LIBRARY OF PRlMCETOi^ THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY THE ECCLESIASTICAL AND POLITICAL HISTORY OP THE POPES OF ROME DURING THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES. BY LEOPOLD RANKE, PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN. TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN BY SARAH AUSTIN. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL IL PHILADELPHIA: LEA & BLANC HARD 1841. T IC. & 1'. G. Collins, PaiNXERS. CONl'ENTS. VOL. II. BOOK VII. 1590—1630. CHAPTER I. Progress of the restoration of Catholicism. 1590 — 1617. * Page Introduction. --_-----.. 7 § 1. Measures undertaken for the spread of Catholicism in Poland and the neighboring countries. ...... g 2. Attempt upon Sweden. -..----. ]2 3. Designs on Russia. -.-..-..- 21 4. Troubles in Poland. 22 5. Progress of the Counter-Reformation in Germany. - - - 26 6. Nuntiatura in Switzerland. ----.-. 39 7. Regeneration of Catholicism in France. ----- 41 CHAPTER II. General war — Triumphs of Catholicism. 1617 — 1623. § 1. Breaking out of the war. ........ 49 2. Gregory XV. 57 3. Bohemia and the herebitary dominions of Austria. ... gQ 4. The empire. — Transfer of the electorate. ..... 54 5. France. 68 6. United Netherlands. --.--... 7Q 7. State of Catholicism in England. ...... 71 8. Missions. ---.-----_. 75 CHAPTER III. Conflicting political relations — New triumphs of Catholicism. 1623—1628. 84 CHAPTER IV. Mantuan war. — Thirty-years' war. Revolution in the state of things. -.-..- 99 § 1. Mantuan succession. -----... 99 2. Urban VIII. - 103 3. The power of Ferdinand II, in the year 1629. - - - . 109 4. Negotiations with Sweden.— Electoral diet of Ratisbon. - - 112 5. Swedish war. — Situation and policy of the Pope. ... hq 6. Rostoration of the balance of the two confessions. ... 120 IV CONTENTS. BOOK VIII. 1590—1630. Pag» Introduction. .-_.._-.-- 129 § 1. The escheat of Urbino. ib. 2. Increase of the public debt of the ecclesiastial states. - - 133 3. Foundation of new families. ------- 136 4. War of Castro. 141 5. Innocent X. -----.---. 148 6. Alexander VII and Clement IX. 154 7. Elements of the Roman population. - - - - - - 160 8. Public buildings erected by the Popes. 165 9. Digression concerning Queen Christina of Sweden. - - - 170 10. Administration of church and state. ------ 185 11. The Jesuits in the middle of the seventeenth century. - - - 196 12. TheJansenists, 202 13. The position of the Court of Rome with relation to the two parties. 209 14. Relation of the Holy See to the temporal power. - - - 212 15. Transition to the later epochs of the Papacy. - - - - 215 16. Louis XIV, and Innocent XI. ------- 217 17. The Spanish succession. -------- 224 18. Altered state of Europe; internal agitations; suppression of the order ef the Jesuits. --------- 230 19. Joseph II. 241 20. French revolution. --.---.-. 242 21. The times of Napoleon. 245 22. The restoration. 250 APPENDIX. Section I. — Period to the Council of Trent. ----- 259 Section II. — Criticism of Sarpi and Pallavicini. - - - - 290 Section III — Period of the restoration of Catholicism down to the reign of Sixtus V. ---- 305 Section IV.— Sixtus V. - - 324 I. Criticism of Leti and Tempesti, the biographers of this Pope. ib. II. Manuscripts. -- - - 329 Section V. — Second epoch of the ecclesiastical restoration. - - 345 I. — Protestants in Naples. ------- 346 II.— Gregory XIII, and Sixtus V. 347 III. Affairs of Ferrara. 348 IV. — Conclaves after the death of Innocent IX. - - - - ib. Insertion. ----------- 350 Section VI.— Later Epochs. 414 Index. ----- - 467 BOOK VII. 1590—1630. VOL. II. — 2 4 THI^Q^^^i- CHAPTER I. PROGRESS OF THE RESTORATION OF CATHOLICISM. 1590—1617. INTRODUCTION. It appears to me that I do not deceive myself, nor overstep the province of the historian, if I here pause a moment to indicate an universal law of social life, which the period under consideration naturally suggests. It is indisputable that the great movements which stir society from its very foundations, are invariably produced by the workings of the living spirit of m.an. The sense of moral and intellectual want, which disposes men to seize on new opinions, often lies for centuries fermenting in the fathomless depths of the heart of society. At length, in the fulness of time, arises one of those master-spirits, endowed with the genius, energy and confidence which fit a man to wield these moral forces; to reveal to his age the wants of which it had but a dim and perplexed consciousness; to interpret to it its own confused and half-formed opinions, and to give them shape, compactness and strength. It is of the very nature of these moral forces to be eager to carry the world with them — to strive to bear down all resistance. The greater however their success, and the wider the circle which they embrace, the more inevitably do they come in contact with pecu- liar and independent elements of social existence which they can- not completely subdue or absorb. Hence it happens, that as they are of necessity in a state of continual progress, they must continu- ally undergo change and modification. Th.e foreign elements which they gather up in their course and incorporate with them- selves, tinge them with their own color; tendencies are developed, events take place, which are not unfrequently at variance with the predominant character of the movement. These heterogeneous elements necessarily share in the general growth of the body of which they form a part; the important matter is, that they should not acquire a predominance which would completely destroy the 8 PROGRESS OP CATHOLICISM [BOOK VII. unity, and change the principle, to which it owes its compactness and its character. We have seen how powerfully internal discrepancies and pro- found contrasts were at work within the bosom of reviving and restoring papacy. But the master-idea retained its victory; the highest unity of Catholicism, though not perhaps with its former all-embracing power, remained predominant, and advanced with steady course, unimpeded by moments of internal strife, from which indeed it often borrowed fresh energy for new conquests. Its projects now bespeak our attention. What was their success, what the social revolutions they occasioned, and what the resistance they encountered from within or from without, are questions of the highest importance to the human race. § 1. MEASURES UNDERTAKEN FOR THE SPREAD OP CATHOLICISM IN POLAND AND THE NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES. We have already expressed our opinion, that the protestants, who for some time had decidedly the ascendency in Poland, would have been strong enough to raise a king of their own religion to the throne; but that even they ultimately thought it more advantage- ous to their interests to have a catholic sovereign; since in the pope he would be forced to recognise a superior power, and a supreme judge. If such were the motives by which they were guided, they drew down upon themselves a severe punishment for this departure from protestant principles. For it was precisely by means of a catholic king that the pope was enabled to wage war against them. Besides, of all the foreign ministers in Poland, the papal nuncio alone had the privilege of an audience of the king without the presence of a senator: — we know well what sort of men filled that office; they were dexterous and prudent enough to foster and turn to account the confidential intercourse which was thus open to them. Cardinal Bolognctto was the nuncio in Poland at the beginning of the year 15S0. He complains of the inconveniences of the cli- mate, the cold, (to which an Italian was doubly susceptible,) the suffocation of the small heated rooms, and the mode of life, so thoroughly strange to him; nevertheless he accompanied king Stephen from Warsaw to Cracow, from Wilna to Lublin — through- out the kingdom ; sometimes indeed in rather a melancholy mood, but not the less indefatigable: during the campaigns he kept up a con- stant correspondence with Stephen, and maintained an unbroken connection between the interests of Rome and the person of the king. We have a detailed account of the manner in which he performed CH. I. § I.] IN POLAND. 9 his office, and by this we are made acquainted with the nature of his undertakings and the measure of his success.* Above all things he impressed upon the king the necessity of fill- ing the government offices exclusively with catholics: of tolerating the catholic mode of worship alone in the royal towns, and of re- establishing tithes; measures which, about this same time, were taken in other countries, and which were either the causes or the signs of the revival of Catholicism. He did not now succeed in his attempt; king Stephen did not think he could venture so far, and declared that he was not yet sufficiently powerful. Nevertheless, this prince had not only catholic convictions, but an innate zoal for the interests of the church; on many other points he gave in to the representations of the nuncio. The Jesuit colleges in Cracow, Grodno, and Pultusk were established by the immediate bounty of the king; the new calendar was introduced without diffi- culty, and the greater portion of the decrees of the council of Trent put in execution. But the most important point was the king's determination to confer the bishoprics in future only on catholics, t Protestants had possessed themselves of the highest as well as the subordinate ecclesiastical dignities; the nuncio was now empowered to summon them before his tribunal, and to depose them; a matter of the greatest importance, since a seat and voice in the senate were attached to the episcopal office. It was this very political character of the ecclesiastical institutions of Poland which the nuncio chiefly sought to turn to account. He most earnestly en- joined the bishops to unanimity in their measures at the diet, and these measures he prescribed to them; with the most powerful, namely, the archbishop of Gnesen and the bishop of Cracow, he had personally formed a strict friendship which was extremely ad- vantageous to him; and he thus succeeded not only in inspiring the clergy with renovated zeal, but acquired a great influence in tem- poral matters. The English had proposed a commercial treaty with the Poles, which promised to be very advantageous, especially to Dantzic; the nuncio alone prevented its conclusion, chiefly be- cause the English required the most distinct promise that they should be allowed to trade in peace, without molestation on ac- count of their religion.^ * Spannocchi, Relatione all' 111"'' Rev™° Cardinal Rusticucci, segretario di N. S. Papa Sisto V, delle cose di Polonia intorno alia religione e delle azioni del cardinal Bolognetto in quattro anni ch'egli e stato nunzio in quella provincia. f " Sendosi (il re) determinate che nessuno possa tenere chiese die non sia della vera fede romana." (Spannocchi.) X Spannocchi, "11 che non prima venne agli orecchj del Bolognetto, che ando a trovare S. M'% e con efficacissime ragioni mostro quanto esorbitante cosa sar- ebbe stata che avesse concesso per publico decreto vma tanto obbrobriosa setta, e come non senza nascosto inganno e speranza d'importantissime conseguenze quella scellerata donna voleva che si dichiarasse cosi per decreto potersi esercitar la setta Anglicana in quel regno, dove tutto il mondo pur troppo sa che si per- 2* 10 PROGRESS OP CATHOLICISM [BOOK VII. In short, whatever might be the moderation of king Stephen's proceedings, it is certain that cathoUcism first materially regained its ascendency under him. But this change acquired a higher degree of importance from the fact that the most powerful party in Poland, that of the Zamoskies, to whom, chiefly by the favor of the king, the highest offices of the state were entrusted, now also assumed a catholic complexion;* and it was this faction which, after the death of Stephen, decided the election of his successor. The Zamoskies placed upon the throne that Swedish prince whom Catherina Jagellonica bore in prison; and who from his earliest years, either from original incli- nation, or from the influence of his mother, or perhaps from a hope of succeeding to the Polish crown, or from a combination of all these motives, had remained immovably firm in the catholic faith, in the midst of a protestant country. The character of mind and opinions of Sigismund III were entirely moulded by those catholic impulses which at that period agitated all Europe. Pope Clement VIII says, in one of his instructions, that he had, while he was yet cardinal and legate in Poland, advised that prince to distribute all public appointments in future exclusively to catho- lics. This advice had already been often given, by Paul IV, by cardinal Hosius,t and also by Bolognetto; but now for the first time it found a soil fitted to receive it. A measure, which neither Sigis- mund Augustus, nor Stephen could be prevailed upon to adopt, Sigismund III showed a ready determination to carry through. He established it as a principle to promote only catholics, and pope Clement had perfect reason to ascribe the progress of cathoUcism in Poland to this measure above all others. The highest attribute of the kingly power in Poland consisted in the distribution of the great public offices and dignities. All ap- pointments, whether temporal or spiritual, great or small, (and they were said to amount to nearly twenty thousand,) were in the gift of the king. It is obvious what an effect must have been produ- ced by Sigismund's resolution to fill not only ecclesiastical but all offices whatsoever with catholics; to extend the "beneficence of the state," as the Italians once expressed it, the full rights of citizen- ship in the highest sense of the word, to his co-religionists alone. A man's success in life depended mainly on his skill in ingratiating metta il credere in materia di religione quel che piace a chi si sia: con queste ed altre efRcacissime ragioni il re Stefano rimase talmente persuaso che promesse non voler mai far menzione alcuna di religione, in qualunque accordo avesse fatto con quella regina o suoi mercanti." * Spannocchi: "Alle dignita senatorie et all' entrate del regno diconi hoggi non ammetlersi se non i depeiidenti da esso cancelliero, accio che da nissuno venga impedito di far quello che ad esso ed al re piii tornea di piacere di fare." I In a letter dated 14th of March, 1568, he begs the king to declare " nullis se deincepsvel honores vel prsefecturas vel quajcunque tandem alia munera publice mandaturuni nisi qui Christum aperte confessus fuerit et omni perfidiae sive Luthe- risticas sive Calvinisticaj sive anabaptistarum nuntium remiserit." CH. I. § I.] IN POLAND. 11 himself with the bishops and the Jesuits. The Starost Liidwig of Mortangen was created Woivode of Pomerellia, chiefly because he presented his house in Thorn to the company of Jesus. In conse- quence of this a feud arose between the cities and the nobles in the Polish-prussian provinces, which assumed a religious complexion. Both parties had originally embraced protestantism, but the nobles now returned to their ancient faith. The example of the houses of Kostka, Dzialinsky and Konopat, which rose to power by abjuring protestantism, exercised the strongest influence upon others. The Jesuits' schools were chiefly attended by the young nobility; and we soon find that quarrels arose between the scholars of the Jesuits and the citizens' sons in those towns which still remained prolestant. The revived spirit of Catholicism was chiefly displayed amongst the nobility. The college at Pultusk contained four hundred pupils, all noble.* The general impulse originating in the spirit of the times, the instruction given by the Jesuits, the newly awakened zeal which animated the whole body of the clergy, and the favor of the court, all conspired to dispose the Polish nobility towards a return to Catholicism. It naturally followed tliat, encouraged by success, the govern- ment soon took stronger measures, and that those who did not recant, were made to feel its displeasure. The Catholic clergy of Poland m'gently renewed a claim for- merly set up; viz: that all ecclesiastical buildings which had been founded by the faithful, at the suggestion or with the co-operation of bishops and frequently of popes, were the unalienable property of their church. In all places where the Catholic service had been excluded from the parish churches, the bishops resorted to legal proceedings founded upon that claim. The courts of law were now filled with zealous catholics; and, as might be anticipated, the same suits were instituted and the same judgments obtained, in one town after another. It was of no avail that the sufferers ap- pealed to the king and reminded liim of that confederation, by the terms of which equal protection had been promised to both confes- sions; he replied, that the very meaning of equal protection was, that each party should be assisted to regain its own rights, and that the confederation contained no clause securing the ecclesiastical buildings to the protestants.t In a few years the catholics regained possession of all the parish churches in the towns: " In the parish churches," exclaims a Polish writer, " the ancient God is worship- ped;" in the smaller towns of Russian-Poland the Lutheran service was performed in a room of the town-hall; among the larger, Dantzig alone retained its parish church. J * MafFei, ii, 140. f The circumstantial letter of tlie Waiwode of Culm, translated by Leng- nich, Polnisch-preussische Gescliichte, vol. iv, p. 291, particularly details these motives. X Lengnich, Nachricht von der Religions oinderung in Preussen, § 27. 12 ATTEMPT UPON SWEDEN. [bOOZ VII. Elated by the success which had crowned their efforts, the catholics were no longer contented with their triumphs over the protestants, but turned their eyes to the Greek schismatics. On this point too, the king and the pope united their influence; and it appears thai the threat of exclusion from a seat and a vote in the senate had great effect on the Greek bishops, some of whom, including Wladika of Wladimir, accordingly determined, in the year 1595, to join the Romish church according to the standard fixed by the council of Florence. Their delegates proceeded to Rome; papal and royal commissioners appeared in the province; the ceremony of reconciliation with the church, at which a Jesuit, the Idng's confessor, preached a sermon full of zeal and enthu- siasm, was performed; and in this part of the Polish dominions also, churches were restored to the catholics. This was an immense advance in so few years. " But shortly before," says a papal nuncio in the" year 1598, "it appeared as if heresy would completely supersede Catholicism in Poland; now, Catholicism bears heresy to its tomb." Our inquiries into the causes of this revolution lead us to attribute it principally to the personal character and disposition of the king; and these, from his peculiar position, rapidly led him to far more extensive projects. § 2. ATTEMPT UPON SWEDEN. By the death of his father John, in the year 1592, Sigismund became king of Sweden. This monarchy was not indeed an absolute one, nor was Sigis- mund unfettered by personal pledges — for in the year 1587 he had signed a solemn engagement not only to alter nothing in the cere- monies of the church, but even to promote none but protestants. He now pledged himself anew, to maintain the privileges of the clergy as well as of the laity; neither to love nor hate any one on account of his religion, nor in any manner to endeavor to prejudice the church of the country. Yet in spite of these securities, all the hopes of the catholics and all the fears of the protestants were in- stantly excited. The earnest wish of the catholics to have a king of their own faith in Sweden was now granted them. Surrounded by a catho- lic retinue which even included a papal nuncio, Malaspina, Sigis- mund made his entry into his hereditary dominions in July, 1593. Already had his progress through the Prussian provinces been marked by the advancement of Catholicism: Bartholomeus Pow- smsky, a papal envoy, hastened to meet him at Dantzig, with a present of 20,000 scudi, "a small contribution," as it was called in his instructions, " towards the expenses which would attend the re-establishment of Catholicism." CH. r. § II.] ATTEMPT UPON SWEDEN. 13 These instructions are very remarkable, as showing with what confidence this re-estabUshment was hoped for and recommended in Rome.* " Powsinsky," they state, " a confidential servant of his holiness and vassal of your majesty, has been commissioned to eijyjress to your majesty the interest taken by the pope in the joyful events which have lately occurred to you; the safe delivery of your wife, the happy issue of the last diet, but above all, the greatest felicity which could have befallen you,namely,the opportunity now afforded you to re-establish Catholicism in your hereditary dominions." The pope failed not to indicate some new pohits of view under which this v/ork might be regarded. "Without doubt it was through God's special providence," he adds; " that several sees were at that moment vacant — among others the archbishopric of Upsal.t Should the king delay for a moment to remove the protestant bishops still remaining in the country, he would assuredly at any rate fill the vacant benefices with orthodox believers." The envoy was furnished with a list of Swedish catholics who appeared qualified for those offices. The pope expressed his conviction that these bishops would immediately endeavor to secure the services of catholic priests and schoolmas- ters. It must be the king's care to put it in their power to do so. "It mght perhaps be possible," he adds, "immediately to found a Jesuits' college in Stockholm; but if this could not be effected, the king might certainly take with him into Poland as many young Swedes of good capacity as he could find, and have them educated at his court in the catholic faith by some of the most zealous bishops, or in the Polish Jesuits' colleges." The pope's first object here, as elsewhere, was to reduce the clergy once more to obedience; but the nuncio had another project in view, viz. to instigate the catholics who still remained in Sweden, to in- stitute legal proceedings against the protestants; for the king would then occupy the position of judge over both parties, and every ar- bitrary change would assume the appearance of a legal decision. f He was only sorry that Sigismund had not brought with him a stronger armed force to give eflfect to his edicts. There is however no proof that the king had fully adopted the views of the Roman court; judging from his own declarations, it * Instruttione al Sr. Bartolommeo Powsinsky alia M" del re di Polonia e Suetia. (MS. Rom.) "I" " Intendendosi restar vacante I'arcivescovato di Upsalia, che la divina pro- videnza per piu faciiitare le cose del suo servitio non ha permesso che in due anni sia stato proveduto dal re morto, havera S. M'* particulare pensiere a pig- liare iin arcivescovo caUolico." t- Ragguaglio dell' aiidata del Re di Polonia in Suetia. (MS. Rom.) " Erano tuttavia nel regno alcune reliquie de' cattolici: et il nuntio seguendo la forma gia tenuta da CI. Madruzzo, per fortificar 1' autorita dell' imperatore, cercava di costituire il re giudice tra li cattolici e gli heretici di Suetia, inducendo quelli a querelarsi appresso il re dell' insolenza e delle ingiurie di questi." 14 ATTEMPT UPON SWEDEN. [BOOK VII. would appear that his intentions at first were only to procure for the catholics some few immunities, and that he did not contemplate the overthrow of the protestant constitution. But would it be in his power to restraui the fanatical impulses which actuated his court, and the representatives of which were in his train? Was it to be believed that he could stop at that precise point, when he should have reached it? The protestants were not disposed to abide the trial. The views which were cherished by the one party called forth from the other an instant and almost unconscious opposition. Immediately after the death of John, the Swedish councillors of state — names illustrious both in the earlier and later history of Sweden: Gyllenstiern, Bielke, Baner, Sparre, Oxenstiern — united themselves to the brother of the late and uncle of the present king, another of the sons of Gustavus Vasa, the zealously protestant Duke Charles; "agreed to recognise him, in the absence of his nephew, as governor of the kingdom, and promised him obedience in all things that he should do for the maintenance of the Augsburg con- fession in Sweden." In furtherance of this object a council was held at Upsal in March, 1593. The Augsburg confession of faith was here proclaimed afresh, the liturgy of king John condemned, and everything in the existing ritual which retained a trace of catholic ceremonies, altered; the rite of exorcism was retained, but in a milder form, and for the sake of its moral significance;* and a declaration was drawn up, that no heresy, whether popish or Cal- vinistic would be tolerated in the country,! In the same spirit ap- pointments were made to public offices. Many former defenders of the liturgy now renounced it; but this abjuration did not in all cases avail to protect those who made it from dismissal. The va- cant dioceses, upon the filling up of which such magnificent schemes had been founded in Rome, were bestowed upon Lutherans; the archbishopric of Upsal upon M. Abraham Angermannus, the most vehement opponent of the liturgy. The clergy, by an immense majority, placed at their head the most strenuous Lutheran they could find; he had two hundred and forty-three, and his next com- petitor only thirty-eight votes. Up to the latter years of king John's reign a moderate party, not so directly opposed to papacy as the protestants in other countries, * For we are not to be believe with Messenius, that it was done away with. The words " Faar bar uth" were merely changed for the words " Wick har ifra;" and the reply made to Duke Charles, who required that the forms of exor- cism should be entirely abolished, was, "retinendum esse exorcismum tanquam liberam ceremoniam propter utilem commonefactionem ad auditorium et baptism! spectatores permanantem;" a view of the case to which the duke assented. Baaz, Inventarium, iv, x, 525. In Baaz may be found the documents, in general tolerably complete. f " Concilium dofinit," it further says, " ne heereticis advenientibusdetur locus publico conveniendi." CH. I. § II.] ATTEMPT UPON SWEDEN. 15 had existed, and by their aid Sigismund might easily have brought about a change such as the cathoUcs wished; but now the extreme party had been beforehand with them, and protestantism had estabhshed itself more firmly than ever. Even the royal prerogatives of Sigismund were not spared. He was no longer considered as the true and legitimate king, but rather as a foreigner possessing a claim to the throne; an apostate, who must be jealously watched as dangerous to religion. The grc'et majority of the nation, unanimous in their protestant convictions, joined duke Charles. The king was well aware of his isolated position on his arrival. He could do nothing, and only endeavored to evade the demands made upon him. But while he awaited in silence what time would produce, the hostile creeds, which had never yet stood in such direct opposition in Sweden, came into open collision. The Lutheran preachers broke out into invectives against the papists, and the Jesuits who preached in the court chapel were not slow in answering them. The catholics in the king's suit took possession of a Lutheran church on occasion of a burial, after which the protestants held it necessary for some time to abstain 'from using their desecrated sanctuary. These hostile demonstrations soon led to acts of vio- lence; the heiduks had recourse to force to obtain possession of a pulpit which was shut, and the nuncio was accused of having ordered stones to be thrown from the windows of his house upon some young protestant choristers; in short, the mutual exasperation increased every moment. At length the court proceeded to Upsal to celebrate the corona- tion. The Swedes demanded above all things the confirmation of the decrees of their council. The king resisted, declaring that he desired only toleration for the catholics; indeed he would have been contented, had he been permitted to entertain a hope of having power to grant this at some future time. But the Swedish pro- testants were inflexible. It is said, that the king's own sister* told them, that it was his nature to make a long and obstinate resistance, but at length to yield; and that she impressed on them the necessity of reiterating their attacks upon him. They demanded absolutely that in all parts of the kingdom the doctrines of the Augsburg confes- sion should be taught purely and exclusively in the churches and schools.! At their head stood Duke Charles. The position which he occupied gave him an independence and a power such as he could never have hoped to attain; and, by inevitable consequence, his personal intercourse with the king daily became more disagree- * The Ragguaglio calls her " ostinatissima eretica." I Messenius, vii, 19: "Absolute urgebant ut confessio Augustana qualis sub ultimo Gustavi regimine et primi Johannis in patria viguisset, talis in posterum unica sola et ubic[ue tam in ecclesiis quam in scholis perpetuo floreret." 16 ATTEMPT UPON SWEDEN. [BOOK VII. able and bitter. The king was, as we have seen, almost without an armed force, while the duke assembled several thousand men on his own domains around the town. At last the Estates plainly- declared to the king, that they would not do homage to him if he refused to comply with their demands.* The unfortunate prince felt all the painful embarrassment of his situation. He could not yield without violence to his conscience; he could not refuse without the loss of a throne. In this perplexity he first asked the nuncio whether he might not give way; but no arguments could induce Malaspina to sanction such a course. The king next addressed himself to the Jesuits in his suite; they took upon themselves a responsibility which the nuncio had not dared to accept. They declared that, in consideration of the neces- sity of the case, and of the undeniable and imminent danger in which the king was placed, he might comply with the demands of the heretics, without offending God. The king was not satisfied until he held in liis hands their decision in writing. Under the shelter of this authority he proceeded to grant the demands of his subjects; he confirmed the decrees of Upsal, the exclusive exercise of religion as prescribed by the genuine unaltered Augsburg con- fession, without the smallest admixture of foreign doctrine, in church or school; and promised that none should be employed in the public service who were not prepared to defend that confession.t He recognised the appointments of the prelates who had been nominated to their sees in opposition to his will. But could his catholic heart find peace in such a state of things? Could his Romanist court content itself with a result which it must so thoroughly condemn? It would have been most unreasonable to expect it. They had recourse to the expedient so often employed in similar cases; they protested. "The nuncio," says the report of the trans- action sent to Rome, in the words of which I can best relate this occurrence, " was most zealously employed in devising some mode of escape from the irregularity which had taken place. He suc- ceeded in inducing the king, for the safety of his conscience, to make a written protest, in which he declared that what he had conceded had been wrung from him by force and against his will. The nuncio further prevailed on the king to make corresponding concessions to the catholics, that so he might be pledged to both * Supplicatio ordinum: " Quodsi cl. rex denegaverit snbditis regiam approba- tionem horum postulalorum, inhibent nostri fralres domi reraanentes publicum homagium esse S. R. M. praestandum." t The words however run so, that they leave open a chance of evasion. "Ad officia publica nulli promovebuntur in patria qui religionem evangelicam nolunt salvam, quin polius qui earn serio defendere volunt publicis officiis prieficiantur." (Generalis confirmatio postulatorum regis Sigismundi, in Baaz, 537.) CH. I. § II.] Attempt upon svveden. 17 parties in Sweden as well as in Poland, in like manner as the em- peror of Germany. With this the king was satisfied."* This is a most curious device; one protest was not enough; so in order in some degree to get rid of an obligation formally incurred by oath to the one party, the king took an oath of directly contrary tendency to the other. Thus, being equally pledged to both par- ties, he would be compelled to bestow equal justice. The Swedes were astonished that the king, after such solemn promises, should yet grant the catholics a protection which he took little trouble to conceal. His conduct doubtless arose from this secret pledge. " Even before his departure," continues our infor- mant with complacency, " the king conferred offices and dignities upon true catholics. He made four governors, though heretics, swear to protect the catholics and their religion, and re-established in four places the exercise of the catholic service." These were measures which might appease the unquiet con- science of a bigoted prince, but which could have no other than a mischievous influence upon the aff'airs of the country; for the con- stant irritation in which they kept the Estates of Sweden, strength- ened and exasperated tlieir hostility to the court. The clergy reformed their schools in the strictest Lutheran spirit, and directed a special thanksgiving for the maintenance of the true religion "against the devices and stratagems of the Jesuits;" in the year 1595 a resolution was passed at the diet of Sudercoping, that all exercise of the catholic rites, wheresoever the king might have established them, was again to be prohibited. " We unanimously resolve," is the expression of the estates, " that all sectaries hostile to the Lutheran religion, who have established themselves in this country, shall quit the kingdom within six weeks;"! and these re- solutions were carried into eflect with the utmost rigor. The con- vent of Wadstena, which had existed for two hundred and eleven * Relatione dello stato spirituals e politico del Regno di Suezia 1598. " Mando alcuni senatori Polacchi a darle parte dello stato delle cose in le sue circostanze e conseguenze, e detti patri dicliiararono che presupposto la neces- sita e pericolo net quale era costituita la M'^" S. la potesse senza offender Dio concedere alii heretici cio che ricercavano, e la M'* S. per sua giustificazione ne voile uno scritto da detti patri Hora fatta la coronatione e concessione pose ogni studio il nunzio per appllcare qualche rimedio al disordine seguito, ends opero per sicurezza delta coscienza di S. M' cii' ella facesse una protesta in scritto, come ella non con la volonta sua ma per pura forza si era iiidotto a concedere cio che haveva concesso; e persuase al s""" re che concedesse da parte agli cattolici altrettanto quanto haveva conceduto alii heretici, di modo che a guisa dell' imperatore e del re di Polonio restasse la M' S. giurata utrique parti. S. M. si contento di farlo, et immediatamente mise in esecuzione le dette conces- sioni: perche avanti la sua partenza diede ufficij e dignita a cattolici, e lascio in quattro luoghi V esercitio delta religione e fece giurare a quattro governatori, se ben erano heretici, quali lascio net regno, che haverebbero protetto la religione e li cattolici." f Acta ecclesia; in conventu Sudercop. in Baaz, 567. VOL. II. — 3 18 ATTEMPT UPON SWEDEN. [BOOK VII. years, and had remained uninjured through so many convulsions, was now dissolved and destroyed. Angermannus held an ecclesiastical visitation, which had never been equalled for searching rigor; those who neglected the Lutheran churches were punished with stripes, the archbishop having with him several robust young students, who carried the punishment into execution under his own eyes. The altars of the saints were destroy- ed, their reHcs scattered, and ceremonies, which in the year 1593 had been declared matters of inditference, were now in 1597 abolished. The relation subsisting between Sigismuud and Charles gave a personal character to this conflict. All that was done, was in op- position to the well known will and command of the king; in all, the influence of Duke Charles was felt to be predominant. It was contrary to the express command of Sigismund that the duke held the assembly of the diet; he endeavored to prevent any interfe- rence of the king in the affairs of the country; and caused a reso- hUion to be passed, in virtue of which the rescripts of the king were not valid till they were confirmed by the Swedish government.* Charles was already in substance sovereign and ruler of the king- dom; and the thought soon suggested itself to become so in title also. A dream which he had in 1595, is one of the indications of what was passing in his mind. He thought he was at a feast in Finland, and a covered double dish was placed before him; on re- moving the cover, he saw in the one part the insignia of the crown; in the other, a death's head. Similar thoughts seem to have been afloat m the nation; there was a story current in the country, that in Lijikoping a crowned eagle had been seen contending with an uncrowned one, and that the latter had been victorious. But when things had reached this pass — when the ascendency of protestant opinions had been maintained by such harsh and violent means, and so successfully as to give their champion a sort of claim to the highest power in the state, a party arose in favor of the king. Some few nobles who had appealed to his authority against the duke, were banished, but their adherents remained; the common people were discontented at tlie abolition of all ceremo- nies, and attributed to that cause whatever disasters happened in the country; in Finland, Flemming the governor openly held the field in the Idng's name. This was a state of affairs which rendered it a matter of neces- sity as well as of expediency to king Sigismund, to make an appeal to arms. It was probably the latest moment at which it would be possible for him to re-establish his power. In the summer of 1598 he set out for the second time to take possession of his hereditary dominions. * Ansa illustrissimi principis |,domini Caroli Sudermanniaj ducis adversus serenissimuin et potenlissiinum domimim Sigismundum III, reg-ein Siiecise et Poloniae suscepta, scripta el publicata ex mandato S. R. Majestalis proprio. — Dant. 1598. CH. I. § II.] ATTEMPT UPON SWEDEN. 19 He was now more strictly catholic, if possible, than before. In the simplicity of his bigotry, he believed that the various misfor- tnnes which had befallen him since his first journey (among others the death of his wife), had been sent him as punishments for the concessions he had then made to the heretics, and he disclosed these painful thoughts to the nuncio with deep contrition of heart; declaring that he would rather die than again sanction anything which would stain the purity of his conscience. But the cause espoused by Sigismund was in some sense an European one. Catholicism had made such progress, that an enterprise in its favor, even in so remote a corner of Europe, was principally regarded as a branch of a general combination. During their war with England, the Spaniards had already cast their eyes occasionally towards the Swedish coasts; they perceived that the possession of a Swedish port would be of the greatest advantage to them, and had entered into negotiations with a view to obtain one. It was now regarded as certain that Sigismund, the moment he should be master in his own country, would give up to them Elfsborg in West Gothland. Here it would be easy to build a fleet, to keep it ready for service, and to man it with Poles and Swedes; from hence they could wage war on England with far greater advantage than from the shores of Spain, and soon force her to desist from lier aggressions on their Indian dominions. On the other hand, an alliance with the catholic monarch could not prove otherwise than advantageous to the authority of the king in Sweden.* But the catholics looked further. They thought that they might thus acquire power in Finland and on the shores of the Baltic. From Finland they hoped to be able to make a successful attack upon Russia, and when once in possession of the Baltic, to bring the duchy of Prussia into subjection. As yet, the electoral house of Branclenburg had failed in its endeavors to procure the investi- ture of this fief; the nuncio asserted that the king had determined not to grant it, but on the contrary to attach the duchy to the crown; he endeavored by every argument to confirm him in this intention; chiefly of course from religious considerations, for it was certain that the house of Brandenburg would never consent to the restoration of Catholicism in Prussia.! When we consider on the one hand, the extent of the schemes * Relatione dello stato spirituale e politico. The proposal is, " Che a spese del cattolico si manteng-a un presidio nella fortezza che guardi il porto, sopra lo quale niuna superioritd habbia il cattolico, ma consegni lo stipendio per esso presidio al re di Polonia." f Relatione di Polonia, 1598: "Atteso che se rimara il ducato nelli Brande- burgesi non si puo aspettare d'introdurre la religione cattolica, si mostra S. M'*. risoluto di voler ricuperare il dette ducalo." King Stephen ought already to have done this. " Ma ritrovandosi con penuria di danari mentre era occupato Belle guerre, ne fu sovvenuto delli Brandeburgesi." 20 ATTEMPT UPON SWEBEN. [BOOK VII. which were built on the king's success (a result by no means im- probable), and on tbe other, the weight which Sweden would ac- quire in the scale of nations if the protestants were victorious, we must admit that the issue of this struggle was one of those events which decided the destinies of Europe. Zamoysky had advised the king to enter Sweden at the head of a strong army, and to conquer it by force of arms. Kmg Sigismund, thought that this was not necessary; he could not bring himself to believe that he should be forcibly resisted in his own hereditary dominions. He had about 5000 men with him, and having landed with them at Calniar without opposition, moved on upon Stock- holm, where another division of his troops had already arrived and been admitted into the city. Meanwhile a body of Finlanders ad- vanced upon Upland. Nor had Duke Charles been idle. If the king succeeded, it was evident that his power and the ascendency of protestantism were at an end. Whilst his peasants of Upland held the Fins in check, he posted himself at the head of a regular military force in the way of the king, who was marching upon Stegeborg. He demanded that the royal army should be withdrawn, and the matters in dispute referred to the decision of the diet; on these conditions he promised to disband his own troops. The king would not consent to them, and the hostile armies ad- vanced against each other. Their number was inconsiderable, a few thousand men on either side; but the result of the conflict was not less momentous, the con- sequences not less lasting, than if vast armies had been sacrificed to obtain them. Everything depended upon the personal character of the princes. Charles was his own counsellor; — daring, determined — a man in the fullest sense of the word, and what was more important, in actual possession: Sigismund, dependent upon others; yielding, good-natured, no soldier; and now under the unfortunate necessity of conquering a country which belonged to him, the legitimate king indeed, but compelled to do battle for his kingdom with the actual ruler. Twice the troops were engaged near Stangebro, the first time more through accident than design; on this occasion the king had the advantage, and is said to have put a stop to the massacre of the Swedes. But the second time, when, in consequence of the rising of the Dalcarlians in his favor and the arrival of his fleet, the Duke was victorious, no one checked the slaughter of the Poles; Sigis- mund suffered a total defeat, and was forced to accede to all that was required of him.* He even consented to give up the few faithful subjects he had * Piacesii Chronicon gestorum inEuropa sing-iilarium, p. 159. Extracts from the letters of the princes in Geijer; Schwedische Geschichte, ii, p. 305. CH. I. § III.] DESIGNS ON RUSSIA. 21 found, to be tried by a Swedish tribunal; and, in his own cause, he promised to abide by the decision of the diet. But this was only a mode of escaping from the embarrassment of the moment; instead of attending the diet, where he must have acted the melancholy part of the conquered, he sailed for Dantzig with the first favorable wind. He flattered himself indeed with the hope of becoming at some future time — some more favorable moment — lord of his hereditary dominions; but in fact he abandoned them, by his departure, to the overwhelming influence of his uncle, who did not scruple shortly afterwards to assume the title of king, and instead of awaiting the war in Sweden, transferred it to the frontiers of Poland, where it was carried on with various success. § 3. DESIGNS ON RUSSIA. In a short time, however, it appeared as if this failure was to be atoned for by success in another quarter. It is well known how many times the popes had entertained the hope of gainuig over Russia; Adrian VI and Clement VII had suc- cessively attempted it; the Jesuit Possevin had next tried his influ- ence with Iwan Wasiljowitsch; and in the year 1594, Clement VIII sent a certain Comuleo to Moscow, with more than usual confidence of success, in consequence of his acquaintance with the language: but all these endeavors were vain; Boris Godunow declared, " that Moscow was now the true and orthodox Rome," and directed that prayers should be offered up for him, " as the only Christian ruler upon earth." Under these discouraging circumstances, the prospect which the appearance of the false Demetrius most unexpectedly opened was doubly welcome. Demetrius identified himself perhaps even more with the reli- gious than with the political interests of Poland. A catholic con- fessor was the first person to whom he discovered himself, and it was not till after the Jesuit fathers had been sent to examine him, that the papal nuncio Rangone espoused his cause; at the same time declaring to him at their first interview, that he had nothing to hope if he did not renounce the schismatical and embrace the catholic religion. To this Demetrius made but little demur; indeed he had already promised to quit the Greek church, and on the fol- lowing Sunday he openly avowed his conversion.* He was de- * Alessandro Cilii, Historia di Moscovia, p. 11. Cilli was present at the act. In Karamsin, x, p. 109 of the translation, there is a passage, which is not quite so much in accordance with Cilli as it may seem. Karamsin did not understand Cilli. We do not find in Cilli any thing like the words which Karamsin has put into the mouth of Demetrius. 3* 22 TROUBLES IN POLAND. [BOOK VIl. lighted that Sigismnnd immediately recognised his claims, (which he justly ascribed to the influence of the nuncio,) and promised to do all that lay in his power for the spread and defence of the Roman catholic faith;* a promise of vast import. At that time his story was not generally believed in Poland; what then was the general astonishment when the miserable fugitive soon afterwards took possession of the palace of the Czars! The sudden death of his predecessor, in which the common people beheld a judgment of God, perhaps mainly contributed to his success. Demetrius now renewed his promises; received the nephew of the nuncio with every mark of honor and reverence; and, as he was soon after joined by his Polish consort, attended by a numerous court, consisting not only of knights and ladies, but of a still larger retinue of monks — Dominicans, Franciscans, and Jesuitst — it ap- peared that he intended promptly to perform them. But it was this zeal for Catholicism which mainly caused his ruin; for while it secured him the support of the Poles, it deprived him of the favor of the Russians. They remarked that he did not bathe nor eat like them; that he did not reverence the saints; he was a heathen, and had placed an unbaptised heathen wife upon the throne of Moscow; it was impossible that he should be the son of a czar.J They had recognised him in consequence of a groundless and inexplicable belief; this rapidly gave place to another and a stronger, under the influence of which they dethroned him. Here, too, religion was the real and eff'ective agent: a power arose in Russia, as well as in Sweden, which, from its very origin and nature, was directly opposed to Catholicism. § 4 TROUBLES IN POLAND. Abortive enterprises against a foreign enemy have generally the efi'ect of exciting internal commotions. An agitation now showed itself in Poland which made it doubtful whether the king would be able to carry on the government in the spirit in which he had commenced it. This movement had its origin in the following causes. King Sigismund was not careful to maintain a good understand- ing with those through whose exertions he had ascended the throne. This party had elected him in opposition to the wishes of Austria; he, on the contrary, allied himself closely with that power. He * Cilli: "Con rinnovare insieme la promessa dell' augumento e difesa per quanto havessero potuto le sue forze e nel suo imperio e fuori di quello delta santa fede cattolica." t Cilli, p. 66. X Muller, Sammlnnff Russischer Gesch., v, 373, remarks that letters from the pope were found upon him. CH. I. § IV.] TROUBLES IN POLAND. 23 twice took a wife from the line of Griitz, and at one time incurred the suspicion of wishing to place that family on the throne. The king's conduct had already disgusted his chancellor Zamoy- sky; but when Sigismund, in order to render himself indejiendent of his adherents and defenders, promoted their enemies to the highest offices and received them into the senate,* his disgust was changed into the deepest resentment. For it was chiefly by means of the senate that Sigismund sought to govern. He filled it with men per- sonally devoted to him, and at the same time thoroughly cathohc. The bishops, who were nominated by the king under the influence of the nuncio, formed a strong and by degrees, an omnipotent party. Hence arose a formidable two-fold opposition, directed both against the constitution and the religion of tlie Polish government. The provincial deputies formed a political body opposed to the senate; and as the latter took part with the king, the former joined Zamoysky,t for whom they entertained boundless veneration, and who owed to their willing submission an authority little less than royal. This was a position which must have had peculiar charms for an ambitious magnate; and no sooner was it vacant by the death of the high chancellor, than it was occupied by the palatine of Cra- cow, Zebrzydowsky. The protestants now joined this party. The bishops were, in re- ality, the objects of their common hatred; the former detested them on account of their spiritual, the latter on account of their temporal influence. The protestants declared it was monstrous, that in a commonwealth like that of Poland, which rested upon free agree- ment, well-earned rights should be incessantly infringed; that men of low birth should be raised to the highest dignities, and men of noble blood compelled to obey them. This grievance was also alleged by many catholics. J There can be no doubt that religious animosities gave a vehement impulse to the disturbances of Poland. After the grievances had been frequently brought forward, the supplies refused, and the diet dissolved — all without avail — the mal- contents adopted the last resource; they summoned the whole body of nobility to the Rocotz. The Rocotz was a legitimate form of in- surrection , according to which the assembled nobility claimed a right of siunmoning king and senate before their tribunal. In this assem- * Cilli, Historia delle Sollevationi di Polonia, 1606—1608, Pistoia 1627,— an aultior the more worthy of credit, as he was a long time in the service of the kinor, — enlarges in the very beginning upon the power possessed by Zamoysky: " Zamoschi si voleva alquanto delta regia autorita usurpare;" but relates how the king began to resist him, " essendo patrone S. M'* non solo di conferire le dignita del regno, ma anco le stesse entrate." f Piasecius: " Zamoyscius cujus autoritate potissimum nitebatur ordo nunci- orum." From this time the country deputies began to have greater influence: one party supported the other. j;. Cilli: "• Gli eretici, spalleggiati da cattivi cattolici, facevano gran forza per ottenere la confederatione." 24 TROUBLES IN POLAND. [BOOK VII. bly the Lutherans were greatly strengthened by their union with the professors of the Greek faith. Meantime the Icing had also his partisans. The nuncio held the bishops together;* the bishops directed the proceedings of the senate, and a league was formed between these bodies for the de- fence of the throne and the altar. This favorable moment was adroitly seized to obliterate the old divisions between the laity and the clergy. The king showed inflexible firmness in the moment of danger; trusting, as he said, in his righteous cause, and in God. And in fact he maintained his ascendency; in October 1606, he dissolved the Rocotz, at the time when a great number of the mem- bers were absent: in July 1607, the parties came to a regular en- gagement; uttering the cry of Jesu Maria, the king's troops attacked the enemy and completely routed them. Zebrzydowsky kept the field for a while, but in the year 1608, he was obliged to submit, and a general amnesty was then proclaimed. By these successes the government was enabled to follow out the catholic course in which it had embarked. Those who were not catholics remained excluded from office; and we may judge of the effects of this measure by the applause it constantly drew from Rome.t " A protestant prince — a prince who would have distri- buted high and honorable places among both parties equally — would have filled the whole country with heresy; for in an age so selfish as this, private interests are too strong for religious attach- ments; but since the king had displayed so much constancy, the nobles liad learned to obey his will." The protestant service was also restricted in the royal towns; "the inhabitants were compelled," says a papal instruction, " to change their religion, although not by open violence.^ The nuncio took care that the highest tribunals should be filled with judges attached to the catholic church, and that justice should be administered in them in strict accordance with the precepts of the holy canons. The question of mixed marriages now acquired the highest importance. The supreme court of justice would re- cognise the validity of none which were not performed in the pre- sence of a priest and several witnesses; but the priests refused to * Cilli: "II nuntio Rangone con sua destrezza e diligenza tenne e conservoin fede molti dei principali." f Instruttione a V. S"» M''^ di Torres: " 11 re, benche nato di patre e fra popoli eretici, e tanto pio e tanto divoto e di santi costumi guernito, che dentro a Roma non avrebbe potuto nascere o allevarsene un migliore, imperocche haveudo esso con la longhezza del regnare mutati i senator! eretici, che se tre ne togli erano tutti, gli ha fatto divenire, levatine due o tre, tutti quanti cattolici." Their prin- ciple was, " le cose spiriluali seguono il corso delle ternporali. X Instruttione a M'' Lancelotti: " La conforti [the king] grandemente a vie- tare che nelle citta regie che da lei dipendono altro esercitio di religione che il cattolico si comporti, ne pennetta che v' abbiano tempj ne sinagoge loro: poiche si vengono per tal dolce raodo senza violenza espressa a far convertire oa mutar paese." CH. I. § IV.] TKOUBLKS IN POLAND. 25 bestow the benediction upon mixed marringes; it was no wonder, therefore, that many conformed to the catholic rehgion rather than subject their children to all the disadvantages consequent upon mar- riages of disputable validity. Others were forced into conibrmity by finding that churcli patronage in the hands of protestants was subjected to legal dispute. A government possesses a thousand means of promoting the religion which it favors; and here all were applied, short of direct compulsion: the work of conversion pro- ceeded, with little noise or ostentation indeed, but with unstayed progress. Doubtless the zeal and ability with which the nuncios administered the ecclesiastical affairs, had a considerable share in producing this result. They took care that the sees should be filled with men well fitted for their high office; they visited the convents, and put an end to a practice which had been introduced, of sending disobedient and refractory monks, whom their superiors or convents wanted to be rid of, into Poland; they also directed their attention to the secular clergy, and endeavored to introduce psalmody and schools into the parishes. They insisted upon the establishment of episcopal semi- naries. Their most efficient agents were the Jesuits, whom we find active- ly employed in all the provinces; among the docile Livonians — in Lithuania, where they had to contend with traces of the old wor- ship of the serpent — and among the Greeks, where the Jesuits were frequently the only catholic priests: sometimes they had to adminis- ter baptism to youths of eighteen; sometimes they met with aged men who had never received the Lord's Supper; but it was chiefly in Poland proper "that," as one of the members exultingly says, "hundreds of learned, orthodox, and devout men of the order are employed in rooting out errors, and implanting catholic piety by schools and associations, by preaching and writing."* In this, as in every other country, they awakened enthusiasm in their followers; but here it was most unfortunately united to the insolence of an overbearing young nobility. Though the king ab- stained from acts of violence, the pupils of the Jesuits thouglit them- selves authorised to comn)it them. It was no unusual thing for them to celebrate Ascension-day by a general attack upon the protestants, whose houses they broke into, plundering and destroying, and whose persons were not secure from outrage and danger if they were found at home or met in the streets. In 1606 the church, and in 1607 the churchyard, of the Luther- ans in Cracow was attacked, and the dead bodies dragged out of their graves: in 1611 the church of the protestants in Wilna was destroyed, and their ministers ill-treated or murdered: in 1615 a book was published in Posen, setting forth that the Lutherans had * Argentus de rebus Societatis Jesu in Tegno Poloniae, 1615. A work which might, however, have been rendered far more instructive. 26 COTTNTER-RKFORMATION [BOOK VII. no right to live in that town; and the following year the Jesuits' scholars utterly destroyed the Bohemian church, leaving not one stone upon another, and burned the Lutheran church. Similiar outrages were perpetrated in various other places, and in some the protestants were driven by incessant acts of violence, to sell their churches. The Jesuits soon ceased to confine their outrages to the towns; the Cracow students burned the protestant churches in the neighboring villages. In Podlachia an aged Lutheran minister, of the name of Barkow, was walking before his carriage leaning upon his staff, when a Polish nobleman who met him, ordered his coach- man to drive directly over him; before the old man could get out of the road, the horses were upon him, and he received injuries of which he died.* Nevertheless, protestantism could not be wholly suppressed. The king was bound by a promise which he had not power to retract. The nobles were subject to no constraint, and did not all immediately abjure their religion. Occasionally too, amidst many adverse judg- ments, a favorable one was obtained, and here and there a church "was restored to the protestants. In the cities of Polish Prussia the protestants always formed the majority; the Greek schismatics were still less to be gotten rid of, and the union of 1595 excited hatred rather than imitation. Thus the combined body of dissi- dents, consisting of protestants and Greeks, still formed a powerful party. Their demands came with peculiar weight, backed by the most industrious and thriving cities, and by the most warlike tribes, such as the Cossacks; and their opposition became more formida- ble from the growing efficiency of tlie support afforded by their neighbors, the Russians and Swedes, who had successfully resisted every attempt to subdue them to Catholicism. § 5. PROGRESS OP THE COUNTER-REFORMATION IN GERMANY. Principles of a totally different nature and tendency prevailed in Germany, where every prince held it to be his unquestionable right to establish in his dominions the religion to which he was himself attached; and in consequence, the movement in favor of Catholi- cism, the beginnings of which we have already traced, continued its course without n'uch interference from imperial authority, and without exciting much attention. The ecclesiastical princes especially held it to be their duty to lead back their subjects to the catholic faith. Here again we find the pupils of the Jesuits early and active in the field of proselytism. John Adam von Bicken, elector of Mayence from 1601 to 1604, was a student of the Collegium Germanicum in Rome. It is re- * Wengerscii Slavonia Reformata, p. 224, 232, 236, 244, 347. CH. I. § v.] IN GERMANY. 27 ported that on hearing the Lutheran congregation, in the castle of Konigstein, singing hymns at the funeral service of their minister, he exclaimed, "Let them give their synagogue decent burial!" On the following Sunday a Jesuit ascended the pulpit, iti which a Lutheran preacher was never again beheld. The same occurred elsewhere.* What JBicken left undone was zealously completed by his successor, John Schweikard. He was a man attached in a remarkable degree to the pleasures of the table, but endowed with the character and the talents requisi e for the business of govern- ment. He succeeded in carrying through the counter-reformation in every part of his diocese, even in Eichsfeld. He sent a com- mission to Heiligenstadt, wfiich within two years converted two hundred citizens, many of whom had grown gray in the protestant faith. Some few yet remained unshaken; these he exhorted in person, "as their father and their shepherd, from his inmost heart," to use his own words, and his exhortations were successful. He saw with extraordinary pleasure a city which had been thoroughly protestant for forty years, restored to the catholic church. t The same course was followed by Ernest and Ferdinand of Co- logne, both of them Bavarian princes, and by the elector Lothaire, of the house of Metternich of Treves — a prince distinguished by the acuteness of his understanding, and by the talent of overcom- ing whatever difficulties presented themselves; prompt in the exe- cution of justice, vigilant in pushing the interests of his country, as well as those of his family; and, where religion was not concerned, affable and indulgent. On that point he was inexorable; he would not tolerate a protestant in his court. J To these great men Neiihard von ThUngen, bishop of Bamberg, associated himself When he took possession of his capital, he found the whole council protest- tant, with the exception of two of its members. He had already- assisted in the reforms of bishop Julius in Wurzburg, and he now determined to apply the measures of that prelate to Bamberg. He immediately (at Christmas, 1595,) promulgated his reformation- edict, which ordained the celebration of the Lord's Supper accord- ing to the catholic rite, on pain of exile; and although the chapter, the nobility, and the gentry opposed him, although tlie most urgent representations were made by the neighboring princes, we find that in every successive year the reformation-edicts were renewed and substantially executed. § If we look to northern Germany, we find that Theodore von Furslenberg rivalled in Paderborn the acts * Serarius, Res Moguntinae, p. 973. f Wolf, Geschichte von Heiligenstadt, p. 63. In the interval between 1581 and IGOl, the number of converts was reckoned at 497, the greatest number in the year 1598, in which they amounted to 73. X Masenius, Continuatio Broweri, p. 474. § .Jack, Geschichte Von Bamberg, e. g. iii, 212, 199. Or rather I refer gene- rally to this book, which is principally occupied with the subject of the anti- reformation. 28 COUNTER-REFORMATION [BOOK VII. of bishop Neithard in Bamberg. In the year 1596, he imprisoned all the priests of his diocese who administered the sacrament in both kinds; tliis naturally produced dissensions between himself and his nobility, and we accordingly find the bishop and the nobles engaged in driving each others cattle and horses. He also event- ually came to an open rupture with the city; where, unfortunately, a violent demagogue arose, who had not the character or talents fitted for the high part which he had undertaken. In the year 1604, Paderborn was compelled to do homage anew. Immediately after, the Jesuits' college was magnificently established and endowed, and an edict appeared which, like that of Bamberg, left no alterna- tive but attendance at mass, or exile. Catholicism thus gradually regained absolute possession of Bamberg and Paderborn.* The rapid and yet lasting change which was wrought in all these provinces, is one of the most remarkable phenomena in history. Are we to infer from it that protestantism had not struck deep root among the people? or are we to ascribe it to the method pursued by the Jesuits? It is at any rate certain that the members of that order were deficient neither in zeal nor in prudence. From every point where tht^y had obtained a firm footing, we see the circles of their influence spreading wider and wider. We see them skilled to captivate tiie multitude, and drawing crowds to their churches. We observe them always attacking the most prominent and for- midable difficulties; wherever there is a Lutheran confident in his biblical knowledge, to whose judgment the neighbors defer, we find them leaving no means untried to win hitn over to their side, and from their practised skill in controversy, seldom failing of success. We see them employed in works of active beneficence, healing the sick and reconciling enemies. Those whom they subdued by their address or their services, they bound to them by solemn oaths. We see bands of the faithful marching under their banner to every place of pilgrimage, and even men who had been the most zealous pro- testants now joining in the processions. The Jesuits had educated not only spiritual but temporal princes; among whom, at the close of tlie 16ih century, their two most illus- trious pupils, Ferdinand II and Maximilian I, appeared on the stage of Europe. It is said that when the young archduke Ferdinand celebrated the festival of Easter in the year 1596, in his capital of Gratz, he was the only individual who received the sacrament according to the catholic ritual; that there were indeed but three catholics in the whole city.t In fact, after the death of the archduke Charles, and during the * Strunk, Annales Paderborn, lib. xxii, p. 720. + Hansitz, Germaiiia Sacra, ii, p. 712: " Numerus Lutheri sectatorum tantus ut ex inquilinis Grscensibus peene cunctis invenirentur avitae fidoi cultores tres non amplius." The words " peene cunctis" render tlie matter again doubtful. CH. I. § v.] IN GERMANY. — AUSTRIA. 29 feeble minority of his successor, the cathoUc cause had rather retro- graded. The protestants had regained possession of the churches from which they had been ejected, and their schools at Giaiz had been reinforced by new and eminent professors. The nobihty had elected a committee from their own body, with the view of resist- ing every attempt prejudicial to protestantism. Nevertheless, Ferdinand, impelled by mixed motives, political and religious, immediately determined to proceed in the accom- plishment of the counter-reformation. He declared that he would be master in his own country, as well as the elector of Saxony or the Elector Palatine. When the dangers which might arise from an inroad of the Turks during civil discord were suggested to him, he replied, "that he could not reckon upon God's assistance till the conversion of the country was effected.'' In the year 1597, Ferdi- nand proceeded by way of Loreto to Home, to throw himself at the feet of Pope Clement VIII. Having made a vow to re-establish the catholic religion in iiis hereditary dominions, even at the peril of his life — a resolution in which the pope confirmed him — he re- turned, and began the work of proselytism. In September, 1598, he issued a decree commanding that all Lutheran preachers should leave Gratz within a fortnight.* Gratz was the central point of the protestant doctrine and inte- rest. Nothing was left untried to shake the determination of the archduke — neither entreaties, nor warnings, nor even threats; but this young prince was, to use the expression of an historian of Carniola, "as firm as marble."! A similar edict was promulgated in Carniola in October, and in Carinthia in December. The states now manifested extreme discontent in their several provincial meetings — the general assembly having been prohibited by Ferdinand. They refused to grant subsidies, and the soldiers on the frontiers already began to show a spirit of insubordination. But the archduke declared that he would rather lose all that he possessed by the grace of God, than recede one step. The danger to be apprehended from the Turks, who, during these proceeding?, had already taken Canischa and daily advanced in a more threat- ening attitude, at length compelled the states to grant supplies with- out having obtained any concessions. Accordingly there was now nothing to restrain the archduke. In October, 1599, the protestant church in Gratz was shut up, and' the Lutheran service forbidden under pain of corporal punishment or death. There was a commission appointed which visited every part of the country with an armed force. Styria was first refornjed, then Carinthia, and lastly Carniola. From place to place resounded the * Khevenhiller, Annales Ferdinandei, iv, 1718. •)- Valvassor, Ehre des Herzogthums Krain, part ii, book 7, p. 474, beyond all doubt the most important account of this occurrence: " Such a petition, interspersed with warning, found but a block of marble, which their pens were not skilled to penetrate or soften." VOL. II. 4 30 COUNTER-REFORMATION [BOOK VII. cry of, "The reformation is coming!" The churches were torn down, the preachers banished or thrown into prison, and the in- habitants compelled either to embrace the cathoUc faith or to quit the country. Many were still found, for example fifty burghers in the small town of St. Veit, who preferred exile to apostacy.* The exiles were compelled to pay the tax of the tenth penny, which for them was a heavy burthen. Such were the cruelties perpetrated in the name of religion. Such were the means by which Ferdinand earned the satisfaction of knowing, that in the year 1603 there were above forty thousand catholic communicants more than before. This immediately produced an extensive effect on all the Austrian provinces. At first the emperor Rudolf had dissuaded his young cousin from the schemes he contemplated; but their success induced him to imi- tate them. We find a reformation commission actively at work from 1599 to 1601 in upper, and from 1602 to 1603 in lower Aus- tria.! The preachers and schoolmasters in Linz and Steier, who had grown gray in the Lutheran service, were compelled to leave the country. Their lamentations were bitter. " Now," exclaims the rector of Steier, " when bowed down by age, I am driven out to exile and want."t One of those who still remained behind writes, "destruction threatens us daily; our enemies lie in wait for us, and mock us, and thirst after our blood. "§ The protestants of Bohemia thought themselves more efiectually protected by the ancient privileges of the Utraquists, and those of Hungary by the independence and power of the states. But Ru- dolf now seemed little disposed to respect either tlie one or the other. He had been persuaded that the old Utraquists had ceased to exist, and that the Lutherans had no legal claim to the privi- leges granted to that sect. In the year 1602, he published an edict, commanding the churches of the Moravian brethren immediately to be closed, and forbidding their meetings. || All the other sects felt that the same fate awaited them; nor were they long left in doubt as to what they had to expect. Open force was a.lready re- sorted to in Hungary. Basta and Belgiojoso, who commanded the imperial troops in that country, took possession of the churches of Caschau and Clausenburg; with their assistance the archbishop of Colocsa endeavored to bring back to Catholicism the thirteen towns of Zips. In answer to the complaints of the Hungarians, the em- * Hermann, St. Veit; in the Karinthian Chronicle, v. 3, p. 1G3. I Raupach, Evangel. Oestreich, i, 215. :|: " Jam senio squalens trudor in exilium." Valentine Pruenhueber, Annales Styrenses, p. 326. § Hofmarius ad Lyserum, Raupach, iv, 151. II Schmidt, Neuere Gcschichte der Deutschen, iii, 263. An extract from the appendices attached to the Apology for the Bohemians, published in 1618, which are frequently wanting in the later editions. CH. I. § v.] IN GERMANY. — AUSTRIA. 3l peror published a resolution in these terms: "His majesty, who sincerely believes in the holy Roman faith, wishes to propagate it in all his kingdoms, and especially in Hungary; he therefore hereby confirms and ratifies all the decrees which have been issued in favor of that faith since the times of Saint Stephen, the apostle of Hungary.* For in spite of his advanced age and his cautious temper, the emperor had thrown aside his moderation. The catholic princes, in a body, followed the same policy; as far as their power extended the stream of Catholicism overspread the land, driven onwards by the combined operation of argument and of force; nor did the con- stitution of the empire afford any means of arresting its course. On the contrary the efforts of Catholicism were so strong and so successful, that they began at this crisis to interfere with the affairs of the empire, and to endanger the still existing rights of the pro- testant part of its subjects.t Already, aided by the influence of the papal nuncio, particularly of cardinal Madruzzi, who first drew attention to this point, changes were made in the constitution of the courts of the empire, which afforded both opportunity and means for attacks on the protestants. The Kammergericht had also assumed, towards the commence- ment of the seventeenth century, a more catholic complexion, and had given judgments in conformity with the catholic interpretation of the terms of the peace of Augsburg. Those who thought them- selves aggrieved, on the other hand, had adopted the legal remedy of applying for a revision of judgment; but even these revisions had come to a stand, in consequence of the cessation of the visita- tions; business accumulated, and things remained as they were.f It was under these circumstances that the Aulic Council was * Art. XXII, anno 1604. In Ribiny, Memorabilia Augustanae Confessionis, i, p. 321. f Relatione del Nuntio Ferrero, 1606, contains a summary of the consequent events: " Da alcuni anni in qua si e convertito alia nostra santa religione una grandissima quantita d' anime, restorate le chiese, rivocate molte religioni di regolari alii loro antichi monaster!, restituite in bona parte lecerimonie ecclesia- stiche, moderata alquanto la licenza degli ecclesiastici, e domesticato il nome del pontefice Romano riconnsciuto per capo della chiesa universale." :j: Missive and Memorial from the Reichskammergericht to the Imperial Diet of 1608, from the collection of the Acts of the Diet at Frankfort on the Main, of which I was kindly permitted to make a previous examination. The Kammer- gericht affirms it to be " land und reichskundig in wass grosser und merklicher Anzall seit Ao, 86 di Revisionen deren von gedachtem Kammergericht ergange- nen und aussgesprochenen Urthell sich gehauft, dergestalt dass derselben nun- mehr in die Einhundert allbereit beim kaiserlichen Collegio denunciirt und de- ren vielleicht taglich mehr zu gewarten." — " Known to the country and empire, to how much greater and more remarkable a number the revisions of the sen- tences passed and declared by the before-mentioned Kammergericht had accumu- lated since the year 86; to such a degree, that at the present moment notice was given of a hundred of the same at the Imperial College, and more were probably to be expected every day." 32 COUNTER-REFORMATION [BOOK VII. established. This at any rate appeared to give some promise of an end to litigation; since the weaker party conld not have recourse to a legal process which could never be executed. But the Aulic council was not only more decidedly catholic than the Kammerge- richt, it was absolutely dependent upon the court. "The Aulic council," says the Florentine minister Alidosi, " gives no final judgments, without previously communicating tiiem to the emperor and the privy council, who seldom return them without some alter- ations."* But indeed what effective institutions were there in the empire except the judicial ones? It was to them that the unity of the German people as a nation was attached. And these too were now under the influence of catholic opinions,and of court expediency. Complaints had already been heard of partial judgments and arbitra- ry executions, when the danger which threatened tlie country from this source came prominently to view in the affair of Donawerth. It happened that a catholic abbot in a protestant town, who wished to celebrate his processions with greater publicity and so- lemnity than usual,! was interrupted and insulted by the mob; this incident afforded a sufficient pretext for the Aulic council to inflict on the whole city tedious and vexatious processes, mandates, cita- tions and commissions, and finally to place it under the ban of the empire, which a neighboring prince of the most rigid catholic opin- ions, Maximilian of Bavaria, was commissioned to carry into effect. He was not satisfied with taking immediate possession of Dona- werth, but invited the Jesuits thither, prohibited protestant wor- ship, and took the usual measures for effecting a counter-reforma- tion. Maximilian himself regarded this incident as an affair of general interest. He wrote to the pope that it might be received as a test of the general decline of heresy. But he deceived himself, when he imagined that the protestants * Relatione del S"' Rod. Alidosi, 1607 — 1609: " E vero che il consiglio aulico a questo di meno che tutte le definitioni die anno virtu di definitiva non le pro- nuntia se prima non dia parte a S. M'% o in suo luogro al consiglio di stato, il quale alle volte o augumenta o toglie o modera 1' opinione di. questo consiglio, e cosi fatto si rimanda a detto consiglio tal deliberatione e cosi si publica." j" It is said in the report "on the Execution at Donawerth," which is to be found amongst the Acts of the Diet of the 4th of February, 1608, and with which the other accounts and notices agree, tliat the abbot had only " allein so viel herbracht dass er mit niedergelegten und zusammengewickelten Fahnen ohne Gesang und Klang und zwar allein durch ein sonderes Gasslein beim Kloster hinab bis ausser der Stadt und ihrem Bezirk gangen, und die Fahnen nit eher aufrichtcn und fliegen oder singen und klingen lassen, er sey denn ausser deren von Donawerth Grund." — "The right to issue from the city and its domain, with banners turled and lowered, witfiout song or music, and more- over by passing through a particular alley near the monastery; neither was he to allow his banners to be raised and unlurled, nor song or music to be heard, till he was out of Donawerth ground." These restrictions he had now broken through. CH. I. § v.] IN GERMANY. AUSTRIA, 33 would suffer patiently. They clearly saw what they had to ex- pect if things were allowed to go on in that course. The Jesuits had already had the audacity to deny the validity of the treaty of Augsburg; they affirmed that its ratification could not be v\'ilid without the consent of the pope; at all events it could have been binding only down to the time of the council of Trent, and was to be considered as a kind of interim. Even those who recognised the validity of this treaty, held, that at least all the property confiscated by the protestants since its rati- fication, ought to be restored; they paid no attention to the con- struction put upon it by the protestants. What then was to be expected when these views were adopted by the highest courts of judicature, when judgments had actually been given, and carried into execution in accordance with them? At the meeting of the diet at Ratisbon in the year 160S, the pro- testants would proceed to no conference, until the validity of the treaty of Augsburg should be absolutely recognised and confirmed.* Even Saxony, which had hitherto always inclined to the emperor's side, now required the abolition of the suits instituted by the Aulic council, in so far as they were contrary to precedent; reforms in the administration of the law; and not only the renewal of the reli- gious peace, as concluded at the diet of Ausburg in the year 1555, but also a pragmatic sanction prohibiting the Jesuits from writing against it. On the other side, however, the catholics were zealous and united; the bishop of Ratisbon had previously issued a circular, in which he exhorted his brethren in the faith to enjoin upon their delegates an unanimous defence of the catholic religion; "to stand together firm and fast as a wall;" by no means to temporize; there was no- thing now to fear, since they had inflexible and zealous defenders in the most august and illustrious princely houses. Though the catholics showed a disposition to confirm the treaty of Augsburg, it was only under condition that a clause should be inserted, "that whatever contravened, that treaty should be abolished, and things restored to the status quo;^' a clause which contained precisely what the protestants feared, and wished to avoid. While such disunion existed on important questions, there was not the smallest hope that on any single point an unanimous deter- * Protocollum im Correspondenzrath, dated 5th of April 1608, to be found in the acts of the diet: " Die Haupteonsultation jetziger ReichsversammhinCT sey bisher darumben eingestelt verbliben dass die Stend evangelischer Religion den Religionsfriden zu confirmiren begert und der papistische Theil die Clausulam dem Abschied zu inseriren haben wollen: dass alle Outer die sinthero a. 55 von den Evangelischen Stenden eingezogen worden restituirt werden sollen." — " The chief consultation of the present assembly of the states of the empire had remained at a standstill, because the states professing the evangelical religion had desired to confirm the peace of Augsburg, while the catholic party had wanted to insert in the edict, the clause, that all possessions which had fallen into the hands of the evangelical states from the year 55, should be restored." 