublime study of Astronomy he communicated from time
to time to scientific correspondents all over Europe. He presented to the Royal
Society an improved thermometer of his own invention, described in their " Transac-
tions " (Phil. Trans.), vol. lxxii. ; also an account of some experiments to investigate
the variation of local heat, vol. lxxiv. These communications procured him the
honour of admission into that learned body in the year 1792. He died 25th August
! 793. a ged sixty-two, leaving a widow and an only daughter, truly worthy of such a
father's affection, and married to Mr. Hay, brewer at Maidstone.
XVI. James Six, M.A.
James Six, the only son of the Fellow of the Royal Society, was born at Canter-
bury in 1757. His natural abilities and success in his studies led his father to send
him to Cambridge, where he was of Trinity College B.A., 1778 ; M.A., 1781. He
had the reputation of being a great linguist, having mastered Hebrew, Greek, Latin,
Italian, French, and German. During his academical course he obtained prizes in
248
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
mathematics as well as in classics. Like his father, he excelled in drawing. And in
character and demeanour he was formed after the paternal model, having a sweetness
of manners and benevolence of disposition that endeared him to his family and to all
who became acquainted with him. As a Fellow of Trinity College he was selected
to accompany the son of Sir John Stanley in a tour through Europe. He travelled a
second time, and at Rome he caught a fever, of which he died on 14th December
1786. There he was buried with peculiar honours in presence of the English visitors,
and notwithstanding the general strictness of the Romish Church, the English
funeral service was read over him by Rev. Dr. Walsby, chaplain to the Duke of
Gloucester. Sir Thomas Stanley erected a monument over his grave. His parents
placed an elegant marble tablet in the Church of the Holy Cross, Canterbury, with
this epitaph : —
James Six, M.A.,
Fellow of Trinity College in the University of Cambridge,
died at Rome, Dec. 14, 1786, aged 29 years,
and was buried in that city.
A monument erected there by a friend and countryman
bears honourable testimony to his amiable virtues and extensive learning.
To preserve in this his native place
the memory of the son so justly dear,
his affectionate parents have inscribed this marble.
He had printed nothing except an English translation (published in the
Gentleman's Magazine, vol liv.) of two odes by the German poet, Friedrich Leopold,
Count von Stolberg. I give an extract from the second ode, which evinces no
inconsiderable command of beautiful language :
Hail to the Bard ! to Homer hail !
From trembling lips and glistening eyes
Burning melting ecstacies
Shall never fail
With gratitude's soft dew to swell thy song,
As in stupendous course it rolls along.
Nature — who taught the rose
Its blushing beauties to disclose
And drink celestial dew —
She form'd and she imbued thy opening faculties
With graces ever new.
She gave thee, with invention's eye,
New earths — new heavens to descry ;
She gave (the utmost that her love could do)
Tears to every feeling true, —
Those that with gushing flood the countenance o'erflow
Where boisterous passions glow —
And those more mild and meek
Which trembling eyelids pour
In trickling shower
Down the changing cheek.
She gave thy soul
The dove's simplicity and eagle's might,
Like to thy song
Now gliding soft along
As rivulets by Cynthia's silver light,
Now thundering wild and loud, as headlong surges roll !
May 8, 1782. J. Six.
The following memorial lines were written by Mr. W. Jackson : —
In obitum Jacobi Six, M.A., nuper Roma in more Ecclesice Anglicance sepidtu
Hie jacet — ast eheu ! quantum mutatus ab illo —
Spes nuper patria 1 , spes qnoque prima patris.
Care, vale ! juvenis, quern lamentabile fatum
Duxerat ad Roma; mcenia, care, vale !
Terra tegit Romas, insolitos concedit honores ;
Spes patris et patriae ! sit tibi terra levis.
The romantic interest that was felt in James Six is represented by the appear-
ance of four translations of the above lines. (Nichols' " Literary Anecdotes," vol. ix.
Gentleman 's Magazine, vol. lvii., part 1.) The first translator suggests, as an
emendation to the fifth line,
Terra lugens Roma; insolitos concessit honores.
DESCENDANTS OF THE EARLIER REFUGEES.
M9
Here his remains (alas ! how chang'd) reside, Here lies (yet ah, how chang'd !), in early bloom,
A sire's first hope— his country's recent pride. But late his sire's first hope, his country's too.
Farewell, dear youth, whose doom disastrous calls Adieu, dear youth ! whom to the walls of Rome
(Dear youth, farewell !) to Rome's protecting walls! Thy luckless fate had led— dear youth, adieu !
Thy sire's — thy country's hope, in honoured rest To thee whilst Rome unwonted honours paid
Light be that earth, uncustom'd, on thy breast. She deck'd thee with thy Albion's funeral rite.
Edward Burnaby Greene. Thy sire's, thy country's hope — her earth was laid
Upon thy limbs — and, oh, that earth be light !
Here lies — alas, how early lost !
How chang'd ! his sire's, his country's boast !
Dear youth, whom adverse Fortune drew
To Rome's proud walls— dear youth, adieu !
Yet Rome to thee rare honours gave,
And, as thy Albion, deck'd thy grave.
Duteous her hallow'd mould she spread,
Light rest it on thy blameless head. P. C.
Here lies the youth, how chang'd to mortal sight,
So late his country's pride — his sire's delight.
Adieu, dear youth ! whom fate relentless drew
To Rome's devoted walls — dear youth, adieu !
Thy ashes now, alas ! Rome's earth receives,
And funeral rites she unaccustom'd gives ;
Thy sire's— thy country's hope ! thy loss we mourn,
Light lie the earth upon thy hallow'd urn.
XVII. Christopher Edward Lefroy, M.A., Retired Colonial Judge.
The two younger sons of the reverend head of the English Lefroys were Chris-
topher Edward {bom 1785) and Benjamin {born 1791). We first meet with the
former in 1803, on the alarm of an invasion from France, as a volunteer officer. In
1804 he was preparing to be a solicitor — a profession which he adopted for a time,
but soon relinquished. Under the influence of his pious mother, he fearlessly pro-
fessed Bible religion in a very irreligious age, and published a very creditable book,
entitled, " Are these things so ? or, Some Quotations and Remarks in defence of
what the world calls Meihodism. By Christopher Edward Lefroy, of Chapel Street,
Bedford Row." London, 1809. This was his first appearance as an author; he had
edited a volume of verses by his lamented sister-in-law, Mrs. George Lefroy, of
whom her brother, Sir Egerton Brydges, said : " She was a great reader, and her
rapidity of apprehension was like lightning ; she wrote elegant and flowing verses on
occasional subjects with great ease." About the year 181 1 he was called to the bar,
and then decided to go to Oxford. His college was Magdalen Hall ; he became
B.A. on 15th January 1814, and M.A. on 6th July 1816. It is probable that, like
the majority of barristers, he was not favoured with business ; but his gown made
him eligible for salaried appointments. He became known as an ardent philanthro-
pist, and both an admirer and an associate of William Wilberforce. When the
Governments of the Netherlands and Great Britain entered into a treaty for the sup-
pression of the slave trade in Dutch Guiana, and a bench of five judges was instituted,
Mr. Lefroy was selected to be the British Judge or Commissioner. This was in the
spring of 18 19. The appointment was to be for ten years, and a retiring salary was
promised. The only obstacle in Mr. Lefroy's mind was the fearfully pestilential
climate; and he put the question whether, in the event of the failure of his health,
he might retire after eight years' service. The following letter answered his ques-
tion ; it also exhibits the preliminaries of his departure for Surinam, the capital of
the Dutch colony : —
Viscount Castlereagh to Christopher Edward Lefroy, Esq.
" Foreign Office, May 11, 1819. — Sir, — I have the honour to acquaint you that you will
be allowed the sum of ^400 sterling towards the expenses of your equipment for the situation
of His Majesty's Commissary Judge at Surinam. You will be allowed a salary of ,£1500
sterling a-year whilst officiating in that character, such salary to commence from the 5th of
April last ; and should you be desirous of relinquishing the duties of your situation at the
expiration of eight years after your arrival at Surinam, you will be allowed a pension of ^750
a-year upon your retirement. I have to add for your information that the amount of your
outfit will be paid to you by Mr. Bandinel, the agent in this office for the Commission ; and
you will draw upon him at the expiration of each quarter for the amount of the salary due to
you for that quarter ; and he will be instructed to answer such bills drawn upon him at sixty-
days' sight. — I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, Castlereagh."
He arrived safely at Surinam, but soon discovered that it was not in Dutch
Guiana that men of authority had any desire or intention to suppress the slave trade.
Successive Governors were not unfriendly, neither were his brother-commissioners
unfaithful ; but all the lower officials conspired with the planters to prevent the laying
of complaints before the Commissary Court. And there was a criminal court, called
the " Court of Policy," presided over by the planters and their partners in a clan-
destine slave-trade, which practically reversed the Commissioners' judgments. Often
I. ^ T
250
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
for many consecutive months there was no Dutch cruiser to patrol the coast ; and
even if there were, a slave ship could be captured only when flying a British or a
Dutch flag ; the French flag was therefore usually adopted. The indignant British
Judge himself writes : — " Could I help quarrelling with a set of infidels who treated
the treaty itself and the whole subject with derision ? — I will mention one case, just
as a sample of the spirit I had to contend with. I had with great labour and pains
procured an order from the King of the Netherlands, that the cargo of a particular
slave-ship seized in the act of smuggling in slaves (consisting of five young Africans
in the prime of health and youth) should be free, according to the treaty, and
delivered over to the Government— instead of which, they sold to the planters all
these fine young Africans, and took an equal number of old superannuated and
crippled negroes, and giving them a nominal liberty, sent word that the order of the
King had been complied with."
The shape in which this quarrel came to light was this. Before the ten years
were expired (perhaps before half of the period — I have no list to refer to) all the
Commissary Judges had died from the effects of the climate, except Mr. Lefroy. He
himself thought that his own death was at hand, and wished to leave behind him a
strong and sounding protest against the evasion of the treaty, and against the
specially polluted and cruel slavery of the Dutch colony, and also against (to use his
own epithets) " the revolting, frightful, all-crime-comprising, all-depravity-inducing,
all-humanity-deriding, heaven-outraging, and demoniacal practice, the West Indian
Slave Trade." He accordingly wrote a Novel, with notes and an epilogue, and sent
it to England to be printed without the author's name. Copies arrived at Surinam
in the year 1826. What must have been the surprise of the Governor and the
highest officials on receiving as a present a volume of 324 pages, with the title-page
and dedicatory epistle : —
OUTALISSI ;
A TALE OF
DUTCH GUIANA.
" UtravoiTn " ! ! !
LONDON :
J. HATCHARD AND SON, PICCADILLY.
1826.
TO
WILLIAM WILBERFORCE, Esq.,
THE MORAL WELLINGTON OF HIS COUNTRY
AND
SAVIOUR OF THE BRITISH WEST INDIES,
IF CHRISTIANITY IS TRUE, AND REFORM SO
LATE, AFTER CENTURIES OF CRIME AND
DEFIANCE OF GOd's LAWS, MAY YET
AVERT HIS VENGEANCE.
The volume is a romance in which fiction as to names and as to exact occur-
rences is a framework for true statements and anecdotes. Outalissi is a slave, the
chief of an African village, who with all his people was conveyed to Dutch Guiana
in a French ship commanded by Captain Legere. Bob Jackson, an English sailor,
was one of the crew, and afterwards made a deposition in the presence of Captain
Bentinck, of which the following is the substance : —
" Captain Ledger, as they calls him, seeing me unemployed, said I was a good likely sea-
looking lad, and asked if I had a mind to take a run with him to Africa for a cargo of mules.
Being quite out of prog, and rather sulky, I said I didn't care, and he took me aboard with
him immediately. When we came into the Bight of Benin, I soon found what a cargo of
mules meant, and one of the men, an Englishman like myself, said he know'd of a king as
lived somewhere in those parts, about twenty miles up the country, that had taken him home
and cured him of a fever once when he was wrecked upon that coast, and that if the captain
Mould send a dozen hands with him, and give a trifle head-money, he'd bring away the whole
village, king and all. So I was ordered of the party, &c." The attack began by setting the
village on fire ; then the people were captured, but Outalissi hid himself in his woods. He
lost his liberty, however, by leaving his hiding-place ; the king " came stealing out of the
woods to reach an oyster, I thinks 'twas as Bill said, or some such lubberly lingo as he larned
when he was a soldier, for this Bill isn't above a half-bred sort of a land swab of a sailor after
all." (The author explains that Bob was trying to say reconnoitre.) On being asked why he
did not make an affidavit before the Commissioners, Bob replied that as an Englishman he
would be liable to be sent to England to be tried and hanged for slave-trading, and " they
wouldn't believe that I didn't know what mules meant when this here Frenchman engaged me.''
I give some specimens of dialogues introduced in this tale : —
Page 45. " There are different modes of conducting all employments," said Mr. Cotton.
" Captain Legere, for example, never stows above three mules to a ton, or loses more than a
third of his cargo on a voyage, and his decks are as clean nearly as those of a man-of-war. I
will not, however, deny that it would be desirable to avoid even such a waste of valuable life
and muscle as that ; but the risk and penalties are now so heavy as to compel the traders, like
DESCENDANTS OF THE EARLIER REFUGEES.
251
smugglers, to make the profits of one successful voyage cover the loss and expenses of three ;
and if that precious little humbug, Mr. Wilberforce, had been content to regulate instead of
abolishing the trade, there might have been something to be said for him."
" But," said Edward, " don't you see that it would have been impossible by any regulations
to bring such a trade within the pale of humanity, because any restrictions, proportioning the
numbers of the slaves to the tonnage of the ships, would have so raised the price of legally im-
ported slaves, as to make the profits upon smuggling a sufficient temptation to practise it with
as much if not more disregard to the waste of life."
" I can't see," said Mr. Hogshead, " what right Mr. Wilberforce had to trouble his head
about the matter, with Ireland and the press-gang under his nose."
" It's rather hard upon Mr. Wilberforce, too," said Edward, " or indeed upon any man, to
condemn him for doing anything because he could not do everything. What he has achieved
has cost him the labour of his whole life ; and looked at seriously and in all its remote and
probable consequences, a most glorious achievement it is."
Page 117. "I really thought," said Edward, "that it was the sincere wish of his Nether-
land Majesty to suppress this frightful traffic, from the laws that he has passed for that
apparent purpose and the public expressions of his ministers."
" Pshaw," said Colonel Vansonmer, " all that, you know, is merely to humbug the British
Government ; his Netherland Majesty's ministers are obliged ostensibly to comply with what-
ever directions my Lord Londonderry is pleased to send them."
Page 118. "So, Mr. Bentinck," said Monsieur Derague, "you are in correspondence with
the British Commissioners here, I find, to help us in the discharge of our duty."
" I could not be aware," said Bentinck, " that my furnishing those gentlemen with informa-
tion of a case, which I understood to be their special duty to attend to, would be disagreeable
to your Excellency."
" Their duty," said his Excellency, " only extends to the adjudication, in conjunction with
his Netherland Majesty's commissioners, of slave-vessels found trading under Dutch or British
colours, and brought before them by a British cruiser ; but it is not easy to confine them to
their duty. They have, of course, to affect a confidence in the earnestness of the wishes of
our Government to extinguish this traffic corresponding with that of their own, or rather of
the English fanatics whom their Government is reluctantly compelled to humour. They are
unceasingly tormenting me with complaints of the continuance of slave importations (to
which I reply, Produce me conclusive evidence, gentlemen). One of them, the other day, wished
to advertise a reward for information, but I told him that it did not belong to his functions,
and refused him permission to do so. He then wished me to advertise one myself, as the
governors of the English colonies are in the habit of doing — which also I assured him our
Dutch laws would not allow."
The tale, with its epilogue and notes, was a tremendous exposure of life and
society in these plantations ; and the author's ingenuity, warmth, and humour made
the book a success. The appendix was more serious and statistical, and raised a
flame in the colony. Formal complaints were made to the two European Govern-
ments, the book (though anonymous) being unmistakably by Mr. Lefroy. The
Government of the Netherlands complained to the British Cabinet ; and the author
was censured as one who had written a libel, or who at least had come into imprudent
collision with the colonial officials. It was even solicited that he should be recalled.
The Duke of Wellington was Prime Minister. Mr. Lefroy repeatedly requested His
Grace's permission to retire at the end of the eighth year of his term, as Lord Castle-
reagh had arranged. It is not known what the Duke wrote ; but the practical
decision, as events proved, was that Mr. Lefroy was to consider himself recalled, but
was to continue to reside and to act at Surinam until the whole term of ten years
was completed. About this time he wrote a letter to Charles Edward Lefroy, the
young head of the family, dated Paramaribo, Surinam, Easter Sunday, April 15,
1827, in which he says : —
" You have now a name of unblemished reputation for four generations to support. . . .
In a Protestant kingdom no ancestry can or ought to be more honourable than a Huguenot
ancestry. Your grandfather was a model of social excellence, uniting the scrupulous uncom-
promising integrity and truth of your great-grandfather. I have met with no one in my
intercourse with the world who would bear any comparison with the impression I retain of his
uniform dignity and consistency of deportment in every relation of life. He used to ascribe
all his impressions of Christianity to your grandmother ; but he was always a man of honour,
and in his carriage and manners a perfect gentleman, almost a courtier. He exemplified, 1
think, what Dr Johnson calls the highest perfect of humanity, the character of a truly Christian
gentleman. Your father (I had almost said) was born a saint, and passed from his cradle to
his grave without one single vicious action, if not without a single vicious propensity."
His vein of humour appears at the close of the above letter. He writes, "As for
myself, I never had any real goodness much less sanctity in me; but I would still
252
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
serve, if it were possible, to the rest of my family, as the Culloden at the Nile." (The
allusion is to a ship-of-war which ran on a reef, and was of no use in the fight except
as a warning to its friends.)
Mr. Lefroy's remaining years of office were more agreeable than he had ventured
to hope. In fact, his project in publishing " Outalissi " was publicly justified. By
appointment of the Netherland Government, Major-General Van den Bosch came to
Surinam in 1828 to investigate into the state of the colony, and (says Mr Lefroy)
" the very first thing he did on his arrival was to send all my official antagonists to
the right about, and completely remodel the Colonial Government. He introduced
many salutary regulations, as well for the protection of the slaves as the general
prosperity of the colony — regulations which reflected more severely upon the prior
local administration and the general moral character of the colony than any charges
either expressed or implied in the narrative of Outalissi, and would themselves have
been a gratuitous libel, if these charges had not been substantially true."
The last sight we get of Mr. Lefroy in Dutch Guiana is himself and the Dutch
Commissioner and the Governor unitedly encouraging the building of a church for
the Moravian missionaries. I insert the following letter : —
" To the Editor of the ' Guiana Chronicle?
" Surinam, 1st January 1829. — Sir, — For the honor of this colony, you would much
oblige me by inserting this letter, with the enclosed circular and a list of subscribers which,
besides the names of the Governor, Fiscal, and Bookholder-general, comprises those of almost
all the respectable inhabitants, excepting some few who subscribed liberally but requested the
omission of their names. And lest the amount of my own subscription, in comparison with
that of my superiors, should be charged with ostentation or a breach of proper etiquette, I
think it right to say that at the time His Excellency General De Veer, who has a large family,
gave me permission to collect, he kindly and repeatedly expressed his wish to me that neither
myself nor others should consider the amount of his own as an impassable maximum. The
chapel has since been completed upon a scale of 95 feet in length by 60 in breadth, and
above 50 in height (Rhynland measure), with two galleries, one above another the whole course
of the parallelogram, but at a very great additional expense to the Moravians themselves, beyond
the amount of subscriptions, of nearly as much again. It is a plain but capacious building,
and will contain commodiously a congregation of between two and three thousand persons.
No Colonial Government has any excuse for holding its slaves in ignorance of Christianity
that has so safe a vehicle for communicating a knowledge of it as that which is afforded by the
Moravian establishment in this colony. Indeed, to do justice to this colony, of which I have
now been a constant resident and a very dose observer iox nearly nine years, I must say that almost
every individual in this colony respects them, that has the least pretension to respectability
himself. And I don't know that I shall over-colour the estimation in which they are held if I
say that they are generally spoken of not only in terms of respect but affection, so much so,
that I told their very amiable Warden the other day, the Rev. Mr. Ghent, that they were under
the curse of Scripture, for everybody spoke well of them.
"The chapel was opened on the 21st day of July last, under the auspices of the Lord High
Commissioner-General Vandenbosch and his lady, our present Governor, Admiral Sir Paulus
Roeloff Cantzlaaz, his lady and family, several naval and military officers, and almost all the
beauty and fashion of Paramaribo. I beg your acceptance of a lithographic sketch of it, which
perhaps you will do us the justice to affix up in your kantoor ; and I think it would be no more
than a neighbourly action if you would insert in your respectable paper the enclosed advertise-
ment which I have cut out of the Surinamsche Courant for the 23d of July, as our funds are
still inadequate to the object proposed, and there may be possibly amongst you some wealthy
and serious Dutchmen who would contribute to them. — I am, Sir, your most obedient humble
servant, Chris. Edward Lefroy,
"Judge of the Mixed Court for the suppression of the Slave Trade on the
" part of His Britannic Majesty."
The editor of the Guiana Chronicle complied with Mr. Lefroy's request, and also
on nth February 1829 published a leading article in praise of the Moravian mis-
sionaries, adding, " We are glad that so humble, unostentatious, and withal so useful,
a class has met the support of the best and highest individuals in Surinam."
Having left Surinam at peace with the colonists, what must have been the sur-
prise of Mr. Lefroy, on his arrival in London, to find the Duke of Wellington still in an
enraged state of mind ? On the ground (I suppose) that the honourable Commissary
Judge had not retired but had been recalled, he refused to act upon Lord Castle-
reagh's letter, and reduced his pension to £600, thus inflicting for life upon a faithful
public servant a heavy annual fine of ^150, which (says Mr. Lefroy) was "imposed
on me without judge or jury." In this connection, it is nothing but justice to
Christopher Edward Lefroy to quote the testimony of his nephew, Sir Henry Lefroy,
that this action of the Duke " never abated his enthusiastic admiration of that great
DESCENDANTS OE THE EARLIER REFUGEES.
253
man." The same nephew, after giving a quotation from Outalissi, says of his uncle :
" This honest indignation at fraud and cruelty — this fearless and simple assertion of
the truth of revelation and of the judgment to come — characterized him to the close
of life. His conversation was always forcible and original, with a character of
humour which was often exceedingly quaint. Many stories might be told of his
harmless eccentricities ; one of them, which he told himself with much gusto, was his
putting to flight the conqueror of Waterloo ! Residing not far from Strathfieldsaye,
he occasionally met the Duke of Wellington in the hunting-field ; he observed one
day that the Duke was taking a course that would oblige him to pass by a certain
gate, and the idea struck him that he would ride forward and open it, to show the
hero that he bore no malice against him. But the Duke, who saw the movement
and mistook the intention, clapped spurs to his horse (to escape a bore), followed by
his admirer. My uncle reached the gate first, and dismounting, opened it, hat in
hand. The Duke, who knew his man, then saw his meaning, and, riding through
with a nod and smile, left him perfectly happy with his success."
Mr. Lefroy's well-earned repose began when he was aged forty-four. He bought
the property of West Ham, near Basingstoke, extending to 203 acres, with an excel-
lent house. Although he was a bachelor, his house had many occupants. In the
very year in which he settled there his younger brother died, leaving a young widow
and seven children. Benjamin was six years younger than the retired judge, having
been born in 1 78 1 ; his school education was at Winchester ; he was of Merton
College, Oxford, and took the degree of B.A. on 19th November 1813. He was
successively rector of Compton and of Ashe. In November 18 14 he married Anne
Austen, and his death took place at the early age of thirty-eight, on 27th August
1829. While Mr. C. E. Lefroy's private life was that of a father to his fatherless
nephew and six nieces, his public life displayed constant activity and energy in the
advancement of beneficent enterprises. He had some thoughts of publishing with
his name a second edition of Outalissi, and had written a preface dated " West Ham,
May 1830 ;" but this intention was fallen from. After twenty-three years of useful-
ness as a country gentleman, he was, in December 1852, seized with partial paralysis,
and was nursed for the remainder of his life by his affectionate and grateful house-
hold. He died on 2d July 1856, aged seventy, lamented by his neighbours univer-
sally. He was buried in Basingstoke Churchyard, and the following inscription is
upon his tomb : —
Christoper Edward Lefroy, Esq., for 10 years British Commissary
Judge at Surinam for the Suppression of the Slave Trade, and late
of West Ham, of this parish, died July 2d, 1856. Aged 70 years.
With all the humility of prostrate helplessness I throw myself on
God's mercy thro' Christ for the pardon of my sins, trusting in
the Infinite Sufficiency of the full and perfect Atonement by
Himself once made upon the Cross for the sins of the whole
World.
The coiicluding words of his Will.
XVIII. The Messieurs Le Keux.
These most eminent engravers sprang from Lieutenant-Colonel Pierre Le Keux,
of Spitalfields {bom 1697, died 1723), buried at Whitechapel. John and Henry
Le Keux were his great-grandsons, their grandfather being William, of Hayes,
Middlesex {bom 1697, died l 7& l )> buried at Putney, and their father being Peter,
born at Limpsfield, in Surrey, 12th May 1746, died 19th March 1836, and buried at
Ingatestone, Essex. According to Mr. Thorne, 1 this worthy nonagenarian was a
pewterer.
John Le Keux was born 4th June 1783, and baptized at St. Botolph's. As a
boy, he did his father's errands, and began to make drawings upon quart pots. This
led to his being permitted to devote himself to the art of engraving. He became a
pupil of Basire, and after fulfilling his apprenticeship, he engraved plates for Brewer's
Antiquities. In 1818 he was engaged by John Britton. He engraved about four
hundred plates for Britton's Architectural and Cathedral Antiquities, and about fifty
1 With regard to the works of the brilliant trio of engravers, I follow (unless where I say otherwise) the
articles by Mr. James Thorne in the " Imperial Dictionary of Biography."
254
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
for Pugin's Architectural Antiquities of Normandy. His engravings also adorn the
volumes of Neale's " Westminster Abbey and Churches of England," and Ingram's
" Memorials of Oxford and Cambridge." He was held in immense and well-merited
reputation. He married, in 1809, Sarah Sophia, daughter of John Lingard (she sur-
vived till 1 871), and died 1st April 1846, and was buried in Bunhill Fields. He left,
with other children, a son, John Henry Le Keux, also an engraver.
Henry Le Keux, brother of John, was born 13th June 1787, and baptized at
St. Dunstan's, Stepney. He also became a pupil of Basire. And as an engraver,
he was considered quite equal to his brother. His engravings are to be found in
Blore's " Monumental Antiquities," Neale's " Westminster Abbey," Rogers' Poems,
Whitaker's " Richmondshire," and Scott's Poems and " Provinc'al Antiquities," and
also in the Annuals. For this catalogue I am indebted to Mr. Thorne. In addition
to it, I may mention the facts, that for his large plate of Venice (after Prout) he received
760 guineas ; for plates in the beautiful Annuals, with which our boyhood was
favoured, he received large prices ranging from 100 to 180 guineas. For these facts
concerning him I am indebted to The Register for 1&69 (vol. i., p. 132) ; and on the
same authority, I note that " more than thirty years ago he gave up engraving, and
retired to Bocking, in Essex, being engaged by the firm of Samuel Courtauld & Co.,
crape manufacturers, for the chemical and scientific department, and he continued in
that employment until the age of eighty-one, his health failing a short time before
his death." He died 3d October 1868, and was buried at Halstead, in Essex.
John Henry Le Keux, son of John Le Keux and Sara Sophia Lingard, was born
23d March 181 2, and baptised at St. Pancras. As an engraver, he has worthily
represented his father and uncle. His style is less minute but more spirited. His
plates occur in Ruskin's Modern Painters and Stones of Venice, and in various modern
architectural works, annuals, and costly serial publications. He married, first, at
Harmondsworth (in 1838), Helen, daughter of Richard Tillyer, and secondly, at
Shincliffe (in 1836), Francis, youngest daughter of George Andrews, of the city of
Durham, in which city he is now spending the evening of his life.
XIX. Rev. Henry Bellenden Bulteel, M.A.
John Bulteel, Esq., of Flete, by his wife, the Hon. Diana Bellenden, was the father
of John (of Flete and Lyneham), Thomas-Hillesden, Henry-Bellenden (unmarried),
and other children. Of these, Thomas Hillesden Bulteel, Esq., married Anne,
daughter and co-heiress of Christopher Harris, Esq., of Bellevue, near Plymouth, and
had five sons, John, Christopher, Thomas H., Henry-Bellenden (afterwards Rev.),
and Francis F. ; also two daughters.
The date of the birth of Rev. Henry Bellenden Bulteel was about 1802. He
became a distinguished graduate of Oxford University, M.A., and Fellow of Exeter
College. He obtained his Fellowship in 1826. For nearly five years he was curate-
in-charge of St. Elbe's, Oxford. He obtained celebrity by a sermon preached before
his university at St. Mary's, on 6th February 183 1. Such was the esteem in which
he was held that " an audience was attracted such as never perhaps was witnessed
within the walls of St. Mary's ;" so wrote Professor Burton, who courteously added,
" Every word which was uttered proceeded from conscientious sincerity." Mr.
Bulteel was indeed an undaunted and able preacher of the Gospel ; his doctrines
were those of the early Protestant Reformers, and it was for no alleged heresy that
he was eventually excluded from the Church of England, as appears from the letters
of the Bishop of Oxford (Bagot) : —
(1.) " Canterbury, July 16, 1831. — Rev. Sir, — It is not without considerable regret that I
address you upon the subject of a complaint which has caused me great anxiety. Various
communications have been made to me of your having travelled into several dioceses, and, in
many instances, where the pulpit of the Church has been refused to you, of your having
preached in Dissenting Meeting-houses and in the open air. I request that you will give me
an early answer as to the truth of this complaint, and I earnestly hope that it may prove satis-
factory. — I remain, Rev. Sir, your faithful servant, R. Oxford."
(2.) " Canterbury, Atigust 5, 183 1. — Rev. Sir. — After your admission of the truth of those
reports which I mentioned to you in a former letter, respecting your having in various in-
stances preached in Dissenting Meeting-houses and in the open air where the pulpit of the
Church had been refused to you, I have to inform you that it becomes my duty to withdraw
your license to the Curacy of St. Elbe's. — I remain, Rev. Sir, your faithful servant,
R. Oxford."
Mr. Bulteel had during several previous weeks made a preaching tour in Devon-
DESCENDANTS OF THE EARLIER REFUGEES.
255
shire and Somersetshire. After his exclusion from the Established Church, he re-
ceived adult baptism from Rev. John Howard Hinton, in St. Clement's Chapel,
Oxford; this was on 12th February 1832. He temporarily succumbed to Irvingite
teaching concerning the " working of miracles" and "speaking with tongues;" but
Irvingism he soon renounced with abhorrence. He continued to be an advocate of
adult baptism, but did not join the church that calls itself Baptist. He preserved
his individuality, and a Non-Conformist church was built for him at Oxford, in which
he ministered for many years. This at length was sold, and in his later years he
officiated in a church of his own in the South-West of England, near the place of
his birth. As to the site of this church and as to the date of his lamented death, I
am not informed. But an excellent living divine, who was personally acquainted
with him, assures me that he maintained a truly religious and Christian character.
His celebrated sermon went through six editions during the year when it was
preached and printed. It occasioned a pamphlet-war between him and Professor
Burton on the Doctrines of the Protestant Reformers, mingled with skirmishes. For
instance, as to the appointment of bishops, Mr. Bulteel said, alluding to the 38th
Article, " That body of clergy, who should first decline the honour of receiving a
bishop at the Royal recommendation, would well testify their attachment to their
Article, deserve the thanks of the Church of England, and the sincerest gratitude of
the true Church of Christ within her pale." Also, as to an indiscriminate granting of
certificates of good character to candidates for the ministry, which were often false,
the Professor's reply had been weak, amounting to a plea that certificates of religious
character granted to hitherto irreligious young men were properly anticipatory of
their immediate and persevering repentance, if not granted charitably and in ignor-
ance. In answer to this, Mr. Bulteel wrote, " Dr. B. supposes that the vices of the
young men might possibly not come to the knowledge of the Heads and Tutors of
the Colleges. Some of their vices probably may not. But what shall we say of
those which take place within the College Walls ? What meaneth this Meeting of
sheep in mine ears ? What mean those horrid execrations, oaths, and curses ? What
mean those notes of revelry and songs of lewdness and profanity, in which the whole
company join in chorus ? . . . Those whose conscience will not suffer them to give,
testimonials to a pious Calvin ist, and yet bestow them on such characters as these,
do but strain at a gnat and sivallow a camel" Mr. Bulteel also could say, " More
than one tutor, within a day or two from the delivery of my Sermon, confessed
publicly to their pupils the truth of my assertions on this head, and told them that
they should therefore no longer sign testimonials in the same general way which was
practised before."
*** The literature on this controversy is —
1. A Sermon on 1 Corinthians ii. 12, preached before the University, &c, to which is
added a Sequel containing an account of the Author's ejectment from his Curacy by the
Bishop of Oxford, for indiscriminate preaching. Sixth Edition. Oxford, 1831.
2. Remarks on a Sermon preached at St. Mary's, on Sunday, February 6, 1831. By the
Rev. Edward Burton, D.D., Regius Professor of Divinity. Oxford, 1831.
3. A Reply to Dr. Burton's Remarks, &rc. By the Rev. H. B. Bulteel, M.A., late Fellow
of Exeter College, and Curate of St. Elbe's, Oxford. Oxford, 1831.
4. A Hard Nut to Crack, or a Word in Season for Mr. Bulteel. By a Member of the
Church of God at Oxford. Second Edition. 1832. Price Twopence.
I have regarded this controversy from an old Huguenot point of view. I give it a pacific
aspect by placing Henry Bellenden Bulteel among scholars and authors, and not among the
clergy.
XX. John Chalk Claris, Esq.
In my Chapter I. I noted a worthy refugee in London, a member of the French
Church in Threadneedle Street, James Claris, a silk-weaver, born at Lille, who with
Katherine, his wife, lived in Coleman Street Ward as a householder and denizen in
1 57 1 » having (himself at least) come to England in 1563. Probably of the same
stock was another Jaques Claris, who settled at Canterbury, but was a native of
Nieuhuis, a town near the frontier of the lordship of Overyssel. I know his name
only through his son Germain, born at Nieuhuis in 161 7. Germain C. married in the
French Church of Canterbury, in 1642, Marie, daughter of Fulque Gloriez, a native of
Canterbury. It was no disparagement to him that he was the door-keeper of the
refugee church ; in fact, a fine motto for a steadfast refugee would be, " I had rather
be a door-keeper in the house of my God, than dwell in the tents of wickedness."
In that ecclesiastical capacity he died on 15th November 1692, aged seventy-five.
Perhaps the senior Canterbury refugee of the name was Marc Claris; his son Jean,
256
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
born in Canterbury, was marriageable in 1656, in which year he was betrothed to
Dorcas, daughter of Pierre le Clerc. Another Jacques Claris appears in 1677 ; on
17th June of that year his daughter Elizabeth was baptized in Canterbury French
Church, the witnesses being Esaie Claris and Ester Claris. Esaie Claris married
Jeanne Le Keux, and I find the baptism of their son Gideon on 12th February 1682
(n.s.), and of their daughter Ester on 13th October 1689. About 1660 a Pierre
Claris married Madeleine Bleuze. Their son, Pierre Claris, of Canterbury, was
married in the French Church, Threadneedle Street, London, on Christmas 1691 ;
his bride was Esther le Moreau (daughter of Elie le Moreau and Elizabeth Du
Pierre). In the next century, on 10th April 1721, James Claris was episcopally
married in the Cathedral of Canterbury, to Mary Villiers. I take some information
from the Gentleman s Magazine concering James Claris, of Canterbury, born in 1762,
and John Chalk Claris, born in 1796, perhaps a father and son.
" May 181 5. Died at Canterbury, aged fifty-three, Mr. James Claris, senior com-
mon-councilman, and bookseller of that city. In his profession his knowledge was
most extensive; and as his general information on every subject made him a most
instructive and agreeable companion, so the integrity of his heart, and mildness and
benevolence of his temper, secured him the love and esteem of all who knew him.
He will be long and deeply regretted by his family and friends ; it was generally
and truly remarked that he died without an enemy."
" 1866, January 10. Died at Canterbury, aged sixty-nine, John Chalk Claris,
Esq., for nearly forty years editor of the Kent Herald. He was also the author of
poetical works published under the name of Arthur Brooke ; between the years 1814
and 1824."
The Dictionary of Anonymous and Pseudonymous Literature ascribes to him
" Retrospection and other Poems," in one volume. The following are in the Library
of the British Museum : —
(1.) Durovernum, with other poems. i2mo. London, 18 18.
(2.) Thoughts and Feelings [in verse.] i2mo. London, 1820.
(3.) Elegy on the death of Percy Bysshe Shelley. 8vo. London, 1822.
In 1571 Michel Clarisse was a settler at Sandwich, and one of the contributors to the
poor. The surname is spelt in the same manner in the registration of the marriage at Canter-
bury in 1642 ; the spelling may have been phonetic, indicating that the final S was not mute.
In the following century a clergyman of the family asserted his French descent by assuming
the prefix De. The Rev. Peter de Claris was appointed Reader in the French Chapel Royal,
St. James' Palace, on 28th December 1724, and held this post until his death in 1737. The
effect of the more dignified surname was, however, much spoilt by the clerk, who wrote it
" Declaris," and it is so indexed in Dr. Rimbault's Camden Society Volume.
Chapter $ I D,
ADDITIONAL ENQUIRIES CONCERNING SCOTLAND.
1 HAVE already alluded to the probability that the welcome given to Huguenot
refugees by Scotland brought a Huguenot element into the population. The result
of searches made in parochial registers and minutes of Commissary Courts is scanty.
The Edinburgh registers begin early in 1595. On 16th June 1595 there is the mar-
riage of Andro Groser to Christiane Neilsonne. There is a conjecture that the
surname of Grosart is of French refugee origin ; perhaps we have found the veritable
refugee. At the baptism of his first child, Francis, on 24th November 1596, the
witnesses were Francis Naper and Mr. Seyer, " of the Coynie House ; " the latter
may have been a French Protestant of some distinction employed in the Scottish Mint.
To be associated with a " Naper " was to be in good company. On " Wednisday,
2 Aprile 1595," there is the baptism of Johne, son of " Robert Naper, marchant " —
" witnesses, John M'Moraine, bailie, and John Naper of Merchestoun."
We come to an indubitable Frenchman on "Wednisday, 6 August 1595," the day
of the baptism of William, son of " Pasquers Toilet, marykin-makcr." (The Christian
name is evidently Pasquier mis-spelt, usually registered Pasqueir.) The trade of
marikin-maker (as the registrars afterwards spell it) was apparently introduced by
him and by another Frenchman, Jonas George (the French form of the name is
Georges), who first appears as a witness to the baptism of a son of Toilet, named
ADDITIONAL ENQUIRIES CONCERNING SCOTLAND. 257
after him, on 28th May 1598. Jonas George, marikin-maker, married Agnes Glorie
(or Gloriez) ; their first child was baptized on 1 ith April 1602 ; it is not till January
1608 that the register gives mothers' names. In 1602 a witness to a baptism in
the George family was Joshua Hamia, maltman ; in 1603 a witness was Jaques
D'labougne, merchant ; in the year 16 10 George returned his friend's compliment
by naming a son Pasquier. On 28th August 1 597, Helen, daughter of Thomas
Heriot, hatmaker, was baptized, the witness being Pasquier Toilet, marikin-maker.
The word marikin is derived from the French mavroquin, of which the dictionary
definition is, " a goat's skin dressed after the manner used in Morocco." In Jamieson's
Scottish Dictionary there is " Mariken " or " Maryskyn," a dressed goat-skin (a word
used in the Acts of King Charles II.) ; and a quotation is given from Cotgrave's
French-English Dictionary: " Marroquin — Spanish leather made of goats' skins,
or goats' leather not tanned but dressed with galls." The phrase " morocco leather"
(now " morocco " only) is comparatively modern, and in 1688 was not known to
Miege, whose dictionary has the phrase, " Marroquin de Levant, Turkey leather."
We meet in the Edinburgh baptismal register with the name of Robert Ray, mari-
kin-vian, on 7th October 1604, and of William Hepburn, marikin-dresser, on 28th
January 1619; the witness to the baptism of Anne Ray was Andrew Hart, buik-
seller.
At some of the earliest dates, surnames with the prefix D' occur occasionally.
On 30th November 1597 there is the baptism of Susanna, daughter of Christiane
D'Carll, carpenter; on 1 8th June 1598, Christiane, daughter of Peter D'Hunger,
litstar (i.e., dyer); on 22d April 1599, William, son of Jaques D'Unseir, suttonman
(here Jamieson fails me), witnesses, William D'Royther, Ferdinando D'Cuitmezzer. If
the Christian name Jaques betokens French ancestry, then we may claim some
persons named Barroun ; on 25th May 1600, Jaques Barroun, merchant, was a witness
of the baptism of James, son of Alexander Barroun, chirurgeon, the other witness
being Johne Nasmyth, chirurgeon. Jaques D'labary, merchant, appears as a witness
to a baptism on 17th September 1605.
On 25th October 1601, Adrian Bolldollingie, knock-maker {i.e., clockmaker), has a
son Jacob baptized, the witnesses being Harie Wilsoune and Jaques D'bargaur,
merchants. Another, and perhaps a rather more correct spelling of his name, occurs
on 2 1st April 1608, when " Adrien Bowdellingie, knokmaker," is registered as witness
to the baptism of Marion, daughter of Josias Riccard, croslet-maker. Isobell, daughter
of Nicolas Foucart, liorologier, was baptized on 4th February 1603. And on 14th
April 161 1, when his daughter Margaret was baptized, he was registered as " Horolo-
grar to the Oueins Majestic"
Perhaps the name of Moliere is represented among our refugees. On 12th April
1607, Daniell Molier, doctour in medicin, brings his infant son Archibald for baptism.
When he reappears on 19th September 1609 with Elizabeth Lendman, his wife, and
another infant named George, he is registered as " Daniel Meier, doctor of medicin."
Probably the first spelling is the more correct one. There was another medical
doctor, whose name the registrar represented by varied spelling. "23 July 1598.
Mr. Martone Schonerz, doctor in medicine, A.S.N. Edward — W., Mr. Edward Bruce.
Commendator of Kinloss, Gilbert Primros, chirurgeon." " 28 August 1603. Mr. Mar-
tene Schoneir, doctor in medicine, A.D.N. Elizabeth — W., William Fouller, merchant."
[The above are specimens of the form of a registration in Edinburgh. A.S.N. = a son
named ; A.D.N. =a daughter named ; W. = witness, or witnesses.]
Of course, in searching the register, I paused at every outlandish name. 31 Dec.
1505. Peter Tollas and Thomas, his son. 25 Dec. 1603. Henrie Stallingis, pescment-
maker, A.S.N. Peter — W., Peter Zippis, Jaques Seggat. The above Peter Zippis,
merchant, appears on 17th September 1605 and 20th December 1607. 27th
January 1605, Andrew Zicart. On 16th April 1607 we find "Johne quhippo, Baxter
{i.e., baker), tua twines {i.e., two twins), the ane A.S.N. James — W., William Smaill,
James Stevinsone, Baxters, the uther A.D.N. Christin — W., Gawan Stevinsone, Baxter."
20th September 1607, Michaell Flabame, merchant. 23d October 1607, Hew Char-
levie, merchant. Mrs. Jonas George had two brothers, Thomas and Alexander
Glorie. Alexander, who was a wright, married Beatrice Trotter, and their son
William was baptized on 12th April 161 2 — witnesses, William Penstounc and Pas-
quier Toilet. Pasquier Toilet had three children, William (1st August 1595), Jonas
(28th May 1598), and Janet (26th October 1600). Jonas George had eight children,
Johne (1602), Jaques (1603), William (1604), Margaret (1605), a second Johne (1607),
Duncan (1609), Pasquier (1610), and a third Johne ( 161 3). After 1613 there is no
indication of French ancestry in parents' names registered in Edinburgh.
As to Glasgow, there is one singular indication that there may have been a
I. 2 K
253
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
French congregation in that city. The Town Council Minutes begin in 1573; the
first surviving registration of a baptism is dated 3d August 1609, and the first mar-
riage on record, 1st November 1612. The one entry to which I allude is a minute of
Town Council, dated 23d February 1628, " Ordanes the dean of gild to aggrie with
Dunlope, and to reseave him burges and gild brother, and gif his fyne to
Maister Robert Scott for releis of the Frainche ministeris sonnes debt."
It is remarkable that most families in Scotland who claim Huguenot refugee
ancestry descend, if their tradition is well founded, from the earlier refugees. The
biographer of Sir James Young Simpson, Bart., M.D., declares confidently that the
maternal grandmother of that distinguished Professor belonged to " the Huguenot
refugee family of Jarvey." This surname was originally fcrvay, which looks like a
corruption of the French Gervais. But the first occurrence of that surname is
evidently Scotch. In the Commissariot of Edinburgh, 21st May 1577, Malic
Browster, widow, succeeds to her deceased husband, James Jervay, farmer in
Holenebuss (i.e., Hollybush), on the estate of Lord Fleming. Apparently in this
case, as in two or three others, a modern surname may represent two distinct ancient
surnames. There is, however, another point of departure for Scoto-Huguenots
brought to light by the industry of old John Pointer, M.A., of Oxford, in his
" Chronological History of England " : —
" 1669. Dec. 8. There was published in Scotland an Act for the Naturalisation of
Strangers of the Protestant Religion, that should bring their Estates, or set up
new Works and Manufactures amongst them."
Such an Act may be accounted for by the condition of the Protestants of France
at that date. Browning says in his History of the Huguenots : —
"An edict against emigration was issued in 1669; the tyrannical enactments on this
subject afford materials for extensive commentary ; edict followed edict in rapid succession ;
and the degree of penalty proceeded in an awful gradation from fine to imprisonment — the
galleys — and death. Colbert's influence was still in favour of the Protestants, and the threat-
ened storm was for a time postponed. But the revocation of the Edict of Nantes was certainly
contemplated in 1669."
The Act of the Scottish Parliament for the Naturalisation of Strangers escaped
the notice of Wodrow. It is dated at Edinburgh, December viii, mdclxix, and is
as follows : —
"Our Soverane Lord, out of his innate bounty and royall inclination to favour and protect
strangers, and for the incres and promoveing of trade and manufactories, being graciously
pleased and willing to give incouragement to strangers to repair to and duell and reside within
this kingdome, have therefor thought fit, lykas his Majestie, with advice and consent of his
Estates of Parliament, doth heirby statute, ordeane, and declair That all strangers, being of the
Protestant religion, either such who haveing estates shall think fit to bring the same to this
kingdom to dwell and inhabite within the same, or who shall come to set up new works and
manufactories therein, and shall repair to and satle their abode, dwelling, and residence
within this kingdome, shall be and are heirby naturalised as native borne subjects of the king-
dome of Scotland, and are to enjoy his Majestie's royall protection, the benefite of the law,
and all other priviledges which ane native doeth enjoy, als freelie in all respects as if they
themselffs had been borne within the same ; and that they shall have libertie and freedome of
trade, and freedome to buy and purchese lands, heretages, and other goods moveable and
unmoveable, and to enjoy the same be succession, pushes, or donation, or any other way,
and to dispose therof and transmit them to their airs and successors who are to succeid ther-
unto ; and to enjoy all other liberties, priviledges, and capacities which doeth belong to, and
are competent and shall belong to any native subject borne within the kingdome. And
further, his Majesty doeth declare that, upon application to be made to him be these strangers,
he will grant unto them the frie and publick exercise of their religion in their oune languages,
and the libertie of haveing churches within this kingdom. It is alwayes heirby provydit that
no person or persons shall have the benefite of this Act wntill first by petition to the Lords of
his Majesties Privy Councill, containing ane exact designation of their names, places of their
birth and former residence, and that they are of the Protestant religion, it be fund by the
Councill that they are qualified according to this Act and ought to have the benefite therof.
And it is heirby declared that these presents, with ane extract of the Act of Councill in favors
of the saids persons to the effect forsaid, shall be unto them a sufficient naturalization to all
intents and purposes ; which extract shall be given unto them freelie without payment of any
money or composition, save only the fee of nyne pund Scots money to the Clerks of Councill
and their servants."
It does not appear in the Minutes of the Scottish Privy Council that any French
Protestants applied for naturalisation. The reason may be that the Town Councils
of Royal Burghs could give them permission to reside and trade in towns, and thus
ADDITIONAL ENQUIRIES CONCERNING SCOTLAND. 259
ho certificate of naturalisation was requisite, it being unlikely that any would resort
to rural dwellings. On 26th June 1669 the Town Council of Edinburgh granted a
warrant to Anne Salomon, Frenchwoman, to sell pebbles, precious stones, or other
commodities she had to sell. On 26th March 1675 Lewis Defrance presented to the
Council certificates that " he is well expert in that famous and excellent airt of
musick, and hath y e most fyne and newest tunes which have beene sung in the
Court of France, both French and Italian," and petitioned for permission " to keep
ane publick musick scholl for the benefeit of the inhabitants." His petition was
granted, on the understanding that it was an exceptional case, it being the rule that
" no stranger of ane other nation shall have liberty." Before the close of the year
the music-school in Aberdeen desired a teacher, and he hastened to divest himself of
his office in Edinburgh, and "Lues de France" was admitted master of the music
school at Aberdeen on 24th November 1675 (see the printed Extracts in the Burgh
Records Society's publication). He was re-engaged at Edinburgh in 1682 (8th
March), and there we leave him on nth December 1685, receiving more liberal pay-
ments from the Town Council. On nth January 1682, Jean Debaut, rop-maker,
received a grant of a piece of waste ground beween Edinburgh and Leith, to set up
a work for making rigging for ships. [There was on 25th October 1683 a Paul
Dubois, rope-maker in Dublin.]
If the Jervays came from France in 1669, their case is singular, because they
were farmers. Sir James Simpson's ancestor was Edward Jervay, farmer in Tor-
wood, in the parish of Dunipace. His testament is in the Edinburgh Commissariot
records, by which it appears that he died in the month of November 1675. His
brother John was tenant of Larbert-Sheills, and died in December of the same year.
A kinsman was tenant of Steinertishill or Stenhouse Hill, James Jervey, who died in
1677; whose grandson was Rev. Charles Jervey, M.A., of Glasgow, Presbyterian
minister of Campvere in Holland, who died 13th August 1738, aged about thirty-
seven. The descendants of " Torwood " removed into the parish of Bathgate, leaving
in the Dunipace register what seems to be a protest that they were of Huguenot
descent. On 16th October 1748 the baptism of Alexander, a son of William Jervy,
had been registered; Jervy has been erased, and Gervie in bold characters has
been written over the erasure.
I might give specimens of other names which are said to be Huguenot, and which
date from an earlier period than 1685 ; for instance —
Cousin. As a Scotch name, spelt Casing, it appears in the baptismal register of
Dunfermline on 17th July 1586. In the Scotch registers I found it correctly spelt once
only, namely, James Cousin, schoolmaster in New Greyfriars' parish, Edinburgh, in
1755 and 1757 ; that he named a son Gideon might indicate Huguenot ancestry. As
to spellings which may imply a French origin, we may note James Cusine, or
Cousine, weaver and portioner of Uddingston, who died 13th January 1746; and
John Cousines, formerly master of the good ship The Othello, latterly a ship-master
in Greenock, who died in June 1765.
FISH. This is a Berwickshire surname. In the parish register of Chirnside there
is the baptism of Catharine, daughter of John Fish, 7th May 1671, and other bap-
tisms follow, down to 14th October 1687.
DlPPIE. Robert Dippe, or Deippe, or Dippie, upholsterer and trunkmaker, in
" Caldtoune," Edinburgh, made a marriage contract on 7th October 1663. Eupham
Deippie, relict of Robert Moreson, burgess of Canongate, was buried in the Abbey
of Holyrood on 17th May 1665. "Died at his son-in-law's house, West Coates,
Edinburgh, 16th January 1881, Peter Dippie, late of Chirnside, in his eighty-eighth
year."
*** A young Scottish gentleman, Alexander Thomson, Esq., of Banchory {born 1798, died
1868), brought to light the medal struck by Pope Gregory XIII., in honour of the Massacre
of St. Bartholomew, 1572, the existence of which had been denied by the Romanists and for-
gotten by most Protestants. Mr. Thomson was in Rome in the end of 1828 and beginning of
1829, and wrote the following account of his visits to the Papal Mint in the Vatican : —
" I went to the Papal Mint in the Vatican, and presented a list of a few medals I wished
to purchase, among which I named Ugonotorum strages. The Custode read my list, and
said, ' I can give you all of these, but one, of which I am not certain, but I will go and look
for it' He returned in a few minutes, and said he had found one impression of Ugonotorum
strages, which he handed to me, pointing out that it was badly struck ; he, however, told me
they had the original die, and would be happy to throw off a few, of which I might have my
choice. I secured the damaged one, and arranged to return in a fortnight, when he said the
others would be ready. I did so, and he produced six, telling me to choose any one I liked.
To his considerable surprise I chose the whole, instantly paid for them, and walked off with
my prize. In order to make them of general use, I distributed them among friends in
different parts of the world. Somehow or other the medal attracted notice, and engravings of
260
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
it were published in various books — for example, by the Religious Tract Society, on the title-
page of tract 458, The Testimony of History against the Church of Rome. The fact of course
became known in Rome, and I am informed that in consequence the sale of single medals
has been stopped, and nothing sold less than a complete series, costing upwards of ^100."
— Smeaton's Memoir of Alex. Thomson, Edin., 1869, p. 95.
Chapter
GENEALOGICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL FRAGMENTS.
Agace, Hersent, and Mancke.
These names were held in honour in their respective days, persons bearing them
having been chosen to be ancicns. For these and other names not traced in my
pages, I must refer my readers to the Somerset House registers. In my Historical
Introduction it will be observed that Jean Mancke died at Canterbury in 1650, Mr.
Daniel Hersent at Southampton in 1673, and Jean Agace at Canterbury in 1676.
The descendants of the latter preserved the memory of their Huguenot descent for
more than two centuries later, four of them having sat on the Board of Directors of
the French Hospital, namely, Zachary Agace (elected in 1759), Abdias Agace (1763),
Jacob Agace (1764), and Daniel Agace (1788). The name was sometimes spelt
Agache. Through the obliging courtesy of the late Registrar-General and his suc-
cessor, I made as copious notes from the French registers in Somerset House as my
occasional holiday time would permit. Besides these registers, I have had the
advantages of imprints of others, namely, the Westminster Abbey Registers, edited
and annotated by the late Colonel Chester ; the Registers of the Dutch Church of
London, edited by William John Charles Moens, Esq. ; the Register of Canterbury
Cathedral, edited by Robert Hovenden, Esq. ; and several London Parochial Regis-
ters, edited for the Harleian Society by Colonel Chester and other genealogists.
The Scotch registers in the Register Office have also been ransacked, by the kind
permission of the Registrar-General for Scotland. Extracts from other registers I
owe to various obliging correspondents.
Bar, Foulcaut, and Sarrazin.
Born 1602. Thomas Legendre, = Francoise de Saint-Leger.
Died 1682. merchant and
ancien, Rouen.
Francois, Philippe, b. 1636, living Thomas. Judith Legendre, = Pierre Bar, mer-
b. 1634. in 1725, Pasteur of b. 1639, chant, of London,
Quevilly, afterwards a married on 1st son of Pierre Bar,
refugee in Holland. July 1657. of Rouen.
Author of " La Vie de [Pierre Bar, when he
Pierre Du Bosc," 1694 arrived in London as
(dedicated to Henri a refugee, found there
de Ruvigni, Vicomte de David Sarrazin and
Galloway), and of Pierre Foulcaut, re-
" Histoire de la Perse- fugee merchants, who
cution faite a l'Eglise de hadcomefromRouen.]
Rouen sur la fin du
dernier siecle," 1704.
Barbon.
Hudibrastic caricatures of names and events have played shameful havoc with
history. A Puritan Nonconformist of the days of Charles I. has had the name
invented for him of " Praise-God Barebones," and a more profane and impossible
name has been coined for an imaginary brother. The register of Wandsworth lets
in some light upon the family, thus : — " Sarai, daughter of Praise Rarbone, was
buried 13th April 1635." Barbone was a leather-seller, whose shop in Fetter Lane
had the sign of the Lock and Key ; his only crime was that he was a lay-preacher,
and he was apprehended as such on Sunday, 19th December 164 1 . The name
Parbonc was probably French, and originally Barbon. Among the deaths in London,
GENEALOGICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL FRAGMENTS. 261
recorded in the Historical Register during April 1737 is that of " James Barbon,
Esq., Clerk of the Checque to his Majesty's forty Messengers-in-Ordinary, aged
near 100."
Bassens.
In the Lord Mayor's London List of Ministers, Strangers, in 1568, one of the
comrades of the Hebrew Professor, Le Chevallier, might very probably have been
one of the pasteurs of Caen, and may therefore be identified with one of the re-
cipients of Mr. Robert Nowell's bounty, whose surname is omitted in his account-
book. The Lord Mayor calls him, " Vincent Bassens, Frenchman, minister of the
gospel, and by that name put in exile by commandment of the French king." The
entry in the Spending of the Money is : —
To one vencentus, late minister of Cayne, the viij. of Martche A 0 - 1573. . . . Xs.
ClSNER.
The pasteur Christofle {i.e., Christopher) Cisner of the City of London French
Church, was married in his own church in 1647 to Marie de Haze, by whom he had
one daughter, Anna Maria. He married, secondly, on 13th April 1641, Hester {born
1620, died 1660), daughter of Pierre Du Quesne (son of Julien), by Ester de la
Vincquiere (daughter of Hubert), and by her had a daughter, Mary, born 1659. M.
Cisner was pasteur during the Commonwealth along with Elie Deline* and Jean
Baptiste Stouppe ; he and Stouppe excommunicated Delme in 1652 for differing
from them regarding " holy days." Delme considered this deed invalid, and a
controversy continued for many years ; as to its merits and its termination I am not
informed. Delme died in the prime of life (date unknown) ; Stouppe became an
officer in the French army. Cisner disappeared in 1660, when there was a clean
sweep, and the commonwealth trio were replaced by Felles, Primerose, and Herault.
Colladon and Montagu.
Henry Montagu, ^
1 st Earl of Manchester, (
married in 1620
a third wife,
Margaret,
daughter of John Crouch, Esq. of Cornbury,
widow of John Hare, Esq.
of Totteridge.
The Hon. George Montagu, of Horton,
in the County of Northampton,
Master of St. Catherine's Hospital, London,
died 9th July 1681, aged 59.
^ Elizabeth,
= < only daughter of Sir Anthony Irby,
! Knight.
Edward,
eldest
son.
I
A
second
son.
A
third
son.
Charles,
fourth son,
created
Baron Halifax,
13th Dec. 1700,
with remainder
to George,
son of Edward ;
(afterwards he
was created
Earl of Halifax,
which title died
with him on 19th
May 1 7 15, when
he was aged 54).
I
James,
fifth son,
known as
Sir James Montagu,
knighted 16 Apr.
1705, Baron of the
Exchequer, 2 6th Oct.
1 7 13, Lord Chief
Baron, 4th May 1722,
died 20th Oct. 1723
[see Foss' Judges].
I
e ( Tufton, daughter
"** J and co-heir of
j Sir William Wray
(of Ashby, Baronet.
George
succeeded his
uncle as
Baron Halifax,
and was created
Earl of Halifax
in 1715. (His
titles became
extinct in 1772.)
Charles Montagu Esq. of Papplewick, Nottinghamshire,
married 10 April 1725.
Ann, only child of Sir Theodore Colladon, M.D.,
his will was dated 16th Dec. 1757, proved 2nd June 1759.
262
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Ann Colladon = Charles Montagu.
Rt. Hon. Frederick Montagu, of Papplevvick,
born 4th January 1726, died 30th July 1800.
A Lord of the Treasury in 1782 under the
Marquis of Rockingham, and in 1783 under
the Duke of Portland. He was made a
Privy Councillor on 14th April 1783.
Will proved at York, 5th Sept. 1800.
Anne Montagu = Very Rev. John Fountayne,
born 1728,
died 1 2 th Sept.,
1786.
D.D., Dean of York,
born 1 7 14, died 1802.
Elizabeth Fountayne, born 1st Anril ) [ D . , , ~ , „ , ,. Tr ,. - r - , ,.
1762, married S th Feb. 1781/ • = i Rlcl \ ard Wlls0 ^ of Rud <; in S Hall, Yorkshire,
died 10th January 1786. ) I ( ^ 31st Dec. 1752, ^ 7U1 June 1787.
Richard Wilson, Esq., J
born 9th June 1782, }
died in 1847.
He was " of Ingmanthorpe and
Melton on the Hill."
Assumed the name of Fountayne
before Wilson, 20th July 1803.
= Sophia, daughter of George
Osbaldeston, Esq.,
married 3d Oct. 1807.
Andrew Fountayne Wilson, Esq., third but eldest surviving son, born 12th June 181 5.
He dropped the surnames Fountayne and Wilson, and assumed the surname of Montagu only,
by Royal License, dated 27th Feb. 1826, and is the present
Andrew Montagu, Esq. of Papplewick, Melton Park, and Ingmanthorpe.
COLLYER.
The ancient surname of this family was Cholar. They reappear as Walloon
nobles, Barons de la Pree, and of the household of the Dukes of Hainault, with the
surname of Le Carlier. In the days of Duke Alva there were two brothers, the elder
of whom, having continued a Roman Catholic, was known as Thomas Le Carlier dit
le Remy, Baron de la Pree. In 1572 he left his property to a younger brother, who
had become a Protestant, on the condition that he recanted. The seat of the family
was in the neighbourhood of Cambray. The Protestant brother, who refused to
recant, dropped the prefix Le, and there were Protestant Carliers of Artois and Col-
liers of Picardy, believed to be of his stock. In the Lansdowne MSS. in the British
Museum, there is a census of Foreign Protestants in London, and under date 1567
there is entered a Walloon family residing in Cripplegate : — ■
" Jehan Collyer ; Marie, his mother; Marie, his wife ; Jehan, his son ; Peter, his
son ; Abigaill, his daughter," and four servants.
The official scribes in those days wrote y in preference to i — as Gabryell for
Gabriel, Rychard for Richard, &c. It has been ascertained that the younger Jehan
married, and had four daughters. Peter, also, has been identified ; he was a member
of the Grocers' Company of London, and was buried at Camberwell. Jehan was an
arras-weaver, and was in partnership with a Remy (a remarkable fact) ; and Strype,
in his "Annals," notes a Collyer of Artois and a Remy of Hainault. The next
individual who comes to view is Nathaniel Cholier, yeoman of the Fishmongers'
Company, evidently recognized by that intelligent and powerful corporation as
of Foreign Protestant descent, and (if so) probably a son, or grandson, of Peter
Collyer, of the Lansdowne MS. He seems to have died at a comparatively early age
in 1669 (his wife Ruth having survived till 1692), so that we conjecture him to be a
grandson of the son Peter, of the Protestant Walloon refugee family of 1 567.
After Nathaniel Collier, or Cholier, all is clear. The following is an abridged
pedigree : —
GENEALOGICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL FRAGMENTS. 263
Nathaniel Cholier, or Collier,
buried at Banstead, Surrey, 1669.
) = f Ruth,
J 1 \ buried at Banstead, 1692.
Rev. Nathaniel Collier,
Clerk in Holy Orders,
eldest son,
administered to his father's and
mother's Wills in 1692.
Daniel Collier of Cripplegate,
Citizen of London, and fishmonger,
born about 1660, died 171 7,
buried in a vault, St. Mary's,
Milk Street.
Daniel Collyer, merchant in London, = Anne Leeds,
purchased the Norfolk estates of the
Earl of Chesterfield ; was styled
"of Wroxham Hall and Necton Lodge.
Rev. Charles =
Rev. Daniel Collyer
of Wroxham and Necton,
died in 1819, aged 69.
Catherine, daughter of
John Bedingfield, Esq.,
married in 1774.
Abigail,
buried beside
her husband.
Sarah, daughter
of Edward
Roger Pratt,
Esq., of Ryston
Hall.
Lady Sarah Duff,
daughter of the
3rd Earl of Fife,
died 1812.
1807
Daniel Collyer
of Necton
Lodge, died
1824, aged 48.
= Elizabeth, The Venerable
daughter of
John Chan-
cellor, Esq., of
Shieldhill.
John Bedding-
field Collyer,
Archdeacon of
Norwich,
"of Hackford
Hall,"
born 1777,
died 1857.
James Duff
Collyer,
died 1811.
George Chancellor
Collyer of Hill
House, Norfolk, \ =
Col. R.E., born
1814.
[Married 2dly Rose
Elizabeth, daughter
of Joseph Dillon, Esq.]
Mary Forbes,
dau. of Alex.
Chancellor,
Esq., of
Shieldhill,
died in 1848.
I
John Collyer
of Hackford
Hall, Norfolk,
born 1800.
1800
1837
Catherine,
daughter of
Wm. Alexan-
der, brother
of the 1 st Earl
of Caledon.
Georgina
Frances Amy,
dau. of Sir
Wm. John-
ston, Bart.
Mary Catherine Bedingfield Collyer,
wife of Col. John Heron Maxwell
Shaw Stewart, R.E.
John Monsey ]
Collyer, j 1869
of Hackford \ =
Hall,
born 1840.
Helen Jane
dau. of Geo.
Falconer of
Carlowrie.
%* A British officer, named Collyer, was killed at the battle of the Boyne in 1690.
From him descended the late rector of Gislingham in Suffolk, of which parish his
son, Rev. Thomas Collyer, is the present rector, admitted in 185 1. He believes
himself to be descended from Protestant refugees, and acknowledges Colonel Collyer
as the head of his family.
Crespion.
Stephen Crespion, born in 1649, was the son of Germain Crespion, of St. Giles-
in-the-Ficlds, Middlesex, gentleman, by Cornelia, eldest daughter of Stephen anil
Cornelia Nau. He was sent to Westminster School in the year 1663, and was
elected Captain of the school. He was elected to Oxford University in 1666, where
he matriculated on 13th July 1666 as an undergraduate of Christ Church. He recited
a lyrical poem at the opening of the new Theatre, or Great Hall, of the University
in 1668 ; he took his degree of B.A. on 17th May 1670, and proceeded to M.A. 22d
March 1673 (n.s.). His fine voice, and, probably, his musical accomplishments,
marked him out for the King's Chapel at Whitehall, " the most ancient choir in
England, served on the same grand scale as the cathedrals." This choir were desig-
264
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
nated the Gentlemen of the Chapel Royal. 1 Mr. Stephen Crispin, student of Christ
Church, Oxford, was sworn into the place of a Gentleman of His Majesty's " Chappell
Royall," the 13th day of May 1673. "And upon the first day of November 1675,
the said Mr. Stephen Crespion was sworn Confessor to his Majesty's household." His
name appears in the lists of the " Gentlemen of the Chappell " present at the corona-
tion of James II. on 23d April 1685, and of William and Mary on nth April 1689.
Other honours had been bestowed on him ; he became a prebendary of Bristol,
3d August 1683; and he had a patent as a sacrist of Westminster Abbey, dated
25th July 1683 ; and on 16th January 1684 (n.s.) he appears as Chaunter of that
Abbey. His sympathy, learned at Oxford, with the party of the Non-Jurors,
had been restrained at the Revolution ; but it burst forth in 1697, when the Jacobites
refused to sign the bond of association in defence of William III. Accordingly, we
read, " 1697. April 1st, Mr. Daniel Williams was sworn Gentleman of the Chapel
Royal in ordinary, and admitted into the full pay of £73 per annum in the place of
Mr. Stephen Crespion, whose place became vacant upon his refusal to sign the
association." 2 On the occasion of the first vacancy in the reign of Queen Anne, he
was again a Gentleman of the Chapel, by a verbal order from the Bishop of London
(Compton), and was sworn into a full place on 8th May 1702. Mr. Crespion did not
live to imperil his interests with Anti- Hanoverian scruples ; for he died at the age of
sixty-two, on the 25th November 171 1, and was buried in Westminster Abbey on
December 2. He had been twice married.
Dallen.
This surname occurs among the members of the French Church of Norwich as
early as 1602, in which year a daughter of Martin Dallen was baptized. The name,
Dallain, which appears among refugees naturalized in 1682, is not the same, because
its true spelling seems to have been D'Allain. There was a felt-maker in Edinburgh,
Thomas Dallin, in 1705, in a factory presided over by a French refugee; the burial
of Dallin's child is in the record of Greyfriars' Churchyard. It is in the latter form
that the name survived. The Animal Register for 1880 notes the death, on # 1 ith
November, at the age of forty, of Thomas Francis Dallin, Public Orator of the
University of Oxford since 1877, Fellow and Tutor of Queen's College, and one of the
secretaries of the Oxford University Commission.
Delafaye.
The first refugee of this surname was a French pasteur at the epoch of the
St. Bartholomew Massacre. Like others of his countrymen, he presented petitions
for relief, or employment, addressed to English Christians in the Latin language.
The charitable Mr. Robert Nowell has this entry in his account-book, ox spending- of -
the money : " —
To maister Dallyfayus, a larned frenche preacher, the xvj th of februarye
A 0 1 573. . . . . . . . • XXs.
Perhaps he returned to France ; for Monsieur De la Faye, pasteur of the Church
of Paris, sat as Moderator of the National Synod of the French Church assembled at
Figeac, on 2d August 1579.
The name occurs among the later refugees. Louis De la Faye and Charles, his
son, were naturalized at Westminster on 21st January 1685. Charles Delafaye, Esq.,
was secretary to the Chief Governors of Ireland in 171 5 and 1716. He was after-
wards in the public service in England. When the King paid visits to Hanover, he
left a board of regents in charge, called "Lords Justices;" Mr. Delafaye was their
secretary in 1719 and 1723. On 5th April 1724 he was appointed an Under-
Secretary of State, under the Duke of Newcastle ; according to Beatson's Political
Judex, he was an Under-Secretary of State from 17 17 to the death of George I.
DELAUNE.
The Irish Delaunes seem to have been descendants of the venerable pastor and
physician, the refugee in London. Military service in Ireland led to their settlement
in that country. A daughter of Richard Boyle, Archbishop of Tuam from 1638 to
1645, was married to Colonel Henry Delaune, and their son, Rev. Michael Delaune,
M.A., born in London, became Archdeacon of Dublin on 26th February 1671, and
dying on 3d November 1675, was buried in St. Patrick's Cathedral; his will was
1 See the Old Cheque-Hook of the Chapel Royal, printed for the Camden Society in 1872, under the
editorship of Edward F. Rimbault, LL.D. In plain English, the. gentlemen were chaplains.
2 William III. was most tolerant, and did not disturb Crespion in his privileges in Bristol or in Westminster
Abbey.
GENEALOGICAL AND BIOGRA PLIICA L FRAGMENTS.
265
proved in the Prerogative Court, Dublin. Gideon Delaune, Esq., was returned to
the Irish House of Commons in 1695 as one of the members for Blessington, in the
county of Dublin ; his will was proved at Dublin in 1700. A Colonel Delaune was
given the command of a regiment to be raised in Ireland in 1708. The next
occurrence of the name is in 1746, when the will of Henry Delaune, Lieutenant-
Colonel in the Royal Marines, was proved at Dublin. Lastly, we meet in the Books
of the Commissariot of Edinburgh with Colonel Henry Delaune, who died at Dublin
on 15th July 1747, and whose sole executrix was his widow, Mrs. Lucy Delaune.
DlDIER.
There was a Michell Didier in London in 1588, married on 2d November of that
year, in the parish church of St. Botolph, Aldgate ; he was a native of Marseilles
(see Burn's Parochial Registers). In Norwich there were Melchior Didier and
Marie Desbonnet, his wife, whose daughter Elizabeth was baptized in the French
Church on 16th November 1595 ; the signature of " Melchior Dydyer" as a deacon
in that church was appended to the Book of Discipline on 5th October 1594. At
later dates the name appears at Canterbury : —
Louis Didier, of Canterbury = Marie.
Abraham, of Canterbury, ancien, b. 1628, d. 1 688, = Lea Mancke.
Jean, Jean,
b. 1650, b. 1651.
died
Abraham = Anthoinette Lernoult,
Abraham, Magdelaine, Abraham,
b. 1691, b. 1693. b. 1699.
died
Marie,
wife of
Charles
Lason,
m. 1675.
Lea,
wife of
Pierre
Lernoult.
Susanne,
wife of Jean
le Keux,
m. 1672.
Lea, b.
1675-
Pierre, b.
1679.
Jean, b. in
London,
1681.
Other children of Abraham Didier and Lea were Jaques, b. 1664, and Elizabeth, b. 1666 ;
also Benjamin, b. 1671 ; he married in London in 1698.
*** There was a grant of Naturalization to Anthony Didier on 4th April 1692, and
another to Antoinette Didier on 10th August 1693, but perhaps these were refugees of the
Revocation period.
DOIGNEAU.
A child of this name was baptized at Norwich in 1610, and I extracted the entry
on account of a slight resemblance to my own name. But this family's surname was
never correctly ascertained, even by its own members. In 1616 the same man
appears in the register as Jean Douargneau. It is said that it is the same surname
that appeared in the register in 1600 as Honneneau. But passing from registrars
to members of the family, the following are signatures in the Norwich Book of
Discipline. An elder signed on 16th June 1590 as Jan de Honueingneu, and another
office-bearer on 4th July 161 5 as Jan Doueneaw.
DUCROW.
A public character, considered to be of the English type, and accustomed to talk
about his " 'osses," seems to have been of French descent, and to have had ancestors
of a more poetical type, Huguenot martyrs for conscience' sake. Jan Ducro was
a member of the Norwich French Church in 1604, and the name occurs in the
baptismal register several times, written sometimes " Du Cro." The true spelling
was Ducros or Du Cros, and refugees of that name may be found in the Naturaliza-
I. 2 L
266
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
tion Lists in my vol. ii. So that a descendant of refugees is, perhaps, memorialized
in old Tom Hood's artistically facetious
Blank verse written in rhyme.
" Even is come, and from the dark park, hark !
The signal of the setting sun, one gun.
And six is sounding from the chime, prime time
To go and see the Drury-lane Dane slain,
Or hear Othello's jealous doubt spout out ;
Or else to see Ducrow with wide stride ride
Four horses as no other man can span."
Du Moulin.
Among the notes of one of Charles II.'s Crown Counsel was found the case of a
French refugee, Jacques du Moulin, who was sentenced to death, and would have
been executed if proof of his innocence had been withheld for a very few days.
One of a gang of coiners, in the disguise of a footman out of place, called on Du
Moulin, who was a family man and a dealer in Custom-house goods ; and he was
forthwith hired as a servant. This man purchased a key, by means of which he
frequently opened Du Moulin's drawers, took some of the gold, and replaced it with
pieces of his own coinage. Whenever Du Moulin discovered counterfeit money in
his repositories he took it to his customers ; and remembering where he had laid
each sum when paid to him, he insisted that he had received the rejected pieces
from them. They had no alternative but to replace them with good money, but
made loud and severe complaints, which spread so widely that Du Moulin raised an
action against a customer for defamation. The defendant retorting by a criminal
information, Du Moulin was apprehended. The footman, knowing that the officers
would make a search, introduced some of his coins and coining apparatus into his
master's drawers, where they were seized, and further search was deemed unnecessary.
Upon this evidence Du Moulin was convicted ; but while he was in the condemned
cell the wife of one of the coiners, being at the point of death, betrayed the gang,
one of whom thereupon became king's evidence, and saved Du Moulin's life and
character. {Gentlevian 's Magazine, vol. xxiv., p. 404.)
Du QUESNE.
In my memoir of the family of Du Quesne (now Du Cane), I called attention to
the fact that at one time there had been a confusion in its attempted pedigree through
the introduction into it of individuals with the same surname but of different parent-
age. A foreign correspondent of Sir Edmund Du Cane furnished him with informa-
tion regarding a second Pierre Du Quesne and his family, of which the following is
a summary : —
Jean Du Quesne of Valenciennes, died 1646.
Jean,
b. 2 8th Oct.
1606,
d. 1666.
Jeanne,
b. 3d Oct.
1603,
died 15 th
Nov.
1645.
= Philippe de Rentre,
died in Sept. 1648.
Marie, = Isaac de Lillers,
Marie de Lillers,
wife of Nathaniel de Neu,
no children.
b.28thjuly
16 10,
married in
England.
of London,
merchant.
Pierre,
b. 28th Oct.
161 7, died in
England in
1671.
Isaac de Lillers,
unmarried.
Jacob de Lillers,
unmarried.
DUTHAIS.
In the Visitation of London for 1664, there is the pedigree of Daniel Duthais,
gentilhomme, of St. Martin's in the Isle of Rhe' ; his wife was Anne Baudin of
Laflote in the same isle. They had two sons, Daniel and David. The latter is
merely named. Daniel Duthais of St. Olave's, Southwark, was twice married, first
to Kathcrine, daughter of Philip du Jardin; secondly to Judith, daughter of Richard
Bezar of St. Giles, Cripplcgate. By the second wife he had a daughter, Judith. By
GENEALOGICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL FRAGMENTS. 267
his first wife he had two sons, Browne Duthais (who died before 1664), and a third
Daniel Duthais.
DUTHOIT.
It might be supposed that this surname was not a distinct one, but only another
form of Duthais. But the names are quite different. Duthoit was a refugee surname
both in Norwich and in Canterbury, and was sometimes spelt Du Toict Estienne
Duthoit was an ancien of the Canterbury French Church ; he was born in May 1600,
and died in April 1680. The name frequently appears in the registers. There was
a second Estienne, probably the elder's son. A representative is Jonathan Duthoit,
who was elected Director of the French Hospital of London on 5th July 1873.
Hamon.
Hamon is one of the first surnames to which I called my readers' attention,
Hector Hamon being the first refugee pasteur of Canterbury (in 1567), and both his
names having been borne by a cavalry officer of the British army in 1725. The
gallant major, however, may have been descended from a later refugee, for Isaac
Hamon was naturalized in 1688 (see my vol. ii., list xiv.). During the time of the
ancient pasteur there was a family of his name in Canterbury, as appears from
Robert Nowell's Spending-of-the-momy. Among the recipients of his bounty there
were poor scholars of divers grammar-schools, one of whom was William, son of
Nicholas Hamon of Canterbury. I quote the entries concerning him, the first of
which is undated, following an item dated 17th November 1570, and preceding an
item dated 1 569.
Geven to poor ScJiollcrs of Dyvers gramare ScJwlles.
Nicoles hamon sonne scholler in canturburie .... Xs.
To Willm haymon poor scholler of canterbury by thandes of his father,
the xiiij th of June Anno i57i . . . . . Xs.
To willm haymon a poor scholler of Canterburie by the handes of his
father Nicholes haymon the x th of Julye A 0 1572 . . . Xs.
Too Nicholes hamone sonne, by thandes of his father, the xx th of
AprellA°i574 ....... Xs.
To one Willm haymon a poore scholler of Brasynnose colledge in
Oxforde Xs and to hym and to one James Stacie, pore schollers
of the same howse, towardes the chardges of theyr iorney to
Oxforde y e x th of January A° 1575 ..... XXs.
Too one Willm hamon, a poore schollar, the xxviij th of februarie A 0
1576 Xs.
Too one William hamon, schollare of Brasyn noose college in Oxforde
the v th of October A 0 1577 . . . . . Xs.
Too one willm hamon the xxviii th of Aprill 1578 late of Braysyn noose
in Oxforde, the some of xijs . . . . . Xijs.
Harber.
In 161 1 we meet with " feu Hugues Harber" in the Du Quesne pedigree, and we
meet him in the Bulteel pedigree as " Hugh Herbert of Norwich," with this note :
" the s d Hugh, a stranger born in Henault." He was either a deacon or an elder,
and signed the Book of Discipline on 14th June 1593 as HUGUE Herbert.
Another member of the family was registered as " Herber."
Hugues Harber, refugee at Norwich,
where his daughters were born.
Sarah,
married 4th
February 161 1.
Pierre Du Quesne,
diacre of French Church,
London.
Hester^
Pierre Bulteel,
merchant of
London.
many children.
represented by Bulteel of Pamflete.
268
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
HOUBLON.
There are several Houblon entries in the parish register of St. Antholin's,
London, which suggest the following enlarged pedigree. The dates are authentic,
although the identification and filiation of individuals may not be successful.
Peter Houblon, "the confessor," born 1557.
I
I
James Houblon, "\
Father of the Stock '
Exchange, buried [
28th June 1682. J
Mary Du Qucsne.
Peter Houblon, = Elizabeth Dingley,
buried 26th Dec.
1697.
buried 25 th Nov.
1697.
Peter Houblon =
styled " senior,"
in distinction
from his nephew,
buried 27th Jan.
1692 (n.s.).
Mary,
buried
4th Aug. 1696.
Paul Houblon,
buried 4th April
1701.
Benjamin,
baptized 26th March 1669,
buried 26th Dec. 1674.
Sara,
buried 2 1st May
1673-
Peter,
buried 27 th Sept.
1714.
The following advertisement appeared in the London Gazette, nth August 1747,
" The creditors and legatees of Peter Houblon of the parish of St. Peter, Cheap :
London, merchant, (who died upwards of forty years ago), whose debts and legacies
remain unsatisfied, are desired forthwith to send an account of their respective
demands to Henry Coulthurst, perfumer in Fleet Street near St. Dunstan's church,
London, in order to receive satisfaction for such demands."
Jeune.
In addition to my account of the late Bishop Jeune's ancestry, I give the follow-
ing genealogy, abridged from the supplement to " Burke's Landed Gentry." A
descendant of the Huguenot refugee in Jersey, named Francois, was born in 17 19,
and died in 1778, he having married, in 1743, Rachel, daughter of Jean de Carteret,
jurat of the island. Their eldest son, Francois Jeune, of Les Vaux, married, in 1772,
Maria Louise, daughter of Jean Carcos by Agnes Hue (daughter of Rev. Rodolph
Hue, D.D., rector of St. Bulade) ; Mr. Jeune died at St. George, in the island of
Grenada, in 1800. We now come to his descendants : —
1805
Francois Jeune = Elizabeth, daughter of
b. I78i,d. 1836. I Jean le Cappelain.
Francis,
Bishop of
Peterborough, (
d. 1868. )
} 1836
Margaret Dyne Symons,
daughter of
Henry Symons, Esq.
[In 1878 she succeeded
to the estates of her
uncle, Rev. B. P.
Symons, D.D., War-
den of Wadham Coll.,
Oxon, from 1831 to
1871, and Vice-Chan-
cellor of the University
from 1844 t° 1848.]
Frederick Augustus,
Lieut. 25th B. N. I.,
b. 1824, d. 1856,
m. in 1854, Augusta
Cerjat, daughter of
Colonel Weston, C.B.,
and left two daughters.
Henrietta
Amelia,
wife of
James Thoume,
Esq. of Bonair,
Guernsey,
d. 1856.
Francis Henry Jeune,
MA., b. 1843, Bar-
rister-at-law, M.A.
Oxon., Chancellor of
the dioceses of St.
David's and Bangor.
Helier-Garbet,
b. 1847, d. 1848
John Frederic,
b. 1849, Clerk in
the Houseof Lords;
assumed the name
of Symons in 1878,
and is now Mr.
Symons Jeune, J. P.,
of Wellington Park,
Oxfordshire.
Evan-Brovvell,
b. 1852,
settled in
Queensland.
Margaret-
Symons,
wife of
Rev. E. H.
Gifford, D.D.,
Canon of
St. Albans.
I
Lydia
Frances,
wife of Rev.
E. H. Page.
GENEALOGICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL FRAGMENTS. 269
Le Quesne.
In the " Searche " for 1 57 1 , we are informed that James Le Quesne, a native of
Tournay, took refuge in England in 1568 : — "London, St. Nicholas Aeon, ward of
Langborne. James Le Quyen, and Anne, his wife, and Marie, their daughter, born
in Tournay, came into this realm about three years past for religion. Dated 10th
Nov. 1 571.'' He probably had no heir-male. But Abraham Le Quesne, a
native of Rouen, was apparently a refugee in London — at least his son, Isaac Le
Quesne, was a merchant in London in 1636, and in that year an ancien of the French
Church, and a widower. On 23d August he remarried with Sara Du Quesne, second
surviving daughter of Jean Du Quesne and Sara de Francqueville. The marriage
ceremony " aux Anglois " was performed at Highgate, " par M. Crook, ministre de
Woolchurch en Londres." She died 15th March 1654 (n.s.), aged forty-five, leaving
two sons (two sons and three daughters having predeceased her). The children were
Isaac {born 1637, died 1661), Sara {bom 1639, died 1641), Jehan {bom 1641), Abra-
ham {bom 1643, died 1645), Jacques {bom 1644, died 1646), Benjamin {born 1646), and
Jane {bom 1648, died 1649). As to Isaac Le Quesne, the father of this family, we
learn from the baptismal entries that he had three brothers — Abraham, Jehan, and
Laurens ; Jehan was sponsor to his nephew named after him ; Laurens lived at
Rouen, and the infant Jacques, died in his house 2d July 1646. The families of Le
Quesne and De la Forterie were connected through the Du Quesnes.
The infant Jehan grew up to manhood, but died unmarried. The other surviving
son, Benjamin Le Quesne, married a daughter of a sister of " the five brothers
Houblon," namely, Esther Milner, daughter of an Alderman of London. Alderman
Milner was the second husband of Madame Jurien, nee Elizabeth [or Marie ? or
Dorothee ?] Houblon. Returning to the head of the family, Isaac Le Quesne, we
note that his children, Isaac, Sara, and Jacques, were buried in Bow Church, City of
London, while his youngest child, Jane, died at Greenwich, and was buried in the
parish church there on 29th June 1649. (See Sir Edmund Frederick Du Cane's
account of the Du Quesne family, page 42.)
L'Ernoult (or Lernoult).
This surname appears at Sandwich in 1571 in the French congregation, many of
the members of which, and their families, had been suffering from sickness and
poverty. Baltazar Ernoult made a journey on horseback with the minister in order
to excite an interest in these poor members among the inhabitants of Dover ; the
hire of the two horses was 2s. 4d. He heads a list of subscribers with is.; Christofle
Ernoult also gives is., and Jacques Lernoult 6d. This family afterwards settled at
Canterbury, and became so well known that genealogists might find materials for a
pedigree in the church registers.
In Nichols' " Literary Anecdotes," we are informed that Rev. Mr. Lernoult, of
Wadham College, Oxford, and a young lady, Miss Anne Lernoult, his sister, were
living on 10th October 1758.
L'ESCAILLET or LESCAILLET.
Numerous scions of this Huguenot stock took refuge in England ; the name
occurs in Norwich, Canterbury, and London. Maistre Anthoine Lescaillet died as
pasteur of Canterbury French Church on 5th January 1596. In that city the family
was founded by refugees from Le Gorge, Jacques Lescaillet having a son named
Jaques, born at Le Gorge, and married on 25th April 1591 at Canterbury. There
Judith Lescaillet, widow of Louis Passit, died in 1597. There in the same year
Anthoine, son of Pierre Lescaillet, was baptized, and the wife of Jaques Lescaillet
was present on the occasion.
At Norwich, Jaques l'Escaillet was the head of a family ; his wife's maiden name
was Elizabeth Desbonncts. On the occasion of the baptism of their daughter Eliza-
beth on 13th August 1598, they were supported by Michel l'Escaillet and Catheline
l'Escaillet. Jaques was a diacre.
As to the London family, see the Gleanings from Wills in my Historical
Introduction.
270
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Lethieullier and Burrow.
1661
Sir Christopher Lethieullier = Jeanne Du Quesne.
Jane = Thomas Burrow, of Anne,
London, merchant, wife of
and of Chislehurst Sir Gerard
and Clapham. Conyers.
Robert. Christopher,
of Holborn,
Director E.I.C.,
married Anne,
daughter of
Abraham Lethieullier.
Mary, Christopher, Benjamin,
b. 1674, b. 1675. b. 1688.
d. 1744.
(Sir) James, born 1701, died 5th Nov. 1782, Master of the
Crown Office from 1724 to his death. He was
F.S.A. and F.R.S. He was President of the Royal
Society in 1768 and 1772, and on presenting an
Address to the King from the R.S., he was knighted
on 10th Aug. 1773. He published eight volumes of
legal " Reports," also an Essay on Punctuation (1773),
and Anecdotes, &c, on Oliver Cromwell.
London.
Some names of refugee members of the French Church, who could not find a
place in my chapter I., or in the lists of denizens, are given here : —
London. 18th and 19th December, 1 57 1 .
In the Minorics. John Lambert de Lanner, born in Flanders.
Hamlet of Poplar. Francis Bartelet and his wife, Margaret Oliver.
Hamlet of Ratcliffe. John Leyot. Henry Sweter. Peter Weman. John Mayton.
Dericke Lamor. John Barber.
Hallywell Street, Parish of St Leonard's, in Shorditch. Thomas Dalrene, Pocket,
his wife, his three children, and his servants, Edward Johnson and Bowche. James
Fackonia [Fauconnier ?], Bardalice, his wife. John Gummar, Collate, his wife, and his
servants, John Debrewe and John Malbrancke. John Dreware, Symona, his wife,
and two children. John Sualle, Barbary, his wife, two children, and his mother, Mary
Glonwaye. Margaret Fassure, widow, and one child. Angell Durporte, widow, and
Anne, her daughter. John Balie, Mary, his wife, and one child. Perwine Adrone,
widow, and Collet, her daughter. John Shevallere, Mary, his wife, and two children.
Nicholas Bailey, Katherine, his wife, and two children. Bauduine Savage, Rafroie,
his wife, his two children, and his servants, William Carpentar and Lawrence
Prevonse. Peter Browne, Gillian, his wife, and one child. John Draper, Frances, his
wife, one child, and Charles Simon, his servant. Gabriel Sablor, Barbarye, his wife,
and one child. John Catline. Walleran Rumcar, Margaret, his wife, and one child.
James Besue, Ellenor, his wife, and two children, John Fever and John Dusart, his
servants, and Bastian Demount, his maid. James Darra, Jeane, his wife, James
and Philip, his sons. Peter Grindar, Wilmak, his wife, two children, and John
Rommon, his servant. John Droppe, and Anthonette, his wife. Anthony Depree,
Mary, his wife, and two children. Gibart Tibargee, Annes, his wife, one child, and
John Pulley and Matthew Hinchar, his servants. Paul Bushe, Gerard, his wife, and
one child. Steven Jarvice, Isabel, his wife, and two children. John Honorey, Annes,
his wife, two children, and Harry Spitbroie, John Jermaine, and Davie Gorell, his
servants. John Devine, Isabel, his wife, one child, and Rosa Mellowe [Melloue], his
servant. Salomon Sevre [or Seure], and Pocket, his wife. Anthony Butcher
[Boucher ?], Mary, his wife, and one child. James Tibargin, and Josina, his wife.
Harry Poucell, Peron, his wife, and one child. James Allaine, Jeane, his wife, and
one child. Katherine Declare, widow. Jacqueline Declare, widow. William
Brickowe, Mary, his wife, one child, and Catline Declare, his servant. John Menshe,
Annes, his wife, and four children. John Lawneschawe, Jeane, his wife, and four
children. Twoe wyddowes unknowne, because they weare not at home.
Parish of St Mary Matfellon, alias Whitechapcl. John Larne, Cicely, his wife,
Nicholas and Barberye, his children. Lurin Larme, and Frances, his wife. Buddar
Ruttie, Lusc, his wife, Peter and Luese, his children. Lucras Tracat, and Jacqueline,
his wife. Mare Herviett, widow, and Aclls Pikctt, her daughter. Roland Vande-
capcll, and Jaen, his wife. Anthony Laclare, and Pasquin, his wife. Peter Barrett,
and Katherin, his wife. Gillam Mallatte, and Marrien, his wife. Lawrence Remiette,
GENEALOGICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL FRAGMENTS.
271
Florence, his wife, Martin and Peter, his sons. Denise Bastien, John and Katherin
Formow, his servants. Gilles Du Mon, and Jacqueline, his wife. Luke Shambow,
Antonette, his wife, Agnes, Peter, and John, his children.
Midd: James Cusar, and Mare, his wife. Jacquelin Ducke, Clare, his wife,
Daniel, his son. Sissill, a widow. Barberye, a widow. Martin Wallie, a widow.
Peter Fountain, Susan, his wife, and Peter Brien, his servant. John Dekeye, Coulett,
his wife, and Jane, his daughter. Callis Larme, and Mary, his wife. Better Mayne,
a widow. Peter Plew, Mare, his wife, Peter, Timothy, Katherine, Jane, and Mary,
his children. Anthony Gruel, and Jacqueline, his wife. John Battaill, and Peron,
his wife. Pocatell Plue, a widow, Isaac, Peter, and Jane, her children. Gillam
Aroye, and Agnes, his wife. Amon Devyllman, Jacqueline, his wife, John and
Mary, his children. Povvll [Paul ?] Vasser, and Margaret, his wife. Pasquin Dowell,
and Katherin, his wife. Mare Ston, a widow.
St Katherine's, by the Tower of London. " Jacomyn Nice, his wife, of Conde,
Marie Nice, of Anwerbe, her daughter," Splenter Helmont, of Utrecht, servant.
Martin Shriverie, and Jone, his wife. John Duaine, Burgundian, servant to Dionise
Shriverie. Martyn Clarke and Richard Hardfook, servants of Robert Bahede.
Stephen Bashall, and Margaret, his wife. John Criton, Burgundian, servant.
Thomasin Lambert, Frenchwoman, wife of Nicolas Lambert. Charles le Mere,
servant of John de Longe. Anthony Grivell, servant of Toussaint Vassale. William
Hart and Martina Hall, servants of Ector Harte. William Vasesser.
ShorditcJi. Peter Debossa. Jane Lortina. Denis Delecroyes. John Oyeurthens.
Pountens Desautonne. John Foulcher. John Chatline. Matthew Deldure. [Some
wives.]
Finsbury, Golding Lane, WJiitecross Street, and Grub Street. Thomas Fuchall,
and Pernill, his wife. John Burioy. Widow Debowes. Gabriel Hattericke, and
Frances, his wife. Andrew Burges, and Mary, his wife. Nicolas Lamber and wife.
Peter Buriharde, Johan, his wife, Abraham, John, Katherine, Peter, Barbara, and
Annis, his children. Nicolas Jambon, and Mary, his wife. Francis Burchly, Sabis
Sentrise, his wife, Simon and Isaac, his sons. Polo Tellma, Jacqueline Martyn, his
wife. John a Carre, and Jane, his wife. Shona Tolman. Peter Polin, Joan Pollin,
his wife, John and Ester, children. Nicholas Bossey, Laurence, his wife, Davie and
Daniel, sons. William Battie, and Jackman, his wife. John Delowe. Jaret
Cruminey. Jacob Delowe. Giles Devosley. Isaac Devella. Jacob Brocke. Peter
Buser [Bucer ?]. Valerian Kokell [Coquel ?]. Rowland Molen. Margaret Brocke.
Hulbert Cousarte. John Cousarte. Peter Tussell.
In the Minories. Lawrence Hethtrewe, wife, four children, six servants, and his
own father, born in Valentia. Peter Mutton, wife, three children, three servants, born
in Flanders. Barbara Delater, and Bouduin Delater, her son, born in Valentia.
Adrian Deponis, wife, and one servant, born in Morse-honey.
The Lordship of East SmitJifield. Nicholas Ledreve, and Jane, his wife.
Pruskett Etroue. John de Gale. Adrian, Jackamin, and Barbara Millian. John
Florrey. Augustine and Susan Rogers. Simond Camorde. Agnes Buckland.
Frances Mansell. Margaret Mansell.
LONGUET.
Concerning this family, which was well known and influential, especially after the
Revocation Edict of 1685, I have no information except through its connection with
the Loffroys or Lefroys. James Lefroy (younger son of Israel) died about 17 17,
aged about twenty-eight ; his widow (nee Susan Etherick) long survived him, and a
manuscript family history, written by her, is still preserved. She informs us that her
husband's aunt, Elizabeth Loffroy, was married to Samuel Longuet, Esq., and the
marriage is said to have been solemnized about the year 1680. By him (says the
manuscript) " she had three sons, John, Samuel, and Benjamin. John died a very
young man, Samuel aged about fifty, and Benjamin still lives, and has an income of
£3000 sterling a-year." Benjamin Longuet died in 1761 and was childless, as was
Samuel ; but John was married, and had two sons, John and Benjamin. The latter
was Benjamin Longuet of Louth, Lincolnshire, who, by his wife, Mrs Shepherd (ne'e
Clare), was the father of Benjamin Longuet of Louth and Bath, the last male of
this line.
I had occasion to mention that the family of David Loffroy (bom 1590, married
1 616) are supposed to have emigrated to Rotterdam, and the names of their
descendants are not on record. It is, probably, a lady of this branch whom we meet
with him in the City of London French Church Register, between 1678 and 1689, as
272
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
the wife of Jean Longuet. In those days the French Protestants circulated largely
between France, Holland, and England. Jean Longuet, a Huguenot refugee, was in
Holland before he came to London, and in Holland had married Marie Loffroy.
This, which is a conjecture, receives countenance from the circumstance that there
was in London in 1680 another refugee, Jaques Longuet, whose wife was a Dutch
lady, ne'e Anne Wasselaer. The children of Jean Longuet and Marie Loffroy were
Benjamin (1678), Samuel (1679), Jean (1681), Joseph (1683), Thomas (1685), and
Ollivier (1689). The last name suggests a relationship with another refugee, Oliver
Longuet, who was naturalized at Westminster on 15th April 1687.
The Longuets were known and esteemed in London as successful merchants.
The merchants' loyal manifesto presented to George II., on 7th February 1744, was
signed by Benjamin and Samuel. The last of the name I have met with is John
Samuel Longuet. His widow, Elizabeth, proved his will at London on 12th
September 1754. She had to appear by an agent before the Commissary of Edin-
burgh, and was confirmed as executrix in Scotland on 12th December, the Scotch
property consisting of £1000 of the Edinburgh Royal Bank Stock, and additional
paid-up calls of £150 — total, £1 150 sterling, or 13,800 pounds Scots. Her husband
was styled, "John Samuel Longuet, sometime merchant in London, thereafter late
of Honiton, in the county of Devon, Esquire," " who deceased at Honiton, on 29th
July 1754."
Returning to Benjamin Longuet, of Louth and Bath, I note that he had four
daughters — Theresa, Mrs. Higgins ; Eliza, wife of Admiral Hancock ; Mary Caroline,
wife of William Augustus Orlebar, sixth son (born 1794) of Richard Orlebar, Esq. of
Hinwick House, Bedfordshire; and Maria, who was married, in 1804, to the eldest
son, Richard Orlebar, Esq. (born 1775, died 1833). Her eldest son was Richard
Longuet Orlebar, Esq., born 21st June 1806, died 1st March 1870; and her grand-
son is the present Orlebar of Hinwick House.
Marescaux.
This is an established French surname, but is never spelt correctly in the French
Registers. I observed one near approach to accuracy — viz., Marescau ; also an error
of redundancy, Marescaidx. The first of the name in England was naturalized as
Peter Morisco, of Lisle, on 1st November 1663 ; it usually was spelt Marisco, or
Maresco. This immigrant became a wealthy man, and is chiefly known as the father
of two heiresses, Mary, wife of Lieutenant-Colonel Peter Le Keux, and Jane, wife of
Edmund Jones. The latter seems to have had a son, Edmund Jones, who died
unmarried, and a daughter and heiress with a fortune of £20,000, who assumed the
name of Marescaux (or Marescoe, as the Historical Register spells it), and gave her
hand, in July 1735, to Richard Arnold, Esq., attorney. As instances of the occur-
rence of the surname we quote the following announcements : —
Birth. 6th January 1868. — At Kingston, Jamaica, the wife of Oscar Mariscaux,
Esq., General Inspector of the Colonial Bank, of a daughter.
Marriage. 31st December 1868. — At St. Peter's, Eaton Square, London, by the
Rev. Edward Carr Glyn, Captain Sidney Carr Glyn, Rifle Brigade, son of George
Carr Glyn, Esq., to Fanny, youngest daughter of Mons. Adolphe Marescaux, of
St. Omer, France.
Marindin.
Marindin is a good old Huguenot surname. Pierre Marindin was a refugee from
the St. Bartholomew Massacre, and adopted Switzerland as his country. His
descendants are distinctly traced in " Burke's Landed Gentry." His great-great-
grandson, Pierre Marindin, born 1701, was elected a town councillor of Vevay in
1742. Two of the councillor's sons settled in England, of whom Jean Ferdinand
Marindin was childless, but Jean Philippe Marindin (born in 1742) founded a flourish-
ing English family. His grandson, Samuel Peter {born 1778, died 1839) was the
father of Rev. Samuel Marindin (born 1807, died 1852), a Dorsetshire rector, but a
Hampshire landed proprietor, known as Marindin of Chesterton, His surviving
brother was Major Henry Richard Marindin of the 1st Royals {born 1812, died 1877).
The reverend gentleman had six sons, one of whom is Major Francis Arthur
Marindin, of the Royal Engineers, born 1st May 1838. The head of the family
of that generation died in 1872, leaving a son and heir,
GENEALOGICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL FRAGMENTS. 273
MAUROIS.
Elie Maurois, of Hoplires, Pays Bas.
Elie, native of Hoplires
b. 1573, d. 1623,
m. in French Church,
Canterbury, nth Feb.
1594. Buried at the
East end of the South
Aisle, Church of All
Saints, Canterbury.
Aged 50.
"I
Elizabeth, born at Estre, wife of the Pasteur Aaron Cappel, of London.
Sandwich, j
daughter of
Laurens Desbouveries,
of Canterbury.
Moyse Cappel,
bapt. in the
London
French Church,
8th May 1603.
Lea Cappel,
wife of the
pasteur, Samuel
Le Chevallier,
of Canterbury.
Ester Cappel,
alive in 16 19.
Elie = Joanne Jaques = Anne Bulteel ; Elizabeth,
b. 19th Jan. she re-married, b. 15th April
1604,
died before
1633-
as a widow,
with Jaques
Guiot, in 1646.
Either Elie or Jaques left a son, James
Maurois, who died before 1686; Peter
Deline", son of Elizabeth, described in his
Will, " my share of the grounds and houses
descended to me from my late cousin,
James Maurois," 9th July 1686.
1595, m. 29th
Dec. 161 6,
wife of
Rev. Philippe
Deline".
Marie,
b. nth Nov.
1599, m. 30th
Jan. 1625,
wife of
Jaques De
Neu.
Jeanne,
b. 1605,
m. 7th June
1636,
wife of
Pierre Du
Quesne.
Anne,
m. 16th Sept.
1631,
wife of
Jeande Lillers.
Meres, Myller, and Evan.
There are no extant registers of the City of London French Church of earlier
date than January 1599 (o.s.). I find the following baptisms recorded in London
parish church registers at earlier dates, and entered as having been performed in the
French Church.
10th September 1564. — Hester, daughter of John Meres. Registered at St.
Dionis Backchurch.
28th June 1570. — Peter and Barbara, twins, son and daughter of Mychaell
Myller, a Frenchman. Registered at St. Michaels, Cornhill. (Both children died.)
19th November 1583. — Jane, daughter of Giles Evan. Registered at St.
A ntJwliris.
Norwich.
The lists of pasteurs in Mr. J. S. Burn's History, as a rule, are not official, but
compiled by him from minutes and registrations. As to the latter, he has sometimes
been led into mistakes by inserting the names of clerical friends who occasionally
officiated for the regular pasteur, and also names of lay office-bearers, or ministers
who were only inhabitants. In the case of Norwich, the bringing to light of their
old MS. Book of Discipline has given us a correct list of ministers, though dates are
not always forthcoming.
Ministers.
1589. 29th April. Jan Marie and N. Basnage.
[No date.] Jaques Polyander.
[No date.] Pierre de Laune and Philippe Delme.
[No date.] Pierre dAssigny.
1650. 13th February. Isaac Clementt.
[No date.] Jacques le franc.
[No date.] Jacob Stockmans.
1 588. 1st March. Lacaux.
Arciens in 1 5 89. — Louys Desbonnetz, Lauren Herchar, Jaque le Rouge, Jaq.
Baguclan, Josse Destaille, Simon de Lesvaux.
Diacres in 1589. — Paul Ballon, Jaque Polet, Jaque Farvaque, Pierre Gossait,
Adricn de Le m^, Jan de Lescluse, Jann Fienne.
About 13th February 1655, Sebastian Taverniers signed as an ancicn. lie had
been censured for marrying without banns. He immortalised his name in Norwich
by bequeathing to the French Church certain premises, which are described in the
I. 2 M
274
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
existing property of that church as "Premises in St. George's Colgate, derived from
Sebastien Taverniers and his wife."
The name of De Le me, which Rev. Philippe D. and his descendants changed
into Delme, continued in Norwich as Du me and De me\ The French Church
property of Norwich includes an annuity of £15 under the will of James De m6,
dated 26th January 1717, proved 8th November 17 18.
Obre.
" The family of Obre is of French extraction, being Huguenot refugees, and
obtained their property in Ireland by the marriage of Captain Francis Obre with
Elinor Stanhowe in 1632."
Francis Obre\ Esq. of Clantilew, I _ / Mary Clarke of Ardress,
Co. Armagh, married in 1752, died 1812. J 7 \ died [814.
Edward Obre, Esq. of Clantilew, ) ( Sarah O'Neill,
married in 1802, died 1817. j , ( died 1835.
Francis, Edward, Ralph Smith Obre', Esq. ] ( Jane Caroline,
died unmarried. died unmarried. of Clantilew, \ = - dau. of H. Coote Bond,
born 1814, mar. 1844. ) I ( Esq. of Bondvile.
Edward Stanley Obre, > f Georgina Augusta,
, 0 / , „ ' >■ = < daughter of
born 1845, married 1871. / ( Capt . W g liamSj R . N .
(From " Burke's Landed Gentry.")
Paget.
Valerian Paget, a French Protestant refugee, settled in Leicestershire in the reign
of Queen Elizabeth. Leonard Paget, his son, founded a family represented in last
century by Thomas Paget, Esq. of Humberstone, near Leicester, a landowner. He
was famous as a breeder of cattle, and later in life joined with a partner in founding
the Leicester Bank, which still exists under the firm of Thomas Paget and Thomas
Tertius Paget, having its head office in the county town, and branch offices at Melton-
Mowbray and Loughborough. Thomas Paget, its founder, had a son, Thomas, born
in 1779, who was elected one of the M.P.'s for Leicestershire in 1831, and retired in
1832. Having taken an intense interest in the Reform Act, he was equally gratified
by the passing of the new Municipal Corporations Act, under which he was the first
Mayor of Leicester in 1836. He died at Humberstone on 25th November 1862,
aged eighty-three. Among other descendants of the old refugee I observe the
names of Edmund Arthur Paget, Esq. of Thorpe, near Melton, and Charles Paget,
Esq. of Ruddington, late M.P. for Nottingham.
PlIILLIPPO.
The true spelling of this Norwich refugee surname is said to be Phelipot. If in
search of the earliest French names in that city, we must consult the Book of Disci-
pline, in which the first date is 29th April 1589, or the baptismal register begun on
22d June 1595. (The French Church began about 1572, but the earliest entries and
dates are lost.) On 25th December 1595, "Pierre Phillipot " appears as the head of
a house ; on that day his daughter Sara was baptised. The tendency in pronouncing
the surname was to drop the first vowel and to emphasise the second, so that a usual
form of the name was " Phlipot." " Flipote " was a feminine baptismal name coined
in honour of the family (see 25th November 1604). On 7th September 1595 we find
" Ernou Fphlipot " registered as a sponsor at a separate baptism. As " Ernou Philipo "
he appears as a father on 8th October 1609. In the same year Ernou and Marie
" Phlipot" are sponsors to Marie, daughter of Pierre Phlipot, the same person as the
Phillipot 1 of 1595. The first diacre belonging to the family signed himself " Elie
1 The English surname Philpot was probably originally Fhilipot, and of old French or Norman origin.
This was the spelling adopted by John Philipot, Richmond Herald, a once famous antiquary, a native of Eltham
in Kent, who died in 1645, and by his son Thomas, M.A. of Clare Hall, Cambridge, who, among other books,
published " Poems" (1646) and Antiquitas Theologica ct Gentilis (1670). The dedicatory epistle to the latter
booklet is signed Thomas rhilipot.
GENEALOGICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL FRAGMENTS. 275
Phlippo" on 15th April 1625. There seem to have been two Elies, senior and
junior. The latter married Marie Desquire in 1633, and a Jcnne Philippo was
married to Jan Lempreur in 1684 (see Burn).
In 1646 Onias Phillippo was reprimanded by the consistory of the French Church
for having been married without annonces (or banns) ; but he regained the confidence
of the congregation and was elected an ancien ; as such he signed the Discipline on
2d December 1658 as " Onias Phlipo" ;. he is registered as a father on 6th January
1650. He signalized himself by his kindness to the Huguenot refugees from the
dragonnades of Louis XIV. A colony of these industrious exiles had been formed
in Ipswich in 168 1 ; in the following year some of them came to Norwich. The
Rev. Francis Blomefield, in his History of Norfolk, writes, "On the 19th of May
1682, a company of French Protestants came from Ipswich to Onias Philippo who
had hired a great house at Pockthorp Gates, Norwich, and employed them there.
This occasioned a mutiny which came to that height that the mob broke open one
of their houses and misused a woman so that she died in the second or third day
after. The French that dwelt there were forced to quit the street that night."
Again he says, " The poor, being still discontented with the French which were left
in the city, took occasion to assemble at the execution of a malefactor ; and coming
in a large body into the market-place, they declared that the French came to under-
work them, and that they would quit the city of them. Accordingly, going to Mr.
Barn ham 's in St. Andrew's parish, they pulled them and their goods out of their
houses, abused their persons, &c, till the trained bands [militia] were raised to
appease them, when the principals were taken and made to pay dear for their
folly."
The most famous man of the Philippo family was not Elias but Elisha. He
signed the Discipline as an ancien on 2d December 1658 ; his signature was " Elisha
Phillippo." Elizabeth, wife of Elize {i.e., Elisee, the French word for Elisha)
Philippo, appeared as a sponsor at a baptism on 10th July 1653. Blomefield
(History, vol. ii., p. 291) writes, " In 1672 Mr. Elisha Philippo, soap-boiler, a French-
man, was chosen High Sheriff of Norfolk, and carried out his office with much
reputation." An English county gentleman is chosen by the crown to fill the office
of High Sheriff and serves for one year only. Part of the existing property of the
French Church of Norwich is "An Annuity of £5 under the Will of Elisha
Phillippo" ; his Will was dated 25th August, and proved 6th December 1678 in the
Prerogative Court of Canterbury.
ROMIEU.
Refugees bearing this illustrious surname came to this country at an early date.
Romieu de Villeneuve was the famous prime-minister of Raymond de Berenger,
Comte de Provence in ancient times. The historical facts concerning him are
preserved in a comparatively modern printed book entitled, " Histoire de l'incom-
parable administration de Romieu, grand ministre d'estat en Provence lorsqu'elle
etoit en souverainete, ou se voyent les effects d'une grande sagesse et d'une rare
fidelite ensemble, le vray modele d'un ministre d'estat et d'un surintendant de
finances. Par le Sr. Michel Baudier, du Languedoc, gentilhomme de la maison du
Roy, Con er - et Historiographe de Sa Majeste. A Paris, chez Jean Camusat, Rue
Saint-Jacques a la Toyson d'Or, 1635. Avec Privilege du Roy." The family was
noble and survived as such, although the prime-minister's descendants died out in
the third or fourth generation after him. Yet I hardly think that our refugees
belonged to it. During the lapse of so long a time the surname of Romieu, like the
Scotch surnames of Bruce, Stewart, Douglas, and Hamilton, must have become un-
distinguishably blended with the general population. A family of the name settled
in London in the first half of the seventeenth century, and are met with in the parish
of St. Dionis Backchurch. The registrar sometimes spelt the name Romaea, but it
is sometimes spelt correctly. The head of the family, who is called " Isaac Romieu,
Frenchman," died in 1646, and was buried in the churchyard of St. Dionis Back-
church, on August 16. His widow was laid in the grave beside him on 16th July
1649. The baptisms of two children of Isacke Romieu were registered in the parish
church, namely, Jacob, on 16th February 1637 (n.s.), and Ester, on 2d October 1645.
These seem to have survived their parents, and to have removed from the parish.
7 6
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Sexton and another.
" To two poor learned French preachers" Robert Nowell extended his bounty at
the St. Bartholomew period. I have no information regarding them. Here is the
entry in his " Spending of the Money " : —
Too towe poor larncd prechers frenche one m r - sexton, the other sengreins, the
viij°- of Martche A°- 1 573 . . . • • • Xs.
