(o / ic I i'i 
 
 LIBRARY OF THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 
 
 PRINCETON, N. J. 
 
 From the library of Professor 
 Willi am Henry Green 
 
 Division. UO\2)ji<b 
 
 ,L=IS7 
 
 Sectioyi.. 
 
 ^^ 
 
 it 
 
li 
 
CJe Camftritrfle Mihlt for ^tJ)00l^ 
 anlr Colleges. 
 
 General Editor:— J. J. S. PEROVVNE, D.D., 
 Bishop of Worcester. 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK 
 
 OF THE 
 
 KINGS. 
 
 IV/2JI MAPS INTRODUCTION AND NOTES 
 
 BY 
 
 THE REV. J. RAWSON LUMBY, D.D. 
 
 NORRISIAN PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY. 
 
 EDITED FOR THE SYNDICS OF THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
 
 CAMBRIDGE : 
 
 AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
 
 1890 
 
 \All Rights reserved^ 
 
Vl) J 
 
 r 
 
 (Eambritigc : 
 
 PKINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. AND SONS, 
 AT THE UNIVEKSITY PRESS. 
 
PREFACE 
 BY THE GENERAL EDITOR. 
 
 The General Editor of The Cambridge Bible for 
 Schools thinks it right to say that he does not hold 
 himself responsible either for the interpretation of 
 particular passages which the Editors of the several 
 Books have adopted, or for any opinion on points of 
 doctrine that they may have expressed. In the New 
 Testament more especially questions arise of the 
 deepest theological import, on which the ablest and 
 most conscientious interpreters have differed and 
 always will differ. His aim has been in all such 
 cases to leave each Contributor to the unfettered 
 exercise of his own judgment, only taking care that 
 mere controversy should as far as possible be avoided. 
 He has contented himself chiefly with a careful 
 revision of the notes, with pointing out omissions, with 
 
 I. KINGS b 
 
vi PREFACE. 
 
 suggesting occasionally a reconsideration of some 
 question, or a fuller treatment of difficult passages, 
 and the like. 
 
 Beyond this he has not attempted to interfere, 
 feeling it better that each Commentary should have 
 its own individual character, and being convinced 
 that freshness and variety of treatment are more 
 than a compensation for any lack of uniformity in 
 the Scries. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGES 
 
 I, Introduction. 
 
 i. Title and Divisions, Date, Author, Canonicity 
 
 and Sources of the Books of Kings ix — xv 
 
 ii. Hebrew Text and Versions xv — x viii 
 
 iii. Summary of the contents of the Books of Kings xix — xxx 
 
 iv. Historical survey of the Books of Kings xxx — xlii 
 
 V. Character of the Books of Kings, and their 
 relation to the other books of the Old 
 Testament xliii — xl viii 
 
 n. Chronological Table xlix— Iii 
 
 IH. Text and Notes i — 242 
 
 IV. Index 243 — 248 
 
 Maps : — 
 
 The Holy Land to face Title 
 
 Jerusalem to face p. 66 
 
 The Dominions of Solomon to face p. 109 
 
 *^* The Text adopted in this Edition is that of Dr Scrivener's 
 Cambridge Paragraph Bible. A few variations from the ordi- 
 nary Text, chiefly in the spelling of certain words, and in the 
 use of italics, will be noticed. For the principles adopted by 
 Dr Scrivener as regards the printing of the Text see his Intro- 
 duction to the Paragraph Bible, published by the Cambridge 
 University Press. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 i. Title and Divisions, Date, Author, Canonicity 
 AND Sources of the Books of Kings. 
 
 (a) What we name i and 2 Kings was anciently only one 
 book, called by the Jews * the Book of Kings.' It was broken 
 into two parts by the Greek translators of the Septuagint, who 
 did the same by the book of Samuel and the book of Chronicles, 
 which also at first were both single books. C^he division be- 
 tween I and 2 Kings is made in the middle of the short reign 
 of Ahaziah, king of Israel/^ severance which would never have 
 been made by the compiler. Having made two parts out of 
 Samuel, and two out of the Kings, the Greek translators 
 named the four portions thus formed, the first, second, third and 
 fourth books of the kingdoms, or, of the kings. The Latin 
 versions followed the divisions, but not the names, of the Greek. 
 The two portions of Samuel, they called i and 2 Samuel, and 
 our books i and 2 Kings. Jerome though he knew that each 
 of these pairs was but one book, did not attempt to change 
 titles which had been so long accepted ^ And the whole of the 
 Western Church has followed the Vulgate. 
 
 The Jews did not for many centuries adopt the division 
 which had thus become current among Christians. They were 
 led to do so at last for readiness of reference in the frequently 
 recurring controversies between the Christians and themselves. 
 The earliest adoption by the Jews of the Christian chapters in 
 
 1 On this see Jerome's preface to the Books of Samuel and Kings 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the Old Testament has generally been attributed to Rabbi Isaac 
 Nathan, who began a Concordance in 1437. But in the Cam- 
 bridge University Library there is a Hebrew MS.^, of at least a 
 century earlier date, in which the Christian divisions are marked 
 all the way through. Into printed Hebrew Bibles they were 
 introduced by Daniel Bomberg in 1518. 
 
 {b) To the date of the compilation of the Book of Kings we 
 are guided by the latest events that are mentioned in it. The 
 last chapter (2 Kings xxv.) concludes with the 37th year of 
 Jehoiachin's captivity, when Evil-Merodach released him from 
 prison. This happened B.C. 562. But this last chapter and a 
 few verses 18 — 20 of chapter xxiv, are identical with chapter lii. 
 of the prophecy of Jeremiah. There however the closing words 
 of chapter li. 'Thus far are the words of Jeremiah' plainly shew 
 that what follows was added by one who thought it no integral part 
 of the prophecy, but added it to complete the historical notices 
 found in other parts of that book, and added it most likely from 
 this book of Kings. We may therefore conclude that this book 
 ,was compiled after B.C. 562. ^ut the compiler has no word, even 
 
 <of hope, to record concerning the final deliverance of the nation 
 from captivity. That deliverance commenced with the decree of 
 Cyrus, B.C. 536jthough the final migrations did not take place 
 till the days of r^ehemiah nearly a century later, B.C. 445. Had 
 he known of any movement in the direction of a return, the 
 compiler of Kings would surely have made mention of it. He 
 is cheered, apparently, at the close of his work, by the clemency 
 shewn to Jehoiachin. He would hardly have passed over any 
 agitation for the national redemption without a word of notice. 
 The book was therefore finished before B.C. 536, and its date 
 lies between that year and B.C. 561. 
 
 (c) Who the compiler was we have no means of deciding. 
 The Jewish tradition^ ascribes it to Jeremiah. But this is 
 exceedingly improbable. The closing events recorded took 
 place in Babylon. But at the overthrow of Jerusalem, Jeremiah 
 
 1 No. 13. See Catalogue of Heb. MSS. by Dr Schiller-Szinessy, 
 
 p. 17. 
 
 - T. B. Baba Bathra 15 a. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 was carried by the anti-Babylonian faction into Egypt (Jer, 
 xliii, 6, 7) and after his arrival there we know not what befel 
 him. His outspoken prediction, however, of evils to come on 
 Egypt and on those who sought shelter there was not likely to 
 go unpunished by the Jews who had brought him with them. 
 Jewish writings 1 speak of his escape to Babylon. But the 
 statement is merely an opinion in support of the current tra- 
 dition. Nothing whatever is known of his fate, and there is 
 no ground whatever, beyond tradition, for supposing him to have 
 been the compiler of the Kings. 
 
 {d) In the Hebrew Bible the book stands as part of the 
 division called by the Jews 'the Earlier Prophets.' From the 
 Jews it was received into the Christian Canon, and there has 
 never been any question about its acceptance. 
 
 (<?) The compiler specifies three sources from which his nar- 
 rative is drawn : 
 
 (i) The Book of the acts of Solomon (i Kings xi. 41) as 
 the authority for Solomon's reign." 
 
 (2) The Book^f^the Chronicles of the kings of Judah, men- 
 iiontd^fifteen timesTToFfhe acts of Rehoboam (i Kings 
 xiv. 29) ; oT AEijam (xv. 7) ; of Asa (xv. 23) ; of Jeho- 
 shaphat (xxii. 45) ; of Joram (2 Kings viii. 23) ; of Joash 
 (xii. 19); of Amaziah (xiv. 18); of Azariah (xv. 6); of 
 Jotham (xv. 36) ; of Ahaz (xvi. 19); of Hezekiah (xx. 20); 
 of Manasseh (xxi. 17); of Amon (xxi. 25); of Josiah 
 (xxiii. 28) and of Jehoiakim (xxiv. 5), 
 
 (3) The Book of the Chronicles of the kings of Israel, 
 q nottd seventeen tiines : in the history of Jeroboam, the 
 son of Nebat (i Kings xiv. 19); of Nadab (xv. 31); of 
 Baasha (xvi. 5); of Elah (xvi. 14); of Zimri (xvi. 20); of 
 Omri (xvi. 27); of Ahab (xxii. 39); of Ahaziah (2 Kings 
 i. 18); of Jehu (x. 34); of Jehoahaz (xiiL 8); of Joash 
 (xiii. 12); of Jeroboam II. (xiv. 28); of Zachariah (xv. 11); 
 of Shallum (xv. 15); of Menahem (xv. 21); of Pekahiah 
 (xv. 26); and of Pekah (xv. 31). 
 
 ^ Seder Olatn Rabba 20. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 We have but to turn to the Books of Chronicles to firid out 
 the character of the writings to which these three general titles 
 are given. The Chronicler adheres so closely to the language 
 of Kings throughout the history of Solomon, that a comparison 
 at once convinces us that he drew his narrative from the same 
 documents as the earlier compiler. But he (2 Chron.^x. 29) 
 describes his authorities as 'the Book' (R. V. history) 'of N athan 
 the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, and the 
 visions of Iddo the seer.' 
 
 We find here the key to the origin and character of all the 
 three sources of information accessible to the compiler of Kings. 
 'The Book of the acts of Solomon' comprised three works 
 written by prophets contemporary with Solomon, and which, 
 embracing the whole period of his reign, were naturally soon 
 gathered into one treatise, and called by one collective name. 
 The prophetic spirit and the religious drift of all we read in 
 the history is thus accounted for. In the notes it has been 
 remarked that the whole purpose of the narrative is to picture 
 Solomon's life a success, and the building of the Temple as 
 acceptable, in so far only as the one was led in the fear of 
 Jehovah, and the other stood as a token of obedience to the 
 divine will ; and that when Solomon's decline began, it is God 
 who is represented as raising up the adversaries against him. A 
 record of such a character is the composition of no mere 
 historiographer, but bears on the face of it the imprint of pro- 
 phetic hands. 
 
 When we turn to the second authority which the compiler 
 quotes, 'the Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah' 
 and compare with it the works cited by the Chronicler, the 
 same conclusion is arrived at. 'The Book' (R.V. histories) 'of 
 Shemaiah the prophet and Iddo the seer' are quoted by him 
 (2 Chron. xii. 15) as containing the events of the reign of 
 Rehoboam, and his narrative, drawn from thence, is practically 
 identical with the record in Kings. The same may be said 
 concerning Abijam's reign, for which the Chronicler refers 
 (2 Chron. xiii. 22) to 'the story' (R.V. commentary) 'of the 
 prophet Iddo.' The authority which he gives for Jehoshaphat's 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 reign (2 Chron. xx. 34) is ' the Book' (R. V. history) ' of Jehu, 
 the son of Hanani.' And after this reference a sentence follows, 
 translated in R. V. thus : 'which is inserted in the Book of the 
 kings of Israel".' This is precisely the explanation to which all the 
 evidence tends. The prophets wrote their several books, and as 
 time went on they were taken up, and included in the large 
 collection which at last acquired the title 'the Book of the 
 Chronicles of the kings of Israel (or Judah).' We find it noticed' 
 further (2 Chron. xxvi, 22) that Isaiah the prophet the son of 
 Amoz was the writer of the history of Azariah (Uzziah), and also 
 (2 Chron. xxxii. 32) of the acts and good deeds of Hezekiah. 
 But here again it is stated expressly that 'the vision of Isaiah' 
 is included in 'the Book of the kings of Judah and Israel.' 
 Once more concerning Hezekiah's son, Manasseh, the Chronicler 
 tells us that his acts are to be found partly 'in the Book of 
 the kings of Israel' (2 Chron. xxxiii. 18) and in the following 
 verse, that other things concerning him are written ' in the 
 history of Hozai' as the R. V. renders, but the LXX., which 
 the A. V. follows, translated ' among the sayings of the seers.' 
 
 With regard to the other kings, whose history is recorded in 
 Chronicles, the writer is content with referring to ' the Book of 
 the kings of Judah and Israel,' as he does (2 Chron. xvi. 11) 
 for Asa, and (2 Chron. xxv. 28) for Amaziah, and (2 Chron. 
 xxviii. 26) for Ahaz; or, with the names of the kingdoms in re- 
 verse order, to 'the Book of the kings of Israel and Judah,' as 
 (2 Chron. xxvii. 7) for Jotham, (2 Chron. xxxv. 27) for Josiah, and 
 (2 Chron. xxxvi. 8) for Jehoiakim. In one case, that of Joash, 
 (2 Chron. xxiv. 27) he merely calls his authority ' the story' 
 (R. V. commentary) 'of the book of the kings.' The three 
 modes of reference last mentioned seem to indicate that before 
 the Chronicler undertook his work, the process of combination 
 had gone on so far as to convert all these separate 'com- 
 mentaries,' 'histories,' 'visions,' and 'stories' into one compre- 
 
 ^ The A. V. gave for this clause 'who is mentioned in the Book of 
 the kings of Israel,' but on the margin was added the literal rendering of 
 the Hebrew ' was made to ascend,' which when applied to the book 
 and not to the person intimates what is now expressed in R. V. 
 
xiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 hensive work which could be cited indifferently as 'the Book of 
 the kings of Judah and Israel,' or, 'of Israel and Judah,' or 
 simply as ' the Book of the kings.' 
 
 Of the kings of Israel, except in one or two places where 
 their acts are interwoven with, and affect the history of, the 
 kingdom of Judah, the Chronicler makes no mention. We may 
 safely conclude, however, from the way in which he so often 
 speaks of the 'Book of the kings of Israel and Judah,' that he 
 had before him their annals also, though it was foreign to his 
 purpose to record much of them. And the whole history of 
 both kingdoms had been put together on the same plan, and out 
 of like materials, these materials being the writings of the 
 prophets who flourished during the several reigns. We need 
 not then be surprised to find large sections of 'the Book of 
 kings' devoted to the lives of the great prophets Elijah and 
 Elisha, and to the history of Micaiah's appearance before Ahab. 
 The writings of the prophets were not exhausted by the history 
 of the two kingdoms, and no theme would more commend 
 itself to the prophetic scribe than the mighty works of those 
 two champions, who stood forth, at a time when the house of 
 Ahab had led Israel into heathen idolatry, to make known 
 in Israel's darkest days, by action and speech, that Jehovah 
 had still 'a prophet in Israel.' 
 
 It will be seen, then, that the 'Book of Kings' must consist 
 in great part of the writings of those who were contemporary 
 with the events of which they wrote, and that we cannot treat 
 the book as a work of the date when the Compiler lived. And 
 being gathered in the main from prophetic histories, there will 
 naturally be a similarity of motive pervading the whole. To the 
 Compiler we may ascribe those portions which compose the 
 framework of each particular reign, i.e. the accounts of the ac- 
 cession and parentage^, and of the death and character of the 
 
 ^ It is precisely in these portions that the chronological difficulties 
 present themselves. Some of the smaller inconsistences (cf. 2 Kings 
 viii. 25 with ix. 29) may have arisen because the Compiler made use of 
 several authorities, in which the numbers were not quite in accord, but 
 which, from the Jewish mode of reckoning in such matters, would not 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 several kings, in which there is exhibited hardly any variation 
 of form ; but the date of all which is not of this character must 
 be judged of from internal evidence. The uniform setting of the 
 whole work is important to be noticed as it is a proof of the 
 unity of the composition. To its present form the work has 
 been brought all by the same hand. 
 
 ii. Hebrew Text and Versions. 
 
 It is much to be deplored that we possess no MSS. of the 
 Hebrew Bible of a date earlier than the loth century of the 
 Christian era. Thus more than a thousand years intervene 
 between the close of the Old Testament Canon and the writing 
 of our oldest copy. It would be marvellous if during so long 
 a period the fallibility of scribes had not, here and there, suf- 
 fered mistakes to find their way into the text. But the con- 
 ditions under which it was transmitted were undoubtedly very 
 favourable to its correct preservation. During many centuries 
 the consonants only were written down, the knowledge of the 
 vowels, that were to be read with them, being preserved by 
 tradition^. This caused correct reading to be a large part of a 
 Jew's education, and to insure the retention of the proper 
 vowels, it was permitted to any one in the synagogue to interrupt 
 the reader if he introduced a change. Thus the whole people 
 were made conservators of the sacred text. 
 
 It was only when the Jewish nation became dispersed, and 
 the safeguards, which had been sufficient and available among 
 a small and united people, were found to be inoperative, that 
 the Jewish scribes, who were the guardians of the correct tra- 
 dition {Massorah, as it was called), began to add vowel signs to 
 the consonants, that the people in their dispersion might all pre- 
 
 appear conflicting. More serious discrepancies (cf. 2 Kings xv. 30 with 
 33) must be attributed to later hands. We cannot suppose that the 
 two verses just referred to were allowed to stand as they now do by the 
 original Compiler of the book. 
 ^ See note on 2 Kings xviii. ip. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 serve the sacred words as they had been handed down for gene- 
 rations. We cannot fix the date when the vowel points were 
 added, but the work was certainly not completed before the 
 death of Jerome, a.D. 420 ; and probably not for a century or two 
 later. This form of the text is the same in all our Hebrew MSS., 
 and as it exhibits the traditional reading, it is often spoken of 
 as the Massoretic (i.e. traditional) text. When once such an 
 authoritative text was put forth, none would be more anxious 
 than the Jews themselves to destroy all copies of a different kind. 
 Hence comes, in part at least, the absence of very early MSS. 
 
 The way in which the vowel points were introduced appears 
 to have been somewhat of this kind. It was a gradual process. 
 At the commencement some copy of the consonantal text was 
 selected as the standard, perhaps because it was beautifully 
 written. To this standard all future copies were made to conform. 
 The vowels were probably first attached to the books of the Law, 
 and to those portions of the Prophets, which, like the Law, were 
 read in the public services. In process of time the system of 
 vocalization was extended to every part of the text. But it was 
 found that in the standard text adopted there were many places 
 where the consonants written down were not those which 
 tradition required to be read. That the consonants of the 
 accepted text might not on this account be modified, the 
 Massoreies adopted the plan of putting, in such places, the 
 consonants of traditional reading on the margin. These mar- 
 ginal notes they marked by a word {Keri) signifying Read thus, 
 and in contradistinction the standard text is termed the Kethib, 
 i.e. written. For an instance see notes on 2 Kings xiv. 13. 
 
 The absence of any early MSS. gives their value to the 
 ancient versions. They were made at a time anterior to the 
 fixing of the Massoretic text, and therefore help us to judge of 
 the correctness of the Hebrew which has been preserved to us. 
 Three of these are deserving of special mention. 
 
 {iX-XIii.-jSe^tua^nt. This is a Greek version made in 
 Alexandria at various times during the third and second 
 centuries before Christ. It owes its name to an ill-founded 
 tradition that it was mudc by 72 {Septicaginta — ']o, the nearest 
 
INTRODUCTION. xvii 
 
 round number) persons sent to Alexandria from Jerusalem 
 at the request of Ptolemy Philadelphus. A comparison of the 
 various parts shews that it was neither made all at one time, 
 nor all by the same translators ; but some time before the 
 birth of Christ in consequence of the wide prevalence of the 
 Greek language this version had largely taken the place of the 
 Hebrew text. From it by far the largest part of the quotations 
 in the New Testament are made : it was used by such writers 
 as Philo and Josephus, by the Greek Fathers, and from it were 
 made the various Latin translations which existed before the 
 Vulgate. There exists, as will be seen from the notes, two 
 principal recensions of the Septuagint, one preserved in the 
 Alexandrine MS., which is in the British Museum, and another 
 at the Vatican. The former of these has been largely brought 
 into harmony with the present Hebrew text, and from this cause 
 its value for critical purposes is not so great. The Vatican MS. 
 varies considerably by additions and omissions, and also in 
 arrangement, from the Massoretic text and seems here and 
 there to represent a somewhat different Hebrew. In the books 
 of Kings the help which we derive from the Septuagint is not 
 so great as in some other books (e.g. Samuel) but it will be 
 seen from the notes that certain alterations in the Hebrew text 
 are suggested by it, a few of which for example, in the account 
 of the building of the Temple, are clearly necessary to be 
 made. One long addition has been specially described in the 
 notes (see p. 145) but it deals with a matter which does not 
 concern the correct reading of the text. The history also of 
 which it treats, refers much more to what happened in the 
 days of David than of Solomon, so that all but a very few 
 words in it seem to be out of place where it is inserted. 
 
 (2) The Tarzum^ (or interpretation) ascribed to Jonathan 
 Ben-Uzziel. This is a Chaldee paraphrase reduced to writing 
 about the fourth century after Christ. For correction of the 
 text it is not so valuable as for the traditional interpretations 
 
 ^ Targum is from the same root from which dragoiiuin, — an inter- 
 preter, is derived. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 which it preserves. It was for a long period forbidden to put 
 Targums into writing, and a story is told that when, as Herod's 
 temple was in building, a written Targum on the book of Job 
 was shewn, an outcry was made that it should be buried beneath 
 the foundation-stones that it might not come into any one's 
 possession. But Targums exist on nearly the whole of the 
 Bible, though many are of very late date, and only one, that 
 named of Onkelos, on the Pentateuch, is of earlier time than the 
 Targum of Jonathan on the Prophets. 
 
 (3) The Vulgate. This name^ is now given to the Latin 
 versiorToT the tsible made by Jerome of which the Old Testa- 
 ment portion was translated not from the Septuagint but directly 
 from the Hebrew. After preparing, at the request of Pope 
 Damasus, a revision of the Latin version of the New Testa- 
 ment, Jerome took up his residence, from a.d. 387 till his death 
 in A.D. 420, at Bethlehem. There he studied the Hebrew Scrip- 
 tures, with the guidance of the best Jewish scholars then living 
 in the Holy Land and produced at various times a new Latin 
 translation. Of this Samuel and Kings first appeared 2. Hence 
 the version which he made is a very precious guide on points 
 of traditional interpretation, and it is also very important as 
 evidence that since Jerome's day the original Text has suffered 
 no alteration worth noticing. We can see from his renderings 
 that the vowel points now inserted were not always the same 
 as were accepted by Jerome's teachers, but in the matter of 
 consonants his Hebrew was substantially just the same as ours. 
 
 ^ Vulq^ata versio, was used before Jerome's time, and by Jerome 
 himself, for the current Latin Version in use. It is a rendering of the 
 Greek 77 koivt) IkSoctis which was a name given to the current text of the 
 Septuagint. But after Jerome's Version took the place of all others in 
 the Western Church the name Vulgate was confined to it. 
 
 ^ The preface which Jerome wrote for these books is generally 
 known as the Prologus Galeatus, and gives a full and interesting 
 account of the Hebrew Canon, with the arrangement of the books, and 
 the reasons for such arrangement. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 iii. Summary of the contents of the Book (i. and 
 II. Kings). 
 
 A. Closing days of the life of David, (i. i — ii. ii.) 
 
 i. Contest for the succession. 
 
 (rt) Adonijah in David's sickness usurps the kingdom, i Kings 
 
 i. I — 10. 
 {b) Appeal of Bathsheba and Natlian. i. ii — 27. 
 
 (c) Solomon is anointed, as the succession is in dispute, i. 28 — 41. 
 
 (d) Alarm of the usurper and his adherents, i. 42 — 53. 
 
 Evil is still raised up out of David's house ; the sword shall never 
 depart. (2 Sam. xii. xo, 11.) 
 
 ii. David's dying charge, 
 [a) To Solomon himself, ii. i — 4. 
 {b) Concerning Joab, Barzillai, and Shimei. ii. 5 — 9. 
 (c) Death of David, ii. 10, 11. 
 The spirit of his charge is of the Law, not of the Gospel. ' Of Thy 
 goodness slay mine enemies.* (Ps. cxliii. 12.) 
 
 B. King Solomon in all his glory, (ii. 12 — x. 29.) 
 
 i. Removal of his adversaries. 
 (a) Adonijah asking Abishag to wife is put to death, ii. 12 — 25. 
 (1^) Abiathar is thrust out of the priesthood, ii. 26, 27. 
 {c) Joab is slain at the altar, ii. 28 — 35. 
 {d) Shimei transgresses and is not spared, ii. 36 — 46. 
 'The wrath of a king is as messengers of death.' (Prov. xvi. 14.) 
 Thus, in the spirit of his age, did Solomon shew himself a man. 
 
 ii. His piety and wisdom. 
 
 [a) Gibeon the great high place, no Temple or royal house yet 
 
 built, iii. I — 4. 
 
 [b) Solomon's dream, and his prayer for wisdom, iii. 5 — 15. 
 
 [c) God's wisdom in him manifest by his judgement on the 
 
 harlots, iii. 16 — 28. 
 He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. 
 (a Sam. xxiii. 3.) 
 
XX INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ill. Solomon'' s tnagnificaice and fame, 
 {a) The princes which he had. iv. i — 6. 
 
 [b) His commissariat officers, iv. 7 — 19. 
 
 (c) Joy and abundance of his reign, iv. 20 — 25. 
 
 (</) His chariots, horses, and their maintenance, iv. 26 — 28. 
 
 (e) His understanding and excellent wisdom, iv. 29—34. 
 
 (/) Hiram, the king of Tyre, seeks his friendship, and grants 
 
 timber for the Temple, v. i — 10. 
 (^) Solomon's league with Hiram, v. 11, 12. 
 (//) Solomon's levy of labourers to work in Lebanon, v. 13 — 18. 
 * There shall not be any among the kings like unto thee all thy days.' 
 (i Ivings iii. 13.) A promise richly fulfilled. 
 
 iv. Solomon's Temple, 
 {a) Dimensions of the building, vi. 1 — 4. 
 (li) The chambers that enclosed it round about, vi. 5 — 10. 
 (c) God's promise to dwell there, vi. 11 — 13. 
 {d) The Holy place and the Oracle, vi. 14 — 22. 
 (e) The cherubim, vi. 23 — 28. 
 
 (/) Adornment of the walls, the floor and the doors, vi. 29 — 35. 
 (g) The inner court vi. 36. 
 
 (h) The building finished in seven years, vi. 37, 38. 
 ' He shall build a house for My name... I will be his father and he 
 shall be My son. (2 Sam. vii. 13, 14.) 
 
 V. His royal palace, 
 (a) The house of the forest of Lebanon, vii. i — 5. 
 {l>) The porch of pillars, vii. 6. 
 
 (c) The porch of the throne, vii. 7. 
 
 (d) The house of Pharaoh's daughter, vii. 8. 
 
 (e) Excellence of the work, and the court round about it. vii. 
 
 9—12. 
 Note the brief mention of what was built for the king's own nse. 
 Stonework and cedar here, but the gold, and what is richest, for tlic 
 house of the Lord. 
 
 vi. fVor/cs of Hiratn, the Tyrian founder. 
 
 (a) He casts the pillars, Jachin and Boaz. vii. 13 — 23. 
 {Ji) The molten sea. vii. 23 — 26. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 (c) The bases and the lavers to stand upon them. vii. ij — 39. 
 
 (d) Summary of Hiram's work for the exterior, vii. 40 — 47. 
 {e) The vessels of gold for the Holy place, vii. 48 — 5 1 . 
 
 Art becomes the handmaid of true religion. 'The house that is to be 
 Duilded for the Lord must be exceeding magnifical.' (i Chron. xxii. 5.) 
 
 vii. TAe feast of the Dedication. 
 
 (a) Assembly of Israel. They bring up the ark, and the Temple 
 
 is filled with the cloud of Glory, viii. i — 1 1. 
 (/') Solomon's address and thanksgiving, viii. 12 — 21. 
 
 (c) God's constant regard invoked, viii. 22 — 30. 
 
 (d) When an oath is made at the altar, viii. 31, 32. 
 
 {e) In times of defeat, of drought, of plague, pestilence and famine, 
 viii- 33—40- 
 
 (y) For strangers who come to worship there, viii. 41 — 43. 
 
 (,^) In time of war, and in the day of captivity, viii. 44—53. 
 
 {h) Solomon blesseth the assembly, viii. 54 — 61. 
 
 (/) The sacrifices, the feasting and the dismissal of the people, 
 viii. 62 — (i(). 
 
 (Z') God's second appearance to Solomon. Promises and warn- 
 ings, ix. I — 9. 
 
 'Beautiful for situation is. ..the city of the great King. God is known 
 n her palaces for a refuge.' (Ps. xlviii. 2, 3.) This knowledge was the 
 jource of Israel's greatness under Solomon. 
 
 viii, Solomon'' s power, wealth and fame. 
 
 (a) Solomon's gift of cities to Hiram, ix. 10 — 14. 
 
 {b) The levy of forced labour from Canaanites and Israelites, ix. 
 
 15—23- 
 
 (<r) Pharaoh's daughter brought to her own house, ix. 24. 
 
 ((/) Solomon's observance of the appointed feasts, ix. 25. 
 
 (c) Fleet of Solomon and Hiram, ix. 26 — 28. 
 
 (/) Visit of the queen of Sheba, her wonder, praise and large gifts. 
 
 X. I— 13. 
 (g) Solomon's revenue, and wide fame. x. 14 — 25. 
 (Ji) His chariots and horsemen, and traffic with Egypt, x. 26—29. 
 'Because of Thy Temple at Jerusalem, kings shall bring presents 
 I. KINGS c 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 unto Thee.' (Ps. Ixviii. 29.) Mark how it is in conjunction with the 
 king's worship, according to God's law, that this prosperity is showered 
 upon him. 
 
 C. Solomon is turned away from the Lord, and his prosperity Is 
 hroken. (xi. i — 43.) 
 
 God's face is set against Solomon, 
 
 {a) The anger of God against Solomon, whose heart the strange 
 wives turned away. xi. i — 13. 
 
 (b) God raises up one adversary, Hadad the Edomite. xi. 14 — 22. 
 
 {c) A second adversary, Rezon the son of Eliada. xi. 23 — 25. 
 
 (d) A third out of Israel, Jeroboam the son of Nebat. xi. 26 — 28. 
 
 {e) Ahijah's prophecy and promise to Jeroboam, xi. 29 — 39. 
 
 (/) Solomon would have killed Jeroboam, xi. 40. 
 
 {g) Death of Solomon, xi. 41 — 43. 
 *The Lord shall stir up jealousy like a man of war. They shall be 
 turned back, they shall be greatly ashamed, that say to the molten 
 images, Ye are our Gods.' (Is. xlii. 13 — 17.) 
 
 D. The divided kingdoms, Israel and Judah. (i Kings xii. i — 
 2 Kings xviii. 12.) 
 
 1. Prelude to the separation, 
 
 {a) Petition made to Rehoboam at Shechem. xii. i — 5. 
 
 (b) He follows evil counsel, xii. 6 — 15. 
 
 (c) Revolt of Israel. Jeroboam chosen for king. xii. 16 — 20. 
 
 (d) Rehoboam forbidden to fight against Israel, xii. 21 — 24. 
 God's hand is manifest in the whole story. • God is the judge, He 
 
 putteth down one and lifteth up another.' (Ps. Ixxv. 7.) 
 
 ii. ISRAEL. The son of Nebat who made Israel to sin, 
 
 (a) Jeroboam's policy; the golden calves, the feast devised of his 
 
 own heart, xii. 25 — 33. 
 (i^) A man of God from Judah to Israel. His message, xiii. 
 
 I — 10. 
 (f) His disobedience and its punishment, xiii. 11 — 32. 
 {d) Jeroboam persists in his evil way. xiii. 33, 34. 
 \f) Sends to Ahijah concerning the sickness of his son. xiv. i — 6. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 (/) The prophet's message. The truth thereof confirmed by its 
 
 partial fulfilment, xiv. 7 — 18. 
 {g) Death of Jeroboam, xiv. 19, 20. 
 
 Commandments spurned bring their punishment. 'To obey is better 
 than sacrifice. Rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft, and stubbornness 
 is as iniquity and idolatry.' (i Sam. xv. 22, 23.) 
 
 iii. yUDAH. The lamp preserved for David's sake. 
 
 (a) Evil in Judah under Rehoboam. xiv, 21 — 24. 
 
 (b) Shishak plunders the Temple and the king's house, xiv. 
 25—28. 
 
 (c) Death of Rehoboam. xiv. 29 — 31. 
 ^^d) Abijam walks in the sins of his father, xv. i — 8. 
 
 ((f) Asa's heart perfect with the Lord. xv. 9 — 15. 
 
 {/) Growing weak in trust he makes a league with Benhadad. xv. 
 
 16 — 22. 
 (g) Asa's death, xv. 23 — 24. 
 The spoiled Temple is a fit emblem of the falling away of David's 
 line. God delights in the material house only when true worship is 
 paid in it. 
 
 iv. ISRAEL. The way of Jeroboam. The kings. 
 
 (a) Nadab is slain by Baasha. xv. 25 — 31. 
 
 {p) Baasha king. xv. 32 — 34. 
 
 [c) The word of the Lord unto Baaslia by the mouth of Jehu. 
 
 xvi. r — 7. 
 (</) Elah, son of Baasha, slain by Zimri. xvi. 8 — 14. 
 (^) Zimri's seven days' reign, and traitor's end. xvi. 15 — 20. 
 (_/■) Omri, after a conflict, obtains the throne and builds Samaria. 
 
 xvi. 21 — 28. 
 (^) Ahab exceeds the wickedness of ail who went before him. 
 
 xvi. 29—34. 
 
 'Through the wrath of the Lord the land is darkened... no man shall 
 spare his brother. ' (Is. ix. 19.) Yet note in Israel the 'pride and 
 stoutness of heart, ' which the prophet rebukes, as shewn in their grand 
 projects of building. (Is. ix. 10.) 'For the transgression of a land 
 many are the princes thereof.' (Prov. xxviii. 2.) 
 
 C 7, 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 V. Elijah. The prophet in Israel, 
 (a) The famine foretold. Elijah hides at Cherith and in Sarepta. 
 
 xvii. I — 16. 
 {b) The widow's son dies and is restored, xvii. 1 7 — 24. 
 {c) Elijah in the presence of Ahab. xviii. i — 16. 
 (d) The challenge. God against Baal, xviii. 17 — 29. 
 {e) The Lord He is God. Baal's priests are slain, xviii. 30 — 40. 
 (f) Promise of rain, xviii. 41 — 46. 
 ^(g) Flight of Elijah to Horeb, xix. i — 8. 
 (h) God's revelations to him there, xix. 9 — 18. 
 {{) The calling of Elisha. xix. 19 — 21. 
 
 The bravest of God's heroes, yet broken in heart at last. He longed 
 to do so much, but learnt at length how God works. *I, the Lord, will 
 hasten it in his time.' (Is. Ix. 22.) 
 
 vi. Syrian invasion of Israel. 
 
 (a) Arrogant claims of Benhadad. xx. i — 12. 
 
 (b) Victory promised and given to Ahab. xx. 13 — 21. 
 {c) A new attack defeated in like manner, xx. 22 — 30. 
 
 {d) Benhadad as cringeing as before he was haughty, xx. 31 — 34. 
 
 {e) Ahab weakly spares the man whom God had doomed, xx. 
 
 35—43. 
 
 Jehovah, longsuffering, does not cast off his rebellious people, nor let 
 
 them fall into any hands, but those of his special instruments. ' I am 
 
 the Lord, I change not; therefore ye sons of Jacob are not consumed.' 
 
 (Malachi iii. 6.) 
 
 vii. Naboth is stoned and is dead. 
 (a) Naboth the Jezreelite refuses to part with his vineyard. 
 
 xxi. I — 4. 
 (i) Jezebel compasses the death of Naboth. xxi. 5 — 16. 
 (f) Ahab taking possession hears God's doom from Elijah. \xi. 
 
 17—24. 
 (</) Some signs of repentance gain Ahab a respite, xxi. 25 — 29. 
 The evil examples on the throne have their fruit in other places. ' If 
 a ruler hearken to lies, all his servants are wicked.' (Prov. xxix. 12.) 
 
 viii. yudah and Israel in alliance, 
 {a) Jehoshaphat goes with Ahab to Ramoth-gilead. xxii. i — 28. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 (d) Ahab's ignoble end, according to the word of Elijah, xxii. 
 
 29—40. 
 (c) Jehoshaphat's reign over Judah. xxii. 41 — 50. 
 («') Ahaziah follows Ahab, on his throne and in his sins. xxii. 
 
 51 — 2 Kings i. 18. 
 (6') Elijah taken away. His spirit rests on Elisha. ii. r — 18. 
 (/) Elisha heals the waters at Jericho, and curses the youths at 
 
 Beth-el. ii. 19 — 15. 
 (g) Israel and Judah war against Edom. iii. 1 — 27. 
 Note the evil influence of this alliance on Jehoshaphat. He asks for a 
 l)iiiphet of the Lord, in the first expedition at the outset, but then he 
 neglects his words ; to the second war he goes, and only thinks of the 
 Lord's prophet, when he is in deep peril. Joined with Ahab in policy, 
 he is made his equal in penalty. 'In his son's days' God brought evil 
 upon his house. 
 
 ix. Elisha. ' He did wonders in his life.^ 
 
 {a) Elisha multiplieth the widow's oil. iv. i — 7. 
 
 [b) He promises a son to the Shunammite, and restores him to life 
 
 again, iv. 8 — 37. 
 (r) He heals the pottage at Gilgal, and satisfies a hundred men 
 
 with twenty loaves, iv. 38 — 44. 
 {d) Naaman is healed. Gehazi becomes leprous, v. i — 27. 
 {c) Elisha causeth an axe-head to swim. vi. i — 7. 
 (/) He revealeth the plans of the Syrian king, and smites the 
 
 Syrian troops with blindness, vi. 8 — 23. 
 {g) Siege of Samaria. In the famine Elisha foretells a sudden 
 
 plenty, which cometh to pass. vi. 24 — vii. 20. 
 {h) The Shunammite's land restored for Elisha's sake. viii. r — 6. 
 {i) Elisha foretells Ben-hadad's death, and Hazael's cruelty, viii. 
 
 7—15- 
 Elijah at his death appeared to have achieved but little, yet Jehovah's 
 'seven thousand in Israel, all the knees which had not bowed unto 
 Eaal' (i Kings xix. 18) were found in many places, and gave some hope 
 to the labours of Elisha. But as a whole, 'Ephraim was joined to 
 idols.' (Hosea iv. 17.) 
 
 x. Fruits of the alliance between Judah and Israel, 
 (a) Jehoram king of Judah walks in the ways of the house of 
 Ahab. viii. 16 — 24. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 {0} Ahaziah, his son by Athaliah the daughter of Ahab, follows 
 the same path. viii. 25 — 27. 
 
 (f) Another war with Syria, viii. 28, 29. 
 
 ((/) Jehu anointed at Ramoth Gilead. ix. i — i^. 
 
 (d) Jehu slays both the kings, and Jezebel also. ix. 15—37. 
 The law had spoken in vain to Jehoshaphat, and now the penalty is 
 strictly carried out. 'Thou shall not make marriages with them: thy 
 daughter thou shalt not give unto his son, nor his daughter shalt thou 
 take unto thy son. For they will turn away thy son from following Me, 
 that they may serve other gods: so will the anger of the Lord be 
 kindled against you and destroy thee suddenly.' (Deut. vii. 3 — 4.) 
 
 xi. ISRAEL, yehii on the throne. 
 
 (a) Ahab's sons put to death, x. i — 11. 
 
 (It) Jehu's zeal against the Baalites. x. 12 — 28. 
 
 ((•) The zeal stops short in its course, x. 29 — 31. 
 
 {d) Israel begins to be cut short. Death of Jehu. x. 32 — 36. 
 'My zeal for the Lord' was Jehu's boast. He forgot that he was only 
 the scourge of God. 'For he saith. By the strength of my hand I have 
 done it, and by my wisdom, for I am prudent.' (Is. x. 13.) 
 
 xii. yUDAH. Athaliah and Joash. 
 
 {a) Athaliah murders all the royal family except Joash. xi. i — 3. 
 {b) Jchoiada plans to kill her and set Joash on the throne. 
 
 xi. 4 21. 
 
 {(.) Joash restores the dilapidated temple, xii. i — 16. 
 
 (d) Hazael's expedition against Jerusalem bought off. xii. 17 — 18. 
 
 [e) Joash is murdered by his servants, xii. 19 — 21. 
 
 ' A man that is laden with the blood of any person shall flee unto 
 the pit; let no man stay him.' (Prov. xxviii. 17 R.V.) 
 
 xiii. ISRAEL. The house of yehti. 
 
 (a) Jehoahaz reigns ill, and is delivered into the hands of the 
 
 Syrians, xiii. i — 3. 
 
 (b) A saviour promised on his repentance, xiii. 4 — 9. 
 (r) Jehoash succeeds and is an evil ruler, xiii. 10 — 13. 
 
 {d) Elisha on his death bed visited by Jehoash. xiii. 14 — 19. 
 (t) Death of Elisha. Victories of Jehoash over Syria, xiii. 
 20—25. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ' The Lord hath sent you all his servants the prophets, rising early 
 and sending them ; but ye have not hearkened, nor inclined your ear 
 to hear.' (Jer. xxv. 4.) 
 
 xiv. yUDAH. Amaziah meddling to his hurt. 
 
 {a) Amaziah reigns, and takes vengeance on his father's murderers. 
 
 xiv. I — 6. 
 [If) He conquers the Edomites. xiv. 7. 
 {c) His proud challenge to Jehoash and his defeat at Beth- 
 
 shemesh. xiv. 8 — 16. 
 {d) He is driven from Jerusalem by a conspiracy, and slain at 
 
 Lachish. xiv. 17 — 20. 
 [e) Azariah's accession, xiv. 21 — 22. 
 The moderation of Amaziah was praiseworthy at first and in accord 
 with God's law, but vanity led him astray. 'A man's pride shall bring 
 him low.' (Prov. xxix. 23.) 
 
 XV. ISRAEL. Third and four (h generations of yehtis house. 
 
 [a) Jeroboam II. follows in the ways of Jeroboam I. xiv. 
 
 23, 24. 
 {b) God has pity upon Israel, xiv. 25—27. 
 [c) Wars and victories of Jeroboam, xiv. 28. 
 {d) Zechariah, Jeroboam's son, succeeds, xiv. 29. 
 {e) Azariah reigns in Judah and is smitten with leprosy, xv. 
 
 1—7. 
 
 (/) Zechariah slain by Shallum brings Jehu's house to an end. 
 XV. 8 — 12. 
 
 The zeal of Jehu's descendants was even less than his own. Yet 
 God seemed waiting to the very end to enlarge His promise, to increase 
 His grace. But 'their iniquities have turned away these things, and 
 their sins have withholden good things from them.' (Jer. v. 25.) 
 
 xvi. ISRAEL and JUDAH. The Syro-Ephraimite war. 
 
 {a) Shallum, king of Israel, slain by Menahem. xv. 13 — 15. 
 
 (/;) Menahem becomes a vassal of Assyria, xv. 16 — 22. 
 
 (c) Pekahiah, king of Israel, slain by Pekah. xv. 23 — 26. 
 
 (d) Pekah's kingdom attacked by Tiglath-pileser : Pekah slain by 
 
 Hoshea. xv. 27 — 31. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ((•) Jotham, king of Judah. Pekah and Rezin, king of Samaria, 
 
 plot against him. xv. 32 — 38. 
 {/) Syro-Ephraimite war against Ahaz, who purchases the aid of 
 Tiglath-pileser. xvi. i — 9. 
 
 (f) Ahaz is entangled with Syrian idolatry. His death, xvi. 
 
 10 — 20. 
 Sorely needed was the prophet's message. ' Violence and spoil is 
 heard in her; before me continually is grief and wounds. Be thou 
 instructed, O Jerusalem, lest My soul depart from thee; lest I make thee 
 desolate, a land not inhabited.' (Jer. vi. 7 — 8.) 
 
 xvii. ISRAEL. Last days of the ten tribes, 
 (ci) Hoshea attacked and taken prisoner by Shalmaneser. xvii. 
 
 1—4. 
 (f>) The people carried captive for their many sins. xvii. 5 — 23. 
 
 (c) Samaria colonized by the Assyrians, xvii. 24. 
 
 (d) The colonists learn something of the worship of Jehovah. 
 
 xvii. 25 — 28. 
 
 (e) But they worship still their own idols also. xvii. 29 — 41. 
 {f) Ilezekiah, king of Judah. Second notice of the captivity of 
 
 Israel, xviii. i — 12. 
 'If they will not obey, I will utterly pluck up and destroy that 
 nation' (Jer. xii. 17). As a people the ten tribes appear no more. 
 
 E-. The two tribes. (2 Kings xviii. 13 — xxv. 30.) 
 i. Hezekiah. 
 
 {a) Sennacherib, king of Assyria, invades Judaea, and is bought 
 
 off for a brief period, xviii. 13 — 16. 
 (3) Defiant message of the Assyrian, xviii. 17 — 37. 
 (c) Hezekiah sends his ministers to Isaiah the prophet, xix. 
 
 1—7- 
 {d) A second message of defiance, xix. 8 — 13. 
 (e) Hezekiah's prayer, xix. 14 — 19. 
 (_/") The answer of Jehovah by his prophet, xix. 20 — 34. 
 
 (g) Assyrian overthrow, xix. 35 — 37. 
 
 (h) Hezekiah's sickness and recovery, xx. 1 — 11. 
 (z) His ostentation and the rebuke thereof. x\. 12 — 19. 
 (k) Death of Hezekiah. xx. 20, 21. 
 Hezekiah, a marvel of God's grace. 'A clean thing out of an un- 
 clean.' (Job xiv. 4.) Wlio but God doeth this? 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ii. Mc.nasseh and Anion. 
 
 (a) Manasseh reigns and undoes all that Hczekiah had done. 
 
 xxi. I — lo. 
 {h) The doom of the land is sealed because of his sin. xxi. 
 
 II— iS. 
 (<r) Anion follows in his father's steps, xxi. 19 — 22. 
 
 (d) He is slain by a conspiracy of his servants, xxi. 23 — 26. 
 
 Manasseh's repentance avails for himself, but not for the nation he 
 has led so far astray. Yet ' God looketh upon men, and if any say, I 
 have sinned, and perverted that which is right and it profited me not ; 
 He will deliver his soul from going into the pit, and his life shall see 
 the light. Lo, all these things worketh God oftentimes with man.' 
 (Job xxxiii. 27 — 29.) 
 
 But again of the perverse ' He striketh them as wicked men in the 
 open sight of others; because they turned back from Him, and would 
 not consider any of His ways.' (Job xxxiv. 25 — 27.) 
 
 iii. Josiali. 
 
 (a) Josiali succeeding repairs the temple, xxii. i — 7- 
 
 {}>) Finding of the book of the Law and the effect thereof, xxii. 
 
 8— II. 
 {c) Huldah the prophetess consulted. Her answer, xxii. 12 — 20. 
 ((/) Josiah destroys idolatry out of the land and defiles the altar 
 
 at Beth-el. xxiii. i — 20. 
 
 (e) Keeps a solemn passover, and banishes superstitious rites. 
 
 xxiii. 21 — 28. 
 (y^ He is wounded at Megiddo and dies, xxiii. 29, 30. 
 
 * The remembrance of Josiah is like the composition of the perfume 
 that is made by the art of the apothecary: it is sweet as honey in all 
 mouths and as music at a banquet of wine.' (Eccles. xlix. i.) 
 
 iv. The falling atvay. * The Lord could not pardon.'' 
 
 {a) Jehoahaz succeeds and is made prisoner by the Egyptians. 
 xxxiii. 31—33- 
 
 (b) Jehoiakim set up by the Egyptians, xxiii. 34 — 37. 
 
 {c) He submits to Nebuchadnezzar, but soon revolts and is 
 punished, xxi v. i — 7. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 {ii) Jehoiachin's brief reign. The beginning of the Captivity, xxiv. 
 
 8— 16. 
 (<•) Zedekiah reigns and rebels against Babylon, xxiv. 17 — 20. 
 {/) Siege and capture cf Jerusalem, and of her last king. xxv. 
 
 1—8. 
 (j,') Burning of the city and deportation of spoil and captives. 
 
 xxv. 9 — 21. 
 {/i) Gedaliah the governor of the residue being slain by Ishmael 
 
 the people flee to Egypt, xxv. 22 — 26. 
 (/) Kindly treatment of Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach. xxv. 
 
 27—30. 
 
 And so was brought to pass what Jeremiah had foretold, and en- 
 forced by an example constantly present before those to whom the 
 prophet's message was all in vain (Jer. vii. 12 — 16) 'Go ye now unto 
 my place which was in Shiloh...and see what I did to it for the wicked- 
 ness of my people Israel. And now because ye have done all these 
 works... therefore will I do unto this house which is called by My name, 
 wherein ye trust, and unto the place which I gave to you and to your 
 fathers as I have done to Shiloh... Therefore pray not thou for this 
 people, neither lift up cry nor prayer for them, neither make interces- 
 sion to Me : for I will not hear thee.' 
 
 iv. Historical Survey of the Book of Kings. 
 
 With the exception of two reigns, this book embraces the 
 whole regal period of Israelite history. The reign of Saul, the 
 first king, had been almost an utter failure, that of David in 
 many points was a signal success. The work of the compiler of 
 Kings commences at David's deathbed, but he opens his history 
 without introduction, clearly designing it to be a continuation of 
 the books of Samuel. Solomon was anointed and enthroned 
 before the death of his father because of an attempt, that was 
 made by another brother, to seize the succession for himself, in 
 defiance of a promise (i Kings i. 13) which David had given to 
 Bathsheba that Solomon should reign after him. The new king 
 had not been long crowned before he received the dying charge 
 of his father, and when the fierce measures against certain 
 individuals, which David counselled, had been carried into 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 effect, Solomon became, as his name implies (i Chron. xxii. 9) a 
 man of peace. In strong contrast to the warlike times of David, 
 is the recital of Hadad's apparently unopposed return to the 
 
 i throne of Edom, and of the establishment of Rezon as king in 
 
 I Damascus (i Kings xi.). 
 
 Yet though he engaged but little in war, Solomon introduced 
 in many ways a new and splendid era for his people. In litera- 
 ture and science he was instructed beyond the most learned men 
 of the time; in commerce he established relations not only with 
 Tyre, and the Hittite and Syrian kingdoms close at hand, but 
 
 , with Arabia, Egypt and perhaps with India through his fleet 
 on the Red Sea, while ships of his were also sailing along with 
 those of Phoenicia to the various countries on the Mediterranean. 
 In art he called to his aid the best architectural skill which Tyre 
 and Sidon could supply, while the internal organization of the 
 land was made in its character as complete as possible to supply 
 the magnificence and luxury of a court the fame of which drew 
 the queen of distant Sheba to Jerusalem, where she found the 
 reality to overpass every report that had been made to her con- 
 cerning it. Hence we need not be surprised that among his 
 wives Solomon numbered, beside the daughter of Pharaoh, 
 princesses from all the nations round about; nor is it to be 
 wondered at, when they beheld the lavish expenditure which had 
 been bestowed on the temple, that they asked and obtained from 
 the king that some, if not with equal, magnificence should 
 be exhibited in honour of the divinities of the lands from 
 whence they had come. Solomon was rich and manifestly 
 fond of state. So there arose outside the city on the hill, after- 
 wards known in consequence as the Mount of Offence, temples 
 to Ashtoreth, whose worship his Zidonian artizans may have 
 made well known to Israel, as well as to those other gods whom 
 the writer of Kings terms 'the abominations' of Moab and of 
 Ammon. 
 
 To meet the outlay needed for his buildings, and for 
 the costly service of his court Solomon made heavy exactions 
 from his people both in money and in forced labour. Hence 
 his reign though glorious had been burdensome. Yet for 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 David's son, a monarch of such wide extended fame, burdens 
 were for a long time patiently endured, but when Solomon's son 
 succeeded his father a cry went up from the whole land 'Make 
 our heavy burdens lighter.' Rehoboam was headstrong and, 
 following foolish advice, spake not of relaxation but of greater 
 severity, and in consequence of his words ten out of the twelve 
 tribes fell away from David's house, and made them a king 
 of their own. Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, the man whom 
 they set up, was one who had been employed by Solomon 
 to superintend the taskwork of his forced labourers. He seems 
 to have sympathised with the murmurs which that service 
 evoked and in some way or other to have sided with those 
 who desired to be delivered from it. He also was encouraged 
 by one of the prophets (i Kings xi. 31) to take part with 
 those who were the adversaries of Solomon. Hence before 
 Solomon's death Jeroboam had been forced to flee into 
 Egypt, but he appears to have returned about the time of 
 that event, and to have been welcomed and accepted by 
 the revolting tribes as their fittest leader. A separate kingdom 
 was established with its capital at Shechem, and the new 
 king, that his people might not be won over to Rehoboam 
 by going up to Jerusalem to worship in the temple, instituted 
 two shrines in his own dominions, where he set up golden 
 ^^""^^ calves and persuaded the people to accept them as symbols 
 of the Jehovah who had brought them out of Egypt. For this 
 he is constantly branded by the writer of Kings as 'the son 
 of Nebat who made Israel to sin.' 
 
 Rehoboam failed to win back his revolted subjects, but 
 Jeroboam's action, in fortifying Penuel on the other side of 
 the Jordan, seems to shew that he did not feel altogether secure 
 on his throne, and would prepare for himself a stronghold in 
 the mountainous region of Gilead. The reign of Rehoboam was 
 in other respects not prosperous. The king of Egypt, Shishak, 
 invaded the land (i Kings xiv. 25), and plundered the temple 
 of much of its wealth, while Jeroboam with the forces of the 
 northern kingdom harassed Judah exceedingly (i Kings xiv. 30). 
 These attacks were successfully repelled by Abijam (2 Chron. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xiii. 19), Rehoboam's son, while Asa his grandson so strengthened 
 his army as to be able to resist not only the northern power but 
 I also an invasion of the Ethiopians, who appear to have medi- 
 tated an invasion of Judah similar to that of Shishak in the 
 previous generation (2 Chron. xiv. 12). 
 
 Meanwhile in Israel Nadab, the son of Jeroboam, had 
 turned his arms against the Philistines (i Kings xv. 27), but in 
 the course of the war was slain by one of his own people, 
 Baasha ; who also made himself king, and did to death all that 
 belonged to Jeroboam. This fate had been proclaimed before- 
 hand by the mouth of the same prophet (Ahijah) who had en- 
 couraged the founder of the new kingdom in his first revolt 
 against Solomon. Kings__iii__Israel succeeded one another 
 with great rapidity, the throne being nearly always reached, 
 as in Baasha's case, through the blood of a predecessor. 
 In the reign of Omri, the sixth king, however, the power and 
 influence of the ten tribes increased, and so great a mark 
 did this sovereign make in the affairs of the neighbouring 
 nations that in the Assyrian records the kingdom of Israel 
 is continually spoken of as 'the house of Omri.' Omri 
 built him a new capital, which he named Samaria, a name 
 which ultimately came to be applied to the whole kingdom. 
 From the Moabite stone we learn about the conflicts between 
 him and his neighbour Mesha, the king of Moab, and the 
 victory seems for a while to have been on the side of Israel, 
 though the conquests of Omri and his son Ahab were all re- 
 taken by Moab in the days of Ahaziah, Ahab's son and suc- 
 cessor. We find, too, that Omri was not always victorious 
 against the Syrians, as after one defeat (i Kings xx. 34) the 
 Syrian monarch made streets for himself in the new-built city 
 of Samaria. 
 
 The son of Omri seems to have gone beyond his father in 
 his desire to adorn the land with magnificent buildings. He 
 was the Solomon of the northern kingdom, both in his archi- 
 tectural tastes and in his connexion with Phoenicia. He had 
 for wife a daughter of the king of Zidon ; hence he could attract 
 to his country workmen of the greatest skill of that period, and 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 we can picture to ourselves how gorgeous the fabrics must have 
 been that are alluded to by the historian as 'the ivory house 
 which he made and the many cities that he built.' By the wish 
 of Jezebel his wife he reared up a grand temple to Baal, and 
 at her instigation became a fervent devotee of the Phoenician 
 divinities, so that it is said of him 'there was none like unto 
 Ahab which did sell himself to work wickedness.' 
 
 The Syrians were to him most troublesome neighbours. 
 Twice did Benhadad come against Samaria, and though he was 
 repelled there, we find the Syrian forces in possession of Ramoth- 
 gilead at the close of Ahab's reign. But the largest part of the 
 history during the reign of Ahab is devoted to the work of the 
 prophet Elijah. Into the midst of the excessive wickedness 
 God sends the most wondrous of His prophets. He comes upon 
 the scene most abruptly, and in the name of Jehovah an- 
 nounces 'there shall not be dew nor rain but according to 
 my- word.' Every part of Elijah's life bears out the de- 
 scription of the writer of Ecclesiasticus (xlviii. i). He was *as 
 fire and his word burned like a lamp.' By a demonstration of 
 the vanity of Baal-worship and of the truth of his own mission, 
 he on one occasion for the moment carried the people with 
 him and made them his agents in the slaughter of the idolatrous 
 priesthood. But the evil appeared even then too deep-rooted 
 for remedy, and the sentence of Jehovah was given, 'him 
 that dieth of Ahab in the city the dogs shall eat, and him 
 that dieth in the field shall the fowls of the air eat.' ' The dogs 
 shall eat Jezebel by the wall of Jezreel.' A sentence most 
 terrible, but carried out to the very letter. 
 
 Ahab came to his death in the battle of Ramoth-gilead. Re- 
 solved to recover that city from the Syrians, he invited Jeho- 
 shaphat, who had succeeded his father Asa as king of Judah, to 
 go with him to the war, for there was now peace and alliance be- 
 tween the two kingdoms. Jehoshaphat consented in most liberal 
 wise, but the whole undertaking was disastrous. The troops of 
 Israel and Judah fled like shepherdless sheep, and Ahab was 
 wounded so fatally that he died the same day. He left many 
 children, but his immediate successor was crippled by a fall, 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 jand in his brief two years' reign Moab regained its freedom, nor 
 could any effort be made to drive the Syrians from the trans- 
 jordanic portion of Israel. 
 
 It is not unlikely that the magnificence of the house of Ahab 
 proved attractive to Jehoshaphat, and probably the connexion 
 of Ahab with the Phoenician power made his alliance one to be 
 courted by the smaller kingdom. So it came to pass that a son 
 of Jehoshaphat took to wife a daughter of Ahab, and Israel and 
 iJudah were completely at one. When therefore Jehoram, 
 another son of Ahab, followed his brother on the throne of 
 Israel, there was once more an alliance for war purposes be- 
 tween the two monarchs. Jehoram would fain subdue the 
 revolted Moabites, and the king of Judah accompanies the son, 
 as he had before accompanied the father, to battle, and likewise 
 compels the Edomite monarch, who was at this time a vassal of 
 Judah, to give the troops a passage through his country, and to 
 contribute his help against Moab. The expedition, during 
 which Elisha foretold a sudden supply of water to the thirsty 
 army, was in the end attended with no success. 
 
 The northern enemy of Israel, the Syrians, must have been 
 withheld in some way from their inroads upon Israel at the 
 period when Jehoram found himself able to collect his troops 
 and march southward against Moab, but the time of peace did 
 not last long. We hear first of irregular bands of marauders 
 sent by Syria to scour the country, whose plans however were 
 thwarted now and again by information given to the Israelite 
 king by the prophet Elisha. But at last Benhadad gathered 
 his hosts together and investing Samaria reduced the popu- 
 lation to the verge of starvation, so that the most revolting 
 means were resorted to for maintaining life. The siege was 
 however abandoned. A panic seized the Syrian troops, and 
 when the Israelites heard of it and ventured forth they found 
 the enemy's camp deserted and spoil of all kinds left in con- 
 fusion. So plenty took the place of hunger. The Syrian king 
 Benhadad, no long time after, was murdered as he lay on his 
 sick bed by Hazael, one of his officers, who made himself king 
 of Syria, and in the future wrought much evil upon Israel. We 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 know that already in Jehoram's reign the assaults of Hazaelhad 
 commenced, for the army of Israel was holding Ramoth-gilead 
 against him when the judgement pronounced a generation before 
 upon the house of Ahab received its complete fulfilment. 
 
 At the death of Elijah Ahab's family were still reigning, and 
 to the outward view not much had been accomplished by the 
 prophet's life. But the fruit of his work made itself felt in the 
 days of Elisha. Schools of the prophets were multiplied, the 
 seven thousand, of whom God spake (i Kings xix. i8) who had 
 not bowed the knee to Baal, were made manifest in many places, 
 and Elijah's words were remembered by some "who appeared 
 little likely to have borne them in mind. When the prophet 
 foretold the doom of Ahab as he stood in the portion of the newly 
 murdered Naboth, there was in the retinue of the king one Jehu 
 the son of Nimshi, an officer of the Israelite army, who after 
 Ahab's death came to be in chief command while Jehoram was 
 holding Ramoth-gilead. Jehoram had gone from Ramoth to 
 Jezreel because of a wound he had received, and in his absence 
 Elisha despatched one of the sons of the prophets to give to 
 Jehu a divine commission for the execution of utter destruction 
 on the house of his master. Jehu had treasured up the saying 
 of Elijah, and both he and his comrades were no unwilling 
 instruments to carry out the sentence. Riding at once to Jez- 
 reel, they not only put to death Jehoram, but also Ahaziah, 
 Jehoshaphat's son, the king of Judah who had come to visit his 
 kinsman the king of Israel. Jehoram's dead body was left in 
 Naboth's vineyard, while from a window in Jezreel, Jezebel was 
 thrown down and trampled to death under the feet of Jehu's 
 horses. By some questionable strokes of policy he succeeded in 
 destroying all the children of Ahab, and in cutting off" at one 
 blow all who were given up to the worship of Baal. The Phoe- 
 nician rites were abolished in Israel and never appeared again. 
 
 The name of Jehu is found in the Assyrian inscriptions more 
 than once, and it is a sign of the great influence of the previous 
 dynasty, that as Samaria for a long time was known to the 
 Assyrians as the 'house of Omri,' so Jehu figures as 'the son of 
 Omri.' It is not clear what Jehu's relations with Assyria were, 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 but we gather from the Scripture story (2 Kings x. 32) that they 
 were not of such a nature as to help him to ward off the hosts 
 of his nearer neighbours the Syrians. 'Hazael smote them in 
 all the coasts of Israel' and from the prophecy of Amos (i. and 
 ii.) we see that Moab and Ammon were in league with Syria, so 
 that Jehu was beset on every side. Nor was the case of his 
 successor any better (2 Kings xiii. 3). *The Lord delivered 
 Israel into the hand of Hazael, and into the hand of Benhadad 
 the son of Hazael, all their days,' and the army of Jehoahaz was 
 reduced at this time to the most insignificant dimensions (2 
 Kings xiii. 7). But the closing days of this king and the reign 
 of his son and successor were of such a character as to gain the 
 favour of God and the approval of His prophet, for Elisha on 
 his death bed was visited by Jehoash, and promised him a suc- 
 cession of victories over his enemies. Encouraged no doubt by 
 the prophet's words the king took up arms, and was able to 
 drive the Syrian hosts out of the lands on the west of the 
 Jordan, while in the days of Jeroboam II., the son and successor 
 of Jehoash, the eastern districts of Gilead and Bashan were 
 also recovered, and the dominion of Israel extended 'from the 
 entering in of Hamath unto the sea of the Arabah,' a result 
 which we are told had been foreseen and spoken of by the 
 prophet Jonah, who flourished in these times. 
 
 But the whole nation was corrupt, and the luxury introduced 
 by these conquests increased the evil. The picture of the life in 
 Samaria at this period is painted for us by the prophet Amos, 
 and as we read the description of the wanton excesses and 
 sensual self-indulgence we are in no wonder that judgement 
 came quickly upon the whole land. God was preparing his rod, 
 the Assyrian, and even before the external blows fell, internal 
 violence was working out the ruin of the nation. Zechariah, the 
 son of Jeroboam II., was murdered after a short reign, and thus 
 the four generations promised to Jehu's dynasty were brought 
 to a violent end. The murderer Shallum was himself slain within 
 a month, and the reign of his successor, Menahem, marked 
 the annals of Israel with atrocities unknown before. It was 
 in his day that the Assyrian power first came against the 
 
 I. KINGS d 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 land. Pul, the king of Assyria, who must previously have 
 reduced the power of Syria, which lay between, drew near to 
 attack Israel (2 Kings xv. 19), and Menahem compounded for 
 the possession of his crown by becoming the vassal of Assyria, 
 and by the payment of an enormous tribute which he exacted 
 from the people of the land, and the amount of which de- 
 monstrates the wealthy condition of Israel even in this age of 
 disorder and misrule. Pekahiah succeeded his father, but two 
 years only passed away, before he was dethroned and slain by 
 Pekah one of his captains. In the reign of this king we begin 
 to discern clearly how the dominion of Assyria was spreading, 
 and bringing into subjection all the neighbouring kingdoms. 
 
 Turning back to notice the kingdom of Judah, we find that 
 when Ahaziah was slain by Jehu, Athaliah the queen, the 
 daughter of Ahab, put all the seed royal to death, with the 
 exception of one infant boy, who escaped and was kept in 
 safety under the protection of the high priest. After a reign of 
 six years, vengeance fell upon the bloodstained queen, and the 
 seven years old child, Joash, was put upon the throne of David, 
 and held his seat for forty years. But, like the northern king- 
 dom, Judah was constantly feeling the pressure of Syrian in- 
 roads. The armies of Damascus came in the days of Joash, 
 and overran the country of the Philistines, capturing the city 
 of Gath (2 Kings xii. 17). Jerusalem lay temptingly near at 
 hand, and Hazael set his face to go up thither, but the treasures 
 of the temple and the king's house were drawn upon once more, 
 the enemy retired, and we hear of no further troubles from war 
 in this long reign, though for some reason his own people con- 
 spired against Joash, and did not let him die a natural death. 
 Amaziah, the son of Joash, must also have been free from in- 
 roads on the north, for he was able, after punishing the mur- 
 derers of his father, to lead his army southward and win great 
 victories over the Edomites. Elated thereby, he sent a foolish 
 challenge to Jehoash of Israel, and refusing good counsel, en- 
 gaged in war with him, and was defeated in a battle at Beth- 
 shemesh, and the future of his life is not very clearly set forth 
 in the Bible narrative. We read how the king of Israel brake 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 down the northern walls of Jerusalem, and brought the king of 
 Judah as a captive into his own capital, but whether he was put 
 again on the throne, or his son was made regent during the 
 rest of the father's lifetime, is a question which is involved in 
 some obscurity. 
 
 But in spite of these losses to Israel, his son Azariah 
 (Uzziah) must have been able to continue his father's con- 
 quests in Idumzea, for we find him restoring Elath (2 Kings 
 xiv. 22), and thus opening once more the door of commerce to 
 Judah by the way of the Red Sea, so that at this period Judah 
 and Israel alike must have advanced to a high degree of material 
 prosperity. Yet tov/ards the end of his life king Azariah was 
 smitten with leprosy for going into the temple and usurping the 
 priest's duty of offering incense at the altar. The reign of his 
 son Jotham was the time when an alliance was formed between 
 Israel and Syria to crush the house of David and to put a 
 creature of their own upon the throne of Judah, but Jotham 
 was dead before these plans could be carried out. It is in the 
 history of this Syro-Ephraimite war that Isaiah's prophetic 
 ministry comes most markedly before us, and in connexion with 
 which was uttered that wondrous prophecy of the Virgin-born 
 son (Is. vii. 14), of which only the fulness of time beheld the 
 complete fulfilment. The influence of the prophet was not 
 however strong enough with king Ahaz to persuade him to trust 
 wholly in Jehovah. Help was sought from Tiglath Pileser, and 
 Israel's king became the tributary of Assyria. Damascus was 
 taken and overthrown, and her king put to death, while as their 
 manner was the conquerors carried away the Syrian population 
 and settled them in a distant land. Pekah must have speedily 
 ceased to harass Judah, probably deterred by the fate which 
 had befallen his northern ally at the hands of the Assyrian 
 king. Yet his death was not unbloody, for ' Hoshea the son 
 of Elah smote him and slew him and reigned in his stead.' In 
 the days of Pekah, Assyria had captured a large number of 
 the cities in the tribe of Naphthah, in the north of Israel. It 
 may be that Hoshea discovered that if he could bring about 
 Pekah's death, he would have the Assyrians on his side and be 
 
 d 2 
 
xl INTRODUCTION. 
 
 made king of Israel. For so it came to pass, but the alliance 
 was only a short one if it were made. Tiglath Pileser was suc- 
 ceeded by Shalmaneser, and in a very short time the Israelite 
 monarch, who should have been faithful to those who appear to 
 have set him on the throne, was found to be intriguing with 
 Egypt, and for this offence there was no pardon. The capital 
 city was besieged and taken by Assyria after three years, during 
 which time Shalmaneser died and was followed by Sargon. The 
 inhabitants of the ten tribes were deported, while strange people 
 from other lands were put in their place that the country might 
 not be untenanted. Thus was brought about the end of the 
 northern kingdom and the people of the ten tribes, with the 
 exception of a few who returned with the captivity of Judah in 
 the time of Cyrus, were lost from henceforth, in their intermix- 
 ture with the nations whither they were carried away. 
 