4* 34 COUNTER-REFORMATION [BOOK VII. mination could be formed; or that the supplies which the emperor wished for and wanted for the Turkish war, would be voted. It appears as if this had made some impression on the emperor; as if the court had really determined to comply in good faith with the requests of the protestants. This at least is the impression made by a very remarkable report which the papal envoy drew up of the i)roceedings of this diet. The emperor was not present, being represented by the archduke Ferdinand. The mincio was also absent from Ratisbon, and had sent thither, in his name, an Augustine friar, one Fra Felice Milen- sio, the vicar-general of his order, who labored with uncommon zeal to maintain intact the interests of Catholicism. This same Fra Milensio, the author of the report in question, asserts that the emperor had actually determined on issuing an edict conformable to the wishes of the protestants. He traces this to the immediate influence of Satan; and adds, the document was doubtless concocted by the privy chamberlains of the emperor, one of whom was a Jew, the other a heretic* I give in his own words this fnrthcr account of the transaction: "Upon the report of the intended publication of this edict, which was communicated to me and some others, I went to the archduke, and asked if such a decree had arrived: tlie archdnke replied it had. 'And is it your imperial highness's intention to publish it?' The archduke answered, ' Such are the commands of the emperor's privy council: you, reverend father, must see yourself in what situation we are placed.' Thereupon I answered, t ' Your impe- rial highness will not belie the piety in which you have been edu- cated; the piety with which you have dared, in the face of so many imminent dangers, to banish all heretics without exception from * Ragiruaglio della Dieta imperiale fatta in Ratisbona 1608, nella quale in luogo dell' ecc"" e rev™ Mons'' Antonio Gaetano arcivescovo di Capua, nuntio apostolico, rimasto in Pragaappresso la M'^ Cesarea, fii residente il padre Felice Milensio maestro Agostiniano vicario g-enerale sopra le provincie aquilonari. "E certo fu machinato dal demonio e promosso da suoi ministri, di quali erano i due camerieri iniimi di Ridolpho, heretico 1' uno, Hebreo 1' altro, e quei del consiglio ch' eran Hussiti o peggiori." I '• Sovenga le, Ser'"» Altezza, di qnella cattolica pieta con la quale ella da che nacque fu allevata e per la quale pocbi anni a dietro non temendo pericolo alcuno, anzi a rischio di perdere i suoi stati, ne bandi tutti gli heretici con ordine che fra pocbi mesi o si dichiarassero cattolici o venduti gli stabili sgombrassero via dal paese: sovengale che nella tavola dipinta della chiesa dei padri Capuc- cini in Gratz ella sta effigiata con la lancia iinpugnata come un altro Michele e con Luthero sotto i piedi in atto di passarli la gola: et bora essendo ella qui in persona di Cesare, non devo credere che sia per sofTrire se perdano i beni dotali della chiesa il patrimonio di Cbristo, e molto meno che ia diabolica setta di Luthero sia con questa moderna concessione confirmata e per peggio quella an- cor di Calvino gia incorporata, la quale non riceve mai tolleranza alcuna impe- riale. Questo e piu dissi io et ascolto il piissimo principe Priegola, dissi, a sospender questa materia fino alia risposta del sommo pontefice: e cosi fece differendo i decreti degli huoraini per non offendere i decreti di Dio." en. I. § v.] IN GERMANY. — AUSTRIA. 35 your dominions. I cannot believe that your highness will by this new concession, sanction the plunder of the church, or the establish- ment of the devilish sect of Luther, or the still more detestable one of Calvin, which have uever yet enjoyed legal and pnblic toleration in the empire.' The pious prince listened to me. ' But what is to be done?' said he. I answered, ' I entreat your highness to lay the matter before the pope, and to take no step until we have his reply.' This the archduke did, having more regard to the com- mands of God, than to the decrees of men." If this is all true, we see what an important part this obscure Augustine friar plays in German history. At the decisive moment, he prevented the publication of concessions which would probably have satisfied the protestants. Instead of these, Ferdinand published an edict of interposition which virtually included the cause objected to by the protestants. At a meeting of the 5th of April, 1608, the protestants were unanimous in their determination not to receive the edict, nor to give way.* As the other party was equally ob- stinate, and as notliing was to be obtained from the emperor or his representative calculated to appease their fears, they resorted to ex- treme measures, and quitted the diet. For the first time the diet separated v/ithout any formal dissolution; agreement was out of the question. It was a moment in which the unity of the empire was virtually dissolved. Matters could not possibly remain in this state. Each party was too weak to maintain single-handed the position it had assumed; the exigency of the moment drove the protestants to form a union which they had long intended, advised, and prepared. Immedi- ately after the diet there was a meeting at Ahausen between two palatine princes — the elector Frederick and the count palatine of Neuburg; two Brandenburg princes — the margraves Joachim and Christian Ernest; the duke of Wurtemberg and the margrave of Baden, who concluded a treaty known under the name of the Union. They pledged themselves to assist each other in every way, even with arms; especially in relation to the grievances brought forward at the late diet. They immediately put them- selves in a state of military organization, and every member en- gaged to try to induce his neighbors to join the Union. Their object was, to procure for themselves that security which, in the * Vote of the Palatinate, in the Correspondenzrath: "Dass di Confirmation des Religionsfriedens keineswegs einzugehn wie die Interpositionschrift niit sich bringe: dann selbijre den evangelischen Stenden undienlich, weilen der Abschied anno 6G eben die Claiisulam habe so jetzt disputirt werde." — "That the confir- mation of the peace of Augsburg, as stated in the letter of interposition, can by- no means be assented to: for the same is of no service to the evanorelical states, since the decree of the year 66, contains the very clause which is now in dis- pute." It was not contained in the decrees of 1557 and 1559. The letter of interposition referred merely to 1566, and was rejected for the reason that it treated the emperor as judge in matters of religion. 36 COUNTER-REFORMATION [BOOK VII. present state of things, the imperial government failed to afford them. This was an innovation pregnant with the most extensive conse- quences; the more so from an event of a corresponding nature which occurred in the hereditary dominions of the emperor. The emperor had quaralled with his brother Matthias on various grounds; the estates of Austria, deprived both of civil and religious freedom, saw in the differences an opportunity of shaking off their yoke, and threw their weight into the scale of the archduke. In the year 1606, the archduke, with their concurrence, concluded a peace with the Hungarians, without even consulting the emperor. The estates alleged as an excuse, that the emperor neglected public business, and that the state of affairs had compelled them to act. But as Rudolf refused to recognise this peace, they raised the stand- ard of rebellion, in virtue of the convention they had formed.* In the first place the Hungarian and Austrian estates concluded a mu- tual alliance, offensive and defensive; they tlien, aided by the influ- ence of one of the Lichtenstein family, induced the Moravians Vb join them; and all pledged themselves to peril property and life for the archduke. On the very day on which the diet of Ratisbon broke up, (May 1608,) they took the field against the emperor under the command of a leader of their own choice. Rudolf could make no resistance, and was obliged to cede to his brother, Hun- gary, Austria, and Moravia. Matthias was of course compelled to repay by concessions the services which the estates had rendered him. For forty-eight years the emperors had evaded the appointment of a palatine in Hungary: a protestant was now advanced to that dignity. Religious tolera- tion was secured in the most solemn manner, not only to the mag- nates, but also to the cities; to all classes in short, even to the sol- diers serving on the frontiers;! nor would the Austrians do homage till the exercitium religionis was secured to their castles and vil- lages, as well as to the private houses of the towns. What the Austrians and Hungarians had obtained by offensive, the Bohemians gained by defensive measures. Rudolf was forced from the first to consent to make large concessions, in order to op- pose any effectual resistance to his brother. After Hungary and Austria had, with the aid of Matthias, obtained so considerable a share of freedom, Rudolf could not refuse the demand of the Bohe- mians, whatever the papal nuncio or the Spanish minister might say to the contrary. He granted them the imperial letter, which * The act of stipulation contained this clause: " Quodsi propter vel contra tractationem Viennensem et Turcicam hostis aut turbator aliquis ingrueret, turn serenissimum archiducem et omnes status et ordines regni Hungariaj et archidiicatus superioris et inferioris Austria; mutuis auxiliis sibi et suppetiis non defuturos." Reva ap. Schwandtner, Script, rerum Ung. ii, Kurz, Beitrage zur Geschichte des Landes Oestreich ob der Ens, vol. iv, p. 21. I This article is to be found in Ribiny, i, 358. CH. I. § v.] IN GERMANT. — AUSTRIA. 37 not only renewed the former concessions made by Maximilian II, but permitted them to estabUsh certain authorities for their special protection. The posture of affairs in the German, and particularly the here- ditary, dominions of t!ie emperor, thus suddenly assumed a totally different aspect. The Union embraced a large portion of Germany, and it jealously watched, and strenously repelled every attack of Catholicism. The estates of the Austrian provinces had consolidated the privileges demanded by their ancient claims, into a well-con- structed constitutional power. There was now also a considerable dift'erence in the state of things. In the empire, Catholicism had once more overspread the territories of the catholic princes; but when, encouraged by success, it advanced its pretensions, interfered arbitrarily in civil and political affairs, and endangered the existence of free popular bodies, it encountered resistance; and in the heredi- tary dominions of the house of Austria, even within the range of the territorial rights of that house, it was insuperably opposed by the power of the protestant landholders. On one point there was a general consent. There was a very expressive saying current in Austria, that one sword must be held in the scabbard by the other. Actuated by this feeling, the other party now also prepared for war. On the 11th July, 160.9, a defensive alliance was concluded between Maximilian of Bavaria and seven ecclesiastical lords, viz: the bishops of Wurzburg, Constance, Augsburg, Passau, Ratisbon, the Provost of Ellwangen, and the Abbot of Kempten; according to the terms of which, after the example of the ancient treaty of Landsperg,* the Duke of Bavaria was invested with extraordinary powers. Shortly after, the three electoral princes of the Rhine joined them, retaining however, a certain degree of independence. The Archduke Ferdinand wished to be admitted a member of this confederation; Spain declared its approval, and the pope promised to neglect nothing which could promote its interests. It is unques- tionable that the pope, chiefly through Spanish influence, allowed himself to be gradually deeper implicated in the projects of this league.! Thus were the two hostile parties arrayed against each other; both armed, both in constant fear of being surprised and attacked, and neither able to bring affairs to any grand decisive issue. The necessary consequence was, that it was henceforward im- possible to overcome any difficulty, or to despatch any business of general importance in Germany. In tlie year 1611, a king of the Romans should have been elected. * Maximilian makes mention of this confederacy of Landsperg, in a letter of instruction to his ambassador at Mayence, quoted by Wolf, ii, p. 470. t The documents connected with this affair are not known: till more detailed information can be found, the statement of the Venetian ambassador Mocenigo may satisfy us. 38 COUNTER-REFORMATION IN GERMANY. [BOOK VII. The electors met together in vain. They could come to no agree- ment. In the year 1612, even after the death of Rudolf, a long time passed in unavailing debates. The three temporal electors de- manded, in the capitulation of election, the establishment of an aulic council, composed of an equal number of protestant and catholic members, which the three spiritual princes opposed. No election could have taken place, had not Saxony, which on all occasions showed great devotion to the house of Austria, gone over to the catholic party. But what could not be carried in the electoral council, was de- manded with the more violence by the Union of princes at the diet of 1613, where it was as resolutely opposed by the catholics: no further deliberation was held on the subject; the protestantsdid not choose any longer to subject themselves to the yoke of the majority. In Juliers and Cleves, in spite of the wavering dispositions be- trayed by the weak government of the last native prince, strong measures had at length been taken for the restoration of Catholicism, through the influence of his wife, a princess of the house of Lor- raine; nevertheless it appeared for a time as if the rival creed would gain the ascendency, since the next heirs were both protestants. But here too the sectarian tendency of the age prevailed. One of the protestant pretenders to the throne turned catholic; and upon this, the parties divided. In 1614, as they recognised no common supreme authority, they proceeded to acts of violence. The one with the assistance of Spain, the other with that of the Low Coun- tries, seized whatever they could lay hands on, and each very soon reformed, after its fashion, the country which had fallen to its share. Attempts indeed were made at a reconciliation, and an electoral diet was proposed; but the elector palatine would not listen to this project, as he had no confidence in his colleague of Saxony. Another proposal was for a general diet of composition; but I'he catholic states had innumerable motives for rejecting this. Others turned their eyes towards the emperor, and advised him to assert his dignity by the demonstration of a large armed force. But what could be expected of Matthias? who by the very origin of his power belonged to both parties, and who now, loaded as he was with chains of his own forging, could display no independence or energy. The pope complained loudly of him; he declared him unfit to occupy so august a station in such times; he remonstrated with him in the strongest language, and only wondered that the emperor bore it as he did. At a later period however, the catiiolics were not so dis- satisfied with him, and even the bigots declared that he had been of greater use to their church than might have been believed. But in the affairs of the empire he was utterly powerless. In the year 1617, he made an attempt to dissolve both the hostile confederacies, but with so little success, that the Union was immediately after renewed, and the League re-established on a new and firmer basis. CH. I. § VI.] NUNTIATURA IN SWITZERLAND. 39 § 6. NUNTIATURA IN SWITZERLAND. That equal balance of parties which had long existed in Switzer- land, now manifested itself as distinctly as in former times, though more peacefully. The independence of each of the confederate cantons of Switzer- land had long been declared; nor was it lawful so much as to dis- cuss the aftairs of religion at their diets. At the commencement of the seventeenth century, the catholic party no longer entertained the slightest hope of crushing the pro- testants, who were not only more powerful and wealthy than tViemselves, but had also in their ranks men of greater ability and experience in business.* It is clear that the nuncios who had established their residence in Lucerne, did not deceive themselves on this head; since it is from them that we derive this representation of the state of things. Nevertheless, spite of the limits thus imposed on their sphere of activity, the situation they held among the catholics was one of great consideration. Their chief care was, to keep the bishops to the exercise of their duties.t The bishops of German race were prone to consider themselves princes; whereas the nuncios incessantly represented to them, that they were invested with exalted temporal rank only for the sake of their spiritual calling, the high responsibilities of which they constantly pressed upon them. We find, indeed, that great zeal and activity at that time animated the Swiss church. Visita- tions were made, synods appointed, convents reformed, and semi- naries established. The nuncios endeavored to maintain a good understanding between the spiritual and the temporal authorities, and their gentleness and persuasiveness ensured them considerable success. They had sufficient influence to prevent the importation * Informatione mandata dal S'' Card' d' Aquino a Mons'' Feliciano Vescovo di Foligno per il paese de' Suizzeri e Grisoni, (Informationi Politt. ix,) adds: "Li cantoni cattolici sino a questi tempi sono tenuti piii bellicosi che i cantoni liere- tici, ancora che quelli siano piu potenti di genti al doppio e di denari: ma hoggi li cattolici si mostrano tanto afFettionati e mutati da quelli antichi Suizzeri che se non fosse particolare gratia del Signore, huraanamente parlando, poco o veruno avvantaggio haverebbero questi sopra gli avversarii heretici, e non sarebbe sicuro senza ajuto straniero il venir a rottura con essi, oltre che li medesimi protestanti hanno persoiie piii dotte, prattiche, giudiciosi e potenti in ogni aifare." f Relatione della nuntiatura de' Suizzeri: " L'esperienza mi ha mostrato che per far frutto nella nuntiatura non e bene che i nuntii si ingerischino nelle cose che possono fare i vescovi e che spettano a gli ordinarii, se non in sussidio e con vera necessita: perche mettendosi mano ad ogni cosa indifferentemente, non solo essi vescovi si sdegnano, ma si oppongono spesse volte e rendono vana ogni fatica del ministro apostolico, oltre che e contro la mente di monsignore e delli canoni che si metta mano nella messe aliena mandandoli i nuntii per ajutare e non per distruggere I'autorita degli ordinarii." 40 NUNTIATURA IN SWITZERLAND. [BOOK VII. of protestant writings, though they were obliged to allow the people to retain their bibles and German prayer-books. Jesuits and ca- puchins labored with great effect. Confraternities of the Blessed Virgin were founded, including old and young: the churcii and the confessional were punctually attended; pilgrimages to miraculous images were again generally performed; and it even became ne- cessary to mitigate the severities which some devout persons imposed ou themselves.* The nuncios could not find words to convey their sense of the value of the services rendered by the capuchins, especially the Italians of that order. These efforts naturally led to conversions. The nuncios received, supported and recommended the converts, and endeavored, from the contributions of the faithful, to establish funds, under the control of the prelates, for the maintenance of the proselytes. Sometimes they succeeded in regainijig jurisdictions given up for lost, and in ■which they then hastened to re-establish catholic worship. The bishop of I3asle and the abbot of St. Gall showed peculiar zeal in this matter. All these labors of the nuncios were greatly promoted by the formation of a Spanish party in catholic Switzerland; the adherents of Spain, for example the Lusi in Unterwalden, the Amli in Lu- cerne, the Blihler in Schwyz, &c. were all among the most devoted servants of the Roman See. The nuncios did not fail to encourage these sentiments by every means in their power. They treated those who held them with all possible respect and courtesy; listened with patience to the longest and most tiresome speeches; were not sparing of titles, and professed great admiration of the ancient deeds of the Swiss people, and of the wisdom of their republican institu- tions. They found it absolutely indispensable to keep together their friends by a regular succession of feasts, while they repaid every invitation, every civility to themselves, with a present. Presents were here found to have peculiar efficacy: a man who was advanced to the dignity of a knight of the Golden Spur, and received, together with the honor, a chain or a medal, felt himself bound to tliem forever. They had only to take care not to promise what they were not certain to be able to perform; if they could do more than they promised, the favor was esteemed the more highly. Their private life was expected to be regular and decorous, so as to give no handle to censure. Thus it happened that the catholic interests, even in Switzerland, were generally sure of a good reception, and of a quiet progress. There was only one province, in which the hostility between protestants and catholics, concurring as it there did, with unsettled political relations, could cause danger and contention. The government of the Grisons was essentially protestant; but * An example is given in the Literae annuse societatis Jesu, 1596, p. 187. *♦ Modus tamen rigido illi jejunio est a confessario adhibitus." CH. I. § VII.] CATHOLICISM IN FRANCE. 41 among their dependencies, the Italian, and especially the Valtelline, were inflexibly catholic. Hence arose continual provocations. The government would not tolerate any foreign priests in the valley, and had even forbidden their subjects to frequent foreign Jesuits' schools; nor would it per- mit the bishop of Como, to whose diocese the Valtelline belonged, to perform his oflicial duties there. On the other hand, the inha- bitants saw with the greatest disgust, protestant lords and masters in their country, and consequently cherished a secret attachment to their neighbors of Italy — to the orthodox Milan, while the Col- legium Helveticum, where only six places were reserved for the Valtelline, constantly sent forth young divines who inflamed their zeal.* These religious dissensions were attended with danger, since France, Spain, and Venice were eagerly vying with each other to establish a party in the Grisons; these parties frequently broke out into open violence, and drove each other from the field. In the year 1607, the Spanish faction, and soon afterwards the Venetian, took possession of Coire. The former broke up all the existing al- liances, the latter restored them. The Spanish party had catholic, the Venetian, protestant sympathies, and these gave the tone to the whole politics of the country. It was now of the greatest import- ance to ascertain for which side France would declare herself. The French had pensioners all over Switzerland, not only in the catholic but in the protestant cantons, and possessed a long-established in- fluence in the Grisons. About the year 1612, they declared for the catholic interest; the nuncio succeeded in winning over their friends to the side of Rome, and the Venetian alliance was therefore formally dissolved. This party warfare merited little attention for its own sake; but acquired great importance from the fact, that the opening or closing the passes in the Grisons to the one or the other of the great powers, depended upon it. We shall see that the struggles of this small state had a considerable efiect in determining the general relations of politics and religion throughout Europe. § 7. REGENERATION OF CATHOLICISM IN FRANCE. At this crisis the question of the greatest interest to the world was, the position and character which France would assume with respect to religion. * Rel"^ della nuntiatura: " II collegio Elvetico di Milano e di gran giovamento, et e la salute in pariicolare della Val Telina, che quanti preti ha, sono soggetti di detto collegio, e quasi tutti dottorati in theologia." VOL. IL — 5 43 REGENERATION OF [BOOK VII. One glance suffices to show that the proteslants were still ex- tremely powerful. Henry IV had proclaimed the edict of Nantes, by which not only the possession of the churches they then held was guaranteed . to them, but also a share in the institutions for public education, and committees composed of an equal number of protestants and catholics in the parliaments; fortified places were ceded to them in great number; and above all things, a degree of independence was granted them which seems hardly compatible with the idea of a State. About the year 1600, there were seven hundred and sixty- parish churches belonging to the protestants of France, all in good order: four thousand of the nobility belonged to that confession, and it was calculated that they could bring into the field without diffi- culty twenty-five thousand men, and that they possessed about two hundred fortified towns: — a power able to command respect, and not to be assailed with impunity.* Next to them however, and in direct opposition, arose a second power — the corporation of the catholic clergy of France. The vast possessions of the French clergy gave them a certain independence as a body, which became the more conspicuous when they entered into an engagement to pay off a part of the public debt.t For their contribution was not so forced but that their en- gagement to pay it was from time to time renewed with the forms of a voluntary act. Under Henry IV, the meetings which were held for this purpose assumed a more regular form. They were to be held every tenth year; always in May, when the days are long and allow time for much business: never at Paris, for fear of the interruptions and dis- sipations of a capital. Every two years, smaller meetings were to be held for the purpose oif auditing the accounts. It was not to be expected that these assemblies, particularly the larger ones, would be content with the mere performance of their financial duties. The fulfilment of these soon gave them courage to aim at larger objects. In the years 1595 and 1596, they deter- mined to reorganise the provincial councils; to oppose the encroach- ments made by the temporal authorities upon the ecclesiastical ju- * Badoer, Relatione di Francia, 1605. ■j- In the Memoires du clerge de France, torn. ix. — Recuil des contrats passes par le clerge avec les rois — are to be found the documents relating to this affair, from the year 1561 downwards. At the convention of Poisy in this year, for instance, the clergy undertook not only to pay the interest of the debts which had been incurred by the state, but to discharge them. The discharge did not take place: the promise to pay the interest however was adhered to. The debts were chiefly those which had been contracted to the Hotel de Ville of Paris, and the city received the interest: a fixed annual rent was paid to it by the clergy. It is easy to see, why Paris, even if its citizens had not been such good catholics as they were, would never liave ventured to give any countenance to the ruin of the clergy, nor consented to the destruction of the ecclesiasttcal possessions, which were thus mortgaged to them. CH. I. § VII.] CATHOLICISM IN FRANCE. 43 riscliction, and to permit no simony: to these resolutions the king, after some slight hesitation, gave his sanction.* It was customary for the clergy to make general representations in all matters relating to churches and church discipline; these the king could not possibly refuse to receive, and they invariably led to new concessions. At their next meeting, the clergy set on foot an inquiry whether the changes they had directed had been carried into execution. Henry's situation was now most extraordinary; placed between two corporations, each of which had a certain independence, each holding its meetings at stated times, and each assailing him with opposite representations, neither of which it was safe for him to resist. His general intention was, doubtless, to maintain the balance be- tween them, and not to suffer them to break out into fresh discord; but if we inquire to which of the two parties he was most inclined, and gave in fact the greatest assistance, we shall find that, notwith- standing his own protestant extraction, it was undoubtedly the catholic. Henry was as little swayed by gratitude as by revenge; he was more solicitous to acquire new friends, than to reward or to gratify the old. Had not the Huguenots been obliged to extort from him even the edict of Nantes? He granted it only at a moment when he was hard pressed by the Spaniards, and when the protestants had them- selves assumed a very threatening and warlike attitude.t They used their freedom in the same spirit in which they had won it; they constituted a republic over which the king had but little influ- ence; and from time to time they spoke as if they meant to choose some foreign protector. The catholic clergy, on the contrary, attached themselves to the king; instead of requiring pecuniary assistance, they afforded it; the degree of independence they enjoyed could not be dangerous, since the king held the nomination to the vacant sees in his own hands. In so far as the position of the Huguenots involved, as it manifestly did, a limitation of the royal power, it is clear that the extension of that power was inseparably connected with the progress of Catholicism.^ As early as the year 1598, the king declared to the clergy that it * Relation des principales choses qui ont este resolues dans Tassemblee gene- rale du clerge tcnue a Paris es annees 1595 et 1596, envoyee a toutes les dioceses. Memoires du Clerge, torn, viii, p. 6. fThis appears incontestably from the narrative of Benoist, Histoire de I'edit. de Nantes, i, 185. :f:Niccolo Contarini: "II re se ben andava temporeggiando con le parti e 11 suoi ministri e consiglieri fussero dell' una e I'altra religione, pur sempre piu si mostrava alienarsi dagli Ugonoti e desiderarli minori: la ragione principal era perche tenendo essi per li editti di pace molte piazze nolle loro mani, dellequali ben trenta erano di molto momento, senza di queste li pareva non essere assolu- tamente re del suo regno." 44 REGENERATION OF [BOOK VII. was his intention to render the catholic church as flourishing as it had been in former ages; all he asked was patience and confidence; Paris was not built in a day.* From that time the manner of exercising the rights conferred by the concordat was totally changed; benefices were no longer be- stowed upon women and children. The king looked most carefully to the learning, the opinions, and the conduct of those upon whom he conferred church livings. " In all internal matters," says a Venetian, " he shows himself personally devoted to the Roman catholic religion, and unfavorable to the opposite party." Actuated by these sentiments, he recalled the Jesuits; he thought that their zeal would materially tend to the restoration of Catho- licism, and consequently to the extension of the royal power, such as he now contemplated and desired it.t Yet all this would have availed but little, had not the internal regeneration of the catholic church of France, which had already commenced, just now advanced with rapid strides. Within the first twenty years of that century, it assumed a new form. This change, especially as it regards the renovation of convent discipline, in which it appears under its most striking aspect, we shall now briefly consider. The ancient orders — the Dominicans, Franciscans, and Bene- dictines— were most zealously reformed. The religious communi- ties of women emulated their zeal and asceticism. The Feuillantines imposed on themselves such austere penances that fourteen are said to have died of them in one week, and the pope himself was obliged to exhort them to moderate the severity of their discipline.^ Com- munity of goods, silence, and night vigils were re-introduced at Portroyal; the mystery of the Eucharist was adored day and night without intermission. § The nuns of Calvary observed the rule of Saint Benedict in all its rigor; they offered up incessant prayer at the foot of the cross, which they regarded as a sort of expiatory penance for the outrages offered by protesfants to the tree of life-tj At that time Saint Theresa had reformed the order of the Car- melites in Spain, but in a somewhat different spirit. She also pre- scribed the most rigid seclusion; restricting the visits of the nearest kindred at the grate, and subjecting even the confessors to vigilant * Memoires du Clerge, torn, xiv, p. 259. f Contarini: " Per abbassamento del quale (del partite degli Ugonoti) s'ima- gino di poter dar gran colpo col richiamar li Gesuiti, pensando anco in questa rnaniera di toglier la radice a molte congiure." The king had said, in answer to the demands of the parliaments, that if they would ensure his personal safety, the exile of the Jesuits should be perpetual. ■i;. Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, v, p. 412. § Felibien, Histoire de Paris, ii, 1339, a work throughout of great importance as regards the history of the restoration, and which, in many instances, takes its accounts from original documents. II La vie du veritable pere Josef, 1705, p. 53-73. CH. I. § VII.] CATHOLICISM IN FRANCE. 45 inspection. But Saint Theresa did not regard austerity as an end; she employed it only as a means of elevating the soul to an imme- diate contemplation of the Deity, and to some simihtude with the divine spirit. But experience and reflection soon taught her that no retirement from the world, no privation, no self-chastisement, would suffice to maintain the mind in the requisite state of abstraction from earthly objects without other means: these means she found in labor: — the business of the household, the works which become the hands of woman, the salt which preserves the soul of woman from cor- ruption, the guardian which shuts the door against the intrusion of all wandering thoughts. Yet this labor was not to be costly, nor over delicate, nor to be completed within a fixed time; it was not to absorb the attention. Her object was to preserve the serenity of a soul conscious of its existence in God; a soul, as she says, " that ever lives as if standing before the face of Almighty God; that knows no sorrow nor pain but that of not enjoying His presence." She wished to produce what she calls the prayer of love, "in which the soul forgets herself, and drinks in the voice of her Divine Mas- ter."* The enthusiasm of this remarkable woman was at all events pure, grand and unaflected, and made the strongest impres- sion on the whole catholic world. The persuasion soon spread to France, that something more than mere penances was necessary. Pierre Berulle was sent to Spain as delegate to the order which he afterwards introduced, though not without some difficulty, into France, where it took root and brought forth the fairest fruits. The monasteries founded by St. Frangois de Sales were also go- verned by the same mild spirit. He endeavored to pursue every occupation with cheerful serenity, without painful effort or hurry. With the aid of his fellow-laborer. Mere de Chantal, he established the order of Visitation expressly for those whose delicate bodily frame prevented their entering the austerer communities. Not only did he avoid in his rule all acts of penance, strictly so called, and dispense the members of the order from the severer duties, but he warned them against indulging in excesses of enthusiastic feeling. We must, he says, without over-anxious self-investigation, place ourselves before the face of God our Father, and not seek to enjoy more of his presence than he sees fit to grant us: under the garb of religious ecstasy, arrogance and conceit easily get possession of the soul; we ought to walk humbly in the straight and beaten path of virtue. On this principle he enjoined the care of the sick on his nuns as their first duty. The sisters were to go out, always two * Diego de Yepes, Vita della gloriosa vergine S. Teresa di Giesu, fondatrice de' Carmelitani scalzi, Roma, 1623, p. 303. Constituzioni principali, § 3, p. 208. The Exclamaciones o meditaciones di S. Teresa con algunos otros trata- dillos, Brusselas, 1682, contain proofs of an enthusiasm almost too exalted for our taste. 5* 46 ~ REGENERATION OF [BOOK VII. together, a superior and an attendant, to visit the indigent sick in their own houses, " We must pray by our works, by labors of love," was the maxim of St. Frangois de Sales. His order exer- cised a beneficent influence on the whole of France.* All these changes mark an evident progress from severity to moderation, from enthusiasm to serenity, and from a life of asceti- cal seclusion to the fulfilment of social duties. The Ursuline nuns, who take a fourth vow to devote themselves to the education of young girls— a duty which they performed with admirable zeal — had already been received in France. As might be concluded, a similar spirit was rife and active among the religious societies of men. Jean Bapiste Romillon, who, up to his six-and-twentieth year, had borne arms against Catholicism, but had then become a convert to it, now, with the assistance of a friend who shared his views, established the order of the Fathers of Christian Doctrine, which laid the foundation of elementary instruction in France. We have already mentioned Berulle,one of the most distinguished French ecclesiastics of that time. From his earliest youth he had shown an ardent zeal to qualify himself for (he service of the church: he kept daily present to him, as he says, " the truest and most inti- mate thought of his heart," which was to strive after the greatest attainable perfection. Perhaps the difficulties which he encountered in this work suggested to him the paramount necessity of an insti- tution for the education of clergymen in the special and immediate duties of their vocation. He took as his model Filippo Neri, who had founded the establishment of priests of the oratory. He allowed no vows, only simple engagements; he had sense and magnanimity enough to wish that those who did not feel a strong disposition for that service should quit it. This institution had great success; the absence of severity attracted pupils of higher rank, and BeruUe soon found himself at the head of a brilliant, able, and docile set of young men; episcopal seminaries and learned schools were con- signed to his direction, and a new and active spirit animated the clergy trained in his institution. It formed a great number of cele- brated preachers, and from that time the character of the pulpit eloquence of France was determined.! It is impossible to pass over the congregation of St. Maur. Whilst the French benedictines embraced the reforms which their order had undergone in Lorraine, they added to the existing duties, that of devoting themselves to the education of the young nobility, and to letters. At the very commencement of this change appeared the celebrated Nicholas Hugo Menard, who directed their studies * E. g. in Gallitia, Leben des heiligen Franz von Sales, ii, 285. His cha- racter appears in the clearest and most attractive manner, however, in his own works, particularly the Introduction to a Devotional Life. I Tabaraud, Histoire de Pierre de BeruUe, Paris, 1817. CH. I. § I.] CATHOLICISM IN FRANCE. 47 to ecclesiastical antiquities, and to whom the world is indebted for so many magnificent works.* Mary of Medicis introduced into France the order of the brethren of mercy, founded by that unwearied servant of the sick, Juan de DioSjt a Portnguese, to whom that name was given, in a moment of admiration, by a Spanish bishop. They increased the severity of their rale, but this only served to procure them more followers, and in a short time we find thirty hospitals founded by them. But what an undertaking is it to change the rehgious character of a whole nation — to give a new direction to its faith and doctrine! In many of the more remote districts, among the country people, and even among the parish priests, the old abuses still prevailed; till at length, in the midst of this general religious excitement, Vincent de Paul, the great missionary of the common people, ap- peared, and founded the congregation of the mission, the members of which were to travel from place to place, and to excite and spread the spirit of piety through the remotest corners of the land. Vincent hiniself was a peasant's son, humble, full of zeal and of practical good sense.J The order of the sisters of mercy also owes its origin to him; an order, in which the more delicate sex, at a time of life when all the visions of domestic happiness or worldly splendor float before their eyes, devoted themselves to the service of the sick — often of the abandoned — without venturing to give more than a transient expression to those religious feelings which were the source and spring of all their toils. These efforts for the improvement or the consolation of humanity are now happily become of constant recurrence in every Christian land; the education of the poor, the promotion of learning, and the mitigation of human sufTernig, every where command attention. Never will such efforts succeed without an union of varied ability and knowledge with religious enthusiasm. In protestant countries they are generally left to the energy of each successive generation, and to a sense of the necessities of the moment. But Catholicism aims at giving an unalterable basis to associations formed for such objects, and a uniform direction to the religious impulse which prompts them; in order that every effort may be consecrated to the immediate service of the church, and that successive generations may be trained, by a silent but resistless process, in the same spirit. The most important results were soon visible in France. Already, under Henry IV, the protestants felt that they were crippled and endangered by the searching and boundless activity displayed by * Filipe le Cerf, Bibliotheque historique et critique des auteurs de la congre- gation de S. Maur, p. 355. I Approbatio congregationis fratrum Johannis Dei, 1572. Kal. Jan. (Bullar. Cocquel. iv, iii, 190 ) :j: iStolberg, Leben des heiligen Vincentius Von Paulus, Miinster, 1813. The worthy Stolberg ought not, however, to have treated his hero as "a man by whom France had been regenerated." (p. 6, p. 399.) 48 CATHOLICISM IN FRANCE. [BOOK VII. their antagonists; for some time protestantism made no progress; soon after it began to lose ground, and even before the death of that monarch they complained that desertion had commenced in their ranks. And yet Henry had been forced by his policy to grant them fresh privileges, and to disregard the suggestions of the pope, who desired that they should be excluded from all public offices. Mary of Medici, however, abandoned the policy which had been hitherto pursued, and on many points attached herself more closely to Spain. A decidedly catholic spirit predominated in domestic and foreign alfairs, not only at court, but even in the assembly of estates. In the year 1614, the two first meetings expressly required the publication of the decrees of the council of Trent, and even the restoration of church property in Beam. It was exceedingly fortunate for the protestants, among whom also great zeal and activity prevailed for the interests of their church, that they occupied so strong a political situation, and were so for- midable as to render it impossible to extinguish it. Since the go- vernment had joined their opponents, the protestants had found support and assistance from powerful malcontents, who have ever been, and will ever be, numerous in France. Some time therefore elapsed before it was possible to make a direct attack on them. 49 CHAPTER 11. GENERAL WAR-TRIUMPHS OF CATHOLICISM. 1617—16.23. § 1. BREAKING OUT OP THE WAR. However widely different be the circumstances which we have thus seen developed, they combine to form one grand result; on every side Catholicism has advanced with mighty strides, on every side it has encountered a vigorous resistance. In Poland it has not succeeded in crushing its adversary, only because protestantism was there invincibly sustained by the sympathies of the neighbor- ing kingdoms. In Germany a compactly cemented opposition re- pelled the advances of the prevailing creed, and of the returning priesthood. The king of Spain reluctantly consented to grant the United Provinces an armistice which almost implied a formal re- cognition. The French Huguenots were prepared against every attack by the possession of fortified towns, by disciplined and armed troops, and by well-considered financial arrangements. In Swit- zerland the balance of parties had long been consolidated on so firm a basis that regenerated Catholicism had no power to derange it. Europe thus appears to us divided into two worlds which sur- round, limit, expel, and assail each other at every point. On instituting a general comparison between them, we are im- mediately struck with the far greater unity exhibited by the catho- lic party. We are indeed aware that it is not without intestine discords, but at present these are silenced. Above all, an amicable and even confidential intercourse subsists between France and Spain; the occasional ebullitions of the old enmity of Venice or Savoy do not materially affect the general interests of Catholicism; and even such formidable attempts as the conspiracy against Venice pass over without serious disturbance. Pope Paul V, after the ex- perience of the early part of his reign had afforded him such an impressive lesson, was calm and moderate; he found means to maintain peace between the catholic powers, and occasionally gave an important turn to the general policy of Europe. 50 BREAKING OUT OF WAR. [BOOK VII. The protestants, on the other hand, had not only no centre of union, but since the death of Elizabeth of England, and the acces- sion of James I, who from the begirming of his reign maintained a somewhat equivocal policy, they had not even a leader. Luthe- rans and Calvinists stood opposed to each other with a feeling of mutual hatred, which necessarily led to opposite political mea- sures. But the Calvinists, or as they are called in Germany the reformed church, were also divided among themselves; Episcopa- lians and Puritans, Arminians and Gomarists, attacked each other with the fiercest hate; and in the assembly of the Huguenots at Saumur, in the year 1611, a schism broke out which was never radically healed. This remarkable difference between the two great parties is cer- tainly not to be ascribed to any inferiority in religious ardor and activity on the side of the catholics; indeed we have just remarked the very contrary. A more probable cause is the following. Ca- tholicism did not possess that energy inspired by an exclusive system of dogmas which was the characteristic of protestantism; there were important and disputed questions which it left undetermined; enthusiasm, mysticism, and that profound instinct or sentiment, hardly reaching the distinctness of thought, which from time to time will ever spring up anew out of the religious tendencies of our nature, were embraced and embodied by Catholicism; they were reduced to a regular system, and rendered subsidiary to the uses of religion in the form of monastic asceticism. This spirit was, on the contrary, repressed, condemned, and utterly rejected by protestantism. Hence among the protestants, these religious tendencies, abandoned to their own course, broke out in the shape of innumerable sects, each of which sought its own narrow but uncontrolled field of action. In harmony with this view of the two grand divisions of the religious world is the fact, that literature on the catholic side, had attained to far greater perfection and regularity of form. We may indeed assert that the modern classical forms and character of lite- rature in Italy owe their development and finish to the auspices of the church; in Spain, as considerable an approach to them was made as the genius of the nation permitted; a similar progress commenced in France, where at a later period the classical type was so completely adopted, and with such brilliant results. Mal- herbe appeared, who first willingly submitted to rule and delibe- rately renounced all license;* and who gave added force and currency to his opinions in favor of monarchy and Catholicism, by the epigrammatical precision, the ease and the elegance (somewhat * The genius of Malherbe and his style of writing are discussed in the re- cent and remarkable additions to the biography of the poet, by Racan, in the Memoires or rather Historiettes of Tallemant des Reaux, published by Mon- merque, 1834, i, p, 195. CH. II. § I.] BREAKING OUT OF WAR. 51 prosaical indeed, but admirably adapted to the French mind) with which he expressed them. In the Germanic nations tliis classical tendency obtained no such triumph, even on the catholic side; it got possession only of Latin poetry, in which it sometimes has the air of a parody, even in the works of a man of such remarkable talent as Balde. All that was written in the vernacular tongue continued to be a genuine expression of nature. Still less success- ful was the imitation of the antique among tlie protestants of these nations. Shakspeare places the whole matttir and spirit of the romantic before our eyes, in forms of imperishable beauty; — the free and spontaneous offspring of a mind to which antiquity and history were but ministering servants. From the workshop of a German shoemaker there issued poems, obscure, formless, and in- scrutable, but possessed of a resistless attraction, marked by a Ger- man depth of feeling, and by a religious contemplation of the world, which have never found their equal; — the genuine inspiration of nature. But I will not attempt to describe the contrasts presented by these two intellectual worlds ; it were impossible to embrace them all without having devoted more attention to that of the protestant party. I may however be permitted to enlarge upon one aspect of this subject which had a direct influence on the events we are con- templating. The monarchical tendencies were now predominant in the catholic world. Ideas of popular rights, of legitimate resistance to monarchs, of the sovereignty of the people, of the lawfulness of putting kings to death, &c., which thirty years before were maintained by the most zealous catholics, were now no longer in fashion. No con- siderable contest was now going on between a catholic population and a protestant prince; England was quiet even under James I; and the theories we have just alluded to became wholly inapplicable to existing circumstances. Hence it followed that the religious principle became more intimately connected with the dynastical one; and if I mistake not, this connection was greatly aided by the superiority in personal character and qualities whicli distinguished the catholic rulers. This at least was the casvj in Germany. The aged bishop Julius of Wurzburg, the first who attempted a thorough counter-reformation in Germany, was still living. Elector Schwei- kard, of Mayence, performed the functions of arch-chancellor of the empire with an ability exalted by his warm and sincere interest in public affairs, and restored to that dignity its high influence.* Tlie two other Rhenish electors were resolute, active men; by their side stood the manly, acute, indefatigable Maximilian of Bavaria, * Montorio, Relatione di Germania, 1624: " Di costumi gravi, molto intento alle cose del governo cosi spirituale come temporale, molto bene afleto verso il servigio di cotesta santa sede, desideroso del progresso della religione, una de primi prelati della Germania." 52 BREAKING OUT OF WAR. [BOOK VII. an able administrator, filled with lofty political objects; and arch- duke Ferdinand, invincible in the strength of the faith which he held with all the fervor of an energetic soul; almost all of them dis- ciples of the Jesuits, who had the art of instilling a certain grandeur and elevation of views into the minds of their pupils; all of them reformers in their way, who had brought about that state of things which now existed, by their ardent exertions and their religious enthusiasm. The protestant princes, on the contrary, were rather heirs to the labors of others, than originators of new enterprises; they stood in the second or third generation. In a few there were marks of some activity, but 1 think rather prompted by ambition and restlessness, than by energy of character or genuine strength of mind. On the other hand, there now appeared a manifest inclination towards a republican form of government, or at least towards the independence of the arisrocracy. In many countries, as for instance in France, in Poland, and in all the Austrian dominions, a powerful protestant nobility was engaged in an open struggle with the catholic government; and the republic of the Netherlands, which daily rose to a higher pitch of prosperity, afforded a brilliant ex- ample of what might be obtained by such a resistance. It was cer- tainly matter of debate among (he nobles at that time in Austria, whether they should not emancipate themselves from the reigning family, and frame a constitution like that of Switzerland or the Netherlands. The success of such plans afforded the only chance to the imperial cities of once more rising to importance, and they accordingly took a lively share in them. The internal organisation of the Huguenot party was already republican, and indeed not de- void of democratic elements. In England these were represented by the puritans arrayed against a protestant king. There is extant a little treatise by an imperial ambassador to Paris of that time, in which he earnestly calls the attention of the sovereigns of Europe to the common danger which threatened them from the growth of this spirit.* At the moment in question the catholic world was united, classi- cal, monarchical; the protestant, divided, romantic, republican. In the year 1617, everything tended towards a decisive struggle between them. It appears that the catholic party felt its own superiority; at any rate it was the first aggressor. On the 15th June, 1617, an edict was published in France, in virtue of which the church property in Beam was restored. This had long been demanded by the catholic clergy, but had constantly been refused by the court, out of a prudential deference to the * Advis sur les causes des mouvemens de I'Europe, envoye auxroys et princes pour la conversation de leurs royaumes et principautes, fait par Messir Al. Cunr. baron de Fridemburg, et presente au roy tres chrestien par le comte de Furstem- berg, ambassadeur de reinperenr. Inserted in the Mercure Francois, torn, ix, p. 342. CH. II. § I.] BREAKING OUT OF WAR. 53 interests and wishes of the Huguenot chiefs, and to the general power of that party. It was obtained from Luines, who, although the protestants had at first relied upon him,* had gradually attached himself to the Jesuit or papal party. In several places, the mob, encouraged by this disposition on the part of the government, had risen tumultuously, sounded the tocsin, and attacked the protestants; the parliaments, too, took part against them. The Polish prince Wladislaus once more took arms in the con- fident expectation that he should now occupy the throne of Mos- cow. It was thought that designs upon Sweden were connected with his enterprise, and war between Poland and Sweden imme- diately broke out afresh, t But the events of far the greatest importance were preparing in the hereditary doriiinions of the house of Austria. The archdukes had been reconciled and cordially reunited. With the magnanimity and sense which that house has often displayed in moments of dan- ger, the other brothers relinquished to archduke Ferdinand the claims which naturally devolved on them after the death of the emperor Matthias, who had no issue; and in a short time he was actually recognised as successor to the throne in Hungary and Bohemia. This was indeed only an adjustment of personal claims, but its effects on the public interests were not the less important. From so determined a zealot as Ferdinand, nothing could be expected, but that he would immediately endeavor to secure an absolute and undivided supremacy to his own creed at home, and would then apply the whole collective strength of these countries to the propagation of Catholicism abroad; — designs pregnant with danger to all protestants in his hereditary dominions, in Germany, and indeed throughout Europe. But this very danger instantly aroused opposition. The protest- ants, who had resisted the encroachments of Catholicism, were not only armed for self-protection, but had boldness enough to relin- quish their defensive attitude for one of attack. In the elector palatine Frederic were concentrated all the ele- ments of European protestantism. His wife was the daughter of * This, amongst other pieces of information, is to be gathered from a letter by Duplessis Mornay, Saumur, 26 Avril, 1617, " sur ce coup de majorite," as he styles the murder of the marechal d'Ancre. La vie de du Plessis, p. 465. f Hiarn, Esth-Lyf- und Lettlandische Geschichte, p. 418. "The Swedes knew that the king of Poland had sent his son into Russia accompanied by a considerable force, with the intention of surprising the fortresses which had been yielded up by the Moscovites to the Swedes, in order that, should this scheme be successful, he might, with the greater ease, himself attack the kingdom of Sweden: indeed, aid in the execution of this latter design had been promised him both at the diet of the States held in Poland, and by the house of Austria; hence he turned his thoughts more upon this matter than upon anything else." VOL. II. — 6 54 BREAKING OUT OP WAR. [BOOK VII. the king of England, and tlie niece of the king of Denmark; his uncle was Prince Maurice of Orange; and nearly related to him was the leader of the Huguenots of tlie less pacific party, the Due de Bouillon. He himself stood at the head of the German Union. He was a prince of stern, sedate character, endowed with sufficient self-command to avoid the dissolute habits which then degrated the courts of Germany, and chiefly solicitous to fulfil his duties as ruler, and sedulously to attend the sittings of his privy council; a man of a proud and melancholy nature, full of high thoughts.* In his father's time there were tables in the dining-hall for nobles and councillors; he caused them all to be removed, and would eat in company with none but princes or persons of the most illustrious rank. The feeling of a high political vocation was cherished at this court, which designedly engaged in a thousand connections involving remote consequences. So long a time had elapsed since there had been any serious war, that people had no distinct idea what the future would bring forth; and the field was thus left open to the wildest and most daring schemes. Such was the temper of the court of Heidelberg, when the Bo- hemians, who had had a rupture with the house of Austria, which daily assumed a more violent and stormy character, (especially in consequence of the sense of that danger to their religious rights to which we have alluded,) determined to throw off their allegiance to Ferdinand, although he already held their promise, and to offer the crown to the elector palatine. For a moment Frederic hesitated. There was as yet no example of one German prince wresting from another a throne which was his by legitimate succession. But all his friends — INIaurice, who had never approved the truce of the Spaniards; the Due de Bouillon; Christian of Anhalt, who took a comprehensive view of the whole mechanism and bearing of European policy, and was persuaded that no one would have the courage or the power to oppose the step when once taken — all these, his most confidential advisers, urged him on; till at length, hurried away by the sight of the boundless vista it opened to him, by ambition and by religious zeal, he accepted the proffered crown, (Angust, 1619.) What must have been the results if he could have maintained his position! The power of the house of Austria in the east of Europe would have been broken — the progress of Catholicism for ever checked. And already strong sympathies were at work in his favor. There * Relatione di Germania, 1617: "Frederico IV d'eta di anni 20, di mezzana statura, d'aspetto grave, di natura malinconico, di carnag-g-ione buoiia, iiomo di alti pensieri, e rare volte si rallegra. e coll' appoggio dell' accasemento fatto coa la figliuola del re d'lnghilterra e di altri parentieconfederati aspirarebbe a cose mao'o'iori se segli appresentasse occasione a proposito: onde essendo ben cono- sciiito suo iiatiirale per il colonello di Scomburg gia suo ajo, seppe cosi ben valersene, accomodandosi al suo umorc, che mentre visse fu piii d'ogai altro suo confidente." CH. II. § I.] TRIUMPHS OF CATHOLICISM. 55 was an universal stir among the Huguenots in France; the Bear- nois resisted the king's commands; the assembly at Loudnn took part with them, and nothing could have been more desirable to the queen-mother than to gain over the snpport of this opposition party, which was ready to come to open war; Rohan was already on her side, and had promised her the co-operation of the rest. In the Grisons, the scene of incessant agitation, the catholic or Spanish party was again subjugated, and the protestant predomi- nant. The court at Davos received with pleasure the envoy of the new king of Bohemia, and promised him to hold the passes of the country against the Spaniards for ever.* It is well worthy of remark, that these successes on the side of protestantism were accompanied by a simultaneous rise of the re- publican spirit. Not only did the estates of Bohemia maintain a national independence of the king on whom they had bestowed the crown, but in all the hereditary domains of Austria an attempt was made to imitate them. The German imperial cilies conceived fresh hopes; and the most liberal and timely pecuniary aid which Frederic received was furnished by them. But it was precisely this obvious disposition on the part of the people to connect religion with politics, which now drew closer the ties that bound together the catholic princes. Maximilian of Bavaria and Ferdinand, who had had the good fortune at this moment to be chosen emperor, contracted the strict- est alliance; the king of Spain prepared to give efficient succor, and pope Paul V was prevailed upon to furnish very considerable and welcome subsidies. As in the stormy season of the year the winds sometimes sud- denly veer completely round, so the tide of fortune and success now all at once turned. The catholics succeeded in winning over to their cause the elec- tor of Saxony, one of the most powerful protestant princes;— a Lutheran, however, and a bitter and inveterate foe to every Calvin- istic innovation. They immediately conceived hopes of victory. A single battle on the Weissberg, on the 8th of November, 1620, put an end to the power of the elector palatine Frederic, and to all his projects. For the Union did not defend its chief with the requisite vigor. It may be that the united princes took alarm at the republican spirit afloat, and dreaded its consequences to themselves; they refused to open the Rhine to the Dutch, and feared the analogies which the * Those who were contemporary with these events perceived their connection, which at a later period, was no longer attended to. Fiirstl. Anhaltische Geh. Canzlei Fortsetzung, p. 67. 56 TRIUMPHS OF CATHOLICISM. [BOOK VII. government of the United Provinces might snggest to their own subjects. Tiie catholics immediately obtained the ascendency in southern Germany also. The Upper Palatinate was attacked by Bavaria, the Lower by Spain; and in April, 1621, the Union was dissolved. All who had been active in the cause of Frederic were driven out of the country, or entirely ruined. The catholic principle passed with wonderful rapidity from a motnent of the utmost dan- ger, to an omnipotent sway over the south of Germany and the Austrian provinces. Meanwhile a great crisis also took place in France. After a victory which the royal power had obtained over the rebellious factions of the court, headed by the queen mother (with whom the Huguenots unquestionaby were in correspondence,*) the papal nuncio urged the necessity of taking advantage of the favorable moment for a general attack upon protestantism; he would hear of no delays; in France, what was once put off, he said, was never done at all.t Luines and the king were carried away by his ar- gument. In Beam the old factions of Beaumont and Grammont, which had been fighting for centuries, still existed, and their feud enabled the king to march unresisted into the country, to disband the military force, dissolve the constitution, and restore the domin- ion of the catholic church. The protestants in the other parts of France made some demonstrations of taking up the cause of their co-religionists; but in the year 1621 they were beaten in every quarter. About this same time Giacopo Robustelli, a captain of the Val- teline, having collected a band of catholic exiles and banditti from the Milanese and Venetian territories, resolved to put an end to the sovereignty of the Grisons, whose protestant yoke was so oppressive to his countrymen. This lawless and sanguinary band was inflamed to a furious pitch of religious fanaticism by the exhortations of a capuchin friar; on the 19th of July, 1620, they found an entrance into Tirano, and at break of day rang the bells of the churches: the protestants hearing this rushed out of their houses, when Robus- telli's troops fell upon them and massacred them all. The same fierce tragedy was acted through the whole valley. In vain did the people of the Grisons make repeated descents from their lofty mountains in the hope of regaining their power; they were beaten every time. In the year 1621 the Austrians entered the Grisons proper from the Tyrol, and the Spaniards from Milan. "The wild mountains echoed with the shrieks of death, and were fearfully lighted up with the flames of the solitary dwellings." The passes and the whole country were taken. * Benoist himself says, ii, 291, " Les reformes n'auroient aUendu que les premiers succes pour se ranger au meme parti (de la reine.") ■|- Siri, Memoire recondite, torn, v, p. 148. CH. II. § II.] GREGORY XV. 57 These triumphs of their arms awakened all the hopes of the catholics. The pope represented to the court of Spain, that the Netherlan- ders were divided and now without aUies, and that a more season- able time could not possibly occiu" for renewing the war against the rebels; his representations were successful.* The chancellor of Brabant, Peter Peckius, appeared at the Hague on the 25th of March, 1621, and instead of proposing a renewal of the truce which just then expired, proposed tiie recognition of the legitimate princes.t The States General declared this suggestion to be unjust, unexpected, and inhuman, and hostilities broke out afresh. Here too the Spaniards were at first successful. 'J'hey took Juliers from the Netherlanders, which greatly facilitated ther enter- prises on the Rhine; the whole of the left bank from Emmeric to Strasburg was in their hands. These numerous victories conspiring to one end, occurring in so many different quarters, and attributable to such various causes and antecedents, yet, when viewed with reference to the state and progress of the public mind throughout Europe, constitute but one individual fact. Let us now attend to the more weighty point — the purposes to which those victories were turned. § 2. GREGORY XV. During the procession to celebrate the victory of the Weissberg, Paul V was struck with apoplexy. Shortly afterwards he had a second stroke, of the effects of which he died, 28th January, 1621. The new election differed little in its general features from the preceding ones. Paul V had reigned so long that nearly the whole college had been renewed during his pontificate, and hence by far the greater number of the cardinals were dependents of his nephew, cardinal Borghese. After some hesitation and debate, Borghese found a man who united the suffrages of all his adherents — Ales- sandro Ludovisio of Bologna, who was forthwith elected on the 9th February, 1621, and took the name of Gregory XV. He was a small phlegmatic man, who had formerly acquired the reputation of being a skilful negotiator, possessing the art of silently and unostentatiously accomplishing his ends.f Now, however, he was feeble, and sick, and bent with age. * Instruttione a M'''= Sangro. "La onde S. M'* non puo voltare le sue forze in mig-lior tempo ovvuro opportunita." f Literally he pressed for a union — " sub agnitione dominorum principura- que legitimorum." Both the demand and the answer are to be found in Leonis ab Aietzema historia tractatuum pacis Belgicas, p. 2 and 4. X Relatione di IV ambasciatori, 1521: " Di pelo che avvicinasi al biondo. La natura sua e sempre conosciuta placida e flemmatica, lontana dall' imbarraciarsi *G 58 TRIUMPHS OF CATHOLICISM. [BOOK VII. What part in the struggle noAV going on — a struggle involving the destinies of the world — was to be expected from a pope, to whom his ministers and attendants often did not venture to com- municate critical affairs, lest they should give the last shock to his frail existence?* But the powers of the papacy, which were too mighty for the dying arm of Gregory to wield, were instantly grasped by his nephew, Ludovico Ludovisio, a young man of twenty-five, who displayed all the talent and boldness which the posture of things demanded. Ludovico was magnificent and brilliant; he never neglected an opportunity of obtaining wealth, of forming advantageous alliances, of promoting and favoring his friends; he was disposed to enjoy life, and indulgent to the enjoyments of others; but he never lost sight of the great interests of the church. Even his enemies admitted his great talents for the conduct of business; his singular justness of mind and tact in discovering a satisfactory way out of the most embarrassing difficulties, and that calm and cool courage which enables a man to descry a possible event in the dim horizon of the future, and to steer his course steadily towards it.t Had not the feebleness of his uncle, which promised him but a short tenure of power, held him in fetters, his fearless spirit would have shrunk from no consideration of danger. It was a most important circumstance, that not only the pope, but his nephew, was filled with the conviction that the salvation of the world depended on the spread of Catholicism. Cardinal Ludo- visio, educated by the Jesuits, was their great patron. The church of St. Ignatius at Rome was built chiefly at his cost; he attached considerable importance to his office of protector of the capuchins, and declared that he thought this the most important patronage he enjoyed. He devoted himself warmly and by predilection to the most orthodox and rigid forms of Romanist opinions.J We can hardly convey a more accurate idea of the spirit of the new papal government, than by recalling the fact, that it was under Gregory XV that the propaganda was instituted, and that the founders of the order of Jesus, Ignatius and Xavier, were canonized. The origin of the propaganda is properly to be traced to an edict in rotture, amicissimo d'andare in negotio destreggiando et avanzando ii proprj fini." * Rainier Zeno, Relatione di Roma, 1623: " Aggiungendosi all' eta cadente una fiacchissima complessione in un corpiccivolo stenuato e mal affetto." j" Rainier Zeno: " E d'ingegno vivacissimo: 1' ha dimostrato nel suo governo per I'abondanza dei partiti die in ogni grave trattatione gli suggerivano suoi spirit! nati per comandare, i quali se bene in molte parti aberravano dell' uopo della bona politica, nondimono I'intrepidezza, con la quale si mostrava pronto ad abbracciare ogni ripiego appreso da lui per buono, poco curandosi di consigli di chi gli baveria potuto esser maestro, davano a credere che la sua natura sdegnava una privata conditione." j;. Ginnti, Vita e fatti di Ludovico Ludovisio. MS. CH. II. § II.] OREOORT XV. 59 of Gregory XIIT; in virtue of which a certain number of cardinals were charged with the direction of missions to the east, and cate- chisms were ordered to be printed in the less known languages.* But the institution was neither firmly established, nor provided with the requisite funds, nor arranged on a comprehensive scale. At that time there was a celebrated preacher at Rome, one Girolamo da Narni, who had acquired universal respect by a life which secured him the reputation of a saint, and who displayed a copious- ness of thought, a purity of expression, and a majesty of delivery in the pulpit, which carried away all his hearers. As Bellarmine once came from hearing him preach, he said he thought that one of St. Augustine's three wishes had just been granted to him — the wish to hear St. Paul. Cardinal Ludovisio was one of his patrons and admirers, and defrayed the expenses of printing his sermons. This capuchin now conceived the idea of extending the institution in question.! By his advice a congregation in all its forms was founded, and charged to hold regular sittings for the purpose of watching over the conduct of missions in every part of the world, and to assemble at least once a month in the presence of the pope. Gregory XV advanced the first funds, and his nephew contributed to them from his private purse; and as this institution met a want, the existence of which was really felt and acknowledged, its suc- cess was daily more and more brilliant. But it is needless to en- large on its achievements. Who does not know what the propa- ganda has done for philological learning? Nor was this all — for it labored (and perhaps in the first years of its existence with the amplest results) to fulfil its general vocation with admirable gran- deur of conception and execution. The canonisation of the two Jesuits was prompted by the same views. " At the time," says the bull, " when new worlds were just discovered; when in the old, Luther had risen up in arms against the catholic church, the soul of Ignatius Loyala was in- spired to found a company which should devote itself specially to bring about the conversion of the heathen and the return of here- tics. But of all its members, Francisco Xavier proved himself most worthy to be called the apostle of the new discovered nations. For this cause both are now to be received into the catalogue of saints. Churches and altars, whereon sacrifice is offered to God, are to be dedicated to them."t In the spirit revealed in these acts, the new papal government now took prompt measures that the victories gained by Catholicism * Cocquelines, Praefiitio ad Maffei Annales Gregorio XIII, p. v. ■\ Yt. Hierothei, Epitome historica rerum Franciscanarum, etc. p. 3G2: "pub- licis suasionibus et consiliis privatis." Fra Girolamo had worked upon the pope. Compare Cerri, f]tat present de I'eglise Romaine, (p. 289,) where may also be found a more detailed account of the institution and the increase of its wealth. :|: Bullarium Cocquelines, v, 131, 137. 60 BOHEMIA AND THE HEREDITARY [BOOK VII. might be followed up by conversions, and all the conquests of the church justified and confirmed by the re-establishment of religion. " We must apply all our thoughts," says one of Gregory XV's first instructions, " to extract the greatest possible advantage from the happy revulsion that has taken place, and from the triumphant attitude of the church." A project which was executed with signal success. § 3. BOHEMIA AND THE HEREDITARY DOMINIONS OF AUSTRIA. The attention of the papal government was first turned to the rising fortunes of Catholicism in the Austrian provinces. Gregory XV not only doubled the subsidy which the emperor had hitherto received,* but promised him a sum of no inconsidera- ble amount as a gift in addition — although, as he said, he retained hardly enough to live on; — at the same time urging him not to delay a single moment to follow up his victory, and instantly to begin the work of re-establishing the catholic religion,t by which alone he could prove his gratitude to the God of victory. He lays it down as a first principle, that the nations, by their rebellious backslidings, had fallen under the necessity of a more rigid control, and must be compelled by force to abandon their godless ways. The nuncio whom Gregory XV sent to the emperor was that Carlo Caratfa so celebrated in German history. From the two reports which he left, the one printed, the other in MS., we can ascertain with perfect distinctness what were the measures he adopted for the attainment of these ends. In Bohemia, the scene of his first exertions, he immediately en- deavored to banish the protestant preachers and schoolmasters, " who were guilty of offence against divine and human majesty." This was not so easy; the members of the imperial government at Prague deemed it as yet too perilous. It was not till Mansfield was driven out of the Upper Palatinate, all danger from without at an end, and some regiments marched to Prague at the nuncio's request, that on the 13th December, 1621, they ventured to proceed to this extreme measure; and even then they spared the two Iai- theran preachers, out of deference to the elector of Saxony. The nuncio, representative of a principle which knew no respect of per- sons, and scorned all compromise, would hear nothing of this; he * From 20,000 gulden, to 20,000 scudi. The present was to consist of 200,000 scudi. He would have liked with this money'to support a number of regiments to be placed under the papal authority. f Instruttione al vescovo d' Aversa, 13 Apr. 1G2I: " Non e tempo di indugi ne di coperti andamenti." In particular they thought at Rome that Bucquoi was far too slow: "La prestezza apportarebbe il rimedio di tanti mali, se dal conte di Bucquoi per altro valoroso capitano ella si potesse sperare." CH. II. § III.] DOMINIONS OP AUSTRIA. 61 complained that the whole people were devoted to these men; that a catholic priest had nothing to do, and could not find the means of subsistence.* In October, 1622, he at length carried his point, and the Lutheran ministers also were banished. It seemed lor a moment as if the fears of the council of government would be veri- fied; the elector of Saxony published a threatening manifesto, and assumed a hostile attitude on the most important questions; even the emperor once told the nuncio that there had been far too much haste, and that it would have been better to choose a more seasona- ble time.t Nevertheless means were found to keep Ferdinand steady to his purpose; the old bishop of Wurzburg represented to him that " a glorious emperor ought not to be appalled by dangers; at all events it were better to fall into the hands of men, than into the hands of the living God." The emperor yielded. The nuncio enjoyed the triumph of seeing Saxony consent to the banishment of the preachers, and retract his opposition. The way was thus smoothed. The places of the protestant preachers were filled by Dominicans, Augustines and Carmelites, for there was a great want of secular clergy; a complete colony of Franciscans arrived from Gnesen, and Jesuits were sure to be found in abundance; accordingly, when a missive arrived from the propaganHa rharging them to take upon themselves the duty of parish priests, they had already done so.J The only question now seemed to be, whether they should allow the national utraquist mode of worship to subsist, at least partially, according to the decrees of the council of Basle. The council of government, and the governor himself. Prince Lichtenstein, were for it. § On Holy Thursday, 1622, they permitted the Lord's sup- per to be once more administered in both kinds, and a murmur arose among the people that they would not suffer this ancient usage, handed down to them from their forefathers, to be torn from * Carafia ragguaglio MS.: " Conducevano in disperatione i parochi cattolici per vedersi da essi (Lnterani) levarsi ogni emolumento." The printed Com- mentarii, however, contain a more ostensible notice: " Quamdiu illi haerebant, tamdiii adhiic sperabant sectarii S. majestatem consessurum aliquando liberam facullatem." (p. 130.) j" Caraffa, racfguaglio: " Sua M'* mi si dimostro con questo di qualche pensiere, ed usci a dirmi che si haveva havuta troppa prescia e che saria stato meglio cacciare quei predicanti in altro tempo dopo che si losse tenuto il convento in Ratisbona. Al che io replicai che Sua Maesta poteva havere piu tosto errato nella tardanza che nella fretta circa questo fatto, poiche se il Sassone fosse venuto al convento, di che non amettono che egli havesse avuta mai la volonta, si sapeva per ognuno che haverebbe domandato a S. Ma che a sua contempla- zione permettesse in Praga I'esercizio Luterano che gia vi era." ij: Cordara, Historia societatis Jesu, torn, vi, lib. vii, p. 38. § According to the opinions prevailing up to that time, e. g. in Senkenberg, continuation of the Reichshistorie by Haberlins, vol. xxv, p. 156, note k, we ought to believe the contrary of Lichtenstein. That, however, would be an entirely false view, as appears from Caraffa. The nuncio, on the contrary, met with assistance from Plaleis. 62 BOMEMIA AND THE HEREDITARY [BOOK VII. them. But the nuncio was deaf to every attempt to induce him to consent to this heretical practice; he adhered to the views of the curia with inflexible obstinacy, certain that the emperor would in the end approve his conduct; and in fact he succeeded in extracting from liim a declaration that his temporal administration was not to interfere in the affairs of religion. From this time mass was uni- versally performed according to the Roman ritual; in Latin with aspersion of holy water and invocation of saints; the celebration of the sacrament in both kinds, was wholly prohibited, and the boldest advocates of that practice were thrown into prison: lastly, the ancient symbol of Utraquism, the large cup with the sword, affixed to the Thein church, the very sight of which kept alive the old recollections, was pulled down. On the 6th of July, which had always been kept as a holiday in memory of John Huss, the churches were carefully closed. ^ The government now lent all the aid of political means to this rigorous enforcement of the dogmas and the usages of the church of Rome. A considerable portion of the landed property of the country was thrown into catholic hands by confiscation; the acqui- sition of land by protestants was rendered nearly impossible;* the council of all the royal cities was changed; no member was tole- rated in those bodies whose Catholicism was the least suspected; the rebellious were pardoned as soon as they abjured protestantism, while, on the other hand, the perverse, the unpersuadable, who would not listen to ghostly admonitions, had troops quartered in their houses; "in order," to use the exact words of the nuncio, " that their vexations may give them some insight into the truth."t The effects wrought by this joint application of force and argu- ment were unexpected even to the nuncio. He was astonished at the numerous congregations which attended the churches in Prague, frequently on a Sunday morning consisting of from two to three thousand people, and at their humble, devout, and most catho- lic deportment. He infers from this, that catholic recollections and associations had never been entirely obliterated in these parts, (a proof of which was, that even the wife of king Frederic was not permitted to remove the great crucifix on the bridge:) its real cause doubtless was, that protestant convictions had never penetrated the masses. Nothing could arrest the work of conversion; the Jesuits assert that in the year 1624, they alone brought back 16,000 souls to the catholic church. J In Tabor, where protestantism appeared to have exclusive sway, fifty families went over to the faith at * Caraffa: " Con ordine che non si potessero inserire nelle tavole del regno, il che apportu indicibile giovamento alia riforma per tuUo quel tempo." f " Acciu il travaglio desse lore senso ed intelleUo;" which expression is re- peated in the printed work: " cognitumque fuit solam vexatiouem posse Bohe- mis inlellectuin prajbere." :j: ('araffa: " Messovi un sacerdote catolico di molta dottrina e poi facendosi missioni di alcuni padri Gesuiti." CH. II. § III.] DOMINIONS OF AUSTRIA. 