[Perhaps the name of the former was Sacristain or Secretan.]
Sharoll, or Du Charol.
An English clergyman, being a French Protestant by birth, was, along with
Jane, his wife, naturalized at Westminster on 4th April 1685, namely, John Du
Charol. This was evidently the true spelling of his surname, although in order to
obtain a true pronunciation he anglicized it into Sharoll. In his Will the name is
spelt Sharole, but this may be a mistake of the copying clerk. In Westminster
Abbey there is " a grave-stone of grey marble " with this epitaph : —
Mr. John Sharoll,
One of the King's Chaplains,
Obiit Aug. 5, 1687. Aged 40 years.
Anthony a Wood gives us his incorporation in the University of Oxford on 9th June
1684: — "John Chrysostom du Charoll, M.A. of Avignon (who had taken that
degree there in 1669), was incorporated by virtue of the (Duke of Ormond) Chan-
cellor's letters, which say that he had served in his Maj. Chap. Royal as one of the
daily chaplains for seven or eight years past." He had been sworn in as a Gentle-
man of the Chapel-Royal on 26th October 1676. In his Will, dated 23d July 1687,
he gives the additional information that he was the Chaplain of the Earl of Arran's
regiment of horse, and one of the four Minor Canons of Westminster Abbey. In the
Cheque Book of the Chapel-Royal he is called " Mr. John Chrissostome Dusharoll "
on his admission, and "Mr. John Sharole" when he "departed this life the 5 day
of August 1687." His Will was entirely in favour of his wife, Jane, except a legacy
of £100 to Elizabeth, daughter of Simon Beranger of London, merchant.
Six.
There is another family of this name in the Canterbury registers. I may here
remark that the final x being mute, and the two letters s and i alone being
pronounced, like the English word see, this surname was liable to be spelt in a great
variety of ways. Anthoine Sys was an elder in Canterbury, and died there on 26th
June 1603 ; he is described, according to my correspondent, as sel ancien — perhaps
the registrar meant to write feu ancien (late elder). Anthoine's son, Thomas Six, is
described in the Canterbury French Church register as a native of Nauville ; he was
twice married, and by his second wife, Marie Lecallette, had a son, Samuel, who was
baptized in Threadneedle Street, London, on 28th April 1639. Samuel Six married
Francoise Flecher, and their son Jean was baptized in Threadneedle Street on 6th
March 1664 (n s.). Jean Six married Marie Morillon, and was buried at Thorp-le-
Soken in Essex, 4th April 1705. There we have to leave the record of his death,
and the persons of his widow and his two surviving children, Ester-Marie and Jean
(born 1700).
SOUBISE.
Benjamin de Rohan, Seigneur de Soubise, was the brother of the famous Henri,
Due de Rohan. He was born in 1583, and presented for baptism by four magis-
trates of La Rochelle. He aided the Duke in his war with Louis XIII. and
Richelieu ; but was more engaged in diplomacy and collateral military and naval pro-
jects than in fighting along with the main body. He served brilliantly both by land
and by sea. He came on an unsuccessful mission to England in 1622, but Louis
XIII. having proclaimed him guilty of high treason, he did not dare to return to
France till the end of 1623. Again, in 1625, he distinguished himself both as a
General and an Admiral, but had to retreat with twenty-two of his ships to Eng-
land. In 1627 he visited England again as a Huguenot envoy, and obtained per-
mission to levy men and ships for the defence of La Rochelle, and came back in
GENEALOGICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL FRAGMENTS. 277
the Duke of Buckingham's fleet. This expedition came to worse than nothing.
After the assassination of Buckingham, the Earl of Lindsey, in the year 1628,
appeared before the brave little town with a second fleet, which did no service ex-
cept to convey the Seigneur Soubise to England in its homeward voyage. Although
he was specially included in the pardon granted by the Edict of Nismes in 1629,
Soubise never returned to his native country. He took up his abode in London,
and died there, unmarried, on 9th October 1642, aged fifty-nine. (The Due de
Rohan, his brother, was mortally wounded at the battle of Rheinfelt, and died on
13th April 1638, in his fifty-ninth year.)
Vautrollier.
Thomas Vautrollier is the earliest refugee printer, whose work I have seen. He
came from France to England, early in the year 1564. In the London census of
strangers in 1 571 he is found in Blackfriars, and is entered as a bookbinder.
FrencJi I. Thomas Votrollyer, Frenchman, bookbynder, hows- French Church.
holder, came into this realme about vii. yeares
past for religion. Denizen I.
He printed Delaune's abridgement of Calvin's Institutes, first edition, 1583;
second edition, 1584. His printer's mark or device represents a cloud, out of which
proceeds a hand, suspending an anchor entwined with olive branches — motto,
Anchora Spci. I have the second edition, of which the title is [v being put for
»]: — " Institutionis Christianas Religionis a Ioanne Calvino conscriptse Epitome.
In qua adversariorum objectionibus breves ac solidce responsiones annotantur. Per
Gulielmum Launeum, Verbi Dei Ministrum. Editio secunda emendatior : Tabulis
etiam ct Indice multb facilioribus et locupletioribus. I Pet. 3. 15. Estote semper
parati ad respondendum cuilibet petenti rationem spei quae in vobis est, cum leni-
tate et reverentia, Londini, Excudebat Thomas Vautrollerius Typographus. 1584."
BOOK SECOND.
THE MILITARY CHIEFS
OF THE HUGUENOT REFUGEES OF THE REVOCATION ERA.
The Historical Introduction which is prefixed to Volume Second is applicable to Volume First,
Book Second.
\^wu^^ Qjvwuf.
• 3I Oct- 1689 •
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J6 /M^ixo^oeyua 1 705,«xt^' ^H^ifiounJi.
BOOK SECOND.
(£ It a p t e r £
THE THREE DUKES OF SCHOMBERG.
I. Frederick Armand, First Duke of Schomberg.
" Le Marechal de Schomberg dans l'armee, 1'Amiral Duquesne dans la marine, et le Marquis de Ruvigny
dans la diplomatic, la Revocation de l'Edit de Nantes (sans parler de ses consequences generates) couta a la
France et au Roi ces trois excellents et glorieux serviteurs." — Guizot.
Frederic Armand de Schomberg was by birth a German Count, a scion of a
noble house of the Palatinate. His mother was an English lady, and when he was
but a boy, he became a citizen of the world. By his talents he learned to be a good
Frenchman, and by his habits he ripened into a grand and unrepining exile, and a
model British subject and soldier.
He was born in 1615, being the son of John Mainhardt de Schomberg, Comte de
Schomberg, by his wife the Honourable Anne Sutton, daughter of the Right
Honourable Edward Sutton, ninth Baron Dudley of Dudley Castle, Worcestershire,
and of Theodosia, Lady Dudley, who was a daughter of Sir James Harrington.
Count John, Grand-Marshal of the Palatinate of the Rhine, was the negotiator of the
marriage of Frederick, the Elector Palatine, with Princess Elizabeth of England, in
1612. "The Letters of George Lord Carew (1615-17)," printed by the Camden
Society, prove that our hero's father, John Mainhardt, Comte de Schomberg, married,
in 161 5, Anne (daughter of Lord Dudley), who in December of the same year died
in childbed, having given birth to Frederic Armand. Lord Carew writes in August
16 1 6, Monsieur Schomberge, husband to my wife [a term of endearment] Anne
Dudleye is dead." Thus Frederic was left an orphan ; 1 and thus he became a
protege of the Elector and Electress ; he was an infantine member of their short-lived
court at Prague. He was conveyed into Holland in the suite of the ex-king and
queen of Bohemia.
He thus became a denizen of Holland, where four trustees were appointed for his
education. The profession of a soldier would be early suggested to him by his
august and chivalrous patron Maurice, Prince of Orange, and by Maurice's half-
brother, Prince Henry Frederick, who was a grandson of the heroic Coligny. Under
such protection, and with the remembrance of the wrongs inflicted on his own Prince
by the Roman Catholic League, young Schomberg was prepared to fight with his
whole heart in the great Protestant confederation.
At the date of his first recorded appearance in arms (the nineteenth year of his
age) France was engaged in the Anti-Imperialist cause, in spite of its Protestantism.
This was at the battle of Nordlingen, in September 1634, where, however, he was not
on the winning side, for the Imperialists gained the day. He had some pleasing
experience of the French as comrades in war, which was the basis of his employments
as a naturalized Frenchman in after years. He served during the remainder of the
thirty years' war. According to the Biographic Universelle, he was before Dole as a
captain in Marshal Ratzau's regiment. By that marshal he was detached to surprise
Nordhausen. He put the advance guard to flight, ran a race with them to one ol
the gates, pursuers and fugitives reached the goal en masse, and threw themselves
pell mcll into the town.
Holland continued to be his adopted country. In 1647 he lost his princely
1 The true dates of his mother's and father's deaths expose the wrong habit of historians of old in concocting
history out of conjectures and probabilities. The received opinion was that Anne, Countess of Schomberg,
accompanied the Elector and Electress into Holland as a widow, and that her husband had just been killed at
the Battle of Prague, the only fight that the Elector made for the throne of Bohemia. This opinion is demolished
by the facts, and along with it the fine sentence written by Miss Benger (" Memoirs of Elizabeth Stuart,
Queen of Bohemia," vol. ii., page 93. London, 1825) : — " Of the ladies, Elizabeth alone retained self-possession ;
her bosom friend Anne Dudley was overwhelmed with the fate of her husband who had fallen in the fatal
conflict " [the Battle of Prague].
I. 2 N
282
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
benefactor and preceptor in the art of war. Henry Frederick, Prince of Orange,
died on the 14th March of that year, aged sixty-three. The war ended in the
peace of Westphalia in 1648.
Schomberg was admitted to the intimate friendship and confidence of Prince
William the Second. This prince, his predecessor's only son, was the husband of
Princess Mary of England. Her brother Charles, Prince of Wales, came in 1648 or
sooner, and made the Hague his headquarters, from which he watched the troubles
of his native country. Here Schomberg was introduced to his acquaintance, and
became a favourite. The youthful Charles (the year of whose birth was 1630;
allowed the good man and gallant soldier to speak freely to him.
The rule of the second Prince William was a short and troubled one. Because
peace was established, the States wished to disband the army. But he felt that
powerful and unscrupulous neighbours would at once take advantage of such a
defenceless situation. He had at last yielded to a project of disbanding one hundred
and twenty companies, on condition that the disbanded officers should continue in
receipt of full pay. The latter part of the compromise having been rejected by the
province of Guelders and the city of Amsterdam, William again declared himself
against any disbanding. He then began a tour to the principal cities. Accompanied
by the principal colonels of the army, he personally pled and expostulated with the
burghers. These conferences were suddenly interrupted by a deputation from
Amsterdam, Haarlem, and other towns, whose errand was to request the Prince to
postpone his visit to them. He interpreted this message as an affront, a feeling
which was not removed by a prolonged correspondence, and the result was the
imprisonment of six of the principal magistrates in the Castle of Lovestein. William
followed up this step by besieging Amsterdam with a military force ; this was on the
30th of July 1650. The citizens opened the sluices and flooded the country ; and,
three days after, the Prince and the city concluded a treaty of accommodation. He
then released the incarcerated magistrates, on condition "that they should be for ever
disqualified for any public employments or places." He also sent an explanatory
paper to the States, which was returned unopened, on the ground that no justification
was required, as the difference had been adjusted. This beginning of tranquillity was
all the Prince lived to see. Small-pox carried him off on the 6th of November
following, in the twenty-fourth year of his age.
The death of Prince William the Second terminated Schomberg's residence in
Holland. The reason of his retirement has been preserved by Bishop Burnet —
" Schomberg was the Prince of Orange's particular favourite, but had so great a share
in the last violent actions of his life, seizing the States, and in the attempt upon
Amsterdam, that he left the service upon his death."
All that can be said about the private life and affairs of Frederic de Schomberg is,
that we cannot suppose that at this date he was a rich man. He was only a soldier
of fortune. His paternal estates in the Palatinate had been confiscated. He had the
armorial bearings of the Princes of Cleves, his ancestors (" quorum adhuc gestat
insignia "). He was a Count of the Holy Empire, and had other titles of nobility ;
but these dignities furnished no revenues. He had also entered into the married
state, his wife being by birth his first cousin Johanna Elizabetha de Schomberg,
daughter of Henry Thierri, Count of Schomberg, residing in Wesel. She was the
mother of his five sons.
He turned his steps towards France. The French army was open to him, he having
served with it already. He was also ready to enter into the church membership
with the Huguenots of France most heartily. His poverty was a visible martyrdom
for the Protestant faith. And it was not to the Lutheran form of Protestantism that
he was attached, but to the system which the Lutherans styled Calvinistic, and
which its adherents called Evangelisch,
Both in the Palatinate and in Holland, the Catechism of Ursinus was used, often
called the Belgic Catechism, and now, the Heidelberg Catechism. The whole life of
Frederic Schomberg proves that he really believed the doctrines so beautifully
expressed in that Catechism. Because it is little known, and as I have long thought
that it might be the rallying point for a grand incorporation of Protestant Churches,
I request my readers to picture young Schomberg repeating a few of its questions
and answers, with a view to recommend it to their approval. How suitable to an
exile is the beginning of the Catechism.
Quest. 1. "What is thy only consolation in life and death? — Ans. That both in soul and
body, whether I live or die, I am not mine own, but belong wholly unto my most faithful Lord
and Saviour Jesus Christ, who, by His precious blood most fully satisfying for my sins, hath
delivered me from all the power of the devil, and so preserveth me that, without the will of my
THE THREE DUKES OF SCHOMBERG.
283
heavenly Father, not so much as a hair may fall from my head, yea, all things must serve for
my salvation. Wherefore by His Spirit He also assureth me of everlasting life, and maketh
me ready and willing that henceforth I may live to Him."
The second question gives a lucid division of personal and practical religious
truth :
Quest. 2. " How many things are necessary for thee to know that thou, enjoying this
consolation, mayest live and die happily? — Ans. Three — the first, what is the greatness of my
sin and misery ; the second, how I am redeemed from all sin and misery ; the third, what
thanks I owe unto God for this redemption."
The Catechism is divided into three portions accordingly. The first portion
concludes with
Quest, n. " Is not God merciful? — Ans. Yes, verily He is merciful, but so that He is also
just. Wherefore His justice requireth that the sin which is committed against the Divine
Majesty of God should also be recompensed with extreme, that is, everlasting punishments
both of body and soul."
The following is the appropriate introduction to the second department : —
Quest. 12. " Is there yet any way or means remaining whereby we may be delivered from
these punishments and be reconciled to God? — Ans. God will have His justice satisfied,
wherefore it is necessary that we satisfy either by ourselves, or by another. Quest. 13. Are
we able to satisfy for ourselves? — Ans. Not a whit. Nay, rather we do every day increase
our debt."
We pass on to
Quest. 21. "What is true faith? — Ans. It is not only a certain knowledge, whereby I
surely assent to all things which God has revealed unto us in His word, but also an assured
trust, kindled in my heart by the Holy Ghost through the Gospel, whereby I repose myself
upon God, being assuredly persuaded that remission of sins, everlasting righteousness and life,
is given not to others only, but even to me, and that freely through the mercy of God for the
merit of Christ alone. Quest. 22. What then is necessary for a Christian to believe? — Ans.
All that is promised in the Gospel, which the Articles of the Apostles' Creed, being the
Catholic and undoubted Christian belief, teach us in one sum."
Then follows a catechetical exposition of the Creed — which being completed, we
have arrived at
Quest. 59. " But now what profit redoundeth thence unto thee that thou believest all
this? — Ans. That I am righteous in Christ before God, and an heir of eternal life. Quest. 60.
How art thou righteous before God? — Ans. Only by a true faith in Jesus Christ, insomuch
that if my conscience accuse me, that I have grievously trespassed against all the Command-
ments of God, nor have kept any one of them, and moreover am still prone to all evil,
nevertheless the full and perfect satisfaction, righteousness, and holiness of Christ is given and
imputed to me without any merit of mine, of the mere mercy of God (if only I accept this
boon with a true confidence of heart) even as if I had never committed any sin, or as if no
spot at all did cleave unto me — yea, as if I myself had perfectly performed that obedience
which Christ performed for me. Quest. 61. How affirmest thou that thou art made righteous
by faith only? — Ans. Not that I please God through the worthiness of my faith; but only
because the satisfaction, righteousness, and holiness of Christ is my righteousness in God's
presence, and I cannot take hold of this righteousness, or apply it unto myself in any other
way than by faith."
This second department winds up with the Sacraments, and good specimens of
Protestant definitions are supplied by Questions 67 and 80.
Quest. 67. " Do not then both the word and sacraments tend to this end — to lead our faith
to the sacrifice of Christ finished on the Cross as to the only ground of our salvation ? — Ans.
It is even so. For the Holy Ghost teacheth us by the Gospel, and assureth us by the
Sacraments, that all our salvation standeth in that only sacrifice of Christ offered up for us on
the Cross. Quest. 80. What difference is there betwixt the Lord's Supper and the Popish
mass? — Ans. The Lord's Supper testifieth unto us that we have perfect remission of all sins,
for the sake of that only sacrifice of Christ, which Himself once fully performed on the Cross
— also, that we by the Holy Ghost arc ergrafted into Christ, who now according to his human
nature is not on earth but only in heaven at the right hand of His Father, and will have our
worship addressed to Him there. But in the Mass it is denied that the quick and dead have
remission of sins for the only Passion of Christ, except Christ be still daily offered on their
behalf by the Mass Priests ; it is also further taught, that Christ is bodily under the species of
bread and wine, and ought therefore to be worshipped in them. And so the very foundation
of the Mass is nothing else but an utter denying of that only sacrifice and passion of Christ
Jesus, and is accursed idolatry."
284
FRENCH PR 0 TES TA NT EXILES.
The third department, entitled " Of Thankfulness," opens with
Quest. 86. " Because we are redeemed from all our sins and miseries, without any merit of
ours, by the mercy of God for Christ's sake — for what cause are we then to do good works ? —
Ans. Because Christ, after He hath redeemed us by His blood, reneweth us also by His Spirit
to His own image, that we, receiving so great benefits, should show ourselves all our lifetime
thankful unto God, and should honour Him ; secondly, that every one of us may be assured
of his faith by its fruit ; and lastly, that by our honest and good behaviour we may win others
unto Christ."
The principal contents of this department are an explanation of the Ten Com-
mandments, some instruction on the duty of prayer, and a paraphrase of the Lord's
Prayer, evolved clause by clause catechetically, for instance —
Quest. 125. "Which is the fourth petition ? — Ans. Give us t/iis day our daily bread; that is,
give us all things needful for this life, that thereby we may acknowledge and confess Thee to
be the only fountain from whence all good floweth, and that without Thy blessing all our care
and industry (yea, even Thy gifts themselves) cannot prosper us, but are hurtful to us.
Grant therefore that we, taking off our confidence from all creatures, may settle it on Thee
alone.''
Animated with these sentiments, Schomberg removed his family into France in
the end of 1650 or the beginning of 165 1. He served in the army as a gentleman
volunteer in 165 1 and 1652, until he effected the purchase of a company in Les
Gardes Ecossaises (the Scotch Guards). His campaigns were in Poitou and Cham-
pagne. At the siege of Rhetel, as the senior officer present, he had the chief com-
mand of the royalist infantry. The prime-minister, Cardinal Mazarin, rewarded him
with promotion to the rank of Lieutenant-General. In this rank he served under
Marshal Turenne in Flanders, and had an honourable share in the taking of Lan-
drecies, Conde, and Saint-Guilain ; he was appointed Governor of the latter place.
The siege of Valenciennes in 1656 was sadly memorable to him, for during its
progress Otho, one of his younger sons, was killed before his eyes. The presence of
mind, with which he continued to give his orders, was generally observed. It was
well known what a loving and exemplary father he was, and he received both
admiration and sympathy. Turenne gave him the principal charge of the retreat of
the French army, in which he did justice to his military talents, and it is still spoken
of as la belle retraite. In March 1657 he had to surrender Saint-Guilain to the
enemy, but made a gallant resistance. A few months later he took Bourbourg, and
was made governor of that town.
He is next mentioned in connection with the siege of Dunkirk, which the French,
co-operating with the English under Morgan and Lockhart, took from Spain for
Oliver Cromwell. This was on the 17th June 1658. The French had soon after to
fight the Spaniards under the Prince of Conde at Dunes (or Downs). Schomberg
commanded the second line of the left wing ; and Conde was defeated here also.
The victors now overran a great part of Flanders. Schomberg was at the taking of
Bergues and other places, and obtained a second governorship.
The Peace of the Pyrenees in 1659 gave him a short period of repose, during
which it is said he visited Germany. A new field now opened up to him ; and to
describe it we must take a momentary retrospect of eighty years.
In 1580, on the death of Henry, the Cardinal King of Portugal, who was the last
of his generation, and (according to ecclesiastical regime) a celibate, a number of
collateral heirs proclaimed themselves. Among these claimants Philip II., the king
of Spain, had a very fair case to submit to genealogists, but he preferred to rely on
military force, and seized the throne. Catherine, Duchess of Braganza, having no
funds to enter upon this rough style of competition, had to content herself with the
conviction that her pedigree proved her right. Her son, Duke Theodosius, and her
grandson, Duke John, both professed outwardly to be obedient subjects of the
Spanish potentates, Philip III. and Philip IV. The tranquil mind of Duke John
would have kept him within his magnificent estates in comparative retirement.
But the instinctive unpopularity of the fourth Philip's sway in Portugal, especially as
deputed to a Spanish Vice-Regal lady, made more apparent the liberal and virtuous
Duke of Braganza's popularity with the Portuguese nation. After a deceitful calm,
a very summary insurrection put the crown on the Duke's head, and enthroned him
in Lisbon as King John IV. This was in December 1640. For sixteen years he
successfully defended his frontiers against the Spaniards, who could not attempt any
bold stroke, on account of the drain upon their resources made by their war in
Flanders. He died in 1656, and his sons being minors, his widow, Queen Louisa,
took the reins as Regent. She was even more popular than the late king, for the
THE THREE DUKES OF S CH OMB ER G.
285
people knew that it was her ambition and spirit that had placed and sustained her
husband at the head of the revolution. The want of a good general procured her
some reverses and disappointments in the national war, which was continued.
In the Peace of the Pyrenees, Spain saw an opportunity for recovering Portugal
with one great effort ; it being understood that Louis XIV., who notoriously sym-
pathized with independent Portugal, had bound himself by treaty to send no succours
to the Portuguese army.
The Queen Regent of Portugal, having heard of Schomberg as an able general,
desired her agent in France, Joaom d'Acosta, Count of Soura, to treat with him.
Her proposal was that he should have the real command of her armies, although a
Portuguese officer would have the name of generalissimo. Portugal was divided into
provinces, in each of which there was a military governor in command of an army.
The seat of war was the province of Alentejo, where, according to the rules of the
Portuguese service, the regular military governor could not be superseded. Schom-
berg's appointment would therefore be Camp-Master-General of the army of Alentejo,
with a salary of 12,000 crowns, and a prospect of promotion to the military governor-
ship in the event of a vacancy. 1
When Louis XIV. heard of this overture, he at once relieved Schomberg of his
connection with the French army, giving him a handsome retiring pension. He
charged him to select his followers secretly (who should be clandestinely paid by
France), and to proceed to London, where he might openly negotiate with the
Portuguese ambassador at the court of Charles II., who had by this time been re-
stored to the British throne. This enabled Louis to reply to the Spanish king's
inevitable remonstrance by saying, that Count Schomberg was not a Frenchman,
but a German ; and the King of France could not prevent his enlistment in the
Portuguese army, when the peace establishment of the French army did not require
his services.
Schomberg, who had been admitted to renewed friendship with the titular
Charles II. in Paris, had thus the opportunity of saluting him as a real king in his
recovered dominions. He was still allowed to speak freely, and to give advice.
But he afterwards told Burnet, when narrating his recollections of this period, " I
found the king's mind was so turned to mirth and pleasure that he seemed scarcely
capable of laying anything to heart." One of his neglected advices was that Charles
should declare himself to be the chief defender of European Protestantism ; " though
religion is not what your Majesty professes to have much heart for, yet such a course
would be for your interest ; it would keep the princes of Germany in willing subser-
vience, and would make your Majesty the umpire in all their affairs ; it would also
procure for the restored King of England great credit with the Huguenots of France,
and would keep the French government in perpetual fear of him." This advice was
unpalatable to Charles, because he was ready to sacrifice all public and serious
interests on receiving pocket-money from the French monarch. " I advised the
king," said Schomberg to Burnet, " to employ the military men who had served
under Cromwell, who were the best officers I ever saw. I was grieved to see that
they were dismissed, and that a company of wild young men were those on whom
the king relied."
The memory of Cromwell was what Charles detested. As it was to the late
Protector and to his admired European policy that England owed Dunkirk, he had
no pride in possessing it The French offered to buy it at a tempting price ; so he
had an opportunity to gratify both his malicious envy and his love of money.
Schomberg strongly advised him not to give up such an important post to a foreign
power. " But," said some of the weaklings in the dress of soldiers, " the place is not
tenable ; in time of war it will not pay the cost of defending it, and even in time of
peace it will be a source of expense." Lord Clarendon then asked Monk to give his
opinion, and that General said, " By all means let it go for the sum offered by
France." Schomberg exclaimed, " The King should keep it. Considering the naval
power of England, I declare it cannot be taken. France may talk big, as if they
will break with England unless it is given up ; but I know that any such rupture is
far from their thoughts. I have been at Dunkirk and have studied its defences, and
I am sure that it can never be taken from England as long as she is mistress of the
sea. The holding of it will be an effectual check upon both France and Spain/'
But no courtier supported Schomberg, and Dunkirk was sold, amidst the contempt
of all Europe.
Schomberg's ostensible errand was to the Portuguese Ambassador at the English
court. When all needful business had been transacted, he set sail, under the convoy
1 Memoirs of the Sieur d'Ablancourt— translated from the French copy printed at Paris in 1 701. London, 1703.
286
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
of an English frigate. He had made an appointment with the Count of Soura to
take him and his men on board at Havre-de-Grace ; before that town he came to
anchor on the 31st October 1660. Soura and his men were assaulted by some
Spaniards who had been keeping a look-out, and who by giving and receiving some
bodily wounds soothed their own wounded feelings. Louis XIV., still acting his
part, had given the Spanish Ambassador his royal permission to arrest Schomberg
if he could. But being (of course) forewarned, Schomberg remained on board the
frigate, set sail again on the next day, and arrived at Lisbon on the 15th of
November. His immediate followers, who met him there, were 80 officers, and 400
veteran cavalry, who had also been officers ; another account makes their number
600.
The years 1661 and 1662 Schomberg spent in training the Portuguese troops,
who had many of the qualities of good and brave soldiers, though apparently
incapable of producing generals. He also stood on the defensive against Don John
of Austria, the General of the Spaniards, who made no progress while Schomberg
built the necessary walls and forts in the frontier towns. In the meantime, Queen
Louisa had strengthened her cause by marrying her daughter Katharine to the King
of England. Charles, in acknowledgment of her handsome dowry, sent the Earl of
Inchiquin with a body of British troops to augment the Portuguese army. The
Earl was soon recalled, and the auxiliaries were handed over to Schomberg.
In 1663, having trained the army, and having at last convinced the jealous native
officers that they could not campaign successfully without him, Schomberg was
prepared to act on the offensive. He also could leave Lisbon without uneasiness,
his friend Fremont dAblancourt, who was a clandestine envoy from the French
court, being in constant and friendly communication with the Portuguese ministry.
The Portuguese town of Evora having surrendered to Don John, the army under the
direction of Schomberg marched to oppose his progress, and, coming up, cut off his
supplies. Don John had no choice but to attack the Portuguese, which he did in
the neighbourhood of Evora, and was repulsed. Schomberg pursued him, and over-
took him in the vicinity of Estremos. "A battle being now unavoidable," 1 says
Dunlop, " Don John possessed himself of two hills, on which he planted his cannon
and the greater part of his infantry. His baggage was placed in the rear, and the
cavalry was drawn up in four bodies on the plain below. The fight continued for a
long while doubtful, till the English auxiliaries in the service of Portugal undertook
to climb, on their hands and feet, the steep hills on which the Spaniards were
posted ; and though many of them were slain in the attempt, the greater part gained
the summits. This exploit encouraged three regiments of Portuguese infantry to
ascend by an easier and more circuitous path. The Spanish foot were so daunted
by this unexpected boldness of the enemy, that they immediately betook themselves
to flight, though Don John, alighting from his charger, used every exertion to induce
them to rally and face their antagonists. And now the Portuguese horse, which
had also been successful against the Spanish cavalry, advancing to second their foot,
a gr,eat slaughter ensued." The victorious cavalry were chiefly Schomberg's veterans.
The victory was complete, Evora was restored, and that year's campaign was closed.
The nominal commander-in-chief, the Count de Villa-Flor, having thwarted
Schomberg on all occasions, was now removed. Schomberg was promoted to be
the Military Governor. He was also made a Grandee of Portugal, and was given
the title of Count of Mertola. These honours were not only rewards for his services,
but also heraldic qualifications for high military command.
In 1664, the Spanish army was again commanded by Don John, but could do
little more than look on, while Schomberg entered the Spanish territories and took
Valencia dAlcantara. The campaign ended in the defeat, near Castel-Rodrigo, of
the Duke of Ossuna, an amateur general of the Spaniards.
In 1665, the Marquis of Caracena superseded Don John in the command of the
Spaniards, and gave a kind of personality to the war by marching upon Villa-Viciosa,
the landed estate of the Dukes of Braganza, within which was the palace of Braganza.
He took the town, and was besieging the fortified castle that towered above it, when
Schomberg and the Portuguese army were descried in the distance. The two armies
met on the plain of Montesclaros. On this occasion the Portuguese had some
advantage in numbers. The first charge was on the Spanish side, and the Italian
auxiliary cavalry under the command of Alexander Farnese, Prince of Parma, broke
the first line of the Portuguese. I follow Dunlop's narrative, and now quote his
words : — " Schomberg having advanced to rally his troops, the Prince of Parma, who
1 Memoirs of Spain, during the reigns of Philip IV. and Charles II., from 1621 to 1700. By John Dunlop.
2 vols. 8vo. Edin.: Clark.
THE THREE DUKES OF SCHOMBERG.
287
had an eye on all his movements, engaged with him in personal combat, by striking
him on the breast two blows with his sabre, which nearly threw him from the saddle,
and would have slain him, had not the Prince's sword been shattered at the second
stroke on the cuirass which the general wore under his uniform." The Portuguese,
however, gained the day, and completely surrounded and entangled the retreating
enemy. The Spanish artillery and the troops, left before the Castle of Villa Viciosa,
fled to Badajoz. The Portuguese made an irruption into Andalusia, and carried off
immense booty. Dunlop adds, " The decisive battle of Montesclaros completed the
misfortunes and national disgrace of Spain. It finally fixed the crown on the head
of the King of Portugal, and highly raised that country in the scale of European
nations. For this splendid victory, however, as well as all their previous successes,
the Portuguese were chiefly indebted to the military skill of General Schomberg and
the valour of the foreign auxiliaries." We have to add that it hastened the death of
Philip IV. of Spain, who expired on the 17th of September 1665, in the sixty-first
year of his age and forty-fifth of his reign. At the end of this year, the idiotic and
violent Alphonso VI. of Portugal declared himself of age, and his mother, the Queen
Regent, having surrendered the government into his hands, died in a convent on the
1 8th of February 1666.
Overtures for peace between Spain and Portugal began immediately after the
victory of Montesclaros. But during diplomatic delays, Schomberg continued to
fight, and carried all before him in 1666 and 1667. At last peace was settled on the
1 2th of February 1668. Schomberg had also to take some share in the settlement
of the government at Lisbon. The king's imbecility and abandoned behaviour gave
occasion to a project for laying him aside, and putting the sceptre into the hand of
his brother Pedro. The king's favourite minister endeavoured to restore Alphonso's
influence by marrying him to Mary, Princess of Nemours. The young queen soon
obtained from the Pope an annulment of this marriage, having first formed a party
at court, which Schomberg joined. The king was also forsaken by his premier,
Count Melhor ; and the regal power, though only with the title of regent, was trans-
ferred to the brother. It was under Pedro's rule that peace was proclaimed.
Schomberg left Portugal on the 1st of June.
D'Ablancourt preserves one or two anecdotes connected with his residence in that
kingdom.
The jealousy and insubordination of the Portuguese officers often resulted in their
disregard of Schomberg's orders and in the marring of a whole day's projects. One
night he directed General Denis De Mellos to detach six squadrons of horse to a
certain point. The next day he easily detected that his order could not have been
obeyed. The officer on being interrogated replied, that he had sent thirty cavaliers
with a guide, having thought that sufficient. " Sufficient ? " exclaimed Schomberg,
" yes, sufficient to cut off your head, for you had your orders in writing."
During the battle of Montesclaros he remarked to his aide-de-camp, when they
observed some of the enemy's horses and men tumbling down from a mountain, " The
painters of ancient battles are accused of drawing largely upon their imagination,
but that looks very like one of their pictures."
On two occasions Schomberg, having resolved to retire from Portugal on account
of the hostility of the king and his courtiers, was actually retained by the king, who
was moved by an appeal from " The Council of Four-and-Twenty." This Council
was a constitutional corporation, consisting of twenty-four tradesmen of Lisbon. A
candidate for membership had to prove himself to be a son and grandson of persons
of eminent integrity and purity of morals ; and, on being elected, he was nobilitated.
The President, who was styled the Judge of the Council, had a power in the kingdom
like that of the Tribune of the People among the ancient Romans. This Judge twice
made an official representation to the king to the following effect : — " I declare to
your Majesty in the name of all your good Subjects, that you ought not to let the
Count of Schomberg depart, and further, that any advisers to the contrary are
enemies to the State." Then turning to the king's secretary, he demanded a written
minute, recording what he had said. The king, according to the usage in such a
case, replied : — " Due regard shall be had to your remonstrance."
General Schomberg's name became quite a proverb in Portugal and in Spain.
The Spanish Guards, raised soon after his departure, were called The Schombergs.
The peasants so often dressed their images of the saints in " embroidered coats, long
periwigs, and French points," that the priests at last interfered, and forbade all
persons, in time to come, to adorn the saints a la Schombergiwise.
On the 14th of June Schomberg arrived at La Rochelle. Luzancy says, " A
famous wit was commanded to compliment him. The Count's modesty was more
288
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
troubled at his praises than ever was his courage at the sight of the Spanish
battalions. And he replied that he had endeavoured only to be as instrumental as
he could to the glory of his Prince."
Having brought him home to his adopted France we may again glance at his
domestic life. He was a widower, but the date of his wife's death is not on record.
I have already mentioned the death of his son Otho. Another son, Henry, died at
Brussels of wounds received in battle ; but whether before or after the date at which
we have arrived, I cannot ascertain. Three sons remained to him, namely Frederic,
Mainhardt, and Charles, all of whom were with him in the Portuguese service. In
the following spring he entered upon a second marriage. The lady of his choice was
a zealous French Protestant of good family, Susanne dAumale, daughter of Daniel
d'Aumale, Sieur d'Haucourt, and of Francoise de Saint Pol. The marriage was
solemnized in the Parisian Temple of Charenton, on the 14th of April 1669. The
witnesses who signed the registration were two gentlemen, Philip de Madaillan, and
Jean Jacob Fremont dAblancourt, and three ladies, Marguerite de Rohan, Jeanne
dAumale, and Madelaine de Montmorency.
Schomberg went to England in 1673. He was brought over by King Charles to
command his army on the French model. Burnet says that so high was his reputa-
tion in France, that he was " not raised to be a Marshal only on the account of his
religion." The following is Burnet's description of him : " He was a calm man, of
great application and conduct. He thought much better than he spoke. He was a
man of true judgment, of great probity, and of a humble and obliging temper ; and
at any other time of his life he would have been very acceptable to the English."
The nation now disliked him as " one sent over from France to bring our army
under a French discipline." The Duke of Buckingham hated him, for he wished to
be commander-in-chief himself. The Duke of York and Lord Clifford black-balled
him as a Presbyterian, because " he liked the way of Charenton so well, that he went
once a-week to [the City of] London French Church, which was according to that
form."
" He was always pressing the king," says Burnet, " to declare himself the head of
the Protestant party. He pressed him likewise to bring his brother over from
Popery ; but the king said to him, ' You know my brother long ago, that he is as
stiff as a mule.' .... Schomberg told me he saw it was impossible that the king
could bring any great design to a good effect ; he loved his ease so much that he
never minded business ; and everything that was said to him about affairs was heard
with so little attention that it made no impression."
War had been raging since April 1672 between Holland and the united forces of
France and England. In 1673 the navies were the most forward in the combat, and
the Dutch had fought gallantly with the combined French and English fleet. The
latter confederates agreed tolerably well until the removal of the Duke of York from
the command of our navy. Then the French captains, through the Duke's influence
with the French ambassador at London, had to obey their admiral by keeping their
ships aloof, and allowing the Dutch and English to perform several drawn battles.
One French captain, who thought it his duty to co-operate with the English, was
sent to the Bastile as soon as he returned to France. The effect of this upon the
English and upon Schomberg is thustold by Burnet: "This opened the eyes and mouths
of the whole nation. All men cried out and said, we were engaged in a war by the
French, that they might have the pleasure to see the Dutch and us destroy one
another, while they knew our seas and ports, and learned all our methods, but took
care to preserve themselves. Count Schomberg told me he pressed the French
ambassador to have the matter examined ; otherwise, if satisfaction was not given to
the nation, he was sure the next parliament would break the alliance. But by the
ambassador's coldness he saw that the French admiral had acted according to his
instructions. So Schomberg made haste to get out of England, to prevent an
address to send him away. And he was by that time as weary of the court as the
court was of him." Instead of this rather prosaic exit the enthusiastic Trenchard
furnishes us with an eloquent climax as to the motive of the exit, namely, " the
7iever-to-be-forgotten generosity of that great man, General Schomberg, whose mighty
genius scorned so ignoble an action as to put chains upon a free people." 1
The year 1674 found Louis XIV. grasping at the Spanish Netherlands, sword in
hand. The brilliant actions of Turenne in Flanders threw into the shade Schomberg's
successes. The frontier-province of Rousillon had only a small army under a Lieu-
ten ant-General to resist Spanish invasion from Catalonia ; thither Schomberg was
1 " History of Standing Armies," by Thomas Trcnchard, Esq. (published in 1698), reprinted 1731, p. 29.
THE THREE DUKES OF SCHOMDERG.
289
sent with reinforcements, and to take the chief command. On the 26th June 1674, 1
he arrived in time to rescue Lieutenant-General Le Bret, who had been defeated,
and whose cavalry had been entrapped by an ambuscade. By striking an effective
blow, which he followed up by a masterly disposition of his troops, he checked the
advance of the Spaniards, who retired into their own country. In September a
revolt broke out in Sicily against Spanish rule, and the quarrel was fomented and
prolonged by the French during that year and the year following.
In 1675 Schomberg was favoured by the withdrawal of a portion of the Spanish
forces for the defence of Sicily, but his achievements were nevertheless admirable.
He entered Catalonia, and secured an extensive tract of country for the subsistence
of his army. After a siege of five days, he re-took from the Spaniards the first-rate
fortress of Bellegarde in Roussillon. In Catalonia he took the maritime town and
castle of Ampurias, and the fortresses of Bascara, Figuieres, and Joui. The 30th of
July 1675 was the most eventful date in his life, and of it the historian Benoist shall
speak : —
" Marshal Turenne was killed, and his death occasioned great changes in public
affairs. The most considerable consequence was, that the event compelled the court
to do justice to the Comte de Schomberg, to whom a baton of Marshal of France
had long been due. Religion had been the pretence for the injustice of withholding it.
The King had with his own mouth assured him that he would promote him to that
dignity if he would declare himself a Catholic. Schomberg had the courage to reply
that his religion was more dear to him than everything else, and that if it hindered
him from being actually invested with that honour, it was a sufficient consolation to
him that His Majesty judged that he was worthy of such rank in his service. At
last political necessity became stronger than Catholic zeal. It was now necessary to
offer to the Comte de Schomberg an honour which he did not court, and even to
make the offer in a manner to make it plain that they did not expect to draw him
into abandoning his religion by the bait of such promotion. On one occasion they
had exacted of him that he should give a hearing to some Doctors, who would (they
predicted) remove his scruples of conscience. He had had the complaisance to listen
to the Doctors, and the resolution to declare that they had not satisfied him. That
had happened while he had the command in Catalonia. It was soon after that last
declaration of his that he there received the news of the justice which had been
rendered to him."
In reviewing Schomberg's career at a later date, Macaulay gives his testimony as
follows : — " His rectitude and piety, tried by strong temptations, and never found
wanting, commanded general respect and confidence. Though a Protestant, he had
been during many years in the service of Louis, and had, in spite of the ill offices of
the Jesuits, extorted from his employer, by a series of great actions, the staff of a
Marshal of France."
The date of Jus promotion was 30th July 1675. Among Pastor Du Bosc's letters
is one headed A Monsieur Le Due de Schomberg, 12th May 1675, thanking him for
giving his son a commission in his regiment. Another is to Madame Schomberg, who
seems to have resided at Perpignan during her husband's command in Catalonia.
There is a third letter to Monsieur Le Marechal Due de Schomberg, 7th August 1675,
which I shall quote as expressing the sentiments of the French Protestants : — ■
" My Lord, I thought to have filled my sheet with nothing but thanks for your extra-
ordinary kindness shown to my son ; but public news have arrived to furnish a more important
subject for my intended letter ; I mean, the justice which His Majesty has just done to your
merits and services in promoting you to a dignity which has so long been your due. Never,
my Lord, has the creation of a Marshal of France obtained such universal approbation. There
are often Marshals whose promotion has set everybody upon the enquiry who they are, and
what they have done. But you, my Lord, have the applause of the whole kingdom, and your
humble servants are overjoyed when they hear the manner in which all the world is speaking
of you. There is no person who does not agree in the sentiment that only yourself is capable
of supplying the place of Monsieur de Turenne, and of consoling the State bereaved of such a
great and illustrious general. Judge, my Lord, what must be the joy of the Church of God to
see you in a rank which will make your exemplary faith and virtues more conspicuous, and
make your protection more powerful. Henceforth you are our glory and our support. Our
eyes are all turned towards you, and our chief satisfaction is, that there is no occasion for
apprehension as to your Christian stedfastness after the proofs, so authentic and so admirable,
which you have already given of it. Nothing remains to be desired on your behalf, my Lord,
but a long life for useful services to the glory of God, of the King, and of yourself ; and to let
all Europe see that God still raises up among us heroes not a whit less worthy than those of
I.
Gifford's " History of France."
2 O
290
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
past times. Europe will offer many prayers for your preservation ; but I very humbly beg you,
my Lord, to believe that none will be more ardent or more assiduous than my own. Nobody
can lie under greater obligations than do I ; and the care which you have deigned to take of
that young man, who has the honour of being near your person, so penetrates my heart, that
I have not words to express with what gratitude I shall all my life remain your Lordship's,
&c, &c. " Du Bosc."
That Schomberg was a Duke as well as a Marshal of France appears from the
patent of nobility which at a later date he received from the English Crown, and in
which all his former titles and honours are accurately narrated. We may therefore
infer that Du Bosc's biographer was correct in styling him Le Due de Schomberg at
a date prior to his receiving the highest military honour.
The Duke of Schomberg began active service as a Marshal in 1676 in Flanders.
All the military deeds of this year were eclipsed by the naval triumphs of another
Protestant of France, Admiral Du Quesne, in the Mediterranean. But as to Schom-
berg, the Biographie Universelle informs us that he raised the sieges of Maestricht
and Charleroy ; and Burnet says that he got great honour in raising the siege of
Maestricht. In the spring of 1677 Louis XIV. took the lead of the army in Flanders,
and his ambition for this species of glory was satisfied by the capitulation of Valen-
ciennes (which yielded on the first assault), and by one or two other successful sieges.
It was a standing joke among the officers, that Louis would never fight a battle,
according to the safe sentiment, that royal blood must not be put in jeopardy, like
blood of inferior dye. But an unexpected situation of affairs put this sentiment,
as well as its regal advocate, into jeopardy. The French were besieging Bouchain,
according to the correct routine, and the King with an army was posted to cover the
besiegers. Suddenly the Prince of Orange, who had been lately defeated by the
Duke of Orleans, drew his army together, and went up almost to the King's camp,
offering him battle. And now, in the general opinion, Louis had a grand oppor-
tunity for gaining a decisive victory, but he heard all such representations coldly.
At last the King said, " I will come to no resolution until I hear Marshal Schom-
berg's opinion." Secretary Louvois sent a trusty messenger to bring the Marshal,
and to give him a hint what his opinion must be, in consideration of the King's valu-
able life. Schomberg could have no wish to overwhelm in disaster the young Prince
of Orange. Though he had not any personal acquaintance with him (for he was the
posthumous child of Prince William the Second), he felt affection for his person, and
admired the gallant course on which he had entered. Being not unwilling to take
the Secretary's hint, he gave his opinion in the King's tent in conformity with it.
This was his speech : — " The King is here, carrying forward his design to cover the
siege of Bouchain. A young general has come up on a desperate humour to offer
battle to His Majesty. I do not doubt but it would be a glorious decision of the
war. But the King ought to consider his own designs, and not be led out of these
by any bravado, or even by the great hope of success. The King ought to remain in
his post until the town is taken. Otherwise he suffers another man to be the master
of his royal counsels and actions. When the town is taken, then His Majesty must
proceed to new counsels ; but till then, I think he should pursue his first design."
Burnet adds, " The King said that Schomberg was in the right, and he was applauded
that day as more of a courtier than a general. I had all this from his own mouth.'*
The King soon returned home, leaving Schomberg in command.
In 1678 Schomberg commanded a division in Flanders. Finding, however, that
his men were constantly drafted off and given to Marshal Crequi, he resigned his
command, telling Crequi that he had applied to the king for leave to be among the
veteran troops. He actually volunteered to serve under that Marshal, rather than
continue in the inaction to which he seemed to be doomed, and which he could not
submit to. The object of the French king this year, was to spread consternation
in Holland, that the Prince of Orange might yield to have the terms of peace
dictated to him. The object was gained, and the peace of Nimeguen was concludec
in the beginning of 1679.
In 1683 Dr. Burnet, paid a visit to France, owing to the feeling of the court
party against him as a friend of the late Lord Russell. Lady Russell's uncle, the
Marquis De Ruvigny, introduced him to Marshal Schomberg. Burnet had no
audiences of Louis XIV., but made his observations. "The exterior of the king,"
he writes, " was very solemn. The first time I happened to see him was when the
news came of raising the siege of Vienna, with which he was much struck (Schom-
berg told me), for he did not look for it." The news which disappointed the king
was that Sobieski, King of Poland, had gained a victory which relieved Vienna from
the Turkish Invasion. Louis had intended to do that favour to Austria, and to
THE THREE DUKES OF SCHOMBERG.
291
exact as a reward a diplomatic acknowledgment that all the places, seized by him on
the pretence that by treaty they were his, did really belong to France. The conse-
quence of the disarrangement of this scheme was, that Louis began a war without
any formal attempt at justification in the autumn of 1683. In 1684, Schomberg
received his route for Germany at the head of 25,000 men ; but a few days after
(namely on the 15th of August) peace was concluded by the mediation of Holland,
France obtaining a formal cession to herself of some of the stolen property. Thus
the Marshal's expedition became unnecessary.
He continued to live in Paris in 1684 and 1685. As to the summer of the latter
year, the following friendly letter to Pastor Du Bosc has been preserved : —
" Ityhjuly 1685.
" We have learned, Sir, from some of your friends, your intention to retire from this kingdom,
and we have been very deeply touched by the news. We have been talking about the places
where you might wish to settle. Rotterdam has been named, and it is said that you would
prefer it to Copenhagen. I took the liberty of saying what I think of this plan ; allow me,
Sir, to repeat my opinion to yourself. I spent some years in Holland, and ascertained that
Rotterdam is one of the towns where both the air and the water are most unwholesome. As
for society, there are few people there whom a person of your abilities would find congenial.
Denmark may be colder, but not much. And the air and water are more healthy, and the country
not subject to inundations. The court being resident at Copenhagen, and the Queen being of
La Religion, you will find better support and more rational conversation, even among the
Lutherans. To the latter (and this is a point more worthy of consideration), through the grace
of God, and the understanding which he has given you, you can supply explanations, which
will make them less bigoted in their religion, and will inspire them with gentleness towards
ours. This is an important service which you might render to such a persecuted religion as
ours is in France. But you are better able to judge than I am — so I conclude by assuring
you, Sir, that no one can honour you more perfectly, and be more truly yours than I am, &c.
" SCHONBERG."
On the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in October, Schomberg " stedfastly
refused to purchase the royal favour by apostasy." " The man," says Macaulay,
" whose genius and valour had saved the Portuguese monarchy at the field of
Montesclaros, earned a still higher glory by resigning the truncheon of a Marshal
of France for the sake of his religion." Lady Russell wrote on the 15th January
1686, " Marshal Schomberg and his wife are commanded to be prisoners in their
house, in some remote part of France appointed them." Louis XIV. had rejected
his request for permission to retire to Germany, but at last allowed him to seek a
refuge in Portugal.
He sailed for Lisbon in the spring of 1686, accompanied by his wife (who,
according to French usage, had the title of La Marcchalle), and with a few attendants.
His departure was generally regretted. All lovers of their country esteemed him as
one of their best generals. Sourches says, " There was great regret throughout
France, because they lost in him the best and the most experienced of the generals."
Another authority 1 assures us " that the Grand Conde placed Schomberg on the
same level as Turenne, and perceived in him rather more liveliness, presence of mind,
and promptitude than in Turenne, when it was necessary to prepare for action on
very short notice." The Sieur D'Ablancourt enumerates as his characteristics
" indefatigable diligence, presence of mind in fight, moderation in victory, and sweet
and obliging carriage to every one."
" On his voyage to Lisbon," says Luzancy, " a storm raged for two days and two
nights. He knew well whence the blow came, and how to apply himself to divert it.
He caused continual prayers in the ship to be made to Him who commands the
waves to be still. And so all in the ship were preserved."
" All the favour he could obtain [from the King of France]," writes Burnet, " was
leave to go to Portugal. And so cruel is the spirit of Popery that, though he had
preserved that kingdom from falling under the yoke of Castile, yet now that he came
thither for refuge, the Inquisition represented the matter of giving harbour to a
heretic so odiously to the King, that he was forced to send him away."
A letter from Schomberg to Du Bosc (who had fixed his residence at Rotterdam)
shows that his brief stay in Portugal was trying to his feelings.
" Lisbon, 13M May 1686.
" I do myself a great pleasure, Sir, in being able to give you the news of my safe arrival in
this country, and it will also be a pleasure to be able to write to you as occasion requires, with
1 Erman and Rcclam's " Memoirs of the Refugees in Brandenburg," vol. ix., p. 268. This interesting work
is in the French language. Readers need not be repelled by its nine volumes, as they are in large type, and of
a portable duodecimo size.
292
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
more liberty. Madame de Schomberg sends you her compliments. She has borne her journey
by sea better than one could have expected. But here one is equally unserviceable to oneself
and to friends. It is my part to commit myself to divine Providence, hoping that one day
He will guide us to a place where we can worship Him with more liberty. The Ambassador
labours here with great officiousness to oblige five or six Protestant merchants to become
Romanists. He has found a disposition in the King of Portugal to withdraw from them his
protection, pretending that it is due to himself that he should be even more zealous than the
King of France. There are some recantations. I beg you, Sir, to believe me ever and
entirely yours, " Schonberg."
The Marshal left the ungrateful Pedro, and set out for Holland ; Professor Weiss
informs us that " on his way from Portugal, Schomberg coasted England to observe
the ports and places most favourable for the landing of an army ; he also opened
communications with the chiefs of the English aristocracy, who were weary of James
II.'s government, and desired a revolution." Burnet says that he "took England in
his way ; " and Luttrell notes concerning him that he paid a visit to King James in
the beginning of 1687, and was kindly received. A correspondent of John Ellis
wrote from London, January 1686-7, " Arrived last night from Holland, Marshal
Schomberg with his weather-beaten spouse, from Portsmouth by land, the wind
being cross by sea." 1
On his arrival in Holland, he waited on the most renowned Prince of Orange,
and was at once treated as a friend and counsellor. It would not have accorded
with the secrecy of William's projects to engage the services of the great Marshal at
that time. He was, therefore, encouraged to accept from the Elector of Branden-
burg a commission to be his commander-in-chief; and he removed to Berlin.
About this time his wife died ; she had for some time been afflicted with a fatal
malady. Benoist panegyrised her as a lady of lofty courage and eminent piety.
And Du Bosc mourned the loss of Madame la Marechalle, as an illustrious lady,
whose memory the Church would never let die, and who was a miracle of virtue of
every kind.
Schomberg was thus left a widower again, at the age of seventy-two. He
continued to reside in Prussia. Here his honours and employments were multi-
farious. He was governor-general, minister of State, a member of the Privy
Council (whose other members were of grand ducal blood), and also a generalissimo
of all the troops. A number of the mousquetaires or horse-guards of the King of
France, being refugees in Brandenburg, and all of them gentlemen by birth, were
formed into two companies of grands mousquetaires, each mousquetaire having the
rank of a lieutenant in the army.' 2 The Elector assumed the colonelcy of the first
company, which was quartered at Prentzlau, and Schomberg was the colonel of the
second, quartered at Furstenwald. It was for him that the Elector built the mansion
in Berlin, which afterwards became the Palace of the Crown Prince.
But he was a cheerful giver as well a thankful recipient of bounty. The French
officers in Brandenburg, on the suggestion of the Marquis de Villarnoul, agreed to
subscribe five per cent, of their pay for the relief of poor French refugees. The
other refugees, whom the Elector had provided for, offered to contribute at the same
rate, one sou for every livre (a half-penny in each tenpence) of their annual pensions.
And the Elector established an office for this charity, which was known as the
Chambre du sol pour livre. " The Duke of Schomberg," says Weiss, " subscribed the
annual sum of 2000 livres, which was regularly paid until his departure for
England."
The storm which arose upon the interference of France with the affairs of
Cologne brought Schomberg again into the front of events. He was appointed to
command the imperial forces, sent in 1688 to defend that electorate and to garrison
the city of Cologne. According to Luttrell, he garrisoned Cologne in September
with 2600 foot and some horse. The French were thus blocked up on the German
side ; while the revolt of Amsterdam from French counsels obstructed the inter-
ference of Louis XIV. in an opposite direction.
France having her hands so full on the Continent — the Pope himself not escaping
1 The Ellis Correspondence. Letters to John Ellis, Esq., Secretary at Dublin to the Commissioners for the
Revenue of Ireland. Two volumes. Edited by Lord Dover. ■>
- In Sawle's "Transactions of last Summer's Campaign in Flanders" (London, 1 69 1 ), there is the following
account of the Elector of Brandenburg and his escort : — "The Duke [also called the elector] of Brandenburgh,
with his Duchess, and two brothers, with the great officers and ladies of his court, were with the army. He is
very short and crooked as to his person ; he is about the age of thirty ; his face, indeed, is fine and comely.
His brothers, prince Charles and prince Philip are both tall and well shap'd gentlemen. His court was
exceeding splendid. Besides his guards, he hath an hundred P'rench Gentlemen Refugees, all well mounted
and clad in scarlet, with a broad gold lace on the seams, every one looking like a captain ; they are called his
Grand Mus'jueteers, and ahvays attend his person."
THE THREE DUKES OF SCH OMDER G.
293
her armed visitations — the Prince of Orange hastened his projected descent upon
England. He himself took the chief command ; but it was necessary that a general
of skill and fame should be his deputy, and, as Macaulay observes, " it was impossible
to make choice of any Englishman without giving offence either to the Whigs or
the Tories ; nor had any Englishman then living shown that he possessed the
military skill necessary for the conduct of a campaign." Macaulay delights to
expatiate on Schomberg's popularity with the English, who believed him to be " the
first soldier in Europe, since Turenne and Conde were gone." Burnet says that
letters from England to the Prince pressed him very earnestly to bring Marshal
Schomberg, " both because of the great reputation he was in, and because they
thought it was a security to the Prince's person, and to the whole design, to have
with him another general to whom all would submit in case of any dismal accident."
The Prince was most happy to send for Schomberg, who accepted the second
command with alacrity. The Princess also commissioned him to take the command
under her authority if her beloved husband should fall. The French refugees in
Holland volunteered in great numbers, and were formed into companies both of
cavalry and infantry.
It is well known how storms and uncertain winds kept men's minds on the rack
of anxiety. Timid counsels were the most dangerous obstacles, and it required all
the constancy of the Prince, and all the reputation of Schomberg, to preserve
unanimity and co-operation. At last we find them at anchor at Torbay, and the
Prince of Orange and Marshal Schomberg mounted on horses furnished by the
villagers of Broxholme, and marking out an encampment for the soldiers. This was
on Monday, the 5th of November 1688, a day set apart in the country for thanks-
giving on account of our ancient deliverance from a Popish plot ; and strikingly
appropriate for the public thanksgiving which the troops of the great champion of
Protestantism offered up for their safe landing on our shore. Schomberg again
rode by the side of William at the famous entry into Exeter on the Friday
following.
The feelings of the patriots of England are described in the rhymes of Daniel
Defoe ; and the following quotation from his " True-Born Englishman " is appropriate
here : —
" Schomberg the ablest soldier of his age,
With great Nassau, did in our cause engage ;
Both join'd for England's rescue and defence,
The greatest Captain and the greatest Prince.
With what applause his stories did we tell !
Stories which Europe's Volumes largely swell !
We counted him an Army in our aid,
Where he commanded, no man was afraid.
His actions with a constant conquest shine
From Villa-Viciosa 1 to the Rhine."
One of these lines seems to have been borrowed from De Luzancy's more poetical
prose: — " The name of Schomberg alone was an army."
At Exeter the surrounding peasantry offered to take up arms, and many
regiments might have been enrolled. But Schomberg said that he thought little of
soldiers fresh from the plough, and that if the expedition did not succeed without
such help it would not succeed at all. William concurred. They had brought a
respectable army. And Lord Cornbury, eldest son of the Earl of Clarendon, set an
example, which was followed by numbers, of leaving King James, and joining the
ranks of the Prince of Orange. On the 19th of November the former was at
Salisbury, while the latter was at Exeter. William earnestly desired that there
should be no bloodshed, that no Englishmen might resent his coming as the cause
of mourning in their families. That was one reason why James wished an engage-
ment to be brought about. Schomberg was told that the enemy were advancing,
and were determined to fight ; the old campaigner replied, "That will be just as we
may choose." As some skirmishing seemed inevitable, William put the British
regiments in front, for which they felt pride and gratitude. Thus James's army
presented more of the appearance of foreign intruders, its van being Irish. "The
Marshal de Schomberg threatened to bring most of them to their night caps without
striking a blow," says a writer in the " Ellis Correspondence." No real battle took
place. Hearing a rumour that the Ducal Marshal was approaching, James fled
from Salisbury. The final result was, that the army of England declared that
they would defend the person of the king, but would not fight against the Prince
of Orange.
1 The Battle of Montesclaros was often called the Battle of Villa Yiciosa.
294 FRENCH PR 0 PES TA NT EXILES.
We pass on to the 1 8th of December, when William, having Schomberg 1 beside
him, drove to St. James' Palace, and took up his quarters there. On the nth of
February 1689, the Princess Mary arrived ; and on the 13th, the crown was accepted
from the Estates of the Realm by King William III. and Queen Mary. The year,
according to the style then in use, was still 1688 ; and it was not till the 25th of
March that the year 1689 began. The descendants of the French refugees, in
arranging chronological notes concerning their ancestors, must remember that the
summer, which followed February 1688 (old style), was not 1688 but 1689, and
also that there were only three campaigns in Ireland, namely, those of 1689, 1690,
and 1 69 1.
On the 3rd of April 1689, Schombcrg was made a Knight of the Garter, and was
installed on the nth, along with the Earl of Devonshire. On the 18th of April,
" Frederic, Comte de Schomberg, Due et Marechal de France," was made Master-
General of the Ordnance. 2 The duties of the Master-Generalship were to be dis-
charged either personally or by deputy ; and the office was to be held (habendum,
tenendum, gaudendum, occupandum et exercendum) in the same manner as it had
been by his predecessor George, Lord Dartmouth. He was made General of all
their Majesties' forces, and a Privy Councillor. He was also elevated to the English
Peerage, and received the titles of Baron of Teyes, Earl of Brentford, Marquis of
Harwich, and Duke of Schomberg.
During this spring and the beginning of summer, he had the only days of quiet
and relaxation that he was destined to spend as an English subject. A few recol-
lections of him at this period have been preserved. Bishop Burnet told him of his
plan to leave behind him a history of his own times. " Let me advise you," said the
old soldier, " never to meddle with the relation of military details. Some literary
men affect to tell their story in all the terms of war, and commit great errors that
expose them to the scorn of all officers, who must despise narratives having blunders
in every part of them, and yet pretending to minute accuracy." The Right Reverend
listener remembered the advice, and followed it. Cotemporaries 3 preserved the fol-
lowing reminiscences of Schomberg, applicable to this date : — " He was of a middle
stature, well proportioned, fair complexioned, a very sound hardy man of his age,
and sat a horse the best of any man. As he loved always to be neat in his clothes,
so he was ever pleasant in his conversation, of which this repartee is an instance.
He was walking in St. James's Park amidst crowds of the young and gay, and being
asked what a man of his age had to do with such company, he replied, ' A good
general makes his retreat as late as he can.' "
In the House of Commons he was highly eulogised. The debate about voting
him a grant of money (which led to the king undertaking to make a grant of
^100,000) has been preserved. 1689, April 24th. Sir Robert Howard began, " The
Duke of Schomberg, one of the greatest captains in the world, under His Majesty
the then Prince of Orange, had his estates and pension all seized in France, and he
has waived all things in this world to serve you and his religion. He has been
solicited by the Duke of Brandenburg, and by the emperor, to be their general. He
has quitted all to serve this king and kingdom ; hither he comes, and the king is not
in a condition to reward him, otherwise than with the honour of the Knight of the
Garter. The king's condition is not equal to his desires to reward him. There can-
not be a greater misfortune than to lose such a captain. I hope the House will do
something for his fortune, as the king has done for his honour."
Mr. Garroway said, " I have as high esteem as anybody for Marshal Schomberg.
Though we have no present use for him, yet we may have. But how to raise money
upon the people, and have it immediately given to Marshal Schomberg, I know not
that precedent."
Sir John Guise suggested, "If you declare those who assist King James rebels
and traitors, I doubt not but that the King, out of their estates, will give a reward to
Marshal Schomberg for his service."
Mr. Harbord said, " The king told me that he had told Marshal Schomberg that
he being not in ability to gratify him, he would recommend him to the consideration
of this House ; and I doubt not you will be able to find out on Monday some way
to do it."
1 " December 18, about 3 in the afternoon, his Highness the Prince of Orange came to St. James's, attended
by Monsieur Schomberg, and a great number of the Nobility and Gentry, and was entertained with a joy and
concourse of the people that appeared free and unconstrained, and all the bells in the City were rung and
bon-fires in every street." — "History of the Desertion," p. 107.
2 The first compiler of the list of Masters-General must have written "Due de Schomberg" indistinctly.
Hence the name appears in some lists as " David Schomberg."
J Boyer's History of William III. ; Story's Wars of Ireland.
THE THREE DUKES OF SCHOMBERG.
295
Sir Thomas Lee remarked, " You are told by Harbord that the king has had
Marshal Schomberg under his consideration. I am surprised that the motion was
not earlier. I remember when there were great commendations of General Monk
here for what he had done ; then the methods were these, the king gave him rewards
and lands, and the parliament confirmed them afterwards. I would have it from the
hand it ought, and I hope the crown will be maintained always in that plenty as to
be able to do it. It will be best for the Marshal and the best for you."
Sir Christopher Musgrave interposed, " I have a great honour for Marshal
Schomberg, but you are out of the way, if you put the question that we take upon
us to recompense him for his service. That is a prerogative of the king only. We
are only to enable the king to gratify such persons. I move for the order of
the day."
Sir Henry Goodricke observed, " This house is possessed of the great merit of
this gentleman as all the Protestants of Europe are ; but to lay this debate aside
now, I am against it. I would have it in your books to acknowledge this gentleman's
great service to the king, and to enable the king to settle a grateful acknowledgment
on this great man."
Mr. Hampden, junr., concurred, adding, " Ireland is not to be reduced without a
general ; and this is the greatest general in Europe ; he is used to conquer king-
doms. Portugal by him was restored to the rightful owner. You will use him for
Ireland." The debate was adjourned.
Lord Macaulay translates into his own pictorial language the testimonies of that
summer. " Schomberg had wonderfully succeeded in obtaining the affection and
esteem of the English nation. He was regarded by all Protestants as a confessor,
who had endured everything short of martyrdom for the truth. The preference
given to him, over English captains, was justly ascribed to his virtues and his
abilities. He was a citizen of the world, had travelled over all Europe, had com-
manded armies on the Meuse, on the Ebro, on the Tagus, had shone in the splendid
circles of Versailles, and had been in high favour at the court of Berlin. He had
often been taken by French noblemen for a French nobleman. He had passed some
time in England, spoke English remarkably well, accommodated himself easily to
English manners, and was often seen walking in the Park with English companions.
At fo urscore he retained a strong relish for innocent pleasures ; he conversed with
great courtesy and sprightliness ; nothing could be in better taste than his equipages
and his table ; and every cornet of cavalry envied the grace and dignity with which
the veteran appeared in Hyde Park on his charger at the head of his regiment."
[It has been ascertained that he was in his seventy-fourth year.]
The Duke was Colonel of the First or Royal Regiment of Foot. But he raised a
cavalry regiment composed of French Refugee gentlemen, 1 which was peculiarly his
regiment. The aged Marquis de Ruvigny co-operated with him, and also raised three
infantry regiments of Huguenot refugees for the campaign in Ireland.
Leinster, Munster, and Connaught still acknowledged James as their king.
Ulster was for William and Mary, but was unable to contend with the other pro-
vinces, who introduced Popish garrisons into many of its fortresses. Derry shut its
gates against the Jacobites, and became the Thermopylae of the North of Ireland.
One of the first acts of Schomberg as Commander-in-chief was to send to that
glorious town relief under the command of Major-General Kirke.
At length Schomberg himself was appointed to take the command in Ireland.
And about the 15th of July (1689) he paid a memorable visit to the English House
of Commons.
Sir Henry Capel acquainted the House " that the Duke of Schomberg desired to
have the honour to wait upon the House, he being just going in the service of the
crown on the Expedition to Ireland. His merit was great, and the king had re-
warded it like a king."
I he Duke of Schomberg, being then introduced, sat down, covered, in a chair
placed for him towards the middle of the House, where having continued some time
(the serjeant-at-arms with the mace standing at his right hand), he rose, and un-
covered, made a brief speech : — " Mr. Speaker, I have desired this honour to make
my just acknowledgment for the great favours I have received from this House, and
doubt not but to find the effects of it in His Majesty's grace and favour. I also
would take my leave of this honourable House, being now going to Ireland, where 1
shall freely expose my life in the king's service and yours."
1 The received opinion has been that all the privates in Schomberg' s IIo~se were gentlemen. Hut the lists
in the British Museum establish this fact only, that some gentlemen served as privates in it, as was the case in
each of the other French Refugee regiments.
2Q6
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
The Speaker (Mr. Henry Powell, Member for Windsor) replied, " My lord, the
services that have been done by your Grace to their Majesties and this kingdom are
so great, that they can never be forgotten. I am therefore commanded by this
House to acquaint you that they are extremely satisfied that their Majesties' army
has been committed to Your Grace's conduct. This House doth likewise assure
Your Grace that, at what distance soever you are, they will have a particular regard
(as much as in them lies) of whatever may concern Your Grace or the army under
your command."
The Duke, from the first, found his greatest enemy in the English Commissariat.
The Stewart dynasty had left all the public offices in a state of demoralisation, the
officials plundering to enrich themselves, and sacrificing the power and honour of
their country. He arrived at Chester on the 20th of July. " He was very uneasy,"
says Oldmixon, a contemporary chronicler, "at the dilatory proceedings of the
managers of both shipping and provisions, and proposed that the forces should
march overland to Scotland, and embark at Port-Patrick, from whence it was a short
passage over to Ireland, and it would have saved two or three months' time. This
was opposed, as was every other measure that tended to the suppression of King
James's party, by those who had deserted him in his distress, and pretended a great
zeal for King William's interest and honour." At length the Duke sailed from
Highlake near Chester, accompanied by transports conveying 10,000 troops. Lut-
trell notes the day and the hour, the 12th of August at four in the morning. And
with this the memoranda of a member of the expedition agree, the Rev. George
Story, chaplain to Sir Thomas Gower's Regiment. Mr. Story published his papers
under the title, "An Impartial History of the Wars of Ireland from the time that
Duke Schonberg landed an army in that kingdom to the 23d of March 1691-2, when
their Majesties' Proclamation was published declaring the war to be ended." What
remains to be recorded concerning the great Captain-General I shall compile from
that publication, borrowing also some of Lord Macaulay's observations, and not
refusing contributions from other sources.
The expedition anchored in Belfast Lough, and the troops landed at Groomsport
near Bangor, in the County of Down. " They lay upon their arms," says Story, "all
night, having frequent alarms of the enemy's approach, but nothing extraordinary
happened. Next day, being Wednesday the 14th, the Duke continued still
encamped, and the garrison of Carrickfergus, apprehending a siege, burnt their
suburbs." On Thursday the Duke sent a party of about 250 men, commanded by
Sir Charles Fielding, to see what posture the enemy was in about Belfast ; they
returned with information that Belfast was abandoned, and Colonel Wharton's
Regiment was sent to take possession of it. On Friday, Lieut-Colonel Caulfield
and 300 men of the Earl of Drogheda's Regiment were despatched to Antrim, and
found that town also deserted by the enemy. On Saturday Schomberg took the
army to Belfast. On Tuesday and Wednesday following twelve regiments of foot
were sent to begin the siege of Carrickfergus, where the Irish garrison was com-
manded by Major-General Mackarty Moore.
The garrison held out gallantly till Tuesday, the 27th August, at six in the morn-
ing, when they capitulated, the terms being " to march out with their arms and some
baggage, and to be conducted with a guard to the next Irish garrison," namely, the
Duke of Berwick's headquarters at Newry. At the very time that the parley termi-
nated, Colonel Wharton finding the breach in the wall immensely increased, was
preparing to enter the town. "The Duke," says Story, "sent to command his men
to forbear firing, which with some difficulty they agreed to, for they had a great
mind to enter by force. When firing ceased on both sides several of our officers
went into the town and were treated by the Irish with wine and other things in the
castle. The articles were scarce agreed to, till Mackarty Moore was in the Duke's
kitchen in the camp, which the Duke smiled at and did not invite him to dinner,
saying, If he had staid like a soldier with his men, he would have sent to him ; but
if he would go and eat with servants in a kitchen, let him be doing."
The French and Irish Jacobite garrisons had been so cruel to the Ulster Pro-
testants, that Schomberg had great difficulty in carrying out the terms of the capitu-
lation. Ulster men, who had themselves been sufferers, and who feared for their
families at home if such ruffians were to be at large with arms in their hands,
assaulted some of the outed garrison, but were restrained from committing murder.
So infuriated were the peasants of the Presbyterian persecuted religion, that the
Duke of Schomberg "was forced to ride in among them with his pistol in his hand "
to prevent the Carrickfergus garrison from being murdered.
Being without horses to draw his artillery, Schomberg, who had rendezvoused his
THE THREE DUKES OF SCHOMBERG.
297
troops at Belfast on the 28th inst, marched without it, and ordered it to be sent by-
sea. His route was Lisburn, Hillsborough, Dromore, and Loughbrickland. At the
latter place the Enniskillen Horse and Dragoons joined him, and formed his van,
till the army came within sight of Newry. This town was observed to be in flames,
the Duke of Berwick having set it on fire before retreating from it, as he had done
to other places. Schomberg sent a trumpeter to Berwick with the threat that no
quarter would be given if this barbarous burning was continued. Berwick conse-
quently, on retiring from Dundalk, left it uninjured. On the 7th September Schom-
berg halted there to wait for his artillery, which was to be landed at Carlingford. It
had not arrived on Saturday, the 14th of September ; and in the meantime King
James's generals and his royal Bourbon ally had assembled a force of 28,000, which
encamped at Ardee. Schomberg, with greatly inferior numbers, would not risk a
battle. He knew the deficiencies of his own army, and had no reason to doubt that
his Franco-Hibernian opponents would be better able to do their duty in a field of
battle.
" On this (Saturday) evening," says Story, " it was given out in orders that none
that went foraging should pass the Horse out-guards ; and that the Horse might cut
wood for their stables, and also the Foot, for their conveniency ; so that this was the
first public appearance of our staying here. ... In two or three days most of the
wood about the town, as also most of the fruit-trees in my Lord Bedloe's orchard,
were cut down."
In choosing his camp, the Duke of Schomberg may be liable to criticism for not
discovering that the situation was unhealthy. It was selected for the purposes of
defence, on low ground, having the sea to the south, hills and bogs to the north,
mountains to the east, and Dundalk and its river on the west. Part of the unhealthi-
ness arose from the unforeseen circumstance of an unusually rainy autumn. As to
the advantages of the situation, a hint is to be found in the Duke's despatch, dated
20th September, " Having gone this morning to find my son, Count Schomberg, who
was pretty near the videttes of the enemy, we saw a body of cavalry advance which
did not march in squadron, and which appeared to be King James or several general
officers. From thence they could see our camp ; but I believe the sight which most
displeased them was the arrival of eleven vessels in the road of Dundalk, from
which they might judge that they could not starve us here, as they hoped to have
done." 1
The soldiers were impatient at inaction, in the midst of privation and disease.
But the majority were fighting men only in name. In Schomberg's opinion, his
French regiments were the best. " Others can inform your Majesty," he wrote on
the 1 2th October 1689, " that the three regiments of French infantry, and their regiment
of cavalry, do their duty better than the others." The Enniskilleners had learned
to fight though they preferred to plunder. The Dutch knew how to keep their tents
dry and clean ; and if the English soldiers had condescended to copy them, they need
not have sickened and died in such numbers. But the numerous English and Irish
recruits had to learn how to fire a gun ; to learn to take an aim required more time.
Officers, as well as privates, had to be drilled and instructed ; and many of them
were very unwilling to give regular attendance. So that Schomberg, when such men
clamoured to be led into action, good-humouredly said, " We English have stomach
enough for fighting. It is a pity that we are not as fond of some other parts of a
soldier's business." This anecdote is from Macaulay. The same anecdote, or a
similar one, is told by Mr. Story thus : " The General said one day when he came to
the camp and found that the soldiers had not hutted according to orders, We Eng-
lishmen will fight, but we do not love to work (for he used to call himself an English-
man, for all he loved the French so well)."
The defensive warfare of this campaign is well pictured in Story's book.
"Monday, September 16th, six hundred men were ordered to work at the trenches,
which the Duke saw then convenient to draw round his camp, since he had an enemy
that was too strong for him very near, and therefore he must put it out of their
power to force him to fight ; for woe be to that army which by an enemy is made to
fight against its will ! And this is the advantage of an entrenched camp that none
can compel you to give battle but when you please."
" Saturday, September 21st, about nine in the morning (it being a very fine clear
day) our camp was alarmed. The enemy displayed their Standard- Royal (for the
late king was at the head of his army, having come to the camp some days before),
and all drew out, both horse and foot, bringing along a very handsome field train.
. . . The Duke went out to observe them, and sent for Colonel Beaumont's rcgi-
1 Despatch, No. 4.
I. 2 P
298
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
ment, into the trenches beyond the town, and about an hour after for Colonel Earl's.
It was reported that several great officers were for fighting, and wished the Duke to
send for the horse, who were most of them gone foraging as far as Carlingford ; but
his answer was, Let tJicm alone, we will see what they will do. He received several
fresh accounts that the enemy advanced, and always bid, Let them alone. .... Our
gunners sent from the works to see if they might fire amongst the enemy, who by
this time were within cannon-shot ; but the Duke would not suffer it, except they
came within musket-shot of our trenches. He observed the enemy's motions and
postures, and said he saw no sign of their designing to fight; only once they drew
their army into two lines as if they would fight, and then he sent Lieutenant-General
Douglas to order all the foot to stand to their arms ; and he sent to the horse, that
upon the firing of three pieces of cannon they should return to the camp, but till
then to go on with their foraging. Meantime the Duke, as if there was no fear of
danger (for he used to say that it was not in their power to make him fight but when
he pleased) alighted from his horse, and sat him down upon a little hill, where he
seemed to sleep for some time About two o'clock, when the enemy began to
draw off, the Duke sent orders for the soldiers to return to their tents."
" The orders were that night, that none should forage, nor stir out of the camp
next day; and that the brigades, that did not mount the guards, should be exercised
at firing at a mark when it was fair weather (as it was very seldom), for the Duke
knew that most of his men had never been in service, and therefore he would have
them taught as much as could be."
Next day the Jacobite camp was shifted nearer to Drogheda. On Monday all the
French Papists in disguise, amounting to about two hundred foot soldiers enrolled in
the Huguenot regiments, having been detected were shipped off, except six ring-
leaders who were hanged on Thursday, the 26th. If the Duke had given battle on
the 21st, they would have then gone over to the enemy.
" The weather for two or three days proved pretty fair and the soldiers were
exercised with firing at marks, but it was observable that a great many of the new
men, who had match-locks, had so little skill in placing of their matches true, that
scarce one of them in four could fire their pieces off; and those that did, thought
they had done a feat if the gun fired, never minding what they shot at " (page 24).
The two following extracts from Schomberg's Despatches 1 justify his manage-
ment of the campaign : — " Dundalk, 6th October. It appears to me that your
Majesty is of opinion that we should push the enemy, before this army perishes by
diseases, or the succours arrive which the enemy expect from France. I should
desire much to do the things which your Majesty is so eager for. I would have
willingly marched to-morrow. But your Majesty will see by the opinion of the
General Officers that all the army is without shoes, that it could not march two days
without one half being barefooted, and that thus it is necessary to wait till shoes
come from England, where Mr. Harbord has sent for them The provision
waggons are all arrived, and "their horses are in a very bad state. Shales says that
he was obliged to make use of them at Chester, because he could not find any to hire.
I have already said that he did not even take care to embark one hundred and
twenty artillery horses which are still left there." 2 " Dundalk, 8th October. I am
uneasy to venture your army against one which is (as all the world here knows) at
least double the number of ours, of which a part is disciplined and pretty well armed,
and hitherto better nourished with bread, meat, and beer than ours. But what is still
more annoying is, that the colonels who have lately raised their regiments, and par-
ticularly the Irish lords, thought of nothing but to enrol boys at a cheap rate. I
clearly foresaw this when their commissions were given them, and I spoke of it to
your Majesty at the meeting of the committee for Irish affairs ; but Lord Halifax's
advice was followed rather than mine. .... Without enhancing my services, or
taking any account of the chagrins which I have suffered, it is not without difficulty
that I have come here and kept my ground, almost without bread." 3 Burnet
says : — " Schomberg had not the supplies from England that were promised him.
Much treachery or ravenousness appeared in many who were employed. And he,
finding his numbers so unequal to the Irish, resolved to lie on the defensive. . . . .
If he had pushed matters and had met with a misfortune, his whole army and conse-
quently all Ireland would have been lost; for he could not have made a regular
retreat. The sure game was to preserve his army ; and that would save Ulster, and
1 Sir John Dalrymple in an Appendix of his " Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland," gives extracts from
these Despatches. These (in the original French, the spelling only being modernized) I shall transcribe into
the Appendix of this volume. Each Despatch shall be numbered for the purpose of comparison with the trans-
lations quoted in the text.
2 Despatch, No. 8. 3 Despatch, No. 9.
THE THREE DUKES OF SCHOMBERG.
299
keep matters entire for another year. This was censured by some. Better judges
thought the managing this campaign as he did was one of the greatest parts of his
life." " He obliged the enemy," says Harris, " to quit the province of Ulster. The
North of Ireland was thus secured for winter quarters." " By skilful temporizing,"
says Professor Weiss, " he contrived in some sort to create an Orange territory, and
so to prepare the great victory of the following year." Whatever praise is due as to
this campaign, Schomberg earned it all. The officers of the army had been
demoralized under the Stewart's unpatriotic rule, and so had the officials of the
commissariat. Peculation and embezzlement were the business and object of their
lives, which some of the officers but partially atoned for by flashes of bellicose
impetuosity and English pluck. Soldiers and ammunition were sacrificed to the
thoughtlessness and laziness of officers who did not look after them ; and those who
ought to have been the Duke of Schomberg's coadjutors were practically spies and
enemies in his camp. Abundance of criticism, as the slow growth of after-thought,
was often forthcoming at his side, or behind his back, but he was favoured with no
suggestive counsel as the ripe fruit of experienced forethought and military education.
" Hitherto," he says in his despatch from Carrickfergus, 27th August 1689, 1 " I have
been obliged to take upon myself all the burden of the provisions, the vessels, the
artillery, the cavalry, all the payments, and all the detail of the siege." And although
he found officers to accept rank and pay, the work was done as before. Mr. Story
testifies, " He had the whole shock of affairs upon himself, which was the occasion
that he scarce ever went to bed till it was very late, and then had his candle, with
book and pencil, by him. This would have confounded any other man."
The ringleader of intestine traitors was Mr. Henry Shales, the Purveyor-General.
When his villanies came to light, intelligent Englishmen ceased to find fault with
Schomberg. The House of Commons was roused. " Mr. Walker, Colonel and
Minister in Londonderry," writes Oldmixon, "gave information that the miscarriages
were owing chiefly to the neglect of Mr. Shales, Purveyor-General to the army, by
whose default Duke Schomberg had waited for artillery, horses, and carriages, above
a month, that the soldiers had all along been almost without bread, the horses without
shoes and provender, and the surgeons without proper medicines for the sick. Upon
which the Parliament addressed the king, that the said Shales be forthwith taken
into custody, and all his accounts, papers, and stores secured." The king replied on
the 20th November that, having been previously informed of " Captain Shales's
misdemeanours," he had anticipated the request of the House, having already written
to the Duke of Schomberg to put him under arrest. This was done, and Shales was
arrested and disgraced.
The misconduct in all departments of the commissariat had also defrauded
Schomberg of the necessary time for doing anything considerable before winter. A
pamphlet, entitled " The Last Year's Transactions Vindicated," which goes over
William's first year under English skies, from 5th November 1688 to 5th November
1689, lucidly sets forth how impossible it was to do much for Ireland in that first
year of transition. " Their Majesties," says the writer, " were proclaimed on the
13th February (1689), and the first Money-Bill was not passed in Parliament till the
2 1st March ; nor did it amount to the half of the arrears due to the Army and Navy,
and other necessary debts. The next supply was that of the Poll Bill, passed the
1st of May, which for some months thereafter was not all got into the Exchequer,
and fell far short of the Parliament's estimation of it. Now, notwithstanding all this
slowness in coming in of money, his Majesty shewed his earnestness to relieve
Ireland to that height as to order ammunition and provision to be sent to London-
derry even before he was proclaimed king (which supply came in good time) ; and
thereafter within two weeks after his accession, he ordered another supply of forces
to be sent (which miscarried and unhappily returned). His Majesty applied himself
in the meantime to send over a greater force under Major-General Kirk, which were
shipped for Ireland in May. . . . While these forces were on their way for relief of
Londonderry, his Majesty was incessantly giving orders to his army to march from
all places of England to Chester and Liverpool, in order to their transportation
under the command of the Duke of Schomberg. In spite of a thousand discourage-
ments not to be here named, the General took journey for Chester on the 17th of
July, and after having taken time to review and give necessary orders for his army,
he set sail on the 12th of August, and landed at Bangor the next day, having some
days before despatched four other ships with provisions for Londonderry. Here we
are come to the latter end of August in an account of the affairs of Ireland, and
pray what more could have been done all this time, considering the circumstances
1 Despatch, No. 3.
300
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
we lay under ? After the landing of the army, the first action Duke Schomberg fell
upon was the making himself master of Carrickfergus and of the country about,
which he accordingly effected. As to the rest of his conduct there, we have all the
reason in the world to believe that so great a General knows well on what grounds
he has gone ; and the event will prove how much it will conduce to the happy
determination of the affairs of Ireland, that the General delayed to enter into any
further action the last summer, and that he has put his army in winter quarters."
Schomberg also discharged the duties of a chief Governor of Ireland. He found
under the nominal monarchy and real martial law of James the Second that desola-
tion reigned, towns and villages were crumbling to ruin, trade and traders were
paralyzed. But the historian, surveying the state of the northern province at the
date of the army going into winter quarters, could report a welcome change. " Ulster
now enjoyed comparative tranquillity. Since the arrival of Schomberg the inhabi-
tants had begun to return to their homes, security and good order were generally
restored, and the usual occupations were resumed in the towns and throughout the
country." 1 The Protestant clergy, the majority of whom were Presbyterians,
returned from their retirement or from exile. With regard to the latter ministers of
Ulster, the king gave to their deputies, the Rev. Patrick Adair, the Rev. John
Abernethy, and Colonel Arthur Upton, the following royal letter to be delivered to
the Duke : —
" To our Right Trusty and Right Entirely Beloved Cousin and Councillor, Frederick, Duke
of Schomberg, General of our Land Forces.
" Right Trusty and Right Entirely Beloved Cousin and Councillor, we greet you well.
Whereas some ministers of the Presbyterian persuasion have humbly besought us in behalf of
themselves, their brethren, and their congregations in the province of Ulster in our kingdom of
Ireland, that We would take them under our gracious protection, and as an assurance thereof
that We would please to recommend them to you or other our Chief Governor or Chief Governors
of our kingdom for the time being — and We being entirely satisfied of the loyalty and fidelity of
our said subjects, and commiserating the sufferings and calamities they have of late lain under,
which We are desirous to put an end to as far as We can contribute towards it, We have thought
fit to grant their request, and accordingly We do hereby recommend to you in a particular
manner the said ministers and their congregations, requiring you to give them that protection
and support that their affection to our service does deserve, and to shew them all fitting coun-
tenance that they may live in tranquillity and unmolested under our government. And so We
bid you very heartily farewell. Given at our Court at Whitehall, the 9th day of November
16S9, in the first year of our reign.
" This is a true copy of the Letter written to the Duke of Schomberg.
" Shrewsbury." 2
The Jacobite army was the first to go into winter quarters. Schomberg followed
their example, sending the sick by sea, and taking the body of his army by land to
Lisburn as headquarters, and to the surrounding towns and villages. He had still
to defend himself against unfavourable criticism. He wrote to his sovereign from
Lisburn, 27th December 1689, "I have made many reflections on what your Majesty
had the goodness to write to me on the 20th, and without tiring you with the state
of my indisposition, I can assure you that my desire to go to England arises only
from that cause, and the physicians' opinion that the air and the hot waters will cure
me of the ailment which my son informed you of. There are people in England
who believe that I make use of this ailment as a pretence ; that is not true. I
confess, Sir, that, without the profound submission which I have for your Majesty's
will, I would prefer the honour of being permitted to be near your person to the
command of an army in Ireland, composed as that of last campaign was. If I had
risked a battle, I might have lost all that you have in this kingdom, not to speak of
the consequences which would have followed in Scotland, and even in England. . . .
What most repels me from the service here is that I see by the past it would be
difficult for the future to content the parliament and the people, who are prepossessed
with the notion that any English soldier, even a raw recruit, can beat above six of
the enemy." 3
Not only as a soldier and a tactician, but as a disinterested man, old Schomberg
was pre-eminent. He could say to the king, from Lisburn, 30th December, " I have
saved you since I came hear, £$000 on the artillery, and the same sum on the
contingent money, as the accounts indicate. As I do not love to pillage, I do what
I can to prevent others, who think of nothing else." He also did a great act of
1 Reid's " History of the Prcshytcrian Church of Ireland," vol. ii., p. 375.
2 An Historical Kssay upon the Loyalty of the Presbyterians, printed in the year 1 713, page 396.
3 Despatch, No. 13.
THE THREE DUKES OF SCHOMBERG.
301
self-denial. The troops were in want of their pay, and he at once offered his grant
of £ 100,000 1 for the purpose, thus sacrificing his hopes of retiring to a snug mansion
and plentiful estate. He wrote to the king from Lisburn, 7th March 1690: "At this
distant quarter I ought not to enter into the question, whence arises this want of
money. I am astonished that in London, among those who have so much, none
should be found to offer to lend it to your Majesty. I would not presume to act
ostentatiously, but if I had in my hands the hundred thousand pounds your Majesty
has done me the grace to bestow upon me, I would deliver them to the person you
might appoint for the payment of the army." 2 The loan was accepted, and the
interest was fixed at four per cent. ; and ,£100,000 was paid to the troops. It appears
from documents connected with this business, that Schomberg had the rank of
Captain-General in the English army.
Lord Macaulay concurs with those who believe that " not even in the full tide of
success had Schomberg so well deserved the admiration of mankind," as in the
campaign of 1689; "that Schomberg's intellectual powers had been little impaired
by years is sufficiently proved by his Despatches, which are still extant, and which
are models of official writing, terse, perspicuous, full of important facts and weighty
reasons, compressed into the smallest possible number of words." Sir John Dalrymple
says, " They clear Schomberg of the imputation of inactivity which has been unjustly
charged upon him, and do honour to the talents of a man who wrote with the elegant
simplicity of Caesar, and to whose reputation and conduct, next to those of King
William, the English nation owes the Revolution."
" The Protestant Nobility, Clergy, and Commonalty" of the Province of Ulster
expressed their gratitude to the Duke through a deputation, consisting of Lord
Blayney, Sir John Magill, the Dean of Down (Dr. John MacNeal), the Dean of
Clogher (Dr. John Wilkins), Francis Hill, Esq. ; John Hawkins, Esq. ; Charles
Stewart, Esq. ; Robert Donnelson, Esq. ; James Hamilton of Tullymor, Esq. ; Daniel
MacNeal, Esq., and Randal Brice, Esq. These memorialists presented a petition,
showing " That your Petitioners, with all imaginable gratitude, are highly sensible of,
and truly thankful for, your Grace's indefatigable labour, hazard, toil, and trouble in
restoring, securing, and protecting the Protestant interest of this Province." Their
petition was, that as the community was " ready to contribute their utmost advice
and assistance," they might hold meetings to consult and consider fitting expedients
to be offered to the Duke. Schomberg accepted the petition, and replied to it in
writing: — " His Grace readily consents to what is desired by the Petitioners, and is
willing to receive any advice they shall be pleased to offer for the security of this
Province, and the farther successful management of the war against the common
enemy — Signed by order, Robert GORGE, Secretary."
The campaign of 1690 began with the taking of Charlemont, the last fortress in
Jacobite hands in Ulster. The carrying of war into the south was delayed till June,
when William himself came over to take the chief command. There is extant (and
now printed in the " Ulster Journal," vol. i., p. 59) an order from the Duke of Schom-
berg, dated at Lisburn, 8th January 1689 3 (i.e. 1690, n.s.), directing Godfrey Richards,
purveyor, to buy in England " a quantity of good, clean, dry, wholesome oats " for
their Majesties' artillery.
I have the original of another order of Schomberg's of this period. In case it
has not been printed, I copy it here : —
" Whereas we have rec d - information that a Parcell of Hay bought by Godfry Richards,
Purveyor to the Trayne of Artillery, from Mr. Whiteside of Mylone and others is detained
and refused to be delivered by some officer or others of the army quartered there, These are
to direct and require the said officers or others quartered there or any two of them forthwith to
repaire to our headquarters to shew their reasons for their detaining the said Hay, or forthwith
to deliver it to the said Godfry Richards or his order as they will answer to the contrary at their
peril. Given at Lisburne the 18th of Nov r - 1689. Schonuerg.
" P.S. — Notwithstanding the said Hay be delivered, they or any two of them are to repair
to our headquarters to give an acco 1 - by what authority they are there quartered."
The king landed at Carrickfergus on Saturday, June 14th. He immediately
drove off to Belfast in the Duke of Schomberg's carriage, which was sent for him.
He was joined by the old Captain-General at a solitary white house on the shore by
1 It appears that the Parliament voted him ,£20,000 in acknowledgment of his devotion in coming over with
the Prince of Orange, and this was probably paid to him. The king further promised him ,£100,000 to be
invested by trustees in the purchase of land in England.
2 Despatch, No. 20.
8 A not uncommon (but provoking) blunder was founded upon this by a writer in the " Ulster Journal,"
namely, that King William was in Ireland tin the summer of 1689 ! !
302
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
the estuary of the Laggan. According to the loyal veteran's arrangements, guns
were fired from post to post on the road, as the carriage came in sight, until the
Castle of Belfast in its turn fired a royal salute, and His Majesty arrived in the town.
There on Sunday, the 15th, the king's chaplain, Dr. Royse, preached before the
Court and staff on the text, " Who through faith subdued kingdoms " (Hebrews
xi. 33). Schomberg introduced Dr. Walker, minister and one of the Governors of
Derry, at the head of a Protestant deputation.
The army was assembled at Loughbrickland. On the 24th of June, the march
southward commenced. The king, who by letter had twice pressed Schomberg to
fight the enemy during the last campaign, was determined to give battle without
delay, and in a way that should astound the natives, and create a sensation among
all the newsmongers of the three kingdoms. But it must be remembered that His
Majesty was at the head of a finer army, superior both in numbers and discipline, a
large portion of whom had been entirely trained by the Duke of Schomberg, and
kept together by that Duke's money. 1
When on the 30th June they came in sight of the valley of the Boyne, the army
halted. The enemy were on the opposite side of the stream. William resolved to
make Oldbridge, on the banks of the river, his centre, and to charge straight forward
through the water upon the enemy, and to do so the very next day. At first the
Duke of Schomberg, at a council held at nine o'clock at night, opposed such precipi-
tation ; but, submitting to the King's wishes, he made this suggestion : " Send part
of the army, both horse and foot, this very night towards Slane Bridge, and so get
between the enemy and the Pass of Duleek." The suggestion was favourably received,
but was rejected by a majority of votes, whereupon the Duke retired to his tent.
The order of battle was sent to him soon afterwards, and, with some tokens of
vexation, he remarked : " This is the first time an order of battle was sent to me."
The next morning, however, he entered upon his command, as second to the King,
with great vivacity, and conspicuously displaying his blue ribbon of the Order of the
Garter. It might, however, have been guessed, that if he could only see his master
victorious, he would choose to die in the battle, suspecting, as he did, that some of
his comrades were bent on destroying his influence with his prince.
Schomberg gave the word of command. The cavalry plunged into the water.
To the left the Marquis de Ruvigny's younger son, Lord de la Caillemotte, led on
the Huguenot infantry. It was some time before the enemy could face the English
and Dutch cavalry. When at last the Irish cavalry charged, they made their
strongest effort against the Huguenot line, which had not been provided with
defensive weapons of sufficient length. The gallant Le Caillemotte was carried off
mortally wounded, and, at the same time, encouraging his men who were wading
through water that reached to their breasts. And now (to borrow Lord Macaulay's
description) " Schomberg, who had remained on the northern bank, and who had
watched the progress of his troops with the eye of a general, thought that the emer-
gency required from him the personal exertion of a soldier. Those who stood about
him besought him in vain to put on his cuirass. Without defensive armour he rode
through the river, and rallied the refugees whom the fall of Caillemotte had dismayed.
' Come on,' he said in French, pointing to the Popish squadrons ; ' come on, gentle-
men, there are your persecutors.' [Allons, messieurs, voila vos persecuteurs.] 2 These
were his last words. As he spoke, a band of Irish horse rushed upon him, and
encircled him for a moment. When they retired he was on the ground. His
friends raised him, but he was already a corpse. Two sabre wounds were on his
head, and a bullet from a carbine was lodged in his neck."
The body of Schomberg was embalmed an put in a leaden coffin. The prepara-
tions for embalming were equivalent to a post mortem examination, and they proved
him to be in perfect health and soundness, like a man in his bodily prime. It was
announced that he would be buried in Westminster Abbey, but after the victory of
the Boyne, Dublin, having been evacuated by James, and receiving William peace-
ably and loyally, had the honour of enshrining the hero's ashes. He was buried
beneath the altar in St. Patrick's Cathedral.
1 Although Schomberg's strategy was apparently eclipsed by the king's system of dash and risk, yet in the
following three particulars the great general's memory was vindicated : —
(1.) As to the notion that the Irish were contemptible foes, over whom victory might be obtained by one
impetuous rush. The king's rush upon Limerick failed.
(2.) As to his reports against English officers intent upon plunder only. An officer had been warned of the
secret sortie out of Limerick of the detachment which intercepted and destroyed the king's siege train of artillery,
but did not attend to the warning, because he was engrossed with securing some cattle as booty.
(3.) Count Solmes was Schomberg's favoured rival for the chief command. Schomberg thought him unfit
for the command of a division. In 1692 the battle of Steenkerk justified Schomberg's estimation of him.
2 Colonel Barre, M.P., quoted the words thus : — " Au devoir, mes enfants ; voila vos ennemis. "
THE THREE DUKES OF SCHOMBERG.
303
That the Irish Romanists regarded him as an object of aversion is not to be
wondered at. When La Caillemotte summoned the garrison of Charlemont to
surrender to the Duke of Schomberg, Governor Teague O'Regan replied: "The
Duke is an old knave, and, by St. Patrick, he shan't have the town at all." A
ridiculous attempt was made to brand him as a fiery zealot. A friar was brought to
the Jacobite Court at Dublin, pretending to be dumb. The story was that Duke
Schomberg had caused his tongue to be cut out, to put an end to his propagating a
false religion, and had declared that he would serve all the Popish clergy, regular
and secular, in the same way. The fraud was exposed by King James himself, who
had been asked to repeat the process upon Protestant ministers.
Pastor Du Bosc's biographer thus expresses the tribute which was universally
paid to the great Schomberg : — " That hero could not better crown such a glorious life
than by dying in the arms of victory, fighting in the cause of the best prince in the
world, in whose court he had been brought up. Yet the pastor could not help
shedding tears at the loss of so great a man, who deserved to live for ever." Pro-
fessor Weiss happily represents the same sentiments. He says : " Everywhere he
justified the confidence he inspired by the most irreproachable loyalty, by the rare
constancy of his opinions, by his courage and military skill, and by all those
chivalrous qualities which our modern civilization daily effaces, and has not yet
replaced." It has been said that on hearing of Schomberg's death, the king took
the chief command and shouted, " Let the King of kings be king, and I will be
general." 1 We more than hesitate to accept this tradition, because the king from the
day of his joining the army in Ireland had assumed the chief command. But there
can be no doubt that the king was impressed with the calamity, and fully concurred
in Luzancy's reflection upon it, " Heroes seem to have a title to life, and though they
have run a long course of years, their death is always surprising and untimely."
Misson says, " The Duke of Schomberg, who was one of the first that passed the
river, and who was very far engaged among the enemy, was miserably murdered by
a party of Horse that happened to know him. Thus died one of the most illustrious
Generals and most excellent men of these times, at a very advanced age, to the great
sorrow of the king."
Mr. Story, having spoken of the losses on our side and on the enemy's, proceeds
thus : —
" All this was nothing in respect of Duke Schomberg, who was more considerable than all
who were lost on both sides ; whom his very enemies always called a brave man and a great
General. I have heard several reasons given for the Duke's passing the river at that juncture;
but doubtless his chief design was to encourage the French whom he had always loved, and
to rectify some mistakes that he might see at a distance. However 'twas, this I am certain of,
that we never knew the value of him till we really lost him, which often falls out in such cases.
And since it was in our quarrel that he lost his life, we cannot too much honour his memory,
which will make a conspicuous figure in history whilst the world lasts. He was certainly a
man of the best education in the world, and knew men and things beyond most of his time,
being courteous and civil to everybody, and yet had something always that looked so great in
him, that he commanded respect from men of all qualities and stations."
At Belfast the Duke had listened to Dr. Royse's sermon. The preacher had
endeavoured to animate both officers and soldiers to place their confidence in God,
by using the scriptural language, " when you pass through the waters He shall be
with you, and through the rivers they shall not overflow you." Although, according
to the sound of the words, the promise might seem to have failed the heroic warrior
and confessor in his last battle, yet that in its true meaning it was realised by him
we cannot doubt. He was in the seventy-fifth year of his age, and for fifty years he
had thought deeply over his open Bible.
1 A correspondent sends me some of the stanzas of the song named " Boyne Water " (the old version) : —
" Both horse and foot prepared to cross,
Intending the foe to batter ;
But brave I Juke Schomberg he was shot,
While venturing over the water.
When that King William he perceived
The brave Duke Schomberg falling,
He reined his horse with a heavy heart,
To the Enniskilleners calling : —
' What will ye do for me brave boys?
See yonder men retreating;
Our enemies encouraged are ;
But English Drums are beating.'
He said : ' Be not in such dismay
For the loss of one commander ;
For God must be our King this day,
And I'll be General under.'
The Church's foes shall pine away
With churlish-hearted Nabal ;
For our Deliverer came this day
Like valiant Zerubb&bel."
304
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
The first Duke of Schomberg had five sons : —
1. FREDERICK, a refugee in Germany, born in 1637 or ^38, " a resolute and
understanding gentleman," says D'Ablancourt. He survived all his brothers
(according to Haag). [He did not die in December 1700 as had been erroneously
reported to Luttrell.] He visited England in 1668 at the head of the British
Auxiliaries returned from Portugal, and duly reported his and their arrival to his
Britannic Majesty.
2. MAINHARDT (see a separate biography).
3. Otho \ who were killed in the French service, as has been already
4. HENRY J recorded.
5. Charles (see a separate biography).
In the confusion of those times, no monument to the first Duke was erected.
His descendants justly thought that the nation should erect it, and therefore silently
bore Dean Swift's upbraidings for a neglect which did not seem to be theirs. The
Dean at last took the duty and privilege upon himself and upon the Chapter of St.
Patrick's Cathedral, who provided funds for a monument, the Dean contributing the
inscription : —
" Hie infra situm est corpus Frederici, Ducis de Schomberg, ad Bubindam occisi, a d. 1690.
Decanus et Capitulum maximopere, etiam atque etiam, petierunt ut hreredes Ducis monu-
mentum in memoriam parentis erigendum curarent. Sed postquam per epistolas, per amicos,
diu ac saepe orando, nil profecere, nunc demum lapidem statuerunt ; — saltern ut scias, hospes,
ubinam terrarum Schombergenses cineres delitescunt. Plus potuit fama virtutis apud alienos,
quam sanguinis proximitas apud suos. a.d. 1731." 1
This epitaph is milder than the first draft of it which is printed in the Gentleman 's
Magazine for April 1731, and which declares that what was suggested to the Duke's
heirs was " monumentum quantumvis exile," — that the Dean and Chapter " hunc
lapidem indignabundi posuerunt," — and that the visitor now knows " quantilla in
cellula. tanti Ductoris cineres, in opprobrium haeredum, delitescunt."
II. Charles, Second Duke of Schomberg.
"Who hath also been slaine in our service." — King William III.
Count Charles de Schomberg, youngest son of the Marshal, was born about 1645.
Having entered the army, he is found serving with his father in Portugal. After the
victory of Montesclaros, the Confederates made an irruption into Spain, and the Fort
de la Garda was besieged. On the sixth day of the siege the covered way was
attacked, when the Marquis of Ruvigny and Count Charles de Schomberg were the
first that entered, being accompanied by a Portuguese sergeant who was immediately
killed. Miners were then sent to work, and the town surrendered on the 22d
November 1665.
In 1663 a regiment, nominally in Portuguese pay, had been formed of " Germans
of the old Imperial forces," who as Spanish auxiliaries had become Schomberg's
prisoners at Evora. It was called Cleran's Regiment, after a French Colonel to
whom Schomberg gave it. At the peace in 1668 Charles de Schomberg was Lieu-
tenant-Colonel of Cleran's, and, like the rest of the officers and men, was incorporated
with the regiment of Alsace in the army of France. During the next sixteen years
he must have earned considerable advancement in the service ; and at the date of
his arriving in Prussia as a refugee, his eminent qualities and reputation may be
inferred from the facts that the Elector made him a major-general in his army, and
gave him the governorship of Magdeburg.
Count Charles accompanied the Prince of Orange in his descent upon England.
He was the first of his father's descendants to become a British subject. Accord-
ingly, when the Marshal was enrolled in the peerage of England in acknowledgment
of the " hazardous attempt to redeem this kingdom from Popery and arbitrary
power," we find Charles, his third surviving son, declared to be his heir.
Having been enrolled in the English army, probably as a Major-General, Charles
was sent to Ireland to assist in the relief of Londonderry. Rosen in his despatch to
King James, dated 5th July 1689, speaks of Kirke as "waiting the arrival of three
regiments of cavalry and two of infantry which are to join him under the command
of Count Charles Schomberg." He threw himself into the city, and by his genius
and vigour gave great assistance to the citizens. When no longer required there, he
joined his father at Dundalk. He was a witness to a proof of the assertion of the
General " that the Irish regiments will always throw themselves upon the first
1 Graham's History (1689 to 1691), p, 368.
THE THREE DUKES OF SCHOMBERG.
305
plunder." Mr. Harbord took his fowling-piece one night and went on a party with
Count Schomberg. Harbord fell from his horse. Five or six Enniskillen troopers
began to strip and rob him, though he cried that he was the paymaster, and would
give them money to carry him to the camp. A French officer, who happened to
pass, recognised him, and on his testimony the troopers carried Harbord back. 1
In December, Charles Schomberg went to England to give a report to the king
of the state of the army. He seems now to have been lent to the Elector of Bran-
denburg. He is said to have commanded the Prussians at the battle of Fleurus.
Professor Weiss says, " The Prussians, commanded by Charles de Schomberg, pre-
vented Marshal Luxemburg from profiting by the bloody victory of Fleurus." This
was on the 30th of June 1690.
On the very next day, his noble father fell at the Battle of the Boyne. Charles
thus became Duke of Schomberg ; he also got the first instalment of the annuity of
£4000 a-year from the English Treasury. He was in England this winter, accord-
ing to Dumont de Bostaquet, who drove with him to court in the Marquis De
Ruvigny's carriage.
In February 1691 our King William paid his first royal visit to his native
country and dominions. The Dutch gave him a most magnificent welcome. All
the splendour and honours of fetes, firing of cannon by day and fireworks by night,
triumphal arches, court-dresses, equipages and processions have been kept in memory
by fifteen large engravings in the goodly folio volume published at the time by
Arnout Leers of the Hague, entitled : — " Relation du Voyage de Sa Majeste
Britannique en Hollande et de la Reception qui lui a ete faite." In the lists of dis-
tinguished courtiers are included Dukes and Earls of England, one of whom is Le
Due Charles De Schomberg (page 87).
The grand living justification of the war with France was the ancient church of
the Vaudois, or Waldenses. Louis XIV. considered it his mission to exterminate
these primitive Christians. His persecution of his Huguenot subjects was held up as
an example to the ruler of Piedmont, the Duke of Savoy, whose subjects the
Waldenses were. The House of Savoy was not only exhorted but also compelled
to persecute. Being one of the lesser powers, it could not withstand the tremendous
dictation of France. The young Duke Victor Amedeo II. had succeeded his father
in 1675 when he was only nine years of age. His mother, on whom the regency
devolved, was a French lady of the blood royal, Francoise, daughter of Gaston,
Duke of Orleans, the king's uncle. The Vaudois, cruelly banished from their valleys,
succeeded in fighting their way back to them. They were aided by the money and
sympathy of the Elector of Brandenburg and the Prince of Orange. The Emperor
of Germany having sided with the confederacy, the Duke of Savoy had to decide
whether he would have that Emperor, or the Grand Monarqne as his enemy. France
had no time to meditate any active projects against the poor Waldenses, who had
long foreseen that such a war was the only real peace for them. Victor Amedeo
sided with the Emperor. The allied powers succoured him. Having a genius for
military affairs, he was supplied with reinforcements.
But the French, under Marshal Catinat, were on the spot to punish his defection,
before the arrival of his succours from abroad. Some of the Piedmontese troops were
successful against the French at Carignan and Lucerne. The enemy had difficulty
in subsisting their troops, and might have had to decamp, if defensive measures had
been relied on. The young Duke, however, would fight the battle of Salusses (18th
Aug. 1690), in which the French gained a complete victory. Loss after loss followed,
Suza being the last and most serious ; that fortress surrendered to the French in
November.
While the armies were in winter-quarters, President de la Tour obtained King
William's substantial aid for the unhappy Duke, namely, a pecuniary subsidy of
.£100,000 a-year, the joint contribution of England and Holland. And in December,
Charles, Duke of Schomberg, was ordered to prepare to go to Savoy in spring, at the
head of a contingent of 12,000 men, to be accompanied by several Protestant chap-
lains, such as Arnaud, Dubourdieu, and others. He was also to raise recruits in
Holland. His rank in our army at this date was Lieutenant-General.
The subjects of the Duke of Savoy were alarmingly dispirited. On the 26th of
March 1 691, Nice surrendered to Marshal Catinat, the citizens having taken the
French side, from the very first, against their own garrison. The French took Car-
magnola on the 8th June. Schomberg arrived at Turin on the 1 8th, and found the
whole country in the greatest consternation and despondency. French money, which
was always in circulation to introduce treacherous counsels and foul play, was now
1 Schomberg's Despatches, No. 14.
I- 2 Q
3o6
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
used to increase the fears of the faint-hearted. It was now the cry that His Royal
Highness was abandoned by his continental allies, who had never anything better
than fair words to give him, and that the King of England, who was his last resource,
had sent him the Duke of Schomberg, with a magnificent retinue ; but what was
that without an effective army ? The suggestion was evident that if Victor Amedeo
did not wish to be extinguished, he should throw himself at the feet of His Most
Christian Majesty, the King of France.
Schomberg began his duties by studying the country, and the habits and manners
of the court, where everything was new to him. When he had collected his thoughts,
his first advice was that His Royal Highness's army should show no symptoms of
despondency, and that the troops should be encouraged to display some animation,
and to move about. The Duke of Savoy was doing nothing ; watching the enemy
from the hill of Montcallier, and looking on, while towns were surrendering, and his
palace of Rivoli was being destroyed. Turin having been threatened, he had re-
moved the court from that city, and left the citizens in dismay. By Schomberg's
advice, the infantry descended to the foot of the hill, the cavalry were extended to
the right, and parties were sent hither and thither. The French, in open defiance,
had been in the habit of foraging in the view of the Duke's grand guard. " You
should advance and insult them the very next time," said Schomberg. Accordingly,
on the 22nd of June, His Royal Highness, with the general officers, and about 3000
horse, advanced towards the enemy's forage, and the French precipitately retired,
Catinat being unwilling to sustain his foragers, and to bring on a general engage-
ment. An anecdote is told as to that very day. The Duke of Savoy overheard
Schomberg speaking in German, and said, " I tried once to learn that language, but
was discouraged by its difficulty." Schomberg offered to teach him. " No, my
Lord," replied His Royal Highness, " it is the trade of war that I intend to learn
from you."
In the meantime the garrison of Coni continued to hold out against the French.
The French Protestant Refugees got the credit of the vigorous defence. At head-
quarters a council of war was held as to the most effectual and striking manner of
raising the siege. The French were both at Coni prosecuting the siege, and also in
the valley of Aosta, where an army of observation, commanded by La Hoguette,
lay within sight of the confederate army. A third French force under Catinat was
near Carignan. Schomberg's advice was to march against Catinat and force him to
fight, while La Hoguette, supposing that they had gone to relieve Coni, would leave
the country. The Duke of Savoy and Prince Eugene approved of the plan. But
the Spanish generals pressed the relieving of Coni, which was agreed to. The army
moved and La Hoguette decamped. On the 27th of July, the enemy made an
assault upon Coni, and were repulsed with great loss. The allies under Prince
Eugene came up next day, and the French besiegers moved off. But Catinat, being
untouched, threw reinforcements into Casale, a step which Schomberg's counsel
might have prevented. It was so far well that Coni was relieved. The Duke of
Savoy presented the French Protestant Colonel Julien with a diamond ring in
admiration of his successful defence of the place.