 We have now to follow the history of Judah alone, from the 
 sixth year of Hezekiah, the son of Ahaz. This king instituted 
 great religious reforms at the outset of his reign, but was sorely 
 troubled by the inroads of Assyria. Greed of conquest was 
 leading the armies of Nineveh nearer and nearer to the confines 
 of Egypt, and urging them to absorb into their dominion all the 
 countries which lay in the midst. Sennacherib had succeeded 
 Sargon, and he came with his forces against the country of the 
 Philistines, and while engaged in the siege of Lachish sent 
 threats to Hezekiah that Jerusalem should next be assailed. 
 The king of Judah bought, as he thought, a respite at a large 
 price. But in spite of the tribute, from some reason or other, 
 Sennacherib felt that Jerusalem was too strong a position to be 
 left unsubdued in his rear while he marched toward Egypt. 
 Hence his ambassadors came again with insulting blasphemies 
 against the God of Judah, and taunting boasts against the 
 feebleness of Hezekiah. But for His own sake and for His 
 servant David's sake Jerusalem was at this time delivered. A 
 spirit of panic came over the Assyrians, and a great part of 
 their army was destroyed by a pestilence. Sennacherib in con- 
 sequence withdrew, and soon after was slain by two of his own 
 sons. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xli 
 
 At this time we begin to hear of that Chaldaean power, 
 which in the end prevailed against Assyria, and was the agent 
 in the final overthrow of Jerusalem. Babylon was beginning to 
 rise against Nineveh, and, as we may conclude, with a wish to 
 get help in such a struggle, the Chaldaean ruler turned his 
 thoughts to Judah. The envoys of Berodach-baladan — for he 
 was at this time king of Babylon — came professedly to con- 
 gratulate Hezekiah on his recovery from a severe disease, but 
 ! really to sound him in reference to a war in common against the 
 i armies of Nineveh. Hezekiah was disposed to listen to their 
 ' proposals, and made a great display of all his treasures and 
 1 his military resources. For this, God's anger was pronounced 
 j against him by Isaiah, and he was told that the days should 
 come when all his descendants and all that he possessed should 
 be made a booty by these very Babylonians before whom he 
 had been thus ostentatious. A portion of this prophecy was 
 literally fulfilled in the next reign, for Manasseh the son of 
 Hezekiah was taken prisoner and carried away to Babylon 
 (2 Chron. xxxiii. ii), and thus began the first stage of Judah's 
 subjection. Manasseh is handed down to us as an unprece- 
 dently wicked monarch, and Amon his son followed in his 
 steps. 
 
 Under Josiah there was a time of much reformation 
 and a hope of better days. He did more than any previous 
 king to bring about purity of religious worship, and destroyed 
 the magnificent temples which Solomon had erected on the 
 Mount of Offence and which hitherto had been spared, pro- 
 bably because they stood far outside the city and were structures 
 of much architectural beauty. Josiah was manifestly under the 
 protection of Assyria, for when the king of Egypt, Pharaoh- 
 necoh, had come by sea to Palestine, and was about to begin 
 his march against the Assyrians, Josiah went northward in 
 pursuit of him and was slain in a battle at Megiddo. This 
 Egyptian expedition was for a brief time successful, but soon 
 all that had belonged to Egypt down to the very confines of 
 their own land fell into the hands of the Babylonians (2 Kings 
 xxiv. 7). In the place of Josiah, the people of Judah set up his 
 
xlii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 son Jehoahaz. He was however allowed only a three months' 
 reign, for Pharaoh made him prisoner and put his brother 
 Jehoiakim into his place, no doubt making him swear sub- 
 jection to Egypt, and imposing as large a tribute as he could 
 exact. 
 
 Judah became now an object of attack by Babylon, and 
 Nebuchadnezzar sent not only some Chaldasans to ravage the 
 land but incited all the neighbouring tribes to join in the 
 attack on the ally of Egypt. Jehoiakim reigned eleven years in 
 this turmoil, his son and successor Jehoiachin but three 
 months. For Egypt was now utterly broken, and the new king 
 judged it to be his best policy to go forth and submit and make 
 peace with Nebuchadnezzar if he might. His fate was a pro- 
 tracted captivity in Babylon, and along with him were carried 
 away many of the distinguished people of the land, and among 
 them went the prophet Ezekiel. A third son of Josiah, Zedekiah, 
 was placed on the throne of Judah as Nebuchadnezzar's vassal, 
 but after a time thought himself strong enough to rebel. This 
 provoked the final blow. The Chaldeans besieged and took 
 the city, burned the temple and all the chief buildings, and 
 carried all but the poorest of the people into captivity. Over 
 this remnant they placed a governor Gedaliah, but he was soon 
 assassinated, thereupon the people fled away into Egypt in 
 terror of what the Babylonians would do as vengeance for the 
 murder of their officer. It was by these fugitives that Jeremiah 
 was taken down to Egypt, and the after-fate of that prophet is 
 wholly unknown. 
 
 One final word the writer of Kings records, an omen perhaps 
 he thought it of a coming relief for the whole captive nation. In 
 the thirty-seventh year of Jehoiachin's captivity a new king of 
 Babylon, Evil-merodach, came to the throne, and lifted up the 
 long imprisoned king of Judah, and raised him to a place cf 
 honour among the vassals whom he kept around him. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xliii 
 
 V. Character of the Book of Kings and its Rela- 
 
 TION to other books OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 
 
 The Book of Kings was clearly meant to be a continuation 
 of the Books of Samuel. The writer alludes continually in the 
 life of Solomon to the promises which had been made by God 
 to David and which are mentioned in the second of those 
 books. A son was to succeed David whose kingdom should 
 be established of the Lord, who should build a house for the 
 name of Jehovah, to whom God would be a father, and from 
 whom the mercy of the Lord should not depart (2 Sam, vii.). 
 To shew that this prophecy was fulfilled is the object of the 
 Compiler of the Book of Kings, and whatever does not conduce 
 thereto is passed over with but httle notice. There elapsed, 
 no doubt, a considerable time between the plague in Jerusalem, 
 with which the Books of Samuel conclude, and the feeble age 
 of David described in the opening paragraph of this Book, 
 But to give historical events in their full and complete order is 
 no part of our writer's aim. We can see this from every por- 
 tion of his work. He opens his narrative with so much, and 
 no more, of the story of David's closing life as serves to intro- 
 duce the accession of Solomon, while to the history of that 
 monarch, in whom the promises made to David had so con- 
 spicuous a fulfilment, he devotes about one quarter of his whole 
 work. Solomon's glory and prosperity are set forth in the 
 early chapters, and he is exhibited as the king whom God had 
 set up over Israel to do judgement and justice. While he 
 walked in this way it was well with him ; but on his decline 
 therefrom, chastisements divinely sent came heavy upon him 
 and upon his son. Yet God would preserve a lamp unto 
 David, and over and over again we are reminded that this pro- 
 mise was not forgotten (i Kings xi. 36; xv. 4; 2 Kings viii. ig). 
 After the revolt of the ten tribes, and when a forbidden form 
 of worship had been adopted in the northern kingdom, the 
 history follows Israel in her long line of wicked princes till sin 
 has brought destruction, while the fortunes of David's house 
 
xliv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 are traced in such wise as to keep prominently before us the 
 ever-preserved succession ; and in the closing sentences of the 
 Book we are told of one of the royal line still remaining, to 
 whom, though he is still a prisoner in Babylon, mercy and 
 kindness is shewn by the successor of that monarch who had 
 led him away captive. ' What God hath promised to the house 
 of David He has thus fulfilled' is the theme of the Book, and 
 except where political and military affairs illustrate his subject 
 the Compiler concerns himself very little with them. From a 
 comparison with the Chronicles, we find that he has omitted 
 whole sections of such history which lay ready to his hand. 
 
 Besides this exposition of the fulfilment of God's promises 
 to David, the writer introduces very few other subjects with 
 any detail, save the histories of Elijah and Elisha. These syn- 
 chronise with the darkest period of the history of the ten tribes, 
 when Baal-worship had been superadded to the worship of the 
 calves, and they seem to be specially dealt on that it may be 
 made manifest how great was God's long-suffering to Israel, 
 and that His promise to Jeroboam, made in as large terms as 
 that to David (i Kings xi. 38), was only rendered void by a 
 determined persistence in evil doing. 
 
 The Book of Kings, then, is not a history properly so called, 
 but a selection from the historical documents of the nation 
 made with a definite purpose. That the Compiler makes his 
 extracts most faithfully we have many indications, notably that 
 frequently-occurring phrase, ' unto this day,' a phrase true 
 enough when the original documents from which our Compiler 
 drew were written, but altogether inexact in B.C. 562, and only 
 preserved because of the entire faithfulness to his copy of him 
 who made the extracts. And the indications of such faithful- 
 ness are of the utmost importance when we come to estimate 
 other characteristics of the Book. 
 
 The most important question of this kind which arises con- 
 cerns the relation of the Book of Kings to the Pentateuch. In 
 seeking to give an answer to such a question we have to remark 
 how thoroughly, in nearly every chapter, the thread and tissue 
 pf the narrative is interwoven with the thoughts and phraseology 
 
INTRODUCTION. xlv 
 
 of the Books of Moses. Such a chapter as that which contains 
 Solomon's dedication prayer is largely expressed in the words of 
 Numbers, Leviticus and Deuteronomy. Had that chapter stood 
 alone it might have been ascribed to some later writer familiar 
 with the language of the Mosaic books, and if those books or a 
 i large portion of them were of late composition, the dedication 
 [prayer might also be set down as of late date. But it is not 
 one single chapter which reechoes the Mosaic diction, re- 
 semblances of a like kind exist throughout in considerable 
 abundance. And it is hard to believe that the Compiler of 
 Kings, taking in hand documents which existed long before 
 his day, some as far back as the time of Solomon himself, 
 changed their whole character by introducing language, which, 
 according to some, was not existent before the days of king 
 Josiah. The work is not of such a patchwork character. 
 
 We cannot read the long address of David to Solomon to 
 'be strong and keep the charge of the Lord, and to walk in his 
 ways, &c.' (i Kings ii. 2, 3), or Solomon's injunction concerning 
 Joab's death ' that it should take away the innocent blood ' 
 (ii. 31), or the same king's description of his people, 'one which 
 God had chosen, a great people that cannot be numbered nor 
 counted for multitude' (iii. 8), without feeling that the thoughts 
 and language of Numbers, Leviticus, and Deuteronomy were 
 very familiar to writers of these chapters, chapters which are 
 due in all probability in their substance not to the Compiler of 
 the Books of Kings, but to Nathan the seer, Ahijah the Shilonite 
 and Iddo the seer, quoted (2 Chron. ix. 29) as the several 
 authorities for the records of Solomon's reign. 
 
 Again in such a history as that of the trial and execution of 
 Naboth, the whole narrative carries us back to the laws, manners 
 and customs which have their rise in the Books of Moses. So 
 too do the frequent phrases which occur of such a kind as that 
 *the eyes and heart of God shall be perpetually upon His 
 house' ; that offending Israel 'shall be a proverb and a byword 
 among all people, so that men shall say, Why hath the Lord 
 done thus unto this land'; that Israel shall not intermarry with 
 the heathen, 'Ye shall not go in to them, neither shall they come 
 
xlvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 in to you for surely they will turn away your hearts after their 
 gods.' Again that proverbial phrase occurring several times 
 over 'him that is shut up and left in Israel' has its source in 
 Deuteronomy (xxxii. 36), whence also comes the phrase 'to 
 provoke the Lord God of Israel to anger with their vanities.^ 
 Allusions to the feast of the new moon (2 Kings iv. 23) ; to the 
 meal offerings in the temple (2 Kings iii. 20) ; to the money of 
 the guilt offerings and of the sin offerings as something which 
 by the law belonged to the priests (2 Kings xii. 16), all bring to 
 mind the words of Exodus, Leviticus and Numbers, where these 
 regulations are recorded. So too with the recital of the idolatrous 
 practices of Ahaz (2 Kings xvi.). It is entirely couched in the 
 expressions which are found in the book of Deuteronomy, while 
 that solemn enumeration (2 Kings xvii.) of those offences for 
 which the northern kingdom was destroyed abounds with the 
 phrases which are to be met with in Exodus, Leviticus and 
 Deuteronomy. If the faithfulness of the Compiler is to be 
 accepted as equally displayed throughout his whole work, and 
 there is no reason why it should not be, the records from which 
 he drew had been written by those to whom the language found 
 in our present Books of Moses was abundantly familiar. That 
 such a position may be accepted it is not necessary to suppose 
 that those Books existed exactly as we have them, in the days 
 of David and Solomon, Jehoshaphat and Hezekiah, but that 
 there did exist something very analogous thereto, something 
 which the redactors after the Captivity without difficulty cast 
 into the present form. 
 
 These considerations are of much importance when we come 
 to enquire concerning the character of that Book of the Law 
 which we are told was found by Hilkiah in the house of the 
 Lord while the restoration of the temple was in progress in 
 the reign of Josiah. That the book which was found was simply 
 the Book of Deuteronomy, an opinion held by many, is a view 
 which appears somewhat untenable. It is spoken of as 'the 
 Book of the Law' or 'this Book of the covenant,' a phrase used 
 always to designate the Books of Moses as a whole, but not a 
 portion of them or any single book by itself. Deuteronomy 
 
INTRODUCTION. xlvii 
 
 [vas included in what was found, for the threats which are 
 Written in that book are expressly cited as making a deep 
 Impression upon the mind of Josiah, but Exodus must also 
 nave been included, for nowhere else are there found those 
 bomplete and precise directions for the passover, which Josiah 
 nust have had before him when he arranged for its celebration 
 " n all its primitive order. 
 
 ' Josiah expressed no surprise when he was told that 'the Book 
 ' af the Law' had been found, and the language of Huldah, when 
 she was applied to, is that of one who was quite conscious of the 
 (existence of such a book. The name may have been applied 
 ■■at different times in the history of Israel to a collection varying 
 Ijin bulk, and perhaps in some portions of its form, but it was 
 Ithe name which was applied from the first to the laws of the 
 people as a whole, and not to a single portion. There had 
 iexisted long before Josiah's day something which had passed 
 iunder the name of 'the Law of the Lord.' Its directions 
 were given to the people by the priests, and we need not 
 jassume that the number of copies which existed was very 
 great. But copies did exist or Huldah would not have spoken 
 as she did, and it is an evidence that Hilkiah's book was not 
 an invention of the priestly body in Josiah's day, that no voice 
 is raised to dispute what is read from it, no word is uttered 
 that points to it as something hitherto unknown. In the days 
 of Hezekiah there cannot fail to have existed a copy to which 
 that reforming king could refer, though his passover-celebration 
 seems to have been less complete than that of Josiah, and it is 
 likely that the men of Hezekiah (Prov. xxv. i) who gathered the 
 Proverbs of Solomon were also employed in making copies of 
 the Law as it then existed. But in the evil days which followed 
 Hezekiah's reign, there was inducement enough offered for 
 those who had a knowledge of such a book to cast it away, 
 and the temple and its services were so far abolished or neg- 
 lected as to account very naturally for the disappearance of a 
 copy which had been laid up in the house of the Lord. Josiah 
 may never have heard more than the directions v/hich the 
 priests gave concerning the worship of Jehovah in the temple, 
 
xlviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 and an exact recital of the words of the covenant of God with 
 Israel may have been entirely strange to him. What Hilkiah 
 brought to him was an authoritative record of what hitlierto he 
 had received as tradition. The tradition had been incomplete. 
 When the king learns the Law in greater fulness, he trembles 
 with dread lest the curses therein denounced should fall upon 
 him and his land because of inadequacy of the service which 
 they had been rendering. 
 
 'The Book of the Law,' or 'the Book of the Covenant' was 
 an ancient name and not an invention of Josiah's time. The 
 contents of that which was so called need not be supposed to 
 have been always the same, but to have been increased in 
 amount by the ordinances which developed from the most 
 primitive code. What was discovered at this time was a copy 
 of that which passed by the name 'Book of the Law' in the 
 days of Hezekiah or even later, and the abundance of the 
 quotations from the Books of Moses, and the great likeness to 
 the language of those Books in the phraseology of our present 
 Book of Kings, are evidence as good as can be desired of the 
 existence of what we now know as Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers 
 and Deuteronomy, in some form or other all through the times 
 of the kingdom. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 Solomon king over the whole nation, 1015 — 975. 
 
 JUDAH 
 
 Rehoboam 
 
 Sh ishakplmiders Je rusa Icin 
 
 (i Kings xiv. 25 — -26) 
 Abijam (iSth year of Jeroboam) 
 
 I Kings XV. I ; 2 Chron, xiii. i 
 Asa (20th year of Jeroboam) 
 
 I Kings XV. 9 
 
 War with Zerah the Ethiopinn 
 (2 Chron. xiv. 9) 
 
 A sa's alliance with Benhadad I. 
 (i Kings XV. iS) 
 
 ISR.\EL 
 
 Jeroboam 
 
 yej'oboatn builds Pemiel(z Kings 
 xii. 25) 
 
 K'adab(2ndyearof Asa) i Kings 
 
 XV. 25 
 Baasba (3rd year of Asa) i 
 
 Kings XV. 28 
 
 IVar against Jiidah (2 Chron. 
 xvi. i) 
 
 Slclll (26th year of Asa) i Kings 
 
 xvi. 8 
 Z»iinri(27thyearof Asa) i Kings 
 
 xvi. 10 
 Omri 
 War between Omri and Tibiii 
 
 ^years^\T. Kings xvi. 21) 
 Omri unopposed (31st year of 
 
 Asa) I Kings xvi. 23 
 Victories over the Moabites. 
 Otnri builds Samaria (i Kings 
 
 xvi. 24) 
 Samaria ittvaded by the Syrians 
 
 (i Kings XX. 34) 
 Abab (38th year of Asa) i Kings 
 
 xvi. 29 
 Ahab fnarries Jezebel, princess 
 
 of Zidon (i Kings xvi. 31) 
 
 ,Mc3 
 
 I The duration of this war, about 4 years, must be included in the 12 years of Omri's reign 
 (i Kings xvi. 231. Otherwise Ahab's accession could not be in the 38th year of Asa. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 ■5 V 
 
 JUDAH 
 
 ISRAEL 
 
 ^a 
 
 Jehosbapbat (4th year of A- 
 hab) I Kings xxii. 41 
 
 Philisti7ics and Arabians tribu- 
 tary to yudah (2 Chron. xvii. 
 'I) 
 
 Joram (5th year of Jehoram) 
 2 Kings viii. 6 
 
 Revolt of Edoin and Libnah 
 (2 Kings viii. 22) 
 
 yudah ravaged by Philistines 
 and Arabians (2 Qhron.xxi. 17) 
 
 Abaziab^ (12th year of Je- 
 horam) 2 Kings viii. 25 
 
 Ahaziah slain by Jehu 
 
 Atbaliab (2 Kings xi. 3) 
 
 Tlu temple desecrated (2 Chron. 
 
 xxiv. 7) 
 Joasb (7th year of Jehu) 2 Kings 
 
 xi. 4; xii. I 
 
 Hazael threatens yerusalent (2 
 Kings xii. 17) 
 
 S9S 
 
 893 
 
 856 
 
 842 
 
 BenJiadad II. attacks Samaria 
 
 twice and is defeated (i Kings 
 
 XX. 29) 
 Battle at Ramoth-Gilead. Ahab 
 
 slain {i Kings x.vii. 37) 
 Abaziab (17th year of Jeho- 
 
 shaphat) i Kings xxii. 51 
 Moab regains its lost territory^ 
 Jeboram (iSths year of Jeho- 
 
 shaphat) 2 Kings iii. i 
 War against Mes/ui icing of 
 
 Moab (2 Kings iii. 4 — 27) 
 
 Defence of Ramoth-Gilead 
 
 Kings ix 14) 
 Jehoram slain by Jehu 
 
 JebU (2 Kings X. 36) 
 
 Israel smitten by Syria (2 Kings 
 
 X. 32) 
 Jeboabaz (23rd year of Joash) 
 
 2 Kings xiii. i 
 
 Co7itimted oppression of the Sy- 
 rians (2 Kings xiii. 22) 
 
 Jeboasb (37th year of Joash) 
 2 Kings xiii. 10 
 
 I 
 
 2 This appears to be the time to which the conquests recorded on the Moabite stone are to be 
 referred. The places had been won by Israel in the reign of Omri. 
 
 3 There are 3 statements concerning the commencement of the reigfn of Jehoram king of Israel. 
 He is said {2 Kings i. 17) to have begun to reign in the second year of Joram, king of Judah; then 
 (2 Kings viii. 16) in the fifth year before Joram; and thirdly, as noted above in the Table, in the 
 i8th year of Jehoshaphat. On the attempts to bring these 3 dates into accord, see the notes on 
 the several verses. 
 
 4 In 2 Kings ix. 29. the date is given as the nth year of Jehoram. But such a variation may be 
 accounted for by the Jewish mode of reckoning regnal years. 
 
 5 The period embraced between the accession of Jeroboam and the death of Jehoram is 
 91 years (975—884). That the totals of years ascribed to the kings amounts to a larger number than 
 this is due to the counting of one and the same year as the final year of one reign and the initial 
 year of the next. These totals are 95 for Judah and 98 for Israel. The total for Israel is greater 
 than that for Judah because of the greater number of the accessions and the consequently greater 
 number of the double reckonings. But if the three reigns reckoned as 2 years each in Israel, 
 be counted, as they really were, for only one year each, the totals on both sides become the same. 
 
 6 From the 23rd year of Joash to the 37th year makes the reign of Jehoahaz to be little 
 more than 14 years. While the length of tne reign of Jehoash, from the 37th year of Joash to 
 the 15th of Amaziah. would be somewhat more than 16 years. If we take the excess in one case to 
 supplement the defect in the other the total time will be not far from correct. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 m 
 
 JUDAH 
 
 B. C. 
 
 ISRAEL 
 
 c ;" 
 
 f 
 
 
 
 
 ci >• 
 
 29 
 
 Amaziah? (2nd year of Je- 
 
 841 
 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 hoash) 2 Kings xiv. i 
 
 
 Death of Elisha (2 Kings xiii. 
 
 m) 
 
 Some territory recovered fro)n 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Syria (2 Kings xiii. 25) 
 
 
 1 
 
 Edotn smitten byyudah (2 Kings 
 
 
 
 
 
 xiv. 7) 
 
 
 
 
 j 
 
 Defeat of Ainaziah at Beth- 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 sJiemesh (2 Kings xiv. 13) 
 
 
 
 
 ! 
 
 
 S26 
 
 Jeroboam II. (15 th year of 
 Amaziah) 2 Kings xiv. 23 
 
 4,s 
 
 1 52 
 
 Azarialis (27th [?] year of Jero- 
 boam) 2 Kings XV. I — 2 
 
 81, 
 
 773 
 772 
 
 Jerohoam recovers Damascus 
 and Hamath (2 Kings xiv. 25) 
 
 Zechariah (38th year of Aza- 
 riah) 2 Kings xv. 8 
 
 Shallum (39th year of Azariah) 
 2 Kings XV. 13 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 772 
 
 MeneiHein {39th year of Aza- 
 
 riah) 2 Kings xv. 17 
 Pul, king of Assyria, comes 
 
 against Israel 
 A/enahem becomes vassal of 
 
 Assyria (2 Kings xv. 19) 
 
 
 
 Azarink towards the close of his 
 
 
 
 
 
 reign is a leper 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 761 
 
 Fekahiah (50th year of Aza- 
 riah) 2 Kings xv. 23 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 759 
 
 Fekab (52nd year of Azariah) 
 2 Kings XV. 27 
 
 jqI" 
 
 16 
 
 Jotham (2nd year of Pekali) 
 2 Kings XV. 32, 33 
 
 758 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Ataaz (17th year of Pekah) 2 
 Kings xvi. I 
 
 AJiaz seeks help from Assyria 
 (2 Kings xvi. 7) 
 
 742 
 
 Pekah and Rezin king of Da- 
 mascus attack Jerusalem 
 
 Pekah's kingdom attacked by 
 Tiglathpileser 
 IZosuea (12th year of Ahaz) 2 
 
 
 
 
 730 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 Kings xvii. i 
 
 
 
 
 
 Shalmaneser attacks Israel 
 
 
 
 
 
 Hoshea treats with So king of 
 
 Egypt 
 Second attack of Shalmaneser 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 Amaziah lived 15 years after the death of Jehoash (2 Kings xiv. 17). 
 
 8 Between the 15th year of Amaziah who reigned 29 years and the 38th of Azariah must 
 be a period of about 52 or 53 years. Either the 41 years of text is wrong, or there was some 
 interregnum of 11 or 12 years. 
 
 9 There is some error in this date. For Amaziah began to reign in the 2nd year of Jehoash. 
 
 J'ehoash reigned 16 years. So he hved about 14 years contemporary witli Amaziah. The latter 
 ived IS years after the death of Jehoash. Thus his whole reign was 29 years. Now in the 
 iSth year of Amaziah began Jeroboam II. to reign. Hence Amaziah must have died, and Azariah 
 succeeded in the 14th or 15th year of Jeroboam. 
 
 10 From the 52nd year of Azariah to the 12th year of Ahaz we have 28 years at least for the reigns 
 of Jotham and part of Ahaz. The reign of Pekah must therefore have been longer than 20 years if 
 Hoshea immediately succeeded him. That there is some error in connexion with the dates of 
 Pekah and Jotham is apparent from 2 Kings xv. 30—32. 
 
lii 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 JUDAH 
 
 Hezekiah(3rdyearofHoshea) | 726 
 
 2 Kings xviii. i 
 Re/b>ynation of Hezekiah (2 
 
 Kings xviii. 4) 
 
 721 
 
 Samaria taken in the 6th year 
 
 of king Hezekiah 
 Sennacherib invades Jitdah 
 Destruction o/the Assyrian army 
 Hezekiah's sickness 
 Babylonia?! etnbassy to yemsalem 
 i^anassell (2 Kings xxi. i) 697 
 Manasseh carried captive to 
 
 Babylon (2 Chron. xxxiii. 11) 
 iVmon (2 Kings xxi. 19) 64; 
 
 Josiah (2 Kings xxii. 1) 640 
 
 Restoration o/the temple 
 Finding of the book of the L aw 
 Abolition of all idolatry 
 Great celebration of the Passover 
 Pharaoh-necoh comes against 
 
 Assyria, 
 fosiah slain at Megiddo 
 Jeboahaz (2 Kings xxiii. 31) 609 
 Pharaoh-necoh carries fehoahaz 
 
 captive {2 Kings xxiii. 33) 
 Jeboialtim (2 Kings xxiii. 36) 609 
 fehoiakitn tributary to Egypt 
 
 (2 Kings xxiii. 35) 
 Afterwards tributary to Assyria 
 
 (2 Kings xxiv. i) 
 fudah attacked by Chaldceans, 
 
 Syrians, Moabites and Am- 
 
 fnonites 
 Jehoiachin (2 Kings xxiv. 8) 59S 
 Egyptians driven back by the 
 
 Babylonians (2 Kings .xxiv. 7) 
 Jelioiachin taken captive to 
 
 Babylo7i (2 Kings xxiv. 12) 
 
 Zedekiah (2 Kings xxiv. 18) 
 yemsalem besieged by Nebii- 5S9 
 
 chadnezzar (2 Kings xxv. i) 
 Capture and destruction of ye- 587 
 
 rusalein 
 Gedaliah appointed governor 
 
 (2 Kings xxv. 22) 
 The residue of the yews flee 
 
 tinto Egypt (2 Kings xxv. 26) 
 Jehoiachin kindly treated by 
 
 Evil-Merodach 
 
 II The period from the accession of Jehu to the captivity of the 10 tribes embraces 163 yenrs. 
 The total of the regnal years of the kings of Judah amounts to 165. a diirercnce easily introauced 
 by the counting the same year twice over at the end of a reign and tlie beginning of another. But 
 the regnal years assigned to the kings of Israel are little more than 143. iTius it is clear that about 
 20 years must be added, and this accords with the necessity seen above of giving 12 years more 
 between Jeroboam II. and Zechariah, and 8 years more between Pekah and Hoshe^u 
 
 ISRAEL 
 
 Sargon succeeds Shalmanescr 
 Samaria taken (6th year of 
 Hezekiah) 2 Kings xviii. 10 
 
THE 
 
 FIRST BOOK OF THE KINGS, 
 
 COMMONLY CALLED, 
 
 THE THIRD BOOK OF THE KINGS. 
 
 Now king David was old mid stricken in years ; and 1 
 they covered him with clothes, but he gat no heat. 
 
 Cn. I. 1 — 4. David's Feeble Age. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 1. Now\ The Hebrew has only the conjunction usually rendered 
 And. This sentence is not to be regarded as the commencement of a 
 new history, but a continuation of what has been told in 2 Samuel. 
 In Hebrew MSS. i and 2 Kings form but one book, as do also i and 2 
 Samuel, and i and 2 Chronicles. The division was first made in the 
 LXX. which Jerome followed, and it was introduced in the printed 
 Hebrew Bibles by Daniel Bomberg. The LXX. however treats these 
 books as so closely connected with Samuel that the four books are all 
 named alike {^affiXeiuv a. /3. y. 5.). They are so catalogued also in 
 Origen's list of the Canonical Books (Euseb. If. E. vi. 25), and in 
 Jerome's Prologus Galeahis. But we shall have occasion to point out 
 some matters (e.g. the worship on the high places) which were viewed 
 in a different light by the compiler of these later books from that in 
 which they are regarded in the books of Samuel. 
 
 The two books fall naturally into three sections, (r) The reign of 
 Solomon, i Kings i. — xi. (2) The history of two kingdoms after their 
 iseparation, till the overthrow of the northern kingdom, i Kings xii. — 
 2 Kings xvii. (3) The history of the kingdom of Judah from the 
 Assyrian to the Babylonish Captivity, 2 Kings xviii. — xxv. 
 
 king David was old'\ The circumstances recorded in this passage 
 must have happened when the feeble king had taken to his bed. By 
 comparing 2 Sam. v. 4, 5, with i Kings ii. 1 1, we arrive veiy nearly at 
 the age given by Josephus {Ant. vil. 15. 2) who says David was seventy 
 years old when he died. 
 
 stricken in years'] Rendered literalfy on the margin 'entered into 
 days.' 
 
 they covered him with clothes] i.e. With bed-clothes; just as in i Sam. 
 xix. 13 where A.V. has 'with a cloth.' The word is however most 
 frequently used of garments for wear. 
 
2 I. KINGS, I. [vv. 2—4. 
 
 2 Wherefore his servants said unto him, Let there be sought 
 for my lord the king a young virgin : and let her stand 
 before the king, and let her cherish him, and let her He in 
 
 3 thy bosom, that my lord the king may get heat. So they 
 sought for a fair damsel throughout all the coasts of Israel, 
 and found Abishag a Shunammite, and brought her to the 
 
 4 king. And the damsel tvas very fair, and cherished the 
 king, and ministered to him : but the king knew her not. 
 
 2. Jiis sei'vants'] The word, though primarily applied to those who 
 were occupied in servile work, had come by this time to be used regu- 
 larly of those who were about a royal person, and in such a position as 
 to venture on giving him counsel. Josephus {Ant. vii. 15. 3) says they 
 were the king's physicians. (Cf. Gen. 1. 2.) 
 
 Let there be sottg/it'] Literally ' Let them seek.' This kind of varia- 
 tion is frequent in the A.V. for the sake of the English; as also the 
 personal form of a sentence, put where the Hebrew verb is impersonal. 
 Thus the last clause in verse i is literally ' and it grew not warm to 
 him.' As such literal renderings are very often noticed on the margin, 
 no special mention will hereafter be made of them. 
 
 a yoitng virgin^ This device, whereby it was thought to communi- 
 cate vital heat from a young frame to an old one, was adopted by the 
 advice of physicians long after David's time. See Bacon, Hist. Vita et 
 Mortis, Medicamina ad longsevitatem IX. 25. 
 
 and let her stand before the king\ This phrase is used of those who 
 serve or minister to another. Thus Deut. i. 38, Joshua the minister of 
 Moses is said to ' stand before him.' It seems clear from the language 
 of Solomon (i Kings ii. 22) that Abishag was to be counted as one of 
 the wives of David. Polygamy was not at this time confined to kings 
 like David and Solomon, but was practised by other Israelites, as is 
 shewn by the history of Elkanah (i Sam. i. 2). 
 
 3. a fair daviscf] Such as might be fitted to be one of the royal 
 wives. A similar direction is given when Vashti has been deposed, and 
 a new queen is to be sought for Ahasuerus (Esther ii. 2). 
 
 all the coasts'] In the English of the Bible this word has no neces- 
 sary reference to sea-board land, as it has in our modern use, but often 
 signifies, as here, borders, territories. 
 
 Abishag a Shima7iiniite\ The Hebrew has ^ the Shunammite', as 
 though she either was already, or from subsequent events became, well 
 known. She was a native of Shunem, a city belonging to the tribe of 
 Issachar and lying to the north of Jezreel and of Mt Gilboa (see Josh, 
 xix. 18; I Sam. xxviii. 4). The Syriac and Arabic read Sulaf?nte (cf. 
 Cant. vi. 13). 
 
 4. cherished the king] Being always at hand to perform, as his 
 nurse, such duties as the weak condition of king David needed. 
 
 knciv her not] These words seem added to explain how it came to 
 pass that Adonijah afterwards could ask her for his wife, (i Kings 
 ii. 17.) 
 
Jjvrv. 5—7.] I. KINGS, I. 3 
 
 Then Adonijah the son of Haggith exalted himself, say- 5 
 ng, I will be king: and he prepared him chariots and horse- 
 men, and fifty men to run before him. And his father had 6 
 ot displeased him at any time in saying, Why hast thou done 
 50? and he also was a very goodly man; and his mother 
 3are him after Absalom. And he conferred with Joab the 7 
 )0n of Zeruiah, and with Abiathar the priest: and they 
 
 5 — 10. Adonijah attempts to make himself king. 
 (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 5. Adonijah, the son of Haggith^ He seems now to have been the 
 ;ldest of David's living sons. See the list of them 2 Sam. iii. 2 — 5. 
 Vmnon and Absalom we know were dead, and of the second son, 
 Zhileab (called Daniel i Chron. iii. i), we have no notice in Scripture, 
 o that he seems to have died young. Adonijah stands fourth in the 
 ist; of his mother's parentage or connexion no mention is made. 
 
 chariots and hoisenien &c.] Compare the similar conduct of Absa- 
 om (2 Sam. xv. i) at the time of his conspiracy against his father. 
 iFhe words refer not to the preparation of an armament for war, but to 
 . kingly retinue which should attend him wherever he went. The 
 imners were a body-guard, and the word is applied (r Kings xiv. 27) 
 o those guards who kept the door of the king's house. See note there. 
 3y such a step Adonijah let his intention be known and found out who 
 tvere likely to be on his side. 
 
 6. had not displeased hi??t. at any time\ Had never administered a re- 
 puke whatever wrong act he might have done. We may almost judge that 
 Absalom was in like manner a spoilt child, brought under no correction. 
 
 a very goodly man] A fine and commanding figure was no small 
 ecommendation for an aspirant to a throne. Compare the account of 
 5aurs personal appearance (i Sam. ix. 2). 
 
 and his mother bare him after Absaloni] The Hebrew has ' and she 
 )are him &c.,' the italics his mother being added in A.V. to mark that 
 he verb in the original is feminine. The same device is adopted in 
 "^um. xxvi. 59. But the English of the A.V. in the present passage 
 Inight be taken to mean that Absalom and Adonijah were both sons 
 ,)f Haggith, whereas Absalom's mother (2 Sam. iii. 3) was Maacah, 
 (laughter of Talmai, king of Geshur. It is better to render and lie waa 
 ijorn, thus avoiding any ambiguity. 
 
 7. jfoab the son of Zeruiah^ Zeruiah was David's sister, and Joab 
 he eldest of her three sons, and a man of much authority and influence 
 ,luring David's reign. He became captain of the host (as we should 
 ay, commander in chief) after the conquest of Jebus ( i Chron. xi. 6), 
 md served David faithfully in the main until this time. But he held 
 David's secret in the matter of Uriah, and accordingly defied him, when 
 t suited his purpose. His greatest offence against the king was the 
 Slaughter of Absalom, whom he killed in defiance of David's order. 
 I2 Sam. xviii. 14.) 
 
 Abiathar the J>riest\ This was the son of that Ahimelech who, with 
 
4 I. KINGS, I. [vv. 8, 9. 
 
 8 following Adonijah helped him. But Zadok the priest, 
 and Benaiah the son of Jehoiada, and Nathan the prophet, 
 and Shimei, and Rei, and the mighty men which belonged to 1 
 
 9 David, were not with Adonijah. And Adonijah slew sheep 
 
 all his family except Abiathar, was put to death by Saul, when Doeg 
 the Edomite informed him that the shewbread from the tabernacle at 
 Nob had been given to David (1 Sam. xxi., xxii.). Abiathar then 
 escaped to David and had remained with him through all his troubles ; 
 until this time, when, it may be through jealousy of Zadok, he sided 
 with Adonijah against Solomon. 
 
 they following Adonijah helped him] Lit. 'They helped after Adoni- 
 jah.' Joab had his own thoughts about the orders which David might 
 leave at his death, and Abiathar his jealousy, and both no doubt fell 
 that by their conduct, if it were successful, they were making Adonijah 
 for evermore their debtor. 
 
 8. But Zadok the priest] He was the son of Ahitub, and descended 
 from Eleazar, the son of Aaron. He joined David after the death of 
 Saul, and there were thus two priests, perhaps one being highpriest and 
 the other second priest, through the whole of David's reign. Zadok 's 
 duties appear (i Chron. xvi. 39) to have been at the Tabernacle in Gibeon, 
 and Abiathar had charge of the ark in Jerusalem. But in consequence 
 of the events described in this chapter Abiathar was thrust out of his 
 office and banished to Anathoth, and Zadok became the sole highpriest. 
 
 Benaiah the son of yehoiada] This man, though of the tribe of Levi, 
 became captain of David's body-guard of Cherethites and Pelethites 
 (see below on verse 38), and was made, when Joab was dead, commander 
 in chief of Solomon's army. 
 
 Nathan the prophet] He was prominent in David's reign, giving the 
 king advice concerning the building of the Temple, bringing God's 
 rebuke after David's adultery and the message of forgiveness when he 
 had repented. He appears also in connexion with the birth of Solo- 
 mon and now as the adviser and helper of Bath-sheba. After Solomon 
 was proclaimed king we hear no more of Nathan. 
 
 atid Shimei] There is a person so called mentioned afterwards as 
 one of the twelve officers who provided victuals for king Solomon am 
 his household. But whether that be the Shimei here mentioned the: 
 is no means of deciding. It was conjectured by Ewald that it w; 
 another way of writing the name of Shimeah, David's brother. 
 
 and Rei\ Rei is not mentioned elsewhere, and there is nothing t( 
 guide us to any opinion concerning his identity. Several conjecture 
 have been made, but none that deserves much attention. 
 
 the mighty men which belonged to David] Of these champions a lis 
 is given 2 Sam. xxiii. 8 — 39, with which may be compared i Chro: 
 xi. 10 — 47- 
 
 9. Adonijah slew &c.] The verb is that which is constantly us< 
 for sacrifcitig. And here there was no doubt intended to be a cer 
 tain solemnity connected with the feast held in honour of Adonijah*! 
 proclamation. Beside its use in this chapter, where it is rendered ' t( 
 
 as 
 
 i 
 
[/v. 10—13.] I. KINGS, I. 5 
 
 iiid oxen and fat cattle by the stone of Zoheleth, which is by 
 I En-rogel, and called all his brethren the king's sons, and all 
 :he men of Judah the king's servants : but Nathan the pro- 10 
 ohet, and Benaiah, and the mighty men, and Solomon his 
 Drother, he called not. 
 
 ! Wherefore Nathan spake unto Bath-sheba the mother of n 
 Solomon, saying. Hast thou not heard that Adonijah the 
 kon of Haggith doth reign, and David our lord knoweth // 
 ^ot? Now therefore come, let me, I pray thee, give thee 12 
 ounsel, that thou mayest save thine own life, and the life 
 of thy son Solomon. Go and get thee in unto king David, 13 
 
 ijlay' in verses 19 and 25, the verb is only so translated in i Kings xix. 
 ;2 1 of Elisha's slaughter of his oxen, and 2 Kings xxiii. 20 of Josiah's 
 slaughter of the priests of the high places, both vs^hich acts partook of 
 the nature of a solemn sacrifice. 
 
 dy the stone of Zoheleth, which is by En-rogel\ The name En-rogel 
 jsignifies the ' fountain of the fuller,' a name probably given to it from 
 the use to which the water was applied. They washed by stamping on 
 the clothes with ^& foot (Heb. regel). From the other places where 
 it is mentioned (Josh. xv. 7; xviii. 16; 2 Sam. xvii. 17) it is clear that 
 En-rogel lay on the south-east of Jerusalem, and formed one of the land- 
 marks between the tribes of Judah and Benjamin. Attempts have been 
 made to identify it with the 'fountain of Job (or Joab),' which is situate 
 at the junction of the valleys of Kedron and Hinnom; while others 
 are in favour of the 'fountain of the Virgin,' as it is now called, from 
 whence comes the water to the pool of Siloam. It is in favour of the 
 latter, that women still resort to it as a place for washing clothes. 
 Of the ' stone of Zoheleth' we have no notice but in this passage. 
 
 10. Solomon his brother'] Doubtless Adonijah was well acquainted 
 with David's intention that Solomon should be his successor. But 
 in those early times in most countries but especially in the East the right 
 of hereditary succession was not thought of, the reigning monarch 
 selecting for his successor that member of his family who was most in 
 favour or who seemed most fit to rule. Moreover, in this case, Solomon 
 was not the son of the first wife. 
 
 called] i.e. invited to be present at the feast which he was about to make. 
 
 11 — 14. Nathan's counsel to Bath-sheba. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 11. Bath-sheba] She who had before been the wife of Uriah the 
 Hittite. Nathan's zeal for Solomon's cause may be well understood, 
 because it was by his message (2 Sam. xii. 25) that Solomon was 
 specially called the ' beloved of the Lord.' 
 
 doth reign] As though the work were already completed and Ado- 
 nijah already assured of the throne. 
 
 12. save thine oivn life, and the life of thy son Solomon] Because 
 it has ever been the policy of an Oriental usurper, as soon as ever he 
 
6 I. KINGS, I. [vv. 14—18. 
 
 and say unto him, Didst not thou, my lord O king, swear 
 unto thine handmaid, saying. Assuredly Solomon thy son 
 shall reign after me, and he shall sit upon my throne? why 
 
 14 then doth Adonijah reign? Behold, while thou yet talkest 
 there with the king, I also will come in after thee, and con- 
 
 15 firm thy words. And Bath-sheba went in unto the king into 
 the chamber: and the king was very old; and Abishag the 
 
 16 Shunammite ministered unto the king. And Bath-sheba 
 bowed, and did obeisance unto the king. And the king 
 
 17 said, What wouldest thou? And she said unto him, My lord, 
 thou swarest by the Lord thy God unto thine handmaid, 
 saying, Assuredly Solomon thy son shall reign after me, and 
 
 18 he shall sit upon my throne. And now behold, Adonijah 
 
 had power enough, to put out of the way those who were likely to 
 oppose him, and so make his throne more secure. 
 
 13. Didst not thou. ..swear unto thine ha7idmaid\ She uses terms 
 of great humility, even though she be pleading the king's former solemn 
 promise. We have no record of the oath to which Batli-sheba alludes, 
 but we may be sure that the king had imparted to her the promise 
 which God had made to him that Solomon should be his successor in 
 the kingdom. 
 
 The Hebrew particle ^3, which is here and in verse 30 translated 
 'assuredly', seems often not intended for anything more than a mark 
 of quotation. Like the Greek 6'ri, when it stands before a direct quo- 
 tation, it should be left in most cases untranslated. In i Kings xi. 22 
 it is rendered 'but', which would be better omitted. 
 
 shall reign after me, and he shall sit upon tny throne] The fuller 
 phrase seems intended to imply that Solomon shoiild be in all respects 
 the equal of his father. The pronoun ' he' is emphatically expressed in 
 the original as also in verses 24, 30 and 35. In each case the force is 
 'he and no other.' 
 
 14. and confirvt thy -words] Lit. ' fill up ' thy words. This Nathan 
 could most fitly do because he knew of the expressions of God's will 
 which had been communicated unto David. Thus he could dwell more 
 fully than Bath-sheba on the king's previous intentions, and knowing 
 better than she what was going on around Adonijah could assure 
 David that it was no imaginary alarm. 
 
 15—21. Bath-sheba BEFORE King David. (Not in Chronicles. ) 
 
 15. and the king was very old] This sentence is in explanation why 
 Bath-sheba went into the bedchamber of the king. David was too feeble 
 to go forth, and those who would see him must come there for audience. 
 
 16. bowed and did obeisance] After the fashion of Orientals in the 
 presence of a monarch. 
 
 17. and he shall sit] The pronoun in the original is emphatically 
 expressed. 
 
vv. 19—24-] I. KINGS, I. 7 
 
 reigneth; and now, my lord the king, thou knowest //not: 
 and he hath slain oxen and fat cattle and sheep in abun- '9 
 dance, and hath called all the sons of the king, and Abiathar 
 the priest, and Joab the captain of the host : but Solomon 
 thy servant hath he not called. And thou, my lord O king, lo 
 the eyes of all Israel are upon thee, that thou shouldest tell 
 them who shall sit on the throne of my lord the king after 
 him. Otherwise it shall come to pass, when my lord the 21 
 king shall sleep with his fathers, that I and my son Solomon 
 shall be counted offenders. And lo, while she yet talked 22 
 with the king, Nathan the prophet also came in. And they 23 
 told the king, saying, Behold Nathan the prophet. And 
 when he was come in before the king, he bowed himself 
 before the king with his face to the ground. And Nathan 24 
 said, My lord O king, hast thou said, Adonijah shall reign 
 
 18. Adonijah reipicth^ i.e. Is being set up for king, and will be 
 accepted, unless some word from David go forth to prevent it. With 
 the commander-in-chief, and the highpriest Abiathar on his side 
 Adonijah's following might well seem powerful. 
 
 and now, my lord the king, thou knoavest it ;/<'/] The Hebrew 
 words for thoii nDS and now T\T\li vary only in one letter, and in 
 sound are very much alike. Hence it has come to pass that in this 
 verse and verse 20 there is a confusion ; and here in some copies thou 
 is put instead oi no7v: 'and thou, my lord... knowest it not.' 
 
 20. And thou, viy lotrt, &c.] Here the variation is the other way, 
 and nazu is read for thou. Both these changes seem to render the 
 sentences more emphatic, especially as in this verse the queen is 
 coming to the close of her argument and wishes to move David to 
 take action in the matter at once. 
 
 21. counted offenders] The Heb. word is literally ' sinners. ' Bath- 
 sheba does not go so far as Nathan, and say that the lives of herself 
 and her son are in peril, but leaves the king to think what tiie lot of 
 those offenders would be whom Adonijah knew to have aspired to 
 the throne. 
 
 22—27. Nathan confirms the statements of Bath-sheba. 
 (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 22. Nathan the prophet also came in] Apparently at first into an 
 outer room, whence he was announced to king David, and Bath-sheba 
 went out before his coming into the bedchamber. Slie was clearly not 
 present during Nathan's address to the king. See vers. 28. 
 
 24. hast thou said] There is nothing in the Hebrew to mark the 
 question. It must have been indicated by the tone. It would come 
 with much force from Nathan, as he knew all the circumstances of 
 God's promise that Solomon should be king after David. He shews 
 by his language in verse 27 that any change in the plans for the sue- 
 
8 I. KINGS, I. [vv. 25—30. 
 
 25 after me, and he shall sit upon my throne? For he is gone 
 down this day, and hath slain oxen and fat cattle and sheep 
 in abundance, and hath called all the king's sons, and the 
 captains of the host, and Abiathar the priest; and behold, 
 they eat and drink before him, and say, God save king 
 
 26 Adonijah. But me, even me thy servant, and Zadok the 
 priest, and Benaiah the son of Jehoiada, and thy servant 
 
 27 Solomon, hath he not called. Is this thing done by my 
 lord the king, and thou hast not shewed it unto thy servant, 
 who should sit on the throne of my lord the king after him? 
 
 28 Then king David answered and said. Call me Bath-sheba. 
 And she came into the king's presence, and stood before 
 
 29 the king. And the king sware, and said, As the Lord 
 
 30 liveth, that hath redeemed my soul out of all distress, even 
 
 cession should not have been made without his knowledge. After the 
 divine messages which had been sent to the king through Nathan, the 
 prophet's relation to David was dififerent from that of other subjects. 
 
 25. For he is gone dowit] The site of the fountain, near which 
 Adonijah's banquet was made, was in the valley below Jerusalem. 
 
 God save king Adonijah^ The Heb. is ' Let king Adonijah live * 
 i.e. live long and happily; and similarly in all cases where A. V, has 
 *God save, &c.' 
 
 27. shelved it unto thy servant] There is a various reading, 'thy ser- 
 vants,' but the A. V. gives the better sense. There was a special reason 
 why Nathan should know of all that was done in respect of the suc- 
 cession, which did not apply to the rest of David's court. 
 
 28 — 40. David causes Solomon to be proclaimed and 
 ANOINTED KING. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 28. Cat/ vie Bath-shebd] The queen had not been present during 
 Nathan's interview, and no doubt both she and the prophet desired to 
 appear as much as possible independent of each other in their tidings. 
 
 29. And the king sware] i.e. Solemnly renewed the oath which he 
 had before (see ver. 1 3) made unto Bath-sheba. 
 
 As the Lord liveth] The expression is equivalent to 'As surely as 
 the Lord liveth,' though in the Hebrew there is no word for as. God 
 is frequently spoken of as 'the living God' and the idea in this form of 
 asseveration seems to be this, 'the Lord is living, of that there is no 
 doubt, and as certainly shall that come to pass which is prefaced by 
 this solemn assertion.' 
 
 that hath redeemed, &c.] David employs exactly the same words (in 
 Hebrew) in 2 Sam. iv. 9, previous lo the punishment of Baanah and 
 Rechab for the murder of Ishbosheth. And it is not without reason 
 that he thinks of the termination of his distresses in connexion with 
 Solomon, for the birth of that son marked the lime when he became 
 at peace not only with men but with God. 
 
vv. 31— 34-] I- KINGS, I. 9 
 
 as I sware unto thee by the Lord God of Israel, saying, 
 Assuredly Solomon thy son shall reign after me, and he 
 shall sit upon my throne in my stead; even so will I cer- 
 tainly do this day. Then Bath-sheba bowed with her face 31 
 to the earth, and did reverence to the king, and said, Let 
 my lord king David live for ever. 
 
 And king David said, Call me Zadok the priest, and 32 
 Nathan the prophet, and Benaiah the son of Jehoiada. And 
 they came before the king. The king also said unto them, 33 
 Take with you the servants of your lord, and cause Solomon 
 my son to ride upon mine own mule, and bring him down 
 to Gihon : and let Zadok the priest and Nathan the prophet 34 
 anoint him there king over Israel: and blow ye with the 
 
 30. the Lord God of Israel] R.V. 'the Lord, the God of Israel,' as 
 demanded by the Hebrew construction, here and elsewhere. 
 
 31. Let my lord king David live for ever] On this common Oriental 
 hyperbole, compare Dan. ii. 4, iii. 9, v. 10, &c. It was the common 
 Eastern formula. Bath-sheba implied thereby that in her zeal for Solo- 
 mon's succession there was no desire for David's death but only that 
 the promise made to her concerning Solomon should not be broken. 
 
 32. Zadok the priest] Who must anoint king Solomon, and it is 
 probably with this thought that David names him first. 
 
 and Nathan the prophet] Who had gone aside when Bath-sheba was 
 called. 
 
 33. Take with you the servants of your lord] Judging from a 
 similar order given by David (-2 Sam. xx. 6, 7) these words imply a 
 considerable body of armed men. For there it is said that the servants 
 comprised Joab's men, and the Cherethites and the Pelethites and all 
 the mighty men. Where Joab was of the other side it was needful to 
 be prepared for fighting. 
 
 upon mine otvn mule] To ride in the chariot or on the beast which 
 carried the king was a mark of special distinction. So Pharaoh (Gen. 
 xli. 43) made Joseph ' ride in the second chariot which he had.' In 
 like manner Jehonadab was taken (-2 Kings x. 16) into Jehu's chariot, 
 and Haman named as a special mark of honour that a man should be 
 set on ' the horse that the king rideth upon' (Esther vi. 8). 
 
 bring him down to Gihon] From the direction here given this place 
 must have been in the lower ground near Jerusalem. This agrees with 
 the mention made of it in 1 Chron. xxxiii. 14, where it is said to be in 
 the valley, by which word is probably meant the torrent bed of the 
 brook Kedron, so that Gihon would be in the Valley of Jehoshaphat on 
 the east of Jerusalem. Both parties chose a place where there was 
 water (see v. 9) for the anointing. Does this indicate that there was 
 some purification connected with the act ? At a later period there 
 was an ' upper' and ' lower' pool at Gihon (2 Chron. xxxii. 30). 
 
 34. anoint hitn there] The anointing was the most solemn portion of 
 
16 I. KINGS, I. [vv. 35—37. 
 
 35 trumpet, and say, God save king Solomon. Then ye shall 
 come up after him, that he may come and sit upon my 
 throne; for he shall be king in my stead: and I have ap- 
 
 36 pointed him to be ruler over Israel and over Judah. And 
 Benaiah the son of Jehoiada answered the king, and said, 
 
 37 Amen: the Lord God of my lord the king say so too. As 
 the Lord hath been with my lord the king, even so be he 
 
 the ceremonies connected with the installation of a new king. We only 
 read of its being done on some veiy marked occasions. Thus Saul, the 
 first king, was anointed (i Sam. x. i), and David, the king of God's own 
 choice (i Sam. xvi. 13) ; also when God orders the prophet Elijah to make 
 provision for a new succession in Israel, Jehu is to be anointed (i Kings 
 xix. 16), which was done when the proper time came (2 Kings ix. 3, 6); 
 so Joash after his preservation was anointed by Jehoiada (■z Chron. xxiii. 
 11). But though unmentioned it may have been performed in other 
 cases. For 'anointing' is mentioned even in Jotham's parable (Jud. ix. 8), 
 where the trees will choose them a king. The ceremony is intended to 
 symbolize the outpouring of gifts from above upon the new monarch. 
 
 blcnv ye with the trumpet^ Thus did Jehu's companions after his 
 anointing (2 Kings ix. 13); neither anointing nor the blowing of the 
 trumpets has been mentioned in connexion with Adonijah's faction. 
 No doubt they wished to gain strength before making such a public 
 display of what they were doing. 
 
 35. come up after hitit] That is, as his supporters and body-guard, 
 just as in verse 7 above, the conspirators 'helped after Adonijah.' Cf. 
 also below, verse 40. 
 
 to be ruler over Israel] A better rendering is 'prince'. The title 
 was that given by God specially to those who should lead His people. 
 Thus Saul is first so called (i Sam. ix. 16. A. V. 'captain' as in 
 r Sam. x. i. In 2 Chron. xi. 22 A. V. has 'ruler,' R.V. 'prince'), 
 then David (i Sam. xxv. 30, A.V. 'leader'). It is used also of Hezekiah 
 (2 Kings XX. 5), and in Daniel (ix. 25) of Him who was to be greater 
 than all these, ' Messiah the Prhice.'' 
 
 36. and said. Amen] Expressing as usual a prayer 'So let it be'; 
 but at the same time expressing concurrence with all the king had said 
 and a determination to carry his orders into effect. Thus the word 
 implies also ' So it shall be.' But there is immediately subjoined 'the 
 Lord God of my lord the king say so too,' implying that though David 
 might plan and his servants labour for this end it would not be brought 
 about except with God's will. The sentence may be compared with 
 Jeremiah (xxviii. 6), where the words are 'The prophet Jeremiah said, 
 Amen : the Lord do so'; a reading which one or two MSS give here, 
 but no doubt only as a gloss. 
 
 t/ie Lord God of my lord] R.V, 'the Lord, the God of my lord.' 
 See above on verse 30. 
 
 37. so be he] i.e. 'So let him be.' The Massoretic note corrects 
 into ' so shall he be,' which makes nonsense of the verse. 
 
w. 38,39-] I. KINGS, I. n 
 
 with Solomon, and make his throne greater than the throne 
 of my lord king David. So Zadok the priest, and Nathan 38 
 the prophet, and Benaiah the son of Jehoiada, and the 
 Cherethites, and the Pelethites, went down, and caused 
 Solomon to ride upon king David's mule, and brought him 
 to Gihon. And Zadok the priest took a horn of oil out of 39 
 the tabernacle, and anointed Solomon. And they blew the 
 
 make his throne greater than the throne of my lord"] No doubt David's 
 faithful servants knew of the large promises which God had made 
 to Solomon already, and that the heart of the king was gladdened at 
 the thought of the future glory of his son (i Chron. xvii. ii — 27). They 
 had therefore no fear of David's anger when they used words such as 
 these. That Solomon's kingdom and grandeur did surpass David's 
 may be seen from the narratives in i Kings x. and 2 Chron. ix. 
 
 38. the Cherethites and the Pelethites'] The former of these names is 
 found I Sam. xxx. 14 as the name of a people to the south of the 
 Philistines. Hence it has been held by some that the second name, 
 Pelethites, must also be of the same character, and that probably it is 
 connected with the word 'Philistine.' It seems not impossible that 
 David from his early residence in the country of the Philistines may 
 have attached a body of men to him from among those peoples and 
 constituted them his first body-guard (Josephus calls them crufiaTocpv- 
 Xa/ces), which while retaining their old title would after the king's ac- 
 cession be recruited from any of his most trusty supporters. We need 
 not suppose therefore that though called by the old name they were 
 largely composed of aliens. The older interpretations, connecting the 
 words with Hebrew verbs, have been 'executioners and runners'; and 
 the Targum interprets them as 'archers and slingers' and in one place 
 as 'nobles and common soldiers.' They are clearly to be identified with 
 'the mighty men' mentioned in verse 8 as not being with Adonijah. 
 
 39. a horn of oil\ The Hebrew has the horn. The 'holy anointing 
 oil' was no doubt preserved for occasions like this, and for the anoint- 
 ing of the priests. Zadok having the care of the tabernacle at Gibeon 
 (i Chron. xvi. 39) would have this under his charge. And as Gibeon 
 was 'the great high place' (iii. 4), all that was most sacred would be 
 kept there. 
 
 ottt of the tabernacle'] The word here rendered 'tabernacle' is not 
 the same as that so rendered in the passage from i Chron. just quoted, 
 and it is advisable to make a distinction between them. The word in 
 this verse is that usually translated, when it does not refer to the sacred 
 dwellingplace of God's glory, by the English 'tent' (Gen. ix. 21 &c.) 
 and it would be well so to render here. In no other passage in Scrip- 
 ture does the word occur of the Divine dwelling-place without some 
 qualifying expression added to it. It is 'the tabernacle of the congre- 
 gation,' 'the tabernacle of witness,' 'the tabernacle of the Lord.' In 
 all these cases 'Tent' might well be substituted. This word refers to 
 the external covering of black goats' hair, while the other word implies 
 
12 I. KINGS, I. [vv. 40—42. 
 
 trumpet; and all the people said, God save king Solomon. 
 
 40 And all the people came up after him, and the people piped 
 with pipes, and rejoiced with great joy, so that the earth 
 rent with the sound of them. 
 
 41 And Adonijah and all the guests that were with him heard 
 // as they had made an end of eating. And when Joab 
 heard the sound of the trumpet, he said, Wherefore is this 
 
 42 noise of the city being in an uproar? And while he yet 
 spake, behold, Jonathan the son of Abiathar the priest 
 
 the interior, the very dwellingplace of God, and for this 'Tabernacle' 
 might be specially retained. 
 
 all the people said] Solomon's anointing was made a public ceremo- 
 nial, news of what was to be done would go forth during the time that 
 a messenger went to Gibeon for the sacred oil, and thus there seems to 
 have been present not only those whom David had commissioned but a 
 large body of the people of Jerusalem. 
 
 40. piped wilh pipes'] The LXX. adopting some slight alteration of 
 the Hebrew, renders 'danced in dances.' And Josephus speaks of the 
 people {Antiq. Vli. 14, 5) as 'dancing and playing on pipes'; thus shewing 
 a desire to combine both readings. That the Israelites were likely to have 
 pipes on such an occasion seems probable from i Sam. x. 5, where they 
 are enumerated among the instruments used by the company of prophets. 
 
 rent with the sound] The Hebrew text implies ' cleaving asunder ' 
 and must, if correct, be taken as hyperbolic: that it is correct seems 
 clear from the LXX. which has 'was broken asunder' (ippayr]), though 
 a slight change in the letters of the Hebrew (reading VpH for yp3) 
 would give the meaning which the Vulgate has, 'insonuit,' i.e. re- 
 sounded. Josephus appears thus to have understood the phrase, what- 
 ever reading he had, for he writes 'from the multitude of the instru- 
 ments all the earth and the air resounded.' 
 
 41 — 53. Alarm and submission of Adonijah. 
 (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 41. as they had made an end of eating] Such a banquet would 
 naturally last a good while ; and if we suppose Nathan to have heard 
 of it as the festivity began, or he even may have known as they left 
 Jerusalem, there will be seen to be time enough for all that is described 
 as done by the supporters of Solomon. For they had no banquet to 
 prepare and eat, but only the religious ceremonial to discharge which 
 marked their master's chosen son for king. 
 
 Joab heard] Any preparation against opposition to their action 
 would properly be left to the commander-in-chief, and so he is alert 
 to mark any signs of a commotion. Josephus represents the inter- 
 ruption as coming before the meal was finished. 
 
 42. yonathan the son of Abiathar] They had left in the city some 
 who should bring them word of any stir which their doings might 
 cause. Jonathan had discharged the same office of watchman and news- 
 
vv. 43-47.] I. KINGS, I. 13 
 
 came: and Adonijah said unto hifn, Come in; for thou art a 
 valiant man, and bringest good tidings. And Jonathan 43 
 answered and said to Adonijah, Verily our lord king David 
 hath made Solomon king. And the king hath sent with 44 
 him Zadok the priest, and Nathan the prophet, and Benaiah 
 the son of Jehoiada, and the Cherethites, and the Pelethites, 
 and they have caused him to ride upon the king's mule: 
 and Zadok the priest and Nathan the prophet have anointed 4S 
 him king in Gihon : and they are come up from thence 
 rejoicing, so that the city rang again. This is the noise that 
 ye have heard. And also Solomon sitteth on the throne of 46 
 the kingdom. And moreover the king's servants came to 47 
 bless our lord king David, saying, God make the name of 
 Solomon better than thy name, and make his throne greater 
 than thy throne. And the king bowed himself upon the bed. 
 
 bringer at the time of Absalom's revolt. See 2 Sam. xv. 27 and xvii. 
 17. But then he was to bring word to David. 
 
 a valiant man] Perhaps rather, a worthy man. The same word, 
 which is often translated by 'valour,' 'wealth,' 'might,' is also used of 
 any special excellence. Thus Proverbs xii. 4, xxxi. 10 it is used in 
 the description of 'the virtuoiis wovcian' ; also in this chapter, verse 
 52, we have the word translated worthy ; and in i Chron. ix. 13 it is 
 used of those who were 'very able men ' for the work of the service of 
 the house of the Lord. In the present case it was not so much a man 
 of valour as of discretion who was needed in the messenger. 
 
 and bringest good tidings'] The expression is somewhat redundant 
 in the Hebrew, and might be rendered ' bringest good tidings of good'. 
 The same words are thus translated Is. Hi. 7. 
 
 43. Verily our lordl &c.] The adverb implies some such sense 
 as 'Nay but'. Jonathan wishes to say 'It is not as you hoped, but 
 on the contrary Solomon is proclaimed and anointed.' Comp. Gen. 
 xvii. 19, where the word is rendered in A. V. 'indeed,' but the sense 
 is '■Nay but Sarah thy wife shall bear thee a son,' instead of Ishmael 
 being made the hope of thy family. 
 
 46. Solomon sitteth on the throne] Jonathan had seen the complete 
 ceremony of installation, for on their return from Gihon the aged 
 king had commanded that Solomon should shew himself seated in 
 state on the royal throne. 
 
 47. the king's servants] i.e. The general public of Jerusalem who 
 gathered themselves to offer congratulations to David on the commence- 
 ment of the reign of his son. That a son should begin to reign during 
 his father's lifetime was no uncommon occurrence in the East. 
 
 the king bowed himself tipon the bed] The verb is that commonly 
 used of an act of worship, and the language of the next verse shews 
 that David's bowing was of this nature. He prayed that the good 
 wishes he had just heard might be fulfilled, and thanked God for what 
 
• 48-52. j 
 
 14 I. KINGS, I. [vv, 
 
 48 And also thus said the king, Blessed be the Lord God of 
 Israel, which hath given one to sit on my throne this day, 
 
 49 mine eyes even seeing //. And all the guests that tvere with 
 Adonijah were afraid, and rose up, and went every man his | 
 way. 1 
 
 so And Adonijah feared because of Solomon, and arose, and 
 
 51 went, and caught hold on the horns of the altar. And it 
 was told Solomon, saying. Behold, Adonijah feareth king 
 Solomon: for lo, he hath caught hold on the horns of the 
 altar, saying, Let king Solomon swear unto me to day that 
 
 52 he will not slay his servant with the sword. And Solomon 
 said, If he will shew himself a worthy man, there shall not 
 
 had already happened. The action and intention is similar to that of 
 Jacob described Gen. xlvii. 31. 
 
 48. the Lord God] See on verse 30. 
 
 given one to sit] Of course he means 'one of my own family and the 
 one whom I specially wished.' The LXX. adds here the words 'of 
 my seed' and a like addition is made in some of the other versions. 
 There can however be no misunderstanding of the king's meaning 
 without any such supplement. The king's thankfulness was not for 
 ati occupier, but for the particular person now put on the throne. 
 
 The report brought by Jonathan (vv. 43 — 48) seems like the language 
 of one who had been a spectator of what he relates. If this were so, 
 we must assume king David to have been carried from his bedchamber 
 into some reception-room where he could listen, as he lay, to the 
 congratulations mentioned in verse 47. The adding on of one par- 
 ticular after another, with the repetition of the same conjunction DJ1 = 
 and also, is exactly after the style of a messenger in great haste. 
 
 50. caught hold on the ho7-ns of the altar] In his terror Adonijah 
 takes sanctuary, apparently at the altar which had been erected when 
 the ark was brought to Mt. Zion. That an altar was set up there is 
 clear from 2 Sam. vi. 17, 18, where we have an account of the burnt 
 offerings and peace offermgs presented there. As this sanctuary was 
 specially under the care of Abiathar, it was natural that Adonijah 
 should go there. It may have been by Abiathar's advice. 
 
 The horns of the altar are described Exod. xxvii. 2 seqq. They were 
 wooden projections overlaid with brass. On the occasion of a sacrifice 
 the priest with his finger was to smear them with the blood of the victim 
 (Exod. xxix. 12), and this ceremonial was a sign of atonement (Exod. 
 XXX. 10). Thus the spot to which Adonijah fled was of special sanctity. 
 
 51. Let king Solomon swear unto me to day\ The word translated to 
 day signifies rather 'first of all,' i.e. before I will venture to come away 
 from my place of safety. The same word is found twice in the narra- 
 tive of the sale of Esau's birthright, Gen. xxv. 31, 33. When Esau 
 has asked for pottage, Jacob says " Sell me first of all (A.V. this day) 
 thy birthright" and afterwards "Swear to me first of all." 
 
vv. 53; 1,2.] I. KINGS, I. II. 15 
 
 a hair of him fall to the earth : but if wickedness shall be 
 found in him, he shall die. So king Solomon sent, and 53 
 they brought him down from the altar. And he came and 
 bowed himself to king Solomon: and Solomon said unto 
 him, Go to thine house. 
 
 Now the days of David drew nigh that he should die; and 2 
 he charged Solomon his son, saying, I go the way of all the ^ 
 earth: be thou strong therefore, and shew thyself a man; 
 
 52. not a hair of him fall to the earth'\ The expression is common 
 and proverbial to express that no harm of any kind shall befall. Cf. 
 I Sam. xiv. 45 ; 2 Sam. xiv. 11. 
 
 if wickedness shall be found in hint] Josephus gives the sense: 'If 
 he shall again be caught with any new plots.' 
 
 53. and they brought hifn doxvn from the altar'] The expression 
 refers perhaps to the steps on which Adonijah must have gone up to 
 cling to the sides of the altar, or it may be to the elevation of the whole 
 situation as the altar stood before the ark on Mt. Zion. 
 
 bowed himself] The same word as in 47 is used of David's religious 
 reverence. So Adonijah did homage to Solomon as his lord ; and by 
 pardoning the chief offender the new king shewed the rest of Ado- 
 nijah's adherents that they need not despair of forgiveness. Thus he 
 would be most likely to change them from foes to friends. 
 