63 Easter, 1622; and at Easter, 1G23, their example was followed by all the remaining population. In the course of time Bohemia became thoroughly catholic. The example of that country was followed by Moravia, where, indeed, the object was more rapidly obtained, in consequence of the union of temporal and spiritual power in the hands of cardinal Dietrichstein; who was at the same time governor of the province and bishop of Olmutz. But a sin- gular obstacle here presented itself. The nobility could not be brought to hear of the expulsion of the Moravian brethren, who were invaluable as domestic servants or husbandmen, and whose settlements were the most thriving places in the whole country.* — They found advocates even in the emperor's privy council. Ne- vertheless the nuncio and the principle of which he was the organ, conquered even here. About 15,000 were expelled. Under these circumstances, the often-repeated, and as often unsuc- cessful, attempts to re-establish Catholicism in Austria proper, were at length renewed with triumphant success.t First the protestant preachers accused of rebellion, then all the others, were banished: furnished with a pittance for their subsistence on the road, the un- fortunate men slowly ascended the Danube amidst insulting cries of, " Where is now your strong tower?" The emperor plainly de- clared to the provincial estates, "that he had absolutely and incontest- ably retained, for himself and his posterity, the disposal of all things concerning religion." In October, 1624, a commission appeared, fixing a certain time within which the inhabitants must profess the catholic faith or void the country. Some degree of indulgence was for the moment shown to the nobility alone. In Hungary, though conquered, it was not possible to proceed in so tyrannical a manner; yet even here the current of things, the favor of the government, and, above all, the exertions of archbishop Pazmany, wrought a considerable change. Pazmany possessed in * Ragguaglio di Caraffa: " Essendo essi tenuti huomini d' industria e d'inte- grita venivano impiegati nella custodia de' terreni, delle case,delle cantine e de' molini, oltre che lavorando eccellentemente in alcuni meslieri erano divenuti ricchi e contiibuivano gran parte del loro guadagnoa'signori de'luoghi ne'quali habitavano, sebbene da qualche tempo indietro bavevano cominciato a corrom- persi essendo entrata tra di loro I'ambizione e I'avarizia con qualche parte di lusso per coniodita della vita. Costoro si erano sempre andati augumentando in Moravia, perciocche oltre a quelli che seducevano nella provincia e ne' luoghi convicini, bavevano corrispondenza per tutti 11 luoghi della Germania, di dove ricorrevano alia loro fratellanza tutti quelli che per debito o poverta disperavano potersi sostentare, e specialmente veniva ad essi gran nuraero di poveri Grisoni e di Svevia lasciandosi rapire da quel nome di fratellanza e sicurta, di bavere sempre del pane, che in casa loro diffidavano potersi col proprio sudore guadag- nare, onde si sono avvanzati alle volte sino al nuniero di centomila." "t" This had been the emperor's first thought, even before the battle of Prague, when IMaximilian first entered the territory of Upper Austria; he pressed the latter to remove the preachers without delay, "so that the pipers might be dis- missed, and the dance stopped." His letter is in Breier's continuation of Wolf's Maximilian, iv, 414. 64 THE EMPIRE. [BOOK VII. a singular degree the talent of writing his mother-tongue well. His book, called " Kalauz,"* full of ability and learning, was irresistibly attractive to his countrymen. Nor was the gift of eloquence denied him: we are told that he personally persuaded fifty families — among whom we find the names of Ziinyi, Forgacz, Erdbdy, Ba- lassa, Jakusith, Homonay, and Adam Thurzo — to abandon the protestant faith. Count Adam Zrinyi alone expelled twenty pro- testant ministers, and put catholic priests in their stead. Under these influences, the political affairs of the kingdom of Hungary took a new turn. At the diet of 1625, the catholic Austrian party had the majority. A convert recommended by the court — an Esterhazy — was named palatine. But let us not omit to remark a difference. The conversions in Hungary were far more free and voluntary than in the other pro- vinces of the empire; the magnate proselytes renounced none of their rights; they rather acquired new ones. In the Austro-Bohe- mian provinces, on the contrary, the entire independence of the estates — their energy and their power — had thrown itself into the form of protestantism; their conversion was, if not in every indivi- dual case, yet on the whole, compulsory; and the re-establishment of Catholicism was accompanied by a restoration of the absolute power of the government. § 4. THE EMPIRE. — TRANSFER OF THE ELECTORATE. We know how much greater progress the reformation had made in the German empire than in the hereditary dominions of the house of Austria; nevertheless recent events had a mighty effect even in that province, where the counter-reformation at once acquired an accession of vigor and a new field of action. Maximilian had hardly taken possession of the Upper Palatinate, when he set on foot measures for changing its religion. He divided the territory into twenty stations in which fifty Jesuits were em- ployed; the churches were forcibly delivered into their hands, and the exercise of protestant worship universally forbidden; while the disposition of the inhabitants to conform increased with the in- creasing probability that the country would return into the hands of Bavaria.t The victorious party regarded the Lower Palatinate also as com- pletely their own. Maximilian actually gave the Heidelberg library to the pope ! Even before the conquest of that city, the pope had requested this as a favor of the duke, then at Cologne, through his nuncio, Montorio, and the duke had promised it with his accus- * Hodcegus Igazsagra vezerlo Kalauz. Presburg, 1613, 1623. f KropfF, Historia societatis Jesu in Germania superior!, torn, iv, p. 271. CH. II. § IV.] TRANSFER OF THE ELECTORATE. 65 tomed ready obsequiousness; as soon therefore as the news of the takhig of Heidelberg reached Montorio, he asserted his claim to the library. He had been told that the manuscripts were of inesti- mable value, and he sent a special request to Tilly to protect them from injury during the pillage.* The pope then despatclied doctor Leone Allacci, scriptor of the Vatican, to Germany, to take posses- sion of the books. Gregory XV carried the thing with a high hand. He declared this acquisition to be one of the fortunate events of his pontificate; it would conduce, he said, to the honor and advantage of the holy see, the church, and of learning gene- rally; it was also glorious to the Bavarian name, that so precious a spoil should be preserved in Rome, the museum of the world, in eternal memory of the munificence of its princes.t The duke evinced in all respects an indefatigable zeal for catholic reform, even surpassing that of the Spaniards, who were certainly not subject to the reproach of lukewarmness in the cause.J The nuncio beheld with rapture mass celebrated and conversions taking place in Heidelberg, " whence the norma of the Calvinists, the famous catechism, had gone forth." Meanwhile elector Schweikard was carrying on the work of reform in the Bergstrasse, which he had taken possession of; and margrave Wilhelm in Upper Baden, which was awarded to him after long litigation, although his birth was scarcely legitimate, much less of the requisite degree of nobility, he having expressly pledged himself to the nuncio Caraffa, to forward the views of the church if he succeeded. § In districts too which were not immedi- ately affected by political events, the ancient efforts in support of Catholicism were persecuted with fresh zeal;|| in Bamberg, Fulda, and Eichsfeld; in Paderborn, where two catholic bishops in succes- sion were appointed; but more especially in the diocese of Munster, where Meppen, Vechta, Halteren, and many other districts were converted to Catholicism in the year 1624: we find Jesuit mission- aries as far as Halberstadt and Magdeburg; they fixed themselves for a while in Altona, to learn the language, and thence to proceed to Norway and Denmark. We see in what a mighty torrent Catholicism poured from the * Relatione di M' Montorio ritornato nunzio di Colonia, 1624. The passage is given in the Appendix, No. 109. I " Che cosi pretioso spoglio e cosi nobil trofeo si conservi a perpetua memo- ria in questro teatro del mondo." Instruttione al dottore Leon Allatio per an- dare in Germania per la libreria del Palatino. See Appendix, No. 101, for an examination of the authenticity of this document. X Montorio: " Benche nolle terre che occupano i Spagnuoli non si camini con quel fervore con quale si camina in quelle che occupa il S^ D^ di Baviera alia conversione de' popoli." ^ § Caraffa, Germania restaurata, p, 129. (I Johann Georg Fuchs of Dornheim was particularly active; he won back three-and-twenty knights' parishes to Catholicism. Jack, Geschichte von Bam- berg, ii, 120. VOL. n. — 7 66 THE EMPIRE. [BOOK VII. south to the north of Germany. An attempt was now made to get possession of a new centre of operations whence to act upon the general affairs of the empire. Immediately after the dissolution of the Union, Ferdinand II had promised Duke Maximilian that if their cause were successful, he would transfer the Palatine electorate to him.* There can be no question under what aspect this circumstance was mainly re-garded in the catholic party. The majority which that party possessed in the council of princes had hitherto opposed the equality of voices which the protestants claimed in the electoral college; if the contemplated transfer of the electorate took place, this check would be for ever removed.! The most intimate alliance had always existed between the papal court and Bavaria, and Gregory XV now made this matter com- pletely his own. By the very first nuncio whom he sent to Spain, he admonished the king to lend his assistance to the destruction of the count palatine and to the transfer of the electorate; measures which would for ever secure the imperial crown to the catholics.^ It was not easy to persuade the Spaniards to take this course. They were engaged in the most important negotiations with the king of England, and had some hesitation in offending him in the person of his son-in-law the count palatine Frederic, to whom the electorate actually be- longed. Their reluctance served only to inflame the zeal of Gre- gory. Not satisfied with the exhortations of the nuncio, in the year 1622 he sent brother Hyacinth (a capuchin of great abiUty and address, who enjoyed the particular confidence of Maximilian), charged with a special commission to the Spanish court. § It was \vith extreme reluctance that the king went further into the matter; he could only be brought to declare that he would rather see the electorate in the house of Bavaria than in his own. This, however, was sufficient for brother Hyacinth. Possessed of this declaration, he hastened to Vienna, in order to remove from the emperor's mind all scruples concerning Spain, and found himself supported there by the wonted influence of the nuncio Caraffa, and even by a fresh missive from the pope himself. '< Behold," exclaims Gre- gory to the emperor, "the gates of heaven are opened; the heavenly * Letter from the emperor to Baltasar de Zuniga, 15 October, 1621, printed by Sattler, Wiirtembergische Geschichte, vi, p. 162. I Instruttione a M. Sacchetti nuntio in Spagna, notices the restoration of the Palatinate as an " irreparabile perdita delta reputazione di questo fatto e della chiesa cattolica, se il papa ci avesse condisceso, con indicibil danno della reli- gione cattolica e dell' imperio, che tanti e tanti anni hanno bramato, senza poterlo sapere non che ottenere, il quarto elettor cattolico in servitio ancora del sangue Austriaco." ■^ Instruttione a Mons Sangro. He is admonished, " di infervorare S. M's acciononsi lasci risorgere il Palatino, e si metta I'elettorato in persona cattolica, e si assicuri I'impero eternamente fra cattolici." § Khevenhiller, ix, p. 17G6. CH. II. § VI.] TRANSFER OP THE ELECTORATE. 67 hosts urge thee on to win so great a glory; they will fight for thee in thy camp." The emperor was wrought upon by a singular consideration, which strikingly iUustrales his character. He had long meditated this transfer, and had expressed his intention in a letter which fell into the hands of the protestants and was made public by them. The emperor thought himself as it were bound by this accidental publicity. He fancied it essential to the main- tenance of his imperial dignity to adhere to an intention which he was Icnown to have formed. In short he took the resolution of proceeding to execute the transfer at the next electoral diet.* It was however still a question whether the princes of the em- pire would consent. The most important among them was Schweikard of Mayence, and we learn from the nuncio Montorio, that this cautious prince was at first hostile to the measure, and declared that war would only break out afresh, more fiercely than ever; and also, that if there must be a change, the count palatine of Neuberg had the next claim, and could not possibly be passed over. The nancio does not relate by what arguments he at length overcame these objections; " In the four or five days," says he, " which I passed with him in Aschaffenburg, I obtained from him the desired decision." We find only that he promised substantial assistance on the part of the pope, in case war should break out afresh. The determination of the elector of Mayence was decisive as to the matter in question. Both his colleagues on the Rhine followed his example. In spite of the continued resistance of Brandenburg and Saxony (the opposition of Saxony not being overcome till a later period by the archbishop of Mayence),t in spite of the de- clared hostility of the Spanish ambassador, the emperor steadily pursued his object. On the 25th of February, 1623, he transferred the electorate to his victorious ally, under condition, it is true, that at first it should be only a personal possession, and that the palatine heirs and agnates should retain their rights as to the future. { But even with this condition, the advantage gained was incalcu- lable; above all, the preponderancy in the supreme council of the empire, whose assent now gave a legal sanction to every fresh de- cision in favor of Catholicism. Maximilian clearly saw how much he was indebted to Gregory XV. " Your holiness," he writes, " has not only furthered this matter, but by your admonitions, your authority, your zealous ex- ertions, has in reality accomplished it. It is to be absolutely and entirely ascribed to the favor and the vigilance of your holiness." * Caraffa, Germ, restaur., p. 120. ■}• Montorio calls Schweikard "unico instigatore a far voltare Sassonia a favore dell' imp''* nella translatione dell' eleUorato." ■jfi The declaration of Oiiates, and the violent letter of Ludovisio against the restoration of an electorate into the hands of a blaspheming Calvinist. Kheven- hiller, x, 67, 68. 68 FRANCE. [book VII. "Thy letter, 0 son," answered Gregory, "hath filled our breast with a stream of delight sweet as manna from heaven: at length may the daughter of Sion shake the ashes of mourning from her head, and array herself in festal garments."* § 5. FRANCE. At the moment these events were passing in Germany, the great tide in the affairs of France set in. If we inquire what was the principal cause of the decline of protestantism in the year 1621, we shall find it in the internal divi- sions of the party, and still more in the apostacy of the nobles. It is possible that the latter was connected with that strong tendency towards republicanism on the part of the people, which was founded on a municipal as well as a theological basis, and was therefore hostile to the influence of the nobles. The nobility probably found it more for their advantage to attach themselves to the king and court, than to endure the tyranny of preachers and mayors. What- ever be the cause, in the year 1621, the governors of fortified towns vied with each other in alacrity in givmg them up; every man sought only to bargain for an advantageous post for himself; the same scenes were renewed in 1622, when La Force and Chatillon received the batons of marshals on abjuring their faith; the aged Lesdiguieres turned catholic,! and even commanded a division against the protestants, and many others were carried away by the force of such examples. | Under these circumstances it was impossible to conclude a peace in 1622 on other than extremely unfavorable terms; nor dared the Huguenots flatter themselves that even this peace would be maintained. Formerly, when the pro- testants were powerful, the king had often exceeded or broken his treaties with them; was it likely that he would observe them now that they had lost their power? The treaty of peace was accord- ingly violated in almost every particular; the exercise of protestant worship was in many places absolutely prevented; the Huguenots * Giunti, Vita di Ludovisio Ludovisi, ascribes the merit chiefly to the pope's kinsman. " Da S. S'» e dal C'^ furono scritte molte lettre anche di proprio pugno piene d'ardore et efficacia per disporre Cesare, et in oltre fu mandate M'"' Verospi auditore di rota e doppo il P. F. Giacinto di Casale cappuccino." Through these two the emperor was told, "che il vicario di Christo per parte del S'''' fin con le lacrime lo pregava e scongiurava e le ne prometteva felicita e sicurezza della sua salute." t There are remarks on this conversion in the Memoires de Deageant, at p. 190, and in several other places, which are well worthy of notice. 4: Lisle des gentilhommes de la religion reduits aa roi, in Malingre, Histoire des derniers troubles arrives en France, p. 789. Rohan also concluded his treaty; unhappily, the articles, as they appear in the Mercure de France, vii, p. 845, are not authentic. CH. II. § v.] FRANCE. 69 were forbidden to sing their psalms in the streets or shops; their privileges in the universities were curtailed;* Fort Louis, which the government had bound itself to rase, was kept standing; an attempt was made to transfer the choice of magistrates of protes- tant cities into the hands of the king;t on the 17th April 1622, an edict was issued appointing a commissary to be present at all meet- ings of Huguenots; and at length, after they had once been brought to endure these vast inroads on their ancient liberties, the govern- ment interfered in their affairs of a purely ecclesiastical nature; the Huguenots were hindered from receiving the decrees of the synod of Dort by the commissaries above mentioned. They had no longer any independence; they could no longer make a steady, persevering resistance, while on every side their ranks were thinned byconversions. The capuchins filled Poictou and Languedoc with missions;! the Jesuits, who had obtained new establishments in Aix, Lyon, Pau, and many other.places, had the most trmmphant success both in the cities and the country; their brotherhoods of the Virgin attracted universal notice and admiration by the care with which they had tended the wounded in the late war.§ There were also Franciscans who rendered eminent services to the cause; as for instance, father Villele de Bourdeaux, of whom things almost fabulous are related. After having brought the whole city of Foix over to his faith, he succeeded in converting a man above a hundred years old, — the very same who Iiad received the first pro- testant preacher from the hands of Calvin, and had conducted him to Foix. The protestant church was pulled down, and the fathers, in the insolence of their triumph, caused the exiled preacher to be accompanied from town to town by a trumpeter. || In a word, the work of conversion advanced with resistless force. The high and low, and even the learned, recanted; the latter, par- ticularly influenced by the assurance, that the invocation of saints, prayers for the dead, a hierarchy, and many other usages and insti- tutions of the catholic church, had been recognised by the primitive church even before the council of Nice. The reports of certain bishops are still extant, showing the numer- ical proportions of the two confessions which resulted from these changes. In the diocese of Poitiers half of the inhabitants of some cities were protestant, e. g. Lusignan and St. Maixant; in others, such as Chauvigny and Niort, a third; in Loudun a fourth; in Poitiers itself only a twentieth, and in the rural districts the pro- portion was far smaller. IF The bishops were in immediate corres- * Benoist, ii, 419. f Rohan, Mem. i, iii. X Instruttione all' arcivescovo di Damiata, MS. See App. No. 106. § Cordara, Historiasoc. .Tesu, vii, 95, 118. II Relation Catholique, inserted in the Mercure Frant^ois, viii, 489. i[ Relatione del vescovo di Poitiers, 1623, MS. 7* 70 UNITED NETHERLANDS. [BOOK VII. pondence with Rome respecting the conversions; they sent regular reports and suggested whatever they deemed desirable; the nuncio was admonished to lay before the king any reports or requests they might transmit to him, and to support them by his recommendation. These documents are often filled with minute details. For example, the bishop of Vienne complains that the missionaries are extremely troubled and obstructed by a preacher in St. Marcellin, who has proved quite invincible in argument; the nuncio is commissioned to urge upon the court the expediency of his banishment. He is also desired to give his support to the bishop of St. Malo, who complained that in one castle in his diocese catholic worship was not tolerated. He is to have ready an accomplished converter (who is pointed out by name) for the bishop of Xaintes. Sometimes when the bishops mot with obstacles, they are exhorted to state more in detail what cau be done to remove them, in order that the nuncio may lay the same before the king.* The striking features of this period are, a close union between all spiritual authorities, the propaganda, (which, as we have remarked, displayed perhaps its greatest activity and vigor in the first years of its existence,) and the pope; zeal and efficient activity in following up the advantages gained by arms; and sympathy on the part of the court, which discerned its own strong political interest in what was going on; and, as the result of these combined causes, the in- evitable and final downfall of protestantism in France. § 6. UNITED NETHERLANDS. Nor was the revolution in opinion we have just been contempla- ting confined to countries in which the government was catholic; it displayed itself at the same moment under protestant rulers. \^'e are astonished at finding that even in Bentivoglio's time, in those very cities of the Low Countries which made so long and so heroic a resistance to the king of Spain, chiefly on accoiuit of re- ligion, the majority of the great families had again become catholicjt * 1 nstruttione all' arcivescovo di Damiata: — one example may suffice. " Delia relatione del vescovo di Candon si cava, che ha il detto vescovo la terra di Neaco, ove scno molti eretici, con una missione di Gesuiti, li quali in danno s'affaticano Be con I'autorila temporale il re non daqualchebuon ordine: ed ella potra scrivere al detto vescovo che avvisi cio che puo fare Sua M'% perche nella relazione non lo specifica. Da quella del vescovo di S. Malo s'intende che in un castello e villa del marchese di Moussaye e solo lecito di predicare a Calvinisti: pero sa- rebbe bene di ricordare alia M" del re che levasse i predicatori acciocche i mis- sionarj del vescovo potessero far frutto: il castello e villa non e norainato nella relazione, e pero si potra scrivere al vescovo per saperlo. II vescovo di Monpel- lier avvisa di haver carestia d'operarj, e che dagli eretici sono senliti volontieri i padri Oappuccini, onde se gli potrebbe procurare una missione di questi padri." f Rolatione delle provincie ubbidienti, parte ii, c. ii, in which the state of re- ligion in Holland is discussed. CH. II. § VII.] CATHOLICISM IN ENGLAND. 71 but we are far more amazed when we read the details of the spread and progress of Catholicism under circumstances so unfavorable, which are to be found in a circumstantial report of the year 1622. The priests were persecuted and exiled, yet their numbers increased. The first Jesuit arrived in the Netherlands in the year 1592; in the year 1022 there were twenty-two members of the order in that country. The colleges of Cologne and Louvaine continually sent forth new laborers, and in the year 1622, two hundred and twenty secular priests were employed in the provinces, and were quite in- sufficient for the wants of the population. According to this report, the number of catholics in the diocese of Utrecht amonnted to 150,000; in that of Haarlem, to which Amsterdam belonged, to 100,000 souls. Leuwarden contained 15,000, Groningen 20,000, and Deventer 60,000 catholics. The vicar apostolic who was then sent by the see of Rome to Deventer, confirmed 12,000 persons in three cities and a few villages. The numbers in the report may be greatly exaggerated, but it is evident that this pre-eminently pro- testant country still contained catholic elements of extraordinary strength. Even the bishoprics which Philip II had tried to intro- duce, were constantly recognised by the catholics.* It was probably this state of things which excited in the Spaniards their intense eagerness to renew the war. § 7. STATE OF CATHOLICISM IN ENGLAND. Meanwhile more peaceful prospects had opened upon England. The son of Mary Stuart was heir to the united crowns of Great Britain, and conld now present a more determined front than ever to the catholic powers. Even before James I ascended the throne of England, Clement VIII sent him word " that he prayed for him, as the son of so vir- tuons a mother; that he wished him all prosperity worldly and spiritual, and that he hoped still to see him a catholic." James's accession was celebrated in Rome with solemn services and pro- cessions. He could not have dared to make any corresponding retnrn to these advances, even had he been inclined; but he permitted Parry, his ambassador in France, to live on terms of intimacy with the nuncio Bubalis. The nuncio produced a document from the hand of the pope's nephew Aldobrandino,in which that cardinal exhorted * Compendium status in quo nunc est religio catholica in Holandia et con- foederatls Belgii provinciis, 1622, 2 Decemb. "his non obstantibus — laus Deo — quotidie crescit calholicorum numerus, prEesertim accedente dissensions lieereti- corum inter se." 72 STATE OF CATHOLICISM [BOOK VII. the English catholics to obey king James as their sovereign and natural lord; and even to pray for him; to this Parry responded with an instruction of James, promising to allow peaceful catholics to live without molestation.* In fact, in the north of England people began openly to attend mass again; the puritans complained that within a short time fifty thousand Englishmen had become proselytes to Catholicism; to which James is said to have replied, " that they might go and con- vert the same number of Spaniards and Italians." These appearances might perhaps lead the catholics to pitch their hopes too high: when therefore they saw that the king still adhered firmly to the protestant cause; that the old acts of parliament were again put in execution, and that new persecutions were set on foot, they fell into an irritation exasperated by disappointment; an irri- tation which found fearful vent in the gunpowder plot. With this ended all possibility of toleration on the part of the king. The severest laws were enacted and enforced; domiciliary visits, im- prisonment, and fines were inflicted; the priests, and above all the Jesuits, were banished and persecuted; and it was thought neces- sary to restrain such daring enemies by the extremest severity. But in private conversation the king's expressions were very moderate. He said plainly to a prince of the house of Lorraine, who once visited him with the privity of Paul V, that after all there was but little difference between the two confessions; that he, to be sure, thought his own the best and had embraced it from conviction, and not for reasons of state; but that he liked to hear the opinions of others; and as the convocation of a council was attended with insuperable difficulties, he wished there could be an assembly of learned men, who might try to eff"ect a reconciliation; that if tlie pope would set one step in advance, he was ready to set four to meet him; that he too acknowledged the authority of the fathers; that he esteemed Augustine above Luther, and St, Ber- nard more than Calvin; nay, that he saw in the church of Rome, even in her actual state, the true church, the mother of all others, only that she stood in need of purification: he admitted, what indeed he would not say to a nuncio, but might confess to a friend and cousin, that the pope was the head of the church, the supreme bishop:! it was, he said, doing him great injustice to call him a heretic or a schismatic; a heretic he was not, for he believed what the pope believed, only the pope admitted some few articles of * Breve relatione di quanto si e trattato tra S. S" ed il re d'Inghilterra. (MS. Rom.) •j- " Che riconosce la chiesa Romana etiandio quella d'adesso per la vera chiesa e madredi tutte, mach'ellaavevabisogfno d'esserpurgata, e di piu ch'egli sapeva che V. S'> e capo di essa chiesa e primo vescovo." — expressions which, though in other quarters attributed to this prince, can in no way be reconciled with the principle of the church of England. (Relatione Del S"^ di Breval al papa.) CH. II. § VII.] IN ENGLAND. 73 faith more than he; neither was he a schismatic, for he regarded the pope as head of the church. With such opinions, and a consequent antipathy to the puritani- cal side of protestantism, it would unquestionably have been more agreeable to the king to come to a peaceable understanding with the catholics, than to keep tliera down by means of force and with incessant peril to himself In England they were still numerous and powerful. In spite of dreadful defeats and losses, or rather in consequence of them, Ire- land was in incessant fermentation, and the king had the greatest possible interest in putting an end to this state of discontent and insubordination.* It must be observed, that English and Irish catholics attached themselves to Spain. The Spanish ambassadors in London, men of great address, prudence, and at the same time magnificence, had gathered around them a vast following; their chapel was always filled, and the solemnities of the holy week were celebrated there with great pomp. Their house was the resort of their brethren in the faith, and, as a Venetian said, they were regarded almost in the light of legates of the apostolic see. To this cause, I think, may safely be attributed king James's project of marrying his heir to a Spanish princess. He thus hoped to attach the catholics, and to win over the favor with which they regarded the house of Spain to his own. His foreign relations fur- nished an additional motive; since it might reasonably be expected that the house of Austria, when so nearly connected v/ith him, would be more friendly to his son-in-law the elector palatine. The only question was, as to the practicability of the scheme. The difference of religion presented an obstacle which at that time it was really difficult to overcome. There is a certain fantastic element inseparably blended with the realities of the world and the common-place of life; it finds utter- ance in poetry and romantic tales, which, again, re-act upon the character and conduct of the young. Whilst tiie negotiations which had been set on foot were delayed from day to day and from month to month, the prince of Wales, and his intimate friend and com- panion Buckingham, conceived the romantic thought of setting out to fetch his bride. t The Spanish ambassador Gondemar appears * Relatione di D. Lazzari, 1G21. He founds his opinion on the timidity of the king: " havendo io esperimentato per manifesti seo^ni che prevale in lui piu il timore che 1' ira." He says moreover, " per la practica che ho di lui (del re) lo stimo indifferente inqualsivoglia religione." f Papers relative to the Spanish match, in the Hardwicke Papers, i, p. 309. They contain the correspondence between James I and the two travellers, which excites the greatest interest in the persons concerned. James's failings appear at least those of a very humane temper. His first letter begins: " My sweet boys and dear ventrous knights, worthy to be put in a new romanso." — " My sweat boys," is his common mode of address: they write, "dear dad, and gos- sip." 74 STATE OF CATHOLICISM [BOOK VII. to have had some share in this adventure; at least, he told the prince that his presence would put an end to all difficulties. What was the amazement of the English ambassador in Madrid, Lord Digby, who had hitherto conducted this negotiation, when on being one day called out of his chamber to speak to two cavaliers, he beheld the son and the favorite of his sovereign! The contract- ing parties now applied themselves in earnest to remove the obsta- cles presented by religion. It was necessary in the first place to obtain the pope's consent, and king James had displayed no repug- nance to enter into direct negotiation with Paul V for that object; but that pope would listen to them only under the condition that the king should grant entire religious freedom to his catholic sub- jects. The impression made on Gregory XV, on the contrary, by the prince's adventurous journey was so powerful, that he would have been content with less extensive concessions. In a letter to the prince, he expresses his hope that " the ancient seed of Christian piety, which had of old borne fruit in English kings, would once more spring up and flourish in him; at all events, since he intended to marry a catliolic lady, he could not desire to oppress the catholic church." The prince answered, that he would never use any hos- tile measure against the church of Rome; on the contrary, he would try to bring it about, "that as we all," to use his words, " acknow- ledge one triune God and one crucified Christ, we may unite in one faith and one church."* We see how great were the advances made by both sides. Olivarez affirmed that he had entreated the pope with the utmost earnestness to grant the dispensation; that he had declared to him that the king could refuse the prince nothing.t The English catholics too assailed the pope with entreaties; they said that a refusal of the dispensation would bring upon them fresh persecutions. The points which the king was required to promise were now discussed. Not only was the infanta with her suite to be allowed to exercise her religion in a chapel of the palace, but the early education of all the children of this marriage was to be entrusted to her; no penal law was to have any application to them, nor to interfere with their right of succession, even if they should remain catholic.J The king promised, generally, not to trouble the private exercise of * Frequently printed: I follow the copy in Clarendon and the Hardwicke Papers, apparently taken from the original. I In the first impulse of joy, he went so far as to say, according to Bucking- ham's account, (20th of March,) " that if the pope would not give a dispensa- tion for a wife, they would give the infanta to thy son Baby as his weneh." X The most important stipulation, and the source of much mischief. The article runs thus: " Quod leges contra catholicos Romanes latae vel ferendae in Anglia et aliis regnis regi magnae Britanniae subjectis non attingent liberos ex hoc matriraonio oriundos, et libere jure successionis in regnis et dominiis magnae Britannie fruantur." (Merc. Franc, ix, Appendice ii, 18.) CH. 11. § VII.] IN ENGLAND. 75 the catholic rehgion; not to impose upon the catholics any oath at variance with their faith; and to endeavor to obtain from parlia- ment the repeal of all laws against the catholics. In August 1623, king James swore to these articles, and no doubt appeared to remain of the completion of the nuptials of prince Charles. Rejoicings took place in Spain; the court received congratula- tions; the ambassadors were formally apprised of the intended marriage; and the ladies and the confessor of the infanta were ad- monished not to let fall a word which could raise up any obstacles to it. James admonished his son not to forget, in the joy of this fortunate event, the wrongs of his cousin, who was robbed of his inheritance, and the tears of his sister. The affair of the Palatinate was warmly taken up. There was a plan for drawing the imperial house and that of the Palatinate into the new alliance, viz. by marrying the son of the expelled elector to a daughter of the emperor; while Bavaria was to be conciliated by the creation of an eighth elector- ate. Hereupon the emperor immediately opened a negotiation with Maximilian of Bavaria, who testified no reluctance, and only stipu- lated that the transferred palatine electorate should remain in his possession, and the newly-created one be given as an indemnity to the palatine house. This made no important difference to the in- terests of the catholics, who were to enjoy religious freedom in the restored Palatinate, and would still possess a majority of votes in the electoral college.* Thus did the power which, in the preceding reign, had formed the bulwark of protestantism, enter into the most friendly relations with those ancient foes to whom she seemed to have sworn irrecon- cilable hatred — the pope and Spain. The English catholics began to receive a totally different treatment; domiciUary visits and per- secutions ceased; certain oaths were no longer required; catholic chapels arose, to the great vexation of the protestants, while the puritan fanatics who declaimed against the marriage were punished. King James doubted not that before the winter he should embrace his son, together with his youthful bride and his favorite; an event, to whicii he appears, from all his letters, to have looked forward with the most affectionate longing. The advantages attendant on the execution of the above-named articles are sufficiently obvious; but the alliance itself gave expec- tation of far other consequences, the extent of which could not be foreseen. That influence of the catholic church over the govern- ment of England, which force had never been able to obtain, seemed now likely to be acquired in the most peaceable and na- tural manner. * In Khevenhiller, x. 114. 76 MISSIONS. AMERICA. [BOOK VII. § 8. MISSIONS. At this point of our researches, while considering the brilliant triumphs of Catholicism in Europe, it seems expedient to turn our eyes to those remoter regions of the globe, in which, urged on by a kindred impulse, the religion of Rome advanced with mighty strides. Religious motives entered into the first idea which prompted the discoveries and the conquests of the Spaniards and Portuguese: these motives never ceased to accompany and animate them, and assumed prominence and force in their newly-constituted empires both in the east and west. In the beginning of the seventeenth century we find the proud edifice of the catholic church completely reared in South America. There were five archbishoprics, twenty-seven bishoprics, four hun- dred monasteries, and innumerable parish churches and docirinas* Magnificent cathedrals had sprung up, of which the most splendid of all was, perhaps, that of Los Angeles. The Jesuits taught grammar and the liberal arts; a theological seminary was united to their college of San Ildefonso in Mexico. A complete system of theological discipline was taught in the universities of Mexico and Lima. It appears that the Americans of European extraction were distinguished for their remarkable acuteness: though, as they com- plain, they were too far removed from the countenance of the king's grace to be rewarded according to their merits. Meanwhile the mendicant orders, more particularly, began to diff'use Christianity with regular progress over the South American continent. Con- quests gave place to missions, and missions gave birth to civilisa- tion; the monks who taught the natives to read and to sing, taught them also how to sow and to reap, to plant trees and to build houses; and, of course, inspired the profoundest veneration and attachment. When the priest visited his parish he was received with ringing of bells and with music; flowers were strewn in his way, and the women held out their children to him to bless. The Indians manifested singular pleasure in the externals of devotion. They were never weary of attending mass, of singing vespers, and of waiting in the choir for the performance of the service. They had a talent for music, and took an innocent delight in decorating their churches — an employment which accorded well with the tem- per of their minds, extremely susceptible to simple and fanciful impressions,! In their dreams they beheld the joys of paradise. * Herrera, Descripcion de las Indias, p. 80. f Compendio y descripcion de las Indias ocidentales, MS. "Tienen muclia caridad con los necessitados y en particular con los sacerdotes: que los respetan y reverencian como ministros de Christo, abratjan los mas de tal suerte las cosas de nuestra santa fe, que solo el mal exemplo que los demos es causa de que no \ CH. II. § VIII.] MISSIONS. INDIA. 77 The queen of heaven appeared to the sick in all her glory and ma- jesty, surrounded by youthful attendants, who brought refreshment to the fevered and fainting sufferer; or she appeared alone, and taught her worshiper a song of her crucified son, " whose head is bowed down, even as the yellow ears of corn." Such are the characteristics of Catholicism which produced so mighty an effect in these countries. The monks only complain that the bad example and tlie cruelty of the Spaniards corrupted the natives, and obstructed the work of conversion. In the East Indies, as far as the Portuguese dominion extended, the progress of conversion was very similar. Goa became the grand focus of Catholicism; thousands were converted yearly, and no later than 1565 it was calculated that there were three hundred thousand Christians in that city and its neighborhood, in the moun- tains of Cochin, and at Cape Comorin.* But the general relations of Catholicism to the east were totally diff"erent from those it bore to the west. In the former, a vast, singular, and unconquered world opposed its impenetrable mass to their doctrine as well as to their arms; primeval religions, whose rites enchained the senses and the spirit, were intimately blended with the manners and the opinions of the inhabitants. Catholicism was eminently calculated to vanquish even such a world as this. That it was so, is the fundamental idea which lies at the root of all the efforts and proceedings of Francisco Xavier, who arrived in India in the year 1542. He traversed the country in every direc- tion; prayed at the tomb of the apostle Thomas at Meliapur; preached to the people of Travancore from a tree; in the Moluccas taught spiritual songs, which were repeated by the boys in the marketplace, and by the fishermen on the sea. Yet he was not destined to complete the work; his favorite expression was, ' Ara- plius, amplius!' his zeal for converting was mingled with a sort of passion for travelling; he got as far as Japan, and had formed the design to explore China, the focus and birth-place of the opinions which there encountered him, v/hen he died.t It is in human nature, that his example, and even the very diffi- culties of his undertaking, rather allured to imitation than deterred. The early part of the seventeenth century exhibits varied and in- cessant activity in the east. In 1606 we find father Nobili in Madaura. He expresses his astonishment at the small progress Christianity had made in so long aya entre ellos grandes santos, como io experimente el tiempo que estuve en aquellos regnos." — The Literaj annuae provinciae Paraquariaj missce a Nicolao Duran, Antv. 163G, are peculiarly worthy of notice, the Jesuits having always kept the Spaniards at a distance from that country. * Maffei, Commentarius de rebus Indiois, p. 21. f Maffei, Historiarum Indicarum, lib. xiii et xiv. VOL. II. — S 78 MISSIONS. INDIA. [BOOK VII. a time; and thinks this can only be explained by the fact that the Portuguese had addressed themselves to the Farias, in consequence of which Christ was regarded as the especial God of that degraded caste. He therefore took a totally dift'erent course, and, as he was persuaded that an effectual conversion must begin with the higher classes, he declared that he was of the first order of nobility, (of which he had brought the proofs,) attached himself to the Bramins, adopted their dress and modes of living, submitted to their penances, learned Sanscrit, and entered into their ideas,* They had a tradi- tion that in former times there had been four roads to truth in India, and that one had been lost. He affirmed that he had come to show them this lost but straitest way to immortality. As early as the year 1609 he had converted seventy Bramins. He was cautious not to wound their prejudices: not only tolerating their distinction of castes (giving them another signification), but separating the castes in the churches; he changed the expressions in which former missionaries had taught the doctrines of Christianity, for more ele- gant and classical language. His whole conduct was so admirably adapted to its end, that he was soon surrounded by crowds of con- verts; and although his method of instruction at first gave great offence and scandal at home, it seemed to be the only one fitted to advance the cause. In the year 1621, Gregory XV expressed his approbation of it. Not less remarkable are the labors of the missionaries at the court of the emperor Akbar about the same time. We must remember that the ancient Mongolian Khans, the con- querors of Asia, for a long time occupied a singularly undecided position between the tv/o religions which divided the world. We are almost tempted to think that the emperor Akbar was of a simi- lar way of thinking. In his invitation to the Jesuits he tells them, " that he had endeavored to understand all the religions of the earth, and that now, by the help of the fathers, whom he respected and honored, he wished to become acquainted with the Christian reli- gion." The first who established himself at his court was Gero- nimo Xavier, the nephew of Francisco, in the year 1595, at which period the insurrections of the Mahommedans tended to dispose the emperor in favor of the Christians. In the year 1599, Christmas- eve was celebrated with the greatest solemnity at Lahore; the holy manger was exposed to view for twenty days; numerous catechu- mens, with palm-branches in their hands, v/ent in procession to the * .luvenoius, Historiae Societ. Jesu, pars v, torn, ii, lib. xviii, § ix, No. 49. "Brachmanum instituta omnia Ccerimoniasque cognoscit: linguam vernaculam, dictam vulgo Tamulicam, quae latissime pertinet, addiscit: addit Baddagicam, qui principum et aulae sermo, denique Grandonicam sive Samutcradam, quae lin- gua eruditorutn est, ceterum tot obsita difficultatibus, nulli ut Europajo bene cognita fiiisset ad earn diem, atque inter ipsosmet Indos plurimum scire videan- turqui banc utcuncque nurint etsi aliud nibil norint." CH. II. § VIII.] MISSIONS. CHINA. 79 churches and received baptism. The emperor read with great interest a life of Clu-ist in Persian, and caused a picture of the Vir- gin, copied from the Madonna del Popolo at Rome, to be bronght into his palace and shown to his women. The Christians inferred from tliese facts far more than they really warranted, but they un- doubtedly contributed very greatly to their success; in the year 1610, after Akbar's death, three princes of the blood-royal solemnly received baptism. They rode to church upon white elephants and were received by father Geroninio with a flourish of trumpets.* Christianity seemed gradually to assnme a character of stability; although here also opinions and dispositions fluctuated according as the political relations of the country to Portugal were more or less amicable. In 1621 a college was founded in Agra and a station in Patna, and in the year 1G24 the emperor Dschehangir gave hopes that he would become a convert. The Jesuits had at the same time penetrated into China, where they endeavored to conciliate the skilful, scientific, and instructed population of that empire by a display of the inventions and the sciences of the west. The progress made by Ricci is to be imputed to his power of teaching mathematics, and to his learning by heart and reciting striking passages from the writings of Confucius, He gained admittance to Pekin by means of a present of a striking clock to the emperor, in whose favor and estimation, however, no- thing raised him so highly as a map which he drew, and which far surpassed any attempt of that kind by the Chinese. It is a charac- teristic trait of Ricci, that when the emperor ordered that ten similar maps should be drawn on silk and hung round his chamber, he seized the opporttniity of rendering even these subsidiary to the cause of Christianity, and filled the margins and vacant spaces with Christian symbols and maxims. Such was the general character of his teaching; he began with mathematics and finished with religion; his scientific talents and attainments secured respect to his religious doctrine. Not only did he win over his immediate disciples, but many mandarins, whose garb he had assumed, went over to him; and in the year 1605 a society of the Blessed Virgin was already established in Pekin. Ricci died in 1610; worn out not only by excessive labor, but still more by the numerous visits, the long din- ners, and all the other duties of Chinese society. After his death, his successors followed the advice he had given, to proceed in their work without ostentation or noise, and in this tempestuous sea to keep near the shore; they also imitated his example as to the aid to be derived from science. In the year 1610 there was an eclipse of the moon: the predictions of the native astronomers differed by a full hour from those of the Jesuits; and when the latter were veri- fied by the event, the popular respect for the fathers was greatly * Juvencius, 1. 1, No. 1 — 23. so MISSIONS. JAPAN. [book VII. raised.* Not only were they entrusted, in connection witli certain mandarins, their disciples, with the rectification of (lie astronomical tables, bnt the cause of Christianity was thus promoted. In 1611 the first church was consecrated in Nankin; in 1616 there were Christian churches in five provinces of the empire. When assailed by opposition, which not unfrequently happened, they found their best and most effectual defence lay in the production of works by their pupils, which enjoyed the approbation of the learned; they knew how to elude the threatening storm; they conformed as nearly as possible to the customs of tlie country, and in the year 1619 received the pope's sanction to several concessions of this kind. Accordingly, not a year passed in which they did not convert thou- sands, while their opponents gradually became extinct; in 1624 Adam Schall appeared, and the accurate description of two eclipses of the moon which happened in that year, and a work of Lom- bardo's on earthquakes, gave fresh brilliancy to the reputation they enjoyed.t The course pursued by the Jesuits among the warlike and di- vided Japanese was totally different. From the very first they took part with one of the hostile factions. In the year 1554 they had the good fortune to find themselves on the side of the conqueror, under whom, secure of his favor, they made extraordinary progress. Not later than the year 1579 the number of Christians in Japan was estimated at three hundred thousand. Father Valignano, who died in 1606, a man whose advice Philip II valued very highly on eastern affairs, founded three hundred churches and thirty Jesuits' houses in Japan. The connection of the Jesuits with Mexico and Spain, however, excited at length the jealousy of the native authorities; fresh civil wars broke out in which they had not their former good fortune; the party to which they had attached themselves was defeated; and after the year 1612 they were assailed by fearful persecutions. But they stood their ground well. Their converts courted martyr- dom; they founded a brotherhood of martyrs for the purpose of * Jouvency has dedicated the whole of his 19th book to the Chinese enter- prise, and has joined, p. 561, a dissertation, "Imperii Sinici receas et uberior notitia," which is still worthy of perusal. •(■ Relatione della Cina dell' anno 1621. " Lo stato presente di questa chiesa mi pare in universale molto simile ad una nave a cui e li venti e le nuvole mi- naccino di corto grave borasca, e per cio li marinari ammainando le vele e calan- do le antenne fermino 11 corso, e stiano aspettando che si chiarisca il cielo e cessino li contrasti de' venti: ma bene spesso avviene che tutto il male si risolve in paura e che sgombrate le furie de' venti svanisce la tempesta contenta delle sole minaccie. Cosi appunto pare che sia accaduto alia nave di questa chiesa. Quattro anni fa se le levo contro una gagliarda borasca, la quale pareva che la dovesse sommergere ad un tratto: li piloti accommodandosi al tempo raccolsero le vele delle opere loro e si ritirarono alquanto, ma in modo che potevano essere trovati da chiunque voleva I'ajuto loro per aspettare donee aspiret dies et incli- nentur umbrae. Sin' hora il male non e stato di altro che di timore." A CH. II. § VIII.] MISSIONS. ABYSSINIA. 81 affording each otiier mutual encouragement under every possible sutlcring; they designate those years as the "ajra martyrum," Not- withstanding the vast increase of persecution, say their historians, new converts were daily added to them.* They assert that from 1603 to 1622, 239,339 Japanese were (according to accurate calcu- lation) converted to Christianity. In all these countries we find therefore that the Jesuits maintained the same character for ability, adaptation to circumstances, and at the same time perseverance and endurance. Their progress out- went all expectation, and they succeeded in overcoming, at least to a certain extent, the resistance of those national systems of religion which are the immemorial growth of the east. While engaged in the work of conversion, they did not neglect to provide for the union of the oriental Christians with the church of Rome. They had found even in India those primitive Nestorian churches, known under the name of the Christians of St. Thomas, and as these regarded the patriarch of Babylon (at Mosul) as their chief and the pastor of the universal church, and not the pope of Rome (of whom indeed they knew nothing), preparations were soon made to bring them within the pale of the Roman church. Neither force nor persuasion was spared. In the year 1601 the chief men among them seemed to be won over, and a Jesuit was appointed bishop over them. The Roman ritual was printed in Chaldaic, the errors of Nestorius were anatliematized in a diocesan council; a Jesuits' college was established in Cranganor, and the new appointment to the episcopal see in the year 1624, took place with the consent of those who had hitherto been its most obstinate opponents.! It is evident that the weight of the Spanish and Portuguese power in the east greatly facilitated these religious successes; its influence was also powerfully felt about the same time in Abyssi- nia, where all previous attempts of the kmd had been unavailing. It was not till the year 1603, that the Portuguese of Fremona, by affording essential aid to the Abyssinians in a battle with the CafFres, gained greater respect for themselves and their religion. Just then father Paez appeared; a Jesuit of great ability, who preached in the language of the country, and gained access to the court. The victorious sovereign wished to establish a nearer connection with the king of Spain, mainly with the view of having an ally against his enemies in the interior; upon which Paez represented to him that his only means of accomplishing this object was to renounce his schismatical doctrines and go over to the church of Rome. His * The Lettere annue del Giappone dell' anno 1622, afford an example: "I gloriosi campioni che inorirono quest' anno furon 121: gli aduiti, che per opera de' padri della compagnla a vista di cosi crudele persecutione hanno ricevuto il santo battesimo arrivano il numero di 223G senza numerar quelli che per mezzo d'altri religiosi e sacerdoti Giapponesi si battezzano." f Cordara, Historia Soc. .Tesu, vi, ix, p. 535. 8* 82 MISSIONS. TURKEY. [BOOK VII. representations had the greater weight in consequence of the fideUly and courage displayed by the Portuguese in the internal wars of the country. Disputations were set on foot, in which tlie ignorant monks were easily defeated; Sela-Christos, the bravest man of the empire and brother of the emperor Seltan-Segued (a Socinian), was converted; countless numbers followed his example, and a coimec- tion was soon formed with Paul V and Philip III. As might be expected, the representalives of the established religion bestirred themselves in opposition to this change, and civil war in Abyssinia, as in Europe, assumed the garb of religion; the Abuna and his monks being always on the side of the rebels, Sela-Christos, the Portuguese, and the converts, on the side of the emperor. Battles were fought, year after year, with changing fortune; at length the emperor and his party were triumphant. It was a triumph at once of Catholicism and of the Jesuits. In the year 1G21, Seltan-Segued decided the controversies which had so long existed on the two natures in Christ, in favor of the scheme of the church of Rome; he forbade his subjects to pray for the patriarch of Alexandria, and caused catholic churches and chapels to be erected in his cities and even in his gardens.* In the year 1622, after confessing to Paez, he received the sacrament according to the catholic rite. The court of Rome had long been requested to send a Latin patriarch to Abyssinia, but hesitated to do so, so long as the disposition or the power of the emperor were doubtful; but now, as he had overcome all his enemies, and had given unquestionable and unequalled proofs of submission and attachment, Gregory XV appointed a Por- tuguese whom king Philip had recommended — doctor Alfonzo Mendez, of the society of Jesus, to be patriarch of Ethiopia'!" (19th Dec. 1622.) After the arrival of Mendez, the emperor solemnly promised obedience to the pope of Rome. Meanwhile the catholics never lost sight of the Greek Christians inhabiting the Turkish empire; the popes sent mission after mission among them. The Roman "professio fidei" was introduced among the Maronites by some Jesuits; in 1614, we find a Nestorian archi- mandrite in Rome, who abjured the doctrines of Nestorius in the name of a great number of followers. In Constantinople a Jesuit mission was established, and through the influence of the French ambassador, attained to a certain stability and credit; among other triumphs, it succeeded in the year 1621, for a time at least in pro- curing the removal of the patriarch Cyril Lucaris, who inclined to protestant opinions. How boundless was the activity of which we have now taken a rapid and cursory survey! extending at once from the Alps to the * Juvencius, p. 705. Cordara, vi, 6, p. 320. Ludolf calls the emperor Susneus. I Sacrripanti, Discorso della religione dell' Etiopia, MS. from the Atti Con- sistoriali. CH. II. § VIII.] MISSIONS. TURKEY. 83 Andes; sending forth its scouts and pioneers to Thibet and to Scandinavia; insinuating itself into the favor of the governments of China and of England: yet on every part of this wide arena, vigorous, entire and indefatigable; the spirit which was at work in the centre animatingj'perhaps with increased vivacity and intensity, the laborers at its extremes! bounds. S4 CHAPTER III. CONFLICTING POLITICAL RELATIONS.— NEW TRIUMPHS OF CATHOLICISM. less— 1638. A GROWING power is seldom, if ever, arrested in its progress solely by resistance from without; in general, such a reverse, if not entirely caused, is at least greatly aggravated by internal divisions. Had Catholicism remained unanimous — had it gone forward to its end with united and compacted forces — it is not easy to see how the northern or Germanic part of Europe, which was to a conside- rable extent implicated in its interests, and entangled in its policy, could in the long run have held out against it. But was it not to be expected, that at this rapid aggrandisement of Catholicism, those antagonist principles which had formerly risen up against it — which had been stifled but not extinguished, and had been incessantly smouldering at the heart of society, would burst forth anew? The peculiar characteristic of the state and progress of religious opinions at this epoch was, that they every where reposed on the basis of political and military superiority. Missions followed in the rear of armies. Hence we find that the greatest political changes were connected with those successes of a religious party, which had also some substantive importance, and necessarily occa- sioned reactions, upon which it was impossible to calculate. Of all these changes, the most momentous unquestionably was, that the German line of the house of Austria, which hitherto, em- barrassed by the troubles existing in its hereditary dominions, had taken little share in the general affairs of Europe, suddenly attained to the independence, importance and vigor of a great European power. It was in consequence of the elevation of German Austria, that Spain, which since the time of Philip II had remained pacific, now, animated with fresh eagerness for war revived her former hopes and claims. The two powers had come into immediate con- nection in consequence of the affair of the Grisons; the passes of the Alps were occupied on the Italian side by Spain, on the Gcr- CH. III.] CONFLICTING POLITICAL RELATIONS. 85 by Austria; and on the summit of these mountains they appeared to pledge each other mutual faith and support in projects which embraced every part of the world. Unquestionably, this connection opened, on the one hand, wide and brilliant prospects for Catholicism, to which both lines had de- voted themselves with inviolable attachment; but, on the other, it was pregnant with danger of internal dissension. The Spanish monarchy under Philip II had excited universal jealousy; the col- lective power of the house now immensely increased and consoli- dated by the addition of its German forces, could not fail therefore to awaken the old antipathies in greater violence than ever. The first became apparent in Italy. The small Italian states, which could not possibly exist self-sus- tained, had the most urgent need of the protection afforded by the balance of power, and at the same time the quickest sense of any- thing that disturbed it. Their present position, hemmed in as it were between two great powers, cut off from all external help by the occupation of the passes of the Alps, they regarded as imminently threatening. Little influenced by the advantages which this com- bination promised to their common faith, they turned to France, who indeed alone could help them, to entreat her to endeavor to break it. Louis XIII, who was alarmed for the continuance of his influence over Italy, readily listened to their petition, and imme- diately after the peace of 1G22, even before his return to his capital, concluded a treaty with Savoy and Venice, in virtue of which the house of Austria was to be compelled by a union of their common forces to give up the Grisons passes and fortresses;* — a purpose which, though directed exclusively to to a single point, might easily affect the general interests of Europe. Of this Gregory XV was abundantly aware; he distinctly per- ceived the danger to the peace of the catholic world, to the interests of religion, and hence to the renovation of the papal dignity, which was threatened from this point: with the same zeal with which he promoted missions and conversions, he now sought to prevent the breaking out of hostilities, the consequences of which were vividly before his eyes. The authority of the papal see — or rather the feeling of the unity of the catholic world — had still so much of vitality and power, that both Spain and France declared themselves willing to leave the decision of this affair to the pope. Nay, he was even petitioned to take possession of the fortresses which excited so much jealous alarm, as a deposite, until the terms of agreement could be fully settled, and to garrison them with his own troops.t * Nani, Storia Veneta, p. 255. t Dispaccio Sillery, 28 Nov. 1622. Corsini, 13, 21 Gen. 1623, in Siri, Me- morie recondite, torn, v, p. 435, 443. Scrittura del deposito della YaheWma, ib. 459. 86 CONFLICTING [bOOK VII. For a moment pope Gregory hesitated whether or not he should undertake this active, and doubtless costly share in distant quarrels; but as it was obvious how important to the peace of the catholic world was his compliance with this request, he at length ordered a few companies to be raised, and sent them under the command of his brother, the Duke of Fiano, to the Orisons. The Spaniards were desirous of retainiiig at least Riva and Chiavenna; but even these they now delivered up to the papal troops.* Archduke Leo- pold of Tyrol also finally consented to cede to them all the districts and fortified towns to which he did not lay claim as part of his own hereditary possessions. In this way the danger which had created the greatest agitation in the Italian states seemed averted. The main consideration now was to make arrangements for the protection of catholic interests. To this end, it was proposed, that as the Valtelline was not to be suffered to fall again into the hands of Spain, so neither should it be allowed to return under the dominion of the Orisons; since in the latter case the progress of the catholic restoration there would, in all probability, be interrupted; it was therefore to be attached to the three ancient Rhaetian confederates, as a fourth, with equal rights and equal independence. From the same prudent regard to the interests of the church, the pope would not entirely break up the alliance of the two Austrian lines, which appeared necessary to the prosperity of Catholicism in Germany. The passages through Worms and Valtelline were to remain open to the Spaniards; always under- stood, for the passage of troops into Germany, not for their entrance into Italy.t Thus far had things proceeded — not indeed absolutely concluded, but all ripe for a conclusion — when Gregory XV died (Sth of July, 1623). He had however the satisfaction of seeing the dissensions which threatened the safety of the church, appeased, and her autho- rity constantly increasing. In the course of these negotiations there had even been a talk of a new alliance between France and Spain, with a view to an attack on La Rochelle and Holland. But after the death of Gregory, these projects were far from be- ing realised. In the first place, the new pope. Urban VIII, did not enjoy that confidence which is inspired by the presumption, founded on ex- perience, of perfect impartiality; in the next, the Italians were far from satisfied with the agreement entered into; but the most im- portant point was, that in France the helm of state was now in the hands of men who revived the opposition to Spain, not in compli- * Siri, Memorie recondite, v. 519. f Art. ix of the scheme of the convention. CH. III.] POLITICAL RELATIONS. 87 ance with the requests of others, nor merely as allies; but of their own free will, and as the cardinal point of French policy — Vieu- ville and Richelieu. Perhaps, however, their adoption of this line of policy was less the result of choice than has generally been imagined, France, as well as the Austro-Spanish powers, was increasing and concentrat- ing all her internal forces; the kingly power, the unity and the na- tionality of feeling of the country, were immeasurably enhan,ced by the victory over the Huguenots; and as her claims rose with her strength, everything conspired to induce her to attempt a bolder policy than that she had hitherto pursued. This natural tendency as naturally called into existence its appropriate organs; — men able and willing to carry it into effect. Richelieu was from the very first determined to resist the supremacy v/hich the house of Austria had always asserted, and to which she had lately set up new and loftier claims; and to enter the lists with her in a struggle for as- cendency over Europe. This resohuion caused a far more perilous schism in the catholic world than any former one, since it seemed inevitably to lead to open war between the two great powers. The execution of the Roman treaty, which we have just mentioned, was now out of the question; and the endeavors of Urban VIII to hold the French to the concessions they had made, were utterly vain. But an alliance with the catholic opposition was not enough for France. Although a cardinal of the church of Rome, Richelieu had no scruple in en- tering into an undisguised alliance with protestants. His first step was to make advances to England, with a view of breaking off that Spanish marriage, which could not fail to add so greatly to the influence of the house of Austria. He was seconded in his schemes by personal circumstances; — the impatience of James I, who longed for the return of his son and of his favorite with all the yearning of an old man who thinks himself near death; and a misunderstanding between the two ministers to whom the conduct of the affair was entrusted, Olivarez and Buckingham. Here, too, the event was chiefly determined by the nature of the thing itself. Tiie affairs of the Palatinate disclosed invincible diffi- culties in the negotiations with Austria, Spain, Bavaria, and the Palatinate;* while an alliance with France, considering the new line of policy which that power had adopted, rendered probable a prompt decision of the matter by an appeal to arms. As this alli- ance not only secured to the king of England so considerable a dower, but also a prospect of attaching the English catholics to the throne, James preferred a French princess as a wife for his son, and * It appears by a leUer from the elector palatine of the 30th of October, that force alone would have brought him to accede to the propositions which were made to him. 88 CONFLICTING [BOOK VII. guaranteed to her the same religious immunities which he had promised to the Spaniards. WarUke preparations were immediately set on foot. Kichelieu conceived a plan, which for magnitude and extent surpassed all liitherto known to European policy, and of a nature completely his own. His idea was, to cripple the Austrian power at one stroke by a general and simultaneous attack. He intended to co-operate with Savoy and Venice in hostilities against the Spanish power in Ital3^ Without the smallest regard to the pleasure of the pope, he marched French troops suddenly into the Grisons, and drove the papal garrisons out of the fortified towns.* He had not only contracted an alliance with England, but re- newed that with Holland; and his plan was that the Dutch should make a descent in South America, and the English on the coast of Spain. At the instigation of king James, the Turks were set in motion, and threatened an assault on Hungary. But the main point of attack was to be Germany. The king of Denmark, who had long been in a state of preparation, was at length resolved to lead into the field the forces of Denmark and Lower Germany, in the cause of his kinsman of the Palatinate. Not only did Eng- land promise him help, but Richelieu bound himself to furnish a subsidy of a million of livres for the expenses of the war.t Thus supported by both these powers, Mansfeld was to join the king, and then to make his way into the hereditary provinces of Austria. Thus we see that in this general assault of nations, one of the two most puissant catholic states was arrayed against the other. There is no question that this had a direct tendency to check the progress of Catholicism. Although the French confederacy was of a political nature, yet so close was the connection between ecclesi- astical and political interests, that it could not but greatly advance the cause of protestantism. The protestants drew brea'h. A new champion, the king of Denmark, arose in Germany, with fresh and unimpaired strength, and sustained by the grand combination of * Relatione di IV Ambasciatori, 1625: "II papa si doleva che mai BeUune gli aveva parlato chiaro, e che delle sue parole non aveva compreso mai che si aovessero portare le armi delta lega contra li suoi presidii." The usual policy of France. f Extract from the Instruction of Blainville, in Siri, vi, 62: " Nel fondo di Alemagna" Mansfield was to co-operate with him (Siri, 641.) Relatione di Carafla: " (I Francesi) hanno tuttavia continuato sino al giorno d'hoggi a tener corrispondenzacon li nemici di S. M" Ces^ e dar loro ajuto in gente e danari se ben con coperta, quale pero non e stata tale che per molte lettere intercette eper molti altri rincontri non si siano scoperti tuttil'andamenti e corrispondenze: onde prima e doppo la rotta data dal Tilly al re di Danimarca sempre I'imperatore nel palatinato inferiors e nelli contorni d'Alsatia v'ha tenuto nervo di gente, dubi- tando che da quelle parti potesse venire qualche ruina." (See Appendix, No. 112.) CH. III.] POLITICAL RELATIONS. 89 Europftan policy. Plis iriuinph would at once render abortive all the successes of the imperial liouse, and of the catholic restoration. But the difliculties involved in a project do not come to light till the attempt is made to ))nt it in execution. Brilliant as were Richelieu's talents, he had rushed too precipitately into an enter- prise to which all his inclinations were directed; which rose before him, whether in full consciousness, or in dim presentiment, as the aim and piu'pose of his life. This enterprise was pregnant with dangers to himself. Not only the German protestants — the adversaries of the house of Austria — but the French — the eiiemies of Richelieu himself — were emboldened by these new political combinations. We learn from their own declaration, that they hoped, should the worst hap- pen, to be reconciled to the king by the mediation of his present allies.* Rohan set himself in motion by land, Soubise by sea. In May 1625, the Huguenots were in arms all over the country. At the same moment the cardinal was met by enemies, perhaps still more formidable, from the other side. Spite of all his leaning to France, Urban VIII possessed too much sense of his ov/n dignity not to be deeply wounded and irritated by the expulsion of his garrisons from t!ie Grisons.t He ordered troops to be raised and to march into the Milanese, for the express purpose of retaking the lost places, with the co-operation of the Sj^aniards. It is very pos- sible that these military demonstrations meant little; but the eccle- siastical influence which was involved in them was of the greatest significance. The complaints of the papal nimcio, that the most Christian king was become the ally of heretical princes, found an echo in France; the Jesuits proclaimed ultra montane doctrines, and Richelieu was violently attacked by the strict adherents of the church.J He found, it is true, protection against them in the Gal- ilean principles, and defence in the parliaments; nevertheless, he dared no longer have the pope for an enemy. The catholic prin- ciple was too completely boinjd up with the restored monarchy, for the cardinal to brave the impression which spiritual admonitions might make on his sovereign. Richelieu thus saw himself assailed in the very country in which he ruled; assailed, too, by the two hostile parlies at once. What- * Memoires de Rohan, part i, p. 146: " esperant que s'il venoit a bout, les allies etligues avec le roi le porteroient plus facilement a un accommodement." -\ Relatione di P. Contarini: " S. S'" (he speaks of the first moment after the reception of the news) sominamente disgustata, stimando poco rispettos'havcsse portato alle sue iiisei Coniareno in Germaniam legato 28 Jan, 1541. This has been already printed, and often mentioned. The Roman court was at length induced to make some concessions. Between 1541 and 1551, a very considerable number of important letters, no- tices, and instructions follow in our collection of authorities; these embrace all Europe, and frequently throw a new light upon public affairs: we cannot, how- ever, here enter upon a minute examination of them, as the book which these extracts would illustrate, is not intended to give a complete picture of that pe- riod. I therefore, without much scruple, use only the most important. 27. 1551 die 20 Junii in senatu Matthaeus Dandulus eques ex Roma orator. This is the title of the report which Matt. Dandolo, the brother-in-law of Gaspar Contarini — as we see by the letters of cardinal Pole (ed Quir. ii, p. 90) — made, after a sojourn of twenty-six months at Rome. He promises to be brief: "alle relationi non convengono delle cose che sono state scritte se non quelle che sono necessarie di esser osservate." He first treats of the latter days of Paul III, concerning which I have already extracted the most important facts; he then mentions the conclave, and names all the cardinals. Dandolo asserts that he had come to Rome with certain mem- bers of the college belonging to the university of Padua; we see therefore how well-informed he must have been. He then gives a table of the papal finances: " II particolar conto, io I'ho avuto da essa camera." " I. La camera apostolica ha d'entrata I'anno: per la thesaureria della Marca 25000 sc, per la salara di delta provincia 10000, per la thesaureria della citta d'Ancona 9000— d'Ascoli 2400— di Fermo 1750— di Camerino 17000— di Ro- magna et salara 31331 — di Patrimonio 24000 — di Perugia et Umbria 35597 — di Campagna 1176, per Norsia GOO, per la salara di Roma 19075, per la donna di Roma 92000, per la gabella de cavalli in Roma 1322, per le lumiere 21250, per i'ancoraggio di Civita Vecchia 1000; per il sussidio triennale: dalla Marca 66000, da Romagna, 44334, da Bologna 15000, da Perugia et Umbria 43101, da Patrimonio 18018, da Campagna 21529; da censi di S. Pietro 24000, dalla con- grecr«« de frati 23135, da vigesima de Hebrei 9855, da maleficj di Roma 2000. Summa -.--.-- 559473. Da dexime del stato ecclesiastico qnando si pongono 3000 sc, da dexime di Milano 40000— del regno 37000, dalla gabella della farina 30000— della gabella de contratli 8000. = 220(])000. Ha il datario per li ofiicii che vacano compositioni et admissioni (1) 131000, da spoglie di Spagna 25000 = 147000 Summa delle entrate tutte 706(1)473 senzale 5 partite non tratte fuora, che stanno a beneplacito di N. Signore. " II. La camera ha di spesa I'anno: a diversi governatori, legati, roche 46071 scudi, alii officiali di Roma 145815, a diverse gratie 58192, in Roma al governa- tore Bargello, guardie camerali et altri officii 66694, al capitano generale 39600, alle gallere 24000, al populo Romano per il capitolio 8950, al maestro di casa, il vitto della casa 60000, a diversi extraordinarii in Roma 35485, al si^nor Baldui- no cameriere 17000, al signor Gioan Battista 1750, alia cavalleria quando si CERVINI VITA DI MARCELLO II. 309 teneva I'anno 30000, al N. S. per suo spendere et per provisioni da a cardinali e tutto il datariato 232000. Sutnma in tutto qnesto exito 70(G])5557 sc."" He ends with remarks on the person of Julius III. " Papa Giulio, Ser"'* Sig^r"', gravissinio e sapientissimo cons", e dal Monte Sansovino, picciol \\iogo in Toscana, come gia scrissi alle Ecc" V^ II primo che diede nome e qualche riputatione alia casa sua fu suo avo, dottore e raolto dotto in legge, e fu al servitio del duca Guido de Urbino, dal quale mandato in Roma per negotii del suo stato li acquisto gratia molta, sicche col molto studio che in delta faculta fece il suo nepote, acquisto tanto di gratia et riputatione che el fu il cardinal de Monte: de chi po fu nipote questo. Arrivato in corte per il primo grado camcrier di papa Julio secondo, fu poi arcivescovo di Siponto, et in tal grado venne qui alle Ecc^'' V° a dimandargli Ravenna et Cervia quandoche elle le hebbeno doppo il sacco di Roma: et col multo suo valore nel quale el si dimostro et nelle lettere di legge et net consigli havuti molti et per I'auttorita molta di sua zio che fu il cardinal de Monte, doppo morto lui, fu fatto cardinal questo. Et fatto papa si prese subito il nome di Julio, che fu il suo patron, con una perfettion (presunlion?) di volerlo imitare. "Ha Sua S'-" 04 anni a 21 di Ottobre, di natura collerica molto, ma ancho molto benigna, sicche per gran collera che I'abbi la gli passa inanzi che com- pisse di ragionarla, sicche a me pare di poter affirmare lui non portar odio ne ancho forse amore ad alcuno, eccetto peio il cardinal di Monte, del quale diro poi. A Sua Santita non volsero mai dar il veto li cardinali ne di Marsa {1) ne di Trento, et furono li subito et meglio premiati da lei che alcun' altro di quel che la favorirono. II piu favorito servitore di molti anni suo era lo arcivescovo di Siponto, che lei essendo cardinale gli diede I'arcivescovato e da lui fu sempre ben servita, sicche si credea che subito la lo farebbe cardinale, ma lui si e rimasto in minoribus quasi che non era quandoche lei era cardinale, che poi fatto papa o poco o nulla si e voluta valer di lui, sicche el poverino se ne resta quasi come disperato. " The manuscript is unfortunately too defective to make it de- sirable for us to copy further; especially as the information it contains frequently becomes trivial. 29. Vila di Marcello II scritta di propria mano del signor Alex. Cervini suo fratello, {Alb. Nr. 157.) There exists a very useful work by Pietro Polidoro, 1744, on pope Marcellus II. The very first of the documents which that author mentions having used, is the biography of Alex. Cervini. i3ut unfortunately this MS. was most materially injured in the year 1598, by a fire which occurred in the house belonging to the family at Montepulciano. Only a fragment remains. I insert the following extract, which refers to the attempt made to reform the calendar in the time of Leo X, and which is not quoted by Polidoro: — ■ " Havendolo adunque il padre assuefatto in quest! costumi et esercitatolo nella grammatica, rettorica, aritmetica, e geometria, accadde die anche fu esercitato nell' astrologia naturale piii ancora che non havcrcbbe fatto ordinatamente, e la causa fu questa: la S'-^ di N. Sig''« in quel tempo, Leone X, per publico editto fece intendere che chi aveva regola o modo di correggere I'anno trascorso fino ad all' bora per undici giorni, lo facesse noto a S. S**^: onde M'' Riccardo gia detto (the father of the pope), siccome assai esercitato in questa professione, volse obbedire al pontefice, e pero con longa e diligente osservatione e con suoi stromenti trovo il vero corso del sole, siccome apparisce nelli suoi opusculi man- dati al papa Leone, con il quale e con quella gloriosissima casa de Medici teneva gran servitii e specialmente con il magnifico Giujiano, dal quale aveva ricevuti favori et offerte grandi. Ma perche la niorte lo prevenne, quel Signore non segui piu oltre il disegno ordinato che M'" Riccardo seguitasse, servendo la persona Sua Ecc^" in Francia e per tutto dove essa andasse, come erano convenuti. Ne la santita di N. Signore potette eseguire la publicatione della correttione dell' 27^ 310 ANT. CARACCIOLO VITA DI PAOLO IV. anno per varii impedimenti e finalmente per la morte propria, che ne segui non molto tempo doppo." We see how the minds of the Italians in the time of Leo X were employed upon this subject; and that the bishop of Fossombrone, who in the year 1513 recommended in the council of the Lateran the work of reforming the calendar, was not the only one who thought on that subject. 