The many disappointments in the confederate warfare, in the reigns both of
William and Anne, arose partly from the jealous rivalry among generals of different
nations, which produced suicidal divisions and deliberate mismanagement — partly
also from the enmity of Roman Catholics against their Protestant comrades. These
evils began to be felt in the Piedmontese campaigns. The Duke of Schomberg found
that King William's money, intended principally for Vaudois and Huguenot regi-
ments, had been often withheld from them and grossly misapplied. This he set to
work to rectify. He also applied himself to improve the discipline of the troops
under his special command. Matters at last improved. Although the duchy of
Savoy was entirely lost at the end of this year's campaign, yet much of the Pied-
montese territory was recovered. This arose from the arrival on the 19th August of
18,000 Germans commanded by the Elector of Bavaria. Marshal Catinat, in the
midst of some disappointments, relieved his chagrin by sending 3,000 men to lay
waste the Waldensian Valleys. He missed his revenge ; for his detachment was
routed by the Vaudois, assisted by the French refugees. The Duke of Schomberg
undertook to relieve Montmelian, which was the last place in Savoy that fell into
the hands cf the French. But the Imperialists (says Burnet) and even the Court of
Turin, " seemed to be more afraid of the strength of heresy than of the power of
France, and chose to let that important place fall into the enemy's hands rather than
suffer it to be relieved by those they did not like." Schomberg's services were
THE THREE DUKES OE SCHOMBERG.
307
acknowledged by his own sovereign in a gratifying manner ; he obtained the colonelcy
of the first Foot Guards on the 27th December 1691.
In the year 1692, the French seem to have begun to meditate their scheme of
detaching the Duke of Savoy from his allies by bribery. They had intended to
make him feel their resentment. The necessity of approaching him with a different
tone showed that his affairs were in a reputable posture. And this he owed mainly
to Britain. With but slight deductions we may adopt Burnet's statement : — " The
Imperialists and the Spaniards made him great promises, in which they are never
wanting when their affairs require it ; yet they failed so totally in the performance,
that if the king and the Dutch, who had promised him nothing, had not performed
everything effectually, he must have become at once a prey to the French." It is
uncertain whether definite overtures were made by the French government this year ;
but forbearance was shown, and Catinat was left with a force sufficient only for the
defence of former acquisitions. Luttrell informs iis that in July the Confederates
declined the siege of Pignerol, and their army was divided into three parts, the major
portion accompanying Schomberg in an irruption into Dauphiny.
This was, in fact, the main army, which was accompanied by the Duke of Savoy.
The object was to carry the war into France itself, and to cause a rising of the
French Protestants, who, though they were called New Converts or New Catholics
in public documents, were still Protestant at heart. On the 29th of August 1692,
the Duke of Schomberg issued a manifesto to this effect : — " His Britannic Majesty,
in causing his troops to enter France, has no other aim but to restore the nobility
and gentry to their ancient splendour, the parliaments to their pristine authority, and
the people to their just privileges, the Established Clergy being also protected. The
Kings of England being guarantees of the Edict of Nantes by the peace of Mont-
pellier, and by several other treaties, the King, my master, thinks himself obliged to
maintain the guaranty, and cause that edict to be revived." (Issued at Embrun.)
All such irruptions must, according to ordinary probability, be failures. The
people, however well affected to the invaders, cannot join the invading army until
its success ensures protection to revolters from the existing government ; and, at the
same time, the people's neutrality prevents the desired success. The mere with-
holding of friendship, on the part of the natives, is real opposition ; and the visitors,
whose friendship is visibly unappreciated, have to act very much like enemies. As
to this invasion of France, there were many instances of success, and some govern-
ment money and stores were taken. But an attack of small-pox upon the Duke
of Savoy, which made his army bring him home, barely saved the exit from an
appearance of defeat or disappointment, which the barren results of the entrance
seemed to indicate. The best feature in the case was, that 200 French Protestants
left France under the shelter of this army, because they had been convinced that it
was wrong to conform to Romish worship, and that it was better " to expose them-
selves to beggary and contempt in foreign nations than to live in plenty and honour
in their native land " on such terms.
On the army going into winter quarters, the Duke of Schomberg paid his last
visit to his adopted country, and took his seat as a hereditary legislator in the House
of Lords.
The campaign of 1693 was for a long time favourable to the Duke of Savoy.
But unhappily he allowed himself to be drawn into a battle in the plains of Marsiglia,
in October. This was contrary to the advice of the generals. The French by
reinforcements had become superior in numbers, and it was their interest to fight in
the plain. The Allies were progressing in the recapture of the fortresses of the
kingdom. But in a pitched battle Duke Victor Amedeo was completely beaten.
The only apparent apology was his love for fighting at the head of a large army. It
has been supposed that he hoped, by a victory, to extort a better bargain from
France in a secret treaty.
The Duke of Schomberg's share in the narrative is a mournful one. Disapproving
of the resolution for a battle, and also being passed over in the distribution of the
chief posts of command, he resolved to fight simply as the Colonel of a regiment.
The British forces, which were in the centre, particularly distinguished themselves,
but were at last left exposed, their supports being routed. The Count de las Torres
rode up to their leader, the Duke of Schomberg, and asked him to take command
of the retreat. But Schomberg, who had been offended that the Count had been
put over him in command, replied, " I must have His Royal Highness's orders, and
until I receive them I will bear the enemy's fire. My opinion is, things have gone
so far that we must either vanquish or die." The brave remnant of the centre stood
their ground with extraordinary resolution, but at last had to abandon the field.
303
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Schomberg was severely wounded in the thigh, and was carried by his comrades to
Turin.
Believing his wound to be mortal, he dictated his will on the 14th of October.
Having lingered for sixteen days altogether, he died on the 16th October, aged
about forty-eight. Defoe, lamenting the degeneracy of some inheritors of old English
titles, characterizes them as
" Such peers as History must blush to name,
When future records to the world relate
Marsaglia's field and gallant Schomberg's fate."
Without pretending to be a historian, I have now given a record of Duke Charles'
Life and of his last battle, and I conclude it with a comprehensive quotation from
Oldmixon's History : — " The Duke of Schomberg, having fought with unparalleled
valour, received a mortal wound in the thigh, of which he died not many days after,
to the great regret of all good and gallant men, for he was of that number in an
eminent degree."
%* Luttrell notes, on the 3rd October 1696, " Monsieur Du Bourdieu, Minister
of the French Church in the Savoy, having brought the late Duke Schomberg's
heart from Piedmont, has interred it in the Savoy Church, with a monument over it."
I now give a copy of Duke Charles' will, " translated out of French."
In the Prerogative Court of Canterbury. The Will of the High and Mighty Lord Charles
Duke de Schonberg, Lieutenant-Generall of the armies of his Majesty of Great Britaine in the
year one thousand six hundred ninety-three (first indiction) and the fourteenth of October, at
Turin in the palace of the Count Duquene in the parish of St. Cusebines, the lodging of the
after-named Lord Duke the testator, before me Notary Ducall Royall and Collegiate Proctor
of the Sovereayne Senate of Piemont, and in presence of the Lord Cornelius Count de Nassau
D"averquerque, a Hollander, Mr John Du Bordieu, minister of the said Lord Duke de
Schonberg, Abraham Beneset Du Teron, secretary of the same lord, Phillip Loyd, physitian,
Paul Artaud, chyrurgion, Paul Sancerre, allso chyrurgion, David Castres, chief of the kitchen
to the said lord, and John Jaubert, witnesses called, holding each in his hand a lighted wax
candle, it being late at night.
Whereas there is nothing in the world more certain than death, nor anything more uncertain
than the hour of its coming, and that therefore every prudent person ought to dispose of the
estate which it hath pleased God to give him in this world, whilst he hath the full disposition
of his sences, for to avoid all manner of contestation amongst his heires — which the High and
Mighty Lord Charles Duke de Schonberg, Marquis of Harwich, Earl of Brentford and Baron
de Teys, Count of the Holy Empire, Lieutenant-Generall of His Majesty of Great Brittaine,
Collonell of the first regiment of the English Guards, and Chief Generall of his troops in
Piemont, prudently considering, now in this city, sound (through the grace of God) of his
sences, sight, memory, and understanding, nevertheless seized with infirmity by reason of his
wounds received in the army, hath resolved to make his last and valid Testament and
disposition of last will, nuncupative without being write through, reduced in manner following.
And in the first place he hath most humbly begged pardon to the Soveraiyne God his
Creator for all his sinns and trespasses, most humbly beseeching Him to grant him remission
thereof by the meritts of the death and passion of our Lord Jesus Christ his Saviour. He hath
bequeathed and doth bequeath to the Poor of the Reformed Religion which are now in this
city the summe of Five hundred livers (money of France) for to be distributed to them
presently after his death by the persons to whom such pious Legacyes doth belong. Moreover
he hath bequeathed and doth bequeath to the poor of the said Religion of the City of London
the like sum of Five hundred livres (French money), payable three months after his decease,
and which shall be distributed unto the said poor by the Committy of the said City. Moreover
he hath bequeathed and doth bequeath to the High and Mighty Lord Frederick Count de
Schonberg, his Brother, the summe of a thousand Crowns, which he will to be paid unto him
by his Heire, hereafter named, within six months after his decease, and that in consideration
of that summe he shall not, nor may not, pretend or demand any other thing upon his goods
and estate by him left. Being askt by me underwitten Notary if he will bequeath any thing
to the Poor of the Hospitall of the Lords Knights of St. Maurice and Lazarus, and to the Poor
Orphan Maidens of this City, he answered that he doth bequeath to each of the said bodyes
tenn Crowns for each, payable after his decease ; reserving to himself, if he hath time, by way
of Codicill, to make such other bequests as he shall think fitt. In all and every other his
estate, actions, names, or titles, rights, and pretensions, in whatsoever they doe or may consist,
my said Lord Duke de Schonberg, testator, hath named, and doth name, with his own mouth,
for his heire universall, the High and Mighty Lord Menard De Schonberg, Duke of Leinster,
Grandee of Portingall, and General of the Forces of England and Scotland, his brother, by
whom he will that what he hath above ordered be fully executed. And what is above my said
Lord Duke de Schonberg hath declared to be, and that he doth will the same to be, his last
Testament and Disposition of last Will nuncupative without writing, which he willeth shall
THE THREE DUKES OF SCHOMBERG.
3°9
availe by way of testament, codicill, gift by reason of death, and by all other the best means
[by] which it may or can be valid and subsist— revoking, annulling, and making void all other
Testaments and Dispositions of Last Will which he might have heretofore made, willing that
this present shall take place of all others, ordering me Notary underwritten to draw this present
in the manner as above done, and pronounced in the place as above, and in the presence of
the above said witnesses who after my said Lord have signed. Schonberg.
John De Bordieu, Witnesse. Cornelius De Nassau D'averquerque, IVitnesse.
Du Teron, IVitnesse. Paul Sancerre, Witnesse.
Loyd, Witnesse. David Castres, Witnesse.
Paul Artaud, Witnesse. John Jaubert, Witnesse.
The above said Will was by me James Paschalis, Notary Ducall Royall and Proctor
Collegiate of the Soveraign Senate of Piemont, faithfully passed, caused to be extracted of its
Originall, with which I have duly compared the same, and entred it in the tenth book of this
present year, in folio, and paid the fees of the entring as by acquittance of the said Register to
me. In Testimony whereof I have here notarially subscribed (Paschalis, Not.). Substantialiter
translatum per me Joh em Jacobum Benard No rium Pub cum -
Proved by Menard, Duke of Schonberg and Leinster, at London, 13th November 1693.
Note.
The proclamation issued in France by the Duke was written for him by his
chaplain, Rev. John Du Bourdieu, who gave a copy of it to Boyer, the author of the
history of King Willian III., in three volumes. It is printed in that history, vol. ii.,
appendix, page 71. It is interesting, as showing the political sentiments of Huguenot
refugees with reference to the country of their birth, and therefore I present my
readers with a copy of it.
La Declaration du Due de Schomberg aux Habitans du Dauphine au nom du Roi de
la Grande Bretagne, Guillaume III.
Comme les Violences, que la France a exerce'es sur tous ses voisins, doivent faire craindre
a ses Sujets que, si les Allies entrent dans ses Etats, ils n'en tirent une vengeance proportionnee
a ce qu'ils en ont souffert, Nous croyons les devoir informer des intentions du Roi notre
Maitre.
Toute la terre sait qu'on l'a force a prendre les armes. Ses Etats de la Bourgogne etoient
injustement saisis. Sa Principaute d'Orange etoit saccagec, et tous ses Sujets opprime's. Les
injustices qu'on lui faisoit e'toient accompagnees de manieres laches et indignes ; et ses
ennemis, portant leur fureur jusques dans l'avenir, travailloient a lui oter ce que la naissance
et la succession devoient un jour lui donner. Ce n'est done que pour conserver son bien et
ses droits qu'il a etc" constraint de recourir a la voie des armes, et aussi ne pretend-il les
employer que pour conserver tout le monde dans ses biens et dans ses droits.
C'est pourquoi, s'il me fait entrer en France, son intention est de retablir la Noblesse, les
Parlemens, et le Peuple dans leur ancien lustre, et les Provinces dans leurs privileges. II sait
que la Noblesse est foulee aux pieds, que les Parlemens sont sans autorite, et que le Peuple
est accable par les impots. Mais si aujourd'hui la Noblesse, les Parlemens, et le Peuple
n'abandonnent pas leurs interets et ne negligent pas une occasion (qu'ils ne retrouveront pas
peutetre jamais), ils verront leurs Etats Generaux qui conserveront les Gentilshommes dans
les privileges de leur naissance, qui renderont aux Parlemens leur eclat et leur autorite, et qui
deliveront le Peuple des taxes qui les devorent.
Le Roi mon Maitre n'ayant done pris les armes que pour maintenir les droits d'autrui et
les siens, c'est sans fondement que les ennemis veulent faire passer cette guerre pour une
Guerre de Religion. C'est un artifice pour allumer le faux zele des peuples, et un piege tendu
a leur credulite, arm qu' ils se laissent saigner jusques a la derniere goute. Messiers du Clerge
sont trop habiles pour donner dans un piege si grossier, les causes et les veritables auteurs de
cette guerre ne leur etant pas inconnus. Quoi qu'il en soit, je Declare a tous les Ecclesias-
tiques, en quelque dignite qu' ils soient, que le Roi mon Maitre les prend tous en sa protec-
tion, que leurs immunites, leurs privileges et leurs biens leur seront exactement conserves, que
Ton chatiera exemplairement ceux qui leur feront le moindre outrage, et qu'il ne sera apporte
aucun changement a l'egard de la Religion Romaine.
Cependant, les Rois d'Angleterre etant Guarans de l'Edit de Nantes par la Taix de
Montpellier et plusieurs autres trait^s, le Roi mon Maitre croit ctre oblige de maintenir cette
guarantie et de faire retablir l'Edit. Tous les bons Francois le doivent aider, puisque cet Edit
est le grand ouvrage de la sagesse de Henri IV., dont la memoire leur est si chere. Les
Catholiques Romains, qui ont eu la generosite de voir avec compassion les souffrances des
Reformes, verront sans doute avec plaisir leur retablissement. On espere meme que Messieurs
du Clerge, ayant fait la-dcssus de plus serieuses reflections, seront bien aises de temoi^ner
aujourd' hui, par une conduite sage et Chretienne, qu'ils n'ont eu aucune part a la Violation
de l'edit et a toutes les cruautes qui l'ont suivie.
D'ailleurs, ceux qui nous viendront joindre auront les recompenses et les marques de
3io
FREXCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
distinction que leurs services meriteront et que nous serons en etat de leur donner. Mais, au
contraire, ceux, qui bien loin de nous aider se joindront aux oppresseurs de leur patrie, doivent
s' attendre a toute la rigueur des executions militaires. Et nous Declarons a ceux qui
voudront vivre en repos chez eux, qu'il ne leur sera fait aucun mal, ni en leurs biens ni en
leurs personnes.
A Ambrun, le 29 d' Aoust 1692.
From the date it appears that this declaration was issued from the fortified town
of Embrun, celebrated for its antiquity and lofty site.
III. Mainhardt, Duke of Schomberg and Leinster.
(Being the first Duke of Leinster and third Duke of Schomberg.)
Count Mainhardt de Schomberg, second son of the Marshal, was born at Cologne
on June 30, 1641. We find him in the Portuguese service under his father. In 1665
he had the military rank of major, and was captain of a company in his father's
cavalry regiment. At that time the irruption into Spain was going forward, and
San Lucar de Guadiana was taken. At the head of his company he met Rouge-
mont's Regiment of Cavalry near that town, drove them before him two leagues and
upwards, and upon their making a stand, defeated them. He was afterwards a
colonel of cavalry in the French army.
In 1686, on taking refuge in Prussia, he was made a general of cavalry in the
army of the Elector of Brandenburg, and colonel of a corps of dragoons. He
remained in these posts when his father and Count Charles joined the Prince of
Orange in 1688.
As already stated, it was for this reason that Charles was named first in the
destination of the Marshal's Dukedom of Schomberg in the peerage of England.
Charles was unmarried, and ready for such an adventurous expedition as the Prince
of Orange had planned. Mainhardt had married, on the 4th of January 1683,
Caroline Elizabeth, Countess Rangrave Palatine, daughter of the Elector Charles
Louis. On the 15th December of that year, his son, Charles, came into the world.
Subsequently three daughters were born, named Caroline, Frederica, and Mary.
Count Mainhardt was not prepared to remove with his infantile family to an island
of the sea. He had not learned the Englishman's axiom, that every sensible man
should live in England if he can. So that when English ducal rank was bestowed
on his father, it was not known that Mainhardt would ever solicit naturalisation
among the English people.
The following entry was made by Luttrell in his Historical Relation : " London,
12 August 1689, Count Menard de Schomberg, General of the Brandenburg Horse,
is coming over." His German name, Mainhardt, was translated by the French into
Menard and Mesnart, and by the English into Maynard ; and the various modes of
spelling were further varied according to the writer's guess. The French refugees
spoke highly of him as a cavalry officer. One declares, " Count Menard de Schom-
berg is exceedingly experienced and skilful in the art of war — in charges, combats,
and pitched battles — possessing courage, activity, and admirable energy — capable of
successfully commanding not only a corps, but a great army." He was enrolled in
the English army as a General of Horse, and received the Colonelcy of the 4th
Horse on the 10th April 1690.
Mainhardt earned much praise at the Battle of the Boyne in July 1690. He
carried out the part assigned to him successfully. Ably supported by Douglas and
the Earl of Portland, he crossed the Boyne at the Fords of Slane to engage the
enemy's cavalry, and to facilitate the movements of the centre. Incensed at the
death of his father, he pursued the enemy for several miles " with all the fury that a
noble and just resentment could inspire," until Lord Portland communicated the
king's command to return to the camp. The Duke of Berwick wrote that Count
Mainhardt, in thus fiercely revenging the death of the old Duke of Schomberg, was
a better general than King William, who suffered the Irish to retreat without moles-
tation. The king's object, however, was to avoid bloodshed, especially in considera-
tion of his father-in-law's person.
At the time of the festivities in Holland in February 1691 in honour of King
William III., the king held consultations with foreign ambassadors as well as with
his ministers and general officers concerning the war with France. Among the
generals in attendance at Court, Count Mainhardt de Schomberg is mentioned. On
the 25th of April he received letters-patent of naturalisation for himself and his son,
" Mainhardt Comte de Schonburg et Carolo filio suo." In order to commemorate
his share in the conquest of Ireland, and to put him more on a footing with his
THE THREE DUKES OF SCHOMBERG.
3ii
younger brother, their Majesties created him Duke of Leinster, 3d March 1692. It
appears from the Irish Patent Rolls, that the King's Letter was dated at Breda, 18th
March 1691, giving him the titles of Baron of Mullingar in the County of West-
meath, Earl of Bangor, and Duke of Leinster. On the official receipt of the King's
Letter, he was Duke of Leinster by courtesy. The Patent, which followed nearly a
year afterwards, bore that William and Mary granted to Mainhardt Comte de
Schomberg, on account of his very many and distinguished services to them, for
many years past, rendered in this kingdom and in parts beyond the sea, the state,
grade, dignity, title, and honour of Baron of Taragh in the county of Meath, Earl of
Bangor in the county of Down, and Duke of Leinster in the kingdom of Ireland. 1
The king, not venturing to place his sole reliance on native officers in the midst
of Jacobite schemes and schemers, resolved that the chief command of the regiments
on duty at home should be given to Ruvigny Viscount Galway in Ireland, and in
England to Schomberg Duke of Leinster. The Duke was appointed on the 23d
April 1692 "lieutenant-general of their Majesties' Forces of England, Wales, and
Berwick-on-Tweed." His portrait (engraved by Smith, after Kneller) styles him
" Maynard, Duke of Leinster, Count of Schonberg and Mertola, Grandee of Portugal,
General of their Majesties' Forces of Great Britain," &c. There may have been a
new commission, adding " Scotland " to his command, issued soon after the first.
His brother Duke Charles' will seems to indicate this. On the 2d May he was
ordered to " mark out a camp near Southampton."
We have already glanced at Duke Charles' irruption into the south of France.
Simultaneously, a descent upon the northern provinces of that kingdom was to be
made under the command of the Duke of Leinster. A large force embarked at
St. Helen's, and on the 28th July all the generals went on board the " Breda " man-
of-war. The regiments of La Melontire, Cambon, and Belcastcl were, after the paci-
fication of Ireland, transferred to foreign service in the Duke of Leinster's expedition.
By the help of Captain Robert Parker's Military Memoirs (London, 1747), and
DAuvergne's Campaigne in the Spanish Netherlands, a.d. 1692 (London, 1693), we
can follow its track more accurately than other authors have done. " In the month
of May 1692 (says Parker), Lord Galway embarked at Waterford with twenty-three
regiments of foot, of which ours was one. We landed at Bristol, from whence we
marched to Southampton, and there embarked, in order to make a descent into
France under the command of the Duke of Leinster, second son to the old Duke
Schomberg. We had the grand fleet of England and Holland to attend us ; but as
the famous sea fight of La Hogue, in which the naval force of France was in a great
measure destroyed, had been fought but three weeks, before, the French Court ex-
pected a descent, and had drawn a great number of the regular troops and militia to
the sea coast ; and we found it so strongly guarded at all parts, that in a council of
war which was held on that occasion, neither Admirals nor Generals were for landing
the troops. So when we had sailed along the shore as far as Ushant, we returned
and came to an anchor in the Downs. The King was then with the army in Flanders ;
here then we waited until the return of an Express, which the Queen had sent to
know His Majesty's pleasure with respect to the troops on board Upon the
return of the Express we sailed to Ostend, where the troops landed, and marched
from thence to Furness and Dixmuyde, the enemy having quitted them on our
approach. We continued there until we had fortified them and put them in a state
of defence, leaving garrisons in them." D'Auvergne informs us that on the 1st of
September (n.s.), the Duke of Leinster arrived at Ostend, bringing fifteen regiments,
including La Mclonikre 's, Belcastel's, and Camboits ; and in a few days he was joined
by a detachment under the command of Lieutenant-General Talmash, consisting of
six regiments sent by King William from headquarters. The re-fortification of
Furnes and Dixmuyde (the French having, before retreating, demolished the former
fortifications), was conducted by Colonel Cambon. An adventure happened in a
ditch at the bastion by Ypres Port in Dixmuyde : —
" The ordinary detachments of the Earl of Bath's Regiment and the Fusiliers, being at
work in enlarging the ditch, found an old hidden treasure, which quickly stopped the soldiers
working, who fell all a scrambling in a heap one upon another, some bringing off a very good
booty, some gold and some silver, several Jacobus's and sovereigns being found by the
soldiers, and a great many old pieces of silver of Henri II., Charles IX., Henri III.,
Henri IV. 's coin, which are now hardly to be found in France. The people of the town
suppose that this money belonged to one Elfort, a gentleman dead many years ago, who
buried his treasure (when the Mareschal de Ranlzau took the town) in the Bernardine Nuns'
1 Dumont de Bostaquet phonographic-lily styles the Dukedom "L'Instie" and "L'Inster." — (See the
printed copy of his MS. Memoirs, pp. 316, 317.)
312
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
garden (this ground where the money was found having been formerly in that garden), which
Count de Monterey caused to be demolished ; and they think that there might have been
about 900 Pounds Groot, which makes the value of 450 guineas (English). This Elfort left
it by Will to his children, and the marks where to find it, but his children could never
discover it."
For the same reasons as those which accounted for the failure in the south, this
descent effected nothing, except a slight diversion in the neighbourhood of Dunkirk.
The Duke of Leinster returned to England on the 25th of October.
As a soldier of fortune, he emulated the ingenuity of the other refugees, in specu-
lation for eking out his income, as we may gather from the following statement by
Luttrell :—
" 1692, 8th Sept. Yesterday, the Duke of Leinster's engine for working of wrecks was
experimented on in the Thames, where one Bradley, a waterman, walked at bottom under
water till he came to Somerset House, and discoursed by the way out of a leather pipe ; a boat
went before him to blow air to him ; he had a tin case fastened about his neck, with two
leather pipes." In 1693 (10th March), their Majesties, by royal letters-patent, granted to the
enterprising Duke " all wrecks, jetsam, flotsam, lagan, goods derelict, riches, bullion, plate,
gold, silver coyne, barrs or piggs of silver, ingots of gold, merchandizes, and other goods and
chattells whatsoever, which heretofore have been or hereafter shall be left, cast away, wrecked,
or lost in or upon the rocks, shelves, shoales, seas, rivers, or banks in America, between the
latitudes of 12 0 S. and 40 0 N., by him to be recovered at any time within 20 years after the
date hereof (Bermudas and Cartagena, and Jamaica in America excepted) — one full tenth
reserved for the King and Queen."
Luttrell said as to this range upon our globe's surface, " it includes many wrecks
the patentees know where to find ; they will fish this summer upon them." Probably
some delay took place, for under date 19th December 1699, Secretary Vernon wrote
— " The 'Dolphin,' Captain Hunter commander, is to look for the wreck granted to
the Duke of Schomberg."
To the English dukedom he succeeded on the death of the second duke, his
brother, in Piedmont ; he took his seat in the House of Peers on the 4th, and proved
his brother's will on the 19th of November 1693. His son, and apparent heir,
Charles, Earl of Bangor, who was in his tenth year, thus became by courtesy the
Marquis of Harwich. The family seem to have been in favour at court. The
Duchess of Schomberg and Leinster was deservedly esteemed. On Wednesday,
19th December 1693, she is registered as a sponsor at the baptism of William, son
of Messire Jean Rabault, a chevalier, His Majesty being godfather, and the proud
father signing himself "Jean Rabault de la Courdriere Bouchetiere." On another
occasion she was the godmother of a converted Mahometan, baptized in London.
Both baptisms were in Swallow Street French Church.
The Duke of Schomberg was made a Privy Councillor on the 9th of May 1695.
His time seems to have been occupied with various court-martials and tours of
inspection of military quarters. The even current of his affairs was sadly changed,
in 1696, by his wife's declining health. He arranged to spend the summer at Bath.
The Duchess died on the 28th June, at Kensington, in her thirty-seventh year. 1
He had succeeded to his brother's dukedom, with the annuity of ^4000, and the
claim for the capital grant from the treasury. With exemplary prudence, he soli-
cited from the King a formal gift, engrossed upon the Patent Rolls. This he
obtained on the 22d December 1696 ; and as it is a document settling some
biographical questions, I shall transcribe the larger portion of it in modernised
spelling.
" William the third, &c. To the Commissioners of our Treasury, &c. WTiereas, by our
letters of privy seal, bearing date 15th February, in the 5th year of our reign, in consideration
of the great, faithful, and acceptable services to us performed by Frederick, Duke of Schon-
berg, late Master-General of our Ordnance, and Captain-General of our land forces, deceased,
and more especially reflecting upon his most prudent conduct under us, not only in the
hazardous attempt which we had made into this kingdom for redeeming the same from
Popery and arbitrary power, but also in his continued endeavours to serve us in order to the
completing a prosperous, happy, and settled condition of affairs, and considering the great
losses he had sustained, on account of professing the Protestant religion, by the confiscation
of his lands and possessions, and loss of his places and employments in France, and by the
destruction of his castles, lands, and territories in the county Palatine of the Rhine, in Ger-
many, and for other great and weighty considerations, being disposed to confer upon the late
Duke and his posterity a reward for his merits, which might create a lasting remembrance of
the gracious sense we had of his service before mentioned, —
1 " She was born 12th Nov. 1659."— Col. Chester,
THE THREE DUKES OF SCHOMBERG.
313
" We did fully resolve and determine to bestow upon the said late Duke, or trustees by his
nomination, the full sum of ^100,000 of lawful English money, to be paid out of the treasure
which was, or should be, in the receipt of our Exchequer, by certain portions and at certain
days and times now past, which sum was to be laid out in purchasing Lands of Inheritance
that were to be settled on Trustees and their heirs, as that the profits thereof might be enjoyed
by the said Frederick late Duke of Schonberg during his life, and after his decease by Charles
then the third son of the said Duke, who hath since been Charles Duke of Schonberg and is
deceased, and by heirs male of the body of the said Charles, and for default of such issue then
by our right trusty and right entirely beloved cousin and councillor Maynard now Duke of
Schonberg and Leinster, and the heirs male of the body of the said Maynard lawfully begotten
or to be begotten, and for default of such issue then by the heirs male of the body of the said
late Duke Frederick lawfully begotten or to be begotten, and for default of such issue then by
the right heirs of the said late Duke Frederick for ever.
-(* ■Sit 4 s sj* ^* 'f"
" But the Grant which was intended by us as aforesaid, not passing under our Great Seal,
by reason of the sudden departure of the said Duke Frederick for the kingdom of Ireland,
where he was slain in our service at the memorable Battle of the Boyne, and by reason that
the necessity of our affairs would not admit the speedy payment of so considerable a sum of
money, we were graciously pleased to allow to the said Charles, late Duke of Schonberg, the
yearly sum of ^4000, being after the rate of £4 per cent, per annum, for the interest or for-
bearance of the said sum of ,£100,000, and the said yearly sum hath been satisfied and paid
by us until 31st December 1692 — since which, time the said Duke Charles (who hath also
been slain in our service, to wit, at the Battle of Marsaglia in Piedmont) is deceased without
heirs male or female of his body begotten, so that the said Maynard, now Duke of Schonberg
and Leinster, is the person who, by the limitations, trusts or appointments in the said intended
grant (in case the same had passed under seal and had been duly complied with) would at
this time have taken benefit thereby to him and the heirs-male of his body, with power to make
provisions for any wife, daughters, or younger sons, as aforesaid.
" We did direct, authorise and command that, out of the rents issues profits and revenues
from time to time arising and accruing in or by the General Letter Office or Post Office, or
Office of Postmaster General, payment should be made unto the said Maynard, Duke of
Schonberg and Leinster (who is also Marquis of Harwich, Earl of Brentford, of the Holy
Empire, and Mertola, Baron of Teys, Grandee of Portugal, General of our Horse, and Com-
mander-in-Chief of our Forces) and the heirs male of his body, the yearly sum of ^4000.
" And whereas the said Maynard, Duke of Schonberg and Leinster, hath humbly be-
sought us, in regard our affairs will not yet admit the payment of so considerable a sum as the
said jQ 100,000, that we would be graciously pleased by Letters Patent under the Great Seal of
England to confirm unto him and the heirs male of his body the yearly sum of £4000 in the
same manner as the same was granted to him and them by our said Letters of Privy Seal, to
which we being graciously pleased to condescend,
" Know ye therefore that We &c. &c. &c. &c.
do grant unto the said, &c, one clear annual or yearly payment or sum of ^"4000 of lawful
English money, to commence from such time as the same hath been paid and satisfied
before the date of these presents.
**********
" And we do hereby, for us our heirs and successors, promise and declare, that as soon as
the condition of our affairs will admit, we, our heirs and successors will pay and satisfy the
principal sum of 100,000.
**********
At Westminster the twenty-second day of December (8th Wm. III.)."
In the arrangements that followed the peace of Ryswick, Schomberg's employ-
ments continued as before. In November 1698 Luttrell writes, " Portland House in
the Pall Mall is rebuilt, and will be richly furnished for the Duke of Schonberg,
General of the forces in England." On the 31st December, the Duke gave "a
splendid entertainment to the French Ambassador, the Duke of Ormond, and other
persons of quality."
This was the mansion that was thereafter called Schomberg House ; we digress
for a moment to trace its history. It was after the Duke's death inhabited by his
sons-in-law the Earls of Holdernessc and Fitzwalter. One of the arrangements
made on the accession of George III. has been recorded thus: — "The Duke of
Cumberland took Schomberg House (late Lord Fitzwaltcr's) in Pall Mall." Mr.
Bayncs (Life of Brousson, p. 368) says in a note:— "On the south side of Pall
Mall being now (1853) Nos. 81 and 82, there is an interesting specimen of a ducal
residence of the time of William and Mary. . . . Schomberg House. It w as
afterwards the residence of William Duke of Cumberland, the hero of Culloden.
Subsequently the middle part of the mansion was occupied by Dodslcy, the
eminent bookseller, and recently by Messrs. Payne and Foss. Gainsborough for
I. 2 R
3H
FRENCH PR 0 TES TANT EXILES.
some time lived in the western wing of the mansion, and here executed some of his
best pictures." In 1868 I found that one-half of this ancient fabric had been
pulled down.
We find the Duke's name honourably mixed up in a deplorable affair, namely,
the dying scene of poor Conway Seymer, who had been mortally wounded in a duel.
" 20th June 1699, the Duke of Schomberg introduced Capt. Kirk to ask pardon of
Conway Seymer, Esq., who told him he forgave him with all his heart, and died
next morning."
Through negotiations based upon the Peace of Ryswick, the French king
restored to the family Marshal Schomberg's French estate. But when Duke Main-
hardt thought he had secured it, his eldest brother, Count Frederic, stepped in as a
competitor. Our Ambassador, the Earl of Manchester, wrote officially to Secretary
the Earl of Jersey, from Paris, August 29, 1699 :
" I believe the Duke of Schomberg will apply to your Lordship in relation to his affairs.
I have done what was proper, having recommended it to the minister. But now the dispute
lies between the eldest brother in Germany and himself, who has obtained to have two-thirds,
according to the custom of France. They do intend to appeal from this sentence ; but as this
is a matter between two brothers, I shall be glad to know whether the king does only concern
himself for the Duke of Schomberg."
The following is a letter which Schomberg addressed to the Ambassador : —
"London, Nov. 4-14, 1699.
" My Lord, — I no sooner received the favour of your Lordship's letter, but according to
your desire I spoke to my Lord Jersey, who has since told me he had signified His
Majesty's pleasure to your Lordship thereupon. And that your Lordship may be thoroughly
instructed in the matter, I must further acquaint you that the matter in debate is only between
my brother and myself. For, by the treaty of Peace, the estate is to return to the family,
and, as your Lordship has been already informed, the King of France has put me in
possession, which being disputed by my brother, was the occasion of my suing for the King
of France's protection, that by His Majesty's authority I might freely enjoy the possession
thereof, without being put to the charge of so many lawsuits by my brother, who is now
actually at law with me, and endeavours to dispossess me of my undeniable right. Wherefore,
my request to your Lordship is, that you would recommend my particular interest to the King
of France, and that His Majesty will please to give orders that I may be continued in
quiet possession of the estate which is my undeniable right. But were that disputable, my
services both here and in France ought to give me the preference. My Lord, I have given
your Lordship as short an account as the subject would permit, and do not at all doubt of
success therein, if your Lordship does heartily espouse my interest, which will lay a perpetual
obligation upon, &c, &c.
"Schonburg and Leinster."
Lord Manchester announced the Duke's success in a letter dated from Paris, 23d
June 1700 :
" The Duke of Schomberg has carried his cause in the Parliament against his brother in
Germany, who pretended to have a right to two thirds; but the whole is adjudged to the
former." 1
At the funeral of King William, on the 12th of April 1702, Schomberg was one
of the six dukes who supported the pall. In Queen Anne's reign, he was still in
favour at the palace. He presented her consort, the Prince of Denmark, Generalissimo
of the Forces, with a war-horse valued at 300 guineas ; this was in June 1702. He
still pressed his claims as his father's heir, on the English nation. A second grant
in his favour, dated 6th May 1703, appears on the Patent Rolls. In it the Queen
narrates how the Duke of Schomberg had represented to her that King William, by
a warrant dated 14th October 1701, had again asserted that his affairs could not yet
admit of the payment of .£100,000, and that "our said late royall brother" did
" therefore and for other good causes and considerations " grant another ^"iooo of
annuity, making a total of ^5000 per annum to commence from Midsummer, 1701.
" The demise of our said royal brother happened before the said intended grant
actually passed under the Great Seal of England ; " therefore, we the Queen grant
the additional .£1000, to be paid annually, during pleasure.
In 1703, the Schomberg estates in France must have been forfeited again. This
was the year of the Methuen Treaty with Portugal, which was signed on the 16th of
May and ratified on«the 14th of July. Great Britain and Portugal then joined the
Emperor of Germany and the Duke of Savoy in the Grand Alliance against France,
1 Cole's State Papers.
THE THREE DUKES OF SCHOMBERG.
315
and began to take part in the War of the Spanish Succession. The Emperor
Joseph's younger son, Archduke Charles of Austria, was proclaimed King of Spain,
and Britain's great practical aim was to establish him at Madrid upon the Spanish
throne. Some compilers of history say, that the Confederates, in setting up Charles,
were attempting to dethrone a native king. But the Bourbon Philip V. (who was
Duke of Anjou in France, and a grandson of Louis XIV.) was not a native sovereign.
Like Philip's, Charles's relationship to the extinct royal family of Spain was con-
stituted by that family's intermarriages with foreigners. The latter, on the ground of
compacts by which the Bourbon family could not reign over Spain, was the true heir,
and was styled by the Allies, King Charles III. A British fleet conveyed him to
Lisbon. The Duke of Schomberg was designated Captain-General of the troops in
British pay, which were to act in concert with the Portuguese to put him in posses-
sion of his kingdom.
The English Government ordered the Duke to raise twenty companies of
dragoons to form a regiment, its officers to be French Protestant refugees. He
selected officers " whose valour and conduct he had been eye-witness of ; " but a
counter-order came out recalling the commissions. He complained of this disap-
pointment, and was consoled by being elected a Knight of the Garter (nth August
1703). On the 2d of September he was installed at Windsor with the usual
solemnities. He did not embark for Portugal until the following year.
The employment of the third Duke of Schomberg in the forefront of this war was
the occasion of the translation and publication in England of D Ablancourt's Memoirs
of the campaigns of the first Duke in Portugal.
" Nothing," said the English publisher, " can so much justify the fitness of Her Majesty's
choice of his Grace the Duke of Schomberg to command Her Majesty's Forces and those of
her allies in that kingdom, as the knowledge of the glorious actions performed by his father
in his presence, and by His Grace himself after so brave a pattern, which will inspire the
officers and soldiers who shall have the honour to follow him to the war with such an entire
confidence and assurance in their General that nothing will be difficult that he commands.
His Grace will be received there as their second saviour and deliverer, with the loudest accla-
mations of the joyful multitude impatient to be led on by him to victory and glory. It is to
be presumed that his sword will be as fatal to the Spaniards as the accents of his name are
pleasant to the Portuguese, who hold it to this day in a degree of veneration very little inferior
to idolatry."
These glowing predictions were not fulfilled. On his arrival at Lisbon in the
spring of 1704 he found that the old routine of giving the chief command of the
army to the Portuguese governors of provinces was still rigidly followed. The king,
although the same Pedro who owed his crown to the late Marshal, showed none of
the expected gratitude, but rather humoured the reckless jealousy of the Portuguese
officers. Marlborough had written on the 8th of August 1703, " I take for granted
that the Dutch troops are to be commanded by the Duke of Schomberg;" but the
Dutch General would submit to no such agreement. When Schomberg thought
that he had obtained from the king the rank equivalent to Marshal, and implying
supreme command, he found that the same rank had been given to Fagel, the Dutch
General. He, however, lost no time in issuing the following manifesto : —
"Pursuant to Her Majesty's warrant, dated 14th March 1703-4, authorising and em-
powering me to publish in the most effectual manner Her Majesty's most gracious intention
of pardoning all such of her subjects of the kingdom of Ireland and of other parts of
Her Majesty's dominions, who, being now in the service of her enemies, will quit the same to
come over to Charles III. King of Spain, or any other of Her Majesty's Allies, — I do hereby
in Hsr Majesty's name proclaim and declare, that all such Her Majesty's subjects, both
officers and soldiers, who are at present in the service of the French King or of the
Duke of Anjou, and will return to their duty and come over to the King of Spain or any
other of Her Majesty's Allies, shall have Her Majesty's most gracious pardon for all crimes
and offences committed by them in adhering to or serving under her enemies, or for any
crime and offence relating thereunto; and that such of them as are qualified to serve in Her
Majesty's Forces shall be received and entertained in the same quality that they enjoyed in
the service they leave ; and that such as by reason of their religion cannot serve in Her
Majesty's Forces shall be received and entertained in the service of the King of Spain or of
such other of Her Majesty's Allies where they shall best like, in the same quality and with the
same pay as they enjoyed under Her Majesty's enemies. And to the end, that Her Majesty's
most gracious intentions may be the more effectual, care is taken that the Governors of the
frontier garrisons and that the Generals of the Forces will receive and subsist them immediately
upon their coming in, and give them all further encouragement.
" Given at Lisbon, 25th April 1704, the third year of Her Majesty's reign,
"Schonuurg and Leinster."
3i6
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
A faint-heartedness came over King Pedro's counsels. He seemed to think more
of preventing Philip from crossing his frontier than of taking Charles to look the
Spaniards in the face. Philip sent the Duke of Berwick to beat up the Portuguese
quarters ; and, as Burnet has concisely said, some of the English and Dutch
battalions which were posted where they could not be relieved, in places which were
not tenable, fell into the hands of the Spaniards, and were made prisoners of war.
Schomberg was quite paralysed by the thorough infatuation of the government of
Lisbon.
King Pedro wrote to England declaring himself dissatisfied with Schomberg,
though unable to vindicate the Portuguese officers. Secretary Sir Charles Hedges
wrote to our Ambassador in Piedmont, the Right Hon. Richard Hill, from London,
23d June : — " The King of Portugal seeming dissatisfied with the Duke of Schomberg,
Pier Majesty is inclined to recall him, if there be not a better understanding between
them, that the service may not suffer ; and we hope that King will show his resent-
ment against some of his officers who have been to blame, which he is now sensible
of, and promises to do all things that may be for the benefit of the common cause."
And on the 30th, Sir Charles states : — " Upon the representation of the King of
Portugal and the consideration of the misfortunes of the army there, Her Majesty
has thought fit to recall Duke Schomberg." Contemporary journals, however, state
with great probability, that before those dates he wrote home and requested to be
recalled, and his request was granted.
There were some who criticised his retirement rather severely. Burnet says : —
" The Duke of Schomberg was a better officer in the field than in the cabinet ; he
did not know enough how to prepare for a campaign ; he was both too inactive and
too haughty." 1 Other writers do not blame him. One writes : — "The enemy's suc-
cesses gave no small uneasiness in England, and the Duke of Schomberg, finding his
advice had not that weight it deserved with the Portuguese, was desirous to quit a
losing game." So another: — "Duke Schomberg being sick of his command in
Portugal, where he found neither horses for mounting the confederate cavalry, nor
anything else they had engaged to provide in order to enable the allies to enter
upon action, and the Portuguese generals insisting on the command of the English
and the Dutch, as well as their own troops, he desired to be recalled." Marlborough
wrote to him from the Camp of Weissenberg, 29th Sept. 1704:—" I must pray leave
to assure you none can be more sensibly concerned than I am at the misrepresenta-
tions that have been made of your Grace from the Court of Portugal, whose slowness
and ill-conduct hitherto do sufficiently justify the complaints you were obliged to
make. I shall long to kiss your Grace's hands in London."
The Duke might well be discontented with the Portuguese, but why with the
English Government? His experience convinced the latter that a general bigotted
to precedents, etiquette, and routine, was not the man for the anxious emergency.
Accordingly, the Earl of Portmore, Schomberg's second in command, was allowed to
come home too ; and a different style of general was sent to Portugal, a man of
diplomacy combined with military spirit, patience, and self-denial, Henri De
Ruvigny, Earl of Galway. Lord Portmore considered it was a breach of faith to
pass him over. Thus, both in the army and in general society a malcontent party
was formed, to which Schomberg's sullenness gave too much encouragement. One
reason for his discontent appears in the Treasujy Papers, which contain a memorial
from the Duke of Schomberg to the Lord High Treasurer, asking for "his arrears
due to him in the last war, during which time he was Commander-in-Chief of the
forces of England. He was obliged to be the more pressing, by reason of the great
expense he had been at for Her Majesty's service in the expedition to Portugal."
To which there is added this official note, " There is no fond provided by Pari*- for
this. See the former anszuers."
The occasions in which he is reported to have voted in the House of Lords were
all connected with ecclesiastical subjects. In 1703 a Bill against Occasional Con-
formity was brought in (but did not pass), intended to exclude Dissenters from all
Government employments. It was thought that Schomberg would have opposed such
a bill. He allowed his proxy to be used in its favour, probably out of deference to his
generalissimo, Prince George, who had a seat in the House of Lords, and who,
1 In the " Characters of the Court of Great Britain," drawn up for the Electress Sophia by John Mackay,
Esq. (attributed to liishop Burnet), it is said, "When the present Queen concluded her treaty with Portugal,
the I Hike was chosen to command the forces there, and had the Garter ; but not knowing how to keep measures
with the Kings of Spain and Portugal, was recalled. He is one of the hottest fiery men in England, which was
the reason King William would never give him any command where there was action. He is brave but
capricious, of fair complexion, &c."
THE THREE DUKES OF SCHOMBERG.
317
although himself a Lutheran, and only an occasional conformist, found that circum-
stances compelled him to support the bill.
In 1710, he voted that the clerical Jacobite incendiary, Dr. Sacheverell, was
"guilty" of misdemeanour, on account of two discourses preached, not in his ordi-
nary ministrations, but on public occasions, in which, among other things, he viru-
lently maintained, 1st, That the necessary means used to bring about the Revolution
of 1688 were odious and unjustifiable; and 2ndly, That the toleration granted by
law is unreasonable and unwarrantable — that he is a false brother with regard to
God, religion, and the Church, who defends toleration and liberty of conscience, and
that it is the duty of superior pastors to thunder out their ecclesiastical anathemas
against persons entitled to the benefit of the said Toleration.
In 1 7 14 he protested against the Schism Bill, whose object was to suppress Dis-
senting Schools and Academies, on the ground that the children of churchmen
attended them in alarming numbers. The bill passed the Lords by the slender
majority of 77 to 72. The Protest proceeds upon the fact, that " it is not pretended
that this Bill is designed as a punishment of any crime which the Protestant Dis-
senters have been guilty of against the civil government, or that they are disaffected
to the Protestant succession as by law established, for in this their zeal is very con-
spicuous." " If, nevertheless, the Dissenters were dangerous, severity is not so
proper and effectual a method to reduce them to the Church, as a charitable indul-
gence, as is manifest by experience, there having been more Dissenters reconciled to
the Church since the Act of Toleration, than in all the time from the Act of Uni-
formity to the time of the said Act of Toleration ; and there is scarce one considerable
family in England in communion with the Dissenters. Severity may make men
hypocrites but not converts." " In all the instances of making laws, or of a rigid
execution of the laws, against Dissenters, the design was to weaken the Church, and
to drive the Dissenters into one common interest with the Papists. We cannot think
that the arts and contrivances of Papists to subvert our church are proper means to
preserve it, especially at a time when we are more in danger of Popery than ever by
the designs of the Pretender, supported by the mighty power of the French king, and
by great numbers in this kingdom who are professedly in his interest."
It was in January 171 1 that the new ministry obtained the unjust censure of
Lords Galway and Tyrawley, and of General Stanhope. There was a great dis-
placement of military governors and colonels of regiments, as was usual on a change
of ministry. Schomberg was excepted, it being known that he would not help his
brother generals, but would stay at home. Feeling uneasy under the new regime,
he obtained leave to retire in favour of his son Charles, Marquis of Harwich, who was
thus gazetted as Colonel of the 4th Horse, when he was only twenty-seven years
of age.
The Duke may now be regarded as a neutral in politics. On 18th June 17 10
Lady Caroline, his daughter, died of small-pox, aged twenty-three. In 171 1 he was
a pall-bearer at the Earl of Rochester's funeral, and in 1712 at Earl Godolphin's. The
4th Horse was quartered in Dublin, and there the Marquis of Harwich died, 5th
October 17 13. The Duke was in his seventy-second year when this severe blow fell
upon him. Except in his signature to the Protest already described, he does not
again appear in public proceedings, though in the next reign he had to apply for a
Private Act of Parliament regarding the destination of his hereditary pension.
If an English landed estate had been actually bestowed upon Marshal Schomberg,
then on the death of Duke Mainhardt's only son, the heir-apparent would have been
the Duke's eldest daughter. But the phraseology of the Patent for the Annuity was
such, that the Duke was haunted by alarming visions of a male heir from Germany.
In these circumstances, and when Queen Anne was dead, he seems to have renounced
his claim upon her Majesty's grant of £5,000 a year, which at once relieved the
revenue of £1,000 annually. Besides, affection for the memory of William of Orange
having revived at the accession of George I., reminiscences of regard from the more
than Semi-Jacobite Queen Anne could do nothing but harm to a public man ; while
any proof of reciprocal attachment between King William and him was a testimonial
ensuring honour and favour. Accordingly, Schomberg called the attention of the
new government to the grant of King William to his father and to his English heirs,
and how the affectionate and grateful intentions of the illustrious monarch were in
danger of miscarrying, owing to unintentional inaccuracy in writing. A bill was
therefore introduced into Parliament to enable King George to revoke the Letters
Patent of William III., and to substitute a new grant by which a female heir might
inherit ; this Bill received the Royal assent, and is the Act of the first year of George
I., No. 78.
318
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXIL ES.
The troublous year 171 5 kept the Government busy with more public and press-
ing affairs ; but after the re-establishment of tranquillity the Grant was drawn up and
was enrolled on the 29th June 1716 (2d Geo. I.). It professes to proceed upon " an
Act lately passed in our Parliament entitled, An Act to enable His Majesty to grant
letters-patent to supply the defect in the Grant made by His Majesty King William
the Third, unto Maynhard, Duke of Schonburg and Leinster, of the annual sum of
£4,000 out of the Revenues of the Post Office until the sum of £100,000 be paid."
After reciting the services which the old Patent acknowledged, the new Patent adds
what follows : — " Whereas the said Grant of the said £4,000 per annum for the
Interest of the said £100,000 being limited and restrained to the said now Duke,
and the heirs male of his body only, contrary to the said late Majesty's intentions
expressed in the said letters-patent, which was that the Interest of the said £100,000
should be continued to be paid until the said principal sum should be paid for the
benefit of the persons who would have been entitled to the lands to have been
purchased with the said principal sum according to the limitations aforesaid,— FOR
SUPPLYING WHICH DEFECT it is by the said Act enacted that it should and might
be lawful for US by letters-patent under the great seal of Great Britain to give and
grant for us, our heirs and successors, unto the said Maynhard, Duke of Schonburg
and Leinster, and the heirs male of his body, and for want of such issue to the heirs
of the body of the said Maynhard, Duke of Schonburg and Leinster, and in default
of such issue to the right heirs of the said Maynhard, Duke of Schonburg and
Leinster, until the said sum of £100,000 should be paid as aforesaid, one annuity or
yearly payment of £4000 of lawful money of Great Britain, &c, &c, &c, &c." 1
The Duke continued to live at his country house, Hillingthon, near London, till
1719, where he died suddenly on Sunday, July 5th, aged seventy-eight. He was
buried in Westminster Abbey. The Annals of King George say, " On Tuesday night
(Aug. 4), his Grace the Duke of Schonberg lay in state in the Jerusalem Chamber
in the greatest magnificence, and from thence was carried with all his trophies of
honour and interred in the Duke of Ormond's vault in King Henry's the Seventh's
Chapel. The funeral service was performed by the Bishop of Rochester, his pall
supported by his Grace the Duke of Kent, Duke of Roxburgh, Earl of Pembroke,
Earl of Portmore, Lord Abergeveny, and Lord Howard of Effingham ; the Earl of
Holderness and Count Dagenfeldt were the chief mourners."
Two daughters survived him. Lady Mary married Nicholas, Count de Degenfeldt,
of the German Empire, who was naturalized in England on the 13th January 1720
(6th Geo. I.). [The title sometimes appears in print as Degenfeld and as Dagenfeldt.']
The elder daughter, Lady Frederica, lived till 175 1 ; she was twice married ; and
from her the British representatives of the old Schombergs descend. Her first
husband was Robert, third Earl of Holdernesse, who died in 1722 ; and her second
husband was Benjamin Mildmay, Earl Fitzwalter; to the latter she had an only
child, Robert Schomberg, who died in infancy.
Her children to her first husband were —
1st. Meinhard Frederick, who died young.
2d. Robert, fourth Earl of Holdernesse.
3d. Caroline.
The last Earl of Holdernesse dying in 1778, left a daughter, Lady Amelia
Conyers D'Arcy, who inherited from him the Barony of Conyers, which she trans-
mitted to her son, George William Frederick, Duke of Leeds.
Caroline, daughter of the third Earl of Holdernesse, by Countess Frederica,
married William Henry, Earl of Ancrum, afterwards fourth Marquis of Lothian,
whose lineal descendant is Schomberg, Marquis of Lothian.
1 As to the subsequent history of the pension, the Gentleman's Magazine notes the death, on the 7th August
1751, of the Countess of Fitzwalter (formerly Dowager Countess of Holdernesse), eldest daughter of the late
Duke of Schomberg, and adds that the ^4000 a-year out of the Post Office settled on her father and his heirs
comes to the Earl of Holdernesse. But I must inform my readers that after deducting land tax, exchequer fees,
&C, the pension was only ^2900. By private sale several individuals have shared the pension with the heir.
One-fourth lately belonged to C. Eyre, Esq., and in March 1856 the Government redeemed his share by a
payment of ,£19,399, 8s. It was announced that the other recipients' shares might be bought up on the same
terms, namely, reckoning each annual .£1000 as about £720, being the nett payment after the above-mentioned
deductions. The other recipients at that date were (according to the House of Commons' printed papers for
1S56, No. 250), the Duke of Leeds, £1080; P. Powys, £360; R. Gosling, £360 ; Colonel Macleod, ^288 ;
Ilenra : Macleod, .£72. An Act of Parliament of 21st July 1856 transferred Hereditary Pensions to the Consoli-
dated Fund ; in Schedule A this entry occurs :— "The Three Fourth Parts of an Annuity granted by King George
the First to Maynhard, Duke of Schomberg, and his heirs, and charged upon the Post Office Revenue, the net
annual amount payable in respect of which three-fourth parts is £2 1 60." On 7th August 1876 the House of
Commons voted the sum of £29,109 to buy up the Duke of Leeds' share ; and the Daily Telegraph attempted a
memoir of the Schombergs in a leading article, almost every word of which was wroDg.
THE FIRST MARQUIS DE RUVIGNY.
Ghapttr 11.
THE FIRST MARQUIS DE RUVIGNY AND HIS ENGLISH RELATIONS.
The Marquis De Ruvigny was " a nobleman of accomplishment and ability and a Protestant from sincere
conviction." — Anderson's Life of Lady Russell, among "Memorable Women."
The first member of the House of Ruvigny known to English society was Rachel,
daughter of Daniel de Massue, Seigneur de Ruvigny (in Champagne), and grand-
daughter of Nicolas de Massue, Seigneur de Renneval (in Picardy.) 1 She was born
in Paris in 1603, and was presented for baptism at Charenton by the Duchesse de
Sully and her son. In 1634, being the widow of a gentleman of La Perche, Elyse^e
de Beaujeu, Sieur de la Maisonfort, she won the heart and hand of an English
nobleman, Thomas Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, whose landed property was
in the County of Southampton, now called Hampshire. In the Parish Register of
Titchfield the following entry was made: — "August, 1634, Maried, the right
honorable the Earle of Southton, in France, ye i8t day of this month." The young
countess was a zealous believer in the Protestant religion, and a lady of great
personal attractions and moral excellence. The Earl had sown his wild oats on the
turf. A letter dated March 20 (1634), reports, "The Earl of Southampton (they
say) has lost a great deal of money lately at the horse race at Newmarket ; he has
license to travel for three years, and has gone in all haste to France." His exemplary
life after this catastrophe was, in all probability, largely due to the influence of the
good countess. We may say that if he had not married la belle et vertueuse
Huguenotte (as Rachel de Ruvigny was called), he himself would not have been
immortalized in history as " the wise and virtuous Earl of Southampton." In Evans'
Catalogue of Engraved Portraits, the following picture is included: — "Rachel Frances
de Ruvigny, Countess of Southampton, whole length, in the clouds, leaning on a
sphere, skull under her feet, folio, fine, painted by Vandyke, engraved by Ardell."
The Countess died in 1637, leaving two daughters. Elizabeth became the first
wife of Edward Noel, afterwards Earl of Gainsborough. The younger daughter,
Rachel, married, first, Francis, LordVaughan, and secondly, The Honourable William
Russell. The latter couple were styled Lady Vaughan and Mr. Russell— until,
through the death of an elder brother, William became Lord Russell and heir-
apparent of the Earl of Bedford. Every one has heard of Rachel, Lady Russell,
widow of the patriot and martyr, William Lord Russell.
As Lord Southampton was married a second and a third time, it might have
been thought that his intimacy with the Ruvigny family cooled down to the inter-
course of mere acquaintanceship. But such was not the case. The children of his
first wife were his heiresses — their only surviving half-sister being, in right of her
mother, rich and independent. A great man with Elizabeth and Rachel was their
mother's brother, Henri, Marquis de Ruvigny. He is the person whom Lady Russell,
in her celebrated letters, calls " my Uncle Ruvigny," and whom she characterizes as
having been " as kind a relation, and as zealous tender a friend as ever any body
had."
This Henri de Massue, Seigneur de Ruvigny, was the Countess of Southampton's
only brother. The registry of his birth has not been found. As he lived to have a
son who was styled Le Sieur de La Caillemotte, it is conjectured that he was the
child of his father's second wife, and that he must have been born in 1610. However,
his niece, Rachel, believed his age in 1685 to be "several years past fourscore;" and
when he died in 1689 it was said of him by Pastor Du Bosc, that he had passed far
beyond the boundary of human life which the Ninetieth Psalm assigns to the most
vigorous. He was an active public man to the last, so that it was not any symptom
of dotage that occasioned the mistake regarding his age, if it was a mistake. And
it is quite possible that La Dame de La Caillemotte, though only his step-mother,
settled upon him the estate, to which her own honorary title belonged. My opinion
is that the old Seigneur's first wife, whose maiden name was Madelaine Pinot, was
the mother of both Rachel and Henri, Henri being the eldest child and born about
1600.
1 The wife of Seigneur Nicolas de Massue de Renneval was Ilelene, daughter of Antoine d'Ailly, Le Sieur
de La Mairie et de 1'ierrepont, by Charlotte Famechon, his wife.
320
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
The Messieurs Haag state that the old Seigneur Daniel de Massue de Ruvigny
was Governor of the Bastile. But as the Due de Sully was Governor, I suppose that
the Seigneur De Ruvigny was Lieutenant-Governor ; at least Sully must have been
a friend and patron, for (as already stated) the Duchesse and her son were the
baptismal sponsors of his daughter Rachel. The old Seigneur married, first,
Madelaine Pinot ; and, secondly, Madelaine de Fontaine, Dame de La Caillemotte ;
he died in 1611. His widow survived till 1636. To her Henri owed the super-
intendence of his education, and probably Sully, who had been a successful soldier
in his youth, took an interest in him. At all events Henri Seigneur De Ruvigny
became a soldier, and he first appears to public view as an officer of the French
Guards at the siege of La Rochelle in 1627. He was one of those Huguenots who
served in the Royal Armies, and whose case I have discussed in the Historical
Introduction (Section I.). Though a very strong Protestant in religion, he differed
from the Huguenots of La Rochelle in politics, but practically agreed with the
majority of his co-religionists, who for several years had declined to take up arms
against Louis XIII. Ruvigny 's principle was that the king as his master should be
obeyed, and should as a man be conciliated. And while service against the Hugue-
not confederates is a part of his recorded services, it is but a small part. [See
Haag's " La France Protestante."]
When the English Auxiliaries, under the Duke of Buckingham, disembarked on
the Isle of Rhe, they immediately invested the fortress of St. Martin, and its fall
seemed to be probable. At length a brave officer in the garrison, who proved to be
the Seigneur De Ruvigny, at the peril of his life, conveyed a message to the king,
representing the extremity to which they were reduced. The consequence was, that
(by order of Cardinal Richelieu, who acted both as prime minister and as com-
mander-in-chief) reinforcements were thrown into the fortress, and Buckingham and
his forces sailed back to England on November 16th. La Rochelle now had only
itself to rely on. The garrison bravely held out till the 28th October 1628, and
the king and the cardinal made a triumphant entry into the city on the 1st of
November. Ruvigny was in active service during the whole siege on the side of
royal authority.
The Duchy of Mantua having become vacant by the death of Duke Vincenzo,
the Due de Nevers, whom the King of France put forward, assumed the title of
Duke of Mantua, and took possession of the territory. Ferdinand II., Emperor of
Germany, in combination with Philip IV. of Spain, espoused the claims of the Duke
of Guastalla, and besieged Casale. The Duke of Savoy joined these confederates,
and opposed the march through his dominions of the French army that set out to
raise the siege. Ruvigny was in this expedition, which was commanded by the
King of France himself. The great event was the forcing of the Pass of Suza on
the 6th of March 1629. Three barricades were carried by storm, there being at the
head of the attack above a hundred princes, lords, and gentlemen volunteers, who
followed the forlorn hope. The success was complete, and the Duke of Savoy
agreed to the Treaty of Suza.
Whether Ruvigny returned with Louis on April 28th, or with another detach-
ment under Richelieu soon after, does not appear. At any rate it was again his
painful duty to be in arms at home agaiust his co-religionists. Privas was taken,
and burnt tc the ground. Alais capitulated, and was dismantled. Peace between
the King and the Protestants was established on the 27th June, along with the
re-establishment of liberty of conscience and freedom of worship, and a pardon for the
Huguenot commanders, the two brothers, Henri, Due de Rohan, and Benjamin
Rohan, Baron de Soubise. This treaty was the Edict of Nismes, dated July 1629,
the revocation of which was included in the revocation of the Edict of Nantes
in 1685.
In the year 1630, the Duke of Savoy having proved faithless, Ruvigny took part
in the conquest of Savoy. He is next mentioned in 1633 among the officers of the
French army which reduced Lorraine and expelled the contumacious Duke Charles
from his dominions.
His public employments for the next ten years are not recorded. As to his
private life, his heart was drawn towards England in 1634 by his sister's marriage to
the Earl of Southampton, and many influential friendships resulted during the next
half-century. Another private friendship also moulded his career. The brilliant
Viscount Turenne, who at the beginning of the new reign was made a Marshal,
esteemed him as an officer, and delighted in his society. It was no ordinary
acquaintanceship. The intimacy was noted, and ultimately handed down to
THE FIRST MARQUIS DE RUVIGNY.
321
posterity, by the classical St. Evremond, as a model of friendship, a confidence of
forty years' duration. 1
The date of Louis XIV.'s accession was May 14, 1643. Cardinal Mazarin was
appointed prime minister. In 1644 Ruvigny raised a regiment of infantry, at the
head of which he served in the Italian campaign of that year. 2 I cannot find any
historical mention of such a campaign, but the Count of Harcourt had successes in
Italy in 1645, in which year Ruvigny was promoted to the rank of marechal-de-camp
and colonel-general (probably equivalent to the British rank of major-general).
During this year his name occurs for the first time in English history. Mazarin
amused the English ambassador with hopes that a French contingent would be sent
to assist Charles I. against the parliamentary forces. The ambassador, Lord Jermyn,
accordingly wrote to the English Court that a body of 5000 men, said to be actually
raised under the command of Ruvigny, would be embarked for Pendennis. Lord
Clarendon, having mentioned that several letters were received in England regarding
the day of their probable landing, adds : — " After all this, it is as true that there was
never a man at this time levied or designed for that expedition. Only the name of
Ruvigny (because he was of the religion and known to be a good officer) had been
mentioned in some loose discourse by the cardinal, as one who would be very fit
to command any troops which might be sent into England for the relief of the
king.*' 3
In 1647 the Baron of Ruvigny married Marie, daughter of Pierre Tallemant and
Marie de Rambouillet, a lady who, like himself, was in later life a welcome member
of English society. His feelings were further gratified this year by the gift of a
cavalry regiment which bore his name, and with which he served in Flanders. He
was again in the field in 1648 under the command of the great Prince of Conde, and
was present at the taking of Ypres, and at the famous victory of Lens. He
also served in September under the Marshal De Rantzau at the recapture of
Furnes.
As if to show the ignorance of those who impute all the civil wars in France to
the Huguenots, the feuds in the royal family now came to a height. Several
Bourbon princes were in the front of the revolt, and Turenne was, for a brief period,
seduced to lead their troops. This was in 1649. Ruvigny's service this year was in
Flanders, under the Count of Harcourt. He shared in the check which the French
suffered before Cambray, and in the compensating success at Conde, which was
carried in two days. The Prince of Conde, though the natural head of the insurgents,
had obeyed the importunate request of the Queen Regent to defend her authority.
This he did with success, but with outspoken contempt for the duty ; and being
evidently a ringleader of disaffection, he was imprisoned in the castle of Vincennes
in 165 1. His hatred of the Prime Minister, already sufficiently intense, was of
course confirmed ; and although Mazarin in person set him at liberty the next year,
the prince was not conciliated. For the sake of harmony, at the approaching
majority of Louis XIV. (at the age of fourteen), Mazarin retired to Cologne. But
Conde, believing him to be still consulted as Prime Minister, was so far from being
reconciled to the Court that he revived the civil war. Accordingly the Cardinal,
escorted by the Marshal d'Hocquincourt with 6000 men, joined the king in spite of
the rebels. Turenne had returned to loyalty, and was installed in the chief command
of the royal army. It was the glory of Conde that he nearly made Louis, Mazarin,
and the whole court his prisoners in April 1652. But Turenne coming to the relief
of Hocquincourt, the prince's squadrons were defeated at Blesneau. Ruvigny fought
under Turenne in this spirited and skilful action, and in the engagements that rapidly
ensued. Conde retired towards Paris, and his troops were again defeated by
Turenne's army at the battle of Etampes. At a gate of Paris, the Porte St. Antoine,
Turenne was unsuccessful ; but the capital soon received the Court back to itself by
capitulation. The Huguenots were on the royal side in this quarrel. Ever after the
pacification concluded between Louis XIII. and the great and gallant Protestant,
Le Due de Rohan, the Huguenots were all royalists. Ruvigny, who had already
shown great talents for business and for negotiation, was the Protestant political
chief, on the side of the Government, in this Civil War of the Fronde. He had for
some years enjoyed the good opinion of the Prime Minister.
1 Je fais plus de cas de la liaison de Monsieur le Mareclial d'Estrees et de Monsieur de Senectcrre, qui ont
vecu cinquante ans a la Cour dans une confidence toujours egale ; je fais plus de cas de la confiance que Mon-
sieur de Turenne a eue en Monsieur de Ruvigny quarante ans durant : que de ces Amities toujours cities et
jamais mises en usage parmi les hommes—Saint-Evremond CKuvres, Tome II., page 282. (Lond. 1705.)
" Ilaag. s Clarendon's History, Hook x.
I.
322
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Here we may introduce the brief history of Tancred de Rohan. 1 The great
Due de Rohan had fallen at the battle of Rheinfeldt in 1638. His daughter Mar-
guerite thus became the greatest heiress in France, and it was hoped that she would
marry a Protestant of noble family. The young lady was forward to declare that she
would give her hand to no suitor but a prince of royal blood and of a reigning family.
She, nevertheless, was surrounded with admirers. In the midst of her pride, her mother
announced to her that she was not the heiress. The Dowager's disclosure was, that
having observed how her husband was always exposed to Popish plots, she had con-
cealed from him, as well as from the public, the fact of the birth of a son and heir.
This concealment, she said, had prevented the abduction of the infant by the Roman
Catholics. The mother's story had this confirmation, that she had handed over an
infant boy, whom she called her son and named Tancred, to be educated by Monsieur
La Metairie at his remote chateau. When Marguerite heard this story, she at once
resolved to take into her counsel some man of sense and dexterity. Among her
admirers was one, whom Benoist describes as " a gentleman of a very handsome
person, full of wit, courage, and business talent, a very considerable person at court,
and with every prospect of making a large fortune for himself through the good-will
of Cardinal Mazarin." This was Henry, Lord of Ruvigny. He entered into the
lady's views (though, it is said, he had some trouble in dissuading her from the rough
remedy of assassination), and the alleged brother was removed, unknown to the
Dowager, to the care of a burgess of Leyden, to be brought up as a man of rank. It
is said that Ruvigny believed himself to be the accepted suitor of Marguerite. But
though the fair one forgot her vow as to royal lineage, she unexpectedly announced
that she was affianced to the Marquis De Chabot. The court at once seconded her
in her sudden resolution, as the new favourite was a Roman Catholic. The young
lady was unmoved by the dissuasive expostulation of her mother and her pastors.
Ruvigny took up the tone of one who had been accepted and discarded, but could
make no impression. He then formally threatened to transfer Tancred to her
mother's charge. Marguerite told Chabot, whose agent forthwith ran a race to
Leyden with the Duchess's messengers. The latter arrived first, and consigned
Tancred to the care of a magistrate. The youth was, with proper precautions, con-
veyed to Paris, and the Duchess endeavoured to introduce him to society. At the
same time, she laid proofs of his paternity and legitimacy before the Parliament of
Paris. While the case was pending, the Protestant community was ready to believe
Tancred to be the ducal heir, while all the Roman Catholics sided with the heiress.
It clearly appeared that the late Duke considered his daughter to be an only child,
and had never been aware of the existence of a son : and the Duchess's apology for
her alleged concealment of his birth being considered frivolous and unreal, the Par-
liament decided in favour of the daughter. This conclusion was spoken of by the
Duchess as being the mere consequence of dictation from the ruling powers. In the
hope, therefore, of getting the decree reconsidered and reversed, she persuaded
Tancred to fight on the side of the Parliament in the civil war. The young man was
wounded in a sortie, and was carried to Vincennes, where he died. The mother and
daughter were reconciled after the lapse of some years, but neither of them again
breathed the name of Tancred de Rohan.
Although Mazarin, not to hinder the pacification, again retired, and was formally
excluded from the king's councils, yet that Prime Minister, without either negotia-
tion or opposition, came back in February 1653, and coolly resuming the reins of
government, held them without molestation till his death. On the 10th of the
preceding July, Ruvigny had been promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-General.
The Prince of Conde joined the enemies of his country, and served in Flanders in
1653 as generalissimo of the Spaniards. Ruvigny served there under Turenne and
Le Ferte. He is mentioned in connection with three sieges, Vincennes (in Picardy)
and Rhetcl (both of which were recovered from the enemy), and Mouzon, which
capitulated after a blockade of fourteen days. His last campaign was in 1654, also
in Flanders.
Abundance of occupation at home had been provided for the Lord of Ruvigny.
It was far from his own wish to retire from military service. But Mazarin had
represented to him that as a Protestant he could not hope for any higher promotion,
and therefore urged him to accept an office which would give him a residence at the
court of Louis XIV., amid general deference due to his rank and character, and with
1 This account of the cause celebre is an abridgement of the story as told by Benoist in his History of the
Edict of Nantes. The greater part of it, of course, belongs to earlier dates than those of Ruvigny's marriage
and his subsequent public life.
THE FIRST MARQUIS DE RUVIGNY.
323
occasional opportunities of showing his capacity as a politician. He was also elevated
to the rank of a Marquis.
One of the Lords constantly resident at the Court of Louis XIV. was called the
Deputy-General of the Reformed Churches, or Agent for the Huguenots. He was
the representative of the Protestants. All their requests and complaints were pre-
sented to the king by his hands, unless at his request he was permitted to introduce
an occasional deputation. A salary of 1000 pistoles per annum 66458, 6s. 8d. ster-
ling) 1 was attached to the office. In the summer of 1653 it became vacant by the
death of the Marquis dArzilliers, who had discharged its duties for nine years with
much dignity and efficiency.
Like the present French House of Commons or Chamber of Deputies, Protestant
assemblies in France, being representative institutions, necessarily consisted of
deputies, or members (as we would call them). But the office of Deputy-General
was a novelty ordered by the king in 1601, when Henry IV., considering that a
" political assembly " had sat too long, commanded them to separate. In intimating
that command to the national or "spiritual " synod which met in May of that year
at Gergeau, he softened his peremptoriness by adding, " he however would permit
them one or two deputies near his royal person, who should upon all occasions
tender him their complaints and requests, and in order that they might nominate
and appoint them, another political assembly in this current year would be per-
mitted.''- A canon was framed forthwith, enacting and declaring that a National
Synod should be called every three years by express warrant from the king, and
that a political assembly should be convened in anticipation of each of those triennial
spiritual courts, at which assembly the business should be to collect and arrange
appeals and complaints concerning the churches' temporalities, and to elect two
Lords Deputies General to be residents at court. 3 By this regulation the Reformed
Churches had a perpetual representation established near the King, and hence the
name " Deputy-General '' {Depute-General, abbreviated into D. G.).
We must pass on to 1653, when the office was offered to the Marquis de Ruvigny.
Louis XIII. had abolished the political assemblies, and during the latter years of his
reign the National Synods elected the Deputies-General. Louis XIV., introducing
more alterations, had taken the nomination into his own hands. In his reign there
were no longer two, but only one lord at Court, called " The Deputy-General of the
Reformed Churches " (or " Agent pour les Huguenots ).
The first synod summoned by Louis XIV. was in December 1644, about eighteen
months after his accession. It is well known that Cardinal Mazarin was wonder-
fully tolerant, and any such disposition was practically strengthened by his value for
the alliance with England under Oliver Cromwell. But though the reverse of a
persecutor, the Cardinal did not foster Protestant synodical action. The year 1653
came and no second National Synod was yet thought of. In that year the Lord
Deputy General (the Marquis d'Arzilliers) whom the king had appointed in 1644 (as
Louis had bluntly acquainted the Synod then sitting at Charenton), after holding
the office (without the form of re-election) for three times the regular term of three
years departed this life. His Majesty was again advised to assume the power of
nomination, and the following patent was drawn up [see Quick's Synodicon] : —
" This third day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred and fifty-three,
the King, residing then in Paris, and being to provide a Deputy-General for his subjects of the
Pretended Reformed Religion — that office being lately vacant through the death of the Lord
1 John Locke has noted the value of French money at this time : —
I pistole ... (Louis d'or) ... 11 livres.
1 ecu (Crown) 3 livres.
1 livre ... (Pound) 20 sous.
1 pistole was therefore equal to 220 sous, or no pence (9s. 2d. sterling). Before the reign of Louis XIV. there
were two Deputies-General, for whom the annual sum of 13,500 livres was set aside from the Protestant endow-
ments. The endowments were obtained through a composition or commutation entered into between the
Protestants and the King with reference to tithes. See also " Danby's Letters," page 5.
- A similar office had been introduced at the Court of Navarre by the same prince. At the National
Synod held at Vitre in Brittany, in the Chateau of the Right Hon. Guy, Comte De Laval, i6lh May 1583, "The
Lord Du Plessis presented himself in the name of the King of Navarre to this Assembly, proposing from his
Majesty that there might be sent unto him, being now on the other side of the Loire, certain Deputies, persons of
quality and understanding who might be near his Majesty, to acquaint him with the true state of our Churches ;
and that he might also reciprocally communicate unto the Churches all matters of importance tending to their
welfare and preservation. This assembly is of opinion that all the Churches be exhorted effectually to comply
with His Majesty's demands, and in order thereunto, to name one or two deputies to be despatched unto him in
the name of the Churches, and this to be done out ol hand ; and the Province of the Isle of France is to see it
done without delay."
3 Quick's Synodicon.
324
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Marquis d'Arzilliers ; — After that his Majesty had cast his eyes upon many of his subjects, he
judged that he could not better fill it up than with the person of the Marquis De Ruvigny,
Lieutenant-General of his armies, who is a professor of the said Pretended Reformed Religion,
and endowed with many good and laudable qualities, and who has given signal testimonies of
his fidelity and affection on divers occasions, and of his abilities and capacity for his Majesty's
service ; And his Majesty condescending to the humble petition of his said subjects of the
Pretended Reformed Religion, he has chosen and appointed the said Lord De Ruvigny to be
the Deputy-General of those of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, and is well pleased that
he reside near his person, and follow his Court in the said quality, and to present to his
Majesty their petitions, narrations, and most humble complaints, that he may take such course
therein as he shall judge convenient for the benefit of his service and for the relief and satis-
faction of his said subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion. In testimony whereof his
said Majesty has commanded me to expedite this present writ to the said Lord De Ruvigny,
which he was pleased to sign with his own hands, and caused to be countersigned by me his
Councillor and Secretary of State, and of his commandments.
(Signed) " Louis.
(Countersigned) " Phelypeaux." 1
The Protestants, during the enforced suspension of National Synods, could not
be informed of this appointment ; a royal announcement, however, was sent to the
Consistory of Charenton. Ruvigny himself sent a copy of his Commission to the
Provincial Synod of Burgundy, sitting at Lyons, — to whom he also addressed the
following letter : — 2
" Gentlemen, — The king, having honoured me with the General Deputation of the
Reformed Churches of his kingdom, has thought good to inform you thereof in his
letter which I send you. It will show you his intentions ; and by what I now write
you will be informed of my own sentiments, of which time will give you more ample
knowledge. His Majesty has chosen me in order to give me an employment which
has respect both to his service and to yours. I believe that I shall not find it diffi-
cult to acquit myself well in this double duty, to which I feel myself obliged by my
conscience. I know by experience both the king's good-will towards you, and your
fidelity in his service. I shall use every endeavour to provide that you receive the
effects of his affection, and that he may be persuaded that you are incapable of any
failure in the obedience which you owe to him. Upon that I shall base all my
administrations, assuring you that I will devote all my time to ensure the success of
your righteous resolution, and that I shall reckon myself well employed if I am able
to make you aware that I am, Gentlemen, your very humble and very affectionate
servant, " RuviGAY."
Paris, 2id Aiigtist 1653.
One of Ruvigny's first actions as Deputy-General was to obtain the restoration of
liberty of worship to the Protestants of Vals. He was sent to Vals for this purpose
with full powers from the Government. The Proprietor had interdicted their wor-
ship, and the inhabitants had appealed to the Intendant, who, taking an opportunity
of inflicting private revenge on the lord of the soil, had told the people to retake by
force what had been taken from them by force. Whereupon the Protestants had
flown to arms, and a battle was imminent, when the Court interposed. But for the
almost unprecedented circumstance of the Intendant taking the side of the Protes-
tants, their own Deputy-General would not have been the envoy. Ruvigny ordered
both sides to be disbanded, which was done. He then issued and registered a deed
of amnesty ; and thereafter the question as to the Protestant right of worship in Vals
being submitted to arbitration, the right was confirmed.
In 1658 the Provincial Synods, by correspondence with one another, concocted a
Memorial and sent a deputation to the king. It was Ruvigny's business to obtain an
audience, and with great difficulty he succeeded. On the 18th February, the Mar-
quis de la Foret (of the province of Poitou), as the head of the deputation, /was
permitted to address His Majesty, and to put into his hand the Cahier or portfolio of
grievances. The Cardinal, who gave a separate audience, would receive only two
deputies, of whom the spokesman was Pastor De L'Angle of Rouen ; but his recep-
tion of them was flattering. He reminded them of his past appreciation of the
loyalty and integrity of the Protestants by giving them many offices under Govern-
ment, and he assured them of continued good-will.
1 Phelypeaux was the surname and signature of the Marquis de la Vrilliere, who was the Secretary of State
for the dealings of the king with his subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion. The nobles of the most
ancient races signed with their family names rather than with their titles. This Secretary continued in office
until his death in 1681, being the brother and successor of the eminent Secretary Paul Phelypeaux Comte de
Pont-Chnrtrain, and ancestor of a line of Secretaries of State, ending with Le Due de La Vrilliere in 1775.
5 Bulletin, vol. x. p. 119.
THE FIRST MARQUIS DE RUVIGNY.
3 2 5
On the ioth November 1659, by the king's warrant, a National Synod assembled
once more. Its place of meeting was Loudun in Anjou. The Royal Commis-
sioner, the aged Lord de Magdelaine, was however ordered to announce that this
was the last National Synod. Accordingly, though the Synod at its dissolution,
ioth January 1660, left matters in the usual train for the calling of another triennial
synod, the Rev. John Quick, the English compiler of the " Synodicon in Gallia
Reformats,," ends his list of twenty-nine synods thus : — " The next National Synod
was appointed to be held in the city of Nismes, but when that will be, Peloni
Palmoni, the wonderful numberer, can only and most certainly inform us."
The appointment of Ruvigny was largely dwelt upon in the Commissioner's
speech. Lord de Magdelaine said : —
" His Majesty commanded me to tell you that immediately upon the death of the Lord
D'Arzilliers, who exercised the office of Deputy-General, he appointed the Lord De Ruvigny
to succeed him, and to take care of your concerns at Court. Yet his Majesty would not con-
strain you by mere necessity to have recourse to him only, if for some other medium of com-
munication you have arguments of sufficient strength. Although his Majesty has good grounds
to believe that you are well content with the nomination of the Lord Ruvigny, because of
those good offices he has already done you, as His Majesty is with all his other employments
until now, yet I am ordered to declare to you that you are left at liberty to deliberate about
the confirmation of him in this office of Deputy-General, that so after your debate upon it,
His Majesty may provide as he shall think, good. If you admit him and desire his confirma-
tion in this office, His Majesty will be very much pleased, hoping that he will continue to
acquit himself worthily in it, that so being approved by you he may owe his establishment
purely to your consent. In the last National Synod, His Majesty declared it to be his will
that no Deputy-General should assist in it. Yet His Majesty, out of mere respect to the Lord
De Ruvigny, allows him the use of the privilege to come to the Synod and vote in it at his
pleasure, a privilege which has been ever enjoyed by his predecessors in this office."
The Moderator, the illustrious Daille, replied : —
" If our churches were to choose for themselves, as the custom was, they could never
make a more advantageous election. And we have cause enough to be thankful to His
Majesty for granting us the liberty of deliberating about his confirmation in this office, with-
out imposing upon us in this juncture any force or necessity."
According to De Magdelaine's official report, Ruvigny laid his commission (of
1653) on the table, stating at the same time that he had been nominated by the
king without any solicitation on his part, and that he left himself in the hands of the
Synod as to the question of his retaining the appointment any longer. Having also
produced the correspondence which showed that his importunity had led the king
and Cardinal Mazarin to summon this Synod, he withdrew. The Synod, having
deliberated, resolved that no better nomination could have been made. He was
called in and took his seat ; and the resolution was intimated to him by the
Moderator.
Then (to resume Quick's narrative) the Synod formally appointed him to exer-
cise the office of Deputy- General near His Majesty, administered the usual oath to
him, granted him both a deliberative and a decisive vote like his predecessors, and
returned to him the king's writ. They also declared their satisfaction with the
Deputy-General in letters to the king and to Cardinal Mazarin. To the latter they
said that the Lord Marquis de Ruvigny's commendable qualities and services
obliged them to confirm him in his office. What the Marquis said and did in the
Synod is not recorded ; we only find him as a Teller in a Division. Perhaps he
wrote the theological portion of the Synod's letter to the king ; it must have been a
layman who referred His Majesty to the Proverbs of Solomon for a precept taken
from the First Epistle of Saint Peter : —
" Sire, The wisest of kings, to his command of fearing God, joined that of honouring the
king. These are two duties inseparably linked together. For kings in this world do in some
sense hold the very place of God, and are his most lively portraitures on earth, and the steps
and degrees of their throne do not raise them above the generality of mankind, but to draw
them nearer heaven. These, Sire, are the fundamental maxims of our creed, which we learned
in our infancy, and endeavour to practise during our whole life, and to devolve as an inherit-
ance to our flocks.''
It is to this period that St. Evrcmond's panegyric probably belongs — (the French
editor at vol. i., page 450, informs us that the reference is to " Feu Monsieur le
Marquis de Ruvigny, pere du Comte de Gal way ") : —
326
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
" If a prime minister or a favourite were looking for a companion at Court in whom he
could thoroughly confide, and were to ask my advice, I would say that he could not select
one more worthy than Monsieur De Ruvigny. You may discover in some other men more
brilliant talents, or may be told of some actions of greater eclat than his ; but, taking every-
thing into account, and judging of men by their entire career, I know no man who claims
greater esteem, and with whom one could for a longer time keep up a confidence without sus-
picion and a friendship without weariness. Whatever complaints may be made of the cor-
ruption of the present day, things are not so bad but that one may yet meet with faithful
friends. But the most of these people of honour have such an indescribable rigidness about
them, that really one would prefer the wiles of an impostor to such austere fidelity. I
observe in these men, whom we in France call solid and essential, either a gravity which teases
you, or a heaviness which fatigues you. Their good sense, however valued because on occa-
sion it may be useful to you in business, comes forth day by day to mar your pleasure. You
must manage people who embarass you when you see that you may require them. They will
not fail you when you confide anything to them, and so they establish a claim to incommode
you when you have nothing to confide. Monsieur De Ruvigny's probity, while quite as strict
as theirs for matters of confidence, has nothing in its train but what is unassuming and good-
natured in society. He is a trusty and agreeable friend, whose alliance is firm, whose inti-
macy is refreshing, whose conversation is uniformly sensible and satisfactory."
England having latterly been regarded as a first-rate Protestant power, and
Charles having been viewed with suspicion in his native country as half a Romanist,
the French government resolved to send a Protestant envoy to compliment the king
on his restoration. The Marquis De Ruvigny was selected as a most eligible noble-
man, and brother-in-law of the Earl of Southampton. The Marquis had other
acquaintances in England, among whom was the Countess-Dowager of Derby, ne'e
Charlotte de la Tremoi'lle. Lady Derby wrote to her cousin and sister-in-law, the
Duchess de la Tremoi'lle, 1 from London, 13th August 1660, "I shall be very glad if
M. De Ruvigny comes ; I was acquainted with him before; but I did not know he
was so much attached to you ; and I will do as you wish."
Secretary Sir William Nicholas wrote, 24th August i66d, — " Monsieur De
Ruvigny is coming as envoy from France." Robert Covin, master of the ship
Alliance, of Dieppe, petitioned " for an order for exemption from tonnage — is em-
ployed for transport of the horses, baggage, &c, of Monsieur De Ruvigny, a person
of state lately come from France, and hath brought no other goods ; such vessels
are usually exempt from duty." Secretary Nicholas again wrote on September 6,
— " Monsieur De Ruvigny, French Envoy, has had several audiences." Lady Derby
wrote on the 22d, — " M. De Ruvigny has been twice to see me."
About this time he seems to have been made a Privy Councillor, for in 1661
Daille's Exposition of 1st Timothy was published, dedicated to Monsieur De Ruvigny,
as " Conseiller du Roi en ses conseils, Lieutenant-General de ses armees, et Depute-
General des Eglises Keformees de France aupres de sa Majeste." In the year
1663, Charles II. presented him with .£330 as " the King's free gift to buy him a
jewel."
As Deputy-General he had the good opinion of his own pastor, the great Pro-
testant divine, Jean Daille of Charenton, who, in the dedicatory epistle just alluded
to, assured him that he had earned the unanimous approbation of all their churches
by his discharge of his office, in which it was required of him to be the mouthpiece
of all their assemblies and people dispersed through France, and to lay before the
king all their necessities and requests, and to be constantly soliciting the exercise of
either the justice or the clemency of the monarch, and all this amid the frowning
elements of malice and misapprehension.
Some insight into his duties as Deputy-General may be obtained by dipping into
the Life of Pierre Du Bosc, pastor of Caen, in Normandy. This talented man and
distinguished preacher was accused to the king in 1664 of haranguing indecently
against the Romish confessional. Mazarin had then been dead for three years, and
Louis being his own premier, by a letter de cachet (or sealed order), dated 2d April
1664, banished the pastor to Chalons. For his deliverance Du Bosc had to apply to
1 Lady Derby was Charlotte, (laughter of Claude, Due de la Tremoi'lle by Lady Charlotte Brabantine de
Nassau, daughter of William the Silent, Prince of Orange, and Charlotte de Bourbon Montpensier, the prince's
third wife. The />/c/(««towhom she wrote was Marie de la Tour d'Auvergne, daughter of the Due de Bouillon
by Elizabeth de Nassau, and grand-daughter of William the Silent, and his fourth wife, Louise de Coligny.
When the French church in the Savoy, London, was opened on 14th July 1661, Lady Derby was present, and
her daughter Amelia Sophia, Countess (afterwards Marchioness) ofAthole. King Charles II. esteemed Lady
I >eiby, and promised to make her the governess of his children ; but the expected royal family was never born.
She died in 1664, aged sixty-three. See " The Lady ok Latham," being the Life and Letters of Charlotte,
Countess of D^rby, by Madame Guizot de Witt. London, 1869.
THE FIRST MARQUIS DE RUVIGNY.
3^7
the Marquis De la Vrilliere and to the Lord Deputy-General. The reverend exile
received the following letters from the Marquis De Ruvigny: —
I. Sir, — What I have done may have been reported to you, but no report can represent
the affection that prompts me to serve you. I am extremely concerned that it has not pro-
duced the effect which your conduct deserved, and which we hoped to obtain from the
king's goodness. I say, " we ; " for you have had good friends at Court, who have warmly
espoused your interests, and who are more favourably heard than I. Yet, with all these
endeavours, you are at Chalons still. It is true that your return may be hoped for, because
the king is convinced of your innocence. I assure you, Sir, that when I am at Court. I will
do all that you justly expect from a person who esteems you to the last degree, and who pas-
sionately desires the special comfort both of yourself and of your flock. — I am, &c.
II. Sir, — I received your last letter while I was at Fontainbleau for the purpose of peti-
tioning for your return, which I thought quite certain, as I was witness to the Due de
Montausier doing justice to your case before the king. I delayed my answer that I might
have good news to tell you. But the king, who now knows your innocence regarding the
things of which they accuse you, has postponed the marks of his favour for a month. I will
then restate your case. Mr. Secretary Cognard has shown very great zeal for your interests,
and will give you details. I pray God to help you with his benediction, and to send you soon
what you merit. Nevertheless, be assured that I shall lose no time to make you experience
that I am, with all my heart, &c.
III. Sir, — As I love not to give bad news, especially to people whom I esteem, I did not
write to you the king's answer in your case. He said to me, dryly enough, it was not
yet time to speak to him about your case. I fear exceedingly that your merit is your crime,
and that consequently your punishment will not end very soon. I pray God, who has given
you strength to bear so vexatious a banishment, to bless our measures to his glory and
your repose. I will see the Marquis De Louvoy, and I pray you to be persuaded that in
everything that concerns you I will bestir myself with all the passion and all the care which
can characterise one who esteems you to the last degree, &c.
IV. 15th October 1664. — Sir, — The letter which you wrote to the Marquis de la Vrilliere,
and which he read to the king, has effected your return. You owe everything to your
letter, and to his lordship who made such good use of it, and to his Majesty. When you
come, you will hear the details of your business. I wish you all prosperity ; and I am, &c.
The celebrated Due de St. Simon, whose published manuscripts are so precious
to historians, being in age no older than a grandson to Ruvigny's cotemporaries,
could write of him only by hearsay. As to his personal appearance he may have
been mistaken, but his information as to his public life and great reputation may be
relied on. He says : —
" Ruvigny was a good but plain gentleman, full of sense, wisdom, humour, and probity,
a strong Huguenot, but of eminent administrative powers, and great dexterity. These
qualities, which had gained him great reputation among those of his religion, had procured
him many important friends and much consideration in the world. The ministers and the
principal nobles reckoned him as a friend, and were not indifferent to the circumstance being
known that he reckoned them as his friends, and the most influential magistrates were eager
to be so also. Under a very plain exterior, he was a man who knew how to ally straightfor-
wardness with finesse, in his designs and arrangements. Yet his fidelity was so well known
that he had secrets and deposits confided to him by the most distinguished persons. For a
great number of years he was the deputy at Court of his religion ; and the king often availed
himself of the connections his religious creed gave him in Holland, Switzerland, England,
and Germany for secret negotiations, where he served him very usefully."
St. Simon does not mention Portugal. But in j666, Ruvigny went to that court
as Ambassador from France to be present at King Alphonso's marriage, and also
(according to one account) as General of the Naval Forces which conveyed the
bride, the Princess of Nemours, to Lisbon. The probable reasons for such an
honour being conferred on the Huguenot Marquis were that his appointment would
be acceptable to Schomberg, and that he could bring back to the French court a
lucid account of the extent of the king's imbecility, and of the chances of his being
superseded by his brother, Pedro, who ultimately did secure both his crown and bis
wife.
The year 1667 must be noted as the date of the death of Lord Southampton,
the last Karl of the old Wriothesley family. By his death Lady Elizabeth Noel
became heiress of Titchfield, where Rachel, Lady Vaughan, now a w idow, lived as
the guest of the Noels, though her inheritance was Stratton, in Hampshire, and
Southampton House, London. The funeral of the Lord Treasurer was followed by
328
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
great political changes in England. On the 23d May there was concluded a treaty
of commerce with Spain, and on the 24th of August, peace with Holland. On the
31st of August, the Earl of Clarendon was dismissed. All these changes alarmed
France so much, that on the nth of September Ruvigny sought an audience with
King Charles, having come over with instructions "to sound the disposition of the
English Court, and to know whether, upon Clarendon's being turned out, the king
had not been prevailed on to quit the friendship of France and enter into a closer
alliance with Spain." 1 The Marquis continued to hold communications with the
English Court during this and the following year. In 1668, Claud Roux, Sieur de
Marcilli, went to the Protestant courts of Europe, detailing all the injustice done to
the Protestants of France, and declaring that Louis XIV. had vowed the ruin of
the Huguenots. Unfortunately for himself, and for Ruvigny also, his visit to Charles
II. was during the Marquis's embassy in England. Marcilli made a great impression
on Charles and on many Members of Parliament, and was allowed to leave England
without molestation. Ruvigny obtained all these particulars in England, 2 as well as
information that Marcilli had gone to Switzerland. As an accredited servant of
France, he sent home this intelligence, which led to the unfortunate man's appre-
hension and execution in 1669. What can be said in Ruvigny's defence amounts to
this, ( 1 st) that he did not believe that Louis had made any sanguinary vow ; he
afterwards told Burnet, " I was long deceived as to his feelings towards the Pro-
testants, knowing he was not of a sanguinary disposition naturally, and knowing
well how grossly ignorant he was on religious questions." (2dly) Technically
Marcilli was guilty of treachery; " ce scelcrat" Ruvigny called him. (Despatch,
dated 29th May 1668.) In that age unauthorised communications with foreign
potentates were regarded as more lawless and dangerous than they are now. (3dly)
Marcilli's schemes included both civil war and a plot against the life of the King of
France. I may add in connection with the first of these excuses, that Ruvigny at
this date did not despair of the French Protestants obtaining the lasting protection
of Louis XIV. He was in the habit of warning the king that the furious and blind
zeal of his confessor and of the provincial magistrates would drive out of him the
generosity and equity which were natural to him. The odium of frequent oppres-
sions and persecutions was always imputed to priests and bigoted advisers, and not
to the king, who was believed to be tolerant and humane. Religion was not a sub-
ject of which the gay monarch had any accurate knowledge, or for which he had any
enthusiastic predilection ; and the feuds of the Jesuits and Jansenists within the
pale of the Roman Catholic Church were fitted to weaken his attachment to that
body, and also to contradict the theory that there would be peace and unanimity if
there were no Huguenot party in the kingdom. Personally the Protestant people
commended themselves to the king by their honesty, industry, and talents.
Though Ruvigny's head-quarters were in London, he occasionally paid visits to
Paris when the interests of the Huguenots required them ; for instance, in the winter
of 1667, when " the most Christian king" was planning the suppression of the Mixed
Chambers. These were courts of law presided over by a bench including some
Protestant judges. As they had been established for the Protestant population by
the Edict of Nantes, they were named Chambers of the Edict. On hearing of the
ordinance for their abolition, all the provincial deputies of the churches rushed to
Paris to the residence of the Lord-Deputy-General, who procured the king's per-
mission for their attendance at the Palace of the Tuileries. Accordingly, on the
27th of November 1667, Pastor Du Bosc was admitted to the royal closet to plead.
The king listened very graciously, and persevering in dissimulation, replied to the
following effect : —
" Ruvigny has already spoken to me of the affair which you have now represented to me,
and has touched on some of the reasons which you have alleged. On your general interests I
say nothing; I wait for the Commissioners' report thereupon. As to the ordinance for the
suppression of the chambers, it was a reform, not intended to prejudice those of your religion,
but inaugurating a remodelled system, breathing within a new framework the same impartiality
towards those of that religion."
Du Bosc, being permitted to reply, said — " The question was not so much as to
1 Cooke's " Life of Shaftesbury," vol. i. p. 331.
2 According to a pamphlet printed at London in 1680, " Monsieur Kohux" had the imprudence to solicit
the Duke of York to take him to Charles II. The Duke agreed, but secretly "caused Rouveny to stand behind
the hangings at St. James's," so that he might hear " this innocent gentleman discourse over the whole busi-
ness," quite unaware that he was speaking in the hearing of the French Ambassador. (The pamphlet is
entitled "A Letter to a Person of Honour concerning the King disavowing the having been married to the D.
of M.'s mother.")
THE FIRST MARQUIS DE RUVIGNY.
329
the fair proportion of judges as concerning the upholding of the Edict of Nantes.
The abolition of the guaranteed chambers destroyed the integrity of the edict, and
abandoned the professors of their religion to dismal forebodings." The king agreed
to suspend the execution of the ordinance, and to allow time for contriving some
compromise. The deputies of the churches declined to be parties to tampering
with the edict. After a protracted show of deliberation, the chambers were sup-
pressed. 1
In 1669 William Russell, afterwards styled Lord Russell, married Lady Vaughan,
nee Lady Rachael Wriothesley, Ruvigny's niece. In 1670 we have an indication of
the Deputy-General's zeal in a letter from Madame de Maintenon to her brother,
D Aubigne, Governor of Amersfort, in which she reproaches him for persecuting Pro-
testants, a class of people " more wretched than culpable," engulphed in " errors in
which we ourselves were, and from which persecution would not have dragged us ; "
she concludes thus : — " I repeat, dear brother, let not Monsieur de Ruvigny have
occasion to complain of you any more." Re-union between Catholics and Protestants
was the plausible shape, which, at this date, the hostile designs against Huguenots
adopted. The scheme was to beguile Protestants into making concessions approxi
mating to Romanism, and capable of illustrating the unreasonableness of any separa-
tion from the Church of Rome. The court knew that there were lukewarm Protes-
tants who could be formed into a considerable party, and might break up the
Reformed Church with internal controversy concerning essentials and non-essentials.
The Marquis de Ruvigny won great praise by exposing this conspiracy, and warning
the reformed leaders against it. There were two vacancies in the pastorate of the
Temple of Charenton, and the court had been anxious to fill them with latitudinarian
divines. Ruvigny, a member of the congregation (for that was the only temple
allowed to Parisian Protestants), made great efforts to obtain the appointment of
Pastor Du Bosc, and his advocacy met with much sympathy at court. The reason
of its failure was very flattering to Du Bosc, namely, that the Archbishop of Paris
took the trouble of seeking an audience from the king, whom he prevailed upon to
veto such a formidable nomination. At length, through the good offices of Monsieur
Caillard, the celebrated legal practioner, the Consistory of Charenton received the
protection of government in making a free election, and Pastors Allix and Menard
were elected accordingly. In 1671 it is stated that the desolation of Protestant tem-
ples would have been even worse than it was, had it not been for Ruvigny's frequent
interpositions, in which all his own popularity at court, and all the influence of
English fraternal sentiments towards the Huguenots were urged by him in pleading
for justice and clemency towards Protestant worshippers. This year he presented a
new representation and petition regarding the Edict of Nantes, being the second
rcqucte-general. The Privy Council required that the usual conclusion of all public
petitions, summing up the various items of wrong and remedy, should in this case be
struck out, and that an indefinite prayer, for Royal protection, clemency, and charity
should be substituted.
The Pasteur Du Bosc, in the eloquence of whose pleadings the king delighted,
was frequently in Paris taking a leading part in drawing up petitions and remon-
strances, which he could not always prevail on Ruvigny to present to the wayward
monarch. Again that pastor, for sermons preached in the Temple at Charen-
ton, seemed doomed to banishment. But the Deputy-General represented that the
sermons were in perfect good taste, and Louis replied, " I believe you thoroughly."
Then Ruvigny ventured to ask, if there was no sealed order to be issued. The
king replied, " No ; there is none, and there shall be none. Tell Du Bosc to put his
mind at rest."
In the service of their churches the importunity of the Protestant Deputies drove
Lord de la Vrilliere out of all temper and patience. He declared that the Pastor of
Caen was not a Lord Deputy-General, and yet that he was the real author of the
petitions concerning grievances. He said further, that such a number of ecclesiasti-
cal deputies crowding into Paris was like a Synod — a political assembly met without
license ; and that the king wished no residents from their number near his court,
except the Lord Deputy-General. Ruvigny hinted that his shoulders could not
bear the whole burden. Du Bosc, who sometimes thought that the Marquis ought
to speak better out, replied more strongly, and insisted that they were not trans-
gressing the regular bounds — that they were bound to supply the Deputy-General
with information about current events and cases, and that they now, as before,
1 " 1669. — I lis Majesty begins to suppress the Chambers of the Edict, which had been extorted from his pre-
decessors by the Huguenots. The Chamber of the Parliament of 1'aris was suppressed the first." — Father Daniel,
" History of France."
I. 2 T
33Q
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
dutifully kept the rule of making the Deputy-General the medium of their communi-
cations with the king.
Thus a Deputy-General in the court of Louis XIV. was exposed to his royal
master's ill humour for being too busy, and to his co-religionists' grumbling for not
bestirring himself more. For a long time there was a monster petition, or Requete-
General, lying on the council-table unanswered. Ruvigny had not signed it until
much pressed to do so. At last it had been presented. Weary of delay, the depu-
ties resolved to print it, and Ruvigny did not object. For the offence of printing,
two deputies were imprisoned. Ruvigny had to supplicate for their release. Then
Du Bosc tried to get a new hearing by dressing up the Requete-General in
different words. This document was deposited with Ruvigny for presentation.
He did present it, but waited long for a convenient time. This desultory work
was interrupted by the Marquis being again sent to England. This brings us to the
year 1674.
England had been led by France into unnatural warfare with Holland, war hav-
ing been declared on the 17th March 1672. But it was inglorious from a military
point of view, besides being originally and unchangeably unpopular with the House of
Commons and the nation. In 1674 Parliament determined to stop the supplies.
Ruvigny was sent to London to see if the inevitable peace between England and
Holland could yet be prevented. Burnet says, that he was " a man of great practice
in business and in all intrigues ; he was still a firm Protestant, but in all other respects
a very dexterous courtier, and one of the greatest statesmen in Europe. He had the
appointment of an ambassador, but would not take the character, that he might
not have a chapel, or mass said in it." It is much to be deplored that the excellent
Marquis was mixed up with the dirty work of bribery. But in those days most per-
sons expected to be paid for everything they did ; as Ralph Montague said to him,
" In this world nobody does anything for nothing." Money with other persons was
the price of their abstaining from doing mischief ; and this view suggests a more
plausible defence of the corrupt system, which may have been Ruvigny's defence. It
was his great boast that he saved the French king's money, and that a less dexterous
ambassador would have spent three times more.
The Marquis, on his arrival in England, finding that the minds of Members of
Parliament were made up, spent most of his time at court. One evening King Charles
called him aside, and told him, with the strongest expressions of regret, that he had
just signed a peace with the Dutch. " Sire," replied Ruvigny, "what is done cannot
be helped. But now I will show how faithfully I will serve your Majesty. My
master will submit all his pretentions to you, for I doubt not that he will make you
the arbiter and mediator of peace between him and Holland." This plan gave " great
joy" to Charles, and the French accepted his proffered mediation. Ruvigny also
pressed him to give his parliament all satisfaction in points of religion, but the king
gave to him, as formerly to Schomberg, an evasive answer, laying all the blame on
la sottise de mon frcre, the folly of his brother, James, Duke of York. The peace,
which King Charles had signed, being in the interest of Spain, the Duke of York's
party took up the French interest strongly, according to Coleman's Letters. Father
F"errier wrote from Paris to the Duke, that as to propositions which had regard to the
Catholic religion, he must not treat with Monsieur Ruvigny. And Coleman writing
to Father La Chaise, characterizes the old Marquis as " a very able man in his mas-
ter's service in things where religion is not concerned."
We may suppose that Ruvigny often saw his relatives, the Russells ; but the
published letters of his niece mention him only once : — " 1675. My uncle told Sir
Harry Vernon yesterday he was im des incurables." In 1676 he reported to Louis the
following disagreeable truths : — "The king of England is in a manner abandoned by
his ministers, even the most confidential. The Duke of York is entirely in your
Majesty's interest. All England is against your interests ; and there is only the
King and the Duke of York who embrace them with affection." In May of that
year a new French Ambassador was sent. Burnet says, " Ruvigny stayed but two
years in England. For though he served his master's interests but too well, yet the
Popish party could not bear the want of a chapel in the ambassador's house, so he
was recalled." His place of worship was the French Church in the Savoy, and
his powers of negotiation were successfully employed in accommodating a difference
between Richard Du Maresq, one of the ministers, and the Bishop of London (Dr.
Compton), both being anxious for the mediation of their mutual friend.
He had been much missed by his co religionists at home. Remarking on his
absence, Bcnoist notes that French ministers of State were really accessible to
THE FIRST MARQUIS DE R U VI GN V.
33i
Ruvigny only ; for if Protestant deputations were admitted to occasional audiences,
all that Parisians could obtain was an unfavourable reply, while deputies from the
country received rebuffs and threats. On his return to France, their religious
grievances were not publicly discussed, partly because the politicians were occupied
with the Anglo-French negotiations with Holland, and partly on account of
Ruvigny's bad health.
During Ruvigny's residence in England, Lord Sunderland asked him to recom-
mend a French Protestant tutor. This gave him an opportunity of serving an
eminent scholar, Jean Rou, whose Memoirs are celebrated in Huguenot literature.
Rou had compiled a series of accurate and interesting Chronological Tables on a
large scale. Some of the plain facts thus chronicled being disagreeable to the
Romanists, not only was it forbidden that Rou's work should be printed, but Rou
himself was arrested and imprisoned in the Bastile. In a short time he was set at
liberty, to give him an opportunity of making alterations, which the government
called corrections, in his work, before again bringing it to light. To a conscientious
author this amounted to a total prohibition of the publication, and Rou was therefore
advised to go abroad as a tutor. On Ruvigny's recommendation he was installed at
Althorpe in the spring of 1678 as tutor to Lord Spencer and his sister, while the
parents, the Earl and Countess of Sunderland, statedly resided in London. A few
months afterwards the Earl's residence was at Paris, he having been appointed
Ambassador. The father, thinking only of learning and accomplishments, was
highly satisfied with Rou. But the mother, unwilling to hear any complaints against
her son, and being chiefly anxious as to his bodily safety in play-hours, seemed to
wish Rou to act as a nurse more than as a tutor ; and taking advantage of the Earl's
absence from England, she wrote to Rou, enquiring if he disliked the boy, and
concluding with a hint that he might resign his situation. He took the hint at once,
and waited upon her ladyship at Whitehall to intimate his resignation, at the same
time writing to Ruvigny to prepare him for seeing him in Paris. In reply, letters
came both from Lord Sunderland and from Ruvigny urging him to retain his tutor-
ship. The former, however, was intercepted by her ladyship, so that he had to guess
at its contents from allusions contained in the latter, which was as follows : —
" Paris, 27M August 1678.
" Your letter, Sir, has truly surprised me, as containing news which I never could have
anticipated. I saw Mademoiselle Rou yesterday, who can bear witness to the surprise which
your letter gave me. This morning I have seen the Earl of Sunderland, and what has been
done in your case is directly contrary to his wishes. He has expressed to me much esteem
for your person, and he wishes you with all his heart to return to his son. As to this he
himself writes to you, and I believe in a style which will render your refusal impossible. He
has told me her ladyship's reason for writing to you, which was that when her son's lesson-
hours were finished, you were not enough with him ; otherwise you gave her great satisfaction.
It is true that she loves her son more than herself, and that she often imagines that fatal
accidents are sure to befal him when no one is near him. Such fancies are the affections of a
mother, which sometimes go too far, yet there is a qualified and lenient judgment concerning
them to which judicious people can bring themselves, — such people as both Lord Sunderland
and yourself eminently are ; and thus everything may be adjusted. Your honour is safe, your
merit being known and appreciated. The imposed condition is only a little more assiduity,
such as you already give, but which has not been as well known in the past as it will be in the
future. If nothing better suggests itself, consent to this accommodation of the matter, as the
Earl of Sunderland requests it of you. I am glad to hear that you have been detained in
London by such a good resolution as that of calling on the Bishop of London. This highly
becoming duty will allow time for your receiving our letters and for making everything up.
Whatever be the issue, be assured, sir, that I esteem you to the utmost and that you may justly
expect from me all the services that I am capable of rendering. — I am with truth and feeling,
Sir, Your very humble and very affectionate servant, " Ruvigny."
No letter from Lord Sunderland having been delivered to him, Rou quitted
England, and paid his respects to Ruvigny at Fontaineblcau in the beginning of
September.
We have not yet spoken of the domestic circle of the old Marquis and Marquise
de Ruvigny. The children born to them were three sons and two daughters ; but
the daughters and the youngest son died in infancy or childhood. Two sons grew
up, both of them soldiers, Henri, the young Marquis De Ruvigny, and Pierre, tin:
Sicur de La Caillemotte. When these sons had to quit the parental roof, the
Marquise adopted an orphan niece, Mademoiselle de Cire. Rou gave much valued
assistance in directing the more advanced portion of this young lady's education.
Ralph Montague describes old Ruvigny as severely shaken by illness and the
332
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
infirmities of age in 1678, and also disappointed at his diplomatic services not being
rewarded by his son's (the young Marquis's) promotion, which had in the meantime
been refused. However, in that year, or in 1679, young Henri was appointed
Deputy-General at Court, his father being authorized to act also. The Peace of
Nimeguen being concluded, there was time for church matters, and in 1680 the
Romish priesthood renewed the war.
An Assembly of the Established clergy was held at Paris. These Divines, not
content with the disabilities and deprivations already heaped on the Protestants,
drew up a series of demands for the more complete suppression of Protestant
liberties. The pastors had recourse to le vieux Dcpute-Gencral, whose state of health
did not permit him to leave his house ; and yet the king refused to hear any other
deputation. The noble veteran accordingly wrote a manly and pathetic letter to
Chancellor Le Tellier, which is a fair sample of his style of pleading: —
" Paris, 1st July 1680.
"My Lord, I would not presume to trouble you with a letter, if my infirmities did not
detain me within doors. I shall during all my life bear to you the respect which I know to
be your due, and in which none can be conscious of surpassing me. I hope, my lord, you
will not take it ill that I employ this sheet of paper to convey a very humble petition, which I
would have the honour of communicating in person were it not for my indisposition. I
believed until now that the Established clergy were highly satisfied with all the proceedings
hitherto taken against the subjects of the king who make profession of my religion, and that
they could not find anything to do in the matter, except to return their thanks to His Majesty.
But I learn that in their Assembly they have concocted a budget which contains several
articles contrary to fidelity, to the Edicts, to Christian charity and to public tranquillity. I
am, therefore, my Lord, under the necessity of requesting very humbly that you would make
a representation to the effect, that it may please His Majesty to have no regard to such
demands, and to give no judgment, before hearing our Deputies who are in waiting. These
matters touch us so nearly, and to me they appear so important, that it seems to me that His
Majesty's sense of justice will not refuse us that favour. On such grounds, my Lord, I adjure
you in the name of a numerous population, who desire nothing but life, and liberty to pray to
God and to serve their master. These are very innocent desires ; and you will clearly see
that a people, who have their all at stake, ought to be studied more than they have hitherto
been, and at least ought not to be driven to the extremity of desperation. Such will indubi-
tably be the result if the king abandons them to the rigour and violence of enemies who are
literally pitiless, and resemble the grave which is always receiving and never says, // is enough.
I hope much better things from the equity and clemency of His Majesty ; but if such hopes
are disappointed, I shall be extremely pained, because it seems to me that the king's service
will receive much prejudice, and his subjects of my religion will believe themselves to be out
of the pale of his royal protection. I pray God to give you a long and happy life. I am, with
all imaginable respect, &c. " Ruvigny." 1
The resolute old Marquis had already foreseen that he might die in exile. He
had received Letters Patent of Naturalization in England, whether as a testimony of
regard offered by King Charles or solicited by himself as a provision for refuge from
persecution, does not clearly appear. At any rate he discovered that his patent
might be substantially serviceable and not merely complimentary. A letter to his
favourite niece has been preserved, consigning the valuable document to secure
custody. He writes : — " Je vous envoie aussi nos lettres de naturalite qui seront
mieux entre vos mains qu'entre les miennes. Je vous prie, et Madame votre sceur
aussi (Lady Elizabeth Noel), de les conserver. Elles peuvent servir, puisque il n' y
est rien de plus incertain que les evenements." The date of that letter was January
1680. He probably was not surprised that his letter, sent to the Chancellor in July,
resulted in nothing.