 Ch. II. 1 — 11. David's last charge to Solomon, and his 
 DEATH. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 1. Now the days of David drew nigh that he should die] According 
 to the narrative of Josephus (Antiq. vii. 14, 7) all the events recorded 
 in 1 Chron. xxviii. and xxix. took place in the interval between the 
 first anointing of Solomon and the death of David. There is nothing 
 in those chapters beyond what an aged man might do, especially if he 
 had a brief period of better health, and r Chron. xxix. 22 makes spe- 
 cial mention of Solomon's second anointing which, like the first, pre- 
 ceded the death of his father. 
 
 2. I go the way of all the earth] i.e. Of all who live on the earth, viz. 
 to the grave. The same expression is used by Joshua (xxiii. 14), and, 
 though the Hebrew noun is not the same, we may compare Job xvi. 22 
 ' I shall go the way whence I shall not return.' 
 
 be thou strong therefore] Compare the oft-repeated injunction to 
 Joshua, Deut. xxxi. 7, 23 ; Josh. i. 6, 7 &c. The circumstances are not 
 very dissimilar. Moses, soon to be taken away, was giving his charge 
 to his successor (Deut. xxxi. 23), as David to Solomon, and the lan- 
 guage is identical. Cf. also i Chron. xxii. 13. 
 
 shew thyself a man] The age of Solomon at the death of his father 
 cannot be exactly known. He must have been considerably younger 
 than Adonijah, who was the fourth of those six sons born to David 
 before the conquest of Jerusalem (2 Sam. iii. 4). And he may have 
 
l6 I. KINGS, II. [vv. 3—5. 
 
 3 and keep the charge of the Lord thy God, to walk in his 
 ways, to keep his statutes, and his commandments, and his 
 judgements, and his testimonies, as // is written in the law of 
 Moses, that thou mayest prosper in all that thou doest, and 
 
 4 whitherso-ever thou turnest thyself: that the Lord may con- 
 tinue his word which he spake concerning me, saying, If thy 
 children take heed to their way, to walk before me in truth 
 with all their heart and with all their soul, there shall not 
 
 5 fail thee (said he) a man on the throne of Israel. Moreover 
 
 been so young that his father's words mean, ' though a youth in years, 
 yet prove yourself a man in prudence and wisdom.' This is somewhat 
 supported by Solomon's language about himself (i Kings iii. 7), 'I am 
 but a little child.' But it may also be understood as a general exhorta- 
 tion to exhibit the courage which would be necessary, since a party had 
 been formed in the kingdom for the support of another claimant to the 
 throne. 
 
 3. keep the charge of the Lord] The word rendered 'charge' here 
 has no connexion with the verb used in verse i, but is the customary 
 expression in the Book of Numbers for the care and oversight of the 
 Tabernacle and other things committed to the Levites. (See Num. i. 53, 
 iii. 7, 8 &c.) It is used also of other sacred offices and the duties 
 attached thereto. Thus is imported into the word a solemn significa- 
 tion, though in etymology it is connected with the word which pre- 
 cedes it, rendered 'keep'. 
 
 to keep his statutes, and his comi7iand77ients, and his judgements'] 
 These words appear to refer to the three portions of the divine law, the 
 ceremonial, the moral, and the judicial ordinances revealed by God in 
 the Mosaic code; while testimonies may be interpreted of those evi- 
 dences of God's will towards man which are made clear by His deal- 
 ings with bygone generations. Thus God in His word bears witness to 
 Himself. 
 
 as it is written in the law of Moses] The allusion is to Deut. xvii. 
 18 — 20, where the king, in time to come, is bidden to keep a copy of 
 the Law, and to study it, that so his days may be prolonged. 
 
 4. that the Lord 7nay continue his word] The verb is most commonly 
 rendered 'establish' and may be so translated here. Cf. i Sam. i. 23 
 where the same phrase occurs. The sense is of confirming and ratifying 
 what has previously been promised. David is here looking forward to 
 the generations that shall come after him, which fact the A. V. has 
 endeavoured to make clear by the rendering 'continue'. The word, or 
 promise, alluded to is found 2 Sam. vii. 25 — 29. 
 
 saying, If thy children take heed to their way] In the passage just 
 mentioned where the promise is recorded there are none of these 
 conditions specified ; but we are sure that God's promise was not an 
 uncondiiional one, and in his Psalms (cxjcxii. 12) David has expressly 
 made mention of the condition in words very similar to this verse. 
 
 there shall not fail thee {said he) a man on the throne of Israel] The 
 
y. 5.] I. KINGS, II. 17 
 
 thou knowest also what Joab the son of Zeruiah did to me, 
 and what he did to the two captains of the hosts of Israel, 
 unto Abner the son of Ner, and unto Amasa the son of 
 Jether, whom he slew, and shed the blood of war in peace, 
 
 Heb. is literally 'there shall not be cut off unto thee a man from upon 
 the throne of Israel'; and the same phrase occurs afterwards ch. viii. 25, 
 ix. 5, and in other parts of the Bible. The sense is 'there never shall 
 be wanting some one of thy race to sit on the throne.' The promise 
 was made to David's line, and was fulfilled ; for as long as the kingdom 
 of Judah existed the family of David were kings. 
 
 There is no word in the Hebrew for the parenthetic 'said he,' but 
 the clause is preceded by the word usually rendered ' saying, ' which 
 seems to have been introduced by some scribe from the earlier part of 
 the verse. The LXX. translates the Hebrew literally (i.e. repeating 
 \^7wi') ; the Vulgate notices neither the ' saying ' nor ' said he '. 
 
 5. what Joab the son of Zeruiah did to me\ This one of the sons of 
 Zeruiah had been all through his reign too strong for his uncle. See 
 2 Sam. iii. 39 : and for the rough remonstrances of Joab with David, cf. 
 1 Sam. xix. 5 — 7. The slaughter of Absalom, though neither mentioned 
 here by David, nor afterwards by Solomon, when Joab is put to death, 
 must have been constantly present to their minds. 
 
 unto Abner the son of Ner'] Ner being brother of Kish (i Chron. 
 ix. 36), the father of Saul, we can understand how Abner became a 
 man of much importance in the court of Saul, under whom he v/as 
 commander-in-chief. After the death of Saul it was Abner who pro- 
 claimed Ishbosheth and supported him against David, until some 
 quarrel arising Abner made overtures to David which were favourably 
 received. During the earlier events of the war between Ishbosheth's 
 supporters and those of David, Abner to save his own life had slain 
 Asahel, Joab's younger brother. To avenge this death and probably 
 also from jealousy, lest Abner coming into David's service should 
 become more influential than himself, Joab calling Abner aside as he 
 was departing from the court, in conjunction with Abishai his brotlier 
 treacherously slew him. Owing to Abner's early course of action 
 David might have been suspected of conniving at his murder. The ex- 
 posure to such a suspicion no doubt aggravated the king's sorrow. 
 David's lament over Abner's death is found 2 Sam. iii. 33, 34. He 
 never forgave the murder, though he was unable during Jiis lifetime 
 to take vengeance on the perpetrator. 
 
 unto Amasa the soti of Jether] Amasa was a son of David's sister 
 Abigail, and the name of her husband is elsewhere {2 Sam. xvii. 25) 
 written 'Ithra.' Amasa took the side of Absalom when that prince 
 rebelled against his father, but David forgave this, when Absalom had 
 been slain by Joab, and appointed Amasa commander-in-chief in Joab's 
 place (2 Sam. xix. 13). Afterwards, under the pretence of saluting 
 Amasa, Joab gave him a fatal wound with a sword which he held 
 hidden in his left hand (2 Sam. xx. 10). 
 
 the blood of war in peace] For both these murders were committed 
 
 I. KINGS 2 
 
18 I. KINGS, II. [vv. 6-S. 
 
 and put the blood of war upon. his girdle that tvas about 
 
 6 his loins, and in his shoes that were on his feet. Do there- 
 fore according to thy wisdom, and let not his hoar head go 
 
 7 down to the grave in peace. But shew kindness unto the 
 sons of Barzillai the Gileadite, and let them be of those that 
 eat at thy table : for so they came to me when I fled because 
 
 8 of Absalom thy brother. And behold, thou hast with thee 
 Shimei the son of Gera, a Benjamite of Bahurim, which 
 
 when the opportunity had been gained under the guise of friend- 
 ship. 
 
 his girdle... his shoes'] Both these portions of his dress must have 
 been covered with the blood spurting and flowing from wounds inflicted 
 at such close quarters. 
 
 6. Do therefore according to thy wisdoni\ Compare verse 9. The 
 wisdom to which David in both cases alludes is a politic method of 
 bringing these men to do something for which they might be put to 
 death. Such men were specially dangerous in the court of a young 
 king. 
 
 his hoar head"] Most likely Joab was already an old man not much 
 younger than David himself. This may account for some of the free- 
 dom of his speech to the king. 
 
 go down to the grave in peace] The advice is put in a more direct 
 form in verse 9, concerning Shimei, ' Bring his hoar head down to the 
 grave with blood. ' , . 
 
 The Hebrew construction (the jussive after X? not ?N) seems to 
 imply a suggestion rather than a direct command. ' I recommend you 
 not to let,' &c. 
 
 7. sons of Barzillai the Gileadite'] The deserving conduct of Bar- 
 zillai, during David's flight from Absalom, is narrated 2 Sam. xix. 31 
 seqq. The Chimham there mentioned was probably a son of Bar- 
 zillai, though we are not expressly told so. No other son is anywhere 
 spoken of, but we find that Barzillai had daughters (Ezra ii. 61 ; Neh. 
 vii. 63) and he probably was father of a large family. Barzillai, at his 
 advanced age, would not come alone to conduct David over Jordan, 
 and though he only commends one person to the king's attention there 
 may have been several sons in his retinue. 
 
 of those that eat at thy table] A common mode in Eastern countries 
 of shewing regard. This Mephibosheth, Jonathan's son, was pro- 
 vided for at David's table (2 Sam. ix. 7, 10, 11), and such treatment 
 put the recipient in a position like that of the king's sons. 
 
 for so they came to me] i.e. With kind acts and generous supplies 
 of food when I was in great need. Let their reward be of a similar 
 nature. 
 
 8. thou hast with thee Shimei] Shimei was not at present living 
 in Jerusalem (see verse 36), but that his conduct might be more 
 closely watched Solomon compelled him to come and dwell in 
 the city. 
 
W. 9— n.] I. KINGS, II. 19 
 
 cursed me with a grievous curse in the day when I went to 
 Mahanaim: but he came down to meet me at Jordan, and I 
 sware to him by the Lord, saying, I will not put thee to 
 death with the sword. Now therefore hold him not guilt- 9 
 less: for thou art a wise man, and knowest what thou 
 loughtest to do unto him; but his hoar head bring thou down 
 to the grave with blood. So David slept with his fathers, 10 
 and was buried in the city of David. And the days that " 
 
 Bahtirim^ Besides its connexion with the story of Shimei, this 
 place is mentioned (2 Sam. xvii. i8) as the spot wlicre Jonathan and 
 Ahimaaz were concealed in the well, or cistern, to avoid the pursuit of 
 'Absalom's servants; and in the account of Phaltiel's separation from 
 iMichal when she was sent back to David (2 Sam. iii. 16) by Ishbosheth. 
 It must have been situate near the road from Jerusalem to the fords of 
 the Jordan, but it is not mentioned in Joshua, nor has its situation been 
 identified. 
 
 Mahanaini\ was on the east of Jordan, and was so named by Jacob 
 ^Gen. xxxii. 2) because he there saw the host (Mahaneh) of God. 
 'Abner made his head-quarters there while he was supporting Ish- 
 bosheth against David (2 Sam. ii. 8). Its strong position and fortifi- 
 cation, which are specially dwelt on by Josephus {Ant. vii. 9, 8) 
 no doubt led Abner to choose it, as did David likewise in his flight 
 before Absalom. 
 
 1 ca7)ie down to meet me] Shimei makes a merit of being among the 
 first to give the king welcome on his return (2 Sam. xix. 20). And 
 though Abishai urged that he should straightway be put to death, David 
 refused to have the day of his restoration stained by the blood of 
 toy man. 
 
 9. hold him not guiltless] i.e. Be sure not to let him go unpunished. 
 Find out some good reason for vengeance to be taken on him. We 
 ire not to wonder at these injunctions of David, which were not un- 
 natural, both for the satisfaction of his own feelings and for providing 
 for the security of Solomon's throne. Joab was a dangerous man 
 !to be left alive, and Shimei, with Oriental fickleness, would curse 
 Solomon as readily as he had cursed David, should a reverse of fortune 
 come upon him. Nor are we to look for New Testament virtues in 
 even the best men of the older covenant. The Christian thinks it 
 hobler to forgive, following the lessons of his master, but what David 
 saw of Christ was in the less clear vision of faith, and neither he nor 
 (lis people are to be expected to rise in any great degree towards the 
 fiobility of Christian forgiveness. Yet David was very generous toward 
 Saul. He seems to have become less forgiving in his old age, though 
 [ioubtless he was thinking chiefly of Solomon's safety. 
 
 10. ifi the city of David] The place is defined (2 Sam. v. 7) as 
 f the stronghold of Zion.' We are told {Aboth de-Rabbi Nathan i. 35) 
 that ' no graves are made in Jerusalem, except the tombs of the house 
 bf David, and of Huldah the prophetess, which have been there from 
 
20 1. KINGS, II. [vv. 12—16. 
 
 David reigned over Israel 7eiere forty years : seven years 
 reigned he in Hebron, and thirty and three years reigned he 
 in Jerusalem. 
 
 12 Then sat Solomon upon the throne of David his father; 
 
 13 and his kingdom was established greatly. And Adonijah 
 the son of Haggith came to Bath-sheba the mother of Solo- 
 mon. And she said, Comest thou peaceably? And he 
 
 14 said, Peaceably. He said moreover, I have somewhat to 
 
 15 say unto thee. And she said. Say on. And he said, Thou 
 knowest that the kingdom was mine, and that all Israel set 
 their faces on me, that / should reign : howbeit the kingdom 
 is turned about, and is become my brother's: for it was his 
 
 16 from the Lord. And now I ask one petition of thee, deny 
 
 the days of the first prophets.' Josephus [Ant. vil. 15. 3) gives an 
 account of the wealth that Solomon deposited in his father's grave, and 
 states that the tomb was afterwards opened and some of this wealth 
 carried away, first by Hyrcanus the high priest, when he was besieged 
 by Antiochus, and a second time by Herod the Great. But the chambers 
 in which the treasure was buried could be reached without disturbing 
 the royal burying-place. 
 
 11. seven years reigned he in Hebron'] According to 1 Sam. v. 5 
 the time was seven years and six months. The Old Testament writers 
 often in this way omit pieces of a year, and speak only of the full 
 years. Cf. i Chron. xxix. 27. 
 
 13—25. Adonijah asks for Akishag to wife and is i'ut to 
 DEATH BY SoLOMON. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 13. Comest tJiou peaceably] There was the same sort of alarm in 
 Eath-sheba's mind as was in those of the people of Bethlehem when 
 Samuel came to visit Jesse before David was anointed (i Sam. xvi. 4), 
 when the elders of the town trembled. She expected no good from any 
 scheme of Adonijah 's, and her question refers more to the national wel- 
 fare than to her personal concerns. 
 
 15. Thou knozvest that the kingdom was /nine] He means that as 
 the eldest living son of David, he could rightly claim it. Thus he in a 
 way apologizes for his previous attempt to secure the succession to 
 himself. 
 
 set their faces on me] They looked forward to my accession and 
 were resolved on bringing it about. Comp. Jer. xlii. 17 'the men that 
 set their faces to go down into Egyjit... shall die.' Adonijah would thus 
 also make it appear that the voice and goodwill of the people had been 
 on his side. 
 
 for it was his from the Lord] He professes his resignation to what 
 has happened, and ascribes it to the Divine will that he may the better 
 cloak his desires and intentions. Perhaps 'it became his from the 
 
Iw. 17—20.] I. KINGS, II. 21 
 
 me not. And she said unto him, Say on. And he said, 17 
 Speak, I pray thee, unto Solomon the king, (for he will not 
 say thee nay,) that he give me Abishag the Shunammite to 
 wife. And Bath-sheba said, Well; I will speak for thee unto 18 
 lithe king. Bath-sheba therefore went unto king Solomon, to 19 
 {speak unto him for Adonijah. And the king rose up to 
 ^meet her, and bowed himself unto her, and sat down on his 
 'throne, and caused a seat to be set for the king's mother; 
 :and she sat on his right hand. Then she said, I desire one 20 
 
 iLord' would give the force of his words better. It is to be noted how, 
 I as if in friendship, he speaks of Solomon as his brother. 
 
 16. deny tne no/] The Hebrew is 'turn not away my face,' and 
 implies that a person whose suit is refused is turned away in dis- 
 grace. The same expression is rendered 'to say not nay' in verses 17 
 and 20. Adonijah's argument was to this effect : ' You know I have 
 lost a great deal, surely you will not refuse me this slight request.' 
 
 17. t^a( he give me Adishag] It is highly probable that the con- 
 struction which Solomon put upon Adonijah's request was the true one, 
 for in the East the widows of the late king become the wives of his 
 successor, and to marry, or seek to marry, such a widow is equivalent to 
 putting forward a claim to the throne. Cf. God's message to David 
 (2 Sam. xii. 8) ' I gave thee. ..thy master's wives into thy bosom, 'and also 
 the threatening in the verses which follow that passage. See too i Kings 
 XX. 7; 2 Kings xxiv. 15. Peter Martyr in his comment on this verse 
 gives, as an illustration of the proud aspirations which are sometimes 
 fostered by marriage with a royal widow, the case of Admiral Seymour, 
 who married Catharine Parr, the widow of Heniy VIII., and straight- 
 way after his marriage began to plot rebellion. 
 
 18. / zvill speak for thee\ Bath-sheba does not seem to have sus- 
 pected Adonijah's design, and this simplicity of hers he perhaps hoped 
 to trade upon, and thought that his petition, coming to Solomon through 
 her, might appear less dangerous. That she should consent to ask 
 the king was not unnatural. ' The damsel was very fair ' (i. 4) and 
 Adonijah 'a very goodly man' (i.6), and such a marriage might appear 
 to her not unfitting. 
 
 19. caused a seat to be set for the king's mother'] For ' seat ' we 
 should have throne. The word is the same as that which occurs 
 earlier in the verse for Solomon's own 'throne.' In Eastern nations 
 the queen-mother was a very important personage and treated with the 
 same sort of reverence as the king. Tlrs we may see in the case of 
 Maachah (i Kings xv. 13) who held authoniy and was called queen, even 
 during the reign of her grandson Asa. Compare also the influential 
 position of Athaliah, which enabled her to destroy nearly all the seed- 
 royal (2 Kings xi. i). 
 
 and she sat on his right hand] This being the place of greatest 
 honour, cf. Ps. xlv. 9. 
 
22 I. KINGS, II. [vv. 21—25. 
 
 small petition of thee ; I pray thee, say me not nay. And the 
 king said unto her, Ask on, my mother : for I will not say 
 
 21 thee nay. And she said. Let Abishag the Shunammite be 
 
 22 given to Adonijah thy brother to wife. And king Solomon 
 answered and said unto his mother, And why dost thou ask 
 Abishag the Shunammite for Adonijah ? ask for him the 
 kingdom also; for he is mine elder brother; even for him, 
 and for Abiathar the priest, and for Joab the son of Zeruiah. 
 
 23 Then king Solomon sware by the Lord, saying, God do so 
 to me, and more also, if Adonijah have not spoken this 
 
 24 word against his own life. Now therefore, as the Lord 
 liveth, which hath established me, and set me on the throne 
 of David my father, and who hath made me a house, as he 
 
 25 promised, Adonijah shall be put to death this day. And 
 
 20. I desire one small petition ofthee'] These words seem to confirm 
 what has been said above, that Bath-sheba had not realized the grave 
 import of her request. 
 
 I will not say thee nay"] i.e. If it be possible for me to grant it. The 
 condition, though unexpressed, is of necessity understood. 
 
 22. and for Abiathar the priest, and for yoab the son of Zeruiah] 
 These two having aided Adonijah in his attempt on the throne, would 
 naturally have been his chief ministers and advisers had he succeeded. 
 So Solomon includes them with him, and thus Bath-sheba may see 
 whither the design of Adonijah is tending. 
 
 The Vulgate renders the clause ' even for him ' (literally and for him) 
 in a different sense, 'et habet Abiathar, &c.' making the words imply 
 that Adonijah is already equipped with advisers for the kingdom at 
 which he is aiming. 
 
 The LXX. has ' And he has Abiathar and Joab the son of Zeruiah, 
 the chief captain as his friend' (iraipos). The last word of the Hebrew 
 text is HMIV. It would seem as though the LXX. had read after this 
 inyi or ly"!, =his friend, which is not very unlike the final letters of 
 the present Hebrew. Whether there was some word there which has 
 fallen out or the version is the result of a misreading we cannot be sure. 
 There is, without doubt, some awkwardness in the text as it now 
 stands. 
 
 23. God do so to me, and more also] This is a very idiomatic 
 rendering for the Hebrew, which is literally ' Thus shall God do to me, 
 and thus shall He add.' The expression occurs again in xix. 2, xx. 10, 
 and in 1 Kings vi. 31 as well as several times in the books of Samuel, 
 and in Ruth i. 17. 
 
 24. who hath inade me a house] 'House' here is used in the sense 
 of 'possessions,' ' property.' So (Esther viii. i) the 'house' of Haman, 
 i.e. his wealth and property, is given to queen Esther. The LXX. renders 
 in that place by Saa vwijpxef 'Afxcw, 
 
vv. 26, 27.] I. KINGS, II. 23 
 
 king Solomon sent by the hand of Benaiah the son of 
 Jehoiada; and he fell upon him that he died. 
 
 And unto Abiathar the priest said the king, Get thee to 20 
 Anathoth, unto thine own fields; for thou art vvorlhy of 
 death: but I will not at this time put thee to death, because 
 thou barest the ark of the Lord God before David my father, 
 and because thou hast been afflicted in all where/;? my 
 father was afflicted. So Solomon thrust out Abiathar from :? 
 being priest unto the Lord; that he might fulfil the word of 
 the Lord, which he spake concerning the house of Eli in 
 Shiloh. 
 
 25. by the hand of Benaiah'] To Benaiah was committed not the 
 oversight, but the execution of the sentence. In like manner he puts 
 to death Joab (ver. 34) and Shimei (ver. 46). Solomon was absolute 
 as a monarch, and the command was executed as promptly as it was 
 given. The LXX. fills out the sentence thus, koL airidavev' ASoivlai iv 
 
 26 — 27. Punishment of Abiathar. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 26. Get thee to Anathoth] This city was in the tribe of Benjamin, 
 and has been identified by Robinson with And/a at the distance of 
 I J hours N.N.E. of Jerusalem. It is mentioned as a priest's city with 
 suburbs in Josh. xxi. 18; i Chron. vi. 60, and Jeremiah was sprung 
 from 'the priests that were in Anathoth' (Jer. i. i). Here Abiathar 
 must have had some ground, and to this Solomon banished him. We 
 find that the cousin of Jeremiah, Hanameel, possessed land at Ana- 
 thoth, which Jeremiah purchased (Jer. xxxii. 6 — 12). 
 
 worthy of death\ Hebrew, a jnan of death, deserving it. So in xx. 
 42 'a man whom I appointed to utter destruction ' is literally 'the man 
 of my doom,' i.e. whom I had doomed. 
 
 thou barest the ark of the Lord ] Abiathar was with David in his flight 
 before Absalom (2 Sam. xv. 24 — 29) when the ark of God was carried 
 away from Jerusalem, and he and Zadok bore it back again according 
 to David's orders. 
 
 hast been afflicted] Abiathar fled from Nob and came to David 
 when he was pursued by Saul (i Sam. xxii. 20), and also remained with 
 him in the dangerous days which followed. See i Sam. xxiii. 8 — 9. 
 
 27. So Solotnon thrust out Abiathar] The verb is the same whi.h 
 is used (Gen. iii. 24) of the driving out of Adam from Paradise. 
 
 fulfil the word of the Lord] The allusion is to i Sam. ii. 31 — 35, 
 where it is foretold to Eli that his family, to which Abiathar belonged, 
 should be deprived of the priest's office, and that a faithful priest 
 should be raised up in their stead. The order of descent from Eli was 
 Eli — Phinehas— Ahitub — Ahimelech — Abiathar. These wertj of the 
 family of Ithamar. Zadok was of the family of Eleazar (i Chron. 
 
24 I. KINGS, II. [vv. 28—30. 
 
 28 Then tidings came to Joab: for Joab had turned after 
 Adonijah, though he turned not after Absalom. And Joab 
 fled unto the tabernacle of the Lord, and caught hold on 
 
 29 the horns of the altar. And it was told king Solomon that 
 Joab was fled unto the tabernacle of the Lord; and behold, 
 he is by the altar. Then Solomon sent Benaiah the son of 
 
 30 Jehoiada, saying, Go, fall upon him. And Benaiah came to 
 the tabernacle of the Lord, and said unto him. Thus saith 
 the king, Come forth. And he said, Nay; but I will die 
 here. And Benaiah brought the king word again, saying, 
 
 vi. 8). This is the first passage in the O.T. where the phrase *to 
 fulfil the word of the Lord' appears. 
 
 28—35. Flight of Joab and his death. Benaiah succeeds 
 HIM as captain of THE HOST. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 28. Then tidings came to ^oad] The Hebrew says 'And the 
 tidings came to Joab ', i. e. of Abiathar's banishment, and he felt that 
 his own turn was soon to come. 
 
 turned aftei-] i.e. Took the side of. It was Joab, who being on 
 David's side, slew Absalom (2 Sam. xviii. 14). This crime, though never 
 brought forward, no doubt instigated David to advise, and Solomon to 
 provide that Joab should be taken out of the way. All the ancient 
 versions except the Chaldee, have here 'For Joab had turned after 
 Adonijah, and had not turned after Solomon.' 
 
 the tabernacle of the Lord\ The word here, as elsewhere, is the ordi- 
 nary word for a tent, and if thus translated gives to the English reader 
 a better notion of what the structure was. 
 
 horns of the altar] See above on i. 50. Joab fled for sanctuary to 
 the same place and in the same fashion as Adonijah had done. 
 
 29. he is dy the altar] The LXX. has ' he has taken hold of the 
 horns of the altar ', after which that version adds ' And Solomon the 
 king sent to Joab, saying, What has happened to thee that thou hast 
 fled to the altar? And Joab said, Because I was afraid of thee, and fled 
 unto the Lord.' These words seem merely an expansion of the narra- 
 tive, and we need not suppose that tiiey represent a lost clause of the 
 Hebrew. 
 
 30. Cowe forth] Benaiah would prefer, if it may be, to execute the 
 sentence upon Joab elsewhere than within the precincts of the taber- 
 nacle. 
 
 / will die here] Joab is conscious of Benaiah's errand, but perhaps 
 hopes still to escape death if he remain at the altar. 
 
 brought the king zuord again] It seems from this that Solomon had 
 thought it would be possible to bring Joab away from the altar. When 
 this could not be dune Benaiah feels that he may return for further 
 orders. 
 
!w. 31— 34-] I. KINGS, II. 25 
 
 i — — — 
 
 I Thus said Joab, and thus he answered me. And the king 31 
 j said unto him, Do as he hath said, and fall upon him, and 
 i bury him; that thou mayest take away the innocent blood, 
 which Joab shed, from me, and from the house of my father. 
 And the Lord shall return his blood upon his own head, 32 
 who fell upon two men more righteous and better than he, 
 and slew them with the sword, my father David not know- 
 ing thereof^ to tvit, Abner the son of Ner, captain of the host 
 of Israel, and Amasa the son of Jether, captain of the host 
 of Judah. Their blood shall therefore return upon the head 33 
 of Joab, and upon the head of his seed for ever: but upon 
 David, and upon his seed, and upon his house, and upon 
 his throne, shall there be peace for ever from the Lord. 
 So Benaiah the son of Jehoiada went up, and fell upon him, 34 
 
 31. and bury hhii\ The LXX. adds these words to the king's 
 previous order in verse 29. Joab was Solomon's cousin, and so 
 though it was a political necessity to put him to death, the king would 
 not care to add further dishonour to the dead body. 
 
 the innocent blood\ i.e. The causeless bloodshed of innocent people of 
 which Joab had been guilty, and which, until it was avenged, would 
 lie at the door of David and his descendants. 
 
 32. his blood\ i.e. The blood which he hath shed. 
 
 my father David not knowing \\\Q'ito{'\ The verb is a finite tense 
 and not a participle, and the clause may therefore be rendered ' and my 
 father D. knew it not.' 
 
 Abner] See notes on verse 5 above. In that verse both Abner and 
 Amasa are called captains of the host of Israel, while here the latter is 
 distinguished as captain of the host of Judah. That the division in the 
 people was well marked long before the revolt of the ten tribes against 
 Rehoboam may be seen from the strife which took place about David's 
 return after the death of Absalom (2 Sam. xix. 41 — 43). Also when 
 Joab numbered the people (2 Sam. xxiv. 9) the census of the two hosts 
 was given in separately. 
 
 33. and tipoii the head of his seed for ever] Solomon has in mind 
 here the words of his father at the time of Abner's murder (2 Sam. iii. 
 29). David's prayer then was "let the blood rest on the head of Joab 
 and on all his father's house." 
 
 shall there be peace for ever] The law of Moses ordained that the 
 shedder of innocent blood should not go unpunished (Deut. xix. 13), 
 
 and it is said 'Thine eye shall not pity him that it may go well 
 
 with thee.' Hence there was hope of peace after the murderer was 
 punished. 
 
 34. 7ve/it up] i.e. To the Tent of the Lord, which probaijly stood on 
 a higher part of iVIt. Zion than did Solomon's own house. 
 
26 I. KINGS, II. [vv. 35—38. 
 
 and slew him : and he was buried in his own house in the 
 
 35 wilderness. And the king put Benaiah the son of Jehoiada 
 in his room over the host: and Zadok the priest did the 
 king put in the room of Abiathar. 
 
 36 And the king sent and called for Shimei, and said 
 unto him, Build thee a house in Jerusalem, and dwell 
 
 37 there, and go not forth thence any whither. For it shall 
 be, f/iaf on the day thou goest out, and passest over the 
 brook Kidron, thou shalt know for certain that thou 
 shalt surely die: thy blood shall be upon thine own 
 
 38 head. And Shimei said unto the king. The saying is good: 
 
 buried in his own house] i.e. In the ground around his home. He 
 appears to have had a home far out in the open country. 
 
 in the wilderness] Probably that district Icnown as the wilderness of 
 Judah. Wilderness, or desert, gives however an insufficient idea of the 
 kind of country that is meant. It was land under no regular cultiva- 
 tion, but yet to which cattle might be driven for pasturage. So in the 
 narrative of the feeding of the Five Thousand where St Matthew (xiv. 15) 
 speaks of 'a desert place,' St John (vi. 10) says 'now there was much 
 grass in the place.' 
 
 35. put in the room of Abiathar] The LXX. amplifies and says 
 that Zadok was now appointed ih lepea wpQTov, to be the first priest. 
 Hitherto he seems to have had his post at Gibeon. There was not a 
 great interval between the deposition of Abiathar and the building of the 
 Temple, after which event the worship at Gibeon would cease. In the 
 interval some deputy would fill Zadok's place there. 
 
 In the LXX. there is found a long additional passage here, con- 
 cerning Solomon's wisdom, his marriage with Pharaoh's daughter, his 
 offerings and sacrifices, and his buildings. Then follows almost in 
 the words of the earlier part of this chapter (vv. 8, 9) David's charge 
 concerning Shimei. The whole insertion seems confused and pur- 
 poseless. 
 
 36 — 46. Shimei meets with his deserts. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 36. sent and called for Shimei] Solomon sent for him to Jerusalem 
 from Bahurim (see verse 8). Keeping him under close watch, he could 
 hardly fail to find him tripping. 
 
 37. passest over the brook Kidi-on] This brook, being between Jeru- 
 salem and the Mount of Olives, on that side of Jerusalem where 
 Shimei would go if he wanted to return to Bahurim. Solomon takes 
 the distance in this direction as a measure of bounds within which he 
 must keep himself on every side. For in going afterwards to Gath he 
 of course did not cross the brook Kidron. 
 
 thou shalt know] The Hebrew often uses a future for an imperative. 
 Here it is better to render 'Know for certain' &c. It is so rendered in 
 verse 42. 
 
vv. 39— 44-] I- KINGS, II. 27 
 
 as my lord the king hath said, so will thy servant do. And 
 Shimei dwelt in Jerusalem many days. And it came to 39 
 pass at the end of three years, that two of the servants of 
 Shimei ran away unto Achish son of Maachah king of Gath. 
 And they told Shimei, saying, Behold, thy servants be in Galh. 
 And Shimei arose, and saddled his ass, and went to Gath 4° 
 to Achish to seek his servants: and Shimei went, and 
 brought his servants from Gath. And it was told Solomon 41 
 that Shimei had gone from Jerusalem to Gath, and was 
 come again. And the king sent and called for Shimei, and 42 
 said unto him. Did I not make thee to swear by the Lord, 
 and protested unto thee, saying. Know for a certain, on the 
 day thou goest out, and walkest abroad any whither, that 
 thou shalt surely die? and thou saidst unto me. The word 
 that I have heard is good. Why then hast thou not kept 43 
 the oath of the Lord, and the commandment that I have 
 charged thee with? The king said moreover to Shimei, 44 
 Thou knowest all the wickedness which thine heart is privy 
 
 38. many days'\ The LXX. has rpla. Stt], three years, a reading 
 evidently drawn from the next verse. 
 
 39. iwo of the semants of Shitnei] Shimei appears to have been 
 a man of wealth, both from this circumstance, and from his ability to 
 establish himself in Jerusalem as soon as Solomon commanded him. 
 The servants may have been Philistines. 
 
 Achish son of Maachah king of Gath] The Achish to whom David 
 fled on two occasions (i Sam. xxi. 10; xxvii. 2) is called the son of 
 Maoch, which may be only another form of Maachah. But the time 
 which elapsed between David's flight and the death of Shimei makes it 
 doubtful whether the same man was king still. The same royal names 
 were so frequently carried on in alternate generations that the similar- 
 ity need not surprise us. So Hannibal was the son of Hamilcar, and 
 Hamilcar the son of a former Hannibal. 
 
 they told Shimei] i.e. Some persons who had come to know of the 
 whereabouts of the servants. 
 
 42. Did I not make thee to swear by (he Lord] There is no men- 
 tion of an oath in the previous part of the narrative (ver. 37), but the 
 solemnity of the charge was probably so enforced. The LXX, making 
 both portions of the story to correspond, inserts in verse 37 'and the 
 king made him to swear in that day.' 
 
 The word that I have heard] ' The saying &c.' as in verse 38. The 
 same Hebrew will thus have the same English. 
 
 43. the oath of the Lord] i.e. Which was sworn unto the Lord. 
 
 44. Thoii knowest] The Hebrew inserts the pronoun emphatically. 
 It was needless for Solomon to recall the wrong with which Shimei's 
 own conscience would upbraid him. 
 
28 I. KINGS, II. [vv. 45, 46. 
 
 to, that thou didst to David my father : therefore the Lord 
 
 45 shall return thy wickedness upon thine own head ; and king 
 Solomon shall be blessed, and the throne of David shall be 
 
 46 established before the Lord for ever. So the king com- 
 manded Benaiah the son of Jehoiada; which went out, and 
 fell upon him, that he died. And the kingdom was esta- 
 blished in the hand of Solomon. 
 
 the Lord shall return\ The Hebrew says 'the Lord hath returned.' 
 The punishment is so sure that the king speaks of it as already inflicted. 
 He is but the Lord's agent, and the doom of Shimei is counted as 
 executed. This appears the best way of understanding the grammar, 
 as there is no preceding verb from which this should derive the signi- 
 fication of an imperfect. 
 
 45. Solomon shall be blessed'\ See above on verse 33. 
 
 the throne of David shall be established^ According to God's pro- 
 mise (2 Sam. vii. 13 — 16). Solomon regards the punishments which 
 he has inflicted and is about to inflict, as a fulfilment of the conditions 
 under which the promise was made. His action is the upholding of 
 righteousness in the kingdom. 
 
 46. which went ozU\ Literally 'and lie went out,* which reads 
 rather better than the A.V. 
 
 in the hand of Solomon'] The conspirators who might have been 
 dangerous were all removed, and now, though still but a youth, Solo- 
 mon had gained complete hold of the reins of government. Cf. 1 
 Chron. i. i, where it is said that he ' was strengthened in his kingdom, 
 and the Lord his God was with him.' 
 
 The Vulgate joins on the last clause of this verse to the first verse of 
 the next chapter ; which seems to be a most natural connexion. 
 
 In the Chronicles no mention is made either of David's dying 
 injunctions to his son, nor of their execution. The compiler of that 
 book appears designedly to have omitted all notice of the troubles 
 under which David suffered, and so it does not fall within his plan to 
 speak of the punishment of his adversaries. The religious zeal of 
 Solomon, his wealth and wisdom, his abundant offerings and the 
 building of the Temple were themes better suited to the time when the 
 Chronicler compiled his narrative, and such matter therefore makes up 
 the most part of his book. 
 
 Ch. III. 1 — 4. Solomon marries Pharaoh's daughter. Sa- 
 crifices STILL offered ON THE HIGH PLACES. SoLOMON'S SA- 
 CRIFICE AT GiBEON. (2 Chron. i. 3.) 
 
 At the beginning of this Chapter the LXX. inserts a long passage 
 which has nothing to correspond to it in the Hebrew. It speaks of 
 Solomon's wisdom, the number of the people, the presents of those 
 who were tributary to Solomon, the provisions for his table, the names 
 of his chief ministers, and contains a notice of his horses and chariots. 
 Some portions of this passage arc drawn from Chapter iv. and some 
 
vv. 1,2.] I. KINGS, III. 29 
 
 And Solomon made affinity with Pharaoh king of Egypt, 3 
 and took Pharaoh's daughter, and brought her into the city 
 of David, until he had made an end of building his own 
 house, and the house of the Lord, and the wall of Jerusa- 
 lem round about. Only the people sacrificed in high places, 2 
 
 from 2 Chron. ix. 25, 26. The verses of Chapter iv. which are intro- 
 duced here are omitted by the LXX. in that place. See notes there. 
 
 1. Pharaoh king of Egypt\ This is the first notice since the Exo- 
 dus of any connexion of Israel with Egypt. It is impossible to decide 
 with certainty which Pharaoh it was whose daughter Solomon took to 
 wife. The 22nd Egyptian dynasty commenced with Sheshonk I. (the 
 Shishak of the Bible), about B.C. 990. This monarch did much to 
 advance the Egyptian power, which under the previous Tanite sove- 
 reigns of the 2 1st dynasty had sunk very low. We shall find Shishak 
 (i Kings xi. 40) receiving Jeroboam when he fled from Solomon. The 
 wife of Solomon must therefore have been a daughter of a king in the 
 previous dynasty, the kings of which would be likely to welcome an 
 alliance with so powerful a monarch. The last of these was Psu- 
 sennes II, but as he is said by Manetho to have reigned only fourteen 
 years, it seems more probable that the princess whom Solomon mar- 
 ried was the daughter of Psinaces who preceded Psusennes. Pharaoh 
 is used in the Bible as the royal title of the Egyptian kings, and not as 
 the proper name of any single person. 
 
 This wife of Solomon probably embraced Judaism, as we find no 
 reproach against him for this marriage, nor is any Egyptian deity men- 
 tioned among those for whom Solomon at a later time built high j^laces 
 (1 Kings xi. i — 8) when strange women turned away his heart after 
 other gods. 
 
 into the city of David'\ This was the eastern portion of the hill of 
 Zion on which the temple was afterwards built. Solomon considered 
 this too sacred a place for his own dwelling, because thither the ark of 
 the Lord had come (2 Chron. viii. 11). 
 
 his orvn house\ This was outside the city of David, and from 
 1 Kings vii. 8 we can see that the house for Pharaoh's daughter was 
 close to the king's own house, and built after the same fashion and of 
 like grandeur. The time which Solomon took about building his own 
 house was thirteen years (cf. vii. i), during this period the Egyptian 
 wife continued to dwell in the city of David. The marriage song of 
 the 45th Psalm is referred by the oldest interpreters to this marriage of 
 Solomon with Pharaoh's daughter. 
 
 2. Only the people sacrificed^ The first word here seems to force us 
 to connect this verse with the last clause of the previous chapter. The 
 kingdom was established and all was well in temporal matters, but there 
 was still a part of the Divine appointment not duly observed. There 
 were high places in considerable numbers on which the people offered 
 sacrifices. It was ordained (Deut. xii. 13, 14) that this should not be 
 so. "Offer not thy burnt offerings in every place that thou seest, but 
 
30 I. KINGS, III. [vv. 3, 4. 
 
 because there was no house built unto the name of the 
 
 3 Lord, until those days. And Solomon loved the Lord, 
 Avalking in the statutes of David his father: only he sacrificed 
 
 4 and burnt incense in high places. And the king went to 
 Gibeon to sacrifice there; for that was the great high place: 
 
 in the place which the Lord shall choose in one of thy tribes.' But 
 as yet this one place had not been fixed. So the previous ordinance of 
 Exodus (xx. 24) intended for an unsettled time was still adhered to. 
 God had there said ' In all places where I record my name I will come 
 unto thee and I will bless thee.' An altar of earth was to be erected, 
 and burnt offerings and peace offerings brought thither. This early 
 ordinance was doubtless meant to be superseded as soon as possible 
 after the settlement in Canaan, but events happened which delayed the 
 choice of one place for all offerings, and so we find that God accepts the 
 sacrifice of Gideon at Ophrah (Judges vi. 23), of Manoah at Zorah (Judges 
 xiii. 19), while Samuel (i Sam. ix. 12) offers sacrifice at the high place 
 in the land of Zuph, and many other instances of the worship in the 
 high places are to be found in the books of Samuel, and there is no 
 expression anywhere of God's disapproval. As soon as we enter on 
 the books of the Kings we find that the writer has anotlier standpoint, 
 and counts it an evil that the high places still remain. Hence the lan- 
 guage of this verse. 
 
 sacrificed^ It is not possible to express the exact force in good Eng- 
 lish of the participle used both here and in the next verse. It implies 
 the continuance of this custom, both with king and people, of wor- 
 shipping on the high places. The Hebrew requires both here and in 
 the following verse ' in the high places.' They were well-known seats 
 of worship. 
 
 unto the name of the Lord] The phrase in the Pentateuch is that 
 God 'chooses to place His name' where He desires to be worshipped. 
 Cf. Deut. xii. 11 ; xiv. 23; xvi. 2, 6, 11 ; &c. Hence 'Name' came to 
 be synonymous with 'worship'; nomen gained the sense of numcn. 
 
 3. walking in the statutes of David his father] These are the ob- 
 servances which David had enjoined in ii. 3. There they are called 
 'the charge of the Lord,' and are here named 'of David,' because 
 David had been diligent in their observance. So in 2 Kings xvii. 8, 
 'the statutes of the heathen' means that idolatrous worsliip which the 
 heathen nations practised. 
 
 4. to Gibeon] The Hivite city which was assigned by Joshua to the 
 tribe of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 21 — 25). It is most known in early 
 times for the cunning device of its inhabitants to secure a treaty with 
 Joshua and the Israelites (Josh, ix.), and in later history because it was 
 the place where the tabernacle of the congregation and the brazen 
 altar of burnt-offering were set up until the completion of Solomon's 
 temple. Whether this position was chosen as a high place by the 
 Israelites or whether it had been a place used for worship by the 
 Hivites beforetime there is nothing to indicate. 
 
 the great high place] Probably because the tabernacle was there. 
 
vv. 5—8.] I. KINGS, III. 31 
 
 a thousand burnt offerings did Solomon offer up on that 
 altar. 
 
 In Gibeon the Lord appeared to Solomon in a dream by s 
 night: and God said, Ask what I shall give thee. And So- 6 
 lomon said, Thou hast shewed unto thy servant David my 
 father great mercy, according as he walked before thee in 
 truth, and in righteousness, and in uprightness of heart with 
 thee; and thou hast kept for him this great kindness, that 
 thou hast given him a son to sit on his throne, as // is this 
 day. And now, O Lord my God, thou hast made thy ser- ^ 
 vant king instead of David my father : and I am but a little 
 child : I know not how to go out or come in. And thy ser- s 
 
 This was likely to make it more famous than its neighbours at Ramah 
 or Mizpeh. 
 
 a thousand burnt offerings] In the Chronicles (-2 Chron. i. 2, 3) we 
 are told a little more about this sacrifice. The king had consulted all 
 the people, and the great officers, and went up in a solemn procession 
 with all the congregation. This accounts for the abundance of the 
 offerings. After this occasion we hear no more of sacrifices at Gibeon. 
 
 5—15. God appears to Solomon in a dream at Gibeon. 
 (2 Chron. i. 7 — 13.) 
 
 6. In Gibeon\ The narrative which follows shews that God accepted 
 the sacrifice of the king, though from want of a proper temple, it was 
 offered on the high place. 
 
 in a dreani] The frequent way in which God is said to have made 
 known His will. Thus the angel of God spake unto Jacob in a dream 
 (Gen. xxxi. 11), and Joseph speaks of Pharaoh's dream (Gen. xli. 25) 
 as sent from God. Hence it came to pass that men expected divine 
 guidance through this channel. So Saul (i Sam. xxviii. 6, 15) when he 
 had inquired of the Lord, was distressed because he was not answered 
 either by dreams, or by Urim, or by prophets. It is to be noted that it is 
 Jehovah (the Lord) that appears, but Elohim (God) who speaks to 
 Solomon. 
 
 6. great mercy] As the word is the same as that rendered kind- 
 ness in the latter half of the verse it is better to render it so here. The 
 first kindness was during David's life, the further kindness was in giving 
 him a successor. 
 
 7. / am but a little child] This is a form of expression meant to 
 indicate want of experience, but cannot be pressed literally. What 
 Solomon's age may have been we have very imperfect data for judging. 
 The ordinary chronology puts the murder of Uriah about twenty years 
 before David's death. If this be correct Solomon might be at this time 
 17 or 18 years old. Bunsen (Bibelwerk) says 22. 
 
 to go out or come in] This expression of going out and coming in is 
 frequent in one form or another for the manner of leading one's life, 
 
32 I. KINGS, III. [vv. 9— 13. 
 
 vant is in the midst of thy people which thou hast chosen, 
 a great people, that cannot be numbered nor counted 
 9 for multitude. Give therefore thy servant an understand- 
 ing heart to judge thy people, that / may discern between 
 good and bad: for who is able to judge this thy so great a 
 
 10 people? And the speech pleased the Lord, that Solomon 
 
 11 had asked this thing. And (jod said unto him. Because 
 thou hast asked this thing, and hast not asked for thyself 
 long life ; neither hast asked riches for thyself, nor hast 
 asked the life of thine enemies; but hast asked for thy- 
 
 12 self understanding to discern judgment; behold, I have done 
 according to thy word : lo, I have given thee a wise and an 
 understanding heart; so that there was none like thee before 
 
 13 thee, neither after thee shall any arise hke unto thee. And 
 I have also given thee that which thou hast not asked, both 
 riches, and honour: so that there shall not be any among 
 
 and engaging in one's proper duties. So Joshua uses it (xiv. 11) of his 
 fitness for the leadership of Israel. Moses (Deut. xxxi. 2) when he is 
 speaking of his growing age, says he can no more go out and come in. 
 
 8. a great people, &c.] The language is that of inexperience, which 
 exaggerates the extent of duties and cares which it has not yet encoun- 
 tered, and which come upon it all at once. 
 
 9. a7t uiidcTxiandiiig heart'\ This is explained (2 Chron. i. 10) by 
 'wisdom and knowledge.' The participle rendered 'understanding' is 
 literally 'hearing,' and the LXX. has paraphrased the clause thus: 'a 
 heart to hear and judge thy people in righteousness.' But the hearing 
 of the heart must refer to the following of the Divine guidance and 
 promptings from within. That this was Solomon's meaning seems cer- 
 tain, from the end of this verse 'Who is able to judge this thy so great 
 people?' unless (that is) he have thy constant leading, and attend 
 thereto? 
 
 The word rendered 'great' in this verse is different from that so 
 translated in verse 8. Here the literal sense is 'heavy,' and the refer- 
 ence is to the great burden of care which the king must take upon 
 himself. 
 
 11. to discern judgement] Literally, 'to hear judgement.' The word 
 is the same as in verse 9, where see note. 
 
 12. accordiug to thy tvords\ The Hebrew is singular, and there 
 seems no gain in the English plural. 
 
 so that there was none'] It is more agreeable to the English idiom in 
 this sense to render 'there hath been none.' In the matter of tenses 
 the English and Hebrew are not at all conterminous, and choice must 
 at times be made on the ground of English usage simply. 
 
 13. so that there shall not be\ The Hebrew is precisely the same as 
 in the previous verse. Render therefore 'so that there hath not been.' 
 
vv. 14—16.] I, KINGS, III. 33 
 
 the kings like unto thee all thy days. And if thou wilt walk 14 
 in my ways, to keep my statutes and my commandments, 
 as thy father David did walk, then I will lengthen thy days. 
 And Solomon awoke; and behold, // was a dream. And 15 
 he came to Jerusalem, and stood before the ark of the cove- 
 nant of the Lord, and offered up burnt offerings, and offered 
 peace offerings, and made a feast to all his servants. 
 
 Then came there two women, t/mi were harlots, unto the 16 
 
 The translation of the A.V. is no doubt due to the words with which 
 the verse closes 'all thy days.' But these words may be very well 
 understood, if we suppose them to refer to the duration of Solomon's 
 prosperity. 'There hath been none so prosperous as thou shall be for 
 all thy days.' The LXX. renders 'there hath not been a man like thee 
 among kings,' and omits 'all thy days.' 
 
 14. as thy father David did ivalk'\ We are not to draw from words 
 like these an approval by God of all David's life, but only that his heart 
 was right towards God for the most part, and his repentance sincere for 
 the sins into which he fell. 
 
 I will lengthen thy days] Not only shall the king's life be made 
 prosperous, but God will add to his days if he be observant of His laws. 
 
 15. behold it was a dream] So of Pharaoh (Gen. xli. 7). This ex- 
 pression does not imply, as at first sight might be supposed, that the 
 vision was something illusoiy and not to be trusted to. On the con- 
 trary, the dream was one of the recognized modes whereby men ex« 
 pected to receive knowledge of the divine will. (See above on verse 5.) 
 Hence in this case, Solomon goes to Jerusalem and offers there a 
 solemn sacrifice; while Pharaoh deemed his dream of so much concern, 
 that 'his spirit was troubled' until he could find some one to interpret it. 
 
 before the ark of the covena7tt of the Lord] Which David had brought 
 and set up on Mt Zion in the city of David. See 2 Sam. vi. 12; i 
 Chron. xv. i; xvi, i. 
 
 The king's burnt offerings, peace offerings, and the feast to his ser- 
 vants were tokens of his faith in, and joy over, the promises which had 
 been made to him in his dream. 
 
 The LXX. by way of comment says 'he stood before the altar which 
 was before the ark of the covenant of the Lord on Zion.' In the 
 Chronicles (2 Chron. i. 13) there is no mention of this second sacrifice 
 on Zion. Probably the compiler deemed the splendid ceremonial and 
 i sacrifices at Gibeon, before the tabernacle of the congregation, to be so 
 much the most important as to render the service on Zion not needful 
 to be recorded. 
 
 16 — 28. Solomon's judgement between the two harlots, 
 AND the effect PRODUCED THEREBY. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 16. Then came, &c.] We need not, any more than with Tbre in the 
 New Test., consider 'then' as indicating immediate succession in 
 order of time upon what has gone before. 
 
 I. KINGS a 
 
34 I- KINGS, 111. [vv. 16—22. 
 
 17 king, and stood before him. And the one woman said, O 
 my lord, I and this woman dwell in one house; and I was 
 
 18 deUvered of a child with her in the house. And it came to 
 pass the third day after that I was delivered, that this woman 
 was delivered also: and we were together; there was no 
 stranger with us in the house, save we two in the house. 
 
 19 And this woman's child died in the night; because she over- 
 do laid it. And she rose at midnight, and took my son from 
 
 beside me, while thine handmaid slept, and laid it in her 
 
 21 bosom, and laid her dead child in my bosom. And when I 
 
 rose in the morning to give my child suck, behold, it was 
 
 dead : but when I had considered it in the morning, behold, 
 
 82 it was not my son, which I did bear. And the other woman 
 
 harlots] TheChaldee paraphrase explains in the sense oi navboKiirpicn, 
 but Josephus calls them [Ant. viii. 2, 2) eraipai rbv ^lov. 
 
 and stood before him] The Eastern monarchs sat often to give judge- 
 ment at the gate of the city and so were accessible to all applicants. 
 So sat the elders of the city by the Mosaic ordinance (Deut. xxi. 19). 
 Compare also Ruth iv. 11 ; 2 Sam. xix. 8; Prov. xxii. 22, in which last 
 instance, the words 'in the gate' mean 'when he is before the tribunal, 
 where his cause is heard.' 
 
 17. I was delivered 0/ a child with her] In the narrative of Josephus 
 the two children are said to have been born at the same hour of the 
 same day. The LXX. renders 'we were delivered of children in the 
 house,' making 'with her' equivalent to 'I as well as she.' 
 
 18. there was no stranger with us] Thus the mother of the dead 
 child was able to persist in her false story. The word of one was as 
 good as that of the other. 
 
 19. overlaid it] And so smothered it, while both mother and child 
 were asleep. 
 
 20. ami laid it in her bosom] It is not easy to account for the action 
 of this woman. We need not however suppose her to have been pos- 
 sessed of very fine feelings, as indeed her after-behaviour shews. But 
 it is somewhat more than unnatural to adopt such a scheme as this 
 described here at a moment's notice. It may be that she was chiefly 
 moved by anxiety to preserve her own health, which would be im- 
 perilled through the sudden loss of the babe which she was meant to 
 nurse. 
 
 21. behold it was dead] i.e. I had a dead child in my bosom which 
 I supposed to be mine. 
 
 ^ / had considered] The form of the verb implies a careful examina- 
 tion, a looking over and over, and noticing such marks on the child's 
 body as none but its mother would. 
 
 in the morning] When the daylight was sufficient for me to examine 
 the child carefully. 
 
vv. 23—27.] I. KINGS, III. 35 
 
 said, Nay; but the living is my son, and the dead is thy 
 son. And this said, No; but the dead is thy son, and the 
 living is my son. Thus they spake before the king. Then 23 
 said the king. The one saith, This is my son that liveth, and 
 thy son is the dead: and the other saith, Nay; but thy son 
 is the dead, and my son is the living. And the king said, 24 
 Bring me a sword. And they brought a sword before the 
 king. And the king said, Divide the living child in two, and 2s 
 give half to the one, and half to the other. Then spake the 26 
 woman whose the living child taas unto the king, for her 
 bowels yerned upon her son, and she said, O my lord, give 
 her the living child, and in no wise slay it. But the other 
 said. Let it be neither mine nor thine, but divide //. Then 27 
 the king answered and said, Give her the living child, and 
 
 24. Bring me a sword] As the verb is not the same as that which 
 in the next clause is rendered ' brought ', it may be well to use different 
 English. Read 'Fetch me a sword.' 
 
 25. Divide the living child] According to Josephus, the order of 
 the king was that both the living and the dead child should be divided 
 and half of either be given to each mother. But this was not in 
 Solomon's thought. He was not wishing to make a fair division 
 of the two children, but, by threatening the living one, to bring to 
 light the maternal feeling and so to find out to which of them it really 
 belonged. 
 
 26. her bowels yerned] It was believed that some of the viscera 
 were the seat of the emotions. Hence this expression is very common 
 both in the Old and New Testament for the keenest and strongest feeling. 
 The verb yern, cognate with the German adverb ^c'r« = ' eagerly', 
 'gladly', implies intense desire. The literal sense of the Hebrew verb is 
 'to grow excessively warm.' We speak of the heart burnittg within 
 any one. 
 
 in no wise slay it] The mother's love comes out. She could be 
 content if it only lived and she might see it, though W were called the 
 child of another. 
 
 divide it] In this word she addresses those who stand ready to exe- 
 cute the king's sentence, 'divide (ye) it.' 
 
 27. Give her the living child] Not referring to the woman who had 
 last spoken as the sequence of the clauses might lead us to expect. 
 The king no doubt pointed to the mother who was desirous at all cost 
 to keep the child alive. 
 
 The late Dr Bernard had a most ingenious explanation of the con- 
 struction of this passage. The king, he said, was pondering the words 
 of the two women. At last he broke forth in the language of the mother 
 who had said ' Give her the living child and in no wise slay it.' And 
 to that sentence, taken as representative of the person who had spoken 
 it, he adds his own decision, ' She is the mother thereof.' 
 
 3—2 
 
36 1. KINGS, III. IV. [vv. 28;i, 2. 
 
 Bin no wise slay it: she is the mother thereof. And all 
 
 Israel heard of the judgement which the king had judged; 
 
 and they feared the king : for they saw that the wisdom of 
 
 God was in him, to do judgement. 
 
 4 So king Solomon was king over all Israel. And these 
 
 ' zcere the princes which he had; Azariah the son of Zad^i "• 
 
 28. t/ie}' feared the khig] As having a power beyond what they had 
 seen in any other to detect wrong, and to find out truth and falsehood, 
 and so to make certain the punishment of evildoers. There ./as no 
 escape from such a judge. 
 
 the wisdom of God] i.e. Wisdom which God had given, and which 
 made the king skilful in trying the very thoughts of those who came 
 before him. A superhuman discernment had taken up its home 
 within him. 
 
 Ch. IV. 1 — 20. Lists of Solomon's officers. 
 (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 1, over all Is7-ael\ The whole land yielded him willing obedience, 
 the people were contented and happy (see below, verse 20) and the 
 enemies of the king were removed. '1 
 
 2. Azariah the son of Zadok the priest] The two last words are to 
 be referred to Azariah and not to Zadok. The Vat. LXX. omits the 
 title, but the Alex, text has 6 ltpi{j%. On the contrary the Vulgate 
 renders 'Sadoc Sacerdotis.^ The Zadok here named is the son of 
 Ahitub (i Chron. vi. 8), and Azariah was really his g. andson, th*; 
 order being Zadok — Ahimaaz— Azariah. The use of ' s. ' thus looseK 
 for grandson is not uncommon in the Old Test. Thus (Gen. xxix. 5, 
 Laban is called the son of Nahor. He was really the son of Bethuel. 
 Similarly (Ezra v. i) Zachariah the prophet is called the son of Iddo, 
 though Barachiah was his father and Iddo his grandfather. 
 
 The words 'the priest' have caused much discussion, and on the 
 margin of the A.V. 'chief officer' is given as an alternative meaning. 
 That the word may have another sense seems plain from 2 Sam. viii. 18. 
 In that passage the same word is used of David's sons, and is rendered 
 'chief rulers' or 'princes' in A.V. The R.V. translates 'priests' in 
 the text, with 'chief ministers' in the margin. We can hardly how- 
 ever think that David's sons were priests. But in the verse before us 
 Azariah belongs to the priestly family, as much as Zadok and Abia- 
 thar who are called 'priests' (the same Hebrew word) in verse 4. 
 Where there is no such connexion with the priestly line, Zabud the son 
 of Nathan, in verse 5, is styled 'principal officer'; the R.V. is con- 
 sistent and renders 'priest' there too, but puts 'chief minister' as an 
 alternative. 
 
 It is probably on account of the difficulty of so many persons being 
 called by the title usually rendereil 'priest' that the LXX. omits the 
 title both after Azariah's name, and after Zabud's, calling the latter 
 
vv. 3—6.] I. KINGS, IV. 37 
 
 the priest, Elihoreph and Ahiah, the sons of Shisha, scribes; 3 
 Jehoshaphat the son of Ahilud, the recorder. And Benaiah 4 
 the son of Jehoiada tvas over the host: and Zadok and Abi- 
 athar were the priests: and Azariah the son of Nathan ivas 5 
 over the officers: and Zabud the son of Nathan 7e.ias prin- 
 nal officer, a7id the king's friend : and Ahishar was over 6 
 
 merely eratpos tov ^acriXius. It seems clear however from the instance 
 of David's sons that the title had a sense in which it could be appHed 
 to othei's than those of the priestly line. 
 
 3. S/iis/ia] This name appears as Shavsha (i Chron. xviii. 16) and 
 as Sheva (2 Sam. xx. 25). A comparison of those verses with 2 Sam. 
 viii. 17, shews that the person meant was also called Seraiah, from 
 which word the other forms are probably copyists' corruptions. Se- 
 raiah's office had descended to his sons, as was so often the case among 
 the Jews. With the growth of the kingdom since David's time the 
 duties of the royal scribe, or secretary, would have been much in- 
 creased ; we can therefore understand that two persons were needed for 
 the office instead of one. 
 
 Jehoshaphat'] He had held the same office in the days of David. 
 See 2 Sam. viii. 16; xx. 24. The duties of the recorder, or remem- 
 Vancer, were to keep records of such events as were important in the 
 history of the country. Such annals have afforded, no doubt, a good 
 deal of the matter for Kings and Chronicles. Such was the 'book of 
 •ecords of the Chronicles' (Esther vi. i) in which Mordecai's service 
 
 i Vas registered, and from which it was read out to Ahasuerus. 
 
 I ^1 4. over -ihe hosi] Benaiah had been put into Joab's office. See 
 
 \ f" 34- 
 
 I ' Zadok and Ahiathar were the priests] The Hebrew says only ' were 
 
 priests.' Ahiathar was still called priest, we may presume, after his 
 banishment to Anathoth. The existence of two chief places for wor- 
 ship and sacrifice, the one at Gibeon, where the tabernacle was, and 
 the other, where the ark was kept, on Mt Zion, had made it necessary 
 that there should be more than one principal priest. Hence Abiathar 
 and Zadok were in office together, and now that Abiathar was 
 deposed, Azariah had come in as a second priest. 
 
 5. the officers] The word signifies such persons as had the over- 
 sight of any work. Thus the same word is used for the victualling 
 officers in verse 7; it is again used in v. 16 for the persons at the head 
 of the preparation for the temple-building, and in ix. 23 of those who 
 bare rule over the people that wrought in such works as the Iniilding of 
 cities which is there described. 
 
 principal officer] The Hebrew word is cohen, usually = ' priest,' but 
 see on verse 2. 
 
 the kings friend] This means a chief and intimate counsellor. It 
 is applied to Hushai (2 Sam. xv. 37; xvi. 16) and from the relation 
 in which Hushai stood to David we may see what is implied in the 
 title. 
 
38 I. KINGS, IV. [vv. 7— 9. 
 
 the household : and Adoniram the son of Abda was over the 
 
 7 tribute. And Solomon had twelve officers over all Israel, 
 which provided victuals for the king and his household: 
 
 8 each man his month in a year made provision. And these 
 ijure their names: The son of Hur, in mount Ephraim: the 
 
 son of Dekar, in Makaz, and in Shaalbim, and Beth-she- 
 
 6. After the mention of Ahishar, the LXX. ( Vat.) adds koX 'EXt4»f o | 
 
 oUbvofiOi Koi 'E\ia/3 vlbs ^a^ fwl rrjs Trarpids. 
 
 Adoniram] He is mentioned again v. 14; and the name is found 
 in a contracted form Adoraw (2 Sam. xx. 24; i Kings xii. 18) 
 and Hadoravt (2 Chron. x. 18). He was stoned to death by the 
 Israelites to whom Rehoboam sent him, as a collector of tribute, after 
 the revolt of the ten tribes to Jeroboam. 
 
 over the tribute] [R. V. levy.] This is the forced labour, in which 
 form the service of tributaries was often exacted. The same word is 
 also used (v. 13) of the men who did this forced labour. There it is 
 rendered ' levy,' in A. V. It is the German Frohndienst, French corvee, 
 
 7. tzuelve ojicers] The stations of these men were in different 
 parts of the country, and each for his month had to gather from 
 the district assigned to him contributions in kind for the royal 
 household. 
 
 8. The son of Hur] Better Ben-Hur. So the Vulgate and simi- 
 larly in verses 9, 10, 11, 13. The name is a patronymic, and five out 
 of these twelve officers are thus designated by their fathers' names 
 rather than by their own. Perhaps at the time the father in each 
 case was more distinguished than the son. The place of commissariat- 
 officer is one which might well be given to a younger man of some 
 well-known family. Two of the men were Solomon's sons-in-law. 
 
 in niotmt Ephraim] 'Mount' conveys a mistaken idea of the rich 
 country of Ephraim. It was a hilly but very fertile region which 
 stretched northwards from the tribe of Benjamin until the land sinks 
 into the plain ot Jezreel. It is separated from the Jordan valley by a 
 plain on the east, and by another plain on the west from the Medi- 
 terranean sea. It would be more suitably called hill country than 
 mountain. 
 
 9. the son of Dekar] Read Ben-Deker, according to the Hebrew 
 pointing. The name Deker is found nowhere else. 
 
 in Makaz] The name does not occur again, and we can only con- 
 jecture the whereabouts of the place from the other names with which 
 it is joined. Shaalbim, the town next mentioned, was in the tribe of 
 Dan (Judges i. 35); Bethshemesh, was at the northern boundary of 
 Judah, and was one of the 'suburb cities' allotted to the priests (Josh. 
 xxi. 16); of Elon-beth-hanan nothing more is known. The Vulgate, 
 following some Hebrew MSS. reads 'Elon and Bethhanan,' making two 
 towns out of the name. It is clear however that Ben-Deker's district 
 lay in Dan and on the borders of Judah, 
 
w. ro— 12.] I. KINGS, IV. 39 
 
 mesh, and Elon-beth-hanan : the son of Hesed, in Aruboth ; 10 
 to him. J>erfained Sochoh, and all the land of Hepher: the n 
 son of Abinadab, in all the region of Dor ; which had Ta- 
 phath the daughter of Solomon to wife: Baana the son of la 
 Ahilud; fo him pertained Taanach and Megiddo, and all 
 
 10. the son of Hesed^ Read Ben- Hesed. Of Hesed we have no 
 further notice. 
 
 in Aruboth'\ The Hebrew points require us to spell the word Aruto- 
 both. Judging from the names which follow, Arubboth was a town or 
 district in the low country lying between the mountainous portion of 
 Judah and the Mediterranean. There was Sochoh (more correctly 
 Socoh) a place noticed Josh. xv. 35, and also as being near the encamp- 
 ment of the Philistines in Goliath's time (1 Sam. xvii. i). A king of 
 Hepher is mentioned Josh. xii. 17, to whom probably this land of 
 Hepher pertained. The other names in the list in Joshua are of 
 towns in this district to which we know Socoh belonged. 
 
 11. the son of Abhtadab^ Read Ben- Abinadab. Abinadab was a 
 very common Jewish name. We have no further mention of this man. 
 
 in all the region of Dor'] Hebrew Naphath Dor. Dor was an ancient 
 city of the Canaanites, lying on the sea-coast under the side of Mount 
 Carmel. It was in the tribe of Manasseh. It is first mentioned, and 
 its king, in Josh. xi. i, 2; xii. 23. From the cognates of A^aphath, the 
 word should imply elevation. Hence the R. V. renders ' the height of 
 Dor,' and its vicinity to the mountain gives support to that rendering. 
 Being close to the north of the fertile plain of Sharon the country 
 about Dor was doubtless well suited for supplying Solomon's household. 
 
 Taphaih the daughter of Solomon] Only mentioned here. 
 
 12. Baana the son of Ahilnd] Probably the brother of Jehoshaphat 
 the recorder mentioned in verse 3. 
 
 Taanach atid Megiddo] These places are both inland to the east of 
 Dor, Megiddo being a little north of Taanach which lies in the valley 
 of Esdraelon. Cf. Judg. v. 19 'Taanach by the waters of Megiddo.' 
 Iklh-shean is still further east nearer to the Jordan, and Zartanah 
 is no doubt Zarethan or Zarthan (Joshua iii. 16), which must have 
 been close to the Jordan. Abel-7neholah is south from Beth-shean 
 in the Jordan valley. The name Jokneam should be, on the authority 
 both of Hebrew, Septuagint and Vulgate, written Jokmeam. This 
 place is mentioned r Chron. vi. 68, but in the parallel passage Joshua 
 xxi. 22 Kibzaitn is given instead. In both passages the place is assigned 
 as one of the Levitical cities in the tribe of Ephraim, which would suit 
 entirely with the text of the present verse, as it would then be in the 
 same district as Zarthan and Abel-meholah, whereas Jokneain lies to 
 the north of the ridge of Carmel, not far from the coast of the Mediter- 
 ranean. The scribe's confusion between Jokmeam Dl^Dp'' and Kibzaim 
 D'*V3p is not difficult to understand on looking at the forms in Hebrew. 
 
 Instead of the italics to him pertained at the beginning of this verse, it 
 is simpler to substitute in, which stands in all the previous verses. 
 