29. Antonio Carasciolo Vita di Papa Paolo IV. (2 vol.fol.) Antonio Caracciolo, a theatin, and a Neapolitan, a compiler all his life, could not fail to devote his whole energies to the biography of the most celebrated Neapolitan pope, Paul IV, the founder of his order. We owe him our best thanks for it. He has collected an enormous mass of information, which, but for him, would have perished. His book forms the groundwork of the elaborate work written by Carlo Bromato: " Storia di Paolo IV Pontefice Massimo, Rom. 1748," which contains in two thick, closely printed quartos, a remarkably rich collection of materials for history. But, as was inevitable from the severity of the censorship existing in the ter- ritories of the church of Rome, Bromato dared on no account insert in his work all the information which the original documents afforded. I have frequently mentioned a detailed report of J. P. Caraifa to Clement VII on the condition of the church, drawn up in the year 1532. Bromato makes, I, p. 205, a long extract from it. But he leaves out much of what is in fact the most important; for example, where he treats of the spread of Lutheran doctrines in Venice. " Si supplica S. S'^ che per I'honore di dio e suo, non essendo, questa citta la pivi minima ne la piu vil cosa de della christianita et essendovi nella citta e nel dominio di molte e molte migliara d'anime commesse a S. S'% sia contenta da persona fedele ascoltare qualche cosa del loro bisogno, il quale, ancorche sia grande, pure se ne dira per hora qualche parte. E perche, come I'apostolo dice, sine fide impossibile est placere deo, comminciarete da questa, et avisarete S. S** come si sente degli errori e dell' heresie nella vita e nei costumi di alcuni, come e in non fare la quaresima e non confessarsi etc., e nella dottrina di alcuni, che publicamente ne parlano e tengono e communicano ancora con gli altri de 'libri prohibiti senza rispetto. Ma sopra tutto direte che questa peste, tanto dell' here- sia Luterana quanto d'ognialtro errore contra fidem et bonos mores, da due sorti di persone potissimamente si va disseminando et aumentando, cioedagliapostati e da alcuni frati massime conventuali, e S. S*-^ deve sapere di quella maledetta nidata di quelli frati minori conventuali, la quale per sua bonta fermando alcuni suoi servi ha incominciato a mettere in iscompiglio: perche essendo loro stati discepoli d'un frate heretico gia morto, han voluto far onore al maestro E per dire quello che in cio mi occorse, pare che in tanta necessita non si debba andare appresso la stampa usata: ma siccome nell' ingruente furore della guerra si fanno ogni di nuove provvisioni opportune, cosi nella maggior guerra spirituale non si deve stare a dormire. E perche S. S'* sa che I'officio dell' inquisitione in questa provincia sta nelle mani de' sopradetti frati minori conventuali, li quali a caso s'abbattono a fare qualche inquisitione idonea, come e stato quel maestro Martino da Treviso, della cui diligenza e fede so che il sopradetto di buona memoria vescovo di Pola informo S. S's et essendo hora lui mutato da quello in altro officio, e successo nell' inquisitione non so chi, per quanto intendo, molto inetto: e pero bisogneria che S. S'* provvedesse parte con eccitar gli ordinarj, che per tutto quasi si dorme, e parte con deputare alcune persone d'autorila, mandare in questa terra qualche legato, se possibile fosse, non ambitioso ne cupido, e che attendesse a risarcire I'honore e credito della sede apostoiica e punire o almeno fugare li ribaldi heretic! da mezzo de' poveri christiani: perche dovunque ander- anno, porteranno seco il testimonio della propria nequitia e della bonta de' fedeii cattolici, che non li vogliono in lor compagnia. E perche la peste dell' heresia BERN. NAVAGERO REL. 1558. 311 si soule introdurre e per le prediche e libri hcreticali e'per la lunga habitatione nella mala e dissoluta vita, della quale facilmente si viene all' heresia, par che S. S'^ potria fare in cin una santa, honesta et utile provvisione." This work of Caracciolo's contains various other information of greater or less importance, which nevertheless has remained unknown, but in a book of greater detail than the present, ought not to be overlooked. The Italian Biography is entirely distinct from another of his writings, "Collectanea historica de Paulo . IV.," and is a very different and far more useful book. There are, however, some things in the Collectanea which recur in the " Vita;" e.g. the description of the changes meditated by Paul IV, after the dismissal of his kinsmen. 30 Relatione di M. Bernardo Navagero alia Sma Rep<^a di Venetia tornando di Roma amhasciatore appresso del pontejice Paolo IV. 1558. This is one of the Venetian reports which became universally disseminated; even Pallavicini made use of it, and was attacked on that account. Rainaldus also (Annales eccles. 1557, No. 10) mentions it, as well as other later authors. Undoubtedly it well deserves this honor. Bern. Navagero enjoyed the repu- tation of learning in Venice. We see from Foscarini (della lett. Ven. p. 255), that he was proposed as historiographer to the republic. During his earlier em- bassies to Charles V, Henry VIII, and Soliman, he had become practised both in the management of difficult affairs, and in the observation of remarkable charac- ters. He came to Rome immediately after the election of Paul IV. Navagero arranges the business of an ambassador under three heads: under- standing, which requires penetration; negotiating, which requires address; and reporting, which requires judgment to decide on what it is useful and necessary to say. He begins with the election and power of the pope, and says that if the popes would strive to imitate the example of Christ, they would be far more feared; he then describes "le conditioni," as he says, " di papa Paolo IV, e di chi lo consiglia," i. e. above all, of his three kinsmen. I have made use of his descrip- tions, but in his general conclusions I cannot entirely concur. He thought that the only object even of Paul IV himself was the aggrandizement of his house. Had he written somewhat later, after the expulsion of the nepotes, he would not have expressed such an opinion. That event marked the grand turn in the papal policy, from worldly to spiritual views. From individuals, Navagero proceeds to the description of a war between Paul IV and Philip II, equally happy as to style and to acuteness of observation. This is followed by a consideration of the foreign relations of the court of Rome, and the probable results of the next election. Navagero mentions this subject with the greatest discretion: " piu," says he, "per sodisfare alle SS. VV. EE. che a me in quella parte." He guessed very nearly right, for one of the two he mentioned as most probable, was actually chosen; it was, however, Medighis, whilst he had rather expected the election of Puteo. " Now, however," he says, " I am again here, I again behold the countenance of my sovereign, the illustrious republic, in whose service nothing is so great that I would not attempt it, nothing so insignificant that I would not undertake it." This expression of devotedness renders the descriptions still more ani- mated. 312 MICHIEL REL. 1560. DISP. DEGLI AMB. 1560. 31. Relatione del Cl^" M. Aluise Mocenigo CaV^^ ritornato della corte di Roma 1560. {Jrch. Ven,") Mocenigo remained seventeen months longer with Paul IV; the conclave lasted for four months and eight days; he then conducted the embassy at the court of Pius IV for seven months. He describes first the ecclesiastical and secular policy, the administration of justice, and the court under Paul IV. He makes a remark on this, which I did not venture to avail myself of, although it contains much that is important: " I cardinali," he says, "dividono fra loro le cittidelle legationi (nel conclave): poi continuano in questo mode a beneplacito delli pontefici." May we suppose this to be the origin of the administration of the government by the clergy, which was gradually introduced? He does not forget the antiquities in which Rome was richer at that time than at any other, as is proved by the description of B6issard and Gamucci. "In cadaun loco, habitato o non habitato che si scava in Roma, si litrovaTio vestigie e fabriche nobili et antiche, et in molti luoghi si cavano di bellissime statue. Di statue marmoree, poste insieme, si potria fare un grandissiaio esercito." He then proceeds to the subject of the disturbances which broke out at the death of Paul IV, and which, even after they appeared to have been quelled, were renewed in a thousand fresh disorders. " Cessato c'ebbe il popolo, con- sorsero nella citta tutti falliti e fuorusciti, che non si sentiva altro che omicidii, si ritrovavano alcuni che non 8, 7 e fin 6 scudi si pigliavano il carico d'amazzar un' uomo, a tantoche ne furono in pochi giorni commesse molte centenara, alcuni per nimicizia, altri per lite, molti per ereditar la sua roba et altri per diverse cause, di modo che Roma pareva, come si suol dire, il bosco di Baccaro." The conclave was very jovial — banquets every day; Vargas was often there whole nights; at least "alii busi del conclave:" — the person, however, who really created the pope, was duke Cosmo of Florence. " II duca di Firenze I'a fatto papa: lui I'a fatto poner nei nominati del re Filippo e poi condiversi mezzi raccommandar anco dalla regina di Franza, e finalmente guadagnatogli con grand' industria e diligenza la parte Carafesca." How entirely do we perceive the nothingness of all the intrigues described in the histories of the conclaves! The writers of these histories, who were usually themselves members of the conclaves, saw only the mutual relations of the individuals with whom they were acquainted, and were ignorant of all foreign influences. This report concludes with a description of Pius IV, so far as his peculiari- ties had then shown themselves. 32. Relatione del Cl"^° M. Marchio Michiel K^ e Proc. ritornato da Pio IV sommo ponteJice,fatta a 8 di Zugno, 1560. Report of an embassy of congratulation, which was absent from Venice only thirty-nine days, and cost 13,000 ducats; as a report, very poor. Michiel ex- horts to subraissiveness towards Rome. "Non si tagli la giurisdition del papa, e li sig" avogadori per non turbare I'animo di S. S'^ abbino tutti quelli rispetti che si conviene, i quali ho visto che molto volte non si hanno." 33. Dispacci dcgli amhascialori Veneti 18 Maggio — 21 Sett. 1560. Inform. Polilt. Tom. VIII, 272 leaves. Ragguagli deW atitbasciatore Venctu in Roma, 1561. Inform. Politt. Tom XXXVII, 71 leaves. The Ragguagli also are despatches of January and February, 1561; all from Marc. Anton de Mula, who filled the post of ambassador. (S. Andreae Mau- PROCESSUS CARD. CARAPFjE. 1560. 313 roceni Hist. Venet. lib. viii, torn, ii, 153.) They are very instructive and con- tain much information as to the times and the character of Pope Pius; — the final fate of the Carafeschi is particularly described, and it appears that Philip II then wished to save his old enemies. At the court of Rome it was even im- puted to him as a crime. Vartras answered that Philip II had pardoned them: "quel gran re, quel santo, quel cattolico non facendo com voi allri." The pojfe on the other hand uttered the most violent reproaches against them: " havere mosse I'arme de Christiani, de Turchi e degl' eretici, e che le lettere che venivano da Francia e dagli agenti in Italia, tutte erano contrafatte," etc. The pope said he would have given 100,000 ducats that they were innocent, but horrors such as they had committed could not be endured in Christendom. I will not, however, give any more extracts from these letters; it is sufficient to have indicated their contents. 34. Extradus processus cardinalis Caraffee, Inff. Tom. II, f. 465 to 516. TVith the addition: Hxc copia processus formati contra cardinalem Caraffam reducta in aumniam cum imputationibus Jisci eorumque reprobationibus perfecta fuit de XX Nov. 1560. From the ninth article of the defence, s. v. Hasresis, we find that Albert of Brandenburg sent a certain colonel Friedrich to Rome, to negotiate a treaty vpith Paul IV. The colonel had an audience of the pope himself: but the car- dinal of Augsburg (Otho of Truchsess) raised so many objections to him, that he was at last dismissed from Rome. To this is added: "El successo de la muerte de los Garrafas con la declaracion y el modo que raurieron y el di y hora, 1561. Inform. II." 35. Relatione di Girolamo Soranzo del 1563. Roma. (^Arch, Fen.) The date of 1561, vrhich is on ihe copy in the archives, is certainly incorrect. According to the authentic report of the embassies, Gir. Soranzo was, it is true, chosen, 22 September, 1560, because Mula iiad accepted a place from Pius IV, and had thus fallen into disgrace with the republic; but he was forgiven, and it was only after Mula had been named cardinal, in the year 1562, that he was superseded by Soranzo. He therefore frequently alludes to the council, which was no longer sitting in 1561. Girolamo Soranzo observes, that the reports were both useful and entertaining to the senate (" e volontieri udite e maturamente considerate"); he composed his own with satisfaction and diligence; it is quite worth while to read his de- scription of Pius IV. " Delle qualita dell' animo di Sua Beatitudine diro sinceramente alcune par- liculari proprieta, che nel tempo della mi a legatione ho potuto osservare in lei et intender da persone che ne hanno parlato senza passione. II papa, conio ho dctto di sopra, ha studiato in leggi; con la cognitione della quali e con la pratica di tanti anni nelli governi principali, che ha havuto, ha fatto un giudicio mira- bile nelle cause cosi di giustitia come di gratia che si propongono in segnatura, in modo che non s'apre la bocca che sa quello si puo concedere e quello si deve negare, la quale parte e non pur utile ma necessaria in un pontefice per le molte et importanti materie che occorre trattar di tempo in tempo. Possiede molto bene la lingua latina e s' ha sempre dilettato di conoscer le sue bellezze, in modo che, per quanto mi ha detto 1' illustrissimo Navagiero, che na ha cosi bel giudicio, nei concistorj, dove e 1' uso di parlar latino, dice quello che vuole e facilmente e propriamente. Non ha studiato in theologia, onde avviene che non vuole mai propria autorita pigliar in se alcuna delle cause commesse all' ufficio dell' inquisitione; ma usa di dire che non essendo theologo si contenta rimet- tersi in tutte le cose a chi si ha il carico: e se bene si conosce non esser di sua 314 GIROLAMO SORANZO. satisfatione il modo che teng-ono gl' inquisitori di procedere per 1' ordinario con tanlo rigore contra gl' inquisiti, e che si lascia intendere che piu gli piaceria che usassero termini da cortese gentilhuorno che da frate severe, nondiineno non ardisce o non vuole mai opponersi ai giudicii loro nei quali interviene poche volte, facendosi per il piu congregationi senza la presenza sua. Nelle materie e deliberationi di stato non vuole consiglio d' alcuno, in tanto che si dice non esser stato pontefice piu travagliato e manco consigliato di S. S'% non senza meraviglia di tutta la corte che almeno nelle cose di maggior importantia ella non voglia avere il parere di qualche cardinale, che pur ve ne sono molli di buon consiglio: e so che un giorno Vargas lo persuase a farlo, con dirle che se bene S. S** era prudentissima, che pero unus vir erat nulhis vir, ma ella se lo levo d' inanzi con male parole: et in effetto si vede che, o sia che ella stima esser atta di poter resolver da se tutte le materie che occorrono, o che pur conosca esser pochi o forse niuno cardinale che non sia interessato con qualche principe, onde il giudicio non puo esser libero e sincere, si vode, dico, che non si vuole servire d'altri che dal card' Borromeo e dal sig''^ Tolomeo, i quali essendo gio- vani di niuna o poca sperienza et esseguenti ad ogni minimo cenno di S. S'% si possono chiamar piutosto semplici esecutori che consiglieri. Da questo mancamento di consiglio ne nasce che la Beaf^ Sua, di natura molto presta per tutte le sue altioni, si risolve anco molto presto in tutte la materie, per ira- portanti che le sieno, e presto si rimuove da quello che ha deliberato: perche quando sono publicate le sue deliberationi e che li venga poi dato qualche advertimento in contrario, non solo le altera, ma fa spesso tutto 1' opposito al suo primo disegno, il che a raio tempo e avvenuto non una ma niolte volte. Con i principi tiene modo immediate contrario al suo precessore: perche quello usavadi dire il grado del pontefice esser per metter sotto i piedi gl' imperatori et i re, e questo dice che senza 1' autorita de' principi non si puo conservare quella del pontefice: e percio procedecon gran rispetto verso di cadauno principe e fa loro volentieri delle gratie, e quando le niega, lo fa con gran destrezza e modestia. Procede medesimamenle con gran dolcezza e facilita nel trovar i ne- gotii indifferenteme.nte con tutti: ma se alcuna voltasegli domanda cosachenon sente, se mostra vehemente molto e terribile, ne patisce che segli contradica: ne quasi mai e necessaria con S. S** la destrezza, perche quando si e addolcita, difficilmente niega alcuna gratia: e vero che nell' essecutione poi si trova per il piu maggior difficulta che nella promessa. Porta gran rispetto verso i rev°" card'', e fa loro volentieri delle gratie, ne deroga mai ai soi indulte nelle colla- tioni de' beneficii, quello che non faceva il suo precessore. E' vero che da quelli di maggior autorita par che sia desiderate cho da lei fusse dato loro maggior parte delle cose che occorrono a tempo di tanti travagli di quelle che usa di fare la S. S**: onde si dogliono di vedere deliberationi di tanta importantia passar con cosi poco consiglio, e chiamano felicissima in questa parte la Serenita Vos- tra. AlU ambascialori usa S. Beat"= quelle maggior dimostrationi d' amore et honore che si possi desiderare, ne lascia adietro alcuna cosa per tener li ben satisfatti e contenti: tratta dolcemente i negotii con loro, e se alcuna volta s' al- tera per causa di qualche dimanda ch' ella non senta o altra occasione, chi sa usare la destrezza, 1' acquieta subito, e fa in modo che se non ottiene in tutto quanto desidera, ha almeno in risposta parole molto cortesi; dove quando segli vuol opponere, si puo esser certo di non averne 1' uno ne 1' altro: e pero Vargas non e mai stato in gratia di S. S*-"", perche non ha proceduto con quella modestia eh' era desiderata da lei. Finito che ha di trattar li negotii con li ambasciatori, fa loro parte cortesemente, parla delli avvisi che ha di qualche importantia, e poi entra volentieri a discorrere de lo presente stato del mondo: e con me 1' ha fatto in particulare molto spesso, come si puo ricordar V. S'* che alcune volte ho empito i fogli dei suoi ragionamenti. Con i suoi famigliari procede in modo che non si puo conoscere che alcuno ha autorita con lei, perche li tratta tutti egualmente, non li dando liberta di far cosa alcuna che non sia conveniente, ne permettendo che se la piglino da loro medesimi, ma li tiene tutti in cosi bassa e povera fortuna che dalla corte saria desiderate di veder verso quelli piii intimi RELATIONE. 1563. 315 camerien et altri servitori antichi dimostratione di mag^gior stima et amore. Fa gran professione d' esser giudice giusto, e volentieri ragiona di questo suo de- siderio che sia fatto giustitia, e particolarmente con gli ambasciatori de' principi, con li quali entra poi alle volte con tal occasione a giustificarsi della morte di Caraffa e delle sententie di Napoli e Monte come fatte giustamente, essendoli forse venuto alle oreccliie esser stato giudicato della corte tutta ch' esse sententie e particularmente quella di Caraffa siano state fatte con severita pur troppo grande et extraordinaria. E' naturalmente il papa inclinato alia vita privata e libera, perche si vede che difficilmente si puo accomodare a procedere con quella maesta che usava il precessore, ma in tutte le sue attioni mostra i)iutosto dol- cezza che gravita, lasciandosi vedere da tutti a tutte 1' hore et andando a cavallo et a piedi per tutta la cilta con pochissima compagnia. Ha una inclinatione grandissima al fabbricare, et in questo spende volentieri e largamente, sentendo gran piacere quando si lauda le opere che va facendo: e par che habbi fine las- ciar anco per questa via memoria di se, non vi essendo hormai luogo in Roma che non habbi il nome suo, et usa di dire il fabbricare esser particularmente in- clinatione di casa de Medici, ne osserva S. Reat"^ quello che e stato fatto dalli altri suoi precessori, che hanno per il piu incominciato edificii grandi e magni- fici lasciandoli poi imperfetti, ma ella ha piutosto a piacere di far acconciar quelli che minacciano rovina e finir gl' ir cominciati, con fame anco de' nuovi, facendo fabbricar in molti luoghi dello stato ecclesiastico: perche fortifica Civita vecchia, acconcia il porto d' Ancona, vuol ridur in fortezza Bologna: in Roma poi, oltra la fortificatione del borgo e la fabbrica di Belvedere e del palazzo, in molte parti della citta fa acconciar strade, fabbricar chiese e rinovar le porte con spesa cosi grande che al tempo mio per molti mesi nelle fabbriche di Roma solamente pas- sava 12 m. scudi il mese e forse piii di quello che si conviene a principe, in tanto che viene afFermato da piu antichi cortigiani non esser mai le cose passate con tanta misura e cosi strettamente come fanno al presente. E perche credo non habbia ad esser discaro 1' intendere qualche particulare che tiene S. Beat°<= nel vivere, pero satisfaro anche a questa parte. Usa il pontefice per ordinario le- varsi, quando e sano, tanto di buon' hora cosi 1' inverno come 1' estate ch' e sempre quasi inanzi giorno in piedi, e subito vestito esce a far escrcitio, nel quale spende gran tempo: poi ritornato, entrano nella sua camera il rev™ Bor- romeo e raons'" Tolomeo, con i quali tratta, come ho detto, S. S'* tutte le cose importanti cosi pubbliche come private, e li tiene per 1' ordinario seco doi o tre hore: e quando li ha licentiati, sono introdutti a lei quel ambasciatori che stanno aspettando 1' audientia: e finite che ha di ragionar con loro, ode S. S'^ la messa, e quando 1' hora non e tarda, esce fuori a dare audientia ai cardinali et ad altri; e poi si niette a tavola, la qual, per dir il vero, non e molto splendida, com' era quella del precessore, perche Je vivande sono ordinario e non in gran quanlita et il servitio e de' soliti soi camerieri. Si nutrisce di cibi grossi e di pasta alia Lombarda bene piu di quello che mangia, et il vino e greco di somma molto potente, nel quale non si vuole acqua. Nou ha piacere die al suo mangiare si trovino, secondo 1' uso del precessore, vescovi et altri prelati di rispetto, ma piutosto ha caro udir qualche ragionamento di persone piacevoli e che hab- bino qualche umore. Ammette alia sua tavola molte volte di cardinali e degli ambasciatori, et a me in particulare ha fatto di questi favori con dimostrationi molto amorevoli. Dapoi che ha finite di mangiare, si ritira nella sua camera, e spogliato in camicia entra in letto, dove vi sta per V ordinario tre o quattro hore: e svegliato si ritorna a vestire, e dice 1' uflicio et alcune volte da audientia a qualche cardinale et ambasciatore, e poi se ne ritorna al suo esercitio in Belve- dere, il quale non interraette mai 1' estate fin 1' hora di cena e 1' inverno fin che si vede lume." Soranzo also gives sevoral other passages of importance as regards the his- tory of this time. For instance, he fully explains the otherwise scarcely intel- ligible secession of the king of Navarre to Catholicism. Assurances had been given to this prince at Rome, that if Philip II did not yield Sardinia to him as an indemnification for the lost part of Navarre, the pope would at all events 316 INST. A VISCONTI. COMMENDONE REL. 1563. bestow Avignon upon him. Divines, says the ambassador, vpere not employed to bring about the change in his opinions; negotiation was sufficient. 36. InstruUione del re cattolico al C^ M^ cfJllcantara suo amhascialore di quello ha da trattar in Roma. Madr. 30 Nov. 1562. {MS. Rom.) Together with the answers of the pope. All the necessary extracts are given by Pallavicini xx, 10, except the following passage, which he seems to have misunderstood. "Circa I'articolo della communione sub utraque specie non restaremo di dire con la sicurta che sapemo di potcre usare con la M*^ Sua, che ci parono cose molto contrarie il dimandar tanta liberta e licenza nel concilio et il volera in un medesimo tempo che noi impediamo detto concilio e che prohibi- amo all' imperatore, al re di Francia, al duca di Baviera at ad altri principi che non possano far proponere et questo et molti altri articoli che ricercano attento, che essi sono delibcrati et risoluti di farli proponere da suoi ambasciatori e pre- lati, etiara che fosse contro la volantd dei legati. Sopra il che S. M*^ dovra fare quella consideratione che le parera conveniente. Quanto a quello che spetta a noi, havemo differita la cosa fin que, e cercaremo di differirla piii che potremo, non ostante le grandi istanze che circa cio ne sono state fatte: e tuttavia se ne fanno dalli sudetti principi, protestandoci che se non se gli concede, perderanno tutti li loro sudditi, quali dicono peccar solo in questo articulo e nel resto esser buoni cattolici, e di piil dicono che non essendogli concesso, li piglieranno da se, e si congiungeranno con li settarii vicini e protestanti; da quali quando ricor- rono per questo uso del calice, sono astretti ad abjurare la nostra religione: sicche S. M''' puo considerare in quanta molestia travaglio siamo. Piacesse a dio che S. M'^ cattolica fosse vicina e potessimo parlare insieme en anche abboc- carsi -con I'imperatore — havendo per ogni modo S. M** Cesarea da incontrarsi da noi— che forse potriamo acconciare le cose del mondo, o nessuno le acconciera mai se non dio solo, quando parera a Sua Divina Maesta." 37. Instruttionc data al s'' Carlo Visconti mandato da papa Pio IV, al re cattolico per le cose del concilio di Trento. Signed, Carolus Barromxus ultimo Oct. 1563. In the collection of the nuncio's letters coming down to September, 1563, but not including that month; remarkable, as explaining the motives for closing the council. Pallivicini xxiv, 1, 1, has incorporated in his book the greater part of this instruction, although in an order different to that in which it was written. Perliaps the most remarkable thing was the design of bringing the affairs of England before the council; regard for Philip II alone prevented its execution. "Non abbiamo voluto parlare sin ora ne lasciar parlare in concilio della regina d'lnffbilterra (Mary Stuart), con tutto che lo meriti, ne meno di quest' altra (Elizabeth), e cio per rispelto di S. M"* Cattolica. . . . Ma ancora a questa bisog- nerebbe un di pigliare qualche verso, e la M*^ S. dovrebbe almeno fare opera che li vescovi et altri cattolici non fossero molestati." It is easy to see that it was imposed upon Philip II as a duty, to take the English catliolics under his pro- tection. 38. Relatione in scriptis fatta dul Commendone ai s^i legati del concilio sopra le cose ritratte deW imperatore; 19 Feb. 1563. " La somma e che a me pare di aver veduto non pur in S. M'^ ma nelli prin- cipali ministri, come Trausen e Seldio, un ardentissimo desiderio della riforma e del progresso del concilio con una gran speranza quod rimettendo aliquid de jure positive et reformando mores et disciplinam ecclesiasticam non solo si possono conservare li cattolici ma guadagnare e ridurre degli heretici, con una MICHIEL SURIANO, REL. 1571. 317 opinione o impressione pur troppo forte che qui siano molti che non vogliano riforma." The activity of the Jesuits in particular had made an impression. " Seldio disse, che li Gesuiti hanno hormai mostrato in Germania quello che si puo sperare con effetto, perche solamente con la buona vita e con le prediche e con le scuole loro hanno ritenuto e vi sostengono tuttavia la religione cattolica." 39. Helatione sommaria del cardinal Morone snpra la legatione sua 1564 Januario. {Bibl. Allien VII. F. 3.) This ought properly to be given word for word. Unfortunately, I was so circumstanced as not to be able to make a copy. The extract which I have in- serted in the third book, must therefore suffice. 40. Jlntonio Canossa.- On the attempt to assassinate Pius IV. Compare I. p. 359. 41. Relatione di Roma al tempo di Pio IV. e V. di Paolo Tiepolo ambasciatore Veneto; found first in manuscript at Gotka, afterwards in many other collections. 1568. In almost all the copies this report is spoken of as belonging to the year 1567; as, however, Paolo Tiepolo expressly says that he resided at the court of Pius V thirty-three months, and as the latter was elected in January 1566, its true date is clearly September 1568. To this year also refer the despatches of this ambassador — the first which were preserved in the Venetian archives. Tiepolo describes Rome, the states of the church and their administration, as well as the ecclesiastical power, which, as he says, punishes with interdicts and rewards with indulgences. He then compares Pius IV and V, their piety, justice, generosity, and generally their respective characters and dispo- sitions. The former pope had shown great mildness to Venice, the latter great severity. Pius V made constant complaints of the invasion of ecclesiastical rights by the Venetian government; such as the taxing of monasteries, and the summoning of priests before the civil tribunals; and of the conduct of the Avogadori. Notwithstanding these disagreements, the comparison instituted by Tiepolo ends entirely in favor of the sterner pontiff. It is evident that the per- sonal qualities of Pius V had produced the same impression on this ambassa- dor, as on the catholic world at large. This report is, as we have noticed, frequently to be met with. It has even occa- sionally appeared in print; in what manner, however, should be observed. In the Tesoro Politico, i, 19, there is a Relatione di Roma, in which everything said by Tiepolo of Pius V is applied to Sixtus V. Traits of character, even particular actions, decrees, &c., are transferred from the one pope to the other. This account, thus entirely falsified, has since appeared in the Respublica Romana, published by Elzevir, in which, at p. 494, we find it word for word, under the title, " De statu urbis Romae et pontificis relatio tempore Sixti V, papae, anno 1585. 42. Relatione di Roma del Cl"^o S'' Michiel Suriano K ritornato ambasciatore da N. S. papa Pio V. 1571. Michael Suriano, in whom, according to Paruta, (Guerra di Cipro, i. p. 28,) the study of literature cast a still more brilliant lustre over talents for business, was the immediate successor of P. Tiepolo. He describes Pius V in the following manner: "Si vede che nel papato S. Santita non ha atteso mai a delitie ne a piaceri, come altri suoi antecessor!, che non ha alterato la vita ne i costumi, che non ha VOL. II. — 28 318 MICHIEL SURIANO, REL. 1571. lasciato 1' essercitio dell' inquisitlone che haveva essendo privato, et lasciava pill presto ogn' altra cosa che queJia, riputando tiitte 1' altredi manco sliina et di manco iinportantia: onde benche per il papato fosse mutata la dig'iiila et la for- tuna, non t'u pero mutata ne la volonta ne la natura. Era S. S'* di presenza grave, con poca came magra, et di persona piu che mediocre ma forte et riidusta: havea gi' occhi piccoli ma la vista acutissima, il naso aquilino, che denota ani- mo generoso et atto a regnare, il colore vivo et la canitie veneranda, caminava gagliardissimamente, non temea 1' aere, mangiava poco e bevea pochissimo, andava, a dormire per tempo: pativa alcune volte d' orina, et vi rimediava con usar spesso la cassia et a certi tempi il latte d' asina et con viver sempre con regola et con misura. Era S. S** di complession colerica et subita, et s' accen- deva in un tratto in viso quando sentiva cosa che le dispiacesse: era pero facile nell' audientie, ascoltava tiitti, parlava poco et tardo et stentava spesso a trovar le parole proprie et significanti al suo modo. Fu di vita esemplare et di costumi irreprensibili con un zelo rigoroso di religione, che haveria voluto che ogn' un 1' havesse, et per questo corregea gl' ecclesiastici con riserve et con boUe et i laici con decreti et avvertimenti. Facea professione aperta di sincerita et di bonta, di non ingannare, di non publicar mai le cose che gli eran dette in secretezza et d' esser osservantissimo della parola, tutte cose contrarie al suo predecessore: odiava i tristi et non poteva tollerarli, amava i buoni o quel che era persuasa che fosser buoni: ma come un tristo non potea sperar mai di guadagnar la sua gratia, perche ella non credea che potesse diventar buono, cosi non era senza pericolo un buono di perderla quando cadea in qualche tristezza. Amava sopra tutte le cose la veriia, et se alcuno era scoperto da S. S'^ una sol volta in bugia, perdeva la sua gratia per sempre, et fu visto 1' essempio nel sig'' Paolo Ghisilieri suo tiipote, il quale scaccio da se per averlo trovato m bugia, come S. S''' medesima mi disse, et per officii che fusser fatti non vojse mai piii riceverlo in gratia. Era d' ingegno non molto acuto, di natura difficile et sospettosa, e da quella impression che prendea una volta non giovava a rimoverlo niuna per- suasione di ragione di rispetti civili. Non avea isperienza di cose di state per non averle mai pratlicate se non ultimamente: onde nei travagli che portan seco i maneggi di quesla corte et nelle dificolta che sempre accompagnan la novita dei negotij, un che fosse grato a S. Santita et in chi ella havesse fede era facilmente atto a guidarla a suo modo, ma altri in chi non havea fede non potea essere atto, et le ragioni regolate per prudeiiza humana non bastavano a per- snaderla, et se alcun pensava di vincere con aultorita o con spaventi, ella Tompeva in un subito et metteva in disordine ogni cosa o per lo manco gli dava nel viso con dir che non temeva il martirio et che come dio 1' ha messo in quel luogo cosi poteva anco conservarlo contra ogni auttorita et podesta humana. Queste conditioni et qualita di S. Santitu, se ben son verissime, pero son difficili da credere a chi non ha auto la sua pratica et molto piu a chi ha auto pratica d' altri papi; perche pare impossibile che un huomo nato et nutrito in bassa for- tuna si tenesse tanto sincere: che resistesse cosi arditamente a i maggior prencipi et piu potenti: che fosse tanto difficile nei favori et nelle gratie et nelle dispense et in quell' altre cose che gl' altri pontefici concedean sempre facil- mente: che pensasse piu all' inquisitione che ad altro, et chi secondava S. San- tita in quella, polesse con lei ogni cosa: che nelle cose di stato non credesse alia forza delle ragioni ne all' auttorita de i prencipi esperti, ma solamente alle per- suasioni di quel in chi havea fede: che non si sia mai mostrato interessato ne in ambitione ne in avaritia, ne per se ne per niun de suoi: che credesse poco aicar- denali et gl' avesse tutti per interessati et o quasi tutti, et chi si valea di loro con S. Santita, se nol facea con gran temperamento et con gran giudicio, si ren- dea sospetto et perdea il credito insieme con loro. Et chi non sa queste cose et si ricorda delle debolezze, della fjcilita, de i rispetti, delle passioni etdegl' atfetti de gl' altri papi, accusava et strapazzava gl' ambasciatori, credendo non che non potesser ma che non volessero o non sapessero ottener quelle cose che s' ottene- vano facilmente in altri tempi." We can readily believe the ambassador, that with a pope of this character he RELATIONE DI ROMA. 1574. 319 had a heavy task. For instance, when Pius learned that they refused to puhlish the bull, In coenS. Domini, in Venice, he fell into a state of the most violent irri- tation; " si perturbo estremamente, et acceso in collera disse molte cose gravi e fastidiose." This rendered the management of business doubly difficult. Suri- ano lost, in fact, the favor of his republic. He was recalled, and this report is written in great part with the view of justifying his conduct, in which we can- not accompany him. 43. Informalione di Fiu V Inform, politt. Bihl. Jlmhros. F. D. 181. Anonymous certainly, but founded on accurate acquaintance with the subject, and aflfording confirmation of other accounts. It contains a remarkable iact, viz: that in spite of all the severity of this pious pope, factions reigned iu his family. The older servants were ranged against the younger, who looked on M"^^ Cirillo, the grand chamberlain, who was the most accessible, as their head. " Con le carezze e col mostrar di conoscere il suo valore facilmente s' acquistarebbe: ha 1' animo elevatissimo, grande intelligenza cou Gambara e Coreggio, e si stringe con Morone." 44. Relatione delta corte di Roma nel tempo di Gre coUegin dal cl"^" Sis;^ Lorenzo Priuli, ritornaio di Roma, 158G. 2 Luglio. From the Roman documents we pass to the Venetian. Lorenzo Priuli lived during the latter years of Gregory XIII and the earlier ones of Sixtus V; he is full of the contrasts they present. We must not suffer ourselves to be carried away by him. The early times of a pope were always more favorably regarded than the later; either because with increasing years tlie talents of a statesman necessarily decline, or because we gradually discover in every one much which we could wish away. But Priuli is not unjust. He thinks that the administration of Gregory was very useful to the church. " Nella bonta della vita, nel procurare il cuito eccle- siastico, I'osservanza del concilio, la residenzadei vescovi, nell' eccellenza della 340 BADOER REL. 1589. DISPACCI VENETI. 1573 — 1590. dottrina, I'uno legale I'altro teologicale, si possono dire assai simili." He praises God for having set such excellent rulers over his church. We perceive that the foreign ambassadors were imbued with the opinions prevalent at the papal court. Priuli regards the election of Sixtus V as throughout miraculous, — as an im- mediate interposition of the Holy Ghost. He reminds the inhabitants of his native town, that their prosperity had arisen from their good understanding with the popes, which he advises them to maintain above all things. 58. Relatione del cl'"-o sig^ Giov. Gritli ritornalo ambasciutore da Roma amto 1589. In the Venetian archives there is only a defective copy. With the greatest eagerness I opened another, which I found in the Arabro- sian Library at Milan; but it contained not a word more than the former. This is the more to be regretted, as the author sets about his task most sys- temically. He purposes treating, first of the ecclesiastical government, then of the person of the pope, whose great admirer he professes to be, thirdly of the pope's views, lastly of the cardinals and the court. Nothing remains but a small fragment of the first part. The MS. breaks off just at the increase of the revenues under Sixtus. Nevertheless, I cannot doubt that the work was completed. What we possess, is at any rate, no sketch of a larger work, but a portion of a complete one. It is however strange that there should be only a defective copy in the archives. 59. Relatione di Roma deW ambasciatore Badoer A''" relata in senato anno 1589. This report is wanting in the Venetian archives. It is in the collection of the Quirini family, but only in a fragmentary state. There are eight leaves, which contain nothing but a few notices relative to the province. Badoer remarks, that Venice estranged her adherents in the March, by either delivering them up too readily to the pope, or putting them to death at his request. The increase of the commerce of Ancona had been talked about, but the am- bassador had no fears that it would injure the Venetians. " Essendo state imposte allora" (on his journey home,) "da Sisto V doi per cento sopra tutte le mercantie, le quali a querelle d'Anconitani furono poi levate, non era gionta in 14 mesi alcuna nave in quel porto." We see that the two imposts laid on by Gregory and Sixtus V, though after- wards abolished, still, from the uncertainty to which the merchants suddenly found themselves exposed, powerfully contributed to the ruin of the trade of Ancona. At that time the principal trade was in camlet and fur, yet the Jews found no fitting opportunity for an exchange in cloths or other goods. The customs were farmed for only 14,000 scudi, and even this sum was never col- lected. Badoer wishes besides, that the example of Spain should be followed, and those friends who were in the March be salaried. He breaks off just as he is about to name these friends. 60. Dispacci Veneti 1573 — 1590. No one would believe, that with such a profusion of documents, any want of information could be felt. Nevertheless, this had very nearly been the case. We see what an evil star ruled over the fate of the Venetian reports: the Roman DISPACCI VENETI. 1573 — 1590. 341 records illustrate only the early times of the pontificate of Sixtus V with any minuteness; as regards the later years — which constitute one of the most im- portant epochs — I should have found myself reduced to rely upon Tempesti, had not the dispatches of the Venetian ambassadors come to my assistance. When in Vienna, I had already copied the whole series of Venetian des- patches from 1573 to 1590, preserved there in the archives, partly in authentic copies, partly in rubricaries drawn up for the use of the government. There is certainly some difficulty in mastering the first; a monthly part some- times contains 100 leaves; they have been injured by transport at sea, crumble away on being opened, and a disagreeable dust affects the breath. Tlie rubri- caries are more easy to deal with, they are guarded by binding, and the abrido-e- ment facilitates the separation of whatever is essential from the thousand insio-- nificant transactions likely to occur between two Italian states and unworthy of reproduction in a historical form. Amongst them we find the despatches of Paolo Tiepolo, down to 1576, of Antonio Tiepolo to 1578, of Zuanne Correr to 1581, of Lunardo Donato to 1583, of Lorenzo Priuli to 1586, of Zuanne Gritti to 1589, and of Alberto Badoer to 1591. By the side of these regular ambassadors, appear at times envoys-extraordi- nary, such as Zuanne Soranzo from October, 1581, to February, 1582, sent on account of the differences regarding the patriarchate of Aquileja. The embassy of congratulation in the year 1585 deputed to wait on Sixtus V, consisting of M. Ant. Barbaro, Giacomo Foscarini, Marino Grimani and Lunardo Donato, who caused their common report to be drawn up by the secretary Padavino: and lastly, Lunardo Donato sent again on account of the political embarrass- ments of 1589. The despatches of Donato are by far the most important: on this occasion the relation existing between the republic and the pope assumed a European importance; these despatches are fortunately extant in all their detail, under the title: " Registro delle lettere dell' ill'"^ signer Lunardo Donato K' ambasciatore straordinario al somrao pontefice; comincia a 13 Ottobre, 1589, e finisce a 19 Decembre, 1589." But even this mass of documents is not our only source of information as to the transactions of the ambassadors. There existed besides a private and con- fidential correspondence on their part with the council of Ten, which we find very neatly written on parchment; the first volume bears the title, "Libro primo da Roma; secrelo del consiglio di X sotto il serenissimo D. Aluise Mocenigo inclito duca di Venetia;" the succeeding have corresponding titles. 1 am fully aware of all that can be objected to the use of diplomatic des- patches. It is true, that they are written under the impressien of the moment; that they are rarely impartial, frequently turn only on particular circumstances, and are by no means to be followed implicitly. But let any one name the documents which can be received without some grains of allowance. At any rate the ambassadors lived during the times they describe, were on the spot, and bouud to observe: and they must have been wholly devoid of understanding and knowledge, if any thing like a comprehensive perusal of their reports do not inspire a vivid feeling of reality, and as it were make us present to the scenes they desribe. These Venetians moreover were very experienced and very able men: I find their writings most instructive. But how far would it carry us, were I to give extracts from this long series of volumes? I trust my readers will approve my adherence to the rule I have laid down, of avoiding in this Appendix extracts from despatches. A long series of them could alone give any idea of their contents. On the other hand, I will touch upon two important missions, which took place in the time of Sixtus V. VOL. II. — 30 342 SPANNOCCHI, 61. Relazione aW ilt'""> e rev^o cardinale Rusticucci seg'^'o di N. Sig''^ papa Sisto V delle cose di Polonia intorno alia reUgione e delle azioni del cardinale Bolognetto in quaitro anni cli' egli e stafo nuniio in quella provincia, divisa in due parti: nelta prima si tratta (?e' danni chef anno le eresie /n tiitto quel regno, del lermine in che si trova il misero stato ecelesiastico, e delle difficolta e speranze che si pos- sono avere intorno a rimedii: nella seconda si narrano li modi teoiuU dal cardi- nale Bolognetto per supcrare quelle difficolta, et il projitto chefece, et il suo nego- ziare in tutto il tempo della sua nuntiatura: di Huratia Spannocchj, gia seg"" del detto sig^^ card^" Bolognetto. Spannocchi, the secretary of Bolognetto, who had been with him in Poland, profited by the leisure of a winter's residence at Bologna to compile this report, which is not only circumstantial, but extremely instructive. It first describes the extraordinary spread of protestantism in Poland: " non lasciando pure una minima citta o castello libero." As may be imagined, he ascribes this phenomenon chiefly to temporal considerations; he asserts that the nobility fined their vassals if they did not attend the protestant churches. Moreover, here, as in the rest of Europe, a state of indiflference had begun to prevail: " La differenza d' esser cattolico o di altra setta si piglia in hurla o in riso, come cosa di pochissima importanza." The Germans, who settled even in the smallest villages and there married, had a great share in the diffusion of protestant doctrines; but the author regard- ed as far more dangerous the Italians, who averred that in Italy, under the cloak of Catholicism, doubts were entertained even of the immortality of the soul; that they were only waiting for an opportunity to declare openly against the pope. He next describes the state in which these circumstances had placed the clergy. " Infiniti d' poveri ecclesiastici si trovano privi degli alimenti, si perche i pa- droni delle ville, eretici per il piii, se non tutti, hanno occupato le possession! ed altri beni delle chiese o per ampliarne il proprio patrimonio o per gratificarne ministri delle lor sette ovvero pe' alienarne in varj modi a persone profane, si ancora perche negano di pagar le decime, quantunque siano loro dovute, oltre alle leggi divine e canoniche, anco per constituzione particolare di quel regno. — Onde i miseri preti in molti luoghi non avendo con che sostentarsi lasciavano le chiese in abbandono. La terza e rispetto alia giurisdizione ecclesiastica, la quale insieme con i privilegj del clero e andata mancando, che oggidi altro non si fa di differenza tra' beni sottopostialle chiese o monaster] e gli altri di persone profane, le citazioni e sentenze per niente lo medesimo ho udito da princi- palissimi senatori che vogliono lasciarsi tagliare piii presto a pezzi che accon- sentire a legge alcuna per la quale si debbano pagar le decime a qualsivoglia cattolico come cosa debita. Fu costituito ne' comizj gia sei anni sono per pub- blico decreto che nessuno potesse esser gravato a pagar le medesime decime da qualsivoglia tribunale ne ecclesiastico ne secolare. Tuttavia perche ne' prossimi comizj per varj impedimenti non si fece detta composizione, negano sempre di pagare, ne vogliono i capitani de' luoghi eseguire alcuna sentenza sopra dette decime." He thinks it very difficult for a nuncio to effect anything. It would be im- possible to introduce the inquisition, or even stricter laws regarding marriage; the very name of the pope was hated; the clergy held themselves bound to watch over the interests of the country against the court of Rome; on the king alone could any reliance be placed. The Palatine Radziwill of Wilna had presented to the king an exhortation to war against the Turks, composed by a follower of Zwinglius. The author re- commended the Polish nation to proceed first of all to the work of self-reforma- tion, and to destroy the images, the worship of which he regarded as idolatry. The kinir would not suffer tliis clause to stand. He wrote with his own hand RELATIONE DI POLONIA. 15S6. 343 the following words on the margin. " Praestat hoc omittere quara falso impu- tare et oralionem monitoriam religionis antiquissimae sugillatione infamem red- dere. O utinam faciant novae secta; nos tarn diuturna pace florentes atqiie fecit sancta religio catholica veros secutores suos." A declaration upon which our Spannocchi founds great hopes. He next passes to an examination of the undertakings of Bolognetto, which he reduces under seven principal heads: 1. Re-establishment of the papal authority; 2. Persecution of the heretics; 3. Reform of the clergy (" modi per moderare la licentiosa vita di sacerdoti scandalosi"); 4. Re-establishment of divine service; 5. Union of the clergy: 6. Defence of their rights; 7. Regard to the whole Christian commonwealth. I have already described in general terms the efficiency of Bolognetto as re- gards these designs. I subjoin, as an example, a more accurate account of his share in the English negotiation. "La reina d' Inghilterra domandava al re di Polonio un' indulto per i suoi mercanti Inglesi di poter portar le loro mercanzie e vendere per tutto il regno liberamente, dove ora non possono venderle se non i mercanti del regno in Dan- 7ica, domandando insieme che fosse loro concesso aprire un fondaco pubblico in Torogno, ch' e il piii celebre porto della Prussia dopo quello di Danzica, e di la poi portar le loro mercanzie eglino stessi a tutte le fiere che si fanno per la Po- lonia, dove ncn possono portare ordinariamente se non mercanti del paese, che per il pill sono o Tedeschi o Pruteni o Italiani. Domanda^^a dunque con quest' occasione quella pretesa reina che nel decreto di tal concessione si esprimesse, che a questi suoi mercanti non potesse mai esser fatta molestia per conto di reli- gione, ma che potessero esercitarla liberamente a modo loro ovunque andassero per il regno. Piaceva questo partito universalmente a tutta la nobiita Polacca: solo i Danzicani ostavanogagliardamente, mostrando che da questo indulto saria seguito 1' ultimo danno al porto loro, tanto celebre e tanto famoso per tutto il mondo, e che la speranza del minor prezzo era fallace massimamente perche i mercanti forastieri quando fossero stati in possesso di poter vendere ad arbitrio loro e poter servar la mercanzia loro lungo tempo nelle mani, 1' avrebbon ven- duta molto piu cara di quello che la vendono oggi i mercanti del paese. Tutta- via il contraccambio che offeriva la regina a mercanti di Polonia, di poter fare lo stesso loro in Inghilrerra, pareva che gia havesse persuaso il re a concedere tutto quello che domandavano. II che non prima venne agli orecchj del Bolognetto, che ando a trovare S. M*\ e con efficacissime ragioni le mostro quanto esorbi- tante cosa sarebbe stata che avesse concesso per publico decreto una tanto obbro- briosa setta, e come non senza nascosto inganno e speranza d' importantissime consegiienze quella scellerata donna voleva che si dichiarasse cosi per decreto potersi esercitar la setta Anglicana in quel regno, dove tutto il mondo pur troppo sa che si permetta il credere in materia di religione quel che place a cbi si sia: con questd ed altre efficacissime ragioni il re Stefano rimase talmente persuaso che promesse non voler mai far menzione alcuna di religione in qualunque ac- cordo avesse fatto con quella regina o suoi mercanti." We see that this report also contains matter of a purely political kind. At the end the author enters upon it more specially. He represents Poland as divided by manifold factions — differences at once between the several provinces, and between the clergy and laity in each; be- tween the senators and provincial deputies; between the old high aristocracy and that of inferior rank. According to Bolognetto, the high-chancellor Zamoisky possessed enormous power; all appointments depended on him, especially since there were a vice- chancellor and a king's secretary entirely in his interest: (" da che e stato fatto 344 DISCORSO DI MINIJCCIO MINUCCI. 1588. il Baranosky vicecancelliere et il Tolisky sogretario del re, persone poco fa in- cognite.") The appointments made by Stephen Bathory had by no means met with gene- ral approbation. Attention was already directed to his successor Sigismund, " amatissimo di tutli i Polacchi." 62. Discorso del molto iUustre e rev^" mons'^ Minuccio Minucci sopra il modo di restituire la relia;ione cattolica in Alemagna, 1588. A very important document, of which I have made ample use, particularly in vol. i, p. 381. Minucci served Gregory long in Germany, and is frequently mentioned in Maffei; he here endeavors to explain the situation of things, in order, as he says, that Rome might learn to refuse dangerous remedies to tiie patient. He complains at setting out, that so little trouble was taken on the catholic side to gain over the protestant princes: hereupon — for his mission fell in the times of the hot and as yet undecided struggle — he investigates the attacks of the protestants upon Catholicism: "ho pensato di raccontare le pratiche che muovono gli eretici ogni di per far seccare o svellere tutta la radice del cattoli- cismo;" and finally the mode in which they were to be encountered. He proves himself unusually versed in German affairs; yet he cannot repress a certain astonishment, whenever he compares the state of Germany, such as it was, with the peacefulness and order of Italy or Spain. I have mentioned the troubles caused by Casimir of the Palatinate. It is curious to see with what astonishment they inspired a foreigner. " II Casimiro dopo aver sprezzata 1' autorita dell' imperatore in mille cose, ma principalmente in abbruciare le munitioni presso Spira,che si conducevano in Fian- dra con salvocondotto imperiale, dopo aver ofTeso il re di Spagna non solo con quell atto, ma anco con tanti ajuti dati a ribelli suoi di Fiandra e con 1' haver concesso spatio alii medesimi ribelli Fiamenghi peredificare unacitta (Franchendal) nelli stati suoi, con 1' haver portati tante ruine in Francia, tante desolationi in Lorena hor in propria persona, bora mandando genti sue, con 1' haver fatlo affronto nota- bile air arciduca Ferdinando impedendo il card' suo figliuolo con minaccie e con viva forza nel camino di Colonia, con 1' istesso dichiarato nemico alia casa di Baviera, e passato in propria persona contra 1' elettore di Colonia, pur se ne sta sicuro in un stato aperto nel mezzo di quelli c'hanno ricevute da lui tante ingiurie, ne ha fortezze o militia che li dia confidenza ne amici o parenti che siano per soccorrerlo e difenderlo, ma gode frutto della troppa pazienza de'cattolici, cheli potriano d' improviso et a mano salva portare altre tante ruine quante egli ha tante volte causate nelli stati d' allri, purche si risolvessero ethavessero cuor di farlo." 345 SECTION V. SECOND EPOCH OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL RESTORATION. 63. CONCLAVES. I do not fear being called to account for omitting to register here every fugitive pamphlet and every insignificant essay which I have met with in the course of my multifarious researches; on the contrary, I have done so perhaps too often. Many a reader who may have given me his attention up to this point, will per- haps be wearied and disgusted by a formless mass of materials in which differ- ent languages are mixed up; nevertheless it would not be advisable to translate the original reports; it would greatly impair their usefulness and authenticity. Hence I do not venture to swell this appendix from my collectanea as I could. Of the conclaves, for instance, I will only give a summary notice, although there are a great number of MSS. extant relating to them. After each papal election, particularly from the latter half of the sixteenth cen- tury to the beginning of the eighteenth, a report of it appeared; a written one only, but so written as to ensure its general diffusion, and often to call forth coun- ter statements. Occasionally they were composed by certain of the cardinals; generally however by their secretaries, who under the title of comlavisti were present at the conclaves, and acting in the interest of their masters made it their peculiar business to watch the course of the various intrigues; an occupation, which on account of the decorum exacted by their dignity, would not have been so easy for the latter. Sometimes others have also held the pen. " Con quella maggior diligenza che ho potuto," says the author of the Conclave of Gregory XIll., " ho raccolto cosi dalli signori conclavisti come da cardinal! che sono stati partecipi del negotio, tutto 1' ordine e la verita di questo conclave." We see he was not present himself. Sometimes the accounts are in the form of diaries, to which we have had access, sometimes of letters, sometimes also of elaborate narra- tives. Each is a separate and independent work; tlie universally recognised forms are here and there repeated. Their value is exceedingly various, as may be sup- posed. Sometimes everything is broken up into scattered details; sometimes, though seldom, the author rises to an actual perception of the mainsprings of the drama he describes; — nevertheless, upon the whole, we may meet with instruc- tion, if we only take courage and do not allow ourselves to grow weary. The Marsand catalogue of the Paris library is one proof amongst others of the vast number of works of this nature. They have likewise found their way into Germany. The 33d, 35th, and several other volumes of the Berlin Infor- mationi, contain copies in the greatest abundance. Job. Gottfr. Geissler, in his Programm de Bibliotheca Milichiana, iv, Gorlitz, 1767, mentions those accounts of conclaves which we find in the 32d, 33d, and 34th codices of the collection of that place. The most complete list I am acquainted with, is in Novaes' In- troduzione alle vite de' sorami pontefici, 1822, i, p. 272. lie had access to the 30* 346 VITA E SUCCESSI library of the Jesuits, in which is stored up a tolerably complete collection of these productions. From the nature of the case, they very soon, at least in part, fell into the hands of the public in another way. They were first incorporated in the his- tories of the papacy. Although not the whole extent, yet the beginning and the end of the account of the conclave of Pius V appears in the history of Pan- vinius. Those of the conclaves of Gregory XIII and Sixtus V have been trans- lated for the most part by Cicarella; the last, with all the annotations which appear in the Italian. The passage quoted by Schriickh N. Kirchengeschichte, iii, 288, as from Cicarella, is word for worf^ from the Conclave. Thuanus has also inserted these two reports; taken, however, as soon appears upon a more accurate comparison, from Cicarella, not from the originals (lib. 83, p. 27). In the Tesoro politico also, this account of the latter conclave is inserted, but very imperfectly, and in hastily-made extracts. The same has been the case with the other reports. Gradually, however, though not till the seventeenth century, there arose some thoughts of collecting these accounts. The first printed one bears the title, " Conclavi de' pontefici Romani quali si sono potuto trovare fin a questo giorno," 1667. It begins with Clement V, after which there is a chasm to the times of Urban VI, and another to those of Nicholas V; it then continues regularly down to Alexander VII. The object of the publication, at least ostensibly, was to show how little human reason could do against the guidance of heaven; " Si toccacon mano che le negotiationi piu secrete, dissimulate efaccorte per opra arcana del cielo svaniti sortiscono fini tanto difforuii." This however was not the view taken by the rest of the world, who eagerly seized upon the curious and at times offensive matter contained in the work. A French edition appeared at Lyons; and as this was soon out of print, an impression, revised after the original, appeared in Holland, dated Cologne 1694, not as Novaes asserts, 1594. It has often been reprinted, enriched with further additions. In this manner the accounts of the conclaves have suffered many alterations. If we compare the French collection with the originals, it is on the whole the same, though in particular passages we find considerable variations. As far as lean discover, these more often arise from misconception than from intentional perversion. But there are also other collections which have not been printed. I possess one myself, which at once supplies the deficiencies left by the printed narratives, and possesses an authenticity at least as undoubted as the others. For any de- tailed use of them, an examination of the originals is certainly always to be desired. 64. Ftta e successi del cardi di Santaseverina. An autobiography of this distinguished cardinal, of whom mention has so often necessnrily been made. It is somewhat prolix, and trifling; the judgments passed upon people and the remarks on events are entirely colored by the personal disposition of the man; still the work contains very peculiar and characteristic anecdotes. There only remains to give here verbatim a few of these, to which I occa- sionally refer in my text. I. Protestants in Naples. " Crescendo tuttavia la setta de' Lutherani nel regno di Napoli, mi armai contro di quella spina del zelo della religione cattolica: e con ogni mio potere e con 1' autoritadel officio, con le prediche publiche, scritte da me in un libro detto Quadragesitnale, e con le dispute publiche e private in ogni occasione e con 1' oratione cercai d' abbattere et esterminare peste si crudele da i nostri paesi: onde DEL CAR'- Dl SANTASEVERINA. 347 patii acerbissima persecutione dagi' cretici, che per tutte le strade cercavano d' offendermi e d' ammazzarmi, come ne hofatto iin libretto, disintamenteintitolato: Persecutione eccitatacoiitro di me Giiilio Antonio Santorio servo di Gesii Cbristo per la verita dclla cattolica fede. Era nel nostro giardino in un cantone una cappeiletta con 1' immagine di Maria s"" con il bambino in braccio, et ivi avanti era nata una pianta d' olive, che assai presto con maraviglia d' ogn' uno crebbe in arbore grande, essendo in luogo cliiuso et ombreggiato da alberi: mi ritiravo ivi a far oratione con disciplinarmi ogni ' olta che dovevo predicare e dispntare contro Lutherani, e mi sontivo mirabilmente infiammare ed avvalorare senze tenia di male alcuno e di pericolo, ancorche di sicuro mi fosse minacciato da quelli inimici della croce, e sentivo in me tanta gioja et allegrezza che bramavo d' essere ucciso per la fede cattolica Intanto vedendo crescere contro di me maggiormente la rabbia di quelli eretici quali io avevo processati, fui coslretto nel 1563 al fine di Agosto o principio di Settembre passarmene in Napoli alii servitii d' Alfonso Caraffa caril'^ del titolo di S. Giovanni e Paolo arcivescovo di Napoli, ove servii per luogotenente sotto Luigi Campagna di Rossano vescovo di Montepeloso, che esercitava il vicariato in Napoli: e poiche egli parti per evitare il tumulto popolare concitato contro di noi per 1' abrugiamento di Gio. Bernardo Gargano e di Gio. Francesco d' Aloys detto il Caserta, seguito alia quattro di Marzo di sabbato circa le 20 hore, rimasi solo nel governo di detta chiesa: ove doppo molti pericoli scorsi e doppo molte minacce, sassi et archibu- giate tirate, mi si ordisce una congiura molto crudele et arrabbiata da Hortensio da Batticchio con fra FionoC?) di Terra d'Otranto, heretico sacramentario e re- lapso che io insieme col card' di Napoli e mons"" Campagna 1' haveva va (ssi?) richiesto, di distillare un veleno di tanta forza che poteva infettare 1' aria per estinguere papa Pio IV, come nemico de' Carafeschi: e non dubitava 1' heretico di far intendere tutto cio al pontefice per mezzo del signor Pompeo Colonna." II. Gregory XIII and Sixtus V. "Appena egli credeva di morire non ostante la longa eta, essendo sempre visuto con molta moderatione e caminato por tutti i gradi della corte. Dopoche lascio la lettura di Bologna, venne in Roma, fu fatto collaterale di Campidoglio, esercito 1' ufRcio di luogotenente di mons" auditore della camera, fu fatto refer- endario, e la prima volta che propose in segnatura, venne meno: onde tutto pieno di vergogna e di confusione voleva abbandonare la corte, ma fu ritenuto dal card' Crescentio a non partire. Da Giulio III nell' auditorato di rota li fu anteposto Palleotto: onde di nuovo confuse di doppio scorno determino partirsi di Roma, ma dall' istesso card' Crescentio fu rincorato e trattenuto. Fu da Paolo IV fatto vescovo di Vieste, fu fatto consultore del sant' officio, fu al consilio di Trento e da Pio IV fu fatto card'" e mandato in Spagna per la causa Toletana: e dopo la morte della santa memoria di Pio V con ammirabilconsenso fu assunto al ponti- ficato. 11 quale visse con molta carita, liberalita e modestia, e saria stato am- mirabile e senza pari, se in lui fossero concorsi valore e grandezza d' animo senza 1' affetto del figlio, che oscuro in gran parte tutte le attioni dignissime di carita che egli uso verso li stranieri e verso tutte le nationi che varamente padre di tutti. Dalli signori cardinal! nepoti S. Sisto e Guastavillano fu fatto subito intendere la sua morte al sacro coUegio, e doppo celebrate 1' esequie e tutte quelle funtioni che porta seco la sede vacante, s' entro in conclave: ove fu eletto papa il sig'' card'" Montalto, gia nostro collega e nella causa Toletana e nell' assuntione al cardinalato, per opera speciale del sig"" card' Alessandrino e sig'' card' Rusticucci, che tirarono in favore di lui il sig'' card' d' Este e sig'' card' de Medici, con non poco disgusto del sig'' card' Farnese, essendoli mancato di porola il sig'' card' San Sisto, sul quale egli haveva fatto molto fondamento per ostare alii suoi emoli e nemici, essendosi adoprato contro di lui valorosamente il sig'' card' Riario, ma con pentimento poi grande, non havendo trovato quella grati- tudine che egli si haveva presupposta; sicome anco intervenne al sig'' card'" Alessandrino, che tutto festante si credeva di maneggiare il pontificate a modo 348 VITA E SUCCESSI DEL CARD'' DI SANTASEVERINA. suo: escendendo in San Pietro lo pregai che dovesse far officio con S. B"^ in favore di mons'' Carlo Broglia, rettore del colleglo Greco, per un beneficio che egli damandava: mi rispose tutto gralioso: ' Non diamo fastidio a questo povero vecchio, perche noi saremo infallibilmente li padroni:' al quale sorridendo io all' hora risposi segretamente all' orrechie: ' Faccia dio che subito che sara passata questa sera, ella non se ne penta:' come appunto in etfetto fu, poiche non stette mai di cuore allegro in tutto quel pontificato, sentendo sempre rammarichi, an- gustie, travagli, affanni, pene et angoscii. E' ben vero che esso medesimo se 1' andava nelle maggior parte procurando o per trascuraggine, inavertenza o oltro 0 pure per la troppa superbia con esprobare sempre esso assiduamente li bene- ficii, servitii et bonorevolezze che haveva fatti a S. B°f. Nelli primi ragiona- menti che to potei havere con S. S*^ fu il rallegrarmidell' assuntione sua al pon- tificato, con dirli che era stata volonta di dio, poiche in quel tempo e punto che fu assunto erano finite le 40 bore: quivi ella si dolse della malignita de tempi con molta humilta e pianse: 1' essorlai che cominciasse il pontificato con un giubileo generale, che tenesse parimente cura del sant' officio e delle cose sue, sapendo bene che da quello haveva havuto origine la sua grandezza." III. Jlffairs of Ferrara. " Venuto il duca di Ferrara in Roma per 1' investitura, della quale pretendeva che li fosse data buona intentione, vi furono di molti garbugli: et avendomi io opposto gagliardamente nelli publici e privati ragionamenti et in concistoro, mi persi affatto la gratia del papa con procurarmi il sdegno del card' Sfondrato, quale andava i)arlando per Roma che io sentivo malamente dell' autorita. del papa: come anco haveva imputato il cardinale di Camerino, che si mostiava molto ardente in servitio della sede apostolica. Sentendomi pungere in cosa tanto lontana dalla mente mia, io che ero andato incontrando tutti li pericoli per la difensione dell' autorita del papae della sede apostolica, non potei fare di non alterarmene gravemente: e come si convenia: feci una apologia pro Cardiuale Sancta Severina contra cardinalem Sfondratum, ove si tratta qual sia la carica e qual sia 1' officio di cardinale: benche il papa, che si era mostrato in concistoro molto turbato e coUerico in camera, poi nel palazzo di S. Marco mi domando perdono con lagrime e con humilta e con haverini anco ringratiato, pentendosi del decreto che egli haveva fatto in pregiudicio della bolla di Pio V de non ali- enandis feudis. Partendosi il duca da Roma senza haver fatto effetto alcuno, da quel tempo in poi mi si mostro sempre nemico, dicendo che io ero stato cagione precipua che egli non havesse attenuto 1' investitura di Ferrara pro persona nominanda, e che io come antico suo amico doveva parlare piii mitamente, senza intraprendere 1' impressa con tanta ardenza, come che io fossi piu obligato agli huomini che a dio et alia santa chiesa." IV. Conclaves after the death d Pro^ ritornafo Jmbasciatore sotto il pontificato di Clemente VIII. (1600.) Also one of the reports which have been published; very circumstantial, (my copy consisting of ninety-four quarto leaves) and very instructive. I. Delfino begins with describing " the pope" ("il nascimento, la natura e la vita del papa,") " and his nephews." " Delli due cardinali (Aldobrandino e S. Giorgio) reputo quasi necessario par- lame unitamente. Questo di eta d' anni 45, di gran spirito, altiero, vivace e di buona cognizione nelli affari del mondo; ma temo assai che sia di mala natura, overo che gli accidentidel mondo occorsi, che 1' hanno levato dalle gran speranze in che si e posto nel principio del pontificato, lo fanno esser tale, cioe demostrarsi con tutti non solo severo ma quasi disperato. Questo era grandemente amato e grandemente stimato dal papa avanti che fosse salito al pontificato, e doppo per gran pezzo ebbe la cura principale de' negotj, e si credeva da ogn' uno che egli avesse da esser il primo nipote, perche 1' altro era piii giovane, assai di poca prosperita e di pochissima cognizione; ma o sia stato la sua poca prudenza nel non essersi saputo govenarecome averebbe bisognato, sendosi rotto con 1' am- basciatore di Spagna quando gitto la beretta, con 1' ambasciator di Toscana quando li disse che il papa doveria cacciarlo di corte, oltre i disgusti che ha dato a tutti in mille occasioni, o pur la gran prudenza e destrezza dell' altro, o la forza natural del sangue, questo ha perduto ogni giorno tanto di autorita e di credito che non ha chi lo seguiti e non ottiene cosa dlcuna che dimandi. Ha pero il carico di tutti li negotj d' Italia e Germania, se bene li ministri publici tratlino li madesimi con Aldobrandino, e nelle cose brusche tutti ricorrono a lui. lo con esso sig"' card'^ di S. Giorgio nel principio ho passato qualche borasca, anzi nella prima audienza fui astretto a dolermi apertamente per dignila della republica, e doi o tre volte mi sono lasciato intendere liberamente, in raodo tale RELATIONE DI ROMA. 1600. 353 che so che e stato frutto appresso di lui, et il papa 1' ha avuto a carro, e partico- larmente nell' ultima occasione di Ferrara: ma doppo sempre e passato tra noi ogni sorte di dimostratione d' amore, et io 1' ho onoralo sempre come si conveniva. Credo veramente che sia mal affetto alia Serenita Vostra per natura e per acci- dente: la sua natura 1' ho descritta, ma diro solo delli accidenti. Prima sappia che da un pezzo in qua s' e buttato aifatto in braccio de' Spagnuoli, e si e dimo- strato poco amico di quelli che sono uniti con Francesi: ha cresciuto ancoraquel mal animo suo il vedere che il cardinal Aldobrandino hahbi in tutte le occasioni protetto li affari dell' EE. VV., quasi che non sia possibile che concorrino am- bidue in alcuna operatione, per giusta e raggionevole che sia. Ua che si puo conoscere la raiseria de' poveri ambasciatori et rappresentanti publici." II. The second chapter (at least formally divided as such in our copies) re- gards " the form of government, the finances, and the military forces." Delfino expresses a very reasonable astonishment at some details of the financial ad- ministration. " Mentre 1' entrate della chiesa sono impegnate all' ingrosso or- dinariamente e straordinariamente; e quello ch' e peggio, si comprano castelli e giurisdittioni de' suddiii a H o 2 per cento" (I understand, at a loss of so much per cent) " e si pagano censi a 9 o 10 per cento, parendo strano agli uomini savj che in tante strettezze si fanno queste compre, e piu e che se si vogliono far certe spese, non si facciano per via delli danari del castello, per non ci andar debi- tando e consumando del tutto." We see that even in those times there were people who objected to the accumulation of borrowed money. Moreover much dissatisfaction had been exhibited in Ferrara after the first short period of con- tent. " Nobili e popolo si darebbero volentieri a qual principe si voglia, per uscir dalle manidove si trovano." III. " Intelligenze." This chapter shows on what dubious terms the pope stood with the emperor and Philip II: he awaited the death of the king with a sort of anxiety; how ill with Florence, for it was well remembered that the house of Aldobrandini belonged to the emigrant families (" le cose pessano peg- gio che con ogn' altro ricordandosi d' esser andato il papa e la sua casa ramingo per il mondo"); how much better, on the contrary, with France and Poland, particularly with the latter, with which he had common interests and designs (" concorrendo e dall' una e dall' altra parte interessi nel presente e disegni nei tempo a venire"). In no one did Clement take a greater interest than in the prince of Transylvania. " Col prencipe di Transilvania ha trattato il papa con tanto amore e con tener un nuntio apostolico appresso di lui e con averli date in mio tempo 60m. scudi in tre volte e con infiniti oflicii fatti fare con 1' imperatore per servitio che quasi poteva dirsi interessato et obligate alia continua sua protet- tione; e credo che 'I povero prencipe la meritava, perche s' e risoluto alia guerra con fondamento principale del consiglio et delle promesse di S. S^; quanto nel principio gia tre anui e gia due ancora esaltava la virtii e valor di questo prencipe fino al cielo, avendo detto a me piu volte ch' egli solo faceva la guerra al Turco, tanto piu ultimamente con la cessione che gli fece de' suoi stati restava molto chiarito, et il predicava un gran da poco; onde si vede che se bene aveva pro- messo all' imperatore di farlo cardinale et a lui ancora, non averebbe pero osser- vato cosa alcuna, e percio credo che essendo tomato al governo de' suoi stati abbia sentito S. S'^ gran consolatione." IV. " Cardinali." Our author goes through them all in regular succession, and judges each more or less favorably. V. " De' suggetti, che cascano in maggior consideratione per lo pontificate." VI. "Interessi con Venetia." A thousand disputes were already carrying on. " Quando non si proveda alle pretensioni et ai disordini, un giorno si en- trera in qualche travaglio di gran memento, massime di questi novi acquisti" (concerning the navigation of the Po), "che sempre vi penso per cognitione che ho della natura de' preti e della chiesa mi fa temere." This came to pass but too soon. VOL. II. — 31 354 VENIER, REL. DI ROMA. 1601. 71. Venter: Relatione di Moma. 1601. The disputes between the pope and Venice were already become pretty vio- lent. The Venetians refused to send their patriarch to Rome for examination. Bitter quarrels had begun about the Goro mouth of the Po; they were the mo- tive for Venier's mission to Rome. He remained there but a short time: his sketch of Clement Vlll is neverthe- less most useful. " Delia natura et pensieri del pontefice, per quello che a me tocca di conside- rare nella presente congiuntura per li negotii che giornalmente tratta V Serenita con S. Beatitudine, diro che il papa in questa eta sua di 65 anni e piu sano e piii gagliardodi quello chesia stato neglianni adietro, non havendoindispositione al- cuna fuoriche quella della chiragra o gotta, che pero li serve, come vogliono li me- dici, a tenerlo preservato da altre indispositioni, e questa molto piu di rado e raolto meno che per 1' inanzi le da molestia al presente, per la bona regola particolar- niente del viver, nel quale da certo tempo in qua precede con grandissima riserva e con notabile astinenza nel bere: che le giova anco grandemente a non dar fo- niento alia grassezza, alia quale e molto inclinata la sua complessione, usando anco per questo di frequentare 1' essercitio di camminar longamente sempre che senza sconcio de negotii conosce di poterlo fare, ai quali nondimeno per la sua gran capacitasupplisce, intanto che le resta comoda parte di tempo che dispensa adnif-ttendo persone private et altri che secondo il solito ricorrono a S. S'\ A negotii gravi si applica con ogni suo spirito, et persiste in essi senza mostrarne niai alcuna fiachezza, et quando li succede di vederli conclusi, gode et fruisce niirabilmente il contento che ne riceve. Ne di cosa maggiormente si compiace che di esser stimato, et che sia rispettata la sua reputatione, della quale e gelo- sissimo. Et quanto per la complessione sua molto sanguigna e colerica e facile ad accendersi, prorompendo con grandissima vehenientia in esagerationi piene di escandescenza et acerbita, tanto anco mentre vede che altri tace con la lingua seben s' attrista nel sembiante, si ravede per se stesso et procura con gran benignita di raddolcire ogni amaritudine: la qual cosa e cosi nota hormai a tutti li cardinali che ne danno cortese avvertimento agli amici loro, sicome lo diede anco a me nel primo congresso 1' illustrissimo sig'' card'* di Verona per mia da lui stimata molto utile conformatione. Ha S. S'^ volti li pensieri suoi alia gloria, ne si puo imaginare quanto acquisto facciano li principi della gratia sua, mentre secondano la sua inclinatione. Onde Spagnoli in particolare, che sempre mirano a conservarsi et ad aumentar la gran parte che hanno nella corte di Roma, non transcurano punto 1' occasione; et pero con tanto maggior pron- tezza hanno applicato 1' animo a far qualche impresa contra Turchi, come hora si vede, et con andar sofferendo non mediocri durezze, che provano ancor loro nelli negotii important!, particolarmente per causa di giurisditione, che vivono alia corte di Roma, si vanno sempre piu avanzando nel riportare in molte cosa non piccole soddisfattioni. E' tenuto generalmente il pontefice persona di gran virtu, bonta et religione: di che egli si compiace far che del continue se ne veggano segni et importanti effetti. E se ben li cardinali si vedono nel presente pontefice scemata molto quella autorita che ne' tempi passati sono stati soliti d'havere, restando quasiche del tutto esclusi dalla partecipatione de negotii piii importanti, poiche ben spesso fino al' ultima conclusione di essi non hanno delle trattationi la gia solita notitia, mostrano nondimeno di stimare il pontefice, lo- dano la S** S. con termini di somma riverenza, celebrando la prudenza et 1' altre virtii sue con grand' esageratione afRrmando che se fosse occasione hora di ele- gere pontefice, non elegerebbono altro che questo medesimo, seben son molto reconditi et profondi i loro pensieri, et le parole et le apparenze sono volte ai proprj disegni forse a Roma piu che altrove." The envoy succeeded in once more appeasing the quarrels between the two states, although the pope already talked of resorting to excommunication. On DIALOGO DI MALASPINA. 355 the whole, however, Venier found him well disposed. "Venice consented to send her patriarch to Rome. 72. Instruttione aW ill"'-'' et ecc^" marchese di VigUenna amhasciatore catlolico in Roma 1G03. {Informatt. politt. No. 20.) Viglienna was Sessa's successor. Our author, reasonably enougli, leaves it to the departinor ambassador, to give an account of the pope and bis nearest dependants. He himself acquaints us with the history of the cardinals. His object is to show to wliich faction each belonged. We see, from his account, that the situation of things had changed very much since the year 1599. Only ten cardinals are mentioned as decided partisans of Spain. Of those inclined to France there was but little talk at an earlier period, whereas Viglienna reckons nine; the remainder belonged to no party. This author is also penetrated with the importance of the curia. " Qui le differenze, le pretension!, le paci, le guerre si maneggiano Le conditioni invitano i pid vivaci e cupidi di grandezza, di maniera che non e meraviglia che qui fioriscano i pivi acuti ingegni." 73. Dialogo di mons^ Malaspina sopra lo stato spirituale e politico dcW imperio e delle provincie infette d^ heresie. {Vallic. No. 17, 142 leaves.') A dialogue between Monsignore Malaspina, the archbishop of Prague, and the bishops of Lyons and Cordova — churchmen belonging to the four principal nations: probably of the year 1600. The taking of Ferrara is noticed in it. The peculiar object is to compare what had been done by the earlier popes, and what by Clement VUI, towards the progress of Catholicism. By the earlier popes: "1. La reduttione delle Indie; 2. la celebratione del concilio; 3. la lega santa e la vittoria navale; 4. 1' erettione de' collegii; 5. 1' offerta dagli herefici del primato di Pietro al patriarcha Constantinopolitano ..... (■?]); 6. la constantia del re cattolico in non concedere agli heretici nei paesi bassi cose in pregiudicio della religione." By pope Clement Vni: "1. II govern o pastorale et universale; 2. il governo particolare dei dominii del slato ecclesiastico; 3. la vitadi S. Beatitudine; 4. il Turca bora per opera di S. Beatitudine fatto apparire di potersi vincere; 5. Fer- rara occupata; 6. 1' essersi fatto cattolico il christianissimo re di Francia." Malaspina concludes that this latter fact was of more importance than any- thing etlected by the other popes. And not without reason. The work is dedi- cated to the pope's nephews. I have only succeeded in finding one remarkable passage in this long manu- script. The author was present at the electoral diet of Ratisbon in 1575, and conversed with the elector Augustus of Saxony. This prince was still far from awaken- ing any hope of his conversion amongst the catholics; on the contrary, he declared, that he set no store by the pope, either as pope, or as sovereign of Rome, or as master of great wealth; that the papal treasury was rather a cistern, than a living spring: the only thing which gave him any concern, was the fact, that a monk, like Pius V, should have united so many powerful sovereigns in a war against the Turks; he might succeed in a similar undertaking against the protestants. And in fact, Gregory XIII did conceive such a plan. Seeing that France, from fear of the Huguenots, abandoned all participation in the Turkish war, he conceived the necessity of the catholic sovereigns entering into an alli- ance against Turks and protestants at once. Negotiations for this purpose were instantly set on foot with the emperor and the archduke Charles in Styria. t 356 INSTRUTTIONE A M. BARBERINO. 