All pleading was in vain. The following year (168 1) was the first year of the
dragonnades. Madame de Maintenon, to secure her ascendency over the king, was
the counsellor that Protestantism should be extinguished, and that by this holy work
Louis the zealot should atone for the evil deeds of Louis the profligate. The Marquis
de Louvois (Chancellor Le Tellier's son) planned the mission of the dragoons into
Poitou. Ruvigny seems to have hoped that the cruelties of these men might have
disgusted Madame de Maintenon with Popery, she having been during a few girlish
years a professed Protestant. He made his appeal to her; but her course had been
already resolved upon. She wrote to the Comtesse de St. Geran (24th August 168 1):
— " Monsieur De Ruvigny wishes me to be Calvinist again in the depths of my heart;
his head is as much turned by his religion as any minister's (// est aussi entete de sa
religion qiiun tninistre)." Ruvigny consequently tried to sap her influence with the
king. She herself writes as to this :— " Ruvigny is intractable. He has informed the
1 ISenost's Ilistoire de L'Edit de Nantes.
THE FIRST MARQUIS DE RUVIGNY.
333
king that I was born a Calvinist and continued such until my coming to court. This
compels me to approve things that are exceedingly repugnant to my feelings." It is
said that the king was startled by Ruvigny's information. When Madame expressed
some disapproval of the cruelties of the soldiery, his Majesty insinuated that in
pleading for Huguenots she might be pleading for herself. She remonstrated no
more. And whether she felt pity may be doubted by any one who reads her letter
to her brother, telling him that the Protestants' estates in Poitou would certainly be
sold cheap, and advising him to buy largely.
One of the landed proprietors there, Charles Gourjault, Marquis de Venours,
officially brought the outrages of the military before Ruvigny by letter. Primed with
such facts, the writer's son had been sent to Paris with a deputation, who instantly
were ordered by the Jesuit-ridden court to go home as liars. Yet instructions had at
the same time been sent to Poitou, desiring the infamous Marillac to be less im-
petuous. Marillac, full of insolence and resentment, immediately quartered twenty-
five troopers upon the Marquis de Venours ; on the day following, he sent a whole
company to plunder and devastate ; and then gangs of common thieves were allowed
to glean. All the Protestants were similarly treated. And so old Venours wrote to
the Deputy-General to intercede with the king. But the king backed his officers,
and intercession failed. It may be asked why the king did not abolish the office of
Deputy-General. The reason was that one refinement of Popish cruelty is so to
contrive that it may seem that their victims are not sentenced without being heard in
their own defence.
Many of the representations to the king were made by the young deputy-general.
Some accounts speak of him as the person who told the king of Madame de Main-
tenon's variations of creed. But as she says, " Ruvigny," and not "young Ruvigny,"
or " Monsieur Ruvigny le fils," she must mean the old Marquis.
In the same eventful 1681, a special deputation to the king, including the famous
Pastor Claude, were on the road to Versailles. A messenger from the palace met
them, and intimated that only the deputy-general would be received. The old
Marquis accordingly waited on his Majesty, and the celebrated interview took
place, which has been recorded by Burnet. 1 The audience lasted several hours. He
told the king how happy France had been for fifty years, as contrasted with former
times, the toleration of the Protestants producing this internal tranquillity. Such
relations with native Protestants prevented the Court of Rome from tyrannizing over
France. The Protestants were a large part of the population, wealthy, industrious,
and always ready to contribute to the revenue. His Majesty had been misinformed,
if he expected them to change their religion at the royal bidding. On the contrary,
multitudes would go out of the kingdom, and carry their wealth and industry to other
countries. One result would be the shedding of much blood. Many would suffer,
and others would be precipitated into desperate courses. Thus the most glorious of
all reigns would be disfigured and defaced, and become a scene of blood and horror.
The Marquis's speech was chiefly occupied with minute statistical details, and
numerous calculations and illustrations.
The king listened in silence all the time without making any remarks, or putting
any questions ; and then ended the audience by speaking to the following effect : —
" I take your freedom in good part, as it flows from your zeal for my service. I
believe all you tell me about the prejudice to my affairs that may be incurred. I
think, however, that there will not be bloodshed. But I consider myself so indis-
pensably bound to attempt the conversion of all my subjects, and the extirpation of
heresy, that if the doing of it require that with one hand I must cut off the other, I
shall not draw back." Ruvigny went and told his friends they might now dread the
worst ; but he would not raise a civil war, which would have been a losing game,
owing to the apathy of Britain and Holland. Burnet says, " He was much censured
for this by some hot men among them, as having betrayed them to the court, but he
was very unjustly blamed, as appeared by both his own conduct and by his son's."
The date of the audience is fixed by Benoist's History. He informs us that it
was the occasion when the king said that he would part with an arm for the privilege
of converting all his subjects to the Romish Church — a phrase of which the clergy
made good use in the Pastoral Letter, issued in the year following. 2
That Letter was drawn up by the Romish Clergy in 1682, and it was called
L'Avertisscment Pastoral. The court wished to enforce the opening of the Pro-
1 " Burnet's own Time," folio, vol. i., pp. 656, 657.
- " This most Christian King did lately in our hearing say, That he did so earnestly desire to sec all those
broken and scattered parcels brought back to the Unity of the Church, that he would esteem it his glory to
compass it w ith the shedding of his own Royal blood, and even with the loss of that invincible arm by which he
has so happily made an end of so many wars."— The Clergy's Letter, translated by Burnet, page 8.
334
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
testant pulpits to the prelates, to read and comment upon this Avertissement, which
extolled Catholic unity, and denounced schismatical heresy. Against this indignity
Ruvigny made strong representations, and the concession was granted that a full
meeting of Consistory should receive the prelatic visitation on a Sabbath. It was
managed by the pastors that public worship Wt.s not interrupted. The meeting of
each consistory resolved itself into an episcopal visitation for delivering printed copies
of the Avertissement, which were received with a polite protest against the intrusion,
followed by some mild controversial conversation.
With regard to Ruvigny's English relatives, we note that in 1678 his favourite
niece took the title of Lady Russell, her noble husband having succeeded to the
courtesy title of Lord Russell on the death of a brother. In March 1680, Lady
Elizabeth Noel died, leaving one son and four daughters under the guardianship of
Lord Russell. In the beginning of 1681 (the year in which Mr. Noel became Lord
Noel of Titchfield), Ruvigny paid a visit to England. Lady Russell wrote under
date, London, March, 1681, "My uncle Ruvigny has been indisposed with his
phthisic ; he has not supped here yet ; what he will to-night I know not." We have
already seen how he was employed in Paris during the two following years. In the
summer of 1683 he received a letter from Rachel, Lady Russell, imploring him to
come over to England. Her patriotic husband was sentenced to be beheaded ; King
Charles was inexorable. There remained only the possibility that he might yield to
her uncle's importunity in a personal interview. Her letter found him most willing.
This was his reply : —
" Paris, 14/// July 1683.
" I am extremely impatient, my dear niece, to be beside you. The king arrived three days
ago ; he has graciously consented to my journey. If I could travel with the post I would
soon be in London. I am buying horses, and I will make every exertion which my age will
allow. May God console you and fortify you. " Ruvigny."
The Marquis's journey did not take place. Barillon, the French Ambassador in
England, undertook the duty of requesting for him an audience with the English
king. The reply of Charles was first printed by Sir John Dalrymple, and it has been
verified by Guizot, 1 — " I do not wish to prevent Monsieur De Ruvigny from coming
here, but my Lord Russell's head will be off before he arrives."
Dr. Burnet, having attended Lord Russell to the last, and being in uneasy rela-
tions with the court, at once set out on a visit to France. He chronicles his obliga-
tions to the old marquis, for introducing him to desirable French society, and
particularly to Marshal Schomberg and the Due de Montausier. To the credit of
the latter, he records how far he was from flattering Louis, " as all the rest did most
abjectly"
The death of Charles II. in February 1685, turned all eyes to England. Ruvigny
congratulated King James on his accession, and received a very kind answer to his
letter. He thought that a hopeful opportunity presented itself for obtaining the
reversal of the attainder which lay on Wriothesley Russell, the only son of Lord
Russell and his widowed niece. He wrote to her that he was coming over for that
purpose. The politicians took alarm that some Bourbon diplomacy was on foot.
Burnet being asked to take measures for preventing the Marquis's visit to England,
consulted with Lady Russell, and then wrote to him that his niece had indeed begged
that journey of him when she hoped it might have saved her husband's life, but she
would not venture to request the journey on any other consideration, considering his
great age, "some years past four score," and her son being but a child. But nothing
would deter the fond uncle. He came over and waited several times on the king,
who treated him with great affability, but would give no promise as to young Russell.
As to this business, Lady Russell left the following memorandum : —
" The Lord Treasurer (Hyde, Earl of Rochester) told me that my uncle had seemed to
have set the effecting it much on his heart, and with the greatest kindness to me imaginable.
I told my lord I believed it, and indeed the friendship was so surprising, his lordship knew
very well the world imputed his coming over to England to some other cause, or at least
thought he had been earnestly invited to it. For the last, I positively affirmed he had not
been ; but as to the first, it was too deep for me to judge of."
1 "Je ne vcux pas empecher que M. de Ruvigny me vienne ici, mais my lord Russel aura le cou coupe, avant
qu'il arrive." — Letter from Barillon reporting to Louis XIV. his interview with Charles II. on 1 8th July 1683.
This letter is in Paris in the "Archives des affaires etrangcres de France," and was copied by M. Guizot for his
article in the " Revue des Deux-Mondes," — which was afterwards published as a book under the title, "L'Amour
dans le Mariage," 6th edition, Paris, 1858. |Thcre is an English translation of Guizot's brochure, with the title,
" The Married Life of Rachel, Lady Russell."]
THE FIRST MARQUIS DE R U VI G 'NY.
335
Ruvigny was accompanied in this visit by his wife and Mademoiselle de Cire\
The latter, during their stay at Southampton House, died of small-pox. Dr. Tillot-
son thus condoled with Lady Russell : —
" It was a great trouble to me to hear of the sad loss your dear friend sustained during his
short stay in England. But, in some circumstances, to die is to live. And that voice from
heaven runs much in my mind, which St. John heard in his vision of the last (as I think) and
most extreme persecution which should befal the faithful servants of God before the final
downfall of Babylon, ' Blessed are the dead that die in the Lord from henceforth,' meaning
that they were happy who were taken away before that terrible and utmost trial of the faith
and patience of the saints."
In a letter to Dr. Fitzwilliam, Lady Russell gives some details :
" A young lady my uncle Ruvigny brought with him falling ill of the small-pox, I first
removed my children to Bedford House, then followed myself, for the quieting of my good
uncle's mind, who would have it so. From thence I brought my little tribe down to
Woburn. And when I heard how fatal the end was of the young lady's distemper, I returned
myself to Bedford House to take my last leave (for so I take it to be) of as kind a relation
and as zealous tender a friend as ever anybody had. To my uncle and aunt their niece was
an inexpressible loss ; but to herself death was the contrary. As most do, she died as she
lived. As her body grew weak her faith and hope grew strong, comforting her comforters, and
edifying all about her : even magnifying the goodness of God that she died in a country where
she could in peace give up her soul to Him that made it. What a glorious thing, doctor, 'tis
to live and die as sure as she did ! I heard my uncle and aunt say, that in seven years she
had been with them they could never tax her with a failure in her piety or worldly prudence ;
yet she had been roughly attacked, as the French Gazettes will tell you."
The young lady's death, of a disorder so fearfully contagious, precluded the
Marquis from soliciting a farewell audience at court, but he wrote a letter in the
French language to the king. The date of his return to France is preserved in Lady
Russell's endorsement of a copy of it, " My Uncle Ruvigny's Letter to the King just
before he left England, about September 28, 1685." From this letter I quote only
two sentences : —
" Sire, — As owing to a mournful event I may not present myself before your Majesty, I
hope his Majesty will have the kindness to pardon me if I take the liberty of writing to him.
. Sire, what I have asked rests solely on the esteem
which you have for the memory of a great knight and Grand Treasurer of the late king,
your brother. I have asked it again, being persuaded that an act of your clemency in
favour of a lady, and a child four years of age, could produce in the feeling of the world,
effects, &c, &c"
As to the Protestant churches of France, the remainder of the time between 1682
and the Revocation seems to have been spent in helpless dismay, except one or two
despairing struggles, which Ruvigny could not support, foreseeing that many Protes-
tant lives would be lost, and nothing gained. The temples of the Huguenots were
being fast demolished, and the King's information was, that conversions to the
Romish persuasion had previously dispersed their congregations. That he might be
better informed, many congregations met for public worship upon the ruins of their
temples. And a long apologetic letter was written to His Majesty (dated July 1683)
beginning thus : — " Sire, Your most humble subjects of the Protestant religion, not
having power to resist their consciences, are constrained to assemble together, to call
upon the holy name of God and sing His praises, and by this religious service to
expose themselves to all the violence and rigours which a too fierce zeal can infuse
into the breasts of your officers." These conventicles were proclaimed to be re-
bellious, and were visited with military vengeance. In Vivarais and Dauphiny the
savage troopers met with armed resistance ; and by a lying truce they secured many
hapless prisoners, including the Pasteur Isaac Homel (aged seventy-two), who was
broken on the wheel on the 16th October 1683. Another delusion in the royal mind
was that, though there might be great heat and clamour in the means used by his
missionaries, there was little personal cruelty. It is said, that in 1684 a final repre-
sentation was presented to the king as to the numberless and unparalleled cruelties
inflicted by the dragoons and their abettors. This statement refers either to the old
Marquis or to his son : — " The last petition presented to the king himself by the
Lord Marquis De Ruvigny, the Deputy-General, in March 1684, was couched in the
most submissive terms, that would have moved and melted into pity the hardest
heart (thousands having seen and read it, for it was afterwards printed), yet they got
nothing by it but the hastening of their ruin and destruction." Wodrow joins the
33^
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
name of Marshal Schomberg with the Marquis De Ruvigny in alluding to the
presentation of this memorial. 1
The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes (October 1685) falsified Lady Russell's
belief that she had taken her last leave of her uncle in September. She writes, 15th
January 1686, " My uncle and his wife are permitted to come out of France." Their
safe arrival is inferred from her letter of 23d March. " I was at Greenwich yester-
day to see my old uncle Ruvigny." He was probably in his eighty-sixth year. At
Greenwich for more than three years Le Marquis and La Marquise enjoyed the
happiest kind of celebrity as benefactors of their refugee countrymen who continually
flocked into England.
Ruvigny's worldly circumstances were such that there was no opportunity for his
receiving any panegyric in the English parliament. His panegyric came from his
old master. Louis XIV. did not confiscate any portion of his great property. He
offered liberty of worship to him and his household, and assured him of continued
favour as a great nobleman at the court of Versailles. But the warm-hearted old
man could not bear to be an eye-witness of the ruin of his brethren — a feeling at
which Louis did not take offence. He was therefore allowed to retire to England
with his family, and to retain his wealth, taking with him whatever he pleased, and
leaving investments, deposits, and stewards in France, ad libitum. The absence of
speeches in our Parliamentary history is compensated by the eulogium of Lord
Macaulay, who from St. Simon, Dumont de Bostaquet, and other authorities, has
collected facts and framed a conscientious verdict. The historian represents Ruvigny
as quitting a splendid court for a modest dwelling at Greenwich. " That dwelling,"
says Macaulay, " was the resort of all that was most distinguished among his fellow
exiles. His abilities, his experience, and his munificent kindness, made him the un-
doubted chief of the refugees."
His English relations and other admirers were also frequent visitors. His neigh-
bour, the accomplished John Evelyn, became an intimate friend. Evelyn's Diary
contains the following entries: — " 1686, August 8. I went to visit the Marquess
Ruvigny, now my neighbour at Greenwich, retired from the persecution in France.
He was the Deputy of all the Protestants in that kingdom [to the French king], and
several times ambassador at this and other courts — a person of great learning and
experience." " 1687, 24th April. At Greenwich, at the close of the Church Service
there was a French Sermon preached, after the use of the English liturgy translated
into French, to a congregation of about a hundred French refugees, of whom
Monsieur Ruvigny was chief, and had obtained the use of the church after the parish
service was ended." The Diarist gives us also a glimpse of the fine old gentleman's
bearing in general society, in a letter to Pepys, dated 4th October 1689, " The late
Earl of St. Albans took extraordinary care at Paris that his nephew should learn by
heart all the forms of encounter and court addresses, as upon occasion of giving or
taking the wall, sitting down, entering in, or going out of the door, taking leave at
parting, l'entretien de la ruelle, a la cavaliere among the ladies, &c. — in all which
never was person more adroit than my late neighbour, the Marquis de Ruvigny."
Bishop Burnet was an old friend ; and probably at this date they had some of
the conversations of which Burnet has made use in the History of His own Time.
As to Charles II., Ruvigny said, " I often observed how anxious he was to raise the
greatness of France, especially at sea. He desired that all the plans of the French
government for the increase and conduct of their naval force might be sent to him.
He pointed out errors, and suggested corrections, as if he had been a Vice-Roy of
France."
Dumont de Bostaquet, a French officer who came with King William, gives us
some idea of the last months of the veteran refugee, who seems to have been always
showing hospitality, hastening on errands of mercy, and scattering his wealth among
the other refugees. He was admitted to the presence of a king, on whom he might
lavish his instinctive devotion to monarchy. If not a regular Privy Councillor, he
was nevertheless taken into King William's intimate counsels. War in Europe and
also in Ireland being inevitable, though he was too old to receive a general's com-
mission, he took the chief responsibility of enrolling the refugees in regiments.
" Four regiments," says Macaulay, " one of cavalry and three of infantry were formed
out of the French refugees, many of whom had borne arms with credit. No person
did more to promote the raising of these regiments than the Marquis of Ruvigny."
He lived till July 1689. On the last day of his life he was apparently in excel-
lent health ; but at midnight he was attacked by a violent fit of colic which proved
fatel in four hours. Dumont de Bostaquet mentions a procession of mourners, in-
1 Wodrow's History, folio, vol. ii., p. 333, and Appendix Nos. 92, 93.
THE FIRST MARQUIS DE RUVIGNY. 337
eluding Messieurs Le Coq and De Romaignac, and Dumont himself. This sorrowful
company was conveyed by the river to the French Church of the Savoy in the Strand,
and there a funeral service was performed. The interment is registered at Green-
wich : —
BURIALS IN JULY 1689.
28 I Marquis of Ruvignie.
The above is a true Extract from the Register of Burials belong-
ing to the Parish Church of Greenwich, in the County of Kent,
taken this 20th day of July 1863,
By me,
F. E. Lloyd Jones, Curate.
Here I may introduce Benoist's summing up of the character and reputation of
the deceased (it barely does him justice) : —
"The most ardent and zealous decided that he temporised too much, that he was too
much disposed to take his time and make his footing sure, that he proposed nothing [to the
king] until by prudent measures he had done away with any appearance of being disagreeably
importunate, — in one word, that the fear of damaging his own fortune deprived him of courage
to speak firmly in matters involving the interests of the Church. The provinces more adjacent
to Paris looked with more favour on his behaviour and his counsels. They did not blame
him for dexterous management in a conjuncture when he might well fear that their all might
be ruined by uncourteous language and unfortunate coincidences. They did not believe that
the complaisance which he had for the Ministers of State was incompatible with zeal for reli-
gion, or that because he was a smart courtier he was less at heart a good man. In fact they
sometimes received from him advices, both very useful and very opportune, on the secret
designs of the court and clergy, into which he probably would not have possessed the means
of penetrating, if he had had less management and address. This diversity of opinions was
never cleared up, and during the whole of his deputation he was exposed to these opposite
judgments. Nevertheless, fairness requires that two things should be said in his favour : —
first, that his deputation fell to him in times so vexatious, that it was impossible for him to
acquit himself to the taste of every one ; and that any other man, gifted with the same power
of being agreeable to the court, would probably have been more unhappy in the discharge of
the office ; and, secondly, that the end of his life has proved to conviction that he loved his
religion, since he chose to quit the kingdom with all his family to continue in the profession of
the Reformed faith to which he had adhered all his life, rather than to advance his fortune
several degrees higher by remaining in France and becoming a Roman Catholic."
Very similar feelings are attributed to Pasteur Du Bosc by his biographer, who
says : " The news of the death of the Marquis De Ruvigny did not affect him other-
wise than most sensibly, even though that nobleman had, in years, passed the bounds
which Moses assigned to the most vigorous. Du Bosc had received kind offices
from him, and he did him the justice to believe that if he had not at all times done
all that the Churches of France expected from a Deputy-General, the reason was
that he knew the spirit of his master, and that he could never have obtained access
to him, if he had not studied him with very careful observation. He was edified by
the attachment to the truth of which all his family had given proof, and by the
indefatigable assiduity with which his sons have promoted the relief of the poor
refugees. He could not but place himself in their circumstances, and sympathise in
their loss of so good a head."
ROYAL COMMISSIONERS AT NATIONAL SYNODS.
At the Synod of Charcnton there appeared in the year 1623
as a Royal Commissioner — [" it being his Majesty's
pleasure that always, in all colloquies and synods
for the future, there shall be present an officer of
the king, professing the P. Reformed Religion, to
represent his person, and see that nothing be
treated or debated contrary to his Majesty's service,
or prejudicial to the public peace ; and that no
other thing be proposed or debated than what
concerns the order and discipline of the said
P. Reformed Religion."] The Lords Deputies-
General had remonstrated with his Majesty without
success.
I. 2 U
1
Auguste, Lord Galland, a Privy
\ Councillor and Attorney-General
for Navarre.
338
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
At the Synod of Castres,
At the Second Synod of Charenton,
At the Synod of Alencon,
At the Third Synod of Charenton,
At the Synod of Loudun,
1626 The same.
1 63 1 The same.
1637 Lord de Saint-Marc.
1644-5 Du Cumont Lord de Boisgrollier.
1659 Lord de Magdelaine.
Note.
-Royal Commissioners (being Protestants) continued to sit in the provincial church courts after the
abolition of National Synods. The King threatened to send Roman Catholic commissioners in
their stead, on tne pretext, " que Ton accusoit les Synodes de cacher une partie des resolutions, que
la Cour avoit le plus d'interet d'savoir." The Messieurs Ruvigny suggested a compromise, namely,
that there should still be the Protestant Commissioner, but that a Roman Catholic should be
associated with him, which was first acted upon at the Synod of Rouen in 1682 (where the Pro-
testant Commissioner was the Marquis de Heucourt). See the " Life of Du Bosc," p. 119. The
very last Provincial Synod was held at Lizy, in the diocese of Meaux, in 1683, when only one Royal
Commissioner was named by the king, a Roman Catholic Nobleman, who was accompanied by a
Romish Priest as an assistant-commissioner. See "Bulletin de la Societe de l'Hist. Prot.,"
torn. 2, p. 458.
List of Lords Deputies-General of the Protestant Churches of France, who have
resided at the courts of henri iv., louis xiii., and louis xiv.
Reign of Henri IV.
Names.
1. Lord de St. Germains.
2. Josias Mercier, Lord des Bordes.
1. Odet La None, Lord de La Noue.
2. Lord Du Crois.
1. Jean de Jaucourt, Lord de Villarnoul.
2. Jean Bontemps, Lord de Mirande.
Remarks.
Elected in 1601, at Sainte-Foy, by a political
I assembly.
I They were re-elected in 1603, by the National
Synod of Gap.
Probably elected in 1605, at Chatellerault, by a
political assembly.
Nominated by the 18th National Synod (called
I the third Synod of La Rochelle), in 1607, the
I king having declared his resolution to refuse
his royal licence to a political assembly.
Reign of Louis XIII.
1. Jacques de Jaucourt, Lord de Rouvray
2. Etienne Chesneverd, Lord de la Miletiere.
1. Lord de Bertreville.
2. Lord de Maniald.
1. Lord de Maniald.
2. Jean, Lord de Chalas.
1. Lord de Maniald.
2. Esai'e Du Mas, Lord de Montmartyn. [On
the death of the former, in 1626, Lord Hardy,
one of his Majesty's Secretaries, was nom-
inated by the king.]
1. Henri de Clermont d'Amboise, Marquis de
Gallerande, commonly called the Marquis de
Clermont.
2. Lord Bazin,
/ Elected in 1
I assembly.
I Elected in i6iz
fin
I
\
Marquis de Clermont.
Lieutenant-General, Lord Galland, eldest son
of the Lord Commissioner.
1. Marquis de Clermont.
2. Lord Marbaud.
11, at Saumur, by a political
at Grenoble, by a political
assembly.
In office in 1620, having been elected by a politi-
cal assembly at Loudun.
office in 1623 ; these Deputies-General are
named in the diplomatic papers concerning
La Rochelle, and were probably elected by
the political assembly that met in that city
in 1621.
"The Synod of Castres, in 1626, yielded to the
royal demand, that six names should be
sent from which the king might select two
Deputies-General. The other names were —
(III.) Claude, Baron de Gabrias et de Beau-
fort ; (IV.) Louis de Champagne, Comte de
Suze ; (V.) and (VI.) were from the tiers-
etat. This Synod, by the king's command,
ordered that only laymen should sit in
political assemblies,
f These names, by the king's desire, were deliber-
ately proposed by the Second Synod of
Charenton, in 163 1 , and accepted by his
Majesty. The message was, " That it was
his Majesty's pleasure, that this assembly
should agree with him in the choice of two
persons acceptable to his Majesty, who might
exercise the office of Deputies-General near
his person, and attend the court at its
progress and removals."
I Elected in 1637 by the Synod of Alencon.
I
Reign of Louis XIV.
deputies-general aitointed by the king himself.
.644- Marquis d'Arzilliers. { The ^fcteX^**"* ^ ^ resignation ° f
1653. Marquis De Ruvigny. On the death of d'Arzilliers.
1679. Henri De Ruvigny, eldest son of the / The father had leave either to act alone, or to
above. \ co-operate with his son, ad libitum.
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL WAV.
339
On 2 2d October 1685 the Edict for the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes was registered
in the Parliament of Paris. The same day, the king declared to the Deputy-General that he
revoked his office, and prohibited his speaking to him on the affairs of the Reformed for the
future. (Benoist's " Hist, de l'Edit de Nantes," vol. v., Corrections et Additions.)
Chapter EI£
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GALWAY.
Sec. i. — His Career as a Frenchman.
Henri De Massue De Ruvigny, eldest son of the first Marquis De Ruvigny, was
born at Paris, on the 9th of April 1648. According to French custom he, from his
birth, was also styled Le Marquis de Ruvigny. He entered the army, and first
served under Schomberg in Portugal. It seems certain that he was at the Battle
of Montesclaros ; for he is mentioned in the subsequent irruption into Spain, along
with Count Charles de Schomberg, as taking a valiant and prominent part in the
siege of the Fort de la Garda. He was then only seventeen years of age ; but he
thus early earned, and long maintained, the reputation, expressed in the phrase,
" bon officier." In 1675 he attained the rank of colonel. It was in this year that
Marshal Turenne, while reconnoitring, was killed by a random cannon ball. It is
recorded, as the general belief, that the army in Germany would have perished after
the death of Turenne, through the jealousy of the chiefs who aspired to the command,
if the good sense and tact of young Ruvigny had not effected an amicable arrange-
ment. The Prince of Conde, who arrived soon afterwards, to command in chief,
admitted the young Marquis to his friendship. An anecdote, which young Ruvigny
repeated to Burnet, is a memento of this campaign. Conde, laughing heartily, told
him how he had pleased Louis XIV. by disparaging the glory of great commanders,
a glory which the King coveted, yet, through political prudence, and the instinct of
self-preservation, had always missed. Conde's nephew, the Prince of Conti, was once
advised by the king not to demean his royal blood by fighting a duel with a mere
nobleman, and Conde's example in a similar case was quoted. Conti replied, " My
uncle might safely decline to be called out after he had won two battles ; but I, who
have as yet done nothing, have no such distinction as a shelter.'' The king, nettled
at what seemed to hit himself, mentioned this answer to Conde. So to restore his
complacency, Conde said, " My nephew speaks like a young man. The winning of
a battle is no great matter. The commander gets the glory, but the subalterns do
the deed."
On the return of the troops to France, old Ruvigny claimed for his son the rank
of brigadier, and the reversion of his own office of Deputy-General of the Reformed
Churches. There was some hesitation as to granting the former request, as there
always was in the case of a Protestant, it being understood that conversion to
Romanism was the royal road to promotion. The good services of the father were,
however, recognised as contributing to the son's claim, which (at least the ecclesias-
tical portion) was granted in 1678. He thus retired from military life, probably with
the rank of Brigadier, and with a pension of 4000 livres and an official salary of 1000
pistoles. His career was exactly the same as his father's. He was sent on dip-
lomatic errands, the king having unbounded confidence in him.
In extenuation of his zeal in a service quite unworthy of him, we only refer to
what we have hinted by way of apology for the old Marquis, with whom the son is
sometimes confounded. For instance, the conversation (said to have been with
young Ruvigny) in which Montague, our ambassador at Paris, assumed it as an
axiom mutually admitted, that dans ce monde on ne fait rien pour rieu, was in reality
with the old Marquis, as Lord Danby's correspondence proves.
In 1678, being in his thirty-first year, and Barillon being the accredited ambas-
sador, Henri came over on a secret mission, or rather on two errands, both aimed
against the Earl of Danby. This nobleman, to whom all generations owe much for
his promotion of the marriage of the Prince of Orange to the Princess Mary, was
known in France to be against the French Government, while he was suspected in
England to be its tool — a charge which he could not refute consistently with the
reserve which official life imposed upon him. As we have not young Ruvigny's own
story, it would be unfair to him to adopt Montague's and Danby's letters as history
34Q
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
by weaving them into a narrative. I therefore give the extracts which concern him
without comment.
Mr. Montague wrote to the Earl of Danby from Paris, January 1 1, 1678 : —
" I give you the best light I can into the reason of Monsieur Ruvigny's son's journey into
England, who will be there perhaps as soon as this letter. If his father's age would have per-
mitted it, I believe they would have sent him ; for they have chosen the son, who is to make
use of lights his father will give him. And by the nearer relation he has to my Lady Vaughan,
who is his cousin-german, and the particular friendship which father and son have with Mr.
William Russell, he is to be introduced into a great commerce with the malcontented members
of Parliament, and insinuate what they shall think fit to cross your measures at court, if
they thall prove disagreeable to them here ; whilst Monsieur Barillon goes on in his smooth,
civil way."
Montague wrote again on January 18, 1678 : —
" His [young Ruvigny's] chief errand is to let the king know that the King of France
did hope he was so firm to him as not to be led away by the Grand Treasurer [Danby] who
was an ambitious man, and, to keep himself with the people, would gratify their inclinations
by leading his master into an unreasonable war against France — that as for money, if he
wanted that, he should have what he would from hence. His instructions are (if this does not
take), by the means of William Russell and other discontented people, to give a great deal of
money, and cross all your measures at court. Old Ruvigny, who values himself for knowing
of England, has given it them for a maxim, that they must diminish your credit before they
can do any good. ... If the king is for a war, you know what to do. If he hearkens to their
money, be pleased to let me know what they offer, and I dare answer to get our master as
much again, for Barillon's orders are to make the market as low as he can."
Our last extract is from Lord Danby's letter to Montague, dated London, 17th
January 1678 : —
" My son Dunblane arrived here on Monday last, who delivered me your letters, and
acknowledges your very great kindness to him, as I must do both for him and myself, who you
have obliged by so many ways. Your intelligence concerning Monsieur Ruvigny has not been
the least of your favours, and hitherto his son's steps have been very suitable to your informa-
tion. For yesterday he came to me with Monsieur Barillon (having given me his father's letters
the day before), and discoursed much of the confidence his king hath of the firmness of ours
to him, of the good opinion his master hath of me, and of his king's resolution to condescend
to anything that is not infamous to him, for the satisfaction of our king — how certainly our
king may depend upon all sorts of assistances and supplies from his master in case the
friendship be preserved — and in short, went so far as to seem desirous to have me understand
(although he could not directly say it) that his master might be brought to part with Valen-
ciennes and Conde, but never with Tournay. And the main of their drift was to engage me
to prevail with the King to prevail with the Prince of Orange as to that town, and pressed the
matter upon me, as a thing wherein they thought I had an interest with the Prince of Orange,
sufficient to persuade him to put an end to the war by that means. I answered them (as is
most true) that there is nothing I am so desirous of as the peace, but I thought things were
gone so far as it was only in their master's power to prevent the war, and that I could not con-
tribute to any possible expedient to that end ; but that they must apply to the king himself,
and when it came to my part, I should be found to contradict nothing which might be equal
for preservation of the friendship betwixt the two kings. From me they went immediately to
the king, who tells me their discourse was the same they had held with me. And at last he
desired that whatever expedient they had to propose to him might be put in writing for him
to consider ; and thus it stands at this time."
As to Henri's errand to the patriotic party in Parliament, nothing was known
until about a century thereafter, when Sir John Dalrymple had searched the French
archives. Dalrymple and others have founded upon these papers some accusations,
which I must very briefly notice. The first accusation is, " Russell held confiden-
tial communications with a French agent." True ; but it was with his faithful friend,
Henri de Ruvigny, his wife's first cousin. The second accusation is, " Russell took
into consideration a project of bribery." I answer, Ruvigny told Russell that Bar-
illon was ready to distribute money among the country party. Russell protested
that he would not act along with members who would take bribes. He did say that
he would speak to Lord Shaftesbury (who was also a relative), but only as to the
pleasing fact, that even the French king did not wish Charles to be absolutely
despotic, and to subjugate the patriotic members. The third accusation is, "Alger-
non Sidney took a bribe and Russell connived at it." The charge against Sidney is
founded upon a list of public men who had taken French money, in Barillon's hand-
writing. Barillon's accounts may have been incorrect, like those of other unjust
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL WA Y.
34 1
stewards. Or money might have been offered and accepted as a donation to some
charitable object. On either supposition Sidney took no bribe, and there was nothing
for Russell to connive at. If France had possessed any damaging secret against our
patriots, the secret would not have slumbered for many years.
So far I have spoken for Russell. But as for Ruvigny — in the first place, the list
has been erroneously called Ruvigny's. It professes to be Barillon's list. And
secondly, any moral charge may be safely denied on the ground of the continued
affection and admiration of the Russells for Ruvigny as a man and a Christian. It
is incomprehensible how Lord Macaulay could believe the accusations, and could
conclude by extolling modern statesmen as having a more elevated standard than
even Sidney and Russell, and as soaring above Ralph Montague's creed, that " in
this world nobody does anything for nothing."
Young Ruvigny was also employed in some of the other negotiations, which ended
in 1678 in the Treaty of Nimeguen, between France and Holland, under the nominal
mediation of England. France, however, dictated the peace, and so irritated Charles
that he seemed for a short time determined to go to war. Young Ruvigny, 1 at his
request, asked Louis to state positively what his ultimatum was ; but the French
king, having satisfied Holland, paid little attention to Charles. Henri came back
without any definite answer. Charles had to yield with as good a grace as possible.
Bishop Burnet shall tell the finale: 2 — "A general peace quickly followed. And
there was no more occasion for our troops beyond sea. The French were so appre-
hensive of them, that Ruvigny (now Earl of Galway) was sent over to negotiate
matters. That which France insisted most on was the disbanding of the army. And
the force of money was so strong, that he had orders to offer six millions of their
money in case the army should be disbanded in August. Ruvigny had such an ill
opinion of the designs of our court if the army were kept up, that he insisted on fixing
the day for disbanding it, at which the Duke of York was very uneasy. And matters
were so managed that the army was not disbanded by the day prefixed for it. So
the King of France saved his money. And for this piece of good management
Ruvigny was much commended."
Early in the year 1679 Henri was appointed Lord Deputy-General of the
Reformed Churches of France. Louis XIV. having abolished national synods, there
was no organized court to dispute his elective fiat. Local church courts, each under
the eye of a Protestant royal commissioner, still sat. The provincial synod of the
Isle of France met at Charenton in April 1679. A vote of thanks to the retiring
Deputy-General and a complimentary address to his successor were agreed upon.
The substance of these is probably preserved in the letters which pastor Du Bosc
had sent on the preceding February to the two lords. To the son he wrote in full
appreciation of his talents and good qualities, and as one who would walk in the
steps of his able father — concluding in the name of the Protestants with strong pro-
fessions of loyalty and affection for the king, and assurances of their prayers that the
new Deputy-General might continue and grow in the grand monarch's favour. He
concluded —
"We should be treacherous to ourselves were we in our prayers to forget you. If God
hears those prayers, you will rejoice and we shall live in peace ; you will enjoy the king's
favour and we the repose and liberty which his edicts give us. Our welfare is united to your
person. We are, &c."
To the old marquis he wrote —
" Sir, — We praise God to see your charge in the hands of your son, and yet not out of
yours. That fortunate appointment cannot fail to give us great happiness, since instead of one
Deputy-General we now have two. And that which, above all, delights us is, that he who
seconds you is your other self, and that we see you wholly reproduced in him. His lordship
is doubly your son, both by birth and also by his good qualities, which are the native image
of your own virtues. That wisdom so consummately matured in yourself, sir, already manifests
itself in him ; the world recognizes him as possessing that very qualification ; and no one
doubts that he will perfectly represent you in the office which the king has just given him. His
majesty could confer on us no greater obligation than in making a selection which we ourselves
would have made had the matter depended on us. We shall hope at the hands of the son for
what we were expecting from his father. And if we become better people, we shall not
obstruct the success of his negotiations, as hitherto by our sins we have obstructed yours. We
shall always have the same fidelity and obedience towards the king ; and if we have more love
to God we may see our affairs taking a better turn. At all events, sir, we shall always be
1 [Temple's] " Memoirs of what passed in Christendom from the war begun in 1672 to the peace concluded
1679." (Lond. 1692), page 321 .
- " Burnet's Own Time," vol. i., page 423.
34 2
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
infinitely obliged for the good offices which you have rendered to our churches, and for the
zeal with which you have succoured them in difficult times. We shall reckon it as an
important boon that you have given to the churches your son in your place. May God render
the rest of your life happy, and load all your house with His best blessings. We are, &c."
During the war, young Ruvigny had become acquainted with the " handsome
Englishman," Colonel Churchill. On the accession of James II. the same officer,
Lord Churchill, came as an Envoy to France, and renewed his acquaintance with
Henri de Ruvigny. It was to him that Churchill then made his celebrated declaration
as to King James, " If the king is ever prevailed on to alter our religion, I will
serve him no longer but will withdraw from him." 1 [Churchill rose to be the great
Duke of Marlborough.]
In Benoist's invaluable History there is a bird's-eye view of young Ruvigny's
French life, and its transition into the life of a refugee. " The Deputy-General
demitted his office, and through his interest with the king, his eldest son was
appointed in his place. He was a young lord whose fine qualities were known to
all the world. He was handsome in person, and mentally he was affable, sagacious
and intelligent, brave without temerity, prudent without meanness, agreeable to the
king, beloved by all the court, and on excellent terms with the ministers. He had
so thoroughly prepossessed all the court in his favour, that his merits procured him
neither enemies nor detractors. At first the churches were uneasy on account of his
youth. They thought that in the confusion of their affairs, a deputy of more weight
and experience was wanted. But the father promised not only to aid his son with
his advice, and to interest himself in all the business put into his hands, but also to
continue publicly to discharge the functions of the office, when the service of the
church required this. For the latter, the churches had not only his own word, but
also the king's permission, which he had taken care to obtain. However, as soon as
they had had some experience of the capacity of the young lord, they found that the
churches had lost nothing by the change. They found him to be always accessible,
always prepared for action, full of expedients and overtures, finding his greatest
pleasure in his duties, and though residing at a court where a thousand agreeable
amusements might enervate a young man, giving to the diversions of persons of his
years only the time which remained after the hours of business. Even those who had
not done entire justice to his father's reputation, because it seemed to them that his
prudence and circumspection savoured of timidity, found in his son no occasion for
complaint. And his diligence, in obliging all those who sought interviews with him,
always prevented the apprehension that he would let his work get into arrear.
Hardly one instance of procrastination could be alleged against him. It was in the
exercise of that office, during the most rough and vexatious period, that his mind was
matured in the qualities of a great man, and that he acquired those merits which give
him in the present day so large a share of the confidence and friendship of one of the
greatest kings that ever wore a crown (King William III)."
Except on a few occasions young Ruvigny was the acting Deputy-General from
1678 to the extinction of the office in 1685. " It was," he said to Burnet, "a melan-
choly post." He daily saw new injustices done, and was suffered to inform against
the wrong-doers, only for form's sake and with no hope of success.
By the special favour of the king, he was allowed to leave France on the Revoca-
tion of the Edict of Nantes, without forfeiting his property or his rights as his father's
heir. To the last moment he sho.ved his zeal for Protestantism, braving the wrath
of the king by allowing the Consistory of Charenton to meet in his house, for the
distribution of their charitable funds among the poor of the flock.
Sec. 2. — His Refugee Life before Enrolment in our Army.
He had been selected for embassies to England, partly on account of the great
friendship that subsisted between him and the Russells. During her long widowhood,
Rachel Lady Russell looked upon her cousin Ruvigny as her best friend. It is in
her letters that we find the first mention of him in his refugee life, and that in
connection with an act of characteristic generosity. " Some French Protestants
were taken going into Holland, and were made slaves in Algiers. They are now
redeemed, four ministers or five, and the rest proposants. My cousin Ruvigny has
paid the money, and I am to gather to reimburse him the greatest part if I can, 26th
Jan. 1689." 2 At this date she was fifty-two years of age, and Ruvigny was in his
fortieth year. In the following July, when his father's sudden illness and death took
1 Burnet, vol. i., page 765.
2 I shall copy and annotate this letter in the Appendix.
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OE GAL WAY.
343
place, he himself was at Tunbridge on a visit to Lady Russell. He was overwhelmed
with grief on receiving the tidings from Messieurs Chardin and Le Coq, and returned
to the house of mourning.
He continued to reside in Greenwich as the head of his family, dispensing
hospitality and bounty. By unanimous advice he did not join the British army,
but lived as a private gentleman, being continued in the enjoyment of his French
property. But at the Battle of the Boyne, his only surviving brother was killed, and
also Marshal Schomberg. The ardour of the Marquis De Ruvigny could no longer
be kept down. Burnet says he offered his service to the king, " who unwillingly
accepted of it ; because he knew that an estate which his father had in France, and
of which he had still the income, would be immediately confiscated." He was
enrolled in our army as a Major-General, and with universal approval was made
Colonel of the Huguenot cavalry regiment, late Schomberg's. Dumont de Bostaquet
says that " the appointment was considered a most excellent one, but it occasioned
great surprise that he should return to active service, — he, who had chosen private
life, and whose engrossing occupation was to show kindness to the refugees, and,
indeed, to perform acts of generosity to mankind in general. As he was in high
estimation at court, and had not taken up arms in William's cause, he was in full
possession of his immense estates in France. It was thought that with unquestion-
able propriety, he would be satisfied to continue in this kind of life."
Sec. 3. — The Irish Campaign of 1691.
After anxious deliberation as to the Irish campaign of 1691, the chief command
was given to one who had come over with William from Holland, at his " descent
upon England," and who had served in England and in the late campaign in Ireland.
This was Lieutenant-General Godart, Baron De Ghinkel, now promoted to the rank
of General. He had remained with the army in their winter quarters, and assumed
the chief command at the camp at Mullingar on the 1 8th of May. Here the general
officers rendezvoused. Ruvigny came from England, and appeared on the 24th ;
Major-General Hugh Mackay from Scotland on the 28th ; Major-General Talmash
arrived about the same time. These four officers, Ghinkel, Ruvigny, Mackay, and
Talmash, most conspicuously distinguished themselves throughout the campaign,
and the intimate friends of each have claimed the greatest honour for each of them.
But the gallant individuals themselves do not seem to have been disturbed or
trammelled by any unpatriotic and reckless jealousies. Mackay 's biographer says —
" In councils of war, the general officers had occasional differences of opinion, which
they supported sometimes even with warmth ; but (to their honour be it recorded)
these never interrupted the public service, nor disturbed the harmony of their private
meetings."
The first operation was the capture of Ballymore, in county Westmeath. Here
Ruvigny is not mentioned ; the Major-Generals commanded each for one day in
regular rotation, and so the honour of conducting great operations fell to one or
the other in a kind of lottery. On May 31st, Ruvigny, with a detachment of cavalry,
was sent to possess himself of a Pass between Ballymore and Athlone, a frontier
town situated in the provinces of Leinster and Connaught, and the counties of
Westmeath and Roscommon.
The first great event of the campaign was the taking of Athlone. It was
Mackay's lot to conduct the fording of the Shannon, which he did most gallantly
and successfully, though he had argued against the project in the council of war.
The pleas urged in favour of it were highly characteristic of Ruvigny — " That no
brave action could be performed without hazard, and the attempt would very likely
be successful." Mackay, on the other hand, urged, " We are sure to fail unless the
enemy, through their own misconduct, are the victims of a surprise." Success
prevented adverse criticisms. The war had again assumed the aspect of a war of
religions. The commander of the enemy was a conspicuous leader of the dragon-
nades against the Huguenots, Monsieur St. Ruth. The impression in the English
army was that no quarter would be given to the French heretics, as the refugee
soldiers were styled by the Popish Marshal.
Ghinkel proceeded to fortify Athlone. St. Ruth withdrew his army of 25,000
to a strong post, with great natural advantages, near the old castle of Aughrim, in
county Galway. William's army numbered 18,000 only, but eagerly accepted the
challenge given by the retreating enemy on Sunday, July 12. The result of the
battle during the day was doubtful, but by the evening it was favourable to the
British, through the execution done by their artillery. It was almost resolved to
34+
FREXCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
desist till next morning ; but Ghinkel, fearing that the enemy would retreat during
the night, gave orders to renew the engagement. All the British and foreign
officers of the allies eminently distinguished themselves. The greatest military
genius was Mackay, and the main ideas and grand theory of the action were his
suggestion. The enemy were almost impregnable on the left of the castle ; but the
plan was by skirmishing and manoeuvring to draw off towards the right so much of
their force, that they might be driven from the left by assaults which should be
successful, because quite unexpected, as well as most impetuous. Ruvigny's
Regiment of Horse were among the first that got at the enemy's left, and " did very
good service " (says Mr. Story). Ruvigny himself was not in command of his own
regiment, but was at the head of a brigade of cavalry. St. Ruth was full of admira-
tion of their daring, as they advanced over ground that seemed impassable ; the
first party of horse that made their way two a-breast through a pass, and secured a
good position on the left, were under the command of Lieutenant-General Schrave-
mor and Major-General Talmash. Our centre at that time was repulsed, and
Marshal St. Ruth took the resolution to come forward with his reserves, saying that
he would drive our army back to the gates of Dublin. Talmash, however, came to
the succour of our centre, and rallied the troops. Mackay charged the left of the
enemy with another good body of cavalry, and (says Story) " Major-General Ruvigny
went along the side of the bog with another party of Horse, who did extraordinary
service, bearing down all before them." The turning of the enemy's flank by the
brigade under Ruvigny is reckoned by the majority of historians to have been the
crisis of success. Smollett, a historian who carefully studied military details, says: —
" Major-General Ruvigny, who had behaved with great gallantry during the whole
action, advanced with five regiments of cavalry to support the centre, when St. Ruth,
perceiving his design, resolved to fall upon him in a dangerous hollow way which he
was obliged to pass. For this purpose he began to descent Kilcommodan Hill with
his whole reserve of Horse, but in his way was killed by a cannon ball. His troops
immediately halted, and his guards retreated with his corpse. His fate dispirited
the troops. . . . Ruvigny, having passed the hollow way without opposition,
charged the enemy's flank, and bore down all before him with surprising impetuosity.
The centre redoubled their efforts, and pushed the Irish to the top of the hill ; and
then the enemy's whole line gave way from right to left, and threw down their arms."
" Victory was scarcely doubtful," says Macfarlane in the Pictorial History of England,
" when St. Ruth was killed." And the Duke of Berwick admits that St. Ruth's
death was not the cause of the defeat of the Jacobites. " After the battle," says
Dumont, " Ghinkel embraced Ruvigny and declared how much he was satisfied with
his bravery and conduct." In his despatches he ascribed the victory principally to
the Marquis De Ruvigny, to Ruvigny's regiment of Horse, and the Earl of Oxford's
regiment of Horse.
In the onward march to the town of Galway, Ruvigny was on the 19th July left
at Athenry with Lieutenant-General Schravemor and 3000 horse, as a corps of obser-
vation, and to maintain a close communication with Athlone. Galway capitulated
on the 2 1 st, and on the 28th the whole army rendezvoused at Athenry and marched
to Xenagh. On the 15th August, Ruvigny, with 1500 horse, and the Prince of
Hesse, with 1000 foot and six field-pieces, were ordered to Limerick, the Com-
mander-in-Chief and his staff accompanying them. The weather was unfavourable
for the siege of Limerick for the next week. But on the 25th August the whole
forces commenced operations in earnest. The contest was vigorously conducted on
both sides till September 22d, when, the garrison being hard pressed and also
out-manoeuvred, Colonel VVachup sang out for a parley with Lieutenant-General
Schravemor, and for a similar conference between Colonel Sarsfield (the gallant
Jacobite Irishman who, by patent from King James, was Earl of Lucan) and Major-
General Ruvigny, with a view to the surrender of the town.
Macaulay says: — "On the evening of the day which followed the fight at the
Thomond gate the drums of Limerick beat a parley ; and YVauchop from one of the
towers hailed the besiegers, and requested Ruvigny to grant Sarsfield an interview.
The brave Frenchman who was an exile on account of his attachment to one reli-
gion, and the brave Irishman who was about to become an exile on account of his
attachment to another, met and conferred, doubtless with mutual sympathy and re-
spect. Ghinkel, to whom Ruvigny reported what had passed, willingly consented to
an armistice."
This negotiation led to the Treaty of Limerick and the submission of all Ireland.
The conspicuous part taken by the Marquis De Ruvigny in this campaign justifies
the character which has been accorded to him by a modern French historian, Pro-
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL IV A Y.
345
fessor Weiss, " Alternately a military leader and a diplomatic negotiator, he evinced
a rare capacity for business, and a valour which nothing could daunt."
Sec. 4— His Services as Major-General, the Viscount Galway.
The commander-in-chief and his generals were received with all honours at
Dublin on the 3d November, and were entertained at a splendid banquet by the
magistrates on the 21st of that month, Sir Michael Mitchell being Lord Mayor, and
re-elected thereafter for another year. Luttrell says, at London, about 14th Novem-
ber, " The Prince of Hesse-Darmstadt, Monsieur Ruvigny, and several other general
officers, are arrived here from Ireland." On the 4th January 1692, General Ghinkel
was waited upon at his lodgings in London by a deputation of seven members of
Parliament, headed by Viscount Castleton and Sir Henry Goodrick, Lieutenant-
General of the Ordnance, bearing the thanks of the House of Commons to him and
his officers. They were next honoured by a public dinner from the city of London,
which took place in February in Merchant Taylors' Hall, the Lord Mayor, Sir
Thomas Stampe, presiding.
Henry, Viscount Sydney (afterwards the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland), was in the
beginning of 1692 the acting Lord Justice and Chief Governor. On the 27th Febru-
ary, says Luttrell, " Monsieur Ruvigny was made Lieutenant-General of all the forces
in Ireland, independent of the Lord Sidney." His military rank, however, was still
Major-General, while Mackay was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant General ; and
it was not King William's fault that Mackay was not raised to a Scottish title of
nobility.
The commander-in-chief, Baron de Ghinkel, was enrolled in the peerage of Ire-
land as Earl of Athlone. Ruvigny had in his person all the claims of his father and
of the Huguenot soldiery for a similar royal recognition ; he also was named by De
Ghinkel as the most eminent of the gallant winners of the field of Aughrim. The
king also designed him to serve him in Ireland, and to take the superintendence of
a scheme of Protestant colonisation in that kingdom. He therefore was created
Viscount Galway and Baron of Portarlington ; the barony was the name of the
landed estate which the king designed for him. The date of the king's letter was
the 3d of March 1692, "taking into our princely consideration the many good and
acceptable services performed unto us by Henry de Massue de Ruvigny." Hence-
forth his countrymen, with great pride and gratification, styled him Milord Gallway
(or Galloway).
An Irish nobleman who bore that title had fallen at the Battle of Aughrim, fight-
ing in the Jacobite army. He commanded an infantry regiment, and is described as
" a nobleman of true courage and endowed with many good qualities." The title of
Viscount Galway was one of several honours, both English and Irish, heaped upon
Richard Bourk or De Burgh, fourth Earl of Clanricarde. It expired with the fifth
earl, along with a marquisate of Clanricarde given to him by Charles I. Richard
and William, the cousins of the marquis, becoming successively sixth and seventh
Earls of Clanricarde, Ulrick Bourk, a younger son of the latter, was created Viscount
Galway in 1687. In Colonel O'Kelly's enigmatical history of this war, entitled
" Macariae Excidium," he is called Ulysses, Lord of Cithera. This lord having fallen
in battle, the Marquis De Ruvigny was free to choose the title of Viscount Galway,
the county of Galway (in which Aughrim was situated) being referred to, and not
the town.
As soon as the king had set out for Holland in March 1692 Lord Galway left
London en route for Dublin to take the command of the forces in Ireland. His
aide-de-camp and staff, whom he had sent on before him, he overtook at Coventry,
and delighted with the sight of £4000 entrusted to him for satisfying arrears of pay.
They again met at Chester, he being received with a salute of cannon, the garrison
turning out to present arms and the city flag flying. He and his suite sailed in .1
yacht from Neston, and on arriving at the mouth of the Liffey, a gun was fired and
boats came off, which safely deposited the Commander of the Forces within the
metropolis of Ireland. Lord Galway was lodged (says Dumont de Bostaquet) on
the quay of Dublin, near Essex Bridge, and was there waited upon by the Lords
Justices, the Lord Chancellor, the Mayor, and the Aldermen. Soon he was immersed
in the business of his office, crowds of officers having to be received and to Ik- satis
fied as to the arrears of pay. In about a fortnight Lord Galway set out on a tour of
visitation to the military quarters, both maritime and inland. At Athlone he was
entertained by Lieut-Colonel de Montault, who was in command of Cambon's regi-
ment. The heart of Ruvigny was touched with the poverty of the inhabitants, many
1. 2 X
346
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
being in a state of starvation, and they received liberal relief from his ever open
purse. At Galvvay, the Viscount of Galway received regal honours ; thence touching
at Limerick, he proceeded to Cork. Dumont and the rest of his staff expected him
to return to Dublin ; but the alarms of England made Lord Galway hasten the
despatching of the troops, and he wrote to his staff to meet him at Cork ; and, ac-
cording to subsequent instructions, they went on to VVaterford to await his arrival
there. Lord Galway was there almost as soon as they were ; his coming was
announced by a military salute ; he received all the civilities of the city, and the
best accommodation. The next day he embarked Fotilkes' regiment, and thereafter
each regiment as it arrived at VVaterford according to his orders. The next in order
that appeared was La Melonniere s, then Mcdes, and the last of the infantry, Bel-
casteVs. Then the artillery horses were put on board ship, and various cavalry officers,
and at length Lord Galway's own equipage. Thus the fleet being prepared to sail,
and his work being done, Lord Galway accepted the invitation of one of the captains,
by whom he was entertained on board of a man of-war most sumptuously with viands,
wines, and a band of music, and then his lordship spent the night in his own yacht.
Next morning the fleet dropped down to Duncannon, and at two in the afternoon a
fair wind sprang up ; the next day they were in Bristol Channel. That night at
supper they drank their Majesties' health and success to their arms, with the accom-
paniment of a roar of artillery. The citizens, having been haunted with apprehen-
sions of invasion, feared that it was a French fleet, and a boat was sent from the
shore in the morning to reconnoitre. Their report being of course favourable, seve-
ral citizens, including the French Pasteur of Bristol, were not long in paying their
respects to Lord Galway, who accepted the Mayor's hospitality during his two days'
stay. At an hotel half-way from London, an express met him, requiring him to join
a distinguished deputation to Portsmouth to congratulate the British fleet on their
great victory at La Hogue, of which the news had arrived on the 28th May. This
congratulation was of a substantial kind, according to Luttrell, who informs us that
the Earls of Rochester and Portland, and Viscounts Sydney and Galvvay, went to
Portsmouth to congratulate Admiral Russell ; and that they took with them £50,000
to be distributed in the fleet ; it being intended that every man should receive a
gratuity to the amount of a month's pay.
Lord Galway remained at Portsmouth to take part in the descent upon the
North of France under the command of the Duke of Leinster. The expedition was
not advised by him, nor in his private opinion was it advisable. But with devotion
to his Prince, he contributed his best aid to the enterprise, as Luttrell's Relation
testifies. An entry, under Thursday, June 2, mentions two councils of war at Ports-
mouth, where the Duke of Leinster and the Marquis De Ruvigny assisted, " the
whole fleet to put to sea (weather permitting) Monday next." This is the expedi-
tion, consisting of an army of 14,000, of which I have spoken in my memoir of the
gallant Duke. 1
On the 19th July Luttrell tells us that Lord Galway was again in Portsmouth.
About this time he and other officers were appointed to report upon an invention,
by " one Wilson, of a vestment, not heavy nor costly, to defend any soldier from a
halbert, pike, sword, or baggonet." During the remainder of 1692 he was employed
in peaceful work. The refugees still looked upon him as their " Depute-General,''
and as now having access to a truly Christian and Protestant Monarch with a view
to good offices in behalf of French Protestants. When he went to Ireland in the
beginning of the year, it had been decided that the half-pay French officers should
be placed in the Irish Establishment ; and that the veterans and their families, who
chose to be colonists there, should be assisted to find a settlement. Drogheda was
recommended ; and during his lordship's brief stay in Dublin some officers were
sent to report as to the eligibility of the town and neighbourhood, but their report was
unfavourable. His sudden return to England interrupted this business. And after
his campaign with the Duke of Leinster, another branch of the subject demanded his
first attention.
Refugees had fled to Switzerland in such crowds, that the circumscribed territory
could not feed and keep them, except temporarily. Other Protestant nations there-
fore undertook to receive detachments of their expatriated brethren ; and in support-
ing this hospitable resolve, our King William was prominent. Some of the refugees,
whose thoughts inclined to Britain, were members of the families of the soldiers
mentioned by Professor Wises — men who had personally contributed to the Victories
1 At this time there was published, " A Sermon preached before the General and Officers in the King's
Chappel at Portsmouth, on Sunday, July 24, 1692. Being the day before they embarqu'd for the descent upon
France. By William Gallaway, A.M., Chaplain to their Majesties' Sea-Train of Artillery."
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL \VA V.
347
of the Boyne and of Aughrim. " A great number of soldiers," says Weiss, ' 'were
sent to Ireland by the care of the Baron dAvejan and of the Marquis dArzilliers,
sometimes four or five hundred left Geneva in one week. A great many, scattered
along the shores of the lake, were drilled daily under the Orange flag." Lord Galway
engaged in much labour and correspondence for the settlement of these families, and
one of his letters has been preserved. 1
"LONDON, 20-30M January 1693.
"Sir, — I have received two of your letters. In reply I inform you that since Monsieur
de Mirmand's' 2 arrival we have made a little more progress than formerly. The king named
a Committee to examine the matter ; and that it decides that we may make a beginning by
settling a certain number of families, before resolving to invite all those who might desire to
come to Ireland. In a great crowd they would be a hindrance and a nuisance to each other.
Considering that the case of the refugees in Switzerland is the most pressing, we have agreed
to contemplate the immediate establishment of six hundred of their families. By the help ot
the Swiss population we hope to provide for their reaching Frankfort. The King will
recommend their case to the Protestant Princes and to the States-General for subsistence until
they come to the sea-coast, where his Majesty will provide for their embarkation for Ireland.
Also in order that these families may not arrive there, and find no preparations made for
lodging them, the king will send an order to Lord Sydney to organize an Irish Committee, to
consist of the most wealthy lords of the soil and those who have lands suitable for such settle-
ments, that all things may be arranged ; I myself shall be on the spot, as I set out for that
country in a few days. We shall also name two or three of the most capable of our refugees
to assist the lords in their deliberations and to arrange with them all that is necessary for the
settlement of these families. The king is so affected by the misery which menaces these
families, and understands so well the utility of such a colonization for his kingdom of Ireland,
that he is resolved to spend as much money as shall be judged necessary. We shall lose no
time, and I hope that by next April, or May at the latest, these families will be on the road.
In this affair Monsieur Mirmand is absolutely necessary. Without him we should not be so
far on ; without him there will yet be a standstill. I have never seen a man of greater sense,
or more zealous for the public good. I could wish there were more persons among the refugees
a little more like him. Monsieur de Sailly is gone before me into Ireland ; and (as I have
already said) our plan is to receive, in preference to all others, the six hundred families who
must quit Switzerland. It will be for Switzerland to make the necessary collection for their
journey, and then to manage their departure systematically. This I believe to be the most
difficult and important department of the work. I will endeavour to have Monsieur de Virasel
along with Monsieur de Sailly in Ireland to manage what requires attention there. I am, &c.
" Gallway.."
The Rev. John Pointer, M.A., makes the following entry in his Chronological
History of England : — " 1693, April 1 — His Majesty permits 600 French Protestant
families, who were come into Switzerland and had implored his protection, to go and
settle in Ireland."
Ireland was Lord Galway 's official place of residence, and he liked the country.
St. Evremond says that in his letters My Lord Gallway expatiated on the attractions
of Dublin, the plentiful crops and the excellence of the fish. But far from having
leisure to superintend the settlement of colonists, he himself was hardly a settler,
such was the value set upon his services by the king. Thoughtless writers have
called him one of King William's favourites, so as to create an impression upon
posterity that he was perhaps a flatterer and a minister to courtly vices. But
William's favourites were good and faithful public servants, " men of sense " (says Sir
John Dalrymple; " who would and could do the business they were put to." Another
writer says of Lord Galway, " He was a man of skill, courage, and activity, which
qualities ensured him the favour of King William " — and another, " his frankness
and spirit endeared him to William, who employed his varied talents as well in
negotiation as in action." 3
Luttrell, under date 19th January 1693, announces that Lord Galway " goes in a
few days to Ireland to command in chief there." The few days proved to be nearly
a month. "Thursday, 16th February, yesterday the Lord Galway, General of the
Forces in Ireland, with other officers, set out for that kingdom."
While the confederates drew away the forces of Louis XIV. from home in all
directions, a descent upon France was a frequent plan. Lord Galway went to the
king in spring to take counsel regarding a project of that kind. " London, 25th
April 1693. — The Lord Galway, General of the Forces in Ireland, is arrived here
1 Bulletin, vol. x., p. 68.
2 Not the same person as the Marquis De Miremont.
3 Dalrymple's Memoirs (Edit. 1778, 4to), vol. iii., p. 174, note. Ryan's " Life of William III." Coxe's
" Memoirs of Duke of Shrewsbury."
348
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
from thence, and is going to the king in Flanders." " Deal, 4th May. — Lord Galway
is arrived here, and goes on board the Greenwich frigate for Holland." " May 1 ith. —
The Lord Galway is gone to his Majesty for instructions about the descent, on
whose return that matter depends."
But once in the field, he remained there, and was conspicuous at the battle of
Landen on the 19th July. Voltaire relates that William had only the hours of the
previous night to prepare for action : " They attack him at break of day. They
rind him at the head of Ruvigny's regiment, entirely composed of French gentle-
men, whom the fatal revocation of the Edict of Nantes and the dragonnades had
compelled both to quit and to hate their native country. Upon that country they
revenged the intrigues of the Jesuit La Chaise, and the cruelties of Louvois. Wil-
liam, followed by troops thus animated, overthrew at the first the opposing squad-
rons, till his horse was shot under him, and he was overthrown himself. He got up,
and continued the combat with the most obstinate efforts." Later in the day,
according to Smollett, " The Hanoverian and Dutch Horse being broken, the king
in person brought the English cavalry to their assistance. They fought with great
gallantry, and for some time retarded the fate of the day. The infantry were rallied
and stood firm until their ammunition was expended." King William's biographer
says, as to the brave though unsuccessful attempt to relieve our right wing : " The
king himself charged at the head of my Lord Galway 's regiment, which distinguished
itself very much on this occasion." Macaulay mentions the traditions of old soldiers
concerning this regiment at Landen, how King William sometimes led them in
person to the charge, dismounting at times to animate the infantry.
According to King William's biographer, " The king, seeing the battle lost,
ordered the infantry to retreat to Dormal, upon the brook of Beck ; and finding that
the enemies were surrounding him on all sides, his Majesty ordered the regiments of
Wyndham, Lumley, and Galway to cover his retreat over the bridge of Neerhespen,
which he gained with great difficulty." It was now that Lord Galway greatly sig-
nalised himself, being left in command at this point. Professor Weiss, while record-
ing this, gives a singular anecdote, on the authority of the Due de St. Simon, who
fought in the French army, and either witnessed the exciting incident or heard of it
at the time : " At the battle of Nerwinden, Ruvigny kept at bay, almost unsup-
ported, the entire force of the French cavalry. He was made prisoner for a moment ;
but the French officers let him go, their chief affecting not to perceive it, and he
continued to cover the retreat of the English, fighting like a hero." There is reason
to believe that he was wounded in this action. For not only was there a report that
he was killed, but we are informed that he came from Namur to the king's camp on
August 13th, while other officers remained at Namur, not being recovered of their
wounds.
Every one will concur in Macaulay's tribute to the noble generosity of the French
officers who set Lord Galway at liberty ; but we must differ from the historian as far
as he endorses Voltaire's imputation of " a true refugee hatred of the country that
had driven him out" to the truly noble lord. In fighting with such intense valour
he was animated by love for William of Orange, and for the Protestants of Europe.
Besides, he was always in earnest in a battle-field, and evidently was a splendid
cavalry officer. As for his views of France, they were statesmanlike, and not dis-
eased. French domination was to be checked, that the extinction of the Protestant-
ism of Europe might be prevented, and that liberty might extend its reign. As to
personal matters, Lord Galway habitually maintained a dignified and unaffected
self-command.
Sec. 5. — His Services as Lieutenant-General and Ambassador in
Piedmont.
Lord Galway was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-General and sent to Pied-
mont. Luttrell says : " 1st September 1693. — Lord Galway goes to Savoy, to com-
mand his Majesty's troops there, in the room of Duke Schomberg, deceased." And
" 1st December 1693. — The Lord Galway has received his credentials to go Ambas- .
sador to the Duke of Savoy, and next week he sets forward with a considerable
sum of money for the Vaudois and the French refugees." He embarked from Eng-
land for Holland, and thence travelled by land to Piedmont about the middle of
December. It is well known that Victor Amedeo was already treacherous to his
allies. He was ready to be bribed by Louis with honours and territory. During
the greater part of this war his winters were spent in secret negotiations. The
operations during the summers consisted of either postponements or the mere
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL IV A Y.
349
pageantry of engagements. If an occasional battle was fought in earnest, it was only
with the view of extorting more tempting offers to himself from the French king.
When I say that this is well known, I mean that this is our present knowledge.
From the confederates he concealed his duplicity with great cunning and address.
The Duke of Savoy had, through fear of Louis XIV., issued his persecuting
edict against the Waldenses, dated 31st July 1686. But the Duke, by a secret article,
dated 20th October 1690, had revoked that edict, and restored to the Waldenses
their property, civil rights, usages, and privileges, including the exercise of their
religion. What Lord Galway desired was a public edict to the same effect.
As to the year 1694, an anonymous biographer of Prince Eugene says : — " Every-
body expected, and not without good grounds, to see a glorious campaign this year
in Italy, and took it for granted that the Duke of Savoy would make ample amends
for the loss at Marsiglia. Prince Eugene, during his residence at Vienna in the
winter, had obtained a large reinforcement of troops with this very view. And the
King of Great Britain had sent my Lord Galway to supply the place of the Duke
of Schomberg, that nothing might be wanting on his part."
Besides this, the British fleet was ready to co-operate in any enterprise on the
coasts of Italy, Spain, or France. And the French forces were diminished by drafts
to the Netherlands, and by troops required to protect Toulon, Marseilles, and other
maritime ports. Victor Amedeo, however, negatived all the plans of councils of
war. Nothing was done this summer except the taking of the fort of St. Giorgio,
and a little skirmishing. The only important event was announced on June 3d —
" The Duke of Savoy, at the instance of England and Holland, issued a declaration
allowing the Vaudois the free exercise of their religion." Concerning this Act,
which was dated 20th May 1694, 1 Burnet says that it was " a very full edict,"
" restoring their former liberties and privileges to them, which the Lord Galway
took care to have put in the most emphatical words, and passed with all the for-
malities of law, to make it as effectual as laws and promises can be. Yet every step
that was made in the affair went against the grain, and was extorted from the Duke
by the intercession of the King and the States, and by Lord Galway's zeal." On
one occasion he, by the Duke's permission, assembled a Protestant Synod at Vegliano,
where his quarters were. Durant, chaplain of Aubussargues' regiment, was presi-
dent ; the members were the almoners of six refugee regiments, and twenty-four
eiders, of whom he himself was one. The business was the reformation of the
morals of the soldiers. During a recruiting expedition in Switzerland, he met with
a deputation from the Waldensian refugees in the Cantons, who wished to emigrate
to a less circumscribed region. He promised to endeavour to find a home for them
in Ireland. On the 20th December Queen Mary of England died. A letter from
Lord Galway to Mr. Blathwait, now in the British Museum, comments on this
bereavement : —
" Turin, 22d Jan. (1st Feb.) 169^. — Sir, — May it please God to comfort the king, to bless
him in all things, to grant success to all his designs. All England has suffered an irreparable
loss. Even by those who knew her Majesty only by reputation, and never received her bounty,
our good and great queen is regretted universally. What, then, is due to her memory from
those who from experience can testify to all her great and admirable virtues and who have felt
the effects of her extraordinary bounty ? "
The Duke of Savoy having imposed upon his army a melancholy inaction, we
need not regret that no letter of Lord Galway dated before June 1695 has hitherto
been printed. Here is the first, dated Camp before Casale (May 31), June 10,
1695 :—
" Viscount Galway to the Duke of Shrewsbury. — I am much obliged to you for the honour
of your information that the affairs of this country are at present in your department [as one
of the Secretaries of State]. I shall have great pleasure in sending you an account of what
passes in this court, and in receiving your orders — for I hope you will have the goodness to
give me occasional instructions.
" You know, my Lord, that the Duke of Savoy is a prince of great application to war and
politics — very penetrating, and very difficult to be penetrated. This last peculiarity of his
character would make me very bold, if I ventured to answer for his inclination not only to a
separate but also to a general peace. But I judge of the sincerity of his words and actions by
his own interests, with which he is well acquainted ; and I think I can assure you that all the
princes of the league may rely certainly on his firmness. He is a prince who wishes to be
master ; and nothing pleases him like the command of a large army, and many troops at his
1 Sec the Parliamentary return headed "Vaudois," ordered by our House of Commons to be printed, 15th
May 1832.
350
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
disposal. He pays at present 27 battalions, 4 companies of his guards, 2 regiments of cavalry
and 3 of dragoons; and we may estimate his effective force at 15,000 foot and 2500 horse.
The Spanish have 8000 foot and 3000 horse ; the Imperialists, 8000 foot and 4500 horse.
Thus, we may reckon on 30,000 infantry and 10,000 cavalry (of whom we must leave in the
Milanese, in the quarters of the Imperialists, and in the fortresses of Piedmont, at least 8000
infantry and 1000 horse) ; so that we may bring into the field about 30,000 men. Under the
orders of Monsieur Catinat, in the provinces bordering on the Alps, there are 50,000 foot and
4000 or 5000 horse, without reckoning the ' Troupes de la Marine,' who are in Provence
under the orders of Monsieur de Tourville, and will not leave the coasts.
" If our affairs were directed by a single and skilful head, we should at least be able to give
some annoyance to the enemy. But though our chiefs are men of great merit, and perfectly
well-intentioned, they cannot think alike, nor have they the same interests. And it were to be
wished, that we had generals of greater experience.
" We are at present engaged in projects for the siege of Casale, for it is true that if we do
not undertake it, there is great appearance that we shall spend this campaign (as we did the
other) without doing anything. But it is certain that if we finish our lines, and establish a
blockade as we ought, we shall soon be masters of it without expense, without loss of men, and
without risk. And if we persist in the design of besieging 1 it, we shall encounter many difficul-
ties, we shall lose many men and much time ; and the enemy in the interim will take Demont,
which will give them a third entrance into Piedmont. It is even to be feared that in the later
season they may still farther avail themselves of the weakness to which the siege will have
previously reduced our infantry.
" However, since it has been determined to undertake the siege (though I was of a contrary
opinion), I urge our generals as much as possible to adopt a decided part ; for in speaking
perpetually of the siege, we forget the lines and take no measures as elsewhere. I much fear,
indeed, that we shall not finish the lines, and shall pass the campaign in the vicinity of Casale.
After that, if the enemy choose to attempt anything in Piedmont, we shall not find ourselves
in a condition to oppose them, because we shall have adopted no measure for our subsistence
in that quarter.
" Such, my Lord, is the present state of our affairs. I will do myself the honour of sending
you a regular account. And I humbly beg you to impart your sentiments to me, that I may
regulate my conduct for the service of the king and the advantage and prosperity of the
nation." 2
The desires and projects of the different leaders formed a strange medley. The
Duke of Savoy's whole attention was directed to the fortresses of Casale and Pignerol.
The Austrians and Spaniards concentrated their fondness on Italy. Lord Galway's
programme was that the land forces should combine with the British fleet to assault
Marseilles or Toulon, with a view to the destruction of the French navy and shipping.
Being outvoted in a council of war, he next proposed the siege of Nice, but this proposal
was also rejected. The operation which was sanctioned was contrary to the sense of
the majority, namely, an assault upon Casale. Lord Gahvay disapproved of the
scheme, on the ground that the progressing blockade would compel that fortress to
surrender without any sacrifice of men and means.
While the army were making creditable preparations for the assault, the fact was
that the French had agreed privately with the Duke of Savoy that the fortress, after
being dismantled, should be evacuated by them and handed over to the Duke of
Mantua. The form of taking the place by storm was, however, to be enacted. This
does not detract from the valour and diligence of the officers and soldiers, for they
doubted not that the Duke was in earnest. Lord Galway's letter was written in the
midst of the preparations. After a fortnight's siege, on the 1 ith of July, the garrison
capitulated.
The biographer of King William records the following incidents connected with
the execution of the capitulation : — " In the execution of the capitulation, it plainly
appeared that the Duke of Savoy began to lean on the French side. For he not
only suffered them to work very slowly on the demolishing the fortifications of
Casale, whereby the forces of the allies were hindered from entering upon some
other considerable enterprise, but also allowed them several things out of the public
magazines, which of right belonged to the confederates. The Lord Gahvay, who
commanded His Britannic Majesty's forces in Piedmont, was so disgusted with these
proceedings that, having been left before Casale with several battalions to see the
capitulation performed, he retired' to Turin to make his complaints to the Duke ;
nor could he be persuaded to go back till he was assured by His Royal Highness
that no wrong should be done to the Emperor or any of his allies."
While Lord Galway's letters to the Duke of Shrewsbury have been collected and
printed by Archdeacon Coxe, his more official correspondence with Mr. Blathwait,
1 i.e., storming it.
2 The letters from Lord Galway to the Duke are taken from Coxe's " Life of Shrewsbury."
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL IV AY.
35i
secretary-at-war, was dispersed by an auction sale, only a very few letters having
been secured for the British Museum. To it he alludes in his letter to the Duke,
dated Camp near Casale, July 19-29 1695 : —
" My Lord, I write twice a-week to the king and to Mr. Blathwayt, from whose letters
I receive His Majesty's orders. But I know it is also my duty to inform you of what passes
here You will (I trust) have seen, my Lord, that I have done all in my power to
engage the chiefs to use all their efforts towards the sea, to profit by the superiority of our
fleet."
The original of one of Lord Galway's letters to Mr. Blathwait has come into
my possession, and I give a translation of it here. It alludes to the demolition of
Casale : —
"Camp near Casale, 12-22 August 1695.
" Sir, — I have returned here. I do not know if the courier whom you sent to me has been
despatched. I fear that the bad state of His Royal Highness' health has delayed his departure.
I have been informed that his fits of ague continue. I have sent couriers to our consuls at
Venice, Genoa, and Leghorn, to give them the good news of the taking of Namur. I have
also written it to the admiral, who, according to the last advices, was at Barcelona on August
2d (n.s.). I have also let him know that, according to all the advices from France, the enemy
are under no apprehension of any expedition from his quarter ; so that, if he thinks proper to
revisit their coast, I believe he will give them a surprise. I am expecting news day after day
of the king's next step, now that Namur is surrendered. The demolition of our fortress goes on
slowly. All the native soldiers, and even the officers, fall sick. Only two in my own house-
hold have altogether escaped. You may well believe that I would greatly desire to be out of
this country. I hope that the king does me the justice not to believe that I have any longing
to go to England because of uneasy feelings. I prefer his service to my private affairs, which
are all right as long as I have the happiness to be in his service, and to give him satisfaction.
—I am, with all my heart, Sir, &c., " Gallway."
Here I may digress in order to notice two matters suggested in Lord Galway's
letters to Mr. Blathwait. British soldiers have long been famous for their bravery
and prowess, but the army has sometimes suffered from the want of well-educated
officers. The Stuart dynasty left England destitute of capable officers, or nearly so.
Our military efficiency was restored, to a large extent, through the introduction of
French refugee officers, their accomplishments and their discipline. In a letter from
the camp before Casale, 2-12 July 1695, Lord Gal way gives an account of an average
English officer : —
" Your cousin, Captain Povey, arrived on the day of the surrender of this place, but we
have not been able to give him employment. We are in great need of capable men in the
artillery; but I must tell you that I fear that his knowledge is not very practical, as he has
always had an artillery command under King Charles and King James, but no fighting \_mais
sans guerre]. I presented him to His Royal Highness to-day, who is well disposed to do him
a favour, and will have him examined. But there is another cause for regret, that no one here
can speak English, and he can speak neither German nor Italian, and but little French."
The other matter is of a more sentimental and personal nature. Lord Galway
was never married, and (as far as is known) never in love. Certainly he had given
his whole heart to his Church, his king, and his public duties. A young officer,
Prince Charles of Brandenburg, fell in love and married. Joining the army in
Piedmont, he soon fell sick and took to his bed, and in less than three weeks he died.
Lord Galway wrote of him as a brave and meritorious officer ruined by love. Let
the refugee General speak in his mother tongue : —
" 7-17 Juillet 1695. — Le Prince Charles de Brandebourg est tres mal apres le beau manage
qu'il a fait. Je crois que le chagrin de ne pouvoir passer sa vie aupres de sa dame l'a mit
dans l'etat ou il est."
" 10-20 Juillet. — M. le P. Charles de Brandebourg, qui est malade depuis quinze jours,
etoit hier a la derniere extremite. Je n'en ai pas encore de nouvelles aujourdhui."
"13-23 Juillet. — M. le Prince Charles de Brandebourg est mort depuis deux heures.
C'etoit un prince de courage et de merite que l'amour avoit perdu. Cette avanture l'avoit jctte
dans un extreme melancolie qui n'a pas peu contribue a sa mort." 1
Casale having been given over to the Duke of Mantua, the Duke of Savoy's next
proposal was the reduction of the town and fortress of Pignerol. Lord Galway con-
sidered the project impracticable and unwise, and again pressed his overture for the
siege of Nice. King William entirely concurred with Lord Galway ; but while
1 MSS. in British Museum.
352
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
assuring him of this, he sent him orders to acquiesce in the Pignerol scheme, entirely
out of deference to the Duke of Savoy. This was accordingly done, the king and
his obedient servant hoping " that this compliance would ensure the fidelity of the
Duke, and eventually win his concurrence to the prosecution of operations against
the French coasts." The Duke, it now appears, hoped to obtain Pignerol from the
French by diplomacy. He accordingly did nothing in the campaign but waste the
season ; and thus the year 1695 passed away. During the winter Lord Galway was
in the cantons of Zurich and Berne raising recruits : 3000 Swiss were thus obtained. 1
The year 1696 found the confederates with increasing suspicions. A papal
nuncio had publicly appeared at the ducal court to advise peace, out of pity for the
miseries of his Highness's people and the misfortunes of Italy. The Duke's formal
answer was what Lord Galway called " such as we could wish, being to the effect
that peace could not be made without the unanimous consent of all the allies."
His Highness was nevertheless prepared to treat with France for his own covet-
ous and ambitious ends. But he was perplexed how to contrive an opportunity for
negotiation, " convinced that all his movements were watched by Lord Galway, and
fearful of confiding even in his own ministers." So says Coxe ; and the biographer
of King William writes, that " the Duke was narrowly watched by the vigilant Lord
Galway," and devised a plan "to avoid the prying sagacity of that minister."
Lord Galway was not expected, and did not desire, to be present at Roman
Catholic ceremonies. The Duke, therefore, told him that he would be absent for
fifteen days on a religious pilgrimage at Loretto. Both Prince Lugene and Lord
Galway sent spies to watch him ; and it is said that the latter gained over some of
the subordinate clerks and secretaries. But eluding all observation, the Duke carried
on the negotiation. As a pilgrim, he must have monks for his companions. And
some French agents (including, it is believed, the Comte de Tesse) were attired in
monastic costume for the occasion. The bribes which the Duke then accepted from
France were, for such a man, dazzling beyond conception, namely, the cession of
Pignerol, the marriage of the Princess Maria Adelaide of Savoy to the Duke of
Burgundy, and the honours due only to ambassadors from crowned heads for his
ambassadors at the French court. Having thus sacrificed to and worshipped
Mammon, he quietly returned home on March 15th, as if a religious ceremonial had
been engrossing his mind.
Lord Galway wrote about this time to the Duke of Shrewsbury. The following
is an extract from his letter, dated Turin (February 29), March 10, 1696 : —
'• His Royal Highness sent me on the first of this month to Vercelli to reform one of the
battalions in the service of the king. He departed the next day for Milan, and two days after
set out for Loretto. He traversed Parma, Modena, and Bologna. He told me on passing through
Vercelli that his journey would occupy fifteen days; so that I do not expect him here until
the 15th of this month. However, the enemy have taken the necessary measures to pass the
mountains and enter the plains ; their gendarmerie and cavalry, who were in winter quarters
in Franche Comte, are ordered to be in readiness to march on the commencement of this
month. I hope his Highness, on his return to Milan, will send hither a detachment of the
Imperial and Spanish troops, which will suffice, with his own, to prevent at this season the
enterprises of the enemy.
" By this time the Toulon fleet must be at sea, according to the last advices from Mar-
seilles. Letters from Lyons announce that the French have collected at Calais a large
armament of fishing vessels and small craft to transport the troops for the invasion of England,
and that King James has posted from Paris to Calais. It is long since I informed you that
in Italy they affirmed that the main design of France this year was to invade England. I hope
we shall be prepared to receive them."
The Duke of Savoy's bargain with France was still a secret, when a hitch
occurred (on May 30th) which, though it irritated him, enabled him to secure the
concealment of the whole plot by an apparent manifestation of habitual good faith
towards the allies. The French diplomatists had prevailed on the Duke's agent to
sign the treaty, with a new clause delaying the cession of Pignerol until the procla-
mation of a general peace. The grasping Victor Amedeo promptly repudiated the
transaction. The French king in his turn waxed wroth, and ordered letters to be
addressed to him, containing "threats of most exemplary vengeance," unless he
accepted the French offers. The duke, with the air of one who let his allies read all
his correspondence, showed these letters to Lord Galway and the other generals. He
declared himself keen for fighting. And the confederates admired his ingenuousness,
and sympathized with him as showing a bold front against both the honeyed baits
and the savage menaces of France.
1 Luttrell, under dates 9th Nov., 30th Nov., and 28th Dec. 1695.
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL WA Y.
353
Coxe expresses surprise at " the blindness of Lord Galway." But his Lordship's
vindication is as complete as was the great Duke of Wellington's in a similar case.
The Czar Nicholas having made to Wellington certain statements which he from such
authority had received as facts, Canning pointed out some written information
received from St. Petersburg undoubtedly authentic but totally incompatible with
the imperial statement. Wellington read it attentively, and then said to Canning,
" Yes, I see what you mean ; but could I suppose that the fellow was a liar ? " So
Lord Macaulay vindicates our ambassador from the imputation of a strange blindness
by simply mentioning that the Duke of Savoy solemnly assured Lord Galway that
there was no ground for the suspicion that he was secretly treating with France.
The following document is the crowning act of his Highness's treachery: —
The Duke of Savoy to King William.
"June 17, 1696. — I doubt not that my Lord Galway, whom I have acquainted with what
passes here, has sent a very accurate report to your Majesty. My duty and inclination,
however, compel me to inform you of it myself by this letter, which encloses copies of one
from Marshal Catinat, and of the answer I ordered to be returned, with his reply and mine.
The sentiment of the allied chiefs here has been to gain time for keeping the enemy in suspense.
This is my view also ; and of what shall ensue I will render a faithful account to your Majesty,
who will allow me to represent that (if your service would permit it) the return of your fleet to
the Mediterranean would be very advantageous to your Majesty and to the good of the common
cause, particularly to whatever related to the affairs of this country.
" I humbly entreat your Majesty to give the necessary orders that I may receive, as soon
as possible, the subsidy which I enjoy from your royal generosity, assuring you that I never
was under so pressing a necessity. It shall be applied solely for the service of your Majesty
and of the common cause in this country. I solemnly promise that I will cherish the most
ardent zeal for both. And my strongest desire will ever be to merit, on all public occasions,
the continuation of your Majesty's powerful protection, and the honour of declaring myself,
with the highest respect and truth, cS:c, &c. " V. Amede." 1
The request for the pecuniary subsidy was the real object of this letter. " He
had " (says Smollett) " concealed the treaty until he should receive the remaining
part of the subsidies due to him from the confederates. A considerable sum had
been remitted from England to Genoa for his use ; but Lord Galway no sooner
received intimation of his new engagement than he put a stop to the payment of this
money, which he employed in the Milanese for the subsistence of those troops that
were in the British service."
The Emperor Leopold of Austria, learning at last how matters stood, paid
counter-addresses to his highness, and attempted as a rival courtier to outbid the
Grand Monarque. But the imperial negotiations only gave the duke an oppor-
tunity of confessing that he had concluded a treaty with France. So Lord Galway
wrote to the Duke of Shrewsbury from the Camp of Civasso, August (6) 16, 1696 : —
" Since I wrote last, Count Mansfeld came hither with new proposals from the Emperor to
his Royal Highness. But he found him too deeply engaged to be shaken in his resolutions ;
for he declared that at any price he must have Pignerol, and would treat only with those who
would put it immediately into his possession. He asked him, ' Will the allies without delay
restore me that important place, for which I will admit no equivalent ? ' adding, ' Since you
know they cannot, I am determined to accept the proposals of France, who can restore it by
the treaty I shall conclude with that crown, the conditions of which are that the allies shall
accept a neutrality for Italy, and withdraw their troops.' Monsieur de Mansfeld represented
that his orders from the Emperor were to do nothing without the consent of all the allies, who
were too distant to arrange an affair of such importance in so limited a time. His Royal
Highness, apparently impressed by these just reasons, at once offered to procure a pro-
longation of the truce to the end of September, which the marshal refused. We were
apprized of the course of this negotiation before the arrival of Count Mansfeld. The question
is reduced to the acceptance of the neutrality before the 20th of September, or the renewal of
the war."
The next letter of Lord Galway's, from which I shall quote, states his feelings as
a soldier, and his conduct as an ambassador. Camp at Saluzze, August (17) 27,
1 696 : —
" If I judge rightly, we shall place all our infantry in the fortresses, and shall use our
cavalry to incommode the enemy in their convoys and foraging parties. . . . His Royal
Highness declared to me, two days ago, that he would sign his treaty. I deemed it my duty
to tell him that, since he was resolved to do it, I thought a minister of the king could no
1 I lis domestic and military papers were written in Italian, and signed "V. Amedeo." His foreign
correspondence was in French, and from the signature the final O was omitted.
I. 2 Y
354
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
longer remain with him, unless his Majesty sent me other orders, which I should wait for at
the army ; and 1 took my leave of him. I am sending to Milan the effects and equipages
which I had at Turin."
From the Camp of St. Mazaro, Sept. (5) 15, 1696, Lord Galway wrote to the
Duke of Shrewsbury : —
" I have described to you the manner in which I withdrew from the Duke of Savoy after
the declaration he made to me that he would sign his treaty with France at the end of August,
and denounce war against the allies on the 17th of September, if the neutrality were not
accepted. It seemed to me that his Majesty could no longer have a minister in the court of
that prince, after a treaty signed with the enemy, and a resolution taken to declare war against
the allies, unless they accepted a neutrality to which his Majesty is adverse. Since I have
quitted his states, his Royal Highness has sent me a present, which, not thinking proper to
accept, I refused with much submission, desiring the master of the ceremonies to keep it until
he should know whether the king would permit me to receive it."
Luttrell states — " His lordship refused the Duke of Savoy's picture set with
diamonds, offered him by that duke."
On September 16th, the Duke of Savoy, 2s generalissimo of tlie enemy, marched
into the Milanese, and the siege of Valenza was commenced. We observe Lord
Galway full of plans for harassing the invaders. We detect him looking out at the
heavy rains, and rejoicing in them as obstructions to siege-works. We encounter
him in his correspondence shocked at the idea of Austria making a separate treaty
with France, and hoping that those imperialists are not going to desert next. The
Duke was bent on taking Valenza ; but at the end of thirteen days he had lost 2000
men, and had made no progress. The heavy rains would soon have compelled him
to raise the siege, and to allow the allies winter quarters in Italy. However, both
the siege and the vigorous resistance were terminated by the peace, known as the
Convention of Vigevano, and dated October 7th.
The contracting parties were France, Savoy, Spain, and Austria. The French
agreed to evacuate Italy, on condition that the same was done by the other
allies, except the Spaniards, who were to remain in possession of the Milanese.
England was not mentioned. When a sketch or draft had been prepared for circula-
tion, it was said that the pacific document would have been suspected as spurious, if
the name of such a fire-eating warrior as William of Orange had been inserted.
The Duke directed his envoy, President De la Tour, to announce the ratification of
the treaty to King William at the camp in Flanders. William received the message
with contemptuous silence, but wrote to Lord Galway to remonstrate with the Duke
in such terms as his ingratitude and duplicity deserved.
In November 1696, Lord Galway, with his contingent, joined the army in the
Netherlands ; but matters were now ripe for the negotiations which ended in the
Peace of Ryswick, and he very soon returned to England, where he arrived nth
January 1697. The general conviction that peace would soon be proclaimed was
the occasion of a heavy pecuniary loss to our hero.
The Duke de St. Simon states, that although Lord Galway 's estate was confis-
cated, there was a large sum of money for him in the custody of a friend of his
father. The old Marquis, having been permitted to retain all his wealth, had left
this sum in the hands of President Harlay, who evidently could take the deposit
with unquestionable loyalty to his king. And after old Ruvigny's death, the
President had honourably regarded the father as surviving in the person of the heir.
For about twelve years, old Harlay had shown himself a true man. At length peace
was to be proclaimed between France and England. Lord Galway 's position as a
naturalized British subject would be recognized by the French government, to whom
he would no longer be amenable on the charge of treason. The money then could
be openly paid over to him. But Harlay had looked on the precious treasure too
long, to be able to endure the pangs of parting from it. So, believing that Louis
would like to hear of an opportunity for taking revenge on Lord Galway, he waited
on the Monarque, and said, "Of course your Majesty knows that old Ruvigny left
some of his money as a deposit in my charge ; it ought to be handed over to your
Majesty." The king replied, " I give it to you." And thus did Harlay appropriate
his old friend's property, and overreach his friend's son. Although the transaction
gratified the king's spite, it caused a burst of indignation and execration all over
France. 1 The king comforted his avaricious servant with marks of his favour, and
1 The Duke de St. Simon stigmatizes the President for his conduct in this affair — "Get hypocrite de justice
<lc vcrtu, de desinteressement, et de rigorisme n'eut pas honte de se I'apptoprier, et de fehner les yeux et les
oreilles au bruit qu'excita ccttc pcrfidie." Professor Weiss has missed the point of this anecdote by not adverting
to the Duke's opening sentence: "La Paix s'approchant, le Roi la prevint par un trait de vengeance contre
mylord Galway, dont il n'aurait plus cte temps bientot apres."
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL IV A Y.
355
by giving high office to his son ; but all this was no real compensation for the
continued public odium.
What Lord Galway's doom would have been, if Louis could have put all his
revenge into execution, may be surmised from Luttrell's Memorandum, 16th Feb.
1697 — "Wrote from Ghent that the cartel between England and France is broken
by reason that some of the Lord Galway's domestics, taken by the Dunkirk
privateers, have been sent to the galleys."
The Duke of Shrewsbury had written to Lord Galway in Piedmont, expressing
most loyal sentiments as to the detected conspiracy of Sir John Fenwick and others.
Sir John, however, mischievously insinuated that the duke was in secret correspond-
ence with King James. King William eagerly assured the duke that the insinuation
had not made any impression on him ; but Shrewsbury insisted on retiring from
office. The king, unable to shake this resolution, looked to Lord Galway to help
him. This Ave learn from a letter from the Earl of Portland to the Duke of Shrews-
bury, dated Kensington, Oct. (20) 30, 1696, " I will say nothing of the loss you will
occasion to the king's service in retiring ; Lord Galway will, as it appears, speak to
you of it himself."
It is remarkable how at every stage in Lord Galway's course we hear his praises
sounded. Misson's panegyric is of this date. Speaking of the French refugees, it
says : — " The Earl of Galway, a brave and noble gentleman, if ever there was one
in the world, is their head, their friend, their refuge, their advocate, their support,
their protector. When he arrived from Turin some days ago, his house was so
crowded every morning, that for a quarter of an hour after his rising it was scarce
possible to get so much as to the bottom of the staircase."
Another memorial of Lord Galway is a ledger, still preserved 1 at Vevay, in
Switzerland, which shews that he maintained in that town above eighty-four members
of refugee Huguenot families. Their names, the houses in which they were boarded,
and the sums spent on them for the months of August, September, and October 1696
were carefully entered in this book by the almoner, and were afterwards revised by
his lordship himself. The money paid during the three months amounted to ^33
sterling; and the recipients were 37 orphan children, 25 other children, 10 widows,
8 women, and 2 men, the funeral charges for one orphan being included in that
expenditure.
Sec. 6. — His Appointment as one of the Lords-Justices of Ireland,
and His Elevation to the Earldom of Galway.
The government of Ireland, for about thirty years after 1688, was sometimes
confided to a viceroy, called the Lord-Deputy or Lord-Lieutenant, and sometimes to
Lords- Justices. During the term of a viceroy's office there were Lords-Justices
also, but these were only deputies during his temporary absence from Ireland, like the
Lords-Justices of England, appointed by William during his visits to Holland, or by
the first two Georges for their short terms of absence in Hanover. The office of
Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland was often dormant (the leading statesmen regarding it as
a banishment), and a Vice-Regal Board held sway, the Lords-Justices composing it
being not a viceroy's deputies, but the king's. It was as one of a vice-regal board
that Lord Galway was gazetted on February 6th, 1697, when it was announced that
" Lord Viscount Galway and John Methuen, Esq., Lord Chancellor of Ireland, were
constituted Lords-Justices of that kingdom."
To Lord Galway Ireland was not a scene of banishment ; in fact, it had since
1692 been his head-quarters, and the home towards which his eye had often wandered.
Detained at first by the exigencies of the campaign of 1693, he, by the casualties of
war, had been suddenly required to go to Savoy, and to undertake the temporary
work of an envoy-extraordinary. As there is no official record of his appointment
to command the forces in Ireland in 1697, we conclude that the first commission had
been kept in force, and that a deputy had been discharging his duties. The only
difference in his military position was, that formerly he had the local rank of
Licutcnant-General, but now, being a Lieutenant-Gcneral in the army, he had the
local rank of General.
He was also a landed proprietor in Ireland. The forfeited lands were regarded
by the king as suitable rewards to the supporters of his royal authority. Some
public men, who maliciously studied to thwart him in everything, kept alive the
sentiment that these lands should be sold, and that the national debt should be paid
with their price. The king therefore led parliament to expect that the legislature
1 Bulletin, vol. r>nge 459.
356
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
would be consulted previously to any estates being given away. The confusion of
the times often cut short the existence of parliaments, so that there was no time for
going through all the stages of a bill, which otherwise might have been sure to pass
both houses. In the parliament that began on 22d October 1691, a bill passed the
House of Commons, and was in 1692 laid on the table of the House of Lords, "to
vest the forfeited estates in Ireland in their Majesties, to be applied to the uses of
the war," which bill " reserved to their Majesties one-third part of the forfeitures, to
be disposed and given to such military officers and soldiers (as their Majesties should
think fit) who actually served in the wars in Ireland in person there, and to no other
person or persons whatsoever" (Parliament had nothing to do with the royal estates
which King James had been in possession of). This being therefore the law that
seemed certain to be passed in due time, King William took the management of the
forfeitures, and gave grants of land in custodiam, that is, nominal leases, followed by
annual releases from the payment of rent. In the course of years, on the ground
that the House of Commons seemed to have no suggestions to offer, the king con-
verted the custodiam grants into absolute grants. So Lord Galway received the
Portarlington Estate, first in custodiam in 1693, and afterwards absolutely on the
26th June 1696, as appears from the Irish Patent Rolls, Grants to Henry, Viscount
Galway. The proprietor who had forfeited the estate was Sir Patrick Trant of
Brannockstoune, as he styled himself ; the lands of Brannockstoune, in the county
of Kildare, being probably favourite ones, originally the property of Sir John
Eustace, who had mortgaged them to Sir Patrick. The Portarlington Estate had
been so named by Lord Arlington. The original lands of the Trants were probably
in county Kerry. The grant to Lord Galway calls the whole domain " the Lands of
Ballybrittas and others." 1
This grant of land, though large, cannot be called lavish. Luttrell states that
it was worth £3000 a yeer. What had been the estate of a knight would not appear
to be a prodigal settlement on a peer. The author of " Memoirs of Ireland " (page
185) states that John Trant, Sir Patrick's son, "by the encouragement of some
Tories near King William, came to England to solicit for his estate, which had been
granted to the Earl of Galway ; but he was baulked in his expectations, and his
friends could do him no service. Upon which he went to the Earl of Galway and
represented to him the want he was reduced to, being kept out of his estate by his
lordship. The Earl, whose humanity gained him the love of all that knew him, said
in answer, I owe the estate I hold to His Majesty's bounty, in consideration of my
service in this kingdom. I had a much better estate in France which was taken
from me. I doubt not your interest with the king of France, and you may very
readily get out of that French estate an equivalent for this Irish one."
I give from the Irish Patent Rolls an abridged catalogue of the Estate. The
different lots are described either as " lands " or " town and lands " (the word "town "
meaning simply a house and farm-buildings). Where &c. is added, a number of
other names are implied, for which the reader may search in the Patent Rolls of the
Irish Public Record Office. The acres are Irish — and an Irish is to an English acre
as 92 to 149. Throwing profitable and unprofitable acres into one sum, we find the
total to be about 36,068 Irish, or 58,414 English acres. If we deduct the unprofit-
able, there remain 23,985 Irish, or 38,845 English acres.
I. — The portion of Portarlington Estate in the Barony of Port 'neh inch, Queeris County.
Ballybrittas, &c, .......
Ballintogher, &c, .......
Cooletundery, alias Cullcuddery, alias Portarlington, &c, .
Tircogher, alias Tyrcoger, alias Forraigne, Brackloan, &c, .
Ballycoduffe, alias Ballyteigduffe, alias Jamestown, .
Rathrousin, alias Rathacres, .....
Killesberaghmore, &c, ......
Bally fobole, alias Bally fobyle, alias Ballyfoble, alias Ballypople, alias
Cordustowne and Berretuben, .....
Kinnester magna, Kinnester parva, &c, ....
Killnecort, Sec, .......
1 A paragraph in Narcissus Luttrel's "Historical Relation" would lead a reader to believe that Lord
Ckinrickard's estate was given to the Earl of Galway. But instead of Galway read Portland, and Luttrell's
paragraph is correct. Therefore I correct it, and then copy it as follows: — "4 Nov. 1699. The Earl of
Galway, one of the Lords Justices of Ireland, has sent over two Popish youths (grandsons to the Earl of
(Jlanrickard whose estate was forfeited and giveri to the Earl of Portland) to Eton School to be brought up in
the Protestant religion ; and as soon as they come to age, if they embrace that religion, my Lord Portland will
resign their grandfather's estate to them, and will in the meantime provide for them according to their quality."
% The first number is the number of profitable acres (unprofitable acres are numbered within the brackets).
II28 2
(242)
729
(i39)
540
(53)
370
(6)
354
(79)
725
(56)
3°7
(33)
345
(186)
567
(66)
1156
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL WA Y.
357
Ballymorish, alias Morristowne, &c, k 407 (g)
Rathleiss, alias Rathleissagh, alias Lowerland, &c, . . .138 (26)
II. — The other portion of Portarlington Estate situated in the Barony of Phillipstoione,
King's County.
Derryoglagh, alias Sherwood Marsh, . . . .512
Endagh, &c, ....... 398 (149)
Rathfestan, &c, with the red bog, ..... 869 (892)
Ballygowl, alias Ballyduff, &c, . . . . .298
Gortinegapple, &c, . . . . . . .227
Knockean, alias Ballykean, alias Keansbury, alias Entertierny, and
Ballywrine, . . . . . . ' . 385 (158)
Killcowny, &c, . . . . . . .275 (691)
Nourney, alias Purney, alias Leisbury, . . . 253 (9)
Raghine, &c., ....... 556
Ballymacrossan, &c, ...... 463
Clonagownagh, alias Clonegowny, &c, '. . . .867 (164)
Kilpagheshailagh, alias Ballynallownagh, alias Kilcappagh, . . 487 (626)
Innaghan, alias Shepard, &c., . . . . 313 (397)
Disart, alias Discart, &c, ...... 1466 (2218)
Clonehome, alias Clonequin, alias Queensclone, &c, . . 225 (478)
Gortineassey, alias Gortinefassey, alias Westland, . . .450
Enarthmore, alias Rathmore, alias Firstsight, . . 133
GrafBn, alias Gregnafin, and timberwoods, called Killenane, alias
Portarlington-Woods, belonging to the adjacent woods, . 1322
Cloonhorke, &c, ....... 678 (1150)
Loghill, alias Lockhill, alias Henryshin, .... 335
Templeshenes, alias Templeshane, alias Templeshore,
III. — Brannockstoune Estate in the Barony of Naas, County Kildare.
Brannockstoune, . . . . . . 397
Grangemore, . . . . . . .270
Yeagogstoune, . . . . . . .126
Rochestoune, ....... 38
IV. — Estate in County Kerry}
Scartaghegleny, &c, ...... 1280 / 4316 \
V Mountain /
Obreenane, &c, ...... 1380 (27)
Lemerchahall, &c, 336 (10)
Ballymonteene, &c, . . . . . .272
Ballynorrig, &c, ...... 348
[The above in the Barony of Trughanackmy.]
Ballymore, . . . . . . .185
[In the Barony of Corkaguiny.]
Ballynorrick, ....... 230
Killykill the east, . . . . . . .100
Ardconnell, . . . . . . .106
Killykill the west, . . . . . . .107
Ballyinandrew, . . . . . . .106
Tyreshannaghan, . . . . . . -75
[The above in the Barony of Clanmorris.]
Aghadoe and Raghernane, . .... 870
Knockernaght, . . . . . . .473
The able Irish historian, Dr. Reid, 2 says, with reference to the Lords-Justices of
this period, that upon Lord Galway "the chief responsibility of the government
rested." It appears that Mr. Methuen was specially sent to be a working member
of the board. There was some difficult political work, which would expose any
chief governor to unpopularity. Mr. Methuen was therefore prevailed upon to serve,
as an able barrister accustomed not to select his work, but to do it, and also as an
Englishman who had no Irish friends to lose. He was recommended to the king by
the Earl of Sunderland ; and for the object in view, he was appointed not only the
1 I find that the grant does not say that this estate belonged to Trant. Iiut as it gives no other name, 1
leave my former statement as a conjecture : though it may be more probable that Sir Patrick was altogether the
architect of his own fortune, and that there was no ancestral estate of the Trant family.
2 See Rcid's " History of the Presbyterian Church of Ireland" — a first rate work, which it is almost pre-
sumptuous in me to praise. I am indebted to it for many facts and references.
353
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Irish Chancellor, but also a Lord-Justice. However, even Methuen shrank from
facing a parliament, and it was thought better that he should remain as Lord Chan-
cellor only. Lord Gal way was for a short time the sole Lord-Justice. This was a
kind of interregnum, during which he visited England. His visit is alluded to in a
letter from Lady Russell. 1
Lord Galway was now promoted to the rank of Earl of Galway in the Peerage
of Ireland. His patent is dated 12th May 1697, and styles him Comes de Gallo-
way in regno nostra Hibernian. He also received a grant of supporters for his
armorial bearings — namely, " two savages crowned and girt with laurel, each
holding in his hand a club, and on the same arm as the club a shield with the arms
of Ireland." 2
Lord Galway founded Portarlington as a town. He built and endowed two
churches and two schools. The liturgy in the French language was used in the
French Church (or St. Paul's) until the beginning of the present century. The
schools taught the purest pronunciation of French, and Portarlington for more than
a century was the most fashionable seat of education in Ireland. Originally the
boys at Lord Galway 's schools had a costume resembling the dress still worn at
Christ Church. In an old account-book they are called ye blewbois (the blue boys).
English settlers were encouraged by the erection of the English Church (St.
Michael's). This church contained a slab, on which were engraved Lord Galway's
name as the founder, and the appropriate quotation from the Prayer-book Psalter,
"The righteous shall be had in everlasting remembrance." The author of "Jus
Regium" states that Lord Galway's tenants, "by the encouragement they had from
the compassion and goodness of that lord, built about one hundred and thirty neat
tenements." Lord Galway's leases were and are renewable for ever. The following
is a specimen of the tenure by which lands in the Portarlington estate are held in
the present day: — " Lease, dated 13th September 1699, from the Earl of Gallway
to Colonel Daniel Le Grand Du Petit Bosc, for the term of three lives, renewable
for ever, on payment of half a year's rent as a renewal fine on the fall of each life —
the last renewal whereof bears date the 28th February 1850, from the Earl of
Portarlington and others, to Mrs. Elenor Newton, for lives of Lessee, the King of
the Belgians, and Prince Albert."
Sec. 7.— The Earl of Galway and Irish Presbyterians.
On May 25th, the Marquis of Winchester, eldest son of the Duke of Bolton, was
gazetted as a Lord-Justice of Ireland, in conjunction with the Earl of Galway. A
third name was added, but it was only a name, as Viscount Villiers never came to
Ireland, being constantly employed as an envoy in Holland. A regular cavalcade
attended the two Lords-Justices on their departure from London, en route for Chester.
Luttrell says : " The Marquis of Winchester, the Earl of Galway, and Lord Chan-
cellor Methuen, were attended out of town by the Earl of Bridgewater, Lord
Lucas, &c, with eight coaches and six horses."
After their arrival in Dublin, it was decided that the Parliament should meet in
July. Such an event having become a rarity, the opening proceedings are recorded
in stately language in the Journal of the House of Lords : —
"Tuesday, 27 July 1697. — Charles, Lord Marquis of Winchester, and Henry, Earl of
Galway, Lords-Justices and General Governors of Ireland, entered the House with the usual
ceremonies of grandeur. The Lords-Justices, making their conge to the cloth of state, seated
themselves in the chairs under the canopy, all the Lords Spiritual and Temporal standing in
their places uncovered. The Lord Chancellor, as Speaker, kneeling, confers with the Lords-
Justices, and then ordered the gentleman usher of the black rod to acquaint the Commons
that it is the Lords-Justices' pleasure they should attend them in the House immediately.
The Commons enter the House. The Lords-Justices made an excellent speech."
The union of civil and military administration, which was usually Lord Galway's
lot, now characterised his Irish career. But before recording what he did, I shall
occupy the remainder of the section with apologising for what he did not do. Dr
Reid expresses just regret that the toleration of the Presbyterians was not embodied
in a law at this time, and for a moment he leaves the reader to infer that Lord Gal-
1 Lady Russell to Rev. Mr. Thornton, May 1697, " If I see Lord Galway, I will not fail to remember your
orders, sir, about Mr. Davids."
2 Burke's Extinct Peerage (edition of 1866), page 360. The arms of Massue De Renneval were a hunts-
man's gold horn on a blue shield. But the arms of Massue De Ruvigny were, " Quarterly: ist Arg., a fesse
gu., in chief, three martlets, sa., on a canton, or, a battle-axe of the third. 2nd gu., a chaplet of laurel, or, a
chief cheque, arg. and az. 3d, arg., three mallets, gu."
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GALIVAY.
359
way was to blame, in words which on revisal might have been struck out, because
inconsistent with all his other testimonies to the uniform integrity, impartiality, and
independence of the Lords-Justices in Church matters.
As a viceroy, the Earl of Galway had to govern through the Parliament, before
whom this measure had already been. And what had been the result ? Notwith-
standing King William's known desires, and the late Lord-Lieutenant, Lord Capel's,
expressed wishes, the Irish House of Lords, under the influence and with the votes
of the twenty-one bishops, had thrown out a bill for the legal toleration of Protestant
Dissenters. Thereafter, Lord Galway being known as a friend of toleration, and it
being expected that he and the Chancellor would summon a Parliament early in
1697, the bishops had opened a fierce pamphleteering campaign, stirring up the
people, and dealing out cruel insinuations against Presbyterians. Such leaders being
in the Upper House, it could only have increased the irritation to suggest to the
Commons to renew the lately defeated proposal.
While the legal position of the Presbyterians was unsatisfactory, Lord Galway
found them in the practical enjoyment of liberty. There was no sacramental test, as
in England, to exclude them from government employments. And the English
toleration seems to have been offered to them, upon the condition that the Anglican
Test should by the same law be extended to Ireland. Such a change would have
been worse than the existing- circumstances. It is true that the want of a law
enacting toleration placed Presbyterians in a sort of moral pillory ; it exposed to
penalties for the worship of God the multitude of brave Presbyterian soldiers, but for
whom Ireland, that pearl of the sea, would have had no place in William's crown.
But a toleration law along with a sacramental test would have banished them from
the public service, and would have given them nothing but what they did actually
possess. For how could the government sanction any prosecution on account of
religious worship, which their Regium Donum avowedly paid for ?
The Galway Case of 1698 illustrates most of what I have said. In consequence
of some Presbyterian families having arrived in that town, and having discovered
individual Presbyterians in the garrison, the Limerick Presbyterian minister, having
received an invitation, preached in Galway. The mayor put him in prison according
to law. He was liberated and sent back to Limerick on the Christian intercession
of the Archbishop of Tuam. The Lords-Justices received at the same time, first, a
memorial from the Dublin Presbyterian ministers in favour of their brother, the Rev.
William Biggar ; and secondly, a memorial from the mayor and corporation of
Galway, praying that, as there had not been any meeting of dissenters there for the
last twenty years, the Presbyterians should be prohibited from creating a division
among the Protestants, to weaken that interest in the midst of so many Romanists.
Dr Reid shall tell the rest : " The Lords-Justices sent for Mr Biggar, and found that
he had confined himself strictly to the preaching of the Gospel, and that he had not
given any unnecessary offence to the Episcopalians. They sent him back to Limerick,
and directed that, for the present, no Presbyterian should preach in Galway. They
immediately laid the whole case before the English government, to be submitted to
the king, and prayed that his Majesty's pleasure might be conveyed to them for their
future guidance. What directions were returned to them cannot now be ascertained.
But it is probable that the prohibition against preaching in Galway was removed by
order of the king; for, not more than two years after this period, there was not only
a Presbyterian congregation regularly organized there, but a minister duly ordained
to that charge." Dr Reid testifies to the uniform integrity, impartiality, and inde-
pendence of these Lords- Justices, which encouraged Presbyterians to bring their
complaints before them. He ascribes any incompleteness in the way of redress to
the transference of the government to the Earl of Rochester, through the pressure of
the opposition party, which compelled the king to dismiss his favourite ministers.