40 I. KINGS, IV. [v. 13. 
 
 Beth-shean, which is by Zartanah beneath Jezreel, from Beth- 
 shean to Abel-meholah, even unto the place that is beyond 
 13 Jokneam: the son of Geber, in Ramoth-gilead; to him /^;-- 
 tained the towns of Jair the son of Manasseh, which are in 
 Gilead; to him also pertained the region of Argob, which is 
 in Bashan, threescore great cities with walls and brasen bars: 
 
 beneath Jezreer\ implies that the place or district so described lay in 
 the plain country stretching south of Jezreel. That city was built on a 
 small height and looked south over the plain of Esdraelon, 
 
 13. the son of Geier] Better, Ben-Geber. The name 'Geber' 
 occurs again in verse 19, but whether the same person is meant by it 
 there is nothing to shew. It is only found in these two places. 
 
 in Ramoth-gilead^ We now come to the mountainous district on 
 the eastern side of the Jordan, in which were settled the tribes of 
 Reuben, Gad, and half of Manasseh. 
 
 the towns o/Jair^ As the Hebrew word [havvoth) rendered ' towns ' is 
 found only in this connexion it is better to treat it as a part of the pro- 
 per name and render Havvoth-Jair. About these 'towns' there is some 
 difficulty. They are first mentioned (Num. xxxii. 41) as 'small tov/ns' 
 in Gilead, and occupied by Jair the son of Manasseh. They are men- 
 tioned again (Deut. iii. 14) and said (Josh. xiii. 30) to be in Bashan and 
 to be 60 in number, whereas in i Chron. ii. 23 they are counted as 60 
 only with the addition of certain other places. In this chapter the 
 question is, are the Havvoth-Jair included in the region of Argob or 
 not? As there is no conjunction, between the two clauses, it seems most 
 natural to take the latter as a fuller definition of the former. 'To him 
 belonged Havvoth-Jair, even the region of Argob &c.' This has the 
 advantage of coupling with Havvoth-Jair the number 60 which plays 
 such a part in the other passages quoted above. 
 
 In Judges x. 4 where the Havvoth-Jair are again mentioned, though 
 they are connected with the history of the judge who was so called, yet 
 there is nothing to indicate that the naming of the cities was due to him. 
 As Jair the son of Manasseh first occupied these places, it is likely that 
 his name would become a common one. The sons of Jair the judge 
 held but half the number of the towns, but that is no evidence that the 
 other thirty were then non-existent or that they were not also included 
 in the name Havvoth-Jair, but in the hands of dift'erent governors. 
 
 in Gilead] Gilead is the name of that mountainous district, east of 
 the Jordan, which had on the north the country of Bashan and on the 
 south Moab and Amnion. Its chief towns were Ramoth-gilead and 
 Jabesh-gilead. Sometimes also Jaazer is counted as belonging to it. 
 
 Argod] The district which in later times was called Trachonitis. 
 (See Deut. iii. 4.) 
 
 Bashan] The country which lay immediately north of Gilead, and 
 stretched northwards to Mount Hermon. 
 
 £^reat cities with ■:c'a//s and brasen Imfs'] The cities of this district 
 are so described Deut. iii. 5, and there still are found in this neighbour- 
 
w. 14—20.] I. KINGS, IV. 41 
 
 Ahinadab the son of Iddo had Mahanaim : Ahimaaz was in I3 
 Naphtali; he also took Basmath the daughter of Solomon to 
 wife: Baanah the son of Hushai was in Asher and in Aloth: 16 
 Jehoshaphat the son of Paruah, in Issachar: Shimei the son {g 
 of Elah, in Benjamin : Geber the son of Uri was in the 19 
 country of Gilead, in the country of Sihon king of the Amo- 
 rites, and of Og king of Bashan; and he was the only officer 
 which was in the land. Judah and Israel were many, as the 2° 
 
 hood rains of walled cities (see Bunsen's Bibelwerk in loc). As the 
 armaments and modes of warfare were of a much more primitive 
 character than in later times, we need not picture to ourselves from this 
 description fortifications such as would now deserve the name. 
 
 14. had Mahaiiaiiii] The Hebrew is, as noted in the margin of 
 A. v., 'to Mahanaim.' The change of construction is as though some 
 verb = 'was appointed' had been in the mind of the writer for this one 
 verse out of the list. 
 
 15. Ahimaaz] As no father's name is mentioned we may perhaps 
 conclude that the well-known son of Zadok the priest is meant, who 
 comes into historic notice at the time when David was fleeing before 
 Absalom (2 Sam. xv. 27). His close connexion with the royal family 
 would be likely to secure for him, if he sought it, a daughter of the 
 king as his wife. 
 
 16. Baanah] The Hebrew orthography is the same as in verse 
 12. So read Baana. Here another son of his father's friend is cared 
 for by Solomon. Hushai, father of Baana, was devoted to David's cause 
 in the rebellion of Absalom (2 Sam. xv. 32) and it speaks well for 
 Solomon that this devotion is not forgotten. 
 
 and in Aloth] We meet nowhere else with the name Aloth. The 
 LXX. read BoaXoi^, which the Vulg. follows in Baloth. Hence the 
 R. V. has given and Bealoth taking the initial 1 not as a preposition 
 = ew, but as part of the proper name. The name docs occur (Josh. xv. 
 24) but there it is of a place in the south of Judah. There may how- 
 ever have been another town or district so named elsewhere. The tribe 
 of Asher, near to which this place must have been, lay on the sea-board, 
 southward from Phoenicia, while Naphtali was to the east, and some- 
 what north, of it, above what in later times was the sea of Galilee. 
 
 17. in Issachar] The tribe of Zebulon came to the south of Naphtali, 
 and south of this was Issachar. Jezreel and Gilboa were in this tribe. 
 
 18. Elah] The usual manner of transliteration requires Ela, like 
 Baana in 16. 
 
 19. in the country of Gilead] Geber had the oversight of that part 
 of Gilead which lay south of the district assigned to Ben-Geber (verse 
 13). This comprised all the kingdom of Sihon and part of the kingdom 
 of Og (Deut. chh. ii. iii.), and was a very extensive province, but on 
 account of its rugged character was probably thinly populated. The 
 extent of it may account for the notice which follows that Geber 
 was the only officer, though the country was so large. 
 
42 I. KINGS, IV. [vv. 21, 22. 
 
 sand which t's by the sea in multitude, eating and drinking, 
 and making merry. 
 
 And Solomon reigned over all kingdoms from the river 
 
 unfo the land of the Philistines, and unto the border of 
 
 Egypt : they brought presents, and served Solomon all the 
 
 , days of his life. And Solomon's provision for one day was 
 
 thirty measures of fine flour, and threescore measures of 
 
 20. eating and drinking, and making merry] Words added to the 
 description of the increased population to mark the great prosperity of 
 the land. There was abundance everywhere, and none to make them 
 afraid. Cf. below, verse 25. 
 
 21—28. Extent of Solomon's Kingdom, the provision for his 
 TABLE, HIS STUD. (Not in Chronlcles.) 
 
 21. This verse in the Hebrew is the beginning of Chapter V., which 
 has therefore 32 verses instead of 18 as in the English division. The 
 LXX. and the Vulgate divide as in the A.V., but the former has a 
 different order of the verses, putting after verse 19, the other verses as 
 follows 27, 28, 22, 23, 24, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34. Of verses 20, 21 and 
 25, 26 the LXX. lias no notice, and adds a passage after 34, on which 
 see note there. 
 
 over all kingdoms] The country was governed by a number of 
 petty kings who all owned Solomon as their lord superior. 
 from the river] i.e. The River /ar excellence, viz. the Euphrates. 
 
 unto the latid of the Philistiftes] There is no word for 'unto' in the 
 sentence. It would seem best therefore to repeat the previous preposi- 
 tion, and render ^over the land of the Philistines.' The first section of 
 the verse will thus embrace the kingdoms to the north and east of 
 Israel and Judah, the second those to the south and west. It should be 
 mentioned that in 2 Chron. ix. 26 the preposition ' unto' is expressed in 
 the Hebrew. The Vulgate here, in consequence of the absence of any 
 preposition, translates 'a flumine terrce Philistiim.' 
 
 they brought presents] The noun is singular, and comprehends all that 
 sort of offerings which tributaries rendered to their chief lord, but to 
 which the more euphemious name of 'gift' or 'present' was assigned. 
 Cp. for the character of these gifts 2 Sam. viii. 2, 6, where they are 
 described as tribute from nations who became servants to king David ; 
 and in 2 Kings xvii. 4, we learn that they were presented year by year, 
 and the failure in such service was ground enough for suspicion of con- 
 spiracy and for commencing war against the defaulter. 
 
 22. 7iuasures] The Hebrew word is cor. It is of the same capacity 
 as the homer, and is used both as a liquid and a dry measure (see i 
 Kings V. 11). It contained 10 ephahs in dry, and 10 baths in liquid 
 measure. According to the Rabbins the cor contained nearly 45 gal- 
 lons, but Josephus gives a different value and makes it to be equal to 
 nearly 87 gallons. According to one estimate Solomon's dependants 
 consumed about 1350 gallons of fine flour per day, according to the 
 
vv. 23—26.] I. KINGS, IV. 43 
 
 meal, ten fat oxen, and twenty oxen out of the pastures, and 23 
 an hundred sheep, beside harts, and roebucks, and fallow- 
 deer, and fatted fowl. For he had dominion over all the 24 
 region on this side the river, from Tiphsah even to Azzah, 
 over all the kings on this side the river: and he had peace 
 on all sides round about him. And Judah and Israel dwelt 2s 
 safely, every man under his vine and under his fig tree, from 
 Dan even to Beer-sheba, all the days of Solomon. And 26 
 Solomon had forty thousand stalls of horses for his chariots, 
 
 other about 2510 gallons, and twice as much meal. Bunsen (Bibelwerk) 
 reckons 28000 lbs. of baked bread and concludes that the number of 
 persons provided for was 15000. 
 
 23. roebucks] The Hebrew word (""3^) is rendered SopKas by the 
 LXX. i.e. a gazelle. It is akin to the proper name Tabitha, i.e. Ao/j^ds 
 (Acts ix. 36). The rendering roebiick is better suited to the description 
 of the next kind of animals mentioned and which A. V. translatesya/Z^w; 
 deer. 
 
 fatted f(yivl\ The word rendered 'fowl,' is found only in this passage. 
 The Chaldee paraphrase, as well as the Syriac and the Vulgate interpret 
 it thus, so that we have full support from Jewish tradition. Kimchi 
 thinks common fowls are meant. Gesenius, connecting the word with 
 a root signifying////-^, thinks geese or swans may be intended. 
 
 24. on this side the river] The side intended is of course here quite 
 plain. Itis the country west of the Euphrates towards Palestine. But the 
 same Hebrew came to be used by those who were dwelling east of the 
 Euphrates (cp. Ezra iv. 16; vi. 6; vii. 21, 25; viii. 36; Neh. ii. 7) when 
 they spake of Palestine. So Cisalpina was used of Gaul south of the 
 Alps, not only by those living there, but by those who lived on the 
 other side of the Alpine range. 
 
 Tiphsah] i.e. Thapsacus on the west side of the river Euphrates. 
 It was here that Cyrus crossed the river in the expedition of the Ten 
 Thousand. 
 
 to Azzah] i.e. Gaza, one of the five famous cities of the Philistines 
 toward the south of the Holy Land. 
 
 and he had peace on all sides] According to the promise implied in 
 his name. See i Chron. xxii. 9 'His name shall be Solomon and I will 
 gwe peace (shalom) and quietness unto Israel in his days.' 
 
 25. Judah and Israel] Clearly marked off from one another, 
 though no separation had yet taken place. 
 
 under his vine and under his Jig tree] A sort of proverbial descrip- 
 tion of a state of peace and prosperity. Cp. Micah iv. 4. On the con- 
 trary, for a scene of desolation we have (Joel i. 12) 'the vine is dried, 
 and the fig tree languisheth.' Cp. also Hab. iii. 17. 
 
 26. horses for his cha?-iots] This is one of the passages which make 
 clear the meaning of the Hebrew sus, a horse to go in a chariot, and 
 parash, a saddle-horse. In 2 Chron. ix. 25 the number of stalls is 4000 
 instead of 40000 as here. 
 
44 I. KINGS, IV. [vv. 27—31. 
 
 27 and twelve thousand horsemen. And those officers pro- 
 vided victual for king Solomon, and for all that came unto 
 king Solomon's table, every man m his month : they lacked 
 
 28 nothing. Barley also and straw for the horses and drome- 
 daries brought they unto the place where the officers were, 
 every man according to his charge. 
 
 29 And God gave Solomon wisdom and understanding ex- 
 ceeding much, and largeness of heart, ei'e7i as the sand that 
 
 30 is on the sea shore. And Solomon's wisdom excelled the 
 wisdom of all the children of the east country, and all the 
 
 31 wisdom of Egypt. For he was wiser than all men; than 
 Ethan the Ezrahite, and Heman, and Chalcol, and Darda, 
 
 27. And those officers] Referring to the twelve enumerated in 
 verses 8 — 19. There is a degree of awkwardness in the way in which 
 the fresh mention of them is introduced, and this no doubt led to the 
 transposition in the LXX. which has been noticed above. 
 
 they lacked fiothing] Rather, 'they let nothing be missing.' The 
 notion of the verb is that of inspecting troops, and marking, and at once 
 correcting, deficiencies. 
 
 28. unto the place where the officers Tvere] As shewn by the italics 
 of A. V. there is no word in the original for ' the officers.' The verb 
 moreover is in the singular. It is better therefore to render with the 
 margin of R. V. 'where he (i.e. the king) was' or 'where it should be.' 
 
 29 — 34. The WISDOM AND FAME OF Solomon. (Not in Chronicles. ) 
 
 29. largeness of heart] By this is meant a comprehensive powerful 
 mind capable of grasping the knowledge of many and difficult subjects; 
 poetry, philosophy, natural history in its various branches ; he was 
 master of them all. 
 
 as the sand that is on the sea shore] The proverbial expression for 
 greatness of every kind. See above verse 20. 
 
 30. the children of the east conntr/] i.e. The Chaldnsans and Arabians 
 who from early times were noted for their astrological investigations and 
 for their wisdom. Job is spoken of as among these children of the east 
 (Job i. 3) and the character of their wisdom and scientific learning may 
 he gathered in some degree from the speeches of his friends. Pytha- 
 goras is said to have visited Arabia and derived from thence some of 
 the precepts of his philosophy. From the same quarter came 'the wise 
 men' unto Bethlehem when Christ was born (JMatt. ii. i). 
 
 •wisdom of Egypt] We read of 'the wise men and sorcerers' of Pha- 
 raoh as early as Exod. vii. ir, and 'the wise men of Egypt' are men- 
 tioned (Gen. xli. 8) in the history of Joseph, and the tradition of 
 Egyptian wisdom is noticed in Stephen's speech (Acts vii. 11). 
 
 31. Ethan the Ezrahite, and Hejuan] Ethan and Heman are among 
 the names of the singers (i Clu'on. xv. 19) appointed by David when 
 
vv- 32, 33-3 I. KINGS, IV. 45 
 
 the sons of Mahol : and his fame was in all nations round 
 about. And he spake three thousand proverbs : and his 32 
 songs were a thousand and five. And he spake of trees, 33 
 
 the ark was brought up to the city of David, but there is no possibility 
 of deciding whether those are the men alhided to here. In i Chronicles 
 (xv. 17) Ethan is called the son of Kushaiah, and the son of Kishi 
 (i Chron. vi. 44), and Heman is, in the latter chapter (verse 33), called 
 the son of Joel. See the next note. 
 
 Chalcol\ The better orthography is Calcol which A.V. gives for the 
 same name in i Chron. ii. 6. In that passage we find (with a slight 
 modification of the last) the four names of this verse all mentioned as 
 sons of Zerah, the son of Judah. These would therefore be great- 
 grandsons of Jacob. The difference between the name Darda I?*1")T and 
 Dara U"lT (of i Chron. ii 6) may be due only to a slip of the transcriber. 
 But no tradition has survived which tells of the special wisdom of this 
 family, nor can we connect the name Alahol, as the father of some 
 of them at least is here called, with Zerah. But the occurrence of the 
 four names together in one family inclines to the opinion that these men 
 were the men spoken of here. Their fame, even if not at first great, 
 may have grown so during the time between Judah and Solomon. 
 
 in all nations] We know that it had reached the queen of Sheba. 
 See chap. x. 
 
 32. three thousand proverbs] Of which some are contained in the 
 book of Proverbs to which his name is given, but these are not all his, 
 nor would all that are attributed to him there approach the number in 
 the text. The proverb (^tJ'O) of the Hebrews was, as we see from 
 those preserved, more of the character of a parable, or wise compar- 
 ison, than what we commonly call by that name. 
 
 his songs'] No doubt some of these were preserved, though not 
 included in the Canon of Scripture, and their character is perhaps 
 impressed upon the Song, which is called of Solomon, that has come 
 down to us. The LXX. makes the number of the songs to be 5000 ; 
 Josephus agrees with the Hebrew text. We need not suppose that 
 these songs were of a sacred character. Psalms Ixxii. and cxxvii. are (if 
 we be consistent in translating the preposition) ascribed to Solomon 
 in their titles, but the titles are of small authority, and in the latter case 
 the LXX. omits the ascription to Solomon. Ewald thinks the second 
 Psalm may be one of Solomon's composition. Dean Perowne, thinking 
 it probable that Solomon made a collection of his father's poetry for the 
 service of the Temple, attributes the first Psalm to him. The senten- 
 tious and somewhat proverbial character of the language gives support 
 to this opinion. 
 
 33. And he spake] i.e. He gave descriptions of the whole vegetable 
 world, and discussed the virtues ot the various plants. For it has been 
 always of their medicinal properties that the earliest works on plants 
 have treated. They were the remedies for all diseases, and a know- 
 ledge of ' simples,' as they were called in England in old times, was 
 counted for the highest wisdom. 
 
46 I. KINGS, IV. V. [vv. 34; i. 
 
 from the cedar tree that t's in Lebanon even unto the hyssop 
 that springeth out of the wall: he spake also of beasts, and 
 
 34 of fowl, and of creeping things, and of fishes. And there 
 came of all people to hear the wisdom of Solomon, from all 
 kings of the earth, which had heard of his wisdom. 
 
 5 And Hiram king of Tyre sent his servants unto Solomon; 
 
 the cedai-] The tree of greatest glory in Palestine is named as one 
 extreme of the vegetable world, and the hyssop on the wall as 
 the other. 
 
 of beasts] Similarly, under the names of beasts, fowls, creeping 
 things and fishes, the whole animal world is specified after the division 
 of those times. The same classes are mentioned in the account of the 
 creation, Josephus (Ant. viii. 1, 5) enlarges on the simple narrative 
 of the text, telling how the king's knowledge of the peculiarities of 
 these various creatures was of the most thorough character. He then 
 goes on to tell that he was endowed with power against demons, and 
 could cure men who were possessed with evil spirits. He is also said 
 to have left forms of incantation and exorcism, of which, Josephus says, 
 some knowledge had come down to his own time, and he gives a story 
 of a Jew who wrought such a cure as he describes in the presence of 
 the emperor Vespasian. 
 
 34. front all kings of the eartli\ It is most likely that what is 
 meant is that embassies were sent from various kingdoms. The visit 
 of the queen of Sheba (chap, x.) is preserved to us probably as one of 
 the more distant visits, and made, as could not often be the case, by 
 the monarch in person. 
 
 Here the LXX. ( Vat.") adds some words which partly repeat iii. 1 
 'And Solomon took to him the daughter of Pharaoh to wife, and 
 brought her into the city of David until he had finished the house of 
 the Lord, and his own house and the wall of Jerusalem.' After this 
 follows from ix. 16 'Then Pharaoh king of Egypt went up and took 
 Gazer, and set fire to it, and the Canaanite that dwelt in Mergab. 
 And Pharaoh gave them as presents to his daughter, Solomon's wife. 
 And Solomon built up Gazer.' At ix. 16 the Vatican text omits the 
 words inserted here. It seems as though a change of order had been 
 made that the wedding presents (airoo-ToXas) might be mentioned at an 
 earlier part of the narrative. 
 
 Ch. V. 1 — 12. Preparations of timber and stone for Solo- 
 mon's TEMPLE. League between Solomon and Hiram king 
 OF Tyre. (2 Chron. ii. 3 — 16.) 
 
 1. Hiram king of Tyre] The name of this king is spelt Hiram 
 below in verses 10 and 18, and in 1 Chron. ii. 3 Huratn. From the 
 words of the latter narrative we should conclude that it was the same 
 king who had ruled in Tyre in the days of David, to whom he is said 
 to have sent timber for the building of his own house. Cp. 2 Sam. v. 
 II. But the events alluded to in Samuel were as it seems in the early 
 
vv. 2, 3.J I. KINGS, V. 47 
 
 for he had heard that they had anointed him king in the 
 room of his father : for Hiram was ever a lover of David. 
 And Solomon sent to Hiram, saying, Thou knowest how ^ 
 that David my father could not build a house unto the name 
 of the Lord his God for the wars which were about him on 
 
 part of David's reign in Jerusalem, that is, between 30 and 40 years 
 before the preparations spoken of in the present verse. It may therefore 
 be that two kings in succession bore the same name, and this view is 
 confirmed by 2 Chron. ii. 13. 
 
 sent his servants unto Solomon\ Seemingly with a message of congra- 
 tulation on his accession. Josephus {Ant. viii. ■2, 6) says so. 'He 
 saluted and congratulated him on his present prosperity.' The Syriac 
 has a clause to the same effect. The LXX. very strangely says 'he 
 sent his servants to anoint (xptiroi) Solomon in the room of David.' 
 Hiram was no doubt the greatest independent prince near the land of 
 Israel, but there is no trace of any authority of the Tyrian kings over 
 Israel. 
 
 Hirafii was ever a lover of David\ (Cf. 1 Sam. v. 11.) If this be 
 not the same person as the Hiram in David's reign, Hiram must be 
 taken here merely as a synonym for the king of Tyre, just as Pharaoh 
 is often for the king of Egypt. 
 
 2. Solomon sent to Hirat/i] Josephus (/. c.) says that the message 
 was by letter, as was also Hiram's answer. That Hiram wrote his reply 
 is mentioned 1 Chron. ii. ii. Josephus also states that copies of these 
 two letters still remained not only preserved in the Jewish records, but 
 also among the Tyrians so that anybody wishing to test his statements 
 might, if he wished, refer to them. 
 
 3. Thou knowest] David's preparations must have been well known 
 throughout the Phoenician kingdom, and so to Hiram even though he 
 was not himself king. Cf. i Chron. xxii. 4 where we are told that the 
 Zidonians and they of Tyre brought much cedar wood to David. The 
 reason why David himself did not begin to build the temple may also 
 have been known to the northern king. 
 
 could not build a house"] He was forbidden to do this by the word of 
 the Lord (cf. i Chron. xxii. 8 ; xxviii. 3) because he had shed blood 
 abundantly and made great wars. 
 
 unto the name of the Lord] See above on iii. 1. 
 
 for the wars which were about him] The concord in this clause is 
 not strictly grammatical, the noun rendered 'wars' being singular while 
 the verb which follows is plural. It has therefore been proposed to 
 render 'because of the war wherewith they (i.e. his enemies) surrounded 
 him. ' It seems better however to consider the singular noun as equiva- 
 lent to a ^\\xxz\. = enemies. And thus the rendering of the A. V. gives 
 the correct sense. Another solution proposed has been to consider the 
 words 'men of as fallen out before 'war,' thus making the sense 'be- 
 cause of the men of war who encompassed him.' But such emendation 
 of the text has no support in the versions. 
 
48 1. KINGS, V. [vv. 4—6. 
 
 every side, until the Lord put them under the soles of his 
 
 4 feet. But now the Lord my God hath given me rest on 
 
 every side, so that there is neither adversary nor evil occur- 
 
 s rent. And behold, I purpose to build a house unto the 
 
 name of the Lord my God, as the Lord spake unto David 
 
 my father, saying, Thy son, whom I will set upon thy throne 
 
 6 in thy room, he shall build a house unto my name. Now 
 
 therefore command thou that they hew me cedar trees out 
 
 of Lebanon; and my servants shall be with thy servants: 
 
 pttt them under the soles of his feet\ A phrase not uncommon to 
 denote entire conquest. Cf. Ps. viii. 6; i Cor. xv. 27; Eph. i. 22. 
 
 4. rest on eveiy side] Cf. above iv. 24. 
 
 evil oceurrent] 'Occurrent' is the old English form of the noun for 
 which we now use 'occurrence.' Cf. Bacon Henry VII. {Pitt Press 
 Series) p. 68. 'He paid the king large tribute of his gratitude in dili- 
 gent advertisement of the occnrrents of Italy.' Probably the A.V. 
 rendering is due to the Vulgate, which has oecnrsus mains. 
 
 5. I purpose] The verb in the original is that usually rendered 'to 
 say.' It is similarly used 2 Sam. xxi. 16. ' He //^^?<^/^/ to have slain 
 David.' It means 'he said he would.' 
 
 to build a house]. It should be noticed that between the narrative 
 in Kings and Chronicles there is a marked difference here. The former 
 says nothing about the preparations which David had made for building 
 the Temple, but makes the preparation commence under Solomon. In 
 Chronicles David is represented as making great preparations before his 
 death. Cf. i Chron. xxix. 6 — 9 ; 2 Chron. ii. 3 — 7 and with i Kings 
 vi. 1 compare 2 Chron. iii. 3. 
 
 as the Lofd spake] Cf. 2 Sam. vii. 12, 13. In that passage no men. 
 tion is made of the reason why David was not permitted to build. 
 
 6. Now therefore covwiand thou] Solomon's request is much ex- 
 panded in 2 Chron. ii. 3 — 10, where he asks for a cunning workman in 
 gold and other metals, and in purple, crimson and blue, and skilled in 
 carving or engraving. He desires also much other wood beside cedar, 
 Of the Sidonian purple we have frequent notices in Classical authors, 
 it is 'the grain of Sarra worn by Kings and heroes old,' as Milton 
 sings of it. Par. Lost XI. 242. Cf. Verg. y^w. IV. 137 'Sidoniam 
 picto chlamydem circumdata limbo.' Homer tells us of the great skill 
 of Sidonian workmen: the embroidered robes of Andromache and the 
 bowl given by Achilles as a prize at the games in honour of Patroclus 
 were of Sidonian workmanship. (Hom. II. vi. 290 ; xxiii. 743, 744.) 
 
 cedar-trees out of Lebanon] We see from Hiram's answer in verse 8 
 v.here 'timber of fir' is added to the 'timber of cedar' that we have here 
 only an abstract of Solomon's request, and the fuller form in Chronicles 
 has probably been drawn from an original authority. 
 
 hire for thy servants] The hire takes the form of a supply of corn 
 and oil of which the kingdom of Solomon was very productive. 
 
vv. 7—9.] I. KINGS, V. 49 
 
 and unto thee will I give hire for thy servants according to 
 all that thou shalt appoint: for thou knowest that there is 
 not among us any that can skill to hew timber like unto the 
 Sidonians. And it came to pass, when Hiram heard the 7 
 words of Solomon, that he rejoiced greatly, and said. Bless- 
 ed be the Lord this day, which hath given unto David a 
 wise son over this great people. And Hiram sent to Solo- 8 
 mon, saying, I have considered the things which thou sentest 
 to n\efor: and I will do all thy desire concerning timber of 
 cedar, and concerning timber of fir. My servants shall 9 
 bring them down from Lebanon unto the sea: and I will 
 
 can skill] This somewhat antiquated word is found also 2 Chron. ii. 
 7, 8; xxxiv. 12. It means 'to know the best way of doing anything.' 
 Cf. Holland Pliny xviii. 10. 'Without beans they cannot skill how 
 to dress anything for their daily food.' 
 
 7. he rejoiced greatly] For the alliance thus offered to him was that 
 of the mightiest prince of all those round about. 
 
 Blessed be the Lo)-d\ Hiram here uses the name of Jehovah in such 
 wise as to shew that he acknowledged him as a true god, but probably 
 only in the sense of being the national god of Israel, as Melcarth was 
 of the Zidonians. Cf. the queen of Sheba's words of the same kind in 
 X. 9. In the words of Hiram as given in 1 Chron. i. 12, Jehovah is 
 said to be the Maker of heaven and earth. If this were really Hiram's 
 language he must have identified Jehovah with his own supreme 
 divinity. Of course it was no difficulty for a heathen to add the name 
 of another divinity to his list of gods. Melchizedek (Gen. xiv. 19) 
 speaks of 'God Most High, possessor of heaven and earth'; and 
 though not a heathen, he was outside the chosen race. 
 
 8. and Hiram sent to Solomon'] The Chronicler says he answered 
 in writing. 
 
 / have considered the things which thou sentest to me for] More lite- 
 rally (see R.V.): 'I have heard the message which thou sentest to 
 me.' We need not with this literal rendering suppose Solomon's to 
 have been a verbal request. 
 
 There is also no need to insert the conjunction before the next clause 
 (as in A. v.). Render, as in R.V., 'I will do.' 
 
 concertiing timber of fir] Josephus says 'cypress' and from the uses 
 to which the wood is put, that seems the more probable rendering. 
 Beside being employed in the Temple building, the tree ti'llS (d'rosh) is 
 used in shipbuilding (Ez. xxvii. 5), for spear shafts (Nah. ii. 4), and for 
 musical instruments (2 Sam. vi. 5). It was a tall tree on which storks 
 built their nests. 
 
 The LXX. has Treiy/ci^'os = pine wood, the Vulgate tigna abiegna, to 
 which, no doubt, the 'firwood' of A.V. is due. 
 
 9. from Lebanon unto the sea] Providing for the shortest land passage 
 down the side of the mountain and to the coast of the Mediterranean. 
 
50 I. KINGS, V. [v. lo, 1 1 
 
 convey them by sea in flotes unto the place that thou shalt 
 appoint me, and will cause them to be discharged there, and 
 thou shalt receive them: and thou shalt accomplish my de- 
 
 10 sire, in giving food for my household. So Hiram gave 
 Solomon cedar trees and fir trees according to all his desire. 
 
 11 And Solomon gave Hiram twenty thousand measures of 
 
 Probably Sidon itself would be as convenient a place as any to which 
 to bring the timber down. We learn from Josephus (c. Apion i. i8) 
 that Hiram Mas quite experienced in this work. On his accession he 
 had done much for the adornment of Tyre, especially in its sacred 
 buildings and it is said of him \j\-r)v ^vXcov dweXdwi' ^Ko^pev dirb rod 
 Xeyo/j-evov opovi Ai^avov, K^Spiva. ^v\a els rds tw;' iepuv ffriyas, KaOeKuv 
 re TO. apxoua iepa Katvovs (sic) qiKoddfi-qaf. 
 
 in J!oU's] There is no preposition in the original. The idea probably 
 would be more nearly expressed by ^as flotes.' R.V. I will make them 
 into rafts to go by sea. The flotes would be made of the trees fastened 
 side by side, and formed into long raftlike structures, somewhat like those 
 which may be seen often on the Rhine, sent down from Switzerland. 
 Such flotes would keep close to the shore and be anchored at night. 
 In this way they might easily be brought along the coasts of Phoenicia 
 and the Holy Land. 
 
 toi/o the place\ The Chronicler (2 Chron. ii. 16) makes mention 
 of the name, Joppa. This would be the most convenient port for Jeru- 
 salem, and at that point the wood was to be delivered to Solomon's 
 officers. The compiler of the Kings of course knew where the timber 
 had been delivered, but as it was not recorded in his authority he made 
 no mention of it. 
 
 thou shalt appoint^ The word is not the same as that so rendered in 
 verse 6. The literal sense is 'to send' but it is often used of 'sending a 
 message' without the addition of any object. Thus in xxi. 11, 'They 
 did as Jezebel had sent unto them.' Cf. 2 Kings xvi. 11. 
 
 thou shalt accoviplish my dcsire\ Josephus explains why a supply of 
 such provisions as Solomon proposed to give would be most acceptable 
 to the Tyrian monarch, making him say in his letter, ottws 5^ koX av 
 irapdaxv^ Vf^^" avrl tovtuv cxltov, ov 8ia rd vijcrop olKelv deo/xeda, (ppdvri- 
 crov. 'i'he Tyrians were a maritime people, living on an island near a 
 mountainous shore, and so with no chance of getting food supplies from 
 their own land. 
 
 10. cedar trees and fir trees'] The words are exactly the same as in 
 verse 8, so we had better read here ' timber of cedar &c.' On ' fir' see 
 above. 
 
 11. And Solomon gave Hiram] The supply mentioned by the Chro- 
 nicler (2 Chron. ii. 10) is more than what is here stated. There the 
 payment is 20,000 measures of beaten wheat, 20,000 measures of barley, 
 20,000 baths of wine and 20,000 baths of oil. Josephus mentions wheat, 
 wine and oil, but says nothing about barley. There appears to be some 
 clerical error in respect of the oil in this verse. The twenty measures 
 
vv. 12—15.] I. KINGS, V. 51 
 
 wheat for food to his household, and twenty measures of 
 pure oil: thus gave Solomon to Hiram year by year. And 12 
 the Lord gave Solomon wisdom, as he promised him: and 
 there was peace between Hiram and Solomon; and they 
 two made a league together. 
 
 And king Solomon raised a levy out of all Israel; and the 13 
 levy was thirty thousand men. And he sent them to Leba- m 
 non, ten thousand a month by courses: a month they were 
 in Lebanon, and Wo months at home: and Adoniram was 
 over the levy. And Solomon had threescore and ten thou- is 
 
 (here cor) would only be equal to 200 baths, which seems a small 
 quantity compared with the amount of wheat. 
 
 pure oit\ Literally 'beaten.' It is the word used for describing the 
 specially pure oil provided for the ever burning lamp in the tabernacle 
 (Exod. xxvii. 20). It was made by pounding the olives in a mortar, 
 and letting such oil as was thus extracted trickle out. The coarser oil 
 was obtained by the use of the oilpress. 
 
 year by year^ i.e. During the period in which the work was carried on. 
 
 12. they two made a league\ The friendship was a close one, as may 
 be seen from ix. 13, where Hiram calls Solomon ' my brother.' It is 
 probable that this alliance between Tyre and the successors of Solomon 
 continued, even when the kingdoms of Israel and Judah were separated. 
 Jezebel, Ahab's wife, was a daughter of the Tyrian king Ethbaal. 
 
 13 — 18. Solomon's levy of forced labourers for the work on 
 Lebanon. (2 Chron. ii. i — 2 and 17 — 18.) 
 
 13. a levy\ The men selected had to give their labour. Such compul- 
 >ory service has been a not unusual demand of Oriental monarchs. If 
 kve take the census of the people as it is given in 2 Sam. xxiv. 9 we find 
 :hat the 30,000 labourers required for this work were rather more than 
 2 per cent, of the numbers given in by Joab to David. Of course this levy 
 )nly lasted so long as the work on Lebanon was in hand. The levy of 
 Dondservice mentioned in ix. 21 was of a different kind. The strangers 
 here spoken of were made perpetually to do forced labour. Josephus 
 considers the present levy to have been no hardship. He says that 
 Solomon airovov ttjv ipyaaiav KariaT-qae. And probably the object for 
 vhich the work was done would lend some enthusiasm to the labourers, 
 samuel (i Sam. viii. 16) had given the people warning that their kings 
 Afould make such demands upon their service. 
 
 14. by courses] The word is that which is used of 'changes' of 
 •aiment. These men came and went away by 'turns.' 
 
 Adoniram] See iv. 6. Josephus gives to this man the name 'ASw/)a- 
 tos ; he does not give a list to correspond with that in iv. 2 — 6. 
 
 15. threescore and ten thousand that bare burdens] The Chronicler 
 2 Chron. ii. 17) points out that these 70,000 were of the strangers that 
 Iwelt in the land of Israel. These the king compelled to do the harder 
 
 4—2 
 
52 I. KINGS, V. [vv. i6, 17., 
 
 sand that bare burdens, and fourscore thousand hewers in 
 
 16 the mountains ; besides the chief of Solomon's officers 
 which ivere over the work, three thousand and three hun- 
 dred, which ruled over the people that wrought in the work, 
 
 17 And the king commanded, and they brought great stones, 
 costly stones, a?id hewed stones, to lay the foundation of the 
 
 and more menial work, and the whole number of these non-Israehtes 
 was called out for work. Their number is stated in Chronicles to have 
 been 153,600; of these 70,000 were bearers of burdens, 80,000 hewers 
 in the mountains and the other 3600 (see Chronicles /. c.) were overseer, 
 to set the people a-work. 
 
 16. thire thousand and three hutidrcd\ This number differs by 300 
 from that given in the Chronicles. If the total of the census of the 
 strangers there given be correct, then we ought to read 3600 as the 
 number of the overseers. The LXX. has rpers xiXt.a.ht'i koX e^aKocrioi, 
 and adds that they were employed for 3 years in preparing the stones 
 and the wood. 
 
 The stone work was most probably given to the levy of strangers and 
 the work of cutting and dressing timber to the 10,000 Israelites who 
 came month and month about. The word rendered 'hewers' in verse 15 
 is so regularly used of workers in stone, that the LXX. nearly always 
 renders the verb by Xarofxeuj and its participle by Xaro/xoi (stone cutters). 
 
 -which ruled ove7- the people] The root-sense of the verb, which is 'to 
 trample on,' or 'break down,' gives the idea that the ruling was after 
 the fashion of taskmasters. 
 
 17. they brought] The verb is used most frequently of pulling up tent 
 pegs when removing a tent. And it is hardly found with the mere sense 
 of 'bringing' or 'bearing.' Therefore in this passage and in Eccl. x. <j, 
 the R. V. has given it (with the authority of the Targum) the meaning' 
 'to hew out.' In the latter passage this rendering is certainly more 
 appropriate and in harmony with the parallel clause, 'Whoso heweth 
 out stones shall be hurt therewith, and he that cleaveth wood is endan- 
 gered thereby.' Here too, the sense 'they hewed out great stones' tits 
 the passage extremely well. 
 
 costly stones] The adjective is not unfrequently used of gems which 
 are of great price ; as, of the precious stones in the crown of the Am- 
 monite king (2 Sam. xiii. 30). But in the present case the costly nature 
 was due to the care and pains which had been taken in selecting and 
 working these foundation stones. This seems to be the sense in sucli 
 passages as Isaiah xxviii. 16, where the worth consists in the stability 
 and tried nature of the stone spoken of. 
 
 2Md hewed stones] As will be seen from the A.V. there is no con- 
 junction expressed in the original. The rendering however which is 
 given leads the reader to suppose that there stands another adjective in 
 the Hebrew like those rendered 'great' and 'costly.' This is not so, 
 and moreover the order of the words makes it clear that the \vords ren- 
 dered 'hewed stones' should follow 'to lay the foundation of the house.' 
 
irv. i8; I.] I. KINGS, V. VI. 53 
 
 bouse. And Solomon's builders and Hiram's builders did 18 
 hew them, and the stonesquarers : so they prepared timber 
 land stones to build the house. 
 
 And it came to pass in the four hundred and eightieth 6 
 y^ear after the children of Israel were come out of the land 
 
 Hence the R. V. has to lay the foundation of the house 'vtrith wrought 
 
 rtone. 
 18. and the stonesquarcys\ The text of A.V. is due to the Targum, 
 vv'liich translates by 'masons'. But the margin of A. V. suggests that 
 llic word is not a common but a proper noun and gives 'Giblites' as in 
 Ezck. xxvii. 9. This is certainly a much more natural combination, 
 than to class along with the men of Solomon and the men of Hiram, 
 
 «J[the stone squarers as of a different order. In Ezekiel the men of Gebal 
 ;are spoken of as skilled in caulking ships, and they were not improbably 
 able handicraftsmen in other branches. Josephus gives us no help. He 
 speaks merely of 'workmen whom Hiram sent.' But the Vulgate reads 
 
 j' Giblii' as a proper name and in many MSS. Bihlii or Byblii. In the 
 Vatican LXX. the verse is left out, but the Alexandrine gives /cat ol 
 Bi^Xioi. Now Gebal was a Phoenician city not far from the sea coast, 
 to the north of Berytus {Bcyroiit). The Greeks called it Byblos, but the 
 name is found also spelt Bij3\os (Zosim. i. 58; Ezek. xxvii. 9. LXX.). 
 Thus the LXX. supports the proper name, which, to keep clear that it 
 means the people of Gebal, we ought to write 'the Gehalites.' This 
 has been adopted by R.V. 
 
 Ch. VI. 1 — 10. Commencement and dimensions of Solomon's 
 Temple. (2 Chron. iii. i — 2.) 
 
 1. in the four hundred and eightieth year, &c.] It is impossible to 
 discover how this date is arrived at, or to make it fit in with other 
 statements of the Old and New Testament. The LXX. has ' the four 
 hundred and fortieth year', and Josephus 'the five hundred and ninety 
 second.' If we put together the numbers which we find in the Old 
 Testament record, we have 40 years between the Exodus and the death 
 of Moses, 40 years peace after Othniel, 80 after Ehud; Jabin's oppres- 
 sion lasted 20 years, there were 40 years of peace after Barak, 40 in 
 Gideon's time: Tola judged the land 23 years, Jair 22, Jephthah 6, Ibzan 
 7, Elon 10, Abdon 8 : the servitude to the Philistines lasted 40 years, 
 and Samson judged 20 years. After this we have as dates Eli 40 years, 
 Samuel 20 (i Sam. vii. 2) at least, David 40, Solomon 4. These make 
 a total of 500. But we cannot be sure that some of these judgeships 
 were not contemporary with or overlapping one another, while there is 
 no time specified for the duration of Joshua's leadership, and for the 
 events between his death and the judgeship of Othniel, nor yet again for 
 the reign of Saul. So that it is utterly hopeless to settle any chrono- 
 logy under such circumstances. Moreover the frequent occurrence of 
 the round number 40 gives the impression that no attemjit has been 
 made to fix accurate dates for any of the periods mentioned. Then in 
 
54 I- KINGS, VI. [v. 2. 
 
 of Egypt, in the fourth year of Solomon's reign over Israel, in 
 the month Zif, which t's the second month, that he ^egan to 
 2 build the house of the Lord. And the house which king 
 Solomon built for the Lord, the length thereof 7ifas three- 
 score cubits, and the breadth thereof twenty cubits, and the 
 
 Judges xi. 26 we read that from the conquest of Gilead down to the 
 time of Jephthah was 300 years. Taking the other dates in sequence 
 this would maive the period in the text consist of 529 years without 
 counting the length of Saul's reign. Once more (Acts xiii. 20) accord- 
 ing to the Text. Rec. there elapsed, between the partition of the land 
 under Joshua and the days of Samuel, a period of 450 years. Adding 
 to this the other numbers and 40 years for the reign of Saul, according 
 to the chronology which St Paul used, we reach a total of 554. 
 But we have no data whereby to confirm or contradict any of these 
 totals. 
 
 It is most likely that the 440 years of the LXX. was arrived at by 
 adding together the years assigned to the several judges and omitting 
 the other events, the oppression of Jabin, and of the Philistines. This 
 makes a total 296 years, which with 40 years for the sojourn in the 
 desert, and 104 between Eli and the 4th year of Solomon brings the 
 total to 440. 
 
 Origen on John ii. 20 quotes from this verse and omits the words which 
 refer to the time between the Exodus and the building of the Temple. 
 Yet as these words are represented in the LXX. but would have given 
 no point to Origen 's comment, it appears more probable that he omitted 
 them on purpose, than that, since his day, these words have been added 
 to the Massoretic text. 
 
 in the fourth year of Solomon^ s rcigti\ This accounts for the mention 
 in the LXX., at the end of the last chapter, that they spent three years 
 in preparing the stone and timber. 
 
 in the fuonih Zif\ This name for the month is found only here and 
 in verse 37 below. So that it appears not to have been the usual one. 
 The word means 'brightness', 'splendour', and the Targum explains it of 
 'the bloom of flowers' at the time. It is said to have been between the 
 new moon of May and that of June, though some place it a month 
 earlier. A later name, lyar, for the second month is found in the 
 Targum on 2 Chron. xxx. 2, and Josephus (^Ant. viii. 3. i) gives it as 
 'Icip here. 
 
 he began to build\ This is a translation required by the sense. The 
 Hebrew says simply 'he built.' In 2 Chron. iii. i, the Hebrew is ex- 
 pressly 'he began to build.' Hence the rendering here. 
 
 2. the length thereof v/sls threescore ciibits\ In dimension the Temple 
 was twice the size of the Tabernacle. The latter was 30 cubits long, 10 
 cubits wide and 15 cubits high in the holy place. See Fergusson's 
 Temples of the yews, p. 16. Mr Fergusson, speaking of the length of 
 the cubit says, 'we find that a cubit of 18 English inches meets all the 
 difficulties of the case with as much accuracy as can be obtained.' We 
 see then that the Temple, exclusive of the rooms by which it was sur- 
 
jvv. 3—5.] I. KINGS, VI. 55 
 
 ! height thereof thirty cubits. And the porch before the 3 
 temple of the house, twenty cubits was the length thereof, 
 according to the breadth of the house; a?id ten cubits was 
 the breadth thereof before the house. And for the house 4 
 he made windows of narrow lights. And against the wall of 5 
 
 rounded, was but a very small building, 90 feet long, 30 feet broad, and 
 45 feet high in its loftiest portion, and the Tabernacle only half that 
 size. Neither building was meant to contain the worshippers. The 
 priests went in, while the multitude remained outside (cf. Lukei. q, 10). 
 
 An interesting paper on Solomon's Temple, by Mr E. C. Robins, 
 F.S.A., will be found in ' The Builder ' of Jan. 9 and 16, 1886. 
 
 It appears from verse 27 below, where the wings of the cherubim 
 touch each other and also touch the walls of the most holy place, that 
 the measures mentioned in this account of the Temple are measures of 
 the interior, and that allowance must be made for the thickness of the 
 outside walls in any calculation of the size of the building. 
 
 3. the porch'\ This extended along the whole face of the building, 
 and projected forward 10 cubits, thus making the whole length of the 
 structure 70 cubits or 105 feet, without allowing for the thickness of 
 outside or party walls. The height of this porch is said (2 Chron. iii. 
 4) to have been 120 cubits. This height=i8oft. is out of proportion 
 to the other dimensions, and Mr Robins suggests that, after his 
 manner, the Chronicler has added together the 4 dimensions in height 
 of the 4 sides of the porch, and that the true height was 30 cubits. 
 That the Chronicler does put down his numbers in this strange fashion 
 is shewn from 2 Chron. iii. 11, where he first writes 'the wings of the 
 cherubim were twenty cubits long.' He afterwards explains that he 
 means each of the 4 wings was 5 cubits long, but left alone the first 
 statement would be misleading. In the same manner the pillars which 
 in I Kings vii. 15 ; Jer. Iii. 17 are said to be each 18 cubits high, are 
 described in 2 Chron. iii. 15 as 'two pillars of thirty and five cubits 
 high '. Where it is suggested that the two heights given in Kings are 
 added together. 
 
 the temple of the house'] This means the holy place. Cf. below verse 
 17, where it is called 'the temple before the oracle.' The 'oracle' is 
 the special name for the most holy place. 
 
 4. windows of narro7v lights] It is not easy to explain the nature of 
 these windows from the words used to describe them. They were ap- 
 parently windows made by overlaid woodwork, either in the fashion of 
 sloping louvre boards or fashioned like latticework crosswise. Then the 
 last word indicates that they were closed in some way or other. Hence 
 the margins of the A.V. 'windows broad within and m.xxovf luithoui' 
 or 'skewed fl«(/ closed.' The former of these margins the R.V. has 
 preserved, but gives in the text windows of fixed latticework, taking 
 the word 'closed' to imply the permanent nature of the woodwork in 
 the apertures. These windows were in the wall, above the roof of the 
 chambers which are described in the next verse, and must have been of 
 the nature of the clerestory windows which overlook the aisles of a 
 
56 I. KINGS, VI. [v. 6. 
 
 the house he built chambers round about, against the walls 
 of the house round about, both of the temple and of the 
 6 oracle: and he made chambers round about: the nether- 
 most chamber ^vas five cubits broad, and the iniddle was six 
 cubits broad, and the third was seven cubits broad: for 
 without /;/ the tvall of the house he made narrowed rests 
 
 churcli. There could have been only very little light from them, but the 
 building was lighted artificially. 
 
 6. And against the wall of the house he built chambers'] The A.V. 
 points out by its margin that the word here translated 'chambers' is not 
 the same as that so rendered in the latter part of the verse. For the 
 former it gives 'floors' as an alternative, for the latter 'ribs.' The first 
 seems to embrace the whole structure and the latter to describe single 
 rows of the same. What Solomon erected was three stories (as given 
 by R.V.) of small chambers running all round two sides and one end of 
 the Temple. The floors of these were supported on the stone work of 
 the main building in the way descrilied in the next verse, but were not 
 let into the Temple-building. That wall was intact. The R.V. gives lie 
 built stories round about. Of this environment of chambers the 
 Chronicler makes no mention. 
 
 both of the temple and of the oraclt-] i.e. Of the holy place and of the 
 most holy place. The whole erection was enclosed on three sides in a 
 casework of chambers. 
 
 and he made chambers round about] The R.V. has side chambers. 
 This word seems to refer to the several floors one above another which 
 formed this casework of chambers. There were three stories, each five 
 cubits high. The Scripture record does n(jt tell us into how many 
 chambers each floor was divided. Josephus says there were thirty in 
 all, he also states that they were reached by going through one to 
 another, koX ras eicroSouj a.vToi'i hC aWijXwv KareaKevaaei'. 
 
 6. The nethermost chamber (R.V. story) \V3.sfve cubits broad] This 
 is the space between the wall of the Temple and the outer wall of the 
 enclosing structure. The wall of the Temple must have been very 
 thick at the bottom, for at the height of five cubits a ledge was made of 
 one cubit wide on which to rest the floor work of the middle chambers. 
 Then after five cubits more, a similar ledge received the floor-beams of 
 the third stoiy, and then at the height of 15 cubits came a third ledge, 
 or rebatement, on which the beams of the roof of the uppermost story 
 were to be supported. The wall of the Temple (i.e. the holy place) 
 then rose 15 cubits more, and in this space were the windows. If we 
 allow two cubits for the thickness of this upper part of the wall, the 
 foot of the Temple wall must have been five cubits thick. Each story of 
 the side chambers was one culiit more in width than the one below it. 
 
 for without in the wall of the house he made narrozved rests round 
 about] R.V. for on the outside lie made rebatements in the wall of 
 the house. 'Rebatements' is taken from the margin of the A.V., and 
 is the technical word for these shoulders in the wall of the Temple on 
 which the floors and roof of each story were to rest with one end, while 
 
vv. 7, 8.] I. KINGS, VI. 57 
 
 round about, that the beams should not be fastened in the 
 walls of the house. And the house, when it was in building, 7 
 was built <?/" stone made ready before it was brought tJiither: 
 so that there was neither hammer nor axe 7ior any tool of 
 iron heard in the house, while it was in building. The door s 
 for the middle chamber was in the right side of the house: 
 
 the other end was built into the outer wall of this encircling frame of 
 chambers. 
 
 that the beams should not be fastened^ R.V. sliould not have hold. 
 The Temple building was more sacred than these chambers, which 
 were meant for the use, or habitation of the priests. Hence there 
 must be no breach made in the wall of either the holy place or of the 
 most holy place. We read of 'a chamber' attached to the Temple (the 
 Hebrew word is not the same as is used here) in the account of 
 Tobiah (Nehem. xiii. 5). The use of it had been for storing the meat- 
 offerings, frankincense, the sacred vessels and the tithes-in-kind which 
 were given to the Levites. We have 'chambers' in the house of the 
 Lord also noticed in Jerem. xxxvi. 10, 10. These seem to have been 
 used as dwelling-rooms. 
 
 7. stone made ready before it was brought thither] The R.V. ren- 
 ders made ready at the quarry with a margin on the last three words 
 'when it was brought away.' The final Hebrew word yDD on which 
 the various reading is given is from the root of the verb rendered 
 doubly in v. 17 'to hew' or 'to bring away.' The best authorities 
 incline to make it a noun signifying 'the place of hewing,' 'the stone- 
 quarry.' The LXX. gives \lQoi^ aKporoixoi^, which implies that the 
 stones were made of their necessary shape at the quarry. The idea of 
 this preparation at a distance, so that there might be as little noise as 
 possible while the building was in progress, was probably derived 
 from the command (Ex. xx. 25; Deut. xxvii, 5) that no iron tool 
 should be used in the erection of the altar. This previous exact 
 preparation must have made the transport a matter of serious care. 
 
 On the Jewish fables about the worm 'Shamir' by which Solomon 
 caused the stones to be cut, see Buxtorf, Lex. Chald. p. 2455 s.v. "iVDCi'. 
 
 8. The door for the middle chamher\ R.V. middle side-chambers. 
 The LXX. and Targum here give ' lowest' instead of 'middle;' doubt- 
 less because otherwise there is no mode of access to the lower side- 
 chambers specified. The manner of reaching the middle story is 
 sufficiently indicated in the next clause. On the contrary the compiler 
 of Kings may have considered that there was no need to mention any 
 entrance to the lower row of chambers. That would be a matter of 
 course, and there may have been more than one, but the place and 
 way of reaching the other two flights of rooms did need notice. There 
 may also have been some access from the lowest side chambers into 
 the Temple, if these chambers were used for storing the sacred oil and 
 other provisions for the service. 
 
 in the right side of the house\ The word rendered 'side' is literally 
 
58 I. KINGS, VI. [vv. 9— II. 
 
 and they went up with winding stairs into the middle cham- 
 9 ber, and out of the middle into the third. So he built the 
 
 house, and finished it; and covered the house with beams 
 »o and boards of cedar. And then he built chambers against 
 
 all the house, five cubits high: and they rested on the house 
 
 with timber of cedar. 
 " And the word of the Lord came to Solomon, saying, 
 
 shoulder, and may indicate that part of the liuilding nearest the porch, 
 which would be considered the face of the Temple. 
 
 9. So he built the house} i.e. The Temple building. The next verse 
 speaks of the enclosing framework of chambers. What was now 
 finished was the portion for divine service. 
 
 and covered the house'] i.e. Made the loof for it. On this roof, 
 see Fergusson, Temples of the Jews, pp. 19 seqq., where the auth(jr 
 shews that the covering of the Tabernacle was made with a ridge and 
 sloped to both sides, and that the cedar beams and boards (R.V. 
 planksj spoken of in this verse were to imitate, as nearly as could be 
 done in wood, the Tabernacle roof. Mr Fergusson has suggested (p. 28) 
 that there were most probably pillars inside the Temple to support the 
 beams of the roof. ' No cedar beams that were available could be 
 laid across an opening 30 feet free without sagging to an unpleasant 
 extent.' 
 
 10. And then he built chambers against all the house, Jive cubits 
 high] Better with R.V. 'And he built the stories against all the 
 house, each five cubits high.' We ought perhaps to make some 
 allowance for the thickness of floors and roofs. So that the whole 
 height to which this three-storied structure rose may have been much 
 more than 15 cubits, if five cubits were the inside height of each range 
 of rooms. Mr Fergusson (p. 27) says 'It hardly admits of dispute that 
 with the requisite thickness of their roofs they make up the 20 or 21 
 cubits which are necessary to bring up their roofs to the level of that of 
 the Holy of Holies.' 
 
 they rested on the house] i.e. On the shoulders or rebatements men- 
 tioned in verse 6. The other ends of these cedar beams were embedded 
 in the outside wall of the encasing story-work. 
 
 11—13. God's promise to Solomon and to the people of 
 Israel. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 11. And the 7vord of the Lord came] The LXX. ( F^/.) omits these 
 three verses, as if intending to bring the whole narrative of the building 
 into closer connexion. 
 
 We are not told by what means this divine communication was 
 made, whether in a vision, or through Nathan the prophet, as the 
 original message came to David (2 Sam. vii. 4). It is a message in the 
 genuine prophetic spirit. The Temple has no value of its own, except 
 so far as it is the sign and witness ol obedience to Jehovah. 
 
w. 12—16.] I. KINGS, VI. 59 
 
 Concerning this house which thou art in buihiing, if thou 12 
 wilt walk in my statutes, and execute my judgements, and 
 keep all my commandments to walk in them; then will I 
 perform my word with thee, which I spake unto David thy 
 father: and I will dwell among the children of Israel, and 13 
 will not forsake my people Israel. 
 
 So Solomon built the house, and finished it. And he J* 
 built the walls of the house within with boards of cedar, 
 both the floor of the house, and the walls of the cieling: aiid 
 he covered them on the inside with wood, and covered the 
 floor of the house with planks of fir. And he built twenty 16 
 
 12. which thou art in buitding] It is clear from this that the 
 message came before the completion of the house, and that this is the 
 proper place for its mention, from whatever source the compiler drew it. 
 
 / will perform my word'\ R.V. 'I will establisli.' See above on ii. 4. 
 which I spake unto Dcwid] See 2 Sam. vii. 12 — 17. 
 
 13. a7id I will dwell among the children of Israel^ This is an ex- 
 pansion of the promise made to David. The same words are used 
 (Exod. xxix. 45) in connexion with the furnishing and completion of the 
 tabernacle. As God's presence in both Tabernacle and Temple was to 
 point on to the Incarnation, the fitness of the phrase on both occasions 
 is manifest. 
 
 and will not forsake my people Israel] The threat that God would 
 do so, if Israel were disobedient, is found Deut. xxxi. 17. 
 
 14 — 22. Particulars of the interior fittings of the holy 
 
 PLACE, AND OF THE MOST HOLY PLACE. (2 Chron. iii. 5 —9.) 
 
 14. So Solomon built the house] This verse resumes the narrative of 
 verse 9. 
 
 15. And he built] The Hebrew uses the same word for the erection 
 of the stone structure and for the work described in this verse, which 
 was to fit the house with a wainscot of cedar. 
 
 both the floor of the house, and the walls of the cieling] More literally, 
 and better, with R.V., 'from the floor of the house unto the walls of 
 the cieling.' The expression means from top to bottom, but 'the walls 
 of the cieling' is a singular description of that portion of the v/all whicli 
 touches the cieling. The difference between the Hebrew word for 
 'walls' nn^p and for 'beams' Fillip is so slight that we can hardly 
 help accepting the reading of the LXX. in the next verse, and appa- 
 rently here too, of 'beams.' 
 
 and he covered them] It is better to omit the conjunction for which, 
 as A.V. indicates, there is no Hebrew, and join with the previous 
 clause, 'from the floor of the house to the walls (beams?) of the cieling 
 he covered them &c.' 
 
 Thus the whole sides, roof and floors on the inside were of wood. 
 
 16. And he built twenty cubits on the sides of the house] This ren- 
 
6o I. KINGS, VI. [vv. 17, 18. 
 
 cubits on the sides of the house, both the floor and the walls 
 
 with boards of cedar-: he even built thcin for it within, even 
 
 n for the oracle, even for the most \\o\y place. And the house, 
 
 18 that is, the temple before it, was forty cubits lonf^. And the 
 
 cedar of the house within was carved with knops and open 
 
 dering does not make very clear what is intended. The word translated 
 'sides' is often used for the innermost part of anything, as of a cave (i 
 Sam. xxiv. 3), and of the recesses of a forest, as Leljanon (Is. xxxvii. 
 24). So here it signifies tlie innermost part of the Temple building as 
 you looked from the porch, i.e. toward the farthest wall of the most 
 holy place. The sense then becomes more manifest. He built at 
 twenty cubits from this extreme end something with boards of cedar. 
 Thus he made a separation of the most holy place, which was twenty 
 cubits long, from the holy place. The R.V. gives this more clearly: 
 ' He built twenty cubits on the hinder part of the house' with boards of 
 cedar from the floor unto the walls (M)eams' LXX.), i.e. tiiese twenty 
 cubits were thus shut off and made into a separate room (cf. 1 Chron. 
 iii. 8). There was a doorway for access in this cedarwood partition 
 (see verse 31), and before this probably were put the 'chains of gold' 
 spoken of in verse 21. From 2 Chron. iii. 14 it seems that there was a 
 vail in front of the whole of this woodwork, though no mention of it is 
 made here. 
 
 It is very difficult to come to a clear idea about the room here pro- 
 vided. It seems certain that it was enclosed on three sides by the 
 chambers built round about, so that there could have been no windows 
 in it, nor any mode of escape for the smoke of the incense, except by 
 openings under the eaves. It appears not to have been as high as the 
 roof of the 'holy place'. We must remember that it was to be 
 entered by one person only, and that but once a year. 
 
 he even built \.\\Qra for it zuithui] i.e. He prepared this space of twenty 
 cubits in the innermost part of the house, to be a separate room. 
 
 even/or the oracle\ The Hebrew says merely 'for an oracle.' This 
 name for the most holy place is taken from the Vulgate 'oraculum.' 
 The LXX. merely transliterates the Hebrew 8a^ip. The word is con- 
 nected with the verb "IIT {davar), usually rendered ' to speak, ' and hence 
 the notion of 'oracle' as the place where God revealed Himself. So 
 Aquila and Symmachus rendeied it sometimes by xpVt^C'''''-<^'''VP'-°''t ^rid 
 Jerome gives XaXTiTr/pLOf as an explanation. But the root, or its Arabic 
 cognate, has a sense from which the meaning 'hinder portion' might 
 come. Hence some consider the name merely as signifying the inner- 
 most part of the Temple building. 
 
 t/ie Most holy place] Described in the same words in the account 
 of the Tabernacle (Exod. xxvi. 33, 34; Num. iv. 4, 19). 
 
 17. And the housed Here signifying the holy place, which was in 
 front of the oracle. The word which in this verse is rendered ' before 
 it' is an adjective, and this form is found only here. It qualifies the 
 noun 'Temple,' and signifies 'that which is in front,' viz. of the oracle. 
 
 18. And the cedar of the house ivithin] Better more literally, with 
 
vv. 19-21.] I. KINGS, VI. 61 
 
 flowers: all 7vas cedar; there was no stone seen. And the '9 
 oracle he prepared in the house within, to set there the ark 
 of the covenant of the Lord. And the oracle in the fore- 20 
 part ^vas twenty cubits in length, and twenty cubits in 
 breadth, and twenty cubits in the height thereof: and he 
 overlaid it with pure gold; and so covered the altar which 
 7cias of cedsx. So Solomon overlaid the house within with 21 
 
 R.V. 'And there was cedar upon the house within.' He is now 
 describing the wainscot of the holy place. 
 
 carved ivith knops\ There is a feminine form of the word here ren- 
 dered 'knops,' which in 2 Kings iv. -;9 is used of ' wild gourds.' Hence 
 'gourds' is put on the margin of A.V. and R.V. The ornaments were 
 in relief, and were perhaps somewhat of that shape. The Targuni 
 describes them as 'egg-shaped.' The Vat. LXX. (not Alex.) omits the 
 verse altogether. 
 
 19. And the oracle, 8iC.'] Read, ' And he prepared an oiacle.' 
 
 to set there the ark of the covenant of the Lord] Which was at present 
 in the city of David. See iii. 15 note. 
 
 20. the oracle in the fore-part] The two words thus rendered would, 
 if they stood alone, be rendered 'before the oracle.' In this verse, how- 
 ever, this cannot be the meaning. But in standing before such a room 
 as is here described, it is in front of you, and you see the interior. In 
 this way 'before the oracle' may be taken to indicate what is seen when 
 you stand there. Hence we may arrive at the sense in the R.V. 'within 
 the oracle was a space &c.' It is difficult to assign any meaning to the 
 A. v., and it may be that some error has crept into the text. 
 
 Some have preferred to render literally thus, ' And before the oracle — 
 twenty cubits was it in length, and twenty cubits in breadth, and twenty 
 cubits in the height thereof, and he overlaid it with pure gold — he over- 
 laid also the altar with cedar.' But the accents of the Hebrew do not 
 favour such a parenthetic clause, and the last sentence is very awkward. 
 
 The LXX. (Vat.) omits at the beginning of the verse 'before the 
 oracle,' then takes the next sentences as a specification of the size of the 
 oracle, and makes an addition to the last clause thus, 'and he made 
 an altar before the oracle and overlaid it with gold,' making no mention 
 of the cedar at all. Most probably this represents the correct text. 
 
 and so covered the altar which was of cedar] We cannot, in the face of 
 the preceding clause, translate otherwise than and he covered an altar 
 with cedar. The construction in the two cases is identical. But then 
 arises a difficulty. The altar in question was the altar of incense in the 
 holy place. This stood in front of the vail which separated the most 
 holy place (see Exod. xl. 5, 26), and in Ezek. xli. 22 it is called 
 'the altar of wood ' (cf. Exod. xxx. i — 6). From the description in 
 the verse before us there must have been some substance underneath 
 the wood. The LXX. (Alex.) solves the difficulty by reading 'and he 
 made' for 'and he covered,' i.e. Ci'VM for ^l^'M, Kal eirolvae dvciacrryjfjiov 
 Kidpov. 
 
62 I. KINGS, VI. [vv. 22, 23. 
 
 pure gold : and he made a partition by the chains of gold 
 92 before the oracle; and he overlaid it with gold. And the 
 
 whole house he overlaid with gold, until he had finished all 
 
 the house: also the whole altar that ivas by the oracle he 
 
 overlaid with gold. 
 as And within the ormle he made two cherubims of olive 
 
 21. with ptire gold'\ The adjective, or rathci participle, as it is in 
 Hebrew, signifies 'closed,' 'shut up.' The traditional rendering is that 
 of the text, supported by the Chaldee, the Vulgate and Kimchi ; but it is 
 not clear how the sense comes, unless we may take it, as the notes of 
 the Synod of Dort, that what -wzs, precious was usually kept close. The 
 amount of gold employed is given in 2 Chron. iii. 8 as six hundred 
 talents. 
 
 and he 7nade a partition by the chains of gold\ Render with R.V. 
 and lie drew across chains of gold. The words literally signify 'he 
 caused to pass over with chains,' i.e. he made with chains of gold some- 
 thing that went across either the whole of the dividing wall or over the 
 doorway which was made therein. From 1 Chron. iii. 5, i6 it seems 
 as if chains had been used for ornamentation on other parts of the walls 
 and pillars. The LXX. {^Alex.') renders 'he drew a curtain across by 
 means of chains of gold.' 
 
 a}7d he overlaid it tvith gold'\ Now that a more literal sense has been 
 given to the previous clause, and the word 'partition' got rid of, there 
 is nothing for the 'it' in this sentence to refer to. As the clause stands, 
 the word must refer to the oracle. Thus in the beginning of the verse 
 'the house within' will refer to the holy place, and this last clause to 
 the most holy place. This is further emphasized by the words which 
 immediately follow in 22. 'And the whole house he overlaid.' 
 
 22. the whole altar that was by the oracle"] The preposition is not 
 significant of position, but of possession. Read 'the whole altar that 
 belonged to the oracle.' The priest who offered incense continually on 
 this altar in the holy place could not enter the most holy place, but the 
 altar on which the offering was made, though standing without, was 
 looked upon as a part of the more sacred portion of the building, and 
 placed close to the dividing wall. 
 
 23—30. Of the Cherubim within the oracle. 
 (2 Chron. iii. 10 — 12.) 
 
 23. And within the oracle he made two cherubims'] As the Hebrew 
 word is already in the plural form, write cherubim. These cherubim 
 were winged figures intended to represent some holy and heavenly form. 
 They are first mentioned in Gen. iii. 24, where some have thought 
 that 'the flame of a sword' spoken of in connexion with them implies 
 that the cherubim were armed with this weapon. But this is not 
 certainly to be deduced from the words. In 2 Chron. iii. 13 they are 
 said to stand upon their feet, while the descriptions in Ezekiel (chapp. 
 i, and X.) make them to have four faces. (Cf. also Exod. xxv. 18 — 22). 
 
vv. 24—31.] I. KINGS, VI. 63 
 
 tree, each ten cubits high. And five cubits 7vas the one 24 
 wing of the cherub, and five cubits the other wing of the 
 cherub: from the uttermost part of the one wing unto the 
 uttermost part of the other were ten cubits. And the other ?5 
 cherub was ten cubits : both the cherubims were of one 
 measure and one size. The height of the one cherub was 26 
 ten cubits, and so 7vas it of the other cherub. And he set 27 
 the cherubims within the inner house: and they stretched 
 forth the wings of the cherubims, so that the wing of the 
 one touched the o?ie wall, and the wing of the other cherub 
 touched the other wall; and their wings touched one another 
 in the midst of the house. And he overlaid the cherubims 28 
 with gold. And he carved all the walls of the house round 29 
 about with carved figures of cherubims and palm trees and 
 open flowers, within and without. And the floor of the 3° 
 house he overlaid with gold, within and without. 
 
 And for the entering of the oracle he made doors of olive 31 
 tree : the lintel and side posts were a fifth part of the wall. 
 
 Their chief office in Scripture is to be a chariot for Jehovah (Ps. xviii. 
 11), and for this reason they were set up in the most holy place, where 
 the divine presence was to manifest itself. Hence of God it is 
 frequently said 'who dwelleth' or 'sitteth upon the cherubim.' 
 
 25. one size\ Rather 'one form.' The size is implied in the previous 
 word, 
 
 27. A7id they stretched forth the wings of the cherubi/ns'] Which is 
 the frequent Hebrew form of expressing the cherubim stretched forth 
 their wings. So R.V. On the way in which these cherubim were 
 placed see below on viii. 6, It would seem as if in Solomon's Temple 
 the cherubim did not face one another, as they are expressly said to 
 have done in the Mosaic tabernacle (Exod. xxv. 20). 
 
 29. tvithin and without'\ Both here and in the next verse these words 
 can only refer to the inner and outer rooms, the most holy place and the 
 holy place. 
 