1603. 74. Relatione delle chiese di Sassonia. Felicihus auspiciis illm comitis Frid. Borromei, 1603. {Bihl. Ambros. H. 179.) Another of the numerous plans on the part of the catholics, to regain pos- sesion of Germany. The writer professes the conviction, that people were gradually becoming weary of protestantism in Germany. Fathers already set little importance on bringing up their children in their own creed. "Li lasciano in abandono, perche dio gl' inspiri, come essi dicono, a quel che sia per salute dell' anime loro." In this conviction he forms designs upon the two principal protestant powers, Saxony and the Palatinate. In Saxony the administrator had already destroyed Calvinism. He must be won over by the hope of regaining the electorate (" mettergli inanzi speranza di poter per la via della conversione farsi assoluto patrone dell' elettorato"). The nobles of the country would also be well pleased by the prospect of again get- ting possession of the bishoprics. He thus expresses himself concerning the Palatinate. " II Casimiro aveva una sorella vedova, che fu moglie d' un landgravio d' Hassia, la quale suol vivere in Braubach, terra sopra il Rheno, e si dimostra piena di molte virtu morali e di qualche lume del cielo: suol esercitare 1' opere di charita per molto zelo, facendo molte elemosine e consolando gl' infermi di quel contorni con provederli di medicine: conversa volentieri con alcuni padri del Giesu e con 1' arcivescovo di Treveri E' opinione di molti che mediante una piu dili- genza o di qualche padre del Giesii amato da lei o di qualche principe cattolico 0 vescovo saria facil cosa di ridurla totalmente alia vera fede: di che se dio benedetto desse la gratia e che la cosa passasse con conveniente segretezza, sarebbe ella ottimo instrumento per convertire poi il nipote con la sorella di lui et un altra figlia che resta del Casimiro." The writer here points to Anna Elizabeth of the Palatinate, wife of Philip II of Hesse Rheinfels, who died as early as the year 1583. She had at an earlier period been suspected of Calvinistic opinions, and had even been wounded in a tumult in consequence. We find that afterwards, when living at Braubach, her widow's estate which she embellished, she became suspected of the contrary leaning to Catholicism. The combination of circumstances on which our author builds, is this. He thinks that were the young count Palatine to be married to a Bavarian princess, the whole land would become catholic. And how great would be the advantage of gaining over an electorate! 75. Instruttione a V S^''^ 31ons^ Barberino arcivescovo di Nazaret destinato nuntio ordi- nario di N. Sig'^^ al re christianissimo in Francia. 1603. (^MS. Rom.) Drawn up by cardinal P. Aldobrandino, who frequently alludes to his earlier embassy to the French court; and founds upon it his hopes of furthering the cause of Catholicism, already in the ascendant in France, through the conver- sion of Henry IV. It is worth remarking some of the commissions given to the nuncio, (who was afterwards Urban VIII.) " Ella fara si con il re ch' egli mostri non solamente di desiderare che gll eretici si convertino, ma che dopo che si sono convertiti, gli ajuti e favorisca II pensare a bilanciare le cose in maniera che si tenghi amiche ambidue le parti e una propositione vana, falsa et erronea, e non potra esser suggerita a S. M** che da politic! e mal intentionati e da chi non ama la suprema autorita del re nel regno N. Sig'''^ non vuol lasciar di porli" (to the king) "in considera- tione una strada facile" (to get rid of the protestants) " e senza che possa par- FERRERO REL. BELLA GERMANIA. 1605. 357 torir tumulto e che si eseguisca facilmente e fa il suo effetto senza coltivatione, et e qiiella che altre volte ha S. S''' ricordato alia M** S. et addotto 1' esempio di Polonia cioe di non dar gradi ad eretici: ricorda a 8. M'-'di dar qualche sbarbatezza alle volte a costoro" (to the Huguenots), " perche e turba ribelle et insolente V. S"" dovra dire liberamente al re che deve fuggire gli econo- mati et il dar vescovati e badie a soldati et a donne." In these cconomati lay the origin of the regale, wliich at a later period caused so many diputes. " II re noinina 1' un economo, il quale in virtu d' arresto, inanzi sia fatta la speditionc apostolica, ainministra lo spirituale e temporale, conferisce beneficii, constituisce vicarii che giudicano, assolvono, dispensano." The nuncio was also to endeavor to confirm the king in the catholic faith, since during the war he had been prevented from receiving fitting instruction; he was to press for the nomination of trustworthy bishops, and to provide the re- form of the clergy; if possible, to bring about the publication of the decrees of the council of Trent, which the king had promised the cardinal on his departure to put in execution within two months; a promise, the performance of which was still neglected after a delay of several years; the nuncio was also to counsel the destruction of Geneva (" di tor via il nido che hanno gli eretici in Ginevra, come quella che e asilodi quanti apostati fuggono d' Italia"). Italy lies nearest to the pope's heart; he declares it unendurable, that a Hu- guenot commander should be sent to Castel Dellino on the Italian side of the Alps; this example would be fatal. Clement was busily occupied with the thought of a TurVdsh war. Each of the allied monarchs was to attack the Turks at a separate point; the king of Spain was prepared, and only demanded the assurance that the king of France meanwhile would not stir up war against him from any other quarter. 76. Pauli V pontificis maximi vita compendiose scripta. (^Bihl. Barb.) A panegyric of no great value. The administration of justice, the government in general, and the building schemes of Paul V, are praised at length. "Tacitus plerumque et in se receptus, ubique locorum et temporum vel in mensa meditabatur, scribebat, plurima transigebat. " Nullus dabatur facinorosis receptui locus. Ex aulis primariis Romse, ex eedinm nobilissimarum non dicam atriis sed penetralibus nocentes ad snppliciuni armato satellitio educebantur. " Cum principatus initio rerum singularum, prascipue pecuniarum difficultate premeretur, cum jugitur annis XVI tantum auri lot largitionibus, substruclioni- bus, ex integro asdificationibus, pragsidiis exterorumque subsidiis insumpserit, rem frumentariam tanta impensa expediverit — nihil de arcis ^liae thesauro ad publicum tutamen congesto detraxerit, subjectas provincias sublevaverit; tot immensis tamen operibus non modo ffis alienum denuo non contraxit, sed vetus imminuit; non modo ad inopiam non est redactus, sed prater publicum unde- quaque locupletatum privato aerario novies centena raillia nummum aureorum congessit." Probably this panegyrist did not regard the creation of so many new luoghi di monte as a mode of raising a loan. 77. Relatione dello stafo infelice del/a Germania cum propositione delli rimedii oppor- tuni, mandata dal nuntio Ferrero vescovo di Vercelli alia S<-'^ di N. Sig^" papa Paolo V. {Bibl. Barb.) Probably one of the first circumstantial reports which came into the hands of Paul V. The nuncio mentions, as an event just occurred, the insurrection of the imperial troops against their general Basta in May 1G05. 31* 25S RELATIONE DI MOLINO. 1606. The unfortunate course of the war under these circumstances, the successes of the Turks and rebels in conflict with the emperor, were doubtless the chief reasons for his calling Germany " unhappy." For the number of conquests made by the catholic church in Germany did not escape his notice. " Di questi frutti ne sono stati prossima causa gVi alunni cosi di Roma come delle varie citta e luoghi della Germania dove la pieta di Gregorio XIII alle spese della camera apostolica gl' institui, giunti li coUegii e scuole delli padri Giesuiti, alii quali vanno misti cattolici et heretici; perche li alunni sudetti si fanno prelati o canonici." He repeatedly asserts, that the .Jesuits' schools had won over a crowd of young men to the cause of Catholicism. In Bohemia, however, he finds an extra- ordinary want of catholic priests. He also enters into the political state of Germany; with the feeble prepara- tions made by the emperor, and the internal division of the house of Austria, he looks upon the danger to be feared from the Turks as very threatening. The archdukes Matthias and Maximilian had become reconciled, in opposition to the emperor. " Hora 1' arciduca Mattia e Massimiliano si sono uniti in amore, ve- dendo che con la loro disunione facevano il gioco che 1' imperatore desidera, essendosi risoluto il secondo a cedere al primo come a quello che per ragione di primogenilura toccava il regno d' Ungaria, Boemia e stati d' Austria, et Alberto ha promesso di star a quello che se ne fara, e di comun concerto sollecitano V imperatore con lettere a prendere risolutione al stabilimento della casa: ma egli e caduto in tanta malinconia, o sia per questa lor unione, e gelosia che non siano per valersi di queste sedizioni, o per altro, che non provede alia casa ne agli stati ne a se stesso." Many other remarkable facts come to light: e. g. views entertained even at that time by the house of Brandenburg upon Silesia. " II Brandeburgh non dispersa con gli stati che ha in Slesia e le sue proprie forze in tempo di revolu- tione lirar a se quella provincia." 78. Relatione delP ill"^° S'' Franc. Mulino cav e pro'^ ritornato ad Roma con rill™^ sig^i Giovanni Mocenigo cav^, Piero Duodo caV e Francesco Contarini cav^, mandati a Roma a congratularsi con papa Paolo V della sua ussontione al po7i- tejicata, letta in senato 25 Genn, 1G05 QG06). The outbreak of the troubles was already to be foreseen. The ambassadors observed Paul V as closely as possible. "Sicome pronuntiato Leone XI penarono doi hore a vestirlo pontificalmente, cosi il presente pontefice fu quasi creduto prima vestito ch' eletto et pur da altri cardinali: che non fu cosi presto dichiarato che in momento dimostro continenza et gravita ponlificia tanta nell' aspetto, nel moto, nolle parole et nelli fatti, che reslarono tulti pieni di stupore et meraviglia et molti forse pentiti, ma tardi et senza giovamento: perche diversissimo dalli altri precessori, che in quel calore hanno tutti assenlito alle richieste cosi de' cardinali come d'altri et fatte infinite gratie, cosi il presente steite continentissimo et sul serio, tanto che si diehiari risoluto a non voler assentire et promettere pur minima cosa, dicendo ch' era conveniente aver prima sopra le richieste et gratie che le erano dimandate ogni debita et matura consideratione: onde pochissimi furono quelli che dopo qualche giorno restassero in qualche parte gratiati. Ne tuttavia si va punto allargando, anzi per la sua sempre maggior riservatezza dubitando la corte di veder anco sempre poche gratie et maggior strettezza in tutte le cose, se ne sta molto mesta. Fra li cardinali non v' e alcuno che si possi gloriar di aver avuto tanto d'intren- sichezza o famaliarita seco che di certo si possi promettere di ottener prontamente alcuna cosa da lui, e tutti procedono con tanto rispetto che si smarriscono quando sono per andarli a parlar et negotiar seco: perche oltre che lo trovano star sempre sul serio et dar le risposte con poche parole, si vedono incontrar in risolutioni RELATIONE i)I MOLINO. 1606. 359 fondate quasi sempre sopra il rigor dci termini legali: perche non admettendo consuetudini, ch' egli chiama abusi, ne eserapj de consenso de' pontifici passati, ai quali non solamente dice clie non saperia accommodar la §ua conscientia, ma che possono aver fatto male el potriano render conto a dio o che saranno stali ingannali, o che la cosa sara stata diversa da quella che a lui viene portata, li lascia per il piu malcontenli. Non ha caro che si parli seco lungo per via di contesa o di disputadone, et se ascolta pur una o doi rejjliche, quelle stimando di aver risoluto con le decisioni de' leggi o dei canoni a de' concilj che lor porta per risposta, si torce se passano inanzi, overo egli entra in allro, volendo che sappino che per le fatiche fatte da lui il spatio di trenta cinque anni continue nel studio delle leggi et praticatele con perpetui esercilii nelli oliicii di corle in Roma et fuori, possi ragionevolmente pretendere, se bene questo non dice tanto espres- samente, di aver cosi esatta cognitione di questa professione che non metti il piede a fallo nelle risolutioni che da et nelle determinationi che fa, dicendo bene che nelle cose dubbie deve I'arbitrio et interpretatione particolarmente nelle ma- terie ecclesiastiche esser di lui solo come pontefice. Et per questo li cardinali, che per I'ordinario da certo tempo in qua non contradicono, come solevano, anzi quasi non consigliano, et se sono ricercati et comandati di parlar liberamente, lo fanno conforme a quell' intentione che vedono esser nelli pontefici, se ben non la sentono, col presente se ne astengono piii di quello che habbino fatto con alcun dei suoi precessori: et averanno ogni di tanto maggior occasione di star in silen- tio, quanto che mancodelli altri ricerca il pareredi loro odi alcuno a parte, come soleva pur far papa Clemente et altri: fafra se stesso solo le risolutioni et quelle de improviso pubblica nel consistoro; in cui hora si duole dei tempi presenti, hora si querela de' principi con parole pungenti, come fece ultimamente in tempo nostro per la deditione di Strigonia, condolendosi et attribuendo la colpa all' im- peratore et ad altri principi con parole aculeate et pungenti; hora rappresentando a' cardinali li loro obblighi, li sfodra protesti senza alcun precedente ordine 0 comandamento, con che li mette in grandissima confusione, come fece signifi- candoli I'obbligo della residenza et, come ho detto, non per via di comando, come facevano li altri pontefici, li quali prefigevano loro ancor stretto tempo di andar alle lor chiese, ma con solamente dirli che non escusarebbe li absenti da esse da peccato mortale et da ricevere i frutti, fondando la sudetta conclusione sopra li canoni et sopra il concilio di Trento: col qual termine solo cosi stretto et inaspettatamente con molta flamma pronunciato mette tanta confusione nelli cardinali vescovi che conoscendo loro non potersi fermare in Roma piu lunga- mente senza scrupolo et rimorso grandlssimo della conscientia, senza dar scan- dalo et senza incorrer in particolar concetto presso il papa di poco curanti li avvertimenti della S^ Sua, di poco timorali di dio et di poco honore ancor presso il mondo, hano preso risolutione chi di andar alia residenza, et gia se ne sono partiti alquanti, chi di rinunciare, et chi di aver dispensa fin che passi la furia dell' inverno per andarvi alia primavera: ne ha admesso per difesa che salvino le legationi delle provincie e delle citta del stato ecclesiastico: solo doi poteano esser eccettuati, il card' Tarasio arcivescovo di Siena vecchissimo et sordo, che non sara percio salvato da restar astrelto alia renoncia, et il sig' card' di Verona, raedesimamente per I'eta grandissima et per aver gia molti anni mons'"suo nipote ch' esercita la coadjutoria et ottimamente supplisce per il zio." In spite of this severity the ambassadors came to a good understanding in the main with Paul V. He dismissed them in the most friendly manner, nor could he have expressed himself more favorably. They were themselves astonished, that things should so soon afterwards have taken so entirely contrary and so dan- gerous a turn. 360 INST. AL CARD^ GESSI. FILIPPO MILENSIO, RAGGUAGLIO. 79. Instruttione a mons^^ il vescovo di Rimini {& Gessi) destinato nuntio alia republica di Venetia della Santita di N. S. P. Paolo V. 1G07. 4 Giugno. {Bibl. Mb.) Written immediately after the termination of the disputes, but not as yet in a very pacific tone. The pope complained that the Venetians tried to conceal the act of absolution; in a declaration to their clergy, they intimated that the pope had annulled his de- cree of censure, because he recognised the purity of their intentions: — (" che S. Beat°= per haver conosciuta la sincerita degli animi e delle operationi lore havesse levate le censure.)" Nevertheless Paul V goes so far as to indulge the hope that the consultores — Fra Paolo even — would be delivered over to the inquisition. This passage is very remarkable. " Delle persone di Fra Paolo Servita e Gio. Marsilio e degli altri seduttori che passano sotto nome di theologi s' e discorso con V''* Sig™ in voce: la quale doveria non aver difficolta in ottener che fossero consignati al sant' officio, non che abbandonati dalla republica e privati dello stipendio che s'e loro constituito con tanto scandalo." Such suggestions could only increase the hos- tility of Fra Paolo and render him implacable. The pope was not aware what a formidable enemy he had in this man. All his " Monsignori" and " lllustris- simi" are forgotten, while the spirit of Fra Paolo still lives (at least in one sec- tion of that opposition which exists within the bosom of the catholic church) down to the present hour. The resistance which the pope had encountered in Venice made the deepest impression upon him. " Vuole N. Sig"^" che 1' autorita e giurisdittione ecclesi- astica sia difesa virilmenteda V. S"% la quale averte non dimeuo di non abbrac- ciar causa che possa venire in contesa dove non abbia ragione jaerc/ie/orse e minor male il non contendere che il perdere." 80. JRagguaglio dello dieta imperialefatta in Ratisbona V anno del 5''" 1608, nella quale in luogo dell ecc^'^o e rev^^" mons'' Jlntonio Gaetano, arcivescovo di Capua, nuntio apostulico, rimasto in Praga appresso la 31t<^ Cesarea,fu residenteil padre Filippo Milensio maestro Jlgostino vici" generate sopra le provincie aquilonarie. AW ecc^no e rev^" sig^^ e principe il sig^ card^ Francesco Barberini. Antonio Gaetano was nuncio at the imperial court at the time that the emperor Rudolf convoked a diet, in the year 1607. Gaetano was commissioned to effect the more complete introduction of the de- crees of the council of Trent, and of the Gregorian calendar — changes to which the three temporal electorates were already inclined, especially Saxony, whose ambassador was instructed to give his assent — and to take under his particular care the interests of catholic parties in the Kammergericht. The following rea- sons are assigned in the instruction for the delay in the business of that court. " Di questo tribunal essendo presidente supremo 1' intruso Magdeburgese heretico, e volendo egli esercitare il suo officio, non fu ammesso, e da quel tempo in qua non essendo state reviste le cause et essendo moltiplicati gli aggravii fatti particolarmente alii catolici, protestando, li heretici di volere avere luogo nella detta camera indifferentemente, come hanno li catolici, hanno atteso con- tinuamente ad usurpare i beni ecclesiastici." It was easy to foresee that this matter would be warmly discussed at the diet; nevertheless the nuncio could not be present. The emperor had ordered the archduke Ferdinand to attend as his representative, and would have regarded it as an affront had the nuncio quitted him. Gaetano sent in his own place the vicar of the Augustines, Fra Milentio, who had resided several years in Germany and could not but be, in some degree, acquainted with the state of affairs. Moreover the nuncio now referred him to Matth. Welser — " per esatta cognitione delle cose dell' imperio" — and to that GIO, MOCENIGO, REL. 1612. 361 very bishop of Ratisbon, a publication by whom was just then producing so much excitement amongst the protestants. He was also directed to abide by the wishes of the emperor's confessor, Father Wilier. Unfortunately Fra Milontio did not compose the account of his own share in these transactions till after the lapse of many years. Still what he says of his personal exertions is highly remarkable: I have already inserted it in the text. He ascribes the whole of the troubles then broken out in the empire to the disputed succession: " essendo fama che Ridolfo volesse adottarsi per figliuolo Leopoldo arciduca, minor fratello di Ferdinando, e che poi a Ferdiiiando stesso inchinasse." Matthias was exceedingly displeased. In Klesel, however, and prince Lichtenstein, who had so much power in Moravia, he met with faithful and influential adherents. Dietrichstein and Gaetano had, according to this account, a great share in the conclusion of the treaty between the imperial brothers. 81. Relatione di Roma dcIP illustrissimo S'' Giovan Mocenigo KaV" Jlmbr a quella corte r anno 1612. Inff. Folitt. Tom. XV. The first ambassador after the settlement of the differences was Francesco Contarini: 1607 — 1600. Mocenigo speaks highly of the advantage he had de- rived from Contarini's prudent conduct. He himself, who had already been employed in embassies for eighteen years, was at Rome from 1609 to 1611. The quiet tone of his report is the best proof that he also succeeded in maintain- ing a good understanding. In this report it is not his object to repeat generalities, nor what was com- monly known; but only to exhibit the qualities and dispositions of the pope as regards the Venetian republic: " la qualita, volonta, dispositione del papa e della republica verso questa republica. Trattero il tutto con ogni brevita, tralasciando le cose piu tosto curiose che necessarie." 1. Pope Paul V. " Maestoso, grande, di poche parole: nientedimeno corre voce che in Roma non sia alcuno che lo possa agguagliare nelli termini di creanza e buoni officii: veridico, innocente, di costumi esemplari." 2. Cardinal Borghese: "di bella presenza, cortese, benigno, porta gran rive- renza al papa: rende ciascuno sodisfatto almeno di buone parole: e stimalissimo e rispettato da ogn' uno." In the year 1611 he had already an income of 150,000 scudi. 3. Spiritual power. He remarks that former popes placed their glory in granting favors; that the pontiffs of the present age on the contrary strove to withdraw those already granted (" rigorosamente studiano d' annullare at abbas- sare le gia ottenute gratie.") Nevertheless every ruler endeavored to be on good terms with them, from the conviction that the obedience of the people de- pended on religion. 4. Temporal power. He still finds the population of the Roman states very warlike ("prontissimi alle fattioni, alii disaggi, alle balaglie, all' assalto et a qualunque attione militare;") the papal forces nevertheless were in utter decay. Formerly 650 light horse had been maintained, chiefly against the banditti; the latter liaving been dispersed, the cavalry had been sent to serve in the Hungarian war, and had not been replaced. 5. Form of government, absolute. The cardinal nepos, the datario and Lan- franco had some influence; otherwise the cardinals were only consulted when the pope wished to gain over their opinions for his own purposes; and when questioned, they answered more according to his inclination than their own views. ("Se pure dimanda consiglio, non e alcuno che ardisca proferir allra parola che d'applauso e di laude, siche tutto viene terminate dalla prudenza del papa"). This was in fact the best course to pursue, since the factions dividing the court had filled it with mere partisans. 362 REL. DELLA NUNTIA'^'*- De' SUIZZERI. 1668 — 1612. 6. Relation to Spain and France. The pope endeavored to remain neutral. "Quando da qualcheduno dipendente da Spagnoli e stato tenuto proposito intorno alia validita et invalidita del matrimonio della regina, si e stato mostrato risoluto a sostenere le ragioni della regina. Li poco buoni Francesi nel medesimo regno di Francia non hanno mancato d'offerirsi pronti a prender Tarmi, purche haves- sero avuto qualche favore del papa e del re di Spagna. " II re di Spagna e piu rispettato di qualsivoglia altro principe dalla corte Ro- mana. Cardinali e principi sono consolatissimi quando possono havere da lui danari et essere suoi dependents — II papa fu gia stipendiato da lui, e dall' auto- rita di S.M., come soggetto confidente, favorito all'assuntione del pontificato con singolare et incomparabile beneficio. — Procura di dar sodisfattione al duca di Lerma, acciu questo le serva per instrumento principalissimo di suoi pensieri presso S. M'^ cattolica." 7. His council: " temporeggiare e dissimulare alcune volte con li pontefici.— - Vincitori essercitano le vittorie a modo loro, vinti conseguiscono che condiiioni vogliono." 82. Relatione della nunziatura de' Suizzeri. Informationi Folitt. Turn. IX. ful. 1—137. Informatione mandata dal S^ O d^ .3qumo a Monsi" Felidano Silva vescovo di Fo' ligno per il paese di Suizzeri e Grisoni. Ibid. fol. 145 — 212. In Lebret's Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und Kirchen-geschichte, vol. vii, p. 445, are inserted extracts from the letters sent from the Roman court during the years 1609 and 1614 to the nuncios in Switzerland; — it cannot be said that they are very interesting; indeed they are so completely detached, without answers or illustrative matter, that they are not even intelligible. The first of these nuncios is the bishop of Venafro, the same whom Haller (Bibliothek der Schweizergeschichte, vol. v, n« 783,) mentions as having written a report on Switzerland. "The papal nuncio," he says, " Lad. Gr. of Aquino, bishop of Venafro, has given a proof of his penetration and ability in this work, which well deserves to be printed." Haller made a copy of it with his own hand in Paris, which he presented to the library at Zurich. This report is the same as our own, but our copy is more perfect than the one with which Haller was acquainted. When the bishop of Venafro left the nuntiatura, which office he had filled from 1608 to 1612, he presented his successor, the bishop of Foligno, not only with the instructions received by him from cardinal Borghese, but also with a very detailed account of the manner in which he had acted upon them ("di quanto si e eseguito sino al giorno d'hoggi nelli negotii in essa raccommanda- timi "). This is the second of the above-cited MSS. It begins with a descrip- tion of the domestic dissensions of Switzerland. " E seguitando I'istesso ordine dell' instruttione sopradetta, dico che da molti anni in qua si e fatta gran mutatione ne' cantoni cattolici e particolarmente nella buona amicitia e concordia che anticamente passava fra di loro: perche hoggidi non solo per causa delle fatlioni Spagnuole e Francesi e delle pensioni, ma ancora per altri interessi, emolumenti e gare vi e fra alcuni tanto poca amicitia che col tempo potrebbe partorire molti danni se tosto non si prende buon rimedio con procurare una dieta particolare non ad altro effetto che a rinuovare le leghe antiche, I'amicitia, fratalianza et amorevolezza, come io molte volte ho proposto con grandissimo applauso, se bene sin' bora non ho potuto vederne I'eiTetto. Altorfo e antico emulo di Lucerna, e tira seco gli altri due cantoni Schwitz et Undervaldo, e vede mal volontieri preminenza e primo luogo de' signori Lucer- nesi, et pero spesse volte contradice in attioni publiche non ad altro fine che di gara e di poca intelligenza: Lucerna tira seco Friburgo e Soloturno e ancora Zug, e fa un' altra partita. Zug e diviso fra se stesso, essendo in gravi contro- INST. A DIOTALLEVI DEST. NUN. IN POLONIA. 1614. 363 versie li cittadini con li contadini, volendo ancora essi essere conosciuti per patroni: e cosi in ogni cantone cattolico vi sono molte publiche e private dissen- sioni con pregiudicio delle deliberationi e con pericolo di danni assai maggiori se non vi si rimedia, come io procuro con ogni diligenza." In transmitting this account, the nuncio promised a still more minute report. (" Fra pochi giorni spero di mandarle copia d'una piena e piu diffusa relatione di tutti li negotii della nuntiatura.") This is the first-named MS. and the one known to Haller. In the second, the nuncio goes to work somewhat more methodically. " Cap. I. Della grandezza della nuntiatura." He first describes the extent of the nun- tiatura, which embraced a district as large as the kingdom of Naples, and more- over included people who spoke languages entirely different, among which he does not omit the romance dialect: " una favella stravagantissima composta di otto o dieci idiomi." " II. Degli ambasciatori de' principi che resiedono appresso Suizzeri e de' loro fini." " III. Delle diete e del mode, tempo e luogo dove si congregano fra Suizzeri." " IV'. Delli passi che sono nella nuntiatura de' Suizzeri." For the passes formed the main subject of contention between tlie several powers. " V. Stato Spirituale della nuntiatura de' Suizzeri." The most important and naturally the most circumstantial chapter (p. 28 — 104), in which an account is given of the abbeys, as well as of certain dioceses. " VI. Officio del nuntio per ajutare lo stato spirituale e de' modi piii fruttuosi di farlo." " VII. Che debbia fare il nuntio per dare sodisfattione in cose temporali nella nuntiatura." We see, how carefully the most important points are separated and gone through. The execution shows equal knowledge of the past and present; zeal, ability, and penetration. As is natural, the report repeats the greater part of what was contained in the first statement. But even this was not enough for our nuncio. To the report he added a " Com- pendido di quanto ha fatto mons'''' di Venafro in esecutione dell' instruttione datali nel partire di Roma;" which had been already composed on another occa- sion, and must have been almost identical with the first statement. He observes this himself, but yet he appends this little document. In the copies it has been omitted, doubtless very properly. Instead of it follows an " Appendice de' Grisoni e de' Vallesani," no less re- markable than the former one. " E questo," the writer concludes his voluminous work, " e il breve sum- mario promesso da me del stato della nuntiatura Suizzera con le parti che a quella soggiaciono. Deo gratias, Amen." With all this, he thought he had given but a short sketch of what was worth knowing: so impossible it is to represent the world in words. I have (vol. ii, p. 40 et sec.) made use of the notices in this narrative only as they bore upon my own design: the publication of what remains must be left to the industry of the Swiss. 83. Instruttione data a nions^ Diotallevi di S. Andelo destinato dalla Stf'' di N^" Sig''" papa Paolo V nuntio aire di Polonia 1614. A general admonition to promote the catholic religion, the introduction of the decrees of the council of Trent, and the appointment of good catholics to public offices, and on no occasion to permit any measure of advantage to the protestants. Nevertheless symptoms of a certain misunderstanding are manifest. The pope had refused to nominate the bishop of Reggio to a cardinalate, in accordance with the king's desire. The nuncio was to endeavor to appease the king on this head. 364 INFORMATIONE DI BOLOGNA. 1595. It is particularly impressed upon him, never to promise money. " Perche o non intendendosi o non vedendosi le strettezze pur troppo grandi della sedeapostolica, sono facilii potentati particolarmente oltramontani a cercar ajuto, e se si desse ogni picciola speranza, si offenderebbero poi grandemente dell' esclusione." We find fewer ecclesiastical documents relating to the latter years of Paul V. We will profit by the space thus left us to examine certain others, upon the ad- ministration of the state during that period. 84. Informaiione di Bologna di 1595. (Jlmbros. Bihl. Milan. F. D. 181.) The position occupied by Bologna, its political constitution, and the kind of independence which it maintained, were so remarkable and important, that, though a provincial city, papers and documents relating to it were included in the collections. In the 22d volume of the Informationi we find a crowd of letters of the year 1580, addressed to Monsignore Cesi, legate of Bologna, which relate to his ad- ministration. They are almost all recommendations, principally intercessions. The Grand Duke and Grand Duchess of Tuscany intercede for the Count Ercole Bentivoglio, whose crops had been sequestrated, and shortly after, the Grand Duchess expresses her gratitude for the attention paid to her entreaties; the Duke of Ferrara recommends an actress of the name of Vittoria; the car- dinal San Sisto certain unruly students of the university; — " we too," he says, "have been scholars;" Giacomo Buoncompagno, son of the pope, a professor, who had been deprived of his post; the cardinal of Como, who then chiefly conducted affairs, certain monks, whose privileges had been interfered with; he expresses himself by no means in the lone of a ruler. There are also petitions of another kind. A father, whose son had been murdered, entreats urgently, and in the most supplicating manner, that justice should be executed on the murderer, who was already in prison at Bologna. The governor's chief influence was over the administration of justice. In all other things the city was very independent. " I senatori," says the report, " conferiscono ogni cosa importante col supe- riore, et havendo in mano tutti li datii et entrate della citta, del datio del sale e vino in poi, che e del papa, dispensano li denari publici mediante un scrutinio, che si fa presente il superiore con le mandate sottoscritte dal detto superiore, dal gonfaloniere et assunti deputati secondo li negotii. Hanno cura delle imposi- tioni e gravezze imposte a contadini, reali e personali, come per li buoi e teste: — attendono alle tasse che pagano li contadini; alle muraglie, porte e serragli; a conservare il numero de' soldati del contado: — provedono ch' altri non usurpi il publico e si conservi la bellezze della citta: — han cura della fiera della seta: — eleggono ogni mese per la ruota civile 4 dottori forastieri, che bisogna siano almeno dottori di X anni, e questi veggono e determinano ogni causa civile." The question is, how far the representatives of the papal government retained their influence in this state of things. It was, as we have just said, principally shown in the administration of justice. " Un auditore generale concorre nelle cognitioni delle cause con la ruota et un'altro particolare delle cause che avoca a se et uno criminale chiamato auditore del torrione del luogo ove risiede, qual tiene due sottoauditori per suo servitio, e tutti quelli sono pagati dal publico." Certain statistical accounts follow. " Contado circa miglia 180: semina in- torno a corbe 120 m., raccoglie un anno per 1' altro 550 m. a 660 m. corbe. Fa da 130 m. anime (la citta 70 m., che avanti le carestie passava90m.) 16 m. fuochi, consuma corbe 200 m. di formento (la corba 160 libre,) 60 m. costolate di vino, 18 m. corbe di sale, 1700 ra. libre d' olio, ammazza 8 m. vaccine, 10 m. vitelli, VASSALLI DEI BARONI ROMANI. 365 13 m. porchi, 8 m. castrati, G m. agnelli, et abrugia 400 m. libre di candele Si fa conto che un anno per 1' altro moreno nellaciita 3 m. porsone e ne nascono 4 m., che si faccino 500 spose e GO — 70 monaclii, che siano portati a' poveri bastardini 300 piitti 1' anno. Ha 100 fra carroxze e cocchi. Vengono nella citta ogni anno da GOO m. libre de follicelli da quali si fa la seta, e se ne niette opera per uso della citta 100 tn. libre 1' anno." Imtruitione per un legato di Bologna. (^Vallic.) Of a somewhat later date. The following counsels are curious. " Invigilare sopra gli avvocaii cavillost et in particolare quelli che pigliano a proteggere a torto i villani contro li cittadini e gentilhuomini, accarezzare in apparenza tutti li magistrati, non conculcare i nobili." The evil of the bravi had risen to such a pitch, that many of the students who had not yet matricu- lated, had become members of their body. Other papers exhibit the state of the Campagna di Roma; they show how the poor peasant was harassed, what share of the profits the barons kept for them- selves, and the mode in which the land was tilled. 8G. Dichiaratione di tulto quello che pagano i vassalH de baroni Romani al pupa e aggravj che pagano ad essi baroni. "I. Pagamenti diversi che si fanno da vassalli de baroni Romani al papa. Pagano il sale, pagano un quattrino per libra di came, pagano 1' impositione per 11 mantenimento delle galere posta da Sisto quinto, pagano i sussidii triennali, pagano i cavalli morti cioe per alloggiamento di cavalleria, pagano una certa impositione che si chiama de soldati, pagano una certo impositione che si chiama 1' archivio, pagano un' alira impositione che si chiama S. Felice, pagano la fog- lietta messa da Sisto quinto, pagano una certa impositione che si chiama sale forastico. "II. Pagamenti che fanno li medesimi vassali a baroni. Pagano poi al barone, ove sono molina, tanto grano, perche e somma molto grave, pagano ris- posta di vino, pagano risposta d' olio ove ne fa, pagano di mandare i porci nei castagneti e querceti fatta la raccolta che chiamano ruspare, pagano tasse d' hos- terie, pagano tasse de pizigaroli, pagano tasse de fornari, pagano de bichierari, pagano quelli che vanno a spigolare come e secato il grano, pagano dei bestiami che vanno a pascere, pagano risposta di grano pagano risposta di biada. Mon- tano tutti questi aggravii, come si puol vedere dali' entrate dell duca Altemps, computata la portione del molino della molara che si trahe da vassalli, 2803 sc; questo si cava da vassalli del Montecapuri (?) del ducato Altemps, che sono da 180 e 190 fuochi, e cio si mette per esempio, onde si possa vedere appresso come sono aggravati i vassalli de baroni Romani dello stato ecclesiastico. Aver- tasi che qui non ci e quello che si paga alia camera." 87. JVota della entrati di molti signori e ducha Romani. Without doubt, belonging, like the former document, to the times of Clement VIII, who is simply styled the pope. The Colonna family are distinguished by the possession of vassals; other families possessed more allodial property. The income of the Contestabile Colonna is reckoned at 25,000 scudi, that of Martio Colonna of Zagarolo at 23,000. We have seen how the system of loans pursued by the state was imitated by the barons. The Sermoneto family had, in the year 1600, an income of 27,000 scudi, and debts amounting to 300,000 scudi: the Duke of Castel Gandolfo, an VOL. II. — 32 366 DISCORSO DI M'^ MALVASIA. 1606. income of 14,600 scudi, and debts to the amount of 360,000 scudi. The house of Montalto exceeded all others; they had debts to the amount of 600,000 scudi. The collective incomes of the Roman barons were estimated at 271,747 scudi, and their possessions at the value of nine millions of gold. The author found that the estates were by no means neglected. " Questi terreni di campagna, contrario all' opinione commune e a quel che io pensavo, sono tenuti con grandissima cura e diligenza: perche si arano quat- tro, sei e sette volte, si nettano d' erbe due o tre, tra le quali una d' inverno, si levano 1' erbe con la mano, si seminano, ragguagliati li quattro anni, li due a grano nei sodi luoghi: dove non si semina, vi si fidano le pecore. Le spighe si lagliano alte, onde rimane assai paglia: e quella poi si abbrugia, che fa cres- cere. E li aratri con che si arano questi terreni, generalmente non vanno molto profondo: e questo avviene perche la maggior parte di questi terreni non son molto fondati e tosto si trova il pancone. Questa campagna e lavorata tutta per punta di denaro" (by day laborers), " segata, seminata e sarchiata: in som- ma, tutti li suoi bisogni si fanno con forastieri: e genti che lavorano detta cam- pagna, sono nutrili della robba che si porta loro con le cavalle. Questa cam- pagna, computali i terreni buoni e catlivi e ragguagliato un' anno per 1' altro, si puo dir che faccia ogni uno sei, avvertendo che nei luoghi di questi signori dove sono i loro castelli molte fiate non fanno far lavorare, ma li danno a risposta a' vassalli secondo che convengono. E questo basti quanto alia campagna di Roma, S' affitlera ragguagliato il rubbio di questo terrene 50 giulj, onde a farli orassa verra il rubbio del terreno cento scudi e dieci giulj." Besides, it was reckoned that there were at that time 79,504 rubbia of land in the campagna, and that they yielded 318,016 scudi yearly; 4 scudi the rub- hiii; rather more than 2100 rubbia belonged to the barons; about 23,000 to the reliiTious houses, more than 4000 to foreigners, and 31,000 rubbia to the remain- ing^Ronian inhabitants. This proportion was changed at a later period, when the Roman citizens sold so many of their estates. Let us however pass to the more general relations. Per soUevare la camera apostolica. Discorso di mons^ Malvasia, 1606. In spite of all the taxes, it was remarked with terror by the papal government, that it still possessed nothing. " The payment of interest," exclaims our au- thor, " consumes nearly the whole income: the government is constantly embar- rassed how to cover the current expenses; if any extraordinary demand occurs they know not whither to turn. It would be impossible to impose new taxes, and new savings would not even be advisable: " magnum vectigal parsimonia;" there remains nothing but to reduce the rate of interest, and at the same time to take money from the Castle of St. Angelo. Instead of all the monti, with dif- ferent rates of interest, there must be but one, a monte papale, with four, or at most five per cent.; all the rest must be bought in at their nominal value, a pro- ceeding in which the apostolic see would be fully justified, as it had usually reserved such a right on the erection of the monti — earlier popes, e. g. Paul IV, had been obliged to sell at 50 per cent.; Clement VIII himself had only re- ceived 0G~,." The author hereupon enters into a detail of how far such a scheme would be practicable. " Succedera che stante la larghezza ed abbondanza del denaro che al presente si trova nella piazza di Roma con 1' accrescimento che fara il millione estratto, aggiunta la difficolta e pericolo di mandar fuori la moneta e 1' oro per la prohi- bitione sudetta" — which he had proposed — " che la maggior parte di quelli che hanno monti ed oflSzj estinti, volontieri entreranno in questo monte papale, ed a quelli che vorranno i lor denari contanti, se gli potranno pagare del detto mil- lione e del prezzo del monte papale che si andra vendendo. Si puo anche con- siderare che ne' monti non vacabili ne sono gran parte vinculati ed obbligati a reinvestimento per sicurta di eccezione di dote, di luoghi pii ed altri obblighi, REL. DELLO STATO ECCLESIASTICO. 367 che necessariamente entreranno in questo monte papale, e si tardera assai a rice- vere il diiiaro, per ritrovare altro reinvostiinento o dare nltra sodisfatlione ed adempimento alia conditioni ed ohhliglii a quali sono sottoposti, il che anco ap- portera, molto comodo e facilita a questo neirotio. " Potra. anoo la camera accollarsi tutti i rnonti delle communita e de' partico- lari, e ridurli come sopra, e godere quel piii sino che da esse communita e parti- colari saranno estinti. "A tutti quelli che in luog-o di altri monti e oflicj vorranno del detto monte papale, se gli deve dare la spedizione e la patenle per la prima volta gratis senza spesa alcuna. "In questa maniera puo la S'* V in breve tempo sollevare e liberare la sede e la camera apostolica da tanti debiti e tanta oppressione: perche con 1' avanzo che si fara dalla delta estinzione e reduzione di frutti ed interesse, che secondo il calcolo dato alia S'-^ V dal suo commissario della camera ascende alrneno con far la reduzione a 5 per cento a sc. quattro cento trentunmila ottocento cinque I' anno, potra cslinguere ogni anno scudi trecento trentunmila ottocento cinque di debito, oltre alii sc. centomila che saranno assegnati per rimettere in castello il millione estratto a compire la meta del terzo millione ciie manca." It is sufficient to remark here, how seriously people began to think on a well- regulated financial system: it is not necessary to insert the calculations. The Roman court did not adopt any plan of this kind, but followed the easier and more convenient road. 89. Nota di danari officii e niobili donati da papa Paolo V a suoi parenti e concessioni fatelli. The pope had been advised to draw in the officii bearing interest, and the monti. We here find, 1. ("Nota officiorum concessorum excell™" domino M. Antonio Burghesio tempore pontificatus felicis recordationis Pauli V;" there are altogether 120 offices, the value of which is reckoned according to the cus- tomary market-price; 2.) " Nota di molte donationi di monti fatte alii sig" Fran- cesco Gioan Batlista e M. A. Borghese da Paolo V, con le giustificationi in margine di qualsivoglia partito." That is to say, the extracts from the official books, whence we learn these donations, are also set down. There are similar rubrics containing lists of the sums of money and the other valuables which were given to these signori, and of the privileges granted to them. The justifi- cations are in the following style. " Nel libro della thesoreria secreta d' Ales- sandro Ruspoli fol. 17 e da doi brevi, uno sotto la data delli 20 Genn. 1608 et 1' altro delli 11 Marzo, registrati nel libro primo signaturarum Pauli V negli atti di Felice de Totis fol. 12G et fol. 131.— A di 23 Dec. 1605 sc. 36 m. d' oro stampe donati al sig^ GB Borghese per pagar il palazzo et il restante impiegarli nella fabrica di quello, quali scudi 36 m. d' oro stampe provenivano del prezzo del chiamato di mons'" Centuriono ridotti a 2-1 moneta a ragione di Giulii 13 per scudo sono 46,800 sc." I have already shown to what extraordinary sums these donations amounted, and what an influence the rise of the papal families had upon the capital city and the provinces. 90. Relatione della stato ecclcsiastico dove si confengono molti particolari degni di con- sideraiione. (1611.) Inform. Politt. XI. f. 1 to 27. It is stated at the very beginning that the author was asked for this report one morning, and sent it home on the evening of the same day. It would have been truly wonderful if he could have dictated within a few hours so circumstantial a report, which turned out by no means bad, and con- tains much that is remarkable. We find here the acknowledgment that the 368 REL. BELLA ROMAGNA. C. 1615. number of inhabitants was decreasing in many parts of Italy, either through plague or famine, or through the murders committed by the banditti, or through the excessive load of taxes; it was no longer possible to marry at a suitable age and to bring up a family of children. Moreover their very blood was wrung from the inhabitants by the taxes, and their spirits crushed by the endless re- strictions on trade. The anonymous author betrays himself on one occasion. He remarks, that he had written a book entitled, " Ragione di stato." " Ho difTusamente trattato nella ragione di stato," he says somewhere. This gives us a clue to him. In the year 1589, there appeared at Venice, "Delia ragion di stato libri X con tre libri delle cause delia grandezza delle citta." It is dedicated to that Wolf Dietrich von Raittenau, Archbishop of Salzburg, who first among the German princes introduced a stricter administra- tion of the government, fashioned after the Italian system. Its author is the well-known Giovanni Bolero, whose " Relationi universali" enjoyed very ex- tensive circulation at that time. It is evident that these "Relationi" must be examined, to see if they do not contain the one we have before us. In the main work itself, which contains a summary account of the States of the Church, it is not to be found; but there exists a smaller work, frequently ap- pended to the former: "Relationi del sig'' Giov. Botero Benese di wSpagna, dello stato della chiesa, del Piamonte, della contea di Nizza, dell' isola Tapro- bana," the dedication of which is dated 1611; in this we have the present report word for word. The introduction alone is different. The report bears the following title: "Discorso intorno alio stato della chiesa preso della parte dell' ufficio del car- dinale che non e stampata." It belonged, as we see, to a work upon the duties of the cardinals. I leave it to my readers to judge, whether the most credulous would be de- ceived by the introduction to the report, which I have mentioned above. 91. Tarqu, Pitaro sopra la negotiatione maritima. 17 Ott. 1612. (^Vallic.) Botero recommends attention to the commerce of the papal states. In fact there was then a plan for excavating a new harbor at the town of Fano. Hopes were indulged of drawing thither the trade of the towns of Urbino. The author however urges the most cogent reasons against this plan. He says that the example of Ancona should be kept in mind, which town he (as do the Venetians shortly afterwards), describes as very much gone to decay. " Ne sono partiti li mercanti, forastieri, i nativi falliti, le genti gl' uomini impoveriti, gli artigiani ruinati e la plebe quasiche dispersa." It would be better to level Fano with the ground, than to erect a harbor there with money raised on inte- rest. What had been the fate of Ascoli, where after a considerable loan had been raised to bring its maremma into cultivation the undertaking had utterly failed. In fact it was not advisable on other grounds to accede to such a plan, as the towns of Urbino must within a short time escheat to Rome. 92. Relalione della Romagna. (^Alt.') Belonging to about the year 1615: the year 1612 is expressly mentioned; with reference to the whole period however from the death of Julius III, this docu- ment is of the greatest importance. The factions dividing the province are described; the transfer of landed property caused in particular by the rise of the papal families, is very well explained. 1 have frequently made use of this document; a remark upon San Marino, which in those early times gradually PAROLE DELLO GOVERNO ECCL°. 369 rose by continued exemptions to freedom and independence, may find a place here. " La republica di S. Marino si presume libera, se non in quanto e raccomman- data al duca d' Urbino. Del 1G12 si propose e si ottenne in quel consiglio che succedendo la mancanza della linea delle Rovere si dichiaravano sotto la pro- tettione della sede apostolica, della quale per ciu ottennero alcuni privilegii et in particolare dell' estrattione de grani e di grascia. Fa questa terra, compresovi due altri castelli annessi, circa 700 faochi. E' situata in monti e luogo forte et e custodita la porta da soldati proprii. Hanno la libera amministralione della giustizia e della grazia. Si elegono tra di loro ad tempus i magistrati maggiori chiamati conservatori, a quali tra di loro si da il titolo dell' illustrissimo. In qualche grave eccesso sogliono condurre ofRciali forestieri per fare processi e cause, et in particolare li ministri dell' Altezza del duca d' Urbino, con quella autorila che loro pare. 11 publico e povero, che non arriva a 500 scudi d' en- trada. Ma li particolari alcuni sono comodi et alcuni ricchi rispetto allapochita del paese. Solevano affittare banditi d' ogni sorte: ma perche alle volte ne nascevano scandali, e stato da loro decretato che non si possino affittare banditi se non con certe conditioni: ma non si ne pud havere facilraente salvo- condotto." 93. Parole tmiversali dello governo eccksiastico, per far xma greggia et tin pastore. Se.crelo al papa solo. — Informuit. XXIV, (2C leaves.) In spite of the state of the Roman territory, which gradually deteriorated so obviously, there were still people who cherished the most ambitious designs. They have never been more strangely and extravagantly enounced than by Thomas Campanella in the present work. For there is no doubt that this unfortunate philosopher, who fell under the suspicion of a desire to wrest Calabria from the Spanish monarchy, and of a share in the wild plans of the duke of Ossuna, is the author of this work. " Questo e il compendio," he says, "del libro intitolato il governo ecclesiastico, 11 quale resto in mano di Don Lelio Orsino, et io autore tengo copia in Stilo patria mia;" he adds, " Hajc et longe plura explicantur in Monarchia Messiie." Campanella was from Stilo, and this Monarchia Messiaj is by him. We cannot doubt but that he either composed or revised the document in ques- tion. The date may be left uncertain. Probably he indulged in ideas of this kind during his whole life. He remarks that the pope has very warlike subjects. " Li Romagnuoli e Marchianisono pernaturainclinati all' armi: ondeservono a Venetiani, Francesi, Toscani e Spagnuoli, perche il papa non e guerriero." He advises the pope however, to become warlike. There was still the material for Ciceros, Brutuses, and Catos. Nature was not deficient, but art. He is of opinion that the pope should assemble two armies; that of S. Pietro at sea, the other of S. Paolo on shore, somewhat in the way of janissaries. An armed religion had never been overcome, especially when supported by good preaching. For he by no means overlooks this latter requisite. He advises that the most able men should be selected from all the religious orders, set free from their monastic vows, and permitted to devote themselves to learning and science. In the monasteries, law, medicine and the liberal arts should be studied as well as theology. The golden age must be preached to the people, when there should be one fold under one shepherd; the happiness of delivered Jerusalem, and of a state of patriarchal innocence must be painted so as to awaken a long- ing desire for them. But when would such a state of felicity arrive] "Then," he answers, " when all temporal sovereignties shall be done away with and the vicar of 32* 370 HISTORIANS OP THE JESUITS. Christ shall rule over the whole earth." " Sara nel mondo una greggia et un pastore, e si vedra il secol d' oro cantato da poeti, 1' ottima republica descritta da philosophi, e lo stato del' innocenza de' patriarchi, e la felicita di Gerusa- lemme liberata da mano degli eretici et infedeli. E questo fia quando saranno evacuati tutti 11 principati mondani e regnera per tutto il mondo solo il vicario di Christo," The doctrine must be preached — according to his advice — that the pope was lord in temporal matters also; a priest after the order of Abimelech, and not of Aaron. Such ideas were still entertained, either — for I will not decide between the two eras — towards the end of the sixteenth century, or during the first half of the seventeenth. We already know how extraordinary was the progress of the Roman power at that period. Before I return to the documents relating to that progress, I may be allowed to add a few words upon the historians of the Jesuits, whose influence was then at its height. RemarJcs upon some of the Historians of the Jesuits. High conceit of themselves and leisure gradually led the greater number of the religious orders to write their own histories in great detail. None have done this so systematically as the Jesuits. Their aim was to give the world a connected and comprehensive history of all they had accomplished, written by themselves. And in effect the " Historia Societatis Jesu," known to us under the names of Orlandinus and his continuers, is a work of the greatest importance as relates to that order — indeed we may say as relates to the history of the century generally. Nicolaus Orlandinus, a native of Florence, had for a time been at the head of the college of Nola and the novices trained at Naples, when in 1598 he was summoned by Acquaviva to Rome, and appointed historian to the order. In his style of writing, as well as in the business of life, hs was careful, extremely accurate, and cautious; but his health was extremely feeble. With great labor he brought his work down to the death of Ignatius. He died in 1G06. His successor in this occupation was Franciscus Sacchinus, born in the terri- tory of Perugia, by far the most distinguished of the Jesuit historians. He was the son of a peasant, who occasionally visited him at the Collegium Romanum, where he studied rhetoric; and it is told in his praise, that he was never ashamed of his origin. He devoted himself for eighteen years to the compo- sition of his history, residing at the house of probation upon the Monte Quiri- nale, which he scarcely ever quitted. Nevertheless he spent his life in the con- templation of the great interests of the world. The restoration of Catholicism was still in its fullest progress. What can be more attractive to a historian, than to describe the origin and beginnings of an event, the development and effects of which are within his own observation] Sacchinus felt all the peculiar characteristics of his subject — this general battle fought out in all the enthusiasm of orthodoxy. " I do not describe wars," he says " of nations against each other, but wars of the human race against the monsters and the powers of hell; — wars not embracing single provinces, but every land and every sea; — wars, in which not earthly power but the heavenly kingdom is the prize." In this tone of Jesuitical exaltation he has wriiten the history of the government of Lainez (15^3-1504;) of Borgia down to 1572; of the cardinal Everardus Mer- curianus down to 1580 — each in one volume containing eight books: and of the lirst ten years of Acquaviva's administration in the same number of books. Altogether there are four tolerably thick and closely printed folio volumes, in spite of which he makes excuses for being so concise. And in truth it cannot be said tliat he is ever prolix or tedious. He is of course partial in the highest degree; he passes over whatever does not please him, and incorporates into his work those materials only which redound to the honor of his order, and so on; HISTORIANS OF THE JESUITS. 371 nevertheless, much is to be learned from his books. I have here and there com- pared him with the sources he has drawn from, e. g. with those parts of the Litterae AnnuEe whicli are printed and were accessible to me — for in Germany books of this kind are very rare, and I was oblii^ed to have recourse to the libraries of Breslau and Gotlingjcn: — 1 have on all occasions found that his ex- tracts were made with judtrmcnt, a feeling of what was characteristic, and in- deed with talent. In the course of this work Sacchini had acquired so circum- stantial and accurate a knowledge of the affairs of the society, that the general, Mutio Vitelleschi himself, summoned him to take part in them. For our sake it is to be wished this had not been the case, for Sacchini would then have finished his account of the government of Acquaviva, and one of the most im- portant epochs would have been far better illustrated than it lias been at a later period. Sacchini died in 1G25. His last volume was completed and published by Petrus Possinus. With the progress of time, however, enthusiasm declined. Even the "Imago primi sajculi," of the year 1640, is far less rich in matter, more credulous of miracles, and more uncouth in style. Not till 1710 did there appear a continua- tion of Sacchini by Jouvency, comprehending the last fifteen years under Ac- quaviva. Jouvency also has unquestionable talent; he narrates in a style de- scriptive and flowing, though not devoid of pretension; but unfortunately he interpreted the word Historia too literally, and did not choose to write annals as Sacchini had done. He therefore distributed the matter which he found at hand under different heads: " Societas domesticis motibus agitata; — societas ex- terriis cladibus jactata;— vexata in Anglia; — oppugnata; — aucta, — &c." In con- sequence of this arrangement, he did not devote the necesssary attention to the point, undoubtedly the most important — the revived spread of Catholicism in protestant countries. The method of annals was besides far more appropriate to such a subject. With all his historical labors, Jouvency only succeeds in pro- ducing a compilation of fragments. And in fact he met with little applause. The order once even had the project of causing this whole epoch to be rewritten on the model of Sacchinus, and it was afterwards strictly followed by Julius Cordara, who continued this history from 1G16 to 1625. But the spirit in which former authors had written was irrecoverably lost. Cordara's volume is very useful, but not to be compared in reach of thought or in power with the productions of his earlier predecessors, or even of Juvencius. It appeared in 1750. After that time the order were forced into too many struggles for existence to allow them leisure to think of a con- tinuation of their history. The epoch of their greatest glory was moreover past. Besides this general history, there exists, as is known, a great number of pro- vincial histories of the order. In most of them the general history forms the groundwork: it is often copied literally. This is most strikingly the case in Socher, " Historia provinciaj Austrias;" where the author repeatedly copies Sac- chinus even in particular expressions, e. g. he reproduces the " pudet referre'' of the original thus, " pudet sane referre." (Sacchin. iv, vi, 78. Socher, vi, n^ 33.) But I will not enter into a criticism of these authors; the field is far too wide, and in these days moreover they are not attractive, when too little, rather than too much, credit is attached to them; one remark only may be allowed me upon the history of Ignatio Loiola. On comparing Orlandinus with both of the other more weighty historians of Loiola, It is striking how far more he agrees with the one, Maffei (De vita et moribus D. Ignatii Loiolaj) than with the other, Pietro Ribadeneira. The man- ner of this agreement is remarkable. The book of Maffei appeared as early r.s 1585; it was not till fifteen years later that Orlandinus produced his, and from the great similarity between the two, MaflTei might easily appear to have served as a model. Nevertheless, Maffei is on all occasions more elaborate and man- nered in his style: Orlandinus more natural, more simple, and also far more de- 372 GIUSTINIAN, GRIMANI, CONTARINI, SORANZO. scriptive. The riddle is solved, on learning that both drew from the same source, the Notes of Polancus. Maffei does not mention him, but we learn from a special treatise by Sacchinus, " Cujus sit auctoritatis quod in B. Cajetani vita de b. It^natio traditur," which we find in the later editions of Orlandinus, that Everardo Mercuriano had presented him with the MSS. of Polancus. Accord- ing to that authority, Orlandinus principally drew his materials from this same Polancus; no wonder therefore if Maffei and Orlandinus agree. We have, however, the original notes in a more genuine form in Orlandinus than in Maffei: the former is more industrious, more detailed, and more true to his authorities; the latter places his glory in historical ornaments and good Latin. But whence arise the differences in Ribadeneira's statements'? The cause of them is, that he drew principally from another written document — the Notes of Ludovicus Consalvus. Both Consalvus and Polancus derived their information from the oral commu- nications of Ignatius himself; as far as I can see, however, Polancus picked up the accidental and occasional expressions of the general of the order, whilst Con- salvus knew how to draw him out upon occasions to give a circumstantial nar- ration; as for instance, of his first spiritual call. And thus it seems that we have to distinguish a double tradition; the one by Polancus, repeated in Maffei and Orlandino, the other by Consalvus, repeated in Ribadeneira. Consalvus is by far the most remarkable; he gives authentic communications, from the mouth, as we have every reason to believe, of Ignatius himself, to which, however, later writers have not adhered. But here, as in all tradition, it is easy to detect an expansion of the original and simple material. This process was begun even by Ribadeneira; e. g. he de- rived the account of the eight days' ecstacy of Ignatius at Manresa, whence he was awakened by the word of Jesus, from the narratives of the lady Isabella Rosel of Barcellona. " Examen Ribadeneiree in comment, prasv. AA. SS. Julii t. VII, p. 590." But people were far from being contented with him. He did not touch upon many of the miracles which were commonly believed. " Nescio" says Sacchi- nus, " qua; mens incidit Ribadeneirae ut multa ejus generis miracula prseteriret." On that very account Polancus set about his collection of them, and caused Mer- curian to have it arranged and completed by Maffei, whence they found their way into Orlandinus. But even his legends did not satisfy the wonder-seekingjesuitism of the seven- teenth century. As early as the year 1606, belief prevailed in the sanctity of a cave at Manresa, where it was said that the " Exercitia spiritualia" of Ignatius were composed, although neither of the two traditions mentioned a syllable of such a story, and the Dominicans maintained, doubtless correctly, that the real cave of Ignatius was in their monastery. At that very time the differences between the Dominicans and the Jesuits were at their height; motive sufficient on the part of the latter to fix on another spot as the scene of the foundation of their order. And now let us return to our MSS., concerning Gregory XV and Urban VIII. 94. Relatione delli ecc'"^^ S^i Hieron. Giustinian K'' Proc'', Ant. Grimani K^, Franc. Coniarini Frocr, Hieron. Sor'anzo K^, amb''i estraord. al sommo pontejice Grego- rio XV P anno 1621 il mese di Maggio. This, like all reports of the same kind, is of inferior importance. The description of the new pope and his government can be but cursory after so short a residence: a iew remarks upon the journey of the writers, the conclave, the birth and early life of the newly elected pope, and the first workings of his GIUNTI, VITA DI LUD"=*' LUDOVISI. 373 administration, constitute nearly the whole subject-matter. In this instance more might have been done, as Geronimo Soranzo, the regular ambassador, who had resided five years at the Roman court, was associated to the other three en- voys, and delivered in a common report with them. The interest felt by the Venetian senate was not however of the same kind as ours; it was political, not historical. The personal character and the court-his- tory of a deceased ruler no longer excited any curiosity, and could be of no essen- tial importance. Soranzo contents himself with a few remarks. " Non debbo tralasciare di narrare qualche cosa delle piii gravi che mi sono occorsedi maneg- giare in si lunga et importante legatione." The most important part of the report is, that wherein he explains the position which Venice assumed with respect to the see of Rome, in its recent differences with Spain. " Gli Spagnuoli facevano considerara S. S'^ quelle si opportune congiunture di ravvivar le ragioni della chiesa in golfo. L' amb*^ si affatico di mostrare il giusto, antico et indubitato possesso del golfo, aggiungendo che la rep"^* per difenderlo ricorrerebbe ad ajuti stranieri, si valerebbe di Inglesi, Olandesi e di Turchi med"'"', e seS. S'Miavessefomentatol'ingiuste et indebite pretension! di Spagnuoli, arebbe posta tutta la X*-^ in grand™ scompiglio. Un giorno S. S**^ mi desse " Stimiamo necessario che le cose del golfo non si alterino: le novita seguite in esso ci son spi- acciute grandemente: lo abbiamo detto a chi ne ha parlato." It appears that tiiere were some grounds to fear that the old differences would break out into open hostilities. Soranzo only endeavored to persuade pope Paul V that the republic was not favorable to the protestants. " Lo resi al pieno capace della bonta e del puro zelo della republica." The ambassadors entertained the conviction that the new pope would not be inclined to the Spanish party. The manner and form of his election seemed to countenance their opinion. " Nella elettione di Gregorio XV si mostro 1' effetto del spirito santo. Bor- ghese, che aveva per far il papa a sua voglia sei voti oltre il bisogno, era riso- luto di far eleggere Campori: ma tre delle sue creature dissentendovi, nascendo piu altri inconvenienti, piii per motivo et istigatione d' allri che per inclination propria venne alia nominatione di Ludovisio sua creatura. Questo cardinale aveva 1' amore di Aldobrandino, fu tenuto da Spagnuoli di placidi pensieri Fran- cesi suo confidente 1' aveano." The pope's nephew also appeared to be independent of the Spanish party. " Mostra sinora genio alieno da Spagnoli," are the words of the delegates. A change however was soon visible. 95. Vita efatti di Ludovico Ludovisi, di S. R, Ch, vicecanc. nepote di papa Gregorio XF, scritto da Luc. Antonio Giunti suo servitor e da Urbino. (^Cors. 122 leaves.) " Ludovico, ch' e poi stato il card' Ludovisi, nacque in Bologna dal conte Oratio della famiglia di Ludovisi e della contessa Lavinia Albergati 1' anno 1595 a 27 d' Ottobre." He was brought up in the Jesuits' college at Rome, became doctor of divinity in 1615, accompanied his uncle during his nuntiatura to Bologna in 1617, entered into the prelature in 1619, and was made a cardinal on the 16th of February, 1621, the day after the coronation of his uncle, thus acquiring that high political station which we have described in the text. " Daro," says the author, "qualche cenno delle cose parte da lui proposte, parte da lui coadjuvate o promosse nel pontificate del suo zio Gregorio." 1. These were his prominent characteristics. " Ascoltava tutto con flemma piu che ordinaria : gli ambasciatori mai si rendevano satii di trattar seco, si davaa tutti, occioche tutti si dassero a lui. Mostrava guistitia e misericordia insieme, seiiza passions o doppiezza." 374 GUNTI, VITA DI LUD'^" LUDOVISI. 2. His appointments. He advanced the cardinals who had contributed to the election of his uncle, to different legations, Orsino to Romagna, Pio to the March, Ubaldini to Bologna, and Capponi to the archbishopric of Ravenna. They were thus repaid for their services. Nuncios were sent to all courts; the Massimi to Tuscany, Pamfili to Naples, Corsini to France, Sangro to Spain, Caraffa to the emperor, and Montorio to Cologne. Aldobrandino was general and Pino was paymaster in Germany. The greater portion of the instructions oi these nunciaturas are extant, which renders the following account of the manner in which they were drawn up the more interesting. "Quantunque fos- sero distese da m'' Agucchia prelato Bolognese, nondimendo il card'" fece in esse particular fatica nelle annotalioni di cap!, di motivi, del senso di S. Beat<^s, de' ripieghi e consigli suggeriti dal suo proprio avvedimento e sapere." We see that they were sketched by the cardinal, the pope's nephew, and completed by Agucchia, a fellow countryman of Ludovisi. 3. Bulls concerning the papal elections. Tiie forms which had heretofore prevailed were altered ; secret scrutiny was introduced, and the adoration abolished. Giunti mentions the disadvantages resulting from the adoration: " Rendeva i cardinal! piu timidi nel dire il parer loro, partoriva e fomentava gravi disgusti tra gli escludenti e gli esclusi, cagionava che il pontefice si eleggesse senza la debita premeditatione, mentre i capi delle fattioni manifestavano le loro volunta, faceva che la sommo delle elettioni fosse per il piii appoggiata a cardinali giovani." We may readily believe that Ludovisi had many other more private grounds for making these changes, which however are not men- tioned. 4. The establishment of the propaganda; the canonization of saints: all these things we have treated of. 5. The transfer of the electorate; and the share which Ludovisi had in that measure. 6. The acquisition of the Heidelberg library: " per la quale (la biblioteca Palatina) si opero molto il card'" Ludovisio, atteso che riputava uno degli avvenimenti piii felici del pontificate del zio di poterla conseguire. Fu destinato il dottor Leon AUaccio, scrittore Greco dell' istessa biblioteca Vaticana, che andasse a riceverla et accompagnarla." 7. The protection which Ludovisi gave to the capuchins, whom he esteemed very highly, and also to the Jesuits. Vitelleschi says, that through the especial protection which God always afforded to the company, it happened that it al- ways had some great cardinal as its patron; for instance, Alessandro Farnese, Odoardo Farnese, Alessandro Orsino, and now Ludovisi. He had richly en- dowed the Jesuit churches at Rome and Bologna out of his own private property, and left by his will 200,000 scudi towards the completion of the former. Even during his lifetime he presented them yearly with 6000 scudi. The author reckons that sum among the cardinal's other charities, which he states to amount to the sum of 32,882 scudi a year. 8. The election of Urban VHI which is here ascribed to the cardinal: "supe- rando con la sua destrezza le difficolta che si trapouevano." His quitting Rome and proceeding to his archiepiscopal seat in Bologna was completely his own choice. 9. His after-life: he occasionally preached in Bologna, and induced the Bo- lognese to add Ignatius Loyola and Franciso Xavier to the list of their patron saints: but the chief thing was, that he strenuously opposed the wavering policy of Urban \lll, as might have been expected from the tenor of his own govern- ment. On occasion of the victories of Gustavus Adolphus in 1631, he offered the Spanish court 100,000 scudi, and the produce of his Spanish abbeys, of which he possessed ten, during the continuance of the war. Giunti copies the letter in which Ludovisi grounds this offer upon the " presenti bisogni della Ger- mania e dell' augustissima casa di S. M'% base e sostegno della religione cat- tolica," This offer was not accepted by the Spaniards; Olivarez answered him that although the king refused his proposal, his majesty would not fail to show INSTRUTT. A C. CARAFFA. 1621. 375 the cardinal all the favor which he could desire, and which might be esteemed interested if he accepted it. Notliing is to be found here of the intention ascribed by a Venetian to the car- dinal, of summoning a council againt pope Urban VIII. The general style of this biography is that of an official panegyric. Although it contains much useful and credible information, it omits all men- tion of the more questionable facts. The cardinal died soon afterwards. "La cui anima," concludes Giunti, " riposi in cielo." 96. Instruttione a mons''' vescovo d\iversa, nuniio desiina to da N. Sig'>'^ alia M^" Cesareadi Ferdinando II Imperutore. Euma, \2 Apr. 1621. We have seen the important results of Caraffa's exertions; even on this ac- count the instruction which Gregory XV wrote for him when he first proceeded on his nuntiatura would have been interesting; but it also deserves attention as it develops the views taken at Rome, after the battle of Prague. Gregory begins by assuming, that the object of the protestants was to root out the house of Austria, to seize upon the imperial throne, and then to rush into Italy, and rob and plunder that noblest portion of the globe. God however had given a different turn to events, and it was for man to improve this to the utmost. He recommends the nuncio to devote his attention to the following points. I. The strengthening of the empire by the catholics. He promises assistance to the emperor, and urges him to follow up the victory promptly. II. Establishment of the catholic religion. The pope is delighted at its pro- gress in Austria and Moravia. He is comforted that the Calvinists at any rate are not tolerated in Silesia, and yet he would not sanction the toleration even of the confession of Augsburg, which approaches most nearly to Catholicism, in Hungary (" la confessione che, quantunque rea, si dilunga assai meno dalla professione cattolica di quello che facciano le piu sette cattoliche"). But Bo- hemia is what he is most solicitous about. He recommends the following means for the restoration of Catholicism: " 1. Fondare in Praga un' universita cattolica, " 2. Rimeltere nelleantiche perrochie cattolici e per le citta i maestri di scola parimente cattolici. " 3. L'uso dei catechismi e di buoni libri per tutto, ma per li fanciulli et idioti 1' antiche canzoni spirituali in lingua Bohema. "4. Librarj e stampatori cattolici, facendo visitare le librerie e stampe degli ereteci. " 5. L' opera de' padri Gesuiti e di altri religiosi. " 6. Ritornare in piedi li collegii di poveri, assegnando a quelli li beni eccle- siastic! alienati." All means of instruction and education. The nuntio is also directed to oppose the appointment of protestant officers. " Lasciandosi le menti humane piu con- sigliare dal proprio interesse che da altro, incominceranno a poco a poco massima- mente i giovani a piegare 1' anirno alia religione cattolica, se non per altro, per partecipare di publici honori." III. Restoration of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The pope complains much on this point. The bishops still refuse to submit to the edicts of the council of Trent; the canons are given to corrupt practices; the chapters make a bad use of their patronage; even the emperor takes too many liberties. " L' imperatore istesso sotto varii pretesti di spogli, di juspatronati, di concessioni apostoliche, di avocarie, di incamerationi e di pienezza di potesta trattiene le chiese gli anni vacanti, et in quel mentre se ne prende per se 1' entrate." IV. The restoration of the papal authority. The emperors appear to be glad to see that the pope dared no longer issue excommunications and bulls. More- 376 INSTRUTT. A SANGRO, PER ISPAGNA. 1621, over, the papal court has lost amazingly by the falling off in the supplies of money from Germany, which formerly amounted to 200,000 scudi a year. Gre- o-ory cannot entirely justify the proceedings towards Klesel, but he expresses himself on the subject in very gentle terms: " non e mai piaciuto troppo quel fatto." Verospi, the auditore di rota, was sent over to carry on the proceedings. V. The relations of the emperor with Italy. This might be useful in the Valtelline affairs more especially. In Spain the sacking of fortified towns after conquest was not yet permitted. " Pare che il duca di Feria et altri ministri di S. M'' Ces. in Italia si opponghino a quel consiglio, come colore che vorrebbero ritenere i forti e con essi la gloria di quell' acquisto." The pope plainly sees the danger of this; the protestants in Germany could wish nothing more than to see the sword drawn in Italy. VI. Behavior of the nuncio. He is of course recommended in the first place to Eckenberg; it is, however, most remarkable that the pope's nephew expresses himself with the utmost caution about the Jesuits: "Terra gran conto del padre Beccano confessore di Cesare, e si valeracon destrezza dell' opera sua, non las- ciando inianto di osservare i suoi discorsi e consigli per scoprirne meglio i fini et avvisarmegli. E parimente a' padri Gesuiti ricorrera con avveduta confi- denza." " With cautious confidence!" An admirable piece of advice. We perceive meanwhile what magnificent projects the pope then entertained. He already contemplated the restoration of all church property. We shall con- clude our extract with this remarkable passage: " Secondo che s' anderanno ac- quistando de paesi tenuti avanti dagli eretici, ella faccia grandissima istanza con S. M'^ di ricuperare i beni ecclesiastici occupati da loro e di renderli alle chiese et alii veri patroni. Questo officio si fece per ordine di papa Paolo V, quando il marchese Spinola s' impossesso del palatinate, e 1' imperatore rispose che non era ancor tempo di trattarne." We find that Paul V had conceived the plan of the edict of restitution in 1620, but that it was then rejected by the emperor as premature. The nuncio is now to press this point, and to represent to the emperor the merit he would acquire by it. 97. Instruttione a mons^ Sangro, putriarcha cf Alessandria et arcivescovo di Benevento^ per andar nunzio di S. >S''« al re cattolico. 1 62 1 . Sangro is reminded that in Spain power now rests mainly in the hands of Uzeda and the grand inquisitor; he must therefore make it his especial business to recall to the mind of the latter his spiritual duties. In order to discover secrets he is directed to frequent the company of the ambassadors of Venice and Tuscany: "de' quali si suol cavar molto." The questions of immunity, ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and collettoria, are treated at great length, but 1 must confess that the imperfect and illegible copy ■which I found, deterred me from entering further into these subjects. The principal thing is, of course, the explanation of political relations. The nuncio is especially directed to demand the renewal of the war with Holland. He was to remind the court that Prince Maurice was already old and feeble, and that his death was to be expected daily: that the provinces were weakened by the schisms of the Arminians and Gomarists: that Count Henry hoped, with the assistance of the former, and Count Ernest with that of the latter, to get possession of the supreme authority: that the Zealanders were poor, and the Dutch hated by all their neighbors for their arrogance. " Laonde il re non pud voltare le sue forze contra di loro in meglior tempo ovvero oppor- tunita." INSTRUT. A LANCELOTI PER POLONIA. 377 98. Instruttione a V. Sig^i"' M'' di Torres, arcivescovo di Jlntrinopoli, nuntio destinato da N. Sigrc in Polonia. 30 Maggio, 1621. The misunderstanding between Paul V and Sigismund III was not wholly unimportant. " Se la pieta del re," says Gregory XV in this instruction which he gave to his first nuncio, " e la riverenza che a questa sede egli porta, non havesse ammorzato del tutto o almeno coperte le scintille de' dispiaceri loro, se ne sarebbe per li soffioni altrui acceso alciin fuoco di discordia manifesta," Gregory now endeavors to smooth over everything: he is penetrated by his sense of the merits of this king, who could not have been made a better catholic in Rome itself. The nuncio is directed, above all, to maintain an irreproachable conduct: " perche tutti gli pongono gli occhi adosso e prendono ancora esempio da santi costumi di lui, et il re medesimo il propone a suoi prelati per norma," A diligent attendance at the banquets of the chief nobles would indeed be no bad means of acquiring influence, but in would in the end tend to diminish the respect which a nuncio ought to inspire. It would be advisable that the nuncio should, as formerly, visit the churches in person. The main point, however, still was education. The institution of the Dot- trina Christiana, as it subsists in Italy, was to be introduced in Poland also. Catechisms and religious books were to be provided, and worldly or protestant songs superseded by catholic ones. 99. Instruttione a V. Sna M>' Lancellotti, vescovo di Nola, destinato da N. S^e suo nuntio in Polonia. I do not know whether in 1622 or 1623, but certainly during the pontificate of Gregory XV. The instruction which had been drawn up for Torres was also communicated to Lancellotti. Since that time, at the order of the propaganda, all bishops had been obliged to report the state of their dioceses; and out of their reports the nuncio was to collect his information. With regard to political affairs this instruction is more explicit. The nuncio is to maintain the good understanding between Poland and the house of Austria by every possible means, for this keeps the Turks and the rebellious subjects of the emperor in check. The Poles greatly wished to conclude a peace, or at any rate a truce of twenty years, with Gustavus Adolphus, who also proposed that, should he die without issue, the line of Poland would succeed to him; but Sigismund would listen to nothing. " Benche Gustavo per conditione espressa che morendo lui senza figliuoli gli avesse a succedere S. M*^ e la sua stirpe, s'oppose a questi consigli." It was only out of deference to the Poles that he consented to a short truce. ■ The affair of the united Greeks had already been explained in the instruction to Torres, but it is here treated more clearly and fully. " I Greci commossi al tempo di Clemente Ottavo per opera di Rupaccio Pac- ciorio, che fu prima vescovo overo vladica di Vladimiera e poi metropolitano di Chiovia, si contentarono i vescovi o vladici loro, eccettuati quelli di Leopoli a di Premisla, che nella loro ostinatione si rimasero, d'unirsi alia chiesa Romana, e di riconoscere, come fecero I'anno 1595, il papa per loro capo secondo la forma 6 professione di fede nel concilio Fiorentino contenuta. Ma tante discordie ne nacquero, e cosi si posero nelle diete a impugnare quella unione li nobili Greci, dagli heretic! favoriti, che s'e havuto a mettere sossopra il regno: imperocche pochi del clero e molto meno del popolo I'hanno voluto abbraqfiiare, affermando tutti essere per privati disegni e per ambitione di pochi stata fatta e senza loro partecipatione. Onde si conservano bene li vescovi e pastori cattollici, ma VOL. II. — 33 378 DION LAZARI, REL. 1622. questi soli se ne stanno, senza trovare pecorelle che seguitare li vogliano, e di piii corrono gran rischio d'essere dalla sedie loro cacciati e che vengano ancor ad essi -levate quelle chiese che tolte gia alii scisraatici furongU concedute. Onde in tutte le diete se ne fa lo strepito grande; e nell' anno passato avvenne che un vescovo o fosse il patriatca scismaticodi Gerusalemme mandate in Mos- covia et in Russia dal patriarca di Costantinopoli, si fernao fra Russi, e vi creo tanti scismatici quanti sono gli uniti, et eccito li cosacchi, che sono tutti Greci scismalici, ad addiraandare nella dieta con offerte grandissime, perche il regno per la guerra col Turco havesse bisogno di loro, che all' antiche loro pretensioni si sodisfacesse: ma il vescovo di Santo Angelo, all' hora nuntio, ne diverti I' impeto, siche tra per questo e per publiche necessita, che a nuove contese non lasciavano luogo, si pose con I'autorita del re il negotio in silentio. Si vive non di meno dagli uniti nel medesimo timore; e li pid prudenti prelati ne pronosti- cano alia fine de' mali eventi se alcun provedimento non vi si piglia: onde hav- rebbero alcuni havuto per lo migliore che I'unione non si fosse mai fatta, appor- tando essi che sarebbe stato piu egevole il ridurre li nobili singolarmente e di famigli in famigli alia chiesa cattolica, perche si vede per prova che tutti colore che ad une abbandonano il rito Greco e lo scisma, stanno nella nostra chiesa perseveranti." 