A similar testimony is borne in an answer, which in later times a Presbyterian
was provoked to write, to a libellous tract called " A sample of True-Bleu Presby-
terian Loyalty." The answer was published with the title, " A sample of Jet-Black
Prelatic Calumny." I quote the introduction to its account of a case tried before
Lord Galway and others (the case itself I need not narrate) : —
" In the year 1698, a petition against the Presbyterians of Ulster, framed by the Bishop of
Down and Connor, was sent to England to the Lords-Justices there (to whom the government
was committed during King William's absence) complaining of several practices of the Presby-
terians, by which the Established Church seemed to be in danger. This petition, not being
proper for the cognizance of the Justices of England, was remitted to the Chief-Governors of
Ireland, the Marquis of Winchester and the Earl of Galway, the proper judges of that matter,
360
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
though by the Irish clergy suspected to favour the Dissenters too much, and therefore not fit
to be trusted with a trial of that nature."
By combining this suspicion with a contrary verdict in another case, we may
conclude that Lord Galway was impartial. In the French Church of Cork, which
did not use the liturgy, a feud arose in 1698. The ministerial status of their pastor,
Monsieur Fontaine, having been called in question, the bishop recommended that he
should be episcopally ordained ; and, the good pastor having objected with excessive
heat, Bishop Wetenhall formally complained to the Lords-Justices. Lord Galway,
says the pastor in his journal, " was disposed to sacrifice me to please the Bishop of
Cork." An unsatisfactory correspondence following, Fontaine resigned, with a
reservation which he records thus : " I wrote to Lord Galway and told him that if
any change should be made in the mode of worship I had adopted, by the appoint-
ment of an Fnglish clergyman, I should feel myself bound, in spite of my resignation,
to officiate for that portion of the flock who preferred the French usage. I believe
this threat was not without its effect in causing Lord Galway to recommend Mr
Marcomb for my successor, which was most satisfactory to me." 1 The whole system
in such cases is easily explained. The bishops predominated in the Irish privy
council, so that when Lord Galway referred a case to the council, the episcopal party
got their own way. In cases where this result might prove oppressive, Lord Galway
kept the business in his own hands, and stood firm to his royal master's maxims of
toleration.
Having been led out of the proper chronological order, I now return to the
opening of Lord Galway 's Irish administration. Colonel Arthur Upton of Temple-
patrick, and for many years M.P. for County Antrim, had long been the acknowledged
chief of the Presbyterians. Like all the Presbyterians of influence, he had stood out
against Oliver Cromwell ; but he early appeared for King William, and raised a
regiment from among his tenantry. His eldest surviving son, Captain Arthur
Upton, fought at the Battle of Aughrim, but fell among the slain. Thereafter his
heir-apparent was Colonel Clotworthy Upton, a brave officer, who in his father's old
age worthily continued his public work. I conclude this section with an extract
from a letter from the young Colonel to Mr Carstares, the well-known secretary of
King William : —
" London, August 30, 1697. ... As to our old affair, it stands just as it did, my Lord
Galway not being willing, as I apprehend, to meddle with a thing of that nature on his first
entrance on the government. His coldness in it, and delays, at last make me believe he never
spoke to the king about it; or, if he did, that his Majesty was of opinion with his Lordship,
but was unwilling to give a denial to so considerable a body of his faithful friends. Therefore
we are put off with courtiers' promises, and in the meantime we lie under the lash of severe
laws. . . . Our government in Ireland pleases all sorts of people extremely ; and I doubt not
but my Lord Galway's wisdom and prudence will continue it. — I remain, Reverend Sir, your
faithful humble servant, " Clot. Upton."
Sec. 8. — The Earl of Galway's Government of Ireland from 1697 to 1701.
The Peace with France was signed at King William's Palace of Neuburg House,
close to the village of Ryswick, on the 30th October 1697. In honour of it, the
absentee Lord-Justice of Ireland, Viscount Villiers, was made Earl of Jersey, and sent
envoy to the Hague.
The peace establishment had now to be settled. Lord Galway had submitted to
the king a plan for counteracting the theoretical mania for an immense reduction of
the army. To reduce the estimates, as the theorisers must have desired, and at the
same time to moderate their craving for a rash disbanding, his lordship proposed to
diminish the full pay of officers in Ireland. He received the following letter, dated
from the king's favourite residence in Holland : —
" Loo, October 18, 1697.
" The peace being now made and ratified, it must be considered what forces to keep on
foot. I much approve the project you sent me of keeping in Ireland twenty battalions of
infantry, four regiments of dragoons, and eighteen troops of horse, and reducing the pay of
the officers. I have imparted this project to none but Lord Portland, whom I am going to
send into England, and with whom you must correspond about this matter, and let me know
what public orders will be necessary to be given for the execution of this affair. My design
is to disband most of the regiments of foot and dragoons now in Ireland, and to send thither
some of those that are in Flanders. I also intend to send thither your regiment of horse,
1 " Memoirs of a Huguenot Family," translated and compiled from the Autobiography of Fontaine. New
York, 1853.
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL WAY.
361
and the three French regiments of foot, incorporating some officers, who have served in
Piedmont, of the four regiments which are on the Rhine, and which I am going to reform,
and to take all the French Protestant soldiers, and put them into the three above-mentioned
regiments. Be always assured of the continuance of my friendship. "William R." 1
" f.S. — I think to reduce Wolseley's regiment to three troops, and yours to six, to remove
all jealousy in England."
I now revert to the parliament which began in the end of July. From the " ex-
cellent speech" of the Lords-Justices I need extract one sentence only. " We think
the present occasion so favourable for inviting and encouraging Protestant strangers
to settle here, that we cannot omit to put you in mind of it, especially since that may
contribute to the increase of the linen manufacture, which is the most beneficial trade
that can be encouraged in Ireland." One reason for this hint was, that the expor-
tation of woollen manufactures from Ireland to England was viewed by the English
with great alarm and indignation.
To show the difficulties attendant on the proposed establishment, I insert an ex-
tract of a letter to John Locke, from William Molyneux, Esq., dated from Dublin,
26th Sept. 1696 : —
"About the year 1692 (I think), one Monsieur Du Pin came to Dublin from England,
and here, by the King and Queen's letter and patents thereon, he set up a royal corporation
for carrying on the linen manufacture in Ireland. Into this corporation many of the nobility
and gentry were admitted, more for their countenance and favour to the project than for any
great help could be expected, either from their purses or heads, to carry on the work. Du
Pin himself was nominated Under-governor, and a great bustle was made about the business :
many meetings were held, and considerable sums advanced to forward the work, and the
members promised themselves prodigious gains. And this expectation prevailed so far (by
what artifices I cannot tell) as to raise the value of each share to ,£40 or £50, though but £5
was paid by each member at first for every share he had. At length artificers began to be set
at work, and some parcels of cloth were made ; when, on a sudden, there happened some
controversy between the corporation here in Ireland, and such another corporation established
in England by London undertakers, and in which Du Pin was also a chief member. Much
time was spent in managing this dispute, and the work began in the meantime to flag, and the
price of the shares to lower mightily. But some little time before this controversy, some
private gentlemen and merchants, on their own stock, without the authority of an incorporating
patent, set up a linen manufacture at Drogheda, which promised and thrived very well at first ;
and the corporation at Dublin perceiving this, began to quarrel with them also, and would
never let them alone till they embodied with them. These quarrels and controversies (the
particulars whereof I can give you no account of, for I was not engaged amongst them, and I
can get no one that was who can give any tolerable account of them) grew so high, and Du
Pin began to play such tricks, that all were discouraged, and withdrew as fast as they could ;
so that now all is blown up, and nothing of this kind is carried on, but by such as, out of their
own private purses, set up looms and bleaching yards. We have many of these in many parts
of Ireland ; and, I believe, no country in the world is better adapted for it, especially the north.
I have as good diaper made by some of my tenants nigh Armagh, as can come to a table, and
all other cloths for household uses.
" As to the law for the encouraging the linen manufacture, 'tis this. In the 17th and 18th
of Car. II. there was an Act of Parliament made, ' obliging all landlords and tenants to sow
such a certain proportion of their holdings with flax, under a great penalty on both, on failure ;
and empowering the Sheriffs to levy £20, in each of their respective counties, to be distributed
at the quarter sessions, yearly, to the three persons who should bring in the three best webs of
linen cloth of such a length and breadth, ^10 to the first, £6 to the second, and £4 to the
third.' This, whilst it lasted, was a great encouragement to the country people, to strive to
outdo each other, and it produced excellent cloth all over the kingdom ; but then it was but
temporary (only for twenty years from passing the Act), and is now expired. But that part of
the act ' ordaining landlords and tenants to sow flax' is perpetual, and I can give no reason
why 'tis not executed. Only this I can say, that the transgression is so universal, and the for-
feiture thereon to the king so severe, that, if it were inquired into, I believe all the estates in
Ireland would be forfeited to His Majesty; so that now the multitude of sinners is their
security. This statute you will find amongst the Irish Acts (17th and 18th Car. II., cap. 9).
" England most certainly will never let us thrive by the woollen trade ; it is their darling
mistress, and they are jealous of any rival. But I see not that we interfere with them in the
least by the linen trade ; so that that is yet left open to us to grow rich by, if it were well
established and managed; but by what means this should be, truly I dare not venture to give
my thoughts."
In accordance with the Lords-Justices' speech, the Parliament passed two resolu-
1 The Letters from His Majesty to Lord Galway on the Government of Ireland arc taken from Grimblot's
Letters of William III. and Louis XIV. and their Ministers, in two volumes.
I. 2 Z
362
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
tions in favour of the commercial object recommended to their fostering care. The
first was an Act to continue for ten years longer, and with additional privileges, the
Act of 1692, for naturalizing Foreign Protestants, and for securing to them the free
exercise of their religion, and liberty of meeting together for the worship of God, and
of hearing Divine Service and performing other religious duties in their own several
rites used in their own countries. The second was, a resolution (which was acted
upon) praying the Lords-Justices that a Foreign Protestant minister might be ap-
pointed at a reasonable salary, in every parish where fifty of such Protestant strangers
might be settled.
That Colonel Upton might not have occasion to say that Irish Presbyterians
received nothing but courtiers' promises, a resolution was passed with regard to the
penalties incurred by those who did not attend their parish churches. The House
of Commons resolved that the penalties should not in future be enforced against any
one who should subscribe the declaration required in the room of the Oath of Supre-
macy. This was also in 1697.
It was because the king knew that the French refugees and their regiments were
unpopular in England, that he planned their establishment in Ireland under the wing
of Lord Galway. It was politic to hint that as regimental keepers of the peace they
might be dispensed with in course of time. Luttrell mentions, under date 2d Nov.
1697, that the French refugees living on charity in England were ordered to go to
Ireland, where they would be encouraged to follow their several trades ; also, that
the French refugee regiments were to be ordered there, perhaps to be gradually dis-
banded, and settled upon grants of land.
The parliamentary session ended on the 3d of December. Before the intelligence
could reach England, the king had written to Lord Galway : —
" Kensington, {Nov. 26) Bee. 6, 1697.
" I refer you to what Lord Portland will write to you about the forces, by which you will
learn my intentions. I assure you that I am very much troubled to find things here run so
high against the poor refugees. This has struck me; but you know these sorts of things pass
here very easily. Be ever assured of my esteem. William R.
" P.S. — I hope you'll be able to put an end very soon to the parliament of Ireland."
The next session was important as following in the wake of the parliament of
England. There was a feeling among some parties in Ireland that England kept
their country too much in subjection. And it found expression in a pamphlet or
book of 174 pages, dedicated to the king by the author, William Molyneux, of Dub-
lin, Esquire, who is known to the admirers of Locke as one of his most intimate
correspondents. The title of the tractate was, " The Case of Ireland being bound by
Acts of Parliament in England stated." Its doctrine was that an English Act was
not in force in the sister country, unless re-enacted by the Irish Parliament. The
treatise was purely argumentative and free from personalities. Mr. Molyneux says
in his Preface, " I have not any concern in wooll or the wooll-trade. ... I think I
am as free from any personal prejudice in this cause as 'tis possible to expect any
man should be that has an estate and property in this kingdom, and who is a Mem-
ber of Parliament therein." He argued that a charter, recognising free parliaments
in Ireland, had been granted by Henry III. in the first year of his reign. And
perhaps the following thrust was intended as an argumcntiim ad homincm for Lord
Galway, " We have heard great outcries, and deservedly, on breaking the Edict of
Nantes and other stipulations ; how far the breaking of our constitution (which has
been of five hundred years' standing) exceeds that, I leave the world to judge"
(page 172). The English Commons in May 1698 examined and censured this
pamphlet, and addressed the king praying that in a parliamentary way the depend-
ence and subordination of Ireland to the imperial crown of England might be
preserved and maintained — also, that his Majesty would take all necessary care that
the laws, which direct and restrain the parliament of Ireland in their actings, be not
evaded but strictly observed. The king promised the desired prevention and redress;
but was anxious that nothing should be transferred into the journals of the Irish
Parliament. Vengeance had been taken on the printed paper of Molyneux's book,
but the author's death had already put him out of the reach of terrestrial courts. 1
1 Although it seems that some persons would have replied to Mr. Molyneux by coarse penalties only, yet
there were others who met him on the literary arena. An anonymous writer published, "An Answer to Mr.
Molyneux His Case of Ireland's being bound by Acts of Parliament in England stated, and his dangerous notion
of Ireland's being under no subordination to the Parliamentary Authority of England refuted by reasoning from
his own arguments and authorities." London, 1698. This was followed by "The History and Reasons of
the Dependency of Ireland upon the imperial crown of the kingdom of England — Rectifying Mr. Molineux's
state of the case of Ireland's being bound by Acts of Parliament in England. l!y William Atwood, liarrister-at-
law" (afterwards Chief-Justice of New York). London, 1698.
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL WAY.
363
In consequence of an address from the English House of Lords, the king desired
that the Irish woollen trade should forthwith be interred with decent silence. He
wrote accordingly to Lord Galway : —
" Kensington,/?^ (16) 26, 1698.
" Though I have fully explained to the Chancellor of Ireland my sentiments upon Irish
affairs, I wish to write to you, to tell you that it never was of such importance as at present, to
have a good session of parliament, not only with respect to my affairs in that kingdom, but
still more with respect to my affairs here. The chief thing is to prevent the Irish parliament
taking notice of what has passed in the English one ; and that you make effectual laws for the
linen manufacture, and to discourage, as far as possible, the woollen ; these are two of the
most material points you have to accomplish. And the third is the necessary supply for the
maintenance of the army, of which you know the importance, and to try to get as much as you
can, since after this session I should be very glad not to be obliged for a good while to have
another parliament in Ireland. I have sent orders for embarking at Ostend the five French
regiments, and instead of my own regiment of Eppinger's dragoons, I will send you two regi-
ments of foot, which will be much the same as to expense. Blathwayte [Secretary-at-War] will
write to you about the establishment and appointment of the pay of the forces.
" I must tell you I am well satisfied with the Chancellor of Ireland. At his first coming
here to the parliament he committed a great oversight, which has got him many enemies, and
all the ministry here are much incensed against him, as well as the Whig party. But in Ireland
it is just the contrary, it is the Tories ; so he will find it hard to behave in such a manner as
not to be involved in difficulties. If bad success attends you in parliament, it is certain that
here the blame will be laid upon him. I thought it necessary to inform you of this circum-
stance, that you may take your measures accordingly. Be ever assured of my esteem.
William R.
" P.S. — I shall set out in two days for Holland. I send you back the Prince of Conti's
letter, and approve much of your answer to him. I had not an opportunity to let you know
before."
The Prince of Conti, Francis Louis de Bourbon, was one of the most brilliant
Lieutenant-Generals of France. As a hunter after vacant dominions, he had been
disappointed of Poland in the preceding October. Probably his eye was at this time
turned to the Principality of Neufchatel, possessed by the Duchess de Nemours.
William himself was a prospective claimant, and prevailed on Louis XIV. to decide
about a year after this, that France should be neutral until the Duchess's death.
The Prince of Conti had thus to quit his hold of Neufchatel also, and to return
uncrowned to Paris. In 1698 he may have sounded Lord Galway as to the
likelihood of King William's claim being pressed. The Prince died in Paris in 1709,
aged forty-five.
The Parliament of 1698 was very agreeable in the matters about which the king
felt anxiety. The Lords-Justices in their speech said: "The linen and hempen
manufactures will not only be encouraged, as consistent with the trade of England,
but will render the trade of this kingdom both useful and necessary to England."
The English Parliament had already passed Acts to encourage both the Irish linen
manufacture, and the importation into England of unmanufactured wool from
Ireland. The Irish Parliament now passed an Act for laying additional duty upon
woollen manufactures exported out of Ireland. And the division of trade came into
practical operation accordingly. Whatever material prosperity Ireland enjoys, may
be said to be due to the refugee manufactures, and to the Acts for their encourage-
ment under Lord Galway 's administration. The Linen Bill was planned and drawn
up by James Hamilton, Esq., of Tullymore.
The House of Commons, otherwise so complying, enlivened the pacific monotony
by one or two divisions. On or before the 15th September, a motion being made to
go into a committee of supply, an amendment was proposed, That an Address be
presented to the Lords-Justices to intercede with his Majesty that the five regiments
of French Protestants should be disbanded. These were the Earl of Galway's
regiment of Horse, and the Marquis de Miremont's regiment of dragoons, and the
infantry regiments of the Comte de Marton, Monsieur La Meloniere, and Monsieur
Belcastel. The house divided, when there appeared for the amendment, 72 ; against
it, 1 01. Another amendment for delay was rejected, there being, for delay, 55 ;
against it, 105. On the 15th of September the supplies were granted according to
the estimates. No division being expected, the opposition divided the house ; the
numbers were, Yeas, 98 ; Noes, 64. (See Secretary Vernon's Letters.)
In July of this year, says Luttrell, the Marquis of Winchester and the Earl of
Galway went to visit most of the maritime garrisons, and to furnish them with what
necessaries they want, and to take a view of the camp at Clonmel.
364
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
During the next two years no meeting of parliament took place in Ireland.
Certainly some of the bulls of the English parliament of that period were Irish
enough, as I will now demonstrate. The majority of the House of Commons voted
along with a few enthusiasts, that a standing army was dangerous to liberty. In
order to deprive the king of an army, of which it was his pride to be the chief, the
policy was to keep only a very few regiments in pay, and to rely mainly on the
militia and the navy. Having reduced the army, they resolved, in the same rude
spirit, that there should be no foreigners in it.
As all this is well known to readers of history, I shall give the facts (mingled
with gossip and misinformation) from letters written by the French Ambassador,
Count Tallard, to Louis XIV. 1 The count and his royal correspondent naturally
felt special curiosity regarding the bearing of such events upon Lord Galway.
" London, 1st January 1699 [In the House of Commons]. — By a second resolution it was
determined to admit none [into the English army] but natural born Englishmen ; the Scotch,
and even the Irish, are excluded. Monsieur de Schomberg, though a Duke and Peer of
England, can no longer have the command of the army, he who had been accustomed to
command the troops during the king's absence. No French refugee, and no foreigner, can
hold even a lieutenancy. In Ireland there can be no troops but Irish and Scotch. Lord
Galway ceases therefore to command the army in that country, though he may remain
regent."
" London, January 2d. — The Duke commanded the troops in this kingdom during the
king's absence, as did Lord Galway in Ireland. Having so much confidence in them, he
believed that he could safely leave the kingdom ; but could he venture at this time to go to
Holland, when no one remains in this country upon whom he can depend?" — " P.S. — Since
writing my letter, I have learnt that the Bill for the reduction of the troops has been read a
second time in the House of Commons, and that instead of the words ' subjects born in
England,' the expression, ' subjects of England,' has been substituted, by which Irishmen are
qualified to be among the troops."
" London, January 14. — What has passed to-day gives no reason for believing that there
will be any change in favour of foreigners in the Bill, which has already been read twice. It
is even thought that Lord Galway will be personally attacked. He thought fit to speak in
rather a high tone in the Irish parliament, and in return the latter takes the affirmative. The
whole nation declares against him, and people begin to believe, not only that he will no longer
command the army in Ireland, but even that he will not continue Lord-Justice."
" London, January 15. — The Parliament made a considerable change yesterday in the Bill
for the reduction of the army. Instead of ' subjects of England,' they agreed to insert ' subjects
of the king, or naturalized.' "
" London, January 22. — It will also be considered whether Lord Galway shall be attacked
or not, for I hear they will not have him remain in Ireland. As they have reinstated those
who are naturalized, and he is of that number, he is safe on that score. Your Majesty will
be perhaps glad to know that there are not more than thirty Frenchmen who are so.''
" London, January 24. — The king is preparing to disband the troops, even before the Bill
has passed. Like a skilful man, he desires to do himself honour by what he has not been
able to prevent. He has gained the naturalized foreigners ; and this is much, for it preserves
the command of the troops for the Duke of Schomberg and the Earl of Galway.''
Amid this turmoil Lord Galway ventured to address a letter to the king, to which
he received the following gracious reply : —
" Kensington, [Jan. 27) Feb. 6, 1699.
" I received some days ago a letter from you without date, by which I see you are uneasy
at the proceedings of the Parliament here against the foreigners. I think you have too much
cause to be so ; though, as yet, nothing has passed about you, and I have good reason to hope
you will be left undisturbed. At least you may be assured I shall do my utmost that nothing
be done to your prejudice, for I am satisfied with your conduct, and you are useful to my
service. You may be sure that I will not recall you, unless I am forced to it, which I hope
will not be the case. It is not to be conceived how much people here are set against the
foreigners. You will easily judge on whom this reflects.
" 1 design very shortly to send into Ireland five regiments of foot and two of horse, and
soon after, three more of foot — eight in all. I will send you in a few days orders to disband
Wolsey's regiment of horse and nine regiments of foot, intending to keep only Hanmer's and
Hamilton's. I design also, when the parliament rises, to send you your regiment of horse,
and the three French regiments, and perhaps Miremont's dragoons ; but that must be very
secret, though I much fear my design is already suspected here. I am in doubt whether
I shall send likewise into Ireland Eppinger's regiment. All this together would amount to
eighteen battalions of foot, three regiments of horse, and five of dragoons, reckoning Eppinger's
as two. This would in a manner be agreeable to your project, and, according to my calcula-
tion, the expense no greater ; but if it should be, something must be retrenched, on which
1 Griniblot's Letters of William III., Lou's XIV., and their Ministers.
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL IV A Y. 365
I should be glad to know your sentiments. You will easily perceive how necessary it is that
all this be kept secret. I thought it requisite to give you early notice of my intention, that
you might take your measures accordingly : mine must be regulated according as things go
in parliament, of which there is no being sure till the session is over. There is a spirit of
ignorance and malice reigning here beyond conception. Be always assured of my friendship.
" William R."
In the above gracious letter the king says, " Nothing has passed about you."
Lord Galway was personally respected and much liked by all parties. The
Jacobites, because he was not a Jacobite, called him a Whig ; but he was an Orange
Whig only, and had neither the tone nor temper of a partizan in the politics of his
adopted country. The Duke of Ormond (the grandson of the Duke who had
favoured the refugees) disliked foreign Protestants in general and Lord Galway in
particular ; and he may have misinformed the French ambassador as to the feeling
of the country towards his Excellency, the acting Lord-Justice of Ireland.
The king's bountiful intention towards the refugee regiments was soon knocked
on the head. The Commons of England, on the 24th of February, voted .£34,813, 5s.
to clear the arrears due to Lord Galway 's Horse and the other French regiments,
" which are to be disbanded." 1
Being in the meantime unmolested, Lord Galway remained in Ireland. In the
month of May, Count Tallard thought that an opportunity for removing him had
arrived. The Marquis of Winchester, through the death of his father, was now Duke
of Bolton, and had come over to England to arrange his family affairs. The specu-
lation was that he would not go back to Dublin, and that Lord Galway would be
superseded by a Lord-Lieutenant. Luttrell states, under date May 31, " The Duke
of Bolton, having given his Majesty an account of the affairs of Ireland, was
graciously received, and some talk of his being made Lord Chamberlain." All these
guesses were wrong, as there was no intention of superseding Lord Galway. Mr.
Vernon wrote to the Duke of Shrewsbury on the 6th June : — " I believe the Duke
of Bolton does not think of going into Ireland till towards next spring. He intends
his duchess shall come over and meet him in Yorkshire in August. I think he
is in good humour, and willing to do right both to my Lord Galway and Mr.
Methuen."
The acting members of the Viceregal Board were re-gazetted, the Earl of
Berkeley being added to their number, as appears from the following most interest-
ing letter from the king to the Earl of Galway : —
" Kensington, (June 1) 11, 1699.
" I have not written to you all this winter, by reason of my vexation at what passed in
parliament, and because of the uncertainty I was under to know what to send you. It is not
possible to be more sensibly touched than I am at my not being able to do more for the poor
refugee officers who have served me with so much zeal and fidelity. I am afraid the good
God will punish the ingratitude of this nation.
" I could hardly get the estimates of Ireland passed, as they will be sent to you. There
are retrenchments which I was forced to make, though I like them not ; and doubtless some
of them must be changed. The Duke of Bolton seems pleased with you, but not with the
chancellor (Methuen). I have this day despatched a new commission for the Lords Justices
of Ireland, by joining with the Duke of Bolton and you the Earl of Berkeley, who is an easy
man, and will be agreeable to you.
" I am perfectly satisfied with your conduct ; and I hope now you will be left undisturbed,
since in the last parliament nothing was said of you, though you were much threatened. I
fear the Commission given here by the Commons for the inspection of the forfeitures will give
you a great deal of trouble, and me no less, next winter. Assuredly on all sides my patience
is put to the test. I am going to breathe a little beyond sea, in order to come back as soon
as possible. I think it for my service to change the commission of the treasury in Ireland,
where I believe the revenue is not well managed, on which it is necessary that you let me know
your sentiments immediately. The estimates of the next year must absolutely be reduced,
that my ordinary revenue may serve to pay it ; and a parliament in Ireland must not be
thought of so soon. This you ought instantly to consider, and take your measures for the
future. Be always assured of my friendship. "William R."
Lord Galway had remained at his post, with the Archbishop of Dublin as a tenv
porary coadjutor. In July Lord Berkeley arrived. He was the second carl of his
family ; his wife was a daughter of Baptist, second Viscount Campden, and half,
sister of the first Earl of Gainsborough ; his son, James Berkeley, Viscount Durslcy,
was a distinguished admiral. The Irish Privy Council met forthwith, when the new
1 Some of these arrears were of old standing, as appears from the following extract: — "Saturday, 28 Nov.
1696, a petition of the troopers of (lie Kt. Hon. the Lord Galwaye's regiment of Horse was presented to the
House, and read, relating to their Irish arrears." — Journals of the [English] House of Commons,
£66
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
commission, constituting the chief governors, was opened and read ; and the two
earls having been sworn in the usual manner, were complimented by the Privy
Councillors and several other persons of quality. The Duke of Bolton remained for
a time in England. Hackworth, his country seat, was only a few miles distant from
Stratton Park, so that Lady Russell had an opportunity of hearing how Lord Galway
stood his toil and trials. She wrote to Mr. Thornton on the 16th July, " The Duke
of Bolton came very kindly and dined with us ; his duchess is coming over."
What is now interesting in the coming of Lord Berkeley to Ireland is, that he
brought with him as his chaplain, the Rev. Jonathan Swift, afterwards the witty and
furious Dean of St. Patrick's. Such a Williamite statesman, as Lord Galway, worked
well during a long course of years for the wages of Swift's resentment, and to be
immortalized as an opponent of that starving and reckless pamphleteer. The
abusive epithets of such a writer tend to corroborate the many direct proofs that
Lord Galway was vigorous in his government, select in his friendships, and steady
in his opinions. The comic utterances of malignity are worth quoting. For
instance : —
" I was pleased with the humour of a surgeon in Dublin, who, having in his apprehension,
received some great injustice from the Earl of Galway, and despairing of revenge as well as
relief, declared to all his friends that he had set apart one hundred guineas to purchase the
Earl's carcase from the sexton whenever it should die, to make a skeleton of the bones, stuff
the hide, and show them for threepence, and thus get vengeance for the injuries he had
suffered by its owner ; " and again, " Ruvigny was a deceitful, hypocritical, factious knave — a
damnable hypocrite of no religion."
The commission on forfeitures, to which the king alluded, proved to be a great
blow to Lord Galway. It was appointed early in 1699. In a former session, a bill
for its creation, which passed the Commons, was thrown out by the Lords. But
during this spring the House of Commons " tacked " it to the land tax, and thus
concussed the House of Peers into passing it. By this Act of Parliament a com-
mission was given to seven persons named by the House of Commons, to inquire
into and take an account of all estates within the kingdom of Ireland that have been
forfeited for high treason during the late rebellion within that kingdom. Burnet
says, " When I saw afterwards what the consequences of this act proved to be, I did
firmly resolve never to consent again to any tack to a money bill as long as I lived."
The king again alluded to the commission in a letter to Lord Galway in autumn : —
" Loo, August 14, 1699.
" In reply to your inquiry about passing the three grants which I made before leaving
England, namely to Scrabemoer, Larue, and Ash, it is necessary that you should get them
passed as soon as you can, as they were given before the Act of the English Parliament which
appointed that fine commission, which I doubt not will occasion me much vexation and morti-
fication next winter, for it has no other object ; and I see from the proceedings of the com-
missioners that they will carry out admirably the purpose for which they have been sent.
" William R."
Of the seven commissioners, only four would sign the report. As a financial
stroke, the measure was a failure. The Commons had coveted the purchase-money
to pay the debts of the nation ; and they were tempted by a representation that the
sum realised would be .£2,037,287. It turned out, that leaving all incumbrances out
of the question, the value was only £780,000, and deducting incumbrances, the entire
balance was £400,000, English currency. The proprietors had been willing to pay
£300,000 (English) into the exchequer for a parliamentary confirmation of their
title-deeds. Three or four years after this date, the Irish Parliament declared that
the proceedings had been instigated by designing men, " to promote beneficial
employments for themselves " (a circumlocution for the monosyllable "job," by which
more modern critics would have characterised the business).
The three dissentient commissioners were not heard ; and on the 17th December
1699, it was resolved that a bill should be brought in to apply to the public service
the Irish estates forfeited since 15th February 1688. Further, the House refused to
receive petitions against the measure, but referred complainants to a body of trustees,
who would hear their cases. On the 18th of January 1700, they censured those who
had procured and passed those grants — a resolution which they communicated to
the king on the 21st of February. The king returned the following reply : —
" Gentlemen, I was not led by inclination, but thought myself obliged in justice to reward
those who had served well, and particularly in the reduction of Ireland, out of the estates
forfeited to me by the rebellion there. The long war in which we were engaged did occasion
great taxes, and has left the nation much in debt; and the taking just and effectual ways for
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL WAY.
367
lessening that debt and supporting public credit, is what in my opinion will best contribute to
the honour, interest, and safety of this kingdom."
With the latter sentence we are not now concerned — indeed the king's friends do
not defend it. At to the first, let us hear Lord Macaulay : —
" To whatever criticism William's answer might be open, he said one thing which well
deserved the attention of the House. A small part of the forfeited property had been be-
stowed on men whose services to the state deserved a much larger recompence, and that part
could not be resumed without gross injustice and ingratitude. An estate of very moderate
value had been given with the title of Earl of Athlone to Ghinkel, whose skill and valour had
brought the war in Ireland to a triumphant close. Another estate, with the title of Earl of.
Galway, had been given to Ruvigny, who in the crisis of the decisive battle, at the very
moment when Saint Ruth was waving his hat and exclaiming that the English should be beaten
back to Dublin, had at the head of a gallant body of horse struggled through the morass,
turned the left wing of the Celtic army, and retrieved the day. But the predominant faction,
drunk with insolence and animosity, made no distinction between courtiers who had been
enriched by injudicious partiality, and warriors who had been sparingly rewarded for great
exploits achieved in defence of the liberties and the religion of our country. Athlone was a
Dutchman — Galway was a Frenchman — and it did not become a good Englishman to say a
word in favour of either."
The Resumption Bill passed the Commons on the 2d April "tacked" to the
land tax. On the 4th the Upper House agreed to the second reading by a majority
of seventy to twenty-three — only eight peers (including the Duke of Bolton) pro-
testing against it. But on this occasion the Lords made amendments in committee,
and sent the amended bill to the Commons, who returned it without remark. Com-
mittees being appointed, the two Houses through them held conferences both on the
Qth and on the 10th of April without result. On the latter evening, the Commons,
being exasperated, locked their doors and proceeded to consider both the report on
the Irish forfeitures and the list of privy councillors. The king, alarmed at the
ferment, sent a message to the House of Lords to pass the original bill without the
amendments. Their Lordships then divided on the question of adhering to those
amendments, when the votes were equal, forty-three against forty-three. Another
question was then put, " to agree to the said bill without any amendment," which
was carried by thirty-nine against thirty-four, and intimation was sent to the Lower
House that the bill was passed. Twenty-one peers formally protested, signing a
copy of the reasons which had been so long insisted on in conference with the Com-
mons' committee. 1
The House of Commons, still violently excited, continued to examine the list of
the members of the privy council. Though the leaders failed to pass an address,
praying that Lord Somers might be removed from the king's presence and councils
for ever, they carried another address to his Majesty, " that no person who was not
a native of his dominions, except his Royal Highness Prince George of Denmark,
be admitted to his Majesty's councils in England and Ireland." Cotemporaries
wondered why Ireland was added to the motion, as the addition could affect no
one but Lord Galway, whose government of that kingdom gave satisfaction to both
sides of the House. The conjecture which they accepted as most probable, was
that it was intended to please the Duke of Ormond. The English councillors, to
whom the address applied, were Schomberg and Portland. To prevent such an
address being presented, the king came down to the House of Lords next day
(April 11), sent for the Commons, gave the royal assent to the bills that had passed
both Houses, and prorogued the Parliament.
Although no address for Lord Galway 's removal was thus ever presented, the
king thought it was necessary to yield to the tempest, and intimated this as tenderly
as possible in a letter to the hero himself : —
" Hampton Court, May (2) 13, 1700.
" It is a good while since I writ to you last. The reason is that, being always uncertain of
the issue of last session of Parliament, I was unwilling to answer any of your letters. You
may judge what vexation all their extraordinary proceedings gave me, and I assure you your
being deprived of what I gave you with so much pleasure was not the least of my griefs. I
1 The Resumption was protested against in a pamphlet (from which I have already quoted) entitled, "Jus
Regium, or the King's Right to grant forfeitures and other revenues of the Crown fully set forth and trae'd from
the beginning ; his Majesty vindicated as to his promise concerning the disposal of the Forfeited Estates; the
manifold hardships of the Resumption, and the little advantage we shall reap from it, plainly demonstrated.
London, printed in the year MDCCI." At page 60 Lord Galway's estate at l'ortarlington is spoken of. One of
the anticipated hardships, however, did not take place, because the purchasers respected Lord Calway's leases,
and did not turn out his tenants.
3 68
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
hope, however, that I shall be in a condition to acknowledge the good services you have done
me, and you may depend upon it I shall earnestly seek occasions to do so. It ought to be
some satisfaction to you, in the just resentment of what concerns you, that nobody could blame
your conduct ; on the contrary, all appeared satisfied with it ; and the vote, which passed in
anger the last day, concerned you but indirectly. And I can assure you, that you were in no
way the occasion of it. There have been so many intrigues in this last session, that, without
having been on the spot and well informed of everything, it cannot be conceived. It will be
impossible for me to continue the commission of the Lords-Justices in Ireland as it is at pre-
sent ; so I have resolved to send thither the Duke of Shrewsbury as viceroy, and that you
command the army under him. Do not think this will be a degradation ; nobody here will
take it to be so, and I know that every one wishes it and believes it absolutely necessary for
my service. I am fully persuaded, as I hope, that you will not refuse to accept of this com-
mand, nor relinquish my service. I assure you I never had more occasion than at present of
persons of your capacity and fidelity. I hope I shall find opportunities to give you marks of
my esteem and friendship ; and I would not engage you in this, were I not assured that no
hurt can happen to you from it ; but I know it will meet with a general approbation, and
doubt not your friends will say the same, and I am glad to tell you you have a great many,
and among all parties. " William R."
Lord Galway, whose loyalty nothing could shake, acquiesced in the king's
resolution. His most excellent Majesty, being unable as King of England to reward
him, put forth his generosity as Prince of Orange. Luttrell says, 27th June 1700,
"The Earl of Galway is made General of the Dutch forces and Colonel of the blue
regiment of foot-guards lately commanded by the Duke of Wirtemberg, now general
of the Danish army." The king also wrote to him : —
"Hampton Court, July (2) 13, 1700.
" Of all the proofs you have given me of your attachment to my service, I do not reckon
as the least the spirit of resignation you evince to me with respect to your office in Ireland.
I assure you that you could not have done me a greater service at this juncture, and one which
I shall regard as quite a particular favour. You will have doubtless heard that the Duke of
Shrewsbury has excused himself from going to Ireland. I shall make no change in the govern-
ment till after my return from Holland, whither I set out the day after to-morrow.
" William R."
" Loo, August 15, 1700.
" It is some time since I received your letter of the 13th of July, in which you desire to know
on whom I have cast my eyes for the government of Ireland ; and as I am sure that what I
write you will be secret, I scruple not to tell you that I intend to give it to Lord Rochester,
and to declare it at my return to England ; but he will not go to Ireland till the next spring.
You will easily conceive the reasons of it. I shall expect your thoughts of a matter that
concerns you, and you may always rely on my friendship. " William R."
On the occasion of the loss of his Irish estate, the author of "Jus Regium " in
1 70 1 specially mentioned the Earl of Galway — " the services of that noble person in
Piedmont and Ireland, his piety towards his distressed countrymen, the greatness of
his title, and the smallness of the fortune which he has to support it " (page 60).
Lord Galway, with the greatest urbanity and cordiality, did everything in his
power to prepare the way for the Lord-Lieutenant and for his personal comfort in
entering upon the government. Along with Lord Berkeley, he carried on the civii
government until April 1701, and as long as it was necessary he did the duties of the
Commander of the Forces. Lord Rochester having written to him in such terms as
were no more than due to his signal ability and fidelity, Lord Galway replied in a
letter, 1 dated from the " Chateau de Dublin," 23d January 1701 : —
"My Lord, — I have received the two letters with which your Excellency has been pleased
to honour me. I esteem myself happy that you are kind enough to approve of my conduct ;
it is a mark of the friendship which you have accorded me for many years, and which I hope
you will continue to me. I could justify my intentions during the whole time I have served
the king, and particularly in this kingdom ; but I confess I have not the same opinion of my
capacity, the defects of which I have endeavoured to compensate by great application to
business, and by willingly listening and attending to the advice of such as I thought capable
of giving it. I was greatly assisted by the counsels of Major-General Erie while he was here.
I am persuaded that the two brigadiers will take great care in all things, and that they will act
with intelligence ; they are good officers, zealous for the king's service. We shall together
make provision, as we believe to be most proper, for maintaining the army in such order as
may satisfy your Excellency when you arrive in this kingdom, whereof I will render you an
account when I have the honour of seeing you.
1 The Earl of Rochester being the brother of the second Earl of Clarendon, the papers relative to the Irish
government of the former are printed along with the Diary of the latter.
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL IV A Y.
369
" The order for issuing the new Commission has arrived, but my Lord Chancellor
[Methuen] having taken his departure before the order for naming the Keeper of the Seals had
come, the Commission cannot be sealed.
" We have received commands to leave the papers here that have passed through our
hands while we have been in the government ; as to this, we reply to Mr. Vernon to-day. I
have always thought that it would be exceedingly useful for the service of the king and the
welfare of Ireland, to establish an office where all such papers might remain for the use of
those who should be, or might have been, in the government, and for private individuals for
their interests. If the king should not be advised to establish this office, I believe, my lord,
that you will approve our causing copies to be made to be placed at your disposal, and that
we may keep the originals for our own justification. I hope that we shall have no need of
them ; but it appears to me that there is some prudence in retaining possession of them. In
this view we shall bring them to England, to do there whatever you think most proper. — I am,
with respect, &c, " Gall way."
Often in those old times, opposition to the statesmen in power was so furious,
that on their removal from power impeachments for treason were threatened. The
retiring ministers, therefore, carried off" all the official papers, and thus the State
Papers of the kingdom were scattered among the private mansions of noblemen and
gentlemen. The first suggestion of a State Paper Office for Ireland was made by-
Lord Galway in the above letter. He left Ireland with a good conscience, and with
an excellent reputation as a man, a statesman, and a Christian nobleman. The
Societies for the Reformation of Manners acknowledged his countenance of their
well-intentioned labours. Their " Account," published at that period, stated that
they had several societies in Dublin, which were spreading into several parts of the
kingdom, and were encouraged by his Excellency the Earl of Galway. He was also
a patron of rising talent. The ennobled descendants of Richard Malone, who was
called to the Irish bar in 1700, sent the following information to " Playfair's Family
Antiquities" concerning their ancestor, "This very distinguished person, while he
was yet a student at the Temple, was employed, by the interest of his early friend
Ruvigny, Earl of Galway, as a negotiator in Holland." I conclude this section with
an extract from Evelyn's Diary (Evelyn's son had been a commissioner of revenue
in Ireland from 1692 to 1698) : " 1701, June 22, I went to congratulate the arrival of
that worthy and excellent person, my Lord Galway, newly come out of Ireland,
where he had behaved himself so honestly and to the exceeding satisfaction of the
people ; but he was removed thence for being a Frenchman, though they had not a
more worthy, valiant, discreet, and trusty person on whom they could have relied for
conduct and fitness. He was one who had deeply suffered, as well as the Marquis
his father, for being Protestants."
Sec 9. — The Earl of Galway's Semi-Official Life, from the Death of
King Charles II. of Spain to the Death of our King William III.
It was on the 1st November 1700 that King Charles II. of Spain died. By his
will he left the sovereignty of the entire Spanish dominions to Philip, Duke of
Anjou, grandson of Louis XIV. The celebrated Partition Treaties, which had been
previously entered into, were devices for the partition of the Spanish dominions
upon the death of Charles II. Louis XIV., being bound by solemn compacts to
renounce the throne of Spain for his family, had concurred in the first partition,
getting a substantial slice of the foreign possessions, and acknowledging the Electoral
Prince of Bavaria as heir-presumptive of Spain proper. But the death of the
Bavarian Prince had made new negotiations necessary ; and at the death of Charles
II. a second Partition Treaty had the signatures of some of the interested potentates,
but not the signature of Emperor Leopold of Germany, to whose younger son, the
Archduke Charles Francis Joseph, Spain was assigned.
Before the document could be ready for signature, a disturbing element had
arisen in the irritation of the dying king at foreign monarchs disposing of his terri-
tories. He had, therefore, resolved to leave the undivided dominions to one heir.
He hesitated between Archduke Charles and Duke Philip, and rather inclined to the
former. But when he considered the power of Louis XIV., he thought that anarchy
and bloodshed would be avoided by deciding for that tyrant's grandson. And Louis
accepting the last Will and Testament, the young French candidate was proclaimed
as Philip V., King of Spain. Williamitc politics would have at once protested
against this ; but King William was in the hands of the opposition party. He had
dismissed Lord Chancellor Somcrs, who felt deeply aggrieved at being thus prevented
from presenting an unyielding front to his adversaries. The Earl of Rochester was
supreme in England as well as in Ireland. This circumstance, coupled with the
1. 3 A
37Q
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
unfinished state of the last Partition Treaty, made William acknowledge King
Philip's letter in a congratulatory reply.
The deaths of the Duke of Gloucester and of the King of Spain were the
prominent topics of the king's speech to the new parliament on the 2ist of February
1701. During this session, the acquittal of Lord Somers and the other "partition "
councillors by the House of Lords, was gratifying to the Williamite statesmen,
notwithstanding the rage and invectives of the Commons. The latter incivilities
were passed over by the king in majestic silence ; but they hastened the end of the
session. On June 24th His Majesty went down for the prorogation ; and he left
England for Holland on the 1st July.
War with France was a dark cloud on the very point of bursting forth. The
first French aggressions were in Holland. Louis broke the Ryswick Treaty with
Holland, by introducing French troops into the several fortresses, and his Ambas-
sador, le Comte d'Avaux, took his leave. Maximilian, Elector of Bavaria, father of
the deceased heir-presumptive of Spain, had now sided with the French. Clement,
Elector of Cologne, was Maximilian's brother.
At this point we have to return to the Earl of Galway. We last saw him in
England on the 22d June. He accompanied the Earl of Marlborough to Holland,
and arrived there before the 12th July. It was his duty and happiness to visit his
Dutch Guards. And his presence was soon desired at the palace of Loo.
It was Lord Galway's lot to be sent on unpromising missions, and William
despatched him to negotiate with the Elector of Cologne. This Prince was also the
Archbishop ; and under him the Dean and Chapter of Cologne acted as a political
administration. He had already accepted French money to raise troops in the
Bourbon interest. The Chapter discovering the secret, and being adverse to France,
obtained Prussian troops for their defence ; and the Diet of Bonn, having been
summoned by the Elector, had refused him supplies. The only hope that William
could have cherished was, that the Elector, after such opposition, might be willing
to listen to proposals more agreeable to the public men in his own dominions. The
king's biographer thus reports the ineffectual mission : — " To omit nothing that
might tend to the security of the Dutch Republic, in case of a rupture (which, as
things stood, seemed unavoidable), His Majesty endeavoured to bring over the
Elector of Cologne to the interest of the Empire, England and Holland. The wise
and sagacious Earl of Galway was employed in this important negotiation ; but
though he was supported by the Chapter of Cologne, he was not able to shake that
Elector from the engagement he was entered into with France, at the instigation ot
his brother, the Elector of Bavaria."
About this time Lord Galway, accompanied by Lord Albemarle, inspected the
Dutch forces at a grand military review, at the Camp on the Moerdyke, near the
frontier town of Nimeguen. Luttrell states that he had the rank of a full General in
Holland.
On the 7th September, the Second Grand Alliance was concluded for keeping
the French power in check. In a very few days an immense field for action was
created by the arrogance of the French king. The abdicated King of England died
at the Palace of St. Germain on the 16th. Louis immediately caused the pretended
Prince of Wales to be proclaimed as King James III. The French potentate thus
broke the Ryswick Treaty with Great Britain ; though he disclaimed the treachery,
declaring that by the mere publication of a title, he was not disturbing William in
the possession of the British dominions. Such an apology overlooked the words
" directly or indirectly," which were in the bond.
William's fetters now fell off. Hitherto, although the Dutch had shrewdly
appreciated the Alliance against France, the English had been disinclined towards
it. But by taking upon himself to be a king-maker for our snug little island, Louis
succeeded in arousing the feeling of the British people, not only against himself, but
against all Jacobites and semi-Jacobites. William, though in feeble health, took the
animated resolution of freeing himself from the counsels of the latter ministers. His
desires were immediately directed towards Lord Somers and the Earl of Sunderland.
The Earl of Galway was the negotiator whom he employed, and who had the
honour of presenting to Lord Somers the following note written in the French
language, and dated at Loo, October 10, 1701 : —
" I have charged Lord Galway to speak to you from myself with much frankness. I hope
you will accord an entire reliance to what he will say to you, and that you will be pleased to
treat it with the same frankness, without any reserve, and to be persuaded of the continuance
of my friendship. " William R." 1
1 See " The Ilardwicke State Papers."
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL IV A Y.
3/i
Lord Somers at once entered into the king's policy. While taking no o/fice
himself, he advised Lord Galvvay to urge upon Lord Sunderland to accede to the
general wish, and to reconsider his determination to remain in private life. It
appears, however, from a memorandum, docqueted " Lord Sunderland's Advice to
Lord Somers," that Sunderland would consent to no more than that Lord Gahvay
might say publicly that he was on a mission from his Majesty to desire Lords
Somers and Sunderland to come to the king, but that Lord Sunderland would not
change his mind. What his mind was he briefly expressed in a letter to Lord
Somers, dated December 17th. But the fullest explanation is given in the following
paper, addressed to Lord Galway : —
" Lord Sunderland does earnestly request Lord Galvvay, Lord Somers, and all his friends
not to think of him, but to act as if he was not in the world. If he were worth having, I would
say that there is no way but to forget him, which was desired so often, as you know, at the
beginning. But after all the clutter has been made, if he should just now engage in business,
it would be pretending to miracles which he is very unfit for. Lord Godolphin has convinced
Lord Sunderland that what was thought of being done by the House of Lords, cannot; so
that it must fall as being vain. Every letter that Lord Sunderland receives, to persuade him
that he is necessary, contributes to the fixing him here ; for he is in no way capable of answering
those expectations of furthering what is fit, and hindering what is not. If there had been less
bustle made about him, as was earnestly desired, he would have been ready to have complied
by this time ; but while he was to be stared upon he cannot engage. The king has a plain
way to follow, and cannot fail if he pleases ; and yet he will not do those things which his own
judgment leads him to, and which Lord Galway said he had resolved. Wnen the king has
put his atfairs into some order, Lord Sunderland may perhaps be of some use; and as soon
as that is, he will desire to be sent for as much as he now desires to be forgot. Lord Sunder-
land can say nothing but what he did to Lord Gahvay, only that he thinks no more of Lord
Godolphin, nor of the House of Lords, yielding to those who are best judges."
The Earl of Galway had now the satisfaction of knowing that William was re-
ceiving the inestimable counsels of Lord Somers. His Majesty returned to England
on the 4th November, and acting on the Ex-Chancellor's advice, he dissolved parlia-
ment on the ilth, having previously dismissed the French ambassador.
As to the election of a new parliament, Lord Macaulay has recorded : " Nothing
did more harm to the Tory candidates than the story of Poussin's (the French
Ambassador's) farewell supper, we learn from their own acrimonious invectives, that
the unlucky discovery of the three members of Parliament at the Blue Posts cost
thirty honest gentlemen their seats." Macaulay had said a little before: "This
supper-party was during some weeks the chief topic of conversation. . . . These tlien
were the true EngJisJi patriots, the men who could not endure a foreigner, the men who
would not suffer His Majesty to bestoiv a moderate reward on the foreigners who had
stormed At/done, and turned the flank of the Celtic Army at Aughrim. It now ap-
peared that they could be on excellent terms with a foreigner, provided only that he
was the emissary of a tyrant, hostile to the liberty, the independence, and the reli-
gion of their country." The king met his new parliament on December 31st. On
that day he delivered his memorable " last speech," which was written for him by
Lord Somers. But death brings this section to an abrupt termination. King
William III. died on the 21st February 1 702, aged fifty-one.
Sec. 10. — The Earl of Galway's Private Life during the beginning of
Queen Anne's Reign.
Lord Galway retired from the government of Ireland with a pension of £1000
a-year. This is mentioned in the Appendix to the Irish House of Commons' Journal
of 1702, with the note, " He has no other place or pension from the Crown." His
Irish estate had been sold by Government Commissioners to the London Hollow
Sword Blade Company ; and he had now to seek a home. Among English counties,
Hampshire alone had homelike attractions for him. There Lady Russell and an
attached circle of relations and acquaintances had residences, where they often lived.
He accordingly became the tenant 1 of the mansion-house of Rookley, in the parish
of Crawley, near Winchester, and only a few miles from Stratton House. After a
4aborious and stormy manhood, he, at the age of fifty-four, now settled in the
1 From a phrase in Lady Russell's Letters, I concluded that he had bought the Rookley estate, until a cor-
respondent obligingly informed me that the name of Lord Galway does not appear in any of the deeds or law-
papers in the possession of the present proprietor, which date back as far as 1670. I find that Thomas Hobbs,
Doctor of Physic, made his will in 1697, appointing Lord Somers, Sir John Ilawlcs, and John Lilly of Clifford's
Inn, gent., his executors, and offering his wife as a jointure house either his town house in Lincoln s Inn Fields,
or Rookley in Hampshire. (Proved 20 Oct. 1 698. )
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FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
country with great thankfulness, and soon became so enamoured with his study and
his garden, that he hoped to be left in quiet for the remainder of his days.
War was declared by Queen Anne in alliance with the Emperor, the States-
General, &c. (and as the successor of King William, of glorious memory), against
France and Spain on 4th May 1702. Lord Godolphin (whose son was a son-in-law of
Marlborough) was virtually Prime-Minister. Marlborough had charge of the war.
" The greatest politician of the age," Robert, Earl of Sunderland, died on
the 28th September. His family name was Spencer, and he was grandson to
Rachel de Ruvigny's brother-in-law, William, second Lord Spencer, the husband of
Lady Penelope Wriothesley. He was thus distantly connected with Lady Russell
and Lord Galway. He was succeeded by his only surviving son, Charles, third Earl
of Sunderland, aged twenty-seven, who was Marlborough's other son-in-law. Both
he and the comparatively aged Godolphin felt great regard and veneration for Lord
Galway. In a letter dated from the Camp at Robermont, 16th September 1703, the
Duke of Marlborough thanks Lord Galway for his kind feelings towards the family
at Althorp.
The political exile, his father's old friend, the Seigneur de St. Evremond, died in
London on the 9th September 1703. The last occupation of Lord Galway's private
life was to act as his executor. Two of the bequests were £50 to refugees of any
religion, and £50 to French Protestant Refugees. Another clause was, " I give to
my Lord Galway £60 to buy a ring, desiring him to accept thereof, and that I should
make him my testamentary executor." The will was proved by " Henry, Earl of
Gallway," 17th September 1703.
He loved his retirement, and the politics of the Court might have been quite
content that he should never leave it ; yet, the demand for such services, as few but
he could or would render to the Protestant cause, made it almost certain that his
country would again employ him. Among the " characters" drawn up about this
date for the information of the Electress Sophia, he is characterized thus : — " Lord
Gallway, Lieutenant-General. He is the son of Monsieur Rouvigny, &c. He is one
of the finest gentlemen in the army, with a head fitted for the cabinet as well as the
camp, is very modest, vigilant and sincere, a man of honour and honesty, without
pride or affectation, wears his own hair, is plain in his dress and manners."
Sec. 1 1 . — The Earl of Galway's Command in Portugal and the Subsequent
Advent of the Earl of Peterborough into the Field.
Upon the Duke of Schomberg's resignation of his command in Portugal, Mr.
Methuen (Lord Galway's former colleague), our Ambassador at Lisbon, was con-
vinced that no mere military'- officer could be successful in the difficult post. It is
supposed that he pressed the ministry to send out Lord Galway. Queen Anne sent
for " the wise and valiant Earl" to wait upon her at Windsor, and laid her royal
commands upon him to accept the appointment. He requested leave to decline on
account of infirm health ; but his mental vigour, conciliatory manners and talents for
negociation were considered fully to counterbalance that objection. He then ob-
jected to supersede Schomberg, his ancient comrade and acquaintance, and (it is
said) offered to serve as a Lieutenant-General under him ; this was declared to be
impossible. " Only the Queen's positive commands," said Lord Galway, " could
have drawn me from my retirement." And Burnet says of him, as to the chief
command in Portugal, that " he undertook it more in submission to the Queen's
commands than out of any great prospects or hopes of success."
He was promoted to the rank of General on 25th June 1704. Luttrell says that
the Queen gave him £10,000 for his outfit. He also pressed for, and received, a
reinforcement of 4000 British troops, the States of Holland contributing a similar
addition to the forces. A beautiful portrait 1 of him was published, the printer cor-
rectly styling him, " General Commander-in-Chief of all her Majesty's Forces that
are to act in concert with the Portuguese in Span." He sailed from Spithead on the
noon of Saturday, the 23d of July, in H.M.S. Tartar, "with a fresh and fair gale of
wind," and he arrived at Lisbon on the 30th. He there met the Duke of Schomberg,
who resigned into his hands the command of the English forces. He lost no time
.in joining the two kings in the field ; but inactivity until the spring of 1705 was the
foregone resolution. King Pedro was quite charmed with the appearance and
1 "John Simon [engraver] was born in Normandy, and came over some years before the death of Smith,
who disagreeing with Sir Godfrey Kneller, Simon was employed by him to copy his pictures in mezzotinto, which
he did, and from other masters, with good success. He was not so free in his manner as Smith, but now and
then approached very near to that capital artist, as may be seen in his plate of Henry Ruvigny, Earl of Galway.
. . . Simon died about the year 1755." — IValpolcs Catalogue of Engravers,
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL IV A V.
373
manners of the veteran warrior and courtier. Under the influence of those impres-
sions he wrote a letter to Queen Anne, to be delivered by his ambassador in London,
Dom Ludovico De Conha, who had express orders to repeat viva voce the written
assurances of activity and constancy in the alliance, whatever vicissitudes might
happen. Nevertheless, Lord Galway could not be sanguine of success. Two
influences were at work, which he well understood, namely, the Romish confessional
and French money. The priests preached lukewarmness in a contest supported
by English and Dutch heretics. Bribery won over many of the King of Portugal's
ministers to recommend inaction, and to prevent combined operations. Then, as to
the supplies both of men and material, both Portugal and Spain expected everything
to be done for them, while they merely looked on. The Portuguese troops were
irregularly paid, and consequently desertions were numerous and incessant. And
though no ally but England could be depended on for punctuality in sending
promised reinforcements, yet British commanders were kept down as much as
possible. Besides this, the Portuguese armies not only retired into quarters in
winter, but would not fight in the heat of summer. Then, in the British army, there
was a party of malcontent officers, sympathizers with the Earl of Portmore who had
expected to be Schomberg's successor. The Earl of Peterborough, who " prayed for
no one but himself," was also prepared to contribute fault-finding to a literally
unlimited extent. Notwithstanding many discouragements, Lord Galway threw his
whole mind and soul into his duty.
His old friend, Churchill, now the great Duke of Marlborough, had a uniform
respect for his abilities and- services, and had a responsible share in appointing him
to his new command. Lord Galway received from him the following letter : —
" Camp at Schonefeldt, lot/i August 1704. — My Lord, I am very sensibly obliged to you for
your kind letter of the 4th past, and do heartily rejoice at the honour Her Majesty has done
your lordship in putting you at the head of her troops in Portugal. All that wish well to the
public good, I am sure, join very sincerely with me; for, without the assistance of your good
conduct and the succours Her Majesty is sending over, all our hopes on that side would soon
vanish. I am very sensible the poor Duke of Schomberg has lain under great difficulties by
the unaccountable ill-conduct and mismanagement of the Court of Portugal. But we flatter
ourselves that your lordship's prudent care and foresight may soon put everything in a better
posture. — I am, with much truth, &c, &c. " Marlborough." 1
It has been lightly alleged that having no relatives, Lord Galway adopted his
refugee countrymen as " his children," and preferred them to British officers in the
distribution of his patronage. It was only fair to the refugee officers, who, having
been trained in the French service, were generally better officers than those of the
English army of that time, that he should give them appointments for which they
were qualified, as a conscientious and patriotic English general would have done in
the case of his own sons. But the gallant exiles got no more than their fair share.
Lord Galway was equally anxious to do justice to meritorious British officers. One
of his first acts in Portugal was to give the adjutant-generalship, with the rank of
colonel, to George Wade, an officer who, by his subsequent career, and by at length
earning the rank of field-marshal, did justice to Lord Galway's exercise of
patronage.
When the army was in winter quarters, information was received that Gibraltar
was in danger of being retaken by the enemy, that the garrison under the Prince of
Hesse-Darmstadt was too small, and especially that there were too few officers.
Lord Galway accordingly resolved to send reinforcements, in advance of whom he
despatched three officers. Colonel Lundy and Lieut-Colonels Rientore and
Darcourt arrived at Gibraltar on the 24th December, having run a race with a
French privateer that pursued their ship to the mouth of the Bay. In the spring he
sent four foot regiments, and a large supply of ammunition and provisions. The
siege was raised, and the enemy's infantry was entirely ruined. A letter to him
from the Duke of Marlborough, dated St. James's, 25th March 1705, ends thus: —
" We hope the succours you have sent with Sir John Leake may come in time to the
relief of Gibraltar, and are daily expecting some good news from thence. I heartily
wish your lordship a successful campaign, &c."
Coxe, in his "Life of Marlborough," relates that in Portugal, in 1705, "the
campaign opened with more than usual activity, arising chiefly from Lord Galway,
whose spirit seemed to infuse energy into the Portuguese." The chief command was
1 The " Marlborough Despatches," edited by Sir George Murray : from this collection the letters from
Marlborough to Galway are taken. The letters from Lord Galway to the English Government are (unless other-
wise described) taken from Coxc's " Life of Marlborough."
374
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
taken by one general for a week at a time, and so by each of the confederate
generals week after week in rotation. Much credit was given to Lord Galway for
overruling the delays of the Portuguese, so that the troops took the field by the 24th
of April near Estremos. On the 26th the investment of Valencia d'Alcantara was
commenced, and it was successfully terminated on the 8th of May. The surrender
of Albuquerque took place on the 20th May. The garrison spoke of surrendering
the town only, and not the castle. Lord Galway rejected the proposal with scorn,
and threatened to put them all to the sword. The besiegers prepared to second the
threat with a roar of artillery ; but this was rendered unnecessary by the capitulation
of the besieged. " The Annals of Queen Anne " say, " The garrison obtained a piece
of cannon, which the Earl of Galway granted (as was expressly mentioned in the
articles) as a mark of the esteem and value he had for the Spanish nation." He was
formally complimented by the Spanish governor for his honourable observance of
all the articles. It being now summer, the Portuguese sank into inaction ; and Lord
Galway returned to Lisbon. Here he was met by the Earl of Peterborough (formerly
known as Viscount Mordaunt and as Earl of Monmouth), whose mendacity has been
used to assail Lord Galway's conduct and veracity.
Lord Peterborough was a brave officer. In him was revived the prowess of Blake
and Prince Rupert, when generals were not confined to the land, but commanded at
sea. He was well known to Lord Galway. During King William's campaign in
Ireland in 1690, he was the torment of Queen Mary and her council, promoting every
kind of alarm, with a view to his being quieted by obtaining command of the fleet.
As a statesman he had failed ; Lord Godolphin, coming into the Treasury, by his
superior abilities snuffed him out at once. His conduct regarding the prosecution of
Sir John Fenwick was censured by the House of Lords as false and fraudulent.
And it was only at the intercession of the Duchess of Marlborough that he was
entrusted with the temporary command in Spain, which he trumpeted so long and
loudly. All the books that made him the sole hero of the War of the Spanish
Succession were written at his dictation. And it was he who put Lord Galway in
the background of his autobiographical word-pictures, as an unknown upstart and
adventurer.
The restoration of Lord Galway's reputation as a man of high position, intrepid
courage, and acknowledged talents, we owe to Lord Macaulay. It is true that, in an
Essay written in 1833, Macaulay says, "the sluggish Galway," instead of "the
sluggish Portuguese ; " but this was before he had paid any attention of his own to
Lord Galway's career, and when he was giving only a summary of a History of this
war by Lord Mahon, who had culled from the Peterborough fictions the glaring
misstatement that Lord Galway hampered and restrained the Portuguese general.
The Peterborough squibs placed Peterborough first in the field, wishing us to believe
that Galway was a new-comer, and ultimately a supplanter ; whereas Peterborough
was the last comer, and latterly aimed at supplanting Galway. Under the Methuen
treaty, Lord Galway had succeeded Schomberg as the British general ; but he was
consulted as a statesman also. His policy was that Charles must hasten to Madrid,
and lose no time in assuming the throne of Spain proper ; this was the true anti-
French policy of Britain. Austria and Savoy cared nothing for Spain proper. The
Emperor and the Duke were always in covetous imagination dividing the foreign
dominions of Spain as their spoils. The former had delayed too long to send his
son, Charles, to push for Madrid ; so that of the two rival princes, Philip, in the eyes
of Spaniards, had long been the one who really cared for Spain. Lord Peterborough,
having none of the ballast of a true statesman, could easily be tempted by Austria
and Savoy to throw the British policy overboard, and to ridicule the steady head of
Lord Galway.
While Lord Galway was on foreign service, Lord Peterborough and others at
home heard of the growing unpopularity of Philip in Spain, and rumours of readiness
for revolution in Catalonia. Secretary Sir Charles Hedges wrote to the Right Hon.
Richard Hill, our ambassador at Piedmont, on the 2d March 1705, 1 that Mr. Mitford
Crowe, who was to reside at Genoa, was to have a frigate placed at his disposal by
Mr. Hill, " the intention being chiefly for him to give an account from time to time
to the Earl of Galway, the Prince of Hesse, or the fleet, how the Catalans are
disposed, &c." In the following summer, Lord Peterborough was sent to Lisbon, as
general of some troops, and as (with Sir Cloudcsly Shovel) joint-admiral of a fleet,
where he was met by Lord Galway. Here there was unanimity and a cordiality
which, in after times, the " eccentric and unscrupulous " Peterborough chose to
forget; but his word cannot be believed when contradicted by Lord Galway, to
1 Hill's Diplomatic Correspondence, p. 186.
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OE GAL WAY.
375
whom Lord Mahon justly attributes "high honour" as well as "great personal
courage."
King Charles agreed to accompany Lord Peterborough on an expedition to
Barcelona, the Catalan capital. The result of the consultations is given in that
Earl's note to Admiral Sir George Rooke : — 1
20th July 1705.
" Upon the letter of my Lord Godolphin and the Secretary of State, the King of Spain, his
ministers, my Lord Galway, and myself have concluded there was no other attempt to be made
but upon Catalonia, where all advices agree that 6000 men and 1200 horse are ready expecting
our arrival with a general good-will of all the people.
"The Portuguese have entirely refused to join in any design against Cadiz ; and by a copy
of my Lord Galway's letter, writ when under sail, you will find he is in an utter despair of their
attempting anything this year ; so that by our instructions it will appear that there is no other
enterprise left for our choice. — 1 am, &c. " Peterborow."
The cordial co-operation of both Lord Galway and Mr. Methuen in this project
had better be given in Lord Peterborough's own account of it, addressed to Mr.
Hill :—
" 28th Aug. 1705. — My Lord Galway, without orders, upon the King of Spain's embarking,
and the intelligence received from you and Mr. Crowe, ordered six regiments, two of dragoons
and four of foot, with money for three months for their subsistence ; and the Ambassador
Methuen advanced ,£30,000, without any orders from home, upon so extraordinary an expedi-
tion." And returning to the subject, on the 28th October, he adds, " To get an old minister
to draw bills without order, to get a general to part with troops from his own command, are
things not easily obtained." 2
The royal flotilla having arrived at Gibraltar, the Prince of Hesse, and the
infantry granted by Lord Galway, were taken on board. Lord Peterborough's
brilliant successes at Barcelona are matters of history, and he might well be proud of
them. But for want of a true policy, it was in spite of himself that the one glory of
his life was earned. When they were all embarked off Gibraltar, deliberations were
re-opened, and (to quote Lord Mahon) Lord Peterborough " considered it of greater
(or at least of more immediate) importance to relieve the Duke of Savoy from the
pressure of the French, and to postpone till afterwards any attempt on Spain. But
the Prince of Hesse, as a German, soon obtained a great ascendancy over the mind
of his countryman, the Archduke ; and that young Prince so warmly espoused his
idea of besieging Barcelona, that at length a reluctant consent was wrung from the
English general, and the expedition set sail for this momentous enterprise."
Sec. 12— From July 1705 to Lord Galway's March to Madrid in 1706.
The Portuguese were damped by the departure of King Charles, as they required
excitement and flattery to keep them up to the fighting pitch. It was October
before they would begin the siege of Badajoz.
The Earl of Galway sent the following despatch to Lord Godolphin, dated from
Lisbon, July 13, 1705 :—
" My Lord, — I ought to apprise you, that in the last conference they warmly maintained
that it was not possible to take the field in this country, either this summer or autumn. This
was openly the advice of the Duke of Cadaval ; the Count of Alvar spoke in the same manner.
Put, in general, Monsieur Fagel supported the opinion by finding difficulties in all the projects
which could be proposed. The Marquis of Alagrete himself appeared uncertain. They have
deferred examining any proposition till the Marquis das Minas and the Count Atalaya are
here. They have been ordered to come. I see very well that they expressly delay entering
on business in order that when it shall be time to take the field nothing shall be ready, and
that the rains may serve as an excuse to prevent the troops from marching. However, I will
lose no time ; I will press so much that I will force them to do something, or to declare that
they will not do it. I send you a copy of the memorial, which I am resolved to send to-
morrow to the king, if I cannot deliver it to him myself. The departure of the King of Spain
disturbs them. The illness of the King of Portugal augments, and gives occasion to many
intrigues. If this misfortune [that king's death] arrives, there is great appearance that the
Duke of Cadaval will be master ; then nothing will keep the Portuguese in our interests but
fear, and nothing terrifies them so much as our fleet. Besides the other reasons which 1 have
taken the liberty to allege to you to have it winter here, at least the greater part, the last is not
to be despised. — I am, &c, " Gallway."
1 Warhurton's Life of Peterborough.
5 Hill, pp. 219 and 232.
3/~6
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Notwithstanding all adverse counsels, we meet Lord Galway in the field on the
20th of September. The Marquis das Minas, who had taken Salvaterra in the spring,
now joined the confederate generals, and Lord Galway managed to prevent the
recurrence of those divisions which had happened about the niceties of command.
On the ?.d of October they marched to Badajoz. This was often spoken of as
" Lord Galway's fine march " — in which the forces passed the rivers Caya, Xevera,
and Guadiana, and invested that considerable town, all in one day. The siege of
Badajoz was progressing most hopefully, when it was checked by a casualty, which
a correspondent from the seat of war thus recorded : "On the nth October, in the
afternoon, a bomb from the enemy fell upon one of the batteries, and blew up the
powder and also some of the gunners, whereupon the rest ran away. The Earl of
Galway and the Baron Fagel repaired thither immediately, and found the platform
spoiled and some other damage. And as they were upon that battery to encourage
the soldiers, and had both their arms lifted up, so that they touched one another, a
cannon-ball from the old castle came between them, took off the sleeve of Monsieur
Fagel, and struck off the right hand of my Lord Galway, a little below the elbow.
Notwithstanding which his Lordship continued nearly two hours at the same
place giving his orders with wonderful presence of mind, himself alone in all the
army being unconcerned at his wound. His Lordship was at last obliged to be
carried away."
The command now devolved on Baron Fagel, under whom the expected success
was so much retarded, that there was time for a French force, marching from
Talavera, under the command of Marshal Tesse, to accomplish the relief of
the town.
The shattered arm had to be amputated a little below the elbow, and Lord
Galway suffered much after the operation. One unfavourable circumstance was,
that he was subject to attacks of gout. Another is mentioned by Burnet, who, after
saying that " his life was in great danger," adds, " the miscarriage of the design
[against Badajoz] heightened the fever that followed his wound, by the vexation
that it gave him."
King Pedro wrote to him as follows: —
" My Lord Galway. — I the King, &c. The Marquis das Minas of our Council of State,
and Governor of Arms of the province where you are, giving us an account in his letter of the
1 2th instant, that as you were advancing with great zeal for our service and the common
cause, it happened that you were wounded with a cannon-ball of the enemies', which struck
off your right hand. We think fit to let you know the great concern we had upon the notice
of that accident, as well by reason of the particular esteem we have of your person, as of the
great want there will be of you in the army during the time of your cure — assuring you that
we shall ever have your great valour and conduct in our memory. And we order our envoy
at the court at London, to represent to the Queen of Great Britain, our dear sister and cousin,
the great satisfaction we have in your person.
" Given at Alcantares, the 14th of October 1705."
His own sovereign gave instructions that Lord Galway should be informed of her
sympathy, and of her entire satisfaction with his services. She also sent him what
the Annalist calls " a donative towards his cure." Oldmixon assures us, that " it
was said and believed that the Queen sent a letter to my Lord Galway, all of her
own handwriting."
Lord Peterborough's successes in Catalonia and Valencia having been announced
to the court at Lisbon, " all possible assurances (says Burnet) were given the Earl of
Galway that things should be conducted hereafter fully to his content. So that by
two of his despatches, which the Lord-Treasurer showed me, it appeared that he was
then fully convinced of the sincerity of their intentions, of which he was in great
doubt (or rather despairing) formerly." News came of the taking of Barcelona,
and the concentration of the French forces towards it, with a view to taking it back
again.
Accordingly, Lord Galway tells us, " I took a journey to Lisbon, even while my
wound, upon the cutting off of my arm, was still open." His plan was to march to
Madrid, and get the submission of the capital to King Charles. Philip V., being
without French succour, had left that city ; but his Queen was there, and the
grandees, and the tiibunals. He was unpopular ; as yet he had no heir. And if
the allied army had come up, the courts of law, and the leaders of fashionable society
might have submitted to King Charles, and allowed everyday life to proceed under
his sceptre, without any interregnum or confusion. A rapid march was possible,
owing to the above-mentioned concentration of the enemy's forces in the maritime
province of Catalonia.
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL WA Y.
377
After the month of August 1707, when the Prince of the Asturias was born and
welcomed by the Spaniards, an advance to Madrid was a chimerical plan ; but at
the date of Lord Galway's suggestion, the plan was feasible, and it was received at
home with great approval. The Duke of Marlborough wrote to Secretary Sir
Charles Hedges, from the Hague, 5th January 1706: —
" I think nothing can tend more to defeat the designs of the French against King Charles,
nor be of greater advantage to the public service in those parts, than the march my Lord
Galway proposes \ and if it be put in execution, we may soon expect to hear the good effects
of it."
And to Lord Galway, from St. James\ 6th February 1706, the great Duke
wrote : —
" My Lord, though I gave your lordship the trouble of a letter very lately, I could not let
Mr. Stanhope go away without repeating by him the assurance of my constant friendship and
respect. He is so fully instructed of all matters that I need not give you any relation of what
passes here, and shall only tell you the whole success of the war depends upon what shall be
done this campaign in Spain, and that we rely more particularly on the operations under your
lordship's directions, which must give life to those in Catalonia and the neighbourhood. We
are sure all that is possible will be attempted, and are in good hopes that before he arrives your
army will be in motion. — I am, with the greatest truth, &c, " Marlborough."
With the utmost cordiality, King Pedro consented to the march to Madrid. On
the 26th of March the allied army set out for Alcantara, under the command of the
Portuguese General, the Marquis das Minas. The enemy, under the Duke of Berwick,
having thrown ten regiments of foot into Badajoz, marched with 4000 cavalry and
seven regiments of infantry, and with the latter reinforced the garrison of Alcantara.
The allies met Berwick on his way back, beat his rear-guard, pursued him a con-
siderable way, and took possession of the castle of Brocas. Alcantara surrendered
to them in a very few days, with ten good battalions, who were made prisoners,
sixty pieces of cannon, and great store of small arms and ammunition. Alcantara
was besieged on the 10th, and it capitulated on the 14th, of April. From this town
Lord Galway issued a manifesto, of which the following is a translation : —
"Henry, Earl and Viscount of Gallway, Baron of Portarlington, General of the Forces of the
most serene lady, the Queen of Great Britain.
" It being undeniably true that in the whole progress of this war the most serene Queen of
Great Britain my mistress and her allies are so far from being enemies to Spain that they have
sent their troops and fleets for no other purpose than to assist the good Spaniards to shake off
the yoke and domination of France, and to place on the throne of Spain his most excellent
majesty King Charles III. To the end, therefore, that the Spaniards themselves may have the
glory to co-operate in so honourable an undertaking as is the establishing of the liberty and
felicity of their native country, the said most serene Queen has been pleased to command me
to declare anew her royal pleasure that I should in her name succour and support them.
Accordingly, by these presents, I declare and publish that all the generals, commanders,
officers, and soldiers of the Spaniards, of whatsoever degree they may be, that will leave the
service of the Duke of Anjou, and give all due obedience to his Catholic Majesty King
Charles the Third, on their repairing to me (the aforesaid Earl of Galway) shall be maintained
in the service of his Catholic Majesty in the same posts, honours, and degrees which they had
before, without exception of persons ; and that from the same hour they shall be paid and
maintained punctually, according to the pay they before enjoyed, out of the treasury which for
these glorious ends the said most serene Queen has caused to be remitted to my order. It is
to be hoped there will be no Spaniards of reputation that will not make use of so favourable
an occasion of having the honour to free their country from a slavery truly ignominious, and
of gaining the peculiar esteem of their lawful monarch, King Charles III.
" Dated at Alcantara, April 20, 1706."
Lord Galway, supported by the King of Portugal, determined to march to
Madrid immediately. In this determination he had expected the Portuguese generals
loyally to persevere. Their disastrous hesitation he had now to record, in a letter
to Lord Godolphin, dated Camp of Nuestra Senora de Oega, April 23, 1726 : —
"The King of Portugal has sent his positive orders to Monsieur das Minas to march
directly towards Madrid, so we have now a fair game to play, except those people will openly
betray their king and the common cause. But at the same time Monsieur das Minas has so set
his mind on the siege of Badajoz that he does not show the satisfaction one might expect
upon such great successes as we've had in a few days. He daily makes new difficulties and
doubts, and expresses much unwillingness to go on. I give my lord ambassador notice
I. 3 13
378
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
of it, that he may get the king's positive orders repeated to him, which I hope he may-
receive at Placentia, to which place I reckon I may persuade him to march, though not
without difficulty."
The confederate army halted at Placentia on April 28th, a fortnight before the
relief of Barcelona, and about a month before the intelligence arrived. Lord Galway
still insisted on marching to Madrid. The next halting-place was the Bridge of
Almaras. Lord Galway was in high spirits with the series of successes gained in so
short a time. But the Marquis das Minas grew colder and colder ; and at the Bridge
of Almaras the Portuguese generals resolved unanimously to go home.
If Lord Galway had thought only of his own fame, he would have withdrawn
from his command. Delay spoilt his plan. The Portuguese were afraid that Bar-
celona would be recaptured by the French, and allow the enemy to oppose them at
Madrid. Lord Galway replied that at the worst there would be time for a safe
retreat, after having won both glory and booty. The Portuguese having indicated
that they might advance if good news came from Barcelona, Lord Galway remained
with them. A party, who were for laying aside all thoughts of occupying Madrid,
proposed to besiege Badajoz. A majority were willing to attack Ciudad-Rodrigo.
That town being on the route to the capital, Lord Galway sided with the majority.
Great hopes had been excited in England. The Duke of Marlborough wrote
to Lieutenant-General Erie, 17th May 1706 — ■
" We have had a very ill beginning of the campaign in Italy and the Upper Rhine ; but if
Lord Galway gets to Madrid, and our fleet relieves Barcelona, as we have reason to believe it
has, it will make amends."
And to Lord Galway from the Camp at Helchin, 16th July 1706 —
" All the world is sensible of the difficulties you have undergone, and own that the Portu-
guese consenting to advance at last is purely the effect of your unwearied instances and good
offices. I heartily congratulate your lordship on the good effect they have had, so much for
the common good and your own glory, and persuade myself your endeavours will be no less
effectual in accomplishing his Majesty's happy settlement on the throne, and the entire
reduction of his kingdoms. This being almost the chief end of the present war, will, I hope,
soon make way for a happy and lasting peace, which may give us the opportunity of enjoying
in quiet some fruits of the toil and labours it has been our lot to undergo for the public.
One of the greatest satisfactions I then propose to myself is that of your friendship and
conversation. " Marlborough."
At Barcelona his progress had been watched with interest. There the intelli-
gence of the fall of Alcantara caused great joy. Prince Lichtenstein wrote to the
Count de Goes : " We may conjecture from the enemies' motions that they look upon
Spain as lost, especially as my Lord Galway has taken Alcantara, and obtained a
great victory over them."
Ciudad-Rodrigo having been taken, and news having come that the British fleet
had relieved Barcelona, the allied army advanced and halted before Madrid on June
29. Even in this march the Marquis das Minas and the Portuguese advanced
unwillingly ; and such had been their delays from first to last, that they found the
capital deserted. For the time, Madrid had ceased to be a capital. Philip had
withdrawn the tribunals and the nobility, so that there was necessarily an interregnum.
All that Lord Galway could do was to proclaim Charles III. at what might be his
future capital, and to cause the formal proclamation to be made through the continent
and islands of Spain. The population was passive, although Castile and Arragon
professed adherence to Charles III.
The next imperative step was to fight the French, but it was quite essential to be
reinforced by the troops under the Earl of Peterborough. It was also most desir-
able to have the prestige of the personal presence of his Majesty. Lord Galway
sent Colonel Dubourgay with despatches to the titular king, and another officer with
a letter to Lord Peterborough, inviting the king and the earl to unite in striking the
final blow.
It was a brilliant honour, and yet a practical embarrassment, that to Lord Galway
belonged all the credit of being at Madrid. A letter, a copy of which I found among
the manuscripts in the British Museum, graphically represents the position of
affairs : — 1
1 Stepney Papers, vol. xx. ( MS. copy, docqueted, "Extract of Letter from Madrid, probably from General
Stanhope to his father in the Hague." Brigadier Stanhope (afterwards first Earl Stanhope) was with Charles
III. as ambassador, and therefore at this date not at Madrid. The writer perhaps was Colonel William Stan-
hope, afterwards Karl of Harrington. It is remarkable that at a later date (1719) this colonel was married
in the French Church in the Savoy, London.
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL WA Y.
379
" Madrid, June 16, o.s., 1706.
" Sir, — After the fatigue of forty-one days' march, we are arrived at our desired port, and
I think on this side it may more properly be called a conquest than a revolution, since in the
whole campaign there has not been above three Spaniards joined us (and these of no note),
unless the towns and villages by which we passed, who rendered themselves to the obedience
of K. Charles rather out of fear than inclination. The grandees have all left Madrid, some
to their country houses and others to follow the Duke D'Anjou, who has taken with him all
the plate, jewels, and rich furniture belonging to the palace. The magistracy of the town
seem very well pleased with this change, and the people are generally passive and wish that
either one or other of the kings had power enough to protect them and put an end to the
war. The D. of Berwick is on his march, with the few forces he has left, towards Navarre ;
though some of his parties are so near us that they have this day killed and taken three or
four of the foragers of my regiment. But as soon as the king joins us, either with or without
the assistance of the Portuguese, we hope to clear Spain of the French. Our Noble Allies
[the Portuguese] have been very humoursome ever since the taking of Rodrigo, and have been
for going back several times. The last time they proposed it was two days ago, when we
were within three leagues of Madrid ; and their only quarrel was that K. Charles had writ a
letter to my Lord Galway, and none to the Marquis das Minas, and in the superscription
called him The General Commanding the Army, which (they urged) was not only a slight but
a reflection on the Portuguese generals. However, my Lord has at last brought them hither,
which nobody believed he would be able to effect.
" The town is much finer, and the inhabitants more numerous, than I expected ; and I
believe that we have had twice the number to see our camp than the army consists of, with
four or five hundred coaches filled with ladies as well as dons. And the news they tell us this
evening is, that Seville has certainly declared for us, and the garrison of Pampelona has mur-
dered a great many of the French and turned the rest out of the gates. We hope to have
the king with us in eight or ten days."
Lord Galway sent his aide-de-camp, Captain Montague, nephew of Lord Halifax,
to England with despatches. His fame had now reached the highest point which
the discordant elements of a confederate army would allow. Bishop Burnet's sum-
mary of his career up to this date is as follows : —
" He heartily engaged in King William's service, and has been ever since employed in
many eminent posts, in all which he has acquitted himself with that great reputation both for
capacity, integrity, courage, and application, as well as success in most of his undertakings,
that he is justly reckoned among the great men of the age ; and to crown all, he is a man of
eminent virtues, great piety, and zeal for religion."
A large number of thanksgiving sermons were preached and printed in England ;
the longest and the best was by the Rev. Robert Fleming, a distinguished man,
celebrated as an author, and as a private friend and councillor of King William III.
His discourse on this occasion was printed with the title, " Sceculum Davidicum
Redivivum," David's " first three" among his generals being represented by Marl-
borough, Peterborough, and " the noble and brave Earl of Galway." As to the
latter he adds : —
" But that great general and statesman, the Earl of Galway, deserves a peculiar repre-
sentation by himself, whilst contending with difficulties on all hands, and yet turning them
about with such address and prudence as still to force his way forward to the heart of Spain,
whilst the Duke of Berwick is glad to retire before him, and the Spanish cities are as glad to
have so fair an opportunity of being under his protection."
Sec. 13. — What became of King Charles and Lord Peterborough.
We must go back a little as to time, in order to bring our readers into contact
with Charles III. and Peterborough at Barcelona, the capital of Catalonia. The
singularly successful campaign there had been crowned by the retreat of the French
on the arrival of the English fleet.
The young king always chafed under the arrangement of the English govern-
ment, according to which he was nominally in command of the army, while the real
power was exercised by the generals. His affection for the Prince of Hesse had
sweetened his submission to this arrangement. Hut the prince had died a soldier's
death, and had left Lord Peterborough to concentrate upon himself all the honour
both of the plan and of the execution of the recent brilliant enterprise. Peter-
borough openly treated the king as a cypher, and exhibited before the populace his
consciousness of his own pre-eminent greatness. As to Lord Galway, Brigadier
Stanhope, and all his brother officers, Peterborough, when not himself in the field,
spent most of his time in defaming and disparaging them. If the king was preju-
38o
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
diced against these faithful and capable men, it was through Peterborough's misre-
presentations. But his Majesty specially winced under the contempt for himself
which this mighty man of valour cared not to conceal. And he is known to have
expressed himself in words to this effect : — " I shall be told next that I owe Madrid
to Lord Peterborough ; if I could not have health without owing it to him, I would
rather be without it."
Paul Methuen, son of the Irish ex-chancellor and ambassador at Lisbon, wrote
to his father from Barcelona, 26th May 1706, telling him how Lord Peterborough
was fretting under King Charles' retaliatory discouragements of him, and adding —
" What vexes my Lord Peterborough most of all is the great probability of my
Lord Galway getting to Madrid before him." He was beginning to be possessed
with an overmastering jealousy of Lord Galway. Still he must endeavour to over-
come the king's beginnings of a course of systematic obstruction of English com-
manders. At last he succeeded in prevailing upon Charles to come to some
arrangement for an expedition to Madrid. And both took their departure from
Barcelona according to the programme that the troops should be conveyed by sea
under Peterborough's charge — that Charles should travel by land, via Tortosa — and
that both should rendezvous at Valencia. The Earl kept his word and took up his
quarters at Valencia. But his boyish Majesty had run off to Saragossa. In a letter
to the Duchess of Marlborough, dated July 1706, Peterborough says: —
" Your grace has, before this can come to your hands, heard of my Lord Galway's being in
Madrid, but will wonder when I tell you that we cannot prevail on the King of Spain to go
thither. And his wise ministers have thought fit to defer it from the time it was possible at
least two months, if some accident do not prevent it for ever."
The Duke of Marlborough believed that Peterborough had treated the young
king " with levity and petulance." The Duke wrote to Godolphin : —
" I believe the anger and aversion he has for Lord Peterborough is the greatest cause of
his taking the resolution to go to Saragossa, which I am afraid will prove fatal."
And again, on August 5 : —
" I send you back Lord Galway's letter. You will have seen by my former letter the fears
that I have that the Duke of Anjou, being joined by Monsieur Legale, may be in a condition
to oblige Lord Galway and the Portuguese to retire from Madrid, which will make it very
difficult for King Charles or Lord Peterborough to join them. I do with all my heart wish
Lord Galway with King Charles, for it is certain, since the relief of Barcelona, he has done
everything as the French ought to have wished. For had he made use of the time and
marched to Madrid, everything must have gone well in that country. The cabinet council are
certainly right in advising the Queen to give the command to Lord Galway."
Although Lord Peterborough deluged the press with documents as to the
immediately previous and the subsequent stages of his career, he withheld all
information concerning this period ; he allowed his admirers to be content with
guesses as to himself, and to invent and discharge random censures at the heads of
Lord Galway and every other general. His only important utterance was untrue,
namely, a declaration that Lord Galway never communicated to him the fact of his
arrival at Madrid. The truly religious and honourable Lord Galway assured the
House of Lords that he had sent letters to Peterborough both from Madrid and
from Guadalaxara. The only foundation for Peterborough's fiction was that Colonel
Dubourgay was the bearer of Galway's letter for the king, wlio was at Saragossa, but
had no letter for Peterborough, who was at Valencia. But the colonel, in order to
avoid the enemy's troops, had to come round by Valencia, and thus Peterborough got
the news verbally, sooner than by letter. It was no offence that the king, who was
both king and commander-in-chief, should have been addressed first. The truth
was, that through the colonel's unintentional detour Peterborough had the intelligence
before his master.
The plain and explanatory facts, which I am now to present to my readers, are
here printed for the first time from Admiral Sir John Leake's Papers in the British
Museum. Lord Peterborough, whose present displeasure with the king was partly
hypocritical, corresponded with him and endeavoured to take advantage of his
lukewarmncss as to the expedition to Madrid, by proposing to take his troops into
Savoy for the relief of Turin, then besieged by a Erench army. Charles' reply is
preserved, in which he gave him orders accordingly.
But immediately thereafter Colonel Dubourgay arrived at Saragossa from Madrid
with despatches from Lord Galway, having occupied four days in the ride. Erom
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL WA V.
him Charles received the further information that the French had voluntarily raised
the siege of Turin. The king accordingly wrote a distinct and elaborate letter to Lord
Peterborough from Saragossa, 20th June o.s. 1706/ positively ordering him to set all
the troops in motion for Madrid without losing a moment. I translate the letter: —
"My Lord Earl, — After I had written the enclosed, an officer sent from my Lord
Calhvay has arrived, who set out from the army of the allies, only four days ago. He has
brought me the agreeable news that the said army has advanced as far as Guadalaxara, and is
waiting with impatience for the reinforcements which it hopes to obtain from the corps d'arwc'e
which happens to be under your orders. The enemy is encamped in the direction of Atienza,
and boasts of expected succours from France, which would put them in a condition to decide
the destiny of Spain at a stroke by a single battle. For this reason I send you this Express
with all diligence to give you the intelligence, and to demand of you that without losing a
moment of time you will set in motion all your cavalry and the greater part of your infantry,
to march towards the said army at Guadalaxara by the direct route, without waiting for any
other advice from me, and without making the detour which in my former letter I marked with
a line. My object was to cover the roads which I myself would take, but I am now uncertain
as to taking the route by Tervel, and will perhaps take a different (because more direct) road
to save both distance and time. In any case I will let you know of any changes as to my own
progress, determined on while the troops are advancing, that you may thereupon adopt the
most suitable measures.
" Further, it will not be necessary that your whole force should assemble in order to march
all together, for the enemy being now at a distance from the road which these troops should
take, you can make the cavalry advance regiment by regiment ; the infantry to follow as soon
as possible. According to the news which the said officer retails, the siege of Turin has been
raised ; therefore one need not now embarrass oneself in regard to the succours which the
Duke of Savoy asked for. Even if it were not the case that the gallant admirals are unwilling
to engage in the enterprise against the islands with the three or four battalions of your troops
which had been destined for that service, it is contrary to the public interest to amuse oneself
now with any operation on the coast. The public interest requires that these battalions should
serve in the reinforcements (supposing them to be in a condition to march), in order to give
better assurance of the great success which we should be able to obtain by advantageously
giving tattle to the enemy, or by driving the French altogether from the continent of Spain,
before they could be joined by succours from Italy.
" I have no doubt of the zeal and diligence with which you will take care to put in execu-
tion these directions and marches, so important to the common cause, and profitable for your
own honour and glory, in which the friendship is interested which I profess for your person,
praying God to preserve it in His holy keeping."
Madrid was now Lord Peterborough's post of duty for three reasons : —
First. The English Government, aware of his feeling of rivalry towards every
brother officer, and towards Lord Galway specially, had given him a special post of
honour. The Earl of Peterborough had been appointed ambassador-extraordinary
at Madrid, with powers and instructions for treating of and adjusting all matters of
state and traffic between the kingdoms of Great Britain and Spain. Brigadier
Stanhope was the ambassador in attendance on the king's person, and therefore
Lord Peterborough ought to have hastened to Madrid in order to acquaint himself
with the political situation. Secondly. He was generalissimo of the forces under the
King of Spain, according to a commission granted by the king. He ought, there-
fore, to have obeyed the positive orders conveyed to him by letter. Thirdly. He
was indebted to Lord Galway for the English regiments under his command. He
should have regarded those regiments as having been lent to him in order to
ensure his success at Barcelona, and as being now due to his brother officer in order
to ensure his success at Madrid.
Notwithstanding these solid and solemn reasons, Lord Peterborough would not
move until the king would come to the rendezvous at Valencia.
The king's delay was inexcusable. He wished time for marshalling a royal
equipage and retinue which would dazzle the admiring eyes of the Castilians. He
set out by the province of Arragon, which, along with Castile, had formally sub-
mitted to him. His German favourites advocated his plan, saying, " It would not
be advisable for his Majesty to go to Madrid in a hurry, without his equipage and
retinue." To this Stanhope replied, "William of Orange, when he made his descent
upon England, went to London in a hackney, attended by a few dragoons, otherwise
he had lost the crown." The young king wasted thirty days in pageantry and easy
marches, and at length rejoined Peterborough at Valencia.
Duiing this weary time Lord Galway at Guadalaxara, and the people of Madrid,
are kept in a state of blank astonishment or stupor. Here is an army, professedly
1 This is the true date, although Sir J. Leake's copy has "ce 20 mc de Julliet." See Appendix.
382
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
a part of a king's escort, and yet no king is visible to receive the allegiance of his
subjects. No message is forthcoming to give assurance of a royal anxiety to be in
his capital and among his people. The Spaniards can hardly believe in the exist-
ence of a prince styled His Catholic Majesty, heralded by a Calvinistic commander-
in-chief. Some humourists design and strike and circulate a medal describing Charles
III. as " king by favour of the heretics." While some people jest as if the invisible
Pretender must be non-existent, others seriously give up all expectation of his com-
ing. Two priests go about declaring he is dead. One of them is arrested by order
of Lord Galvvay, who cannot punish him, because he cannot infallibly contradict the
report. The report is believed. Day after day French troops arrive from Italy. At
length our allied army is hopelessly outnumbered ; at least it cannot prevent the
enemy from entering and occupying Madrid on the 4th of August (25th July, old
style).
On the 6th of August (27th July, o.s.), King Charles and Lord Peterborough
appear — the former with a kingly retinue — but too late. If the very late lord had
brought his troops with him, a battle might still have been fought. But he had
played a trick well known to jealous confederate generals, and had dispersed the
bulk of his army in garrisons. He brought only two regiments of Spanish dragoons
and a part of a regiment of English dragoons, and left behind him thirteen bat-
talions of English foot and two regiment of dragoons. What, then, could be done,
but to retreat ?
In extenuation of Charles' delay, it must be said that he could not have foreseen
that Peterborough would have disobeyed his positive orders. During three-fourths
of the time, if his better judgment reproached him for his neglect of duty, he may
have consoled himself by thinking that all the forces had long ago combined at
Madrid and beat the enemy, as they could then have done. In that case the people
would have felt it consistent with prudence and safety to have done immediate
homage to a victorious monarch. The circumstance, that he ultimately came to the
rendezvous at Valencia, only showed that he yielded to Lord Peterborough's
obstinacy.
All these transactions were shrouded in mystery and unknown to the world.
The Duke of Berwick wondered at (what he called) the forty days' halt, and con-
demned it as a fatal mistake. In aftertimes, Lord Peterborough being put upon his
defence, led people to believe that it was Galvvay who was thus fatally criticized.
The fact is that Berwick meant to criticize Peterborough, Stanhope, Das Minas, and
all the generals, and not Galway only.
Trusting to the ignorance of people at home, Peterborough insinuated a theory, which
seemed to say that Lord Galway knew reinforcements could not come up for forty days,
and that he ought therefore to have entrenched his army and enrolled regiments of
Spanish volunteers. As to the latter suggestion, no Spaniard could serve the allies
until they had fought a decisive battle with Philip and the French. Regular troops
under Peterborough's command ought to have hurried to the scene. Lord Galway
expected the king in eight days (or ten days at the most). Colonel Dubourgay's round-
about journey to Saragossa had occupied four days only. Immediately the king had
ordered Peterborough to march to Madrid, in a letter which apparently copied Lord
Galway's statement of the urgent object of such a rapid march. After the lapse of
eight days, Galway was in hourly expectation of the arrival of Peterborough's van-
guard. Every military precaution was taken to keep the roads open for the English
hero and his royal master. Convoys of provisions were sent to meet them — pro-
visions which mouldered during Lord Peterborough's delay — a delay prompted by
the most unheroic jealousy and by senseless displeasure at the thought that in the
presence of his more venerable comrade he would be a junior officer. The imputation
to Lord Galway of the blame of a forty days' halt at Madrid proves only that Galway
had the honour (or misfortune) of arriving at Madrid forty days before another
general, whose vaingloriousness overpowered his sense of duty, and who himself
wasted and lost those forty days, to the injury of his country and of her confederates.
Sec. 14.— Lord Galway's Misfortunes in Spain.
Lord Galway got no more glory in Spain. It will be easy to show that his con-
duct was as meritorious as ever, and that he was the victim of mismanagement by
other persons over whom he had no control.
On first arriving at Madrid, Lord Galway felt that his project had been realized
only in appearance, and therefore sent home, along with his despatches, a ^request
that he might retire from the service. The question which must arise on Spanish
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL IV A Y.
383
ground, whether to continue him as the British General, or to supersede him in favour
of his junior, Lord Peterborough, was therefore anticipated by his waiting upon the
latter Earl at Guadalaxara, and offering to serve under him until released himself.
But Peterborough declined the offer, unless the Portuguese General also would con-
sent to be under him, which was, of course, impossible. The British Government (as
indicated in my last quotation from Marlborough's correspondence) were, from the
first, determined that Lord Galway should not be superseded. Sir Charles Hedges
had written to him on the 2d July : —
" It is a great happiness to the common cause that your Excellency will, in all probability,
be with the King of Spain, since it may receive great advantage by your good advice in
settling affairs with him, as it has d me from your great care and prudent conduct, by which
you surmounted difficulties with the Portuguese, which were thought impracticable."
And the opinion, which Marlborough endorsed, is in Lord Godolphin's letter of
July 30:—
" Upon the joining of our Portugal and Catalonian troops with the King of Spain at
Madrid, it has been thought proper for preventing disputes to settle in whom the superior
command of the Queen's troops should be lodged. The lords here have been unanimously of
opinion that it ought to be in my Lord Galway, as having the elder commission from the
Queen, and that the King of Spain's commission to my Lord Peterborough ought not to inter-
fere in this case. I think this is right for the service."
Our Queen, confirming her advisers' recognition, both of Lord Galway's seniority
and of his greater local experience, sent him a commission giving him the rank of
Captain-General of her forces in Spain and Portugal. This commission and pro-
motion his lordship would, if he could, have humbly declined, for he adhered to
his conviction that Lord Peterborough should be preferred for the command.
Peterborough, however, took his departure from Guadalaxara, " pretending [says
Godolphin] that he had the Queen's orders to go to Italy." And besides this,
Charles, who had extolled his former exploits in letters to Queen Anne, had now
cast him off, and afterwards desired the Count de Gallas to lay before the British
Queen a series of complaints against him. When Lord Peterborough returned home,
the Queen refused to see him till these charges were refuted. The House of Com-
mons found the case so complicated, that they indefinitely adjourned it. Peter-
borough thirsted for revenge, and, at a later date, recklessly retaliated upon Lord
Galway.
" The Portuguese," said Lord Galway in reply, " staid no longer time at Madrid
than was necessary to get the king proclaimed there, which did not exceed ten days
— then advanced as far as Guadalaxara, and afterwards to Guadaraxa, about 60
miles beyond Madrid, where we obliged part of the Duke of Anjou's troops to re-
pass the river, but were not willing to engage them, at a time when we had reason
to expect we should have been joined in a few days by the forces with the King of
Spain and Earl of Peterborough, which was the only secure method left us to augment
our troops. For it would have been very imprudent to have attempted to have
formed corps of the Castilians, who were entirely devoted to the Duke of Anjou's
interest. But all the officers of the army know, we were so far from wanting provi-
sions ourselves, that we sent a convoy of 8000 loaves to meet the King and the Earl
of Peterborough, which (by their delay in not advancing fast enough) grew mouldy,
and was afterwards pillaged by the peasants. His lordship's information of our want
of intelligence of the enemy's motions and of our disorder upon the retreat, are as
great mistakes as the former. For the occasion of our advancing to Guadaraxa was
purely to post ourselves in such a manner as to prevent the enemy from marching or
sending detachments to intercept the King of Spain ; and when we had reason to
believe him out of danger, we returned to Guadalaxara, there to be joined by the
King and the Earl of Peterborough. Nor was it possible for his lordbhip to have
seen our disorder, if there had been any, because (as I have already observed)
he came not to Guadalaxara himself, till some days after we had been encamped
there.
" Notwithstanding the Earl of Peterborough is pleased to say, ' that we lost 5000
men in the retreat to Valencia without a blow, and entirely ruined our whole cavalry.'
'Tis certain our loss upon that occasion was very inconsiderable, if any, and the re-
treat made in so good order that the enemy (superior as they were in number) never
durst venture to attack us after the warm reception twenty-two of their squadrons
met with from two battalions under the command of Colonel Wade in the town
3§4
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
of Villa Nova, notwithstanding we were obliged to cross plains and rivers in their
view.
The contemporary " annals" describe this retreat as a masterly one : —
" The Duke of Berwick being informed that the allies were to march through a plain
to come to Yniesta and draw near to Xabriel, drew all his forces together, and advanced
with so great diligence in the night, that his van appeared in the plain just as they began their
march. Hereupon my Lord Galway, with wonderful presence of mind, made the necessary
dispositions for a battle, causing all the cavalry of the first line, which made a column opposite
the enemy, to advance, and giving the command of the foot to Sir Charles O'Hara, and
ordering the second line to march in battalions behind the infantry of the first. This disposi-
tion was made, that which way soever the enemy should approach them, they should have a
sufficient front to oppose them. And at the same time the allies marched on in such a
manner, that the enemy never found an opportunity to come to a general engagement with
advantage. On the contrary, all the squadrons that advanced towards them were very
vigorously repulsed with loss. And the confederates had time to arrive at Yniesta, where they
posted their right, and the army was drawn up in order of battle, having a little rivulet before
their front. The king himself led the columns, and posted the troops on the other side of
the rivulet, the Earl of Galway taking care to see them all pass in good order. The horse the
enemy sent to disturb them was routed, and some Portuguese squadrons, that were very weak,
defeated several of the enemy's that appeared much stronger. The Marquis das Minas con-
tinued all the while in the rear, and when the whole army was passed they expected the enemy
in order of battle. But though all their infantry was come up, yet they found the allies in so
good a posture that they never durst attempt to attack them. The baggage continued their
march, and afterwards the whole army began to move in the day time, and in sight of the
enemy, and passed the Xabriel without the least opposition."
Both Lord (now the Earl of) Godolphin and Queen Anne herself had written to
King Charles, strongly advising him " to keep Lord Galway near him," as a sagacious
and trusty councillor. But a Dutch General had come into the camp, and had made
himself more agreeable to the unreasoning king. In the room of Baron Fagel (who
had retired after the disappointment at Badajoz), the States-General sent the Count
De Noyelles ; and, according to Luttrell, he had also a military commission as Velt-
Marshal-General from the Emperor of Germany. At what date this veteran general
joined the army, it is difficult to ascertain. He bore a letter of introduction from
Marlborough to Lord Galway, dated from London, 12th Feb. 1706, but his first re-
corded appearance is after Lord Peterborough's departure. Probably on account of
his great age, and of his commission from the Emperor, he claimed to be com-
mander-in-chief ; but the Portuguese absolutely vetoed the proposal ; and forthwith
he proceeded to trifle away both time and resources. King Charles' fault — the fault
also of the deceased Emperor (his father) and of the Emperor Joseph (Charles's
brother) — had been the fault and folly of trifling. When he could have occupied the
Spanish capital, Charles did not care ; and still in his not too dignified retreat he
laughed to scorn all observations savouring of regard or deference for Spain,
Spaniards, and things Spanish. De Noyelles obtained permission to disperse the
troops among garrisons ; and he encouraged the king's prejudices, in the hope that
delay might serve his own ambition. Lord Galway, despairing of gaining the king's
heart, thought that now Lord Peterborough might be called in, so Godolphin wrote
to Marlborough, November 12th: — "My poor Lord Galway continues so very
pressing to retire and come home, that I really think it would be too great a bar-
barity to refuse it him. But what amazes me is that he recommends Lord Peter-
borough as the properest person to succeed him in the care of the whole."
Lord Peterborough's head was always running on Italian projects, therefore the
British Government would not put the conduct of Spanish affairs into his hands.
They believed that he would not carry out their instructions, however authoritative
and absolute, for bending all his energies as a British General, to obtain possession
of Spain proper. They, therefore, prepared matters for 1707, so that Lord Galway
might cither come home (if he was set upon it), or might command in Spain (as they
wished). General the Earl of Rivers received a commission to make a descent upon
France at the head of a considerable force ; thereafter he was to go to Spain, to take
the command there if Lord Galway should retire, and to reinforce the British troops.
Marlborough wrote to Galway from The Hague, 22d November 1706: —
" We have been under great concern for the many disappointments your lordship has met
with in Spain, but we hope that the arrival of the fleet with a considerable reinforcement of
troops will soon put you in a posture to recover what you have lost. I design to embark in
two days for England, where you may be sure I shall readily use my endeavours that nothing
be wanting to put you in a condition to act offensively again. " Marlborough."
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OE CAE WAY.
385
One grand object, which Lord Galway had in view, was to undo the effect upon
Spaniards of King Charles's carelessness, by persuading the Emperor to make a
decisive demonstration of earnestness to secure Spain for his brother. He was
willing that both the English and the Dutch should play a secondary part ; for he
remembered the medal bearing the name of King Charles, and styling him " King,
by favour of the heretics." Prince Eugene of Savoy, if sent from Vienna as com-
mander-in-chief in Spain, would, independently of his military genius and immense
experience, be a living testimony that the orthodox brothers really cared for the
throne of Spain. All Lord Galway 's feelings and views were ably expressed in a
letter to the Earl of Godolphin : —
"Valencia, December 15 26, 1706.
" I have had the honour to write twice to your lordship concerning Prince Eugene's coming
to command in Spain, which I think not only necessary to prevent the confusion that the
jealousy of some generals will occasion here, but is the only means to establish the Spanish
monarchy and prevent its ruin ; for his Catholic Majesty is in such very ill hands, who possess
his ear, that though we should have all the success we can desire, the conduct of the court
will be such that the king will never remain six months quiet on his throne after the foreign
forces are embarked. The Spaniards will never bear to be governed by a set of foreigners of
neither worth nor rank, who think of nothing but plunder and rapine, and keep all r ersons
from the king that are not of their own stamp. They will infallibly call the French in again,
and carry themselves to the utmost extremities. All the Spaniards that are here are under a
general disgust, and see what they are to expect when those now about the king get the power
of all into their own hands.
" There is another point of no small consequence that I must inform your lordship
fully of. Count Noyelles expected upon his coming over, to have had the chief command of
all, but finding it impracticable (as matters stand) with the Portuguese, has persuaded the king,
who has no kindness for that nation, to form an army apart from them in Arragon. Count
Noyelles has already sent some of the Dutch troops that way, notwithstanding the Marquis
das Minas's representation that they belong to the Portuguese army ; and, if he is not
prevented, he will draw the rest of the troops from that body. But what I dread most is, that
he will be able to prevail with my Lord Rivers to join his troops with the army the King
intends to command in person, who is already much soured against the Portuguese. If this
should be done, I look upon us as entirely destroyed. The enemy is as strong as both these
armies together, and will not fail to beat us both, one after the other, especially (as your
lordship may imagine) as there will be little harmony in our councils and operations.
" I hope your lordship will take this into your serious consideration, and that her
Majesty's positive orders may prevent the dividing of her troops at this juncture; and in
order to make my Lord Rivers the easier to serve with the Portuguese, I renew on this
occasion my instances to her Majesty that I may have leave to retire, that my Lord Rivers
may take upon him the command of the whole.
'• I must again repeat to your lordship, that nothing can effectually save our affairs and even
the Spanish monarchy, as the Emperor's sending Prince Eugene hither, whose rank and
character will not only prevent all the confusion we are falling into, but he will be able to
remove from the king those persons who now possess him so much, and establish the Spanish
affairs upon a right foot. I hope this will come in time to your lordship's hands, not only to
prevent the dividing the English troops but also the Dutch. The Portuguese are already
much dissatisfied ; and we may fear that more ill-treatment will induce them to accept of such
advantageous terms, as the French will not fail to propose them on such an occasion. We
have agreed with the Duke of Berwick to enter upon a treaty for the exchange of prisoners at
Novelda. ... I am, &e., " Gallway." 1
" Since I have signed this letter, I have discoursed the King very fully upon his design
of dividing the troops, and going himself into Arragon or Catalonia. I took the liberty
to be very plain with his Majesty, and I hope I have put that design out of his head. Hut
this will bring no alteration with the conduct of the Court, which is as I have represented
to your lordship, which makes me always suspicious of alterations so that I can depend on
nothing."
Secretary the Earl of Sunderland replied in December to Lord Galway 's earnest
entreaties to be recalled. The following is a portion of his letter: —
" I am commanded by her Majesty to acquaint your lordship how concerned she is at the
un asincss you are under in the service, which makes you desire so much to retire, which
request her Majesty would not deny, but that she is of opinion that, besides what relates to
the command of her own troops, and any influence that is necessary to be had upon the King
ot Spain, there is nobody but your lordship that can possibly in any sort manage the Portu-
guese ; so that, if you shall retire, that alliance will be quite useless, and, consequently, the
whole affairs of Spain irretrievable. I am confident when you reflect upon this, you have her
Majesty's service and the common cause so much at heart, that you will have patience, at least
I.
1 "The Marclmiont Papers," vol. iii., p. 457.
3 c
3 86
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
one campaign more ; and your lordship may depend upon it that there is nothing in the
Queen's power to do, to make you as easy as possible, and to remove the difficulties you have
hitherto struggled with, that will not be done. You will see by her Majesty's letter to the
King of Spain how much she takes this to heart, and how strongly she insists upon his having
an entire confidence in your counsels and advice.
" I will not say any more upon this subject ; you will have it so much more strongly repre-
sented to you by my Lord Treasurer in his letter, and by Monsieur de Montandre when you
see him. I must also acquaint you that the Queen has ordered my Lord Peterborough's com-
mission of Ambassador to be recalled, which I hope will contribute to make all that matter
more easy. Since her Majesty is willing to consent that the troops with the Lord Rivers
should join the King of Spain and the troops in Valencia, it is expected that they should be
kept together in one corps and under one general, that they may march straight to Madrid,
without dividing themselves or amusing themselves in taking inconsiderable places, and such
little projects, — the doing of which before was one great reason that this last campaign you
was not joined by any body of troops sufficient to keep you in possession of Madrid. This
makes it yet more necessary for your Lordship to stay. I am sure nobody but yourself will
have influence or credit enough to keep them together. And to enable you the better to do
this, the most effectual measures will be taken to persuade the Portuguese to make the diver-
sion they have promised by the way of Toledo ; and in order to it, they will be assured that
the troops from Ireland, that were to follow the Lord Rivers, shall be sent as soon as possible
to join them and enter Spain that way. I must also acquaint you that such measures are now
taking with the Duke of Savoy for the next campaign as will effectually prevent the French
sending any considerable force more into Spain." 1
In January 1707 the Earl of Rivers arrived. Councils of war were held in the
presence of King Charles during this month and the next. Lord Peterborough
appeared as an ambassador, and the king now liked him better. Another ambas-
sador was Major-General Stanhope, a great friend and admirer of Lord Galway
(unlike the noble historian, his direct descendant). Sir Charles O'Hara had been
raised to the peerage as Lord Tyrawley, and was on the same side. Lord Peter-
borough argued for a defensive warfare in Spain. Lord Galway led on the other
side. Stanhope vigorously supported Galway, and with great warmth spoke to the
following effect : — " Her Majesty spends such vast sums, and sends such numbers of
forces, not to garrison some towns in Catalonia and Valencia, but to make King
Charles master of. the Spanish monarchy ; therefore if it is insisted upon to divide
the forces, and to put ourselves on the defensive, I shall in her Majesty's name pro-
test against such measures." This decided the programme, and Peterborough left
the country.
Lord Sunderland, in a letter to Stanhope, dated February 13, wrote, "that he
sent him a letter for the Earl of Rivers, which he desired Mr Stanhope to deliver to
him if he took upon him the command of the army by the Lord Galway's giving it
up. Which, however, the Earl of Sunderland hoped he would not do. In which
case Mr Stanhope was desired to burn that letter."
Lord Rivers was disposed to take the command, and endeavoured to ingratiate
himself with King Charles. But the difficulties of the post soon became apparent
to him, and basing his decision on the grounds that the British Government preferred
Lord Galway, and that he himself could serve under no general but the Duke of
Marlborough, he declared that he would retire. The following is the substance of
the document which the two earls signed : —
" It was agreed upon by the Earls of Galway and Rivers, Mr Stanhope being present, that
it would be better for her Majesty's service that there should be no more than one general.
The Earl of Galway generously offered the command to Earl Rivers, which he refused in con-
sideration of the Earl of Galway's greater experience, more especially in the affairs of Spain
and Portugal."