 31—36. The doors for the oracle and for the Temple. 
 The building of the inner court. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 31. the lintel and side posts^ There is no conjunction between these 
 words, and the former seems from other places in O. T. to apply to the 
 whole framework in which the doors were fixed, the latter is used 
 regularly of the part to which the hinges were attached. The idea meant 
 to be conveyed here is of the whole structure of the doorway, the frame- 
 work with its posts. 
 
 were a fifth part of the wall] The expansion indicated by the italics 
 of A. V. is no doubt correct both here and in verse 33. As the partition 
 
64 I- KINGS, VI. [vv. 32—35. 
 
 33 The two doors also were of olive tree; and he carved upon 
 them carvings of cherubims and palm trees and open flowers, 
 and overlaid them with gold, and spread gold upon the che- 
 
 33 rubims, and upon the palm trees. So also made he for the 
 door of the temple posts of olive tree, a fourth part of the 
 
 34 wall. And the two doors wej-e of fir tree: the two leaves of 
 the one door tvere folding, and the two leaves of the other 
 
 35 door were folding. And he carved thereon cherubims and 
 palm trees and open flowers: and covered them with gold 
 
 wall of the oracle was 10 cubits in height and the same in breadth the 
 opening filled by the framework of the doorway would be 4 cubits high 
 by 4 cubits broad. 
 
 32. The two doors also were] As there is nothing to make the noun 
 here definite, it is better to understand the verb 'he mad.e.' Render 
 'so he made two doors of olive-wood.' 
 
 and spread golir\ Better, and made necessary by the text, ' and he 
 spread the gold.' Here a different process is described. The walls and 
 floors were covered withyfa/ plates of gold nailed on {see 2 Chron. iii. 9), 
 but to cover the carved work the gold must be beaten to fit. The verb 
 employed here gives the idea of pressure exerted to force the metal into 
 the needful shapes. 
 
 33. for the door of the temple'] The word translated ' door ' is the 
 same which is rendered entering in verse 31. (So R. V.) The entering 
 here meant is that from the porch into the holy place. 
 
 posts of olive tree] The word is that used for side-posts in 31. There 
 is no mention here of the whole framework. But following the descrip- 
 tion given above we may assume that the dimensions of this doorway 
 were also the same in height as in width. 
 
 a fourth part of the wall] The Hebrew has here a preposition before 
 the numeral. Render 'out of a fourth part of the wall.' The meaning 
 is that the aperture was a fourth part of the wall in width, and the same 
 measure in height. That would be five cubits each way, larger by one 
 cubit than the doorway from the holy place into the most holy. Such a 
 space was cut out ^the wall for the doors. 
 
 34. and the tzvo doors were of fir tree] As in 32 the expression is not 
 definite. It is therefore simpler to put a light punctuation at the end of 
 verse 33 and render 'and two doors of fir wood.' 
 
 the two leaves of the one door were folding] That is, could be doubled 
 back upon one another. The doors were in 4 sections, of which two 
 folded together against the wall on one side, and two on the other. 
 Thus one quarter of the door could be opened, if no more space were 
 needed, and the labour of pushing back the folded parts would be less 
 than if they were all in one piece. 
 
 35. and covered them with gold fitted upon the carved work] Here 
 we have a definite statement of what was done, and the same is no doubt 
 meant in verse 32. The first verl) is that which has been rendered 
 overlaid all through the narrative. So consistency requires the same 
 
vv. 36—38.] I. KINGS, VI. 65 
 
 fitted upon the carved work. And he built the inner court 36 
 with three rows of hewed stone, and a row of cedar beams. 
 
 In the fourth year was the foundation of the house of the 37 
 Lord laid, in the month Zif : and in the eleventh year, in 38 
 the month Bui, which is the eighth month, was the house 
 
 rendering here. In 2 Chron. iii. 6 we read that precious stones, as well 
 as gold, were used for adorning the walls. 
 
 upon the carved ivork^ This is not a word connected with that so 
 frequently used for 'carving' in these verses. So the R.V. has given 
 E^aTen work to mark the variation. There is no doubt that the figures 
 on the doors were cut in the wood and in English ' graven- work ' refers 
 generally to metal. But see Isaiah xlv. ao; Deut. vii. 5, -w\it.x& graven 
 images appear to have been of wood, and destructible by burning. The 
 description here given appears to mean that the embossed and carved 
 portions of the woodwork were covered with gold, but not the whole 
 surface of the doors. 
 
 36. And he built the inner court] This inner court is that which in 
 Jer. xxxvi. 10 is called 'the higher court' and must be that intended 
 (2 Chron. iv. 9) by the 'court of the priests' in contradistinction to 'the 
 great court,' which must have enclosed the inner one. There is some 
 doubt as to how the description in this verse is to be understood. It 
 seems clear from the passage in Jeremiah that the inner was on a higher 
 level than the outer court. Some have thought that this elevation was 
 made by three layers of stone and then a wooden planking put over all. 
 But to do this for the whole enclosure would have been very laborious 
 work and seemingly for no purpose. It seems better to take it that the 
 elevation was artificially made, and then to understand the three rows of 
 hewn stone, covered by one row of cedar wood at the top, to have made 
 a sort of sunk fence all round the inner court. The people standing in 
 the outer court would need to see what the priests were doing. This 
 they would all be able to do if the wall of stone and cedar work were 
 very little, if at all, higher than the level of the inner court. 
 
 37 — 38. Completion of Solomon's Temple. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 37. In the fourth year"] i.e. Of king Solomon's reign. See verse i. 
 The LXX. (both Vat. and Alex.) omits these two verses, adding at the 
 end of 36 KoX (jI/co5o/xij<re t6 Karaw^Taffixa ttjs avXrjs roO aiXafi tov oIkov tov 
 Kara irpocwtrou rov vaov. 
 
 38. in the month Bui] This month is only mentioned here. The 
 name is derived from the same root as mabbul= the deluge, and intimates 
 that the character of the month was rainy. The later name of the month 
 was Marchesvan. It was between the new moon of November and 
 December, and this being the eighth month, while Zif was the second, 
 it is seen that the exact time occupied by the building of the Temple 
 was seven years and a half. Probably the preparation of wood and 
 stone in Lebanon is not included in this time, but was made during the 
 four years of Solomon's reign which preceded the building. 
 
66 I. KINGS, VI. VII. [vv. 1^3. 
 
 finished throughout all the parts thereof, and according to 
 all the fashion of it. So was he seven years in building it. 
 7 But Solomon was building his own house thirteen years, 
 
 2 and he finished all his house. He built also the house of 
 the forest of Lebanon; the length thereof was an hundred 
 cubits, and the breadth thereof fifty cubits, and the height 
 thereof thirty cubits, upon four rows of cedar pillars, with 
 
 3 cedar beams upon the pillars. And it tvas covered with 
 cedar above upon the beams, that lay on forty five pillars, 
 
 Ch. VII. 1 — 12. The building of Solomon's own house, the 
 
 HOUSE OF the forest OF LEBANON, AND THE HOUSE FOR 
 
 Pharaoh's daughter. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 1. hii own house] This includes all the buildings described in 
 vv. I — 12. The LXX. transfers all this section i — 12 to the end of the 
 chapter. In Chronicles, though Solomon's own house is alluded to 
 (3 Chron. vii. 11 ; viii. i), there is no description of it. 
 
 thirteen years] The longer time occupied by this building, in com- 
 parison with the seven years and a half spent on the Temple, is ac- 
 counted for by the greater extent of this latter work. The Temple was 
 comparatively a small edifice, and for it years of preparation had pre- 
 ceded the actual work of the building. 
 
 and he fitiished] i.e. At the end of twenty years and rather more. 
 See ix. 10. 
 
 2. He built also] Better, For he built, as R.V. The verses that 
 follow are not describing an addition to the work mentioned in verse i, 
 but only explaining the various parts thereof. 
 
 the house of the forest of Lebanott] This building which is mentioned 
 again in x. 17 and 2 Chron. ix. 16 appears, from those passages, to have 
 been Solomon's armoury. The multitude of pillars, which was the 
 marked feature of the lower floor, made it admirably suited for the 
 hanging of shields and targets. Its name was probably given because 
 the wood of its pillars came from Lebanon, and when these were 
 in position they looked like the trunks of forest trees. 
 
 upon four roi.vs of cedar pillars] The number of the pillars is not 
 given, but they must have been both very numerous and very substan- 
 tial to support the three tiers of building which stood above them. It 
 appears that the house had an external wall, and then rows of cedar 
 pillars, four deep, stood round about, within the enclosure, to support 
 the cedar beams which made the first floor of the chambers that ran 
 along the sides. The cedar beams were no doubt let into the external 
 wall as well as supported on the pillars. 
 
 3. And it was covered -with cedar above upon the beatns] The word 
 here rendered 'beams' is the same which has been rendered 'side- 
 chambers' in vi. 5. In two descriptions which are so closely related as 
 that chapter and this, it is difficult to suppose that the word has a diff"er- 
 ent sense in the two places. And we have here an account of a series 
 
'^ -* \ I r /> 
 
vv. 4—6.] I. KINGS, VII. (^1 
 
 fifteen in a row. And there were windows in three rows, and 4 
 light was against light in three ranks. And all the doors 5 
 and posts were square, tmth the windows: and light was 
 against light in three ranks. And he made a porch of pil- 6 
 lars; the length thereof tvas fifty cubits, and the breadth 
 thereof thirty cubits : and the porch ivas before them : and 
 
 of side-chambers which ran all round the inside walls of this house of 
 the forest of Lebanon, as the others did round the outside wall of the 
 Temple. Taking the word as= 'side-chambers,' the text says that they 
 were supported upon the pillars already mentioned in verse 2, and then 
 adds that these chambers were forty-five in number, fifteen in a row. 
 This seems to mean that the whole three tiers of rooms numbered forty- 
 five, each of the three stories being divided into fifteen chambers. If 
 we suppose that the chambers were only on three sides like those sur- 
 rounding the Temple, then six on each side and three at each end would 
 exactly make up the number, and would suit with the dimensions of the 
 house, which was twice as long as it was broad. The whole verse then 
 may be translated 'And it was covered with cedar above, over the forty 
 and five side-chambers, which were upon the pillars, fifteen in a row.' 
 
 4. And there were windoivs in three rows] This is not the usual 
 word for 'windows,' but is that which in vi. 4 describes the sloping 
 woodwork, or lattice, used in the windows of the Temple. From its 
 use in the two descriptions it may be supposed to indicate the like 
 work here as there, and so 'windows' is no inappropriate rendering, 
 as it can be understood from the former passage. The R.V. gives 
 prospects to avoid the commoner word, and puts 'beams' in the 
 margin. 'Window-spaces' would perhaps give the best idea of what 
 appears to be meant, which is some wooden framework fitted into those 
 walls which looked into the interior court. 
 
 and light was against light in three ranks'] This means that the 
 windows in every one of the three stories were exactly over each other. 
 There is a very slight difference in the Hebrew of the final clause of the 
 next verse, but the sense is exactly the same. 
 
 5. And all the doors and posts were square, with the windows] It is 
 not easy to say how the last word of the Hebrew should be rendered. 
 It is akin to that rendered 'windows ' by the A.V. in verse 4. Hence a 
 like meaning has been assigned to it here. But there is nothing in the 
 original to represent 'with the.' The R.V. used prospects in the pre- 
 vious verse, and so gives here were square in prospects, adding in the 
 margin 'were made square with beams.' Taking these 'beams' to 
 signify, as before, the 'framework ' of the doorways, the sense would be 
 ' were set square in the framework,' i.e. of the doorways. 
 
 6. And he made a (R.V. the) porch 0/ pillars] This would seem to 
 have been a separate building not connected with the house of the 
 forest. In the same manner the porch for the throne in the next verse 
 was unconnected with any other building. What was the purpose of 
 the porch of pillars is not stated. 
 
 and the porch was dcfore than] It is better to make this clause 
 
68 I. KINGS, VII. [vv. 7,8. 
 
 7 the other pillars and the thick beam were before them. Then 
 he made a porch for the throne where he might judge, even 
 the porch of judgement : and it was covered with cedar from 
 
 8 one side of the floor to the other. And his house where he 
 dwelt //a</ another court within the porch, which was of the 
 like work. Solomon made also a house for Pharaoh's 
 daughter, whom he had taken to wife, like unto this porch. 
 
 dependent on the first verb. Thus 'he made the porch of pillars. ..and 
 a porch before them,' i.e. before the pillars. 
 
 and the other pi7/ars and the thick beam were before them'\ The word 
 translated 'thick beam' seems most likely to have been a threshold or 
 step work by which the porch was entered. The twice repeated 'before 
 them ' must refer to the same thing, viz. to the pillars of the first named 
 porch, of which they formed the striking feature. So the sense of the verse 
 would be 'he made the porch of pillars and in front of them also another 
 porch with its pillars and a staircase or set of steps to approach it by.' 
 
 7. Then he made a porch for the throne^ Better (with R. V.) 'And 
 he made the porch of the throne.' As the pillars were the distinction 
 of the former porch, so was the throne of this. On kings sitting in 
 public to hear causes and give judgment, cf. i Kings xxii. 10; Ps. cxxii. 5. 
 
 and it was covered with cedar from one side of the floor to the other] 
 Literally 'from floor to floor.' What is meant is that this was not an 
 unenclosed porch like 'the porch of pillars' mentioned previously, but 
 that it was enclosed with cedar wood walls all round from the floor to 
 the ceiling. If this can be the sense of the word 'floor' in the second 
 case, we must suppose the roof of the porch to be regarded as the floor 
 of some upper room above it. But the word 'floor' ]}p~\p is not very 
 unlike JTlllp 'beams' and so some have suspected the scribe of having 
 written the former instead of the latter in the second place. This would 
 make all easy, but the other explanation is quite possible, and is accepted 
 by Gesenius, though De Wette translates as in A.V. 
 
 8. And his house where he divelt had another court within the porch, 
 which was of the like work] It is better to leave out the italics of A.V. 
 and translate 'And his house where lie might dwell, the other court 
 within the porch, was of the like work.' The description has apparently 
 been carrying us, from the front of the house of the forest, regularly 
 more and more inward. Now we are brought to a court behind the 
 previously mentioned porch, and in this court stood the king's own 
 dwelling house. It is noteworthy how little description is given to this 
 or to the house for Pharaoh's daughter. This probably comes to pass 
 because the public were never admitted to these quarters. 
 
 Pharaoh's daughter'] Cf. iii. i. The house for her probably joined 
 the king's residence. Josephus {Ant. viii. 5. 2) tells us that it was 
 united with the porch of the throne, but his description is so vague that 
 little reKance can be placed on it, and little help derived from it. The 
 women's apartments, as usual in the East, were removed as far from 
 public view as possible. 
 
vv. 9—12.] I. KINGS, VII. 69 
 
 All these were <?/" costly stones, according to the measures of 9 
 hewed stones, sawed with saws, within and without, even 
 from the foundation unto the coping, and so on the outside 
 toward the great court. And the foundation was of costly ^° 
 stones, even great stones, stones of ten cubits, and stones of 
 eight cubits. And above were costly stones, after the " 
 measures of hewed stones, and cedars. And the great court " 
 round about was with three rows of hewed stones, and a 
 row of cedar beams, both for the inner court of the house of 
 the Lord, and for the porch of the house. 
 
 9. All these] ie. The whole of the buildings described in the previous 
 verses. 
 
 according to the measures of hezved stones'] Better not to be taken as 
 in construction, but with R.V. even hewn stones according to measure. 
 The word is literally 'according to measures, ' and this the R. V. explains 
 on the margin as 'after divers measures.' But this is what is meant by 
 their text. 
 
 within and without] Though the inside face of the walls was to be 
 covered with cedar, and so put out of sight, the same care was taken 
 with the dressing of that part of the stone work, as with all that was to 
 remain uncovered. 
 
 toivard the great court] Better, unto. What appears to be meant in 
 the verse is a strong expression of the excellency of the stone work. 
 This is said to have been of the same character from the base to the 
 coping of all the walls, and then is added, that it was the same from 
 the front part of the buildings to the back. The front part, which was 
 the house of the forest, is not mentioned, but it said that the good work 
 extended unto the great court, which lay farthest back of all the 
 buildings. 
 
 10. And the foundation] Even that work which was to be buried 
 out of sight was of the same quality. 
 
 ten cubits .. .eight cubits] Probably we have here the greatest dimension, 
 the length. We are left to imagine the breadth and thickness which 
 would be proportional in stones of 15 feet and 12 feet long. 
 
 11. And above] i.e. The courses which lay upon the foundations. 
 after the measures of hewed stones] Render (as in 9) hewn stone ac- 
 cording to measure. 
 
 and cedars] The noun is singular. It refers not to any beams that 
 formed part of the wall, but to the cedar facings with which the interior 
 stone work in many places was covered. R. V. cedar-wood. 
 
 12. And the great court round about] The words are the same as 
 in vi. 36. The great court was the hindmost part of all the palace 
 grounds, and was apparently higher than the level of the front part. 
 The way in which it was enclosed was by a low wall (sunk fence) as was 
 done for the inner-court of the Temple. 
 
 both for the inner coto-t of the house of the Lord] The conjunction 
 with which this sentence begins is the usual copulative. But the sense 
 
70 I. KINGS, VII. [vv. 13—15. 
 
 J3 And king Solomon sent and fet Hiram out of Tyre. He 
 was a widow's son of the tribe of Naphtali, and his father 
 was a man of Tyre, a worker in brass : and he was filled 
 with wisdom, and understanding, and cunning to work all 
 works in brass. And he came to king Solomon, and wrought 
 
 IS all his work. For he cast two pillars (?/" brass, of eighteen cubits 
 
 should be 'like as the inner court, &c.' (Cf. vi. 34.) Hence some 
 have conjectured '^ = as, instead of '\—and or both. The R.V. has 
 given the true sense in the text 'like as the inner court of the house 
 of the Lord, and the porch of the house,' and has put the literal trans- 
 lation on the margin. There is no great difficulty in gathering the 
 former sense from the latter. We have only to take the construction 
 to be 'and thus was it done for the inner court &c — and for.' 
 
 the porch of the house] Probably the porch intended is that spoken 
 of in vi. 3. 'The house' without any defining words can only be taken 
 of the Temple ; so that we cannot understand any porch in Solomon's 
 own house. 
 
 13 — 22. Hiram a Tyrian worker in brass casts the pillars 
 Jachin and Boaz. (2 Chron. ii. 14; iii. 15 — 17.) 
 
 13. sent and fet] 'Fet' is the old English past tense of the verb 
 'fetch,' and occurs several times in the version of 161 1 (e.g. Gen. xviii. 7) 
 but the more modern form has been introduced into our Bibles since 
 1750. 
 
 Hiram out of Tyre] The name of this workman is spelt Huram in 
 2 Chron. iv. 11. He was highly esteemed by the Tyrian king who in 
 1 Chron. ii. 13 calls him 'Huram my father,' and in a later verse (2 
 Chron. iv. 16) it is said 'the vessels thereof did Huram his father 
 make for king Solomon.' So that he became as much treasured by the 
 one king as by the other. For the expression cp. Gen. xlv. 8 where 
 Joseph speaks of himself as afathei- to Pharaoh. 
 
 14. He was a widow^s son\ The Hebrew says the son of a widow 
 woman and there is no reason why the literal expression should be 
 relegated to the margin, as in A. V. 
 
 of the tribe of Naphtali] In 2 Chron. ii. 14 he is called ' the son of a 
 woman of the daughters of Dan.' The two may be reconciled if we 
 suppose the woman to have belonged to Dan, and her first husband to 
 have been of the tribe of Naphtali. 
 
 a worker in brass] This had been the trade of the father, which his 
 son followed and in which he gained such distinction. There seems to 
 have been a fitness in the circumstance that Hiram, by birth half an 
 Israelite, should be employed on the work of Solomon's temple. 
 
 and he zvas filled with wisdom] Compare the similar language used 
 (Exod. xxxi. 3, xxxvi. i) about Bezaleel and Aholiab. Only in that 
 place there is added to the qualifications 'the spirit of God.' 
 
 15. of eighteeti cubits high apiece] The Hebrew says ' eighteen cubits 
 
vv. i6, 17.] I. KINGS, VII. 71 
 
 high apiece : and a line of twelve cubits did compass either 
 of them about. And he made two chapiters <?/" molten brass, is 
 to set upon the tops of the pillars : the height of the one 
 chapiter was five cubits, and the height of the other chapiter 
 was five cubits : and nets of checker work, and wreaths of 17 
 chain work, for the chapiters which wei-e upon the top of 
 
 was the height of one pillar.' There can be very little doubt that this 
 should be followed by ' and eighteen cubits was the height of the other 
 pillar.' But the similarity of the words has caused the scribe to over- 
 look them. And there is a like defect in the other half of this verse. 
 For instead of 'did compass either of them about' the original gives 
 'did compass the second pillar.' The whole of the latter passage was 
 no doubt 'aline of twelve cubits did compass about the one pillar, and 
 a line of twelve cubits the second pillar.' The A. V. gives the sense, 
 and in a better fashion than by introducing italics to represent the 
 missing words. The full form in similar phrases occurs immediately in 
 verses 16 and 17, and then in 18 there is an omission of one-half the 
 description, just as has happened here. 
 
 The first portion of these pillars was i8cubits=27 feet high by 12 cubits 
 = 18 feet in circumference. This of itself would make a pillar of dis- 
 proportionate dimensions, but on the top there were placed chapiters 
 (capitals) of 5 cubits = 7I feet high. Thus the whole height would be 23 
 cubits or 34I feet. It is said (2 Chron. iii. 15) that the pillars were 35 
 cubits high. In that case we should have to suppose them raised on bases 
 of 12 cubits, which is out of all proportion. The metal work may have 
 had some stone base to rest on, but that would never have been 18 feet 
 high. It is more reasonable to suppose that the numbers, marked in 
 Hebrew letters, have been misread by the Chronicler. See however 
 the note on vi. 3 above, with reference to these dimensions. 
 
 These pillars were broken up and carried away along with other 
 metal at the time of the Babylonian invasion, see 2 Kings xxv. 13; Jer. 
 Iii. 17, in which latter passage the heights of the pillar and its capital are _ 
 exactly as here, and in the former there is only a variation in the dimen- 
 sion of the capital, not of the pillar. 
 
 17. and nets of checker 7vork\ The two nouns are from the same 
 root, and indicate some kind of interlaced metalwork with which the 
 bellying parts of the capitals were overlaid. This, with the chains next 
 mentioned, and the two rows of pomegranates (ver. 18) formed the 
 ornamentation of the lower portion of the capitals for one cubit of their 
 breadth. 
 
 As the conjunction 'And' has nothing to represent it in the Hebrew 
 it is better to render, 'There were nets &c.' The LXX. in this verse 
 begins 'And he made two nets &c.... even a net for the one chapiter 
 and a net for the other chapiter.' Thus the 'seven' of the A.V. disap- 
 pears and 'net' is substituted. There is a good deal of similarity be- 
 tween nyZlK^ = seven, and nD2ti' = a net, so that there may have been a 
 confusion, and certainly below in verse 41 mention is made oi two net- 
 works, not seven. 
 
72 I. KINGS, VII. [vv. 18—20. 
 
 the pillars; seven for the one chapiter, and seven for the 
 18 other chapiter. And he made the pillars, and two rows 
 
 round about upon the one network, to cover the chapiters 
 
 that were upon the top, with pomegranates : and so did he 
 J9 for the other chapiter. (And the chapiters that were upon 
 
 the top of the pillars were of lily work in the porch, four 
 20 cubits). And the chapiters upon the two pillars had povte- 
 
 granates also above, over against the belly which was by 
 
 18. upofi the top, with pomegranates] The Hebrew text means 
 'upon the top of the pomegranates.' But some authorities give 'upon 
 the top of the pillars,' which has been adopted by the R.V. The first 
 words of the verse must however surely be wrong. 'And he made the 
 pillars' is utterly out of place here. It had been noticed before; and 
 the present verse is a description of the capitals. What appears to have 
 happened is this. The words for 'pillars' and 'pomegranates' have 
 changed places. The LXX. gives no help. But assuming this inter- 
 change of words we may render (nearly with R.V.) 'So he made the 
 pomegranates, and there were two rows about upon the one network, 
 to cover the chapiters that were upon the top of the pillars; and so 
 made he for the other chapiter.' The words 'to cover... pillars' ex- 
 plaining the purpose of the work, come in a little awkwardly, but a 
 sense is made out of what before was incompi-ehensible. 
 
 19. a/id ike chapiters that were upon the top of the pillars'] This verse 
 refers to the four cubits of lily work, which was higher than the bellying 
 portion of the capital, and formed the topmost part of the ornament. 
 
 were of lily wo)-k in the porch] The R.V. transposes in the porch 
 were of lily work, thus marking clearly that the pillars were within the 
 porch. The language of 2 Chron. iii. 17 has induced some to think 
 that they were outside, in the court. The words there are 'he reared 
 up the pillars before the temple,' but the word rendered 'temple' is 
 that which is constantly used (see below, verse ^i) for the holy place, 
 and the porch was in front of that. So that though standing within the 
 porch the pillars would still be ' before the temple.' 
 
 20. And the chapiters upon the two pillars had pomegranates also 
 above] The italics are without justification. The R.V. gives the sense; 
 'And there were chapiters also above upon the two pillars.' What is 
 now being described is that portion of the capital which was below the 
 lily work. But the writer uses 'chapiter' for the part, as well as for the 
 whole capital. 
 
 over against the belly which was by the network] R.V. close by the 
 belly which was beside the network.' The prepositions make the difii- 
 culty here. The first has something of the idea of 'all along' and 
 describes the way in which the pomegranates went close up to the 
 bellying portion of the capital. Probably the two rows ran round the 
 pillar, one just above, the other just below the enlarged part. Then the 
 network appears to have been over the belly. The preposition intimates 
 that if you could have looked from the woodwork, the metal nets and 
 
 I 
 
vv. 21, 22.] I. KINGS, VII. nz 
 
 the network : and the pomegranates were two hundred in 
 rows round about upon the other chapiter. And he set up ix 
 the pillars in the porch of the temple : and he set up the 
 right pillar, and called the name thereof Jachin : and he set 
 up the left pillar, and called the name thereof Boaz. And 22 
 upon the top of the pillars was hly work ; so was the work 
 of the pillars finished. 
 
 chains were just in front of you. So that in the 'beside' of the R.V. 
 we must understand the notion of overlying. 
 
 two hundred, in 7-ows\ As we have taken verse 1 8 the rows were 
 two for each capital, so that 100 pomegranates were in each row. 
 Apparently in 2 Chron. iii. 16 the number specified is only for one single 
 row. In the parallel passage of Jeremiah (Iii. 23) this appears more 
 clearly. For the pomegranates are said to have been arranged one at 
 each of the four cardinal points and the other 96 used to complete the 
 circuit. This can only be a description of a single row. 
 
 round about upon the other chapiter\ Here there is the same sort of 
 omission, be it intentional or not, as in verse 15. What is meant, we 
 should express by 'round about (upon the one chapiter as) upon the 
 other chapiter.' 
 
 21. And he set up the pillars in the porch'] The preposition is not 
 the same as in verse 19. Render here 'at the porch.' 
 
 Jachin... Boaz] These words are evidently given as proper names, 
 and the LXX. transliterates them here, but translates them in the 
 parallel passage of 2 Chronicles (iii. 17) by KaropOwais and inxvi- Both 
 words are significant. The first is a verb (see job xxvii. 17) signifying 
 'he will prepare, or, establish,' the second = 'in him is strength.' If 
 they be interpreted they are both to be referred to God. Some have 
 wished by a slight alteration of the Hebrew points in the latter word to 
 combine the two into one sentence meaning 'he will establish by 
 strength.' But it is not likely that a sentence would be thus split up to 
 make two names. 
 
 22. ttpon the top of the pillars] The lily work is mentioned again 
 because it was the topmost part of the ornament, and the pillars have 
 been described from the bottom upwards. Hence it was fit to speak of 
 it here, where it is said the work of the pillars was finished. 
 
 We have already seen that it is not probable that these pillars stood 
 out in the open space of the court, but on either side within the porch 
 which was before the holy place. Their dimensions give the impression 
 that they were only for ornament, and did not bear up any part of the 
 structure. The height of the porch is not mentioned in i Kings vi. 3. 
 Therefore we might presume that it was the height of the rest of the 
 building of the holy place, viz. 30 cubits. Even for such a porch these 
 pillars of 23 cubits could hardly have been intended as supports. But in 
 2 Chronicles (iii. 4) the porch is said to have been 120 cubits high, and 
 so in Josephus {Ant. viii. 3, 2), for which height pillars like those here 
 described are quite out of proportion. Moreover, none of Hiram's work 
 
74 I- KINGS, VII. [vv. 23—26. 
 
 23 And he made a molten sea, ten cubits from the one brim 
 to the other : it was round all about, and his height was 
 five cubits : and a line of thirty cubits did compass it round 
 
 24 about. And under the brim of it round about there were 
 knops compassing it, ten in a cubit, compassing the sea 
 round about : the knops were cast in two rows, when it was 
 
 25 cast. It stood upon twelve oxen, three looking toward the 
 north, and three looking toward the west, and three looking 
 toward the south, and three looking toward the east : and 
 the sea was set above upon them, and all their hinder parts 
 
 26 ^vere inward. And it was a handbreadth thick, and the 
 brim thereof was wrought like the brim of a cup, with flowers 
 of lilies : it contained two thousand baths. 
 
 seems to have been intended for the temple-building, but only for its 
 decoration and furniture. It seems best therefore to consider tliese 
 pillars as significant ornaments of the Temple porch. See also on this 
 matter the note on vi. 3 above. 
 
 23 — 26. The Molten Sea which Hiram made. 
 (2 Chron. iv. 2 — 5.) 
 
 23. And he made a (R.V. the) molten sed\ The definite article is 
 expressed in the original, and the vessel itself was unique. It is called 
 a 'sea' because of its great capacity (see Josephus^«^. viii. 3, 5). The 
 Hebrew word is not confined in use to the ocean, but is applied to the 
 Nile (Is. xviii. 2), and to the Euphrates (Is. xxvii. i). So laciis is used 
 by Vergil {^Georg, iv. 173) for a blacksmith's trough. See also xviii. 
 32, note. 
 
 ten cubits fi-om one brim to the other, &c.] The R.V. tries to be more 
 literal, but with the same sense. Ten cubits from torim to brim, 
 round in compass. 
 
 a line of thirty cidnts\ This would in round numbers be the size of 
 the circumference, with ten cubits as diameter. 
 
 24. knops\ The word is that which occurs in vi. 18, and the knops 
 were probably of a gourd-sliape. See note there. The description in 2 
 Chronicles (iv. 3) says that oxen and not knops were the ornaments. 
 
 ten in a cubit] This would make the number of knops to be 300. 
 But the R.V. renders for ten cubits. And so the words are rendered 
 in vi. 26. But the A.V. must give the true sense. Otherwise why is it 
 said that the sea was encompassed by these knops? 
 
 when it was cast] i.e. They were of the same piece with the whole rim, 
 and not attached afterwards like some of the ornaments of the pillars. 
 
 25. the sea was set above upon them] i.e. The bottom rested on the 
 backs of the oxen. Thus the height from the ground to the rim would 
 be five cubits, and the height of the oxen besides. Nothing is said of 
 such a thing, but it is not unlikely that the water was drawn out through 
 the mouths of the oxen. 
 
 26. an handbreadth thick] i.e. The metal of which it was made. 
 
vv. 27—29.] I. KINGS, VII. 75 
 
 And he made ten bases of brass ; four cubits was the 27 
 length of one base, and four cubits the breadth thereof, and 
 three cubits the height of it. And the work of the bases 28 
 ivas on this manner: they had borders, and the borders 
 were between the ledges : and on the borders that were 29 
 
 v;\^ flowers of lilies] Rather (as R.V.) 'like the flower of a lily.' 
 This is to indicate that the brim bent outward and not that lily-flowers 
 were all round it. 
 
 it contained two tJwusand baths] In 2 Chron. iv. 5 it is said 'three 
 thousand baths.' Perhaps the smaller quantity was about what was 
 usually kept in supply, the larger what it could contain if it were quite 
 full. 
 
 The 'bath' was the largest Hebrew liquid measure, but it is not easy 
 to discover what its size was. According to Josephus it held rather 
 more than 8 gallons. Other data make it about half that size. A vessel 
 that could contain 16,000 gallons must have been very enormous to be 
 made in one casting. And the dimensions given, viz. a diameter of 10 
 cubits by a depth of 5 cubits if the cubit = 18 inches would not hold so 
 much, unless the sides were bowed outward very considerably so as to 
 make the diameter much greater in the inside than at the top. But the 
 description of Josephus makes it to be hemispherical, so that the dia- 
 meter would be largest at the top. A vessel of this shape however 
 could not be made to rest on the backs of twelve oxen without a good 
 deal of contrivance, while with a cylindrical vessel there is no difficulty. 
 Now a cylinder of the dimensions given in verse 23, taking the cubit = 
 18 inches, would contain nearly 8260 gallons. It seems therefore that 
 the Hebrew 'bath' should be taken as a measure of rather more than 
 4 gallons. The figures which Josephus gives are so frequently exag- 
 gerated, very often doubled, that it need not trouble us if they appear 
 so in this case. The difference between Chronicles and Kings above 
 mentioned may be due to the misreading of a letter in the Hebrew form 
 of notation. 
 
 27—39. Of the ten bases, and the layers upon them. 
 (2 Chron. iv. 6.) 
 
 27. ten bases of brass] These were stands for the ten lavers men- 
 tioned below. See verse 38. 
 
 28. they had borders] From the description in the next verse, the 
 word, which in its literal sense would apply to any surrounding or 
 enclosure, must mean the side of the base, on which the figures men- 
 tioned in 29 were carved or cast. So that the panels of the R.V. 
 (marg. ) would be the most correct rendering. And so in verses 31, 32, 
 35 and 36. 
 
 between the ledges] These seem to have been the perpendicular 
 shafts, at the four corners of each base, which would be raised so as to 
 form two sides of the framework enclosing the panels. A more strictly 
 literal rendering of the final words would be 'even borders between the 
 ledges.' 
 
76 I. KINGS, VII. [vv. 30, 31. 
 
 between the ledges were lions, oxen, and cherubims : and 
 upon the ledges there was a base above : and beneath the 
 lions and oxen were certain additions made of thin work. 
 
 30 And every base had four brasen wheels, and plates of brass: 
 and the four corners thereof had undersetters ; under the 
 laver were undersetters molten, at the side of every addition. 
 
 31 And the mouth of it within the chapiter and above was a 
 cubit : but the mouth thereof was round after the work of 
 
 29. and upon the ledges there was a base above"] The word here ren- 
 dered 'base' differs from that in the two previous verses and so the 
 R.V. has rendered a pedestal. It seems to denote some projection 
 upward from the four shafts at the corners to act as a support for the 
 lavers when they were put in position. 
 
 certain additions made of thin worfi] These words signify rather 
 'festoons, work that hung down.' So R.V. wreat.lis of hanging work. 
 
 30. and plates of brass] For 'plates' read axles. 
 
 and the four corners thereof had undersetters] The last word is that 
 usually rendered 'shoulders,' (see R.V. margin), and the word translated 
 'corners' means rather (i) a footstep, (2) a foot. It is used Exod. xxv, 
 12 for the corners (R.V. feet) of the ark, into which rings were to be 
 fixed for the staves to pass through when it was carried about. This 
 seems the more suitable rendering here also and it is a different word 
 that is rendered 'corners' in verse 34. The sense would then be 'the 
 four feet thereof had shoulder pieces ' i.e. attached to them. The pur- 
 pose of these shoulders appears to have been for the axles to pass 
 through on which the wheels were fixed. The next clause would then 
 run 'underneath the laver were the shoulders molten.' But because of 
 that expression some have thought that the 'shoulder pieces' rose up- 
 ward from the top of the four feet, and were meant as stays on which 
 the laver should rest. 
 
 at the side of every addition] The last word is the same which in the 
 previous verse has been rendered 'wreaths.' And here that sense must 
 also be given to it. Literally, 'at the side of each one (were) wreaths' 
 or more idiomatically, (as R.V.) ■with wreatlis at the side of each. 
 
 31. And the mouth of it] Here the pronoun must, I think, be referred, 
 as in 'corners (feet) thereof of verse 30, to the base. The bases appear 
 to have had a circular orifice in the top, which is here called the mouth. 
 This opening was, as it seems, surmounted and surrounded by a capital, 
 which itself had an opening to receive the lowest part of the laver. 
 The height of the capital above the level surface of the top of the base 
 appears not to be specified unless the half cubit of verse 35 be taken to 
 refer to the capital. One cubit was the diameter of the orifice in the 
 top of the base. 
 
 but the mouth thereof] Better, 'And' &c. The pronoun here by a 
 difference of gender in the original is shewn to refer to a different noun. 
 This can only be the 'chapiter.' That superstructure widened out to- 
 
vv. 32—34.] I. KINGS, VII. ^-j 
 
 the base, a cubit and a half: and also upon the mouth of it 
 were gravings with their borders, foursquare, not round. 
 And under the borders were four wheels ; and the axletrees 32 
 of the wheels were joined to the base : and the height of a 
 wheel was a cubit and half a cubit. And the work of the 33 
 wheels was like the work of a chariot wheel : their axletrees, 
 and their naves, and their felloes, and their spokes, 7vere all 
 molten. And there were four undersetters to the four 34 
 
 wards the top, and the round opening in top of it, to receive the bottom 
 of the laver, is what is meant by the second 'mouth.' 
 
 after the work of the base\ Better, as the word is the same which was 
 so rendered in verse 29, after the work of a pedestal. It was in this 
 way that the chapiter served as a support to the laver. This chapiter 
 had graved work all round about its upper edge, which may be fitly 
 called 'mouth' as it was meant to receive the laver. 
 
 with their borders, foursquare, not roumi^ Better, And their borders 
 were foursquare, not round. It is better to render as literally as pos- 
 sible for it is very doubtful whether these words have reference at all 
 to the chapiter. They seem to be a recurrence to the description of 
 those borders (or panels) spoken of in verses 28 and 29. In that case 
 the pronoun 'their' in this clause would refer to the bases. This is the 
 more probable because the 'borders' of the next verse are certainly 
 those panels on the sides of the bases. 
 
 32. And under the borders [panels] were four wheels^ Better, 'the 
 four wheels.' They were so fixed that they might not hide by their 
 upper part any portion of the ornamental panels. 
 
 and the axletrees of the wheels were joined to the base\ More literally, 
 were in the toase. That is they formed a portion of the casting. The 
 Hebrew word here is different from that rendered 'axles' in verse 30. 
 This word is literally 'hands' and no doubt signifies some kind of 
 'holder' or support by which the wheels were kept in place. If the 
 'shoulders' of verse 30 also belong to the wheels they must have been 
 made doubly secure. 
 
 33. their axletreesl Literally, 'hands' as in the previous verse. 
 their naves'] By etymology the original word must refer to some 
 
 curved part of the wheel. It seems better therefore to render, with 
 R.V., felloes here, and transfer the word 'naves' to translate the last 
 of the four nouns, which by its derivation signifies ' that to which all 
 the parts converge.' The third of the Hebrew words is akin to that 
 which in Exod. xxvii. 10, ii is used for the 'pillars' or 'poles' which 
 supported the hangings of the tabernacle. Hence here most likely 
 'the spokes' of the wheels. 
 
 34. And \here y/exe four Jindersetters to, &c.] Literally, 'shoulders 
 at &c.' The mention of these 'shoulder-pieces' again immediately after 
 the wheel seems, if we may rely on the correct order of the text, to 
 shew that they belonged to the wheel-work. 
 
78 I. KINGS, VII. [vv. 35—39. 
 
 corners of one base : and the undersetters were of the very 
 
 35 base itself And in the top of the base was there a round 
 compass of half a cubit high : and on the top of the base 
 the ledges thereof and the borders thereof were of the same. 
 
 36 For on the plates of the ledges thereof, and on the borders 
 thereof, he graved cherubims, lions, and palm trees, accord- 
 ing to the proportion of every one, and additions round 
 
 37 about. After this viatiner he made the ten bases : all of 
 
 38 them had one casting, one measure, a7id one size. Then 
 made he ten lavers of brass : one laver contained forty 
 baths : and every laver was four cubits : and upon every 
 
 39 one of the ten bases one laver. And he put five bases on 
 the right side of the house, and five on the left side of the 
 house : and he set the sea on the right side of the house 
 eastward over against the south. 
 
 of one base\ That is, of each one. 
 
 of the very base itself ^ The 'very' is surplusage. Literally, it is 
 'from (i.e. ofj the base were its shoulders,' i.e. they were of one piece 
 with it. 
 
 35. the ledges thereof^ Literally, 'the hands thereof.' Probably 
 some kind of prop or holder is intended. R.V. gives stays, both here 
 and in the next verse. 
 
 36. according to the proportion of every one, and additions round 
 about'] The word rendered 'proportion' means rather any 'bare space.' 
 Hence the sense is that the graving was such as the space admitted. 
 So, and to harmonize the final words with the previous verse, we 
 should render ' according to the space in every one, and witll wreaths 
 round about.' 
 
 37. ojie size] Better, 'one form.' See on vi. 25. 
 
 38. Then made he] It is only the simple copulative And. 
 
 39. And he put] The verb is the same which later on in the verse 
 is translated set. It is better to adhere to the same rendering in the 
 same verse. It would also be more in accordance with the Hebrew to 
 translate 'And he set the bases, five on the right side {Heb. shoulder) 
 of the house &c.' 
 
 eastward over against {better, towards) the south] The building looked 
 north and south, so the sides would be east and west. The sea then 
 stood at the south corner of the east side. 
 
 There is much uncertainty about the meaning of parts of the language 
 in this description of the bases. They appear however to have been 
 large box-shaped structui^es, set on four wheels. The wheels did not 
 come up higher than the bottom of the box, and so needed shoulders 
 and stays in which the axles might run and by which they might be 
 kept in position. Above the box, which had a large hole in the top, 
 rose a sort of capital on which was fixed the laver. The sides of the 
 box and the capital as well as the stays were covered with figures. The 
 
vv. 40-45-] I- KINGS, VII. 79 
 
 And Hiram made the lavers, and the shovels, and the 40 
 basons. So Hiram made an end of doing all the work that 
 he made king Solomon for the house of the Lord : the two 41 
 pillars, and the two bowls of the chapiters that were on the 
 top of the two pillars ; and the two networks, to cover the 
 two bowls of the chapiters which were upon the top of the 
 pillars ; and four hundred pomegranates for the two net- 42 
 works, eve7i two rows of pomegranates for one network, to 
 cover the two bowls of the chapiters that were upon the 
 pillars ; and the ten bases, and ten lavers on the bases ; and « 
 one sea, and twelve oxen under the sea ; and the pots, and 45 
 the shovels, and the basons : and all these vessels, which 
 
 purpose of these lavers as we are told 2 Chron. iv. 6, was for washing 
 such things as were offered for the burnt offering. This was most likely 
 the reason why they were needed of some considerable height and so 
 were supported on the box-shaped bases. The laver would be of 
 necessity as high as the altar of burnt offering, to the side of which it 
 must have been brought at the time of any offering. That the altar 
 stood higher than the level of the court seems evident from viii. 11, 
 where Solomon is described as standing before it in the sight of all the 
 people. 
 
 40 — 51. Summary of Hiram's work. Completion of the 
 Temple. (2 Chron. iv. 11 — 22; v. i.) 
 
 40. And Hiram made the lavers] Many ancient authorities (see R. V. 
 marg.) read pots instead of 'lavers,' and this is given in 2 Chron. iv. 
 II. The difference is so slight between n"l")''D = lavers, and ni~l''D = 
 pots, that we need not be surprised at the variation in different Mss. 
 
 that he made king Solomon] R.V. reads, with the same sense, 'that 
 lie wrought for king Solomon.' Perhaps it reads a little more easily. 
 In some mss. and Versions the reading is 'that king Solomon made,' 
 just as in verse 51 below, where the same phrase is used of the whole 
 work. 
 
 41. and the two bowls of the chapiters that were on the top of the two 
 pillars] The numeral in the original belongs to 'bowls' and therefore 
 should not be in italics in the first place, but should be omitted in the 
 second. 
 
 42. and four hundred pomegranates] The original is definite. Read, 
 'and the four hundred.' The italic 'even' can be omitted without 
 detriment to the sense. 
 
 43. and ten lavers] The Hebrew has, 'and the ten lavers,' and this 
 definiteness is natural in such an enumeration. So in the next verse we 
 should have 'the one sea and the twelve oxen.* 
 
 45. and all these vessels] Better, at the close of the list, 'even all 
 these.' The Heb. text has consonants which would be rendered 'the 
 vessels of the Tent' i.e. the tabernacle. But this is corrected by a 
 
8o I. KINGS, VII. [vv. 46— 48. 
 
 Hiram made to king Solomon for the house of the Lord, 
 
 46 were of bright brass. In the plain of Jordan did the king 
 cast them, in the clay ground between Succoth and Zarthan. 
 
 47 And Solomon left all the vessels utiweighed, because they 
 were exceeding many : neither was the weight of the brass 
 
 4'^ found out. And Solomon made all the vessels that per- 
 tained unto the house of the Lord : the altar of gold, and 
 
 marginal reading to 'these vessels,' which is most certainly the true 
 text. The variation comes about by the transposition of two consonants 
 
 Shn for n'px. 
 
 made to king Solomon^ In modem English we should say 'for,' in 
 spite of the following 'for' coming so close. But the R.V. has changed 
 the phrase 'for the house of the Lord' both here and in verse 40 into 
 in the house of the Lord. There is no preposition at all in the 
 Hebrew, but the noun appears to be the accusative of place. So that 
 the change of the R.V. is not without justification. The same con- 
 struction is translated 'in the house of the Lord' 2 Kings xi. 3, 15, and 
 elsewhere. 
 
 bright brass'\ The R.V. gives furnished brass. The original word 
 is a participle and not an adjective. 
 
 46. in the clay ground^ As the margin of A.V. explains, the literal 
 rendering is 'in the thickness of the ground.' The Hebrews had a 
 paucity of adjectives and were obliged to express in such wise what we 
 mean by 'stiff ground' and which is excellently rendered by the English 
 version. 
 
 between Succoth and Zarthan] The last word should be written Zare- 
 than. See Josh. iii. i6. That both Succoth and Zarethan were in the 
 circle, or district, of Jordan we can see both from that passage and this, 
 but their precise position is unl<nown. Succoth was allotted to the tribe 
 of Gad (Josh. xiii. 27) which seems to prove that it was on the east side 
 of the Jordan, so Zarethan from their connexion in this verse was pro- 
 bably on that side too. In 1 Chron. iv. 17 Zaredathah is the name 
 given instead of Zarethan, and that name has been thought by some to 
 be a modified form of Zeredah (i Kings xi. 26) the birthplace of 
 Jeroboam son of Nebat. According to the Septuagint additions to the 
 story of Jeroboam (i Kings xii. 24, 25) Zeredah was a strong place in 
 Mt. Ephraim, but of this we cannot be sure. It would however in that 
 case be on the west of Jordan, and it seems a singular manner of speech 
 to describe the foundries of Hiram as between a place on the east of 
 the Jordan and another on the west. 
 
 47. neither was the weight of the brass found outi The R.V. gives 
 'could not be found out.' The verb, which signifies literally 'to inves- 
 tigate,' 'to search out,' seems employed to indicate that no attempt was 
 made to discover it. 
 
 48. that pertained unto the house of the Lord\ The construction is 
 like that in verse 45. Hence R.V. has ' that were in the house of the 
 Lord.' 
 
vv. 49— 5I-] I- KINGS, VII. 8i 
 
 — ■ 
 
 the table of gold, whereupon the shewbread laas, and the 49 
 candlesticks of pure gold, five on the right side, and five on 
 the lefi:, before the oracle, with the flowers, and the lamps, 
 and the tongs 0/ gold, and the bowls, and the snuff"ers, and so 
 the basons, and the spoons, and the censers 0/ pure gold ; 
 and the hinges (^/"gold, ^>of/i fi^r the doors of the inner house, 
 the most holy p/ace, and for the doors of the house, to wit, 
 of the temple. So was ended all the work that king Solomon 51 
 made^^r the house of the Lord. And Solomon brought in 
 the thifigs which David his father had dedicated; even the 
 silver, and the gold, and the vessels, did he put among the 
 treasures of the house of the Lord. 
 
 the altar of gold\ R.V. the golden altar, i.e. the altar of incense 
 made of cedar wood and overlaid with gold. 
 
 49. pure gold^ See on vi. 21. 
 
 50. a7id the bmvls] This is the word which is usually rendered 
 'basons.' See 2 Sam. xvii. 28, &c. A different word is translated 
 'bowl' elsewhere, see Judg. vi. 38. As 'basons' occurs later on in the 
 verse, the R.V. has changed 'bowls' here to 'cups,' a rendering given 
 for this word sometimes on the margin of A.V. 
 
 and the censers] This Hebrew word is frequently rendered 'censer,' 
 but as in Exod. xxvii. 3, xxxviii. 3 and other places, where it relates to 
 the altar furniture and fittings, the plural is rendered 'fire pans,' the R.V. 
 has introduced that rendering here. Cf. also 2 Kings xxv. 15 and Jer. 
 lii. 19. In the latter part of this verse the R.V. preserves the order of 
 the Hebrew, and gives a little more explicitness, by removing 'of gold' 
 after 'hinges' to the end of the verse. With the description here given 
 should be compared the account of the vessels of the Mosaic tabernacle. 
 Exod. xxv. — XXX. 
 
 51. So was ended, &c.] The changes of order and words in this 
 verse made by R.V. {viz. Thus all the work that king Solomon wrought 
 in the house of the Lord was finished.) are such as to bring as nearly 
 as possible this passage and 2 Chron. v. i into accord. Where the 
 Hebrew words are the same there seems a gain in representing them 
 in such a recital as the present by the same translation. On 'in the 
 house of the Lord,' cf. above on verse 45. 
 
 among the treasures] R.V, 'in the treasuries.' The word is used 
 rather of the place than of the things kept in it. Thus Joel i. 1 7, it is 
 rendered 'garners,' and in i Chron. xxvii. 25 'storehouses,' and two 
 verses later in the same chapter 'cellars' for wine. It is noteworthy 
 that in Kings nothing is said of the treasures amassed by David, while 
 in Chronicles (i Chron. xxix. i — 8) they are dwelt on at some length. 
 
 1. KINGS 
 
82 I. KINGS, VIII. [vv. 1—3. 
 
 8 Then Solomon assembled the elders of Israel, and all the 
 heads of the tribes, the chief of the fathers of the children 
 of Israel, unto king Solomon in Jerusalem, that they might 
 bring up the ark of the covenant of the Lord out of the 
 
 2 city of David, which is Zion. And all the men of Israel 
 assembled themselves unto king Solomon at the feast in the 
 
 3 month Ethanim, which is the seventh month. And all the 
 
 Ch. VIII. 1—11. Dedication of the Temple. Bringing up of 
 
 THE ARK AND THE HOLY VESSELS. TlIE GLORY OF THE LORD 
 FILLS THE HOUSE. (2 Chion. V. 1 — 14.) 
 
 1. Then Solomon assembled the elders of Israel] The LXX. [Vat.) 
 prefaces this chapter with the words 'And it came to pass when Solo- 
 mon had finished building the house of the Lord and his own house 
 after twenty years,' then &c. These words are from the commencement 
 of chap. ix. where they also recur in the LXX., and the precise time 
 'twenty years' is found mentioned i Kings ix. 10; 2 Chron. viii. i. 
 But that the Temple remained undedicated through all the years that 
 Solomon's house was building is nowhere told us, and is very impro- 
 bable. 
 
 Josephus (Ant. viii. 4. i) says the king summoned the assembly by a 
 formal document {yp!i\pas). 
 
 the chief of the fathers] Better with margin of A.V. and text of R.V. 
 the princes of the fathers' houses. The persons meant are those who 
 are called Ex. vi. I4 'heads of their fathers" houses. In that passage 
 the word for 'houses' is expressed, as it is in many other places (cf. 
 especially Numb. i. 16, 18, 20, &c., ii. 2). But the abbreviated form, 
 as here, came into common use (see Num. xxxvi. i ; Josh. xix. 51, xxi. 
 I, &c.). The rendering of the full phrase should in these cases be sup- 
 plied, 'houses' being printed in italics. 
 
 that they might bring up the ark\ Whatever may have been the 
 relative heights of the Temple mount and of Zion, in a religious sense 
 the former would be esteemed the more exalted, and so ' to bring up ' and 
 'to go up' thither would be the natural modes of expression. Cf. Is. 
 xxxviii. 22. Besides they would have to descend first from Zion and 
 then to ascend Moriah. On the religious importance and exaltation of 
 Zion cf. Ps. xlviii. 15 seqq. 
 
 the city of David %vhich is Zion] See above on iii. i. 
 
 2. at the feast in the month Ethanim zvhich is the seventh month] 
 Josephus tells us that the feast of tabernacles fell at this time, and that 
 that festival and the dedication services were combined into one great 
 feast. We know from Lev. xxiii. 34, that the feast of tabernacles com- 
 menced on the fifteenth day of the seventh month and was held for 
 seven days. The month Ethanim, which name only occurs here, is 
 described as the seventh month. The name, which is connected with a 
 word used for running water, is thought to signify 'the rainy month.' 
 Josephus calls it QiapX, which was the month between the new moons 
 
V. 4.] I- KINGS, VIII. 83 
 
 
 
 elders of Israel came, and the priests took up the ark. And 4 
 they brought up the ark of the Lord, and the tabernacle of 
 the congregation, and all the holy vessels that ivcre in the 
 tabernacle, even those did the priests and the Levites bring 
 
 of October and November. If heavy rains were common at the time it 
 was an unfortunate date for the feast of tabernacles. The 'early rains ' 
 spoken of in Scripture were the rains of autumn, and fell at the end of 
 October or beginning of November, but came on very gradually. The 
 ' latter rains ' were those of spring, mostly in March. If the feast took 
 place towards the middle of October it would close before the rains 
 began to fall. 
 
 Supposing the Temple to have been dedicated as soon as possible 
 after its completion, this festival must have been held in the twelfth 
 iyear of Solomon's reign. For in vi. 37 we are told that the actual 
 building was finished in the eighth month of the eleventh year. The 
 seventh month, named for the dedication, must have been in the year 
 following. 
 
 3. all the dders\ The other representative persons mentioned in 
 verse i are all no doubt to be included in this phrase. 
 
 the priests took up the ark\ This duty was usually performed by the 
 Levites (cf. Nuinb. ii. 31), but on very solemn occasions the priests 
 undertook it (see Josh. iii. 6, vi. 6). At this time it was necessary that 
 they should do so, for the ark was to be brought into the most holy 
 place, whither the Levites (Numb. iv. 20) were forbidden to enter. 
 'Moreover, the final conveyance of the ark to its special seat was a duty 
 to call for the most sacred of God's ministers. It is worth while to 
 [compare with this passage the statement in 1 Chron. v. 4. There it is 
 isaid 'and the Levites took up the ark,' and the narrative then con- 
 tinues, stating that the Levites 'brought up' the ark, i.e. carried it 
 during the transfer, but before its introduction into the Temple, the 
 phrase changes and we read ' the priests brought in the ark of the 
 covenant into his place.' 
 
 4. and the tabernacle of the congregatioii\ Better, as in other places, 
 the Tent of meeting. This consecrated tent, which had up to this time 
 stood in Gibeon, was now taken down, and the curtains and poles of 
 which it consisted seem to have been brought to the Temple to be pre- 
 served. There was probably room enough for their bestowal in the 
 ' side chambers' which enclosed the Temple on three sides. Others 
 have suggested a chamber above the most holy place. We have nothing 
 to guide us to a conclusion either in history or tradition. A tradition 
 which points to the preservation of the Tent is found 2 Mace. ii. 4. 
 
 those did the priests and the Levites bring np'\ In the parallel passage 
 in I Chron. v. 5, the conjunction 'and' is omitted and special attention 
 is called to Deut. xvii. 18, vi'here, and in subsequent places of the same 
 book 'the priests the Levites' are spoken of. It is noteworthy that 
 Josephus speaks only of the Levites, until the ark is to be brought within 
 the most holy place. Then, he says, all the rest withdrew and the priests 
 carried it to its resting-place. He also describes the procession, and how 
 
 6—2 
 
84 I. KINGS, VIII. [vv. 5—8. 
 
 5 up. And king Solomon, and all the congregation of Israel, 
 that were assembled unto him, were with him before the 
 ark, sacrificing sheep and oxen, that could not be told nor 
 
 6 numbered for multitude. And the priests brought in the 
 ark of the covenant of the Lord unto his place, into the 
 oracle of the house, to the most holy place, even under the 
 
 7 wings of the cherubims. For the cherubims spread forth 
 their two wings over the place of the ark, and the cherubims 
 
 8 covered the ark and the staves thereof above. And they 
 drew out the staves, that the ends of the staves were seen 
 
 ihe road was drenched with libations and with the blood of many 
 sacrifices, while the abundant burning of incense filled all the air with 
 fragrance so that people at a great distance could note that God was, as 
 men would judge, changing His abode and coming to dwell in the 
 house which had been newly built and dedicated to Him. The LXX. 
 (Faf.) omits nearly the whole of verses 2 and 3, and also a portion of 
 ver. 4. 
 
 6. were ivi^/i Jwn befo7-e the arh] This must refer to the time when 
 the great procession had reached the Temple court. At that spot the 
 ark was set down, and king and people joined in a solemn sacrifice, 
 before the priests bore the ark into the most holy place. 
 
 6. cz/cn under the wings of the cheritbims\ The outspread wings of 
 the cherubim extended across the whole width of the oracle (vi. 27) 
 and their wings touched one another in the middle of the house. Be- 
 neath these wings that touched, the ark was set down. As it was only 
 a cubit and a half high (Exod. xxv. 10), and the figures of the cherubim 
 were 10 cubits high (vi. 23) it is probable that some base or stand was 
 provided, so that the ark might be raised a little from the ground, 
 though this is not stated. Josephus tells us that the joined wings 
 overshadowed the ark, covering it as though it were under a tent or a 
 dome. 
 
 7. covered the ark and the staves thereof aboviil The ark appears to 
 have been placed length\vise, (the length was two cubits and a half,) 
 beneath the wings of the cherubim. Thus the staves also would lie 
 along in the rings and so be overshadowed by the wings. 
 
 8. And they dreiv out the staves] The verb either means transitively 
 'to make long' or intransitively 'to be long,' and the better rendering 
 is 'the staves were long.' We are nowhere told how long the staves 
 were made, but no doubt they were of considerable length that there 
 might be no danger of the bearers touching the sacred coffer. Philipp- 
 son {die Israclitische Bibel) says the old staves were ten cubits long, 
 but that for this occasion, according to some Jewish commentators, 
 new staves and longer ones had been made that more priests might 
 take a share in the carrying. To join on easily to the following clause 
 we must render the staves were so long. 
 
 that the ends of the staves were seen out m the holy place] Instead of 
 
V. 9.] I. KINGS, VIII. 
 
 out in the holy place before the oracle, and they were not 
 seen without : and there they are unto this day. There %vas 9 
 nothing in the ark save the two tables of stone, which Moses 
 put there at Horeb, when the Lord made a covenant with 
 
 'out in' the Hebrew has from, and the sense is that, somehow or 
 other, the heads of the staves were to be seen by persons looking from 
 the holy place towards the oracle. It is noteworthy that in 1 Chron. 
 V. 9 it is said ' the staves were s&tv\fro>Ji the ark.' 
 
 a7id [R.V. better, tout] thty were not seen ivitJwiit\ That is to say, 
 when any one went towards the porch and stood at the entrance of the 
 holy place, the heads of the staves were no longer visible. The whole 
 description must refer to occasions when the entrance into the holy of 
 holies was open, but why it is inserted it is hard to say, for it appears 
 to explain nothing, and to be of itself somewhat inexplicable. The ark 
 was not seen at all, but one standing near the division between the 
 holy place and the most holy might at such a time see the ends of the 
 staves, though if he were as far away as the length of the holy place, he 
 could not see them. The phrase in 2 Chron. v. 9 would then signify 
 that they were seen as they p)-ojected frotn the ark. 
 
 and there they are nnto this day] To have allowed these words to 
 remain bespeaks a singularly close copyist. They appear also in the 
 parallel passage in 2 Chronicles (v. 9). They were no doubt written 
 first when the Temple was still standing, but could not have been true 
 either for the compiler of the Kings or of Chronicles. They are 
 omitted by the LXX. 
 
 9. There was nothing in the ark save the t%vo tables of stone] We 
 read in Heb. ix. 4 that in the ark of the covenant ' was the golden pot 
 that had manna, and Aaron's rod that budded ' as well as the tables of 
 the covenant, and we may be sure that the writer there speaks accord- 
 ing to tradition. The Old Testament narrative (Exod. xvi. 34) says 
 that the pot of manna was laid up 'before the testimony' and the same 
 expression is used (Numb. .xvii. 10) concerning Aaron's rod. This 
 does not define whether they were put inside or on the outside of the 
 ark. But it is most probable that during the time when the ark was 
 inoved from place to place they were kept inside it, but as soon as it 
 was placed within the Temple they were removed. For the tables of 
 stone were alone intended to be stored in the ark, being 'the testimony 
 (Ex. XXV. i6) which God had given to Israel.' The other things 
 would still be 'before the testimony' if they were placed outside. 
 
 when the Lord made a covenant] There is no word for 'covenant' in 
 the Hebrew, but the verb is the technical term used in this sense, 
 meaning literally 'to cut' in allusion to the sacrifices which usually 
 accompanied covenant-making. No doubt by this time the verb alone 
 had come to have the sense of 'making a covenant.' So the italics of 
 the A. V. are rather misleading. The same verb without any noun 
 following is found in this sense i Sam. xi. 1 ; xx. 16, and in other 
 places. The verse is a little expanded but not changed in sense in 
 the LXX. 
 
86 I. KINGS, VIII. [vv. 10—14. 
 
 the children of Israel, when they came out of the land of 
 10 Egypt. And it came to pass, when the priests were come 
 out of the holy place^ that the cloud filled the house of the 
 ij Lord, so that the priests could not stand to minister be- 
 cause of the cloud : for the glory of the Lord had filled the 
 house of the Lord. 
 '2 Then spake Solomon, The Lord said that //<? would dwell 
 
 13 in the thick darkness. 1 have surely built thee a house to 
 
 14 dwell in, a settled place for thee to abide in for ever. And 
 
 Josephus adds here an account of the other furniture of the Temple, 
 with the position which it occupied, and adds, what no doubt he had 
 seen in his own time, that the brazen aUar stood before the shrine, 
 straight opposite the outer door, so that when that was thrown open 
 the altar was visible, and the priestly acts and the completion of the 
 sacrifice could all be seen. This is, in a way, a comment on verse 8. 
 The people outside could see through all the length of the holy place, 
 Vjut only one coming near to the partition, could, when the door into 
 the most holy was open, notice the extended heads of the staves. 
 
 10. the clotid filled the house of the Lord'\ The cloud was the veil 
 which hid the glory of the Lord. The article denotes that it was 
 something well known and perliaps permanent. Cf. Exod. xl. 34, 35 
 where it is said 'the cloud covered the tent of meeting and the glory of 
 the Lord filled the tabernacle, and Moses was not able to enter into 
 the tent of meeting because the cloud abode thereon.' This M'as the 
 token that God had taken up His abode there, and thus a standing 
 lesson was before the eyes of the people concerning the fact of the 
 Incarnation. Josephus says of this cloud that 'it produced in the 
 minds of all the notion and thought that God had come down into the 
 Temple, and was gladly tabernacling therein.' It was indeed the 
 Shechinah, the dwellingplace of God. 
 
 11. could not stand to minister^ i.e. At the altar of incense which 
 stood within the holy place. God's presence was diffused through 
 every part of the edifice, thus claiming the whole as set apart to Him. 
 
 12 — 21. Solomon's opening blessing. (2 Chron. vi. i— 11.) 
 
 12. The Lord said that he would dwell in the thick darhness'\ 
 Better, as in 2 Chron. vi. i, 'The Lord hath said, &c.' The king's 
 words are called forth by what he sees: the house enveloped in a 
 thick cloud such that none could remain within nor enter. The 
 allusion is to Lev. xvi. 2, M'here God says ' I will appear in the cloud 
 upon the mercy seat.' Cf. Ps. xcvii. 2, ' Clouds and darkness are 
 round about Him.' So too God speaks of coming to Moses 'in a thick 
 cloud,' Exod. xix. 9; xx. 21. 
 
 13. / have surely built thee a house to dwell in'\ R. V. 'a house of 
 habitation,' which is more literal, but not a more elegant rendering. 
 The king sees that God has deigned to accept the house that has been 
 
vv. 15, 16.] I. KINGS, VIII. 87 
 
 the king turned his face about, and blessed all the congrega- 
 tion of Israel : (and all the congregation of Israel stood ;) 
 and he said, Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, which spake 
 with his mouth unto David my father, and hath with his 
 hand fulfilled it, saying, Since the day that I brought forth 
 my people Israel out of Egypt, I chose no city out of all 
 the tribes of Israel to build a house, that my name might 
 be therein ; but I chose David to be over my people Israel. 
 
 built, and his desire that God may always dwell there fashions the 
 language which he uses. It is to be noted that in this dedication the 
 priests play but a secondary part. Zadok is not once named. Solomon 
 presides, speaks, prays. The LXX. ( Vat.) omits these two verses 
 altogether, but gives a modification and enlargement of them at verse 
 53 below. See note there. Josephus describes the opening of Solomon's 
 address to God as ' words which the king considered fit to be addressed 
 to the divine Being, and which it was right for him to speak.' 
 
 14. And tJie king turned his face abouf] He had spoken at first 
 looking towards the Temple, and beholding the cloud which told that 
 God was there. 
 
 atid blessed all the congregation] The words which follow ( 1 5 — 2 1 ) 
 are not words of benediction on the people, but thanksgiving to God. 
 We must suppose the language of blessing to have been like the 
 blessing which follows later on in the chapter (57 — 61) where the 
 king does ask for guidance and help for Israel. 
 
 15. t/ie Lord God of Israel] R.V. ' The Lord, the God of Israel.' 
 This change, which should be constantly made, will not be further 
 noticed. See chap. i. 30. 
 
 which spake with his mouth unto David my father] The allusion 
 is to the words of 1 Sam. vii. 5 — 7, where God by the prophet 
 Nathan forbids David to build Him a house. The prophet is regarded 
 so entirely as the mouthpiece of Jehovah, that Solomon can use 
 words like these both here, and in ver. 24, 'Thou spakest also with 
 thy mouth.' 
 
 16. that my name might be therein] The expression in the Pen- 
 tateuch is constant about the place which is dedicated to the worship of 
 God: 'God records His name there' (Exod. xx. 24); 'God chooses 
 it to put His name there' (Deut. xii. 5); 'God chooses it to cause 
 His name to dwell there' (Deut. xii. 11). In Exodus xx. 24 the phrase 
 is 'in all places,' because by that code it was contemplated that the 
 place set apart for worship would be changed from time to time, and 
 before the one permanent place was fixed upon, there would be many 
 places where God was worshipped. Deuteronomy represents the ideal 
 to be aimed at when the people were established in Canaan. 
 
 but I chose David] This is expanded in 2 Chron. vi. 6 so as to 
 include both the place and the person. 'But I have chosen Jerusalem 
 that my name might be there; and have chosen David to be over 
 my people Israel.' The LXX. also has the same clause. The language 
 
88 I. KINGS, VIII. [vv. 17—22. 
 
 17 And it was in the heart of David my father to build a house 
 
 18 for the name of the Lord God of Israel. And the Lord 
 said unto David my father, Whereas it was in thine heart to 
 build a house unto my name, thou didst well that it was in 
 
 19 thine heart. Nevertheless thou shalt not build the house ; 
 but thy son that shall come forth out of thy loins, he shall 
 
 20 build the house unto my name. And the Lord hath per- 
 formed his word that he spake, and I am risen up in the 
 room of David my father, and sit on the throne of Israel, as 
 the Lord promised, and have built a house for the name of 
 
 21 the Lord God of Israel. And I have set there a place for 
 the ark, wherein is the covenant of the Lord, which he 
 made with our fathers, when he brought them out of the 
 land of Egypt. 
 
 22 And Solomon stood before the altar of the Lord in the 
 
 of this verse in Kings seems almost to imply some opposition (or differ- 
 ence in the way of choice) between the material structure and the person. 
 
 17. And it -luas in (he heart, &c. The conjunction is better ren- 
 dered in 2 Chron. vi. 7, 'Now it was in the heart.' The two should be 
 alike. 
 
 19. thou shalt not build the house] It was not necessary for Solo- 
 mon to add the reasons given in i Chron. xxii. 8, 'Thou hast shed 
 blood abundantly and hast made great wars.' 
 
 21. the ark, wherein is the cove)ianl of the Lord] It has just been 
 said (ver. 9) that only the two tables of stone were in the ark. They 
 must then be meant by ' the covenant of the Lord,' and this is borne 
 out by such passages as Deut. iv. 23, xxix. 25, where the covenant 
 alluded to forms a part of the ten commandments. But 'the book of 
 tlie covenant' (Exod. xxiv. 7) appears to have included all the laws 
 contained in Exod. xx. — xxiii. 
 
 22—53. Solomon's prayer. (2 Chron. vi. 12—42.) 
 
 22. And Solomon stood before the altar of the Lord] This was the 
 altar of burnt offerings which stood in the Temple court. In 2 Chron. 
 vi. 13 we have an explanation which is omitted here, "For .Solomon 
 had made a brazen scaffold of five culiits long, and five cubits broad, 
 and three cubits high, and had set it in the midst of the court, and upon 
 it he stood and kneeled down before all the congregation of Israel." 
 (See note on verse 54.) 
 