100. Relatione fatta alia congregatione de propaganda fide da Dionysio Lazari sopra alcune cose che possono essere di servitio alia santafede cattolica. 1622. Dion. Lazari had been in England for some time — " molti mesi," as he ex- presses himself — and describes how Catholicism may be restored there. He proposes three different means of effecting this object, viz. negotiation with one, or with many, or violent measures. He thinks much may be effected with king James personally, who was in- different in his opinions, and timid. " Per la pratica che ho di lui, lo stimo in- differente in qualsivoglia religione. It would be well to nourish his suspicions by means of forged letters; " Far artificiosamente avisar qualche suo rninistro fuori del regno di persona da loro creduta fedele, e nell' istesso regno far trovar qualche lettera a nome supposito che trattasse in forme segrete queste materie." Buckingham also might be won over; his wife being the daughter of a catholic and secretly of that faith herself ("e segreta cattolica figlia anche di segreto cattolico"). Buckingham was very anxious for connection with foreign powers, and might thus be most easily gained, especially as he was always in danger from the parliament. " Essendo composto il parlamento quasi per la maggior parte di puritani, stimarebbe egli specie d'efficace vendetta 1' indurre il re al cattolicissimo." Influence over the mass of the people. It would be highly useful to obtain freedom of preaching. "II che si potrebbe fare per via di danaro, proponendo, per cosi dire, una gabella di predicatori et auditori, inducendosi il re molte volte per 1' interesse a cose contrarie a sua volonta." Violent measures, he says, were not to be thought of. But it is plain that the peaceful ones he proposes could never have been carried into execution. Lazari was one of those people who think that they can influence the course of events by intrigues and dexterously-laid plots, which however never succeed. From the present generation he hopes nothing as it is entirely nurtured in protestant opinions; the prince alone, afterwards Charles I, appears to give rise to some expectations. " lo v' ho grandissima speranza, per vederlo d' indole molto ingenua, di costumi assai generosi, molto sobrio nel detestar li cattolici." INST. AL DOTTOR ALLATIO. 379 101. Instruttione al duttor Leone Allatio per andare in Germania per la Ubreria del Pa- latino. IG'23. {Hofbibl. zu Wien. MS. Hohenh.) The instruction by which Leo Allatius, then scriptor in the Vatican, was commissioned to take possession of the library of Heidelberg. This instruction is to be found not only at Vienna but in several other li- braries, e. g. the Chigi library at Rome and in the collections of the instructions of Gregory XV. The literary interest attached to it has caused it also to be known in Germany. Quads, Baumgarten and Gerdes, one after the other, had it printed in Latin. Having once come wiihin the province of protestant erudition, this instruction necessarily became the subject of discussion. In his history of the formation, the plunder and destruction of the ancient collections at Heidelberg, (Heidel- berg, 1817,) p. 235, our learned fellow-citizen and friend Herr G. R. Fr. Wilken has advanced important objections to its authenticity. It must be acknowledged that the Latin translation is written in a tone calcu- lated to raise suspicion. Fortunately however that is removed when the origi- nal manuscript is placed before us. In the Latin translation it is stated, for example, in reference to the conse- crated medals which were given to Allatio for distribution among Tilly's soldiers: "unum adhuc R. T. D. suppeditamus stratagema, ut scilicet sibi magnum num- raorum comparet copiam, quos a Sanctis canonisatos esse fingat." No doubt it is inconceivable that the Roman court could have expressed itself so to one of its own servants. On consulting the original, we find it quite different. " E qui soggiungero a V. S. che se le dara un grosso numero di medaglic con 1' indulgenza della can- onizzatione de' santi fatta da N. S." I understand by this, medals struck upon the occasion of the canonization of the saints, which had been determined on by Gregory XV, together with an indulgence. As little is it to be found in the original that Allatio, as stated in the Latin translation, spoke German to the Duke of Bavaria. Baumgarten writes, " tradito brevi a Sancto Patre fidei ipsius concredito, Germanico idiomate cum affandi." In the original on the contrary it stands thus: " presentando a Sua Altezza il breve di N. S'*, le parlera a nome di Sua S'^ conforme al tenore di esso." This translation is equally a mockery of all probability and of the Italian original. But when we see the original is written in so much more reasonable a manner, and under circumstances which leave no doubt, we can no longer hesitate as to its authenticity. It certainly is true, however, that Allatio was ordered to spread the report of the intended removal of the library to Munich and not to Rome. "In ogni caso sara bene di metter voce che si abbia da condurre solamente a Monaco e non a Roma." We have already seen how often the utmost caution was impressed upon the papal delegates, as a duty. Allatio was charged with similar instruc- tions; for example; Massimamente per i paesi sospetti sara sempre meglio di andare in habito corto, come persona negotiante del dominio Veneto." So much dissimulation was thought necessary. We must not wonder at such directions being given in writing. All at that court, and particularly in Ludovisio's chancery, delighted in writing. Most im- portant political views are contained in the instructions -composed by Agucchia, but they are also full of trifles of this kind. The author wished to have the merit of thinking of every thing. Besides, they might well fear exciting the rage of the reformers by the loss sustained by the metropolis of their religion. The library was to be escorted on its road by a troop of horse. 380 INST. A TOB. CORONA PER SAVOJA E FRANCIA. 1622. 102. Instruttione al padre Don Tohia Corona de' chierici regolari mandato da papa Gre o-orio XV, al re di Francia e prima al duca di Savoia per P impresa della citla di Giuevra, 1622. (/n the Library of Frankfort on the Maine, MSS. Glauhurg. Tom. 39, n<> 1. 26 leaves, 4°.) This instruction commences thus: "L' Italia che dall' eterna providenza e stata eletta a reggere hora 1' imperio temporale, bora lo spirituals del mondo." Geneva was intensely hateful to this spiritual government; " non solo come plena di huomini appestati ma come catedra di pestilenza." To punish and destroy that town was the chief duty of the pope — the vicar of Christ, and of the duke of Savoy, who assumed the title of count of that district. The popes and dukes of Savoy had often attempted to do so, but their efforts bad always failed, in consequence of the protection which bad invariably been afforded to the Genevese by France. At that time however the state of things was altered. " La Francia tratta il soggetto di domare i ribellati beretici, et ha da ricever piacere che per togliere loro le forze e le riputatione si faccia il medesimo senza suo costo in altre parti." The pope bad, from the commencement of his reign, devised a plan, and thought to carry it through by the mission of a regular ecclesiastic: " Poiche habbiamo un' argumento di religione, si conviene fuggendone il ruraore coprirlo pill che si puote: vuole inviarvi un religioso. La P. V" portera, da per tutto questo negotio come nato nell' animo di Sua S** senza altra origine che dello spirito santo." The pope's first object was to excite the Duke of Savoy's warlike propensi- ties, and on the duke's requesting assistance, to represent to him how greatly the papacy was exhausted by the support given to the emperor and to the Liga, the claims made upon Rome by Poland, and the expenses occasioned by the occupation of Avignon; notwithstanding, he should certainly be led to hope for some assistance: "che Sua 8*=" non sard stretta a S. A. di tutti quelli ajuti che dalle picciole forze uscir potranno." The pope also desired to have the requi- site information as to the right of Savoy to Geneva. The matter of the highest importance, however, was, what arguments should be used to the king of France. 1. He was to be warned not to bring upon him- self the suspicion of persecuting the protestants merely for political purposes; 2. but that these well understood, also required the destruction of Geneva. " Se Ginevra non fosse stata ricovero di Calvino, la M** S. non havrebbe di presente da portare I'armi contro 1' ostinati e perversi suoi popoli Ugonotti, non si ve- drebbe nascere le republiche contro la monarchia Sono republiche " (the Huguenots) "popolari che in ogni palmo di terreno e fino nell' istessa corte e forse nella camera del re hanno lor cittadini e seguaci Gia la republica loro (Ugonotti) e piantata, gia ne sono publicate le leggi, e gia in ogni provincia hanno constituiti i magistrati, i consigli eti governatori dell' armi: piii non hanno da fare che da andare eglino o muovere I'armi al re per cacciarlo di casa." It is obvious to what an extent the monarchical element is mixed up with these attempts of Catholicism. Geneva was to be destroyed, as the head and adviser of the Huguenot republics; she could now receive no support, as other protestant bodies had sufficient work on their hands, and the English were bound by treaties. And of what importance would be the territory of Savoy, even with this addi- tion, in comparison with the power of France] The pass could not be held against the Swiss, since the king had possession of Bresse. " I cantoni catto- lici, con quali la corona e piii congiunta, ne riceveranno e servitio e piacere; certo che il cantone di Friburgo circondato da Bernesi heretici, benche sia valo- roso e di loro non tema, havera nondimeno piii caro di confinare per via del lago con quella citta divenuta cattolica e posta sotto il dominio di un principe amico e cattolico, che libera et heretica remanente." RAINIERO ZENO, REL. DI ROMA. 1623. 3S1 Cardinal Retz, the Constable (Luines), and Pere Arnoux, were mentioned to Father Tobia as the men from whom he was to expect the greatest assistance. We shall soon touch upon the consequences of this mission. 103. Relatione di Roma fatta nel senafo Vcneto daW ambasciador Rainiero Zeno alii 22 di Nov. 1623. Informal. Politt. Tom. XVI. 101 haves. The ambassadors who returned from their missions generally express them- selves with modesty and deference both towards the princes from whose court they came, and towards their employers: Rainier Zeno is the first who displays great self-complacency. He not only declares that he lays before them a balance of the papal income and expenditure, made out with the utmost dili- gence and care (f. 80); but also recalls to their notice the lively colors with which he had painted many of the cardinals in his despatches (f. Ill); he says of pope Urban, without any circumlocution, "in two words I demolished his arguments;" and expressly affirms that God had given him the talent of pene- trating the innermost thoughts of men. He quotes cardinal Ludovisio as having said in praise of the republic of Venice, that none but men of the most approved ability were selected for the embassy to Rome. Rainier Zeno was afterwards implicated in the troubles which occurred at Venice in 1628: all that he wrote on that occasion bears the stamp of the same conceit manifested in this report, and which characterised so many Italians and Spaniards of that century. Heartburnings and jealousies could not fail to arise between men of this cha- racter; accordingly Rainier Zeno was subject to the most unpleasant scenes during his embassy. They occurred chiefly during the reign of Gregory XV. Ludovisio exacted a degree of reverence and obsequiousness, which Zeno was little disposed to give: they consequently soon came into violent collision. In the latter part of his report Zeno details these quarrels, and piques him- self on having often given short answers to the pope's nephew aad reduced him to silence. It is matter of peculiar pleasure to Zeno that by secret means he got intelligence of things which Ludovisio imagined to be enveloped in the pro- foundest secrecy, and then let him perceive that he knew all about them; he is delighted at the displeasure manifested by Ludovisio. " Vedeva," he says, " che appresso di me non poteva restare in quel gran concetto di sapere ch' egli con tutti ascosamente ambiva." But we are not to believe that these disputes were at all injurious to the objects of his mission; on the contrary, he says that the republic rather gained in reputation by them; and that when it was intended to place the Valtelline as a deposit in the hands of the Spaniards, Ludovisio feared nothing so much as the thunder of the Venetian protests (" il fracasso che era per fare io, il rimbumbo delle mie proteste."') These times however passed away. Urban VIII had ascended the papal throne, and Rainier Zeno made it his chief business to describe that pope's habits, his court, and government, as far as they were then known. He repeatedly states that the only solicitude of the cardinals was to say what they knew to be agreeable to the pope; and thinks it a natural consequence that none thought of bringing the papal finances into order. There does not exist any instrument, in his opinion, so fitted to throw Christendom into confusion, as the head of a pope. Upon this he sketches a portrait of Urban VIII. " E' prencipe d' aspetto grave e venerabile, di statura grande, di colore olivastro, di lineamenti nobili, di pel nero che comincia tirar al canuto, d' attillatura piii che ordinaria, e di gratia singolare ne' gesti e ne' moti del corpo. Parla per eccellenza bene, et in qual- sivoglia discorso che s' entra seco, ha da difendersi quanto vuole, e d' ogni ma- teria mostra d' haver peritia straordinaria. Ha mostrato sin hora diletto grande 33* 382 CORNERO, ERIZZO, SORANZO, ZENO, REL. 1624. della poesia, 1' uso della quale non ha mai intermesso, ne pure nelle occupationi et nelli studii piu serij: percio gl' intendenti di questa arte e delle lettere che chiamano di humanita sono stati sempre benveduti da lui, et gli ha favoriti cor- tesemente in quelle che ha potuto: non 1' a pero questo diletto astratto da quello che importava piu e che era piu necessario per li carichi che successivaraente li sono passati per le mani, dico dallo studio delle leggi, nel quale ha faticato in- cessantemente dalla prima gioventu sino a questi ultimi anni con tanta maggiore applicatione, perche cosi richiedeva la carica del perfetto della signatura di gius- titia, magistrate che richiede studio et acutezza grandissima et esattissima per la varieta delle materie che vi concorrono. Delli affari del mondo e degl' inter- essi de' prencipi e intendentissimo, quanto che se nelle scuole politiche havesse fatto continua dimora." It is not necessary for us to quote further; the resemblance is only general. — The more delicate features of that intellectual physiognomy — whether it is that they were not developed till later in life, or that Zeno could not comprehend them — are not to be found here. The same applies to his descriptions of the pope's kinsmen and of the car- dinals, whom he goes through in detail. One thing only is worth observing, that he recommends his countrymen to expect no service whatever from the Venetian cardinals. " Priuli," says he, " languido di spirito come di corpo...." So contemptuously does he treat them. Of Venier he does not speak, for fear of being called to account by his family. He then comes to the political relations of the court, and expresses his delight that this time a pope was chosen who was not in love with the Spaniards.— Albuquerque had found the ground unusally hard, and his demands had not been complied with. Zeno represents the terms on which Urban VIII stood with France, in the following manner: — " Non e da dubitarsi che il pontefice verso il regno di Francia habbi molta propensione d' affetto, additandocelo molte congetture probabilissime: hebbero a quella corte principio le suegrandezze, alle quali, se bene ascese per meriti pro- prii, non nega pero egli medesimo che di grande ajuto li fossero le attestationi d' Henrico quarto della sodisfattione che haveva del suo modo di negotiare et del gusto che sentirebbe di vederli partecipato 1' honor solito a conferirsi alii altri residenti in quella carica; quadra benissimo a Sua S'^ il trattare de' Francesi in- genue et libero, lontano dalli artificii, lontano dalle duplicita proprie delle altre nationi; ha una certa conformita di genio alle qualita de studii alii quali s' ap- plicano et de' quali si dilettano piu li Francesi, ch' e la pulitezza delle lettere, 1' eruditione piu acconcia la poesia, la cognitione delle lingue, in che per quanto le permettono le sue attioni, s' e pigliato molto piacere. Stima quel regno, quanto si possa dire, per reputarlo equilibrio dell' ambitione d' altri, li cui fini mirano senza dubbio alia monarchia universale." The pope was much displeased at the connection existing between the Vene- tians and heretics and unbelievers: he thought he might have found other as- sistance. Zeno ends by recalling to mind the sweat and labor expended on the duties of his office, the sleepless nights, the bitter vexations, which had undermined [ his health. "Nevertheless," says he, "I rejoice more in having worn out my life in the service of my country, than if I had lived a whole century in ease and pleasure, unemployed." 104. Relatione degli ecc'"^^ signori amb^i straordtnarii Corner, Ertzzo,Soranzo e Zeno ritornati ultimamenie da Roma, letta aW ecC^o senato, 25 Febr. 1624. (i. e. M. V. 1G25.) On the declaration of Pope Gregory XV that he would no longer transact business with Rainier Zeno, the Venetians sent in his stead Geronimo Soranzo. Nevertheless, as we have already seen, Zeno was in Rome when Urban VIII CORNERO, ERIZZO, SORANZO, ZENO, REL. 1624. 383 was elected. Both of them were appointed to congratulate the new pope on his accession. Corner and Erizzo were likewise sent to complete the embassy. The report which they drew up in common is free from those effusions of per- sonal vanity in which Zeno indulged, and has a certain importance, from the circumstance that the politics of the republic were again complicated by the affairs of the Valtelline. Pope Urban appears to have been much displeased at the Venetians for having joined in the attack of the French upon the papal garrisons: " che i cannoni della republica si fossero voltati contra i luoghi tenuti in deposito della S. S**, che chiamo luoghi dell' istessa chiesa." " Ne mancano," state the envoys, " in Romasoggetti d' ogni grado et d' ogni qualita che proponevano a S. S'^, come ella medesima ci disse, ad usare contra quell' ecc"'" senato le censure ecclesiasliche." They endeavored to excuse themselves as well as they could, alleging that it was the intention of the Spaniards to make themselves all-powerful: " ren- dersi patroni di quelli passi, per facilitarsi la monarchia di questa provincia." Religion was, however, in no danger: they were the less to be blamed for making treaties with ultramontanes, because they were prevented by the pope himself from raising troops in the territory of the church. Urban VIII had imagined that they would have made him some conciliatory proposals in regard to this matter, but they were not empowered so to do. He on his side was inaccessible to their requests, and they were compelled to be satisfied with only softening his anger: " non si impetrava altro che mitigamen- to dell' ascerbita ujostrata del suo animo." This could not have been a very hard matter to attain, as the anti-Spanish feeling of Urban had already manifested itself. He declared " che non poteva parlar alto, perche troppo era circondato da' Spagnoli,e che a Madrid lo chiama- vano heretico, ma che armato si havrebbe fatto rispettare." These words contain the germ of his later opinions and actions. The report we are now considering chiefly treats of matters of this sort, but also attempts to give a description of affairs in general. Let us see how the heads of the government in the first years of Urban VIII are described. " Quelli che di presente sono in maggior autorita preso il pontefice nella es- sentia degli affari, si ristringono nel sig'' cardinale Magalotti e nel sig'' Don Carlo Barberino, fralello della Beat"^ Sua. Mostrano pero ambidue di non co- noscere e non havere questa autoritd: schifano i congressi, parono non esser in- formati dei negotii, non gustano di esser frequentemente visitati, e con questa maniera di procedere, differente assai dal costume dei parenti dei pontefici pas- sati, conservano in maggior riputatione la Santita Sua, volendo dar ad intendere che tutto dipende dai soli cenni di lei. " Era solita la Beat"® Sua alle volte nelle occorrenzo piii gravi chiamere anche a se li cardinali Bandino, Melini, Scaglia, Santa Susanna et qualche altro, perche conoscendoli di natura molto severa, procurava con tale apparenza dar segno di stima verso il sacro collegio e verso le persone loro, non gia perche volentieri inclini o molto si fidi delle loro opinioni; e di questo concetto della S'* Sua, ben noto a detti cardinali et ad altri, tutti se ne dogUono, dicendo che dopo fatte le deliberationi delle cose ella le communica per non admettere il loro consiglio. E si sente anco che va ogni giorno piii tralasciando queste com- municationi, anzi omettendo in tutto e per tutto le consultationi con cardinali, cosi per conservare in se medesimo il solo despotico dominio et autorita, come anco perche conoscendoli dipendenti et interessati chi per 1' uno chi par I' altro principe, giudica cosi convenire al suo servitio maggiormente. " Nelle occorrentie della rep"-'^ sono intervenuti nelle consulte m'' Gessi e m' di Montefiascone, come stati nontii in questa citta e bene informati della cose. E talvolta si e introdotto anche Anzolo Badoer, che sotto altro nome e cognome pur si trattiene in Roma positivamente: e fatto sacerdote, et habita per sua maggior sicurezza una casa congiunta con il monasterio de' frati della scalla, nella cui chiesa e solito celebrare la messa. Ma come habbiamo detto, il card' 384 INST. A SACCHETTI PER SPAGNA. 1624. Magalotti et il sig'' Carlo Barberino sono le stelle fisse di quel firmamento: et i negotii ridotti in queste due sole teste passano con molta secretezza, sicche quello che non si pud penetrare con la congettura ovvero che non viene riferito dal medesimo pontefice, difficilmente si puo sapere per altra via. "11 sig'' Don Carlo mostra la istessa indipendenza da principi nella quale professa conservarsi Sua S'\ E' in eta di 58 anni, ben complessionate a forte. E' inclinato alia soddisfatione de' popoli per conservare la citta abbondante di tutte le cose. Nella sua casa e buon economo, et ha mira di far denari assai, sapendo egli molto bene che 1' oro accresce la riputatione agli huomini, anzi i' oro gli inalza e li distingue vantaggiosamente nel conspetto del mondo: oltre che si tiene per massimi comune non esser conveniente ne ragionevole che chi una volta e stato parente del papa, resti dopo la sua morte in angusta fortuna. E' huomo di poche parole, ma sensitive. Ha mostrato somma riverenza verso la serenissima Republica, et havendo noi nel complir seco detto che auguravamo lunghi anni a Sua Beat"", ci rispose egli con qualche acerbita che quando il papa havesse ad essere rispettato et honorato come papa, alludendo alle cose correnti della Valteliina, li desiderava vita lunga, ma che quando havesse dovuto seguir altrimenti, pregava il sig"' dio a chiamarlo a se quanto prima. "II card' Magalotli professa egli ancora vivere indipendente. E' huomo sagace et accorto: mostra grande vivacita di spirituo e d' inquiettezza, et e in concetto di poter esser guadagnato. Crescendo in eta et esperienza il card' nepote si crede che non passeranno d' accordo insieme e che il papa pensera pero di valersene in qualche legatione opportunamente." 105. Instrutlione a M^e Sacchetli vescovo di Gravina, nuncio destinato di N. S'''']]er la Mta catlca. 1624. {Barb.ful 26 leaves.) Sacchetti's commission referred, first, to the domestic affairs of Spain, and, secondly, to the general policy of Europe. 1. There were always numerous misunderstandings and jealousies between Rome and Spain. For example, the Roman court was offended that cardinal Lerma had been deprived of his revenues, and summoned before a secular tri- bunal. While the pope endeavored to stop the progress of that proceeding, he recommended Lerma to give up all hopes of temporal grandeur; nothing more was to be done, since Olivarez stood so high in tavor; and he had better make up his mind, after having lived so long for others, now to live for himself and for God. On the other hand, the nuncio was referred to Olivarez, with whom the Roman court was on good terms at that moment. The following remark- able passage occurs, with relation to this matter. " E' avvenuto che la gelosia della regina per qualche sospetto d' altri amori del re 1' ha provocata a dolersene col re di Francia suo fratello, a segno tale che venne pensiero a questo di far doglianze e querele pubbliche contro il cognate. Di cio scrisse 1' antecessore di V. S"^ e che vi haveva posto rimedio con far confidente della regina il conte Olivares di diffidentissimo che era prima." The nuncio was also recommended to address himself to the inquisitor general. He was charged to urge him to be on his guard against the introduction of he- retical books into Spain and the Indies. The idea had been suggested in Spain, to secure to the German line a more peaceable possession of their later conquests by two new marriages. The hereditary prince palatine and Bethlem Gabor were to marry two princesses of the imperial family; by which means it was hoped that the troubles prevalent in Germany, and still more in Hungary, would be allayed. At first this was not believed in Rome; however, after fresh information it could no longer be doubted. The pope hastened to remonstrate with the king against the scheme. It appeared, he said, from certain letters, that it was by no means the object of the English, even should the prince palatine be sent to the imperial court, to allow him to turn catholic: and who could think of trusting so unsteady a man INST. AL ARCIV. DI DAMIATA PER FRANCIA. 1624. 385 as Gabor? He, the pope, could neither believe nor approve such a project; he therefore commissioned his nuncio to oppose it with all his might. " V. S'^i% ma con destrezza et a tempo, facci per impedirli (questi due matrimonj) tutto quello che umanamente puo." We know that pope Urban had considerable share in the defeat of these rather far-fetched but well-meant plans. The mission of the rota, which we have mentioned, is accounted for by these expressions. 106. Instruttione a V. S''^"' arctvescovo di Damiatu e chiericn di camera per la nuntiatura ordinaria al re crist"^o, 23 Germ. 1624. This is an appendix to the instructions of Sacchetti. The pope condemns here, in the most vehement manner, the plan for the resti- tution of the Palatinate, and calls in aid the influence of the king to induce Saxony not to oppose the progress of Bavaria. Besides, he wishes for nothing more than the destruction of Oranges, which was only a rendezvous for heretics. The most important however are the domestic affairs. King Louis XIII is described in the following manner: " II re efuori di modo virtuoso et abborrisce tutti quel vitii che sogliono accompagnarsi alia dominatione: non e altiero, ma humanissimo: non e amatore della propria opinione, ma piu volentieri crede a buoni consigli: non ama il riposo, ma ededito allefatiche e le tollera fortemente, senza conoscere altro piacere che quello della caccia: non nutrisce pensieri dimessi ma e avidissimo di gloria, senza dilungarsi punto dalla pieta. Con la M'* S. possono i ministri di stato et i serventi nelle caccie, a quali volentieri s' accosta per godere la liberta, che non concede la stretta pratica de' grandi. II piii caro di quelli che hanno 1' adito a S. M'* con occasione delle caccie e il signore di Toiras, huomo cauto e prudente, che non si rimescola negli affari di stato per ascondere la sua autorita, ma ne e capace. . . ." Catholicism was making a brilliant progress under that monarch. The nuncio was recommended to assist with all his might all the missions, more especially those in the south of France, and to defend their cause at the king's court. He found, however, the principles of the Galilean church always arrayed in invincible and active opposition to him. One portion at least of the members of the Sorbonne maintained the doctrine of the independence of the temporal power, and of the divine right of bishops: some even promulgated the opinion, that the curates had as much authority in their cures, as the bishops in their dioceses. The pope regards these doctrines as abominable. He was extremely annoyed that though Richer, who was a most zealous champion of that doctrine, was excommunicated, he cared nothing about it, but continued to say mass. In the mean while the parliaments took active measures to limit the ecclesias- tical jurisdictions. The appellations, comme d^abus, the inquiries into the busi- ness of the dataria, and the interference with the jurisdiction of the bishops, ap- peared to the pope so many usurpations. " Favoriscono chiunque ad essi ricorre, et in questa maniera procurano di soggiogare le provincie a loro non soggette, come la Bretagna, la Provenza e la Borgembrescia." The parliament also interfered with the laws for the prohibition of books. The nuncios would fain have prohibited works like those of De Thou and Richer, but they could not. The new nuncio was recommended to prevent the appear- ance of pernicious books, rather than to wait till after they had appeared. " Le stampe de' libri sono il fomite delle false dottrine: et e necessario che ella pro- curi di tenersi amorevoli i librari, accioche 1' avisino di mano in mano e' libri che si stampano: imperoche stampati che sono porta seco difficolta di ottenere la prohibitione." It is obvious that the war between the curia and Gallicanism, which, in many of its phases, had kept the old Bourbon monarchy in a constant state of agita- tion, had now broken out in full force and extent. 3S6 C. CARAFFA, RAGGUAGLIO DI BOEMIA. 1624. 107. Insiriittione a V. S^^"' mens''' Compeggi, vescovo di Cesana, destinato da N. Sig'^^ suo nuntio al (S™" Sig'^ duca di Savoia. 1624. This is a remarkable instruction, inasmuch as it throws light on the conse- quences of the mission of Don Tobia Corona. \Yb have seen that the plan against Geneva failed chiefly in consequence of the spil powrerful opposition of Luines and Rohan, and the weight of the Huguenot p^'rty generally; however it was by no means abandoned. " Da chi venisse il motivo di tal impresa, dal papa o dal duca, non si sa bene: perche il pontefice lascio brevi e lettere di esortatione al medesimo sig"' duca et al principe del Piedmonte, donde poteva farsi congettura che il papa ne fosse autore: ma nel ricevere 1' esortatione si mostro tanto pronta 1' A. S. che non parve lontano dal vero il credere che havesse indotto il papa a scrivergli Le difli- culta che incontro il padre Corona, non furono dalla parte del re e della regina, che piegarono subito alle persuasioni ponteficie, ma della parte del contestabile Luines, seguitato da principali ministri, o per proprio interesse o per adulatione, e da alcuni grandi del partito Ugonotto. A Luines si crede che instillassequesta avversione all' impresa il duca di Roano, e cercandosi della cagione che ha potuto spignere questoad opporvisi,altra non se netrovafuori della propria inclinatione al mantenimento degli eretici, essendo egli tale, ed il timore di perdere il seguito dentro alia Francia, mentre che i seguaci suoi havessero havuto a soccorrere 1 Genevrini. II trattato del padre Tobbia resto a segno che non solamente il re non rimase ofFeso di questa missione, ma niuno, etiandio di quelli che 1' intend- essero bene, hebbe ardire di biasimarla; e solamente dissero alcuni che non era quello il tempo di intraprendere un tanto afFare, altri, che non doveva il duca mettere in queste strette il re non dopo il fatto, imperciocche allora S. M'* non havrebbe potuto non dar lode alia pieta e generosita del duca, ma che antece- dentemente non doveva la M*^ S. violare quella fede sotto la quale pensano di riposare sicuri i Genevrini. Dall' bora in qua si e creduto che it sig' duca pensi a tentare la via d' una sorpresa, e adesso non se ne ha piu dubbj, impercioc che S. A. se n' e dichiarata con la S** di N. Sig'S supplicandola a volerlo assistere. La S*^ S. ha risposto che volentieri e con quel medesimo modo che fece papa Gregorio; ma perche il necessario segreto della sorpresa non e capace di questa via, S. A. si e rivoltata a contentarsi che N. Sig''^ gli prometta di fare tali ufficii col re christianissimo dopo il fatto che la M*-^ S. non habbi a sdegnarsene." Some affairs peculiar to Piedmont are also mentioned. They prepared the way for later disputes. The duke laid claim to the nomination to episcopal sees, while the pope conceded only the power of recommending to them; and showed moreover some displeasure at certain taxes laid upon the clergy. 108. Ragguaglio dello stato di religione nel regno di Boemia e sue provincie incorpo- rate. i62i. Carlo Caraffa reached Prague in the month of May 1621, and proceeded im- mediately to the business which pope Gregory XV had especially entrusted to hirn, viz., the restoration of Catholicism in Bohemia. Eighteen months afterwards, as he himself states, in November 1622, he sent to Rome an account of his labors, under the title of Relatio Bohemica, which was forwarded to the newly established propaganda. I have seen the original report which was circulated among the members of the congregation, viz. cardi- nals Sauli, Bandini, Barberini (afterwards Urban VIII), Borgia (afterwards the vehement opponent of Urban), Ubaldini, Santa Susanna, Valerio Sagrato, Zol- lern, and the prelates Vives, Aggucchi and Scala. Zollern was to take a copy and make reports from it. Caraffa made additions to this report fourteen months later, (consequently in January 1624,) and sent it uuder the title mentioned above to Urban VIII; "in C. CARAFPA, RAGGUAGLIO DI BOEMIA. 1624. 387 order," as he says, " to inflame his paternal heart still more with love towards the Bohemians." Tliere is extant a detailed printed work by CarafTa, " Commentaria de Ger- mania sacra restaurata;" one of the most important works of reference for the history of the first ten years of the thirty years' vvar. But he could not there enter so fully into an account of his labors in Bohemia, of which he always thought with pride, as in a report specially directed to that purpose: moreover a printed work required to be written vvitii considerable discretion and care, whereas he expresses himself in his report with complete freedom and in great detail. It embraces indeed only the commencement of the changes effected in Bohe- mia, but for these it is most important. I have already made use of it in the text, but necessarily with great com- pression;, I will here add some particulars, showing what difficulties, created chiefly by the government of the country, the nuncio had to contend with, in carrying his views into execution. 1. The introduction of the Latin ritual. "Havendo io tenuto sopra cio proposito col Plateis e considerando sicome quel pochi Boemi che erano cattolici frequentavano in ogni modo le chiese di nostro rito, dove pure ascoltavano i divini ufficj in lingua latina, giudicai non essere disperabile che 1' istesso potessero fare anche quelli che di nuovo si convertissero, insinuandosi massime loro da predicatori che questa lingua sia quasi in un certo modo d' essenza ne' divini ufficj in tutti li paesi cattolici e particolarmente in quelle chiese che si comprendono sotto I'imperio occidentale per segno della superiorita e maggioranza della chiesa Romana sopra tutte le altre: pero diedi ordine ad esso Plateis, che quanto prima havesse potuto, usasse ogni suo studio per restituire I' uso del predetto idioma in quelle chiese che gia si erano levate di mano agli eretici: onde il giorno de' santi apostoli Simone e Giuda dell' anno 1621, con 1' occasione di essere stata provista dall' arcive- scovo di parroco cattolico la chiesa di Santo Stefano, principale parrocchia di Terra nuova, habitata dal piu minuto volgo, trail quale sonopochissimi cattolici, fu celebrata alia presenza di nuniero grandissimo hi heretici nella predetta chiesa I'immaculatissimo sacrificio deJla messa in lingua latina con I' aspersione dell' acqua benedetta, con 1' invocatione de' santi e con tutti i riti Romani, due secoli dopo che n' era stata esclusa la lingua latina e che per molti anni non vi si era celebrate ne nell' uno ne nell' altro idioma. II quale esempio hanno poi seguito con le chiese della citta tutti i luoghi del regno senza sentirsi romore o strepito alcuno nel popolo: et io essendo in Praga ho visto detto popolo stare con molta attentione alle funtioni divine." 2. Abolition of the cup at the Lord's supper. " Inteso poi da me il senso della sacra congregatione del santo ufficio per le lettere e scritture all' bora mandatemi, risolvei di vietarlo (il calice) onnina- mente e non dar piu orecchie alle ciance e preghiere di detti regnicoli, argomen- tando che se havessero voluto essere obbedienti figli di santa chiesa, camminereb- bero cosi in questa come in ogni altra cosa di concerto col restante del corpo cat- tolico; ma se sfuggissero di ricedere da questo abuse radicato anche negli animi de' cattolici per la pretesa concessione di Pio Quarto, tenerlo per segno di super- bia et ostinatione e per indicio di non veri cattolici: onde tralasciato ogni altro rispetto e timore allegato da politici, i quali da questa novita immaginavano sollevationi o ruine irremediabili, feci prohibire a tutti li parrochi che non por- gessero ad alcuna persona la specie del vino, comandando loro che a chiunque le domandava ambedue, chiedessero se era cattolico, e confossandosi tali gli enun- ciasserolanecessitadi ubbedire al rito Romano il quale esclude i laici dal calice. Cosi molti che non erano tocchi da vero zelo, sentendo questo si rimanevano nella loro ostinatione, non communicando ne nell' una nenell' altra forma, e noi intanto conseguivamo 1' intento nostro, che non si porgeva il calice: ma non fu pero niuno di quel preti toranti all' obbedienza chehavevano in cura le chiese reconciliate il quale havesse 1' animo di porgere la sola specie del pane in faccia 8SS C. CARAPFA, RAGGUAGLIO DI BOEMIA. 1624. degli heretic! che frequentavanodettechiese: sino che il cancelliere Plateis diede intrepidamente principio a questa santa impresa nellaparrocchia di San Martino, come di sopra si e notato. II quale uso introdotto poi a laude di Dio nell' altre chiese si osserva con intera quiete, ancorche mi habbiano in cio dato assai che fare i politici. Perciocche vedendosi gli heretici svanito il disegno fatte di dovere in ogni modo conseguire da veri sacerdoti cattolici il santissimo Sacra- mento sotto 1' una e 1' altra specie, hebbero 1' anno passato 1622 ricorso da po- litici: e qualunque maniera con loro si tenessero, a me per adesso non importa riferirlo: basta che estorsero una lettera del principe Liechtestain, che all' horasi trovava qui, in virtu della quale, come se fosse per ordine diSua M**, chiamando i due parrochi delia madonna del Tein e di Santo Enrico, stati gia predicant!, coramandarono loro che nella solennita della pasqua porgessero indifferentemente a ogn' uno, di qualunque rito fosse, la communione sotto 1' una e altra specie. Cosi il giovedi in caena domini per mera perfidia di detti politici nella chiesa del Tein fu commessa grandissima abominatione, ricevendo il venerabile corpo del gignore consacrato sotto le due specie del pane e del vino da legittimo sacerdote fiiu di mille scellerati heretici, dandosi in tale guisa per colpa d' huomini catto- ici il santo a cani. A questo non manco il Plateis di fare 1' oppositione che se li aspettava, ma niente pote contro la temerita loro: onde egli per sostenere la pro- hibitione dell' uso del calice delibero fare animo e distribuire il sacramento, come tre giorni dipoi fece, pubblicamente sotto la sola specie del pane, nella parrocchia di San Martino. Ma havendo io havuto notitia di questo empio atten- tate, fui subito a fame acerba lamentatione con Sua M*^, dolendomi con ogni piii efficace maniera che i suoi ministri si volessero ingerire in quelle cose che con- cernono la reverenza verso il tremendo sacramento dell' altare, che meramente riguardano lo spirituale e la salute dell' anime, e che senza rispetto niuno s' in- tromettevano negli aifari di religione, non mostrando segno alcuno di obbedienza verso dio e la santa sede Romana, della quale la maesta Sua si era sempre mos- trata tanto ossequente. Da che fuori di modo commosso 1' imperatore diede su- bito rigidissimi ordini a detti politici, accio lasciassero la cura delle cose ecclesi- astiche e di religione agli huomini di chiesa, facendo loro grave riprensione per la temerita commessa: onde essi gagliardamente si incitarono contro di me e del Plateis, come quelli daquali si persuasero essere proceduto il rabbuffo fattoli da Sua M*^: et oltre al minacciare aspramente il Plateis, non si astennero dal manomettere anche 1' autorita mia, insinuando a mons"' arcivescovo che egli s' io non li mostravo sopra cio special breve di Sua BeafS non fosse tenuto ad obbedirmi in una cosa di tanto rilievo come il sopprimere in Praga 1' uso del calice; e non tralasciando di sollevare i predetti e farli animo, persuadendo loro che non havessero timore alcuno di me ne dell' arcivescovo, perche dal governo politico, al quale in quel regno per antiquato stile devono soggiacere gli ecclesiastic!, sariano sempre protetti e sostenuti, operarono che il curato del Tein facendo nuova prevaricatione si ridusse in aperta disubbidienza, e prese ardire di predicare al popolo che non volesse tollerare che i papisti, che miravano tiraneggiare il tutto, li togliessero 1' uso del calice, e pregassero dio per lu! vero difensore del paterno anticorito: dimodoche quel volgo fece un poco di tumulto, rappresentandos! quella sera sino al numero di mille alia casa di detto curato come in sua difesa. II che venuto a mia notitia, cava! subito da Sua M** Ce- sarea indignatione e comandamento che il detto prete fosse subitc arrestato e consegnato a mons''" arcivescovo: come fu senza dilatione alcuna eseguito: e quel popolo, che prima si era mostrato cosi ardente per la sua indennita, non fece motivo alcuno, perche lo vedesse condurre prigione in faccia del giorno e di tutta la gente. Et egli dopo alcune settimane di carcere se ne mori dentro di quella, supplendosi alia cnra di delta chiesa, che e la principale di terra vecchia, con altro parroco cattolico e con la predica del cononico Rottua, soggetto insigne per dottrina e zelo, il quale amministra tuttavia questa carica con molto profitto e con grandissimo concorso cosi di cattolici come di heretici, i quali volentieri ascoltano le predichedi questo buon sacerdote per la sua efficace e grata maniera di dire." C. CARAFFA, RAGGUAOLIO DI BOEMIA. 1624. 389 3. General proceedings. "Per decreto di Sua M'* in conformila delle risolutioni prese nella congrega- tione prefata tenuta in Vienna si sono dipoi riformate tutte le citta del regno, cacciando da esse e da loro contorni li ministri e predicanti heretici. In ciascnna di esse oltre il parroco si sono messi il capitano, il giudice, il primate del con- siglio et un cancelliere cattolico, restandone in eterno bandito 1' esercitio here- tico havendo I'imperatore per prova conosciuto, coll' esempio della fedelta di Budueis e con la perfidia di quasi tutte le altre, qiianto importi che le citta siano heretiche o cattoliche. Et ancorche il principe Liechtestain soprasedesse gia daila incominciata riforma rispetto a gran rumori che si spargevano del disgusto di Sassonia, poi la prosegui, havendogliene io fatto reiterare I'ordine: ma pero se li sospese circa li circoli di Egra e Culma per essere contigui alia Sassonia e pretendersi che la proprieta loro sia dell' imperio e non della corona di Bo- hemia. Con tutto cio resta per ancora nel regno qualche predicante protetto da baroni heretici o da poco buoni cattolici, e particolarmente ne sono nel circolo di Leitmeriz spalleggiati da un barone cattolico, che professando grande strettezza e fratellanza con 1' elettore di Sassonia si persuade farli in questa maniera cosa gratissima: et havendolo io esortato a cacciarli e fattogliene parlare ancora da altri, ha promesso mandarli via, ma dubito che ritenuto dalla moglie, che e he- retica, non vorra farlo se non forzatamente. Ne sonoanco rimasti in quelle citta neliequali si trovano acquartierate militie heretiche, non havendo voluto li com- missarj regj esporsi col riformarli a pericolo di tumulto: ma hora che i sospetti di guerra vanno scemando, si dara licenza alii soldati heretici, ovvero se li as- segneranno altri qaartieri, accio habbia luogho la riforma. Ne resta uno ancora nella citta di Kuttembergh, scusando il principe di Liechestain di non poter cacciarlo, perche quegli huomini non vorrebbero poi lavorare nelle miniere che ivi sono: tuttavia col ritorno dell' imperatore a Praga spero in dio che si rimedi- ara da ogni cosa. Ne devo tralasciare che nel mio passaggio da Ratisbona a Praga, havendo traversato una gran parte della Bohemia, e cosi da Praga a Vienna ho trovato in ogni luogo la riforma effettuata, eccettoche nella citta di Jaromir, dove erano in alloggio alcune fanterie del colonnello duca si Sassonia: ma dipoi ho mandato strettoordine di Sua M% accio sia riformata: et in ciascuna di esse citta s'istruiscano i figliuoli nella dottrina Christiana, insegnandoseli orare in lingua latina. " Sono state sotto rigide pene prohibite dentro efuori di Praga le conventicole degli heretici, sotto qualunque pretesto le facessero, la qual commissione fu data molti mesti addletro a mia richiesta: ma non ostante che io piu volte n'habbia reclamato col governo di Praga, non era stata mai eseguita. "Dal senato della citta di Praga si sono levati tutti gli heretici, supplendo i loro luoghi di persone cattoliche, e se li e tolta ogni essentiale autorita, lasci- andogliene solamente qualche apparenza nelle cose che non sono di molto rilievo, annullando in specie tutti li privilegj pregiudiciali alia religione cattolica con- cessi da re passati, potendo benissimo farlo 1' imperatore havendosi per forza d' armi riguadagnato questo regno gia apertamente ribellatoseli. L'accademia o coUegio di Carlo IV a gloria divina e della religione cattolica si e restituita alia sua primiera istitutione sotto la cura de' padri Gesuiti, li quali hanno an- cora la sopraintendenza di tutte le scuole del regno, et a' medesimi 1' usare dili- genza che non si stampino o vendano libri contrarj alia verita cattolica, essen- dosi sottoposti alia loro censura i librarj e gli stampatori. Si e havuto intorno alia predetta accademia qualche difficolta, volendocisi deputare un presidente laico, il che da me non veniva bene inteso, ma finalmente spero che sara lasciata questa cura a mons' arcivescovo, pretendendo egli per suoi antichi privilegj es- sere cancelliero del regno. " Alia casa de' poveri istituita in Praga da Ferdinando Terzo si sono di piii assegnati 4 m. talleri annui: onde si e accresciuto il numero loro da ottanta, che prima vi sene alimentavano, fino a ducento. A padri Gesuiti si sono dati per una volta 20 mila talleri da spendersi nella fabbrica del loro collegio: et in questo non e occorso che si impieghino li miei ufficj, non havendo bisogno di VOL. II. — 34 390 MONTORIO, REL. DI COLONIA. 1624. alcun mezzo appresso dell' imperatore 1' evldenti utilita che dalle loro attioni si traoro-ono. Per augumento dell' entrate capitolari della cattedrale sono stati assegnati beni che rendono 6 m. talleri annul, e per le archiepiscopali 24 mila: ma perche quesli beni sono assai guasti e rovinati, monsignor arcivescovo de- sidera ritenersi per qualche tempo il mons'' d' Ossegg, assegnato gia alia mensa archiepiscopale sotto Ridolfo in vece della pensione camerale che veniva difficil- mente pagata. Nell' arbitrio di monsignor arcivescovo si e riposta la provincia delle parrocchie di Praga e di tutto il regno, etiam che prima fossero possedute da signori particolari che erano tutti ribelli, essendosi risorbato Timperatore questo jus, nientre si sono venduti li beni di essi ribelli, havendosi anche ha- vuto ritruardo che per molte leghe intorno a Praga siano tutti comprati da catto- lici." ° 109. Relatione alia S'a di N. S'^^ papa Urhano VIII della cose appartenenti alia nuntia- tura di Colonia per M^ Montorio vescovo di Nicastro ritornato nuntio di quelle parti ranno di N. S^e 16-24. Montorio arrived in Germany in the midst of the disorders of war. He repre- sents the dangers which would have threatened the catholics, if Mannsfeld, who held the Upper Rhine country from Slrasburg to Mayence, and the Bishop of Halberstadt, who had possession of Westphalia, could have managed to unite their forces to those of Baden-Durlach. All these leaders, however, were seve- rally defeated. He then describes the advantages arising from these victories, and the condition of the German church. The counter reformation had recommenced in Fulda with great violence; the catholic party, with the assistance of the infanta and the army of Liga, had en- tered Osnabruck; they had hopes of making an archduke, bishop in Minden; they had endeavored by special missions to work upon the chapter in Bremen to elect a catholic coadjutor, but a Danish prince had this time carried the elec- tion; the nuncio hoped, however, to see the catholic faith at least tolerated in all the Hanse towns; it appeared to him that the emperor had a right to demand this, as those towns drew considerable profit from the Spanish and Portuguese trade: a church had already been opened in Altona, from which great hopes were entertained for the north: " per potere in qualche tempo fondarsi un semi- nario, onde possino pigliarsi operaj, dopo che avranno appreso la lingua Danica e Norvegica, per ridurre al lume delle vera fede quel popoli piii settentrionali." Montorio thought that this progress ought to be accompanied by some reform in the internal affairs of the German church. The prelates dressed in the habit of the laity, and did not scruple to go to the wars: concubinage prevailed openly, and the nuncio had prevented a certain Hornberg, who was otherwise an unexceptionable candidate, from being raised to the See of Wurtzburg on account of that offence. The German bishops paid little attention to the pope; they appointed to benefices during the reserved months, and presumed to do many unlawful things by means of their officials. " Dispensano ne' gradi ma- trimoniali prohibiti, ad sacros ordines et beneficia vacata, super defectu natalium, concedono extra tempora, dispensano super defectu setatis, anche talvolta hanno dispensato con persone institute in sacris di prender moglie." They entitled themselves, " by the grace of God," without thought of the apostolical see, and looked upon their ecclesiastical possessions almost as private property. In the convents, matters were not better. The abbots acted like absolute rulers. In the towns, nothing was going on but banquets, and assemblies to which both men and women resorted: in the country convents, the monks followed the sports of the field, and nothing was to be seen but hounds and huntsmen. The nuncio w^ould willingly have commenced reforms, but was prevented by contao-ious diseases, the turmoils of war, and political business. He°treats of these with great ability. I could not incorporate into my history, all that he says of the affairs of the electorate, and will therefore quote it here. INST. A L. CARAFPA PER COLONIA, 1624. 391 «♦ Possono esser note a S. Beat"* le cose all' hora occorse, ed io benche mi fossero giiinti assai lardi i brevi che mi mandava papa Gregorio, acciocche inter- venissi alia dieta per tale effetto adunata in Ratisbona, mi mossi nondimeno nel maggior rigore dell' inverno con grandissime spese, disagi e pericoli per compa- rirvi: e condottomi sino ad Herbipoli da ministri di S"^ e da principi elettori ivi congregati, a quali avevo dato avviso della mia mossa, mi fu significato non esser piu necessaria la mia persona, poiche la conclusione del negotio era ritar- datada piu alta capione chedal mancamento del consenso de' principi ivi adunati, e che il vedersi ivi compariti tanti ministri apostolici havrebbe accresciute le difficolta, mettendosi in gelosia li protestanti, come che quella traslatione fa trattata piu tosto come materia di religione che di state. Mi rimasi percio d' andarvi, tanto piu che il Magontino, che come degano del coUegio elettorale era quasi arbitro del negotio, praticato da me alcuni mesi prima, stava costante nell' offerta fattami di voler secondare la mente del papa e dell' imperatore. Li de- putati di Treveri havevano ordine dal suo principe, datoli a mia istanza, di non iscostarsi dalla deliberationi del Magontino e del Colonicense. Io non staro qui a divisare a V. Beat"'^ le difficolta che incontrai per disporre il Magontino a con- sentire a detta traslatione: perche hora diceva abborrire la cittadi Ratisbona come d'aria nemica alia sua sanita, hora diceva trovarsi esausto di denari e da noa potere supplire alle spese che ivi gli saria convenuto di fare, hora che il negotio non era maturo, non essendoci il consenso di Spagna e di Sassonia, hora temeva le minacce del re d'Inghilterra, di Dania e di altri settarj, hora affermava che quella traslatione havrebbe accesa nuova e piu cruda guerra in Germania, con danno evidente della religione cattolica, mentre, i principi ecclesiastici, che ha- vevano portato fino all' hora e dovevano portare per I'avvenire il peso, esausti per le contributioni passate alia lega, spogliati d'ogni loro havere dall' insolenze e rubamenti non meno de' nostri che de' nemici soldati, non solo non potevano ne havevano modo di apparecchiarsi a nuova guerra, ma erano ridotti ad estre- mita tali che erano costretti licentiare le proprie famiglie a vivere quasi priva- tamente: non lasciava di porre in consideratione il duca di Neoburgh, come piii prossimo di sangue al palatino, la cui persona non havrebbe recata tanta gelosia a protestanti, che temeanola grandezza del Bavaro, a cui conforme la costitutioni imperiBli secondo la bolla aurea come a piii prossimo doveasi quella dignita, nella quale il rnedesimo duca haveva protestato non volere consentire sino all' ultimo spirito che altri fosse a se preferito: basta che in quattro o cinque giorni che mi trattenni con lui in Acciaffemburgo, dopo lunghi discorsi fatti in voce et in iscritto, ottenni la risolutione che io desiderava. La traslatione fu fatta, et ancora si mantiene. II palatinato e in parte occupato dal Bavaro, in parte da Spagnuoli, ne altro resta al palatino che la citta di Franchinthal depositata in certo tempo in mano della serenissima infanti di Fiandra con concerto del re Inglese. " Mentre per detto negotio io ero in Acciaffemburgo, giunse ivi la nuova della presa di Adilbergh: et havendo io gia fatto officio per commissione di Sua S*" col sig" duca di Baviera per la libreria Palatinaet havendone havuta offerta, mandai subito un' espresso al sig"' conte di Tilly, facendoli istanza per la conservatione di essa, poiche mi veniva aflfermato per la qualita e quantita de' libri massime manoscritti essere di valore inestimable: e mi rispose S. E. che il tutto era in poter suo ben conservato per eseguirne 1' ordine dal sig"' duca: di che havendo dato conto a patroni, havendo essi mandata persona a pigliarlo, fu detta libreria dopo alcuni mesi condotta a Roma." no. Jnstrutltone a V. S. Monsr Caraffa vescovo di Tricartco destinato da N. S. suo nuntio in Colonia. 26 Giugno 1624. Luigi CarafTa succeeded Montorio: he had been nuncio at Cologne daring the time that Carlo Caraffa held that office at Vienna. The pope unfolds to him his views of German affairs in a very long and de- 392 INST. A L. CARAFFA PER COLONIA. 1624. tailed instruction, wherein he discusses all the points of internal church disci- pline which had been suggested by Montorio. The apostolical see had already lost much, both in income, consideration, and authority; the nuncio was to en- deavor to recover what had been lost. " V. S. stia attentissima a tutto quello che puo sostentare I'autorita apostolica e specialmente a procurare che da essa eschino le dovute provisioni beneficiali." It is remarkable that the instructions here given to the nuncio are immediately founded upon the recommendations of Minuccio Minucci. For example, he was to send to Rome a list of the German ecclesiastics who were worthy of promotion. " De' piii costumati, de' piu dotti, de' piu nobili, de' meglio appoggiati all' autorita d' alcun principe cattolico..... Cosi noi aremo notizie tali che sollecitamente la sede apostolica potra provedere prima che scorra il suo tempo." Literally the same course which had been re- commended by Minucci in 1588. Nevertheless, time had suggested other mea- sures, of which the most important was, that Rome had the power to appoint a catholic coadjutor to a bishop who was growing old, even during liis lifetime. This had already been done with the greatest success in Paderborn and Miinster. The most important object, however, was the further diffusion of Catholicism. The Liga was to be supported with all possible vigor; the nuncio was to take care that every body paid his rate for that object. An ecclesiastical company was founded in Cologne for the conversion of protestants, in which the princes of Austria and Bavaria took part, and which possessed considerable sums of money; the nuncio was not to suffer it to fall into decay. Certain princely houses were pointed out as affording some hopes of conversion to Catholicism, particularly Darmstadt and Saxony. The nuncio was to foster this disposition, " so that those princes might not be able to resist the grace which God was about to show them." He was more especially to further the establishment of seminaries, and the introduction of the Jesuits. This is perhaps the most important part of the whole instruction, and I will quote it at length. Sara opera degnissima di S. S™ I'impiegarsi a coltivare i seminarj gia fatti et a procurare che altri se ne faccino di nuovo; e per queste simili opere chi non vede che i padri della compagnia di Gesii sono maravigliosi] Laonde il prede- cessore di S. S"^ diede principio a pratticare I'introduttione di quelli in Franch- fort, scrivendo sopra di cio caldissime lettere a Cesare, e voleva fare altrettanto I'eletlore di Colonia. N. S''^ per sollecitare I'effettuatione di questo buon pen- siero, fece scrivere al nuntio presso I'imperatore che non si liscaldi: col quale S. S™ s'intendera per quello che restasse da fare, avvisandone le speranze e i Buccessi. L'elettore di Magonza ha fatto rappresentare alia S** di N. S'^' che per propagare la religione cattolica, che col favore divino piglia piede nel pala- tinato inferiore, niuna cosa viene giudicata piu spediente quanto I'erettione de' seminarj e delle case dove possino convenire i nobili del Reno: e per cio fare, propone a S. B"' che si potrebbono comodamente applicare i beni d'alcuni mo- nasterj e specialmente di Germershaim, Spanhaim et Odernhaim, posti nella diocesi di Magonza et altre volte occupati da principi Palatina del Reno: la quale proposta e stata stimata da S. B"* di molto rilievo, e prima di risolvere voleva che I'antecessore di V. S"^ presane diligente informatione avvisasse dis- tintamente lo stato di detti monasterj col suo parere: ma perche la brevita del tempo non gli havra permesso eseguir tutto, S. Bn'= vuole che ella supplisca al rimanente con ogni sollecitudine et accuratezza. " L'elettore di Colonia ancora vuole instituire un' universita nella sua citta di Munstero: e di cio e stato ragionato nella sagra congregatione de propaganda fide, inclinando la S*^ di N. S" che si facci detta universita, con conditione pero che oUre alle scienze vi si insegnino le leggi canoniche e civili. Serva a S. S"^ per avviso, accioche ella tratti in questa forma con detto elettore, quando S. A. le parlera d'havere ottenuto per detta erettione il beneplacito apostolico." PIETRO CONTARINI, REL. DI ROMA. 1627. 393 111. Relatione deW ill"^" et ecc^o sigf Pietro Conturini K^ ritornalo delP ambasceria ot' dinuria di Roma, presentala alii 22 Giugno 1G27 e letla il medesimu giorno neW ecc^o senato. Pietro Contarini had passed more than three years and a half— about forty- four months — at the court of Urban VIII, when he wrote this report. He treats in four distinct parts, of the temporal and the spiritual adminis- tration, of the most important affairs, and the most influential members, of the court. His account of the extension of the spiritual jurisdiction is remarkably full and instructive. He thinks that it had never yet in Italy been exercised with such rigor; that the court of Rome had become very dangerous to other princes, from its double object of maintaining an immediate rule over ecclesiastical per- sons, and a free disposal of ecclesiastical property. Urban VIII often said that if a Venetian nobleman were to become pope, he could not be more favorably inclined to the Venetians than he himself was: notwithstanding these profes- sions they never obtained the slightest favor from him. Altogether Contarini had a bad opinion of the whole system of the Roman government, the main principle of which was nepotism. " L'inclinatione dei papi di far grandi i nepoti da in questi tempi il prime moto all' attioni, dichiarationi e dipendenze con altri principi. Prima si pensa ad imprese contra infideli, ad acquisto di stall, ma come gli anni son brevi, le difficolta molte, cosi si ferma il concetto senz' effettuatione alcuna: doppo altra strada si prende piu facile, accumulando grandi richezze, comprando stati." He describes as follows the men immediately about Urban. "Per ordinario si consiglia il pontefice con il card'' Magalotti, cognato del fratello, e che tiene anco il carico di segretario di stato, per le cui mani passano tutte r espeditioni. E' cardinale d' ingegno grande, vivace: lo stima assai il papa: 1' ha voluto sempre appresso di se, et in particolare nella legatione di Bo- logna, dove le diede la viceregenza di quel governo. E se vi e alcuno che arrivi ad havere predominio nell' animo della S'* Sua, quest' e 1' uno, ne si sa se per proprio afletto et inclinatione di lei o se per la grande accortezza del cardinale, che bene conoscendo il genio di chi cosi lungamente si e servito di lui sa valersi delli mezzi proprj per condursi a questo segno: e puo dirsi che negli affari di momento di esso solo si vale. Egli pero s'affatica d' aggiuslarsi alle inclina- tioni del pontefice, le contradice meno che puo, e nelli suoi sensi procura d' in- camminare le proprie attioni per conservare il posto, la confidenza e la riputa- tione che le apporta 1' esser adoperato nelli maneggi piii gravi. Procura con allontanarsi da tutte le apparenze, fuggendo 1' audienze ordinarie de' ministri di principi, de' cardinali e quasi d' ogni altro (ma solo tratta i negotii ch' espressa- mente gli sono incaricati) di non acquistar 1' odio che per 1' ordinario suole cader sopra quelli che si veggono piii vicini e partecipano dell' autorita. o gratia del principe: e lo fa maggiormente per non ingelosire il card'^ Barberino, che da principio non mostro di ricevere intiero gusto di vederlo avanzarsi tanto, e piii valersi il pontefice di lui che della sua persona: e percio bene spesso per questa causa s'udirono da Barberino parole che dinotavano il suo sentimento. Hora nondimeno lascia correr le cose come vanno, e mostra confidar nel zio, o per sol- levarsi del peso degli aflfari, o perche non sa o conosce di non poter fermare il corso alia fortuna di questo. II tutto pure si partecipa col medesimo cardinal Barberino, con S. Onofrio e Don Carlo. " II primo, come nipote, e veramente amato. Vorrebbe la S'n Sua che non pill applicatione attendesse alii negotii: ma egli v' apparisce alieno assai, ne il suo naturale punto si vede inclinato, et pare che quasi a forza assista solo dove per il carico che tiene non puo far altrimenti, scaricando il peso degli aflfari piu gravi sopra 1' istesso card'' Magalotti, contentandosi di spogliarsi di quello che dovrebbe esser suo particolare per vestirne il zio, contro la pratica degli passati pontefici, sia o per propria debolezza, o per non saper volersi di quella autorita 34* 394 PIETRO CONTARINI, REL. DI ROMA. 1627. che gode chi arriva a posto tanto eminente. E' di ottimi, virtuosi e lodevoli costumi, di soave natura, e con esempio unico non vuole ricever donativi o pre- sente alcuno. Sara nondimeno vivendo il pontefice al pari d' ogni altro cardi- nals grande e ricco. Hor deve haver intorno 80 m. scudi d' entrata di beneficj ecclesiastici, e con li governi e legationi che tiene deve avvicinarsi a 500 m. scudi, e tutto il meglio che cava, sard suo, principiando a farsi delle inveslite di raomento. E poco spendendosi in breve tempo, verrassi ad accumular ricchezze immense. " 11 card' S. Onofrio essendo vissuto del continue nei Cappuccini, sequito tut- tavia in una vita religiosissima, non s' ingerisce se non in quelle le viene com- messo, e degli affari del mondo poco ne sa e meno n'intende; e bene si e conos- ciuto la sua inabilita in questo nell' absenza di Barberino, mentre fu necessario di trattare e negotiar seco. Hora si ritrova alia residenza della sua chiesa di Sinigaglia. " Jl sig'' Don Carlo pure, fratello del pontefice, e generale di santa chiesa, e tutto quello che appartiene alia militie, alle fortezze, alle galere, e sotto il suo comando. E' signore d' intelligenza, prudente, cauto nello dlscorrere e trattare, 6 la cura dell' entrate e maneggi della camera ottimamente 1' intende, essendo stato huomo di negotio e versato in queste materie. Qualche cosa ha rilasciato dalla sua prima applicatione agli affari, per non aggravar maggiormente li suoi anni, essendo il piu vecchio delli fratelli e per qualche sua dispositione ancora. " Due altri nipoti tiene la S'' Sua. II sig'' Don Taddeo, nel quale si pensa di stabilire la casa, giovane di anni 23 incirca, di nobilissime maniere, di grande ingenuita, et e sommamente amato da tutta la corte. Qualche disegno vi e nel pontefice di farlo prefetto della citta dopo la morte del duca di Urbino, che hora gode questo titolo, carico degnissimo, che a tutti precede e dura in vita e dopo la morte anco del pontefice tiene luogo nel solio. E Don Antonio, commenda- tore di Malta, di anni 18. Ha intorno 14 m. scudi di commende. E' di uno spirito pronto, vivace, et a suo tempo vi vorra esser per la sua parte: desidera egli parimente il cardinalato, e si crede lo compiacera la S** Sua. Molti che non amano il card'^ Magalotti, lo vedrebbono volentieri quanto prima promosso a quella dignita, con opinione possa egli arrivar dove non giugne il fratello a farle contrasto et oppositione." The affairs of the Valtelline are here discussed in all their relations. "L' altro importante negotio e quello della Valtellina, intorno al quale pure grandemente vi travaglio la Santita Sua, ma con fortuna diversa, se bene nel principio vogliono che potesse applicarvi maggiori e piu risoluti rimedj. L' esser entrato in affare tanto arduo li primi giorni del ponteficato, uscito e non ben ancora rimesso da una grave indispositione, con il pensiero piii applicato al primo che a questo negotio, causo forse che si lascio correr molte cose che allora il provedervi non era difficile, sicome il remediarvi poi dopo riusci impossibile. Fu il deposito della Valtellina fatto dai Spagnoli in mano di Gregorio XV, e Chiavenna con il suo contado la consegnarono con le medesime conditioni al presente pontefice. Le prime negotiationi passarono per mano del commenda- tore Silleri con tanta cautela e secretezza che il certo d' esse non solo si comu- nicava alii ministri di V. Serenita, che pure ne doveano aver tanta parte ma con fatica veniva a loro notitia il vero di quanto si trattava. In niuna altra cosa premeva il pontefice che nel ricevere soddisfattione per il pagamento delli pre- sidj ch' egli teneva nelli forti della Valle, e dopo infinite doglianse et instanze consegui, credo, fra 1' uno e 1' altro re intorno 200 m. scudi. Questo danaro and 6 diminuendo il dispiacere del deposito, che prima e dopo anche danno sempre grandemente, slimando non esser soUevato dall' interesse, niuno pregiudicio potesse apportarle la longhezza et irresolutione di tal meneggio. "Quelli del Valtellina s' offerivano al papa per vassalli, assicurandolo che li datii che potrebbe imporre sopra li vini e formaggi basterebbono a mantener li presidj ordinarj per difesa di quella Valle. Molti consideravano al pontefice che il ritornar la Valtellina alii Grisoni e rimetter in mano degli heretici li cat- tolici non si poteva da esso ne si dovea se non con grandissimo scandalo e danno PIETRO CONTARINI, REL. DI ROMA. 1627. 395 eseguire, che darla ai Spagnoli niiino n' havrebbe assentito, et ai Francesi o ad altri quelli non lo permetterebbono; ne meglio vi fosse che si conservasse alia cliiesa la Valtelllna, non contenendo alcun' altra condilione di momemto quel paese che del passi, che si possono havere o pretender per venirsene et andar- sene oltre ai monti: questi restando in potesta del pontefice patre comune, gli havrebbe aperti e concessi sempre secondo il bisogno e necessita d' ogn' uno. Le ragioni se bene poco fondate non lasciano di far impressione, e talvolta anche persuadono dove apparisce alcuna speranza di comodo et utile. Del con- cetto se ne lascio intender la S'» Sua, et aggiunse anco, quando vi fosse qualche difficolta nel restar alia chiesa, ne si potrebbe investir un suo nipole. Era pro- mosso dai Spagnoli il partito, a loro pero ne ai Francesi piaceva: in fine si fermo da Silleri il trattato ben noto a V. Serenita che non fu in Francia appro- vato dal re, in particolare nella parte che Spagnoli avessero il passo per le genti che andassero in Fiandra e per le raedesime solo che ritornassero: poiche il forinar della Valtellina una quarta lega, che tanto pretesero Spagnoli, meno il pontefice v' assenti. Fu mutato per questa causa 1' ambasciatore, o fosse per la caduta del cancelliere e di Puysieux segretario, 1' uno fratello e 1' altro nipote del medesimo Silleri. E giunse in Roma mons' di Bettune, ministro di rniglior consiglio, di piii generosi e risoluti partiti, disautorrizzo il negotiato del suo precessore, insiste e parlo sempre per il trattato di Madrid, nego assolutamente il permettere per qualsivoglia maniera a' Spagnoli il passo, e sollecito in fre- quenti audienze il pontefice a risolvere alcuna cosa poiche ne a maggiori lung- hezze ne a piii tarde dilationi potea la lega assentire. II pontefice, che non stimo mai tanta risolutione nelli coUegati ne da questa causa fossero per condursi all' armi, massime che 1' suo nuntio in Francia e quello di Suizzeri affermarono del continuo alia S"^ Sua con lettere che '1 mar- chese di Covre mai havrebbe presentate 1' armi del re dove vi fossero le insegne della Beat°« Sua, s' ando pure conlinuando nelle irresolutioni, e quanto piii ac- crescevano et apparivano le difficolta, tanto maggiormente veniva ell^ a per- suadersi (ne vi mancava chi la confermava in questo) che in fine nelle contese essa ne restarebbe posseditrice. E benche Bettune per ultimo significo al papa che il re e la lega insieme la supplicavano di rimettere ai Spagnoli li forti con- forme alio obbligo del deposito, accioche essendovi necessita di mover 1' armi non s' attribuisca a poco rispetto 1' andar contro quelle della S'* Sua, e se all' hora il pontefice si risolvea e prendea partito come dovea, offerendo ai Spagnoli li forti, il tutto veniva ad aggiustarsi con la riputatione sua e soddisfatione degli altri, poiche non gli havrebbono ricevuti li Spagnoli non trovandosi in termine di poterli difendere, e cessava la causa di dolersi mentre in tempo eseguiva il pontefice le condition! del deposito, ne poteva alcuna contradire lasciandoli a Grisoni; corsero alcuni giorni: in fine surprese il marchese di Covre Plata Mala: allora il pontefice pretese et adimando tre mesi di tempo, e dopo si ristrinsc a tanto che bastasse di scriver in Spa^na e fame 1' eshibitione, dicendo che 11 ministri d' Italia non tenevano facolta di ricever li forti. Ma essendo di gia avanzate et ogni giorno procedendo di bene in meglio 1' intraprese di Covre, non fu stimato a proposito, anzi sarebbe riuscito dannoso il suspender i pro- gress!, per attender poi di Spagna risposte incerte: a cosi ando il pontefice a poco a poco perdendo tutto quello teneva in deposito, solo restandole Riva e Chiavenna, che sole furono succorse dai Spagnoli. Si doleva S'» Sua che questi, se ben ricercati alle prime difese, mai vennero al soccorso, et essi di non essere stati chiamati in tempo, di modo che mai soddisfatti Spagnoli, non content! Francesi, ella sommamente disgustata stimando poco rispetto s' havesse portato alle sue insegne, del continuo e grandemente con ognuno se ne querelava: ne altrimenti facevano Spagnoli, mentre altribuivano tutti gl' inconvenienti a lei, e di lei piu d' ogni altro si dolevano: et ancorche dopo spedisse il nipote legato in Francia et in Spagna col fine ben noto a V. Serenita, e conoscendo haver preso altra maggior mossa le armi d' Italia, piu gravi si rendessero i pericoli se vi ap- plicasse da dovero, con tutto cio non si e pytuto levare il primo concetto che dagli antecedenti mai incamminati principj non siano derivati gl' inconvenienti 396 C. CARAFFA, REL. BELLA GERMANIA. 1628. die si sono dopo visti. Ugualmente Frances! come Spagnoli attribnivano le durezze e difficolta che si sono incontrate in questa negotiatione, alle pretensioni del pontefice, volendo che ad esso fossero consignati li forti, senza dichiararsi quello che n' havrehbe fatto, negando pero assolutamente di volerli demolire. Da che si ha reso sopramodo difficile il trovar ripiego conveniente, si e consu- mato tanto tempo, falle tante speditioni, et in fine portato il negotio in Spagna, che in Roma difficilmente s' havrebbe terminato." 112. Relatione dello stato delP imperio e della Ger mania fatta da mons^ Caraffa nel tempo che era nuntio alia corle deW imperatore /' anno 1628. The most circumstantial report which has ever come in my way, consisting of 1080 folio pages in a Roman copy. It is not rare in Germany, for I bought one at Leipsic, and another copy exists in a private library at Berlin in a beautiful folio volume, which a certain VVynman presented in 1655 to the bishop of Eich- stadt, with a pompous dedication. It consists of four parts, in the first of which the disturbances in Germany generally are described; in the second, the condition, possessions and relations of Ferdinand II ; in the third, the German principalities according to the circles; and in the fourth, the more recent alliances which had been formed in Germany. The author declares that he will write nothing but what he has himself seen, or learned from some trustworthy source. " Protestandomi che tutto quello che scrivero, parte n' ho pralicato e visto io stesso per lo spatio di 8 anni che sono stato in Germania, parte n' ho inteso di persone degne di fede, parte n' ho cavato della lettura de' libri communi e delle lettere e cancellarie tanto d' amici quanto d' inimici, che sono state intercette in diversi tempi, de' quali alcune sono date alle stampe, altre no." We see that he had in view from the first a systematic compilation of his materials. The printed Commentaries of Caraffa are arranged in chronological order, whereas the work now before us is composed more in the form of a report; it is only in the first part that the events are chronologically arranged. I cannot conceal that I have often had doubts as to the genuineness of this document. The connection is excessively loose. We first meet with the report on Bohe- mia again with some few omissions; we then find a very remarkable statement concerning the election of a king of Hungary in 1625, but inserted in its wrong place; and lastly, what indeed is more important, a report of the year 1629 (but in which there is no trace that it is Caraffa's,) concerning Germany, the em- peror, and the princes, is here given, somewhat amplified, but otherwise literally copied. Many other portions of this work are evidently stolen. King James I of England is mentioned as the " presente red'Inghilterra," which could not be said in 1628. We should guess that some compiler had put together these documents with- out any system or design; but after further consideration this conjecture does not appear to be probable. Most important and striking facts relating to recent times, of which no com- piler would have dreamt, are here added to the Ragguaglio of Caraffa. Circumstances are related which could only be known to the initiated. For example, the author appears conversant with those negotiations of Urban VIII with England through the agency of the capuchin Rota, which were kept so profoundly secret. The nuncio also occasionally speaks in the first person. I conclude, therefore, that this work really proceeded from Caraffa, but was not completed by him, owing either to want of time or inclination, or perhaps, of power to do so; for his Bohemian report has somewhat of the same diffuse C. CARAFFA, REL. DELLA GERMANIA. 1628. 397 and formless character. He probably intended on his return to Aversa to fill up some of his leisure hours with the arrangement of his materials. Under all circumstances, this work eminently deserves our attention, even in the form it wears. The reports which are herein contained, and more or less worked out, are of the highest value. The historical remarks also differ materially from those con- tained in the printed commentaries. I extract two passages which appear to me most remarkable. I. The decay of the German principalities; — for of course much more atten- tion is here devoted to German and Austrian affairs than to those of Rome or the church. " Per il passato era tanta 1' abbondanza che li principi di Germania a pena potevano saper la quantita de regali, datii, argenti, et altre dovitie venute da ogni parte, et hora a pena ritrovano il principio per haverle, e pare che vivano solo alia giornata, e quello che da una giornata, 1' altra lo consuma. Non vi e raccolta grande di danaro, se non di cose refiutate da' creditori e che sono piii di titolo che di realta. Di tal negligenza e si poca economia e di si fatto errors varie s' assegnano le cause: chi dice cio venire per la liberalita de' principi, chi per le condititioni de' tempi iniqui, chi per le frequenti guerre, chi per le sedi- tioni de' cittadini, altri finalmente assegnano la causa a' ministri, prefetti e vi- carii: veramente si vede tali officii haver voluto abbracciare piii di quello che potevano stringere et essere arrivate troppo oltre le comodita prese da governa- tori: con questo il poco consiglio, 1' interesse proprio anteposto al commune, cose che poterono estinguere il gran Romano imperio, perche non ponno estin- guere il Germane"? Nasce anco la rovina di Germania dall' otio de' principi e dal loro troppo delitiare, o dalla poca forza d' ingegno, o da una precipitosa vec- chiaja, o pure per esser tanto nemici del governo che piu si contentano di dare in mano d' un' altro il maneggiodelle cose publiche, benche riconoschino spesso la poca idoneita di colui, e quasi a foggia di alcuni antichi Eritrei farli secondi principi, da loro solo differenti per nome, ma pari nel total maneggio, come fu Joab appresso David et altri appresso altri principi. I quali maneggiatori, come presi dalla plebe, abusavano et abusano la loro data potesta, e piii con la pas- sione che con la moderatione della virtu governandosi|e dati in predad parasiti et adulator! constituivano e constituiscono altri sottoministri indegni, che con prezzo e ragione di parentela et ambitione corrompevano e corrompono la giustitia, et a tale esempio dietro e se tirando altri principi circonvicini facevano commune giustitia cio ch' era proprio interesse." II. The election of a king of Hungary. " Sopragiungendo alia dieta li voti del regno di Schiavonia e di Croatia, che erano quasi tutti cattolici, e superando con questa giunta la parte de' cattolici et adherenti di Sua Maesta di non poco la parte degli heretici e non confidenti, la voce sparsa della volonta di S. M'* dell' elettione veniva giornalmente meglio intesa. Tuttavia li deputati dell' imperatore, per meglio assicurarsi delli voti della dieta, volsero prima di proporre 1' elettione dell' arciduca fame esperienza con r elettione del palatine, che si doveva fare per la morte del Thurzo, desider- ando S. M*^ che si facesse un cattolico e particolarmente il sopradettoconte Ester- hasi, ancorche secondo le leggi e costitutioni di quel regno havesse proposto alii stati quattro soggetti, due cattolici e due heretici: et il negotio riusci felicissi- mamente, poiche detto conte fu eletto con 150 voti, non havendo havuto il con- trario piii che 60. Fatta questa prova e con essarincorati inaggiormente li con- fidenti et amici dell' imperatore, parve nondimeno alii ministri di S. M'* che oltre alii sopradetti voti 150 saria stato bene a superare qualche buona parte delli 60 contrarj con present! e con doni accio riuscisse I' elettione con maggior sodis- fattione del regno, e collo spendere, per quanto fu detto, da 20 m. fiorini si hebbe I'intento della maggior parte di loro, come si esperimentonell' altri negotii della dieta. Li Betleniani e suoi adherenti, ancorche non fosse all' hora pubblicata la volonta deir imperatore, sebbene si teneva per sicuro che volesse fare eleggere re 1' arciduca, non mancavano di contrariare al possibile. 