Lord Rivers' men, greatly reduced by disease, then passed under Lord Galway's
command. Our Queen had issued an ordinance, dated 1 8th January 1707, giving
directions for the reduction of the several trains of artillery (formerly under the
direction of the Earls of Galway, Peterborough, and Rivers) into one field train, in
accordance with the " schedules and list transmitted to us by our trusty and well-
beloved cousin, the Earl of Galway, Captain-General of our Forces in Spain." 2
Although he had no enjoyment of life in Spain, for (as he said himself) according
to old Lord Bedford's view, he had lost his best friend there, namely, his appetite, 3
1 The Parliamentary History.
2 MSS. Office of Hoard of Ordnance, 5795, Brit. Mus., p. 313.
:! In a letter from Spain, Lord Galway said to Lady Russell, " J'ai perdu entitlement l'appetit que Lord
Bedford appeloit son meilleur ami." (Quoted in a note to the Devonshire Collection of Russell Letters.)
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL IV A Y.
387
yet Lord Galway could not but acknowledge the gratifying testimony to his conduct
borne by the able statesmen who had written to him. I refer to his letter to the
Earl of Godolphin (Valencia, Feb. 22, 1707), in which, after expressing his gratitude
for the gracious orders of the Queen to continue in her service, and for the new
commission appointing him commander-in-chief of all the British forces in Spain,
he says : —
" When I was so pressing for leave to retire, it was not so much on account of my
own infirmities and the disquiet of the service, as of so many difficulties that made it
impossible for me to serve the Queen as I ought ; but seeing her Majesty, the ministry,
and my friends believe I can still be serviceable, I submit to their better judgment. But
they must answer to the public for the faults I may commit ; though I'll do my utmost to
save them from any reproach, if fidelity, application, and vigilance can do it ; but I cannot
answer for my capacity in affairs so very difficult to manage.
" I am extremely sensible of the encouragements her Majesty is pleased to give me. I wish
her letter to the king, so much to my advantage, may produce a good effect. He has taken
no notice yet of it to me. It would not be easy to represent to you that prince's character.
He cannot but have so much respect for the queen, that he will always outwardly show me a
great regard. He always agrees with me when I represent anything to him, but never does what
I advise him to do. He has now lately made a German chamberlain of his household, which
is one of the greatest offices in Spain, and has shown very little countenance to the Spaniards
he is most obliged to. I have already had the honour to tell your Lordship how necessary it
would be, that Prince Eugene came hither to prevent the disorders of the court, as well as
those of the field. The king sends Don Pedro Moraes to him. I enclose the copy of the letter
I sent him, believing his presence here of absolute necessity. — I am, &c, " Gallway."
The confederates adhered to their instructions, which were also their own senti-
ments, that the war should be actively carried on. To act on the offensive, they had
to march towards Madrid. The defensive could not be maintained in Valencia,
where they had eaten up all the provisions. The proposal to stand on the defensive
implied that first they should retreat into Catalonia ; but it was not to swell a retreat
that reinforcements had been sent out to them.
King Charles and his brother, the emperor, marred all the design. The latter,
in order to get rapid possession of Lombardy, did not wait to make prisoners of
the French forces there, but by a capitulation, enabled them to flock into Spain.
He also neglected the urgent request to send Prince Eugene or some highly qualified
general to command in Valencia. King Charles, under the bitter influence of
Noyelles, took the Spanish regiments into Catalonia, alleging some temporary
exigency, and promising a speedy return. " And," says Lord Galway, " it is
notoriously known that the reasons for that journey were thought so insuffi-
cient, that not only all the foreign generals and ministers, but even the city and
kingdom of Valencia, by their deputies, protested against it."
It was soon evident that Charles would not come back. The Valencia troops
were besieging the castle of Villena ; but they found it would hold out for a time,
and they were informed that the Duke of Orleans was immediately expected by the
enemy with a further reinforcement of 8000 or 10,000 men. It seemed advisable to
bring on a battle immediately with Marshal Duke of Berwick. To this proposal a
council of war unanimously agreed. Accordingly the battle of Almanza was fought
on the 25th April 1707. The Portuguese cavalry were on the right wing, and the
British horse and dragoons on the left — the latter commanded by the gallant Lord
Tyrawley. The infantry occupied the centre — except two brigades interlined with
the cavalry. The whole issue depended on the bravery and ardour of the confede-
rate soldiers, for the Duke of Berwick's army was fully double in numerical strength.
The order of battle was that our left wing should charge the right wing of the
French, and that when our centre was engaged with the enemy's, the Portuguese
cavalry should charge forward. Lord Galway led off the battle at the head of the
dragoons, and the charge was a spirited one. The English, Dutch, and Portuguese
infantry carried all before them. But the Portuguese horsemen had witnessed <i sight
which confused and alarmed them. Lord Galway, the only bond of union between
them and King Charles, was carried off the field wounded — what if the wound was
mortal ? and what could they gain for their own king by uselessly exasperating the
French, who were not indisposed to a separate peace with Portugal ? Accord-
ingly the right wing did not charge. This was the first hope of the French ; they
rode up to attack the stationary Portuguese cavalry, which fled precipitately. Lord
Galway had been wounded in the eye ; in fact, he had lost the sight of it. When
he returned to the field he made every exertion to remedy the confusion which had
383
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
arisen in his absence. The infantry continued to gain advantages. Their oppo-
nents, beaten in detail, would not return to the charge. But Berwick's vastly
superior numbers enabled him to bring up fresh regiments to the fight. Thus the
exhausted infantry, unsupported by cavalry, were overpowered.
Complete as was the defeat, and dreadful the slaughter, the great disaster was
not the loss of the battle, but the surrender of our surviving infantry next day. The
Annalist says, that the victory would have given the enemy comparatively little
reason for boasting, " had the infantry that retired to the hills of Caudete marched
off in the night, as they might securely have done. But Count Dhona and Major-
General Shrimpton, upon a false report that the enemy were surrounding them, sent
Majors Alexander and Petit to the enemy's camp, with a proposal to surrender
themselves prisoners at discretion, which the Duke of Berwick readily accepted.
Don Emanuel, brother to the Count de Atalaja would have no share in so dis-
honourable a capitulation, and (to show how easily it might have been avoided)
retired with a few Portuguese Horse ; as also did a Serjeant of Visonse's Regiment
with about eighty men."
Lord Galway sent the following despatch to Lord Sunderland : —
" Alegre, April 27. — My Lord, your lordship will have heard by my letters, as well as by
Mr. Stanhope's, that in all the councils held at Valencia this winter, it was resolved we should
march to clear this frontier, ruin the enemy's magazines, and destroy the country between them
and us, in case they retired, thereby to secure this kingdom [Valencia] and our march into
Arragon ; but that if the enemy did assemble upon this frontier, we should fight them.
Accordingly, our forces removed from their garrisons the 6th instant : we were all joined the
10th. We marched to Yecla, and from thence to Montealegre, the enemy's troops retiring
before us. We consumed and destroyed their magazines in both these places. We afterwards
marched to Villena ; the enemy in the meantime joined all their force and marched to Al-
manza. All the generals were of opinion to attack them there, our army being then in a
better condition than it would be any time during the campaign, for it daily weakened by sick-
ness. So we marched the 25th, and fought the enemy close to Almanza.
" I am under deep concern to be obliged to tell your lordship we were entirely defeated.
Both our wings were broke, and let in the enemy's horse, which surrounded our foot, so that
none could get off. I received a cut in the forehead in the first charge. The enemy did not
pursue their advantage, so that all the baggage got off. Major-General Shrimpton, Count
Dhona, and some other officers got into the mountains with a body of English, Dutch, and
Portuguese foot, where they surrendered the day after the battle, being, I suppose, surrounded
by the enemy's horse. I have sent a trumpet to enquire after the prisoners.
" I cannot, my Lord, but look upon the affairs of Spain as lost by this bad disaster: our
foot, which was our main strength, being gone, and the horse we have left being chiefly Portu-
guese, which is not good at all. Most of our English horse that got off were of the two new-
raised regiments of dragoons, who did not do their duty. All the generals here are of opinion
that we cannot continue in this kingdom (Valencia), so I have desired Sir George Byng to
take on board again the recruits he had just landed at Alicante, and to call at Denia or Val-
encia (city) for our sick, wounded, and baggage, and have sent all to Tortosa, where we shall
march with the remnant of our horse. — I am, &c, " Gallway."
Major-General Stanhope, being at Barcelona with King Charles' court, wrote to
Marlborough on the 3rd of May : —
" My Lord, — It is with the greatest affliction imaginable that I am obliged to give your
Grace an account of the melancholy state of our affairs here by the defeat of our army on the
25th of last month at Almanza. The enclosed paper is the copy of what my Lord Galway
writes to me. By other advices more fresh, we hear that Count Dhona, with the body of men
he had got together with Major-General Shrimpton, has been forced to surrender ; so that I
cannot learn that five hundred men are escaped out of the whole body of foot, which consisted
of fortv-thiee battalions, whereof I know not whether sixteen or seventeen were English, nine-
teen Poituguese, and the remainder Dutch. Of our horse about 3,500 are come off, but very
few English and Dutch. . . . There was not at the army one horse or foot soldier of this
king's [Charles III.]. My Lord Galway was wounded with a sword over the eye, at the begin-
ning of the action, charging with the horse. This accident contributed much to the confusion
that followed. Our foot is by everybody said to have done wonders, which makes the loss of
it so much the more sensible Count Noyelles is for dispersing up and down in
holes the poor remainders we have left, where they must be lost as soon as the enemy think
fit to show themselves."
As to Lord Galway's personal behaviour in the fight, it was (as usual) most
brave and spirited. The flight of the Portuguese horse during his enforced absence
had put everything in great confusion, and the Marquis das Minas very soon quitted
the field. This Lord Galway was most earnestly averse to do ; the battle under his
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL WAY.
389
command continued to be fought ardently and stedfastly, and he was almost
surrounded by the enemy when a party of Guiscard's and Carpenter's dragoons
insisted on his withdrawing along with them. Our hero has been blamed for fighting
when the army of the enemy was in numbers at least double. But the ideas of that
age rather favoured a daring attack in such circumstances. The Observator (an
English paper), for August 26, 1704, expresses the English feeling: — " Don't tell me
of numbers ; they are cowards that tell noses. The Duke of Marlborough is none of
those reckoning generals. Pray, had not the French twice the number at Donawart?
— and did not the duke there thrash their jackets to their hearts' content ? " Bishop
Burnet, in his thanksgiving sermon on 27th June 1706, thus panegyrized British
soldiers : — " They run to battles with so bold an intrepidity that we seem to be near
the state promised that one shall chase a thousand. Our men go to action as assured
of victory, being resolved to conquer or die." The general opinion as to Almanza
was that if the Portuguese cavalry had not stood still, and then decamped, the day
would have been ours ; in which case Lord Galway's glory would have been upper-
most, and have overborne military criticism.
King Charles and Noyelles at first exulted over Lord Galway's misfortune. The
"great misfortune" (according to the British Government's opinion) included the
cause of the defeat, namely, the dispersion of all the Spanish troops and some others
in garrisons throughout Arragon and Catalonia, and the consequent weakening of
the confederate army in Valencia. Once more the Emperor and his brother's way-
wardness and neglect had led them to disdain to fight for Spain.
Letters reached Marlborough with insinuations to the effect " that there is a
general contempt and anger towards Lord Galway," " that he is neither an officer
nor zealous " — " that he has also grown very proud and passionate, which (says the
Duke to Godolphin) you know is very different from the temper he formerly had."
None, however, felt this contempt and anger, but men who had nursed it before — his
rivals and personal enemies, — men, whose consciences told them that they themselves
were to blame, and whose tongues had a brief opportunity of rancorously speaking
out, when silence best expressed the grief of true British and Christian patriots. But
Stanhope and Tyrawley, and the majority of good officers felt towards him, as did
their younger comrade, Captain (afterwards Sir Thomas) De Veil, who, though
hearing those expressions of contempt, cherished and recorded the opinion that Lord
Galway was " very brave in his person, and had all the abilities requisite to fill his
employments."
The malcontent officers, some of whom (like the Earl of Peterborough) were
interested rivals and opponents, others (like the Duke of Ormond) being Jacobites
and sympathisers with the Duke of Berwick, toasted this fitz-regal duke as " the
brave English general who had beaten the French [i.e., Ruvigny]." They formed a
party, in which were some young officers, strangers to Lord Galway, and un-
acquainted with the secrets of their commanders. As the youthful soldiers grew to
be oracles among a still younger generation, a tradition arose that the Duke of
Berwick obtained a ludicrously easy victory at Almanza. In confutation of this, I
can say that I have read the Duke's narrative, and that that was not his opinion —
(the narrative which ends with the statement, that " Milord Galloway, General des
Anglois, y perdit un ceil ; il devoit meme etre pris, mais il trouva moyen de
sechapper.") He evidently considered it an immense effort both in plan and in
execution. " According to Berwick's own account," says Macfarlane [" Pictorial
History of England," vol. iv., p. 202], " his horse was repeatedly repulsed by those
steady columns of foot, and even when the French and Spaniards seemed victorious
on both wings, their centre was cut through and broken, and the main body of their
infantry completely beaten." In the " Military Memoirs of the Marquis de Fouquiere,
containing Maxims of Warfare, illustrated by Instructive Examples, the " Bataille
d'Almanza" is methodically described as a good, well-fought battle. Petavius in his
" Rationarium Tcmporum," has chronicled the same opinion, and has immortalized
Lord Galway by the name of " Gallovidius " in the classical tongue of Caesar
[p. 489], " Anno 1707, Infelicior hujus anni expeditio Fcederatis in Hispania fuit.
Gallovidio cnim, A.D., 7, Kalendas Maii ad Almanzam cum Gallis signa confercnte,
accrrimc quidem pugnatum est, scd ccssit illc tandem loco, et in Catalauniam se
subduxit, amissa exercitus magna parte."
The fool's laugh of Noyelles was soon exchanged for stupid amazement ; and
Lord Galway, by his defence of Catalonia, and by recruiting the army — achievements
which were left to his management — showed who was the best officer and general.
The Duke of Berwick's pursuit, instead of completing his victory, subtracted from it.
Lord Galway had caused the Bridge of Tortosa to be so well fortified, and il w as so
390
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
well defended by the forces he left there for that purpose, that the Duke of Berwick's
army was twice repulsed with considerable loss. Catalonia was thus saved. The
"Annals" testify that "the preservation of that province was in a great measure due
to the vigilance and activity of the Earl of Galway, who put the places most exposed
in a good posture of defence." The same authority records Lord Galway's " inde-
fatigable industry and application " in providing subsistence for the troops, and in
forming regiments of Catalans. Lord Galway, being so fiercely criticised at every
opportunity, could not help praising himself on this occasion. He says, " With great
expedition I gathered the broken remains of the foot (out of which I formed five
battalions) and raised four more of Catalans, with which we made a stand against a
victorious enemy, and preserved the principality of Catalonia entire (except Lerida)."
Stanhope wrote to Marlborough from Barcelona, 6th June 1707 : —
" My Lord Galway is raising some Spanish regiments of foot, and does indeed use all
application possible to prevent their [the French and Philip] reaping those advantages from
the battle which they might have done had they followed their victory instead of amusing
themselves as they have done. I wish I could do the same justice to the court." 1
The French were mainly employed at home in defending Toulon, and the Duke
of Berwick's services were demanded there. In Catalonia the only French operation
was to besiege Lerida, which was resolutely defended by the Prince of Hesse-
Darmstadt, Lord Galway constantly harassing and alarming the besiegers. Philip
of Anjou had given a grant of Lerida and its environs to Berwick as a reward for
the victory of Almanza, and the siege was conducted with more earnestness, when
the ducal grantee returned from Toulon. The writer in the " Biographie Univer-
selle " says : " Galway having recruited the remnants of his army applied himself to
repair the disaster of Almanza with incredible activity. He proposed to the
ministers of Charles III. to withdraw from the garrisons all the disposable troops to
form an army capable of resisting the Duke of Orleans. His counsel was not
followed. The loss of Lerida was the result of that error." Burnet says, " When
the besieged saw how long they could hold out, they gave the Earl of Galway notice,
upon which he intended to have raised the siege. And if the King of Spain would have
consented to his drawing out of the other garrisons such a force as might have been
spared, he undertook to raise it, which was believed might have been easily done ;
and if he had succeeded, it would have given a new turn to all our affairs in Spain.
But Count Noyelles, who was well practised in the arts of flattery, and knew how
much King Charles was alienated from the Earl of Galway for the honest freedom
he had used with him in laying before him some errors in his conduct, set himself to
oppose this, apprehending that success in it would have raised the Earl of Galway's
reputation again, which had suffered a great diminution by the action of Almanza. He
said this would expose the little army they had left them to too great a hazard ; for
if the design miscarried, it might occasion a revolt of the whole principality. Thus
the humours of princes are often more regarded than their interest ; the design of
relieving Lerida was laid aside. The French army was diminished a fourth part,
and the long siege had so fatigued them, that it was visible the raising it would
be no difficult performance ; but the thoughts of that being given over, Lerida
capitulated in the beginning of November." Both armies then went into winter
quarters.
During the past summer, and throughout this winter, the Courts of London and
Vienna were occupied with plans for Spain, especially as to the command of the
troops. Lord Peterborough visited both those capitals, and also Turin, pleading for
Lord Galway's recall. Marlborough wrote to Comte Maffei (at Turin) on 19th May,
warning him as to Peterborough : " You must express yourself to him with some
precaution, for he has the gift of amplifying what one says, so as to give it quite a
different turn from what one intended to say." Still, this too clever Earl managed
to collect sufficient expressions of dissatisfaction to tempt Marlborough to sacrifice
Galway. But Godolphin, who could appreciate administrative talent, and Sunder-
land, who could sympathize with honour and disinterestedness, both of them know-
ing his loyal motives in accepting and retaining his high command, stood by him
with immoveable constancy. " What you say of Lord Galway is certainly right,"
Lord Godolphin wrote to the Duke, " and considering the unjust impression of the
King of Spain in his prejudice, he cannot be of use there. But who can ? Every-
body that is there desires to leave the service and come home." And Lord Sunder-
1 Among the Treasury Papers in our State-Paper Office there is one [dated about 31st December 1707]
which is docqueteel thus: — " Memorial of Colonel Thomas Allnut to the Lord High Treasurer, representing that
tlu clothing for his regiment had been taken by Lord Galway for his Catalan battalion."
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL WAY.
39i
land wrote, "As for King Charles, it is plain that Lord Galway is very ill with him ;
but I am afraid that will be the case in a month's time, of anybody else that may be
sent, if they do their duty."
Godolphin consulted with some of his leading political supporters, whether they
now had any desire that Lord Rivers should be sent to Spain. He reported the
result to the Duke, June 24 : —
" I find Lord Halifax, Lord Somers, and their friends are pretty indifferent as to Lord
Rivers, and unconcerned whether he is to return or not. But they are very uneasy to think of
recalling Lord Galway, though sensible that he must be useless. For they carry that matter so
much farther as to think all these misunderstandings are industriously fomented by Count de
Noyelles, whom they take to be the principal occasion and contriver of Lord Galway's misfor-
tunes; for which reason they seem to think, unless he be called home, either before or at the
same time with Lord Galway, it will look as if he had been in the right in all he suggested to
the King of Spain, and all the reflections which belong to the matter must light upon Lord
Galway and England."
Godolphin concurred in the opinion that De Noyelles was the prime cause of the
Spanish disaster, as we find in his letter, dated Windsor, June 26, 1707 : —
" One letter of last post from the Hague tells us the Count de Noyelles has written a letter
to the States, in which he is pleased to take great liberties with my Lord Galway. We think it
pretty hard here, at the same time, that he who has been the visible occasion of our misfor-
tunes in Spain for two years successively, should have the confidence to lay the blame at the
doors of others, who have suffered so much, and at so great an expense."
Godolphin's plan, which he repeats in his letter of June 27, was as follows : —
" As I have told you in my former letter, some of our friends here will be unwilling
to bring home Lord Galway, while Count De Noyelles stays with the King of Spain ;
so the true way to make all things easy will be for the Emperor to send a good
general with the troops from Italy." This, as my readers remember, was Lord
Galway's own plan, urged before the opening of the campaign.
Marlborough, seeing the Government so steady to our hero, wrote in a more
satisfactory style to Sunderland : —
" Meldert, June 27. — Nobody can have a better opinion than I have of Lord Galway ; but
when I consider the Court and King of Spain, I think it would be the most barbarous
thing in the world to impose upon Lord Galway to stay, for I am very confident he had rather
beg his bread. I am sure I would."
And he wrote to the duchess, July 4 : —
" As to what Lord Sunderland says concerning the King of Spain, that nobody will please
him that does their duty, I am of his mind, and I have also as good an opinion of Lord Galway
as anybody can have ; but that is no argument for Lord Galway's stay ; for, as it is, it will be
impossible for those two (Galway and Noyelles) to serve together."
The Government accordingly took into consideration how they could give Lord
Galway a change of command without any implied censure. Marlborough made a
series of suggestions (which were adopted), namely, that the English contingent in
Spain should be such as a Major-General should command, that officer taking the
charge of British troops only ; that the Catalan regiments raised by Lord Galway
should cease to be in British pay, except indirectly by a pecuniary subsidy ; and that
Lord Galway should go to Portugal as Ambassador and General. Godolphin hesitated,
lest the exchange should not be agreeable to Galway. The Duke replied— September
15, 1707 : — " I am sorry to see that you are of opinion that Lord Galway will not
care to go to Portugal, for there he might do service ; and where he is, I think it
is impossible." The loss of Lerida, as already narrated, which was permitted with the
view of vexing Lord Galway, confirmed Marlborough's fears.
Lord Peterborough's visit to Vienna was neutralized by Lord Sunderland's
correspondence (see Cole's "State Papers"). That Secretary of State at last suc-
ceeded in convincing Austria of the mistake of neglecting Spain Proper, and of
allowing the Spaniards to detect the Imperial family's lukewarmncss and contemptu-
ousness. Austria agreed to send a Marshal to take the chief command in Spain, and
this enabled Marlborough to make the suggestions already mentioned. On the
English Lord Peterborough made little impression, though he tried to work on a
popular prejudice and an insular delusion — the prejudice being against a foreigner
(as he insisted on calling Lord Galway), and the delusion being that, if a British
General had the command of the whole allied army in Spain, he could do what-
392
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
ever he liked, and that want of success could arise only from his want of brains.
John, Lord Haversham, speaking on Lord Peterborough's side, said, on the 21st
December 1707 (or on 29th January 1708), " It was no wonder our affairs in Spain
went so ill, since the management of them had been entrusted to a foreigner." The
Anti-government papers took up the cry, saying that English troops fight best under
an English General. But Peterborough knew well that it was not for want of the
greatest ardour in fighting on the part of the English that the Allies ever missed a
victory. As to the delusion that an English commander in the Confederate War
had always the ball at his foot, Peterborough knew also what it was to be thwarted
by foreign generals and ministers, and that from such men's uncontrollable mis-
conduct Gahvay's misfortunes had arisen. He had written, in 1705, after his visit to
Lord Galway in Lisbon, " Either pride, ignorance, laziness, or disaffection make the
Portuguese wholly useless ; " and in 1706, " I am almost expiring under the thoughts
of German folly ; " 1 and yet now he spoke of Lord Galway as if neither he nor any
other general could have anything but cordial co-operation from the Portuguese and
Germans. Still (as I have said) Lord Peterborough made little impression on
impartial Englishmen, as appears from some proceedings in Parliament, noted in
Vernon's Letters, from which I am about to quote : —
"January 13, 1708. — The Lords were again on the Spanish business on Friday last. The
subject was an account given by the Post-Boy that the battle of Almanza was fought by
positive orders. He was examined upon it, but could name no author. Some were inclined
to suppose it, and grounded it upon the known prudence and wariness of my Lord Galway,
who was loaded with commendations." " 17/// January. — The preceding years ought to give
them the best lights how they came to have no better success at Almanza, which was a mis-
fortune owing to the neglect of the past year, when they lost Madrid after being in possession
of it six weeks. Mr Walpole said, that the world was under a great mistake as to the great
conduct of a certain lord [Peterborough] who had been mentioned in that House [of Com-
mons] as if everything that had been well done in Spain was solely owing to him, and all
misadventures were to lie at other people's doors." "February 24. — Major-General Stanhope
and Lieut-General Erie had an opportunity to do the public good service by giving an
account how matters stood in Spain, that by my Lord Galway's conduct the enemy was kept
from making that progress there was reason to fear after so great a defeat, and, if he was
supported, they might hope to see a happy turn there."
Stanhope's and Erie's speeches imply a plan to continue Lord Galway in Spain,
to serve with his wonted public spirit under an Austrian Field-Marshal. The policy,
which was now agreed to, was Lord Galway's, and, as such, he could work it out
heartily. But he knew Stanhope to be equally hearty as to the true British and
Anti-Bourbon programme. And, besides, Austria was probably too late in its zeal
to occupy Madrid ; for not only had Philip's steadiness somewhat pleased the
Spaniards, but an heir had been born to him ; 2 the people (all except the Catalans)
had publicly hailed the infant as the Prince of the Asturias, and were not likely to
turn again. Lord Galway had, therefore, no real opening for again attempting his
original plan, the only good opportunity for which had been missed and lost by
King Charles and Lord Peterborough. His personal wish was to return to England,
as appears from the following letter : —
To the Earl of Manchester.
Barcelona, Feb. 4, 1708.
" My Lord, — I am honoured with your Lordship's of the 29th of November, and I have
delivered the Memorial enclosed to the king, having first engaged the Duke de Moles in the
affair, which I hope will succeed to your lordship's satisfaction, for the Duke says he knows
the gentleman ; and since he had the good fortune to be recommended by your lordship, he
could not fail of the little interest I have here. This not being the season for action, we have
nothing of greater importance to acquaint your lordship with, than the arrival of part of those
forces from Italy we have so long expected. But our fleet, wanting both stores and provisions,
cannot return to fetch the rest, till they have been to Lisbon to victual and refit. I take the
opportunity of this fleet to go for Lisbon with the Marquis das Minas, and from thence, I hope
shortly after, for England. But wherever I am I shall always be proud to receive your lord-
ship's commands. — Being, with great respect, &c. " Gallway." 3
Lord Peterborough was obliged to ride off from the field of controversy, saying
1 Hill's "Diplomatic Correspondence," vol. i., p. 217; "Duchess of Marlborough's Correspondence,"
vol i., p. 62.
a " 1707. Aug. 25 n.s. King Philip's Consort was delivered of a son, who was styled the Prince of the
Asturias, and who seemed to be critically born to be a prop to his father's unsettled throne, so that there were
rejoicings likewise at the Court of France on this account." Pointer's "Chronological History of England,"
vol. ii.. published in 1714.
3 Cole's "State Papers."
HENRI DE A UVIGNY, EARL OF GAL IV A Y.
393
that there must be vigorous action in Spain, and that he would serve in the army
there, " even if it had the great misfortune of being commanded by the Earl of
Galway." His consolation for the general rejection of his own programme consisted
in hearing a small chorus of voices exclaiming, " A very clever speech." 1
Mr. J. Chetwynd wrote to Lord Manchester from Turin, 25th February 1708 : —
" The queen was desirous that the Earl of Galway should have staid in Catalonia,
and I did send him letters to the purpose the other day, but they would come too
late." Galway and Das Minas had sailed, with some British and Portuguese officers,
and 1200 dismounted Portuguese. They arrived at Lisbon in the month of March,
and found (as stated in the Gazette) that the queen had appointed the Earl of
Galway Envoy Extraordinary to the Court of Lisbon, and Commander-in-Chief of
the British forces in Portugal.
Sec. 15.— The Earl of Galway's Later Residence in Portugal, and
his Return Home (1708-1710).
The noble and gallant Earl found that great changes had taken place in Lisbon
society. Not only was our very influential ambassador, Mr Methuen, dead and gone,
but death had also removed King Pedro and his sister, Katherine, Queen Dowager
of England, a great advocate of the policy of the Anti-French alliance as to the war
of the Spanish succession. The new king, Juan V., was much under the influence of
a French faction headed by the Duke of Cadaval. The Portuguese Government,
awed by the British fleet, was outwardly true to the grand alliance ; but, as far as
the war was concerned, little was in Lord Galway's power either as an ambassador
or a general. The British government gave every assistance in the endeavour to
make a favourable impression on the people. Luttrell noted at London, 15th May
1708, " Two rich coaches and forty liveries are making here for the Earl of Galway,
Her Majesty's Ambassador to Portugal." And it is recorded that he made a mag-
nificent entry into Lisbon.
At that date our Government officials had the privilege of sending letters free
by post (called franking) to a ludicrous extent. When quite at a loss for a convey-
ance, they posted the article or the creature whether living or dead. I may quote
here the contents of two odd franked letters — (1.) Two maid-servants going out as
laundresses to my Lord Ambassador Methuen. (2.) A box of medicines for my
Lord Galway in Portugal. The maidens and the medicines, having been franked,
were conveyed, at the expense of the post-office, from London to Lisbon.
Lord Galway knew how to serve the common cause by attractive courtesy and
dignified hospitality. A letter dated Lisbon, Aug. 8, says —
" Everything is quiet on the frontiers. Three British men of war are going to meet the
Brazil fleet. The news of the victory obtained at Oudenarde occasioned a great rejoicing at
court, and public rejoicings were made for three days together, not only in the city, but like-
wise in all the other cities of Portugal. His Excellency, the Earl of Galway, gave a splendid
entertainment to the grandees, attended with a fine consort [concert] of music, fireworks, &c."
His sense and ingenuity as an ambassador were well illustrated in an incident
related by Sir Thomas de Veil thus : — " The King of Portugal, who began to draw
greater advantages from the Brazils than any of his predecessors had done, was
very uneasy at the sight of the gold vanishing as it came from thence almost as soon
as it appeared; and being informed that the greatest part of it was sent to England,
he consulted privately with his ministers about finding out ways and means for
putting a stop to this, in order to keep the money at home. A project was formed
for this purpose, which turned chiefly upon two points — one was setting up manufac-
tures in his own country for supplying the people of Brazil with what they wanted ; the
other, putting the laws strictly in execution for preventing the exportation of gold.
This scheme was kept very private, but as he had a great confidence in Lord Galway,
and believed him to be, as he really was, a man of great honour and sincerity, he
desired his opinion upon it. Lord Galway, therefore, humbly represented to the
king that the situation of his dominions made it requisite for him to depend con-
stantly on his allies for his security against neighbours who were inclined to do him
all the mischief they could, and were powerful enough to do it if he was not assisted
by his friends. While he lived upon good terms with the British nation, he was sure
of receiving succours from them proportionable both to his wants and wishes, which
he ought to consider to be a great alleviation of any alleged grievances. He told the
king that as to the remedies proposed, he would not inquire whether they might or
I.
Kemble's "State Papers," p. 464.
3 d
394
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
might not prove effectual ; if the latter should be the case, he would not barely be
disappointed, but would also lose the hearts of his allies by making the experiment.
Even if, by his contrivances, the gold could be kept in Portugal, he would very soon
find worse consequences to flow from thence. As things then stood, the English
weavers, tailors, shoemakers, and other tradesmen, wrought for his subjects in Brazil ;
the English merchants were at the pains to send those goods to Lisbon, and a great
many ships and some hundreds of seamen were annually employed in this trade,
which, suddenly taken away from them, would leave thousands of people destitute of
subsistence. And as this proceeding would be a breach of the alliances subsisting
between the two nations, numbers of the people so distressed might turn soldiers,
and embarking on board the very ships turned out of the Portugal trade, might prove
strong enough to attack and conquer the Brazils. Providence had made a wise and
just distribution of wealth to the one and industry to the other, which proved a bond
of harmony and a source of happiness to both; and if this was taken away, wars
would certainly follow, and the power that was weakest at sea would certainly have
the worst of it. ^ The king and his ministers saw the strength and justice of his lord-
ship's observations, and immediately laid aside their design. This was a very
important service rendered to the English nation." I extract from another volume a
fuller account of this service : —
" In the year 1709. the King of Portugal perceived that the vast quantities of gold that came
from Brazil did but just touch at Lisbon. . . . His Council reported that the English and
Dutch ran away with all the gold, in consequence of their furnishing the goods and manufac-
tures that were sent to Brazil ; and they proposed that the using these goods, and the wearing
these manufactures, should be prohibited in that colony, and that the people should be content
with what could be sent them from Portugal. This, as a great stroke of policy, was on the
very point of being put in execution, when it was prevented by the following method.
" I he famous Lord Galway was then there on behalf of this nation, and had the confidence
of the king, of whom he demanded a particular audience upon this occasion, upon which he
delivered himself in the following manner : —
' Your Majesty cannot be sufficiently commended for that steady attention which you have
always shown to the affairs of your government, and the pains you have lately bestowed in
examining into the Balance of Trade is a new proof of that merit which would entitle you to
the crown, had it not descended to you from a long and glorious line of royal ancestors. But
permit me, Sire, to observe that there is a greater King, one by whom all kings reign, and
whose Providence is over all His works. According to His distribution of things, riches belong
to some nations and industry to others ; and by this means the liberality of Heaven is made
equal to all. Vain, Sire, are all human counsels when opposed to His wisdom, and feeble are
the efforts, even of royal power, when directed to cross His will. You have forbid gold to be
exported from your dominions, and you would willingly enforce this prohibition ; but the thing
is impracticable. You may restrain your subjects (it is true), but you cannot set bounds to
their necessities. But say that this was possible; suppose you could set bounds to the industry
of the northern nations, what would be the consequence? Their husbandmen, graziers,
weavers, and all that infinite train of manufacturers that now labour quietly at home to clothe
and feed your subjects, would then turn soldiers ; and instead of seeing their Merchantmen
in the river of Lisbon, you would hear of their Fleets conveying them to Brazil, to fetch much
more of that gold than you now fetch for them. Besides, Sire, if they are gainers by your
trade, they became thereby the natural guarantees of your dominions. It is not their treaties
only, but their interests that bind them to your service. You have potent enemies and you
require powerful friends. The ambition of France knows no bounds; the pride of Spain will
teach her to keep up a perpetual claim to your territories and crown. To frustrate the views
and defeat the endeavours of those potentates, you can have no recourse but to the maritime
Powers ; and therefore let me beseech your Majesty to consider that every project to distress
them is, in effect, a scheme to destroy yourself.'
" This speech had the desired effect ; the intended prohibition was laid aside, and the
English nation has reaped the benefit of this Trade ever since. I came to the knowledge of
this fact by an accident. It is very imperfectly related by a French author. And I thought
it my duty, and a piece of justice owing to his lordship's memory, to relate it fully and fairly
as I have done." (Harris' " Voyages and Travels," vol. ii., book i. chapter hi., section 16,
pp. 188-9.)
As a soldier, all that the Court would allow him to do, was to exercise his usual
vigilance, and to defend the coast and frontier. His mind was busy, as is proved by
two letters from Marlborough to Godolphin.
" Tkkbank, June 14. — By the letters of Lord Galway, as well as what you write me in yours
of the 25th and 26th, I cannot but observe that his project that he now makes does no way
agree with the project he sent by Mr Stanhope. That would have been expensive, but this is
likely to be much more. There can be no doubt but Cadiz would be of great use. But I beg
you to consider how impossible it will be to have success, unless it be done by surprise; and
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL IV A Y.
395
how impossible that will be, when the much greatest part of the troops are to march by land,
and that you are to deceive the Portuguese as well as the French and Spaniards. But if it be
practicable, it must be this year, and not the next; for when you shall the next winter put your
troops into such quarters as may be proper for that expedition, you may be assured that they
will take such precaution as will put that place out of danger. You know that by the treaty
England and Holland are obliged to give every year to the King of Portugal upwards of four
thousand barrels of powder, which is more than is expended by France and all the allies in
the armies ; so that I beg you will be cautious of giving any encouragement of having an
English train established in Portugal, for if the attempt at Cadiz goes on, the cannon and
everything for that expedition must be furnished by the fleet. As for the refugee officers, I
think he sets a much greater value on them than they deserve. If he can make any use of
them, I should think they would be better there than in Ireland." " Peronne, Sept. 3. — I see
Lord Galway presses very much for troops. It is certain if the Court of Portugal will not come
into the queen's measures, whatever troops are sent will be useless to the common cause ; for
they will do nothing but defend their own frontier."
In winter we find a proof that he had not forgotten his Irish friends. He wrote
to the Earl of Wharton 1 from Lisbon, Dec 11, 1708: —
" I assure your Excellency 'tis with great pleasure I have learned the news of your having
kissed the Queen's hands for the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland, which kingdom may reasonably
promise itself many advantages from your lordship's active and zealous genius. I shall only
beg leave to recommend all the poor refugees in general, but more particularly those at
Portarlington, to your lordship's protection, and to assure you that I shall always be,
&c. &c." 2
In Spain, his friend and admirer, Major-General Stanhope, commanded the
British troops, and Count Staremberg, the German Marshal, was at the head of
military affairs. It was a compliment to Lord Galway, that Marlborough, in
congratulating Stanhope on the improved state of the confederate army, said,
" Between ourselves, I fear, if Count Noyelles were living, matters would not go so
easy." 3
The Parliamentary opposition continued to gain ground in England. They were
determined to impute all the cowardice and inefficiency of the Portuguese to Lord
Galway. In 1709, the battle on the banks of the Caya, which the Portuguese brought
on in opposition to Lord Galway 's remonstrances, and in which his part was to bring
them out of the mess after their retreat — this battle was spoken of as another battle
lost by Galway, and as a tremendous defeat. Marlborough's letter to Lord Galway
gives the right view : —
" Camp before Tournay, 4 July 1709.
" I have received the honour of your Excellency's letter of the 8th May, giving an
account of the misfortune the Portuguese have drawn upon themselves by their over forward-
ness in engaging the Marquis de Bay near Badajoz. The French had made a great noise of
it before your letters came to give us a true relation of the action, which I am glad to find was
of no greater consequence, and that the enemy had not been able to reap any great advantage
from it."
" The Annals of Queen Anne " contain this observation : — " The action on the
Caya gave the Portuguese a great idea of the capacity and courage of the Earl
of Galway, against whose advice they entered on that unfortunate affair, and
whose conduct prevented fatal consequences from the flight of their horse."
If the Portuguese were now willing to laud the Earl, he was not prepared to
return the compliment. He wrote to Godolphin, Sept. 4, —
" By the accounts you have heard since my return to Lisbon, you are prepared to expect
no good from this court. It is every day worse and worse. The king is pretty well, but enters
no more into affairs than if he were in his infancy. Nobody will appear to govern, for cer-
tainly no government was ever so abandoned. There is not a penny in the treasury, and less
credit, and no care taken to remedy it."
1 It is remarkable that a small business during Wharton's vice-royalty afforded Dean Swift the opportunity
for bringing his only tangible charge against Galway. The Earl of Kildare, finding that a deceased brother s
bargain in giving up a ^300 salary, payable only during the life of the Earl of Meath, and in accepting a ,£200
life pension, had in the course of events proved to be a bad one, declared as his brother's heir, that Meath was
still alive, and he petitioned the Lord-Lieutenant for a return to the original bargain— which petition was granted.
How could the Dean fabricate an accusation against Galway out of this? (the reader may ask). l?y interpolat-
ing a rhetorical clause, " My Lord Galway did, by threats, compel" George Fitzgerald to surrender the contin-
gent salary ! ! !
2 Gentleman 's Magazine, vol. lxxiii.
3 The Count de Noyelles did not live to be superseded by Marshal Staremberg. He had continued in the
service (or disservice) of Charles III. Narcissus Lutlrell wrote on 29th May 1708, — " This day's Holland post
advises that the Dutch general, Noyelles, died of a quinsy, the 21st of April, at Barcelona." It was in May
that Staremberg took the command.
396
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
In October, some reinforcements which had been long detained by adverse winds,
arrived from England, and Rear-Admiral Baker sent to Lord Galway for instruc-
tions as to the landing of the troops. Galway having destined them for Catalonia,
persuaded the king that this was the best measure to save Portugal from invasion.
With the king's consent, the fleet conveyed them to Barcelona, but they arrived too
late for the design upon Cadiz. The king having at first been very desirous to retain
them on Portuguese territory, his Lordship took occasion to complain to his Majesty
of the bad provision made for the subsistence and accommodation of the British
troops in Portugal. He at the same time represented that Queen Anne would
recruit her regiments, on condition that the king would order the levy of Portuguese
cavalry which her Majesty had engaged to keep in pay. To give the Portuguese
horse a chance of gaining laurels, Lord Galway had obtained the permission of the
British Government to form them into six dragoon regiments to be paid by Queen
Anne, and to be commanded by French Refugee and British officers. This was
carried out, and it was his last piece of service in Portugal. In mentioning that
Marlborough looked upon it as waste of money, on account of the hopeless pusil-
lanimity of the natives, especially after so many defeats, Coxe takes the opportunity
of testifying that Lord Galway, " with great military spirit and perseverance," suf-
fered in reputation chiefly from the faults of others. It may here be noted that in
August of this year, that malcontent officer, the Earl of Rivers {alias Tyburn Dick),
giving trouble in England, Godolphin proposed to Marlborough " to send him out of
the way where Lord Galway is now, and has pressed this good while for his return,
so that Lord Galway would like it. And Lord Rivers nor nobody else could ever
get credit there." The proposal fell to the ground.
During 1710, the Portuguese, under the influence of the Duke of Cadaval, refused
to allow any troops to cross the frontier. Lieutenant-General Stanhope had brilliant
success in Spain. In the end of August, after the victory of Saragossa, letters from
the Portuguese ambassador in Spain to his court, accompanied with letters from
Stanhope to Galway, urged that the Portuguese troops must join the allies at Almaraz
without the smallest delay. This the Portuguese Government refused. Lord Galway
was now a martyr to gout and general bodily indisposition.
All his requests to be recalled had been refused ; but his self-denial could be
taxed no longer, and he was now expecting that his successor would be sent out.
He was quite unable to be present at any conference to counteract Cadaval. A last
appeal for succour was made by Stanhope, in a letter dated in October, asking only
for such forces in Portugal as were in the pay of the Queen of Great Britain. But
neither would the Portuguese Government part with those ; and their infatuated con-
duct issued in Stanhope being taken prisoner, his army having been surrounded by
the enemy. Before the latter correspondence, Lord Galway had sailed for England,
oppressed with vexations, broken health, and advancing years. Luttrell gives the fol-
lowing details : — " News from Gibraltar, received on Thursday, July nth. — There has
been a great tumult in that garrison, occasioned by the governor stopping their pay
for bread, which was always allowed them. It grew to such a head that some officers
and soldiers were killed. The Lord Galway, being informed thereof, sent to the
governor not to do the like for the future, and a general pardon to all the mutineers,
which quieted the commotion. 'Thursday, 21st September. — A Lisbon mail of the 16th
says, the Lord Galway had taken his audience of leave of the King of Portugal,
and appointed Major-General Newton commander of the British forces in that
country till the arrival of the Earl of Portmore. Saturday, 21st October. — Lord Henry
Powlett, second son of the Duke of Bolton, is landed at Falmouth with the
Earl of Galway, who, it's said, has brought with him ^2CO,000 in gold and
silver, belonging to our merchants, as part of their effects on board the Portuguese
Brazil fleet.''
The winter of 1710 was in a twofold sense a cold and tempestuous time for
Lord Galway to come home. The triumph of the anti-government party had been
accelerated by the prosecution of the High Church divine, Dr. Henry Sacheverell, for
seditious language regarding the Revolution settlement. Stanhope, who was mem-
ber for Cockermouth, had, before the opening of the campaign, been one of the
managers appointed by the Commons for the Doctor's trial at the bar of the House
of Lords. On the 20th of March Sacheverell had been voted guilty by a majority
of sixty-nine to fifty-two, and had been sentenced to a three years' suspension from
clerical functions. The appearance of persecution, the insignificance of the culprit,
and the weakness of the sentence, had given a mortal wound to the Government.
Lord Sunderland had been dismissed from the Secretaryship of State on June 14th.
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL WA Y.
397
The Lord High Treasurer Godolphin had been displaced on August 9th, 1 and a
Treasury Board inaugurated with the Earl of Poulett at its head, and Harley as the
Chancellor of the Exchequer.
" The Annals of Queen Anne" record that "on the 18th November 17 10, the
queen came from Hampton Court to St James's Palace, when the same evening the
Earl of Gahvay, who some days before arrived from Portugal, and whose waiting
upon the queen was excused till her Majesty should come to town, had the honour
of kissing her Majesty's hand, and met with a more gracious reception than many
expected, after the removal of the Lord Treasurer, his intimate friend." His friends
say that he "met with a very gracious reception." Indeed, having not seen him for
six years, observing his altered appearance and shattered frame, and remembering
the loyalty which alone had reconciled him to foreign service, her Majesty must have
looked upon the fine old general with grateful respect and womanly sympathy. But
her new ministers were bent upon inflicting public censure and disgrace on Marl-
borough and all his friends, the queen cordially encouraging them as far as Marl-
borough and his duchess were concerned. The duke, returning from Flanders on
December 28th, was so well received by the populace, that though ministers with-
held from him a vote of thanks, they did not venture to begin their measures by
censuring him. His friends and admirers, General the Earl of Gahvay and Lieu-
tenant-Generals Lord Tyrawley and James Stanhope, were therefore fixed upon as
prefatory victims ; and it was determined to revive Lord Peterborough's old stories,
founded upon his selection of documents and upon his suppression of more
important ones.
Sec. 16. — Debates and Votes of the House of Lords on the Proposal to
Censure Galway, Tyrawley, and Stanhope.
On the 4th of January 1711, the House of Lords resolved to inquire into the
management of the affairs in Spain. Lieutenant-General Stanhope, though in the
next reign most deservedly ennobled as Viscount Mahon and Earl Stanhope, had
then no seat in the House, and in fact he was detained abroad as a prisoner of war.
The Earl of Galway and Lord Tyrawley, being Peers of Ireland, could only be
present to be interrogated, and must then withdraw. Whatever might be said in
their absence with regard to their conduct and reputation they had no right to
know ; and for any knowledge which they might glean they were dependent on
hearsay, newspaper reports of parliamentary proceedings being illegal. At the same
time their opponents, including many malcontent officers of the army, were Peers of
Great Britain. The latter did not hesitate to take advantage of their brothers in the
queen's service by speaking and voting in what was practically their own case.
Foremost among these was General the Earl of Peterborough, and of the same
class were General the Earl of Rivers and Lieutenant-General the Duke of Argyle.
Peterborough had also the advantage of having had his very select documents
printed and published since 1707, and therefore repeatedly read by his friends, who
framed their questions so as to bring out his favourite points. These questions were
five in number, which were put to and answered by Lord Peterborough on Thurs-
day, January 4th, in the absence of Lords Galway and Tyrawley.
The next day the persecuted lords appeared. Lord Galway, having a chair
appointed for him " by reason of his infirmities," sat outside the bar ; and the House
being in committee (the Earl of Abingdon in the chair), he was desired by the
chairman to give the lords an account of what he knew concerning the affairs of
Spain. The Earl of Galway, having apologised for not being able to express him-
self in the English language as properly as he could wish, gave an ingenuous account
of his whole conduct in Portugal and Spain. Their lordships appeared to be. well
satisfied. Smollett says, the defence was "clear and convincing." Lord Galway
then requested permission to deliver his statement in writing on some future day,
and his request was granted.
Lord Tyrawley, being interrogated, replied, " When I was with the army I kept
no register, and carried neither pen nor ink about me, but only a sword, which I used
as I best could upon occasion. All I know in general is, that we always acted ac-
cording to the resolutions of the councils of war."
Both had then to withdraw. The Earls of Wharton and Godolphin and Lord
Halifax made speeches in favour of Lord Galway. And the Duke of Marlborough,
1 It was, however, by Godolphin that Galway was recalled, and that Portmore was sent to relieve him.
Godolphin wrote to Marlborough, June 22, 17 10, " Lord Galway pressed for leisure to come home, and it was
allowed him. ... If Lord Portmore be as capable of serving well as he believes himself, there needs no
more."— Correspondence of the Duke, appended to the Duchess of M.'s Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 447.
398
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
who spoke with great emotion and even with tears in his eyes, said, " It is somewhat
strange, that generals, who have acted to the best of their understandings, and have
lost their limbs in the service, should be examined, like offenders, about insignificant
things."
On Tuesday, January 9th, the two lords being present, Lord Galvvay's statement
was read, and so were Lord Peterborough's five answers. The chairman asked Lord
Galway if he had anything to add to his own paper — to which he replied, " My
memory suggests nothing more to me at this time, but if the House is pleased to
allow me a copy of the Earl of Peterborough's paper, I may make some remarks
upon it." His request was granted.
The chairman then said to Lord Tyrawley, " Are you willing to communicate to
the Lords what you know concerning the council held in Valencia, the 15th of
January?" — Lord Tyrawley replied, "The reason why I was shy of speaking last
Friday was that I thought myself accused ; and as my doubt still continues, and
nobody is obliged to accuse himself, I desire to know, Am I accused or not ? — And
if I am, I desire a copy of the accusation that I may put in my answer." This led
to a discussion, in the midst of which the two heroes were called on to withdraw.
And on being recalled, Lord Tyrawley, the question having been simply repeated,
said, " Being apprehensive that I might be accused, I thought I ought to be on my
guard, but as I hope this illustrious assembly will not take advantage of anything I
may say, I will frankly acquaint them with all I know about that council of war. It
is a hard matter to charge one's memory with things so far distant (1707), but I re-
member in general that several schemes were proposed for the ensuing campaign.
An offensive war was resolved upon by a majority of voices. Besides the Lord
Galway, Mr. Stanhope and myself, all the Portuguese, namely, the Marquis das
Minas, the Count d'Oropeza, the Conde de Corsana, and the Portuguese Ambassador,
were of that opinion. The operations of the campaign were left to the determina-
tion of subsequent councils. As to the battle of Almanza, it was unanimously re-
solved upon, not one general opposing it, and Monsieur Freishman, who commanded
the Dutch, and was very jealous of anything that regarded the service of his masters,
did not speak one word against it." The Earl of Nottingham rose to order, and
said, " Lord Tyrawley was not questioned about the battle of Almanza." The wit-
ness was therefore removed and the objection considered. Lord Peterborough
agreed with Lord Nottingham. Lord Halifax differed. And the Duke of Marl-
borough said, " He has answered fully the question put to him." The Earl of
Godolphin moved that Lord Tyrawley might proceed. And he was again called
in, but answered, " I have no more to say." Lord Cowper asked him, " Was a march
to Madrid agreed upon in that council of war?" He replied, " It was resolved to
march to Madrid, but the further operations of the campaign were reserved to the
determination of subsequent councils after we had beaten the enemy." Lord Peter-
borough inquired, "By whom were these resolutions taken ?" Lord Tyrawley answered,
" By the majority of several councils of war, which were held twice a week. And as
far as I can remember, the king did not declare his opinion." The two Irish Peers
withdrew.
The Earl of Ferrers moved " That the Earl of Peterborough has given a very
faithful, just, and honourable account of the Councils of War in Valencia." The
Bishop of Sarum (Burnet) proposed an amendment ; he thought it premature to use
the word "just," as the Earl of Galway's promised remarks ought first to be heard.
The Bishop added, " I readily agree to the word ' honourable.' " The common sense
of this criticism is obvious. Let it be admitted that Lord Peterborough's intentions
were honourable, yet all his reminiscences may not have been accurate. However,
the Duke of Argyle (though he had long had a seat in the House as Earl of Green-
wich) seems to have wished the English lords to feel that one advantage of the
Union with Scotland was the importation of metaphysics. The Scottish Duke said,
by way of reply, " All that is honourable must be just, and all that is just is honour-
able." The House then divided, when there appeared Contents 59, Not Content 45.
[That Lord Galway could conclusively answer Lord Peterborough was shown in the
paper which he handed in, promptly, but not soon enough for the feverish haste of
his adversaries.] The Earl of Poulett gave notice of a motion to censure the generals
at the bar.
The House of Lords returned to the charge on Thursday the nth. An officer
of the House, being sent to the door, reported that the Earl of Galway was not in
attendance. The Earl of Poulett then made a long speech, in which he characterized
the generals in Spain as mere political favourites, who had felt so secure that they
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL WAY.
399
enjoyed their posts as sinecures. He concluded by proposing that his motion be
now read.
Lord Galway's estimable cousin, the young Duke of Bedford, then came forward
and presented a petition from the Earl. The Clerk read it, and it was to the effect
that the Petitioner, being informed that matters which very much concerned him
were inserted in the Journals of the House, prayed their lordships to give him time
to put in his answer before they came to a determination. A similar petition from
Lord Tyrawley was presented by the Marquis of Dorchester. This reasonable re-
quest was objected to by Major-General Lord North and Grey, who said, " The
Lords Gal way and Tyrawley ought to have put in their answers to Lord Peter-
borough's paper, instead of petitioning for time, which looked like delay." But the
reader sees that the Generals had had only one clear day, viz., Wednesday, to collect
their references and compose their replies. The Duke of Devonshire said that the
petitions should be granted, as a censure upon the two lords might follow upon the
motion which had been tabled. The Earl of Rochester observing that the petitions
were improper both as to matter and time, Lord Somers replied, that the petitions
were neither improper nor given in at any improper time ; that it would be too late
for the petitioners to apply to the Lords after they were come to a resolution ; and
it was but natural justice that men in danger of being censured should have time to
justify themselves. Lord Cowper concurred ; he said that in things essential to
justice, the ordinary forms of courts of judicature ought to be observed. On the
same side was the Earl of Wharton, who remarked, A censure is a punishment ; to
punish men without giving them an opportunity to make their defence is equal to
banishment ; I hope the subjects of England are not yet reduced to that. The Duke
of Buckingham held that proceedings might be stopped to hear a party in questions
as to property but not as to reputation ; yet as a concession, if the petitions were with-
drawn, he would move that the two lords be called in and heard. The Earl of
Poulett said, " They have been heard already." The Earl of Godolphin answered,
" There is new matter, and an imputation." Lord Halifax said, " Sir George Rooke
was heard for three days ; x pray, my lords, proceed according to the rules of justice ;
out of affectation of avoiding delays and not going fast enough, we have been going
too fast and must return to the point."
Such equitable and courteous views were overruled. No importation of good
manners came from Scotland along with the metaphysics lately noticed. The Duke
of Argyle said, " I don't know what service it would do to the petitioning lords to have
time, and to say to this House that they differed from the House." And the Earl of
Mar exclaimed, " I do not wonder that some persons endeavour to shuffle and
prolong the debate ; but if we grant these petitions, we may be afterwards desired to
postpone this enquiry till Mr Stanhope can be heard." The view which carried the
day was expressed by the Earl of Nottingham : "The petitioners have already been
heard and been allowed time to add anything to their former declarations. The
lords are not now enquiring into facts, but forming their judgments upon them.
The admitting of Lords Galway and Tyrawley to take notice of what passes in this
House would be admitting them to a co-ordination with the Lords." The petitions
were rejected by a majority of 57 to 46.
The Duke of Argyle said, " I take for granted that the petitioners are out of the
way and not to be found ; " this was ascertained by sending an officer to the door.
Lord Poulett's motion was then taken up as the question before the House. It was
as follows : —
" That the Earl of Galway, Lord Tyrawley, and General Stanhope, insisting at a conference
held at Valencia, sometime in January 1 70^, in the presence of the King of Spain, and the Queen's
name being used in maintenance of their opinion, for an offensive war, contrary to the King
ot Spain's opinion and that of all the general officers and public ministers, except the Marquis
das Minas; and the opinion of the Earl of Galway, Lord Tyrawley, and General Stanhope
being pursued in the operations of the following campaign, was the unhappy occasion of the
Battle of Almanza, and one cause of our misfortunes in Spain, and of the disappointment of
the Duke of Savoy's expedition before Toulon concerted with her Majesty."
Lord Peterborough took a leading part in the debate. His account of the
councils having been adopted by the House on Tuesday, without waiting for Lord
Galway's explanations, and the ministry being determined to hurry on to a division,
the generals' friends did not take up the narrative portion of the motion, but confined
1 1703, Feb. 16. — The Lords, having examined into the expedition to Cadiz, resolved that Sir George
Rooke had done his duty, pursuant to the councils of war, like a brave officer, to the honour of the English
Nation.
400
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
the attention of the House to the query, whether the relief of Toulon by the French
was a consequence of the victory at Almanza.
The Duke of Marlborough clearly proved that Lord Peterborough had been only
a volunteer negotiator with the rulers of Savoy, who had amused him with two
delusions: first, that he was regarded as the spring of the movement against Toulon;
and next, that his plan for employing troops from Spain was approved of. But the
actual expedition against Toulon was an old secret, to which Lord Peterborough,
like the army and the public at large, was not admitted, in pursuance of the Duke of
Savoy's earnest request that the design should be kept very secret. The Duke of
Marlborough having been a party to the real negotiation, could inform the House
that to take troops from Spain was no part of the plan. " And," said the Duke, in
conclusion, " the attempt upon Toulon did not miscarry for want of men (since there
were nearly 17,000 left behind in Italy) but for want of time and other accidents."
This was sufficient to upset the motion. However, the government, having a
majority, forced on the censure of the generals, which was carried by 64 to 43.
Here we may quote from a printed paper Lord Galway's own remarks on the Toulon
question.
" The Earl of Peterborough is pleased to add as a reason for his opinion, ' That the Duke
of Savoy and Prince Eugene had declared their sentiments for a defensive war at that time in
Spain, and had communicated their thoughts to Charles III. upon that subject, to the certain
knowledge of the Earl of Peterborough, as he can make appear by authentic papers from the
King of Spain.' I shall not take upon me to deny a matter of fact which his Lordship so
positively affirms, but I have been credibly informed that the Duke of Marlborough and my
Lord Godolphin did both of them assure this most honourable house, that the true project
against Toulon was not concerted by the Earl of Peterborough, Prince Eugene, and the Duke
of Savoy, but first set on foot in Flanders by the Duke of Marlborough with Count Maffei, and
was finished in England with the Counts Maffei and Briangon [agents of the Duke of Savoy],
but did not require that any troops should be sent from Spain, nor was ever communicated to
the Earl of Peterborough — which indeed his Lordship seems to be aware of, when he says, not
long after, that the project against Toulon, as settled by him, had been so altered, that the
Duke of Savoy publicly declared his dislike of engaging in it. And yet it is most certain that
His Royal Highness did engage in an attempt against Toulon, pursuant to the project con-
certed in England. Though that attempt did not prove entirely successful, it had a very good
effect, for thereby a great body of the enemy's troops were diverted from acting elsewhere ;
and a considerable damage was done to the fleet and magazines of France."
Against the decisions to refuse the generals' petition for more time, and to
censure them for their opinion given in a council of war, thirty-six lords protested,
namely : —
Charles Montague, Lord (afterwards Earl of) Halifax.
John Ashburnham, 3d Lord Ashburnham (afterwards Earl).
Lieut-General Charles Mohun, 3d and last Lord Mohun.
William Wake, Bishop of Lincoln (afterwards Abp. of Canterbury).
5. Charles Trimnell, Bishop of Norwich (afterwards of Winchester).
Sidney Godolphin, 1st Earl of Godolphin, K.G.
Lieut-General Richard Lumley, 1st Earl of Scarborough.
Henry de Grey, Earl, Marquis, and Duke of Kent, K.G.
Gilbert Burnet, Bishop of Sarum.
10. Richard Cumberland, Bishop of Peterborough.
Wriothesley Russell, 2d Duke of Bedford, K.G.
Admiral James Berkeley, 3d Earl of Berkeley.
William Cavendish, 2d Duke of Devonshire, K.G.
Thomas Wharton, Earl (afterwards Marquis) of Wharton.
15. Admiral Edward Russell, 1st E.irl of Orford.
John Moore, Bishop of Ely.
John Tyler, Bishop of Llandaff.
Thomas Watson Wentworth, 2d Earl of Rockingham.
John Hervey, Lord Hervey (afterwards Earl of Bristol).
20. Lionel Sackville, 7th Earl of Dorset (afterwards Duke).
John Hough, Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry (afterwards of Worcester).
bcroop Egerton, 3d Earl of Bridgewater (afterwards Duke).
Henry Clinton, 7th Earl of Lincoln.
Henry Herbert, 6th Lord Herbert of Cherbury.
25. John Sidney, 6th Earl of Leicester.
Thomas Grey, 2d Earl of Stamford.
Sir Jonathan Trelawney, Bart, Bishop of Winchester.
William Nicholson, Bishop of Carlisle (afterwards of Derry).
William Fleetwood, Bishop of St. Asaph (afterwards of Ely).
30. Captain-General John Churchill, 1st Duke of Marlborough, K.G.
Colonel Maurice Thompson, 2d and last Baron Haversham.
Charles Spencer, 3d Earl of Sunderland.
John Evans, Bish jp of Bangor (afterwards of Meath).
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GALWAY.
John Somers, Lord Somers and Ex-Chancellor.
Evelyn Pierrepoint, Marquis of Dorchester (afterwards Duke of Kingston-upon-Hull).
36. William Cowper, Lord Covvper and Ex- Chancellor (afterwards Earl).
The motion to censure the late ministry, proposed by the Earl of Scarsdale, was
carried next day by 68 to 48. During the debate the abused statesmen not only
defended themselves, but took occasion to justify Lord Galway and his comrades, in
spite of last night's vote.
The Earl of Sunderland said, " It was the general opinion and desire of the nation that the
Earl of Galway should march again to Madrid, and all the ministry then were unanimous in
their opinion for an offensive war. Many inconveniences might have attended the dividing of
the army." The Duke of Marlborough, after repeating that troops from Spain formed no item
of the projected armament against Toulon, said, " As for the war in Spain, it was the general
opinion of England that it should be offensive. And as to my Lord Peterborough's projects, I
can assure your lordships that one of the greatest instances that Holland and Savoy made was,
that the Emperor and we should not insist upon an expedition to Naples which might hinder
the other design. My lords, my intentions were always honest and sincere to contribute all
that lay in my power to bring this heavy and expensive war to an end. God Almighty has
blessed my endeavours with success. But if men are to be censured when they give their
opinions to the best of their understandings, I must expect to be found fault with as well as
the rest. My Lord Galway and everybody in Spain have done their duty. And though I
must own that Lord has been unhappy, and that he had no positive orders for a battle, yet I
must do him the justice to say, that the whole council of war were of his opinion, to fight the
enemy before the coming up of the Duke of Orleans with a reinforcement of ten or twelve
thousand men. On the other hand, I must confess I do not understand how the separating of
the army would have favoured the siege of Toulon."
The speaker was interrupted by the Earl of Peterborough, who said, " There was a necessity
for dividing the troops to go to Madrid."
The Duke of Marlborough continued, " I will not contradict that Lord as to the situation
of the country, but this separation of the army could not be in order to a defensive but to an
offensive war — which, in my opinion, was the best way to make a diversion, and thereby hinder
the French from relieving Toulon. But, after all, that unhappy battle had no other effect but
to put us upon the defensive. For the French troops that were detached from Spain never
came before Toulon."
The Duke of Shrewsbury admitted that the Lord Galway had a good reason to fight,
because he could not help it. But that there was no reason for the ministers here to give that
opinion, because nothing forced them to it.
The Duke of Devonshire urged that, since the allies could not subsist without fighting, it
was unreasonable to censure the generals who gave their opinions for a battle. And Lord
Somers said, that the ill success of the battle of Almanza was no good argument against the
counsel for an offensive war, for if they judged of opinions by subsequent events, no man
would be safe. The proceedings ended on this 12th day of January by the censure of the
ex-ministers, as already stated.
As to Lord Galway, the votes amounted to no real censure, opinions given in a
council of war being privileged, and the primary responsibility of fighting having
been accepted by Lord Sunderland in name of the late ministry. The Harley-
Bolingbroke ministry, therefore, were anxious to carry some other vote, which the
outer world might believe to be a censure. The reader will remember that the
Portuguese formed the right wing at the battle of Almanza ; this post of honour they
occupied during the whole war, both in their own country and in Spain. It seemed
to the semi-Jacobite lords, on Wednesday the 17th, that a vote to blacken Lord
Galway might be got out of this, and they sent him a summons to appear at their
bar on Monday the 22d. The cotemporary papers inform us : —
" My Lord Galway being indisposed with rheumatism and the gout, and therefore unable
to obey that order, the Lords sent him a question in writing, namely, Why, whilst he com-
manded the Britisli forces in Spain, he gave the right to the Portuguese? To this the Earl of
Galway sent an answer, importing that by the treaty with Portugal, the troops of that crown
were to have the right in their own country ; and that in order to engage them to march to
Madrid, he was obliged to allow them the same honour; for otherwise they would never have
stirred out of Portugal." 1
A motion was therefore concocted, and solemnly proposed, " That the Karl of
1 Mylord Gallway repondit, que par le traittd avec le Portugal les troupes tie cette couronne devoient avoir
la droite dans leur pays sur les troupes Angloises — que pour les engager a marcher en Espagne il avoit etc oblige
dc leur faire ce meme honncur, et qu' autrement elles n'auroicnt jamais quitte- le 1'ortugal. II dit qu'il n 'avoit
pas cru de voir sacrilier tOUS les avantages, que la Grande Alliance pouvoit retirer de la marche de 1* Amu o
l'ortuguaise, a un point d'honneui qui, bien que fort delicat, ne pouvoit entrer en balance avec la necessitc de
cette marche, d'ou dependoit f acquisition ou la perte de toute 1' Espagne. — De ClZB, Whigismt tt Tor is me
p. 3°°-
I. 3 E
402
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Galway, in yielding the post of her Majesty's troops to the Portuguese in Spain,
acted contrary to the honour of the Imperial Crown of Great Britain." On a division,
there voted 64 for it, and 44 against it. The minority were either so indignant at
the tyranny of the majority, or so sarcastic as to John Bull's notion that all other
nations are beneath the English, that some expressions were found in their protest
which enabled the majority to order that this protest be expunged.
Wodrow notes, in his Analecta, January 171 1 : —
" By a letter, dated the close of this month, from London, I find that the House of Lords
carry everything before them against the old ministry. Galway is challenged for giving the
post of honour to the Portuguese though he had it in commission that they should com-
mand ; and this they carry by twenty votes, whereof eighteen are our Scots lords. So the
Whigs in England come to see their great mistake in the Union. For it's plain the crown may
manage our Scots elections as they please ; ,£20,000 or ,£30,000 will make them every way
as they will."
Sec. 17. — The Earl of Galway again in Retirement.
A pamphlet was published in defence of " The Earl of Galway's conduct in
Portugal and Spain," but it was not by himself. It was a reprint of facts, as pub-
lished in the periodical " Annals of Queen Anne," and may have been edited by the
annalist, Abel Boyer. Officers had probably corresponded with him during the war,
and now assisted him in editing and prefacing his compilation. The preface repre-
sents Lord Galway as justifying his silence on the occasion by quoting a sentence
from St. Evremond : —
" Those in whose power it is to do all they please are not so severe upon us as otherwise
they might be, when they see us patiently submit to their decisions ; opposition only inflames
their resentment without lessening their power ; but upon a change either of interest or of
humour, a man is extolled to the skies for that very thing which occasioned his disgrace."
Lord Galway again settled at Rookley. He now resigned his Colonelcy of the
Dutch Guards. In March of this year, Louis XIV. gave the Ruvigny estate in
France to Cardinal Polignac, but our hero had freely and finally surrendered it
long ago.
His return to live among his affectionate relations was soon clouded by a severe
>ereavement. The Duke of Bedford, only son of Lady Russell, died on the 26th
Vlay (171 1 ), in his thirty- first year. The fatal disease being small-pox, she had
insisted upon being the only relative in attendance. As soon as possible she wrote
to her cousin : —
" Alas ! my dear Lord Galway, my thoughts are yet all disorder, confusion, and
amazement ; and I think I am very incapable of saying or doing what I should. I
did not know the greatness of my love to his person, till I could see it no more.
There was nothing uncomfortable in his death, but the losing him. His God was, I
verily believe, ever in his thoughts. Towards his last hours he called upon Him,
and complained he could not pray his prayers. To what I answered he said he
wished for more time to make up his accounts with God. Then with remembrance
to his sisters, and telling me how good and kind his wife had been to him, and that
he should have been glad to have expressed himself to her, said something to me of
my double kindness to his wife, and so died away.
" There seemed no reluctancy to leave this world, patient and easy the whole
time, and, I believe, knew his danger ; but loath to grieve those by him, delayed
what he might have said. But why all this ? The decree is past. I do not ask
your prayers ; I know you offer them with sincerity to our Almighty God for Your
afflicted kinswoman, " R. RUSSELL."
"June, 171 1."
The poor mother was, on the 31st October of the same year, bereaved of her
daughter Catherine, Duchess of Rutland." 1 The Duke having in the ensuing
summer made an offer of marriage to the lady who became his second wife, Lady
Russell felt some natural emotion, and confided it to her kinsman. From her letter
dated 5th August 1712, I need extract only the preface, — "My Lord, I have been
for some weeks often resolved, and as soon unresolved, if I would or would not
1 Lady Elizabeth Manners, one of the daughters of this Duchess, became Viscountess Galway in 1727, her
hi] iband, Joan Monckton, Esq., being then made a Peer with the title of Viscount Galway — from whom have
descended a line of Viscounts, Peers of Ireland, and Members of the British House of Commons.
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL WA Y.
403
engage upon a subject I cannot speak to without some emotion, but I cannot suffer
your being a stranger to any that very near concerns me."
Lord Gal way wrote to congratulate the Duke of Marlborough in the autumn of
171 1 on the surrender of Bouchain, and received the following answer, dated 5th
October 171 1 : —
" My Lord, I have received fresh satisfaction from our success here, since it has afforded
me an opportunity of knowing that your lordship is in health, and that I am in your remem-
brance : the continuance of both is what I shall always earnestly desire. I have received a
paper from our old friend, St. Victor, which was brought me by a servant of his two days ago,
but being unwilling to venture it by post, I shall keep it till we meet, which I hope may be by
the end of the next month. I am, with great truth, my Lord, &c. "Marlborough."
During the remainder of Queen Anne's reign, we meet with Lord Galway chiefly
in Lady Russell's letters. In 171 2 she wrote to him in these terms :
" I can thankfully reflect I have felt many (I may say, many) years of pure and (I trust)
innocent content, and happy enjoyments as this world can afford, particularly that biggest
blessing of loving and being loved by those I loved and respected : on earth no enjoyment
certainly to be put in balance with it. All other are like wine, intoxicates for a time, but the
end is bitterness, at least not profitable. Mr Waller (whose picture you look upon) has, I long
remember, these words : —
All we know they do above,
Is that they sing and that they love.
The best news I have heard is, you have two good companions with you, which, I trust, will
contribute to divert you this sharp season, when after so sore a fit as I apprehend you have
felt, the air even of your improving pleasant garden cannot be enjoyed without hazard."
Lord Galway, having lost his right hand at Badajoz, employed a secretary to
write to his dictation. He had formed the habit of writing his private memoranda
with his left hand. And in sportive mood he executed an autograph letter to his
venerable female cousin. This memento of his hardships and sufferings drew tears
from the dear lady as well as smiles, and also the following note : —
" Having scribbled a great deal but last post, there is reason I should be quiet this ; but
the letter I have read under your own hand affects me so much, I cannot forbear to say your
right hand was not more easy to be read. However, the chief errand of this is to require of
you not to make a custom of it to me ; for if you will but take care, in case you are not well,
that I hear by any hand how you are, in a line or two, I shall be best content ; and when I
do not hear, believe your health pretty good at least. But your lordship is so puffed up with
the honours you receive from our sex, you must brag ! The more serious of your papers I
shall say no more to than that, as it is written in a fair character, so I do with much ease read
the words ; but, as you rightly observe, tha difficulty lies in the practice. Yet neither you nor
myself have the smiles of fortune too lavishly bestowed on us or to abide by us, as to draw
our hearts or minds, as to choose and be fond of what the world at present affords us. But
if, with the length of our days here, we can feel our desires and wills docible, willing to submit
as to improve our best thoughts and performances, then our lives are granted as a blessing, as
we may assure ourselves.
*******
" Lord Galway's truly affectionate cousin,
"& humble servant, " R. Russell."
As to Lord Galway's handwriting, collectors of autographs can observe that
after 1705 his signature is legible but feeble.
I shall, in another part of this work, speak of the release from the French galleys
of Protestant martyrs, on the intercession of Queen Anne. A letter from Lord
Galway to Reverend Monsieur De la Mothe (which is in my possession), dated
" Stratton, 13 July [171 3]," proves that some of them were then on their way from
Marseilles to Geneva, and the rest were expected to get their liberty soon. For the
comfort in Geneva of those exiles, whom he calls " nos confesseurs," " nos pauvres
frercs," and " ccs pauvres confesseurs," Lord Galway gave a donation of £100.
Early in October 17 14, Lieutenant-Gcneral Stanhope (who had been made a
principal Secretary of State on September 27th) introduced the Earl of Galway to
King George I., as the bearer of an address from the French Protestant Refugees of
London. His lordship having presented it, His Majesty was pleased to return tin-
following answer : — " I thank you for the zeal which you have shown for the Protes-
tant succession, and you may depend upon my protection." At the same time
the Earl of Galway presented to His Majesty a humble address of the Protestants
released from the galleys of France, which His Majesty received very graciously.
404
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
Sec. 18.— The Earl of Galway again a Lord Justice of Ireland, also his
Final Retirement and Death.
At the beginning of the new reign, Lord Galway 's name was re united to Irish
affairs in the following circumstances. The Irish Jacobite Chancellor, Sir Constantine
Phipps, had endeavoured to pack several Parliaments by means of schemes for forcing
disloyal magistrates upon the municipal corporations, and had issued orders for
subverting the constitutions of the cities and towns. He was backed by a report, or
legal opinion, in favour of his view, which was signed by eight judges, and was
approved by the Lord Primate and himself, in their capacity of Lords Justices, also
by many Privy Councillors. But Queen Anne dying, King George removed the
aforesaid public men from office, and dissolved the Irish Privy Council. A new
Council was gazetted, and among the fifty-six names we observe Henry, Earl of
Galway. This was one of the first acts of the new government.
A letter of this period from Lady Russell gives a pleasing glimpse of his life in
the country : —
" There is no post day I do not find myself really disposed to take my pen and dispose of
it as I now do ; but there is not one of those days I do not also approve to myself, how mean
my ability is to entertain, as I desire, such a relation and friend as Lord Galway. Yet I put
my mind at ease soon enough as to that trouble, being so certain and sure as I am how you
will recei /e it.
*******
" Selwood 1 tells me your appearance is very comfortable, and if I get to Hampshire I
trust I shall see it so. Sure, this season is a trial ; for although it is a customary thing to
complain of seasons, yet in my opinion this is an extraordinary one. . . . From the first
day of March to this, there hath not been twenty-four hours without much rain, snow, or
hail. ... " R. Russell."
"April 14, 17 15."
Four months after this, Lord Galway was surprised in his snuggery at receiv-
ing an offer of active employment in Ireland. His acceptance of office was probably
pressed upon him by his friends, to give public proof to friends 2 and enemies at home
and abroad, that he was never disgraced in deed, but only in form. We may safely
say that he was inclined to show some forwardness in exhibiting a strong adherence
to the new dynasty. An ardent Williamite was, by a necessity like instinct, a zealous
Hanoverian.
Immediately after the displacement of Phipps and his colleagues, the Earl of
Sunderland had been appointed Viceroy. But Ireland appeared a penal settlement
to him, and he never embarked for it, alleging bad health as his excuse. Yet, as
Dr. Killen testifies, " the critical circumstances in which Ireland was now placed,
rendered it necessary that the government should be committed to more experienced
and energetic hands than those who now held it under the Earl of Sunderland."
The Jacobite rebellion had broken out in Scotland, and a few of the Irish Peers
were about to support it with volunteer troops. At last the Gazette announced,
23d August 171 5, that Charles, Earl of Sunderland, having resigned the post of
Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, the Duke of Grafton and the Earl of Galway were
appointed Lords Justices of that kingdom." Charles Delafaye, Esq., who had been
Lord Sunderland's secretary, was appointed secretary to the new Viceregal Board.
The Duke and Lord Galway were gazetted as members of His Majesty's most
Honourable Privy Council for England, and took the oaths as Privy Councillors,
Grafton on the 31st August, Galway (who had been in no hurry to leave Rookley)
on the 30th September. The " Annals " say, " Without entering into the times and
particulars of their being nominated, their preparations, travelling to Chester, ship-
ping off, &c, it is sufficient to say that they arrived at Dublin the 1st of November
171 5, were received with the usual solemnities, and immediately applied themselves
to the proper duties of that great office, and to set to rights the affairs of that great
country, which they found in confusion enough."
On the 1 2th, the House of Commons having unanimously chosen William
Conolly, Esq., as their Speaker, and the Lords Justices having approved of their choice,
their Excellencies made a speech to both Houses. The speech was delivered by the
Duke of Grafton, the young and ornamental Lord-Justice ; but the really responsible
statesman was Lord Galway. His ever-green spirit makes Dr. Killen (who continued
Dr. Reid's History with fully equal ability) unable to recognise him. We seem to
1 Thomas Sellwood (born 1682) was agent both to Lady Russell and to Lord Galway, and first editor of
Lady Russell's Letters.
- Apres la paix, d'Utrecht, il recut, pour recompense de ses services, l'cmploi d'haut Justicier d'Irlande. —
" Weiss," Book iii., chap. ii.
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL WAY.
405
hear the doctor say, " This cannot be the Ruvigny of last century." And so he is
introduced as " the Earl of Gal way, a general in the army." Nevertheless it was our
old friend. Another old friend, Lord Tyrawley, was the Commander of the Forces
in Ireland. The Viceregal speech artfully made use of the rising in Scotland, as
implying that the Jacobites regarded their cause to be hopeless in Ireland. Several
regiments were sent to North Britain, and their place was supplied by militia, as " a
singular instance of the great confidence His Majesty places in the fidelity and good
affection of his loyal subjects in Ireland." The speech from the throne requested
" all reasonable despatch." The desired quickness of despatch was shown. On the
25th of the same month, the Lords Justices were enabled to pass several Acts of the
Parliament, particularly one for recognising King George's title to the throne of
Great Britain, France, and Ireland ; and another Act for attainting the Duke of
Ormond. The next business was the subjugation of the Phipps faction. On the
nth December a military pension of ^500 a-year was granted to Lord Gal way in
addition to his civil pension of ^"iooo.
Having earned and spent their Christmas holidays, the members of Parliament
resumed business in January 17 16. Some ready writer had found time to com-
pose and publish a review of their recent proceedings, under the title of "A Long
History of a Short Sessions of a Certain Parliament of a Certain Kingdom."
This account or fabrication was censured by the Commons. About the 30th instant,
the Irish Parliament entered into an Association to defend King George's title
against the Pretender and all his adherents. And in February, Trinity College,
Dublin, chose George, Prince of Wales, to be their Chancellor. The Princess of
Wales had presented to the French Church of Portarlington " rich and massive plate
for the communion service, and a finely-toned church bell, which preserve to the
present day the memory of that royal lady's generous piety." The inscription on
the bell states that the giver is the Princess — " Promovente illustrissimo Comite
Henrico de Galloway."
The Viceregal speech strongly recommended unity among Protestants. ' In
Ulster, however, the jealousy of some Episcopalians was constantly ready to boil
over. On the ground that the house of one of their clergymen, who was generally
suspected to be a Jacobite, had been searched, and also two houses where reverend
gentlemen were visitors, the Archbishop of Armagh and the Bishop of Down and
Connor complained to the Lords Justices that the clergy of the diocese of Connor
were vexatiously visited by officers of justice, and that the Presbyterians were the
main instigators and actors in this persecution. The memorial was referred to the
Judges of Assize for the north-east circuit of Ulster on the 22d March 17 16 (n.s.),
who placed it before the Grand Jury at Carrickfergus. The Grand Jury expressed
their surprise " that matters of so public a nature should happen in this county
without the knowledge of any of us ; " nevertheless they went into the inquiry
thoroughly. And the Judges reported to the Lords Justices that no clergyman's
house had been searched before the 1st of February 17 16 — that all searches were
with warrants and by authorised officers — that no Dissenting teacher was con-
cerned in promoting or executing the warrants — that, as to the Established clergy,
only the Rev. Geoffrey Fanning's house was searched for arms — and as to the
houses of the inhabitants of the County of Antrim, those baronies alone were
searched which joined the sea-coast opposite to Scotland, and in or near to the
estate of the Earl of Antrim, then a prisoner in the Castle of Dublin, and after the
Pretender was landed in Scotland. Parliament adjourned from the 9th to the 20th
of February.
The Lords Justices and the Commons strained every nerve to obtain the legal
toleration of the Presbyterians, whose loyalty and bravery were uniformly so con-
spicuous and serviceable. They were vigorously encouraged by Secretary Stanhope,
but the Lords Spiritual of Ireland defeated them. I may here mention that at the
end of the session the House of Commons passed two resolutions on this subject.
The first was unanimous, and the second was agreed to without a division. First,
that such of His Majesty's Protestant Dissenting subjects as have taken commissions
in the militia, or acted in the commission of array, have done a seasonable service
to His Majesty's person and Government, and the Protestant interest in this king-
dom. Secondly, that any person who shall commence a prosecution against any
Dissenter, who has accepted or shall accept of a commission in the army or militia,
is an enemy of King George and the Protestant interest, and a friend of the
Pretender (5th June).
During the existence of this Viceregal Board, the authorized edition of the
English Book of Common Prayer, adapted for Ireland, was issued. The following
was the Royal Order : —
406
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
"GEORGE R. Our Will and Pleasure is, that the six following Forms of Prayer
made for 23d October, 5th November, 30th January, 29th May, and the Day of our
Accession to the Crown, together with the prayers for the Chief Governour or
Governours of Ireland, be forthwith printed and published, and for the future
annexed to the Book of Common Prayer and Liturgy of the Church of Ireland.
* * * For which this shall be your Warrant. Given at the Court at St. James's,
the third day of November 17 15 in the second year of our reign.
"To our Right Trusty and Right Intirely Beloved Cousin and Councellor,
Charles Duke of Grafton, and our Right Trusty and Right Well Beloved Cousin
and Councellor, Henry Earl of Gallway, our Justices and General Governours of our
Kingdom of Ireland, and to our Lieutenant, Deputy, or other Chief Governour or
Governours there for the time being.
" By His Majesty's command,
"James Stanhope."
In January [1716], the House of Commons resolved that whatever forces His
Majesty should think fit to raise, and whatever expenses His Majesty should think
necessary for the defence of this kingdom, they would enable him to make good the
same. By order of the Lords Justices, a camp was marked out at or near Athlone,
where, besides some regular troops, a good body of the newly-regulated militia was
ordered to encamp, being all armed out of the king's stores. The "Annals" men-
tion one item, 10,000 firelocks, with proportion of powder and ball.
The House of Commons having given the Lords Justices unlimited power to
borrow money for His Majesty's service, their Lordships, on the 10th of May, re-
ported that they had borrowed ^"50,000 ; and gave an account of their payments as
a return for the confidence of the House. As to this the Parliament said, in an
address to the king, dated June 4th, " Your faithful Commons, notwithstanding the
poverty of this kingdom, entrusted your wise and excellent government with an un-
precedented and unlimited vote of credit." After a session of " unusual length," the
Lords Justices, on the 25th of June, prorogued the Parliament. Besides the Duke of
Ormond and the Earl of Antrim, the disaffected Peers against whom they took
effectual proceedings were the Earl of Westmeath, Viscounts Netterville and Dillon,
and Lord Cahir. During this brief but eventful Viceroyalty, Ireland seemed to
outdo England in royalty, to the surprise of historians. Like Ruvigny's brigade at
Aughrim, the Hanoverians bore down all before them, the same Ruvigny being at
their head. Most confidential and most cordial communications had constantly
gone on between the Lords Justices and the Houses of Parliament, the addresses
having this heading : " To their Excellencies the Lords Justices General, and General
Governors of Ireland?
All Lord Galvvay's doings seem to have been sanctioned in London except one.
At the request of several aged refugees, who expected soon to leave widows, he
erased their own names from the pension-list, and substituted the names of their
wives and unmarried daughters. The government struck out all those ladies' names,
and thus the pensions were lost to the veteran heads of their families. Lord Galway
had rejoiced to oblige among others the Rev. James Fontaine, who, for volunteer
land and sea service, had been pensioned with 5s. a-day in 1705 by the Duke of
Ormond. His wife at is., and his two daughters each at 2s. a-day, were among the
new and rejected names ; but as a singular favour Fontaine himself was reinstated
for the whole sum of 5s.
A political crisis unexpectedly occurred in the English court. " Whatever was
the cause, the fact was" (say the "Annals"), "that on the 12th December, in the
morning, we were surprised in London with the news that the Lord Viscount
Townshend was no more Secretary of State." Notwithstanding, " he seemed for
some time to keep his interest in his Prince's favour, seeing it was immediately re-
solved to make him Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, in the room of the Duke of Grafton
and Lord Galway, who were about that time dismissed."
Though we are unable either to affirm or to deny that there was any grievance
in the manner, there can have been nothing unpleasant to Lord Galway in the fact
of his being relieved from public service. His spirited rule had been carried on
amidst frequent bodily suffering, as may be inferred from a letter from Lady Russell
which he received in Dublin, and from which I quote what follows : —
" The merciful providence of God it is our duty to pray for and trust in ; then it shall be
well in the end, in this world or a better. I heseech God to give the consolation of His Holy
Spirit to enable you to struggle with bodily pains. Your resignation I have no doubt of; but
nature will shrink when the weight is heavy, and presses hard. . . .
" 1 also pray to God to fortify your spirit under every trial, till eternity swallows all our
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL IV A Y.
407
troubles, all our sorrows, all our disappointments, and all our pains in this life. The longest,
how short to eternity ! All these ought to be my own care to improve my weak self, as the
fortitude of your mind, experience, and knowledge does to you. . . .
" I am certain of this being a truth that I am faithfully and affectionately yours.
"May 28, 1716. "R.Russell."
The statement that Lord Galway spent the last years of his life in Portarlington
is a mistake. He left Ireland in 17 16, and returned to Rookley. In Lady Russell's
letters we meet with him as formerly. That kind cousin, to amuse the invalid states-
man's mind, wrote a letter in French, which he duly received and praised. The fol-
lowing was the rejoinder : —
" As the fine season continues (for such I esteem a hot one) I slacken in my scribbling.
The pure air alone abundantly exceeds my tattle under the roof, though very well meant to
you, whether sent in the French or English tongue. But although your Lordship spoke as
well as you possibly could do of my French, if you did it to encourage my use of it, you will
be under a small disappointment, for I intend to keep my credit and meddle no more (unless
unthinking, as I really did then), and occasion no discord between us. Any partiality for that
country you have discharged sufficiently long since, and the time is come to do the like to
this we at present live in. That there is a more sure abiding one, is the believing Christian's
comfort, and to attain that grace our daily endeavour. * * * *
"June 19 [17 1 7]. "I am, my Lord, ever the same, " R. Russell."
With similar fondness she writes during that winter : —
" When I scribble to Lord Galway, I consider very little what I put down, as I am secure
by God's grace never to forfeit your love and esteem ; and till I lose that, have no fear that I
shall lose them ; in that point my mind is at ease. I exceedingly desire your body were so ;
but the providences permitted by Almighty God can never be hurtful to His faithful servants,
though painful. Alas ! what are days, months, or years (to his elected) to a happy eternity ?
In such a thought your soul and heart may rejoice I verily believe ; and so believe, as to
desire I may find grace, as I believe you will do in the great day when the sentence shall be
pronounced."
The last letter in her published correspondence is to Lord Galway, and concludes
thus : —
" To-morrow your health will not be omitted, daughter Devon and Mr. Charlton being to
dine here ; as I hope to do with yourself at Rookley, and also at old Stratton, where you will
be kindly welcome, as I am entirely assured I shall be at your Rookley. God for the good
that you do to mankind, grant you some easy years to do good upon earth, before you change
for a happy eternity. So does desire and pray Lord Galway's truly affectionate cousin, and
faithfully such, to gratifie to the utmost of her ability,
" February 13, 17 18 [new style.] " R. Russell."
Threescore and ten of such years as Lord Galway had lived might seem to
negative too plainly any such wish as the one expressed in the above letter ; but it
must be remembered that Lady Russell was twelve years his senior.
His name appeared in the Patent-Rolls for the last time in King George's
Charter incorporating the French Hospital of London, dated 24th July 17 18, and
nominating as its first Governor, " our right trusty and right wel-beloved cousin,
Henry de Massue, Marquis de Ruvigny, Earl of Galloway." This honour was not
only for services, past and completed. Lord Galway continued to take an active
interest in " Poor French Protestants and their descendants residing in Great Britain"
(for whose benefit this Hospital was founded), and also in his co-religionists in
France, especially in those condemned to the galleys.
My readers will remember that, on the intercession of Queen Anne, Louis XIV.
released many of those galkriens, but not all. The French king's anxiety for the
Peace of Utrecht led him to give us encouragement to expect that his clemency
would gradually be extended to the remainder, nor was the expectation altogether
vain. King George considered that King Louis had virtually pledged his honour
on the subject, and declined to regard it as a matter to be further negociatcd. The
Earl of Stair went as our ambassador to Paris in January 1715. Louis made some
difficulty about carrying out in detail some of the articles of the Utrecht Treaty, and
suggested that his release of seme of the galley-slaves might be reckoned as an
equivalent for what had been neglected. But Mr. Secretary Stanhope wrote to our
ambassador on 17th February 1715, "As to the galley-slaves, charity and humanity
engage the king to wish they might be released, and his Majesty will be extremely
pleased if any offices of your lordship can procure them ease ; but it is not appre-
hended here that the king is under the least obligation to depart from what hath been
yielded in the treaty of peace on account of such indulgence."
Lord Galway, having authentic lists of all the sufferers, kept up a correspondence
4o8
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
with them, and took every opportunity of pressing their individual cases. One of his
letters to Lord Stair is preserved in the Stair Papers, from which it appears that our
great ambassador had from 171 5 to 171 8 procured the release of almost all the
sufferers. 1 The letter is as follows : —
" Stratton, September 30, 1718.
" Though I am sure 'tis needless to make any instances to dispose your Excellency to
use your best endeavours for the releasement of the few Protestants which remain at this time
on the gallies, since your zeal has appeared in that particular to the utmost by the great
number that have been set at liberty by means of your unwearied application to that end ; yet
as I know that there are three of the ancient ones still detained, I have thought it would not
be improper to mention it to your Excellency, and likewise desire you would put the Marechal
D'Etree in mind of his promise that all the ancient ones should be set free, which has not been
executed towards these. Wherefore I earnestly entreat your Excellency to continue your
charitable endeavours in order to obtain for these the liberty which their fellow-sufferers have
had by your Excellency's mediation in their behalf. I hope you will excuse this trouble,
which I should not have given had I not been pressed to it by some of these poor people.
. . . (Signed) " Gallway."
On the back of this letter there is the following memorandum : — " les 3 galeriens
sont David Maffee, No. 28204. Jean la Croix, No. 29577. Pierre Combette, No.
29643." [The above letter is preserved at Oxenfoord Castle among the Stair Papers,
and I am indebted for this information to the present Earl of Stair.]
Although during his several periods of retirement Lord Gahvay had his home in
the country, he occasionally visited London, and was a valued member of its society.
His comrade, Lieutenant-General Stanhope, afterwards Earl Stanhope, he frequently
met ; there was also the chief of the Stanhopes, the Earl of Chesterfield, and his son,
Lord Stanhope, and his grandson, Hon. Philip Dormer Stanhope, afterwards the
celebrated Earl of Chesterfield. The latter youth was in the circle of Lord Galway's
acquaintance, and valued his conversation, as appears in the following extract from
Dr Maty's Memoir : —
" Philip Stanhope was very young, when Lord Galway who, though not a very fortunate
general, was a man of uncommon penetration and merit, observing in him a strong inclination
for a political life, but at the same time an unconquerable taste for pleasure, with some tincture
of laziness, gave him the following advice : —
" If you in fend to be a man of business, you must be an early riser. In the distinguished posts
your parts, rank, and fortune will entitle you to fill, you will be liable to have visitors at every
hour of the day ; and unless you will rise constantly at an early hour, you will never have any leisure
to yourself. This admonition, delivered in the most obliging manner, made a considerable
impression upon the mind of our young man, who ever after observed that excellent rule, even
when he went to bed late, and was already advanced in years."
It was when on a visit at Stratton House, that the " good Earl of Galway" 2 was
summoned to his rest. He probably sank under the " bodily pains " to which he had
so long been subject — namely, gout and rheumatism. His mind was entire to the
last. He died on the 3d September 1720, aged seventy-two. He was the last of his
family. Lady Russell was his nearest surviving relative, and became his heiress at
the age of eighty-four. The property of Stratton has passed out of Russell hands ;
and Lord Galway's gravestone cannot now be recognised.
There is the following entry in the East Stratton Register of Burials in Michel-
dever Churchyard, Hampshire : —
Henry, Earl of Galway
Died Sept. 3rd,
Was buried Sept. 6, 1720.
John Imber,
Curate of Stratton.
1 cannot pass from the life of this able, gallant, and generous nobleman without
recording that he was so impressed with the reality and bounty of Divine Providence,
' " 1 7 1 S, June 3. Several galley-slaves, confined on account of religion, were set at liberty at Marseilles,
at the instance of his British Majesty." — British Chronologisl.
2 I take this sobriquet from a letter to Lady Russell from Bishop Hough, who himself was long remembered
as "the good" Bishop of Worcester. He concluded it with a message of courtesy, " I beg leave to present my
most humble service to good Lord Galway." He had protested against the Bill for the Irish Forfeitures
Commission with the signature "Jo. Oxon.," and against the censure of Lord Gahvay and the other generals
as "Jo. Litch. & Gov." He was translated to Worcester in 1 7 1 7.
HENRI DE RUVIGNY, EARL OF GAL WAY.
409
that he did not feel hurt by the undue disparagement or the unprovoked animosity
directed against him by some people. He admired the hospitality of the British
nation. But that such a man had anything more than hospitality to thank us for is
an idea that will not bear investigation. To say that we advanced or enriched him
is a misstatement. The titles and rewards we gave him were inferior to those which
he had forfeited in France for conscience' sake. Love of wealth and honours would
have kept him at home. Honourable principles and feelings brought him among us
as a thoroughly qualified ambassador and soldier. The doubt is whether we were
worthy of his offer of service to our struggling Protestant cause — not whether he was
worthy of such honours and offices as we could bestow on him.
In anticipation of death he had made his will on the 30th of August. The
Probate Court required a separate deposition from each of the four witnesses to the
signature and execution of the will. The evidence of each was in almost the same
words. Being of a biographical tenor, one of the depositions may be here
inserted : —
" 2%th November, 1720. — Appeared personally John Imber of Stratton, in the
county of Southampton, clerke, aged twenty-seven years, and being sworn upon the
Holy Evangelists to depose the truth, did swear and depose as followeth. That he,
this deponent, knew, and was acquainted with the Right Honourable Henry, late
Earle and Viscount Gallway deceased, for the space of about three years before his
death, and performed the office of chaplain to his Lordshipp in the time of his last
sickness, whereof he dyed. And also saith that, on or about the 30th August, 1720,
he, this deponent, was called in to bear witness to the said late Earl's will, he being
then in his chamber in the House of the Right Honourable the Lady Russell at
Stratton, in the County of Southampton aforesaid, where the Original hereto annexed
was then produced ready written, and the said late Earle did then sign, seal, publish,
and declare the said Will, as and for his last Will and Testament, in the presence of
him, this deponent, Daniel Caesar Pegorier, Thomas Sellwood, and Everard Persevell,
whose names appear to be thereto subscribed, and who so severally subscribed their
names as witnesses thereto, at the same time, and in the presence of the said deceased,
and at his request. And this deponent further saith, that the said late Earle was, at
all and singular the premisses of sound and perfect mind and memory, and talked
and discoursed very rationally and sensibly."
Mr Pegorier, another witness, described himself as Lord Galway's chaplain ; and
the fact was that he was his Lordship's private chaplain ; but Mr. Imber, being the
curate in charge of the parish of Stratton, visited Stratton House, and occasionally
gave assistance as a chaplain.
The accepting executors and trustees were William, Duke of Devonshire, and
Richard Vaughan, Esq. of Dorwith, in the county of Carmarthen. Of the other two,
John, Duke of Rutland, declined to act, and John Charlton, Esq. of Totteridgc, in
Hertfordshire, was dead.
* Earl of Galway's Last Will and Testament, and Trust-Deed.
The witnesses to Lord Galway's signature were, the Rev. John Imber (aged 27), curate of
Stratton ; the Rev. Daniel Caesar Pegorier (aged 24), of St. Anne's parish, Westminster, chap-
lain to Lord Galway ; Thomas Sellwood (aged 38), gentleman, of St. Giles' parish, Westminster,
Lord Galway's agent, and writer of the will ; Everard Persevell (aged 63), yeoman, of the parish
of St. Giles-in-the-Fields, Middlesex. It is specified after each legacy, that it is " to be paid
within one year after my decease;" and as to annuities, they are " per annum for and during
the term of his [or her] natural life, to be paid him [or her] by four equal quarterly payments,
on the Feast of the Birth of our Lord Christ, the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary,
the Feast of St John Baptist, and St. Michael the Archangel. And I do appoint the first
payment to begin and be made at such of the said feast-days as shall first happen after my
decease."
The contents may be classified under five divisions : —
I. — Settlement on his Heiress — consisting of the first and last paragraphs of the Will, and the
Trust-Deed appended.
" In the name of God. Amen. I, Henry de Massue, Earl and Viscount of Gallway, and
Baron of Port Arlington, in the Kingdom of Ireland, being weak in body, but of sound and
disposing mind, judgment, and memory, do make this my last Will and Testament in writing,
in manner following : — First, I bequeath my soul to God's mercy through Jesus Christ, and
my body to the earth, to be privately interred by my executors, hereinafter named, in the
Church belonging to the Parish wherein I shall happen to depart this life. And as for such
I. 3*
4io
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
worldly estate as it hath pleased God to entrust me with, I do hereby dispose of the same in
the manner following : —
" That is to say, whereas my late dearly beloved mother, Marie Tallemant, Widow and
Relict of my late lamented father, Henry de Massue, Lord of Ruvigny, deceased, did, in her
lifetime, by her last Will and Testament in writing, bearing date on or about the Fourteenth day
of May, which was in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred ninety and eight, order
and appoint that the Right Honourable Rachel, Lady Russell, my father's niece, and my much
esteemed cousin, should succeed to and inherit all such estate, both Real and Personal, in the
Kingdom of France, as she, my said mother, had power to dispose of by will, in case I should
not get possession of the same, as by the said will, relation being thereunto had, will more at
large appear. Now, in order to fulfil my mother's said last Will and Testament, and to shew
the great value and natural affection which I have for the said Rachel, Lady Russell, I do
hereby confirm my mother's will as far as in me lies. And do further give and bequeath unto
the said Rachel, Lady Russell, and her heirs, executors, and administrators, all my estate,
both real and personal, lands, tenements, and hereditaments whatsoever in the Kingdom of
France, together with all the arrearages of the rents and profits thereof, whensoever the same
shall or may be recovered. Together with all my right title interest claim and demand
whatsoever to the same, and to all and every the rights privileges members and appurten-
ances thereunto, or to any part or parcel thereof in any wise belonging or appertaining ; as
fully and amply to all intents and purposes as the same have been formerly held and enjoyed
by my said father in his life ; to all which I am justly entitled, as eldest and only surviving
son and heir both to my said late father, Henry, Lord de Ruvigny, and to my said mother.
Also my will and desire is that my executors hereinafter named, do justly and carefully pay
all my debts and funeral charges, and also pay my servants their wages to the end of the
quarter wherein I shall die. And also my will and intention is that my executors, hereinafter
named, shall pay the following legacies.
[Here follow the legacies.]
" And as for and concerning the rest residue and remainder of my estate, both real and per-
sonal, whatsoever, within the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, be the same in Lands, tene-
ments, Leases, Leaseholds, Annuitys, Stock, Orders, Tallys, Bonds, Bills, Debts, Dues, Arrears
of Pensions, Specialitys, Plate, Jewells, Furniture, Ready Money, Goods, or Chattels of what
kind soever, I do give and bequeath the same unto the Most Noble William, Duke of Devon-
shire, John, Duke of Rutland, John Charlton, of Totteridge, in the county of Hertford,
Esquire, and Richard Vaughan, of Dorwith, in the county of Carmarthen, Esquire, subject,
nevertheless, to the trust hereinafter expressed, &c. &c. &c. — In witness whereof, &c.
[Here follow the signatures.]
" Whereas I, Henry de Massue, Earl and Viscount of Gallway, &c, have made and duly
executed my last Will and Testament, bearing even date with these presents, and thereby after
payment of my Funeral Charges, Debts, and Legacies, have devised and given unto the Most
Noble William, Duke of Devonshire, &c, all my estate, real and personal whatsoever, within
the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, &c. &c. &c, upon trust, nevertheless, to and for
the use and benefit of such person or persons, and to and for such uses, intents, and pur-
poses as by any deed or writing to be by me executed, in the presence of two or more wit-
nesses, I should at any time direct, declare, or appoint : and to and for no other use, intent,
or purpose whatsoever, &c. &c. Now, know all men by these presents, that I, the said
Henry, &c. &c, did bequeath, devise, and give all my said estate, &c. &c, upon the special
trust, and to and for the use, intents, and purposes hereinafter expressed, and upon no other
trust, and for no other use, intent, or purpose whatsoever. That is to say, upon trust, that
they, the said William, &c, their respective heirs, executors, and administrators, shall and will
stand and be seized and possessed of all and singular the hereinbefore trusted, or herein
intended to be trusted, premises and appurtenances to and for the use and benefit of my dear
and well beloved cousin, the Right Honourable Rachel, Lady Russell, Widow and Relict of
William, Lord Russell, deceased, &c. &c. &c.
II. — Legacies to Servants.
To every household servant, " Mourning," " one year's wages more than shall be due to
them at the end of the quarter wherein I shall die ; "—also, " one month's Board Wages." To
servants specially named, besides the above bequests —
John Forcade, ^ioo " of lawful money of Great Britain," and ^15 per annum.
Michel! Vial, £50 per annum, and "all my wearing cloths, both linen and woollen,
together with my plate, which is under his care, and belonging to my bed-chamber, and
no other."
Caesar Guillot, £20 per annum.
Moses Grocer, ^15 per annum, to be continued to his widow, and their children, Henry
and John.
John Briot, £200; James Clarke, ,£50; Mary Guillot, ^100 ; Peter Lowan, £10;
Peter Char, ^,30.
HENRI DE RU VIGN V, EARL OF GAL IV AY. 411
III. — Legacies to Personal Friends in England.
Daniel Bruneval, "my secretary," ^"800.
Madame Charlotte Marmande, of St. James' parish, Westminster, ^"40 per annum.
Madame Lucrece Chavernay, of Southampton, ^40 per annum.
Madame Vignolles (niece of Madame Chavernay), .£500; and to her children, (1.)
Angelica Vignolles, ^500 ; (2.) Henry Vignolles, ^1000.
Monsieur Henry Pyniot de la Largere, of St. James', Westminster, £20 per annum, " to
be paid him till he shall arrive at the age of twenty-five years and no longer."
Anthony Cong, of Southampton, clerk, ^13 per annum.
Monsieur Peter de Cosne, of Southampton, ^500 ; and to his children, (1.) Charles de
Cosne, ^1000; (2.) Henrietta de Cosne, ^£1500; (3.) Ruvigny de Cosne, ^2000.
IV. — Legacies to Personal Friends in Lreland.
Monsieur Cramahe, of Dublin, ^1000.
" Young Henry Amproux in the Colledge at Dublin," .£500.
John Darasus, son of Madame Darasus, of Dublin, ;£ioo, and to her daughter, Henrietta
Darasus, £\oo.
Captain John Nicholas, of Dublin, ,£200.
Henry Jordan, "my godson," of Dun Shaclean, near Dublin, ;£ioo.
Jacob Denis, of Waterford, clerk, ,£50.
V. — Legacies pro bono publico.
" Also, I give to the French Hospital in London, of which I am Governor, p^iooo, to be
applied in such manner as Monsieur Philip Menard and the other directors of the said hospital
shall think fit." ..." Also, I give and bequeath to the poor French Protestant Refugees in
this kingdom, to be distributed to them by the Committee, ^500." ..." Also, I give to the
poor of the French Church in the Savoy at London, to be distributed to them by the Consis-
tory there, £$00." ..." Also, I give to the poor of the French Church in the City of
London, to be distributed to them by the Consistory there, ,£200." ... "To the poor of
East Stratton, in the County of Southampton, to be distributed to them by the curate and
church-wardens there, ^10. . . . To the poor of the parish of Crawley, in the said county,
&&, j£io. . . . To the poor of the parish of King Somborne, in the said county, &c, ^10."
..." Also, whereas Domingo Roca, of Alicant, in Spain, gent., did formerly buy a certain
number of mules in Spain by my order, but for the publick use, my will is that if the govern-
ment shall not pay and satisfy the said Domingo Roca for the said mules within two years
after my decease, then my executors hereinafter named shall pay the said Domingo Roca for
the said mules such sum as Sir John Norris the Admiral shall think reasonable, not exceeding
three hundred pounds of lawful money of Great Britain."
The will was proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury at London, the seventh day
of December, 1720, by the two accepting Trustees: The most Noble William, Duke of
Devonshire, and Richard Vaughan of Dorwith, in the county of Carmarthen, Esquire.
[Four of Lord Galway's god-children mentioned in his will I cannot trace, namely, (1.)
Henry Vignolles ; (2.) Henry Amproux; (3.) Henrietta Darasus; (4.) Henry Jordan. But
among the Baptisms registered in England and Ireland, I have found the following : —
1690. Henry Pynyot de la Largere."
1 69 1. Henrietta Maria De Stalleur Dequestebrune.
Henriette Nicolas.
1693. Henry de Poipaille de la Rousseliere.
1699. Henry Grosvenor.
1708. Rachel Henrietta De Cosne.
1 712. Henry Charles Boileau de Castelnau.
1 7 13. Henriete Pope.
1 7 14. Henriette De Cosne.
Henriette Migel.
1716. Judith Henriette Mocquot de Creauten.
1717. Ruvigny De Cosne.]
412
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
(£ k n p t £ v £ D.
LORD GALWAY'S REFUGEE RELATIVES.
L Le Sieur de la Caillemotte.
PIERRE DE Ma.SSUE DE RuviGNY, second son of the Marquis de Ruvigny, was born
in Paris on the 4th of January 1653. As was usual among younger sons of the
noblesse, he assumed one of the family titles, and was styled Sieur de la Caillemotte,
or Monsieur Caillemotte (which the English transformed into Calimote).
He entered the French army, and was a protege of old Marshal Schomberg,
under whom he served in Catalonia and Flanders. On the establishment of peace
in 1679 he received a pension of 3000 livres.
Of the date of his leaving France I can find no reliable information. In 1685,
when his parents and his elder brother came to England, he did not accompany
them. But in the Memoirs of Du Bosc he seems to have been known by name and
by character to the refugees in Holland, and to have been loved and admired by
them. He was an officer of infantry, and was in the year 1688 eligible for the rank
of Colonel. He first appears in British annals as Colonel of one of the infantry
regiments of French refugees. In that capacity he served under Schomberg in
Ireland, and also under His Majesty. He did good service in 1689, and helped to
soothe the weariness and impatience of the officers and troops by his cheerfulness
and pleasantry.
We find him in the spring of 1690, engaged in the blockade of Charlcmont.
" On the 8th of March he possessed himself of a small village within less than two
miles of the fort, from which the enemy attempted to dislodge him, but retired on
the loss of three or four men. Four nights afterwards he marched out with twenty
officers and eighty soldiers, to cut down the wooden bridge at Charlemont, and thus
prevent the garrison from making nightly excursions. He landed his men from
three boats within a mile of the place, and though he was discovered at a distance,
he marched to the bridge and set fire to it, taking a redoubt at the end of it, and
another near the gate leading to Armagh." This strong town surrendered to
Schomberg on the 15th May.
La Caillemotte's memory is chiefly associated with the Battle of the Boyne.
In the midst of the river, when he was at the head of his regiment, and in com-
mand of the Huguenot brigade of foot, resisting the Irish cavalry, he was shot
through the thigh. As he was carried off by four soldiers, he encouraged his men
to advance, by calling out cheerfully and undauntedly, "A la gloire, mes enfans, a la
gloire ! "
The first news that reached his friends in England was, " Monsieur Caillemotte
is wounded, but (it is hoped) not mortally." (Letter from the Hon. Mrs. Edward
Russell.) On the morning after the battle, Dumont de Bostaquet had an oppor-
tunity to inquire for him at his tent ; he found that he had fallen into a pleasant
slumber, and the surgeon spoke hopefully of his case. But too soon the wound
proved to be mortal. At his own request he was removed to Dublin ; and he died
there, aged thirty-seven.
To his widowed mother the following letter of condolence, written in French,
was addressed by Rachel, Lady Russell : —
" God hath smitten us, my dear madam, with a blow that to us appears harsh ; but God's
thoughts are not like man's, and we should believe that He takes no pleasure in torturing His
poor creatures. And what ! are we dreaming that God shall change His course in His
Providence for our pleasure? No — assuredly! We must bear up as best we can under all
kinds of events, living in hope that we shall one day see more clearly the reason of all His
dark dispensations which encounter us and pierce us to the quick.
" Madam, I do not censure your lively grief. You owe it to a son, to a man so brave and
so beloved, removed from this world.
" There is every possible variety of consolation in the manner of his death. In the retro-
spect of all his last occupations my soul realizes a strong hope that he was accepted, and that
his spirit is now reposing in the arms of that Saviour on whom he did repose with so much
faith. God grant, madam, that you and I may so discharge our obligations, that the casualties
which may happen to us may not turn us away from God's paths, but on the contrary may aid
us to pass peacefully the few days that remain to us before our entrance into the eternal
delights which He is preparing for us. Till that happy moment, I am, &c,
" R. Russell."
LORD GAL WATS REFUGEE RELATIVES.
413
II. La Marquise de Ruvigny.
Madame la Marquise de Ruvigny, in her widowhood, is separately memo-
rialised, because (as the reader will perceive) historical inquirers have thus a vein
opened up for further research. On the death of her aged husband in 1689, her
younger son was with his regiment in Ireland. Her grief at his death, in the prime
of life and at the height of promise, is alluded to in Lady Russell's letter. And
Dumont de Bostaquet says, as to the royal gift of the colonelcy of ScJiomberg s
Horse to her eldest son, that " she was little elated by the gift of such a magnificent
regiment, seeing in it nothing but the exposure of her dear and only surviving son
to the perils of that Irish war, which had deprived her of La Caillemotte."
Greenwich was her place of abode up to this date. Mr. Baynes says, " The
Dowager Marchioness De Ruvigny had a residence at Blackheath."
From the Earl of Galway's will, it appears that she made her will on 14th May
1698, but where the will was deposited I cannot ascertain. The date of her death
is not preserved, but it probably was May 1698, or soon after, as may be inferred
from the following communication to our ambassador in Paris, the Earl of Man-
chester : —
" Whitehall, July 17, 1699. ... I am likewise to put into your Lordship's hands
a petition of my Lady Russell concerning her pretensions to the estate of the late Marquis De
Ruvigny, her uncle — the memorial of Sir William Douglas — the petition of Monsieur Le Bas,
Mareshal of the Ceremonies, and the case of Mrs Mary Cardins, who all pray to be restored
to their estates in France as is more fully contained in the papers herewith delivered to your
Lordship." (Signed) "Jersey."
Louis XIV. met such petitions by alleging that to repossess the memorialists
was to dispossess the present occupiers, thus disobliging as many persons as would
be obliged. This apology did not in honesty apply to the Ruvigny estate, as it was
not given away until 31st March 171 1, at which date the king gave to Cardinal de
Pclignac " la confiscation des biens de Monsieur de Ruvigny, qui s'appelle en Angle-
terre Milord Galway."
III. Colonel Ruvigny De Cosne.
Pierre Tallemant, banker in Paris, was by his second wife the father of Marie,
Marquise De Ruvigny. But he had a daughter by Elizabeth Bidault, his first wife,
who was named Elizabeth, and was married to Francois Le Venier, Sieur de La
Grossetiere. In honour of this brother-in-law, the Marquis De Ruvigny named his
third son Francois. This child (according to Haag) was presented for baptism by
Francois Le Venier and Marie Tallemant, 6th Feb. 1656, and died before the Revo-
cation. The Ruvigny and Le Venier families thus appear to have been intimate.