 Josephus gives as the opening of this prayer a passage utterly foreign 
 to the character of Solomon's words. "It is not possible for men by 
 what they do to give God thanks for the benefits they have received. 
 I'or the divinity is in need of nothing and is above all such requital, 
 r.ut with that wherein we are made by Thee, O Lord, superior to other 
 living creatures, with that we are bound to bless Tliy majesty and to 
 
vv. 23— 27.] I. KINGS, VIII. 89 
 
 presence of all the congregation of Israel, and spread forth 
 his hands toward heaven : and he said, 23 
 
 Lord God of Israel, there is no God like thee, in heaven 
 above, or on earth beneath, who keepest covenant and 
 mercy with thy servants that walk before thee with all their 
 heart : who hast kept with thy servant David my father that 24 
 thou promisedst him : thou spakest also with thy mouth, 
 and hast fulfilled // with thine hand, as // is this day. There- 25 
 fore now, Lord God of Israel, keep with thy servant David 
 my father that thou promisedst him, saying, There shall not 
 fail thee a man in my sight to sit on the throne of Israel ; 
 so that thy children take heed to their way, that they walk 
 before me as thou hast walked before me. And now, O 26 
 God of Israel, let thy word, I pray thee, be verified, which 
 thou spakest unto thy servant David my father. 
 
 But will God indeed dwell on the earth ? behold, the 27 
 heaven and heaven of heavens cannot contain thee; how 
 
 give thanks for what Thou hast wrought for my house, and for the people 
 of the Hebrews. For with what is it more fitting that we should sup- 
 plicate Thee, whether Thou be angry or continuest gracious, than with 
 the voice which we derive from the air and know to be sent hack 
 through the same medium?" 
 
 23. tuho kcepesl covenant and mercy] The phrase is found in Deut. 
 vii. 9, 12. In God's intent, the covenant and the mercy were the same 
 thing. It was transgression on man's part which called forth any other 
 character in the covenant. 
 
 with thy servants] The LXX. has the singular, thus restricting the 
 allusion in verses ■23 — 26 entirely to David and his family. The Hebrew 
 by the plural represents the spirit of the phrase in Deuteronomy, and 
 the supplication becomes an appeal to God that He will remember 
 towards David's race the promise which at first was made to all Israel. 
 See Chap. ii. 4 and 2 Sam. vii. 12, &c. 
 
 25. so that thy children take heed] In modern English 'so that ' = 'if 
 only,' 'provided that,' is not common, but was so when the A.V. was 
 made. Cf. Shakespeare, All's Well, ii. 4. 20, "6"^ tJiat you had her 
 wrinkles, and I her money, I would she did as you say." See also 
 Richard II. iii. 4. 102. The R.V. has the modem 'if only' and the 
 LXX. represents the sense by itXtjv edv. 
 
 27. 7vill God in very deed dwell on the earth?] The LXX. adds 
 'with men.' 
 
 the heaven and heaven of heavens] The expression is found in Deut. 
 X. 14; Ps. Ixvii. 36, cxiii. 16, and is used to express the widest compass 
 of heaven. 
 
 this house which I have hiiildcd] The LXX. adds 'for Thy name.' 
 
9C I. KINGS, VIII. [vv. 28— 32. 
 
 28 much less this house that I have builded ? Yet have thou 
 respect unto the prayer of thy servant, and to his suppUca- 
 tion, O Lord my God, to hearken unto the cry and to the 
 
 29 prayer, which thy servant prayeth before thee to day : that 
 thine eyes may be open toward this house night and day, 
 even toward the place of which thou hast said, My name 
 shall be there : that thoti mayest hearken unto the prayer 
 
 30 which thy servant shall make towards this place. And 
 hearken thou to the supplication of thy servant, and of thy 
 people Israel, when they shall pray towards this place : and 
 hear thou in heaven thy dwelling place : and when thou 
 hearest, forgive. 
 
 31 If any man trespass against his neighbour, and an oath 
 be laid upon him to cause him to swear, and the oath come 
 
 35 before thine altar in this house : then hear thou in heaven, 
 and do, and judge thy servants, condemning the wicked, 
 
 28. Yet have thoti respect\ Literally the Hebrew is "Yet thou wilt 
 have respect." The tense is chosen to intimate the assurance in the 
 mind of the king that the prayers made will be answered. 
 
 29. even totuard the place of which thou hast said. My name shall be 
 there\ These words refer back to verse 16, and appear to imply all that 
 is contained in the expansion there alluded to from 2 Chron. vi. 6 that 
 God had chosen Jerusalem as the place for His temple. 'My name' 
 indicates God's revelation of Himself with all His attributes. 
 
 toivards this place\ For the king was not in the Temple but looking 
 towards it, as would be the case with all future worshippers except the 
 priests who were allowed to enter into the building. Hence it came to 
 pass that in foreign lands the Israelite turned his face in the direction of 
 Jerusalem. Cf. Dan. vi. 10; Jonah ii. 4; Ps. v. 7. 
 
 31. If any man trespass'] Here Solomon enters on a series of specific 
 petitions, the first of which is concerning any case of trespass, in which 
 he implores that God would uphold the sanctity of an oath. The sense 
 of 'trespass' in this verse must be='be supposed to have trespassed.' 
 The person presumed to have offended is to be challenged to take an 
 oath, and to God is left the punishment of the guilty and the acquittal 
 of the innocent. Cf. Exod. xxii. 7 — 11. 
 
 and the oath come] It is better to take both words as verbs and 
 supply a copulative. Render "and lie come and swear." 
 
 32. then hear thou in heaven'] As the truth in such a case as is 
 supposed can be known to God alone, He is prayed to act the part 
 assigned to judges in the Law (cf. Deut. xxv. i) and to make known in 
 His own way which persons take the oath justly, and which unjustly. 
 The close imitation of the language of Deuteronomy deserves to be 
 noticed. 
 
vv. 33—37.] I. KINGS, VIII. 91 
 
 to bring his way upon his head ; and justifying the righteous, 
 to give him according to his righteousness. 
 
 When thy people Israel be smitten down before the enemy, 33 
 because they have sinned against thee, and shall turn again 
 to thee, and confess thy name, and pray, and make supplica- 
 tion unto thee in this house : then hear thou in heaven, and 34 
 forgive the sin of thy people Israel, and bring them again 
 unto the land which thou gavest unto their fathers. 
 
 When heaven is shut up, and there is no rain, because 35 
 they have sinned against thee ; if they pray towards this 
 place, and confess thy name, and turn from their sin, when 
 thou afflictest them : then hear thou in heaven, and forgive 36 
 the sin of thy servants, and of thy people Israel, that thou 
 teach them the good way wherein they should walk, and 
 give rain upon thy land, which thou hast given to thy people 
 for an inheritance. 
 
 If there be in the land famine, if there be pestilence, 37 
 
 33. When thy people Israel be smitten down before the etiemy] Such 
 an event is contemplated in the language of Leviticus (xxvi. 17) and 
 Deuteronomy (xxviii. 25) as well as the restoration and delivery of the 
 people on their repentance (see Lev. xxvi. 40 — 42). 
 
 because they have sinned against thee'\ From what follows it seems as 
 if idolatry, to which the people were so prone, were noted as the special 
 sin. They have turned away from God, and so are to turn to Him 
 again. The penalty constantly threatened for serving strange gods was 
 that they should be made to serve strangers in a land which was not 
 theirs. Cf. Deut. xxviii. 47 seqq. 
 
 35. When heaven is shut 2ip^ The king next intreats against a plague 
 of drought. This also had been proclaimed in the Pentateuch as one 
 of God's methods of discipline and punishment. So Deut. xi. 17 the 
 people are warned to beware of sin lest the Lord shut up the heaven 
 that there be no rain; and in Deuteronomy (xxviii. 23) and Leviticus 
 (xxvi. 19) the striking phrase is used 'I will make your heaven as iron, 
 and your earth as brass.' 
 
 36. forgive the sin of thy servants and of thy people Israel^ Probably 
 Solomon means by 'servants' the kings who should hereafter reign 
 over Israel. The LXX. evidently thought this, for there we only have 
 'thy servant' meaning the king at the time being. 
 
 that than teach them'] The rendering should rather be 'when thou 
 teachest them,' as at the close of the previous verse. The forgiveness is 
 to come, when the lesson of chastisement has been given and learnt. 
 
 37. If there be in the land famine] In this verse the king gathers 
 together various judgements which God had threatened on His people if 
 they sinned. For famine cf. Lev. xxvi. 20; Deut. xi. 17 : for blasting 
 and mildew, Deut. xxviii. 22; for locust, Deut. xxviii. 38, The parti- 
 
92 I. KINGS, VIII. [vv. 38—41. 
 
 blasting, mildew, locust, or if there be caterpillar ; if their 
 enemy besiege them in the land of their cities ; whatsoever 
 
 38 plague, whatsoever sickness there be ; what prayer and sup- 
 plication soever be made by any man, or by all thy people 
 Israel, which shall know every man the plague of his own 
 
 39 heart, and spread forth his hands towards this house : then 
 hear thou in heaven thy dwelling place, and forgive, and 
 do, and give to every man according to his ways, whose 
 heart thou knowest ; (for thou, eveji thou only, knowest the 
 
 40 hearts of all the children of men ;) that they may fear thee 
 all the days that they live in the land which thou gavest 
 unto our fathers. 
 
 41 Moreover concerning a stranger, that is not of thy people 
 
 cular insect rendered 'caterpillar' in this verse is not mentioned in the 
 Pentateuch, but we know from Joel ii. 25, that some other kind, or 
 stage of development, of locust is meant by it. In Deut. xxviii. 42 we 
 have mention of an insect, also rendered 'locust,' which 1 as a different 
 name in the original from that spoken of in verse 38 of the same chapter. 
 The siege by an enemy is threatened in Deut. xxviii. 52. 
 
 in the land of their cities] The Hebrew word translated 'cities' 
 usually signifies 'gates,' and it is so rendered Deut. xxviii. 52 'He 
 shall besiege thee in all thy gates.' But in 'gates' the 'cities,' which 
 alone possessed them, are implied. The LXX. and other versions have 
 'in one of their cities.' The Vulg. has 'gates.' 
 
 38. tvhich shall know every man the plague of his own heart] i.e. 
 The special infliction which is sent to him for his own correction, and 
 for the relief of which he only can fitly pray. 
 
 39. whose heart thou knowest] This is the other aspect. God will 
 know whether the discipline have wrought its effect, whether the heart 
 have been plagued in such wise as to bring about repentance. 
 
 40. that they may fear thee] i.e. Being instructed and warned by 
 God's judgements may cease to offend and in consequence need no more 
 correction. Cf. Ps. cxxx. 4. 'There is forgiveness with thee, that thou 
 mayest be feared.' 
 
 41. Moreover concerning a stranger] Consideration for the stranger 
 was a marked feature of the Jewish legislation. Cf. Exod. xxii. 21, 
 xxiii. 9, 12, &c. So he is not to be excluded from spiritual privileges. 
 Josephus makes Solomon enlarge on this characteristic thus : "And I 
 do not ask from Thee this help for the Hebrews alone when they 
 offend ; but even if any come from the ends of the earth, or from any 
 land whatever and wish in this place to make petition unto Thee, 
 hearken and grant their request. For thus it will be known to all men 
 that Thou hast wished this house to be built for Thee by us, and that 
 we are not unnatural nor hostile to strangers, but gladly desire that 
 Thy help and the advantage of Thy blessings should be shared by all." 
 The last sentence tells of the opinion, which in the days of Josephus 
 
vv. 42— 46.] I. KINGS, VIII. 93 
 
 Israel, but cometh out of a far country for thy name's sake ; 
 (for they shall hear of thy great name, and of thy strong 42 
 hand, and of thy stretched out arm ;) when he shall come 
 and pray towards this house ; hear thou in heaven thy 43 
 dwelling place, and do according to all that the stranger 
 calleth to thee for : that all people of the earth may know 
 thy name, to fear thee, as do thy people Israel ; and that 
 they may know that this house, which I have builded, is 
 called by thy name. 
 
 If thy people go out to battle against their enemy, 44 
 whithersoever thou shalt send them, and shall pray unto 
 the Lord toward the city which thou hast chosen, and 
 toward the house that I have built for thy name : then hear 4s 
 thou in heaven their prayer and their supplication, and 
 maintain their cause. If they sin against thee, (for there is 46 
 
 prevailed among the heathen, that the Jews were haters of the rest of 
 mankind. For this sentiment cf. Juvenal xiv. 103, 104. Tac. Hist. 
 V. 5. 
 
 for thy name's sake] i.e. Having heard of Thy wondrous works per- 
 formed for Israel. 
 
 42. of thy strong hand, and of thy stretched out arm] A constant 
 phrase in Deuteronomy to express God's power, see Deut. iii. 24, iv. 34, 
 V. 15, &c. The greater part of verse 41 and the whole of 42 are omitted 
 in the LXX. [Vat.). 
 
 7uhen he shall come and pray toivards this housed For the earlier 
 provision whereby the stranger might be admitted to share in the wor- 
 ship of Israel, see Numb. xv. 14. The rule was "as ye do, so shall he 
 do." 
 
 43. that this house... is called by thy name] The literal rendering 
 of the Hebrew 'that thy name is called upon this house,' tliough not so 
 good English, brings out more of the true notion of the words viz., that 
 God has taken I'.p His abode there, and that there men may approach 
 very near unto Him. 
 
 44. If thy people go out to battle] The case here is of a war under- 
 taken by God's direction, and therefore in a righteous cause. Under 
 such circumstances the people may trust in Him for support. 
 
 shall pray unto the Lord toward the city] Not only the Jews but 
 other people were wont to turn their faces toward some sacred spot 
 when praying in a distant land, as Daniel did in Babylon (Dan. vi. 10). 
 Thus the Mohammedans turn towards Mecca, and the early Christians 
 inherited from the Jews the custom of turning to the east when they 
 prayed. Cf. Tert. Apol. 16. 
 
 46. If they sin against thee] With the language of these verses 
 concerning the delivery of Israel into the hand of their enemies for 
 their sins, the chapters of Leviticus (xxvi.) and Deuteronomy (xxviii.) 
 
94 I- KINGS, VIII. [vv. 47— 52. 
 
 no man that sinneth not,) and thou be angry with them, 
 and deUver them to the enemy, so that they carry them 
 
 47 away captives unto the land of the enemy, far or near ; yet 
 if they shall bethink themselves in the land whither they 
 were carried captives, and repent, and make supplication 
 unto thee in the land of them that carried them captives, 
 saying, \Ve have sinned, and have done perversely, we have 
 
 43 committed wickedness ; and so return unto thee with all 
 their heart, and with all their soul, in the land of their 
 enemies, which led them away captive, and pray unto thee 
 toward their land, which thou gavest unto their fathers, the 
 city which thou hast chosen, and the house which I have 
 
 A) built for thy name : then hear thou their prayer and their 
 supplication in heaven thy dwelling place, and maintain 
 
 5D their cause, and forgive thy people that have sinned against 
 thee, and all their transgressions wherein they have trans- 
 gressed against thee, and give them compassion before them 
 who carried them captive, that they may have compassion 
 
 51 on them : for they be thy people, and thine inheritance, 
 which thou broughtest forth out of Egypt, from the midst 
 
 52 of the furnace of iron : that thine eyes may be open unto 
 the supplication of thy servant, and unto the supplication of 
 thy people Israel, to hearken unto them in all that they call 
 
 already frequently quoted should be compared. Though the verbal 
 resemblance is less than in some other parts of this prayer, the idea and 
 spirit of the language is exactly the same. 
 
 49. and maintain their catcse] The words are the same as in verse 
 45, but the idea is a little different. There the 'cause' was a righteous 
 war undertaken at God's direction; here the phrase implies that God 
 shall do His people right by delivering them from their oppressors. For 
 though God may use the heathen as His instruments He does not always 
 approve of the conduct they exhibit. On this cf. Isaiah x. 5 — 16. The 
 literal meaning of the Hebrew is 'do them right' or 'work out their 
 right.' 
 
 50. give them compassion^ So God stirred ujd the heart of Cyrus to 
 permit Israel to return from Babylon (Ezra i. i). 
 
 51. from the midst of the furnace of iron'\ The bondage of Egypt is 
 so called, Deut. iv. 20. The idea is of the intense heat needed to melt 
 iron in a furnace, and that with this the suffering of Israel might be 
 compared. Cf. Is. xlviii. 10; Jer. xi. 14. 
 
 52. in all that they call for unto thee\ The Hebrew is literally 
 • In all their crying unto thee,' which R. V. represents more nearly by 
 wliensoever they cry unto thee. 
 
vv. 53, 54-] I- KINGS, Vlll. 95 
 
 for unto thee. For thou didst separate them from among 53 
 all the people of the earth, to be thine inheritance, as thou 
 spakest by the hand of Moses thy servant, when thou 
 broughtest our fathers out of Egypt, O Lord God. 
 
 And it was so, that when Solomon had made an end of 54 
 praying all this prayer and supplication unto the Lord, he 
 arose from before the altar of the Lord, from kneeling on 
 
 53. As ihoii spakest by the hand of Moses^ The reference is to 
 Exod. xix. 5, 6, where God promises that Israel shall be to Him 'a 
 peculiar treasure.' 'By the hand of is a not uncommon Hebrew 
 phrase for 'by' (see below verse 56), and it is so represented in A. V, 
 Thus Is. XX. 2, ' the Lord spake by Isaiah,' the original has ' by the 
 hand of.' So in Malachi i. i 'by Malachi ' is ' by the hand of Malachi.' 
 At this point there occurs in 1 Chron. (vi. 40—42) a large addition 
 thus: * Now, my God, let, I beseech thee, thine eyes be open, and let 
 thine ears be attent unto the prayer that is made in this place. Now 
 therefore arise, O Lord God, into thy resting place, thou and the ark 
 of thy strength : let thy priests, O Lord God, be clothed with salvation, 
 and let thy saints rejoice in goodness. O Lord God, turn not away 
 the face of thine anointed : remember the mercies of David thy ser- 
 vant.' These words may have belonged to the original document and 
 be flie groundwork of Ps. cxxxii., or the Chronicler may have given a 
 free variation and borrowed from the Psalm. 
 
 In the LXX. there is also an addition of a different kind after verse 
 53. It purports to be something which was written h> ^ijiXicp rrjs (pdrjs, 
 'in the book of song' and is made up of allusions to verses 12 and 13 of 
 this chapter, and, as it stands, is not very intelligible. The translation 
 would be ' The sun he made known in heaven, the Lord hath said that 
 he will dwell in darkness. Build my house, a comely house for thyself 
 to dwell in. Behold, is it not written in the book of song?' Prof. 
 Robertson Smith has discussed this passage in the notes (pp. 403, 404) 
 to his ' Old Testament in the Jewish Church,' and by certain, not very 
 startling corrections, he gives a restored version thus : 
 
 Jehovah created the sun in the heavens, 
 
 But he hath determined to dwell in darkness. 
 
 Build my house, an house of habitation for me, 
 
 A place to dwell in eternally. 
 
 Behold is it not written in the book of Jashar? 
 
 54 — 61. Solomon's closing benediction. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 54. he arose from before the a/tar] In verse 2 2 we are only told that 
 Solomon stood before the altar. It appears from this verse that the 
 addition in 2 Chron. vi. 13, where we read that he first stood and then 
 kneeled down before the people, gives the correct idea of what took 
 place. Josephus tells us that at the close of the prayer the king cast 
 himself upon the ground and continued worshipping a long time, after 
 which he arose and offered sacrifices. 
 
96 I. KINGS, VIII. [vv. 55—61. 
 
 55 his knees with his hands spread up to heaven. And he 
 stood, and blessed all the congregation of Israel ivith a loud 
 
 56 voice, saying. Blessed be the Lord, that hath given rest 
 unto his people Israel, according to all that he promised : 
 there hath not failed one word of all his good promise, 
 
 57 which he promised by the hand of Moses his servant. The 
 Lord our God be with us, as he was with our fathers : let 
 
 5S him not leave us, nor forsake us : that he may incline our 
 hearts unto him, to walk in all his ways, and to keep his 
 commandments, and his statutes, and his judgements, which 
 
 59 he commanded our fathers. And let these my words, 
 wherewith I have made supplication before the Lord, be 
 nigh unto the Lord our God day and night, that he maintain 
 the cause of his servant, and the cause of his people Israel 
 
 60 at all times, as the matter shall require : that all the people 
 of the earth may know that the Lord is God, and that there 
 
 61 is none else. Let your heart therefore be perfect with the 
 Lord our God, to walk in his statutes, and to keep his com- 
 mandments, as at this day. 
 
 56. that hath given rest unto Ids people'] For Solomon's reign was 
 to be specially a time of peace (cf. i Kings ii. 33), and it was only in 
 a time of profound tranquillity that the great works of the Temple and 
 the king's house could have been carried out. This no doubt was the 
 idea of the LXX., who make this verse commence 'Blessed be the 
 Lord to-day.^ 
 
 58. that he may inelinc our hearts unto hiiii\ Which will not 
 happen if He leave or forsake His people. 
 
 59. be jiigh unto the Lord otir God day and night'\ That He may 
 have them always in remembrance. 
 
 as the matter shall reqtiii'e^ The Hebrew is ' the thing of a day in 
 its day' and the R. V. gives 'as every day shall require,' which brings 
 it a little closer to the original, but with no different sense from A. V. 
 
 60. that all the people of the earth may knotu] This was always 
 the view of the pious Israelite that God's glory might be known 
 among all nations. Cf. Josh. iv. 24 ; i Sam. xvii. 46. There is 
 nothing in 2 Chronicles of the verses 54 — 6r, but preceding the 
 account of the sacrifices we are told (2 Chron. vii. i — 3) that fire 
 came down from heaven (which Josephus also speaks of at this point 
 of the narrative) and consumed the burnt-offering and the sacrifice, 
 that the glory of God filled the house so that the priests could not enter, 
 and that at the sight thereof all the people worshipped and praised the 
 Lord. After this the narrative continues in parallelism with i Kings. 
 
 61. perfect'] i.e. 'Entirely surrendered' (shdldm). So in Arabic 
 w/aw = religion as entire submission; moslem, the religious man as 
 entirely devoted. 
 
vv. 62—64] I. KINGS, VIII. 97 
 
 And the king, and all Israel with him, ottered sacrifice 62 
 before the Lord. And Solomon offered a sacrifice of peace 63 
 offerings, which he offered unto the Lord, two and twenty 
 thousand oxen, and an hundred and twenty thousand sheep. 
 So the king and all the children of Israel dedicated the 
 house of the Lord. The same day did the king hallow the 64 
 middle of the court that was before the house of the Lord: 
 for there he offered burnt ofterings, and meat offerings, and 
 the fat of the peace offerings : because the brasen altar that 
 was before the Lord ivas too little to receive the burnt 
 offerings, and meat offerings, and the fat of the peace offer- 
 
 62 — 66. The GREAT SACRIFICE AND FESTIVAL. (2 Chron. vii. 4 — ir.) 
 
 63. And Solomon offered a sacrifice of peace offerings'] It is ordered 
 in the Law (Lev. vii. 15) that the greatest part of such peace offerings 
 shall be eaten at the time of the offering. The fat and certain internal 
 portions of the victim are to be consumed in the fire on the altar, but 
 all else is to go for food. This explains in part the enormous number 
 of animals mentioned in this verse. Not only among the Jews, but 
 among all ancient nations, sacrifices were feasts, sometimes on a very 
 large scale. Homer supplies abundant instances. The dedication of 
 the Temple was an event for which all who could come were sure to 
 assemble, and for the support of such an enormous crowd for fourteen 
 days (cf. 2 Chron. vii. 8, 9) the supply here mentioned need not be 
 thought excessive. Great multitudes can assemble in Eastern climates, 
 where the shelter of a roof at night is not a necessity, with less pre- 
 paration, except for actual food, than is required in western lands. 
 Josephus says "all the Hebrews feasted with their wives and children, 
 moreover also the king celebrated the feast which is called the feast of 
 Tabernacles grandly and magnificently before the Temple, feasting 
 together with all the people." 
 
 two and twenty thousand oxen] Contrary to his custom Josephus 
 gives here a smaller number than that in the Hebrew text. He says 
 twelve thousand oxen, but keeps the same number, one hundred and 
 twenty thousand, for the sheep. Though it be said that the king 
 offered this large sacrifice, we need not suppose that any great part of the 
 offering was performed by him personally or in his presence. The next 
 verse shows that provision was made for offering sacrifices in other places 
 than on the brazen altar, viz. on temporary altars set up for the occasion. 
 
 64. meat offerings} These consisted (see Lev. ii. 4 — 7) of fine 
 flour with oil and incense. In modern English the sense of 'meat' has 
 become so restricted to flesh, that the R.V., to give a nearer idea of 
 the true nature of the offering, has changed the word to meal-ofTering, 
 though this does not quite adequately convey the meaning. In 
 2 Chron. vii. 6 we read that the Levites accompanied these sacrifices 
 with music, on instruments which David had made for religious services, 
 and the priests blew the trumpets before them. 
 
 I. KINGS 7 
 
9^ I. KINGS, VIII. IX. [vv. 66; i. 
 
 65 ings. And at that time Solomon held a feast, and all 
 Israel with him, a great congregation, from the entering in 
 of Hamath unto the river of Egypt, before the Lord our 
 
 66 God, seven days and seven days, even fourteen days. On 
 the eighth day he sent the people away : and they blessed 
 the king, and went unto their tents joyful and glad of heart 
 for all the goodness that the Lord had done for David his 
 servant, and for Israel his people. 
 
 And it came to pass, when Solomon had finished the 
 
 65. Solomon held a /cast] Better 'tbe feast.' The special feast of 
 Tabernacles (cf. verse ■2), a very fitting occasion for the great multi- 
 tude to make themselves an encampment in the open country around. 
 
 The part played by Solomon in all this dedication ceremony shews us 
 that the ordinances of the Pentateuch had not yet come into observance. 
 Israel had not advanced beyond the traditional religion contained in the 
 'book of the covenant'. But the failure of the nation herein cannot of 
 itself be held to establish the non-existence of the Levitical law. 
 
 /ro/u the entering in of Hamath unto the river of Egypf] Within 
 these limits the whole land of Palestine was embraced. Hamath on 
 the north was situated in the valley of the Orontes, and for a long time 
 was the chief city of the northern part of Syria. On the south the 
 river of Egypt (nahal Rlizraim) is identified for us in the LXX. (Is. 
 xxvii. 12) by being translated d Trora/^os ^ws 'FivoKopovpuv. Rhinoco- 
 roura (i.e. Rhinocolura) is the modern ElArish, and so the nahal Mizraim 
 was probably IVady el Arish, a desert streani on the border of Egypt. 
 
 before the Lord our God] The last two words have the appearance 
 of an editorial addition. They would hardly appear in the original 
 narrative. 
 
 seven days and seven days'] As explained in 2 Chron. vii. 9 the 
 dedication of the altar lasted seven days, and the feast (of Tabernacles 
 proper) other seven days. This double observance accounts for the 
 form of words here used. 
 
 66. On the eighth day] i.e. Of the feast of Tabernacles, which had 
 been preceded on this occasion by the feast of Dedication. Therefore 
 this was the fifteenth day of the whole ceremony. It is defined in 
 2 Chron. vii. 10 as 'the three and twentieth day of the seventh month.' 
 
 and they blessed the king] Josephus explains thus: 'they went away 
 thanking the king, for his forethought about them, and for the conduct 
 which he had exhibited towards them, and praying God to give them 
 Solomon as their king for a long time to come.' 
 
 and went unto their tents] The expression is a sur\dval from those 
 times when the home was a tent. Cf. 2 Sam. xviii. 17, xix. 8. 
 
 Ch. IX. 1 — 9. God's second appearance unto Solomon. 
 (2 Chron. vii. ir — 22.) ^ 
 
 1. when Solomon had finished] We read (i Kings vi. 38) that 
 Solomon was seven years in building the Temple, and in vii. i that he 
 
w. 2—4.] I. KINGS, IX. 99 
 
 building of the house of the Lord, and the king's house, 
 and all Solomon's desire which he was pleased to do, that 2 
 the Lord appeared to Solomon the second time, as he had 
 appeared unto him at Gibeon. And the Lord said unto 3 
 him, I have heard thy prayer and thy supplication, that 
 thou hast made before me : I have hallowed this house, 
 which thou hast built, to put my name there for ever ; and 
 mine eyes and mine heart shall be there perpetually. And 4 
 
 was thirteen years building his own house. We find also below (in 
 verse 10) that these periods were not reckoned concurrently, but that the 
 whole period was twenty years. Hence arises a difficulty with regard, 
 to this second appearance of God to the king. From the words of 
 God's message " I have heard thy prayer &c." (vei'se 3) it is plain that 
 this second vision was an answer to the dedication prayer. Was then 
 the dedication of the Temple, though the structure was completed in 
 seven years, delayed until all the rest of Solomon's works were ended ? 
 Or was the answer of God delayed through the thirteen years that 
 elapsed between the finishing of the Temple and the finishing of the 
 king's house ? We can hardly accept the latter supposition as possible. 
 It appears far more likely that the dedication was delayed. And this 
 may have been necessary because of the amount of time which Hiram 
 would need for casting the metal-work, the greater part of which was 
 for things that were unconnected with the actual Temple-building. This 
 work from its nature could be undertaken only by persons specially 
 skilled, of whom the number would be limited, and in consequence 
 of this the work might be spread over a long time. 
 
 all Solomon'' s desire] The noun implies something by which special 
 store was set, a special fancy. It seems to indicate that the king had 
 gone to much nicety in his building schemes. The LXX. gives wpay- 
 ixarela, perhaps in the sense of 'careful carrying out of any plan'. In 
 2 Chron. vii. 11, it is said 'he prosperously effected all that came 
 into his heart to make.' 
 
 2. i/ie Lord appeared to Solomon the second time'] In 2 Chron. we 
 are told that this was 'by night,' therefore in a vision. Josephus says 
 ' a vision appearing to the king in his sleep shewed him that God had 
 hearkened to his prayer. ' 
 
 at Gibeon'] Cf. on iii. 5 above. 
 
 3. I have heard thy prayer] This could not have been the form of 
 God's message, if thirteen years had passed away since the dedication. 
 God's way is rather that spoken of by Isaiah Ixv. 24 ' While they are 
 yet speaking I will hear.' The LXX. adds after the first clause of this 
 verse ' I have done for thee according to all thy prayer.' 
 
 to put my name there for ever] The place which God had chosen 
 was now made known ; and God's purposes change not. 
 
 7niite eyes and mine heart shall be there] As in the former vision at 
 Gibeon, God had given more than Solomon asked, so it is here. The 
 
loo I. KINGS, IX. [vv. 5—7. 
 
 if thou wilt walk before me, as David thy father walked, in 
 integrity of heart, and in uprightness, to do according to 
 all that I have commanded thee, and wilt keep my statutes 
 
 5 and my judgments : then I will establish the throne of thy 
 kingdom upon Israel for ever, as I promised to David thy 
 father, saying. There shall not fail thee a man upon the 
 
 6 throne of Israel. But if you shall at all turn from following 
 me, you or your children, and will not keep my command- 
 ments a7id my statutes which I have set before you, but go 
 
 7 and serve other gods, and worship them : then will I cut off 
 Israel out of the land which I have given them ; and this 
 house, which I have hallowed for my name, will I cast out 
 of my sight; and Israel shall be a proverb and a byword 
 
 prayer was that God's eyes might be open toward the house, the pro- 
 mise is that His heart shall be there perpetually. 
 
 This verse is largely expanded in 2 Chron. vii. 1 2 seqq. thus : ' I 
 have heard thy prayer and have chosen this place to myself for an 
 house of sacrifice. If I shut up heaven that there be no rain, or if I 
 command the locusts to devour the land, or if I send pestilence among 
 iny people ; if my people which are called by my name shall humble 
 themselves and pray and seek my face and turn from their wicked 
 ways, then will I hear from heaven, and will forgive their sin, and 
 will heal their land. Now mine eyes shall be open and mine ears 
 attent unto the prayer that is made in this place. For now I have 
 chosen and sanctified this house that my name may be there for ever.' 
 This addition appears to be the work of a later writer who wished to 
 express by it, that God's answer was as large as the king's prayer. 
 
 4. / have commanded thee\ The LXX. reads ' I commanded him,' 
 making the clause refer to David. 
 
 6. But if you shall at all turn fi-om following me] The insertion of 
 *at air here is an attempt to give some force to the Hebrew construc- 
 tion. It is a peculiarity of that language to use the infinitive of a verb 
 followed by a finite tense to give emphasis to an expression. But un- 
 doubtedly 'at air weakens the sense here. God's warning is against 
 utter apostasy, going and serving other gods. Hence there is more 
 force in R.V. If ye shall turn away from following me. 
 
 and ?uy statutes] There is no conjunction between the two nouns 
 here, but there is in the parallel place in 2 Chronicles and in the ver- 
 sions it is represented. So small a letter as "I could easily drop out. 
 
 which I have set before you] The LXX. has ' which Moses gave 
 before you. ' 
 
 7. then will I cut off] We have once more a passage very parallel 
 to Deut. iv. 26, xxviii. 37, 45, 63, where 'an astonishment, a proverb 
 and a by- word ' occurs, as here. 
 
 this house... will I cast out of my sight] It is not here declared what 
 shall be the consequence of God's disregard but the idea of destruction 
 
w. 8—12.] I. KINGS, IX. loi 
 
 among all people : and at this house, 7vhich is high, every a 
 one that passeth by it shall be astonished, and shall hiss ; 
 and they shall say, Why hath the Lord done thus unto this 
 land, and to this house ? And they shall answer. Because 9 
 they forsook the Lord their God, who brought forth their 
 fathers out of the land of Egypt, and have taken hold upon 
 other gods, and have worshipped them, and served them : 
 therefore hath the Lord brought upon them all this evil. 
 
 And it came to pass at the end of twenty years, when 10 
 Solomon had built the two houses, the house of the Lord, 
 and the king's house, {?i02v Hiram the king of Tyre had " 
 furnished Solomon with cedar trees and fir trees, and with 
 gold, according to all his desire,) that then king Solomon 
 gave Hiram twenty cities in the land of Galilee. And " 
 
 must have been present to him who heard of God's face being turned 
 away. It is just the opposite of what the king had prayed for, that 
 God's eyes should be always open towards the Temple. 
 
 8. Afid at this house which is high\ The connexion of these words 
 is very difficult. The Hebrew text, standing alone, must be rendered 
 'And this house shall be high.' But in 2 Chron. the relative is ex- 
 pressed, and there can be little doubt that the text here is somehow 
 faulty. The passage in 1 Chron. (vii. 21) reads 'And this house which 
 is high shall be an astonishment.' To come as near to this sense as 
 possible, while introducing no relative, R.V. gives ' And though this 
 house he high.' Yet that rendering is somewhat doubtful. The text of 
 the LXX. shows that they had our Hebrew before them: koX 6 oIkos 
 oJtos ^crrai 6 v\f/rj\6s, iras 6 diairopevo/JLevos k.t.\. 
 
 9. out of the land of Egypi\ The LXX. adds 'out of the house of 
 bondage.' 
 
 The two verses 8, 9 are remarkably parallel to the language of 
 Deuteronomy xxix. 21 — 26. 
 
 10 — 14. Solomon's gift to Hiram king of Tyre. 
 (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 10. at the end of twenty years'] See vi. 38 and vii. i. 
 
 11. now Hiram the king... had furnished, &c.] We read of the 
 supply of timber in v. 10, but the gold mentioned here does not appear 
 in the earlier narrative. From verse 14 below we learn that the amount 
 was 'six score talents.' Taking the value of a talent of gold at ;^6ooo 
 this sum would be worth ;^720,ooo. Josephus {Ant. viii. 5, 3) says 
 Hiram had contributed much gold and still more silver. 
 
 Solomon gave Hiram izventy cities in the land of Galilee^ These 
 would most likely be in the extreme northern border of Galilee and so 
 not remote from Hiram's frontier. But they would be inland cities and 
 no doubt, to a maritime people like the Tyrians, some territory along the 
 seaboard would have been more acceptable. Josephus specially notes 
 
102 I. KINGS, IX. [vv. 13—15. 
 
 Hiram came out from Tyre to see the cities which Solomon 
 »3 had given him ; and they pleased him not. And he said, 
 
 What cities <7r^ these which thou hast given me, my brother? 
 M And he called them the land of Cabul unto this day. And 
 
 Hiram sent to the king sixscore talents of gold. 
 IS And this is the reason of the levy which king Solomon 
 
 raised; for to build the house of the Lord, and his own 
 
 that the cities were not far from Tyre. The region in which they were 
 situate was tliat called (Is. viii. 23) 'Galilee of the nations' to indicate 
 that the inhabitants were yet in heathendom. This might be a reason 
 why .Solomon chose them for his present to the Tyrian king. 
 
 12. ca///e out from Tjre] The LXX. adds 'and went into Galilee.' 
 
 13. JF/iai (ilics are these wliich thou hast given me?] No doubt 
 spoken with a tone of reproach and disappointment. The language of 
 Josephus is 'he said to .Solomon that he did not want the cities.' They 
 are just alluded to in Chronicles {2 Chron. viii. 2) as 'the cities whicli 
 Huram restored to Solomon.' 
 
 wj brother] This form of address between persons of royal rank has 
 been always common. Cf. i Kings xx. 32, 33; i Mace. x. 18, xi. .30; 
 2 Mace. xi. 22. It need not necessarily imply friendly feeling. 
 
 A /id he called them] Or the Hebrew may mean 'and one called them' 
 which was a common form to signify 'they were called.' We need not 
 therefore of necessity impute the contemptuous name to Hiram. Jose- 
 phus gives irpotT7iyopevdr](Tav. 
 
 the land of Cabitl] This appellation was given to indicate, what is 
 stated in the text, that they were unsatisfactory. But it is not easy to 
 know whence the name comes. There is a town so called in Joshua (xix. 
 27) whicli was situated in the tribe of Asher. This tribe was in North 
 Galilee but there would be no significance in the name, if it were already 
 that of one of the twenty cities given to Hiram. The LXX. appears 
 
 to have taken ?133 [Cabul) to be the same as ?133 {g^l'"^ for they render 
 the name "Opiov, a boundary. Josephus transliterates by Xa^aXtav, and 
 adds that this word in Phoenician means ' not pleasing, ' an interpreta- 
 tion, as it seems, which he evolved from the context. Some of the 
 Hebrew commentators have connected the name with a verb which in 
 Aramaic signifies 'to bind,' and have explained that the district was 
 sandy or muddy, and that the feet were always deep sunk in the mire. 
 A later derivation has taken the word to mean 'worth nothing,' as if 
 
 from D=a^, and 7)2 — 72 — fiothlng. There are many other attempts 
 at explanation but none that can be pronounced satisfactory. 
 
 15—25. Of the levy which king Solomon raised. 
 (2 Chron. viii. 4 — 11.) 
 
 16. the reason of the levy] On the nature and amount of this com- 
 pulsory service see notes on chap. v. 13 seqq. The present passage 
 explains the whole purpose for which it was enforced. 
 
V. i6.] I. KINGS, IX. 103 
 
 house, and Millo, and the wall of Jerusalem, and Hazor, 
 and Megiddo, and Gezer. For Pharaoh king of Egypt had 16 
 gone up, and taken Gezer, and burnt it with fire, and slain 
 
 and Millo\ This word is always found in the original with the definite 
 article 'the Millo' (2 Sam. v. 9; i Kings xi. 27; 2 Chron. xi. 8, xxxii. 
 5). Wherever it occurs it is in connexion with the walls or fortifications 
 of Jerusalem. In 2 Chron. xxxii. 5 it is stated to be in the city of David. 
 Now the most common rendering of the word in the LXX. is -q dKpa = 
 'the citadel,' a word which is constantly used in the Books of the Mac- 
 cabees for the fortress on Mount Zion. It seems probable therefore 
 that 'the Millo' was some specially important, and hence strongly 
 fortified, portion of the oldest walls where they approached most closely 
 to Zion. From 2 Sam. v. 9 we should conclude that the fortress was 
 already existing before David conquered Jerusalem, and the name itself 
 may have been given by the Jebusites. 
 
 and Hazor] A strong city, south of Kedesh-Naphtali in the north of 
 Palestine. When the Israelites entered Canaan it was in the possession 
 of king Jabin, but was taken and burnt by Joshua. Standing on a 
 lofty position it was a post of much importance for the defence of the 
 kingdom on the north. For this reason no doubt Solomon fortified it, 
 but it must have already been rebuilt since its destruction by Joshua, 
 for we read of it in Judges iv. 2, 17 as the city of another Jabin, 
 whose commander in chief was Sisera, slain by Jael. 
 
 Alegiddo] This city (Josh. xii. 2 1 ) lay on the south side of the plain 
 of Esdraelon, between Mt. Tabor and the modern bay of St Jean d'Acre, 
 and must have been important as a protection against inroads from 
 the northern highlands and from the direction of Phoenicia, commanding, 
 as it would, the great road from the sea to the plain of the Jordan. 
 Megiddo lay within the tribe of Issachar, but was allotted to Manasseh 
 (Josh. xvii. 1 1 ; I Chron. vii. 29). The city was famous for the over- 
 throw of Sisera, but most especially as the place where king Josiah 
 was slain in the war against Pharaoh-Necho (2 Kings xxiii. 29). 
 
 Geze)-\ The position of this ancient city has not been identified, and 
 it is not clear that there were not two places of the same name. One 
 Gezer is mentioned (Josh. x. 33) in connexion with Lachish and Eglon 
 and other places in the south part of Canaan, but a Gezer is also spoken 
 of as in the land assigned to the children of Joseph (Josh. xvi. 3), that is, 
 the tribe of Ephraim, and as being not far from Beth-horon. If these 
 two be references to the same place the king of Gezer came a long 
 distance to help the king of Lachish. It seems more likely that they 
 were distinct towns. The Gezer in Ephraim did however remain in the 
 possession of the Canaanites (see Joshua xvi. 10), and so the king of 
 Egypt may have come against it (as we read in the next verse) without 
 being at war with Israel. Yet the fortification by Solomon of a place 
 to protect his dominions on the south makes it perhaps a little more 
 probable that some place nearer Eglcn and Lachish is meant in the 
 present passage, for there Canaanites might also be dwelling. 
 
 16. ¥ or Fharaoh khig of Egypt] See above on iii. i. 
 
 and taken Gezer] This incursion was probably before Solomo had 
 
I04 I. KINGS, IX. [vv. 17—19. 
 
 the Canaanites that dwelt in the city, and given it for a 
 »7 present unto his daughter, Solomon's wife. And Solomon 
 '8 built Gezer, and Beth-horon the nether, and Baalath, and 
 19 Tadmor in the wilderness, in the land, and all the cities of 
 
 taken the king's daughter to wife, though Josephus [Ant. viil. 6, i) 
 says 'he gave it to his daughter who had been married 10 Solomon.' 
 PhiHppson {^die Isi-aelitische Bibel) suggests that Solomon wishing to be 
 rid of these Canaanites asked his father-in-law to undertake their exter- 
 mination. 
 
 and given it for a present] By ' present ' here is meant ' a wedding-por- 
 tion.' The noun implies 'a gift on sending away' and the verb is found 
 Josh. xii. 9, where Ibzan the judge is said to have 'sent abroad' (i.e. 
 apparently, portioned out in marriage) his thirty daughters and to have 
 taken in thirty others from abroad as wives for his sons. Though it 
 appears to have been the more usual custom in the East for a husband 
 to make presents to his wife's family, yet we find that Caleb (Judges i. 
 15) gave lands with his daughter when she was married to Othniel. 
 
 17, and Beth-horon the nether] This was one of two towns named 
 respectively 'upper' and 'nether' Beth-horon which lay between Gibeon 
 and Azekah, the one at the top of the ascent, the other in the valley 
 westward. The latter, which is the place here mentioned, was im- 
 portant as forming a barrier against foes from the direction of Philistia 
 and Egypt, and for this reason no doubt it was fortified by Solomon. 
 In earlier history the place is famous for Joshua's victory (Josh, x.) over 
 the five kings of the Amorites, and later for the overthrow of the 
 Syrian forces by Judas Maccabaeus (i Mace. iii.). 
 
 18. arid Baalath] This place is mentioned (Josh. xix. 44) among the 
 places which fell to the tribe of Dan, and must therefore have been on the 
 border of the country of the Philistines, and for that reason we may pre- 
 sume that it was included among the places which Solomon strengthened. 
 
 a7id Tadmor in the 'wilderness, in the /and] Here the Hebrew text 
 reads Tamar, and Tadmor is only given on the margin (Keri). The 
 R. V. adopts the reading of the text, probably because of the words ' in 
 the land.' All the places mentioned here lie in Palestine, and we know 
 from Ezekiel (xlvii. 19, xlviii. 28) that there was a city Tamar on the south 
 border of the Holy Land, which was towards the wilderness. It seems 
 therefore most likely, as this place is spoken of as 'in the land,' that Tamar 
 should be here preferred, and the position assigned to it in Ezekiel is 
 that of a place which it would be most important to fortify. The 
 marginal reading Tadmor is no doubt due to the mention of Tadmor 
 among the cities which Solomon built in 2 Chron. viii. 4. But there 
 Tadmor is mentioned in connexion with Hamath-Zobah and the con- 
 quest of the northern part of the land. This reading may be correct 
 in Chronicles, for with Solomon's ambition to extend his dominion and 
 foster commerce, Tadmor in the wilderness (afterwards so famous as 
 Palmyra) would be a place much to be coveted as a step on the road 
 to Babylon. Tadmor grew famous, and Tamar was well-nigh for- 
 gotten, hence we can see how the former name (not mentioned any- 
 
V. 19.] I. KINGS, IX. 105 
 
 store that Solomon had, and cities for his chariots, and 
 cities for his horsemen, and that which Solomon desired to 
 build in Jerusalem, and in Lebanon, and in all the land of 
 
 where but in Chronicles) should be substituted on the margin in the verse 
 before us. It may well be that Solomon occupied both places, but there 
 is no warrant for importing the name Tadmor into Kings, especially 
 as the place here mentioned is spoken of as being 'in the land.' 
 
 Josephus is very minute in his account of this city, which he 
 (as was to be expected) says was Tadmor {Ant. viii. 6, 1), ' Having 
 invaded the desert that lies above Syria, and acquired it, he founded 
 there a very great city, two days' journey from upper Syria, and one 
 from the Euphrates, and its distance from the great city of Babylon 
 was six days. And the reason why he built this city so distant from 
 the inhabited parts of Syria was that nowhere in the land lower down 
 was there water, but that there alone were found fountains and wells. 
 So having built the city and surrounded it with very strong walls, he 
 named it Thadamora, and it is still so called by the Syrians, but the 
 Greeks name it Palmyra.' 
 
 19. mid all the cities of store'\ In 1 Chron. viii. 4 the expression is 
 store-cities, which reads better here, and is clearer in sense. These 
 places would be provided so that surplus produce which could be pre- 
 served, as corn, oil, wine, &c. might be stored in times of plenty to be 
 ready when need should require. We read that Hezekiah made some 
 similar provision (2 Chron. xxxii. 28). 
 
 and cities for his chariots, and cities for his horsemen\ Special 
 places must have been needed for these, when we consider the great 
 number of them (see below x. 26). In i Chron. iv. 31 there is a place 
 called 'town-of-chariots' Beth-tnarcaboth, and another 'court-of-horses' 
 Hazar-susim. The injunction of Deut. xvii. 16 against the multipli- 
 cation of horses by the king was apparently forgotten or disregarded. 
 But the absence of any allusion to the command has been made by 
 some an argument for the later date of Deuteronomy. 
 
 and that which Solomon desired to build^ The force of the literal 
 rendering on the margin of A. V. ' the desire of Solomon which he 
 desired to build ' is better brought out in the text of R. V. ' that which 
 Solomon desired to build for his pleasure.' The noun is the same 
 as in verse i of this chapter, and the writer here is evidently dis- 
 tinguishing these later-named works from the former. The first in 
 the list were either fortifications, or strongholds, or store-cities, but the 
 others are for the king's own pleasure and enjoyment. (Cf. on the 
 whole subject, Eccles. ii. 4 — 8.) 
 
 and in Lebanon'\ The place of all others to which for relaxation the 
 king would retire. The scorching heat of the lower plains could there 
 be escaped, while the fragrance of the vegetation made a residence 
 there most enjoyable. The writer of Solomon's Song paints for us 
 the loveliness of the spot, 'a fountain of gardens, a well of living waters 
 and streams from Lebanon' (iv. 15), and again, 'his countenance is as 
 Lebanon, excellent as the cedars' (v. 15), and ' the smell of thy garments 
 
io6 I. KINGS, IX. [vv. 20—22. 
 
 ao his dominion. And all the people that were left of the 
 Amorites, Hittites, Perizzites, Hivites, and Jebusites, which 
 
 21 7verc not of the children of Israel, their children that were 
 left after them in the land, whom the children of Israel also 
 were not able utterly to destroy, upon those did Solomon 
 
 22 levy a tribute of bondservice unto this day. But of the 
 children of Israel did Solomon make no bondman ; but 
 they were men of war, and his servants, and his princes, 
 
 is like the smell of Lebanon ' (iv. i r ). But it has been supposed by some 
 that Lebanon is mentioned here as being an important military post. 
 
 20. which were not of the children of Israel] This clause is added 
 because the people of Canaan had become much mixed up among the 
 Israelite population, being still allowed to live in some cities from which 
 at first it had been found impossible to dislodge them (see above, verse 
 16). But a distinction was made between these people and the people of 
 Israel, now that Solomon was powerful enough to enforce it, in the 
 kind of service they must render and the tribute they must bear. It 
 may be that the five nations here mentioned were most largely repre- 
 sented in the surviving population, and that the other two out of the 
 seven nations of Canaan had by this time been more nearly exterminated. 
 
 21. whom the children of Israel also were not able utterly to destroy] 
 There is no Vv-ord to represent 'also' in the original, nor does the 
 English sentence require it. The utter destruction spoken of here is 
 that which had been decreed upon them by God's judgement, and 
 which Israel was to be the agent in executing. 
 
 i//>on those did Solomon levy a tribute of bondservice] The Hebrew 
 noun DD here rendered 'tribute' is applied in a concrete sense to the 
 ' renderers of the tribute.' The verb also here is literally ' he caused to 
 go up.' As the narrative in this verse is dealing entirely with the 
 persons it is better to render (as R.V.) of these did Solomon raise a 
 levy of bondservants. Theirs was .slave service, such as is alluded to 
 in Joshua xvi. 10. 
 
 tinto this day] A faithful copying by the compiler of the Books of 
 Kings from some earlier record which lay before him, and which 
 noted the continuation of this forced service for some time after the 
 reign of Solomon. 
 
 22. But of the children of Israel did Solomon make no bondman] 
 This must be read in the light of chap. v. 13. There we are told of 
 Solomon's levy upon all Israel. But the 30,000 men there spoken of 
 had duty forced on them only for a month at a time. Ten thousand 
 served for one month, and were two months at home before their turn 
 for service came round again. Moreover, when the work for which 
 they were enrolled came to an end they were free. It may also be that 
 in the course of 20 years Solomon changed his system, especially if he 
 saw that his people were beginning to find his yoke heavy. But the 
 Canaanite levy was continuous 'unto this day.' 
 
 his servants] i.e. His officers. The position of the word between 
 
vv. 23—25.] I. KINGS, IX. 107 
 
 and his captains, and rulers of his chariots, and his horse- 
 men. These were the chief of the othcers that 7vere over 23 
 Solomon's work, five hundred and fifty, which bare rule 
 over the people that wrought in the work. But Pharaoh's 24 
 daughter came up out of the city of David unto her house 
 which Solomon had built for her : then did he build MiUo. 
 And three times in a year did Solomon offer burnt oft'erings 25 
 and peace offerings upon the altar which he built unto the 
 Lord, and he burnt incense upon the altar that was before 
 the Lord. So he finished the house. 
 
 'men of war' and 'princes' shews that the service here spol<en of was 
 a service of dignity. They were such ' servants ' as are spoicen of in 
 2 Sam. viii. 7 "And David took the shields of gold that were on the 
 servants of liadadezer. ' 
 
 23. These were the chief of the officers'] Better, with R. V. tbe chief 
 officers. This is a select class out of the whole number of such 
 officers. A greater numlier, 3300, is spoken of in chap. v. 16, and it 
 may be that while the works in Lebanon, and at the Temple and the 
 king's house, were in progress, the larger number of chief officers was 
 engaged in the supervision ; but afterwards, for the ordinary fortifica- 
 tion and pleasaunce-building, the smaller number was found sufficient. 
 In 2 Chron. viii. 11, two hundred and fifty is given as the number of 
 these officials. Kennicott explains this variation by the reading of one 
 letter for another in the Hebrew system of indicating numbers by the 
 letters of the alphabet. 
 
 24. But Pharaoh^ s daughter came iip\ On her residence in the city 
 of David, see in iii. i. 
 
 AliUo\ See above, verse 15. 
 
 25. three times in a year did Solomon offer] Most likely this means 
 at the three great feasts, the Passover, Pentecost and Tabernacles. 
 This may be understood in the sense 'qui facit per alium, facit per se'. 
 But some have contended that Solomon himself performed these priestly 
 acts and that consequently the privileges of the Levitical caste were of 
 later origin. 
 
 and he burnt incense upon the altar that was before the Lord] The 
 marginal note of A.V. 'upon it' for 'upon the altar' shews where the 
 difficulty in this verse is. The R.V. prefers, instead of 'upon it' to 
 render 'with it,' i.e. therewith, and this is supported by the Hebrew 
 punctuation. The translation then becomes ' And he burnt incense 
 therewith, upon the altar that was before the Lord,' the italics being 
 added to complete the sense. But the text can hardly be correct to 
 need such an addition. 
 
 So he finished the house] It is clear from the language of this verse 
 that the account was not brought into its present form on the comple- 
 tion of the work, but at some later time, when Solomon's offerings at 
 the great feasts had grown into a custom. The verses 15 — 25 are 
 omitted by the LXX [Vat.). 
 
io8 I. KINGS, IX. [vv. 26—28. 
 
 a6 And king Solomon made a navy of ships in Ezion-geber, 
 which is beside Eloth, on the shore of the Red sea, in the 
 
 27 land of Edom. And Hiram sent in the navy his servants, 
 shipmen that had knowledge of the sea, with the servants of 
 
 28 Solomon. And they came to Ophir, and fet from thence 
 
 26—28. Solomon's navy. (2 Chron. viii. 17 — 18.) 
 
 26. in Ezion-geber] The name signifies 'the Giant's chine,' and it 
 was probably a promontory. Ezion-geber is mentioned first in the nar- 
 rative of the journey of the Israelites from Egypt (Numb, xxxiii. 35). 
 It was the last halting-place before they entered the wilderness of Zin. 
 It lay at the top of the gulf of Akabah. Here was also Eloth (or Elath) 
 of which we read (2 Kings xiv. 22) that, though it is here said to be in 
 the land of Edom, it was conquered for Judah at a later time, and 
 still later {2 Kings xvi. 6) came into the possession of Rezin king 
 of Syria. 
 
 In reference to this navy, we are told (2 Chron. viii. 18) that Hiram 
 sent Solomon the ships. Putting that passage side by side with this, 
 it can only mean that the wood for ship-building was brought from 
 Tyre along the coast as far as was necessary, and then at the nearest 
 point carried over land to the Gulf of Akabah, where the ships were 
 built. The only other interpretation of the statement in 2 Chronicles 
 would be that Hiram sent ships from Tyre round Africa and then by 
 the Indian Ocean into the Red Sea, which cannot for a moment be 
 supposed. 
 
 27. that had knowledge of the sed\ For which knowledge in an- 
 cient times the Phoenicians were the most famous people. 
 
 28. they came to Ophir\ There is not sufficient evidence to decide 
 where Ophir was. The most probable conjectures have been Africa, 
 India and Arabia. But on account of the productions named in con- 
 nexion with the place in chap. x. 11 Africa has been almost univer- 
 sally given up. And in the decision between India and Arabia, the 
 latter seems the more likely, partly because it is nearer to reach from 
 Ezion-geber, which is a consideration not without weight in questions 
 connected with early navigation, and partly because the first mention 
 of Ophir (Gen. x. 29) makes it refer to the descendants of Joktan, 
 whose home was in Arabia. There is no necessity to conclude that 
 the commodities brought from Ophir, gold, almug-trees and precious 
 stones, were products of the land. Almug-wood has been supposed to 
 be the same with sandal-wood, but the evidence on this point seems 
 very inconclusive, and if it were proved, it might well be that the 
 wood, produced in India, was brought to some mart on the Arabian 
 coast for sale. The ports of Yemen and the Persian Gulf were great 
 entrepots of commerce from the earliest times. With precious stones also 
 this could easily be done, and with gold too. But the gold of Sheba 
 (i.e. Arabia) is noted as famous in Ps. Ixxii. 15 ; Isa. Ix. 6. There 
 ai^pears therefore to be more in favour of some place on the coast 
 of Arabia than for any other suggested site of Ophir. Josephus how- 
 
KCourlxa- F.R.G.S. 
 
vv. I, 2.] I. KINGS, X. 109 
 
 gold, four hundred and twenty talents, and brought it to 
 king Solomon. 
 
 And when the queen of Sheba heard of the fame of 10 
 Solomon concerning the name of the Lord, she came to 
 prove him with hard questions. And she came to Jerusalem a 
 
 ever says it was in India {Aiit. viii. 6. 4), and that a more modern 
 name is Xpvarj yrj. 
 
 four htindred and twenty talents\ The sum seems enormous, 
 ;^2, 250,000. What could a country lilve Palestine furnish in exchange? 
 Perhaps the sum represents the total of many expeditions. The paral- 
 lel passage in 2 Chron. (viii. 18) says 'four hundred and fifty talents,' 
 Josephus 'about four hundred.' The LXX. [Vat.) gives 'one hundred 
 and twenty talents.' The expedition appears to have been all for 
 Solomon's benefit, as we hear nothing of any share of the adventure 
 given to the Tyrian king. 
 
 Ch. X. 1 — 13. The Queen of Sheba's visit to King Solomon. 
 (2 Chron. ix. i — 12.) 
 
 1. A/'o7t' when the queen of Sheba heard'\ The 'Sheba', of which the 
 queen is here mentioned, was that part of Arabia spoken of in the note 
 on the last verse of the preceding chapter. It embraced the greater 
 part of Arabia Felix. Josephus and many Jewish writers represent her as 
 the queen of Egypt and Ethiopia, making N2K^ {Sheba) the same as N3D 
 (Scba), and this tradition is firmly rooted among the Abyssinians (i.e. 
 Ethiopians), but there is no ground at all for identifying Sheba with the 
 Ethiopian kingdom of Seba. Moreover the presents which the queen 
 brought with her bespeak the land from which she came. They are 
 Arabian, certainly not African. 
 
 concerning the name of the Lord'\ From the expressions so frequent 
 in chap. viii. about 'a house built for the name of the Lord God of 
 Israel' (see verses 17, 18, 19, 20, 29, 35, 43, 44, 48) we may be sure 
 that wherever the grand building was mentioned, there would be heard 
 something about the name of Him to whose honour it was built. In 
 like manner, at an earlier date, the people of Israel were known among 
 other nations 'because of the name of the Lord.' See Josh. ix. 9, where 
 the Gibeonites say 'we have heard the fame of Him, and all that He did 
 in Egypt.' Through caravans travelling hither and thither there can 
 be little doubt that knowledge of Solomon's works was widely spread, 
 and communication with the Sabseans wasamatterof no great difficulty. 
 In the parallel passage (2 Chron. ix. i) there is nothing said about 'the 
 name of the Lord'; the LXX. has 'she had heard the name of Solomon 
 a«^ the name of the Lord.' 
 
 Some interpreters take the expression 'concerning the name of the 
 Lord ' to signify that the wisdom which Solomon had was derived from 
 the Lord, and this made him famous. Some countenance is given to this 
 opinion by the questions wherewith the queen essayed to test his wisdom, 
 but it does not so well connect itself with 'the name.' 
 
 she cajue to prove him with hard questions] Josephus {Ant. will. 6. 5) 
 
no I. KINGS, X. [w. 3—5. 
 
 with a very great train, with camels that bare spices, and 
 very much gold, and precious stones : and when she was 
 come to Solomon, she communed with him of all that was 
 
 3 in her heart. And Solomon told her all her questions : 
 there was not a7iy thing hid from the king, which he told 
 
 4 her not. And when the queen of Sheba had seen all 
 
 5 Solomon's wisdom, and the house that he had built, and 
 the meat of his table, and the sitting of his servants, and 
 the attendance of his ministers, and their apparel, and his 
 
 says 'she could not trust to hearsay, for the report might have been 
 built upon false judgement, and might change, as it depended solely upon 
 the persons who brought it.' The 'proving with hard questions' recalls 
 the story of Samson's riddle (Judges xiv. 12). The giving of such 
 riddles was not an uncommon pastime among the ancients, and we have 
 specimens among the Greeks, who called them ypitpoi. Cf. Aristoph. 
 Vesp. •zo, and especially Athenseus x. 69 — 78, where the author gives 
 an account of the various kinds of riddles, and later in chap. 83 gives 
 specimens of them. The Arabs were specially given to this kind of 
 amusement, and we find in Josephus {Ant. viii. 5. 3) an account of 
 a contest of wit of this nature between Hiram and Solomon, and he 
 reports, on the authority of Dios, that a reason for Hiram's large pay- 
 ments to Solomon was that he had been beaten in the encounter and 
 unable to solve the riddles propounded. The queen of Sheba came 
 prepared with a series of such difficulties. Josephus says she came 
 XOo-a: rh airopov rrjs dcavolas derjOe^aa, which would indicate more than 
 mere subtle questions among the inquiries which she made. It does 
 not follow, however, that her diflficulties were of a religious character, 
 though this has been inferred from Matth. xii. 42. 
 
 2. spices] For which Arabia has always been famous. 
 
 3. i/iere was not any thittg hid from the king, which he fold her not] 
 i.e. Nothing was too deep for him in all she asked, he discovered the 
 correct answer and gave it to her. 
 
 4. the house that he had built] This refers to his own palace, as is 
 evident from the domestic details which immediately follow. 
 
 5. the sitting of his servants] Here 'servants' signifies the officers 
 and distinguished persons who were privileged to sit at the king's table, 
 and were ranged according to rank and in large numbers at the royal 
 banquets. 
 
 the attendance of his ministers] This refers most probably to those 
 persons who stood to serve the guests. The Hebrew word rendered 
 'attendance' is literally 'standing.' See A.V. marg. 
 
 and his ascent by which he went up unto the house of the Lord] This 
 passage is rendered by the light of the parallel place in 2 Chron. ix. 4. 
 There the word IDvyi does mean 'and his ascent', but here the text 
 gives "in?y"l, which should be rendered 'and his burnt offering.' So that 
 the margin of the R.V. (which is also accepted by Luther, Coverdale 
 
w. 6— 8.] I. KINGS, X. in 
 
 cupbearers, and his ascent by which he went up wito the 
 house of the Lord ; there was no more spirit in her. And 6 
 she said to the king. It was a true report that I heard in 
 mine own land of thy acts and of thy wisdom. Howbeit I ^ 
 beheved not the words, until I came, and mine eyes had 
 seen //,* and behold, the half was not told me : thy wisdom 
 and prosperity exceedeth the fame which I heard. Happy s 
 are thy men, happy are these thy servants, which stand con- 
 
 and the Geneva Bible) is correct for this verse, ' and his burnt offering 
 which he offered in the house of the Lord.' If she had been present at 
 a great sacrifice in the Temple it would doubtless have impressed her 
 much. But it is possible that the scribe in one of these verses made 
 a small error, and that they ought both to be the same. In that case 
 we must decide whether it is more probable that after a list such as has 
 gone before, about meat, servants, attendants, cupbearers, &c., there 
 would follow some mention of a part of the building, a covered way or 
 staircase by which the Temple could be reached from the king's palace, 
 or a description of a solemn act of religious worship. Most people will 
 be inclined to agree that the A.V. and R.V. have exercised a correct 
 judgement in disregarding the text here, and interpreting by the light of 
 the verse in 2 Chron. The R.V. has however added the rendering of 
 the Massoretic text on the margin, which had not been done in A.V. 
 
 The LXX. here gives 'the burnt offering,' rr\v 6XoKavTU(nv, but its 
 rendering in 2 Chron. ix. 4 is the same to. oXoKavTUfxara, where cer- 
 tainly the present Hebrew text should be translated ' his ascent.' Ap- 
 parently the Greek translators regarded the verse before us as the 
 true reading. 
 
 i/iere zvas no more spirit in /ler"] Apparently the queen had come 
 with some hope that she might get the better of Solomon, either in 
 her display of queenly splendour, or in the questions which she pro- 
 pounded. What she found was so far in excess of what she had 
 expected, that all thought of comparison of herself with Solomon's 
 state was gone, and she was lost in admiration. For the expression 
 cf. Josh. V. I. 
 
 6. 0/ thy acts\ The word may mean 'sayings,' as is represented 
 on the margins of A. V. and R. V. But as she had seen all the king's 
 state, as well as listened to his answers, it seems better to refer this 
 word to the buildings and other splendour; for the admiration of the 
 king's wisdom is expressed in the next words. 
 
 7. thy wisdom and prosperity exceedeth the fame\ This is a good 
 idiomatic representation of the Hebrew, which is literally 'thou hast 
 added wisdom and goodness to the fame &c.' The 'goodness' here 
 spoken of includes all matetial prosperity. Cf. Job ii. 10, where the 
 same word stands in the original, 'Shall we receive good (i.e. such 
 prosperity as Job had previously enjoyed) at the hand of God and shall 
 we not receive evil?' See also Ps. civ. 28. 
 
 8. Happy are thy men] The LXX. reads here /xaKapiai al yvvdiKh 
 
112 I. KINGS, X. [vv. 9— II. 
 
 9 tinually before thee, and that hear thy wisdom. Blessed be 
 the Lord thy God, which dehghted in thee, to set thee on 
 the throne of Israel : because the Lord loved Israel for 
 ever, therefore made he thee king, to do judgment and 
 
 10 justice. And she gave the king an hundred and twenty 
 talents of gold, and of spices very great store, and precious 
 stones : there came no more such abundance of spices as 
 these which the queen of Sheba gave to king Solomon. 
 
 11 And the navy also of Hiram, that brought gold from Ophir, 
 brought in from Ophir great plenty of almug trees, and 
 
 cov, having read 'T'ti'3 'thy wives' instead of *1''K'3X 'thy men.' Tlie 
 Syriac and Arabic versions have the same variation. 
 
 9. Blessed be the Lord thy God] We need not suppose from the 
 use of this language that the queen had become a convert to Judaism, 
 any more than that Hiram was so from the words put into his moutli 
 above in chap. v. 7. It could not matter, in the mind of the heathen 
 queen, whether she included one divinity more or less in the number 
 of those she honoured. To her, Jehovah was for Israel what her own 
 divinity was for her own people, the national god to whom the 
 prosperity of the king and his subjects had been a special care. 
 
 to set thee on the throne of Israel] In 2 Chron. ix. 8 the sentence 
 runs 'to set thee on His throne, to be king for the Lord thy God.' 
 This turn of the sentence harmonizes entirely with the tone of the 
 Chronicler, who views everywhere the king as Jehovah's representative 
 and vicegerent. 
 
 The LXX. expands the closing words of the verse, but not in such 
 wise as to change the sense. 
 
 10. And she gave the king an hundred and ttventy taletits of gold] 
 Large presents of this nature are still the rule among Oriental princes 
 when they visit one another. Josephus however, contrary to his wont, 
 has a less sum here, making the gift only 'twenty talents' (Ant. viii. 
 6, 6). According to our text, the queen's present was the same as 
 that which Hiram gave (see above ix. 14). 
 
 there came no more such abundance of spices] Josephus adds to this 
 statement 'and they say that the root of the opobalsamum (i.e. the 
 balsam tree), which our land still produces, came to us among her 
 gifts.' 
 
 And the navy also of Hiram] This verse and the next are a paren- 
 thetic insertion, brought in by the mention of the spices in the previous 
 verse. Hiram's fleet went to distant parts, and in the direction of 
 Sheba, but for all that it brought back no such spicery among its 
 imports. This navy is no doubt the same which was spoken of in the 
 previous chapter (ix. 26 — 28). It is called Hiram's because he supplied 
 the wood for building it, and the sailors for its manning. 
 
 great plenty of almug trees] The name is spelt in the text of Chro- 
 nicles 'algum' (2 Chron. ii. 8, ix. 10, 11), and is probably a word 
 
w. 12, 13.] I. KINGS, X. 113 
 
 precious stones. And the king made of the almug trees 12 
 pillars for the house of the Lord, and for the king's house, 
 harps also and psalteries for singers : there came no such 
 almug trees, nor were seen unto this day. And king Solomon 13 
 gave unto the queen of Sheba all her desire, whati'^^zvr she 
 asked, besides that which Solomon gave her of his royal 
 
 adopted from the language of the country where the wood was pro- 
 duced, and about the spelling of which Hebrew writers were not very 
 sure, as Englishmen were not in former days about tea, which may be 
 found spelt 'tcha.' What the wood was is a question of some diffi- 
 culty. It was clearly an imported article, for what is said 2 Chron. 
 ii. 8, 'Send me algum trees out of Lebanon,' must be understood not 
 of trees growing there, but of wood which the Tyrians procured in 
 their trade, and would send along with the timber which grew on 
 Lebanon. The Rabbinical writers use almug for coral, and if this 
 be an old Hebrew word, it may have been applied to these trees, 
 because of the colour of their wood. But about the antiquity of the 
 word we have no evidence. Most moderns incline to the opinion that 
 sandal-wood is intended, though some, considering the words of 2 
 Chron. ii. 8 to imply a tree grown on Lebanon, prefer to regard it 
 as a kind of cedar or cypress. Evidently the LXX. had no light on 
 the subject, the renderings there given being ireXeKTiTa (or aTreX^/cTjra) 
 and Tre^Kiva. The Vulgate renders it thyma, the wood of the Qvia., 
 which is akin to the Arboi- vitcB. Some of the uses to which it was 
 put, as mentioned in the next verse, seem to require a stouter material 
 than sandal-wood. 
 