398 REL. STATUS ECCL. ATGUSTANJE. 1629. "Soggiungero un' esempio dell' ardire di una donna in questo proposito, dal quale, si come e staordinario, si conosceranno le forze di detti contrarii. La inadre del barone Balhiani, che e de' piu principali signori di qualita e di state e di adherenza d' Ungaria, hebbo ardire di mettere in consideratione all' impera- trice che non doveva pertnettere che si facesse questa elettione, perche si veniva a pregiudicare a S. M'* stessa, poiche se fosse venuta qualche disgratia alia vita dell' imperatore, lei per I'interegno, come coronata regina d' Ungaria, finche fosse stato eletto un nuovo re, haveria governato quel regno. Ma 1' imperatrice, con somma prudenza dissimulando, le rispose che la ringratiava dell' affelto, ma che lei doppola mortedell' imperatore, se fosse sopravissuta, non voleva pensare ad altro che all' utile delli figli di Sua M'» suo marito: al quale subito diede parte della sopradetta proposta. " Ma ancorche il negotio dell' elettione si stimasse gia sicuro, 1' impedi tut- tavia molti giorni il contrasto grande nato tra ministri piii supremi di Sua M'S includendosi ancora mons'' arcivescove di Strigonia et il nuovo palatino con mons"' cancelliere et altri che vi havevano interessi, come era 1' ambasciatore di Spagna et io come indegno rninistro apostolico. II contrasto fu se seguita detta elettione si doveva far subito la coronatione. Alcuni dicevano di si: perche con questa veniva 1' arciduca ad assicurarsi totalmente nel regno, il che non saria stato se fosse stato solamente eletto, per 1' accennata di sopra elettione del Gabor, essendo gli Ungari huomini volubilissimi e per lo piii infedeli: 2° dicevano che la coro- natione, se si fosse fatta, haveria giovato assai nella prima dieta imperiale, se 1' imperatore havesse voluto far eleggere Sua Altezza in re de' Romani: 3° per il matrimonio dell' infanta di Spagna, essendosi cola dichiarato di volere 1' arci- duca prima eletto e coronato re di Ungaria. Altri per il contrario, tra quali ero io et il padre confessore dell' imperatore, dicevano che questa coronatione non si doveva fare all' hora, perche li stati di quel regno non haveriano mai permesso che seguisse detta coronatione se Sua Altezza non havesse promesso loro e giu- rato, tanto nelli punti politici come di religione tutto quelle che promise il padre stando nelli maggiori pericoli; onde non vi essendo all' hora detti pericoli e potendo con il tempo migliorarsi assai le cose di S. A., o per la morte del Gabor o per li felici successi dell' imperio o per altro, non era bene intrigare la conscienza di questo principe giovane con serrarli la porta a' progressi della religione et impe- dirgli insieme 1' acquisto di rnaggiore autorita politica e dominio nel regno: 2° dicevano, e questo per lo piii li camerali, che nella coronatione vi saria andala una buona spesa, come ancora nell' accrescimento della corte di Sua Altezza, onde stando all' hora imminente la spesa grossa del viaggio d'Ulma, si saria po- tuto differire in altro tempo, non potenda probabilrnente apportare alcun detri- mento detta dilatione, perche se il Gabor havesse voluto pigliare pretesti, ve- nendo qualche accidente di morte all' imperatore, tanto 1' haveria pigllato an- corche 1' arciduca fosse stato coronato, come fece contro 1' imperatore ancorche fusse eletto e coronato; che per eleJtione in re de' Romani e per il matrimonio dell' infanta di Spagsa bastava che 1' arciduca fusse vero re d' Ungaria, e come tale si potesse intitolare per la sola elettione. Standosi dunque in questo contrasto, ancorche I' ambasciatore di Spagna facesse nuove instanze per la coronatione, dicendo che in Spagna non haveriano fatto il matrimonio dell' infanta con I' arciduca, stimandosi altrimenti la successione nel regno non sicura, Sua M*^ con lasolita sua pietasi dichiaro che non voleva che si facesse, stimando secondo il consiglio del suo padre confessore che fosse contro conscienza se 1' arciduca havesse giurato, come non poteva far di meno, quelle che era stata forzata giurare Sua M** nelli pericoli grandi, quali all' hora non vi erano." 113. Relatio status ecclesiae et totius dioecesis Jlugustanae, 1 622. This report is of no particular importance, and is chiefly taken up with the affairs of the city of Augsburg. The labors and final expulsion of the protestant " pseudo-doctors" from Augs- burg is the author's main topic. LEGATIO P. ALOYS. CARAFE. 1624-34. 399 He expresses a hope that, after this had been effected by the emperor, chiefly- through the instrumentality of Hieronymus Imhof and 13ernhard Rehlingen, Catholicism would again become universal. 114. Legatio apos'^'^ P. Aloys. Carafac episcopi Tricaricensis sedente Urhano VIII, Pont. M. ad trndum Rheni et ad prov. inferiorin Germanise obita ab anno 1624 usque ad annum 1634. Ad C*™ Franc. liarberinum. This is a very curious report, consisting of 104 pages: it is rather prolix, but contains some good things. First comes the account of the journey, in which much space is occupied by insignificant details. The nuncio, among other places, goes to Fulda. He makes a great merit of having reduced the number of quarterings requisite as a qualification for the dignity of abbot of Fulda, from sixteen to eight. The acco\mt he gives of the disputes between the Liegeoisand their bishop is very minute: he took an active share in them, and transferred the nunciatura from Cologne to Liege. The most important part of his report is unquestionably a description of the existing catholic universities within the district of his nunciatura. We learn from it how completely the higher branches of instruction were then in the hands of the Jesuits. They predominated in Treves and Mayence; Pader- born, Miinster, and Osnabriick, where a high-school had been lately established, were absolutely in their power; but they taught only the humaniora, philosophy and theology. Jurisprudence was altogether neglected. In Cologne, which was always the first of the universities, medicine was only taught by two pro- fessors, and their lectures were attended by few pupils. The chief misfortune in Cologne had been that the teachers were too well provided for by rich pre- bendal stalls. " Earum opibus ad vitam clementem et suavem instrucli, raro autnunquam ipsi sacram doctrinam tradebant, sed aliorura vicaria opera passim utebantur. Hinc sine pondere et methodo instruebantur academici, et anni quindeni facile circumagi solebant priusquam universamilli theologiam audirent. Ea res vero antehac non parum incommoda fuerat archidicecesi Coloniensi et praesertim ditionibus Juliae Clivias ac Montium, quod proadeunda in iis anima- rum procuratione reparandisqne religionis catholicae ruinis parochi et sacerdotes idonei hoc pacto nisi post longissimum diem non instituebantur." The Jesuit fathers reformed that abuse. The college of the Three Crowns at Cologne, which was placed under their charge, enjoyed considerable reputation, and con- tained in 1634 about twelve hundred pupils. The love ef ease and enjoyment, however, was not so easily eradicated. The feasts of the masters increased luxury and the expenses of promotion. "Tota quadragesima sunt quotidie academicorum symposia." Caraffa's description of the Catholicism and good living of the Cologne people is very amusing. " Populus Coloniensis religionis avitae retinentissimus est, quam utique semel susceptam nunquam deseruit. Tolerantur quidem in civitate familiae aliquae sectariorum, sed vetitum eis est exercitium omne sectarum suarum, et a;re gravi mulctantur si qui clam habere privates conventus et audire Lutheri aut Calvini buccinatores deprehendantur. In senatum ipsum nulli cooptantur qui catholici non fuerint, et quotquot in eo conscripti ad curiam veniunt, sententiam dicere aut ferre suffragium non possunt nisi prius eodem die intervenerint rei sacrae in proximo palatii senatorii sacello. Noctu ipsi cives excubias habent in potioribus plateis civitatis, nee vis aut injuria metui potest, quia strepitu quovis exciti adsunt et opitulantur, grassatores vero ac sicarios in vincula conjiciunt. Sed et plateae omnes catenis ferreis noctu vin- ciuntur, ne pateant liberis excursionibus, ideoque populus maxime in tranquillo agit. Inter alia plebis commoda illud imprimis commemorari debet, licere cuique ineunte hieme boves et sues emere eosque fumo arefacere ac in escam anni consequentis, qua vescuntur avide, domi servare. Spatium vero ejusdem anni eis concedi solet ad pretium repraesentandum, dum interim alqui a senata 400 ALUISE CONTARINI, REL. DI ROMA. 1632-35. conslituti mercatoribus solvunl: nee unquani opifices ulli, quamvis inopes, patiuntur suam fidem in ea re desiderari, quia deinceps baud foret integrum eis rursus ejusmodi annonam rei cibariee illo tarn insigni subsidio seris publici coemere. Sunt et triclinia tribuum communia, in eisque possunt omnes iis diebus quibus feriantur in hebdomade, constitute pretio admodum facili, con- vivari." Not only towns and universities, but princes and events are described; Ferdi- nand of Cologne, "gravitate morum, professione pietatis et ingenii maturitate nulli secundus;" Frederic of Wurzburg, " linguarum etiam exterarum peritia, morum suavi quadam gravitate, prudentissima dexteritate omnibus carus;" Casimir of Mayence, "eloquens vir in Germanico idiomate, legationibus functus." L. Caraffa also records many of tbe remarkable events of that period. I know not what was the foundation for the opinion that Wallenstein could have taken Stralsund: " si, quod multi existimant, pecuniam quam urbem capere non maluisset." He regards it as a great misfortune that Tilly did not venture to throw his troops into Saxony, on the first breaking out of disturbances in that country. His description of the state of Cologne after the battle of Leipsic, and of the views which France manifested at that moment, are also very remarkable. " Ex accepta clade ad Lipsiam fractae vires fuerant et fracti catholicorum animi, et tunc repente imperilia vel metus in propugnandis arcibus aditum hosti victori magnum aperuerunt, ut viscera imperii mox infestis armis invaderet, ex quo Fulda, Herbipolis, Bamberga, Moguntia, Wormatia, Spira aliseque urbes atque oppida fuerunt exiguo tempore vel expugnata vel dedita. Colonia super- fuil principum exulura perfugium, et hi thesauros qua sacros qua laicos in eam civitatem importaverant, si quibus licuerat tamen illos avehere antequam ingru- eret ea belli vehemens et subita tempestas. Ibidem anxiae curse principum et dubia consilia erant, an, sicut proposuerat orator Gallus, expediret deinceps neutri parti, seu Caesaris seu Gustavi regis, tam arma principum eorumdem quam arma ipsiusmet civitatis Coloniensis favere. Id Colonise suadebat orator christianissimi regis; sed necessarium fore affirmabat ut in eam urbem pariter atque in alias ditiones principum electorum cohortes prsesidiariorum ex regis sui legionibus introducerentur: tunc enim reveritus Coloniam Gustavus rex alio arma convertisset, aut si venire hostis nihilominus deliberasset, provocasset raerito christianissimum regem, ac foedere exstincto inimicitiam et iram ejus experiri coepisset. Gravis nimirum videbatur ea conditio admittendi cohortes praesidiarias regis externi in civitates ac ditiones imperii; sed graviores multo erant conditiones aliae, quibus ut neutri parti faverent deinceps proponebatur, quia in bello tam ancipiti Caesarem non juvare sed quasi deserere videbatur maxime alienum a professione pervetere civitatum ac principum ipsiusmet im- perii. Hoc superesse tamen consilii et eum portum securitatis unice adeundum esse judicabat pariter apostolicus nuntius Parisiensis, ad quem scripseram de ingenti clade religion! catholicae templisque et aris illata per Gustavum regem." This is followed by a minute account of the tragical end of Wallenstein, which I shall give elsewhere. 115. Relatione delta corte di Roma del Sig^ K^ Aluise Coniarini delV anno 1632 al 1635. {Arch. Fen.) This is a very full report, in thirty-five chapters, written upon one hundred and forty pages, and doubly important, as Aluise Contarini came immediately from France to Rome, and was therefore better enabled to judge of the peculiar political station assumed by Urban VIII in those times. He begins by describing the spiritual and temporal government of the pope. This he esteems thoroughly monarchical. Of all the old congregations one only, that of the inquisition, met regularly. The cardinals have no other privi- ALUISE CONTARINI, REL. DI ROMA. 1632-35. 401 leges (except that the carriages of individuals stopped when they met them) than the purple, and a vote in the election of pope: the pope liked them so little that in important matters he generally employed inferior prelates, vi^ho had more to hope from him than the cardinals, who were more independent. But the tighter the rein is drawn, the more do real authority and influence decline. " L' antica veneratione sta oggidi molto diminuita." The inhabitants of Urbino were exceedingly discontented. " Quei sudditi si aggravano molto della mutatione, chiamando il governo di preti tirannico, i quaii altro interesse che d' arricchirsi e d' avanzarsi non vi tengono." The author always laments that Urbino had fallen into the hands of the pope, as being a great disadvantage both to Spain and Venice. In a second part he describes the principal actors. " Nacque il papa Urbane VIII del 1567" (others say 68) "d' Aprile, onde cammina per li 69 di sua eta, conservato dal vigore della complessione non soggetta a qualsivoglia malatlia, e dalla vivacita dell' ingegno. La statura mediocre, il color bruno, il pelo bi- anco, 1' occhio vivo, il parlar pronto, la temperatura sanguigna e biliosa. Vive con gran regola. Regola in gran parte le sue attioni coi moti del cielo, dei quali e molto intelligente, ancorche con censure grandissime a tutti gli altri n'habbia prohibito lo studio. Li suoi moti sono subiti e vehementi, tali che alcuna volta confinano con la pazzia, non potendo con la patienza frenarli,'se ben egli dice che questa commotione della bile di quando in quando vaglia molto eccitando il ca- lore alia preservatione di sua salute. Cavalca, villeggia, cammina, ama 1' eser- citio. Non s' afflio-ge per le cose moleste: e tutte queste parti concorrono a pre- dirli qualche anno di vita ancora, non ostante che nel tempo del mio soggiorno assai decaduto sia. " E' arrivato al papato con nn servitio continue di 30 e piu anni alia corte. Fu prima prelato di segnatura e poi governatore di Fano. Poco appresso, per opera di Francesco Barberini suo zio paterno, prelato pi poco grido ma di gran richezze accumulate con parsimonia Fiorentina, compro ufficii in corte e final- mente il chiericato di camera. Clemente VIII lo impiego in diverse cariche, ma parlicolarmente sopra quella del novo taglio del Po, dacche sono arrivate in gran parte le differenze presenti dei confini con la republica, per la cognitions che professa di quell' affare e per il disgusto che allora non si eseguisse a modo suo. Fu poi dall' istesso Clemente mandato nuntio in Francia, prima estraordi- nario per tenere a battesimo il re presente, e poi ordinario di Enrico IV suo pa- dre, dove si mostro zelantissimo dell' immunita ecclesiastica. Paolo V succes- sore di Clemente lo confermo nella medesima legatione di Francia: poi lo fece cardinale, legato di Bologna, e ritornato a Roma prefelto della signatura di gius- litia, carico d'onore et impiego ben grande. Finalmente del 1623 fu in luogo di Gregorio XV con pratiche molto artificiose assonto al pontificato nell' eta sua di 56 anni: et oggi corre il XIII anno: con disgusto di tutta la corte, alia quale non meno che ai principi torna conto i pontificati brevi, perche tanto piii tengono conto di tutti, abbondano nelle gratie, non temporalizzano come se fossero here- ditarj del papato: e finalmente la corte in generale trova impiego e fortuna nella frequenza delle mutationi. " In ogni state hebbe il papa di se stesso grande opinione con affetti di dominio sepra gli altri e disprezzo al consiglio di tutti. Par ch' egli esercita oggidi tanto piu liberamente quante che si ritrova in posto sopra a tutti eminente. Ha in- gegno grande, ma non giudicio: ingegno, perche nelle cose che da lui sole di- pendono e che riguardano la sua persona e casa, si e sempre condotto eve ha desiderate, senza omettere gl' inganni e gli artificii di lui molto connaturali, come si vide particelarmente nelle pratiche del suo papato, nelle quali seppe far cenvenire nella sua persona le due fattioni contrarie di Borghese e Ludovisio, sole col far credere all' una d' esser inimico dell' altra negli affari poi general!, nei quali si richiede il giudicio di saper ben congiungere gl' interessi della sede apostolica con quelli degli altri principi, si e osservato il papa esserne per sem- pre state manchevele. Tale lo dichiarano il negotio di Valtellina; la guerra di Mantova, che nen sarebbe seguita se il papa si fosse dichiarito contro il prime VOL. II. — 35 402 ALUISE CONTARINI, REL. DI ROMA. 1632-35. innovatore; la perdita di Mantova, attribuita ai viveii die riceverono gli A]emani dallo stato ecclesiastico, senza quali conveniva loro o disassediarla o movirsi; la prefettura di Roma data al nipote, privando la sede apostolica dell' assistenzadi tanti ministri di principi che sono il piu bel fregio di lei, et ag-gravando lo stesso nipote d' invidia, di riguardi e d' un posto assolutamente insostenabile dope la morte del pontefice; il mal termine usatosi contro 1' ainbasciatore di V Serenita mio precessore, lasciandolo partire senza soddisfatlione; 1' ultima comprotettione di Francia nel cardinale Antonio nipote prima persuasa et acconsentita, poi ri- trattata e prohibita, con nota appresso il mondo di grande artificio, per non dire inganno, e con divisions della propria casa. Tralascio il gran detrimento che sotto il presente pontefice ha fatto la religione cattolica in Fiandra et Alemagna; i pericoli all' Italia per la negata dispensa al duca di Mantova, e molto piu per aversi portato il papa in modo che ha disgustato tutti i principi grandi e piccioli, che nessuno gli e amico: onde si e reso incapace di poter esercitar con essi loro quelle parti di autorita e di paterno consiglio che potrebbe pacificarli et unirli insieme alia difesa della religione: parti che sono state cosi esattajnente maneg- giate e couosciute proprie de' pontefici che per sostenere il nome di padre co- mune, dal quale proviene loro ogni veneratione, e per mantenere 1' unione tra i principi christian), che cagiona in essi molta autorita, si sono esposti ad azzardi, a viaggi, a pericoli, non militando nel nome di padre quel puntigli che nell' in- tromissione degli altri principi possono facilmente incontrarsi. " Si e sempreprofessato il papa presente neutrale, attribuendo a sua gloria 1' aver arricchita et ingrandita la sua casa senza comprar stati in regno di Napoli ne sottomettersi a favori dei principi grandi. Nell'interno peru suo egli e afFet- tionato a Francesi, le loro prontezze e risolutioni essendo piu confornii al genio di S. S'% in ordine di che ha fatto le maggiori dimostrationi quando segui 1' ac- quisto della Roscella. Persuase la pace con Inglesi, affinche la Francia potesse accorrer al soccorso di Casale allora assediata dai Spagnoli: consiglio ai mede- simi 1' acquisto e la conservatione di Pinarolo per necessario equilibrio alle cose d' Italia: trovo sempre pretest! di diferir o diminuir i soccorsi in Alemagna, con opinione, la qual vive tuttavia, che a S. S*-^ sia dispiacciuta la morte del re di Suezia e che piu goda o per dir meglio manco tema i progress! de' protestanti che degli Austriaci. Anzi e opinion comune che quando anche fosse portato il papa dal card' Barberino tutto Spcgnolo, a qualche unione con essi ternerebbe facilmente a maggior rottura di prima. E la causa e questa: perche governan- dosi il papa con artificio e credendo che Spagnoli facciano il madesimo, saranno sempre tradi loro anzi gelosie d' inganni che coufidenza di ben vera unione." It is net necessary to quote the description of the pope's nephews, which Aluise Contarini here gives. Even Francesco Barberino depended completely on his uncle, although the pope loved him the best, and he devoted his whole energies to business. " Nessuno nipote di papa fu giamai alle fatiche del nego- tio assiduo come egli e, non avendo minimo divertimento: ma egli e ancho vero che nessuno manco di lui ha operato." He gives up describing the cardinals individually, only observing that hypo- crisy prevails through the whole body. " Sara tal card'" sanissimo che per facili- tarsi il papato vorra esser creduto infermo: caminando zoppica: discorrendo tosse: uscendo si sta tutto in una seggietta racchiuso. Tal altro che sara buon politico, si mostrera lontano da ogni negotio, nei discorsi s' ammutisce, ne' quesiti si stringe le spalle, nelle risposte generalizza." In reading this, the thought occurs to one that it must be the origin of the fable which was invented concerning the promotion of Sixtus V to the papacy. The third part is devoted to the political relations of Rome, and contains most important and vivid descriptions of events: it is, as I have said, by far the most important for our purpose. Although Urban was decidedly favorable to the French party, he did not always accede to their demands in ecclesiastical matters. " Bisogna anche con- fessare, ch' essi hanno addimandato delle gratie difficili, come la dispositione dell' abbazie di Lorena, la nullita de' matrimonj tanto del duca Carlo di Lorena DISCORSO DELLA MORTE d'ALDOBRANDINO. 403 come di monsieur et altre simili." Francesco Barberini was not so complete a partisan of the French as his uncle. Thoug;h the French no longer expected an open declaration in their favor, they were well aware that the pope would not declare himself against them: it was a great advantage to them even that he vvas believed to be favorable to their views, and that the opposite party did not trust him. The Spaniards on the other hand were highly displeased, and made it matter of reproach to cardinal Borgia that he had permitted Urban VIII to be elected pope, affirming that he had been gained over by the promise of future favors. They perceived the influence of the pope's dislike towards them, in the negotia- tions concerning the Valtelline, in the policy of the French, and in the position maintained by Bavaria. On the other hand Barberino alleged, that the conces- sions which he made to the Spaniards excited no gratitude among them. We see therefore that the misunderstanding was mutual. Contarini enters into the greatest detail respecting the relations existing be- tween Rome and Venice, and attributes their differences chiefly to this cause, — that other powers were feared by Rome as being greater, or were treated with indifference as being inferior, whilst Venice was looked upon and treated as an equal. Some discontent prevailed at Rome because the English and the Dutch enjoyed certain privileges there. When however the temporal authorities ventured to touch any ecclesiastic, a general storm was sure to arise. Contarini advises his countrymen not to allow themselves to be duped. The nuncio, he says, was directed to maintain the best understanding with the most popular Venetian priests, and such as had most penitents to shrive. " E V. V. E. E. tengano per constante, che col mezzo di questi tali vengono i nuncii a risapere il midollo delli arcani." On that account it was the more necessary not to relinquish the authority of the republic over them. There likewise existed constant disputes about the boundaries. Urban VIII was in no respect favorable to the Venetians; and especially endeavored to raise Ancona at the expense of Venice. 116. Discorso della malattia e morte del cardl Ippolyto Aldohrandlno camerkngo di /S*« Chiesa col fine della grandezza del papa Clenieiiie VIII. 1G38. The sudden extinction of the newly-founded family of the Aldobrandini made an extraordinary impression at Rome, and this feeling pervades the work under review. " E' stato superato della morte quel gran ingegno!" are the words with which it commences. The daughter of Giov. Giorgio Aldobrandino was the only surviving member of the family, and would naturally inherit enormous wealth. The following passage gives a tolerable idea of the state of Roman society at that period: " II marchese Lodovico Lanti, il conte Gio. Francesco da Bagni, Berlingieri Gessi e Bernardino Biscia, aspettando tutti quattro a gara il pontifi- cate de' loro zii, ambivano le nozze della principessa Aldobrandina." Each of these nephews presumptive strove to gain the hand of the richest heiress of Rome, by means of his uncle's expectations of the tiara. Nevertheless they neither gained the heiress nor the power of a nepos. Ippo- lyta married a Borghese, to the great astonishment of our author, since Paul V had persecuted the Aldobrandini, and imprisoned the father of Ippolyta. Never- theless she married his pronepos. Later in life, however, she married, as we know, the nephew of a reigning pope, Innocent X; a circumstance which was brought about by the peculiar position, and for the interests, of the Roman court. 404 ZUANNE NANI, REL. DI ROMA. 1641. 117. Relatione di q. Zuanne Nani K^ ProC^ rilornato di ambasciatore estraordinario da Roma, 1641, 10 Luglio. {Arch. Ven.) Various misunderstandings continually existed between Rome and Venice; and one of a most singular nature arose in the year 1635. A pompous inscription in grandiloquent words, in the sala regia of the Vatican of Pius IV, recorded an action of the Venetians famous in their annals, and one upon which they always prided themselves: viz: their victory over Frederic Barbarossa, by which they maintained that they saved pope Alexander III from destruction. But by degrees the expression of this inscription came to be considered in Rome as inadmissible. The increasing rigor of Romam orthodoxy pronounced the words, " Pontifici Venetae reipublicae beneficio sua dignitas restituta," to be insulting. The spirit of contention for precedence which then ruled the world, was directed towards this absolute and half- forgotten incident. In addition to this, doubt was thrown upon the truth of the incident as related in the Venetian histories. Pamphlets were written on both sides of this question, which has been revived at tlie present day. I cannot believe that it can be doubtful, to any one at all versed in historical criticism. However, it was not alone historical conviction, but political jealousy also, which induced Urban VIII first to alter, and eventually to erase, the above- mentioned inscription. The republic took the matter up in the same spirit; and as the disputes con- cerning the boundaries, and the precedence of the new prefetto, became daily more bitter, Venice for some time did not send any regular minister to Rome. Nani, who went thither in the year 1638, was only in the capacity of ambas- sador extraordinary. He remained there about three years and a half, and his report proves that he had acquired an accurate knowledge of the Roman court. The principal object of his mission was to induce the pope to render some assistance to the republic in the event of any attack from the Turks, which was at that time not improbable. It is a curious fact, that this request of the Venetians came at an opportune moment, as it enabled the pope to oppose the necessities of the republic to the incessant claims for assistance made by Austria, which was then so hardly pressed by the protestants and the French. Nani would willingly have prevailed upon the pope to mediate between the belligerent powers, but Urban did not possess the general confidence which would have been requisite to qualify him for that otfice. "Pullulando tante amarezze colle corone, restava fiacca, per non dir quasi odiosa I'autorita del pon- tefice. In conclusion, the Venetian minister mentions the desire of Urban to appear strong in a military point of view. Those who wished to be in his good graces turned the conversation on his fortifications. He himself frequently alluded to them. He said that within twenty days he could bring together more than twenty thousand men. He reckoned up the treasure which he possessed; for immediate necessities he had laid by 400,000 scudi, and it was believed that there still remained in the castle of St. Angelo three out of the five millions accumulated by Sixtus. We will now refer to what Nani relates of the person and government of Urban VIII. " II pontefice e nel principio del settantesimo terzo della sua eta nel fine del XVII del pontificato, dopo un spatio di 324 anni che altro papa non ha goduto cosi longo governo. E' di forze robusto e gagliardo, e per tale li place di esser creduto: et in eflfetto, levato qualche dubbio di flussioni e d' accident! improvisi ai quali pare sottoposto, e in tale costitutione di buona salute che puo mantenersi piu anni. Usa governo esquisito nella sua cura. Al presente, ch' e piu grave 1' ZITANNE NANI, REL. DI ROMA. 1641. 405 eta, manco s'appHca alle faccende, delle quali non snole pero prendersi piii dis- turbo di quello che vuole. La mattina e dispensata in audienze et in negotii, il dopo pranzo e riservato alia quiete et alia conversatione donieslica, nella quale e allegro e faceto, come in ogni altro discorso erudito e facondo, e nelle audienze stesse passa volentieri dal negotiare al parlare di cose piacevoli e di studio, al quale e dedito assai. Possede gran talenti e gran qualita. Ha memoria niera- vigliosa, petto e vigore che lo rende alle volte troppo costante nelli suoi sens!. Ha spiriti grandi accresciati dall' esperienza del governo e dei negotii. De- ferisce assai al suo proprio parere, percio non ama di consultare ne cura le qualita dei ministri, clie possino maggiormente far risplendere le sue riso- lutioni. Non molto inclina al gratiare. E'ardente,et alle volte con li ministri medesimi dei principi non ha potuto dissimulare il suo fervore. Ama che sia trattato seco con destrezza e soavila: e se vi e strada di poter far declinar* dai suoi sensi 1' animo di Sua S*% questa e sola, la quale, se pure alle volte non pud profittare, avanza certo, clie se non si spiega, almeno non si rompe " Nel governo presente e desiderata maggior e miglior consulta, perche dove manca il discorso, suole mancar la ragione: e veramente pochissimi sono li min- istri e pochi quelli che habbino autorita e confidenza a palazzo. Appresso il pontefice non si sa alcuno che possi, e preponendo S. S'* il proprio parere a quello di tutti, sogliono li altri o lodorlo o secondarlo. Si uso in altri tempi che have- vano i papi appresso di se tre e quattro cardinali e con la loro discussione risolve- vano i pin gravi negotii, e si teneva per arcano dei nepoti medesimi introdurre suoi dipendenti nella confidenza del zio, per condurlo poi e guadagnarlo dove o non potevano essi spuntare o non volevano scoprire gli affetti loro proprj. " Barberino non ha voluto circuire in tal modo la liberta del papa: ma riservando a se solo il postu piu vicino alle orecchie di S. S'% obbliga gli altri a stare retirati et al solo parer di lui sottoponere le proprie opinion!, non mostrando gusto che. da chi si sia parli al pontefice di negotio senza sua precedente participatione. Non si serve pero ne anco di questa autorita, che gode solo con quella liberta che per avventura complirebbe al ben publico et al suo proprio interesse: ma non osando respirare contro le risolutioni e li sensi del papa, prende molte volte 1' habito della costanza rnedesima di S. S'% essendosi in tal maniera sottoposto al disgusto delle corone e d' altri principi e di loro ministri per non divertire e non sopire molti strani accidenti. " Appresso di questo li cardinali pur si dogliono e massime le creature di non haver apertura ne confidenza. Di pochissimi ministri si serve il sig"" card'% men- tre la mole dei negotii et altre circostanze di molti lo possono render bisognevole. Pancirola e Ricclii, auditori di rota, sono li piii domestici e li piu adoperati. " Pancirola e soggetto maturo e di molta esperienza, clie fu irapiegato in Pie- monte per la pace sin nel principle delle guerre di Mantova. Serve per li negotii del governo dello state ecclesiastico, e non havendo havuto che trattar meco, non mi resta che dire delle sue condilioni. " Ricchi e di gran spirito, pronto et sagace: dirige quasi tutti li negotii dei prin- cipi e particolarmente ha in mano quelli della republica. E' dipendentissimo da Barberino, qualita che lo rende oltre modo grato al sig'' cardinale. Ha inconlrato disgusto di molti ministri de' principi, nemeno e amato dall' universale. Non ha altra esperienza che quella che li concede 1' impiego presente, che e grande. Ha egli sempre trattato meco, e nelle mie lettere e nella forma dei suoi officii 1' averanno piu volte veduto descrito V.V. E.E. Tratta con destrezza e con flemrna e con altrettanto ingegno e solertia. Della serenissima republica parla con tutte le espressioni di riverenza e divotione. Tiene a cuore certo interesse di pensioni del cardinal suo fratello, del quale ho scritto altre volte. " A questi aggiungero mens'' Cecca, segretario di state, perche assiste al pre- sente alia trattatione della lega. Non ha egli talenti piu che ordinarj: ma per la lunga esperienza della sua carica tiene buona informatione de' negotii. E' vec- chio assai, e si crede vicino al cardinalato, se ben dalli nepoti e poco amato, ma molto rispettato per 1' affetto che li porta la S"^ Sua. Servi il segretario del pontefice mentre fu nuntio in Franchia, e con passaggio mostruoso di fortuna ma 35* 406 GIO. BATT. SPADA, RACCONTO DI ROMA. solito della corte occupo il luogo del padrone medesimo, e mentre questo vive ancora con poco buona sorte, Cecca gode carico, rendite e speranze piii che or- dinarie. Appresso Barberino non vi sono altridi credito e di talenti che meritino d' esser osservati. " Per il governo dello stato vi e consulta dei cardinali e dei prelati, die in due giorni della settimana discute diverse occorrenze. Altre congregationi sono dell' inquisitione, de propaganda fide, del concilio, de' regolari de' riti e d' altri simili in- teressi. Tutto pero serve a discorso, perche la risolutione resta al gusto di S. 8*^6 del nipote. Una congregatione di stato si tiene di quando in quando avanti il papa per le occorrenze piu gravi, e non v' intervengono che le creature e i piu confi- denti che hanno servito nelle nuntiature: ma anco questa suole servire ad ac- creditare le deliberationi piu che a risolverle, perche ne si discorre ne si forma il decreto che per quell' opinione nella quale si sotragge osi lascia intendere esser S. SS et in effetio si querelano i pontefici di non haver di chi confidare, perche tutti li cardinali vivono con li loro interessi e rispetti verso i principi stranieri." 118. Racconto delle cose piu considerahili che sono occorse nel governo di Roma in tempo di mo7is^ Gio. Batt. Spada. This contains an authentic account of the last days of Urban VIII, and abounds vpith passages descriptive of the life and manners of that period, more especially with reference to the police and the administration of justice. The contests between the old families still continued — for instance between the Gaetani and the Colonnesi: it was not only difficult to devise any terms of accommodation, but many whole days were occupied in drawing up a history of their quarrels, (as a preamble to the instrument for that purpose,) which should not be regarded by either party as an insult. Dissensions frequently arose between the French and the Spaniards, who met in inns and taverns; each party drank to their king, and soon came to offensive language: the weaker side was always the most moderate, but as soon as it was reinforced, and encountered the opposite party in public places, they came to blows. The bargello had the greatest difficulty in separating them. But though they were always at war between themselves, they vied with each other in open resistance to the court and the police of Rome. The ambassadors were the most difficult to deal with; they gradually put forward those pretensions which eventually occasioned such violent disputes at Rome. They not only declared their own palaces to be sanctuaries, and allowed forbidden games to be established in them, but they also claimed the privilege of extending this exemption to the neighboring houses. Monsignor Spada was naturally opposed to these claims. " Che se si era usata cortesia con i S" am- basciatori di non entrare nelle case loro e delle loro famiglie, era uno troppo grande estensione quella che volevano introdurre bora, che ne anche nelle case vicine e comprese nella medesima isola si potesse far esecutione." The most important incidents, in an historical point of view, are, the two at- tempts made upon the life of Urban VIII, which are here related in the fullest and most authentic manner. " 1. Dal processo di Giacinto Centini, nepote del card' d' Ascoli, e d' alcuni complici la sostanza era, ch' essendo stato pronosticato ch' al presente pontefice dovesse succedere il cardinal d' Ascoli, invaghito Giacinto del pronos- tico e desiderando di vederne prestamente 1' effetto havesse trattato confra Sera- fino Cherubini d' Ancona minor osservante, fra Pietroda Palermo eremita, che si faceva, chiamare fra Bernardino, e fra Domenico da Fermo Agostiniano, di procurare con arte diabolica d' abbreviare la vita a N. S''% et a quest' effetto fu risoluto di fare unastatuadi cera rappresentante il papa, come si essequi, edopomolte invocation! di demonii e sacrificii fattigli la fluire, distruggere e consumare al fuoco, con ferma credenza che distrutta quella dovesse terminare la vita di papa Urbano e farsi loco alia successione del card' d' Ascoli zio di Giacinto. ANDREA NICOLETTI, VITA DI PAPA URBANO VIII. 407 "2. La confessione di Tomaso Orsolini da Recanate. Che per instio;atione di fra Domenico Brancaccio da Bajriiarca Augustiniano era andato a Napoli per scoprire al vicere un suposto trattato di priiicipi d' invadere il regno di Napoli con interessarsi ancora S. S'% e ch' il riniedio era di far morire undo de' colle- gati o il papa: al che fare s' oiTeriva il padre Bagnarea sudetto, mentre se li dessero sc. 3000, quali voleva dare al sagrista di N. 8''% gia reso inhabile, e succedendo egli in quel carico, li haverebbe posto il velenonell" hostia ch' avesse dovuto consegrare S. S'^ nella messa, o pure quando non fosse succeduto sa- grista, haverebbe operato che lo speciale Carcurasio suo parente, mentre medi- cava le fontanelle a S. S**, vi ponesse il veleno, non passu pero ad esprimere al vicere questi particolari, poiche havendogli accennato di dover far morire il papa, vide ch' il vicere non si applico." 119. Hislorica relatione deW origine e progressi delle rotture note tra la casa Barberina et Odoardo Farnese duca di Parma e Piacenza. (^In the library of Vienna, Historia Prof. N. 899. 224 leaves.) This is a party production written in the form of a letter, wherein the origin of all these quarrels is ascribed to the bad will of the Barberini family. The monti of the barons are connected by this author with the monti of the state: the pope had been easily persuaded to make the necessary concessions, since they contributed to render the barons more subservient to him. (" Nella eret- tione di simili monti il principe era mallevadore, riservatosi il heneplacito di poterne dimandare 1' estintione a suo piacimento.") I cannot discover that this work, in spite of its voluminous size, contains any disclosures of particular importance, or that it has any great merit, and indeed I have made use of it on this subject. Perhaps the most remarkable of its con- tents are the accounts given of the anti-Austrian, and in some respects anti- catholic, tendencies of pope Urban VIII. " Si lasciava tal volta intendere, essergli ben grati li progressi de' cattolici contra li heretici, ma esservi insieme da temere che un giorno queste prosperita cadessero a danno e precipitio de' medesimi per le gelosie che si sarebbero sve- gliate in tutto il mondo, che il imperio dovesse assorbir ogni residue di liberta che vi rimaneva. Corse fama per tutte le corti che dalli impulsi d' Urbane originassero quelle ombre del duca Massimiliano di Baviera, che aspersero una gran scisma nell' unione de principi cattolici posti su i sbalzi, che domati li heretici fosse per convertirsi lo sforza delle armi Austriache a dani di quel medesi- mi che erano stati ministri delle grandezze di quella casa: e per dir tutto, vi fu chi in quel tempi si vanto di sapere che la missione di Ceva, confidente ministro della casa Barberina, in Francia con titolo di nontio straordinario, havesse ne' suoi pill reconditi arcani secrete commissioni d'eccitare il re di Francia a mischi- arsi nelle turbulenze di Germania, a fine che intendendosi con Baviera si pen- sasse al modo di alzare qualche argine alia crescente potenza della casa d' Austria." This at any rate proves the fact that such views were widely disseminated at that period. 120. Della vita di papa Vrbano VIIT e historia del suo pontijicato scritta da Jlndrea Nicoletti. (8 volumes in folio MS.) It is much to be regretted that so few good, or even available, hiographies of eminent persons are extant. The cause of this misfortune is not to be attributed to any neglect of their memory, which was generally indeed overrated, or at any rate highly esteemed by their cotemporaries; it may rather be ascribed to the following causes. At first, when the remembrance is fresh, and the materials are still within 408 ANDREA NICOLETTI, VITA DI PAPA URBANO VIII. reach some scruples are entertained as to cotemporaries; the whole truth cannot be told; a number of persons would be compromised, and much animosity ex- cited against the subject of the memoir himself. When the cotemporaries have also quitted the scene, and the time for speak- ing out is arrived, the memory of facts is obliterated, and the materials scattered abroad: nay, the interest in the persons and events has declined, and is only revived in the minds of those who regard them as subjects of historical re- search. The following expedient was frequently resorted to in Italy. The materials for a biography were given into the hands of an intimate friend or servant (if the family, who had been privy to, and well informed on, every thing that could illustrate the subject; he put these together, and arranged them into a connected narrative, which however was not intended for the press, but was preserved in manuscript among the archives of the house. The feelings of cotemporaries were thus spared; while it was rendered possi- ble at somo future time to refresh the rapidly fading memory, and to give to the past all the truth and vivacity of the present. It is to works of this description that the history of Andrea Nicoletti belongs. It contains the recollections of the family of Urban VIII concerning the per- sonal character and the actions of that pope. The chief bulk of the work is composed of the whole diplomatic correspondence which took place during the twenty-one years of Urban's reign. This biography in fact consists chiefly of a compilation of the despatches of the nuntiatura. I do not mean their final reports, the so-called Relationi, but the very des- patches themselves; as was most fitting for a biography. The pope always ap- pears therein as the directing, determining, and working head. I saw attempts at similar compilations in Venice; but as the active proceed- ings of the republic are thrown into the back ground, and the mass only of the received despatches are inserted, while we are left in the dark as to the effect they produced, the attention is distracted, and soon wearied. In the work before us the very reverse is the case; the vocation of the papacy, the difficult political situation of Urban VIII, the immediate significancy of all the information as bearing upon the great events of Europe, conspire to produce unity of design, and to excite interest. The extreme importance of the information here given concerning the period of the thirty years' war, is sufficiently obvious: it throws a light upon that sub- ject in all its phases. Wherever the author gives an opinion, or states a fact on his own authority, we are not bound strictly to follow him. Occasionally, perhaps, authentic in- formation failed him, but the official character is apparent in the origin and first conception of such a work: I will quote but one example. In the third volume of his work, page 673, Nicoletti maintains that Urban VIII learned with the bitterest grief (" il rammarico fu acerbissimo"), that a peace had been concluded between England and France; nevertheless we learn from Aluise Contarini, who had a personal share in all the negotiations, that the pope had actually re- commended those negotiations to be entered into, and the treaty to be concluded. The error of Nicoletti arises from his having overlooked this statement, in the enormous mass of his materials, and from his judging what the actions of the pope would probably have been, from his own idea of the ecclesiastical position of the sovereign pontiff. We might mention many similar cases: this, how- ever, does not prevent our believing him, when he merely extracts. His method generally is, to insert the papers in full detail, with only such alterations as were required to give them the form of a narrative. The worst therefore that could happen would be, that he either left out or misplaced some circumstance. But, from the nature of his task, which chiefly consisted in ar- ranging existing materials, and more especially from the nature of his work, ANDREA NICOLETTI, VITA DI PAPA URBANO VIII. 409 which was not intended for the public, we should not infer that this was ever done, nor indeed have I found a trace of it. Although I have diligently examined these volumes, and did not let slip the occasion of getting possession of such important historical matter, it is impos- sible in this place to give any more circumstantial account of them. Whoever has had to examine into correspondences, must be aware how much must he read, in order to arrive at the truth on any one fact. I have not space for such various materials. T must, however, extract the description given by Nicoletti of the last moments of Urban VIII, which are very remarkable, and of his personal character, as con- ceived by our author. "Tomo ottavo," near the end. " Erano in quel giorni nel fine di Giugno caldi eccessivi in Roma e molto piii del solito pericolosi: nondimeno, parendo al papa di essersi alquanto rihavuto, e sapendo che diciasette chiese erano senza i loro vescovi e non havere il cardinale Grimaldi, tomato dalla nuntiatura di Francia, ricevuto il capello cardinalizio, si dichiaro di volere tenere il concistoro nel prossimo lunedi. II cardinale Barberino credette di poterlo indurre anche alia promotione de' cardinali: percio non gli oppose la pericolosa sua debolezza e la febbre lenta che se gli poteva raddoppiare, anzi lodo il pensiero e confor- tollo, che fosse quasi in sicuro delia sanita. Divulgatasi la voce del futuro con- cistoro, nientre si teneva il papa da alcuni moribondo e da altri indubitatamente morto ma che per alcuni giorni si fosse la morte di lui occultata, si vide la mag- giore parte di Roma impaurita, benche ciascuno fingesse nel viso ailegrezza e contento per la ricuperata salute. Accortosi dapoi il cardinale Barberino che il papa non voleva venire alia promotione di alcun cardinale, giacche ne manca- vano otto nel sacro coiiegio, o perche non rimanesse sodisfatto de' soggetti che se gli proponevano, o perche lasciar voleva al successore quella cura, fece con ragioni efficacissime e con preghiere 1' ultima pruova di dissuadergli in quei giorni il concistoro, e tanto piii si adopero quanto vedeva, oltre il danno del papa, che egli sarebbe rimasto in discapito della stima e del credito suo, perche non facendosi i cardinali si sarebbe confermata 1' opinione che universalmente correva, che egli per cagione delle guerre fosse caduto dalla potenza che haveva appresso il papa, e che se havesse la S'* Sua allungata la vita, havrebbe domi- nate il cardinale Antonio. Non essendosi a quelle preghiere e ragioni mosso il papa, monsignor Roscioli, conoscendo di dare gusto al cardinale Barberino e di giovare alia vita di Sua S''^ col rimuoverlo dalla detta deliberatione, confidato nella benevolenza di Sua B™ verso di se, stabili di adoperarsi con ogni efficacia possibile, anche a nonie pubblico de' cardinali e della citta di Roma, di volerlo dissuadere dal concistoro. Preso adunque il tempo opportune, entro dal papa, e postosegii inginocchioni gli disse di non volerlo supplicare a nomo de' suoi ministri ne per parte de' suoi nipoti ne della casa Barberina, ma della citta, tutta di Roma: imperciocche essendo la S** Sua stata eletta per la salute de' popoli e per governare la chiesa, abbandonando la cura di se medesima con esporsi infer- ma a pericoloso accidente veniva insieme a lasciare in abbandono la citia et il governo commessole della chiesa, non senza grandissimo dolore di tutti: impor- tare piu il suo bene o il suo male alia Christianita che alia casa Barberina o alia S'* Sua medesima: che percio se non voleva differire quella fatticaalle preghiere de' nipoti, lo facesse ahaeno per 1' istanze della citta di Roma, che la suppli- cava. II papa dopo di essere stato alquanto pensoso ripose di non curarsi di prolungare piii la vita, conoscendo il pontificato non esser piu peso delle sue forze, et iddio havrebbe proveduto alia sua chiesa. Dopo quesla risposta essen- dosi alquanto trattenuto, si accorse monsignor Roscioli che il papa haveva gli occhi pieni di lagrime, e sospirando si rivolto al cielo e proruppe in ferventi preghiere a dio accioche la maesta sua divina lo volesse liberare dalla vita pre- sente, mostrandosene grandemente annojato. " Venuto finalmente il lunedi determinate per tenere il concistoro, concorse al palazzo gran moltitudine di popolo curioso di vedere il papa, che poco avanti haveva creduto per morto. Appena entrato, i cardinali si accorsero havere egli 410 ANDREA NICOLETTI, VITA DI PAPA URBANO VIII. hormai finita la vita, imperciocche comparve languido, pallido e quasi smarrito nelle parole, e particolarmente nel fine del concistoro mostrava di essere rimasto quasi senza intendimento. Fu data la cagione all' eccessivo caldo della stagione accresciuto dalla calca della gente penetrata dentro; e non andarono senza biasi- mo i ministri piu intimi del palazzo et anche il cardinale Barberino per non liavere inipedito il papa da quella si faticosa funtione, non sapendo il popolo le manifatture che si erano fatte per distornelo: imperciocche ognuno dal vederlo in cosi grande squallore et abbattimento di forze si sarebbe mosso a pieta, poiche chiaramente conoscevasi che il male gli haveva ingombrata la mente et il vero sentimento del governo delle cose. Dopo la propositione delle chiese e dopo havere dato il cappello al cardinale Grimaldi parlissi dal concistoro sommamente aggravate dal male, come gli fu predetto. " Nel di seguente fece un' attione con la quale si acqiiisto fama di gran pieta e degna di rimanere per essempio a tutti i principi ecclesiastici. Questa fu di chiamare alia sua presenza alcuni theologi in quella scienza e nella probita riguardevolissimi e dal papa creduti lontani dall' adulatione, a quali fatta prima dare piena cognitionedi tutti li beni et entrateecclesiastiche delle quali in tempo del suo pontificato haveva aricchita la casa Barberina, ordino che gli riferissero se in alcana cosa egli haveva trapassato il potere e 1' autorita sua: perche era preparato a ripigliare da' nepoti tutto cio che aggravare gli poteva la coscienza avanti al tribunale di dio. Li theologi farono il cardinale de Lugo, il padre Torquato de Cupis deliacampagnia di Gesii, et alcuni altri. E si animo il papa a fare questa attione dal sereno che vide in fronte al cardinale Barberino, quando chiamatolo prima di tutti lo fece partecipe di questo suo pensiero, che non ostanti 1' ombre passate quasi voile parere di volere da lui prenderne consiglio. Lodo il cardinale la pieta della S'^Sua, e mostru di haverne particolare contento, sperando maggiori felicita dalla mano liberalissima di dio, mentre solo per so- disfare a Sua Divina Maesta tutto cio si faceva. Dicesi che il parere uniibrme de' theologi fu, che havendo Sua S*-^ arricchiti li suoi nipoti, poteva con sicura coscienza lasciarli godere tutti li beni che haveva loro conceduti, e cio per due ragioni: 1' una perche havendo promossi al cardinalato una quantita di soggetli quali non haveva proveduti di entrate secondo il loro grado, li medesimi nipoti havessero comodita di accomodarli secondo il loro bisogno: 1' altro motivo per quietare la coscienza del papa fu, che havendo li sopradetti nipoti in si lungo principato e nelle passate guerre contralto 1' odio e 1' inimicitie con diversi principi, era ragionevole di lasciarli ben comodi per mantenere il loro grado, anche per riputatione della sede apostolica, e non essere vilipesi, come suole accadere a quelli che dalla cima del dominare si riducono a stato inferiore; onde 1' essere bene provisti di ricchezze e di beni di fortuna gli havrebbe fatti mag- giormente rispettare: et oltre di cio li medesimi nepoti havevano di loro natura tali viscere di Christiana pieta che havrebbero erogate 1' entrate in beneficio de' poveri et in altri usi pii. E con quests el altre ragioni mostro il papa di quietarsi. " Si andava dunque preparando alia morte, che da se stesso conoscevaessergli vicina: ma fra questi pensieri e dispositioni si mostrava in tutti i ragionamenti pieno di giusto sdegno contro i principi d' Italia, sentendo immenso dolore che havesse a restare memoria che in tempo del suo pontificato si fossero collegati eontro di lui et havessero assalitocon eserciti lo stato della chiesa: onde talvolta prorompeva in parole acerbe, come se fossero stati senza pieta, senza religions 6 senza legge, et implorava dal cielo giusta vendetta pervederli da dio gastigati prima di morire a almeno pentiti. Gia, come altrove si e detlo, si era con loro fatta la pace, firmata dalla S*^ Sua e sottoscritta: ma in essa non venivano li due cardinali Barberini ne compresi e nominati: onde le creature piu fedeli giudica- rono che mentre la casa Barberina era per la vita del papa ancora temuta, si dovesse impiegare ogni industria perche i principi Italianilidichiarasseroinclusi nella medesima pace. Et il cardinal Bicchi, che agli stessi principi ando pleni- potentiario per parte di Francia, affermo che per non essere certi della morte del papa non sarebbero stati lontani dal trattarla e dall' accettarla. Ma il cardinal I ANDREA NICOLETTI, VITA DI PAPA URBANO VIII. 411 Barberino con ordini precisi vietoUo, ordinando al Bicchi che di cio non ne trat- tasse punto, ancorche i princi[)i spontaneamente gliel' liavessero offerto; ne voile mai sopra di cio sentire consi Pruc^, Aluise Mucenigo I fu di q. Jlluise, e Bertucci Falter A> 1645, 3 Ott. A complete chanoje took place on the death of Urban. The French did not like Innocent X, who would willingly have supported the emperor, had he been able so to do; he was also a friend to the Venetians. It is possible that he waver- ed in his policy, from natural indecision of character. The delegates therefore found it doubly necessary not to quarrel with him from private considerations, and not to forfeit the good-will of the pope for the sake of a dissolute monk. The early life of Innocent X is thus described. "Nasce il presente somrno pontefice Innocentio X, chiamato prima Gio. Batt. cardi>= Pamfilio, dellafamiglia de' Pamfilj originata gia in Ugubhiocittadello stato d' Urbino. Questa venne habitare in lionia sottoil pontificato d 'Innocentio "VIII, si apparento con le prime case della citta, visse sempre in molta riputatione et honorevolezza. La madre di S. B^^ fu della famiglia de' marchesi dal Buffolo, nobile e principale, della quale ne fail papa hoggidi molto conto, ritrovandosene piii d'uno al suo servitio in palazzo. Fu la S'^ ISua allevala dal card"=Gerolamo Pamfilio, suo zio paterno, che visse in gran concetto e fu vicino ad esser papa e che fu fdtto card'" da Cleniente VIll, mentre si trovava auditor decano della rota chiaro per la virtu et innocenza de' suoi costumi. Si trova la S'^ »Sua in eta di 72 anni, di statura piu che ordinaria, ben proportionata, maestosa nella persona, piena di grande mansuetudiiie e benignita: onde sempre che esce dalle suestanze per occasione di concistorj, capelle o altre occasioni, da prontamente e volenlieri audienza a tutti di ogni conditione, benche poveri e miserabili che se gli fanno innanzi, riceve i lor memoriali, e con molta palienza e carita procura di sollevare ognuno, consolar tutti con grande acclamation dei sudditi e con gran differenza dal pontificato antecedente. Fu il papa prima avvocato concistoriale, poi auditor di rota eletto da Clemente VIII. Fu da Gregorio XV, mandate noncio a Napoli e da Urbano VIII, impiegato nelle legationi di Franza e Spagna del card' Bar- berino con titolo di datario, fu dallo stesso Urbano eletto patriarca d'Antiochia, mandato noncio in Spagna, e poi promosso al cardinalato li 9 Novembre 1627. Come cardinale e stato in concetto di natura severa, inclinatoal vigore, puntuale nelle cose ecclesiastiche. E' stato sempre adoperato in tutte le congreo-ationi principali, e si puo dire che ha esercitate tutte le cariche piu principali di'^Roma con universale sodisfattione, havendo nell' animo sno fatta sempre particolar sede la modestia, la patienza, 1' integrita, la virtu, la mira di non disgustare alcuno, accarezzando tutti e condonando le ingiurie. Gode una buona salute, ha com- plessione assai robusta, va sobrio nel cibo, fa volenlieri esercilio, assiste alia capelle et altre funtioni con gran maesta, e fa tutte le cose ecclesiastiche con pompa, decoro, particolar godimento suo e puntualila Va pesato assai in tutti li negotii gravi, vuol tempo ad esaminarli e risolverli. E' stato solito nella sua pas- sata fortunaandartardi e tardi ievarsidalletto, osservail medesimo stile nel ponti- ficato, onde rare volte e retirato avanti la mezza notte ne ievato la mattinaavanti qualche hora del giorno. Ha nei tempi andati fatta molta stima dei principi: ha desiderate le loro giuste sodisfattioni: si dichiara preservare ne' stessi concetti, non voler esser partiale d' alcuna delle due corone, ma padre universale amorevole di tutti: si risente non incontrar bene ne con 1' una ne con 1' altra di esse al pre- sente, e se n'e esalata con grande con grande confidenza piii d' una volta con noi; crede pero che ognuno si dolga per avvantaggiare i proprj interessi, non perche ambedue non conoscano la necessita della sua indipendenza, e come che sia arnica della pace naturalmente e la obblighi a questa il posto di pontefice in cuisi trova constituito. Va nutrendosi con simili concetti ricevendo a grande alimento suo la confidenza con la Serenissima Republica, come questa con 1' autorita, consigli et amor suo possa esserle del maggior presidio: anzi soggetto di grand' eminenza e della maggior confidenza nostra ha confidato ad alcuno di noi, forse d'ordme della S** Sua, la intentione ch' ella havrebbe di stringersi con 1' E.E. V.V. con 422 REL. DI AL. CONTARINI. 1648. particolare alleanza, qnando credesse incontrare la publica dispositione: sopradi che con termini geiierali ufficiosi fu risposto, nessun nodo poter maggiorinente lecrare i principi clie la sincerila e corrispondenza de' cuori e la unifonuila de' fini et interessi." 126. Relatione deW amhasciatore Veneto Jlluise Contarini fntta al senato dcipo il ritorno della sua arnbasceria appresso Innocentto X. 1648. (22 leaves.^ The reign of this pontiff too by no means turned out so advantageous to his subjects as was expected. Ahiise Contarini, the son of Niccolo — the former Aluise was a son of Tommaso — added some far less favorable passages to the first and more honorable report. In his youtli Innocent had preferred knightly exercises and the pleasures of love (" passatempi amorevoli") to study: during his nuntiatura in France he had gained but little respect, and acquired the nickname of " Monsignor ll-can't-be" (Monsignor Non-si-puol), on account of his perpetual refusals: in Spain, on the contrary, he was considered a wise man, from his paucity of words. If we ask, What made him pope"? Answer, three things:— that he talked little, dissembled a good deal, and did nothing. " Da corteggiani fu detto che tre cose 1' avevano fatlo papa, il parlar poco, simulare assai e non for nienle." *' Si fa conoscere hora poco inclinato alle gralie, delicato e vetriolo, (}.) ... riputato da tulti d' ingegno tardo nell' apprendere e poco capace di gran machine, ma oslinalo nell' apprensioni:... proCuradi non farsi conoscere partiale di alcuna corona:"... He was a friend to quiet and justice, was not bloodthirsty, and was a good economist. The intimate society of the pope was made np of the following persons: donna Olimpia, who was dear to him because she brought a large portion into the fami- ly, and assisted him with it; — "donna d' ingegno e spirito virile, solo si fa conoscere donna per la superbia e 1' avaritia: Fancirolo, — "di tratti manierosi, d' ino-ecrno vivace, cortese di viso e di parole:" Capponi — "a bocca ridente ricuopre la sua malitiosa industria:" Spada, — " si pavoneggia delli suoi stimabili talenti." It is evident that the author of this report does not express himself in very respectful terms. The want of a nephew was doubly felt, owing to the character of the pope. Some hints are given of the pope's mode of government. " Tra li corteggiani si suol dire che chi tratta col papa d' alcuno affare, nelle prime audienze lo reputa quasi perfettionato, nella seconda conosce esser totalmente da farsi, e nella terza si scuopre con stupore sconcluso. . . . Crede disprezzabile quel prineipe che non conserva appresso di se un buon numero di contanti da valersene in un' urgente bisoo-no. Per non spendere si contenta di soffrire dell' avversa fortuna ogni piii opprobrioso strapazzo.... Trovandosi 1' annata di Roma spogliata di quelli as- segnamenti de' quali si valse in altri tempi, come propriiper essere stati dissipati nella guerra Barberina, Sua S*'' conoscendo 1' annata presente penuriosa di grano ha pill volte assegnato di esser pronto di sovvenirla di grossa somma di colanti; ma ripugnando la sua nalura alio sborso; ha cercato aggiustarlo in altra forma, sebene non a sufRcienza....Tutte !e communita si trovano talmente esauste e ruinate per cagione della guerra Barberina che gl' e impossibile giammai risor- gere e rihaversi.... Particolare entrata del papa di 800 m. scudi consistente negli emolumenti delle componende della dataria e nelle vacabilita degli officii di quella e della cancelleria, come ancora di una sorte di monti vacabili dell' audi- tore e tesoriere di camera, chiericati di essa, et altri simili officii, di tutla questa somma, che entra nella borsa secreta e non nella publica, ne e assoluto patrons S. S**; protendone disporre al suo arbitrio e donarla a chi piu li piace senza temere che siano richieste dal successore." His buildings on the capitol, St. Peter's and the Lateran: "... in cui rinnovandosicon nuovomodellole tre navate della chiesa, rimane nel suo essere 1' adornamento di quel vago e ben inteso GIUSTINIANI, REL. DI ROMA. 1652, 423 soffitto," — in the Piazza Navona: " con il gettato di alcune case per la parte di S. Giacomo de' Spagnuoli restando in quadro la piazza." We perceive that, notwithstanding the bad impression v/hich the court pro- duced upon Contarini, he was on the whole impartial and instructive. 127. Memoriale presentafo alia S^'^ di iV. 5'"' papa Innoccnzo X dai dcputati delta cilia di Fermoper il lumullo ivi seguito alii G di Luglio 1648. In Mnjolino Bissaccioni's " Historia dello guerre civili di questi ultirni tempi, Ven. 16G4," we find, as has been already remarked, in the midst of the most important events, classed with the histories of Charles 1 and Cromwell, and the revolutions in Portugal and Catalonia, a " Historia della guerra civile di Fermo," that is, the history of a riot, in which the papal governor, Visconti, was killed. We have here the memorial with which two delegates, Lorenzo Nobile and Lucio Guerrieri, appeared before the pope, to entreat his pardon for this offence. According to their representation, which is far more authentic and descriptive than that of Bisaccioni, and gives us a glimpse of the interior of the cities of that period, the harvest had failed, and bread was unusually dear; notwithstand- ing which, the Governor wanted to export corn from the province of Fermo. — He was not to be deterred by any warning. With his carbine at his side and his pistols on the table, he declared that he would rather die as became a governor and a soldier, than give way. He dissolved the consiglio, to which delegates from the neighboring castles had come, and called together his troops. But these his troops " came from the fields they had reaped, and from the barns in which they had thrashed;" they knew the scarcity which threatened the coun- try, and instead of opposing the excited populace, took iheir part. The governor found himself obliged to give way, in spite of his bravadoes, and to allow the corn to remain within the territory of Fermo. But quiet was scarcely restored in the city, when some Corsican militia, who had been called out by the governor, appeared at the gates; the inhabitants would not believe but that Visconti wished to carry his measures into execution with their assistance. A riot ensued: the mob cried, " We are betrayed;" "To arms!" the bells were rung, the palace was stormed, and the governor killed. The delegates assured the pope of their fidelity, and lamented the event which had occurred — at which the nobles were peculiarly distressed (" di vedere, senza polervi rimediare, da persone del popolo ucciso il prelato di V"^ S'* datogli per suo governo.") 128. Relatione della corte di Boma del cav^^ Giustiniani data in senato r anno 1652. — {Cupy in the Magliahechiana at Florence, 24, 65.) Under Innocent too, admiration and expectation soon gave place, first to doubt and discontent, and then to complaint and execration. Zuan Zustinian (for this is the Venetian way of writing and speaking the name) came, after many other embassies, from Vienna to Rome, and resided there from 1648 to 1651. His despatches are filled with the events of those years, and his report refers to them. The description lie gives of the court is not very encouraging. What good qualities the pope possessed, he says, profited the city of Rome, or at the utmost, the territories of the church; his evil qualities were injurious to all Christendom. Even in the States of the Church, however, the remission of the severest punishments for money, was a great evil. " Mi si afferma per massima indubitata che in sette annidi pontificato habbia estratto dalle composi- tion! di persone processate come ree il valore di 1200 m. scudi, che s' accosta a due milioni di ducati." The influence exercised by donna Olympia Maidal- china is represented here as a sort of public calamity. " Donna di gran spirito, 424 PESARO, CONTARINI, VALIERO, SAGREDO, prepotente per solo litolo di esatta economia. Se vacavano ofRcj nella corte, niente si deliberaha senza il beneplacito di lei: se vi erano beneficj da distri- biiire, i ministri della dataria tenevano ordine di trattenere ogni spedizione sin- che datagli notizia della qualita delle vacanze scegliesse a sua disposizione cio che pill tenesse di ofusto: se vi erano chiese episcopali da provedere, ad essa ricorrevano i pretendenti: e quello che rendeva nausea a tutti gli uomini onorati, era il vedere che erano pret'erili quelli che piu allargavano lamano a donativi." Thus he proceeds; but I am not quite certain that the report is genuine. It does not exist in the Venetian archives: in the Magliabechiana at Florence, there are two copies, which however do not agree on all points. — I have kept to the most moderato of the two. Luckily it was not necessary to resort to this report, as the diary and notices given by Pallavicini, in his life of Alexander VII, afforded me far better infor- mation. 129. Relatione deW ambasceria estranrdinariafatta in Roma alia St"- di N. S^^ ^lessan- dro VII degli Ecc^"' SS''^ Pesaro, Cuntarini, Valiero e Sagredo per rendere a noma della Ser™'^ Republica di Venetiu la solita obcdiefiza al sommo pontejice P anno 1656. The same Pesaro, during whose mission the quarrel between Urban VIII and the republic of Venice occurred, and who afterwards was considered as a decided enemy of the clergy, was placed at the head of the delegates sent to wish that pope joy of his accession, and was charged by them to draw up their report; whether it be that his opinions were from the first, as he asserts, very moderate, or that the years whicii had elapsed since that time had wrought a change ia him, his report is certainly very judicious, unprejudiced, and instructive. He had before expressed himself dissatisfied with the government of Innocent X, but not in such strong terms of reprobation as others. " Oltre la cupidita in- satiabile ch' e regnata in quella casa, vi si e aggionto che essendo raancato di ministri valevoli al sostentamento di cosi gran principato, non havendo luogo nell' animo suspicace di quel pontefice la fede di chi si sia, ogni cosa per lo piii si regolava secondo gli appetiti immoderati di una donna, che ha aperto largo campo alle penne satiriche di fare comparire i disordini di quel governo mag- giori ancora di quel che in fatti si fossero." However little this may sound like a eulogy, yet, as we have just said, when compared with the violent declamations of others, it seems a mild judgment. But the new pope, Alexander VII, forms the most prominent subject of his report. Pesaro states this fact, of which the rest of the world were convinced; that the opinion entertained of the virtues of Fabio Chigi, and the fame of his nun- tiatura, had been the cause of his advancement — although, in reality, the Medici saw unwillingly the rise of one of their own subjects. " Piu sanla elettione non si poteva aspettare da un senato di soggetti che per quanto havessero distrattala volonta da mondani interessi, non ])otevano di meno di non lasciarsi in fine gui- dare da quel spirito santo che essi presumono assistere ad un' attione di tanta rilevanza." He sketches his rise, and the general character of his early proceedings: "he appeared to know little of financial, but much more of ecclesiastical affairs, and was not very tenacious of his own opinions:" he also describes his courtiers and dependents, but upon them it is not necessary to dwell, since affairs very soon took a different turn from what had been expected. "Troppo per tempo parmi," says Pesaro, " che il mondocanonizzi questi sen- timenti del papa, e che per fame piu accertato giudizio faccia di mestiere osser- varsi quanto con il tratto del tempo si sia per mostrarsi costante nel resistere alle mantellate dell' affetto." Even at that time, so many representations were RELATIONE DI ROMA. 1656. 425 made to the pope from all quarters, that it seemed as if his firmness must needs be shaken. This mission, however, was not only one of congratulation; its far more im- portant object was to petition the Roman court for assistance in the war of Candia. The delegates relate what exertions were made by Venice to withstand the enemy, and more particularly to defray the immediate expenses of the war; loans at a heavy rate of interest, payable for life or for ever; sales of allodial or feudal properly; extension of the dignities of the state, which, until then, had been restricted to a narrow circle; nay, even the admission of a larger number into the body of the Venetian nobility — a distinction the more prized, the less common it was. Now, however, their resources were completely exhausted; there was nothing to be hoped from the other potentates of Christendom, who were engaged in hostilities with each other; their only refuge was, therefore, the Roman see. The pope listened to them with considerable demonstrations of interest, and replied by a brilliant eulogium on the rep'io ad Jllessandro VIII in occasione della canonizazione di S. Lorenzo Giustiniani. 1691. (17 leaves.) It is a great pity that we do not possess any report on the important reign of Innocent XI, which deserves that name, or which might impartially develop the 448 GIOVANNI LANDO, REL. DI ROMA. 1691. consequences attendant on the measures of that pope. A Venetian, the Cardinal Ottobono, afterwards Alexander VIII, administered the affairs of the republic during the first years of Innocent's reign, from 1678 to 1683, and as he did not return to his native country, he made no report; he was succeeded by Giovanni Lando, but without any special official character. Nevertheless, Lando has left us a final report, which was not drawn up till the conclave was sitting, after the death of Alexander VIII, and which unfortunately is not written in the spirit of the former Venetian reports. He begins by enlarging on the divine origin of the papacy, and complains that its power was not universally acknowledged; in fact that the number of heretics exceeded that of catholics. Even the accursed quietisls had begun their opera- tions in Rome ! The court of Rome would not believe that it was itself to blame — yet such was the case. A man who strove to advance the good of the church by profound learning or by setting an example of sanctity of life, was far less respected than the canonists, who wrote in support of the pope's dignity. These exaggerations had no other effect, than to provoke the temporal sovereigns to resist the court of Rome. After having attempted to define the limits of the spiritual and temporal power, he gradually approached the latter subject. He gives a melancholy description of the condition of the territory of the Church: " desolato negli abi- tanti, spiantato nella coltura, ruinato coll' estorsioni, mancante d' industria." He reckons that the debt amounted to 42,000,000. Alexander VIII lowered the expenditure by about 200,000 sc. a year, and by that means equalized the in- come and expenditure. The dataria was like a mine of gold to the pope. Nev- ertheless this money could not be kept in Rome: it came in in detail, and went out by wholesale: Innocent XI had certainly contributed 2,000,000 scudi for the expenses of the Turkish war in Hungary; of the 42,000,000 debt, perhaps about 15,000,000 had been expended in the service of Christendom. Still however, he says, Rome was a common country to all, and formed a neutral ground on which all nations met, but each came solely for its own inte- rests. Germans and French were seldom seen, because they did not depend upon the Roman court for promotion, and Spaniards only of the lower classes; if every Italian prince were to take the appointment to ecclesiastical offices into his own hands, the court of Rome would soon go to ruin. Italy in return had a monopoly of the patronage of the papacy. " Tutta la corte, tutte le dignita, tutte le cariche, tutto lo stato ecclesiastico resta tra gli Italiani." And of how much importance was this relation between them! On account of the insecurity of succession in all the Italian families, the welfare of Italy depended completely on the union existing between Rome and Venice; he takes this occasion to insist on the necessity of a good understanding between those two powers. His opinion was, that much might be yielded to Venice. The protection which was given to troublesome friars, and certain claims made to jurisdiction, were taken very ill at Rome. These are all, as we see, good and practical remarks, indicative of an honest character, but they do not satisfy those who seek for more positive information on subjects connected with the administration of the government. Lando, in other respects a strange writer, who loves no form of speech so much as the anakoluthon — says only what follows, concerning both the popes, at whose court he was employed: " Quando io rifletto a quello che ho sentito a risuonare senza riteo-no contro Innocenzio XI, il quale veniva accusato di non dare audi- enza, d'asprezza, di crudelta, d'inflessibile nemico di principi, di studioso di controversie, d' irresolute e tenace, di distruttore delle diocesi e beni ecclesia- stici: perche stava molti anni senza provederli, perche aveva calati li monti senza sollevare lo stato coll' avvanzo risultatone, per avere tenuta ferma I'estor- sione che chiamano dell' annona, per essere stato indulgente a' quietisti, e tante altre cose con che non vi era persona che non esclamasse contro di lui: e pa- reva all' ora al volgo indiscreto che non fossero virtii d'alcuna importanza al pontificate, quale memorabilissimo d'una costante alienatione del suo sangue ed DOMENICO CONTARINI, REL. DI ROMA. 1696. 449 on' illibata disinteressatezza per lasciare intatto tutto quello era della camera, fnorche impiegato nelle guerre contro gl'infedeli; e s'auguravano all' ora un pontefice che, se bene un poco indulgente alii suoi, lo fosse anco per gl' altri, e che fosse dotato di quelle virtu che all' ora si giudicavano piu necessarie, perche pareva mancassero. Ma vaduto poi che assonto Alessaudro VIII, benche tutto umanita, facile all' audienze, dolce, compassionevole, pieghevole, rispettoso a principi, nemico d'impegni, sbrigativo, franco nei negotii ed in tutte le sorti di speditioni, benefice alio stato soUevato di 200 mila scudi di gabella e dell' an- garia dell' annona, che lia fnlminato li quietisli, che ha finite quietamente il ne- gotio rnolestissimo del quartiere, ha soccorso lui pure la guerra contro il Turco, ed ha fatto ancora altre attioni importanti nella gran brevita del sue pontificate ad ogni modo, perche all' incontro ha mostrato atfetto alii suoi nipoti, perche ha voluto fidarsi di loro piu che degl' altri nelle cariche, perche ha volute provederli con qualche larghezza ma di molto inferiore a quello hanno fatto tanti altri, e perche in questa parte ha mostrato un poco d' umanita e la tolleranza del sangue, e stato anche egli bersaglio d'invettive maligna e continue fin alia morte, ma egualnaente ingiuste dell' uno e dell' altro." Finally, he refers to his ofliicial duties, and says that he had written in the course of them above seven hundred despatches. These may possibly contain more facts. Part of them are to be seen at Venice, and part at Vienna. 152. Confesstone di papa Alessajidro VIII fat fa al suo confessor e il padre Giuseppe Ge- suita negli ultimi estremi della sua vita. (^318. Rom. 21 leaves.) A writer of the Vatican archives, G. B. Perini, seriously affirms, that he found this document among other papers of the time of Alexander VIII. This he wrote on the 9th of April, 1736, when no one could have had any object in slandering a pope who had already had so many successors. This little work is, notwithstanding its ominous title, worth our attention. Let us see what the pope's confessions amount to. He begins by stating that since 1669 he had never regularly confessed: — he would do so now, assured of absolution by voices from heaven. Upon this he confesses actions of the following description: — he had made use of the permis- sion formerly granted to him by pope Clement to sign papers in his name, for making the most unwarrantable concessions; he had urged on Innocent XI, in his proceedings against France, and at the same time had secretly conspired with the French against the pope; when raised to the dignity of the papacy, he had willingly and knowingly promoted unworthy, indeed abandoned men; had only thought of enriching his dependents, and had connived at the sale of justice and mercy even in the palace; and many more things of the same kind. It is obvious that this is no confession of a pope; that would have contained very different matter, and have disclosed far other particulars. I conceive this to be one of those libellous publications so frequent in those days, embodying some prevailing opinion as to Alexander, but by no means the truth. It probably got among the more authentic documents of that period, where it was found by some busy keeper of archives, and considered by him as genuine. Among the Venetian archives also I met with some papers which were obviously not au- thentic. 153. Relatione di Domenico Contarini K. Roma, 1696, 5 Luglio. (^Arch. Ven. 18 leaves.) Contarini had already been employed at the French and imperial courts be- fore he was sent to Rome. His mission was originally to Alexander VIII, whom, VOL. II. — 39 450 DOMENICO CONTARINI, REL. DI ROMA. 1696. however, he found so ill, that he could not be introduced to him. His report is therefore devoted to an account of Innocent XII, Antonio Pignatelli, born in 1615, v/as descended from the Neapolitan family of Montelione, and entered the prelature early in life. He was made vice-legate of Urbino, inquisitor of Malta, and governor of Perugia, a career which was not to be despised, but which did not satisfy his ambition. At times Pignatelli was inclined to give up the ecclesiastical career. At length he succeeded in getting appointed to a nuntiatura, which appeared to open the best prospect of prefer- ment. He administered the Florentine nuntiatura, that of Poland for eight years, and that of Germany, which usually led to the cardinalate; but whether it was, says Contarini, the influence of unlucky stars, or the dislike of the then govern- ment of Clement IX — instead of meeting with reward, he was recalled, and was sent to the extreme boundaries of Naples, as bishop of Lezze. Under these circumstances he had to exert the whole energy of his mind, and the most manly constancy; and, in fact, the moderation and resignation which he displayed, astonished the whole court. He thanked the pope with unnatural cheerfulness for that appointment, " because he should no longer have to bear the heavy bur- den of the nuntiatura." Contarini concludes that Clement IX banished Pigna- telli to Lezze, and Clement X recalled him to Rome, but Roman authors assert that both these events occurred under Clement X. However this might be — whether cardinal Altieri wished to atone for his own or another's injustice — he appointed Pignatelli maestro di camera to his uncle, in which appointment Inno- cent XI found and confirmed him. Now, however, his fortunes took a sudden turn. In the year 1681 he was made cardinal, immediately afterwards bishop of Faenza, legate of Bologna, and archbishop of Naples. Even on the death of Innocent XI, he was thought of in the conclave: after the death of Alexander VIII, even the French, contrary to the general expectation, voted for him, although he was a Neapolitan. The reason was, that they wanted a mild and peaceable man. Thus it happened that he was elected, although only after a tedious conclave, which lasted five months and tired out all the cardinals. Innocent XII confirmed Panciatichi and Albano in the ofiices of secretario di brevi and of datario, although they were creatures of his predecessor. The ap- pointment of Spada as secretary of state met with general applause; this was made on the suggestion of Altieri. It was only the nephews of Alexander VIII who were not allowed to retain their offices; the new pope implicitly followed the example of Innocent XI. " Andava procurando il papa d' imitare Innocentio XI, di cui e creatura et aveva preso il nome forzandosi servisse al modello del suo la forma di quel governo, levandoli pero quella parte che nell' austerita e rigidezza non era stata laudata." As we perceive, he endeavored to surpass his model in clemency. He was easy of access, and the public audiences which he gave to the poor especially contributed to his popularity; although they did not, as the poor hoped, put a speedy termination to their differences, they re- strained within bounds the arbitrary measures of the nobles. " Tutti confessa- vano che questo publico ricorso portava un gran freno a tutti li ministri e giudici: mentre era troppo facile la strada di avvicinarsi all' orecchie del principe e di scoprirli quelle che in altri tempi era impedito o dalla autorita o dall' astutia di chi s' appressava al papa." An unlucky accident for a time prevented the exercise of his activity, but he soon returned to business. The affair with France was arranged; the most important reforms commenced. The bull concerning nepotism appeared, wherein it was decreed that the benefices and ecclesiastical revenues which might in future be bestowed on any pope's nephew, should never exceed the sum of 12,000 scudi. Innocent XII abolished the sale of such important offices as those of chierici di camera, paying back the price given, 1,016,070 scudi; " by this means he reduced the power of money, and opened to virtue the possibility of rising to the highest offices." Men al- ready expected many other reforms. " The pope," says Contarini, " has nothing NICOLO ERIZZO, REL. DI ROMA, 1702. 