Aimee Le Venier de la Grossetiere, probably a niece of the Marchioness, was
married to Pierre De Cosne, a refugee gentleman in Southampton, a native of La
Beauce, Province of Orleans. 1
The family of Cosne, originally from Dauphiny, had been settled in La Beauce
since the fifteenth century. The first on record is Pasquier de Cosne, Seigneur de
Houssay et de Chavernay. He left two sons, of whom Charles (the younger)
founded the branch of Cosne-Houssay. The elder son, Jean, was the head of the
Cosne-Chavernay branch, and his great-grandson, Jacques, Sieur de Chavernay, was
gentleman of the bedchamber to Henri IV. Jacques' representative was his son
Daniel de Cosne, Sieur de Chavernay, whose first marriage was solemnised in 1636,
and whose second wife was Susanne Des Radretz ; by the latter he had seventeen
children.
The name of Pierre is found in both branches of the house of Cosne, but most
frequently in the Chavernay branch. Captain De Cosne Chavernay came over with
William of Orange, and commanded a company of gentlemen volunteers ; he was
Lieutenant-Colonel of Belcastel's regiment at the taking of Athlone in 1691. I have
no proof that Pierre De Cosne was a brother of that officer ; but there is room for
the two in the family of seventeen already mentioned. And if anything can be
inferred from the probability of relations choosing the same town as a residence, it
1 It is a probable conjecture that she was his second wife ; for there was a Teter De Cosne, probably the
offspring of a previous marriage. This Peter De Cosne married, 1st, Louisa Aimee de la Maugae, ami 2ndly,
Ann Boirousseau. He administered to the estate of his first wife on 3rd September 1720, and to his second
wife's estate on 22nd August 1744.
414
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
ma)' be in point to note that Madame Lucrece Chavernay lived in Southampton (as
appears from Lord Galway's will).
When Lord Galway settled in Hampshire, he renewed his intimacy with the Le
Venier family, as represented by Madame De Cosne. He and Lady Russell were
frequently sponsors to Monsieur De Cosne's children, from 1708 to 17 17, either per-
sonally or by proxy.
On the 8th September 1717, the infant Ruvigny De Cosne was registered, amidst
evident enthusiasm, in the Register of Baptisms of Maison Dieu, Southampton, the
parents being overjoyed at being permitted, or requested, by the veteran earl to give
their son the illustrious name of Ruvigny. In this entry " Monsieur Pierre De
Cosne, gentilhomme de La Beauce" becomes "Messire Pierre De Cosne, Chevalier de
la Province d'Orleans."
On 8th January 17 1 8, a refugee lady died at Southampton, who may be called a
kinswoman both of Lord Galway and of the De Cosnes ; this lady was Madame de
Beraut de la Maugere (ne'e Louise de Challange), who had twice been left a widow,
her first husband having been Messire Simeon Le Venier, chevalier, Seigneur de la
Grossetiere.
Madame De Cosne died on 26th July 1720, less than six weeks before Lord
Galway, her son, Ruvigny, being only three years of age.
The Earl of Galway, dying in September 1720, left "To Monsieur Peter De
Cosne of Southampton, £500 — to his eldest son, Charles, £1000 — to his daughter,
Henrietta, £1500 — and to his youngest son, Ruvigny, ^2000." [Charles' and
Henrietta's legacies passed to their father on their respective deaths, the former in
1729 and the latter in 1726.] ;
Ruvigny De Cosne, having means to purchase a commission in the army, seems to
have listened readily to the martial suggestions of the refugee officers and their descend-
ants in Southampton, especially of the Du Roures. I have not ascertained the date
of his entering the British service, and do not meet with him again until he was
twenty-six years of age, namely, in 1743. At the Battle of Dettingen, he fought as
an ensign in Colonel Scipio Duroure's regiment. After the victory he was promoted
to the rank of lieutenant ; in recording this, the Gentleman's Magazine called him
Rovigny Decon. He exchanged into the Coldstream Guards, and at an unknown
date (certainly not many years after) he was lieutenant in the Guards, with the rank
of Captain in the army. On 30th September 1748, as a "son and only child," he
performed the melancholy duty of proving the will of his deceased father. In
March 1749, his Colonel, William Anne, Earl of Albemarle, was appointed Ambas-
sador to the Court of France, with Mr. Joseph Yorke as Secretary to the Embassy.
The latter appointment becoming vacant, the Ambassador remembered, as an officer
of his regiment, his young friend, Captain de Cosne. The sons of French refugee
gentlemen were of remarkably polished manners, and also spoke the French language
with ease. These circumstances led to their being frequently selected as attaches to
foreign legations ; and such considerations probably had their influence in the
case before us. Accordingly, we find the following entry in the Gazette: — " 1 7 5 1 ,
September 17. The king was pleased to appoint Ruvigny de Cosne, Esq., to be
Secretary to His Majesty's Extraordinary Embassy to the Most Christian King."
Lord Albemarle died suddenly in his carriage, when taking a drive in Paris, on
the 22d December 1754. De Cosne'had the honour of conveying the French king's
present to the new Earl, namely, the king's picture set in diamonds — a present
intended to show his personal esteem for the deceased ambassador. In 1755 the
Peace between Great Britain and France ended in an open rupture, so that France
recalled her ambassador, and England sent no successor to Lord Albemarle. The
Court of Madrid remained neutral, and De Cosne was transferred to that embassy.
We infer this incident in his biography from the following announcement in the last
year of George II.: — " 1760, April 22. His Majesty was pleased to appoint Ralph
Woodford, Esq., to be Secretary to the Extraordinary Embassy to the Catholic King
[Charles III. of Spain] in the room of Ruvigny De Cosne, Esq."
Lieutenant-Colonel De Cosne (for he had become a Captain in the Guards and
Lieutenant-Colonel in the army, on the 14th November 1755) rejoined his regiment
on his return home. He was included in the brevet of 9th February 1762, and thus
became a full colonel in his forty-fifth year : in the following year he retired on half-
pay. Colonel Ruvigny De Cosne became a Director of the French Hospital on 3d
April 1754. The date of his death appears to have been 1775 (the fifty-eighth year of his
age). His will, dated 1st March 1766, was proved by Jcdidah Hervart, the surviving
residuary legatee, on 19th July 1775. His memory was affectionately preserved
by the grandchildren of Baron d'Hcrvart, Jcdidah (just named) desiring in her will
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL LE MARQUIS DE MIREMONT. 415
that she might be buried in Millbrook Church " in the same manner as my dear
relation Ruvigny De Cosne;" and her brother William leaving directions for his
interment in St. Michael's Church, Southampton, " near my dear friend, Ruvigny
De Cosne."
<Ihapt*r 13.
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL LE MARQUIS DE MIREMONT, MAJOR-GENERAL
LA MELONIERE, AND BRIGADIER PIERRE BELCASTEL.
I. Marquis de Miremont.
Armand DE BOURBON, Marquis de Miremont, was born on the 12th of July 1656'
at the Chateau de la Cate in Languedoc. He was a scion of the house of Bourbon-
Malauze — a branch of the great Bourbon family, founded before the Protestant
Reformation by Charles, batard de Bourbon, in the reign of Charles VIII.
Henri de Bourbon-Malauze, Vicomte de Lavedan (born 1544, died 161 1), was the
first conspicuous member of his family, a good and dashing officer, an enthusiastic
Huguenot, and a personal friend of King Henri of Navarre, who was the royal chief
of the legitimate Bourbons. He married Francoise de Saint-Exupery, daughter of
Guy Seigneur de Miremont. Miremont was a fortress in Auvergne, which the
Vicomte de Lavedan often gallantly defended against the royalist papists, and where
he died, aged sixty-seven.
His son was Henri de Bourbon, Marquis de Malauze, who for very many years
was eminent as a Huguenot military commander, but abjured, and died in 1647,
aged eighty. By his wife, Marie (or Madeleine) de Chalons, Dame de La Case, he
had one son and two daughters, who all stood firm to Protestantism. My readers
are specially introduced to the family of the son, Louis de Bourbon, Marquis de
Malauze [born 1607, died 1667), and of his second Marchioness. Henriette de Durfort,
daughter of Guy Aldonce, Marquis de Duras, by Elizabeth de La Tour dAuvergne.
Armand, Marquis de Miremont, was the second son of this family, which con-
sisted of three sons and two daughters, His elder brother, Guy Henri, third Marquis
de Malauze, abjured Protestantism in 1678 at Paris, and thus remained in France.
Similar, though involuntary, was the destiny of the younger sister, Henriette, who was
imprisoned in a convent, and, after a very long resistance, conformed to Romanism.
The other daughter, Mademoiselle Charlotte de Malauze, was a Protestant refugee
in England, where she died in 1732, aged seventy-four, and unmarried. The third
brother, Louis, Marquis de La Case, was an ensign in King William's Guards, and
was killed at the Battle of the Boyne.
The Marquis de Miremont left France without molestation. He was sick at
heart at the sight of the wrongs and cruelties inflicted on the Huguenots, and
abandoned his native country for a foreign shore: Besides British hospitality, we
must mention his relationship to the Earl of Feversham, as attracting him to Eng-
land. This nobleman was Louis de Durfort, Marquis de Blancquefort in France, and
a brother of Miremont's mother, being a younger son of Guy, Marquis de Durfort.
King Charles II. had made him Baron Duras in the English Peerage; and in 1677,
by a special destination, he had succeeded to the earldom of his father-in-law, Sir
George Sondes, Earl of Feversham. He had come over at the invitation of his
comrade in foreign wars, James, Duke of York ; and when his patron became King
James, he was given the command of his army to oppose the Duke of Monmouth's
invasion. The Prince of Orange, who was pleased at the high spirit with which his
royal father-in-law at first treated the French king, volunteered to take the command,
saying that Moiisicur Feversham, though a very brave and honest man, had no
amount of experience adequate to the greatness of the emergency. The event
proved this, although Monmouth's expedition failed through intestine disorders.
Dean Swift pronounces that Feversham was "a very dull old fellow." Burnet says :
"Both his brothers changing their religion, though he continued himself a Protestant,
made that his religion was not much trusted to. He was an honest, brave, and
good-natured man, but weak to a degree not easy to be conceived." Separating
private from public matters, we can understand that Miremont felt sure of a kind
reception from his Uncle Feversham.
4i 6
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
The Marquis de Miremont's pedigree was serviceable to him in all the fluctuations
of English party feeling. Feversham obtained for him the protection of King James,
and, at a later date, retained for him the smiles of Queen Anne during the closing
years of her life, when most of the French refugees were out of favour at Court. To
King William III. he was related through his maternal grandmother, La Marquise
de Duras, who was a daughter of Elizabeth, Duchesse de Bouillon, and grand-
daughter of William the First, of Orange.
Miremont was anxious to serve in the English army. Finding, however, that his
brother refugees were afraid to be mixed up with the plans of a Popish King, he
proposed to form them into a corps to go to Hungary, and fight under the Emperor
of Germany against the Turks. King James, anxious to get rid of Protestant
refugees, supported with all his influence this chivalrous project, which the rapid
march of domestic events soon extinguished.
J When King James's army was being mustered to check the advance of the Prince
of Orange, on " the third day of November the king gave order to the Lord Brandon,
the Marquiss de Miremont, Collonel Slingsby, Sir John Holman, and the Earl of
Salisbury, to raise each a Regiment of Horse." 1 This order was carried into effect
immediately with wonderful expedition.
It was on the ioth of December that the king resolved to fly. Thereupon the
Earl of Feversham, as commander-in-chief of the army, disbanded the 4000 men
that were with him, and wrote to the Prince of Orange that there would be no more
fighting, and virtually placed the whole army at his disposal. Oldmixon informs us
that the Marquis of Miremont got his regiment together five hours thereafter, and
told his officers that he thought it best to declare for the Prince of Orange. They
all joined with him ; whereupon he ordered all the Popish troopers to alight and
quit their arms and cloaks, which fifteen of them did.
On December 18th the Prince took possession of St. James's Palace, and on the
20th he put the army into quarters, De Miremont s Horse being sent to Aylesbury
and Wendover. 2 Miremont visited the Huguenot refugees in Switzerland to
encourage them in succouring the Waldenses against the Duke of Savoy, and also
in planning an irruption into their native provinces of Languedoc and Dauphiny.
He collected money for them and infused so much spirit into their preparations that
he had a share of the credit of causing the Duke of Savoy's desertion from the
French alliance.
To the celebrated St. Evremond we owe all the personal reminiscences of the
Marquis de Miremont. This writer of fragmentary philosophy was a political
refugee from France. He was a man of the world, and practically indifferent to
religion ; but he was no scoffer. He was hospitable to his refugee countrymen of
the Protestant faith, who were grateful for his kindness and sympathy. To them he
was an interesting relic of very old times, an ancient seigneur, Lord Galway's senior
by thirty-five years, and more than forty years older than Miremont. His conver-
sation was delightful ; in fact it was the only explicable cause of his brilliant
reputation, which his writings could never have procured for him. King William
was charmed by his society when in Holland, and renewed his friendship towards
him in England. His Majesty was in the habit of visiting the Marquis de Miremont
at his house in Brompton, and St. Evremond was, by royal command, very frequently
invited to meet the king. A letter from the philosopher to the Marquis portrays
some of Miremont's characteristics. It appears that he took a large share in conver-
sation, was an impatient listener, would interrupt a speaker with exclamations, and
would often make a rather bold statement, adding, " Take my word for it." Yet all
were delighted with his ardour and honesty. At the time when this letter was
written, he had gone to Flanders as Aide-de-camp to the king. It alludes to Lord
1 History of the Desertion (London, 1 689), page 42.
2 The army consisted of the following regiments : — Horse— Horse-Guards (3 troops), Royal Regiment,
Queen's Regiment, Earl of Peterborow's, Sir John Fenwick's, Lieutenant-General Werdens, Earl of Selkirk's,
late Hamilton's, Princess of Denmark's, Queen's Dowager's, Marquis de Miremont's, Lord Brandon's, Colonel
Henry Slingsby's, late Colonel Halman's, and Earl of Salisbury's.
Dragoons — Royal Regiment, Queen's Regiment, Princess' Regiment.
Foot — 1st Regiment of Guards, Coldstream Regiment, Royal Regiment, Queen Dowager's, Prince
George's, Holland Regiment, Queen's, Royal Regiment of Fusiliers, Princess of Denmark's, late Colonel
Nicholas's, Earl of Bath's, late Karl of Litchfield's, Earl of Huntington's, late Sir Edward Hales's, Colonel
Tufton's, Colonel John Hales's, Colonel MacElligot's, Colonel Richard's, late Colonel Gage's, Duke of
Newcastle's, Colonel Skelton's, Colonel Archibald Douglas's.
SCOT! 11 Forces — 1st, Troop of Horse-Guards; 2d, Regiment of Horse; 3d, Regiment of Foot-Guards;
4th, lal,- ( 'uloncl Wachop's ; 5th, late Colonel Bochan's ; 6th, Earl of Dunmore's Dragoons.
Irish Forces — Lord Forbes's, Colonel Hamilton's, Colonel Butler's Dragoons.
" If all this army could not, or would not, maintain James II. in his irregular way of government, what
Forces will be requisite to restore him against the Three Estates and the body of the nation? " — History of the
De erlion, p. 1 10.
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL LE MARQUIS DE M1REM0NT. 417
Galway's impressions of Ireland as a place of abode, and, therefore, was written
probably in March or April 1692. I have attempted to translate it.
" My Lord, — An author is allowed to speak sententiously ; so here is an aphorism from
which you will not dissent, ' On ne connoit bien le prix des choses, qu J apres les avoir perdues.' I
speak from experience, from what I have lost in yourself. Since you left us, conversation
languishes, disputation is dead, the combatants are in confusion. Neither rank nor merit
receive distinction.
" People still to church can go,
Where grave solid preachers speak,
And the way to heaven show,
In the Savoy or Les Grecs. 1
But a religion brilliant,
Brisk, animated, disputant,
Beating ratiocinations,
Off hath sailed from habitations.
" One misses not only familiar objects, but also familiar words. We miss that ' fie ! fie !'
so appropriately shutting up an antagonist ; we miss that ' bon ! bon !' which adroitly diverted
us from what it was not desirable to hear. Then there was that expression, ' fiez-vous a moi '
— that noble confidence which inspired listeners, and made it impossible to doubt bold pro-
positions, which you generously advanced. We lose all such in losing you, and we hardly
cherish the hope of again seeing them in use on your return.
" Through your example I was passing the time easily with things superfluous and often
with things convenient. Your departure removes the example, and consigns me to my philo-
sophy only, which does not suffice. A day will come when you will learn to make a good use
of abundance ; and you will change our suppers of new-laid eggs for lobsters and other
recipes of your officers.
" Madame Mazarin would be inconsolable for your absence, were it not that her absence is
so well made up to you. She thinks you happy to be near a king who has delicacy of taste
for recreations, and the vigour of the virtues for great affairs.
" What an advantageous thing,
Miremont, to be near a king,
Who to renown from pleasure goes,
Who reposes like a sage,
And the exploits of heroes does,
To be embalm'd through every age.
May he (true patriots to please)
Rejoice in constant victory ;
And as now he for turmoil to ease says good-bye,
May he soon change triumphantly turmoil for ease.
" My Lord Galway does not content himself with his wish to tamper with your august
house. His corruption has extended to Madame Mazarin and myself — in the shape of usque-
baugh for Madame, and of Irish frieze for me. One may be constant without being uncivil.
We have accepted the presents, but have held firmly by our integrity. And however strong
the temptations presented to us by my Lord Galway expatiating on the attractions of Dublin,
the plentiful crops, and the excellence of the fish, we shall not set the refugees the example of
settling in that kingdom.
" Adieu, my Lord ! I have been trying to enliven serious truths. Nothing can be so true
as my regret for your absence, and my desire to see you again.
" Saint-Evremond."
At the close of the war Miremont was promoted to be a Brigadier. In honour of
the occasion, St. Evremond penned some rhymes, which I need not translate. The
following is their " argument." " The campaign is over — but why does he not re-
turn, that we may see each other, and sip our tea together ? He stays by the King's
command. He is revered as a General. He is styled His Excellency. But he might
picture the levee of friends at home wbo are inconsolable without him. Let him
take leave of the magistrates and burgesses of Ghent on New Year's day at the
latest."
In the beginning of 1699 the French refugee regiments were disbanded. One of
these was the Marquis of Miremont's dragoons, which English scribes sometimes
designated Mermoris regiment. Soon after the accession of Queen Anne, the Marquis
was made a Major-General. A pension of ^500 a-year was granted to him on the
Irish establishment.
On the eve of the declaration of the European war in 1702, the French Pro-
testants of the South rose against their persecutors. This civil war raged throughout
Languedoc ; the chain of mountains in that province, named The Cevennes, was the
1 Two of the London French Protestant Chapels.
L 3 G
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
home and the battle-ground of the Protestant combatants, who, as mountaineers,
were known as the Cevenols, and as warriors were nicknamed the Camisards. Deter-
mined to be rid both of the Inquisition and of the Dragoons, they did wonders under
Roland and Cavalier (of the personal history and achievements of the latter I shall
give a separate memoir). The Marquis de Miremont's enthusiasm was again aroused,
and his Queen and the government gave him encouragement, and substantial aid to
the amount of £15,000. He issued appeals to his brother refugees in England and
Ireland, and entered into negotiations with the States-General of Holland. The
Dutch were to send their contingent under the command of Belcastel. From
Cavalier's book on the War in the Cevennes, we learn that in the beginning of 1703,
Miremont communicated with Roland, who brought his letter to Cavalier. The
substance of this letter was : — " The Queen being informed of your deplorable
condition is resolved to send you some succours, and I myself will come to help you ;
and desire you in the meantime to behave with prudence." Cavalier adds, " We sent
him an answer with an account of the present state of our affairs, and in a short time
after we received a second letter, which confirmed what he had written to us before.
Afterwards he sent us an express, called Flotar, to know what measures he could
take to come and succour us ; having conferred together, we sent back the express
with all the necessary instructions we could give him ; he arrived safe in England,
and gave the Queen an exact account of his journey, and we were assured by a third
letter of speedy relief." 1
As to the year 1703, we are informed by the annals, that of all the persons sent
either by England or Holland, only Mr. David Flotard, the Marquis de Miremont's
messenger, penetrated into and returned from the Cevennes. He staid six whole
days with the Cevenols — formally met the chief officers in a council, delivered Mire-
mont's message, and instructed them as to the signals which the British fleet would
make, and how to answer them by other signals. Three French refugees accom-
panied Admiral Shovel's fleet, and witnessed by their presence and signatures all the
projects for aiding the Cevenols — namely, Messieurs Charles Portales, Paul la Billiere,
and S. Tempie.
On receiving Miremont's letters the Camisards resolved to stand on the defensive.
But as the promised succour never came, this resolution did them harm.
" The third letter," says Cavalier, " proved very prejudicial to us afterwards ; for it was
then that we were beginning to get the better over our enemies, and our remissness gave them
time to take measures to stop our progress ; the Court of France learned the secret, and
stopped the communications. I do not pretend to blame Monsieur Miremont's slowness, for
I believe it was not his fault. Being inexperienced in such affairs, he was under the necessity
of taking advice. And all his projects were as well known in the Court of France as m
England, and this through some persons whom he had chosen for his counsellors. This is
what is incident to princes who communicate their secrets to several persons. All our hopes
of the fair promises the Marquis made us for the Queen vanished after delay of eighteen
months ; I believe it was not his fault, as I said before ; for had he been able to fly with ten
thousand men to the place we were in, I am sure he would have given no quarter to his
relation's [His Bourbon Majesty's] troops."
It was found impracticable to send succours to the Cevennes either by Holland
and thence by land, or by landing troops on the coast of France. The Camisards
blamed the calculating hesitation of the English, and the proverbial slowness of
Dutch military counsels, and the winds, storms, clouds, and mists on the coasts, and
in such remarks there was truth, more or less. As we candidly report this, it is only
fair that we should also mention that some blame was considered due to the refugee
warriors who had enlisted. The Right Hon. Richard Hill observed, " One Camisard
in the Cevennes is worth a hundred of them out of France" (p. 491); "there is a
great difference between the zeal of a Camisard in the coffee-houses of London and
on the frontiers of Languedoc" (p. 386). The Marquis De Miremont was, therefore,
destined to take his men to Piedmont, and there, under the orders of the Duke of
Savoy, to watch his opportunity. Belcastel was to raise recruits in Switzerland, and
thence to join the same Duke.
Miremont was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-General. Mr. Tucker wrote
to Mr. Hill from London, 25th July 1704, "The Marquis De Miremont is like to
have a commission to raise some Vaudois for you, wherewith he is not a little pleased,
as you will easily believe." The following appeared in the News-Letter of the 28th : 2
— " Her Majesty has been pleased to sign a commission appointing the Marquis De
Miremont Lieutenant-General of her Armies, and Commander-in-chief of her Forces,
1 Cavalier's "Memoirs of the Wars of the Cevennes," second edition, page 172.
3 Kemble's State Papers, p. 422.
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL LE MARQUIS DE MIREMONT. 419
to be employed in Piedmont and the parts adjacent ; the said forces are to consist of
French refugees."
Under date 4th August 1704, Luttrell records, " Four hundred French refugees,
enlisted by the Marquis De Miremont, appeared in St. James : Park, being all brisk
young men, and were reviewed by her Majesty." The Royal countenance did good,
for by the month of September the number amounted to fifteen hundred. After
this, Miremont was in Holland, raising men and forming projects. It appears that,
in May 1705, he was ready to take the route for Piedmont, but if he went there he
did not remain, as he returned to England in September 1705.
In the Marlborough Despatches there is a letter from the Duke to the Marquis
De Miremont, dated from the " Camp of Herenthals, 29th Sept. 1705," " acknowledg-
ing his letter of the 10th inst., as the first after a long interval, which circumstance
proves the Marquis to be dissatisfied with him, which he would not have been, if he
knew all the truth and the many difficulties which the Duke's successful solicitations
with the States had cost him."
St. Simon makes the following allusion to the long conflict in the South of
France : —
" The fanatics of Laguedoc and of Cevennes gave occupation to the troops, who cut up
some of their squadrons from time to time, but without hurting them much in the main. Some
Hollanders were surprised in the act of conveying to them both money and weapons with great
promises of succour. Geneva also sustained them to the utmost of its power in a secret manner,
and supplied them with preachers. What was most annoying was their correspondence with the
population. Rochegude, a gentleman with an estate of from ten to twelve thousand livres per
annum, was arrested, informed against by a Dutch officer, who was taken, and who, to save
his own life, betrayed him, and promised to reveal many other things. It was to Rochegude
that he and his comrades had received orders to apply, when in want of money, arms, or pro-
visions. Besides, there were many other distinguished persons in those provinces who were
among the most forward in the revolt, and who had been altogether unsuspected." (Vol. vii.,
p. 167, edit. 1853.)
The Lord of Rochegude here spoken of was not the illustrious refugee, Le
Marquis de Rochegude, but a relative who, by conforming to Romanism, had ob-
tained a gift of the forfeited estate. That he was not a convert is evident. It is to
the Marquis, however, that we must now turn. He devoted himself to obtain the
release of Protestant martyrs from the galleys of France, and obtained hearty help
from Miremont.
Jacques de Barjac, 1 Marquis de Rochegude, was the eldest son of Jean (or Charles)
Barjac, Seigneur de Rochegude. His mother was Francoise d Agoult, daughter of
Hector, Lord of Montmaur and Bonneval, by Uranie de Calignon. His father died
at Vevay in Switzerland, where he had been a refugee for only a few months. His
two sisters were immured in a convent, from which they escaped to Switzerland after
fourteen years' detention. For the same period he and his younger brother were
under the tutelage of the Jesuits. He also suffered imprisonment, but was at length
released and joined the rest of the family. He was soon the only surviving son of a
widowed mother, who had made an earlier escape from proselytizing tormentors, but
not early enough to find her husband in life. On reaching Switzerland, the Marquis
de Rochegude was immediately employed as a negotiator with foreign governments
on behalf of the refugees in the cantons. At a later period he took up the case of
the galley slaves.
One of his letters, in defence of the moral principles of the sufferers, alludes to his
own life, and I therefore quote it here, although it is his last paper in order of time,
being dated March 171 3 : —
" I should think myself wanting in due respect to the Potentates who have charged me
with letters to the Queen in favour of the Confessors in the French Prisons and Galleys, if I
should not make it appear that it is with injustice some people endeavour to brand as
criminals and villains those very persons whom the Potentates are pleased to call their
brethren, good and commendable Christians, and Confessors of the Faith.
" Every one knows that the violent persecutions against the Protestants of France has been
attended with banishments, imprisonments, confinement on board of the galleys, tortures, and
the most exquisite torments that were ever invented. Is there any occasion for proofs ? About
two hundred thousand witnesses, both without and within the kingdom of France, testify this
truth. Let anybody enquire why the Protestant refugees left their country, their estates, their
employments, and their relations? It was on no other score but to avoid persecutions, ami
obey God who commands us when we are persecuted in one place to fly to another. This is the
1 This corrected account of the antecedents of the Marquis de Rochegude is chiefly obtained from I hug
(Articles Barjac and Montmaur, and Errata of volume 1st, given in volume yth, page $02.)
420
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
crime of the confessors in question. Some of them were arrested as fugitives, others for having
been in religious assemblies to pray to God in their own way, some for having been in the city
of Orange to hear Protestant sermons, others for having served as guides to those who went
out of the kingdom, all (in short) upon no other account but their religion, as may be seen by
the general List. This truth is still more conspicuous by their perseverance in their sufferings
for about twenty-five years past, in dungeons and on the galleys, rather than abjure their
religion ; though they have been constantly solicited to it, with promises not only of their
liberty, but also of pensions and honours, and the king's powerful protection. Does any
government offer such great advantages to profligate villains?
" But here is the height of injustice ! As their persecutors find it impossible to corrupt
their faith or shake their firmness, either by promises or by torments, they and their emissaries
endeavour to sully their good name by representing them as criminals, who disobeyed the
king's orders enjoining all his subjects to go to mass. At this rate there are abundance of
criminals. I myself am one whom the king caused for some years to lie a close prisoner in
gaols and dungeons, 1 and whom he, at last, set at full liberty, of his own motion, or rather by
a superior order of the King of kings, who holds in his hands the hearts of kings, and inclines
them as he pleases. He did not grant the same favour to many others.
*****
" Here is the disobedience — the not going, or not suffering one's children to go to Mass,
the not permitting a priest either to baptize or instruct them ; in short, the endeavouring to
serve God according to the dictates of one's conscience. These are thought sufficient crimes
to confine men either in prison or the galleys. Formerly this was accounted only stubbornness
and obstinacy : now, it is downright rebellion, open revolt, and high treason. However, this
was the crime of the primitive Christians, and of our Saviour himself, who was accused of being
against the king, the laws, and the State ; happy conformity. This is also the crime of this
people of the Cevennes, that are condemned to the galleys. It is well known that they took
up arms (wherein they were approved, encouraged, and supported) only to avoid being forced
to go to Mass. . . ." (Signed) " Rochegude."
The martyrs had been sentenced to the galleys, both for the crime of " making
profession of the pretended reformed religion," and also in accordance with the
Royal Declaration, dated 31st May 1685, "commuting the penalty of death into
that of perpetual confinement, with hard labour in the galleys at Marseilles for the
offence of going forth from the realm, and entering into any foreign service, or
settling in any foreign country, without the king's permission." It had been hoped
that the French government would have set them at liberty on the submission of
Cavalier. But this hope having proved delusive, the Evangelic French Cantons of
Switzerland agreed to give the Marquis de Rochegude the style and credentials of
their Envoy to the King of Sweden and the other Protestant courts; this was in 1707.
Two of this king's replies were published, the first being addressed " To the Protestant
Cantons of Switzerland." The other was "To the King of Prussia;" — and the fol-
lowing is an extract from it : —
"We, Charles. Before we had received the letters, wherein your Majesty recommends to
us the affair of the Marquis de Rochegude, he himself was arrived in our camp, and had given
us a very particular account of the deplorable condition of his countrymen, who have been
condemned to the galleys, and confined there so many years, for the sake of religion. Touched
with a sense of their wretchedness, and at the prayer of the laudable cantons of Switzerland,
we have ordered our Envoy at Paris to represent to the King of France how much we should
be obliged to him for the enlargement and deliverance of those poor captives, whose only
crime is that they have different sentiments of worship from those of the Church of Rome ;
and that we are persuaded he is too good and just, were he but thoroughly informed of their
case, to suffer so many of his subjects, who are otherwise faithful to him, to groan under so
undeserved and cruel afflictions. . . . Charles.
" Alt Ranstat,
Dec. 9, 1707." "C. Piper."
The Duke of Marlborough wrote to Rochegude on the 16th January 1708,
congratulating him on his success with the King of Sweden, and gave him a letter
of introduction to the English court. The letter was dated from " Hague, 6th May
1708," and addressed to the Prince of Denmark (consort of Queen Anne). It
begins thus : — " Sir, The Marquis de Rochegude, who has been with the king of
Sweden, to desire his intercession with the Court of France for the release of the
Protestants out of the galleys, being desirous of giving the Queen and your Royal
Highness a particular account of his negotiations on the subject, I would not omit
paying my duty by him."
Viewed with reference to the prospects of success, Rochcgude's object was three-
1 Vox some account of Rochegude's imprisonment and prisons, see Laval's " History of the Reformed
Church of France," Appendix, p. 52.
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL LE MARQUIS DE MI RE MO NT. 421
fold : first, the liberation from the galleys of the victims of Revocation times ;
secondly, the identification of the insurgent Camisards with the sufferers under the
previous persecution ; and thirdly, the re-establishment of toleration, that Protestant
worship might cease to be treasonable or illegal. He made a favourable impression
upon the court and government of England, and upon all with whom he had inter-
course. It seems certain that he derived much help from the Marquis de Miremont.
A memorial was presented to the Godolphin ministry, proving that the Sovereign of
England was entitled, by treaty, to insist on the perpetuity of the Edict of Nantes,
and of the other Edicts of toleration, both those on which it was framed, and those
by which it was confirmed. The satisfaction which Rochegude reaped from this visit
may be inferred from the royal letter of which, on his departure, he was the bearer to
the States-General of Holland : —
" High and Mighty Lords, our good Friends, Allies, and Confederates,
" Whereas we ought to be more careful in nothing (after the happy success wherewith it
has pleased God to bless our arms in this just war) than to improve that assistance to the
advancement of the honour of His Holy Name, by delivering those that are oppressed from
their sufferings, and by maintaining the cause of the Protestant religion, we did in the last
negotiations for peace give orders to our Ministers and Plenipotentiaries to endeavour, in our
name, to procure all the good and relief that was possible for the Protestants of France, that
when a general peace is established, they may not be left to groan under the calamities which
they have so long suffered in galleys, prisons, &c.
" And as it is fit that the Protestant Powers should concur to support the interests of the
said confessors, who are persecuted by reason of their adherence to our holy faith —
" We were willing to write to you on this subject, to acquaint you with our sentiments more
expressly, and earnestly recommend to you the affair of the French Protestants, who are over-
whelmed with all the calamities of an unjust and violent persecution. We persuade ourselves
that your zeal, faith, piety and compassion are so great, that you take to heart as much as
possible the oppressions of our Protestant brethren, having with pleasure seen the resolution
you delivered upon it to the Marquis of Rochegude, who brings you this letter.
" We doubt not but you will join your efforts with ours, when occasion offers, to act
effectually in favour of the French Protestants, that their persecution may be brought to an
end, and that they may enjoy all the advantages that can be obtained for them. . . .
"Given at our court of Windsor, 20th July, 1709, in the eighth year of our reign,
"Anne R."
" By Her Majesty's Command,
H. Boyle."
On the 8th of April of this year Lord Feversham died. He had no children ;
the estate which he had in right of his wife descended to the heirs of her only sister,
the Baroness Rockingham ; and his money and personal property to his nephew and
niece, the Marquis de Miremont and Mademoiselle de Bourbon, and to another
nephew, the Earl of Lifford. We observe nothing for two or three years concerning
the Marquis, except that he continued on the list of Lieutenant-Generals. His
friend, Rochegude, appears again before long.
France was all but exhausted by the long war, and all the refugees thought that
the allies would extort many concessions from her government, not only for territorial
and political aggrandizement, but also in behalf of persecuted Protestants. But the
advent of Harley and Bolingbroke to power in Britain changed the attitude of our
government, so that instead of dictating the terms of peace, we as very humble
servants of the French monarch gave the carte blanche to him. Astonished French-
men exclaimed, " Les Miracles de Londres ! " The Marquis de Rochegude in great
agitation hastened to London, and was graciously received at Windsor. He pre-
sented a memorial to our government, dated, "Windsor, 6th September 171 1," urging
that an article in favour of the French Protestants who are in the galleys, prisons,
convents, or other places of confinement, should be inserted in the preliminaries of
the negotiations for peace, such being a matter rather of humanity than of religion.
The Memorial was written in a fervid style, and asked, " Is it possible that there
should not be one article in favour of the church so severely oppressed and persecuted
in France? — an article which ought to be the preliminary of the preliminaries!"
He suggested that the 4th Article of the Peace of Ryswick, regarding the Protestants
of Germany, might be adopted and extended so as to embrace Protestants every-
where, the effect of which would be to recognise all Protestants of all nations as one
corporate body. " A more particular care," he added, " ought to be had of those
who, for so long a time past suffer under oppression — not daring to own the true
religion without exposing themselves to the galleys or gibbets. And this shews the
necessity of re-establishing the Protestant religion in France, otherwise the galleys
422
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
will ever be rilled with Protestants, under pretence of their trespassing against the
king's orders, enjoining all his subjects to go to Mass."
About the month of June 1712, the refugees memorialized Queen Anne to assert
herself to be the guarantee of the French Edicts in their favour, as had been done by
James I., Charles I., and William III., the two former having had their right of inter-
vention recognized by the French kings. The memorial was so favourably received,
that the Queen was graciously pleased to name and appoint the Marquis de Mire-
mont to be a Commissioner at the Congress at Utrecht, " to act in concert with all
the Plenipotentiaries of the Protestant Princes without exception, that they all may
together consider of expedients to give satisfaction to the Protestants of France in
the matter of religion, with all the most appropriate methods of relief, it being the
Queen's most ardent desire that this re-establishment should be made, than which
she has nothing more at heart." This commission was dated the 9th of June 17 12.
One of the odious galleys happened to be at Dunkirk, and the treatment of its
martyr crew contributed to call renewed attention to the case of all the captives.
At the peace, Dunkirk was to be dismantled, and handed over to the Dutch ; but
during the negotiations it was to be held by the English. In July 17 12 the French
garrison marched out, and Brigadier John Hill took possession with several English
regiments, and a battalion of Scotch Guards. The French, however, retained the
civil government, guarded the churchyards against Protestant burials, kept the har-
bour with their ships and galleys, and with two or three battalions of their marines
— privateers having free egress and ingress, provided they did not bring English
prizes. There were eighteen or nineteen martyrs in the convict galley, who naturally
expected to be set at liberty under the jurisdiction of Great Britain. But Jack Hill
told them that he had no orders concerning them. By his advice they sent a memo-
rial to the British Secretary of State. 1 This was reported to the French court, and
they were forthwith loaded with chains, and marched off by land to Marseilles.
They contrived to forward a second petition to London ; but the only immediate
effect was the liberation of one of them, on the ground that he was a native of Jersey,
and that his release was openly pressed for by the Bishop of London.
Another affecting note of recal to the " inexpressible miseries of the Poor Re-
formed Protestants in France," was a letter to Queen Anne from the King of Prussia,
" signed by order of the King on his death-bed," urging her to defy all difficulties
" at a time" when " she who bears the glorious title of Defender of the Faith, has rea-
son to expect so much from the deference of the Most Christian King." This letter
was signed on the 21st of February 17 1 3, and the king died four days afterwards.
The Marquis de Miremont held frequent consultations with the Protestant Pleni-
potentiaries — but all that could be done was, before the signing of the several treaties
with France, to place a memorial in the hands of the Plenipotentiaries of France,
desiring them earnestly " to be pleased to make such representations to the king
their master, as that all the French Protestants may have the relief granted them
which they have so long sighed for, and that they may be established in their rights
and privileges in the matter of religion, and so enjoy entire liberty of conscience, —
and those of them who are in prisons and galleys, or otherwise confined, may be set
at liberty, so that those distressed people may have a share in the peace which
Europe, in all appearance, is going to enjoy." This memorial was delivered on the
nth of April 1713.
The French court felt that some mark of gratitude was due to Queen Anne for
her persistent quarrel with Marlborough, and for her personal encouragement of
Bolingbroke in his Bourbon Jacobite counsels. The memorial was therefore acknow-
ledged, by giving hopes that those Protestants in the galleys, whose imprisonment
was of older date than the Camisard revolt, would be released, on the ground of her
Majesty's intercession on their behalf. As this was, at the best, a most inadequate
reply to the memorial, Miremont, on the 26th of May following, lodged a protest,
which the magistracy of Utrecht engrossed thus : —
" The Declaration in favour of the Reformed Churches of France, delivered to the vener-
able magistracy of the town of Utrecht by the most high and mighty lord, Armand de Bourbon,
Marquis de Miremont, &c, empowered by a commission from Her Britannic Majesty (dated
9th June 1712) to negotiate what concerns the Reformed Religion in Prance, and to take care
of the interests thereof, at the Congress of Utrecht,
1 This was the official intelligence, published and believed in London. But Marteilhe's account is that Jack
Hill promised to write to Queen Anne, and advised the martyrs to wait quietly for a fortnight. During this
time, however, he gave secret permission to the French commandant to convey them to Calais, concealed in the
hold of a bark, which would not have got out of Dunkirk harbour, but for this written pass : — " Allow this boat,
which is going to fish for my household, to have the harbour.— J. Hill." [Hill was the brother of Lady
Masham, and therefore a prominent ally of the French party in England.!
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL LE MARQUIS DE MIREMONT. 423
" Forasmuch as nothing in this world ought to be more dear than the liberty of serving
God according to the dictates of our consciences and the prescription of His word, therefore
the Protestants of the Reformed Churches of France never wished for anything with greater
ardour than the enjoyment of that sweet liberty, which has been ravished from them for above
twenty-seven years, by the artifice of their enemies, who found means to obtain from the king,
in October 1685, the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.
"We could have hoped that his Majesty would have been pleased to entertain more
moderate thoughts in regard to us, and would, by reinstating us in our ancient privileges, have
caused us to feel in our consciences (the seat of the strongest sensations) the sweetness of the
so much desired Peace, which his Majesty is now making with the other Princes and Potentates
of Europe. But how just soever these hopes were, we have the unhappiness to see them frus-
trated. Again, therefore, we most humbly supplicate his Majesty to commiserate the great
number of families which, from his justice and royal clemency, solicit the most precious favour
they ever can receive on earth. We most humbly supplicate his Majesty, even by the bowels
of the Divine mercy, to put us in the same condition as we and our fathers were through the
whole extent of his kingdom, that we may there, without molestation, exercise our religion,
and give evidence to his Majesty of the strictest fidelity and the sincerest zeal.
" We supplicate his Majesty, with ardour and all imaginable respect, to permit us now
humbly to protest, that we will never quit either the desire or the hope of obtaining from the
equity and bounty of his Majesty, the re-establishment of all the grants for the exercise of our
religion, which have been made to us by the kings, his glorious predecessors, and by his Majesty
himself, — that those hopes and pretensions, so just and well-grounded, we shall never let go,
and shall neither do such injustice to our consciences and to posterity, as to depart from rights
confirmed by so many solemn declarations. And as in time past we have presented the
necessary petitions and memorials, so with the profoundest possible respect we here solemnly
protest to his Majesty, as before God, that any omissions relating to us and to our lawful
interests, which have hitherto been made, or may be made use of in the future, ought not ever
to be deemed an abandoning of our just demands, and ought not to prejudice in any manner
the goodness of our cause and validity of our right, which shall always continue sacred with us.
" No Potentate having undertaken in this Congress the office of a Mediator, we the under-
written do, according to what is practised on such occasions, require the venerable Magistracy
of the town of Utrecht to receive the Declaration above written, that it may serve for an
Evidence. — Utrecht, May 26, 17 13. " Armand de Bourbon, m. d. Miremont."
" We the Burgo-masters and Councillors of the Town of Utrecht do certify that His
Excellency the Marquis de Miremont, in the quality above-mentioned and by virtue of his full
power acknowledged and received by the Congress in our city, did put into our hands the
declaration, whereof the Deed, carefully compared and found to agree with its duplicate
deposited among our archives, is above-written. And whereas the aforesaid Lord desired
that the said Deed may be deposited among our archives, to serve for a memorial and per-
petual evidence when requisite, We have granted him his demand, and this present Deed
under the seal of our town, and signature of our Secretary, Done at Utrecht, May 26th, 17 13."
The Marquis de Rochegude, who had been at Utrecht, returned to England and
had an audience of Her Majesty. One day the queen sent for him, and said, " I
pray you, Monsieur de Rochegude, send word to the poor galley-slaves that they
shall be soon set at liberty." This was the royal message according to a letter which
he dispatched to Marseilles via Geneva, and which one of themselves 1 has recorded.
Out of three hundred, whom the order of the King of France seemed to design for
liberation, about one hundred and thirty were discharged on the 17th June 17 13.
Thirty-six of that number went by sea to Villefranche and Nice, and thence by land
through Turin and Geneva, to Frankfort. They then sailed to Cologne and Dort,
journeyed to Rotterdam, and finally reached Amsterdam in safety. A deputation
of twelve, of whom Jean Marteilhe was one, came to London to express the gratitude
of the martyrs to the Queen of Great Britain. The Marquises de Miremont and
de Rochegude presented them at Court, and the queen permitted them to kiss her
hand. The Marquis de Miremont in their name, returned thanks to Her Majesty,
who replied that she was rejoiced to see them at liberty, and that she hoped to
procure the pardon of the Protestants still labouring in the galleys of France. In
1 7 14 the remainder of the three hundred were set free. The whole of the sufferers
were not liberated until the reign of George I., for it was only gradually that the
French government could see how those, whom oppression had driven to arms, could
be identified with persons arrested as criminals for religious non-conformity. While
not refusing to Queen Anne a share of the credit, we must join with Haag in giving
'Jean Marteilhe, one of the Martyrs in the galley which was at Dunkirk in 1 7 1 2, and the author of the well-
known book, " Memoires d'un l'rotestant condanme aux galcres de France pour cause de religion, cents par lui-
meme." He was one of those who were set at liberty in 1 713. A translation of his book has been published in
London by the Religious Tract Society ; with the title, "Autobiography of a French l'rotestant condemned to
the galleys for the sake of his religion."
424
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
the chief praise to LES INFATIGABLES EFFORTS DU GENEREUX
ROCHEGUDE.
Miremont passed the rest of his life as a private member of society. On the
consolidation of the Hanoverian rule in Ireland, his pension was raised to ^"iooo.
Burn says that in 1740, upon the intercession of the Marquises of Miremont and
Montandre, and other members, £150 per annum out of the Royal Bounty was
settled on the church of Les Grecs 1 — the old Savoy Chapel having fallen into hope-
less disrepair, and its congregation having united with Les Grecs. This may be
substantially correct, but the date is wrong. The Marquis de Miremont died in
London at his apartment in Somerset House on the 23d February 1732, in his
seventy-seventh year.
The right of administration to his property was granted on the 28th inst. to his
sister (prcenobilis et honoranda fcemina, Charlotte de Bourbon, called in the news-
papers " the Lady Malauze ") ; for he left no will. She made up for her brother's
omission before her own death, which took place in Somerset House on the 15th of
October following. Her last will and testament, translated from the French by
Philip Crespigny, notary public, was duly registered, Josias Des Bordes, Esq., being
her executor. She bequeathed to her nephew, the Marquis de Malauze, the residue,
which she had reserved to herself, of her gift to him of estates in France, and also
her rights to more ample estates. She left £20 to the French hospital of London,
;£ioo to the poor, and (conditionally, on the realization of the three years' arrears of
her late brother's pension), a sum of £400 to be invested for annual payments to the
ministers of the French Church of the Savoy. If that church should ever cease to
exist, then the £400 were to be spent in removing her own coffin, and the mortal
remains of her late uncle, the Earl of Feversham, and of her two brothers, to
Westminster Abbey. Her brother, Louis, Marquis de La Case, had been buried in
St. James', Westminster — and Miremont in the family vault in the Savoy Church.
In the same vault she was to be interred, within a leaden coffin, encased in wood,
surmounted with a brass plate, " on which shall be engraved my coat-of-arms as on
my seal, with the addition of the supporters, which are two angels," and the following
inscription, " Here lies Charlotte de Bourbon, to whom God has given grace to be
born, to live, and to die in His holy religion. Glory ever be for the same to the
holy, blessed, and adorable Trinity, the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. Amen." 2
Except for her younger brother, the Marquis de La Case, the refugee lady's
aspirations as to Westminster Abbey were fulfilled. The register informs us : " The
bodies of the said Earl of Feversham, Monsieur Armand de Bourbon, and Charlotte
de Bourbon, being deposited in a vault in the [French Church] at the Savoy, were
taken up, and interred, on the 21st day of March 1739 [1740, new style], in one grave,
in the North Cross of the Abbey."
II. Major-General la Meloniere.
Isaac de Monceau, Sieur De La Meloniere, was Lieutenant-Colonel of the
Regiment of Anjou. He married, in 1679, Anne Addee, daughter of Louis, Sieur
De Petit Val et Grand Champ. As a Huguenot, he was under the surveillance of
the police at the period of the Revocation, and was officially reported to be " an
old and meritorious officer and a handsome man, but of the pretended reformed
religion, and extremely opinionative " (ancien officer de merite et bien fait, mais de
la R. P. R. et fort opinionatre). His family is said to have been of Beaume (Belna),
in the Duchy of Burgundy, and his estate in Dauphiny. Their arms were three
bee-hives.
In attempting to emigrate he had reached the frontier, but was apprehended and
made a prisoner. To avoid the galleys he professed to be ready to receive instruc-
tion. The priests who took him in hand were pleased with their veteran catechumen,
and regarded him as a zealous pupil. Whether he pretended to be a convert is not
known. Happily he soon made a more successful attempt at flight. He found his
way to Holland, through the help of God. William, Prince of Orange, gave him the
rank of Colonel in his army, and made him his aide-de-camp. At that date he had
three children — Louis Isaac, born in 1680; Susanne, born in 1683; Marianne, born
in 1685.
1 The Congregation of Les Grecs at one time worshipped in I log's Lane. Hogarth has given a representa-
tion of the old Chapel in Hog's Lane in his picture of "Noon," and the figure coming out of the chapel is said
to have been a very good likeness of the Rev. Thomas Herve, who was their minister from about 1 727-1731. —
Burn j
8 A lady, named Catherine De Iiourbon, received ,£36 a-year from the Royal Bounty Fund for French Pro-
testants, till her death on the 23d October 1725. — Burn's A/US.
MA JOR-GENERA L LA MEL ON IE RE.
425
The refugee colonel' took up his abode at the Hague with his young and increas-
ing family. The Lefroy family have preserved an extract of the baptism in that
town of his daughter Julia, presented by Messire Nicolas Monceau de l'Estang and
Demoiselle Julie Pelissary on the 25th March 1688. When the Huguenot infantry,
officers and privates, presented themselves at the Hague in order to join in the
descent upon England, Colonel La Meloniere enrolled them. The officer who
enrolled the Huguenot cavalry is called Colonel d'Estang, probably his kinsman,
Monceau de l'Estang.
In 1689 Lamelloniere, or Lamellonier (such are the English forms of his name),
was Colonel of one of the foot regiments raised by Schomberg and Ruvigny. The
former he accompanied to Ireland, and during the Irish campaigns he held the local
rank of Brigadier; he was inserted as such in a list given to King William, 1 8th
June 1690; Story calls him La Millioniere. On the day of the victory at the Boyne,
Lamellonier was sent by King William with 1000 horse and some foot to summon
the town of Drogheda. The Governor, having a good store of ammunition and pro-
visions, and a garrison of 1300, received the summons with contempt. The king,
however, sent him word that if he should be forced to bring cannon before the
town, no quarter would be given. The summons was then obeyed, and the garrison
marched out. On the 20th September, Lamellonier accompanied the Duke of
Wirtemberg, with 4000 men, to reinforce the Earl of Marlborough for the siege of
Cork. He had charge of some Dutch and French infantry, and arrived before Cork,
September 26; the town capitulated on the 28th. "Wirtemberg and Marlborough
being both Lieutenant-Generals, a warm dispute arose between them about the chief
command, each claiming it in right of his rank. Marlborough was the senior officer,
and led the troops of his own nation, whereas Wirtemberg was only at the head of
foreign auxiliaries. Lamellonier interposed, and persuaded Marlborough to share
the command with Wirtemberg, lest the king's service should be retarded by their
disagreement. Accordingly the Earl commanded on the first day, and gave the
word 'Wirtemberg;' and the Duke commanded the next day, and gave the word
' Marlborough.' "
It was resolved-to open the campaign of 1691 with the siege of Athlone, and the
troops rendezvoused at Mullingar on May 31st. The sudden attack and storming of
Athlone on the 1st of July is notorious ; Lamellonier took part in the perilous fording
of the Shannon, under Major-General Mackay, and was honourably mentioned. He
received the substantive rank of Brigadier in July 1692. He afterwards served in
Flanders, and rose to be a Major-General. In July 1697 he was tried by court-
martial in Flanders, being accused by several officers of illegal practices in his
regiment ; he was honourably acquitted.
On the disbandment of his regiment, Major-General Lamellonier received an
annual pension on the Irish establishment of ^303, 15s., which was paid up to the
year 17 15. This was probably the date of his death. Captain Florence Lamel-
lonier^who had the annual half pay of £91, 5s. in 17 19, and of ^155, 2s. 6d. in 1723,
was probably his brother. We may also conjecture that Anne Lamellonier, who
lived in London on an Irish pension of £91, 5s., was his sister.
Two of his daughters were married. On 15th October 1707 Marc Anthoine
Ravaud (son of Marc Anthoine Ravaud and Susanne Seignoret) was married to
" Demoiselle Susanne De Monceaux de la Melonnierre " in Hungerford French
Church, London. The other marriage was solemnized in London, at the French
Church in the Savoy, on 17th November 1712; the names are registered thus:
" Mr. Pierre Langlois and Mademoiselle Judich De Monceau La Melonniere;" but
the baptismal certificate produced by the Lefroy family from her marriage papers,
as well as all successive documents, prove that her name was Julie. Her husband
was a merchant at Leghorn, and there she died on 26th March 1727, aged thirty-six.
Her sister, Mrs. Ravaud, died in 173 1 as a widow, her husband having died at
Hammersmith in 1728.
The Major-General's son, Louis Isaac, is said to have returned to France and to
have " inherited from an uncle the family estates." 11 But a younger son, Anthony,
was born in England, and served in our army. He was in the Grenadier Guards,
with the rank of Major in the army, in 1736. In July 1737 he was made Lieutenant-
Colonel of Churchill's Dragoons. He also held at Court the office of " Gentleman
Usher Quarter Waiter " to the Queen [Wilhclmina Dorothea Carolina, consort of
George II.]. Her Majesty died on 20th November 1737, and Lieutenant Colonel
Anthony Lamellonier was made a Groom of the Bedchamber to H.R.H. the Duke
of Cumberland. He was wounded at the Battle of Fontcnoy in 1745. He died in
1 " Notes and Documents relating to the Family of Loftroy " [by General Sir J. H. Lefroy], page 50.
I. 3 "
426
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
the post of Lieutenant-Colonel of the first troop of Horse Guards, at London, 13th
November 1761. He left no descendants. A memorial of him was preserved by the
Lefroy family, namely, his sword, made of steel, inlaid with gold, with a very valuable
hilt ; he had received it, on account of his influence with the Royal Duke, as a present
from Colonel Folliott, but with the Duke's leave. The signature of his will is spelt
thus — Anth. La Meloniere. His charitable bequests were " £100 to be paid, applied
and distributed to and among such poor French Protestants, objects of charity, as
my executor and executrix shall in their discretion think fit ;" and " to the ministers
and churchwardens for the time being of the parish of St. Marylebone, in the county
of Middlesex, the sum of ,£50 for the use of the poor of the said parish." The
witnesses were Dan/. Boote and Fran. Duroure.
Last century the La Melonieres were represented by both the Ravaud and Lefroy
families. The Lieutenant-Colonel, in his will dated 27th February 1760 [proved
19th January 1762], named as his executors his nephew, Stephen David Ravaud, and
his niece, Margaret Ravaud. The former died in 1776 unmarried ; the latter (Mar-
garet Mary), celebrated as the beloved friend of Mrs. Delany, died at Bath in 1800.
Two other Ravaud nieces, Mrs. John Cooke and Elizabeth, Mrs. Columbine Le
Carre\ had died before the making of his will. [One of the brothers went to
America, and his grand-daughter was married to General Skinner of the United
States Army.] The Lieutenant-Colonel had female cousins, on the mother's side, of
the name of Addee, living in 1760 at Imbert, near Warminster, in Wiltshire. In the
present century the Lefroys are the sole representatives, at least in England and
Ireland, of the family of La Meloniere.
The following tablet to Julie La Meloniere, Mrs. Langlois, is at Leghorn : —
Hie jacet pars mortalis
JULI^E LA MELLON1ERE
uxoris PETRI LANGLOIS,
(domini Isaaci La Melloniere natae
exercituum apud Anglos ducis)
quae obiit xxvi mens. Mart.
Anno Domini mdccxxvii
aetatis verb surge xxxvi absolute
Formam decoram et multis illecebris ornatam
virtutes animi superarunt.
Illustri apud Belnas orta familia
aequavit morum nobilitate genus ;
pura et incorrupta in Deum fide,
egregia in parentes charitate,
summa. in amicos benevolentia,
in egenos magna benignitate claruit ;
dum fido in maritum obsequio,
dum caris in teneram sobolem officiis
sedula studuit.
Pleuretico correpta morbo
intempestivam mortem forti pectore
et Christiana pietate subivit,
Humanitate praedita, si quid mentem mortalia
tangant,
flebilis amicis, eheu flebilior
dilectissimis reliquiis.
Sacrum hoc maritus moerens locum
posuit.
III. Brigadier-General Pierre Belcastel.
The noble family of Belcastel held a good position in Languedoc on the eve of
the Great Reformation of the sixteenth century, being represented by Raymond Bel-
castel and his wife, Jeanne de Montvaillant. Their son was one of the first adherents
of the Reformed Church, namely, Jean de Belcastel, Signeur de Montvaillant et de
Castanet, and a leader both in war and in counsels. He married, 4th January 1553,
Jeanne de Belcastel de Pradelles, and left a daughter, Marguerite, and a son, Pierre
de Belcastel de Montvaillant, Signeur de Pradelles.
The Seigneur de Pradelles married Louise de Vabres, and from him our refugee
general undoubtedly descended, although the links have fallen out of memory.
Pierre Belcastel first appears at the Battle of the Boyne, and after it he succeeded La
Caillemotte as Colonel of a French infantry regiment. He opened the siege at
Limerick in 1690. "About two in the afternoon of the 20th August, the attack
began by 120 grenadiers, commanded by four captains, who advanced from the
trenches to the fort, nearly 150 paces, and received the enemy's fire from the counter-
scarp and fort, still reserving their own till they came near enough to make it take
place with greater certainty and effect. Colonel Belcastel put himself at the head of
these men by the time they had advanced to the outside of the fort, and rearing a
ladder against it, he immediately got up and was followed by the grenadiers, who
leaped in after him, and killed sixty of the defenders of it, making one of the
captains that commanded there, prisoner."
He took part at the capture of Athlone and at the victory of Aughrim ; he was
wounded at the latter engagement. He accompanied his regiment to Flanders.
About the beginning of 1695 he and a young officer, Captain De Loches, fell into
the hands of the French at Brest, and were detained as prisoners. Lord Galway
BRIGADIER-GENERAL PIERRE BELCASTEL.
427
alludes to this in a letter to Mr. Blathwait, dated Turin, 22d January — 1st February
169*:—
" I see by the case of Monsieur de Belcastel and young De Loches, that the
French expect to profit by the small number of prisoners we have taken. They
make a great noise about the Irish taken at sea. I am not fully informed as to
that affair. But regarding the prisoners which they have taken, I shall say nothing
about Monsieur de Belcastel, his merit being sufficiently known to you. Young De
Loches is a captain of infantry in the English regiments. He is a most prepossessing
youth, son of a father who is as good and honest a gentleman as ever I knew. The
captain has shown his worth by the firmness with which he sustains every injustice
and persecution, testifying at this crisis that he loves God and his religion, and the
king in whose service he has an unquenchable firmness."
Luttrell notes: — " 1 8th December 1694, Colonel Belcastel, a French refugee with
his family, went sometime since in a Danish ship, the captain pretending to be bound
for Ostend, but instead of that, carried them to Dunkirk, where they were made
prisoners." "London, 20th June 1695, Colonel Belcastel and his lady are arrived
here from Dunkirk."
At Flanders, in June 1696, the king made Belcastel a brigadier. When the
French regiments were being disbanded, and Lord Galway was winding up his
official connection with Ireland, his lordship, in a letter to the Secretary-at-War,
dated Dublin, 7th April 1699, recommended that, "in addition to regimental pen-
sions, there should be a few public pensions to selected officers," and called attention
to " the services and claims of Mr. De Belcastel." This led to an Irish " Grant to
Brigadier Peter Belcastell and his assigns of ^500 per annum for twenty-one years,"
dated 8th January 1 701.
His regiment being disbanded, Belcastel turned his eyes towards Holland.
Luttrell says, 1st November 1701, "Holland letters say that the king has given
Colonel Belcastel a regiment of French refugees." On the death of King William,
Belcastel formally quitted the English service : he was made a Major-General in the
Dutch army, his commission bearing date, "The Hague, 28th April 1704." He was
appointed to command the allied troops collected for the invasion of France and the
succour of the Cevenols. But that expedition being nipped in the bud by untoward
events, he obtained the command of the Dutch contingent in the Duke of Savoy's
forces. Marlborough says of him, " He is a very good officer, and I am glad he
stands so well with the Duke of Savoy." In 170 ) he was with his men in Spain ; he
earned his share in the glory of the victory of Saragossa, but was killed at the battle
of Villa Viciosa, 10th December 17 10. According to Court, he was a meritorious
officer, combining vigorous integrity with much prudence and bravery.
He had a sister, Mademoiselle Louise Adelaide de Belcastel, who became the
second wife of Mr. Samuel Louis Crommelin, but died without issue. An old
Crommelin pedigree (drawn up in 1712) describes her as "sceur du lieutenant-general
Belcastel, tue en Espagne."
APPENDIX.
EXTRACTS FROM CAPTAIN-GENERAL THE DUKE OF SCHOMBERG'S
DESPATCHES.
No. 1. — Highlake, le 9 Aoust 1689. — Les vaisseaux de vivres destines pour Londonderry
et pour Kirck n' ont pu partir que ce matin. Ce qui cause bien de l'embarras est, qu'il n'y
a pas d'ordre ici de l'Amiraute" pour les vivres des vaisseaux de guerre qui sont presque finis ;
il a fallu en prendre de notres. J' ai ete force de faire donner presqu' a tous les regiments
cinq cent mousquets ou fusils, tant parce que les nouveaux soldats les rompent, que parce
qu'ils sont assez malfaits et fort vieux, et que peut-etre Sieur Henry Shales, qui en a eu l'in-
spection, peut avoir pris des presents pour recevoir de mechantes armes.
No. 2. — Carrickfergas, le 26 Aoust 1689. — Je ne puis pas passer sous silence que Messieurs
Goulon et Cambon m'ont donne beaucoup de peine. II se trouve que le premier est un peu
brutal, et que le dernier est chicanier sur ses mathematiques ; a cela ce joint une ancienne
rancune qu'ils out l'un contre l'autre depuis Hollande. Je les ai pourtant un peu presses de
demeurer a leur devoir, et que ce qu'on ne leur souffriroit pas en France, ou ils ont servi, je
ne leur suffrirois pas aussi ici. Cambon m'ayant dit qu'il ne vouloit pas servir d'Ingenieur, je
lui ai repondu qu'on se pourroit passer de lui aussi bien d'etre Colonel d'un regiment Francois,
et s'il ne se tenoit point en son devoir j'en avertirois Votre Majeste.
No. 3. — Carrickfergus, le 27 Aoust 1689. — Je crois qu'il faudra laisser ici Sir Henry Inglesby,
avec son regiment qui n'est pas des meilleurs. J'avois eu quelque dessein de le faire Briga-
dier, mais j'ai trouve qu'il y a trop long temps qu'il est hors d'action. J'ai fait servir dans ce
siege Mr de la Melonniere corarae Brigadier ; nous aurions besoin encore de quelques autres,
mais je n'en vois point dans cette armee ici. On m'a dit que dans les regiments qui sont
avec Kirck, le Colonel Stewart pourroit y etre propre. Votre Majeste me mandera sur tous
les deux sa volonte, car jusques a. ici il a fallu avoir tout le soin des vivres, des vaisseaux, de
l'artillerie, de la cavallerie, de tous les payements, et de tout le detail de l'attaque de la place.
Si on venoit plus pres d'un ennemi, on auroit peine de fournir a tout cela ; les officiers de
l'artillerie sont ignorans, paresseux et craintifs. Je decouvre que dans cette artillerie il y a
beaucoup de tromperie, les bombes mal-charges, les canons d' une mechante fonte, les armes
malfaites, et bien d'autres choses, qui sont trop longues a dire a Votre Majeste, a quoi je crois
que Sieur Henry Shales a beaucoup contribue ; car jusques aux mineurs on ne les a pas pu
attacher a la muraille ; un officier et quatre soldats Francois Font entrepris, et en sont venus
a bout, dont trois ont ete blesses par nos gens. J'ai fait faire la charge de Quartier-Maitre-
General a Sieur de Cambon ; nous n'en avons pas de meilleur ici pour cela. Jusques ici les
chevaux et le bagage de nos officiers n'est point arrive ; cela nous embarassera un peu, pour
avancer au dela de Belfast.
No. 4. — Dundalk, le 20 Sept. 1689. — Votre Majeste" recevra par Mr de Schrabemor deux
de mes memoires, et s'il court la poste, elle sere encore mieux informee par lui. Depuis quatre
jours qu'il est parti il ne s'est rien passe" de considerable. On a fourrage" a la vue de la garde
des ennemis ; cela n'est pas fort difficile a faire, puisque c'est un pays traverse" de petits marais,
les chemins et les champs renfermes par des pierres et de la terre \by stone-dykes and banks of
earth~\ Je ne sais si cela est la cause que les ennemis n'ont pas avance depuis quatre jours ;
je crois qu'il est difficile d'en venir a un bataille en ce pays ici, quoiqu 'ils aient une armee (a
ce qu'on peut voir) fort etendue. Je ne vois pas de notre cote nous devions aussi rien hazarder.
Nous avons une petite riviere devant nous, et eux une.
Etant alles ce matin trouver le Comte de Schonberg qui etoit asscz proche des vedettes
des ennemis, nous avons vu avancer un gros de cavallerie qui ne marchoit point en escadron,
qui nous a paru etre le Roi Jacques ou divers Officiers Generaux. Ils ont dela pu voir notre
camp ; mais je crois que ce qui leur aura le plus deplu est qu'ils ont vu arriver onze vaisseaux
a la rade de Dundalk, par ou ils auront pu juger qu'ils auront peine a nous affamer ici comme
ils l'esperoient. II est difficile de juger ce qu'ils entreprendront apres avoir campe cinq jours
430
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
a deux milles de cette arrr.de, avec un si grand nombri de monde qu'ils ont ramasse de tous
cot£s, et fait courir le bruit qu'ils venoient nous attaquer. II y en a qui croient a present que
c'est pour detruire et manger tous les fourrages entre cette place et Drogheda, pour nous
empecher d'en pouvoir en suite approcher avec notre arme'e. Cela ne laissera pas de nous
embarasser, et il sembleroit par la que s'ils demeureroient derriere Drogheda, ou ils trouveront
de fourrage et des vivres, ils nous tiendront arretes sans beaucoup pouvoir avancer, et d'autant
plus que Mr. Shales ne nous a pas encore envoye les chevaux, ni les chariots pour porter nos
vivres. II nous manque meme une partie des chevaux de l'artillerie et des Equipages d'officiers,
comme aussi des Officiers Francois de Cavallerie, qui attend il y a long temps pour passer.
Cependant la saison s'avance pour camper sous les tentes, etcela deviendra dans un mois assez
difficile.
Deux cavalliers des ennemis, qui viennent de se rendre, disent qu'ils ont rencontre cinq de
nos soldats qui alloient aux ennemis. Par les habillements je juge que c'est de Mylord Meath.
On dit que les ennemis sont assures de deux de nos regiments, et que si nous en approchons
ils s'iront rendre. S'ils pretendent nous affamer, ce ne sera pas a l'dgard des hommes, nos
vaisseaux etant arrive's dans cette Baie ; mais ce sera nos chevaux, par lesquels on se trouvera
indubitablement dans un grand embarras. Ce matin un parti des ennemis est venu assez
pret de la garde ; un detachement de vingt-cinq dragons les ont repousses, et leur ont tue" un
homme et un cheval. Ils sont fort au guet pour voir si nous fourrageons de leur cote.
Le regiment de dragons de Lucan est celui qui sert le mieux ici. Les troupes d'Ennis-
killen, qui sont en partie arrivees, paroissent de bonne volonte ; et je crois qu'il y aura plus
de fond a faire sur elles que sur les regiments de Mylords Irlandois. Harbord est aussi
arrive ; nous allons travailler avec lui pour etablir une paye pour ces troupes d'Enniskillen.
II vaudroit mieux casser quelques regiments de ces nouvelles levees d'Angleterre dont je viens
de parler, et conserver tous les Enniskillens. J'espere que leurs habits viendront bientot, ils
paroitront beaucoup mieux. Ils me paroissent tous fort-adroits a tirer, s'ils avoient des fusils.
Ce que nous manquons le plus dans cette armee sont des souliers et fers-de-chevaux. Je
souhatrois que les troupes de Dannemark, et celles que Votre Majeste a ordonne qu'ils vins-
sent d'Ecosse, fussent arrivees. Avec cela nous nous approcherions fort-pres d'eux.
II n' y a pas un officier de toute la cavallerie capable d'etre employe" comme Brigadier;
cependant le Comte de Schonberg auroit besoin d'en avoir un de quelque conduite pour en
etre soulag6. Si Sir Jean Lanier vient, il pourra en etre aide dans l'infanterie. On a ete
oblige pour tenir quelque ordre d'en etablir quatre, savoir Sir Henry Bellasis, La Melonmere,
Stuart et Sir John Stewart. II faut aussi faire souvenir Votre Majeste, d'un article que j'ai
mis dans mon memoire, de Robert Broadnax, Major du regiment de Mylord Delamere ; ce
regiment deperit entierement ; et le Major n'est pas digne de le commander, comme le Sieur
de Schravemor le pourra dire a Votre Majeste qui Fa connu en Hollande. J'ai cru qu'il etoit
bon d'envoyer a Votre Majeste un petit papier, ou elle verra les officiers que Mylord Delamere
lui a mande de remplacer au lieu de ceux qui manquent. Je tacherai de voir si demain je
puis persuader le dit Broadnax de s'en aller trouver le Sieur Blathwait pour faire lui-meme ses
propositions ; et je crois qu'il sera bon qu'il ne retourne plus. II y a bien encore d'autres
officiers que je voudrois qu'ils fussent en Angleterre. Je n'en ai jamais vu de plus mediants
et de plus interesses ; tout le soin des Colonels n'est que de vivre de leurs regiments, sans
aucune autre application.
No. 5. — 2r Septembre.— Ce matin quelques escadrons des ennemis ont paru proche de ce
camp, un marais entre-deux, et ensuite trois ou quatre regiments d'infanterie dont nous avons
vu les drapeaux, et par leurs cris nous avons juge que le Roi Jacques passoit devant leurs
bataillons. Ces troupes-la ont demeure a notre vue sur un coteau jusques a deuxheures apres-
midi, lorsqu 'elles ont commence a se retirer. Je crois que dans tous ces mouvements-la il
y a quelques desseins pour richer d'attirer quelques deserteurs de notre armee, ayant fait
jeter meme quantite de billets imprimes, Anglois et Francois. Cela m'a oblige d'examiner de
plus-pres les regiments d'infanterie Francois, et j'ai trouve que la plupart des recrues, qu'on a
fait des deserteurs du cote de Bruxelles et Frankfort, etoit des Papistes, et que parmi eux il
s'en est trouve un qui a ete capitaine de cavallerie en France, lequel avoit ecrit une lettre a
Roi Jacques et une a Mr. D'Avaux, qu'on a trouve entre les mains qui les devoit porter. Leur
proces sera fait demain. Apres avoir decouvert cela, et qu'il y avoit dans ces regiments
quantite de Papistes qui avoient cache leur religion, j'en ai fait arreter la nuit-passee plus de
cent-vingt, que j'ai fait conduire a Carlingford pour les mettre dans les vaisseaux de guerre qui
doivent retourner a Highlake, et j'ai ecrit au Gouverneur de Chester de les garder surement
jusqu 'a ce que Votre Majesty en dispose ; ils meriteroient qu'on les envoyat aux Indes, comme
ils ont envoye les Protestants en Amerique. Non-obstant ce retranchement et cette examina-
tion, les bataillons ne laissent pas encore d'etre plus forts que ceux des Anglois.
No. 6. — le 27 Septembre. — Mr. Shales £tant enfin arrive" a Carlingford, Mr. Harbord et
moi avons 6te d'avis d'attendre que nous le vissions parler, pour savoir ce qu'il a amene. L'on
a 6t€ avant-hier au fourrage sans que les ennemis aient paru ; mais hier ils sont venus avec
leur cavallerie et quelque infanterie bruler le fourrage qui restoit entre eux et nous sur leur
droit tirant vers la mer. J'ai e'vite" de faire ce fourrage apprehendant que toute leur cavallerie
APPENDIX.
43i
re me tombat sur les bras, pendant que tous nos fourrageurs seroient epars dans la campagne.
lis l'ont meme brule jusqu' assez proche de leur camp, et deux ou trois petits villages entre
eux et nous (par ce qu'on peut apprendre de deux rendus). lis ont aussi leurs manquements.
Le pain ne se peut pas donner regulierement dans leur arme'e a. tant de peuple ramasse, qui a
cru qu'on en viendroit d'abord ici a une bataille. On ne peut pas bien conter sur tout cela,
puisque (d'un autre cote) ce peuple ramasse vive encore de quelque betail, et ils brulent la
paille ou est le grain, lequel parla se durcit, et en font de la farine et ensuite des galettes a
la mode du pays. Nos manquements jusqu' ici sont en habits et en souliers, ce que je crois
contribuer autant a la maladie des soldats que la Biere nouvelle, a quoi contribue grandement
le peu de soin de leurs Colonels, quoique je leur en parle souvent. Cela m'a fait juger
a propos de faire une revue a. toute l'armee, afin que Mr. Harbord puisse payer la-dessus.
J'en enverrai 1'eta.t a Votre Majeste.
Ce que je puis juger de 1'etat de l'ennemi est que le Roi Jacques, ayant ramasse" en ce
royaume tout ce qu'il a pu, voudroit bien en venir a une bataille avant que ses troupes se
pussent dissiper par la mauvaise saison dans laquelle nous allons entrer. Pour cela il me
semble que nous devons tenir bride en main ici, si Votre Majeste l'approuve ainsi, puisqu'il
nous doit encore arriver des troupes d'Ecosse et ceux de Dannemark meme ; et la meme
raison qui empeche les ennemis de pouvoir m'obliger a une bataille (puisqu'il faut qu'ils
viennent a moi par deux ou trois grands chemins seulement, le reste etant entrecoupe de
marais) m'empeche aussi d'aller a eux, ayant une petite riviere et quelques montagnes devant
eux. Si neanmoins ils opiniatrent de demeurer en ce poste, le fourrage pour la cavallerie
pourra nous manquer ; en ce cas je serai oblige d'en envoyer la plus grande part a vingt
milles d'ici du cote de Charlemont, que je pourrai faire assieger en meme temps pour
n'avoir rien derriere nous qui nous incommode ; et en me retranchant un peu mieux que
je le suis encore, je pourrai bien demeurer en ce camp ici sans que les ennemis m'y puissent
forcer.
L'armee du Rois Jacques, s'etant venue presenter diverses fois assez proche de ce camp,
semble avoir eu quelqu' esperance que quelques troupes pourroient plus facilement s'aller
rendre a lui. J'ai eu quelque soupcon du regiment de Mylord Meath, parcequ'ils s'etoient
alles rendre quelques soldats les nuits auparavant. Pour m'oter cette inquietude le Colonel
Woolsley m'a propose d'envoyer ce regiment a Enniskillen et de faire venir un regiment dela
en sa place.
No. 7. — a Dundalk, le 3 Octobre 1689. — Je suis de l'opinion de V.M. que l'armee ennemie
ne nous attaquera pas ici ; mais il ne sera pas moins difficile que nous la puissions attaquer
dans le poste ou elle est. Elle est campe'e en deca d'Ardee a une lieue de nous, une petite
riviere devant elle. A trois ou quatres gues qu'il y a, ils ont fait des retranchements ; et je
ne doute pas (comme V.M. le dit en sa lettre) que leur dessein est de couvrir Dublin et que
le manque de fourrage nous obligera de reculer. Quand je n'aurai que l'infanterie seule
avec moi, ils ne pourront pas me faire sortir d'ici ; mais je serai oblige dans peu de jours
d'envoyer la plupart de la cavallerie, qui n'est pas en grand nombre, dans la Comte de
Down, d'ou en deux petites journees on la peut toujours avoir ici ; et comme il y a un
gue" au dessus de Carlingford, on peut meme l'avoir en moins de temps. Les chevaux, par le
couvert qu'ils y trouveront, se conserveront un peu mieux qu'ici, les officiers prenant (outre
cela) peu de soin, laissant toujours aller leurs cavaliers a toute bride, et ne savant pas fourrager
ni faire des trousses, ce qui a ete cause que nous n' avons jamais pu faire de provisions plus
que pour deux jours.
Pour ce qui est de pouvoir marcher aux ennemis, jusques ici cela ne s'est pas pu faire,
n'ayant pas eu un seul chariot pour porter des vivres. Et quant & chemin qu'il faudra tenir,
toutes gens du pays pourront dire a V.M. qu'on est toujours oblige" de defiler par un grand
chemin, des marais a droit et a gauche ; il ne s 'est jamais vu un tel pays. Et pour pouvoir
aller jusqu' a Navan que V.M. verra sur la carte, il faut faire un fort grand tour, et les ennemis
en deux petites journeys de marche y arriveront deux jours devant nous. Par la gauche on
ne peut point marcher que le long de leur riviere pour nous en empecher le passage.
II y a dans cette arme'e environ mille malades, compris quelques blesses qu 'on a laisse" a
Belfast ; ils commencent a en revenir, et il en meurt peu. J'ai peine a croire que les ennemis
n'aitnt aussi des malades, et qu'il ne leur coute plus de peine a porter leurs vivres de Dublin
que nous de les tirer des vaisseaux qui sont ici proche, et a conserver ses troupes avec la
monnoie de cuivre pendant que celle de V.M. est bien paye"e.
V.M. mande qu'elle envoie quelques troupes d'Ecosse; pendant que celles la arriveront,
peutetre celles de Dannemarck viendront-elles. Par la on hasarderoit moins en leur donnant
une bataille, et la guerre s'en finiroit plus surement. Ce n'est peutetre pas l'opinion du conseil
des Comite"s d'Irlande, ni de quelques personnes de Londres, qui croyent qu'il n'y a que
donner une bataille pour la gagner.
Monsieur Harbord s'est charge d'envoyer <\ V.M. la revue que j'ai fait faire depuis deux
jours de l'armee de V.M. Elle y paroitia plus nombreuse qu'elle n'est, les Colonels etant fort
habiles en matiere de montres. Quoique les troupes d'Enniskillen ne paroissent pas a cause
de leurs habits, elles sont neanmoins assez vigoureuses ; elles ont de'fait quelques troupes des
ennemis du cote" de Boyle et Jamestown. Ce sera aussi Mr. Harbord qui rendra compte a
432
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
V.M. du traits que nous avons fait avec eux; mais il me semble qu'ils ne s'en contentent pas,
pretendants ne pouvoir servir a ce petit prix, ainsi que V.M. verra par un ecrit qu'ils m'ont
donne" en presence du Sieur Harbord lequel s'est charg£ de lui envoyer. J'ai donne' le
regiment de Norfolk h Mr. Bellasis, ainsi que V.M. me l'a ordonne. Le Lieutenant-Colonel,
qui est un jeune homme de ce nom, se plaint fort ; je l'ai exhorte" de ne pas quitter, et que
V.M. feroit quelque chose pour lui dans les premieres occasions. Je dis hier a Mylord Meath
que j'avois eu ordre expres de V.M. de donner les regiments a ceux que je croirois les mieux
appliques au service, quand je verrois que leurs Colonels les negligent.
No. 8. — Dundalk, le 6 Octobre 1689. — V.M. pourra voir par le memoire que j'ai ecrit de
ma main du quatre, que ces raisons-la m'ont fait penser a marcher vers la riviere de Shannon ;
ce sera peutetre encore le meilleur de ce qu'on pourra faire, aumoins que d'aller chercher les
ennemis et leur donner un bataille ; car il me paroit que V.M. est du sentiment que Ton les
pousse, avant que cette armee deperisse par les maladies, ou que les secours qu'ils pourroient
esperer de France viennent. J'aurois fort envie de faire les choses pour lesquelles V.M.
montre plus de penchant, et j'aurois marchd des demain; mais (comme V.M. aura vu) par les
avis des Officiers Generaux que toute l'armee est sans souliers, et qu'on ne feroit pas deux
journees de marche que la moitid demeureroit pied-nud, il faut attendre qu'ils nous en vien-
nent d'Angleterre ou Mr. Harbord a envoye ; cela nous fait perdre l'occasion de marcher en
meme temps sur la droite vers la riviere de Shannon, pendant que les ennemis s'eloignent de
nous. Je laisse a part les autres difficultes qu'il faudra tacher de surmonter le mieux qu'on
pourra. J'en ai fait mention dans mon memoire, qui sont, que les chariots de vivres ne sont
pas tous arrives, les cheVaux de ceux qui le sont sont meme en fort-mechant etat. Shales dit
qu'il a 6t6 oblige de s'en servir toujours a Chester, n'en ayant pas pu trouver a louer ; j'ai deja
dit qu'il n'avoit pas aussi pris soin de faire embarquer cent vingt chevaux de l'artillerie qui
restent encore la.
No. 9. — Dunda/k, le 8 Octobre 1689. — Quand je relis les deux dernieres lettres de V.M.
des 2 and 6 Octobre, je trouve qu'elle auroit envie qu'on poussat les ennemis. Je lui ai deja
mande que cela etoit difficile a faire en un pays ou on ne peut aller a eux que par deux ou
trois grands chemins, le reste £tant partage' par des marais et des montagnes. Mais il y a
encore d'autres circonstances a representer a V.M., qui sont, que j'ai peine a commettre son
armee contre une autre qui est (comme tout le monde sait en ce pays ici) au moins double en
nombre de la notre, dont une partie est disciplines et assez-bien armee, et jusques ici mieux
nourrie que la notre en pain, viande et biere ; mais ce qu'il y a de plus facheux est que les
Colonels qui ont nouvellement leve des regiments, et particulierement les Mylords Irlandois,
n'ont regard^ que d'avoir des garcons k bon marche. C'est ce que j'ai bien prevu lorsqu'on
leur donna leurs commissions ; mais l'avis de Monsieur [le Marquis de] Halifax fut plutot
suivi que le mien. Je ne parle point de souliers, en ayant deja fait mention en tous mes
memoires. Mais si l'incapacite de ces officiers est grande, leur inapplication et leur paresse
l'est encore davantage. Quoique la cavallerie ne soit pas si nouvellement lev6e, les officiers
ne prennent neanmoins point soin des chevaux de leurs cavaliers, et tous sont si accoutum^s a
loger dans les cabarets partout ou ils marchent, que cette maniere de guerre les etonne. Je
suis fache d'importuner V.M. de tous ces details ; mais je crois que c'est mon devoir de Ten
informer afin qu'elle voie par la les raisons pourquoi j'ai peine de me resoudre a decider de
tout part une bataille.
J'espere qu' a toute heure ce qui nous reste de chevaux d'artillerie et de vivres et les
troupes Ecossaises arriveront, et que les souliers qui sont achetes (il-y-a plus de deux mois) se
retrouveront. Sans faire valoir mes services ni mettre en conte les chagrins que j'ai eu, ce
n'a pas ete sans peine que je suis venu ici, et d'y avoir pu demeurer presque sans pain.
II auroit ete bien difficile d'aller en avant sans aucuns chariots de vivres. Et comme il y
avoit un ruisseau entre les ennemis et nous, j'aurois peutetre et6 oblige de faire un pas en
arriere, qui auroit eu de mechantes suites.
A ce que Ton peut juger, les ennemis tachent de consommer et bruler tout le fourrage qui
est autour d'eux et qu'ils continueront de faire de meme jusqu' aupres de Drogheda.
No. 10. — 12 Octobre. — Je vois par la lettre de V.M. qu'elle est informer que nous avons
beaucoup plus de malades dans cette armee qu'il n'y en a, et pour ne pas attendre qu'il y en
ait davantage, il faudroit pousser les choses le plus qu'on peut, en hasardant quelque chose.
Si V.M. etoit bien informed de l'etat de notre arm£e, de celle des ennemis, du pays et de la
situation de leur camp, je ne crois pas qu'elle voulut qu'on se hasardat a l'attaquer. Si cela
ne re'ussissoit pas, l'armee de V.M. seroit perdue sans ressource. Je me sers de ce termc-la,
car je ne crois pas que si le desordre s'y etoit une fois mis, qu'il fut aise de la retablir. K.ien
ne sauroit donner a V.M. une plus forte id£e de tout ceci, que le souvenir de toutes les troupes
nouvellement levees dont guncralement cette armee est composee.
Je vois aussi par la meme lettre de V.M., que si on ne hasarde rien presentement cette
guerre tireroit en longeur. Je suis bien fache de ne pouvoir pas trouver des expedients pour
la finir. II y auroit h craindre qu'en hasardant le tout pour le tout, et que cela ne reussit pas
que les ennemis seroient bientot maitres de toute l'lrlande. Je ne comprens pas qu'une si
APPENDIX.
433
grande flotte d'Angleterre et d'Hollande, n'ayant rien fait tout cet 6t6, ne puisse au moins
garder les cotes d'Irlande et y faire une diversion par une descente, comme V.M. l'avoit
toujours projete", et par la nous donner le temps d'attendre les troupes de Danemark pour se
servir de toutes ses forces puisque V.M. les destine pour ici — lesquelles ne seroient plus d'un
grand secours si nous avions perdu une bataille avant leur arrivee. Pour ce poste ici dont
V.M. me parle, je puis bien le conserver avec l'infanterie seule, jusques a ce que Shales aie
un peu mis ses chariots de vivres en meilleur e"tat, comme aussi les chevaux d'artillerie qu'on
use de me dire etre arrives. Je crois que tout cela sera en etat dans huit jours, apres quoi si
les ennemis s'opiniatrent a demeurer k Ardee ou derriere Drogheda, V.M. peut bien juger que
je ne puis faire autre chose que de marcher sur la riviere de Shannon, qui est le pays apres
Dublin qu'ils considerent le plus.
A l'egard de ce que V.M. me mande des grandes desordres que les soldats commettent,
surtout les Francois — quand je suis arrive en ce royaume je n'avois que six milles hommes,
aucuns equipages, les officiers de l'armee pas un cheval. Apres m'etre rendu maitre de Belfast,
j'ai marche aussitot pour assieger Carrickfergus. J'ai ete" bien aise que les troupes trouvassent
acheter quelques chevaux. Cela ne sufnsoit pas au besoin. Tout le desordre qui peut s'etre
commis n'a ere" que prendre de petits chevaux qu'ils trouvoient dans les champs, pendant que
ceux de Londonderry et d'Enniskillen pilloient de leur cot6, et les paysans dans les glinns
[glens ?] du leur. Parmi ceux qui ont pris quelques chevaux, il y peut avoir eu des Francois.
Et je crois qu'on est bien aise par les lettres qu'on ecrit d'ici de mettre cela sur eux. Comme
je ne prends le parti ni des uns ni des autres, il faut pourtant dire a V.M. que si nos Colonels
Irlandois etoient aussi habiles a, la guerre comme a envoyer piller en le pays et ne pas payer
les soldats ici, V.M. en seroit mieux servie; elle pourra etre informee par d'autres que les trois
regiments d'infanterie et celui de cavallerie Francois font mieux le service que les autres. J'ai
travaille toute cette semaine a regler ce que les capitaines doivent donner a leurs soldats pour
tacher d'empecher les chicanes qu'ils leur font. Leurs Colonels prennent si peu de soin de
leurs regiments que la moitie" des piques sont rompues, et les fusils et mousquets de meme, de
sorte que je suis force presentement de leur en donner d'autres de ceux que j'avois apporte
avec moi.
Si on accordoit le conge" a autant d'officiers qu'ils en usent, pour le demander, une grande
partie de l'armee demeureroit sans officiers, les plupart affectant des incommodites ou des
maladies, qui n'ont d'autre fondement que de s'ennuyer beaucoup ici.
Venant d'entretenir Mr. le Comte de Solms de la pensee que j'avois d'envoyer la plupart
de notre cavallerie du cote d'Armagh, il a trouve une raison qui est considerable, que l'ennemi
pourroit se mettre entre elle et nous, et qu'il vaudroit mieux attendre encore quelques jours,
en donnant de l'avoine a notre cavallerie des vaisseaux, et voir si les ennemis ne marcheront
pas d'Ardee a Drogheda, ou que peutltre, en attendant un peu, les troupes de Dannemark
arriveroient ; et cependant on pourvoiroit les soldats des souliers et de meilleurs habits. En
tout ceci je crois qu'un plus habile homme y seroit beaucoup embarrasse ; car les ennemis ne
sont pas seulement forts en nombre mais aussi sont bien disciplines, et la situation des camps
aussi bien choisie que des Generaux les plus habiles pourroient faire.
No. 11. — Dundalk, le 4 Nov. 1689. — Les troupes qui sont venues d' Ecosse consistent en
quatre regiments dont les chevaux sont fort fatigue's ; celui de Hastings n'a pas trois cents
soldats. Quand Ton auroit marche avec ces troupes ici, le pays est fait d'une maniere que Ton
ne peut obliger un ennemi a en venir a une bataille s'il ne le veut. II seroit a. souhaiter que
V.M. eut parle a un homme qui connoit bien ce pays ici autour. 11 n'est pas moins difficile
que la Flandre pour obliger un ennemi a donner une bataille. Tant qu'il n'y aura pas un
dtablissement fait avec des personnes a certains prix pour fournir le pain de munition, comme
on fait en France, Flandre et ailleurs, il ne sera pas possible de soutenir cette guerre des que
l'on s' eloignera de la mer. Voila le principal article. Je ne dirai rien ici des autres defauts
de cette armee. Je me suis donne bien des peines et des fatigues pour y remedier. La chose
n'est pas aisee avec de tels officiers. Et il n'y a que la passion, les obligations, et le parfait
devouement pour le service de V.M. qui puisse me faire supporter les chagrins et les peines,
ou je me trouve.
No. 12. — -Lisburn, le 26 Decembre 1689. — Puisque j'ai commence" a parler de l'artillerie il
faut dire a V.M. que je n'ai jamais vu tant de mechants officiers qu'il y en a. Ce qui peut
avoir contribue a cela, c'est la paresse et l'inapplication aux details de Goulon. Je veux croire
qu'il entend a faire des mines et l'usage de la poudre, mais c'est le tout. Je crois etre oblige
en conscience a dire la verite" a V.M. ; le seul homme que j'ai ici dont je suis soulage c'est le
Commissaire Holloway, lequel j'ai fait controlcur a la place d'un nomine Clark qui vient de
mourir, ayant des ministres avec lui mais n'a pas voulu prier Dieu.
Pour les recrues de l'infanterie je suis toujours d'opinion que V.M. les fera meilleurs en
Angleterre. Du temps de Cromwell il avoit cette commodity qu'il avoit plusiers regiments en
Angleterre, d'ou il tiroit la moitie' ou le tiers des soldats pour ses recrues ici, lesquels savoient
deja manier leurs amies. A quoi je dois encore ajouter cette consideration, que l'on fait
courir le bruit en Angleterre que la peste est en Irlande, et ainsi et les soldats et les officiers,
lev6s par-ci et par-Id dans le pays, apprenant par les gens mal-intentionnes que la peste est
dans ce pays-ci, ils desertcront. Mais quand la moitie d'un regiment tout-leve" armee et
I- 3 1
434
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
exercee sera envoyee par V.M. a Highlake, il en desertera peu. Les regiments venus d'Ecosse
n'auront pas moins besoin de recrues, e'tant arrives ici fort foibles. Les Colonels Irlandois ont
plus d'inclination pour les gens de leur pays, non pas parce qu'ils les connoissent plus braves
dans une occasion, mais pour tirer plus de profit de leurs regiments. Nous avons vu par
experience que vers le mois de Septembre les Irlandois desertoient tous pour aller faire leurs
moissons. Les regiments de [le Vicomte de] Lisburne, Sanky, [le Comte de] Drogheda, [le
Comte de] Roscommon et Belasis sont fort foibles. J'ai ete oblige de r6tirer ces deux derniers
d' Armagh, n'y ayant pas trois cents hommes dans les deux. Quant a la cavallerie, nous avons
examine en presence de Messieurs Schravemor, Lanier et Kirk leur e"tat et fait un reglement, et
en la maniere que Ton doit faire les recrues. Les officiers ne prennent pas soin de leurs
cavaliers et k les obliger de prendre soin de leurs chevaux qu'ils ne se donnent pas la peine de
penser.
Pour les farines, biscuits et avoines Van Humery travaille a faire un etat de ce que nous
avons et ce que nous avons besoin. Je ne vois pas les peuples fort disposes a labourer leurs
terres, quoiqu 'ils vendent bien tout ce qu'ils ont, et Ton tient une discipline si exacte qu'ils
ne tirent que du profit du logement des gens de guerre. Cependant je crains que les peuples
manqueront du pain dans le printemps ; mais a. mon avis on pourroit prevener ces manque-
ments ici en permettant aux marchands de transporter d'Angleterre ici du ble, de l'avoine et
des farines sans payer de droits, non seulement ici mais aussi du cote du nord, pour les peuples
aussi bien que pour les soldats, du cote de Belleek et Ballyshannon. Je suis oblige aussi
d'informer V.M. que la negligence des officiers est cause que les soldats ont perdu beaucoup
d'armes, nonobstant le reglement que j'avois fait que les capitaines seroient obliges d'en
racheter a. leurs depens ; et leur negligence a ete si grande qu'ils sont venus en ce royaume
sans porter une tente avec eux, se servant de celles qu'on leur avoit donne pour les soldats.
Les grandes pluies ayant presque tout pourri les dites tentes, il faudra en faire venir d'autres.
Comme je ne me suis jamais trouve dans une armee ou il y ait tant d'officiers nouveaux et
paresseux, V.M. n'aura pas peine a croire que cela me donne beaucoup de peine et de chagrin.
Si on cassoit tous ceux-la pour ce sujet comme ils le meritent, il en resteroit peu.
J'ai remarque dans tous ces embarquements ici, qu'il manquoit de gens applique's pour
avoir soin des vaisseaux marchands a Highlake pour embarquer les soldats ; quoiqu' il y eut
quelques envoyes de l'Amiraute' pour cela, il seroit tres necessaire aussi pour le service et
l'epargne de V.M. qu'il y en eut deux ici pour avoir le soin de faire decharger promptement
toutes les denrees qu'ils apportent, pour les renvoyer ou decharger si Ton n'en a plus besoin
(cela me soulagera un peu des soins qu'il a fallu que 'ai pris) — comme aussi les petites vaisseaux
de guerre qui prennent toujours le pretexte qu'il leur manque quelque chose pour n'aller pas
au mer. V.M. a aussi besoin d'officiers de justice pour regler les desordres qui se commet-
tent parmi les peuples qui sont paresseux et ne vivent que de vols et de pillage. Je ne trouve
pas aussi que les ministres ecclesiastiques sont appliques a leur devoir, pendant que les pretres
romains sont fort passiones k exhorter les peuples a combattre pour l'eglise Romaine et a se
mettre a leur tete. Je crois que ce zele du peuple Irlandois se trouvera a ce printemps un peu
relenti, par le quantite de gens qu'on apprend qui meurt du cote des ennemis de la fatigue de
la campagne passee.
Les officiers de cette armee me demandent avec grand empressement leur conge pour
aller en Angleterre. Je les ai remis la plupart sur ce que j'ai 6crit a V.M. pour lui en de-
mander la permission et que je Fattens ; et qu'une partie de ceux la pourront aller aux recrues
a quoi je crois qu'il n'y a pas de temps h perdre, surtout pour ce qui regarde l'infanterie ; car
pour la cavallerie elle arrivera assez a, temps vers le fin d'Avril, comme aussi celle de Danne-
mark.
Mr Harbord doit avoir rendu compte a V.M. de I'utat des regiments du pays de London-
derry et Enniskillen. Nous avons menag6 cette paye en la faisant moins forte que celle des
troupes Angloises qui sont venues en ce royaume. Et je crois que comme ils n'avoient rien
du tout auparavant, ils devroient etre contents de celle qu'ils ont presentement. Car quoique
ceux d'Enniskillen aient acquis quelque reputation dans le combat qu'ils gagnerent, il y a eu
bien de bonheur de leur cote et de la confusion des ennemis qui n'etoient point ensemble.
Lorsque j'ai envoy6 des troupes d'Enniskillen du cote de Sligo, l'affaire a manque, parce que
la plupart des soldats etoient tous alles chez eux. Et je suis d'opinion qu'on se peut servir
d'exemple des royaumes de France et d'Espagne, ou on ne donne pas a-beaucoup-pres tant de
paye aux soldats du pays qu' aux corps etrangers.
Mr Harbord est parti sans nous avoir laisse de l'argent pour payer les troupes. II faut
esperer (comme il m'a mande de Highlake) qu'il en enverra de Chester; mais il nous a laisse
dans une grande confusion. A l'egard des officiers il n'a point fait aucun de compte avec
eux. Ils s'excusent la-dessus qu'ils n'ont point d'argent pour leur subsistance ni pour soulager
leurs soldats. Je crois que je menage a. moins l'argent de V.M. comme elle pourra voir par
le contingent money; mais Mr Harbord dans les depenses generals a de la peine a se
defaire de l'argent qui est justement du, dont le retardement ne peut porter que de la
confusion. Depuis qu'il est parti j'ai fait difficulte de signer les payements que les Commis
font, lui-meme aussi bien que moi ayant decouvert que ces dits Commis se sont faits agents
de tous les regiments Anglois de cette armee, et par-la. ils se mettent dans les interets des
Colonels. Jamais on n'a vu tant des gens avoir envie de voler. Pour la campagnie de Mr
Harbord je ne 1'ai point encore vu que I'etendard dans sa chambre. On dit que les
APPENDIX.
435
officiers le servent de Secretaire et de Commis. Je ne vois pas que Harbord ai bien
examine les comptes du Major- General Kirk ou qu'il n'a pas os6 les finir, a. ce que j'apprens
le dit Mr Kirk n'apportant point de quittance du payement des regiments qui etoient avec
lui. Je crois aussi qu'il est necessaire de faire souvenir V.M. a faire examiner a quel prix
l'argent se donne ici. Si cela est au profit de Mr Harbord, avec les droits qu'il tire sur
les pavements qu'il fait a l'armee comme tresorier, cela va a une somme fort considerable
par an. Je suis bien faclie" d'importuner V.M. d'un si long memoire. On ne peut pas se
dispenser de le faire, et encore de la prier qu'elle ne le laisse pas lire publiquement.
No. 13. — Lishtrn, le 27 Decembre 1689. — J'ai bien fait des reflexions sur se que V.M.
m'a fait la grace de m'ecrire du 10 (20) Decembre, et sans l'ennuyer de l'etat de mon in-
disposition je puis l'assurer que mon envie d'aller en Angleterre n'est venue que de la, et
que les medecins croyent que Fair et les eaux chaudes me gueriroient de ce mal dont mon
fils l'aura entretenu a present. II y en a en Angleterre qui croyent que je me sers de ce
mal pour un pretexte, quoique cela ne soit pas vrai. J'avoue, Sire, que sans une pro-
fonde soumission que j'ai aux volontes de V.M. je prefererois l'honneur d'etre souffert
aupres d'elle au commandement d'une armee en Irland comme etoit composee celle de la
campagne passee ; et si j'eusse hasarde une bataille (ce qui etoit difficile a faire si les
ennemis eussent voulu demeurer dans leur camp) j'aurois peutetre perdu tout ce qu'elle a
dans ce royaume, sans parler des consequences qui en seroient ensuivies en Ecosse jusques
en Angleterre. M'etant trouve dans un tel etat, aide de fort peu de personnes, charge d'une
infinite de details qui m'occupoient (pendant que d'autres Generaux ne songent qu' au plus
importante d'une guerre), je dis, Sire, qu'il n'y a que mon devouement pour les commande-
ments de V.M. qui m'oblige a sacrifier la sante qui me reste pour son service. Je souhaite
seulement que ce mal ne m'empeche pas d'agir comme je le voudrois. Lorsque je l'ai pu
faire je me suis presque charge de tout ; n'etant pas beaucoup soulage des Officiers
Generaux Anglois ou Ecossois. D'ailleurs ce qui peut rebuter le plus de cet emploi ici,
c'est que je vois par le passe, qu'il sera difficile a l'avenir de contenter les parlements et les
peuples. qui sont prevenus qu'un soldat Anglois, 1 quoique nouvellement leve, en battra plus
de six des ennemis. L'on auroit tort de m'envier cet emploi pour les profits que j'en tire. Je
n'ai pas encore trouve cette invention ; quand je l'aurois decouverte, je ne la pratiquerois pas,
me contentant des appointements que Ton me donne, etque Ton voit bien ici que j'en depense
le double.
No. 14. — Lisbi/rn, le 30 Decembre 1689. — Comme j'allois faire partir plusieurs memoires
pour V.M. un expres m'apportoit de sa part son billet du 16 (26) Decembre par laquelle V.M.
m'a mande qu' Elle trouve la saison trop avance"e pour envoyer Trelawny ici avec ses troupes
du cote de Cork, et qu'elle m'enverra l'infanterie Danoise pour nous fortifier dans nos quartiers.
Cela empechera les ennemis a s'en approcher. Les maladies commencent a se diminuer.
V.M. trouvera par les roles des montres que nous sommes plus forts que nous ne sommes
pas. Je crois que si V.M. faisoit chasser tous les commissaires des montres ce seroit le mieux
(les officiers pour l'argent en font ce qu'ils veulent), et se servir de la methode d'Hollande, les
capitaines de l'arme'e s'obligeants a tenir leurs compagnies completes le premier de Mai, et
chatier ceux qui y manqueront.
My Lord Lisburne, dont le regiment est le plus foible, l'a fait passer fort. II a mele
200 Irlandois. Je lui ai dit que l'intention de V.M. n'etoit pas de meler des Irlandois parmi
les regiments Anglois, mais de laisser les Irlandois aux regiments d'Enniskillen et Londonderry.
La conduite de Mylord Lisburne n'est pas bonne. II passe la vie a jouer et boire. Peu de
vin l'enivre ; apres cela il tient des discours avec les officiers, qui vont jusqu' aux soldats,
qui sont pernicieux au service. Puisque V.M. lui a permis d'aller en Angleterre, je crois qu'il
vaudroit mieux qu'il y demeura et que son regiment fut mis dans un autre. Pour les regi-
ments a reformer, je les ferai executer comme V.M. me l'ordonne. Et j'espere qu'elle ne
de'sapprouvera de ce que ja'i fait, par l'avis des Majors-Generaux Schravemor, Kirk et Lanier,
de mettre le regiment de Drogheda dans celui de Gower, puisqu'il n'y a pas de Colonel ni
Lieutenant-Colonel, et en laisser le commandement a my Lord Drogheda.
J'envoie aussi ci-joint l'etat des regiments leves en Irlande et la reduction de la cavallerie.
J'espere que V.M. l'approuvera et l'etat de leur payement. II ne faut pas faire etat sur ces
troupes-la que comme sur les cravates. Un jour d'une bataille ils se jeteront toujours sur le
premier pillage. Mr. Harbord en pensa a faire l'experience ; ayant voulu aller avec le Conte
de Schonberg arme de son mousqueton, il tomba en bas de son cheval. Cinq ou six cavaliers
d'Enniskillen commencement a le deshabiller et de le depouiller, quoiqu'il cria qu'il etoit le
pay-master, qu'il donneroit de l'argent afin qu'on ramena au camp. Un Officier Francais en
passant l'ayant reconnu, les Enniskillens le ramenerent.
Mais de cette histoire il faut passer a une plus s£rieuse, qui est qu'il [Harbord] est alle
sans nous laisser d'argent pour les troupes. Cela cause deja de d^sordre dans les quartiers
ou il y en a qui ne payent pas leurs botes. Je m'en vais travailler a voir si je puis emprunter
quelqu 'argent des douanes de V.M. dont le revenu commence a etre considerable. J'ai
1 In the first edition of "Dalrymple" there was a misprint here [buoy instead of quoy, or quoi], and I
thought that Schomberg meant " a boy recruit." In the second quarto edition it is corrected ; the meaning is
"any English soldier, although 0 raw recruit."
436
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
epargne a V.M. sur le train d'artillerie, depuis que je suis ici, trois milles livres sterlings ; elle
le trouvera de raeme si elle fait examiner les comptes du contingent money. Comme je n'aime
pas a piller, je tache autant que je puis que V.M. ne le soit pas par des gens qui ne pensent
qu' a cela ici. Ayant examine le memoire (que j'envoie a. V.M. par le paquet que j'envoie a
Mr. Blathwait) de la maniere qu'on payoit ici les officiers du temps du Roi Charles Second,
la paye y est aussi haute que celle des officiers en Angleterre; cela ne me paroit pas juste,
V.M. pourroit en diminuer au moins un quart.
No. 15. — Le 4 Janvier 1690. — Voyant le regiment de Delamere en si mauvais ordre, j'ai e'te
oblige d'en donner le commandement au Colonel Russell. Peutetre Mylord Delamere le
trouvera-t-il mauvais de moi, si V.M. ne lui dit qu'Elle me l'a commande. Celui qui en etoit
Major s'etant retire, (a cause du Lieutenant-Colonel Broadnax qui s'en est alle), je lui ai fait
ecrire de venir. Si V.M. l'agrde on le fera Lieutenant-Colonel. Mylord Delamere aussi bien
que d'autres Colonels en Angleterre envoyent ici des memoires avec des gens d'Angleterre
pour les faire officiers, parmi lesquels il y en a peu qui meritent de l'etre.
No. 16. — Lisburn, le 9 Janvier 1690. — J'ai presse" de partir le Capitaine St. Saveur afin que
V.M. fut informe de l'embarras ou je me trouve de ce que Mr. Harbord nous a laisse sans
argent. II m'a fait deux ou trois tours de meme a Dundalk. Quand les affaires vont mal, il
s'echappe. La frayeur le prit de tomber malade. II prit le pretexte d'aller a Belfast pour y
prendre soin que les malades n'y manquassent de rien. Huit jours apres j'appris qu'il etoit
alle a une assez belle maison pour y respirer un bon air sans avoir envoye seulement un de
ses gens a Belfast pour s'informer de l'etat de l'hopital. (Je ne suis ici aide de personne.)
Je ne sais si V.M. en sera bien servi ; c'est un homme qui pense trop a ses interets particuliers.
Je suis bien aise que la cavallerie Danoise ne vient pas si tot, car je crains que nous
n'ayons pas assez de paille et de foin ici pour la cavallerie que nous yavons. Pour de l'avoine
il ne tiendra qu' a Van Humery de nous en faire venir, mais c'est un petit genie pour une telle
affaire. Son associe ne vient pas d'Angleterre, et Van Humery n'a pas un sou que quelque
peu d'argent que je lui ai fait preter. Je lui ai dit de mander a. son associe d'acheter une
grande quantite d'avoine, dont on en peut aussi faire vendre aux officiers d'infanterie. S'ils
ne font pas un meilleur equipage que l'annee passee ils ne seront pas capables de servir la
campagne prochaine.
Si les regiments d'infanterie Francois avoient pu obtenir de l'argent de Harbord, ils auroient
deja fait partir pour des recrues en Suisse. De ces trois regiments et de celui de cavallerie
V.M. a tire plus de service que du double des autres.
V.M. aura vu par mon precedent memoire les raisons que j'ai fait comprendre k ces troupes
d'Enniskillen et Deny qu'il n'etoit pas juste qu'ils eussent leur paye aussi haute que les Anglois
qui ont ete envoyes par V.M. en ce royaume. Ils ne s'en eloignent pas. Mais ayant bien
examine la paye des officiers Irlandois elle est presqu'aussi haute que celle des officiers Anglois
— ce qui me semble est trop pour des officiers dont les plupart sont des paysans.
II est deux ou trois regiments de'infanterie Franchise en subsistance seulement, sans parler
du decompte des officiers environ mille livres sterlings chacun. Comme le soldat ne peut rien
acheter au marche, cela le me en une grande disette et en fait tomber beaucoup malade. Les
Colonels n'ont pas laisse faire de partir des officiers pour faire des recrues en Suisse ; mais il
faudroit qu'on leur donna quelqu 'argent sur bon compte de ce qui leur est du. lis ont ecrit
a Monsieur L'Estang afin qu'il recoive les ordres de V.M. sur cet article, car pour Mr. Harbord
il ne finit jamais quand il est question de payer les troupes, comme je l'ai mande a V.M. ;
a quoi je suis oblige d'ajouter que ce qui nous a fait manquer de medecine la campagne passee,
c'est que Harbord n'a pas voulu donner de l'argent a l'apothicaire Augibaut a Londres, quoique
je lui en ai parle souvent et envoye chez lui. II y a d'autres plaintes ici de lui, cela seroit trop
long. Son avarice n'a que trop paru, particulierement en ce point qu'il n'a pas fait de
decompte de pas un regiment, ce qui nous cause ici une grande confusion.
V.M. auroit bien besoin ici de quelques personnes de justice; ceux'qui j'ai voulu employer
ici ne songent qu' a. leurs interets, et on fait plus de confusion que de bien.
Mr. Douglas, Lieutenant-General, m'a montre une lettre de Mr. le Comte de Solms, par
laquelle il lui mande qu'il a obtenu de V.M. son conge pour aller a Londres. J'ai mande
dans un de mes memoires a. V.M. qu'il ne s'etoit pas fait aime dans cette armee ; on l'a trouve
fort fier. C'est de quoi on ne se mettroit pas tant en peine, si cela etoit repare par une
grande capacite. Je ne vois pas ici d'Officiers Generaux capables de commander une aile
d'une armee le jour d'une bataille. Mr. Douglas pourra dire a. V.M. que les regiments
qui sont sur la frontier d' Armagh, Tynan, Clones et Newry souffrent un peu de n'etre pas
bien loges et de coucher sur la paille. Mais si nous abandonnions ces places, cela etreciroit
nos quartiers et donneroit lieu aux ennemis de s'en prevaloir. qui ne sont pas plus a leur
aise que nous, et dont il en meurt tous les jours beaucoup et de leurs paysans. La
nation Angloise est si delicatement elevee que d'abord qu'ils sont hors de leur pays ils
di-pcrissent, partout ou je les ai vu servir dans les pays etrangers, les premieres campagnes.
Je crois, Sire, etre de mon devoir dire encore un mot sur le sujet de Mr. Harbord, dont
j'ai deja parle a V.M dans un de mes memoires; c'est a l'egard des guinees et des cabs. 1
1 Perhaps Schombcrg meant by " cabs " the Irish measures of capacity for oats, &c. In Johnson's Dic-
tionary the word "cab" is defined thus: — "A Hebrew measure, containing about three pints English. In
Ostervald's Bible (2 Rois vi. 25) the word is spelt KAB. More probably, Schomberg wrole caqs for caques
[casks, kegs, or cags], "CAG, a barrel or wooden vessel, containing four or five gallons. "'—Johnson.
APPENDIX.
437
Ceux qui savent mieux calculer ces choses-la. que moi m'ont fait entendre, que le profit qui se
retire la-dessus sur toute la depense que Ton fait pour Farmee il y a un gain de plus de
40,000 livres sterling par an. Pourvu que cela aille au profit de V.M. je suis satisfait.
II seroit bien necessaire qu'il y eut en ce pays-ci un Intendant qui eut une inspection generale ;
cela empecheroit bien des gens a voler.
Mr. de Schravemor a ete voir la cavallerie du cote de la Comte de Down, comme il
informera sans doute V.M. Je n'ai rien a ajouter, si non que les regiments de Delamere,
Devonshire et Hewett sont tous composes d'officiers qui n'ont jamais vu de campagne que la
derniere. Mr. Byerley, qui est Lieutenant-Colonel du regiment d'Hewett, me paroit un
honnete homme et de plus appliques, mais je ne crois pas qu'il ait jamais vu tirer un coup
de pistolet. II seroit a desirer que si V.M. lui donne le regiment, qu' Elle y met un bon
Lieutenant-Colonel. On en trouveroit bien ici qui seroient propres a cela parmi les officiers
Francois, mais de moi-meme je n'en mets pas parmi les Anglois a moins qu'ils ne le
demandent.
J'ai parle a V.M. peutetre trop souvent des moyens pour porter des vivres avec Farmed.
Van Humery (comme je lui ai dit aussi) est peu capable pour la campagne. Cependant je
vois que Mr. de Schravemor le prend fort a sa protection ; il en faisoit de meme de Shales.
Je ne pretends pas entrer dans ce secret pourquoi il le fait ; mais je crois aussi qu'il est de
mon devoir d'en avertir V.M., comme j'ai fait aussitot que j'ai debarque ici avec les troupes.
Depuis que Shales est en prison et qu'il a ete examine par Sir John Topham qui a visite ses
papiers, il y a trouve cette lettre qui je n'ai pas juge a propos qu'il laissat parmi d'autres
papiers pour envoyer en Angleterre, mais qu'il falloit mieux que je Fenvoyasse dans mon
pacquet a V.M., laquel'e peut Elle bruler apres Favoir lue si Elle juge a propos. J'aurois fait
partir le dit Shales, n'etoit qu'il est malade aussi.
No. 17. — Lisburn, le 10 Fevrier, 1690. — II y a un article dans cette Depeche du Comite
d'Irlande, qui est de payer les regiments de Londonderry et Enniskillen sur le meme pied que
les regiments Anglois. Puisque c'est l'intention de V.M., il faudra qu'ils se mettent sur un
meilleur pied ; car jusques ici ces troupes-la etoient sur un pied de libertinage, et de voler et
piller. C'est ce qui a ete cause que le Colonel Russell ne put mener avec lui toutes les
troupes d'Enniskillen que j'avois fait partir pour se saisir du poste de Sligo et de le maintenir.