 Josephus {Ant. viii. 7, i) calls the trees ^uXa TrevKiva, but says 
 it was unlike the wood which went by the name oi pine in his day. 
 'Let no one suppose,' he says, 'that this wood was like that called 
 pine wood now, and which sellers call so for the bewilderment of 
 buyers. The wood spoken of here resembles the wood of the fig 
 tree, but is whiter and glitters more.' 
 
 12. pillars for the house of the Lord'\ The noun signifies 'a prop,' 
 and it may be that some ornamental work like that indicated in the 
 margin of the R. V. 'a railing ' is intended. It was some later addition, 
 not any part of the fabric, which was already completed. In the 
 parallel place of 2 Chron. (ix. 11) there is a different word in the 
 Hebrew, and one usually applied to a 'highway.' Both A. V. and 
 R. V. have 'terraces ' in that passage. If we combine the two narra- 
 tives it may be that what is intended is a staircase with handrail and 
 balustrade. The former word would suit in Chronicles, where A. V. 
 has 'stairs ' on the margin, and the latter here. 
 
 for singers'] The word is definite, the singers. Cf. Eccl. ii. 8. 
 
 almug trees] Here the LXX. adds 'unto the land,' and the thought 
 is perhaps of the things brought by the fleet of Hiram, In all their 
 voyages they could not find the like. 
 
 13. besides that which Solotnon gave her of his royal bounty] The 
 Hebrew is literally 'beside that which he gave to her according to the 
 
 I. KINGS 8 
 
114 I- KINGS, X. [vv. 14, 15. 
 
 bounty. So she turned and went to her own country, she 
 and her servants. 
 
 14 Now the weight of gold that came to Solomon in one year 
 
 15 was six hundred threescore and six talents of gold, besides 
 that he had of the merchantmen, and of the traffick of the 
 spice merchants, and of all the kings of Arabia, and of the 
 
 hand of king Solomon.' For the phrase 'according to the hand' sig- 
 nifying 'after the liberality' compare Esther i. 7, ii. 18, where the 
 same Hebrew is translated 'according to the state of the king,' i.e. 
 ' according to his bounty ' where the narrative relates to a magnificent 
 feast, and presents given to the guests. In the parallel passage (2 
 Chron. ix. 12) we have 'beside that which she had brought unto the 
 king, ' which is very difficult to make any sense of. 
 
 14 — 29. Solomon's revenue, his magnificence and his 
 TRAFFIC (2 Chron. ix. 13 — 24.) 
 
 14. six hundred threescore and six talents of gold\ Taking the 
 gold shekel at the value of £^, and 3000 shekels in one talent, the 
 sum here spoken of would amount to nearly four millions of our money, 
 which for the time of Solomon appears a very enormous revenue, 
 especially when there are additions to be made to it, such as those 
 spoken of in verses 15, 22, and 25. There can be no doubt that 
 Solomon was one of the wealthiest monarchs in the East at that date. 
 But the taxation must have been crushing, and with all this Oriental 
 splendour and luxury there was rottenness within. Solomon was the 
 Jewish Louis XIV. 
 
 15. beside that he had of the merchant mcii\ There are two kinds 
 of traders specified in this verse, and the participle here used to de- 
 scribe the first signifies 'those who go about' with their goods, hawkers 
 of their wares, which is a general characteristic of Oriental traffickers. 
 Hence in R. V. the word chapmen has been adopted, and the clause 
 a little differently worded. Literally it is, ' beside (what came) from 
 the men of the hawkers,' and this is represented by 'beside that which 
 the chapmen brought,^ though the literal rendering shews that ' brought ' 
 might fairly have been primed in Roman and not in italics. The LXX. 
 gives, apparently having read some other words in the original, 'from 
 the tribute of the subject people.' 
 
 and of the traffick of the spice merchants'\ A mistaken identification 
 of the word descriptive of this second class of traders with a Syrian 
 noun which means 'a dealer in aromatic herbs' has led to the rendering 
 'spice merchants.' The word merely implies another class of mer- 
 chants, but whether more or less dignified than the former it is not 
 easy to make out. The LXX. renders by ^/xwopos here and elsewhere, 
 and gives here 'the taxes on the merchants'. Render (as there is no 
 preposition with this clause) and tlie traffick of the merchants. 
 
 and of all the hifiQs of Arabia^ R.V. 'and of all the kings of the 
 mingled people.' The word in the original, though it has the same 
 
vv. i6, 17.] I. KINGS, X. 115 
 
 governors of the country. And king Solomon made two i6 
 hundred targets of beaten gold : six hundred shekels of gold 
 went to one target. And he tnade three hundred shields 0/ ly 
 beaten gold; three pound of gold went to one shield: and 
 the king put them in the house of the forest of Lebanon. 
 
 consonants, has not the same vowels as the proper name. In this text 
 we have ^'liyn, while the other word is 2^j) = Arabia. That the two 
 are distinct designations is proved by Jer. xxv. 24, where both occur in 
 the same verse, ' all the kings of Arabia and all the kings of the min- 
 gled people.' The word in our text is used very early in the history of 
 Israel (Exod. xii. 38) of 'the mixed multitude' which came up with 
 the Israelites out of Egypt, and afterwards of people who were in a 
 sort of loose attachment to the kingdom. (Cf'. Jer. 1. 37.) In the 
 parallel passage {2 Chron. ix. 14) the Hebrew text has the 'kings of 
 Arabia,' but the form of the sentence is somewhat altered, and the 
 close connexion of the two sets of persons in the verse already quoted 
 from Jeremiah makes it not unlikely that both were under a sort of 
 tribute to Solomon. The LXX. has tGiv ^aaCKewv tou wipav, but the 
 Vulgate ' reges Arabiae. ' 
 
 and of the governors of the country^ Most likely those officers are 
 meant whose positions were described iv. 7 — 19. After the Oriental 
 fashion such persons would pay for their posts by regular tribute to the 
 king. 
 
 16. tzvo hundred targets of beaten gold'\ The 'targets' here spoken 
 of appear, from the gold consumed in them, to have been much larger 
 than the ' shields ' mentioned in the next verse. Both the names 
 imply 'protection,' ' covering,' but give us no clue to their form. The 
 LXX. makes these 'targets' three hundred in number, and gives three 
 hundred shekels of gold to each. 
 
 six hundred shekels 0/ gotd] It was not unusual in Hebrew where 
 it was well known what word ought to be supplied to omit the word 
 'shekels' as is done here. So Gen. xxiv. 22 ; Exod. xxx. 23. No 
 Englishman misunderstands such an expression as 'three hundred a 
 year.' 
 
 17. three pozind of gold went to one shield^ The word rendered 
 pound here is 'maneh,' and according to the parallel passage (2 Chron. 
 ix. 16) is equal to 'one hundred shekels.' There is no sufficient data 
 for settling the value of these weights in terms of our English stand- 
 ards, but such computations as seem most trustworthy make the 7naneh 
 equal to about ^\ lbs. The addition of three such maneh of gold to a 
 shield need not make it unwieldy. Of course the gold was only the 
 external covering, not the whole fabric of the shields, though Josephus 
 says the king cast (ix'di'evffe) these targets and shields of the precious 
 metal. 
 
 in the house of the forest of Lebanon^ On this see above vii. 2. 
 These golden shields were probably only used on grand occasions, and 
 when not in use were suspended against the numerous pillars in the 
 royal armoury, for which purpose the house of the forest ol Lebanon 
 
Ii6 I. KINGS, X. [vv. 18—22. 
 
 18 Moreover the king made a great throne of ivory, and over- 
 
 19 laid it with the best gold. The throne had six steps, and 
 the top of the throne 7cias round behind : and there were 
 stays on either side on the place of the seat, and two lions 
 
 20 stood beside the stays. And twelve lions stood there on 
 the one side and on the other upon the six steps : there was 
 
 SI not the like made in any kingdom. And all king Solomon's 
 drinking vessels 7iiere of gold, and all the vessels of the 
 house of the forest of Lebanon were of pure gold : none 
 were of silver : it was nothing accounted of in the days of 
 
 22 Solomon. For the king had at sea a navy of Tharshish 
 
 appears to have been built. The shields were carried away in the 
 succeeding; reign by Shishak king of Egypt (xiv. 26) and brazen ones 
 were made by Rehoboam to be put in their place. 
 
 18. a great tJu-one of ivo>y\ Like Ahab's ivory house, mentioned 
 later on (xxii. 39), the throne was no doubt only inlaid with ivory, in 
 such a way that where the gold did not cover the framework there 
 the ivory appeared. And we may suppose that the ivory was a very 
 conspicuous part of the structure, or else the throne would not be 
 called from it. 
 
 wUh the best gold} R.V. 'finest gold.' The Hebrew participle 
 (which occurs in no other place) is from a root which signifies ' to 
 refine,' 'to purge.' Hence the rendering of R.V. is preferable. The 
 Hebrew word is 'muphaz,' and the excessive rarity of its occurrence 
 has led some to conjecture that the reading here ought to be as in Jer. 
 X. 9 'ma-uphaz,' i.e. 'from Uphaz.' Uphaz is thought to be a later 
 fonn of the word Ophir. It is found also in Dan. x. 5. But though 
 the participle in the text is rare, there is a cognate word of frequent 
 occurrence, meaning ' fine gold,' so that we need not doubt about the 
 sense in this passage. 
 
 19. And the top of the throne was rotind behind\ The word 'top' 
 is literally 'head,' and points to some erection in the nature of a 
 canopy or baldachino. The roundness here spoken of might either be 
 from the sides of the back being curved inward as they rose up, or 
 from the canopy being arched from behind. This portion of the 
 description is omitted in 2 Chron. ix. 18, but there is added, what we 
 have not here, that 'a footstool of gold' was joined to the throne. 
 Josephus omits all mention of the throne, and the LXX. has Trporofial 
 
 libax'^") i'^' 'heads (projections) of calves,' having taken 71JI^= 'round' 
 
 as if it were 7.31? *a calf.' 
 
 21. all kiftg Solowou's drinking vessels] The LXX. here leaves 
 out the defining word, merely putting (TKevr] = vessels, but adds after- 
 wards, what has nothing to represent it in our Hebrew, Kal Xovrrjpei 
 Xpvcroii, 'and golden lavers. ' 
 
 22. /"or the king had at sea a navy of Tharshish] i. e. Of ships such 
 
vv. 23— 25-] I. KINGS, X. 117 
 
 with the navy of Hiram : once in three years came the navy 
 of Tliarshish, bringing gold, and silver, ivory, and apes, and 
 peacocks. So king Solomon exceeded all the kings of the 23 
 earth for riches and for wisdom. And all the earth sought 24 
 to Solomon, to hear his wisdom, which God had put in his 
 heart. And they brought every man his present, vessels of 25 
 
 as were used in the trade with Tarshish (cf. i Kings xxii. 48). These 
 would probably be of the largest build then possible. Tarshish is 
 most likely Tartessus in the south of Spain, with which place the 
 Tynans had considerable trade, and it is not difficult to understand 
 how such a class of traffic would give a name to the vessels that bore 
 it, just as we say now 'an East Indiaman.' Josephus explains the 
 name by saying they were ships which plied iv rfj TapaLKy \e-yoixivri 
 OaXaTTTj 'in the Tarsic sea as it is called.' But it is clear that the 
 articles brought in Solomon's fleet could not be found in the country 
 about Tartessus, except perhaps some gold. It is better therefore to 
 understand the name as derived from the character of the craft rather 
 than from the place to which they sailed. 
 
 o/ice in three years cavie the navj'] The voyage here alluded to was 
 most likely the voyage to Ophir mentioned in ix. ^S. The tinje con- 
 sumed between voyage and voyage would be partly spent in loading 
 and unloading, and in traffic at the various marts at which the fleet 
 touched. Josephus explains that the things brought were procured by 
 barter, though neither he nor the text tells us what was taken in the 
 fleet when the voyage commenced. 
 
 ivory, and apes, and peacocks'] The words used for the two first 
 of these are most likely of Sanskrit origin, the second entirely, the first 
 in part ; and as peacocks are natives of India these names point to 
 India as the source from which Solomon's imports were drawn. 
 Whether the ships visited India or collected their cargoes on the 
 coasts of Arabia and in the Persian Gulf it is not easy to decide. The 
 time occupied is enough for even a ship of that period to have coasted 
 round India. 
 
 In the LXX. after verse 22 is inserted great part of the substance of 
 that long omission noticed above from verse 15 — 25, in chapter ix. ; 
 though there is no mention made of Pharaoh's expedition against Gezer, 
 nor of the daughter of Pharaoh coming out of Zion to dwell in the 
 house built for lier, nor of Solomon's sacrifices thrice in the year. 
 
 24. And all the earth sought to Solomon'] In 2 Chron. ix. 23 the 
 words are 'and all the kings of the earth sought tlie presence of 
 Solomon,' and, as the Hebrew of the last words is the same as here, 
 the fuller form will be better in this verse as it comes more close to 
 the original. The LXX., the Syriac and Arabic, have 'all the kings 
 of the earth.' 
 
 25. they brought every man his present] After the fashion in royal 
 visits, but the close of the verse indicates that these gifts were from 
 tributaries and came in at fixed times. 
 
Ii8 I. KINGS, X. [vv. 26—28. 
 
 silver, and vessels of gold, and garments, and armour, and 
 
 26 spices, horses, and mules, a rate year by year. And Solomon 
 gathered together chariots and horsemen : and he had a 
 thousand and four hundred chariots, and twelve thousand 
 horsemen, whom he bestowed in the cities for chariots, and 
 
 27 with the king at Jerusalem. And the king made silver to be 
 in Jerusalem as stones, and cedars made he to be as the 
 
 2S sycomore trees that are in the vale, for abundance. And 
 Solomon had horses brought out of Egypt, and linen yarn : 
 
 vessels of silver^ These do not appear in the LXX., which also omits 
 any notice of 'armour,' and for 'spices' gives aTo.Kry\ koX rj5v<;na.Ta. 
 
 garments'\ Changes of raiment formed a very common gift in the 
 East, and were highly valued. Josephus describes tliose given to 
 Solomon as a,Xou/)7eTs ecr^^res, 'purple-dyed garments,' perhaps because 
 Tyre was famous for such dyeing. 
 
 26. And Solomon gathei-ed together chariots and horsemen'\ By 
 reason, as Josephus tells us, of the great number of horses which were 
 brought to him in these yearly oiTerings. The word tJ'^S {parash) here 
 rendered 'horsemen' means both the horse for riding and the rider. 
 Just as we speak of so many hundred 'horse'. DID (sus) on the other 
 hand was the draught horse. 
 
 Here we find the first institution of cavalry in Israel in defiance of the 
 Deuteronomic law. If this book was compiled after Deuteronomy was 
 written we should expect some reference to this violation. There is 
 such a reference about another matter in xi. 1. 
 
 a thousand and four hundred chariots, and twelve thousand horsevien\ 
 The LXX. gives for the first clause 'four thousand mares for his 
 chariots,' which agrees as far as the number is concerned with 2 Chron. 
 ix. 25, 'four thousand stalls for horses and chariots': though in 
 2 Chron. i. 14 we have precisely the same number both of chariots 
 and horsemen specified as is given here. 
 
 at yerusalem'] After this the LXX. adds 'and he was chief over all 
 the kings from the River even unto the land of the Philistines and to the 
 borders of Egypt.' 
 
 27. silver-] Here the LXX. has 'gold and silver,' and so too in the 
 parallel passage 2 Chron. ix. 27, and where the passage is inserted 2 
 Chron. i. 15 the LXX. reads to dpyvpLov Kal rb xpucriov, 
 
 in the vale] The word {She/elah) here rendered 'vale' is the name 
 of that low-lying part of Palestine which stretches westward from the 
 mountains of Judah to the Mediterranean (cf. Josh. ix. i, xii. 8j. The 
 R.V. has always distinguished this as the lowland. It was a district 
 fertile and specially well-wooded. The Hebrew word though at first only 
 descriptive, became at last a proper name ' Sephela. ' See i Mace. xii. 38. 
 
 28. And Solofuon had horses brought out of Egypt] The first clause 
 of the verse ends here according to the Hebrew punctuation, and this 
 appears to be a general statement, of which the particulars are given in 
 what follows. But the literal rendering is 'and the export of horses 
 
V. 29.] I. KINGS, X. 119 
 
 the king's merchants received the linen yarn at a price. 
 And a chariot came up and went out of Egypt for six 29 
 hundred shekels of silver, and a horse for an hundred and 
 fifty : and so for all the kings of the Hittites, and for the 
 kings of Syria, did they bring them out by their means. 
 
 which was to Solomon (was) from Egypt;' and this the R.V. represents 
 by And the horses which Solomon had were brought out of Egypt. 
 
 and linen ;yarn] The word (HIpD) niikveh so translated, is derived 
 from a verb which implies ' a stringing together,' and a kindred noun 
 (mpn) tikvah, is used (Josh. ii. 18) for the line of scarlet cord which 
 Rahab was ordered to bind in her window. From this connexion the 
 rendering of the A.V. is derived. But the word in the text is used for 
 gathering together in other senses, and here seems to be intended for 
 'a string oi horses,' which sense the R.V. has represented by 'a drove.' 
 The word occurs twice over and must have the same sense in both places 
 of the same verse. The whole is rendered in R.V. and the king's 
 merchants received them in droves, each drove at a price. The 
 Hebrew pointing represents the word HIpD in a form which may be 
 considered in construction, though it need not necessarily be so. Hence 
 some have given a double meaning to the word, referring it in the first 
 place to the caravan of merchants, and only in the second place to the 
 string of horses. The rendering then would be 'And a company of the 
 king's merchants received a (each) drove of horses at a price.' But it 
 appears harsh to give two senses to the same word in the same verse. 
 
 What appears to be meant is that the king's representatives dealt 
 wholesale with the Egyptian breeders, contracting to take so many 
 horses for a stipulated sum ; afterwards they brought the droves away, 
 and disposed of them, as retailers, and hence secured for king Solomon 
 a considerable revenue by the profits. 
 
 The Vulgate takes the word 'Mikveh' *a drove' as being a proper 
 name preceded by a preposition, and renders 'and from Coa.' The 
 LXX. has done something of the same kind, but has taken the word as 
 'Tekoa' koX eK QeKove. 
 
 29. And a chariot\ The word is used (Exod. xiv. 25; Josh. xi. 6, 
 9, &c.) for a 'chariot employed in war,' and that is probably the sense 
 here. These also Solomon's merchants supplied from Egypt, and in this 
 verse we have the notice of their retail trade. It may be that these 
 traders did not pay to the king according to their profits, but paid him 
 a duty for the privilege of trading; but this does not appear. 
 
 The Hebrew word for 'shekels' is omitted here as in verse 16 above. 
 See note there. 
 
 for all the kings of the Hittites] The Hittites were divided into 
 numerous small kingdoms, situated in the country between the Eu- 
 phrates on one side and Hamath and Damascus on the other. Their 
 two chief cities were Carchemish and Kadesh. In the early times some 
 Hittite settlements were made in southern Palestine, and we read of 
 these people in the days of the patriarchs (Gen. xxvi. 34, &c.). 
 
 and for the kings oj :Syria\ Syria {Heb. Aram) is the name given in 
 
iio 1. KINGS, XI. [w. i, 2. 
 
 11 But king Solomon loved many strange women, together 
 
 with the daughter of Pharaoh, women of the Moabites, Am- 
 
 2 monites, Edomites, Zidonians, mid Hittites; of the nations 
 
 concerning which the Lord said unto the children of Israel, 
 
 Ye shall not go in to them, neither shall they come in unto 
 
 the Old Test, to all the country north-east of Phoenicia and extending 
 beyond the Euphrates and Tigris. Sometimes the term includes the 
 Hittite country. Mesopotamia is distinguished (Gen. xxiv. 10; Deut. 
 xxiii. 5, &c.) as Aram-Naharai7ii (i.e. Syria of the two rivers), and is 
 sometimes called Padan-Aram (Gen. xxv. 20). Other portions were 
 known by distinctive names, as Aravi-Maachah (i Chron. xix. 6), Aram- 
 beth-Kehob (-2 Sam. x. 6), Aram-Zobah {^ Sam. x. 6, 8). It was for 
 the princes of these districts that Solomon's merchants brought up 
 horses and chariots from Egypt. All these small kingdoms became 
 afterwards subject to Damascus. 
 
 by their means] Literally 'in their hand.' That is, these merchants 
 were the agents through whom the various princes obtained their sup- 
 plies. In 1 Chron. ix. 28 it is not only from Egypt, but from all lands, 
 that horses for Solomon's trade were brought, but 2 Chron. i. 16, 17 is 
 word for word the same as the account in this chapter. 
 
 Chap. XI. 1 — 8. Strange wives turn away Solomon's heart. 
 (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 1. Solomon loved many strange women] Where polygamy was com- 
 mon there would be a great temptation to a powerful king to connect 
 himself by marriage with all the nations about him. At the same time 
 a large harem was an element in Oriental pomp. Most of these women 
 were heathen, and their worship would be practised in the harem. In 
 all the nations of antiquity women had special religious observances 
 which they practised without the assistance of the priests. But Solomon 
 built temples for foreign worship. It seems from verse 8 that these 
 were for the women. If this were so they must have come, under 
 attendance no doubt, from the harem to the Temple. In taking 
 Pharaoh's daughter Solomon had joined to him a mighty but somewhat 
 distant monarch. The other nations mentioned in this verse were close 
 at hand. Edom bordered on the south of Palestine, Moab and Ammon 
 ■were on the east, and Sidon and the Hittite kingdom on the north. 
 The LXX. {Vat.) adds Syrian and Amorite wives'to the number, and 
 incorporates part of verse 3 with this verse. 
 
 Of this part of Solomon's conduct and character no mention is made 
 in the books of the Chronicles. 
 
 2. of the nations concerning which the Lord said] The prohibi- 
 tion of intermarriage with the nations of Canaan is given in Exodus 
 xxxiv. 16 ; Deut. vii. 3, 4. Like so much else in the Law, it was a great 
 ideal toward which neither the people nor their rulers were earnest in 
 advancing, when they once became settled in some portion of the 
 land. 
 
w. 3-5.] I. KINGS, XL 121 
 
 you : for surely they will turn away your heart after their 
 gods : Solomon clave unto these in love. And he had seven 3 
 hundred wives, princesses, and three hundred concubines : 
 and his wives turned away his heart. For it came to pass, 4 
 when Solomon was old, that his wives turned away his heart 
 after other gods : and his heart was not perfect with the 
 Lord his God, as was the heart of David his father. For 5 
 Solomon went after Ashtoreth the goddess of the Zidonians, 
 
 3. seven luindred wives, princesses] The numbers in this verse are 
 far in excess of those in the Song of Solomon, which makes mention 
 (vi. 8) of threescore queens. But from tlie instances known of other 
 monarchs there is little reason to question what is stated in this verse. 
 Philippson {die Israelitische Bibel) tells of the wives of the great Mogul 
 as 1000 in number, and in ancient history there are similar examples. 
 Many of these were probably never seen by the monarch in his life, 
 but counted among his household, as an item of magnificence. It was 
 only by the few who were his more constant companions that Solomon's 
 heart was turned away. 
 
 4. tvhen Solomon was old] At least half of the king's reign was 
 over before the Temple and the king's house and the other buildings 
 were completed. It was therefore in the latter half of his reign, and 
 probably towards the close of that, when the influence of his wives 
 gained undue sway over him. 
 
 perfect with the Lord] i. e. Completely devoted to His service, see note 
 on viii. 61. Solomon has described the state in his prayer (viii. 61) 'to 
 walk in His statutes, and to keep His commandments.' The language 
 of the verse indicates, not that Solomon forsook for himself the worship 
 of Jehovah, but that he was less earnest about it, and allowed side by 
 side with it the temples of heathen gods to be erected, and their worship 
 to be something more than tolerated, even perhaps abundantly sup- 
 ported from his means. As it is said below in verse 6, 'he went not 
 fully after the Lord.' 
 
 5. Ashtoreth the goddess of the Zidojtians] Ashtoreth was the chief 
 female divinity of the Phcenicians, as Baal was their cliief male deity. 
 As Baal has been identified with the sun, so Ashtoreth has by 
 some been thought to be the moon. Recent investigations have 
 however connected the name of Ashtoreth with the planet Venus, and 
 by some it is thought that the name was applied in some parts of the 
 Phoenician settlements to Venus, in others to the moon. Ashtoreth is 
 identified with the Greek 'Ao-raprr;, and the name of an ancient city 
 (Gen. xiv. 5) Ashtcroth-Karnaim, i.e. Ashteroth of the two horns, 
 seems to point to the crescent moon. This is accepted by Milton {Far. 
 L. I. 438). 
 
 'Ashtoreth, whom the Phoenicians called 
 Astarte, queen of heaven, with crescent horns 
 To whose bright image, nightly by the moon 
 Sidonian virgins paid their vows and songs.' 
 
122 I. KINGS, XI. [vv. 6, 7. 
 
 6 after Milcom the abomination of the Ammonites. And 
 Solomon did evil in the sight of the Lord, and went not 
 
 7 fully after the Lord, as did David his father. Then did 
 Solomon build a high place for Chemosh, the abomination 
 
 The worship of Ashtoreth was very widespread, as might be expected 
 from the wide commercial relations, and distant colonies, of the Phoeni- 
 cians. Why Ashtoreth is here named 'goddess' while the other deities 
 are called 'abominations' may be due to the greater intercourse be- 
 tween Sidon and the Holy Land than existed with other countries. 
 The Phoenician workmen at the Temple had perhaps caused the Israel- 
 ites to become more accustomed to the name and worship of Ashtoreth. 
 
 Milcom the abomination of the Ammonites] This is the same divinity 
 who is called below (verse 7) Molech, and in Zeph. i. 5 Malcham. 
 Molech was a fire god, and was worshipped with human sacrifices. The 
 root of the word is the same as that of the Hebrew word for 'king.' 
 Hence some think 'their king' in 2 Sam. xii. 30 means Molech, the 
 god of the Ammonites. There are numerous allusions in the Old Test, 
 to the worship of this god, the phrase most common being 'to make 
 their children to pass through the fire to Molech.' See 2 Kings xxiii. 
 10, 13. Some have explained this not as actual burning of the children 
 to death, but as a passing of them between two fires for an ordeal of 
 purification. But in 2 Chron. xxviii. 3 it is said of Ahaz, 'He burnt 
 incense in the valley of the son of Hinnom, and biirnt his children in 
 the fire, after the abominations of the nations whom Jehovah had driven 
 out.' And the actual burning of the children thus offered is alluded to 
 very plainly in Jer. vii. 31, 'They have built the high places of Tophet, 
 ...to btirn their sons and their daughters in the fire.' The tradition is 
 that the statue of Molech was of brass and the hands so arranged that 
 the victim slipped from them into a fire which burnt underneath. It 
 may be because there were no such sacrifices offered to Ashtoreth, that 
 she is not spoken of as 'an abomination.' 
 
 7. a high place] That ' high places ' were not abolished in Solo- 
 mon's time we can see from iii. 2, 3, where see notes. The idea was 
 that on a lofty height the worshipper drew nearer to his god, and so 
 was able to offer a more acceptable sacrifice. Hence the erection of 
 altars on the tops of hills, and these were frequently accompanied with 
 some house or shrine for the image of the god, and hence we read of 
 the 'houses of the high places.' Cf. i Kings xii. 31, xiii. 32; 2 Kings 
 xvii. 29, 32, xxiii. 19. This form of worshipping was so firmly rooted 
 among the Israelites that we read of it constantly down to the reign 
 of Josiah, by whom at length it appears to have been put down (2 Kings 
 xxiii. 19). 
 
 for Chemosh, the abomination of Moab] Chemosh, though generally 
 called the national god of the Moabites, is said (Judges xi. 24) to have 
 been also the god of the Ammonites. He is first mentioned in Numb. 
 xxi. 29. The worship now introduced into Jerusalem by Solomon 
 was put down by Josiah (2 Kings xxiii. 13). There is nothing in any 
 of the Biblical notices to guide us to an opinion either about the 
 
V. 8.] I. KINGS, XI. 123 
 
 of Moab, in the hill that is before Jerusalem, and for Molech, 
 the abomination of the children of Ammon. And likewise 
 did he for all his strange wives, which burnt incense and 
 sacrificed unto their gods. 
 
 meaning of the name or the nature of the worship offered to Chemosh. 
 An ancient Jewish tradition relates that Chemosh was worshipped under 
 the form of a black star, hence some have identified him with Saturn. 
 But this is no more than conjecture. Milton alludes to the identification 
 of Chemosh with Baal-peor: 
 
 ' Peor his other name, when he enticed 
 Israel in Sittim on their march from Nile.* 
 
 Far. L. i. 412. 
 in the hill that is before yerusaleni] The hill facing Jerusalem is the 
 mount of Olives. It is described in Ezek. xi. 23 as 'the mountain 
 which is on the east side of the city,' and in Zech. xiv. 4 as ' the mount 
 of Olives, which is before Jerusalem on the east.' The LXX. [Vat.) 
 has omitted any mention of 'the hill before Jerusalem.' Milton alludes 
 to the position of these idolatrous erections : 
 ' the wisest heart 
 Of Solomon he led by fraud to build 
 His temple right against the temple of God 
 On that opprobrious hill.' 
 
 Par, L. I. 400. 
 The last words allude to a name given to this height in consequence of 
 these buildings, ' Mons offensionis.' This name is said (Dictionary of 
 Bible, II. 627) to be of late origin. But the words occur in the Vulgate 
 (2 Kings xxiii. 13) 'ad dexteram partem mentis offensionis.' 
 
 and for Molech^ See above on Milcom in verse 5. The LXX. 
 translates the proper name, and reads koX rip ^aaiXel. Milton also 
 reminds us that the word could be translated : 
 
 ' First Moloch, horrid /'/«^, besmeared with blood 
 Of human sacrifice, and parents' tears 
 Though for the noise of drums and timbrels loud 
 Their children's cries unheard.' 
 
 The allusion in the last words is to the name ' Tophet,' as the valley 
 of the son of Hinnom was called where the Moloch-worship went on. 
 This was thought by some to be derived from the Hebrew word t)n 
 (to/'/i) a timbrel. Hence the tradition of drums beaten to drown the 
 cries of the suffering children. There is no warrant for the derivation, 
 nor probably for the tradition. On the whole subject, see Selden, cie 
 Dis Syr is, p. 172. 
 
 8. and liknvise did he for all his strange 7vives] i.e. For such of them 
 as desired a special place for their worship. Ashtoreth, Chemosh and 
 Moloch would suffice for the greater number, but we know of other gods 
 among the nations round about, and the text implies that all were 
 equally regarded. In the LXX. (Vat.) the order of these eight verses is 
 
124 I- KINGS, XL [vv. 9— 13. 
 
 9 And the Lord was angry with Solomon, because his heart 
 was turned from the Lord God of Israel, which had ap- 
 
 10 peared unto him twice, and had commanded him concerning 
 this thing, that he should not go after other gods : but 
 
 11 he kept not that which the Lord commanded. Wherefore 
 the Lord said unto Solomon, Forasmuch as this is done of 
 thee, and thou hast not kept my covenant and my statutes, 
 which I have commanded thee, I will surely rend the king- 
 
 12 dom from thee, and will give it to thy servant. Notwith- 
 standing in thy days I will not do it for David thy father's 
 
 13 sake : but I will rend it out of the hand of thy son. How- 
 
 considerably varied from the Hebrew text, and the narrative com- 
 mences somewhat differently, thus : ' And king Solomon was a lover of 
 women, and he had 700 wives, princesses, and 300 concubines.' 
 
 9 — 13. Anger of the Lord at these offences. 
 (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 9. which had appeared unto him twice'] See iii. 5 for the first 
 appearance of the Lord in Gibeon ; and (ix. 2) for the second when the 
 Temple and the king's house were finished. 
 
 10. and had commanded him concerning this thing] The command 
 is recorded in substance in vi. 12 and ix. 6. No allusion is made 
 in either place to the sort of temptation which led Solomon into this 
 sin. 
 
 but he kept not that which the Lord commanded] Instead of these 
 words the LXX. gives 'and his heart was not perfect with the Lord, as 
 the heart of David his father': a repetition of a part of verse 4. 
 
 11. the Lord said iinlo SolotJion] The message was perhaps by the 
 mouth of one of the Prophets. The visions vouchsafed to Solomon had 
 been in the time of his obedience. 
 
 Forasmuch as this is done of thee] Literally 'this is with thee.' This 
 is not an unusual form of expression for the plan or course of action 
 which any one has adopted. Cf. Job x. 13, 'And these things hast thou 
 hid in thine heart, I know that this is luith thee.'' See also Job ix. 35 
 and margin of A.V. 
 
 I will surely rend] The same verb is used of the symbolical action 
 of Ahijah (see below, verse 30), by which this tearing away of the 
 greater part of the kingdom was typified. 
 
 to thy sei~vant] For the position occupied by Jeroboam, see below, 
 verse 28. 
 
 12. in thy days I will jiot do it] For a similar postponement of 
 God's penalty, cf. the history of Ahab (i Kings xxi. 29). 
 
 for David thy father'' s sake] An example of God's mercy shewn to- 
 wards the descendants of them that love Him, as promised in the second 
 commandment (Exod. xx. 6), and typifying that fuller mercy which was 
 to be shewn for the sake of the obedience of Christ. 
 
vv. 14, 15.] I. KINGS, XL 125 
 
 belt I will not rend away all the kingdom ; but will give one 
 tribe to thy son for David my servant's sake, and for Jeru- 
 salem's sake, which I have chosen. 
 
 And the Lord stirred up an adversary unto Solomon, 14 
 Hadad the Edomite : he was of the king's seed in Edom. 
 For it came to pass, when David was in Edom, and Joab is 
 
 13. but will give otte tribe] The reference is to the tribe of Judah 
 from which the southern kingdom took its name. Benjamin which 
 went with Judah was so small as to be hardly worth accounting of, 
 and Simeon was also absorbed in Judah. The same form of words is used 
 below (verse 32) in the account of Ahijah's action, though it is expressly 
 said in a previous verse ' Take thee ten pieces. ' One reason for the close 
 union of Benjamin with Judah was that the territorial division between 
 the two tribes was such as to make the Temple the common property of 
 both. The city of the Jebusite, which David conquered, and all the 
 ground north of the valley of Hinnom was in the tribe of Benjamin. 
 
 for Jerusalem'' s sake, which I have choseti] In Deut. xii. 5 it is signi- 
 fied that God will choose some place c)ut of all the tribes 'to place His 
 name there,' and in i Kings xiv. 21 Jerusalem is expressly called 'the 
 city which the Lord did choose out of all the tribes of Israel to put His 
 name there.' Hence the place was an object of Jehovah's unchanging 
 regard. 
 
 14 — 22. Hadad the Edomite raised up as an adversary to 
 Solomon. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 14. Attd the Lord stirred up an adversary tinto Solomon] In David's 
 time Edom had been reduced, but in the later days of Solomon, when his 
 heart was turned away, an opportunity is offered for the representative 
 of Edom to seek to recover his kingdom. This was not unnatural, for 
 the conduct of Solomon may be presumed to have estranged some of his 
 own subjects. The writer, regarding Jehovah as ruler of the world, 
 speaks of this occurrence as brought about by Him. He raised up the 
 adversary. The Hebrew word for 'adversary' is here 'Satan,' which 
 the LXX. merely transliterates koX rjyeipe Kvpios 'Zarav rep liaXcofxiln'. 
 
 Hadad the Edomite] Hadad was apparently a common name among 
 the Edomite royal family. We find it (Gen. xxxvi. 36) among the list 
 of early Edomite kings, and three verses later, Hadar, is probably (cf. 
 I Chron. i. 50) a mistake of the scribe for Hadad. 
 
 he was of the king's seed] And, from his action, apparently the heir 
 to the throne. This perhaps accounts for the friendly reception which 
 he found in Egypt. His father had most likely been slain when David 
 attacked Edom. 
 
 The LXX. ( Vat.) inserts in this verse a notice of Rezon, spoken of in 
 verses 23 — 25 below. The name is given as 'Eo-pwya, and the notice 
 is more brief than in the Hebrew text, and verses 23 — 25 are omitted 
 from the LXX. in consequence. 
 
 15. when David was in Edom] The time alluded to is the period 
 
126 I. KINGS, XI. [vv. i6— 18. 
 
 the captain of the host was gone up to bury the slain, after 
 
 16 he had smitten eve' y male in Edom ; (for six months did 
 Joab remain there with all Israel, until he had cut off every 
 
 17 male in Edom :) that Hadad fled, he and certain Edomites 
 of his father's servants with him, to go mfo Egypt ; Hadad 
 
 18 deing yet a little child. And they arose out of Midian, and 
 
 of David's conquests (2 Sam. viii. 14), when it is said that all Edom 
 became his servants. The LXX. says 'when David destroyed Edom,' 
 which was perhaps the fact, as this verse shews, but is not stated in the 
 earlier history. He conquered the land, and put garrisons of his own 
 men throujjhout it. 
 
 and Joab the captain of the host was gone up to bury the slain'] On 
 Joab, see i. 7. The slain wer-e the Israelites who had fallen in David's 
 war with Edom. To bury these the captain of the host was appointed, 
 and he abode after that work was over, till all were cut off, or driven 
 away, from whom there could be any fear of resistance. 
 
 after he had smitten every male in Edom'] This can only mean, as 
 just stated, those persons who were likely to rebel against Israel. The 
 narrative in 1 Sam. viii. 14 implies that those who submitted were left, 
 and put under tribute to Israel. 
 
 16. for six months] Not too long a time to be spent in establishing 
 garrisons which might hold the land. 
 
 tvith all Israel] This like the last verse must be understood only of 
 such forces as were engaged in this war. David with a sufficient body- 
 guard would retire northward, through a country all his own, and where 
 no greater force was needed, leaving Joab and the bulk of the host to 
 complete the arrangements for the holding of Edom. 
 
 17. Hadad fid] Here the Hebrew text by an error of the scribe 
 gives Adad as the name. Or is it because the aspirate gave people 
 trouble then as now? 
 
 his father's servattts] This seems conclusive that Hadad's father 
 had been king of Edom. The LXX. says all his father's servants 
 escaped with him. 
 
 to go into Egypt] In David's days, Egypt was not, as it became in 
 the reign of Solomon, closely bound up with the interests of Israel. 
 Hence the defeated Edomites could look for a refuge there. 
 
 Hadad being yet a little child] Solomon uses the same expression of 
 himself in iii. 7. It implies youth, but not necessarily infancy. 
 
 18. And they arose out of Midian] It is not easy to decide what 
 place or district is meant by Midian. The country so called in the 
 time of Moses (Exod. ii. 15, iii. i) could not have been far away from 
 Mt. Sinai, and the fugitives from Edom would hardly have made their 
 way to such a distance before setting out on their journey to Egypt. 
 If the Midianites wandered about in the desert it may be that there was 
 some more northern district nearer to the south-west of Edom which 
 was called after them. Of this however we have no information. 
 
 The LXX. here reads iK Trjs iroXews MaSiafi, thus explaining the word 
 
vv. 19, 20.] I. KINGS, XL 127 
 
 came to Paran : and they took men with them out of Paran, 
 
 and they came to Egypt, unto Pharaoh king of Egypt ; 
 which gave him a house, and appointed him victuals, and 
 gave him land. And Hadad found great favour in the sight 19 
 of Pharaoh, so that he gave him to wife the sister of his own 
 wife, the sister of Tahpenes the queen. And the sister of 20 
 Tahpenes bare him Genubath his son, whom Tahpenes 
 weaned in Pharaoh's house : and Genubath was in Pharaoh's 
 
 as the name of a city. There is however a difference of reading in 
 Judges X. 12 which may help us. There we read 'The Zidonians and 
 Amalek and Maon did oppress you... and I deUvered you out of their 
 hand.' Now instead of Maon the LXX. in that passage gives Madiam. 
 The two words appear in Hebrew as pUO and piD respectively, very 
 closely resembling each other. But in the book of Judges ' Maon ' is 
 not mentioned among the enemies of Israel, but the Midianites play a 
 conspicuous part. It seems likely thei-efore that the LXX. is correct 
 and that in Judges x. 12 'Midian' should be read instead of 'Maon". 
 
 In the present verse it would almost seem as if the contrary change 
 should be made. We read of Maon among the cities on the south of 
 Judah, and not far from Paran, in the story of Nabal (i Sam. xxv. 2). 
 There we read that David could send men from the wilderness of Paran 
 up to Maon, and when they came back rudely repulsed could set forth 
 himself to chastise Nabal. If we suppose these fugitive Edomites to 
 have taken refuge for a brief time in the mountainous district of south 
 Judah, where Maon was, the rest of their proceedings becomes expli- 
 cable. They came from Maon to the wilderness of Paran, found some 
 men there, either fellow fugitives or others, whom they took as guides 
 and a convoy and thus made their way to Egypt. 
 
 Parang By this name seems to be meant that wilderness which 
 beginning on the south of Judah and south-west of Edom is now 
 known as El-Tih, and which was the scene of the wanderings of the 
 Israelites. 
 
 imto Pharaoh king of Egypt\ This king may have been the imme- 
 diate predecessor of the monarch whose daughter Solomon married. 
 There need not have been more than 30 years, if so much, between 
 these events in David's life, and the marriage of Solomon. 
 
 viclHals\ Heb. 'bread,' i.e. a regular sustenance for himself and 
 those he had brought with him. In the same way 'land' implies a 
 place in which they all might settle and live during their stay. 
 
 19. the qiieeti] The Hebrew word nT'33 [g'birah) is not the usual 
 word for 'queen,' but a title of special honour, used occasionally (i Kings 
 XV. 13; 2 Chron. xv. 16) for the 'queen-mother,' always a person of 
 great influence in an Oriental court. 
 
 20. ■ii)eaned\ The weaning of a child was a great event in Eastern 
 families, and an occasion of much rejoicing. Abraham made a feast 
 (Gen. xxi. 8) the same day that Isaac was weaned. This may account 
 for the part taken by the queen in this event. 
 
128 I. KINGS, XI. [vv. 21—23. 
 
 21 hor^ehold among the sons of Pharaoh. And when Hadad 
 heijrd in Egypt that David slept with his fathers, and that 
 Joab the captain of the host was dead, Hadad said to 
 Pliiiraoh, Let me depart, that I may go to mine own country. 
 
 22 Th> 1 Pharaoh said unto him, But what hast thou lacked 
 with me, that behold, thou seekest tc go to thine own country?/ 
 And he answered, Nothing : howbeit let me go in any wise.' 
 
 23 And God stirred him up another adversary, Rezon theV 
 
 21. when Hadad heard in Egypt that David stept with his fathers'\ 
 Hadad's first attempt to depart from Egypt was therefore soon after 1 
 Solomon's accession. It is clear however from the history that it was 
 only after some pressure that the Egyptian king allowed him to go. 
 The mischief that he did (see verse 25) would be by stirring up his 
 countrymen to cast off the yoke of the Israelites. We must allow a 
 considerable time for any revolt to be organized, and we are not told 
 that any outbreak really took place, but only that mischief was done 
 through Hadad's agitation. 
 
 and that yoab the captain of the host %vas dead\ Joab's name would 
 be one to spread terror, because of the severity he had displayed 
 toward Edom. (See above, verses 15, 16.) Hadad therefore waited 
 to hear of his death also, before he ventured to take any step for his 
 own restoration. 
 
 22. And he answered, Nothing] The Hebrew has for the last word 
 only the simple negative ' Not.' (See A.V. marg.) The verb ' I have 
 lacked ' is to be supplied. 
 
 let vie go in any wise] The verb is not the same as that translated 
 'go' in the former part of the verse. The R.V. marks the difference • 
 by rendering depart here, as the word corresponds to that so trans- 
 lated in 2 r . 
 
 Here the LXX. ( Vat.) has in addition 'And Hadad ('A5ep) returned 
 to his own land. This is the evil which Hadad did : and he was 
 indignant against Israel, and reigned in the land of Edom.' Then j 
 verses 23 — 25 are omitted, having been partly represented by the addi- 
 tions to verse 14 noticed above. i 
 
 2 
 
 23—25. Another adversary raised up against Solomon. 
 (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 23. And God stirred him up another adversary] R.V. raised up, 
 as in verse 14. There it is said 'the Lord (i.e. Jehovah)' raised up the 
 adversary; here it is 'God (Elohim)' who does it. There are some 
 who see in this variation an indication of two different sources for the ; 
 text, the earlier using 'Elohim,' the later 'Jehovah.' Such an inter- ^ 
 change might well be found in a text written even in the days of Solo- 
 mon, much more so, at the date when this narrative was set down, and 
 is much too slender a thread of evidence to hang so serious a judgement 
 upon. 
 
 Rezon the son oj Eliadah] The latter name should be written Eliada 
 
V. 24.] 1. KINGS, XI. 129 
 
 son of Eliadah, which fled from his lord Hadadezer kinj of 
 Zobah : and he gathered men unto him, and becarne capl n 24 
 over a band, when David slew them of Zobah : and tl ,y 
 went to Damascus, and dwelt therein, and reigned in 
 
 'as R.V.). There is nothing more known with certainty about nis 
 >ezon. The events to which allusion is made in this verse are related 
 
 Sam. viii. 3 — 8. There Hadadezer is called ' the son of Rehob.' 
 He was thoroughly defeated by David, who thereupon put garrisons 
 in Syria of Damascus. It cannot therefore have been immediately 
 after the overthrow of Hadadezer that Rezon and his party esta- 
 blished themselves in Damascus. For a time, at all events (2 Sam. 
 viii. 6), 'the Syrians became servants to David and brought gifts.' 
 Rezon most likely escaped when his master was defeated, and waited 
 till a convenient opportunity offered, and then tried, as here narrated, 
 to establish himself as king over Syria. Henceforth for centuries 
 Syria was the determined foe of Israel. In a later chapter (i Kings 
 XV. 18) Benhadad, a subsequent king of Syria, in Asa's time, is de- 
 scribed as a grandson of Hezion. The name Hezion J^Tn is not very 
 unlike Rezon jIH in the characters of the original. Hence some have 
 conjectured that they are the same person. But there seems no suffi- 
 cient foundation for the opinion. 
 
 fled from his lord\ This flight may have taken place before David's 
 attack on Hadadezer, though what has been said in the previous note 
 seems more probable. 
 
 f^^g of Zobah] This kingdom is mentioned in the reigns of Saul, 
 David, and Solomon, but then is heard of no more. It comprised 
 the country east of Coele-Syria, and extended northward and eastward 
 towards the Euphrates. See i Sam. xiv. 47; 2 Sam. viii. 3, xxiii. 36; 
 I Chron. xviii. 3, xix. 6; 2 Chron. viii. 3. 
 
 24. and he gathered men unto him] The LXX. (A/ex.) says 'men 
 were gathered unto him.' This only indicates different vowel points 
 to the same consonants. But the difference in the sense would point 
 *o Rezon as one whom his countrymen regarded as a leader. 
 
 and became captai^t over a band] (R. V. troop). The word is 
 nostly used of martial gatherings, and organized forces, and this is the 
 >ense here. Rezon gathered, and trained his followers till they were 
 xble to dislodge the troops of Israel and establish themselves in 
 Damascus. 
 
 when David slew them of Zobah] The two last words are necessary 
 to complete the sense. It is clear that others beside Rezon fled away. 
 It may have been that Hadadezer was an unpopular king. Out of the 
 '"ugitives Rezon formed for himself a troop, and awaiting his time, 
 :ame back and assumed the sovereignty. 
 
 and they went to Damascus] i.e. When an opportunity came about 
 of entering into a city, they left what must before have been a wan- 
 dering life of guerilla- warfare, and settled within walls. 
 
 and dwelt therein] Making a permanent settlement, and may have 
 ;ontinued some time before Rezon was made king. 
 
I30 1. KINGS, XI. [vv. 25, 26. 
 
 95 Damascus. And he was an adversary to Israel all the days 
 of Solomon, beside the mischief that Hadad did: and he 
 abhorred Israel, and reigned over Syria. 
 
 a6 And Jeroboam the son of Nebat, an Ephrathite of Zereda, 
 
 a7id reigned in Damascus\ If this verb be correct, the sense is that 
 this band of warriors seized the city, and made themselves in a body 
 lords of the place and its people. But a very slight variation of the 
 text would give the sense 'they made them a king in D.' which, of 
 course, the narrative shews to have been Rezon. The Syriac has 
 'and Rezon reigned in D.,' while the Vulgate gives 'and they made 
 him king in D.' 
 
 25. all the days of Solomon^ Probably Rezon was able to establish 
 himself in Damascus even before the death of David. P'or some time 
 he would be obliged to collect his strength to be ready for future 
 attacks on Israel, but he may well have been a source of anxiety to 
 Solomon from the first. Damascus was near enough, and a band of 
 men such as those who supported Rezon would make a constant thorn 
 for Solomon's side, even though they attempted no regular warfare. 
 
 beside the mischief that Hadad did] This sentence can only be thus 
 translated. There is a similar rendering of the like Hebrew DXI in 
 verse i 'together with' the daughter of Pharaoh (marg. R. V. 'be- 
 sides'). But it is very questionable whether this can be so rendered. 
 The LXX. {Vat.) which omits 23, 24, and great part of the present 
 verse renders as if, for n5<1, they had read JlKT^this. See the LXX. 
 variations above, in note on verse •22. These make the whole passage 
 refer not to Rezon but to Hadad, and in consequence the word Syria, 
 D"1N, i.e. Aram, is changed into mi<, Edotn, and it is certain that we 
 do expect to hear more of the mischief which Hadad wrought. All we 
 are told is that he got permission to come back to Edom. But we hear 
 no word of any armament or invasion by him. 
 
 and he abhorred Israel] Though he had deserted Hadadezer this 
 was no reason \v\\y he should side with the Israelitish invaders. They 
 had driven him and his troop into the wilderness and no harm which 
 he could work upon them would be left undone. This is just the sort 
 of opponent who might worry Solomon for a long time without being 
 deemed serious, but who might before the end of Solomon's reign, 
 in the period of that king's unwise yielding to his wives, become really 
 a dangerous adversary. With Hadad in the south and Rezon on the 
 north, each growing daily stronger, the crippling of Solomon's power 
 was effectually begun. 
 
 26 — 40. Rise OF Jeroboam's HOSTILITY TO Solomon. Ahijah's 
 PROPHETIC ACTION AND MESSAGE. (Not in Chroniclcs.) 
 
 26. yeroboant. the son of Nebat] This is the first mention of him 
 who afterwards is so frequently spoken of as the man 'who made Israel 
 to sin.' We know nothing more of his parentage than is told us in this 
 verse. His after life comes before us frequently in the succeeding chapters. 
 
 an Ephrathite] Better with R.V. an Ephraimite. The word Ephra- 
 
vv. 27, 28.] I. KINGS, XI. 131 
 
 Solomon's servant, whose mother's name was Zeruah, a 
 widow woman, even he Uft up his hand against the king. 
 And this was the cause that he lift up his hand against the 27 
 king : Solomon built Millo, and repaired the breaches of 
 the city of David his father. And the man Jeroboam was 28 
 a mighty man of valour : and Solomon seeing the young 
 man that he was industrious, he made him ruler over all the 
 
 thite would mean one born at Ephratah, i.e. Bethlehem. This cannot 
 be true of Jeroboam, from the words of the verse before us. A similar 
 change is needed in the A.V. of i Sam. i. i where Elkanah, though 
 described as 'a man of the liill country of Ephraim' is yet subsequently 
 called an 'Ephrathite.' 
 
 of Zeredd] The Hebrew spelling requires Zeredah (as R.V.). This 
 place must have been near or in the hill country of Ephraim. It has 
 been thought by some to be the same as Zeredathah, which is given in 
 2 Chron. iv. 17 instead of Zarthan of i Kings vii. 46, the place near 
 which the castings of brass were made for Solomon's Temple. The 
 LXX. {Vat.) gives '^apipa as the name, and in a long addition which 
 that version contains after verse 24 of the next chapter ^apipd occurs 
 several times over. It is also given by the LXX. of i Kings xiv. 17 
 instead of Tirzah, where Jeroboam had his royal residence. That the 
 Greek translators identified this place with some town of great impor- 
 tance will be seen from the note on xii. 24 below, but whether their 
 identification can be trusted is somewhat doubtful. 
 
 Solomon s scrvant\ i.e. One who had been employed by Solomon. 
 The works were not necessarily unimportant, on which such servants 
 were employed. But it makes the term a little more significant if (with 
 R.V.) we render a servant of Solomon. 
 
 he lift tip his hand against'\ A phrase indicative of rebellion and 
 very expressive here. For Jeroboam was one of Solomon's own 
 people, whose hand might be expected to be with him, and not against 
 him. Josephus marks the difference between this adversary and those 
 previously named, when he calls Jeroboam tQiv 6fio(pv\wi' tIs. 
 
 27. Millo} Read tlie Millo. See above on ix. 15. 
 
 and repaired the breaches of the city of David} The verb signifies *to 
 close up ' and the noun is in the singular. Hence ' to close up the breach ' 
 has been thought to mean the building a wall across the valley between 
 Zion and Moriah, and so making the ravine lietween these mountains 
 inclosed within the walls. This valley was known at a later time as the 
 Tyropceon. This makes the statement harmonize with ix. 15, where 
 Solomon's object is said to have been ' to build the walls of Jerusalem. ' 
 
 28. and Solomon seeing] The verb is finite, therefore render (with 
 R.V.) saw. 
 
 was industrioiis} Literally 'did work.' 
 
 he made him ruler over all the charge of, &c.] Better (with R.V., 
 and he gave him charge over all the labour [Heb. burden) of the house 
 of Joseph, i.e. the tribe of Ephraim. The labour here spoken of is that 
 
132 I. KINGS, XI. [vv. 29—32. 
 
 39 charge of the house of Joseph. And it came to pass at that 
 time when Jeroboam went out of Jerusalem, that the 
 prophet Ahijah thj Shilonite found him in the way; and he 
 had clad himself with a new garment ; and they two were 
 
 30 alone in the field : and Ahijah caught the new garment that 
 
 31 was on him, and rent it ifi twelve pieces : and he said to 
 Jeroboam, Take thee ten pieces : for thus saith the Lord, 
 the God of Israel, Behold, I will rent the kingdom out of 
 
 32 the hand of Solomon, and will give ten tribes to thee : (but 
 he shall have one tribe for my servant David's sake, and for 
 
 compulsory work, which the Israelites did by turns for parts of the year, 
 and which the tributary subject-population were constantly employed 
 upon. It is not difficult to conceive circumstances under which such 
 duty might become very distasteful to the northern section of the king- 
 dom. For between them and the people of Judah there was a pro- 
 nounced opposition even in David's time. And the compulsory labour 
 on the walls of Jerusalem was just the sort of occupation to aggravate 
 this old enmity. Jeroboam saw this and took advantage of it. 
 
 29. at that tiine\ i.e. While the building-works at the Millo and the 
 completion of the wall was in progress. 
 
 Ahijah the Shilonite] This prophet, whose home was in Shiloh (see 
 xiv. ■2), is mentioned in connexion with this prophecy to Jeroboam and 
 again when Jeroboam has become king, and sends his wife to inquire 
 of the prophet about the issue of his child's sickness. A writing of his 
 is spoken of in 2 Chron. ix. 29 as 'the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilo- 
 nite'. This may have contained other prophecies beside those which 
 have been preserved to us. He was evidently a person of much im- 
 portance and influence during this and the following reign. 
 
 found him in the way] Here the LXX. adds 'and he drew him 
 aside out of the way ' : an addition which may have been made to ex- 
 plain how it came to pass, as is said immediately, that 'they two were 
 alone in the field.' 
 
 atid he had dad hitnself] i.e. Ahijah had done so. The R.V. follow- 
 ing the LXX. inserts the proper name in italics to make the sense 
 clearer in the English. 
 
 30. and Ahijah caught'] R.V. laid hold of. The word is fre- 
 quently used of the taking prisoners captive. 
 
 31. Take thee ten pieces] With this symbolical action of Ahijah may 
 be compared the 'horns of iron' which Zedekiah made (i Kings xxii. 
 11) to express most significantly the way in which he prophesied that 
 Ahab should repulse the Syrians. 
 
 out of the hand of Solomon] i.e. Of his immediate successor, as is 
 explained in verse 34. 
 
 32. he shall have one tribe] Benjamin was so small a tribe as 
 scarcely to be worth counting. Judah was to give name to the south- 
 ern part of the divided kingdom. The LXX. says "two tribes," which 
 
vv. 33-38.] I. KINGS, XI. 133 
 
 Jerusalem's sake, the city which I have chosen out of all the 
 tribes of Israel :) because that they have forsaken me, and 33 
 have worshipped Ashtoreth the goddess of the Zidonians, 
 Chemosh the god of the Moabites, and Milcom the god of 
 the children of Amnion, and have not walked in my ways, 
 to do that which is right in mine eyes, and to keep my 
 statutes and my judgements, as did David his father. How- 34 
 beit I will not take the whole kingdom out of his hand : but 
 I will make him prince all the days of his life for David my 
 servant's sake, whom I chose, because he kept my com- 
 mandments and my statutes : but I will take the kingdom 35 
 out of his son's hand, and will give it unto thee, eve^i ten 
 tribes. And unto his son will I give one tribe, that David 36 
 my servant may have a light alvvay before me in Jerusalem, 
 the city which I have chosen me to put my name there. And 37 
 I will take thee, and thou shalt reign according to all that 
 thy soul desireth, and shalt be king over Israel. And it 38 
 shall be, if thou wilt hearken unto all that I command thee, 
 
 seems to be a correction introduced by tlie translators. See above on 
 verse 13. All the other versions speak of ' one tribe', and so does the 
 LXX. in verse 13. 
 
 33. they have foj-saken'\ The examples of men in high place are 
 infectious. Solomon's idolatry had led away others, and involved the 
 nation in the sin of the king. The LXX. and other versions however 
 have the verb in the singular. 
 
 and to keep my statutes'] The verb which in the previous clause 
 is rendered 'to do', can in Hebrew be joined with all the nouns that 
 follow (cf. Deut. vi. 24; xvi. 12; xvii. 19; i Chron. xxii. 13). The 
 English however i-equires a different verb with ' statutes.' Hence 
 ' to keep' is inserted in italics, though the Hebrew construction is quite 
 complete. 
 
 36. one tribe"] Here again, as in 32, the LXX. has 'two tribes.' 
 
 a light] Literally 'a lamp.' The idea is quite an Oriental one. In 
 the tent was hung the lamp, for constant lighting, and the permanency 
 of the home is implied in the lamp which is not extinguished. Cf. Ps. 
 cxxxii. 17. David's line was to last, though most of the kingdom 
 was taken from his descendants. The LXX. paraphrases by deais, i.e. 
 a status, position. 
 
 37. according to all that thy soid desireth] Or (as margin R.V.) 
 ' over all &c. ' The prophet was, as it appears, aware of Jeroboam's 
 ambition. Events were leading up to the coming separation of the 
 kingdoms, and there may have been many opportunities for Jeroboam 
 to disclose his desires and aims. 
 
 38. And it shall be &c.] The condition on which Jeroboam is set 
 
134 I- KINGS, XI. [vv. 39—42. 
 
 and wilt walk in my ways, and do that is right in my sight, 
 to keep my statutes and my commandments, as David my 
 servant did ; that I will be with thee, and build thee a sure 
 house, as I built for David, and will give Israel unto thee. 
 
 39 And I will for this afflict the seed of David, but not for ever. 
 
 40 Solomon sought therefore to kill Jeroboam. And Jeroboam 
 arose, and fled into Egypt, unto Shishak king of Egypt, and 
 was in Egypt until the death of Solomon. 
 
 41 And the rest of the acts of Solomon, and all that he did, 
 and his wisdom, are they not written in the book of the acts 
 
 42 of Solomon ? And the time that Solomon reigned in Jeru- 
 
 up is the same as tliat laid down for the family of David. As in their 
 case transgression involved a downfall. 
 
 and will }fivc Israel unto thee] These words and the whole of verse 
 39 are omitted in the I.XX. 
 
 39. but not for ever] The glorious promises made to David's line 
 were not to be withdrawn, and in the Messiah were abundantly fulfilled. 
 
 40. Solomon sought therefore to kill yeroboani] No doubt the 
 aspirations of Jeroboam, and the prophetic act and words of Ahijah 
 would come to the king's ears, and make him anxious to remove a 
 rival who had such special encouragement to prosecute his designs. 
 
 unto Shishak king of Egypt] This is the first Egyptian king 
 whose name, as distinguished from his title, is recorded in the Old 
 Testament. He has been identified with Sesonchosis, who is men- 
 tioned by Manetho as the first king of the twenty-second dynasty. He 
 appears to have come to the throne about 9S8 B.C. i.e. in the 27th 
 year of Solomon, though some calculations place him a little later. He 
 is mentioned again (xiv. 25) as coming up against Jerusalem in the 
 reign of Rehoboam, and taking away much treasure from the temple 
 and the king's house. 
 
 41 — 43. Solomon's death and burial. (2 Chron. ix. 29 — 31.) 
 
 41. And the rest of the acts] The usual rendering of this phrase is 
 Now the rest, &c. and this has been adopted for uniformity's sake by 
 the R. V. in this place. The word rendered 'acts,' in this and similar 
 passages, means also 'words.' and in the case of such a king as Solo- 
 mon, whose fame arose greatly from what he spake, it has been thought 
 worth while to put this rendering on the margin, both in A. V. and 
 R. V. 
 
 the book of the acts of Solomon] Attached to the royal household 
 was an official recorder, who kept a chronicle of events and thus 
 prepared the sources of future history. In 2 Chron. ix. 29 — 31 where 
 the parallelism with Kings is taken up again, we have the names of 
 the writers given, viz. 'the history of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy 
 of Ahijah the Shilonite, and the visions of Iddo the seer concerning 
 Jeroboam the son of Nebat.' 
 
vv. 43; I-] I. KINGS, XI. XII. 135 
 
 salem over all Israel was forty years. And Solomon slept 43 
 with his fathers, and was buried in the city of David his 
 father : and Rehoboam his son reigned in his stead. 
 
 And Rehoboam went to Shechem : for all Israel were 12 
 
 42. forty years] The same length of reign as that of Saul and 
 David. If Solomon's accession were 1015 B.C., his death took place 
 in 975 B.C. Josephiis gives 'eighty years' as the length of the reign. 
 But this agrees with no other record, and must be regarded as a 
 mistake. King Solomon was not more than 60 years old, if so much, 
 when he died. 
 
 43. And Solomon slept with his fathers'] The LXX. { Vat. ) con- 
 tinues 'and they buried him in the city of David his father,' and then 
 joins on the words of xii. 2 about Jeroboam hearing of Solomon's death 
 in Egypt, adding, what is not found there, that 'he made ready and 
 came into his own city, into the land Sarira, which is mount Ephraim.' 
 
 Ch. XII. 1—15. ReHOBOAM's ACCESSION. REQUEST OF HIS 
 SUBJECTS AND THE KING'S ANSWER. (2 Chron. X. I — 1 5.) 
 
 1. And Kehoboajn went to Shechem] The parallel passage in 2 
 Chron. xi. i — 15 is almost identical with what is given here. It is clear 
 from the narrative that, though Rehoboam was acknowledged as the 
 rightful successor to his father, there was a desire among the people to 
 modify the character of the government. David had ruled as a con- 
 queror, and the fame and wealth and great undertakings of Solomon 
 had gratified the people and made them submit to many severities in 
 his reign. Rehoboam had none of the recommendations of his father or 
 grandfather, and the influential persons in the nation availed themselves 
 of the solemn enthronization at Shechem to put forward their desires. 
 It may well be that they had arranged for the ceremony to take place 
 at a distance from Jerusalem, and in one of the principal towns of the 
 north that their proposals might be strongly supported, and that the 
 king might feel how important it was for him to conciliate such a party 
 as they were. If Rehoboam had already been acknowledged as king in 
 Jerusalem, the southern tribes would be less powerfully represented in 
 this meeting at Shechem, and prestige of the grand buildings of Jeru- 
 salem and all the splendour which spake of Rehoboam's house would 
 be absent. 
 
 Shechem, first mentioned as Sichem in Gen. xii. 6, was a city of 
 considerable antiquity, in the hill country of Ephraim, and of such 
 strength and importance that Jeroboam (see verse 25 below) fortified 
 and strengthened it to be the royal city of the ten tribes, immediately 
 after the revolt. Its name, which signifies shoulder or ridge, indicates its 
 position among the hills, and Josephus tells us that it was between Mt. 
 Ebal and Mt. Gerizim. It has been identified with the modern Nablous 
 (formerly Neapolis), and there seems no reason to question the identi- 
 fication. 
 for all Israel were come to Shechem] We have seen before that there 
 
136 I. KINGS, XII. [vv. 2—4. 
 
 2 come to Shechem to make him king. And it came to pass, 
 when Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who was yet in Egypt, 
 heard of it, (for he was fled from the presence of king 
 
 3 Solomon, and Jeroboam dwelt in Egypt;) that they sent and 
 called him. And Jeroboam and all the congregation of 
 
 4 Israel came, and spake unto Rehoboam, saying, Thy father 
 made our yoke grievous : now therefore make thou the 
 
 was a distinction, even while the kingdom was all one, between 'the 
 men of Israel' and 'the men of Judah' (see ^ Sam. xix. 40 — -43). It 
 seems not improbable that the arrangement for this gathering at She- 
 chem was a sort of protest by the men of the north against the southern 
 tribes who, because Jerusalem, with the temple and the royal dwellings, 
 was in their part of the land, may have claimed to be the ruling portion 
 of the nation. Hence a solemn ceremonial held elsewhere in connexion 
 with the accession of the new king would be thought a good means of 
 checking this assumption, even if there had been no further motive for 
 the choice of Shechem. And Rehoboam was obliged to go there, if he 
 would not at once provoke a civil war. 
 
 2. And it came to pass\ The LXX. (Vat.) having given the sub- 
 stance of this verse as an addition to xi. 43, omits it here. The R.V. 
 makes the parenthesis commence a little earlier and extend a little 
 farther than is shewn in A.V. The connexion thus becomes: And it 
 came to pass when 'Jeroboam... heard of it (for lie was yet in Egypt 
 wMther he had fled. ..and they sent. ..him;) that Jeroboam' &c. 
 
 heard of it] There must have been some interval between the death 
 of Solomon and the gathering of the people at Shechem. The charac- 
 ter and purpose of this meeting must also have been settled before- 
 hand, so that news of what was intended could be carried to Jeroboam, 
 and he, seeing events to be promising for his enterprise, could come 
 back into Israel, and take the lead, as in the next verse he is said to 
 have done, of those who petitioned the new king for reforms. 
 
 3. that they seni\ Better, And they sent : see the previous note. 
 Josephus (Ant. viii. 8, i) calls this party o\ twv oxXw*- apxcvres, and 
 represents them as sending to Jeroboam immediately after Solomon 
 was dead. Clearly there was a feeling that some change was at hand, 
 and the knowledge of Ahijah's prophecies had not been confined to 
 Jeroboam and Solomon. Hence men were prepared for what was 
 coming. 
 
 and called hint] Knowing that he would be ready to come, and that 
 his ability and industry (described xi. 28 above) qualified him for a 
 leader of their enterprise. 
 
 yeroboam and all the congregation of Israel] The LXX. ( Vat.) omits 
 Jeroboam. But the object of sending for him was clearly that he might 
 be the prime mover in the agitation, and by taking part in the popular 
 petition he would prepare the way for the invitation sent to him as 
 mentioned below in verse ■20. 
 
 4. make thou the grievous service... lighter] Josephus says they 
 
vv. 5—9.] I. KINGS, XII. 137 
 
 grievous service of thy father, and his heavy yoke which he 
 put upon us, lighter, and we will serve thee. And he said s 
 unto them. Depart yet for three days, then come again to 
 me. And the people departed. And king Rehoboam con- 6 
 suited with the old men, that stood before Solomon his 
 father while he yet lived, and said. How do you advise that 
 / may answer this people ? And they spake unto him, 7 
 saying, If thou wilt be a servant unto this people this day, 
 and wilt serve them, and answer them, and speak good 
 words to them, then they will be thy servants for ever. But 8 
 he forsook the counsel of the old men, which they had given 
 him, and consulted with the young men that were grown 
 up with him, and which stood before him : and he said unto 9 
 
 naturally expected to gain their request, and especially as the king was 
 a young man. The house of Joseph, i.e. the Ephraimites, are specially 
 mentioned as having been engaged in the compulsory labour (see xi. 28) 
 in the previous reign, and over these Jeroboam had been in charge, so 
 that he was conversant with their grievances. 
 