451 before his eyes but God, the poor, and the reform of abuses. He lives in the greatest retirement, devoting every hour, without regard to his health, to the duties of his office. His moral character is without stain; he is conscientious, does not favor his relations, is full of love for the poor, and is endowed with all those qualities which could be wished for in the head of the church. If he could always act for himself, he would be one of the greatest popes." His conduct, however, did not please all parties. Contarini laments that In- nocent had no nephews, who might interest themselves personally in the good, reputation of their uncle — that too much power was thus left in the hands of his ministers (" vedendosi offuscate quelle grandi e risplendenti virtu dalla solertia de' ministri troppo pratici dell' arte della corte.") It is alleged against them, that in order to divert the zeal of Innocent XII from church reform, they turned his attention exclusively towards rendering assistance to the poor. This soon occupied all his thoughts. "Questo chiodo fermo I'ardente volonta del papa di riformare." The author maintains that Innocent XII may have saved and laid by about two millions of scudi. He is thoroughly convinced of the purity of his inten- tions, and calls him a man of blameless and innocent life. 154. Relatione di Roma di Nicolo Erizzo Kr^ 1702, 29 Ottobre, (40 kavu.) ^. Erizzo had formerly accompanied P. Mocenigo in his mission under Cle- ment X; now he was himself ambassador: he reached Rome during the pontificate of Innocent XII, and remained there the first years of that of Clement XI. His long acquaintance with Rome gives double value to his report. He first treats of former popes, and after some general remarks comes to Inno- cent XI, " that holy man, who was certainly not very eminent for his scientific acquirements, but who possessed considerable knowledge of political economy, and not only equalized the revenue and the expenditure, but found means at the same time, to give large assistance to the emperor and Poland in their contest with the Turks." Alexander VIII, at any rate, did not bestow upon his nephew the money belonging to the exchequer. On the other and, he lost enormously by the failure of the house of Nerli, and his death was ascribed by many people to this calamity. Innocent XII closed the abyss of nepotism: although he did so much for the poor, abolished the salt tax, executed buildings for the court and works in the sea-ports, he still left a considerable sum in the treasury. But he lived too long to please the college of cardinals, whom he, on his side, did not prize very highly. He appeared to them to sacrifice the interests of the holy see to his compliances with the wishes of the royal courts. At length, on the 27th of September, 1700, he expired, and the cardinals eagerly rushed to the business of the conclave. Their object was to elect a pope who should indemnify them for the injury they thought they had sustained. They therefore selected cardinal Marescotti, a man "of stout heart, worthy to rule, resolute in purpose, and of an inflexible temper:" Erizzo calls him a great man. He had the support of the imperial and Spanish ambassadors. But the appear- ance of too great zeal in the election of a pope, is often dangerous, and in Mares- cotti's case it was fatal. The French, who feared his open enmity, succeeded in excluding him. A number of others were then proposed, but some objection was raised against every one of them; one was too vehement, another too quiet, and a third had too many nephews. The friends of the Jesuits opposed the election of cardinal Noris, because he had dealt unfairly with them in his history of Pela- gianism. The most zealous, here for the first time designated as zelanti, would willingly have chosen CoUoredo, but others thought him too austere. At length, on receipt of the news of the death of Charles II, "the cardinals," says Erizzo, evidently touched by the hand of God, in one moment relinquished all their pas- sions, and all the hopes with which they had severally flattered themselves, and directed their attention to cardinal Albani with that intense conviction which is 452 NICOLO ERIZZO, REL. DI ROMA. 1702. the best proof of a divine impulse." Cardinal Albani refused the honor, and Erizzo is convinced that the opposition he made was true and sincere. When at length he gave Vi^ay, it appeared to be rather from scruples, and in order to avoid being longer entreated, than from his own free will. Erizzo proceeds to describe the family and personal character of the newly- elected pope. The Albani originally came from Urbino. When the aged Francesco Maria of Urbino came to the determination to give up his dukedom to Urban VIll be- fore his death, he sent one of the Albani, who had advised him to take that step, to acquaint the pope with his intention. He despatched him twice. The first time he repented, and recalled him. Erizzo maintains that he changed his mind a second time, and sent counter-orders, but that Albani did not return the second time, and delivered the act of abdication to Urban VIIl without further delay. In reward for this act he was made senatore di Roma, and his son became maestro di camera to cardinal Barberini, and was father to Giovan-Francesco Albani, afterwards pope. Giovan-Francesco devoted himself to literature and the ecclesiasttcal profession: it was his good fortune to be thrown into personal communication with the popes at that period. Erizzo states that " under Inno- cent XI, he learned to deliberate more before he resolved, than his natural character inclined him to do, and to persevere in what he had once undertaken: under Alexander, he gave a freer and bolder form to the negotiations: he was esteemed at once prudent and determined, prompt and circumspect, and appa- rently well disposed to everybody. These arts he practised under Innotent XII; that suspicious old man could not endure either his datario or his secretary of state; Albani alone had free access to him, and found means to make himself necessary both to the pope and to his court. The first step of Clement XI, after his election, was to point out to the foreign envoys many innovations which had crept in under his predecessors, and which he had determined to abolish: he summoned the governatore to the coronation — a ceremony which the governors cf Rome were always desirous of avoiding, on account of the disputes for precedency: he abolished all places of asylum and refuge; but the foreign ambassadors saw that he did that only to make an im- pression on the court. The appointments he made did not appear to Erizzo very judicious. Clement surrounded himself exclusively with weak men. " Felicitato il coraggio di questi suoi ordini dal successo e dal rispelto de' regj rappresentanti,non credette Sua S^ d'aver bisogno a pilazzo de' ministri di gran valore: onde chiamovvi per segretario di stato il cardinale Paulucci di cortissima esperienza, ed elesse per datario il cardinale Sacripante, infaticabile e diligentissimo per quell' impiego, ma non insignito che della qualita di buon curiale. Indi diede a mons"' Olivieri suo parente la segretaria de' brevi, che aveva digia egregiamente esercitata sotto di lui stesso: e pose nolle cariche che piu lo avvicinavano, li antichi suoi amici e parenti, come mons"' Paracciani gran legista, mons'' Origo per segretario delle lettere latine e Maffei per coppiere confidente, tutta gente di pochissima estra- zione, urbinati o delli vicini municipj, che non avendo veduto se non Roma hanno per conseguenza pochissima cognizione delli principi e molto meno poi degli atfari del mondo. Non voile presso di se cardinali di grande testa ne ministri che da essi dipendessero, preferendo la sua quiete e la sua autorita a que' consigli, che non gli potevano venire dalle suddette persone domestiche non eseroitate nelli maneggi e digia tra loro gelose e discordi. Meno voile Don Orazio suo fratello, padre di tre figlioli di grande aspettazione uomo d'una sin- golare modestia ed integrita, lasciatolo alle sue angustie per pompa dell' osser- vanza della bolla contro il nipotismo, che la S'^ Sua giuro nel giorno della sua esaltazione con ospetto d'evitarne interamenie lo scandolo, il quale pero, per sentimento di molti, semper vetabitur et retinebitur semper." Great difficulties soon arose; the war of the Spanish succession became ex- ceedingly dangerous to the court of Rome. Clement acted at first with extreme weakness and vacillation. Erizzo thinks that his whole conduct was to be FRANCESCO MOROSINI, REL. DI ROMA. 1707. 453 traced to an excess of cunning; for instance, that his proposal of an Italian con- federation to the Venetians was made chiefly with the view of sounding the in- tentions of Venice. From these remarks of political and general interest, Erizzo proceeds to eccle- siastical matters, more especially those disputes which were incessantly arising between Venice and Rome. He remarks that Rome had a twofold character: the one sacred, in so far as the pope was the guardian of the sanctuary, and of the divine law, and this they were to revere; the other temporal, in so far as he sought to extend his power, which had nothing in common with the custom and habits of the early ages of the church: against this they ought to be on their guard. He cannot, however, suppress his vexation that the last government had passed over Venice at a promotion of cardinals; — he laments that the republic no longer possessed, as formerly, the right of bestowing the patronage of the bishopricks within its own territory; — how many poor nobles it would in that case be enabled to provide for! — now, the subjects of Venice endeavored to attain to high offices by indirect means — by the influence of foreign potentates: — car- dinal Panciatichi had introduced the maxim into the dataria, that it was pre- cisely those who were most independent of the temporal sovereigns in whose territories the diocese lay, who ought to be encouraged and promoted; — he thinks it an abuse that the popes' nephews should have such power over the ecclesiastical property of his native land, and is much ofi"ended at the readiness to invest them with the rank of a Venetian nobile: — a list of nuncios for selec- tion was sent to other states, even to the grand duke of Tuscany, but the repub- lic was not treated with that honor; — Rome even refused the title of " Carissimo" to the doge of Venice. We see that new causes of dispute were constantly arising, in addition to the older ones. The Venetian envoy therefore recommends the republic to be more in earnest with Rome. Though a pope could not now do as much good as formerly, yet he could do much mischief, if he were young, bold and frugal. 155. Relatione del iV. U. Gio Franc. Blorosini K^ fu ambasciatore al sommo pontejice ClementeXI. 11Q1,\1 Dec. {36 leaves.) Morosini, the successor to Erizzo, was, from January 1702 to November 1706, at the court of Clement XI, whose government then first displayed its peculiar character. Morosini describes at length the zealous manner in which the pope followed in the steps of his illustrious predecessors. Even the tears with which he re- fused the tiara were not without a precedent. He performed all those external acts which afford a good example. " Vita sobria e regolata: frequenti pubbli- che devotioni alia scala santa, a visitie di chiese, al servitio negli hospitali: somma edificatione et accuratezza nei riti sacri e nelle piu solenni ed humili funtioni, ai quali vuol supplire anche con pregiuditio della salute. Al paragone pure dell' interesse comparisce egualmente incolpabile: prima consultore, poi esecutore delle holla del nipotismo. Con ogni facilita dona at vescovi poveri le sue propine, e nudrisce del proprio molti operarj ed opere pie. Nella scelta de' vescovi, sopra tutto essentiale al servitio della chiesa, con la debita pesatezza precede, cercando 1' informationi dai fonti piii sinceri, senza dar luogo che molto parcamente al favore, Ne esamina talvolta alcuno egli stesso ad usanza dei papi antichi. Dell' altre dignita parimenti e beneficj ecclesiastici va cosi misu- rato ed attento nella distributione che anche sopra gli stessi suoi congiunti vuol che si scorga giustificata la convenienza d' accomodarli dal requisite di studj e costumi commendabili." Clement treated the jurisdictional questions in the same spirit — that is, with all the zeal demanded by his office. In some cases he gained ground. The new king of Spain was induced to request permission of him to summon eccle- siastics before the civil tribunals, and to levy tithes. The king of Poland sent 39* 454 FRANCESCO MOROSINI, REL. DI ROMA. 1707. some members of the higher clergy to be tried before the pope's tribunal. The viceroy of Naples, after long opposition, submitted to the pope at the critical moment when the Germans were advancing upon southern Italy (" un trionfo che sara registrato nelli annali della chiesa; . .") Lorraine and Savoy were therefore attacked with the greater vigor. The pope well knew how to avail himself of the most favorable moment (" studiosissimo d' ingrandire con i mo- tivi di pieta la potenza.") According to Morosini, the whole court was imbued with a similar spirit. They would hear of no distinction between church and state: the church was all in all; every congregation was to be considered sacred, whatever were the subjects of its consultations: no distinction was made between shepherds of the church and prelates of the court, for the former were excused from the duties of their office, and were employed in public business. People used piety as a sort of current coin indispensable to advancement in life. Four of the congregations were held up as peculiarly worthy of note: — that of the inquisition, which deserved the greatest support, as it watched over the purity of doctrine, (only it was extraordmary that the very worst species of heresy — he means quietism — was to be met with in Rome itself; — ) that of the propa- ganda, (but unfortunately few people could be found who would devote them- selves with all their energy to the missions; — ) that of the bishops and monastic clergy, which exercised a very necessary supervision, especially over the latter; — and that of the immunity, the members of which were placed as centinels to guard the boundaries of the spiritual and temporal authorities: if matters had proceeded according to their will, the power of the temporal sovereigns would soon have been annihilated. Morosini next directs his attention to the state. He repeats the complaint which had lately been so universal, of the decline of population and of agricul- ture; the pope would willingly have introduced useful reforms, for example, the cultivation of the Campagna; this however led to nothing but splendid projects. Morosini remarks, that the spiritual dignity increased the temporal authority. — The power of the senate he regards as a mockery of that august name. The barons were subjected to the same punishments as the common people, the pope held them under strict supervision, knowing full well their propensity to acts of violence. Lastly, he touches upon political affairs. I must quote literally tlie most important passages concerning the relation in which the pope stood towards France and the emperor, upon which everything in those times depended. "Se 11 papa abbia avuta mano o partecipatione nel testamento di Carlo II, io non ar- diro d' asserirlo, ne e facile penetrare il vero con sicurezza. Bensi adurro solo due fatti. L' uno che questo arcano, non si sa se con verita, fu esposto in un manifesto uscito alle stampe in Roma ne' primi mesi del mio ingresso all' am- basciata, all' ora che dall' uno e 1' altro partito si trattava la guerra non meno con I' armi che con le carte. L' altro che il papa non s' astenne di far pubblici elogi al christianissimo d' essersi ritirato dal partaggio, ricevendo la monarchia intiera per il nipote. Fatto riflesso a tali premesse, non pare che rendano stu- pore le conseguenze vedutessi di direttione fluttuante e fra se stessa contraria, non potendo mai riuscir uniform! attioni nate da diversi principj: e tali erano I' obbligo da una parte d' ostentarindifferenza propria di padre comune, e I' occulto affetto et impegno preso dall' altranel giudicare senza maggior pesatezza li van- taggi et il merito della causa. Considero piamente la S^ Sua il decoro e bene- ficio della religione nelT escludere glieretici dall' usurpato. Concepi speranza, facilitata dal genio a Frances!, che o non vi sarebbe guerra o si farebbe inutil- mente contro le forze di quell' invitta natione: e dandosi a credere che la mo- narchia si manterebbe unita, non stimo in un tal vaticinio meritar disprezzo, errando con la finezza Spagnola, la quale in tal caso ebbe ragioni di necessita pill che di politica. L' esito instrui dell' altre ponderationi che dovevano avan-' zarsi. S' ammasso, scoppio e tuttavia infuria fatale agl' inimici et agli amici quel fiero nembo che la gelosia, I'astio, l' interesse eccitarono nolle potenze collegate ad abbattere la macchina sospettata nella Francia di monarchia univer- sale Riusci ad ogni modo per molto tempo ai Frances! lo studio di LORENZO TIEPOLO, REL. DI ROMA. 1712. 455 mantenersi nel credito d' invincibili appresso il papa, il quale pienodiconfidenza seguendo tacitamenle i loro consigli veniva dagl' incauti lodato d' una condotta che oscurasse quella d' ogni altro: pcrche dove la Ser™Republica in particolare osservando una sincera neutralitd pareva, patisce danni nelle sostanze de' sudditi, aggravj al decoro e lo sdegno d' anibi li partiti; egli all' incontro col professare neutralita e minacciare assieme di romperla imraantinente contro quel partito che 1' offendesse, ma intendendosela occultamente con Frances!, era da questi colti- vato et occorrendo difeso senza dispendio, da Cesarei trattato con riguardo per non fornirlo di pretest! a deponer anche 1' apparenza di neutrale: furon imrauni per un pezzo li suoi stati: vide rispettate le censure in mezzo all' armi, e com- parse flotte di eretici ne' suoi mari senza il minimo oltraggio. Ma il rovescia- mento della fortuna Francese, particolarmente in Italia, ha fatto scorgere se meritasse alloraencomii o la condotta o la sorte, e se le sane e sincere insinua- tion! fatteli da V. V. E. E. replicar spesso col mezzo dei loro ministri di soda indifferenza come padre comune per renders! arbitro e venerate a beneficio pro- prio e della cristianita e d' aumentare le sue truppe sotto buoni official! per ap- poggiar meglio il rispetto contro 1' altrui intemperanza, dovessero sbracciarsi come consigli infelici, anche nell' esperienza di chi li porgeva. II frutto d'aver preferite art! pid obblique e studj d' economia, la peggior consigliera della poli- tica, fu di soffrir dopo e tutt' ora c!6 ch' e noto, ma quel ch' e piu, con apparenza di non soffrir senza colpa nel tribunale della fama, ch' e sovrano anche di prin- cipi. Spedi, come adduce in sua difesa, nuncj estraordinarj per la pace univer- sale senza riguardo a spesa et all' ingiuria dell' esclusione incontrata a Vienna: propose leghe, accordi, armistitij per la quiete particolare di questa provincia, ma fuor di tempo edopo che le dimostrationi di partialita del principio e nel pro- gresso notate introdussero il verme nei migliori semi: onde 1' essers! reso una volta sospetto fu un spogliar il zelo di autorita e constituire per sempre impotente il principal instrumento della Concordia. Difficile riuscira in effetto alia S'^ Sua il purgar questa imputatione, anzi quella d'aver contribuito a tirare nel suo senso tutt! li princip! d' Italia appresso quali voleva, notoria essendo la condotta non solo di quell! di Parma, suo feudatario, ma della casa di Fiorenze: onde la sola cautela costante della Ser"^ Republica ha data soggetione al papa e documento agli altri, mercandone pero immeritata odiosita appresso Frances! che sopra di lei i\\ da Sua B"^ scaricata." 156. Lorenzo Tiepolo K^ Prot^ Relatione di Roma, 1712. (40 leaves.) The collisions between the spiritual and temporal authorities, excited more attention every year. Lorenzo Tiepolo touches first on this subject. He treats it with unusual earnestness. "The matter," he says, " was pur- posely embarrassed and confused; the grace of God was therefore doubly needed to enable them to discriminate between what was due to the secular potentates, without infringing upon the respect which was due to the papal see." He first describes again the personal character of Clement XI, expressing his admiration of the learning, zeal, affability and moderation displayed by that pontiff: " but it might be," he says, " that all these qualities were not directed towards their only legitimate object, viz. virtue for her own sake, but to human considerations, and that therefore they would not be blessed by the Almighty; it might be that the zeal with which he devoted himself to the objects of go- vernment proceeded from too good an opinion of his own personal merits, and was less directed to public utility than to the attainment of the praise and glory which would attend his exertions; — praise could effect any thing with him; his physician, for example, made use of his known weakness to maintain his in- fluence; it was flattery which incited him to maintain intact the honor of the holy see: — hence it happened that he paid so little regard to the rights and privileges of princes and states, and even allowed his courtiers to talk of them 456 ANDREA CORNER, REL. DI ROMA. 1724. in a contemptuous manner, consistent neither with the high station of the sovereign pontiff, nor with christian charity. From the pope, he goes on to describe his ministers, whom he thinks as little remarlvable as their predecessors, fit only to occupy subordinate offices, but not to hold the reins of government. 1. Cardinal Albani. The pope had waited till his mission to Germany was over, before he named him cardinal. The court was pleased at this, thinking then to find a channel of communication and an interest with the pope; Clement XI however allowed him to use little or no influence over him — (" e certo che 1' autorita del card'" nipote non apparisce a quel segno che per 1' ordinario s' haveva veduto in quella corte.") 2. The secretary of state, cardinal Paulucci — a kind-hearted man, not very able at busi- ness, and depending with a sort of fear upon the pope. 3. Corradini, the audi- tors di papa: " dotto nel dritto, ma di non uguale esperienza negli interessi del principi: forte nell impegno, ma pieghevole alia ragione;" the only one on whom implicit confidence could be placed: whoever had right clearly on his side did wisely to lay matters before him; less so, if the case was doubtful: he was not on good terms with the nephew; it was even believed that the nephew had promoted him to be cardinal with the view of removing him from the pope's presence. 4. Orighi, the secretario di consulta, the rival of Corradini, who on that account attached himself closely to the nephew, "pare che piu con I'accor- tezza et adulatione che con la fermezzi et ingenuita abbia avanzato la sua for- tuna." 5. Cardinal Sagripante, the datario, who had become rich only by practising rigid economy; strict in the administration of his office, and taking no part in politics. The revenues of the dataria daily decreased; even in Spain people would no longer endure its dishonest rapacity: hence it came to pass, that those cardinals who had not learned to manage their property well, could no longer keep up their former pomp — "sipuo dire essere un vero distintivo dell' abbadie de' cardinali il ritrovare le case in abandono e le chiese dirocate." Should an election of a pope occur, the creatures of Clement XI would scarcely attach themselves to cardinal Albani, he possessed so little influence. Tiepolo now proceeds to a description of the political relations of Rome. As we have observed, his views are politico-ecclesiastical; he investigates the disputes between the court of Rome and the temporal sovereigns; — it was said that the pope had an equal love for all, but it might have been said with greater truth, that his love was equally faint, and his respect equally slender for all. " E' ben vero che se pochi pontefici si hanno preso a tal punto quest' assunto di far pompa di superiorita sopra i principi, e forza di dire che anche pochi pon- tefici hanno havuto la sfortuna uguale al presente di non poter uscire dagl' im- pegni volontariamente con gli stessi principi presi, se non con qualche diminu- tione del suo honore. Pure se ha qualche interna inclinatione, quest' e riposta verso la Francia, benche quella corte replicatamente si dolga delle sue partialita verso la casa d' Austria, e in fatti in piii incontri 1' evento ha comprovato i suoi lamenti, ma perche ha havuto tutta la parte il timore. In cio la corte di Vi- enna, 0 sia a caso o per la cognitione, rilevata del vero temperamento del pon- tefice ha nel trattar seco fatta la profittevole scielta delle minaccie e delle apprensioni." He then continues these general remarks on the several states until he comes to Venice, and dwells at the greatest length upon the comparatively unimportant affairs of that republic. 157. Relatione di Andrea Corner K^ ritornato dall amh'^i^ di Roma, 1724, 25 Luglio. (42 leaves.) In spite of the best intentions and the most blameless conduct, Clement XI had excited vehement antipathies. In this report, where he again appears on the scene, we perceive that, after his death at any rate, public opinion was PIETRO CAPELLO, REL. DI ROMA. 1728. 457 greatly altered. Then every one admired him, even those very people who had shortly before blamed bim. It was found (what had never been believed) that if he iiad sometimes promised more than he could perform, he had done so from genuine good nature. It came to light that he had distributed from his own pri- vate purse munificent alms, amounting in the twenty years of his reign to one million scudi, which sum he might have conscientiously applied to the expenses of his house. Corner relates that Clement, shortly before his death, had begged pardon of his nephew cardinal Annibale, for not leaving his family belter pro- vided for. ("Parera che il pontificato di Clemente sia statto effimero, quando fu de' pill lunghi.") The change which was expected took place in the conclave; the members of the whole sacred college, with but few exceptions, had been renewed during the reign of Clement XI; but as cardinal Albani had taken as little part in these nominations as in the government generally, the cardinals separated according to their several nations. At first Paulucci, the secretary of state of Clement, was proposed as his successor; but the imperial ambassador, count Althan, de- clared that his master would never recognise Paulueci's election; he threw this out for their eminences' consideration. Some friends of the Albani family had already directed their choice towards Michael Angelo Conti; one of them, mon- signor Riviera, was secretary of the conclave. He first consulted cardinal Spi- nold, who placed himself willingly at the head of the party, and proposed him, after having tried the ground and found that Conti was not disagreeable to any one. Count Althan without delay laid the matter before the court of Vienna. The fact that Conti had been nuncio iu Portugal, and had made himself agreea- ble to queen Anne of Austria, the sister of Charles VI, was of considerable service to him. The Austrian court declared itself favorable to Conti, who could thus reckon on the support of the whole Austrian connection, more particu- larly Portugal and Poland. The Spanish ambassador referred the matter to his court, which sent back an unfavorable answer; this however came too late, for Innocent XIII had been already elected (8th of May, 1721.) Innocent was endowed with admirable qualities both for spiritual and tempo- ral government. The drawback was, that he was of a sickly constitution, which occasioned him to be sparing in giving audiences. Hence it followed, that an audience gave a man importance, and one answered the purpose of many. His imderstanding was acute and good, and his answers decisive. "The Maltese envoy," says Corner, " will not forget how, after a somewhat vehement impor- tunity for assistance on his part, the pope instantly gave him his blessing, and rang the bell, as a signal for his departure." When the Portuguese ambassador demanded the promotion of Bicchi to the dignity of cardinal. Innocent at last refused to listen to him any more (" non ritrovando merito nel prelato e pessando sopra tutti ii riguardi che potea avereper una corona di cui era stato protettore"). The Roman families connected with Innocent XIII, who had expected promo- tion at his hands, were entirely disappointed; even his nephews could with diffi- culty obtain the allowance of 12,000 ducats, which had become the usual income of a nepos. The chief object of the pope's exertions was the adjustm.ent of the disputes concerning ecclesiastical jurisdiction, in which however his success was very imperfect. A belter understanding was established with the imperial court, as might naturally be expected from the circumstances of Innocent's election. 158. Relatione del N. H. Pietro Capello K^ ritornato cf ambasciator di Roma, 1728, 6 Marzo. (14 leaves.) Innocent XIII died on the 7th of March, 1724, after a reign of little more than thirty-four months. Capello, who had been sent to the court of Innocent, agrees with his predeces- sors in the account he gives of him. He finds him inclined to peace, of sound 458 PIETRO CAPELLO, REL. DI ROMA. 1728. judgment, great prudence and firmness. He confirms the report that this pope was agitated by distressing scruples in his last moments, on account of the pro- motion of Cardinal Dubois, whom he had raised to the cardinalate out of regard to his power and influence. " La di lui morte fu ben un' argomento delle piii morali reflessioni: mentre attaccato da scrupoli di coscienza, tarlo che non lascia di rodere anco la mente dei papi, non pote mai lasciarsi persuadere a compire la nomina di quattio cardinali nella vacanza d' altrettanti cappelli: e per quello si e potuto iscoprire fu giudicato che non sentisse di consumare una tale elettione forse per pentimento d' averne eseguita alcun' altra con maniere atte a turbare la di lui delicata coscieaza. Tale non ordinario accidente partori funeste conse- guenze alia di lui casa, a favor della quale non resto alcun partito da disponere dopo la di lui morte: ma con tutto cio vi fu universale argomento per giudicar molto bene di sua persona, che dimostro per tali suoi ottimi sentimenti un spirito egualmente nobile che rassegnato." Benedict XIII was elected on the 29th of May, 1724. Capello thinks him very ditferent from his predecessor, being remarkably resolute, ardent and vehe- ment in all ecclesiastical affairs. He remarks that there were few men of talent in the sacred college; no strong factions, nor any appearance of the formation of one, during the pontificate of Benedict, since the jealousy between Coscia and Fini would sufllice to prevent it. There existed a faction attached to the tempo- ral powers, but it had but little stability. The success of the duke of Savoy, who had at length attained his object, had produced the greatest impression on the court. Hence Capello infers that with time, every thing might be accom- plished at the papal court; the only requisite was quiet; a man's zeal in his own cause must never break out into open complaints. Capello next enters more at large upon the interests peculiarly Venetian. In the first place he represents afresh, that Venice must secure a position of greater importance and consideration at Rome. He again explains what conduct should be held towards the pope, who must be gained over by spiritual concessions, and his goodwill gradually and imperceptibly conciliated. He then discusses tem- poral affairs, and particularly those of trade. It is evident that the Roman go- vernment in the beginning of the 18th century paid very serious attention to commercial and manufacturing improvements. The inhabitants of Dulcignote and Ragusa carried on a trade with Ancona by no means agreeable to the Venetians. They imported wax in particular in large quantities, which was formerly brought from Venice, but now began to be prepared in the States of the Church. Innocent XII had begun to build St. Michaele a Ripa; Clement XI had en- larged it, and at the period in which Capello wrote it had attained to importance through its woollen and silk manufactures: " dalla figura d' un' ospitale, dove per carita alimentavano molti giovani, fu convertita con amplificatione di sito e con grandissima giunta di fabriche in una casa di commercio, nella quale a pre- sente si travagliano le manifatture di lana e di seta." The cloth of St. Michaele already rivalled that of France, and was exported through Ancona to Turkey and Spain. I will extract the whole passage. " In questo sontuoso edificio vi si e introdotto la fabrica degl' arazzi con egual perfettione di quelli che si tra- vagliano in Fiandra et in Francia: e vi e fondato un lanificio, nel quale vi entra la lana et escono i panni perfetionati di tutto punto. La fabrica di seta dipen- dente da questo luogo s' esercita in piii contrade di Roma, e quelle della lana sono in tanti generi divise, con idea d' addattarle all' uso del paese per haverne con un spaccio facile il pronto ritratto. Si fabricano in S. Michele tutti li panni per le militie, li scoti per servitio de' monasterj, le tele di tutti i generi per il vestiario delle ciurme, e li panni sono divisi in varii generi che restano distri- buiti per una data quantita, con oblige alii mercanti di fame 1' esito. Di recente si e dato anco mano alia fabrica di panni colorati ad uso di Francia, che passano in Ancona e Sinigaglia per concambio alle mercantie che vengono di Turchia. In somma, la casa di S. Michele e una delle piu vasle idee che possa esser com- pita da un principe grande, e sarebbe sicuramente 1' emporio di tutta 1' Italia, se PRESENTE SITUAZIONE DELLO STATO ECCLESIASTICO. 459 non fosse constituita in una citta dove ad ogn' altra cosa si pensa che al com- mercio et alia mercatura, essendo diretti quest! gran capital! da una congrega- t!one di tre cardinali, tra quali vi e il segretario di state, sempre occupato e di- vertito ne' piu grav! affari del governo. Con tutto c!6 questa casa di commercio sussiste con floridezza, e coll! suoi travagl! s' alimentano migliara di persona ricavandosi dalle sue manifatture pronto il ritratto. La fabrica degl' arazz! si mantiene da se stessa, perche si lavoro ad uso de' particolari, et il maggior effetto di quest! lavor! si e quello desiderabile a lutti 1! stati, che il danaro non esca ad impinguare 1' estere nation!." How curious it is to find a Venetian recommending his countrymen to take as a model, a manufacturing institution of the popes! They had also founded establishments for intellectual culture, which he recommends to imitation. " Oltre le art! mecaniche v! sono pure le art! liberal!, che servono ad ornamento ed utilita dello state. II solo noma di Roma ed il credito degl! antichi suoi monumenti attrae a se stessa molte estere nation! et in particolare gl' oltramon- tani. Sono in quella citta instituite molte accademie, dove oltre lo studio dalle belle lettera non meno fiorisce quello della pittura e scoltura: oltre quella di Campidoglio, che sussiste sotto la protettione di quel rettaglio d' autorita eserci- tata con tanto credito ne' secoli passat! da quella insigne republica. Ve na sono pure anco dell' altre instituite e governate dall' estere nation!, tra le quali si dis- tingue quella che sussiste col nome della corona di Francia." Pietro Capello is of opinion that a similar academy should be founded in Ve- nice, which also possessed the most beautiful monuments of antiquity. Even Bologna had attempted such an institution with great success. There were other tendencies of a similar nature, connected with those men- tioned by Correr, on which other documents throw some light. 159. Osservationi della presente situalione dellu siato ecclesiastico con alcuni progeiii ulili al governo civile ed economico per ristabilire P erario della reV^o- camera apostolica dalli passati e correnti suo discapiti, {31S. Rom.') At the beginning of the eighteenth century there was a conviction prevalent all over the south of Europe, that the condition of mankind was deplorably bad, and that they had unwarrantably neglected their own best interests: a necessity and a desire to bring about a better state of things was strongly felt. How much was written, and what efforts were made in Spain to restore the finances and trade to prosperity! The " Testamento politico d' un accademico Fiorentino, Colonio, 1734," which proposes means of bettering the condition of trade, agriculture and the public revenue, is still well thought of in the papal territories. It is in reality a well-intentioned, able and striking production, full of sound remarks. This desire for general improvement was not confined to private individuals; for numerous projects, calculations and plans directed to the same purpose, and mora or less of an oflicial character, are to be found in the collections of that period. The observations now under review, which were written about the time of the Testamento politico, must be classed under this head. They were intended for Clement XII. The author of them endeavors to point out those disorders and abuses which more especially required reform. After dwelling some time on the frightful number of murders which occurred in the papal territory, (in Rome and the four legations they amounted to at least a thousand yearly,) and suggesting that steps should be taken to ascertain what were the means of prevention used by other rulers, the author proceeds to the finances. He states the deficit at 120,000 scudi a year. He suggests the following remedies: 1. A reduction of officers receiving high pay without even living in garrison. 2. Retrenchment of the expenditure in the palaces. 3. Direct administration of the customs, instead of farming them out — a system which he condemns, because the farmer was hostile to the prohibition of foreign manufactures. 4. Diminution of the influence of the subaltern officers, who 460 PROVEDIMENTO PER LO STATO ECCLESIASTICO. found their advantage in the increase of taxes. He remarks that the annona could not maintain itself, because the imports were so great both from Turkey and the north; the corn-dealer could not bear up against the competition. His indignation is the greatest at the sums of money going out of the country for cattle, oil and wine, all of which were produced in superabundance at home. What would it signify, if those articles bore a somewhat higher price, if money, " the blood of the state," circulated where it ought*? At any rate the holders of the monti, who received their interest, but did not reside in the country, ought to be taxed, as was the case with the absentee feudal land-holders in the neigh- boring kingdom of Naples. The state of the marsh of Ancona, in particular, he regards as most pitiable. The number of inhabitants was yearly diminishing. In his opinion, the cause was to be sought in the checks placed on the exportation of corn, which was absolutely prohibited between June and October, and only permitted during the rest of the year on payment of certain duties, which yielded but a small profit to the papal treasury, and had the effect of sending the foreigner to some cheaper market. The fair of Sinigaglia proved mischievous, by rendering the neighboring district dependent on foreign parts: in order to be convinced of this, it was only necessary to visit Urbino, the marsh of Ancona and Umbria, where neither arts nor opulence were any longer to be found, but a general decay was visible. The author conjures the pope to appoint a congregation consisting of a few and select members, to devise remedies for these evils; above all, to choose able and honest officers only, and to chastise such as bore a different character. " Such," he concludes, " are the hopes entertained by the subjects of your holiness." 160. Provedimenio per lo stalo ecclesiastico. {MS. Rom. Autograph ijistrudions to public officers.) Here is another proof of the existence of projects for the introduction of the mercantile system which then met with such great approbation in Europe. Had they been carried out with spirit, perhaps a fresh impulse would have been given to commercial industry. But the misfortune of the papacy was, that each succeeding pope was eager to follow a line of policy directly opposed to that of his predecessor. Of this, the present document affords a proof. Tn the year 1719, the importation of foreign cloth from Venice and Naples, and especially also from Germany, increased to such a degree, that Clement IX was induced to prohibit it entirely. In Vergani also ("della importanza del nuovo sistema di finanza") mention is made of the two decrees to that effect, published on the 7th of August 1719, and the 1st of August 1720, Vergani, however, is without doubt mistaken in denying that they were of any service. Pietro Capello, as early as the year 1728, remarked upon the impulse given to Roman industry. It is expressly asserted in this " Provedimento," composed under Clement XII, that the number of manufactures had greatly increased in consequence of this very prohibition. Innocent XIII and Benedict XIII both confirmed it. "In pochi anni si eressero a proprie spese de' particolari in molte citta e terre dello stato fabriche nuove di lanificii, di valche, di spurghi, di tin- torie et altre, in specie a Roma, Narni, Perugia, Rieti, Tivoli, Alatri, Veroli, Segni, Subiaco, S. Severino, Giulianello." A congregation, however, assembled in the year 1735 by Clement XII, was induced to remove the prohibition, and to allow the importation of cloth again into Rome, at a duty of 20 per cent., and into the provinces, of 12 per cent. The effect, according at least to the MS. before us, was, that the recently esta- blished manufactories were ruined. The writer calculates that a sum of 100,000 scudi went out of the country for cloth. He expresses a desire that the prohi- ALUISE MOCENIGO, REL. DI ROMA. 1737. 461 bilion should be renewed and extended to silken g^oods; I do not find, however, that his wishes were fulfilled. 161. Mtri provedimenti di commercio. (^MS. Rom.) Confirmation of the fact of the momentary impulse given to manufactures by the prohibition of importation. The old complaints of the prohibition of expor- tation. A variety of articles came from Tuscany, but were any one to export thither but a measure of corn, he would incur the penalty of confiscation of his property, excommunication, and even forfeiture of life. Moreover, a thorough confusion of the currency had gained ground in Rome, as well as in Germany. The papal coin was too heavy, although Innocent XI and Clement XI had already issued lighter than tiiat in circulation before their reign. A quantity of foreign money, on which there was a great loss, became current. The pope was importuned, in his turn, to issue a lighter coinage of different kinds, which he began to do with regard to the zecchini. Several other documents of a similar nature lie before us; to make extracts from them all would lead us too much into detail. It is sufficient to remark, that the States of the Church shared the commercial and economical spirit which pervaded the rest of Europe, although peculiar circumstances, political constitution, and irremediable abuses, prevented its producing any considerable results. It was, moreover, at variance with the quiet of the aristocracy, and with the prevailing taste for the pleasures of a life of mere enjoyment without ulterior objects, and for the delights of indolence: — the "dolce far niente." Winckelmann, a German, was in raptures during his visit to Italy, which took place shortly after this period. The mode of life seemed to him a deliverance from the restless activity and strict regularity which characterise the north. The scholar's views were right, with reference to his own pursuits; he required leisure, attention to his favorite subjects, and complete freedom; and these ends might be attained for the moment, and for the individual. An entire nation, however, can only arrive at prosperity and power by the exertion of all its strength. 162. Relazione 28 9*''« 1 737 del N. V. Aluise AToceni^o IV K^ e Proc^ ritornato di Roma. {Jlrch. Veil?) We here discover what obstacles were placed by the government in the way of the commercial prosperity of its subjects. Mocenigo is by no means a fault- finder: he acknowledges the increase in the trade of Ancona, which seems to cause him some solicitude; he thinks the administration of justice in a good state, particularly in the rota, but that of the government he declares to be tho- roughly corrupt; falsification of accounts was of daily occurrence: the expendi- ture was greater than the revenue, and of any remedy there seemed no pros t pect. Pope Clement had resorted to the lotto, a measure which the ambassador designates as highly injurious, (" 1' evidente esterminio e ruina de' popoli.") His opinion of pope Clement is, that he was more distinguished by the accom- plishments of a gentleman and a magnificent prelate, than by the talents or energies requisite for wielding the heavy burthen of the papacy. He describes him and his rule only in the following outlines. " II pontificato presente influisce piuttosto le nobili intraprese e la magnifi- cenza, tale essendo stata sempre 1' inclinazione del papa sino della sua gioventvi, e tuttavia nell' eta sua cadente e rovinosa sostenuta dal genio e dagli esempj del card'* Corsini nipote, che piii ancora si distingue nell' inclinazione per le belle arti e per il modo affabile di trattare che per un fondo di vera sufficienza negli affari del governo. La serie dei succeasi nel cadente pontificato, in cui per To piii ha governato I' Eminenza Sua, rende chiara testimonianza a questa verita, e si pud VOL. II. — 40 462 ALUISE MOCENIGO, REL. DI ROMA. 1737. dire che i dissapori violenti occorsi quasi con tutte le corti avrebbono dovuto opprimere il card' nipote, se egli non fosse stato sostenulo da un credito fondato in un cuore disinteressato e mancante piuUosto per difetto di talento clie di cattiva volonta. Vero e ciie Roma non scusa in lui la preniura con cui vuole in ogni caso disporre di tutti gii affari politici, geloso sino all' eccesso della sua autorita, e quindi aver egli allontanato dal rainistero il card''^ Riviera, il piu capace di tutti per gli affari di stato, ed aver ivi sostituito il card' Firau per disponerne a piacere e senza contrasto. Per altro, sia inclinazione, sia vertu, certa cosa e che durante tutto il pontificato di Clemente XII nel coso di sette anni con la dispo- sizione assoluta delli tesori pontificj la casa Corsini non ha aumentate le rendite sue patrimoniali di 8 m. scudi annul, esempio ben raro." The pope's nephew was again possessed of considerable power, although not of wealth. The secretary of state depended completely upon him, and no confi- dence was to be placed on the word of the secretary, if the nephew's favor had not been previously secured. Mocenigo proceeds from the home affairs to the connections with foreign courts, which became daily, as we have already said, more and more intricate. I will extract the whole of this passage, so important to the history of the dis- putes then existing in the church. " La corte di Napoli anela continuamente all' abolimento della solita investi- tura con argomenti legali, istorici e naturali: ne sarebbe diiBcile che vi riuscisse, quando il re Don Carlo acconsentisse ad una solenne rinunzia di ogni sua pre- tesa sopra Castro e Ronciglione. Ma questo non e il tutto; mentre i Napolitani condotti dalle scuole dei loro giurisconsulti sono talmento avversi alia corte di Roma che ogni cosa studiano per sottrarsi dalla dipendenza del papa nel tem- porale: e quindi ogni giorno escono nuovi regolamenti e nuove pretese cosi ben sostenute dai scrittori loro valenti che la corte Romana n' e piu che mai imbaraz- zata e gia si vede nella necessita di rilasciarne una gran parte per mettere in salvo il resto. II punlo si e che queste riforme tendono principal mente ad im- pinguare 1' erario regie e quindi a scemare le rendite e 1' autorita pontificia in quegli stati. II padre Galliani, uomo di profonda dottrina ed erudizione, e in Roma il grande propugnatore per la corte di Napoli, tanto piu efficace quanto nelle sue lunghe consuetudini in quella metropoli ha penetrato nel piu fondo dei misteri del papato, e proveduto d' una memoria felicissima tutto ha presente per prevalersene nell' opportunita." "II grande appoggio della corte di Napoli e quella di Spagna, dove 1' irrita- mento parve tempo fa giunto all' eccesso e dette occasion! a quelle strepitose propositioni di riforma della dataria e ristabilimento del juspatronato regie, delle quali ebbi piu volte 1' onore di trattenere V'^ Serenita nei riverenti miei dispacci, 6 che ora si vedono gia concluse con aggiustamento piii utile per la corte di Spagna che per quella di Roma. "La corte di Torino con costante direzione nel maneggio degli affari politici, protetta dalle boUe e concessioni di Benedetto XIII, non si e mai lasciata rilas- ciare un memento da quei fondamenti che per essa sono inconcussi etroppofacil- mente atiaccati del presente pontificato. II card'^ Albani, uomo per sagacita e risoluzione senza pari, ha sin ora sostenuto con tutla 1' efficacia le ragioni di quella corte, a segno che non lascio mai giungere ad effetuazione le minaccie fatte dal pontefice presente, e secondo tutte le apparenze ne deve sortire fastoso col successore. " Anco la corte di Francia pati alcuni motivi di querela per le vicende della Polonia: ma furono cose di si poco memento che puo ella sola contarsi affezio- nata e stabile al presente pontificato, e cio perche negli affari ecclesiastici poco o nulla piii resta da discutere con Roma, osservandosi pontualmente dall' una e dall' altra parte i concordat! e la praramatica, ma principalmente perche la corte di Roma va con essa piii cauta che con qualsivoglia altro nell' introdurre, sostenere e resistere alle novita che intervenir potessero. 11 sempre mai lodevole card'' Fleuri, grand' esemplare nel ministero politico, ha saputo tener sempre soggetta la politica alia religione senza mai confondere 1' autorita spirituale con FRANC. VENIER, REL. DI ROMA. 1744. 463 la temporale: e qnesto fa che durante il suo tninistero la corte di Roma sia si trattenuta nei limili dovuti e quasi con una perpetua condescenza, a sej^no chc 1' avrebhe costituito 1' arbitro di tutte le sua differenze, se, gli altri potontati non avessero temuta la grande equita e 1' imparzialita di quell' eroe nel ministero politico. " Gravissimi furono i sconcerti, tuttavia non appianati ancora, con la corte di Portooallo, dove il carattere di quel re fa che acquistano giornalmente vigore ed insistenza le sue pretese quanto piii si contrastano: e per dirla con cliiarezza, le differenze insorte col Portogallo e con la Spagna avendo da qualche tempo sospese le rendite opulentissime di que' vasti regni, ha quasi scompaglnata la corte e la cilta di Roma, dove migliaja di famiglie da qualche anno in qua sono ridotte dall' opulenza alia poverta e tante altre dalla sufRcienza alia miseria. Questo fa che la disposizione d' infiniti beneficj in 8pagna, in Portogallo e nel regno di Napoli rimanendo sospesa, anzi correndo apparcnza che rimaner possa all' autorita temperale di que' regnanti, gran numero dei loro sudditi secolari e regolari altre volte consacrati a sostenere la corte di Roma presentemente 1' ab- bandonano, e gran nnmero ancora dei Romani stessi vendono condotti a coltivar le potenze straniere dall' avidita e necessita loro. Particolare e curiosa e stata la condotta della corte di Roma verso le pretese di questo principe di aver il cardinale nato il patriarca di Lisbona. Fu considerato da quel re come condi- zione indispensabile dell' accomodamento delle vertenze che corrono tra le due corti, di godere una tal distinzione, ed il papa, usando in cio dell' antico costume Romano, si e dimostrato alcune volte del tntto alieno, altre quasi pre- pense di soddisfare le premure del re. La cosa non e ancora decisa, ed in ogni maniera che vengai consumata fornira argomenti non indifferenti di discorsi e forse di querele tra gli altri principi. "Altre volte il pretendente faceva un' oggetto massimo della corte di Roma, la quale si lusingava molto sopra 1' appoggio delle corti di Francia e Spagna, dacche si riunirono ambedue nella casa di Borbon: ma in oggi scopertasi la ge- losia tra linea primogenita e !a cadetta e conosciutosi che la regina di Spagna non ha veramente altre mire che 1' ingrandimento dei proprj figli, 1' esule pre- tendente e la degna sua famiglia divengono presto a molti oggetto piii grave an- cora che di conforto. " L' imperatore ha fatto e fa tuttavia tremare il presente ministero di Roma, vedendosi egli stesso dar mano ad introdurre nei suoi stati d' Italia quelle ri- forme d'abusi che devono col tempo servire di esempio sommamente pregiudiciale ai Romani: e cio ch' e peggio per loro, appena ha introdotto le sue truppe nella Toccana, che ivi pure si veggono incamminate le medesimo direzioni, a segno che di tutti gli stati esteri al dominio Romano non se ne vede per nno continuar ciecamente sul piede dei secoli passati. La corte di Vienna professando tempo fa acri motivi di querela per le distinzioni usate a Spagnoli, poco amati dal popoli Romano, si e totalmente attratto il favor d' esso popolo in Roma e nello state sotto il pontificato presente col maneggio accortissimo de suoi ministri ed emissarj, ch' e cosa maravigliosa 1' udire in universale il popolo Romano dichia- rato in favore dell' imperatore. Tuttavia in oggi tanta e la forza dell' interesse della famiglia Corsini che non vi e sagrificio che non si faccia affine di guadag- narsi 1' amicizia di Cesare: di che 1' Ecc"" Senate ne ha abbondanti prove nelle direzioni de' negozj vertenti." 163. Jtelazione del N. II. Franc. Venier K^ ritornalo ambasciat. da Roma, 1744, 24 Jlpr. Unfortunately only two loose leaves, devoted to a description of Benedict XIV. Venier asserts that the cardinals had never wished to have this pope: " inal- zato anzi dalle sue rare virtu, dalle vicende di quel conclave, dalle sue note lun- ghezze, che da un' efficace favore de' Cardinali che lo esaltarono. Fu opera sola del divino spirito." " II papa," he continues, " dotato di cuore aperto e sincere trascuro sempre 464 ALUISE MOCENIGO, REL. DI ROMA. 1750. ogn' unadi quelle arti che si chlamano romanesche e lo stesso carattere che fece conoscere senza riserva allora che era prelate, fu quelle del card' Lambertini e si puo dire quellodel papa." 164. Relazione di Aluise Mocenigo IV KaV" riturnato amhasdat. di Roma, 1750, 14 Jlpr. This is not the same person as the envoy of the year 1737. The first was the son of Aluise Mocenigo the third: this is a son of Aluise Mocenigo the first. It is unfortunate that he too has contented himself with three leaves: I shall extract entire the most important passages, in the dearth of authentic information concerning the Roman court at this period. " II regnante Benedetto XIV non solo non e mai stato nell' impiego di nun- ziature presso alcuna corte, ma ne pur ha sostenuto alcuna legazione: egli es- sendo vescovo d' Ancona e stato fatto cardinals, et essendo arcivescovo di Bo- logna fu assonto al supremo grado in cui regna. Possede per pratica fatta sin dagli anni suoi piu freschi 1' ordine della curia, e non se ne scorda certamente, oltre di che si picca d' esser perfetto canonista et ottimo legale, non ammettendo egli in cio differenza dall' esser suo di decretalista, studio che non lascia aldi d' oggi ancora. Percio egli e parzialissimo del suo uditore mons''^ Argivilliers, perche si dirige colle stesse dottrine. ('onformandosi dunque le massime del papa con quelle del suo uditore, si rende questi nel pontificato present uomo d' importanza; quando particolarmente per I'esercizio suo, ch' eristretto alle sole civili ispezioni, non avrebbe altro che il vantaggio di vedere in ogni giorno il monarca ed ora entra adir parere negli affan di stato. Per dir vero, egli e uomo di probila, ma di nessuna esperienza negl' interessi dei principi, austero ed inac- cessibile, scarso di corrispondenza forastiere non solo ma ancora tra li stessi palatini. Per 1' aura di favore ch' ei gode sembra che contrasti al card' Valenti segretario di stato 1' accesso vantaggioso presso del papa, che la gran raente di quel porporato, quando voglia gli prema et a lui convenga, in mezzo alle piu difficili determinazioni e massime sempre possiede ed ottiene. Ed eccomi al caso di superfluita e repetizione. Di questo soggetto, perspicace nella coltura degli affari politici e di stato, ministro d' esperienza accorto e manieroso, avran detto quello conviene li miei ecc"" predecessori, e circa questo non altro posso aggiungere se non ch' egli col nuovo posto di camerlengo di S. Chiesa, conferi- togli da S. S'^ in tempo della mia ambasciata, ha fermato anche dopo la vita del pontefice quel ben onorifico e lucroso posto, che lo rendera ancora necessario e ricercator quando forse dopo di aver dimessa la secretariadi stato 1' emulazione, invidia e li mal contenti avrebbero potuto spiegar la loro forza ed il loro sdegno. Va ora esente da questi sfoghi, non perche sia da ogni parte circondato: ma sa egli far fronte e scansar ogni assalto: se a lui giova, cimenta; in caso diverse non cura. Oltre al nominato uditor del papa, poco o niente amico suo vi e an- cora mons'' Millo datario, con il quale benche a mio tempo apparissero riconcili- ati in araicizia, in sostanza non lo erano, ed il detto datario e piuttosto del partito dell' uditore. Questi tre soggetti si possono dir quelli che nel presente pontifi- cato abbino ingerenza ed intelligenza negli affari dello stato. Ma se li due pre- lati sono accelti per 1' esposto di sopra ed il card' sa rendersi necessario per le tante ragioni ben note, pero arrivano dei momenti che il papa ascolta gli uni e 1' altro e poscia tutto a sua volonta e talento differentemente risolve. Per questo ancora, se vi sono degli altri ben distinti soggetti tra li palatini, non contano gran cosa nel presente pontificato o almeno in rapporto ai gravi affari dello stato. Uno e il card'^ Passionei, studiosissimo edamantedelle scienze, pratico ministro per le nunziature sostenute, e non ha altra ingerenza che nella secretaria dei brevi. Del giovane prelato mons' Marcantonio Colonna maggiorduomo il zio card' Girolamo promaggiorduomo e uno tra li predileti del papa: ma egli non si da pena d' altro che di quelle cose che interessino le particolari sue brame. II seo-retario alle zifre mons" Antonio Rota, conosciuto dal papa e dall' universale dilutto il sagro collegio ed a parte dalle congregazioni coram sanctissimo per GIR. ZULIAN, REL. DI ROMA. 1783. 465 un' uomo della piii scelta politica ed un pensamento il piu fino, che per 1' ag-gi- ustatezza dell' estero, dove abbia ad esservi un tratto d' accortezza, altro non ha migliore, talmente conosciuto necessario che con distinto mode si ammette anche podagroso nelle occorrenti congregazioni, non ha pero maggiori ispezioni che quelle del suo carico o le avventizie." 165. Girolamo Zulian Relazione di Roma, 15 Becembre, 1783. Towards the close of the republic, that peculiar talent for this sort of political business which had distinguished the Venetians, declined. The reports become shorter; the observations which they contain are not to be compared with those in the older reports for penetration and comprehensive- ness. Zulian, whose report is the last which I have used, treats no longer of politics, of foreign affairs, or of the personal character of Pius VI; he merely touches upon certain points of the internal administration. The papal exchequer, according to him, showed a considerable deficit, which was much increased by the extraordinary expenditure, the building of the sacristy of St. Peter's, and the draining of the Pontine marshes — which two works then cost about two millions: this deficit the government endeavored to cover by an- ticipating the revenue, and by the creation of a paper currency. Much money besides went out of the country. " Le canapi, le sete, le lane che si estraggono dalla stato, non compensano li pesci salati, li piombi, le droghe e la immensa serie delle manifatture che si importano in esso da Genova specialmente e dalla Francia. II gran mezzo di bilanciar la nazione dovrebbe essere il commercio de grani: ma la necessita di regolarlo per mezzo di tratte aflSne di proveder sem- pre I'annona di Roma a prezzi bassi lo rende misero e spesso dannoso. Quindi resta oppressa I'agricoltura e spesso succedono le scarsezze del genere che ob- ligano a comprare il formento fuori dello stato a prezzi gravissimi. E'comune opinione pertanto che questo commercio cumulativemente preso pochissimo pro- fitto dia alia mazione. Resta essa debitrice con tutte quasi le piazze coUe quali e in relazione, e da cio deriva in gran parte quella rapida estrazion di monete che mette in discredito le cedole e forma la po verta estrema della nazione. Si considera che il maggior vantaggio di Rome sta colla piazza di Venezia per li varj generi che lo stato pontificio tramanda a quelle di Vostra Serenita." The measures resorted to by Pius VI for the encouragement of agriculture are well known. They are here treated of, but not with any very profound views. Zulian remarks that Pius VI had made the cardinals still more insignificant personages than they were before. On his return from Vienna he had put them ofif with the most vague and meagre information: to be sure it may be said in reply, that he had but little to tell. The fact, however, is true. Pallavicini, the secretary of state, in all respects a remarkable man, was disabled from taking much share in business by frequent illness. Rezzonico, according to Zulian, was the person who had most influence over Pius. 40» INDEX. *^* The Appendix to Vol, II furnishes historical and documentary notices in addition to those in the text of this history. A. Absolution, i. 147, 486, 499; ceremony of giving', to Henry IV of France, 446. Abstinence, and religious fasting, i. 123. Abuses of tlie church of Rome, scheme of reform proposed by tiie cardinals to Paul III, 103 n., 104; argued in the Ger- man diet, by contending parties, 106, 109. (See Church, Papacy, Rome, tfcc.) Abyssinia, catholic missions in, ii. 81. Seltan Segued preferred Rome to the Alexandrian church, 82; Alfonso Men- dcz sent by Gregory XV to, ib. Accolti, Benedetto delli, legate at Ancona, i. 241. Accolti, Benedetto, an enthusiast, i. 214; his criminal design, and execution, 215. Adrian VI, of Utrecht, succeeds Leo X, i. 71, 76; his gravity and high reputation, 62; his personal sentiments, and letters, 72; the ' Itinerarium Adriani,' by Or- tiz, ib. n.; neutrality of this pope in the wars of Christian princes, ib.; his zeal against the Turks in their invasions of Christendom, 73; difficulties of his po- sition in effecting reform in the holy Bee, 74; he revokes reversions to the spiritual dignities, ib.; his unpopularity, ib., 247; inscription on the tomb, 74. Aix-la-Chapelle, protestant strength at, i. 313. Akbar, emperor of Hindosfan, mission of Gcronimo Xavier to his court, ii. 78. Alamanni, poems of, i. 290. Albani, Gianfrancesco, pope Clement XI, ii. 225. Alberigo of Barbja.no, celebrated captain, i. 233. Alberoni, cardinal, his administration, ii. 228. Albigenses, cruel persecutions of the, i. 40. Aldobrandino, Salvestro, a Florentine, and father of Clement VIII, i. 434, 481; his profession the law, 434; his five cele- brated sons, 435; monument to his wife Lisa Deti, ib. Aldobrandino, Giovanni, cardinal, i, 435, 459,476. Aldobrandino, Bernardo, i. 435. Aldobrandino, Tommaso, philologist, i. 435. Aldobrandino, Pietro, an eminent lawyer, i. 435. Aldobrandino, Ippolyto, pope Clement VIII, i. 434. Aldobrandino, cardinal Ippolyto, ii. ap- pendix, 403. Aldobrandino, Pietro, nephew of Clement VIII, his administration in the latter years of the aged pope, i. 477, 480, 482. ii. appendix, 356. Aldrovandi, Ulisse, i. 288. Aldus Manutius, i. 287. Alexander III, pope, ii. 144. Alexander VI, pope, personal ambition of, i. 47; character of, 48; his son Cassar Borgia, 48; assisted by the Guelfic party, they take Rimini, Pesaro, and Faenza, 49; they seek to establish an hereditary dominion, 49; results of their violent measures, 50; intending to poison a car- dinal, the dish is purposely given to himself, whereof he dies, 50; venality of his administration, 53, 245; sale of indulgences by, 54; his personal licen- tiousness, 61; appendi,v, ii. 261. Alexander VII, cardinal Fabio Chigi elect- ed pope, ii. 155; is persuaded by Oliva that it was wrong to refuse employment to his nephews, 156; course of his ad- ministration entrusted to a council of 46S INDEX. cardinals, 157; his literary hours, ib.; his apatliy in concerns of state, 158, 182, 186. Alexander VIII, pope, early death of, ii. 223. Alfonso II, duke of Ferrara, i. 448 — 454. Alkmar, citizens of, cut their dikes, and declare for William of Orange, i. 345. Allatio, Leone, instructions to, relative to the Heidelberg library, ii. appendix, 379. Allen, William, the Jesuit, i. 355; is made a cardinal by Sixtus V, 397. Alva, duke of, marches from Naples to- wards Rome, i. 182; whilst menacing Paul IV, he shows deference to his ho- liness, 182, 186; defends Naples, 184; his executions in Flanders, 227, 339; taxes and confiscations by, 340; is cruel and rapacious, ib.; Holland and Zealand defy his power, 345. ' Amadis de Gaul,' Spanish chivalry de- picted in, i. 120, 121, 290. Amadis of Bernardo Tasso, i. ib. Ambrogio, secretary to Paul III, i. 156. America, South, or the Spanish Indies, Catholicism of, i. 318; mission to, ii. 76; Jesuits' seminary in Mexico, ib.; uni- versities in Mexico and Lima, ib. Ancients, study of the classical works of the, i. 55, 287; imitation of, by modern latinists, 56, 62; for what objects studied in Italy and in Germany, 63; the Jesuits rivalled the protestant schools in clas- sical tuition, 325. Anchin, benedictine abbey of, Jean Len- tailleur abbot, i. 359. Ancona, trade of, i. 233, 260, 279; ii. 103; revenues of, i. 241; the marsh of, 232, 233, 241; history of, 262, et seq. Angelo, castle of St., i. 80, 154, 276; ii. 104. Anglo-Saxon youths at Rome, i. 31; pil- grims, ib.; their Catholicism, 32. Annates, and tithes, of the see of Rome, i. 43, 44, 53, 245. Anne of Austria, queen of Louis XIII, ii. 96; Buckingham's reported passion for, ib.; allusions to, 205. Antiquities of Rome, i. 283—285, 287. Antoniano, cardinal Silvio, i. 196, 299. Antonio, Fra, of Volterra, i. 102. Antwerp, city of, i. 346; is besieged by the Spaniards, 365; terms of surrender, 366. Apollo Belvidere, the, i. 284. Aquapendente, scientific labors of, ii. 491. Aquciviva, Claudio, general of the Jesuits at Romr, ', 374: his character and con- duct, 463—467, 471, 501. Aqueducts of Rome, i. 282. Aquila, bishop of, i. Ill, 112, n. Arabian conquests, i. 30. Arabians, cultivated learning and science in the middle ages, i, 56; perverted spirit of their translations, ib. Araoz, Jesuit in Valencia, i. 141. Architecture, modern sacred, i. 294. Aremberg, duke of, slain at Heiligeriee, i. 339. Argento, Gaetano, his school of jurispru- dence in Naples, ii. 229. Arians, kingdoms in the west founded by, i. 30, 31. Arigone, ecclesiastic, i. 298. Ariosto, his admiration of Bembo, i. 57; harmony of his poetry, 58, 293; Leo X's friendship for, 60; his ' Orlando Furioso,' 449 n. Aristotle, Arabic translations of, i. 56; Italian followers of, 291; opposera of, 292; ii. 206. Aristocracy, of various European states, powerful in the 17th century, ii. 159, 160. Armada, the Spanish; history of the alli- ance of Sixtus V and Philip II, against Elizabeth, i. 393—398. Arnauld, the abbe Antoine, controversial writings in favor of Jansenism, by, ii. 207. Arnauld, Angelique, and the nuns of Port- royal, i. 205. Arnauld d' Andilly, celebrated Jansenist, ii. 205. Arras, bishop of, i. 358, 361; insurrection at, 360. Art, carried to perfection in Italy, i. 59, 96. Assassinations prompted by bigotry, i. 364, 400, 410,444,471; ii. 56. Astolpbus, Lombard king, i. 31. Astrology, applied by the Arabians to the practice of medicine, i. 56. Astronomy, of the Arabian authors, i. 56; modern, 324. Atonement, the, through Christ, i. 124. Augier, Edmond, Jesuit, i. 341. Augsburg, diet of, i. 81, 3.32; convoked by the emperor Charles V, i. 83; attended by Ferdinand I, 321, 310; confession of, ii. 31, 33, 114; peace of, 349; ii, 14; catho- lics gain the ascendency in, 314, 327; i. 380; ii. 33. ^e ii. appendix, 398. Augustin, St., doctrines of, i. 137, 205; ii. 469, 232. ' Augustinus,' the, of Jansenius, ii. 203. Augustus, elector of Saxony, i. 382; his wife Anne of Denmark, a Lutheran, ib. Aulic council, the, ii. 31. Austria, the catholic church of, i. 106; ii. 29, 91; progress of the protestant tenets in, i. 312; reformed preachers of the mountainous territory of, ib.; Jesuits es- INDEX. 469 tablished in, by Ferdinand I, 321, 322; protestants of, 349; their exile by Ro- dolph II, 375, 377; house of, its intlu- ence over the catholic cantons of Swit- zerland, 392; persecution of protestants in the hereditary dominions by Rodolph II, ii. 29, et seq. 36; resistance of the estates, ib. 37; the Exercitium religio- nis granted by Rodolph, by constraint, 36; affairs political and religious of, 60; ii.221, 231. Autos da fe, i. 140, 225. Azpilcueta, Spanish canonist, i. 299. Azzolini, cardinal, ii. 155, 159, 184. B. Babylon, patriarch of, ii. 81. Baden, the margrave Jacob of, converted to Romanism, i. 385; the margrave Wilhelm, ii. 65. Baden-Baden, margrave Philip of, i. 331. Badoer, relatione of, ii. appendix, 340. Buglioni, Roman family of, i, 49, 51, ib. 234. Bajus of Louvain, his doctrine, i. 469. Bamberg, the Reformation espoused a1, i. 312; bishop Ernest von Mengersdorf desires the restoration of Catholicism at, 373; Neithard von Thiingen restores the Romish communion, ii. 27. Bandino, P. Ant., on the manners of Ro- man ecclesiastics, i. 62, Banditti, Italian, i. 239, 261, 262; measures adopted by Sixtus V for their extermi- nation, 268; the priest Guercino con- demned, 269; the bandit Delia Fara, ib.; count Giovanni Pepoli condemned, ib.; alarmed by the severities of Sixtus, the bandits murder each other, 270; their re-appearance, under Piccolomini, i. 426. Baner, celebrated Swedisii commander, ii. 14. Barba, Bernardino della, i. 241, 242. Barberini, family of, ii. 103, 161, appendix, 407. Barberini, Maffco, pope Urban VIII, ii. 86, 103, et seq. appendix, 356. Barberino, Francesco, nephew of Urban, ii. 105. Barcelona, treaty of, between Clement VII and Charles V, i. 81, 89, 114. Barclay, George, controversies of, i. 409 n. Bari, duchy of, i. 184. Barnabites, order of the, i. 120; under the form of regular clergy, ib. 224. Baronius, Csesar, the 'Annals' of, i. 289, 299, 482, 486. Barriere, Jean de la, cistercian abbot, i. 386. Bartholomew's day, St., massacre of pro- testants on, i. 227, 344, 432. Basciano, his monastery on Monte Co- rona, i. 117 n. Basilica of Rome, its Augusteum or im- ages of the Caesars, i. 28; converted to a Christian temple, ib. Basle, council of, i. 42, 44, 46, 204; bishop of, ii. 40. Bathi, Giuliano, i.. 96. Bavaria, dukes of, i. 114, 312; the protest- ant movement in, ib.; the duke adheres to Catholicism, 319; the estates of, 327; Albert V of, ib. 329, 376,383 n.; is con- sidered the chief of the catholic churches of Germany, 331, 348; duke Ernest of, bishop of Freisingen and archbishop of Cologne, 368; duke William of, 384; Maximilian I of, 400,466; ii. 32, 55, 28, 63, 64, 66, 114; Swedes overrun the duchy and take Munich, 119. Beam, church property restored in, ii. 52; factions of Beaumont and Grammont in, 56. Belgians serving Philip II, in Germany, i. 368. Belgium, returns to Catholicism, i. 367, 381. Bellarmine, cardinal, celebrated contro- versial writings of, i. 298, 474, 489; his doctrines, 408, 409, 411, 492; anecdote of, ii. 59. Bembo, Pietro, his high scholastic merit, i. 57; improves the Italian language, ib.; his house in Padua frequented by literati, 97. Benedict XIV, cardinal Prospero Lam- bertini, ii. 228; his equanimity, ib.; hia concordat with Spain, 229; grants the title of most faithful to the king of Por- tugal, ib.; his death, 235. Benedictines, the, illustrious men of this order, i. 39; rule of St. Benedict of Nursia, 1 16; abbeys of, in Flanders, 359; the restored monasteries, ii. 114; the French, 46. Benefices, collation to, i. 54; of the church of Rome, 74; plurality of, 211; fines on translation to new benefices, 252; ex- pectation of promotion to, 302; nomi- nation to German, 384; the Spanish benefices, ii. 229. Bentivoglio, Giovanni, his palace at Bo- logna, i. 51. Bentivoglio, cardinal Guido, Memoirs of, ii. appendix, 350. Berlin library, i. 341 n. Berne, city of, politics and protestantism of, i. 356; the catholics, aided by the authority of Charles Emanuel of Sa- voy, banish the protestants, 393. Berni, poems of, i. 289, 290. 470 INDEX. Berulle, cardinal, his negotiations against England, ii. 45, 46, 94. Bibbiena, comedies of, i. 57; epistles of the cardinal , 61. Biberach, a protcstant town, i. 380. Bible, study of the, i. 63; Scripture the im- mediate guide of German theologians, 64; the Vulgate, 102, 132; allusion to the Levites, i. 490; the Jansenist, or Portroyal version of, ii. 208; Italian version of, i. 97. Bishops, pre-eminence of the Roman, i. 29; nomination to sees in Germany, 44; in England, ib.; in Spain, ib.; of Italy, 53; their revenues, 54; pastoral duties of, 102; temporal power of, 109; ques- tion of the residence of in their dio- ceses, 203; and of their divine right, 210; the prince-bishops of Germany, i. 312, et seq.; the ecclesiastical electors of Germany, 313; ii. 27; the protestant bishops of Germany, i. 314; eminent Flemish, 358, 361. Boccaccio, his influence on the literature of his age, i. 62. Bodeghem, Bartholomew, of Delfl, i. 333. Bohemia, dukes of, i. 35; advances made by theologians of, to Erasmus, 63; pro- testants of, i. 82; ii. 26, 28—30, 60; Jesuits in, i. 322; ii. 26; privileges of the utraquists, 30, 61, 62; the defensive measures of the Bohemians, 36, 60; they return to Catholicism, 62, appen- dix, 386. Boiardo, his poem of Rinaldo, i. 58; his Orlando Innamorata re-cast by Berni, i. 289, 449. Bologna, conference at, i. 84; council of, 162, 168; municipality of, 234; their re- demption of the subsidy, a direct tax, 248; university of, 272; school of paint- ing in, 293; informatione di, ii. appen- dix, 364. Bolognetto, cardinal, i. 298; his mission to Stephen Bathory, king of Poland, ii. 8. Bona, queen of Poland, i. 184. Bonelli, cardinal, i. 220. Boniface. St., the German apostle, i. 32; his influence in Gaul, ib. Boniface VIII, his bulls of excommunica- tion resisted by the Gallican and Ger- man churches, i. 41. Bonn, city of, invaded by Truchsess arch- bishop-elector of Cologne, who had em- braced the reformed creed, i. 367. Books, prohibition of heretical, i. 82, 139, 329, 488. Borghese, cardinal, elected pope [Paul V], i. 482. Borghese, cardinal, nephew of Paul V, ii. 57. Borghese family, the, i. 483. Borgia, Caesar, ambitious career of, i. 48, 234; encouraged by his father Alexan- der VI, he endeavors to establish an hereditary principality, 49: he puts the Orsini to death, 49; slays Peroto in pre- sence of the pope, 50; his personal strength and beauty, 50; his power at Rome, 40; midnight murders by, ib.; his duchy seized on by Julius II, 51; aided by Louis XII, 65; ii. appendix 261. Borgia, Francesco, duke of Gandia, i. 141, 149. Borgia, cardinal, ii, 107, 119. Boris Godunow, ii. 21. Borromeo, Carlo, St., his virtuous charac ter, i. 199, 215; the consulta established by, 200; was archbishop of Milan, 222; maintained ligid discipline, 223; the Milanese evinced veneration for him on his escape from assassination, ib.; his canonisation, 298; influence of his re- putation on catholic affairs, i. 357. Borromeo, Federigo, cardinal, i. 298. Boucher, Jean, his democratic doctrines, i. 410; his 'Sermons,' ib. 443. Bourbon, Charles duke of, assaults Rome, May 5, 1527, at the head of an adven- turous army, i. 80; allusion to, 182. Bourbon, cardinal of, i. 399. Bourbon family, govern Naples, ii. 227. Bourbons of France, the restoration of, and subsequent ecclesiastical concerns, ii. 250, adjinem. Bourdelot, M. ii. 176. Brabant reduced by the prince of Parma, i. 365; Peter Peckius, ii. 57. Bramente, edifices raised at Rome by, i. 59. Brandenburg, elector of, i. 44; the Luthe- ran church established in, 88, 314; Jo- achim of, 109; Albert of, a leader of the protestants, 183; the margraves Jo- achim and Christian Ernest of, ii. 35. Breda, siege of, ii. 90. Bremen, archbishopric of, i. 314; Henry of Saxe-Lauenburg's death, 369, 383. Britain conquered by the Saxons, i. 30. Brittany, the stronghold of the French protestants, i, 316. Brixen, bishopric of, i. 378. Bruccioli Italian translator of the Bible, i. 97; his dialogues, ib. Bruges, celebrated Flemish emporium, i. 364, 366. Bruno, Giordano, a true philosopher, i. 291. Brunswick, princes of, i. 314; the arch- bishopric of Halberstadt, i. ib. Brussels submits to Philip II, i. 365. Bucer, his arguments at the conference of Ratisbon, i. 106, 111. INDEX. 471 Buckingliam, Villiers duke of, ii. 73, 87; his failure in tlie expedition against the Isle of Rh6, 96; wiien preparing to succor La Rochellc he is assassinated by Felton, 97. Bugenliagen, founder of Lutheranism in Denmark, i. 310. Bulls, various papal, alluded to, i. 53 n., 54 n., 132 n., 136, 178, 219, 220, 224, 232, 244, 248, 249, 271, 274, 457; ii. 232, 239. Buoncompagno, Ugo, pope Gregory XIII, i. 231—239, 253. Buoncompagno, Giacomo, son of Gregory XIII, i. 254, 261. Buonfigliulo, Rudolfo, i. 258. Burgundians, the, i. 31; chiefly Arians, ib. Burmannus, Caspar, references to, i. 71 n., 72 n. Cabrera's history of Philip II, i. 361. Caesar, worship of, i. 28. Cajetan, cardinal, i. 71. Calatigirona, Bonaventura, general of the Franciscans, i. 475, 476. Calendar, the Gregorian, i. 256, et seq. Calvin, John, at first supposed a Lutheran, i. 153; genuine spirit of, where predo- minant, i. 315; is invested with power at Geneva, 316; his severer theological system, 468. Calvinism, its anti-catholic doctrines, i. 150, 153, 468; its irresistible force in captivating the minds of men, 315; countries in which it arose, and to which it extended its creed, 315; divi- sions of the Calvinists into episcopali- ans, puritans, Arminians, and gomar- ists, ii. 50. Calvinists, the, Rome especially intolerant towards, i. 137. Camaldoli, strict seclusion of the order of, i. 116. Camera apostolica, the, i. 105, 277. Camerino, confiscated by Paul III, and given to Ottavio .Farnese, i. 158; re- stored to the church, 165. Campagna, breed of horses of the, i. 232; banditti of the, 261. Cam panello, torture inflicted on, i. 291. Camp?ggi, the legate, accompanies Cle- ment VII into Germany, i. 81; his bold project against the independence of the empire, 81; his Instructio data Casari [Charles V,] at the diet of Augsburg, 82; authentic copy of that document, 82 n., ii. appendix, 366. Campion and Parsons, Jesuits, their mis- sion to England, i. 355. Canisius, Peter, Jesuit, i. 142, 319; cate- chism of, authorised to be used by ca- tiiolics, 325, 376; mission of, to the German ecclesiastical electors, 332. Canon law, the, i. 485. Canonists, the German, ii. 242. Canonisation, i. 300; ii. 58, 59. Canons of the church, i. 314, 485. Capello, Polo, i. 50 n.,ii. appendix,261,263. Capistrano, friar minorite, i. 43. Capuchins, the discipline and silence main- tained by, i. 117, 367, 386, 495; ii. 69. Caracci, school of painting of the, i. 293; Ludovico, ib.; Agostino, Annibal, ib. Caracciolo, ' Life of Paul IV,' by, i, 62 n., 96 n., 117, 190 n.; ii. appendix, 310. Caraffa, cardinal Giovanni Pietro, i. 96, 103, 112, 136, 165; his character of zealot, 117; his eloquent preaching as a theatin, 119; Loyola visits his convent at Venice, 127; at the council of Trent, 133; grand inquisitor, 136, et seq.; for his pontificate, see Paul IV. Caraffa, cardinal Carlo, i. 180, 181, 183, 186, 187, 188; is tried by command of Pius IV, 199; his execution with divers kinsmen of Paul IV, ib. Caraffa, duke of Palliano, i. 182, 186, 188; murders his duchess, 198; his execu- tion, 199. Caraffa, marquis of Montebello, i. 182, 199; the marchesa, 188. Caraffa, Carlo, papal nuncio in Germany, ii. 60, 61 n., 63 n., 91 n., 92; ii. appen- dix, 375, 386, 396. Caraffa, A., his mission as nuncio to the Rhenish states, ii. appendix, 399. Cardinals, conclaves of the, i. 71, 108, 171, 427, 432, 434, 446, 482; ii. 103, 148, 155, 157, appendix, 345, 348; scheme of church reform drawn up by, i. 103; preside at the council of Trent, 133; six, appointed r.s inquisitors, 136; cor- rupt nomination of, 156; ambition of, 239; con/jregationsof, by whom founded, 273, 398, 432; ii. 157; qualifications and qualities for the dignity, i. 274; du- ties and conduct of, 300, 303; number of, 274; in the pontificate of Sixtus V, 297, 423; of Clement VIII, 477. Carinthia and Carniola, ii. 29, 91. Carlovingian dynasty, the, i. 32. Carnesecchi of Florence, i. 102; burnt at Rome, 221. Carnival, excesses of the, i 387. Caro, Annibal, 'Letters' of, i. 168 n. Carpi, cardinal, i. 159, 189; death of, 205. Carranga, archbishop of Toledo, i. 225; his death by sentence of the inquisition at Rome, ib. 472 INDEX. Cartes, Des, mathematician, ii. 173. Carvallio, Portuguese minister, expels the Jesuits, ii. 235. Casa, Giovanni della, ' poems' of, i. 139. Cassimir, count palatine; history of this protestant prince, i. 367 — 368. Cassoni, count, ii. 222. Castelvetri flies to Germany, i. 138. Castro, the war of, ii. 141 — 148. Castro, Francisco de, i. 497. Catechism, the Roman, i. 226; of the Je- suit Canisius, 325; of the Jesuit Augier, 341. Catherine of Arragon, divorce of, i. 89. Catherine de Medicis, betrothed to Henry II, i, 85; she declares against religious toleration in France, 342, 343; founds the capuchin convent in Paris, 386; ii. appendix, 288. Catholicism, general disposition in the west to embrace the doctrines of, i. 31; beginning of the regeneration of, 505; tenets • of some Italian ecclesiastics analogous to the reformed religion, 101; new orders of regular clergy contri- bute powerfully to, 120; propagation of, 131,225; compared with protestantism, 134; separation from, final, 153; obsta- cles to its triumph over the rival creeds, ib; the primitive element of protest- antism excluded by the Romish reform under Pius IV, 213; spirit of rigid Ca- tholicism, 214; system of dogmatic Catholicism, whence sprung, 213; its new conflict with protestantism, 231; ii. 15; its influence beneficial to Italian poetry, i. 292; and to painting, 294; also to architecture, 295; revival of the spirit of, 305; decline of, throughout Germa- ny, 311, 371, 372; possessions of the catholic church wrested by the protest- ant authorities, 314; prospects of, ib.; its vigorous assaults upon the existence of protestantism, 318, 393; restoration of, in the Austrian dominions, the Ne- therlands,