Le Lieutenant-Colonel Ross du regiment de dragons de Wynn s'en va en Angleterre pour
y acheter quelques selles et brides, pour raccommoder ce regiment, lequel aussi bien que toute
cette cavallerie et dragons d'Enniskillen sont fort mal montes, beaucoup d'officiers et des
soldats malfaits ; mais puisque V.M. leur fait une grace particuliere de les vouloir payer comme
des troupes levees en Angleterre, on obligera les officiers des dits regiments a avoir des officiers
et soldats mieux-faits. V.M. ordonnera, s'il lui plait, que Mr. Harbord donne quelqu' argent
au Lieutenant-Colonel Ross pour acheter les choses necessaires et pour revenir promptement.
Je me suis defendu de donner conge a tous ceux qu'il a ete possible de s'en dispenser, car
tous les officiers de cette armee ont une grande envie d'aller en Angleterre. Mylord Lisburne
part presentement aussi, sur la permission qu'il a obtenu par un lettre de Mylord Shrewsbury.
Je lui ai dit souvent ce que V.M. m'a mande qu'il pouvoit garder les bons hommes qu'il avoit
leves depuis-peu en ce pays ici, mais qu'on ne vouloit plus de ces miserables gargons Anglois
et Irlandois, dont ils sont farci leurs regiments quand ils sont passes ici.
II est arrive ici un ministre qui dit avoir obtenu une commission en Angleterre pour etre
le Chapelain du regiment de Colonel Russell. J'avois deja rempli cette place d'un autre
chapelain il y a deux mois ; V.M. me mandera ce qu' Elle veut que je fasse en cela; les
ecclesiastiques de ce pays sont des gens peu-attaches a leurs paroisses.
V.M. me permettra que je lui fasse souvenir de ce qui regarde la train de l'artillerie ici,
afin de mettre un bon officier a la place de Glaum qui est mort. Celui qui presentement
gouverne tout ce train s'appelle Holloway qui est controleur, et je crois le seul bon officier
que nous y ayons. II sera aussi necessaire que V.M. mande quel nombre de canon Elle veut
qu'on mene a Farmee, puisque je vois par quelques lettres que V.M. pourroit venir ce mettre
a la tete de son armee. II me semble qu'il seroit necessaire qu'on mena plus de canon en
campagne. Glaum m'avoit parle d'un equipage d'artillerie que V.M. a en Hollande, qu' Elle
a fait faire pour Elle, ou il y a meme quelques howitzers, — lequel seroit fort utile ici. Cela est
contenu dans le memoire que j'ai fait avec Glaum avant qu'il partit d'ici. J'aurai soin de ne
point laisser manquer de poudre. Mais comme ce canon peut d'etre d'un calibre qui n'a pas
tout-a-fait rapport a celui de La Tour [the Tower of London], il sera necessaire que V.M.
donne ordres aux dits officiers de La Tour de s'en pourvoir. II est vrai que ceux qui y sont
entendent fort-peu ces choses-la, pas meme a examiner les fusils que les ouvriers leur delivrent
tous les jours, qui sont fort malfaits, mal-montes, et ont de mcchants ressorts.
Le Colonel Cambon m'a montre une lettre de Londres, par laquelle Fon voit, que Mr.
Harbord n'est pas content de lui. Cela est venue d'une lettre-de-change que Cambon avoit
tiree de Mr. Harbord a Dundalk de 800 guinees, qu'il lui donna la pour faire rendre a Londres
a son agent pour payer les habits de son regiment. Les marchands, qui avoient porte la lettre-
de-change chez les gens de Mr. Harbord ne Fayant pas voulu acquitter, firent leur protet.
Cela a tellement offens6 Mr. Harbord qu'il en a voulu mal a toutes les troupes Francoises ici,
et qu'il a dit que le regiment de Cambfin n'etoit pas de 150 hommes. Je puis assurer V.M.
que quoiqu'il en sont mort beaucoup depuis qu'ils sont entres dans leur quartier d'hiver, qu'il
438
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
en restoit encore plus de 46c en sant£, et depuis huit jours il lui est arrive une fort bonne
recrue de Londres de 70 hommes qui ont ete levels du cote de la Suisse.
II y auroit beaucoup a dire sur le sujet de Mr. Harbord. Je crois qu'il est connu en
Angleterre, comme il est ici presentement, sur le sujet de l'interet ; et je ne puis assez exagerer
le prejudice que cela a apporte au service de V.M., de ce qu'il n'a jamais voulu faire le
decompte aux Colonels et Capitaines des regiments. Je crois qu'il seroit necessaire pour le
service de V.M. qu' Elle envoya ici un ordre au Commis de la Tresorerie qu'il a laiss6 de faire
ce decompte ; car quand on parle aux officiers d'avancer quelque chose a leurs compagnies
lorsque l'argent manque, ils disent que comme on ne leur a point fait de d6compte depuis
qu'ils sont dans ce royaume, ils n'ont pas un sou pour subsister eux-memes. On etoit dans
une grande disette d'argent, quand depuis dix jours les trente milles livres sterlings sont arrives,
lesquels j'ai fait distribuer a toutes les troupes de l'arme'e sur bon compte. Je supplie V.M.
que cet article de Mr. Harbord ne soit lu que par Elle.
Je suis fort aise d'apprendre que V.M. a fait faire un traite avec Pereira pour les vivres,
et pour les chariots pour les porter avec l'armee qui est la chose la plus essentielle. C'est a
Pereira a voir que ces chariots et charrettes ne soient pas si pesantes comme on les fait a
Londres, et d'avoir de bons charretiers qui sachent fourrager.
J'ai ecrit souvent aux officiers de la Tour [the Tower] et a. Mr. Bertie le tresorier, de nous
envoyer de l'argent, car il en est du beaucoup ; et j'ai entretenu ici le train par des emprunts,
que j'ai faits en tirant des lettres-de-change sur La Tour, qui n'ont point pu etre acquittees.
Je supplie tres humblement V.M. d'ordonner qu'on donne de l'argent a Mr. Bertie afin qu'on
les puisse acquitter, et que nous dependions pas de Mr. Harbord, puisque la charge de
tresorier de l'artillerie n'a jamais dependu, ni en Angleterre ni ici, du tresorier de l'armee.
No. 18. Dromore, le 14 Fevrier 1690. — J'ai ckrit souvent a. La Tour pour faire de meilleurs
armes, et de nous en envoyer incessamment ; car on n'a jamais vu une armde avoir eu si peu
de soin de conserver leurs armes. Mais il sera necessaire que V.M. donne des ordres expres
pour que Ton delivre de l'argent a. Mr Bertie ; car j'ai emprunte ici tout ce que j'ai pu trouver
d'argent pour faire subsister l'artillerie.
No 19. Lisburn, le 3 Mars 1690. — Par mes derniers m^moires V.M. voit ce que je lui ai
mande sur le manquement d'argent. La necessite m'oblige encore davantage a. lui representer
que je vois avec regret que ses troupes au lieu de se raccommoder se ruinent de manque
d'argent, et que V.M. venant ici n'aura pas la satisfaction de les voir retablis comme je le
souhaiterois. Les lettres de Londres ayant venues hier pas Ecosse, je ne vois rien dans les
miennes, qui me fasse esperer que nous en ayons si-tot ; et ayant demande a un des trusoriers
de Mr. Harbord s'il ne lui avoit pas eorit qu'on a envoye de l'argent de Chester, il m'a dit
que non. Si Mr. Harbord n'en donne pas aussi pour les recrues a. la cavallerie et a l'infanterie,
il est a craindre que les troupes ne se mettront pas en bon etat; car les petites sommes
d'argent que nous tirons des douanes de temps en temps n'est pas suffisant pour en donner
aux soldats. Les Capitaines et les officiers subalternes en prennent pour eux-memes, etant
obliges d'en vivre aussi, puisque depuis sept mois ils n'ont point recu de paye ; et si on ne
leur paye pas leur decompte de bonne heure, ils n'auront pas le temps de s'acheter quelques
chevaux de charrete ou de bat [cart-horses or pack-horses J poure faire la campagne.
Mon devoir m'oblige d'en dire autant a V.M. sur le sujet d'artillerie. L'argent que j'ai
emprunte ici pour la fair subsister n'a point ete acquitte sur mes lettres-de-change que j'ai
envoye a La Tour. J'ecris a Sir Henry Goodrick d'en parler a. V.M. de lui proposer (ce qui
s'est pratique souvent) que Ton donne quelqu' assignation sur und fond, quoique les payements
ne se font que de quelques mois apres ; les ouvriers ne laissent pas pour cela de trouver du
credit pour subsister. J'ai mande a mon homme d'affaires d'offrir 1000/. ou 1200/. sterlings
pour etre avances aux arquebusiers. Et s'il arrivoit qu'ils n'eussent pa d'armes faites, comme
je l'apprehende, ainsi que je vois par la lettre de V.M., ne pourroit-Elle pas ordonner qu'on
tira 3000 ou 4000 fusils d'Amsterdam et d'Utrecht? car V.M. ne peut pas faire grand fond
sur les piques ; elles etoient fort-vieilles et se sont achevees de pourrir pendant les pluies de la
campagne passee ; pour les troupes d'Enniskillen, ils ne s'en peuvent pas servir. Ils en disent
de meme des mousquets.
No. 20. — Lisbum, le 7 Mars 1690. — Comme la saison avance, et que V.M. pourroit arriver
ici et ne pas trouver toutes choses en etat, j'aurois un extreme regret si quelque chose pouvoit
retarder ses desseins; et je crois devoir lui dire ce que j'ai trouve par experience depuis que
je suis parti de Londres, que Ton ne peut point compter juste sur les officiers de l'armee qu'on
emploie, soit dans les troupes, dans les vivres, ou dans l'artillerie. Et comme je suis respons-
able encore plus particulierement de la derniere, je trouve qu'en ce qui s'y est fait depuis
quelques ann£es on y a beaucoup trompe. Je ne mets pas dans ce rang les vieux mousquets,
ni les vieilles piques qui etoient pourries, mais meme ce qui a ete fait depuis peu d'annees en
ca. Le canon a ete' mal fondu comme cela se voit par les pieces qui ont creve au siege de
Carrickfergus, ou Ton voit la mechante composition du metail. II ne nous en reste qu'un.
J'ai cent a La Tour qu'on nous envoie des pieces de, 18 et de 24. Les officiers de La Tour
sonl si long ;'i preparer les choses, je crains qu'ils n'arriveront pas devant V.M.
Si j'avois seulement quatre demi-canons presentement, j'assiggerois Charlemont ou on ne
APPENDIX.
439
peut pas laisser les ennemis derriere, quand V.M. s'avancera avec son armee, sans en etre
beaucoup incommode.
Avant que de finir 1'article de l'artillerie, il faut redire un mot a. V.M. sur le manque
d'argent qu'il y a a. la Tour, afin qu' Elle ordonne aux tresoriers qu'ils en delivrent au Sieur
Bertie, tresorier de La Tour, lequel etant pourvu de quelqu 'argent il puisse payer les choses
necessaires que V.M. a ordonne, et pour celles que j'ai ecrit, et les faire partir incessamment,
parmi lesquels sont les tentes de la cavallerie et de l'infanterie dont on a precisement besoin.
Et corarae les vaisseaux ont un grand tour a faire, leur arrivee est incertaine et leur manque-
ment retarderoit la marche de V.M. C'est pourquoi je la supplie tres humblement d'ordonner
qu'on donne un convoi aux vaisseaux de la Tour qui seront charges, afin qu'ils puissent partir
incessament.
Le Sieur Robison est arrive" ici hier-au-soir ; je l'ai fort entretenu sur les moyens de fournir
des-a-present le pain de munition a toutes les troupes, et d'autant plus qu'il n'y a point
d'argent pour les payer. En leur faisant fournir du pain et de fromage il faut qu'ils aient
patience. Mais a. l'egard des officiers j'en suis fort en peine. S'il y avoit de I'argent pour
faire leur decompte. V.M. leur donnera moyen de se preparer pour la campagne ; car ils
manquent de tout.
Je ne devrois pas me meler de si loin d'ou provient le manquement de I'argent, et je
m'etonne qui parmi de gens qui en ont tant a Londres ils ne s'en trouvent point qui offrent
d'en preter a V.M. Je n'oserois me vanter de rien ; mais si j'avois entre mes mains les cent
milles livres sterlings que V.M. m'a fait la grace de me donner, je les ferois delivrer a. celui
qu'Elle voudroit pour le payement de son armee.
No. 21. — Lisburn, le 22 Mars 1690. — Cette Depeche va par le Sieur Hamilton lequel Mr.
Harbord emploie dans la tresorerie. II dit que c'est pour presser Mr. Harbord de songer a.
envoyer promptement de I'argent. Je crois qu'il a quelqu' affaire particuliere, mais le pretexte
qu'il prend ne laisse pas d'etre fort-necessaire ; car apres tout ce que j'ai mande a. V.M. de la
grande necessite ou les troupes sont faute d'argent, je n'ai plus rien k ajouter, seulement que
j'ai un extreme regret de voir le prejudice que cela fera au service de V.M., et les accidents
qui nous peuvent arriver ici de laisser des troupes si longtemps sans argent, si proches d'un
ennemi plein d'intrigue, et dans un pays mine ou le soldat ne trouve rien a. subsister chez son
hote, dont la plupart n'a rien pour faire subsister sa famille. Ce manquement d'argent est
cause que je remets a assieger Charlemont ; quoique nous ayons que deux pieces de canon de
18, le reste etant creve (etant de fort mediant metail) au siege de Carrickfergus. J'en ai
ecrit souvent aux officiers de La Tour afin qu'ils suppliassent V.M. d'ordonner qu'il y eut un
convoi pour nous mener d'autre canon et des bombes ici ; mais ils s'excusent par toutes les
lettres qu'ils n'ont point d'argent, pas meme seulement pour en avancer aux arquebusiers pour
continuer a faire travailler aux fusils que je leur ai ordonne.
En ecrivant ceci j'ai recu une lettre de Carrickfergus par laquelle on me mande qu'il est
arrive trois vaisseaux chargees de vivres, et un ou il y a quelque poudre et bombes. II y a six
mois qu'ils sont charges, et arrivent presentement.
Le Due de Wurtemberg est venu de son quartier ici. II est aussi en peine de ce qu'il
arrive tous les jours des vaisseaux de Highlake, et que I'argent, qui est destine pour les troupes
qu'il commande, ne vient point. II me paroit un esprit fort-doux, patient, et qui a envie de
bien faire.
II.
DEDICATIONS OF BOOKS TO THE MARQUIS DE RUVIGNY.
(1.) The Epistle Dedicatory prefixed to Daille's " Exposition de la Premiere Epitre
de l'Apotre Saint Paul a Timothee en 48 Sermons prononces a Charenton,"
1661.
A Monsieur De Ruvigny, Conseiller du Roi en ses Conseils, Lieutenant General de ses
Armees, et Depute General des Eglises Reformees de France aupres de Sa Majeste :
Monsieur, — Apres les autres sermons qui sont sortis de mon cabinet en assez bon nombre,
peut etre qu'il eut mieux valu y retenir ceux-ci et me contenter de l'audience qu'ils ont eue a.
Charenton, sans les exposer encore aux yeux du monde. En effet mon dessein etoit d'en user
ainsi. Mais l'indulgence de mes amis en a juge autrement ; et l'importunite des Libraires, qui
en ont entrepris l'impression, a enfin ete plus forte que ma resolution, me reprochant que je
trompais l'attente des Lecteurs et que je laissais mon ouvrage imparfait, si a l'cxposition de la
seconde epitre de S. Paul a Timothee que j'ai deja mise en lumiere, 1 je n' ajoutois aussi cclle
de la premiere que Dieu m'a fait la grace d'achever dans nos assemblies solennelles. Le
succes m'apprendra si j'ai ete trop facile de preferer leurs pensees aux miennes : et je ne m'en
repentirai pas si les fideles recoivent quelque edification de ce livre. Du moins, Monsieur,
j'en tire deja cet avantage qu'en vous le dediant il me donne le moyen de satisfaire le desir,
que j'avois il y a long temps, devousrendre quelque temoignage du respect que jai pour votre
vertu, et de la reconnoissance que je dois a. famine dont vous m'honorez. Les services
1 [Daille's "Exposition of Second Timothy" had appeared in 1659, dedicated to Madame La Princesso
de Turenne.]
440
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
importans, que nos Eglises recoivent de vos soins, depuis que le Roi vous a choisi pour etre
leur Depute General aupres de S.M., obligent tous ceux de notre profession, et nous 1 plus
que tous les autres, a. vous respecter et a vous cherir avec une affection singuliere ; puis que
nous voyons de-plus-pres combien dignement vous vous acquittez de cet emploi. C'est une
charge deja fort difficile d'elle-meme — de servir de bouche h. tant d'assemblees et a tant de
personnes dispersees ca-et-la dans toutes les Provinces de ce grand etat, pour exposer leurs
necessites et leurs requetes a leur Souverain, et pour sollicker continuellement tantot sa
justice, et tantot sa clemence, selon les diverses occasions qui s'en presentent tous les jours.
Mais outre cela les rencontres des choses, et les passions de personnes qui viennent souvent
traverser vos desirs et vos efforts legitimes, rendent encore cet emploi beaucoup plus difficile
qu'il ne l'etoit de soi-meme. Vous l'avez bien prevu des le commencement ; mais la voix de
Dieu, qui s'est fait ouir en celle du Roi, et en l'approbation unanime de toutes nos Eglises,
vous a inspire le courage de ne pas resister a une vocation pleine de tant de difficulties. Et
la grace du ciel, qui ne nous appelle jamais en vain, vous y a tellement beni, qu'en gardant
religieusement a notre Souverain la fidelite et la reverence due a S.M., vous avez eu pour nos
affaires le soin et l'affection que nous attendions de votre piete. Continuez, Monsieur, ce que
vous avez heureusement commence. C'est une ceuvre ou j'avoue qu'il y a bien du travail.
Mais certainement l'honneur y est encore et plus grand et plus certain que n'est pas la peine.
Car qu'y a-t-il-de plus glorieux que de servir au bien de tout un grand peuple ? que de vous
donner a leur besoin et leur affaires ? que de secourir l'innocence opprimee ou par la calomnie
ou par la violence ; que de sollicker pour sa consolation aupres du plus grand et du meilleur
Prince de l'univers? Sa bonte meme nous fait esperer que vous n'y travaillerez pas en vain ;
et la souveraine amour, qu'il a pour la justice, ne nous en promet pas moins, avec que la
hautesse et la generosite de son ame et tant d'autres vertus qui ayant paru en sa personne
sacree des sa premiere enfance, y reluisent maintenant avec un eclat tout nouveau, depuis qu'il
a voulu prendre lui-meme le timon de son Etat en sa main royale, seul vraiment digne d'un si
grand et si glorieux soin. Dieu veuille ouvrir de-plus-en-plus son cceur aux tres-humbles suppli-
cations que vous lui presentez pour nous, et faire entrer notre innocence par l'organe de votre
voix dans cet auguste sanctuaire, ou se forment les Arrets de la felicite de ses peuples ; afin
que la protection de sa clemence, et la faveur de ses Edits nous etant continuee, nous
puissions avec ses autres Sujets avoir aussi notre part aux douceurs de cette heureuse paix qu'il
vient de donner a sa France apres les victoires et les trionfes d'une longue guerre. C'est
bien-la sans doute, Monsieur, ce que je demande les plus ardemment a. Dieu pour vous, qu'il
vous fasse trouver grace devant son Oint, et obtenir de sa bonte ce qui nous est necessaire
pour mener sous ses lois une vie paisible et tranquille en toute piete et honnetete. Mais a ce
vceu principal j'en joins encore d'autres particuliers pour votre prosperite, priant Dieu que
comrae il est tres-magniflque remunerateur du bien que Ton fait a ses fideles, il soit votre loyer
tres-grand pour toutes les peines et pour tous les soins que vous prenez de nos affaires, — qu'il
vous conserve en parfaite sante, et qu'il couronne votre maison des benedictions du ciel et de
la terre, y affermissant a jamais sa sainte alliance. Je finirai par ces bons souhaits. Car pour
le livre que je vous presente, puis que vous avez deja entendu dans notre aseemblee la plupart
des Sermons dont il est compose vous en avez assez de connoissance sans qu'il soit besoin que
je vous en parle davantage. Je vous supplie seulement, Monsieur, d'avoir agreable le present
que je vous en fais, et de le recevoir comme une assurance et de mon inviolable respect et de
la passion, que j'ai d'etre a jamais, Monsieur, Votre tres-humble et tres-obe'issant serviteur.
Daille.
De Paris, le 24 jour de Mai 1661.
(2.) The "Epistre" or Epistle Dedicatory prefixed to [Marc Antoine de La
Bastide's] " Seconde Reponse au livre de Monsieur de Condom." 1680.
A Monsieur Le Marquis de Ruvigny, Lieutenant-General des Armees du Roy, et Depute-
General des Protestans de France aupres de sa Majeste : —
Vous avez juge vous meme, Monsieur, que ce que M. de Condom vient de mettre au jour
m'engageoit a luy repondre encore une fois ; et dans l'amour sincere que vous avez toujours
eue pour la verite, vous avez bien voulu etre de ceux qui m'ont le plus exhorte a la defendre.
J'y ay done tache avec toute la diligence que j'ay pu, ami que ceux qui auront lu son dernier ecrit,
en ayant la memoire plus fraische, puissent juger avec moins de peine de quel cote sera la
raison. J'ay eu l'honneur de vous dire, Monsieur, que si je ne me nomme pas icy, non plus
que dans le premiere reponse, ce n'est pas pour me cacher d'une chose que je croy faire par
devoir, mais parceque je n'ay pas un caractere qu'on puisse opposer a celuy de M. de Condom,
et que d'aussi foibles essais de meritent pas qu'on se mette en veue.
Agreez done, s'il vous plait, pour 1' interest d'une cause que vous ainsy, qu'au lieu de mon
nom, qui seroit peu de chose, je me pare icy de votre, qui est si considerable, non seulement
dans notre Communion et parmy les Etrangers memes, mais, pour dire tout, aupres de notre
grand Roy, dont votre rare vertu et vos grans et fideles services vous ont merite l'estime et la
confiance.
Aussi semble-t'il qu' apres avoir fourni une aussi longue carriere avec autant d'honneur que
vous 1' avez fournie, maintenant que vous nous donnez un autre vous-meme qui marche si bien
1 [The Pastors, &c. of the Church of Charenton, residents in Paris.]
APPENDIX.
441
par tout sur vos traces, nous ne devions plus vous demander que votre nora et, si je l'ose dire,
votre ombre.
Continuez pourtant, Monsieur d'etre aussi vous meme le soutien de nos Eglises par vos
sages conseils aussi long-tems qu'il plaira a Dieu de vous conserver pour nous selon nos vceux.
Si vous voulez bien appuyer cette defense, comme je l'espere, vous donnerez une nouvelle
force a nos raisons ; et je me retireray avec cette derniere satisfaction d'avoir marque ici k
ceux dont je suis connu l'honneur que vous me faites de me donner quelque part dans votre
amitie, et le zele et le respect qui m'attachent a vous.
[No signature or date.]
III.
LADY RUSSELL'S FIRST ALLUSION TO YOUNG RUVIGNY (AFTERWARDS
EARL OF GALWAY).
[Extracted from Selwood's Edition of her Letters, and Annotated.]
No. 83. — Lady Russell to Rev. Dr Fitzwilliam (for some time Chaplain to Lord Russell).
" You have, since I saw you, good doctor, so shifted places, that my letters cannot find
you. I writ to Windsor when you were gone to Cottenham, and yesterday I directed to Cot-
tenham ; at night I heard upon what melancholy account 1 you were gone to poor Lady Gains-
borough's. 2 I imagine your compassionate temper and true Christian disposition to mourn
with them that mourn (which I have had full proof of) will not let you quit that distressed
family. So soon as this will reach you, be so kind to me as to say something to my Lady.
I will own all you can say that is kind and respectful and suitable to her present circum-
stances. I consider her as one [that] has been a blessing to the family. She must have
known much sorrow and care in it, but she cannot miss a reward for her good works ; as
to herself, I have ever esteemed her person.
" I pity poor Lady Betty, 3 though I believe Lady Julian 4 may have the greater loss ; the first,
I fancy, may have the greater sense of what the want of parents is ; but I have good hope
their mother's 5 children shall feel the mercies of God. I should be glad to hear the father
has done his part towards their provision.
" Parliament news can be nothing before Monday; then the House of Commons are to
take the state of the nation into consideration, and the Lords do so on Tuesday.
" I must repeat a question to you I made in my letter yesterday. It was to ask you if I
am right that you ordered me to lay down four guineas for you towards the redemption of
some French Protestants, taken going into Holland, and made slaves in Algiers. They are
now redeemed, four ministers or five, and the rest proposers. 6 My cousin Ruvigny has paid
the money, and I am to gather to reimburse him the greatest part if I can. I have some
time since writ to Lord Campden 7 for his contribution, and he bid me lay down for him ; but
the time was not come till now, so I will remind him again in a few days, but I think it not
fit yet in the present circumstances. I will add no more at this time from — Your true
friend and servant, " R. Russell."
" 26 January 1688-9."
IV.
COPY OF KING CHARLES' ORDERS TO LORD PETERBOROUGH.
[From Sir John Leake's Original Letters and Papers; vol. ii., British Museum MSS.]
Charles III. to the Earl of Peterborow.
My Lord Comte, — Apres avoir ecrit la cy-jointe, un officier envoye de my Lord Galloway
qui ne manque que quatre jours de l'armee de mes alliez vient d'arriver. U m'a porte
l'agreable nouvelle que la dite armee s'est avance jusqu' a Guadalaxara et attend avec im-
patience les renforts qu'elle espere du corps d'armee qui se trouve sous vos ordres. L'ennemy
campe du coste de Atienza et se flatte des secours de France, qui les puissent mettre en etat
1 The death of Edward, first Earl of Gainsborough.
2 This was the deceased Earl's second wife, Mary, daughter of the Hon. James Herbert of Kingsey, and
widow of Sir Robert Worseley of Appledercomb [or Appuldurcombe], Bart. She died 6th April 1693, in her
45th year.
3 Lady Elizabeth, who married Richard Norton, Esq., M.P. for Hampshire, perhaps a relative of Colonel
Norton, who received into his house the admirable Rector of Tichfield, ejected in 1662.
4 She is called in the peerages Lady Juliana. She died unmarried.
5 This alludes to Lady Russell's deceased sister, Lady Elizabeth Noel. She did not live to be styled a
countess. During her lifetime, her husband, being simply a viscount's eldest son, was styled the Honourable
Edward Noel ; and she, of course, was " Lady Elizabeth," as a daughter of the Earl of Southampton.
6 Students of Divinity (whom the French Church styled proposants).
7 Viscount Campden (Wriothesley Baptist Noel) ; — his father being dead, he, after the funeral, would be
addressed as Earl of Gainsborough. He was the only Noel-grandson of Rachel de Ruvigny, Countess of
Southampton, and the last male representative of the Ruvigny-Noel stock ; his children were Elizabeth,
Duchess of Portland, and Rachel, Duchess of Beaufort.
I- 3 K
442
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
de decider son destein d'Espagne par un coup de bataille. C'est pourquoy je vous envois cet
Expresse en toute la diligence pour vous en avertir et vous deraander que sans perdre un
moment de tems vous faissez marcher toute votre cavallerie et la plus part de l'infanterie tout
droit vers la dite armee a Guadalaxara sans attendre autre avis ou de faire le detour que
j'avois marque dans ma precedente pour couvrir les passages de ma personne, n'estant pas
certain si je prendray encore la route de Tervel ou autre plus a la droit pour gagner du
chemin et du tems. Et en tout cas je vous ferai savoir les changements qui pourroient arriver
pendant que les trouppes s'avancent pour y prendre alors les mesures les plus justes. II ne
sera pas necessaire aussy que votre corps assemble el marche tout uny, car, l'ennemy s'estant
eloigne de la route que ces trouppes doivent tenir, vous pouvez faire avancer la cavallerie,
regiment par regiment, a laquelle suivra l'infanterie si tost qu'elle pourra. Et puisque, suivant
les nouvelles que le dit ofhcier debite, le siege de Turin est leve, il ne faudra pas s'embarasser
en £garde du secours que le Due de Savoye avoit demande. Et messme si Messrs les
Admiraux ne voudroient pas s'engager a l'enterprise des Isles avec les trois ou quatre batail-
lons de vos trouppes que Ton avoit destine a cette effet, il convient au public de ne s'amuser
par aucune autre operation sur les costes, mais de les employer aussi a ce renfort, supposant
qu'ils sont en etat de marcher, pour mieux assurer le grand succes que nos pourrions obtenir
de donner a notre avantage une battaille a l'ennemy ou de la chasser tout a fait du continant
de 1'Espagne devant que les secours lui puissent venir d'ltalie. Je ne doute de l'empresse-
ment et diligence avec quelle vous aurez soin de mettre en execution ces directions et marches
si importantes a la Cause Commune et profitables a votre honneur et gloire a laquelle
s'interesse beaucoup l'amitie que je professe a votre personne priant Dieu de la conserver en
sa sainte garde. Charles.
Caragoca, ce 2o me de Juillet 1706 [ought to be 20 Juin].
V.
DEDICATIONS OF BOOKS TO LORD GALWAY.
(1.) Dedicatory Epistle prefixed to the Life of Pasteur Du Bosc.
A' Monseigneur
Monseigneur Le Vicomtc de Galloivay, Marquis de Ruvigny,
Lieu tenant-General dans les armies de Sa Majesti Britannique,
et Depute, General des Eglises Reformies de France.
Monseigneur, Je ne pouvois raisonnablement mettre d'autre nom que le votre a la tete
de cet Ouvrage : car outre que Ton auroit de la peine a en trouver un aussi illustre, il n'y en a
point qui ait ete plus cher et plus utile a Mr. du Bosc. C'est par les sages conseils et par les
lumieres rares et exquises de feu Mr. le Marquis de Ruvigny votre excellent pere, et par les
votres qui ne sont pas moins considerables, que ce bon serviteur de Dieu s'est conduit dans
les negociations qui lui ont fait le plus d'honneur. Et n'est il pas bien juste de vous faire
hommage d'un vie, qui doit son plus grand eclat a votre auguste Maison?
D'ailleurs, Monseigneur, il n'y a point de Pasteurs Francois qui ne soient indispensable-
ment obliges a vous donner des marques publiques de leur reconnoisance, apres les soins
inexprimables que vous avez pris, et que vous prenez encore tous le jours, pour adoucir les
peines et les miseres de leurs pauvres brebis dispersees. Celles qui ont eu besoin de votre
secours ont trouve en vous non seulement un pasteur, mais un pere tendre et bienfaisant. II n'y
a rien d'egal a la charite que vous faites paroitre pour les Confesseurs du Seigneur Jesus, que
la piete admirable que vous avez temoignee en sacrifiant genereusement a la Verite toutes
les grandeurs que la France vous offroit, pour la juste recompense des services que vous lui
aviez rendus. L'annee qu'elle avoit en Allemagne auroit peri apres la mort de Mr. de Turenne,
par la jalousie des Chefs qui pretendoient au commandement, si vous n'aviez ete assez sage
et assez habile pour regler leurs differens. La paix si necessaire a ce Royaume, epuise d'hommes
et d'argent, n'auroit pas ete conclue comme elle fut a Nimegue, sans le voyage que vous
fites en Angleterre ; ou vous sutes si bien menager Fesprit du Roi Charles, qu'il n'eut pas la
force de vous resister. Des services si glorieux, et si fort au dessus de l'age que vous aviez
alors, joints a tant d'autres que vous avez rendus depuis dans tous vos emplois, vous respon-
doient des plus belles charges, et des premiers dignites de l'Etat, si vous n'aviez prefere
Fopprobte de Christ a toute la gloire du monde. Mais vous avez mieux aime etre affligi avec
le pen pie de Dieu, que de jouir pour un tems des dilices du peche. Vous avez cloisi la bonne part,
Monseigneur, et vous ne vous en repentirez jamais : car la piiti a les promesses de la vie
presente, aussi bien que de celle qui est d venir. Je ne doute point, Monseignkur, que vous ne
lV-prouviez, au service du grand Roi a qui vous vous etes attach^. Sa Majeste sait par-
faitemcnt ce que vous valez. Elle a deja eu des marques eclatantes de votre courage et de
votre capacite en diverses occasions, et sur tout dans la reduction de 1 Irlande, a laquelle vous
n'avez pas pen contribue" par votre sagesse ct par votre valeur. Vous venez encore de la
signaler dans la sanglante journee que nous avons essuyee a. Landen. Quels efforts n'avez-
vous pas faits, Monseigneur, pour seconder notre incomparable Chef? On vous a vu partout
marcher sur les pas de ce redoubtable Monarque, quoi qu'il ait rempli tous les devoirs d'un
grand Capitaine et d'un soldat determine, qu'il ait toujours ete des premiers au combat et des
APPENDIX.
443
derniers dans la retraite. Vous avez ete le compagnon de ses glorieux travaux, et vous ne
pouvez manqucr d'avoir part aux benedictions qui doivent accompagner le regne d'un heros
si parfait. Dieu veuille, Monseigneur, conserver un siecle entier cet admirable Prince, qui
est si necessaire au monde et a. l'Eglise; et vous faire aussi la grace de vivre assez long-tems,
pour recevoir tous les honneurs que vous meritez. Ce sont les vceux ardens, et sinceres,
Monseigneur,
A' Rotterdam, le De votre tres-humble et tres-obeissant serviteur,
6. Aout 1693. P. Le Gendre.
(2) . Dedicatory Epistle prefixed to Bouhereau's [French] Translation of Origen's
Reply to Celsus, Dublin, 1700.
"A Son Excellence, Henry De Massue De Ruvigny, Comte et Vicomte de Galway,
Baron De Portarlington, Lieutenant-General des Armees de Sa Majeste Britannique, l'un des
Seigneurs Regens de son Royaume d'Irlande et commandant en chef ses forces dans le meme
royaume : " —
" My Lord, Jamais personne n'eut une matiere plus heureuse pour une Epitre Dedicatoire.
Un livre, fait pour la Defense de la Religion Cliretienne, ouvre un beau champ par rapport a
vous pour passer ensuite au reste. Mais la permission que votre Excellence m' a accordee,
de mettre son nomme a la tete de cette ouvrage, est une grace dont je ne dois pas abuser.
Je croirois le faire, my lord, si je prenois le style qu'on a coutume de prendre dans les
occasions de la nature de celle-ci. Ce n'est pas a. moi de faire votre eloge. Cela sied bien
a des etrangers. lis ont une liberte entiere de dire tout ce qu'ils pensent sur votre sujet.
Mais quand on a l'honneur d'etre a vous autant que je le suis, il faut se contenter du plaisir
de vous entendre louer aux autres. La voix publique vous rend justice, my lord, sur ce que
vous etes en vous meme, dans le cabinet, dans Taction ; sur ce que vous faites pour l'Etat et
pour les Particuliers ; sur ce que vous avez perdu pour ne pas manquer au plus grand de tous
les devoirs, et sur ce que vous avez acquis en remplissant les plus difficiles. Tout le monde
le sait ; tout le monde en parle. Cela sufht. Puis je ici dire toute ma pensee? On trouble
un Concert, si on y ajoute des voix hors d'ceuvre. On affoiblit les louanges d'une personne
generalement louee, si on les publie sans les egards necessaires. C'est a quoi, My Lord, je
n'ai garde de m'exposer en parlant de vous et a vous-meme. Je sens je ne sais quelle deli-
catesse la-dessus, qui me feroit souffrir, autant que vous souffririez, s'il m' echappoit quelques
expressions qui marquassent trop vivement ce que j'ai dans le cceur. Je ne puis mieux l'eviter
qu'en me renfermant dans le dessein qui m'a porte a. vous demander la permission que j'ai
obtenue — c'est de vous donner un temoignage public de mon reconnoissance, et du respect
inviolable avec lequel je suis, My Lord,
De Votre Excellence,
Le tres-humble et tres-obeissant serviteur,
" E. Bouhereau."
(3) . Epistle Dedicatory prefixed to Sermons by the late Rev. Henri De Rocheblave.
"A' Son Excellence Henri, Lord Comte et Vicomte de Gallway, Baron de Portarlington,
Capitaine-General des forces de Sa Majeste Britannique, son Ambassadeur Extraordinaire et
Plenipotentiaire en Espagne et en Portugal.
" My Lord, Voici quelques precieux notes de mon epoux, sur lesquels la moit et le temps
ne peuvent rien. Si la mort me l'a ravi, elle ne saurait eteindre les verites eternelles qu'il a
preches. Je me flatte meme que le Public qui fut edifie des ses Sermons durant sa vie ne me
saura pas mauvais gre que je le fasse encore parler apres sa mort. Plusieurs de ses amis me
l'ont demande avec instance ; mais mon cceur me le demande plus que personne, et je n'ai
pu refuser ce soulagement a ma juste douleur. Si l'edification publique se trouve ici jointe a
ma satisfaction particuliere comme je n'en doute pas, il me semble qu' apres une telle perte je
n'ai plus rien a desirer pour ma consolation, et que je dois humblement acquiescer a la volonte
de mon Dieu. II faut que je supporte avec Constance qu'il soit perdu pour moi et pour sa
famille desolee, pourvu qu'il ne le soit pas pour l'Eglise, et que les bonnes ames profitent
encore de ces veilles et de ses travaux.
" Quoiqu'il soit, je n'ai pas un qu'il me fut permis de dedier ce Volume de ses derniers
sermons a d'autres qu'a vous, My Lord, dont l'illustre famille a eu les premices de son
ministere. Animee de tous les sentimens de veneration qu' avait le Defunt pour les rares
vertus dont Dieu vous a enrichi, je ne mets votre grand nom a la tete de son ouvrage que
pour m'acquitter devoir, ou il serait entre lui-meme, s'il avait jamais eu le dessein de le donner
au Public ; mais la Providence m'avait reserve cet honneur.
"Tout le monde sait Testime infinie que fait Votre Excellence de tout ce qui a rapport a
la piete et a la religion. Personne n'ignore les glorieuses marques que vous avez donnees de
votre attachement inviolable pour elles, et que vous leur avez tout sacrifie ; mais personne ne
le savait mieux que mon cher epoux, qui en parlait sans cesse. Comme vous Thonoriez de
votre protection, il repondoit a cet honneur par son respect et son admiration, qu'on n'a jamais
refuse a vos vertus Chretiennes, Civiles et Heroiques. C'est de quoi, My Lord, il a eu
444
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
plusieurs temoins beaucoup plus desinteress£s que je ne puis l'etre. Aussi ces sentiments
sont-ils devenus comme naturels a sa famille qui priera toujours Dieu pour la prosperite et la
conservation de votre illustre personne, et qui lui sera toujours devouee.
"En mon particulier, My Lord, quelle reconnoissance ne dois-je pas a vos bontes? J'ai
eu l'honneur de les eprouver depuis bien des annees; et si le vif ressentiment que j'en ai vous
est inutile, permettez du moins que je le rends public, et que je temoigne a toute la terre que
vous etes un digne instrument de la Providence pour la consolation des ames affligees.
Combien y a-til de veuves, d'orphelins et de malheureux de tous les ordres qui ont senti les
doux effets de votre liberalite. Mais je n'entrerai pas dans ce detail qui merite une autre
plume que la mienne. Je me contenterai de faire des voeux au Ciel pour le succes de toutes
vos entreprises, et de me dire avec un profonde respect, My Lord,
De Votre Excellence,
La tres-humble, tres-obeissante, et tres obligee servante,
" Isabeau De Rocheblave."
A' Dublin le 15 Juillet 17 10.
VI.
THE EARL OF GALWAY'S TWO PAPERS FOR THE HOUSE OF LORDS,
JANUARY 171 1, N.S.
[Reprinted from the " Annals of Queen Anne. "J
(1). "The Earl of Galway's Narrative, Read by the Clerk at the Table of the
House of Lords, c;th January, 17 11.
"In obedience to your Lordship's commands, I present you with a short narrative in
writing, containing the most material occurrences that happened in Portugal and Spain, during
the time I had the honour to command the Queen's troops there.
" In June 1704, being retired into the country, I received the Queen's commands to attend
her Majesty at Windsor, where she was pleased to order me to go and take upon me the
command of her troops in Portugal. I desired to be excused from accepting an employment
which I did not think myself equal to ; but the Queen seeming fixed in her resolution, I
obeyed.
" Upon my arrival at Lisbon, I found the two kings of Spain and Portugal already marching
for Abeira, and joined upon their route. But the season was much advanced, and it being
thought impracticable to attack the enemy there, it was soon resolved to retire into winter
quarters.
" The troops being in quarters, I went to Lisbon, where I had certain advice that Gibraltar
was besieged, and Marshal Tesse gone thither. Upon which, considering the importance of
the place, I immediately sent the Prince of Hesse four of the best regiments of foot under my
command, viz., the battalion of guards, my Lord Barry more s, Lord DonegalPs, and Lord
Montjoy's, together with a large supply of ammunition and provisions, which the garrison
wanted extremely. This relief arrived in good time, and proved so successful, as not only
to defend the place, but to hold out a siege that entirely ruined the enemy's infantry, and
prevented their being able to take the field the following spring in Alentejo.
" Being informed of their condition, as likewise that there was but a very small garrison in
Badajoz, I endeavoured to persuade the Portuguese to attack that place, but could not then
prevail ; however they took Valencia de Alcantara by storm, and Albuquerque by capitulation
under the command of the Conte des Galveas, and afterwards retired to quarters of refresh-
ment, as is usual in the excessive heats of the summer.
" During this interval I went to Lisbon to confer with the Earl of Peterborow. I found
the King of Spain designed to embark with him ; and not doubting but the Earl was bound
on some important expedition, though I had no orders to that purpose, and had now only one
regiment of horse, two of dragoons, and five of foot left under my command in Portugal, I
offered him whatever part of these troops he pleased to desire. The Earl accepted of my
offer, and chose the royal regiment of dragoons, and Cunningham's, taking likewise an order
with him from me to the Governor of Gibraltar, for such regiments from thence as he should
think fit to take on board, leaving only a sufficient garrison for the defence of the town, and
accordingly his Lordship took from thence those four regiments which I had sent thither to
the relief of the place.
" After the King of Spain and my Lord Peterborow had sailed, I with great difficulty pre-
vailed upon the Portuguese to besiege Badajoz in autumn. But instead of taking the field, as
we had agreed to do, in the beginning of September, it was the 2d of October before I could
get them to invest the place, under the command of the Marquis das Minas. Our cannon
had already begun to play with success, when an accident happened in a battery, which I went
thither to repair; and being there to give the necessary orders for that purpose, I lost my arm
by a cannon-shot from the town. But it is the general opinion, that if the disposition which I
APPENDIX.
445
put in writing the very morning the misfortune happened to me, and proposed to a council of
war, where the same was agreed to, had been duly executed, Marshal Tesse could never have
relieved the place, which must necessarily have fallen into our hands in a very few days.
" Not long after the siege was raised, news came of the surrender of Barcelona to King
Charles, and about a month after, that Marshal Tesse had marched with the best part of the
forces quartered on the frontier of Portugal, in order to join the Duke of Anjou and besiege
Barcelona again.
" Upon this I resolved to propose to the Portuguese to march to Madrid, concluding that
either the Duke of Anjou would by this means be obliged to quit the siege of Barcelona, or
else that we could meet with no opposition in our way. For this purpose I took a journey to
Lisbon, even while my wound, upon the cutting off of my arm, was still open, and had such
success with the King of Portugal, that his troops took the field the following spring by the
26th of March (n.s.) under the command of the Marquis das Minas, with intention to besiege
Alcantara, and march that way to Madrid. Meantime the Duke of Berwick, who had been
sent to command on the frontiers of Portugal in Marshal Tesse's stead, had thrown ten regi-
ments of foot into Badajoz, and marched with seven more, and a body of 4000 horse towards
Alcantara, in order to reinforce that garrison, by the addition of those seven regiments, which
he accordingly left there, and then came back to Brocas with his cavalry, where we surprised
him, beat his rear-guard, pursued him a considerable way, and took possession of the castle of
Brocas ; in which place we left a garrison to cover our foragers, during the time we should lie
before Alcantara.
" After this we continued our march to Alcantara, which surrendered to us in a very few
days ; we took ten good battalions prisoners of war there, and found about sixty pieces of
cannon in the place, with great store of small arms and ammunition.
" After the surrender of Alcantara we crossed the Tagus there, and having taken some
places of small note upon our march, and forced a pass at Massagona, where the enemy had
entrenched themselves, we advanced as far as the bridge of Almaras.
" But here the Portuguese resolved unanimously to return home again, notwithstanding all
the arguments the Generals of the allies could offer to the contrary, which happened very un-
fortunately. For had the army marched directly from thence to Madrid, in all probability we
must have arrived there at the same time with the news of the Duke of Anjou's being returned
to France ; the Duchess must have been obliged to escape alone ; and the tribunals being still
there, 'tis very likely the war would have been over.
" Some of the Portuguese were willing to go back and besiege Badajoz, which was entirely
laying aside all thoughts of Madrid. But others were for attacking Ciudad Rodrigo, and, by
joining with these, I engaged them, after the taking of that place, to go to Madrid. But the
time which was lost on this occasion had given the Duke of Anjou an opportunity of returning
from France to Madrid, from whence he withdrew the court and all the tribunals, before our
army could reach that place. So upon our arrival there, we found Madrid an open village ;
and the troops having been extremely weakened by so long a march, were not above 4000
horse and 8 or 10,000 foot.
" The Portuguese Generals and those of the allies thought it highly necessary the King of
Spain should come to Madrid as soon as possible. For besides the advantage his presence
might have been to his own affairs, it was of the last importance to us to be immediately joined
by the forces with the king and under the Earl of Peterborow's command ; not being strong
enough without them to attack the Duke of Anjou, who had already received some succours
from France, besides the 5500 horse and 8000 foot, of which the Duke of Berwick's army con-
sisted, after he had been joined by the Conde de las Torres.
" Being perfectly informed of the enemy's strength and motions, and having great reasons
to believe that if we were joined in time by all the forces with the King and the Earl of Peter-
borow, we might in this favourable conjuncture drive the Duke of Anjou entirely out of Spain,
make ourselves absolute masters of that kingdom, and put an end to an expensive war— all
the while we lay at Madrid and Guadalaxara I despatched every day one or more expresses,
and the greatest part of them officers, with letters to the King of Spain and my Lord Peter-
borow, representing to them both the importance of our being joined forthwith, and earnestly
desiring that no time might be lost in improving so critical a juncture.
" As the next best means to advise our friends of our arrival at Madrid, the first gazette
day after we got thither, I caused it to be published in the gazette that we were there, and ex-
pected in a very few days to be joined by the King and the Earl of Peterborow, hoping that
the natural curiosity of the Spaniards would give a printed newspaper a free passage.
" But notwithstanding all the diligence that was used in this manner on our part, near six
weeks were elapsed at Madrid and Guadalaxara before we received any advice that the king
was upon his march to join us ; and in the meantime, the Duke of Anjou's army was so much
increased by daily reinforcements from several parts, that he was now become superior in
number to us, even after we were joined by those forces which the king and my Lord Peter-
borow brought along with them.
" And I must say it is the general opinion, and I do verily believe, that as the Portuguese
lost one fair opportunity of putting an end to the war by not marching directly from the bridge
of Almaras to Madrid, so we lost another for want of being joined in time by the forces under
the command of the King of Spain and the Earl of Peterborow.
446
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
" And whereas that noble lord is pleased to aver that he never received any advice from
me of my arrival at Madrid with the Portuguese, and (as an argument of my neglect of him on
that subject) produces an instance of one officer that happened to pass through his quarters
with letters from me to the king, and none to his lordship — I am obliged to observe that I
gave this officer 100 pistoles, and ordered him to go directly to the King of Spain, who then
lay at Saragossa, but he was accidentally forced to go out of his way to avoid one of the enemy's
parties, which was the true occasion of his passing through the Earl of Peterborow s quarters
at Valencia, contrary to his first intention. But several other officers who were despatched by
me to the Earl assured me they had the honour to deliver him those letters which I wrote to
his lordship from Madrid and Guadalaxara. And even taking the fact to be as the Earl of
Peterborow is pleased to state it himself, it is plain his lordship had at least some verbal
informations from that very officer that passed through his lordship's quarters, and consequently
could not be altogether ignorant either of the place where the Portuguese army lay, or of the
necessity of joining them without loss of time.
" After the General had got King Charles proclaimed at Madrid, it was thought fit to
advance to Guadalaxara, where we had at last advice that the king was coming to join us, and
at the same time were informed that the Duke of Anjou was at Guadaraxa, to which place we
marched to prevent the enemy from intercepting the king. Upon our approach the Duke of
Anjou repassed the river, which little advantage we contented ourselves with, for it was not
thought advisable to follow and attack him on the other side, being advantageously posted and
stronger than we.
" We stayed here two days, and when we thought the king was out of danger, we again
retired to Guadalaxara, where we were joined by his Majesty and my Lord Peterborough,
with two regiments of Spanish dragoons, and part of Pearce's, for his lordship had left behind
him in several places thirteen battalions of English foot, with the remainder of Pearce's and
two other entire regiments of dragoons.
"So soon as the armies were joined (having upon my arrival at Madrid sent Captain
Montague to give the Queen an account of our march, and to desire her Majesty's leave to
retire), I waited upon my Lord Peterborow, offering him the command of the English, and to
receive his orders till I should have the Queen's leave to go home. But because the Marquis
das Minas would not do so too, my Lord Peterborow chose not to stay with the army, and
within a few days after went away.
" The king resolved, by advice of the general officers, to go to Chincon, where all things
necessary for the army were found in great plenty. But the season being far advanced, a
council was held about taking winter quarters, where it was agreed to be by no means safe to
canton on that side of the Tagus, for fear of losing all communication with the sea. Besides,
the country was so open, the troops could not be divided without danger.
" For these reasons, after having stayed at Chincon about three weeks, though the army
had forage and provisions for as many more, it was agreed forthwith to cross the Tagus, lest
the approaching rains should render the fords impracticable. Nor was there a possibility of
taking winter quarters so commodiously as in the kingdom of Valencia, where the situation of
the country rendered us secure against any attempts from a superior army.
'• This resolution was put in practice, and we made our retreat in good order, notwith-
standing all the interruption the enemy were able to give us, and were obliged at Yniesta to
cross the river in the sight of all their cavalry.
" Whilst the army was in quarters, my Lord Peterborow came back from Italy. And
whereas it has been suggested that his lordship did then demand from me 5000 men for some
expedition on the side of Catalonia, which were refused — I must declare I do not remember
that the Earl ever applied himself to me in particular upon that subject. If he had, the
answer must naturally have been, that that matter depended not upon me to grant or refuse,
but upon the King of Spain under whose command I was.
" But I do remember the Earl proposed this at some general council, or council of war,
held in the king's presence about the operations of the ensuing campaign, and joined with
those who were of opinion that it was by no means convenient to divide the troops, as may
appear by a copy of that opinion signed by my Lord Tyrawley and by me, bearing date the
15th day of January 1706-7. But I must beg leave to observe that it was not the decisive
council for the operations of the campaign, for many subsequent councils were held in the
king's presence more important than this. And though in them there might have been some
variety of opinions as to the manner, yet almost all the generals and ministers that assisted
at those councils agreed perfectly in the substance, which was, that we should join our troops
and march to Madrid. Some indeed were for passing through the plains of the Mancha, and
crossing the Tagus; but this opinion was overruled, because of the hazard in passing the river
if the enemy opposed us, and of the scarcity of provisions in the Mancha, which had been
exhausted by the enemy's winter quarters. For which reasons it was, after many debates,
agreed, that we should take the way of Valencia and Arragon, passing the Tagus at its head,
to avoid all opposition. But lest the kingdom of Valencia might by this means be any ways
exposed, it was likewise resolved, before we should begin our march, to destroy all the enemy's
magazines of provision and forage, in the country bordering upon the frontiers of Valencia, to
prevent them from making incursions. And I do take upon me to aver, that nothing was ever
transacted, during the time I had the honour to command the Queen's troops, contrary to the
APPENDIX.
447
positive resolutions of any general council or council of war, unless that resolution was after-
wards repealed by some subsequent council.
" So sensible was every one of our being already too weak, it was resolved to desire my
Lord Rivers (who was lately arrived at Lisbon) would join us with the troops that came under
his command from England ; which his lordship did, not long after.
" For the better execution of what had been resolved for our march through Valencia and
Arragon, proper commissaries and officers were despatched to provide bread and forage
sufficient for the troops, in all places where it was designed the army should pass. I went
with the Marquis das Minas to the frontiers towards the latter end of March, and we took the
field the beginning of April. We ruined part of the country bordering upon the frontiers of
Valencia before the enemy could join their troops, particularly Yecla, where they had their
largest magazines. Judging it necessary to take in the Castle of Villena, to prevent their
army from being masters of one of the most considerable inlets into the kingdom of Valencia,
we sat down before that place. But it proved stronger than was expected ; and after we had
spent some days there, we had notice that the enemy had assembled their troops at Almanza.
" Upon this advice a council of war was held, where it was unanimously resolved to fight
the enemy, which we were the rather induced to, because it was judged impossible to subsist
upon the defensive in the kingdom of Valencia. The country had already been so much
exhausted by our winter quarters, that there was not two days' provisions to be found for the
army ; and we could not have been able to have subsisted there so long as we did, but for the
supply we found in the enemy's magazines at Yecla. Nor did we think it proper to pursue
the once-intended march through that kingdom and Arragon, lest provisions should be
wanting, leaving the enemy so near and in a condition to follow us. For though commissaries
had been employed, there was reason to apprehend that the towns we were to pass through
would shut their gates against us, whilst we were closely followed by the enemy, and persecuted
by the peasants of the country, who, grown desperate by seeing themselves abandoned, would
naturaUy be up in arms in the mountains. Besides, we had certain advice that there was
already a body of French troops, consisting of 8000 men, in Spain, and upon their march to
reinforce the enemy. Thus, as the army must inevitably have perished without fighting, it
was thought reasonable to run the hazard of a battle, wherein we had an equal chance to come
off victors, which was accordingly done two days after, on the 25th of April 1707, N. S., but
with ill success.
" The cavalry of the allies, with some small part of the foot that had escaped the ill fate of
the day, joined again at Alcira, from whence they retired to Tortosa, and finding the enemy
had crossed the Ebro, endeavoured, by opposing their passage over the Chinca, to amuse
them till the latter end of the campaign. Meantime, with great expedition, I gathered the
broken remains of the foot (out of which I formed five battalions) and raised four more of
Catalans, with which we made a stand against a victorious enemy, and preserved the princi-
pality of Catalonia entire, except Lerida. After the taking of Lerida, the enemy thought fit
to retire into winter quarters, and we did the same.
" In February following, the Marquis das Minas, with most of the Portuguese generals,
embarked for Lisbon ; and having the Queen's leave to do so too, I visited the several quarters
where the troops in her Majesty's pay were lodged ; and having left the necessary orders with
Majors-General Carpenter and Wills for the government in my absence, took the same oppor-
tunity of going thither.
" Upon my arrival in Portugal, I found the Queen's orders there to take upon me the
characters of ambassador extraordinary, plenipotentiary, and general of her forces, which
charges I accepted in obedience to her Majesty ; though I had nothing so much at heart as
the pleasure of returning to that retirement, from whence only the Queen's positive commands
could have drawn me."
(2.) The Earl of Galway's Reply, or Observations upon the Earl of Peterborow's
Answers to the five questions proposed to his Lordship by the Lords.
" Your lordships having been pleased to allow me a copy of all such papers as have been
produced to prove the truth of the Earl of Peterborow's answers to the five questions that
were proposed to him by this honourable house, together with a copy of those questions and
answers, with leave to answer to any such part thereof as I might conceive myself concerned
in, and have not already sufficiently explained in my narrative, I do take the liberty of
observing to your lordships, that
" The Earl of Peterborow, to the first question, 1 is pleased to say, ' The management of
the war in Spain, when under the conduct of other generals, was not only supported with
great numbers of men and vast sums of money, but also with notorious falsehoods published
in their favour, to excuse repeated disgraces.' Whereas his lordship cannot but remember,
that when he sailed from Portugal with the King of Spain to Barcelona, he left only one
regiment of horse and five of foot under my command in that country, I having voluntarily
1 First Question : "The Earl of Tetcrborow be desired to acquaint the Committee how he was supported
with men and money during the time lie commanded in Spain, and what applications he made for either, and to
whom ? "
448
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
offered him, and he as freely accepted of, two regiments of dragoons from Portugal, and four
battalions of foot from Gibraltar, which I had sent to the defence of that place.
" I declare I never traduced the said Earl's conduct either by letters or otherwise, though
it seems the Queen had been fully informed thereof, particularly in regard to the misunder-
standing between his lordship and the King of Spain, to which his Catholic Majesty has
attributed his delays in marching to his capital, as may appear by Count Gallas's memorial,
a copy whereof lies on your Lordships' table. 'Tis well known, the first ' disgrace ' that ever
happened to us in Spain was occasioned by his lordship's not joining us in time at Madrid ;
and all the misfortunes that attended us afterwards were owing to that neglect.
" His lordship is pleased to say further, in his answer to the same question, ' That to excuse
the fatal battle of Almanza a king was to be used at that rate as to have it, in an account
printed by authority, declared that he took numbers, amounting to 4000 or 5000 men, from
a battle to be fought for his crown, the very regiments of horse and foot mentioned by name.
Whereas it is notoriously known to the whole world that he took only about 200 miserable
Spanish dragoons ; and that of the regiments mentioned to be taken away from the English
general in Valencia, some were never in being, others were regiments of trained bands in
Barcelona, and none of them within 250 miles of that place.' Whereupon I beg leave to
observe, that notwithstanding the Earl's reflection on that paper published by authority, the
account therein printed is so far from having been exaggerated, that there were actually some
battalions of regular troops absent in Catalonia besides those mentioned in the Gazette, June
1707 ; and several officers who were at Almanza can depose that there was not one Spanish
corps, either horse, foot, or dragoons, on our side at that battle.
" If part of the king's forces were at 250 miles' distance, that may be a reason why they
could not be at the battle ; but none can be given for their being at that distance, except in the
case of some few garrisons, which might indeed have been necessary, but could not require
above six or seven battalions whilst the army was then in the field. Whereas his Catholic
Majesty had at that time in his own pay in Spain above 6000 men, besides the Dutch and
English that were in Arragon and Catalonia. And those regiments which the Earl is pleased
to call ' trained bands,' 1 because they bore the name of some particular town or province that
raised or subsisted them, are no more so than the regiments of Picardy and Burgundy in
France, though newly raised.
" In his lordship's answer to the second question, 2 he is pleased to aver, ' That from the
time the Earl of Galway came first into Spain as far as Almaras, and thence returned back to
Portugal, the Earl of Peterborow had no advices from the Earl of Galway, no account of the
motives of that retreat, or any hopes given him of the return of the Portuguese into Spain.'
What his lordship says upon this occasion is very true, for whilst he was at so great a distance
besieged in Barcelona, and the Duke of Berwick with a considerable body of horse between
him and us, it was to no purpose to think of sending despatches by land. Neither was it
necessary to inform the enemy that way, that the Portuguese were resolved (notwithstanding
the repeated instances of the foreign generals to the contrary) to return back again to their
own country, after their army had advanced as far as the bridge of Almaras. But when we
got to Madrid, I immediately sent so many expresses with letters both to the Earl of Peterborow
and the King of Spain, that it was morally impossible his lordship could have been ignorant
above eight days of our arrival there. And I have been since assured by the inhabitants of
Barcelona, that they were all informed of it by that time; from whence I must conclude that
his lordship's delays in joining us were voluntary, and not occasioned by want of intelligence.
I have asserted in the narrative which I delivered in to this most honourable house, that I do
verily believe, if the Portuguese army had been joined in time after their arrival at Madrid by
the forces with the King of Spain and under the command of the Earl of Peterborow, we
might have been able to have driven the Duke of Anjou out of Spain, and have put an end to
an expensive war ; nor was this my opinion only, but that of all the world at that time. And
I find his lordship thinks it so far imports him to be clear of this imputation, that he is resolved
to be rid of it at any rate. For certainly nothing less than an apprehension of this nature
could have made him aver a fact so improbable as that where, in his farther answer to the
same question he says, ' That he received no letter, no message from the Earl of Galway after
his second entrance into Spain, nor had the least notice of his situation, circumstances, or
designs, till he saw his troops retreating from the enemy to take the strong camp of Guada-
laxara.'
" Now what could be the design of his lordship's marching to Guadalaxara, with so small
a body of troops as is mentioned in my Narrative, unless he knew he was to meet us there ?
Besides, his lordship forgets that he came not to Guadalaxara till some days after the
Portuguese had been actually encamped there, as I can make appear by the oath of several
officers ; and consequently it was impossible for him to have seen us retreating thither.
" I believe it may be necessary upon this occasion to repeat, that when his lordship did
1 [ This was an old name [ox yeomanry regiments or militia.]
2 Second Question : "The Karl of Peterborow may acquaint the house of what he knows of the Earl of
(i;. I way's proceedings during his stay with the army at Madrid, his march to Guadalaxara, and his retreat to
\ alencia, and if he knows anything of the opposition made by the King of Spain, the Count De Noyelles, and
the Spanish ministers and generals to those measures."
APPENDIX.
449
join us, he brought no more English troops with him than one regiment of dragoons and a
detachment of another, though he had actually at that time under his command in Spain 13
English battalions and 4 regiments of dragoons. As, likewise, that the officer who (his
lordship says) passed through his quarters with letters for the King of Spain and none for him,
was never designed to have gone within several leagues of his lordship, unless he had been
obliged to it by a party of the enemy (as I have already explained more largely in my
Narrative). And I cannot help observing, 'tis very improbable that officer should have had
occasion to apply to the Earl's secretary for money, because I gave him 100 pistoles at the
time I dispatched him.
" In his lordship's answer to the third question, 1 he is pleased to say, ' That the Earl of
Gabvay continued about 40 days at Madrid without making any endeavours to augment his
troops, or provide any means for the subsistence of his army ; that meeting the enemy
unexpectedly and retreating to the camp of Guadalaxara, the troops were without provisions
and in the greatest disorder.' In reply to this paragraph I do affirm, that the Portuguese staid
no longer time at Madrid than was necessary co get the king proclaimed there, which did not
exceed ten days, — then advanced as far as Guadalaxara, and afterwards to Guadaraxa, about
60 miles beyond Madrid, where we obliged part of the Duke of Anjou's troops to repass the
river, — but were not willing to engage them, at a time when we had reason to expect we
should have been joined in a few days by the forces with the King of Spain and Earl of
Peterborow, which was the only secure method left us to augment our troops. For it would
have been very imprudent to have attempted to have formed corps of the Castilians, who
were entirely devoted to the Duke of Anjou's interest. But all the officers of the army know,
we were so far from wanting provisions ourselves, that we sent a convoy of 8000 loaves to
meet the king and the Earl of Peterborow, which (by their delay in not advancing fast enough)
grew mouldy, and was afterwards pillaged by the peasants. His lordship's information of our
want of intelligence of the enemy's motions and of our disorder upon the retreat, are as great
mistakes as the former. For the occasion of our advancing to Guadaraxa was purely to post
ourselves in such a manner as to prevent the enemy from marching or sending detachments
to intercept the King of Spain ; and when we had reason to believe him out of danger, we
returned to Guadalaxara, there to be joined by the King and the Earl of Peterborow. Nor
was it possible for his lordship to have seen our disorder, if there had been any, because (as
I have already observed) he came not to Guadalaxara himself till some days after we had been
encamped there.
" Notwithstanding, the Earl of Peterborow is pleased to say, ' That we lost 5000 men in
the retreat to Valencia without a blow, and entirely ruined our whole cavalry.' 'Tis certain
our loss upon that occasion was very inconsiderable, if any, and the retreat made in so good
order, that the enemy (superior as they were in number) never durst venture to attack us after
the warm reception 22 of their squadrons met with from two battalions under the command
of Colonel Wade, in the town of Villa Nova, notwithstanding we were obliged to cross plains
and rivers in their view.
" And though his lordship avers in his answer to this question, ' That this retreat was made
against the king's opinion, and that of all his officers and ministers ' — it is certain, the retreat
was concerted and agreed upon at a council of war. 'Tis true some persons about the King
seemed, at first, inclinable to have taken quarters in Castile, but that was soon after found
impracticable ; for none of those Spaniards who were best acquainted with the country could
make a disposition of quarters where the troops could be secure. Therefore it was resolved
immediately to cross the Tagus, before the approaching rains should have rendered the fords
impracticable ; which being done, our next design was to have lodged ourselves behind the
river Xucar. But neither could this be done without taking a small town with a castle upon
that river, that commanded a bridge, where the enemy had a garrison. And therefore a
disposition was made for attacking this town ; but by the delay of the king's generals the
execution of this matter was so long deferred, that the enemy had already reinforced their
garrison, and were advanced so near us with a superior force, that it was not thought advisable
to attempt the place. Thus the only resource left us was the kingdom of Valencia, whither
we were absolutely obliged to retreat, that we might preserve our communication with the
seas, and canton with security.
" Nor is it to be wondered at that Count Noyelles, in his letter to the Earl of Peterborow,
should seem dissatisfied with the measures that were then taken ; since 'tis well known that
General used underhand to ridicule those very opinions of councils of war to which he had
given his own assent. For, being disappointed of the command of the army (which was what
he expected at his first arrival), he seemed resolved that no other general should have an
army to command. 'Tis very notorious that a Dutch and Spanish battalion, with a detachment
of English and Portuguese, amounting to above 3000 men, were sent to Cuenca, and thrown
away there (after it had been resolved to retreat to Valencia), purely to satisfy his importunity ;
for I always foresaw it would be impossible to protect a garrison at that distance from our
quarters. But what is still more extraordinary, the sending of the king's troops into Arragon
1 Third Question: "That the Earl of Peterborow acquaint the House, what advice his lordship received
from the Karl of (Jalway at Madrid in order to concert any public measures, and what his lordship knows of the
reasons that induced the King of Spain to go by Axragon towards Madrid, and not by Valencia ?
I. 3 L
450
FRENCH PROTESTANT EXILES.
with part of the Dutch who might otherwise have been at the battle of Almanza, was another
fatal effect of following Count de Noyelles' advice.
" In the Earl of Peterborow's answer to the fourth question, 1 he is pleased to say, ' That
several councils of war were held in the month of January in Valencia, about the time that
intelligence was brought that the forces under the Earl Rivers were entered into the Mediter-
ranean, in order to adjust the measures for the ensuing campaign. That the matters therein
debated were principally whether the army should march towards Madrid or seek the enemy.
In the debates the Earl of Peterborow positively affirms that the Earl of Galway, Mr. Stan-
hope, and the Lord Tyrawley, supported those measures with the Portuguese general ; and
that the King, the Count de Noyelles, the Spanish generals and ministers, with himself, argued
strongly against those measures as highly dangerous and impracticable ; and this in repeated
councils of war. Till at last the Earl of Peterborow, solicited by the king to renew the debate,
desired the king that he would order all called to the council to bring their opinions in
writing, that everybody's opinion, and reasons for that opinion, might appear and be known
to the world ; which, according to the king's commands, were put in writing and delivered at
the council.'
" In reply to this assertion I would beg leave to appeal to your lordships' memories,
whether upon the first mention of these resolutions to your most honourable house, the Earl
did not as positively affirm, ' That the conclusive council for the operations of the ensuing
campaign was held on the 15th of January, and whether he did not offer to depose on oath
that in that very council no person whatever was of opinion for making an offensive war, and
against dividing the troops, but the Lord Tyrawley, Mr. Stanhope, and I?' Soon after,
indeed, upon farther recollection, he was pleased to add the Marquis das Minas to our number;
and I observe he has since given himself a much larger latitude, both as to the time of holding
that council, and as to the persons who voted for an offensive war. His Lordship is now so
far from confining himself to a day that he takes in the whole month, and by accusing us more
modestly for having opposed only the King, Count Noyelles, himself, and the Spanish generals
and ministers, leaves half the council on our side. For, supposing all the Spanish generals
and ministers to have assisted at that council, there could only have been twelve persons there,
viz., Prince Lichtenstein, Count Oropeza, Count Corsana, Count Cardona, Count Noyelles,
my Lord Peterborow, the Marquis das Minas, Count d'Assumar, my Lord Tyrawley, Mr.
Stanhope, Monsieur Friesheim, and I. The last six his lordship has plainly left on our side ;
but my Lord Tyrawley positively affirms Count Corsana was of the same opinion, and
believes Count Oropeza was so too. Thus taking the matter as the Earl of Peterborow is
pleased to state it, we had an equality, and, as my Lord Tyrawley remembers, the greater
number, — of our party.
" Perhaps when my Lord Peterborow contended so positively to prove that council of the
15th of January conclusive, he was led into that error by the mistake in my Lord Sunderland's
letter in answer to one of Mr. Stanhope's of January 15th. But he has since been pleased to
allow that the council of the 15th was not conclusive, and that many more subsequent councds
were held, which determined the operations of the ensuing campaign, wherein he voted him-
self for marching to Madrid by the way of Arragon — which (I should have imagined) had left
no farther room to mention our opinions of the 25th. But because he is still resolved to
make good his charges against my Lord Tyrawley, Mr. Stanhope, and me, he affirms to your
Lordships, ' That the occasion of" that change in the subsequent council was, because the
opinion of the majority had been overruled by a minister of her Majesty, assuring that the
Queen had given him order to declare in her name, that her positive orders were that they
should seek the enemy, march to Madrid, and not divide the troops upon any account whatso-
ever.' I must confess I do not conceive that it imports me much to reply to this part of the
Earl's answer, nor shall I attempt to make an imperfect defence of an absent man ; for if Mr.
Stanhope was here, I doubt not but he would be able sufficiently to justify his own conduct in
this affair. Yet I cannot help saying, that even malice has never yet suggested that my Lord
Tyrawley, Mr. Stanhope, and I, did not act on that occasion with great integrity according to
the best of our understandings. Nor (with great submission to this most honourable house)
shall I ever be ashamed to own an opinion which was then not only the common sense of the
army, but agreeeble to the desires and interest of the whole kingdom of England.
" In the Earl of Peterborow's farther question he is pleased to say — 'That notwithstanding
this, the Earl of Galway brought the army into the plains of Valencia, the direct contrary
route to that of Arragon, and into all those dangers, which he was to avoid by marching by
the head of the Tagus.' In reply to this answer I shall only observe, that I had not the com-
mand of that army (which consisted of three separate bodies, English, Portuguese, and Dutch),
but the Marquis das Minas, from whom I always received orders. And the battle of Almanza
was fought by the unanimous approbation of a council of war ; nor could the resolutions of
that council have ever been executed, had there been the least difference of opinion ; because
1 Fourth Question : " If his lordship pleases to give an account of the councils of war in Valencia about the
15th of January 1707, upon the notice of the Earl Rivers sailing into the Straits — and upon the projects of that
1 ampaign — and what numbers the king took from the army, and an account of his manifesto upon so doing?"
Lord Peterborough having touched on the latter portion of this question in his answer to question fust, did not
return to the subject.]
APPENDIX.
451
each commander of a separate corps might have refused to march. For the occasion of our
moving towards Almanza, I must beg leave to refer to my Narrative, where I have mentioned
more at large, that in order to execute the resolutions of those councils of war, where it was
agreed we should march to Madrid by the way of Arragon, but first destroy the enemy's
magazines on the frontiers of Valencia, I went with the Marquis das Minas in the beginning
of April to Yecla, where the enemy's chief magazines lay, and from thence to Villena, where
we had advice of their troops being assembled at Almanza, upon which that council was held
wherein the battle was unanimously resolved on.
[Here I omit Lord Galway's opinion concerning the Toulon question, as I have quoted it
in Book II. Chapter III., Section 16.]
" What his Lordship says concerning a project that was formed for the taking of Origuela
before the opening of the campaign is very true ; but that project being afterwards found
impracticable for want of provisions, and the campaign drawing near, the Earl Rivers' troops,
which after their landing at Alicant, had been quartered in the nearest and most commodious
towns for their reception, were ordered to remove to Oya de Castalla (two short days' march
from the places where they lay before) that the enemy might not get between them and the
rest of our quarters to surprise us.
" In the Earl's answer to the fifth question, 1 he says — 'The King of Spain, when the troops
were marching into Murcia towards the enemy, assembled a council of war to no other pur-
pose, but to send by the hands of his secretary a protest with the reasons why he would not
march with the army, but go to protect his subjects in Catalonia ; the contents of which
protest the Earl very well remembers, having had a copy of it by the king's order.' His
lordship's memory, as positive as he is, must have failed him extremely in this matter. For
the army never did march into Murcia, nor any part of it, except a detachment of the troops
under his lordship's command : which returned from thence with very ill success. And
whatever he may aver to have been the reason of the King of Spain's leaving the army and
going to Catalonia, 'tis certain his journey thither was fixed long before the army assembled,
for no other reason that I ever yet heard of, but because he had a mind to redress some
disorders there. And His Majesty always promised to be back again by the time our army
should be ready to take the field. And it is notoriously known that the reasons for that
journey were thought so insufficient, that not only all the foreign generals and ministers, but
even the city and kingdom of Valencia, by their deputies, protested against it.
" As to what the Earl of Peterborow is pleased to say concerning those instruments which
he has to produce as proofs of the King of Spain's having been over-ruled on many occasions in
what he proposed for the public seri'ice. I can only reply, that 1 do not remember to have seen
any of those proofs — except a letter of the King of Spain to his lordship, where His Majesty
observes that the English, Portuguese, and Dutch Generals had refused him men to send to
Majorca, in councils of war held on the 17th and 19th of January (from whence I hope I may
reasonably infer the great probability of these generals being of opinion, but two days before,
against dividing the troops). And I must say, my behaviour to the King of Spain, while I
had the honour to serve under him, was such, that he never had occasion to complain against
me by his ministers to the Queen, as he did most strenuously by the Count of Gallas against
the Earl of Peterborow.
"Gallway."
1 Fifth Question. " What the motives were of the King of Spain's leaving the army when it was resolved
to march towards Madrid and towards the enemy? — and whether there were any orders pretended from England
for those measures ? [Lord Peterborough took no notice of the latter part of this question, having attacked Mr.
.Stanhope in his answer to Question Fourth.]
Printed by Tumbull S/>cars, Edinburgh,
INDEX TO
VOLUME I.
Abbott, 84
Ablancourt, 288
Adam, 36, 74
Addee, 424
Adrone, 270
Adroppe, 76
Adrys, 47
Agace, 57, 260
Agachie, 76
Agnart, 47
A-Haige, 46
Alart, 48
Alavoine, 52
Albert, 39
Alexandre, 1 10
Alix, 99
Allaine, 270
Aloo, 79
Altensleben, 39
Amproux, 41 1
Amyrault, 244
Ancrum, Earl of, 318
Anselain, 47
Anson, 181
Anthonie, 81, 95
Apple, 35
Argerius, 107
Ariaeus, 39
Arnest, 78
Aroye, 271
Artaud, 309
Arte, 36
Ashtown, Lord, 208, 219
Aubries, 81
Augibaut, 436
Aumale, 288
Aurelius, 42, 56, 60, 81,
146
Baccle, 46, 47
Bacheler, 79
Badde, 47
Badoue, 79
Baglan, 46
Baguelan, 273
Bahede, 271
Baignoux, 150
Baillaird, 51
Bailleu, 51, 53, 211
Baldoynus, 107
Baldwin, 78
Balie, 270
Bailey, 270
Ballon, 273
Banet, 81
Banks, 81
Bancquart, 40
Baptiste, 99
Bar, 36, 46, 260
Bara, 42
Barbe, 36, 46, 72
Barber, 270
Barberye, 271
Barbilley, 79
Barbon, 260
Bardin, 107
Bargeau, 44
Barger, 34
Bar zar, 34
Barlatier, 38
Barley, 74
Barnabe, 49
I.
Barnard, 76, 78
Barnes, 72
Baro, Baron, or Barrow,
55. 108
Baron, 39
Barons, 39
Barrat, 34
Barret, 72, 270
Barrington, 39
Bartelet, 270
Bartram, 34
Bashall, 271
Basnage, 41, 44, 48, 50,
100, 273
Bassens, 81, 261
Bassiet, 74
Bastide, 440
Bastien, 271
Batareau, 244
Battaill, 271
Bat tie, 271
Bauchart, 41
Baud in, 266
Baudouin, 48, 79, 99, ico,
200
Baudry, 52
Bayarde, 38
Bayley, 211
Bayly, 56
Baynarde, 37
Beane, 77
Beaulieu, 44, 51, 155
Beauvais, 91, 99
Beauvoir La Noche, 46
Beaveward, 76
Beckar, 38
Becket, 36
Becque, 37
Bedford, Duke of, 399, 402
Behareel, 52
Behout, or Bohout, 40,
41, 48
Belcastel, 311, 363, 426
Bellfold, 72
Bellmare, 34
Benard, 309
Bennett, 36, 72
Benvois, 34, 74
Beny, 99
Beranger, 276
Berault, 162
Beraut de la Maugere, 414
Bergis, 73
Bergree, 80
Berku or Dolin, 59
Bernac, 46
Bertelot, 45
Bertie, 48
Bertram, 99
Betram, 38
Beuer, 49
Bezar, 266
Bezo, 72
Brene, 78
Besue, 270
Bichot, 36, 71
Biggen, 72
Bignon, 108
Bigot, 47, 76
Biller, 49
Bino, or Bineau, 44
Biscop, 45, 49, 79_
Bishoppe, 75
Bisson, 99
Blane, 72
Blanker, 80
Blanques, 36, 78
Blanquiere, 80
Blanzi, 48
Bleuze, 44
Blevyn, 46
Blier, 45, 60
Blomers, 78
Blondeau, 39
Blondell, 81
Bock, 37, 77
Bodar, 61
Bodart, 39, 41
Boder, 77, 78
Bodoue, 75
Boevey, 82
Boileau de Castelnau, 411
Boille, 47
Bolin, 40
Bonespoir, 99
Bonevalt, 34
Bonfoys, 34, 35
Bongenier, 59
Bonger, 76
Bonhomme, 49, 99
Bonine, 46
Bonne, 46
Bonnel, 41, 45, 47, 48, 81,
244 _
Bonnerin, 107
Bonneroy, 78
Bonsquil, 74
Bonte, 42, 43, 52
Bordes, 44, 55
Bordez, 47
Borel, 48
Bossey, 271
Bouchery, 39, 43, 53
Bouchet, 107
Boudet, 68
Bouhereau, 443
Bouillon, 31, 45, 99
Bountifer, 77
Bouquet, 79
Bourbon-Malauze, 415
Bourdin de Fontenay, 38
Bourdin de St. Anthoine,
38
Bourge, 73
Bourgeois, 40, 41, 43, 46,
55. 56, 66
Bourhignomus, 81
Boussie, 39
Boutiniere, 46
Bouverie, 40, 45, 47, 49,
50, 65, 168, 177, 206,
2 1 8, 224, 244, 273
Bouvier, 53, 99
Bovilett, 39
Bowdellingie, 257
Bowes, 34
Bowrey, 34
Bowthand, 81
Boys, 50
Branche, 99
Braon, 39
Breart, 72
Breton, 166
Breval, 54, 57, 58, 161, 243
3 M
Brevin, 98, 99
Brickowe, 270
Brickpot, 36
Brigode, 42
Briot, 142, 410
Brittayne, 79
Brocke, 38, 27 1
Broke, 74. 77
Brokell, 74
Brondre, 43
Brontin, 188
Browne, 270
Bruneval, 41 1
Brunnan, 36, 71
Bucke, 38, 74
Buckey, 77
Buckland, 271
Bui, 49
Bull, 50
Bullen, 75
Bulteel, 22, 42, 49, 56, 70,
89, 146, 188, 234, 254.
267, 273
Bunmarey, 34
Burchly, 271
Burgar, 46
Burges, 36, 271
Burgis, 80
Buriharde, 271
Burioy, 271
Burlemachi, 38
Burrow, Sir James, 270
Buser, 271
Bushe, 270
Bustein, 81
Bustort, 38
Butcher, 270
Butlera, 36, 74
Butterflie, 79, 195
Byer, 39
Byggen, 37
Bygote, 47
Bysmer, 34
Cabry, 48
Cadan, 47
Cadgena, 78
Caginon, 75
Caillemotte, 40, 331, 412
Cairon, 53
Calandrin, 42
Callonne, 47, 60
Calvin, 51
Cambien, 46
Cambon, 311, 429, 437
Cameas, 34, 79
Camorde, 271
Campyna, 75
Canby, 120
Canon, 76
Capel, 42
Cappel, 16, 38, 45, 4S. 49.
15°, 2 73
Carbonnel, 42, 191, 198
Garden, 78
Cardonncl, 51, 56, 57,
199
Carol, 9
Carlier, 59, 262
Carliez, 46
Caron, 49, 51, 66, 74, 1S2
Carpenter, 42, 77
454
INDEX.
Carpreau, 38
Carr, 36, 74
Carre, 71, 271
Cartegny, 53
Casaubon, 1 8, 39, 43, 50,
56, 57, 120, 236
Cassel, 42, 49, 58
Castanet, 81
Castel, 40, 46, 48, 50, 51
Castelin, 45
Castol, 115
Castres, 308
Catelie, 47, 48
Catline, 270
Cattene, 80
Catteye, 59
Caumont, 39, 42, 128, 129
Causshe, 78
Caviliar, 74
Cevillere, 46
Chamberlan, or Chambre-
lan, 47, 48, 195, 231
Champion, 75
Chappelain, 99
Chappell, 36
Charron, 244, 246
Chartes, 71
Chartier, 39
Chartres, Vidame de, 92
Chasteau, 41, 201
Chastelin, 59
Chatelain, 71
Chatillon, 81, 91, 99
Chatline, 271
Chaudron, 74, 178
Chautmont, 99
Chavatte, 52
Chavernay, 411
Chavetier, 35, 76
Chenevier, 39
Chenevix, 219
Cherpont, 99
Chestes, 99
Chevalier, 34, 42, 270
Chevallier, 45, 55, 95,
225
Chitty, 39
Cholar, or Cholier, 262
Chovein, 79
Chrestien, 99
Churel, 99
Cire, 47, 335
Cisner, 51, 87, 261
Clancarty, Earl of, 194,
208
Clargy, 36
Claris, 37, 42, 44, 53, 57,
70, 72, 255
Clarisse, 42
Clark, 79
Classin, 39
Clement, 31, 34, 78
Clementt, 273
Clerbau, 51, 52, 211
Cles, 75
Cliche, 53
Clifford, 47
Clinquant, 46
Cock, 72
Cockey, 72
Cockhouse, 80
Cognard, 39, 44
Coif, 44
Colin, 32, 76
Colladon, 39, 142, 261,
262
Colic, 46, 51
Collier, or Collyer, 51,
262
Colombiers, 99
Col p, 49
Combin, 48
Congett, 39
Constance, 49
Consteil, 39
Conyard, 148
Coppin, 74
Coquel, 59, 271
Coquetu, 46
Cora, 49
Corayne, 75
Corcellis, or Corseills, 35
38. 40
Corcof, 49
Cordiner, 77
Cornelis, 80
Corniche, 45
Cornille, 46, 48
Cornillo, 46, 48
Cornyllys, 46
Corput, 46
Correur, 47
Cortall, 76
Cosier, 76
Cossifer, 80
Coteny, 48
Cottell, 38
Coulon, 39
Coulosse, 99
Couper, 50
Courand, 52
Cousarte, 271
Cousin, 32, 34, 40, 44, 45,
46, 47, 55. 68, 72, 81,
1 1 1, 259
Cowtree [Coutris ?], 36
Crahane, 35
Cramahe, 41 1
Cramper, 47
Cransey, 78
Cratch, 38
Crater, 35, 7S
Creance, 79
Cremie, 42
Crespell, 46
Crespigny, 424
Crespion, 52, 57, 263
Crew, 60
Criton, 271
Crocosan, 36, 78
Crommelin, 427
Crow, 52, 186
Crox, 51
Cruming, 271
Cubis, 77
Cueillery, 42
Cugnac, 42, 128
Cusar, 271
Cuttier, 34
Cye, 80
Dacier, 48
Damn, 79
Daigneaux, 99
D'Aillon, 53
Dallen, 47, 264
Dalrene, 270
D'Ambrin, Dambrine, or
Dombrain, 41, 42, 44,
5°. 53, 54, 70, 73, 79,
189
Dammeron, 47
Dampierre, 54, 58, 162
Dangy, 99
Danois, 149
Danvell, 79
Danway, 34
D'Aranda, D'Arande, or
Darande, 43, 44, 49, 51,
52, 56, 85
Darassus, 411
Daioue, 80
Dana, 270
D'Assigny, 120, 273
Daveigar, 39
I lebalion, 75
Debaut, 259
Debeas, 79
De Hois, 33, 35, 52
Debonnege, 73
Debossa, 271
Debowes, 271
Decanfour, 55, 205
De Cize, 401
Declare, 270
De Cley, 39
De Cosne, 41 1, 413
Decuse, 76
Defrance, 259
Defrumaux, 45
Degardaine, 80
Degardant, 78
De Grasse, 81
Dehambarke, 76
De Hane, 44, 54
Dehayes, 9
Dehorse, 34, 38
Dekeye, 271
De la Barre, 12, 47, 59
De la Chasse, 51
De la Cour, 42
Delacourt, 71, 74, 76
De la Croix, 40, 44
Delafaye, 264, 404
De la Grange, 77
De la Haye, 37, 59, 72, 76
Delaleu, 46
Delamare, 34, 35, 44
De la Miar, 72
Delamote, 78
De la Mothe, 101, 403
De la Motte, 45, 51, 52,
55, 56, 67, 164
De V Angle, 39, 133
De Lannoy, 41, 48, 75, 78
Delanoy, 48, 49, 55, 56, 75
De la Pierre, 51
Delapin, 38
De la Place, 9, 42, 51
De la Pryme, 52, 139, 215,
238
De la Roye, 38
Delater, 271
Delaune, 34, 39, 46, 47,
48, 50, 116, 119, 195,
230, 231, 264, 273, 277
Delavais, 71
De la Vallee, 99
Delaymontem, 77
Deldure, 271
Delecroyes, 271
De Le Me, 56, 61, 85, 273
Deleroy, 56
Delespan, 52, 201
De Lillers, 42, 50, 56, 190,
i?8, 273
Delimal, 60
Dellhey, 75
Delm6, 41, 42, 43, 46, 47,
49, 50, 52, 54, 56, 61,
85, 186, 202, 205, 273
De Loches, 426
Deloguta, 77
Delon, 57, 205
Delowe, 271
Demare, 73
Demaster, 35, 73
De Me, 51, 274
Demon, or De Mont, 35,
50, 73, 80, 270
Demoubre, 36, 72
Deneu, 49, 51, 52, 56, 57,
190, 191, 273
Denis, Dennis, or Denys,
73,. 75. 4ii
Denoise, 37
Depenwaye, 77
Depoins, 80. 271
Deponte, 76
Deporte, 36
Deprez, 55, 205
De Prie, 79, 270
Deproine, 76
Depuis, 35, 74
Derickson, 36
Deroche, 81
Deroncs, 37, 72
De Roy, 44, 60, 73
Desautonne, 271
Desbonne, 48
Desbonnet, 46, 47
Desbonnetz, 273
Des Bordes, 55, 60, 424
Descamps, 47, 53
Descarpenteries, 41
Des Gallars, 110
Desgardin, 47
Des Granges, 99
Deskien, 43
Des Maistres, 40, 45, 67
Desmare, 50
Desmarets, 42, 45, 50, 61
Desmasier, 47
Desormeaux, 46
D'Espagne, 53, 133, 149
Despaigne, 41, 42, 43, 45,
5i. 52, 53, 56, 57, 201
D Espard, or Despard, 203
Despinoye, 77
Desportes, 6$
Desprez, 46
Desquire, 50, 87, 186, 275
Desrouseaux, 40
Destaille, 273
Des Vigne, 56
Detriment,, 31, 37
De Vale, 80
Devangia, 35
Devella, 271
De Veil, 393
Deverage, 75, 77
Devicke, 37
Devine, 270
De Visme, 44, 50, 54, 190
Devosley, 271
Devyllman, 271
Dewie, 74
Didier, 40, 43, 44, 46, 48,
5i, 53, 54, 57, 265
Dillimer, 36
Diosie, 75
Dippie, 259
Ditwighte, 36
Dobbie, 77
Docque-Mesineque, 39
Doigneau, 265
Dolbel, 99
Dolerance, 106
Dollett, 39
Dorniion, 42
Doucement, 50
Doussone, 76
Dowell, 271
Dowsie, 34
Draper, 270
Dreware, 270
Drewe, 35, 72
Drochart, 40
Droet, 38
Droppe, 270
Druat, 79
Drurie, 77
Duaine, 271
Du Beuf, 41
Dublier, 34
Dubois, 43, 46, 49, 51, 52,
57, 87, 1S0, 241, 25y
Du Bosc, 68
Dubourdieu, 308, 309
Dubourgay, 378, 3S0
Dubuisson, 48. 68
Du Cane [Du Quesm ], 3S,
40, 41, 42, 45, 46, 49,
5°, 51, 54, 55, 57, 87,
176, 190, 266, 267, 269,
273
Du Charol, or Sharoll, 57,
276
Du Chesne, 45, 48, 49
Ducke, 271
Du Cro, 41, 44, 48, 53,
265
Du Feaver, 79
Du Gard, 49
INDEX.
455
Du Gres, 137
Duhamel, 44, 54
Du Jardin, 266
Dullaforrest, 34
Du M6, 50
Du Mon, 271
Du Moulin, 24, 30, 44, 57,
105, 129, 161, 266
D'Unne, 53
Du Perron, 99
Du Pierre, 44
Du Pin, 361
Du Pire, 46, 51
Du Pont, 38, 49
Du Pre, 47
Du Prie, 43, S3, 150
Du Quesnoy, 45
Durrell, 60
D'Urfey, 240
Durland, 35
Du Roure, or Duroure,
414, 426
Durporte, 270
Dusarte, 270
Duthais, 267
Duthoit, 42, 43, 46, 51,
54, 57, 205, 267
Du Val, 99
Du Veil, 166
Dycan, 79
Dynevor, Lord, 200
Dyrrant, 36
Edwyn, 35, 73
E ger, 36, 78
Elcock, 181
Elkoc, 48
Ellice, 218
Ellis, 44
Emeris, 203
Emilie, 44
Etroue, 271
Evan, 273
Fakerbe, 80
Falck, 36
Fallan, 47
Famas, 59
Fan, 45
Farran, 37
Farriner, 74
Farsyvyll, 36, 73
Farvacques, 42, 46, 48,
50, 51, 61, 70, 79, 119,
273
Fassure, 270
Fatreau, 41
Faucon, 42
Fauconnier, 47, 270
Fauquier, 181
Felles, 43, 149, 261
Felmeneu, 49
Fenouilhet, 44
Fer, 43
Ferbu, 87
Ferre, 50
Fever, 270
Feveron, 73
Fienne, 273
Fish, 259
Fitzroy, 187
Fitzwalter, Earl, 313, 318
Flahau, 52, 53
Flaiel, 44
Fleimme, 48
Florett, 77
Florey, 37
Florin, 73
Florrey, 271
Folkestone, Viscount, 206
Fontaine, 30, 39, 51, 59,
72, 75. 76, 77. 114, 271
Forcade, 410
Ford, 72
Forman, 75
Formatrou, 76
Formoise, 44, 71
Formow, 271
Forrest, 34, 46
Forsey, 36
Forterye, 41, 49, 50, 51,
56, 68, 70, 71, 76, 168,
180
Fosse, 39, 77
Foubert, 244
Foucart, 257
Foulcaut, 260
Foulcher, 271
Foulon, 59
Fourdrinier, 244
Fournestraux, 65
Founder, 40, 46
Foye, 36, 71
Fphlipot (see Phillipot)
Francois, 7, 53, 150
Francqueville, 41
Franklin, 77
Freiderne, 99
Fremaire, 48
Freman, 49
Fremanly, 60
Fremault, 54
Fremaux, 47, 53
Frennes, 49
Frier, 77
Fuchal, 36, 271
Furnier, 38
Furry, 74
Furvey, 76
Fyerno, 46
Fyssher, 37
Gabay, 39
Gabie, 74
Gabri, 49, 89,
Gainsborough, Earl of, 441
Galer, 46
Galier, 78
Gallemar, 50
Galliard, 79
Gal way, Earl of, 40, 316,
339, 413, 4H. 417, 426,
442, 444
Gambier, 42, 49
Garde, 73
Gardenet, 47
Gardichogs, 37
Gardien, 38
Gardret, 47
Garencieres, 73, 134
Gargaht, 80
Garrett, 38, 59, 74, 76
Gate, 46
Gazange, 39
Gentile, 73
George, 257
Germaine, 60
Gersen, 44
Gibaut, 47
Gibbert, 73
Gignon, 49
Gigon, 49
Girard, 39, 99
Girardot, 108
Gloriez, 42, 257
Gnelladie, 75
Gobbam, 80
Gobert, 35, 76
Goddio, 76
Goderdman, 52
Godinel, 47
Gondery, 49
Goodman, 73
Gorett, 72
Gorgier, 90
Gornar, 35, 72
Gossait, 273
Gottray, 47
Goulart, 45
Gozzi, 12
Grafton, Duke of, 187
Grande, 42
Grandsare, 37, 80
Graundverte, 77
Graunt, 38
Grave, 41
Gravener, 77
Graves, 37, 75
Gravier, 99
Greve, 42
Grindar, 270
Grivell, 271
Grocer, 410
Groneville, 99
Groser, 256
Groslot, 104
Gruel, 271
Grushey, 34
Guasquier, 50
Gubay, 39
Guenin, 43
Guerin, 68, 99
Guie, 72
Guillachon, 39
Guillot, 410
Guiot, 42, 273
Guis, 51
Guite, 79
Gummar, 270
Guoy, 140
Guppie, 74
Guyneau, 99
Gwertyn, 37, 79
Hacket, 37
Hacse, 48
Haguerier, 52
Halee, 75
Haleville, 99
Hallo, 43
Halvin, 47
Hamon, 9, 68, 267
Handect, 47
Hanet, 46, 48
Hanneroy, 40
Hanniwood, 50
Hannot, 53
Hanocke, 35
Harbark, 79
Harber, Herber, or Her-
bert, 46, 177, 188, 267
Harte, 38, 271
Harvie, 37
Harwich, Marquis of, 317
Haterville, 50
Hattericke, 271
Haumells, 77
Haunce, 30
Hautmont, 42, 147
Hauton, 47
Hay, 55
Hayes, 81
Heblen, 36
Helmont, 271
Helott, 39
Ilemman, 36, 72
Henande, 79
Renault, 77
Henice, 99
I lenricke, 75
Herault, 99, 147
llerchar, 273
IIerenq, 45
Herds, 79
Hersen, or Ilersent, 31,
45. 49, 57, 260
Ilervart, 414
Herviett, 270
I I esde, 60
I letrewe, 79, 271
Heudelen, or Hudelen,
46, 49, 50
Heuze, 43, 46, 147
Ilierosme, 29, 14/^7
Hiet, 49
Hillet, 77
Hinchar, 270
Hubert, 39
Hofstadt, 40, 72
Holdernesse, Earl of, 313,
318
Holliard, 37
Hollingcourte, 36
Honore, 45, 270
Hopkins, 44, 178
Horar, 50
Houard, 45, 46
Houblon, 12, 41, 43, 50,
51, 52, 57, 58, 59, 84,
90, 173, 268
Houcq, 50, 51, 53
Houe, 45
Houssey, 37, 75
Howell, 36, 38, 47
Howie, 107
Howitt, 243
Hoyat, 36, 75
Huard, or Lompr^, 147
Hue, 73
Huesne, 39
Hugessen, 41
Hugue, 46
Hulse, 280
Inglis, or Langlois, 78,
102, 106
Izard, 39
Jambon, 271
Janne, 37
Janson, 39
Janssen, 69, 209
Jarvey, 259
Jarvice, 270
Jeffrey, 58, 74
Jerome, 29, 147
Jeune, 53, 222, 268
Jewrie, 77
Johanne, 99
Johnstone, 107
Jonet, 76, 77
Jorden, 78
Joret, 59
Jornet, 79
Josine, 77
Jourion, Jorion, or Jurion,
52, 175
Jouvest, 46
Jovenox, 44
Joye, 42
Justel, 44, 55, 58, 153
Kaissar, or Emperour, 77
Kello, 47, 103, 104
Kerle, 48
Key, 72
Kier, 46
Kindt, 60, 61
Kinge, 34
Kirton, 71
Konge, 76
Kreaper, 78
Laboor, 36
La Bewe, 39
La bye, 41
La Case, Marquis de, 415,
424
Lackantout, 73
Laclare, 270
Lacaux, 273 ,
Lagacie, 47
Lagniel, 41
Laigneau, 99
La Laye, 204
Lamadie, 34
Lamber, 271
Lambermont, 147
Lambert, 38, 73, 271
Lambert de Lanner, 270
La Mcloniere, 99, 311,
3 6 3- 424
Laurie, or Lamey, 49, 137
Lamiol, 51
456
INDEX.
La Mort, or Lamor, 46,
270
La Motte, 39, 84, 164
Lampreur, 50
Lamuell, 72
La Myer, 35
Lancourt, 39
Lancous, 50
Lange, 47
Langlar, Lenglore, or
Languelair, 41,48, 101
Langlois, 183, 245, 425,
426
Lansel, 46
Laoust, 39
La Place, 51, 100
Lardenois, 35, 72, 74
Lardie, 35, 72
Large, 37, 73
La Riviere, or Perucel, 7,
150
Larme, 270, 271
Lame, 270
La Roye, 38
Larroue, 75
Larshar, 38
Lason, 43, 53, 265
Latelais, 45
Latore, 75
La Tour, 74
Launce, 37
Laundree, 39
Laurie, 39
Laval, Madame dc, 99
Lawneschawe, 270
Laygle, 52
Lean, 55
Leaver, 36
Le Bas, 200, 413
Le Blanc, 43, 47, 59
Lebon, 81
Lebren, 79
Lebroyle, 34, 73
Le Cat, 59
Le Cherf, 47
Le Clerc, 37, 40, 42, 50,
54. 72
Le Conte, 56
Le Coq, 41, 48. See Ley-
cocke
Le Court, 48
Lecuslet, 46
Le Dors, 48
Le Doux, 46
Ledreve, 271
Le Dru, 46, 47, 53, 73
Le Due, 42, 99, 182
Leeds, Duke of, 318
Lefan, 45
Le Febure, 40, 45, 46, 59
Le Feure, 54
Le Fevre, 46, 50
Le Franc, 273
Lefroy, or Loffroy, 41, 42,
43. 44. 45. 49, 53. 55,
5°, 57, 58, 66, 182, 216,
226, 245, 249, 426.
Le Gay, 40, 41, 45, 50,
139
Legendre, 260
Legonderie, 49
Le Grain, Le Greyn, or
Le Grin, 49, 50, 61,
186
Legrand, 201
Le Gras, 46, 55
Le Gueux, 43
Le Hand, 41, 201
Leheup, 244
Leinster, Duke of, 310
Le Jay, 46
Le Keux, 41, 42, 43, 44,
5o, 51, 53, 57, 201, 253,
265, 272
Le Leu, 51, 57, 59
Le Long, 50
Le Lou de Colombiers, 43
Le Marq, 39
Le Mere, 271
Le Montagne, 47
Le More, 43
Lemure, 35, 74
Le Myre, 47
Leney, 36
Le Nilay, 47
Le Noir, 52
Lenquin, 50
Le Page, 45
Lepaul, 54
Le Pelu, 68
Le Pipre, 236
Le Pla, 51
Le Plus, 40
Le Poutre, 41, 48, 50,
204
Le Prime, 50
Le Quesne, or Le Quien,
41, 42, 43. 44. 47, 5°.
51. 56, 269
Lernoult, L'Ernoult, or
Ernoult, 41, 43, 44, 53,
57, 265, 269
Le Rouge, 273
Le Roy, 60, 108
Le Roy or Bouillon, 31,
99
Le Ruez, 49
Le Sade, 45
Le Sage, 41, 48, 49, 182
Lescaillet, or L'Escaillet,
or Escaillet, 40, 45, 46,
47, 55, 6o > 269
Lescluse, 273
Lescobie, 46
Le Secq, 48
Le Sedt, 41, 43
Lespaille, 47
Lespen, 50
Lestene, 68
Lesvaux, 273
Le Taille, 60
Lethieullier, 44, 54, 58,
71, 168, 178, 244, 270
Le Tour, 38
Le Tuccke, 46
Leuart, 59
Leveret, 34
Leycocke, 35, 73, 76
Leyot, 270
L'hermitte, 120
Liage, 99
Lichfield, Earl of, 1 81
Liddell, 187
Lieven, or Livein, 46, 48,
50
Ligier, 77
Lilliens, 39
Lirli, 46
Lixens, 81
Lizy, 54, 190
Lo, 53
Lobeau, 42, 48, 49
Lobell, 41, 42, 47, 55, 56
Locye, 35
Longe, 38, 56, 271
Longuet, 53, 54, 182, 271
Lonschar, 42
Lordell, 52
Lores, or Loreo, 38
Lortier, 44
Lortur, 44
Lote, 36
Lothian, Marquis of, 318
Loulmeau, 99
Lucas, 38
Luce, 50
Lull, 79
Lulles, 38
Luzancy, 39, 57, 163, 287,
291, 293
Lyon, 34
Lyskcns, 38
Mable, 34
Macadie, 34
Machevillens, 81
Macon de la Fontaine, 16,
59, 114, "9
Machon, 99
Mahewe, or Mahieux, 36,
47, 72, 78
Maignon, 59
Mainmora, 71
Mairelles, 78
Makennis, 34
Malaparte, 59
Malauze, 415, 424
Malebranq, 48
Malatte, 270
Mancke, 51, 56, 202, 260
265
Mancon, 59, 60
Mannock, 75
Manouvrier, 137
Mansel, 55, 74, 271
Marbais, 44
Marchant, 35, 47, 73, 99
Mare, 74
Marescaux, Maresco, or
Morisco, 39, 53, 202, 272
Mareschal, 42, 189
Maret, 99
Marie, 16, 34, 42, 47, 59.
100, 118, 126
Marindin, 272
Marineer, 38
Marisall, 60
Marlieres, 39, 51, 57
Marniande, 41 1
Marny, 81
Marois, 79
Marqui, 39
Marriette, 202
Marryat, 213
Marshall, 74
Marsilliers, 101
Marson, 41
Marten, 78
Martin, 34, 45,49, 78, 79,
99
Marton, Comte de, 363
Marvey, 81
Mascon, 47
Masingarbe, 52
Maubert, 39
Maurois, or Mauroye, 40,
41, 42, 45, 49, 50, 53,
62, 168, 177, 186, 202,
272
Maxsion, 73
Mayerne, 42, 126, 130, 143
Mayott, 39
Mayton, 27c
Mazeaux (Des), 45
Mazieres, 107
Meder, 77
Meiser, 77
Melley, 59
Mellowe, 270
Melshar, 38
Menard, or Mesnard, 44,
411
Menshe, 270
Meny, 46
Meray, 72
Mercier, 40, 45, 49, 56
Meres, 57, 273
Merlin, 38, 99
Merriott, 44
Mesnier, 99
Messeman, 45, 49
Mestayer, 57
Meyer, 39
Miege, 1 1 2, 158
Miez, 68
Migel, 41 1
Milcam, 35, 71
Millainc, 76
Millen, 35
Millet, 100
Milliam, 271
Millome, 71
Millon, 54
Millorn, 35
Minet, 55. 57, 58
Minon, 381
Miremont, Marquis de, 40,
363, 415
Mocquot, 411
Moieur, 40
Moincke, 73
Molen, 271
Molin, 48
Molier, or Meier, 257
Mollier, 72
Molton, 35, 72
Mompouillan, Marquis de,
39, 129
Monange, 99
Monceau, 59
Monie, 50
Montagu, 261, 262
Montfossey, 99
Montgomery, Comte de,
99
Montmorial, 99
Moreau, 43, 44, 59, 60
Morell, 37
Morillon, 49, 276
Morren, 38
Mort, 35
Moubert, 37
Moulinos, 99
Moulins, 99
Mouson, 39, 47
Moutonier, 45
Moyneville, 99
Muckowe, 75
Mulay, 59
Mullenbeck, 37
Musard, or Mussard, 39,
154, 155
Mutton, 80
Myller, 273
Mylner, 56
Nau, 49, 263
Neuvemaison, 54
Nice, 271
Nicholas, 41 1
Nicoll, 36
Nimmay, 45
Niphius, 59
Noel, Lady Elizabeth, 319,
441
Noquart, 47
Norrey, 36
Nova, 74
Novelle, 39
Or.RE, 274
Ogier, 45, 70, 77
Oiseleur de Villiers, 112
Olive, 44
Olivier, 41, 48, 76, 80, 107,
270
Olter, 72
Onesuoyde, 39
Orchant, 53
Orlebar, 272
Orrett, 38
Osanna, 71
Oudart, 46
Overy, 44
Oyeurthens, 271
Page, 50
Paget, 274
Painsec, 100
Palliart, 43
Palmerston, Vicount, 176
Palsar, 43
Papillon, 38, 42, 43, 44,
47, 54, 56, 58. 195
Papin, 151
INDEX.
457
Parchment, 34
Paren, 60
Parent, 99
Paston, 39
Patin, or Patain, 50
Patriar, 75
Pau, 75
Pawle, 73
Pedriel, 45
Pegorier, 409
Pelat, 40
Pennowe, 34
Penzance, Lady, 218
Percey, 37
Perin, 45
Perrot, 39
Perruquet, 99
Pescot, 51, 52
Teter, 77
Petiawe, 37, 73
Petit, 39
Philator, 35, 71
Philippe, 31, 78, 81
Phillipot, Phlippo, or
Phillippo, 46, 48, 50,
.51. 274
Pierquin, 49
Piggott, 36
Pilos, 79
Pincon, 99
Pinell, 37
Pinnforth, 74
Pinnie, 78
Pipelart, 40, 168
Piren, 39
Pi res, 39
Tirsaie, 78
Pittaine, 36, 73
Pitte, 75
Planque, 47
Plantain, 45
Plichard, 49
Ploiart, 47
Poipaille de la Rousseliere,
411
Pol, 49
Polet, 273
Pollar, 49
1'olyander, 273
Ponjade, 51
Ponsonby, 188
Portales, 418
Poumare, 75
Pouncell, 37
Povvkes, 36, 72
Prease, 74
Preiste, 77
Prelio, 37
Presin, 50
Presot, 102, 106
Primerose, 42, 43, 51, 53,
144, 150, 261
Primont, 41, 48, 68
Primrose, Viscount, 244
Pruno, 52
Prute, 74
Pryme, 43, 52, 215
Pryor, 39
PuIIen, 36
Pusey, 170, 172, 224
I'yniot de la Largere, 41 1
iQUEROUAlXE, 39
Quesnel, 99
■Quonian, 39
Rack, 36
Racine, 48
Radcliffe, 188
Radnor, Earl of, 206
Ramon, 77
Raouil, 40
Rapareilles, 55
Ravaud, 425, 426
Ravoire, 167
Raye, 79
Reason, 73
Redlegge, 34
Remouth, 74
Remy, 37, 71, 74, 262
Renard, 46
Reneu, 39
Renison, 35
Resselet, 39
Revelstoke, Lord, 188
Rey, 77
Reymond, 73
Riall, 37
Richart, 45
Richer de Cambernon, 43
Richier, 148
Rieu, 41, 46
Rigne, 44
Rimbault, 241
Rime, 58
Rimere, 79
Ripandine, 99
Rique, 50
Pis, 5 2 . 53
Riviere, 47
Robert, 37, 107
Rocheblave, 443
Roe, 76
Roger, 49, 75
Rohan, 276, 320, 322
Rohe, 75
Roman, 76
Romaine, 228
Romieu, 50, 56, 274
Roubay, 47, 60
Roulles, 99
Round e, 78
Rowland, 81
Ruben, 78
Russell, 74
Russell, Rachel, Lady,
319, 410, 412, 441
Ruvigny, first Marquis de,
40, 319, 410, 439
Ruvigny, La Marquise de,
321, 410, 412, 413
Ruvigny, second Marquis
de, 40, 260, 331, 339,
441. See Earl ofGalway
Sablok, 270
-Sage, 35
Sagnoule, 59
St Michel, 138
St Voist, 99
Salvage 75
Samean, 78
Samoline, 54
Sampson, 38
Santer, 78
Sant Gune, 46
Santhuni, 42
Saravia, 41, 46, 56
Snriette, 40
Sarrazin, 260
Sasserie, 43, 54, 150
Sauen, 75
Saumori, 52
Savage, 270
Savary, 39
Sawier, 34
Sayes, 12, 59
Scate, 38
Schomberg, First Duke of,
40, 281, 429
Schomberg, Second Duke
of, 40, 304
Schomberg, Third Duke
of, 310
Scrusier, 35
Seignoret, 425
Selyn, 59
Seneor, 36, 73
Seneschal, 37, 46
Sengreins, 276
Senlin, 40
Sentrise, 271
Serfs, 99
Serrurier, 60
Sertaine, Certain, Sartane,
Sartayne, or Sortain, 41,
^ 48, 49, 55, 56, 227
Seure, 270
Seven, 79
Severy, 44
Sexton, 276
Seyer, 256
Shaftesbray, 71
Shaftesbury, Earl of, 206
Shalwaye, 36
Shambow, 271
Shampoyse, 34
Sharfe, 36, 71
Sharoll, 276
Shatelyn, 37
Sherby, 52
Shero, 34
Sherowne, 34
Shriverie, 38
Sibthorp, 192, 193
Simpson, Sir James, 259
Sinowe, 38
Six, 41, 42, 43-44, 5i> 53.
54- 55, 56, 57, 204, 247,
249, 276
Skilders, 74
Smaqu6, or Smacq, 43,
52, 140
Smith, 75
Snee, 44
Soinbonneau, 47
Solen, 69
Sorlatt, 36
Soubise, Seigneur de, 276,
320
Soulegre, 210, 211
Southampton, Countess of,
319
Spetzy, 38
Spitbroie, 270
Spright, 38
Stacie, 78
Stalleur Dequestebrune,
411
Stilman, 76
Stockmans, 273
Ston, 271
Stouppe, 25, 26, 87, 149,
261
Stycklinge, 76
Sualle, 270
Suckey, 76
Sueman, 53
Sweter, 270
Tahey, 37, 72
Taffin, 76
Talbot, Countess, 200
Tallemant, 321, 410, 413
Tanvile, 34, 73
Tasin, 51
Tasson, 36
Taverniers, 273
Tayler, 58
Tayllie, 60
Tellier, 9
Tellma, 271
Tellomond, 74
Tepotts, 73
Terrien, 46
Testard, 40
Tevelin, 46
Thieri, 45, 47
Thorne, 75
Tibargee, 270
Tibargin, 270
Tifry, 76
Tion, 38
Tipot, 55
Tirrie, 77
Toilet, 256
Tolman, 271
Tombe, 47
Toreau, 39
Tousainth, 9
Tout-le-monde, 48, 76
Tovillet, or Des Roches,
58
Tracat, 270
Tramet, 53
Treasie, 78
Trench, 193, 218, 219,
221, 222, 227
Tressell, 76
Trian, 38
Tripiez, 47, 48
Tron nel, 60
Trouille, 60
Trovilar, 54
Tryan, 12
Tuillier, 71, 80
Turwin, 37, 72
Tussell, 271
Tuvell, 38
Tyller, 34
Tyrret, 35
Tyttyll, 36
Vaillant, 47
Valen, 37, 73, 78
Valmy, 49
Valpy, 99
Vandyke, 39
Vannesse, 80
Varrye, 37
Vasesser, 271
Vassale, 38, 271
Vasson, or Vashon, 148
Vautier, 31
Vautrollier, 35, 72, 277
Veille, 35, 72, 80
Venier de la Grossetiere,
413, 414
Venin, 53
Verigney, 39
Verneleur, 44
Verneuil, 137
Vernon, Lord, iSl
Viart, 78
Victoris, 35
Vignier, 46, 137
Vignon, 231
Villiers, 44, 1 12
Vincent, 45
Vincquiere, 177
Vinion, 36
Viot, 36, 72
Voison, 74
Vossins, 39
Vouche, 81
Waldo, 43, 44, 45, 53,
55, 58, 191, 198
Walke, 99
VValley, 79
Wallie, 271
Wanticr, 52
Watelier, 47
Weman, 270
Wheildon, 202 1
Williams, 74
Wiseman, Lady, 192
Wood, 36, 241, 242
Wren, 155
Wrighte, 73
Wybone, 99
VOLLONE, 35, 71
Voumana, 75
I.
1012 01085 5486
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