 6. A7id king Kehoboam consulted] That the close similarity between 
 the narrative here and 2 Chron. may be as apparent as possible to the 
 English reader, the R.V. reads here as there, took counsel, and similarly 
 in verse 8 'and took counsel with the young men.' The change is of no 
 importance to the sense, but where two passages are identical in the 
 original they are with advantage represented so in the translation. 
 
 the old nten\ These persons must have been advanced in years, and 
 perhaps were not in public office under Rehoboam. The age of Reho- 
 boam on his accession was 41 years (xiv. 21). (See, however, the note 
 at the end of this chapter.) So though he and his favoured advisers are 
 spoken of as 'young,' they were not so, except in comparison with 
 Solomon's counsellors. 
 
 Horiv do you advise thai I may atiswer] Here again in R.V. the trans- 
 lation is harmonized wiih 2 Chron. What counsel give ye me to 
 return answer. Though this is certainly not so idiomatic as the 
 English of Kings. 
 
 7. If than wilt be a servant icnto this people this day'\ Here the words 
 of 2 Chron. are ' If thou be kind to this people and please them.' What 
 was meant was that for the time the king should give way and obey the 
 popular voice. This short service would win for him their constant 
 allegiance. The LXX. does not represent 'and answer them' in this 
 verse. 
 
 8. young men that were grown tip tuith hiiii\ i.e. Who were about the 
 same age. It is not needful to suppose that they had been educated 
 with him from their youth up. They now being his contemporaries 
 were chosen to 'stand before him,' to be his privy counsellors. This 
 office the older men had held under Solomon (see verse 6). 
 
138 I. KINGS, XII. [vv. 10—15. 
 
 them, What counsel give ye that we may answer this people, 
 who have spoken to me, saying, Make the yoke which thy 
 
 10 father did put upon us lighter ? And the young men that 
 were grown up with 'lim spake unto him, saying, Thus shalt 
 thou speak unto this people that spake unto thee, saying, 
 Thy father made our yoke heavy, but make thou it lighter 
 unto us ; thus shalt thou say unto them, My little finger 
 
 11 shall be thicker than my father's loins. And now whereas 
 my father did lade you with a heavy yoke, I will add to 
 your yoke : my father hath chastised you with whips, but I 
 
 12 will chastise you with scorpions. So Jeroboam and all the 
 people came to Rehoboam the third day, as the king had 
 
 13 appointed, saying, Come to me again the third day. And 
 the king answered the people roughly, and forsook the old 
 
 14 men's counsel that they gave him ; and spake to them after 
 the counsel of the young men, saying. My father made your 
 yoke heavy, and I will add to your yoke : my father also 
 chastised you with whips, but I will chastise you with 
 
 15 scorpions. Wherefore the king hearkened not unto the 
 
 9. that we tiiay answer^ Better, 'may return answer' as the words 
 are precisely those of verse 6. It is noteworthy that Rehoboam includes 
 the young counsellors with himself and says 'we' when he speaks to 
 them, but he employs the singular number ' I' in verse 6, when addressing 
 the older men. He appears to have dispensed summarily with the 
 services of his father's advisers, and taken others into his confidence. 
 One among several marks of folly which are to be found in the history 
 of this business. 
 
 10. my little finger shall he (R.V. is) thicker than my father's loins'\ 
 The italics of A.V. shew that the word 'finger' is explanatory, and not 
 represented in the text. The LXX. gives ^ /jlikpottjs /lov. There can 
 however be no doubt that 'my littleness' is here correctly expounded 
 by 'my little finger,' as the Vulgate, Josephus, the Syriac version and 
 ancient Jewish commentators explain it. 
 
 11. with whij>s] We have no record of such an act on the part of 
 Solomon, and it may be the phrase is only metaphorical, to express a 
 light degree of chastisement in comparison of what they might hereafter 
 expect. But scourging men to urge them in compulsory labour is not 
 unknown in despotic countries. 
 
 with scorpions] Most likely, if the words are to be taken literally, 
 some sort of lash on which metal points were fixed so that each blow 
 might wound like a scorpion's sting. 
 
 12. So yeroboatn and all the people] The LXX. here, as in verse 3, 
 omits 'Jeroboam.' 
 
 as the king had appointed] R.V. has ' as the king bade.' 
 
 15, Wherefore the king] Better, as R.V., 'So the king.' The origi- 
 
vv. i6, 17.] I. KINGS, XII. 139 
 
 people ; for the cause was from the Lord, that he might 
 perform his saying, which the Lord spake by Ahijah the 
 Shilonite unto Jeroboam the son of Nebat. 
 
 So when all Israel saw that the king hearkened not unto 16 
 them, the people answered the king, saying, 
 
 What portion have we in David ? 
 
 Neither have tve inheritance in the son of Jesse : 
 
 To your tents, O Israel: 
 
 Now see to thine own house, David. 
 
 So Israel departed unto their tents. But as for the chil- 17 
 dren of Israel which dwelt in the cities of Judah, Rehoboam 
 
 nal has merely the ordinary copulative 1, and there is no giving of a 
 reason implied, but the summing up of a narrative. 
 
 for the cause was from the Lord\ R.V. for it was a thing brought 
 about of the Lord. The Hebrew noun signifies 'the turn of events' 
 and is represented in the LXX. by fx€Ta(xrpo(pri. For a similar idea, 
 compare the case of Pharaoh (Exod. iv. 21). Also (Acts ii. 23) 'Him, 
 being delivered by the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God, 
 ye have taken and by wicked hands have crucified and slain.' Josephus 
 says these events happened Kara ttjv rod Oeov (iovXTjcriv. The course of 
 events had been shaped by Solomon's transgression, and they were left 
 by God to work out their natural results. The sin of the father was 
 here visited on the child. 
 
 perform his sayitig] R.V. establish his word. This is the rendering 
 of the same words in A.V. i Sam. i. 23, and 'to establish' or 'confirm' 
 a word, is a more natural expression than 'to perform' it. For the word 
 of Ahijah cf. above xi. 31. 
 
 16 — 20. Revolt of the ten tribes (Cf. 2 Chron. x. 16 — 19). 
 
 16. all Israel saw that the king hearkened not'\ Josephus says ' they 
 were struck by his words as by an iron rod and grieved as though the 
 words of the king had been actually put into execution.' 
 
 What portion have zve in David?\ Very similar words were used (2 
 Sam. XX. i) by Sheba the Benjamite when he strove to rouse the people 
 against David. The tribe of Judah was more closely connected with 
 the house of Jesse, because his home was at Bethlehem. 
 
 To your tents, O Israel\ i.e. Disperse to your homes, that you may take 
 steps for protecting yourselves, and arranging for resistance to the threat- 
 ened severity. 
 
 see to thine own house'] As though the tribe to which he belonged 
 was now all that would be left to him. The LXX. reads ^b<TKe rbv 
 oIk6v crov, as though their text had been ny~l = 'to feed' and not as in 
 the Massoretic text nN") = to see. 
 
 17. the children of Israel %vhich dwelt in the cities oj Judah] We 
 see from expressions hke this that we must not necessarily make ' Israel ' 
 include only the northern tribes. See above on verse i. 
 
 The LXX. omits this verse entirely. 
 
I40 I. KINGS, XII. [vv. 18—20. 
 
 18 reigned over them. Then king Rehoboam sent Adoram, 
 who was over the tribute; and all Israel stoned him with 
 stones, that he died. Therefore king Rehoboam made 
 
 19 speed to get him up "^o his chariot, to flee to Jerusalem. So 
 Israel rebelled against the house of David unto this day. 
 
 20 And it came to pass, when all Israel heard that Jeroboam 
 was come again, that they sent and called him unto the con- 
 gregation, and made him king over all Israel : there was 
 none that followed the house of David, but the tribe of 
 Judah only. 
 
 18. Then king Rehoboam sent Adoram] The same man who is called 
 Adoniiam in ch. iv. 6. He presided over the forced-labour service, and 
 it was an additional sign of the infatuation of Rehoboam, that a person 
 so likely to be obnoxious to the people should be sent as the king's 
 representative. Josephus tells us that Rehoboam's design was to ap- 
 pease and mollify the irritation caused by his answer. He could hardly 
 have found worse means for his end. 
 
 who was over the tribute'] Read, with R.V. 'over the levy.' See 
 above on iv. 6. 
 
 and all Israel stoned hivi] The LXX. omits 'all Israel.' 
 Tha-efo7-e king Rehoboam made speed] The marginal rendering of 
 A.V. points out the literal meaning of the verb in this clause 'he 
 strengthened himself.' The idea is 'he made use of every effort, ' ' exerted 
 himself much,' seeing that there was danger threatening him as well as his 
 messenger. It appears from this verse, that little time had elapsed 
 between the answer of Rehoboam and the sending of Adoram to appease 
 the irritated leaders. All this was done and Adoram killed before 
 Rehoboam left Shechem. The haughty stern answer and the sudden 
 change to a policy of a more lenient nature are alike marks of the weak 
 character of the new king. 
 
 19. nnto this day] This phrase occurring several times in the book 
 marks the original composition, from which the compiler of the Kings 
 drew his material, as written while the two kingdoms were still existent, 
 and under different rulers. 
 
 20. when all Israel heard that yeroboam was come again] R.V. 
 was returned. This change is made because the words are like 2 
 Chron. x. 2, and the two should be represented as agreeing. The 
 movement described in these words is that of the whole ten tribes. At 
 first Jeroboam had been summoned by the leading men that he might 
 be their adviser and perhaps spokesman. Now when their request has 
 been rejected the whole people agree that he shall be made their king. 
 
 bnt the tribe of Judah only] So Rehoboam was left in the position of 
 David at his accession, king of Judah only. The LXX. adds here 'and 
 Benjamin' to accord with the previous variations in xi. 32 and 36. 
 See notes there. 
 
vv. 21—24.] I. KINGS, XII. 141 
 
 And when Rehoboam was come to Jerusalem, he assem- 21 
 bled all the house of Judah, with the tribe of Benjamin, an 
 hundred and fourscore thousand chosen men, which were 
 warriors, to fight against the house of Israel, to bring the 
 kingdom again to Rehoboam the son of Solomon. But the 2a 
 word of God came unto Shemaiah the man of God, saying, 
 Speak unto Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, king of Judah, 23 
 and unto all the house of Judah and Benjamin, and to the 
 remnant of the people, saying, Thus saith the Lord, Ye 34 
 shall not go up, nor fight against your brethren the children 
 of Israel: return every man to his house; for this thing is 
 from me. They hearkened therefore to the word of the 
 Lord, and returned to depart, according to the word of the 
 Lord. 
 
 21 — 24. Rehoboam prepares to make war on Israel but this 
 
 IS FORBIDDEN BY THE PROPHET SHEMAIAH (2 Cliroil. xi. I — 4). 
 
 21. all the hoiise ofjudah, with the tribe of Ben/'amhi] Called in 2 
 Chron. 'the house of Judah and Benjamin.' Thus Benjamin is shewn 
 to have been, as it were, reckoned with Judah rather than as a separate 
 tribe. 
 
 an hundred and fourscore thoitsand'\ The LXX. gives the number 
 as 120,000. Though apparently enormous, neither number is excessive 
 when we recall Joab's numbering (2 Sam. xxiv. 9), at which time the 
 men ofjudah were found to be 500,000. But subsistence for so large a 
 population must have been very difficult to find in so small a state. 
 
 22. the 7vord of God] How Shemaiah and otiier prophets received 
 their commission is not always explained. Sometimes it is said 'the 
 Lord sent' (cf. 2 Sam. xii. r, 25). The prompting by a vision in sleep 
 is most frequently recorded, and this we may assume in other cases to 
 have been the way in which God's message came. 
 
 Shemaiah] Beside the present notice of him, Shemaiah is also men- 
 tioned at the time when Shishak, king of Egypt, invaded Judcca and 
 besieged Jerusalem (2 Chron. xii. 5, 7). He then was sent with a 
 message of comfort to the princes of Judah. In 2 Chron. xii. 15 he is 
 said to have written a chronicle of the reign of Rehoboam. 
 
 23. and to the remnant of the feofle] (R.V. the rest). We see from 
 verse 17 above that there were some people belonging to the ten tribes 
 who were dwelling in the cities ofjudah. These would have their ties 
 in the place where they had long lived, and so would cast in their 
 lot with the southern kingdom, rather than, because of the division, 
 remove from their homes and seek new ones in the north. These must 
 be intended by ' the remnant of the people. ' 
 
 24. for this thing is from me] See above on verse 15. 
 
 and rettirncd to depart] This is the literal rendering of the original, 
 but is Hebrew rather than English. In R.V. the sense is given by 'and 
 
142 I. KINGS, XII. [vv. 25—27. 
 
 25 Then Jeroboam built Shechem in mount Ephraim, and 
 dwelt therein; and went out from thence, and built Penuel. 
 
 26 And Jeroboam said in his heart, Now shall the kingdom 
 
 27 return to the house of David : if this people go up to do 
 sacrifice in the houe j of the Lord at Jerusalem, then shall 
 the heart of this people turn again unto their lord, ei'cn unto 
 Rehoboam king of Judah, and they shall kill me, and go 
 
 returned and went their way.' The LXX. has koX KaTiiravaav toD tto- 
 pevOrjvai., 'and they ceased from going.' 
 
 At this point the LXX. (Vnt.) has a long passage inserted, for an 
 account of which see additional note at the end of this chapter. 
 
 25 — 33. Jeroboam sets up golden calves in Dan and Bethel, 
 
 AND THUS MAKES ISRAEL TO SIN. (Not in 2 Chron.) 
 
 25. built Shechem\ i.e. Strengthened it by walls and made it thus 
 fit to be the royal residence, 'the political centre of a confederation 
 whose military leader bore the title of king.' It had in early days been 
 a strong town with gates, but was overthrown by Abimelech (see Jud. 
 ix. 45). For 'mount Ephraim' here, we should rather read as elsewhere, 
 with R. v., 'the hill country of Ephraim.' 
 
 Fennel] This place was in the country of Gilead, on the east of 
 the Jordan. When Gideon (Jud. viii. 8) in his pursuit after the 
 Midianites crossed from the west side to the east of the Jordan, the 
 first place mentioned in his route is Succoth, and after that Penuel. 
 It was important for Jeroboam to have a stronghold on both sides of 
 the river, as his subjects lived on both sides, and this town, Penuel, 
 was no doubt a post of consequence, as it was evidently near to the 
 fords of the Jordan, so that a force stationed there would protect the 
 land from invaders. 
 
 26. And Jeroboam said in his heart\ Josephus [Ant. VIII. 8, 4) 
 says the idea was forced on the king's mind by the approach of the 
 Feast of Tabernacles, at which it had been usual for the people to go up 
 in great numbers to Jerusalem, and to live there for some days. 
 
 27. if this people go up to do sacrifice] There appears to have been 
 no thought in the popular mind that the choice of a different ruler for 
 the ten tribes would break their connexion with the worship at the 
 Temple. So that we must judge the Temple to have now become the 
 one recognised place for worship. The R. V. represents the Hebrew 
 more closely by rendering to offer sacrifices. 
 
 then shall the heart of this people tur7i\ After the first excitement of 
 the revolt was over, and Jeroboam had begim to exercise lordship in 
 his turn, the attraction of the Temple, and the prestige of the older 
 family, and especially the glories attaching to the house of David would 
 begin to reassert their power. Jeroboam expresses this feeling when 
 he still calls Rehoboam 'their lord.' 
 
 they shall kill me] When they have begun to repent of the step 
 
 
vv. 28, 29-] I. KINGS, XII. 143 
 
 again to Rehoboam king of Judah. Whereupon the king took 28 
 counsel, and made two calves of gold, and said unto them, 
 Jtis too much for you to go up to Jerusalem : behold thy gods, 
 
 Israel, which brought thee up out of the land of Egypt. 
 And he set the one in Beth-el, and the other put he in Dan. 29 
 
 which they have taken at my leading. Such reaction of feeling is 
 more common in Eastern than in Western minds. 
 
 and go again to Iiehoboa?n king of Jmiah'\ The LXX. omits these 
 words. The title 'king of Judah' is first used in this chapter, here and 
 above in verse 23. 
 
 28. two calves of goid] The Israelites in Egypt had been fa- 
 miliarized with the ox as an object of worship, and it would therefore 
 not be unknown among their descendants. Hence their readiness to 
 recognize such an image as a symbol of the divinity when they were 
 in the wilderness (Exod. xxxii. 4, 8). The sin was the same on this 
 occasion as on that. God had commanded that no image should be made 
 as a symbol of Him. The calves were therefore an abomination, 
 (directly contrary to Exod. xx. 4), even though when bowing before them 
 the people professed to worship Him who led their fathers out of 
 Egypt. 
 
 The LXX says 'he went and made' iiropevdr) kuI iTroirjue, and in- 
 stead of 'and said unto them,' in the next clause, which reads a little 
 awkwardly, gives 'and said unto the people.' 
 
 It is too muc/i for you to go iip\ The sense intended is probably 
 given in the margin of R. V. 'Ye have gone up long enough.' To 
 the mind of the Jew there might be a reason for ceasing altogether to 
 go to Jerusalem, now that the kingdoms were divided, Ijut no excuse 
 from the fatigue of the journey. Jeroboam's argument was 'You have 
 chosen a new king, choose also new places for worship.' Cf. Ezek. 
 xliv. 6, where the sense is 'Have done with your abominations.' 
 
 behold thy gods\ Words very like those of the people in the wilder- 
 ness (Exod. xxxii. 4) over their golden calf But the sense is rather: 
 'Behold thy God.' Under this symbol of the young bull, see and 
 recognise thy God, Jehovah. The young bull was the symbol of 
 creative power. 
 
 29. in Beth-el] The well-known city in the extreme south of the 
 tribe of Ephraim, and so just on the southern border of the new king- 
 dom of Israel. 
 
 in Dan] The town, formerly called Laish, in the very north of 
 Palestine, and always mentioned as a limit of the land in the phrase 
 ' from Dan to Beersheba.' It was so remote from the influence of the 
 rest of the nation that its inhabitants lived 'after the manner of the 
 Zidonians.' They were, that is, sea-faring people, rather than shepherds 
 and husbandmen like the rest of their brethren. The places chosen by 
 Jeroboam were at either limit of his kingdom, and had been associated 
 with religious worship in ancient times. See Judg. xviii. 30; xx. 18, 26; 
 
 1 Sam. X. 3. 
 
144 I- KINGS, XII. [vv, 30—32. 
 
 30 And this thing became a sin: for the people went to 
 3' worship before the one, even unto Dan. And he made 
 a house of high places, and made priests of the lowest 
 32 of the people, which were not of the sons of Levi. And 
 Jeroboam ordained a feast in the eighth month, on the 
 fifteenth day of the month, like unto the feast that is in 
 Judah, and he offered upon the altar (so did he in Beth-el,) 
 
 30. And this thing became a sin} Being in contradiction of the 
 second commandment. 
 
 /or the people went to worship before the one, even unto Dan] It 
 appears as though by these words it was intended to shew how fully the 
 people were led astray. To far-off Dan even did they go. This had 
 been associated with worship aforetime, though it was idolatrous. 
 Judg. xviii. 30. There was no need to point out that they went to 
 Bethel. That had been a place of worship before, and in consequence 
 had sacred associations. Of course they were not hard to persuade to 
 go there. But Jeroboam's device was successful in respect of the other 
 shrine also. 
 
 The LXX.adds to this verse 'and they neglected the house of the Lord.' 
 
 31. An house of high places'] The graven image must have its 
 temple. So in Bethel and in Dan buildings were raised, and an emi- 
 nence chosen for the site of each. Hence it is better to render the 
 plural notion, as R. V., houses of high places. 
 
 and made priests of the lowest of the people] Better, as R. V. 'and 
 made priests from among all the people.' The noun properly means 
 'an end', 'an extremity.' Then in the plural, as it is here, 'the ex- 
 tremities,' which between them comprise the whole space of anything. 
 Thus the word is rendered in Judges xviii. 2 (R. V.) 'five men from 
 their whole number.^ Here the idea is that Jeroboam's priests were 
 taken from anywhere, and so the selection differed much from that 
 of the southern kingdom, where one tribe alone held the priest's office. 
 The Levites who before the division of the kingdom had been scattered 
 among all the tribes, now, in the main, withdrew to the southern tribes 
 (2 Chron. xi. 13, 14). 
 
 32. A7td Jeroboam ordained a feast] This was intended to be a set- 
 off for the Feast of Tabernacles, of the celebration of which, in Jerusalem, 
 Jeroboam had been so much in fear. 
 
 in the eighth month on the fifteenth day] The Feast of Tabernacles 
 was on the fifteenth day of the seventh month (Lev. xxiii. 34). Jero- 
 boam came as near as he could but chose a later month, perhaps induced 
 to do so because the harvest-celebration kept at the Feast of Tabernacles 
 could be very well placed later in the northern part of the land. Jose- 
 phus (Ant. VIII. 8. 5) says, contrary to all other authorities, that 
 Jeroboam's feast was in the seventh month. 
 
 and he offered upon the altar] The verb sometimes means 'to go 
 up unto,' and this is represented on the margin of A. V. The text 
 and margin change places in R. V., because the sacrificing is spoken of 
 
V. 33-] I- KINGS, XII. 145 
 
 sacrificing unto the calves that he had made : and he placed 
 in Beth-el the priests of the high places which he had 
 made. So he offered upon the altar which he had made in 33 
 Beth-el the fifteenth day of the eighth month, even in the 
 month which he had devised of his own heart; and ordained 
 a feast unto the children of Israel : and he offered upon the 
 altar, and burnt incense. 
 
 in the words which immediately follow. Read, lie went up unto, and 
 so twice over in verse 33. 
 
 so did he in Beth-el] The king himself took part in the dedication of 
 the southern high place. The more distant Dan perhaps was in- 
 augurated by some of the newly-made priests. Thus Jeroboam in 
 some degree imitated Solomon's dedication of the Temple. 
 
 33. ivhich he had devised of his oivn heart] This is a translation of 
 the Keri, i.e. the marginal reading of the Hebrew. The Kethib (i.e. 
 the written text) would be rendered 'apart,' and if it be correct must 
 be understood, as intimating that the Iving consulted nobody, which 
 comes much to the same as what we now translate. The difference 
 to the eye between *in?D — 'apart,' and 11?D='from his heart' is 
 very slight. 
 
 and he offered upon the altar, and burnt incense] The marginal note 
 of the A. V. points out that the last verb is in the infinitive. By 
 translating with R. V. this is made apparent in the text and went 
 up unto the altar to burn incense. 
 
 On the addition in the LXX. after verse 24. 
 
 This long passage has many peculiarities not only in the arrangement, 
 which differs considerably from that of the narrative of the Hebrew 
 text, but also in some portions of its contents. It takes up the history 
 at xi. 43 with Solomon's death and Rehoboam's accession. But it gives 
 different numbers, both for the age of Rehoboam when he began to 
 reign and for the duration of his reign, from those in the Hebrew text. 
 Instead of 41 years old (as in xiv. 21) he is here stated to have been 16, 
 and to have reigned 12 and not 17 years. It must be owned that 
 the conduct of Rehoboam is much more like that of a very young 
 man than of one who had passed middle-age. The LXX. continues the 
 history with an account of Jeroboam, stating that his mother's name 
 was Sarira, -^vvii] irbpvq, and that he was put over the levy of the 
 house of Joseph. And Jeroboam built for Solomon a city, also called 
 Sarira, in the hill country of Ephraim, and was employed in the 
 buildings around Jerusalem, and began to aspire to the kingdom. 
 Then follows Solomon's attempt to kill him, and his flight into Egypt, 
 the king of which is Shishak (Soi/craK^ja). After this the story is an 
 exact parallel of what is given in the Hebrew about Hadad (xi. 19 — 22). 
 Jeroboam finds favour with Shishak, and marries Ano, the elder sister 
 of Thekemina, the wife of the king. He seeks to return, but is hardly 
 
146 I. KINGS, XIII. [v. I. 
 
 13 And behold, there came a man of God out of Judah by 
 
 allowed to go. At length he comes back to Sarira, gathers the people 
 and fortifies the place. After this follows the sickness of his son and 
 his wife's visit to Ahijah, somewhat like the narrative in xiv. i — 13. 
 Next we are told of a gathering at Shechem where both Rehoboam and 
 Jeroboam are present, and it is said that on this occasion Shemaiah 
 the prophet (and not .ihijah) rent his garment and gave ten parts to 
 Jeroboam to signify the ten tribes over which he was hereafter to be 
 king. Next comes the account of the popular petition to Rehoboam, 
 and his delay and final answer; then his flight from Shechem to 
 Jerusalem and the preparations for war, which is forbidden by She- 
 maiah. 
 
 Among other peculiarities of this form of the story may be added 
 that the Egyptian wife is said to have been given to Jeroboam after 
 his first request to be allowed to depart, apparently with a view to 
 make him more contented. In the account of the visit of inquiry 
 about the sick child, Ahijah says, 'Thou shalt go forth from me, and 
 it shall be when thou enterest into the city, into Sarira, that thy 
 maidens shall come out to meet thee, and shall say, ' The child is 
 dead,' and further on it is added 'and the cry of mourning came to 
 meet her.' There is an addition also to the complaint which is pre- 
 sented to Rehoboam, 'Thy father made his yoke heavy upon us', Kal 
 i^dpvvc TO, ppdifj-ara ttjs rpairi^-qs avTou, 'and he made burdensome the 
 meat of his table ' ; a sentence which seems to relate to the demands 
 made so largely on the various districts for the supply of Solomon's 
 table. A different form is given also when the revolt begins, 'And 
 all the people spake, as one man, each to his neighbour, and they all 
 
 cried out, saying, We have no part in David &c Each of you to 
 
 your tents, O Israel, for this man is not to be our prince or our leader.' 
 It is also said that Rehoboam's preparation for war was made eviara- 
 fiivov ToO eviavTou, 'when the year came round': a phrase which has 
 veiy close parallels in the Greek of 2 Sam. xi. i ; i Kings xx. 22, 26; 
 and is so completely after the Hebrew manner that from this and much 
 beside in the passage we can hardly doubt that it is derived from some 
 Hebrew original. But the numerous inconsistencies found in it make 
 it unworthy to be put in comparison with the story as recorded in the 
 sacred text. It partakes very much of the character of those additions 
 which we find made in the LXX. to the story of Ezra and Daniel, 
 and, though of interest as a specimen of this kind of literature, cannot 
 be accepted as raising any serious questions about the general correct- 
 ness of the Massoretic text in the history of Jeroboam. 
 
 Chap. XIII. i — 10. Prophecy against Jeroboam's altar in 
 Bethel. Withering and restoration of Jeroboam's hand. 
 (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 1. A man of God] Josephus {Ant. viii. 8, 5) says this prophet 
 whom the narrative does not name was called Jadon ('Io5w»' ovo/xa). 
 out of JudaJi\ Out of Judah to speak the word of the Lord in 
 
V. 2.] ^ I. KI NGS, XIII. 147 
 
 the word of the iLoRD unto Beth-el : and Jeroboam stood by 
 the altar to burn incense. And he cried against the altar 2 
 in the word of the Lord, and said, O altar, altar, thus saith 
 the Lord; Behold, a child shall be born unto the house of 
 David, Josiah by name; and upon thee shall he offer the 
 
 Israel. Later on Israel had her own prophets. Josephus also says he 
 came from Jerusalem. 
 
 by the word of the Lord] Those who would not follow with Jeroboam 
 in his worship of the calves had most likely all departed from the 
 northern kingdom. But if this were not so, God would still choose His 
 special messenger from that portion of the people who still clung to the 
 pure worship at Jerusalem. 
 
 and Jeroboam stood by the altar] The Hebrew is better rendered by 
 the R. V. was standing. The appearance of the prophet of Judah took 
 place at the moment when the king was about to engage in the act of 
 worship. We cannot be sure that the offering of incense by one who 
 was not of the priestly race would be counted a sin in the days of 
 Jeroboam. King Solomon (i Kings viii. 62, 63, 64) is described as 
 offering sacrifice, peace offerings and burnt offerings, without anything 
 to indicate that it was not lawful. But no doubt as time went on, and 
 probably before the composition of the history before us, the persons 
 who alone were allowed to offer at the altars were the priests and 
 Levites. 
 
 2. he cried against the altar in the tvord of the Lord] The Hebrew 
 is the same as in the preceding verse. Render therefore (with R. V.) 
 'by the word.' The meaning is that both the journey from Judah and 
 the prophecy were in consequence of divine instruction. 
 
 Josiah by name] The history of the fulfilment of this prophecy 
 is in 1 Kings xxiii. 15, 16. Between the accession of Jeroboam and 
 the accession of Josiah was an interval of about 330 years. Hence as 
 the name of the king who should execute the threatened vengeance is 
 mentioned, this prophecy is remarkable among the predictions of the 
 Old Testament. There is nothing with which it can be compared 
 except the prophecy concerning Cyrus in Isaiah xliv. 28 and xlv. i, nor 
 is it according to the manner of scriptural prophecies to be precise 
 about details such as this. Hence some have thought that this verse 
 and also other parts of the story of this chapter were brought into their 
 present form at a later date than Jeroboam. The story of the appear- 
 ance of the prophet and of his prediction were known from the first, 
 but the details here given were inserted when the prediction was accom- 
 plished. There is certainly in verse 32 a notice of the 'cities of 
 Samaria' which confirms this opinion. Jeroboam's capital was 
 Shechem, and Samaria was not built, nor any district so called, till 
 the reign of Omri the father of Ahab (i Kings xvi. 24). Again, it is 
 unlike the rest of the narrative of the Books of Kings that no name 
 should be given to either of the prophets who play such a part in the 
 story. It seems theretore probable that the chapter is taken from some 
 
148 I. KINGS, XIII. [vv. 3, 4. 
 
 priests of the high places that burn incense upon thee, and 
 
 3 men's bones shall be burnt upon thee. And he gave a sign 
 the same day, saying, This is the sign which the Lord hath 
 spoken; Behold, the altar shall be rent, and the ashes that 
 
 4 are upon it shall be poured out. And it came to pass, when 
 king Jeroboam hea^ d the saying of the man of God, which 
 had cried against the altar in Beth-el, that he put forth his 
 hand from the altar, saying, Lay hold on him. And his 
 
 other source than that which supplied what has gone before and what 
 follows it. If this be so, we need not be surprised at what was noticed 
 on the previous verse, that Jeroboam's action in approaching the altar 
 seems noted as impious while Solomon's sacrifices are accepted. The 
 compiler of the Books of Kings gathered his material from various 
 sources, and did his work after Josiah was dead. There is no difficulty 
 in understanding how by that time the story as he has given it had 
 been put on record, and as he wished to place Jeroboam's sin in a 
 strong light all through his history, the events here recorded were 
 exceedingly appropriate for incorporation in his narrative. 
 
 upon thee shall he offer the p7-iests\ The verb is that which is usually 
 rendered sacrifice, and it is better (with R. V.) so to translate it. 
 Josephus states specifically 'upon thee shall he sacrifice the false priests 
 which shall be at that time'. Not only was the king to defile the altar 
 by casting upon it the bones of the dead, but his righteous vengeance 
 was to fall also upon the idolatrous priests then living, and they were 
 to be slain by him before the altars at which they ministered. 
 
 men's bones shall be Imrnf] R.V. shall they burn. There is no 
 gain apparent in departing from the literal rendering of the original. 
 
 3. And he gave a sign the same day\ The sign was necessary be- 
 cause the event foretold was to be at so remote a date that none who 
 were living in Jeroboam's day would be alive to see it. Hence to assure 
 Ihem that it would come to pass a startling token of the power in which 
 the prophet spake is exhibited by the rending of the altar and the 
 scattering of what was on it in the presence of all who stood by. The 
 word riQID rendered 'sign', is much more frequently used of 'wonders' 
 and 'miracles', and it has that sense in some degree here. With this 
 we may compare the use of re/sas as well as arjfieiov for the miracles of 
 the New Testament. 
 
 and the ashes that are upon it] The Hebrew word, which is the 
 same as that so often rendered 'fatness', applies only to the ashes 0/ 
 an altar, which would be mixed up with the fat of sacrifices burnt upon 
 it. Hence the LXX. renders by ij ttiottjs 'the fat', or 'fatness'. 
 
 4. he put forth his hand froi7i the altar] He was busy in the opera- 
 tions connected with the sacrifice, but the words of the prophet roused 
 his anger, and the raised hand is the sign of his wrath, as well as a 
 signal to those who were near him, pointing out that the speaker was to 
 be seized. Hence it is said immediately 'which he put forth against 
 him.' The R.V. has observed the order of the Hebrew in wliich the 
 
w. 5—9.] I. KINGS, XIII. 149 
 
 hand, which he put forth against him, dried up, so that he 
 could not pull it again to him. The altar also taas rent, s 
 and the ashes poured out from the altar, according to the 
 sign which the man of God had given by the word of the 
 Lord. And the king answered and said unto the man of 6 
 God, Intreat now the face of the Lord thy God, and pray 
 for me, that my hand may be restored me again. And the 
 man of God besought the Lord, and the king's hand was 
 restored him again, and became as it 7vas before. And the 7 
 king said unto the man of God, Come home with me, and 
 refresh thyself, and I will give thee a reward. And the man 8 
 of God said unto the king, If thou wilt give me half thine 
 house, I will not go in with thee, neither will I eat bread 
 nor drink water in this place : for so was it charged me by 9 
 the word of the Lord, saying. Eat no bread, nor drink 
 
 proper name Jeroboam comes in the second clause of the verse and not 
 
 in the first: thus 'when the king heard Jeroboam put forth, &c.' 
 
 dried up] The effect described is that of a Hmb becoming rigid, not 
 so much shrivelling, as stiiTening. Josephus says it was 'numbed and 
 dead'. 
 
 6. Intreat now the face of the Lord thy God] Here the R. V. has 
 adopted the rendering of the phrase by A.V. in Ps. cxix. 58; Prov. xix. 
 6 " Intreat now the favour, &c." The idea of the original word is 
 that of soothing, so as to relax the frowns and anger of any one, and 
 hence to gain favour instead of displeasure. We are not to conclude 
 because Jeroboam says 'the Lord thy God' that he himself had ceased 
 to acknowledge Jehovah. But in the present circumstances God was 
 evidently more favourable to the prophet than to the king and this 
 Jeroboam intends to express. 
 
 and pray for me] These words are omitted in the LXX. ( Fat.). 
 
 besought the Lord] The expression is exactly the same in the 
 Hebrew as in the former part of the verse. So the R. V. has here 
 'intreated the Lord'. To insert 'the favour' a second time would 
 make the verse read heavily, but there seems no reason for varying the 
 verb. 
 
 7. Come home with me] The subsequent narrative shews that there 
 was no alteration in Jeroboam's feelings or intentions in consequence 
 of what had occurred. He still went on in his evil way. But he would 
 fain have the man of God continue in his company a while, that his 
 people might not be terrified by what had happened and decide to 
 break off from the calf-worship and go up to Jerusalem to the Temple 
 again. 
 
 8. neither will I eat bread nor drink water] There was to be no 
 communion between the idolaters and the worshippers of Jehovah ; and 
 this is strongly marked by the refusal of the prophet even to taste food 
 with the king, which he tells him was the command of the Lord. 
 
ISO I. KINGS, XIII. [vv. lo— 12. 
 
 10 water, nor turn again by the same way that thou earnest. So 
 he went another way, and returned not by the way that he 
 came to Beth-eh 
 
 11 Now there dwelt an old prophet in Beth-el; and his son 
 came and told him all the works that the man of God had 
 done that day in Be'h-el: the words which he had spoken 
 
 12 unto the king, them they told also to their father. And 
 their father said unto them, What way went he? For his 
 sons had seen what way the man of God went, which came 
 
 9. nor turn again by the same way^ There is nothing in the original 
 for 'same'. Therefore the R.V. is more close to the text, in giving 
 neither return by the way as in the following verse in A. V. The in- 
 junction to go back by another way was given lest after what happened 
 in Bethel those who had seen him coming might try to detain him and 
 he be thus tempted to lessen the effect of his mission. The refusal to 
 eat and the hurried departure were to shew how the Lord was grieved 
 at the national sin. 
 
 II — 22. The prophet of Judah is deceived and brought back 
 TO Bethel. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 11. Now there dzvelt an old prophet in Beth-el] Josephus describes 
 him as 'a wicked old man, a false prophet, whom Jeroboam had in 
 honour, being deceived by him because he spake things to his liking'. 
 He says too that 'he was bedridden' 'because of the weakness of old 
 age, (though this is difficult to reconcile with his riding forth after the 
 man of God,) and that when he heard of all that had taken place he 
 was fearful that the stranger would surpass him in the estimation of 
 Jeroboam, and gain more honour than he'. The man can hardly have 
 been a true prophet of Jehovah, or he would not have countenanced, 
 even by the presence of his sons, the calf-worship which God had for- 
 bidden. His favour with the king, and his desire to retain it, are 
 Josephus' exposition of the story. 
 
 atid his son came] R.V. and one of his sons came. The noun and 
 the two verbs 'came' and 'told' are singular, but before the close of 
 the verse there comes in a plural verb and pronoun 'they told also to 
 their father '. The language is very natural. One son was the principal 
 reporter, but when the story was dwelt upon the rest filled out the 
 narrative till the father had a complete knowledge of the whole occur- 
 rence. Instead of the final words of this verse 'them they told also 
 to their father' the LXX. has Kal eiriarpexpav rh Trpdcruirov toD irarphs 
 avTuv. The same phrase is employed in Judges xviii. 23 of persons 
 turning round on hearing a cry, and the text of the LXX. probably 
 implies that the father's attention was arrested by the story. 
 
 12. I^or (R.V. Now) his sons had seen] This rendering is in accord- 
 ance with the Massoretic pointing IX"!*! but all the Versions translate 
 as if the verb had been •li^'lll, the Hiphil, 'and his sons shewed him'. 
 
 I 
 
vv. 13—20.] I. KINGS, XIII. 151 
 
 from Judah. And he said unto his sons, Saddle me the ass. n 
 So they saddled him the ass: and he rode thereon, and went ••» 
 after the man of God, and found him sitting under an oak: 
 and he said unto him, ^r/ thou the man of God that camest 
 from Judah? And he said, I am. Then he said unto him, 'S 
 Come home with me, and eat bread. And he said, I may '6 
 not return with thee, nor go in with thee : neither will I eat 
 bread nor drink water with thee in this place : for it was said 17 
 to me by the word of the Lord, Thou shalt eat no bread 
 nor drink water there, nor turn again to go by the way that 
 thou camest. He said unto him, I am a prophet also as 18 
 thou «r// and an angel spake unto me by the word of the 
 Lord, saying. Bring him back with thee into thine house, 
 that he may eat bread and drink water. £ut he lied unto 
 him. So he went back with him, and did eat bread in 19 
 his house, and drank water. And it came to pass, as they 20 
 sat at the table, that the word of the Lord came unto the 
 
 14. under an oak] The tree named in the Hebrew is probably the 
 terebinth. The noun has the article in the original, and it refers per- 
 haps to some well-known tree which was a landmark in the neighbour- 
 hood. The terebinth is a very longlived tree, and an aged one would 
 be sure to become noted. 
 
 16. in this place] The prophet had not gone far from Bethel before 
 he sat down to rest. The events of the day had been such as to ask 
 for it. 
 
 18. He said unto hint] The Hebrew has the conjunction 'And he 
 said': there is no reason for its omission in the English. 
 
 / am a prophet also] The order of the R.V. is to be preferred. 'I 
 also am a prophet' i.e. as well as you. 
 
 an angel spake unto me] The old prophet does not lay claim to so 
 solemn a message, as that which the prophet of Judah had received 
 directly 'by the word of the Lord.' And in this the Judaean prophet's 
 sin lay that he did not seek as much confirmation for the reversed order 
 as he had for that which came to him at first. 
 
 19. So he went back with hitn] The LXX., by reading slightly dif- 
 ferent vowel points, renders 'So he turned him back'. Josephus thinks 
 these things were from God as in the case of the hardening of Pharaoh's 
 heart. 'These things happened, I think, according to the will of God, 
 that Jeroboam might give no heed to the words of Jadon, as he had 
 been convicted of falsehood ', i.e. he had said he would not return, and 
 then had done so. 
 
 20. as they sat at the table] They were having a proper meal. The 
 expression 'to eat bread and to drink water' signifies 'to take food and 
 drink ' and must not be understood literally. The idea meant to be 
 conveyed by the prohibition is that nothing of any sort was to be taken. 
 
152 I. KINGS, XIII. [vv. 21—24. 
 
 21 prophet that brought him back: and he cried unto the man 
 of God that came from Judah, saying, Thus saith the Lord, 
 Forasmuch as thou hast disobeyed the mouth of the Lord, 
 and hast not kept the commandment which the Lord thy 
 
 22 God commanded thee, but earnest back, and hast eaten 
 bread and drunk Abater in the place, of the which the Lord 
 did say to thee Eat no bread, and drink no water ; thy 
 carcase shall not come unto the sepulchre of thy fathers. 
 
 23 And it came to pass, after he had eaten bread, and after 
 he had drunk, that he saddled for him the ass, to wit, for 
 
 24 the prophet whom he had brought back. And when he 
 
 21. as tJioii hast disobeyed^ The expression is precisely the same as 
 in verse 26 below. There the A.V. has 'disobedient unto', and for the 
 sake of consistency that rendering has been adopted here by R.V. 'as 
 thou hast been disobedient unto'. A very frequent translation is 'to 
 rebel against the word of the Lord '. See margin of R.V. 
 
 22. the Lord did say to thee] There is no need for the italics of 
 the A.V. There can be no mistaking who is meant if we render (with 
 R.V.) 'he said to thee.' 
 
 thy carcase shall 7iot come unto the sepidchre of thy fathers'] With the 
 Jews, as since with Christians, burial rites were much regarded. To be 
 cast out unburied was deemed a great calamity (cf. Ps. Ixxix. 3; Jer. 
 xiv. 16), and a judgement for sin, as in the case of Jezebel (2 Kings ix. 
 10). To be buried by the side of one's ancestors shews that all care 
 has been bestowed upon the corpse. In the present instance the depri- 
 vation of such burial is equivalent to death in some unusual way and at 
 a distance from home. 
 
 23 — 32. The prophet of Judah is slain. He is buried, and 
 HIS WORDS confirmed, BY THE OLD PROPHET. (Not in Chro- 
 nicles.) 
 
 23. he saddled for him the ass] There has been no mention before 
 of an ass belonging to the prophet of Judah, but as travelling was 
 ordinarily performed in this way, we may suppose that he had ridden 
 from Jerusalem, and had been riding back. Instead of the concluding 
 words of this verse 'to wit, for &c.' the LXX. has 'and he turned and 
 went away.' 
 
 Because the word 'prophet' X''U is not used elsewhere in the story 
 for the Judsean prophet, who is always called 'a man of God,' some have 
 rendered the last part of this verse ' lie saddled for him the ass, the ass 
 belonging to the prophet who had brought him back.' But it seems 
 
 far more natural to take the 1? =for him, as in close relation to the 
 i^'''2y>=for the prophet, as they are both introduced by the same pre- 
 position. 
 
vv. 25—31.] I. KINGS, XIII. 153 
 
 was gone, a lion met him by the way, and slew him : and 
 his carcase was cast in the way, and the ass stood by it, the 
 lion also stood by the carcase. And behold, men passed 25 
 by, and saw the carcase cast in the way, and the lion stand- 
 ing by the carcase: and they came and told // in the city 
 where the old prophet dwelt. And when the prophet that 26 
 brought him back from the way heard thereof, he said, It is 
 the man of God, who was disobedient unto the word of the 
 Lord : therefore the Lord hath dehvered him unto the lion, 
 which hath torn him, and slain him, according to the word 
 of the Lord, which he spake unto him. And he spake to 27 
 his sons, saying, Saddle me the ass. And they saddled him. 
 And he went and found his carcase cast in the way, and the 28 
 ass and the lion standing by the carcase : the lion had not 
 eaten the carcase, nor torn the ass. And the prophet took 29 
 up the carcase of the man of God, and laid it upon the ass, 
 and brought it back: and the old prophet came to the city, 
 to mourn and to bury him. And he laid his carcase in his 30 
 own grave; and they mourned over him, saying, Alas, my 
 brother. And it came to pass, after he had buried him, 31 
 
 24. a lion met hivi\ That beasts of prey were common in the land 
 at this time we may see from the history of the shepherd life of David, 
 where he encountered both a lion and a bear (i Sam. xvii. 34). The 
 death of the prophet was caused by a stroke of the beast's paw, but to 
 shew that it was a visitation of the Lord, the natural instinct of the lion 
 to devour what it has slain is checked, and instead of tearing the body, 
 it stands by it as a guard. 
 
 25. told it in the city where the old prophet dwelt'\ As Bethel has 
 been already mentioned it is not easy to see why this circumlocution is 
 made use of. Perhaps the idea is that the news was carried in all 
 directions by the passers by and so came among other places to that 
 where he dwelt whom it specially concerned. 
 
 26. disobedient unto the word] The R.V. gives here as the A.V. in 
 verse 11 unto the mouth. This is the literal rendering, and is as 
 inteUigible as the other. The LXX. (Vat.) gives for this verse only: 
 'And he who brought him back from the way heard it and said, This 
 is the man of God who rebelled against the word of the Lord.' The 
 next verse (27) is not represented at all in that version. 
 
 29. to jnourn and to bury hini\ These words are also left out in the 
 LXX. {Vat.). 
 
 30. in his own grave"] Treating him as though he had been one of his 
 own family. 
 
 Alas, my brother] This seems to have been a form of lamentation 
 used over the dead. Cf. Jer. xxii. xS. 
 
154 I. KINGS, XIII. [vv. 32—34. 
 
 that he spake to his sons, saying. When I am dead, then 
 bury me in the sepulchre wherein the man of God is buried; 
 
 32 lay my bones beside his bones : for the saying which he 
 cried by the word of the Lord against the altar in Beth-el, 
 and against all the houses of the high places which are in 
 the cities of Samaria shall surely come to pass. 
 
 33 After this thing Jeroboam returned not from his evil way, 
 but made again of the lowest of the people priests of the 
 high places: whosoever would, he consecrated him, and he 
 
 34 became one ofi\\Q priests of the high places. And this thing 
 
 31. lay my bones beside his bones'\ Here the LXX. adds 'in order 
 that my bones may be preserved along with his bones.' And Josephus 
 expands this idea thus: "for he would not be outraged after his death 
 if he were buried along with him, for the bones would not be recog- 
 nized." After which he adds to the story: "And having buried the 
 prophet and given this charge to his sons, being wicked and impious he 
 goes to Jeroboam and says: 'Why wast thou troubled by the words of 
 that foolish man?' And when the king related what had happened to 
 the altar and to his own hand, calling the man a truly divine and excel- 
 lent prophet, he began to efface this opinion of him by calumnious words 
 and by using misleading language about the things which had occurred, 
 to weaken their real import. For he tried to persuade him that his hand 
 had become numb through fatigue in lifting the victims, and that when 
 relieved it had returned to its natural state ; and that the altar being 
 new and having so many large victims put on it was broken and fell 
 to pieces by the weight of its load. He also pointed to the death of 
 him who had foretold these signs, how he was slain by the lion." 
 
 32. high places which are in the cities of Samaria'] On the build- 
 ing of Samaria, see i Kings xvi. •24. The occurrence of these words in 
 the narrative seems clear evidence that the story in its present form is 
 not contemporary with the events, and may therefore have been written 
 down even later than Josiah's time. See above on verse 2. 
 
 33—34. Jeroboam goes on in his evil way. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 33. made again of the lowest of the people] R.V. made again from 
 among all the people. See note on xii. 31 above. 
 
 he consecrated him] The Hebrew expression is 'he filled his hand.' 
 See margin of A.V. The idea is 'he intrusted this solemn office to his 
 charge.' 
 
 and he became one of the priests of the high places] The insertion 
 of the italic 'one of shews that the construction is irregular. The R.V. 
 gives, that there might be priests of the high places. But the 
 awkwardness of the Hebrew which has the verb in the singular and the 
 noun in the plural is not removed thereby. It can be explained but 
 not imitated in a translation. 'Whosoever would' in the previous 
 clause is singular in form but plural in notion. Hence the latter por- 
 
vv. 1—3.] I. KINGS, XIV. 155 
 
 became sin unto the house of Jeroboam, even to cut it olif, 
 and to destroy // from off the face of the earth. 
 
 At that time Abijah the son of Jeroboam fell sick. And 14 
 Jeroboam said to his wife, Arise, I pray thee, and disguise ^ 
 thyself, that thou be not known to be the wife of Jeroboam; 
 and get thee to Shiloh: behold, there is Ahijah the prophet, 
 which told me that I should be king over this people. And 3 
 take with thee ten loaves, and cracknels, and a cruse of 
 
 lion of the verse says ' whosoever would he became,' but as there were 
 many who did so, the result was not one priest but many 'priests of the 
 high places.' 
 
 34. The Hebrew text here also is not clear. Literally it is 'in this 
 thing there came to be &c.' But the A.V. and all other versions trans- 
 late as though the Hebrew were the same as in the beginning of xii. 30. 
 Probably the variation is only a slip of the scribe. 
 
 to cut it off mid to destroy it] God's judgement wrought the destruc- 
 tion, but yet it was the sin which called it forth. Hence the sin may 
 be called the destroying power. Nadab the son of Jeroboam reigned 
 only two years (xv. 25), and then met a violent death at the hand of 
 Baasha. 
 
 Chap. XIV. 1—20. Jeroboam's inquiry concerning his sick 
 CHILD. The prophet's ANSWER. Close OF Jeroboam's reign. 
 (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 1. At that time] The order of the narrative shews that the writer of 
 Kings connects the sickness of Jeroboam's son with the events which 
 have been narrated in the previous chapter in the nature of a divine judge- 
 ment. The whole of this section i — 20 is omitted by the LXX. (Vat.) 
 
 2. and disguise thyself] She was to put on such a dress that no 
 one would recognise her for the queen. Jeroboam no doubt felt that 
 the prophets generally were against him, and that if it were known that 
 he was the applicant, he would receive an unfavourable answer. 
 Josephus describes the queen as putting aside her royal robe, and as- 
 suming the dress of a private person. Otherwise she could scarcely 
 have gone abroad on her errand. Of course she was also to conceal her 
 identity from Ahijah, but as he was not able to see, the dress would 
 have mattered little on his account. In the LXX. (A/ex.) it is said 
 'they shall not know thee', i. e. people generally. 
 
 Ahijah] On Ahijah and Shiloh see above on xi. 29. 
 
 which told me that I should he king] R.V. 'Which spake concerning 
 me that I should be king'. This is somewhat nearer to the Hebrew, 
 but the difficulty is in the word rendered 'that I should be king' which 
 
 is a noun with a preposition 'JI7P"? = 'for a king', where we should have 
 
 expected rather the verbal form "^PP?. 
 
 3. cracknels] The word so rendered is found only here and in 
 
IS6 I. KINGS, XIV. [vv. 4— 7. 
 
 honey, and go to him : he shall tell thee what shall become of 
 4 the child. And Jeroboam's wife did so, and arose, and went to 
 Shiloh, and came to the house of Ahijah. But Ahijah could 
 s not see; for his eyes were set by reason of his age. And the 
 Lord said unto Ahijah, Behold, the wife of Jeroboam com- 
 eth to ask a thing of thee for her son; for he is sick: thus 
 and thus shalt thou jay unto her: for it shall be, when she 
 cometh in, that she shall feign herself to be another woman. 
 
 6 And it was so, when Ahijah heard the sound of her feet, as 
 she came in at the door, that he said, Come in, thou wife of 
 Jeroboam; why feignest thou thyself to be another? ioxlam 
 
 7 sent to thee with heavy tidi?igs. Go, tell Jeroboam, Thus 
 saith the Lord God of Israel, Forasmuch as I exalted thee 
 from among the people, and made thee prince over my 
 
 Joshua ix. 5, of the bread of the Gibeonites, which became inouldy. 
 Some take the word there in the sense of crtmibling, so dry that it 
 crumbled into bits. In the present passage however it must mean a 
 sort of cake, perhaps dry baked. The whole of the present which the 
 queen was to take with her was such as a woman of humble position 
 would bring. The traditional interpretation of the Talmud makes the 
 word to mean small cakes about the size of half an egg. The LXX. 
 (Alex.) adds as explanatory, that they were for the prophet's children. 
 
 and a crnse\ The word only occurs here and in Jer. xix. i, 10, where 
 it is rendered 'bottle'. 
 
 he shall tell thee what shall become of the child'\ It reveals to us a 
 singular condition of mind, when we see the king confident in the 
 prophet's power of foretelling the future even in the case of an individual 
 life, and yet thinking that the queen could go to him with her question 
 and he not know who was making the inquiry. 
 
 4. for his eyes were set] The same expression is used of Eli, i Sam. 
 iv. 15. The idea is of one whose eye has lost its power so that the 
 light no longer acts upon it to enlarge or contract the pupil. 
 
 5. to ash a thing of thee] The precise expression is not found again. 
 The R.V. gives the rendering 'to inquire', which is most common for 
 the verb, and regards the noun as expository, and so leaves it un- 
 rendered. The rendering of the A.V. misrepresents the mission. It 
 was not to ask something for her son, but to inquire concerning him. 
 
 thus and thus shalt thou say] The writer, knowing that immediately 
 he will record the conversation, abbreviates his story thus to avoid 
 repeating twice the same words. The same expression is found in 
 Judges xviii. 4. 
 
 6. For I am sent to thee with heavy tidings] The LXX. {Alex.) 
 rendering, which gives a word for word version of the Hebrew, will 
 explain the italics of the A. V. /cai iyw elfj-l dvoffToXoi irp6s ere 
 
vv. 8— lo.] I. KINGS, XIV. 157 
 
 people Israel, and rent the kingdom away from the house of 8 
 David, and gave it thee: and yet thou hast not been as my 
 servant David, who kept my commandments, and who fol- 
 lowed me with all his heart, to do that only which was right 
 in mine eyes; but hast done evil above all that were before 9 
 thee: for thou hast gone and made thee other gods, and 
 molten images, to provoke me to anger, and hast cast me 
 behind thy back: therefore, behold, I will bring evil upon 10 
 the house of Jeroboam, and will cut off from Jeroboam him 
 that pisseth against the wall, and him that is shut up and 
 left in Israel, and will take away the remnant of the house of 
 Jeroboam, as a man taketh away dung, till it be all gone. 
 
 9. but hast done evil above all that were before thee"] This must refer 
 not only to the kings who had preceded Jeroboam, but to the cases of 
 idolatry in the earlier days, e.g. of the Judges. There had been no such 
 instance of sin in the lives of David or of Saul, and Solomon's trans- 
 gression had been the building of temples and the setting up of images 
 for his strange wives, who were already idolaters. 
 
 for thou hastgofie] R. V. 'and thou hast gone'. The conjunction is 
 the simple copulative. 
 
 other gods] So certain was the making of an image, even if it was 
 to represent Jehovah, to lead to the introduction of false worship, that 
 God speaks of it as already effected. 
 
 and hast east me behind thy back] An expression indicative of the 
 extremest contempt. It is used Neh. ix. 16 of the whole national sin 
 which led to the captivity, and in Ezek. xxiii. 35, where the prophet is 
 describing the apostasy of Aholibah. 
 
 10. and will cut off] The entire family is to be exterminated. 
 R.V. 'will cut off from Jeroboam every man child'. 
 
 and him that is shut up and left in Israel] There is no conjunction 
 at the beginning of this phrase, which is used to explain the compre- 
 hensiveness of what has gone before. The words are alliterative, and 
 apparently proverbial, in the original. The R.V. has given the sense 
 somewhat more fully : 'him that is shut up and him that is left at 
 large'. That is whether a man be young and so under wardship, or 
 older, and free to go about as he pleases. Hence the expression amounts 
 to 'young and old'. 
 
 and tvill take away theremnant] The verb is one that is frequently used 
 of exterminating wickedness and the wicked, but the word translated 
 'remnant' is only a preposition meaning 'after'. The sense is 'I will 
 clear away after the house of Jeroboam', i.e., not only that they shall 
 be taken away, but all traces of their existence shall be removed. As 
 the verb in the latter clause would be most naturally rendered by ' sweep ', 
 the R.V. has translated the whole passage 'and will utterly sweep 
 away the house of Jeroboam, as a man sweepeth away dung ', where 
 'utterly' gives the force of the literal rendering very well. 
 
158 I. KINGS, XIV. [vv. 11—15. 
 
 n Him that dieth of Jeroboam in the city shall the dogs eat; 
 and him that dieth in the field shall the fowls of the air eat : 
 
 12 for the Lord hath spoken it. Arise thou therefore, get thee 
 to thine own house : and when thy feet enter into the city, 
 
 13 the child shall die. And all Israel shall mourn for him, and 
 bury him : for he only of Jeroboam shall come to the grave, 
 because in him there is found some good thing toward the 
 
 14 Lord God of Israel .n the house of Jeroboam. Moreover 
 the Lord shall raise him up a king over Israel, who shall 
 cut off the house of Jeroboam that day: but what? even now. 
 
 15 For the Lord shall smite Israel, as a reed is shaken in the 
 water, and he shall root up Israel out of this good land, 
 which he gave to their fathers, and shall scatter them beyond 
 the river, because they have made their groves, provoking 
 
 11. shall the dogs eaf] It was this circumstance which rendered it 
 so horrible to the Oriental mind to be cast out unburied. The dogs of 
 an Eastern city were many and devoured all they found. 
 
 12. to thine own hoicse'] There is nothing in the text to represent 
 'own'. It adds nothing to the sense, and may be omitted. 
 
 13. And all Israel shall mourn for him] Abijah, though called 
 'a child' in verses 3, 12 and 17 must have been of such an age as to 
 exhibit qualities that made him beloved of the people. The Hebrew 
 word for 'child' in verses 3 and 17 (not in 12) is the same which 
 Solomon uses of himself in iii. 7 above. See note there. 
 
 there is found some good thing fozuardthe Lord] Out of this expression 
 has grown the Jewish tradition that Abijah endeavoured, contrary to 
 the wish of his father, to encourage the people to go up to Jerusalem 
 to worship, and removed hindrances that had been put in the way of 
 such journeys. This was his goodness tozvard the Lord. 
 
 14. that day] i.e. On which the Lord hath appointed: the day 
 when the new king shall arise. 
 
 btit what? even noiv] This elliptic phrase seems to be best filled out 
 somewhat thus. But what (am I saying? Why do I speak of that 
 day ? It will so soon come to pass that I may call it) even now. 
 
 15. as a reed is shaken] For this figure of entire instability, cf. 
 Matt. xi. 7 'a reed shaken with the wind'. And here the root is 
 planted amid the water, which wall make it more tottering still. 
 
 beyond the river] i.e. The River, far excellence, the Euphrates. 
 
 their groves] R. V. their Ashferim. This is a plural form of the word 
 Asherah, which is the name of a goddess worshipped with rites similar 
 to those of Baal-worship. The plural probably denotes the wooden 
 images of the goddess, which are mentioned as early as Exod. xxxiv. 
 13, and the worship of which was common in the time of the Judges 
 (cf. iii. 7), and then for some interval laid aside, but revived under the 
 kings. 
 
vv. 16—20.] I. KINGS, XIV. 159 
 
 the Lord to anger. And he shall give Israel up because of 16 
 the sins of Jeroboam, who did sin, and who made Israel to 
 sin. And Jeroboam's wife arose, and departed, and came 17 
 to Tirzah : and when she came to the threshold of the door, 
 the child died; and they buried him; and all Israel mourned is 
 for him, according to the word of the Lord, which he spake 
 by the hand of his servant Ahijah the prophet. And the 19 
 rest of the acts of Jeroboam, how he warred, and how he 
 reigned, behold they ai-e written in the book of the chroni- 
 cles of the kings of Israel, And the days which Jeroboam 20 
 reigned were two and twenty years : and he slept with his 
 fathers, and Nadab his son reigned in his stead. 
 
 16. and he shall give Israel up\ i.e. Into the hands of their enemies. 
 ivho did sin, and who made Israel to sin"] It is better with R.V. to 
 
 take the relative as refering to 'the sin.' Render, wMch he hatli 
 sinned and wherewith he hath made Israel to sin. 
 
 17. and came to Tirzali\ This place has not been identified with 
 certainty. It was an ancient city, mentioned first Josh. xii. 24. Its 
 beauty is celebrated in Cant. vi. 4. Jeroboam, as we see here, made 
 it a royal residence, and it was so used, and by some kings as a place 
 of burial, till Omri built Samaria. It was almost certainly on the 
 west of Jordan, and probably not far/rom the present Nablous. The 
 LXX. {Alex.) gives et's yrjv Zapipd, on which see xii. 2 additional 
 note. 
 
 to the threshold of the door] The Hebrew (as R.V. gives) has ' the 
 threshold of the house.' 
 
 18. and they buried him] The R.V. transposes 'all Israel,' putting 
 it before 'buried,' and thus the sentence assumes an English form. The 
 Hebrew puts ' all Israel ' at the end of the clause. 
 
 by the hand of\ A common Hebrew form for the simple 'by.' Cf. 
 viii. 53 above. 
 
 19. hoiv he warred] His war with Abijah king of Judah is spoken 
 of in 2 Chron. xiii. 3— 20. The history in that place describes Jero- 
 boam's defeat, and the loss of five thousand of his men, and the capture 
 of several Israelite cities by the king of Judah. The wars of Jeroboam 
 with Rehoboam are alluded to below (xv. 6). 
 
 20. two and twenty years] So that Jeroboam's death occurred in 
 the second year of the reign of Asa, king of Judah. Cf. xv. 9, 25. It 
 appears from 2 Chron. xiii. 20 to have been by some sudden visitation. 
 ' The Lord struck him, and he died.' 
 
 Nadab his soti] We have only Abijah and Nadab mentioned of 
 Jeroboam's family, but perhaps we may infer from the language of xv. 
 29, that these were not the whole of his children. 
 
i6o I. KINGS, XIV. [vv. 21—23. 
 
 SI And Rehoboam the son of Solomon reigned in Judah. 
 Rehoboam was forty and one years old when he degan to 
 reign, and he reigned seventeen years in Jerusalem, the city 
 which the Lord did choose out of all the tribes of Israel, 
 to put his name there. And his mother's name was Naamah 
 
 22 an Ammonitess. And Judah did evil in the sight of the 
 Lord, and they provoked him to jealousy with their sins 
 which they had committed, above all that their fathers had 
 
 23 done. For they also built them high places, and images, 
 
 21 — 24. The sinful reign of Rehoboam in Judah. (2 Chron. 
 xii. 13.) 
 
 21. Rehoboam was forty and one years old] As Solomon's reign 
 lasted forty years (xi. 42), this son must have been born a year or more 
 before his father came to the throne, and Solomon must have married 
 this Ammonitish wife, Naamah, before Pharaoh's daughter. The age 
 of Rehoboam makes it strange that he should have been led by the 
 counsels of young men rather than the elders, as we read in chap, xii., 
 and appears to contradict the words of 2 Chron. xiii. 7, where Reho- 
 boam is described as 'young and tender-hearted' and not able to with- 
 stand the rebellion of Jeroboam. Hence the reading of a few MSS. in 
 this passage, of 21 for 41 years, has been thought more probable, 
 though it is not supported either by Josephus or by the narrative of 
 Chronicles (2 Chron. xii. 13). May it not have been that the compilers 
 used different documents and did not try to reconcile them? 
 
 tAe Lord did choose'\ R.V. 'the Lord liad chosen.' The choice had 
 been made long before. 
 
 his mother's na/ne] The high position and great influence of the 
 queen-mother in Oriental courts accounts for the regular mention of the 
 mother's name in the histoiy of each king's reign. (See above on 
 xi. 19.) This Ammonitish princess must probably have been an idola- 
 tress, so that even in his father's time, if the chronology of this verse 
 be correct, the heart of Solomon went after strange women. The R.V. 
 notes that the national designation of this princess has the article 'the 
 Ammonitess', she was probably well known. 
 
 22. did evil] R.V. did that which was evil. The Hebrew text is 
 better represented by this fuller translation. 
 
 provoked him to jealotisy] Jehovah had called himself a yVa/i3«j God, 
 when the Law was given on Sinai (Exod. xx. 5). 
 
 which they had committed'] The word 'had' is better omitted. The 
 Hebrew has no power of marking such a pluperfect tense in verbal in- 
 flexions, and the context must be our guide to such a shade of meaning. 
 Here it is not appropriate for the sins were still continuing. In the pre- 
 vious verse the English pluperfect appears preferable as a translation of 
 the same Hebrew tense for the choice of God had been made long 
 before the days of Rehoboam. 
 
 23. high places] We read constantly of 'houses' of the high places, 
 
vv. 24—27.] I. KINGS, XIV. 161 
 
 and groves, on every high hill, and under every green tree. 
 And there were also sodomites in the land: and they did 24 
 according to all the abominations of the nations which 
 the Lord cast out before the children of Israel. 
 
 And it came to pass in the fifth year of king Rehoboam, 25 
 that Shishak king of Egypt came up against Jerusalem : and 26 
 he took away the treasures of the house of the Lord, and 
 the treasures of the king's house; he even took away all: 
 and he took away all the shields of gold which Solomon had 
 made. And king Rehoboam made in their stead brasen 27 
 shields, and committed them unto the hands of the chief of 
 
 and it is to these erections on some lofty hills that the ' building ' here 
 spoken of appUes. See above, xii. 31. 
 
 images] The R. V. renders by pillars, with ' obelisks' in the margin. 
 And this appears more correct than A. V. There is nothing in the word 
 itself to denote an image. The root signifies ' to set up,' and this noun 
 is appUed to the stones which Jacob set up (Gen. xxviii. 18, xxxi. 45, 
 XXXV. 14), and which Joshua set up (Josh. iv. 9) when the people had 
 passed over Jordan. Probably therefore the erections made in Judah 
 were only large stones. The name is given also to the 'obelisks' which 
 stood at the entrance of the Temple of the Sun in Heliopolis (Jer. xliii. 
 
 13)- 
 and groves] R.V. Ash^rim. See above on verse 15. 
 
 24. which the Lord cast (R.V. drave) out] The change of R.V. 
 brings the expression into harmony with nearly all the rest of the places 
 where this verb occurs. The same alteration is needed in i Kings xxi. 
 36; 2 Kings xvi. 3, xvii. 8, xxi. 2, but has not been made in R.V. 
 
 25 — 31. Shishak king of Egypt invades Judah. Death of 
 Rehoboam. (2 Chron. xii. 2 — 4 and 9 — 16). 
 
 25. Shishak king of Egypt] See on xi. 40. Shishak is there repre- 
 sented as giving a friendly reception to Jeroboam. It may have been 
 at Jeroboam's prompting that the invasion of Judah was undertaken 
 by him within such a short time after Rehoboam's accession. A monu- 
 ment of this king, the first of the 22nd dynasty, has been discovered at 
 Karnak in Upper Egypt, recording his conquests and the names of 
 certain towns which he had taken in Palestine. 
 
 26. he even took away all] Instead of these words the LXX. gives : 
 ' and the golden shields which David took from the hands of the ser- 
 vants of Hadadezer king of Zobah and brought them to Jerusalem.' 
 On these captures of David see 2 Sam. viii. 7. 
 
 On the shields of gold made by Solomon cf. i Kings x. 17. At the 
 close of the verse the LXX. adds that Shishak 'brought' his booty 'into 
 Egypt.' 
 
 27. brasen shields] R.V. 'shields of brass (or, rather, 'bronze ) 
 
 I.KINGS n 
 
i62 I. KINGS, XIV. XV. [vv. 28— 31; i. 
 
 28 the guard, which kept the door of the king's house. And 
 it was so, when the king went into the house of the Lord, 
 that the guard bare them, and brought them back into the 
 
 19 guard chamber. Now the rest of the acts of Rehoboam, 
 and all that he did, are they not written in the book of the 
 
 30 chronicles of the kings of Judah ? And there was war 
 
 3i between Rehoboam and Jeroboam all their days. And 
 Rehoboam slept with his fathers, and was buried with his 
 fathers in the city of David. And his mother's name was 
 Naamah an Ammonitess. And Abijam his son reigned in 
 his stead. 
 15 Now in the eighteenth year of king Jeroboam the son of 
 
 which is the form in 2 Chi-on. xii. 10, and which represents the original 
 more precisely. 
 
 chief of the guardi The margin of A.V. gives Heb. runners. We 
 see from this that the Cherethites (or Cretans) and Pelethites, of David 
 and Solomon, had disappeared, and that Rehoboam had only native 
 troops, and those much more meanly armed. 
 
 28. And it was so, when^ For 'when' the R.V. gives, as often 
 as. The Hebrew word is not common. It occurs i Sam. xviii. 30; 
 2 Kings iv. 8; in the latter place the A.V. gives 'as oft as,' and in 
 the former the R.V., has changed 'after' into 'as often as,' with a 
 great improvement to the sense. 
 
 30. all their days'] R.V. continually : as the same words are ren- 
 dered in a very similar passage about Saul and David in AV. i Sam. 
 xviii. 29. 
 
 31. aJid his mother^ s 7iame — Ammonitess'] These words, which are 
 identical with the closing paragraph of verse 21 are omitted, by the 
 LXX. (Vat.). Their occurrence twice so close together seems to shew 
 that the compiler of i Kings was drawing from several sources, and 
 that he copied verses 21 — 24 from one narrative just as they stood, 
 and verses 25 — 31 from another, which both contained the same piece 
 of information about Rehoboam's mother. Here as in verse 21 we 
 should render 'the Ammonitess.' In the long passage which the LXX. 
 inserts after verse 24 of chap. xii. (see additional note thereon) she 
 is called Naai'di' dvydrrip "Ava viod Nads ^acn\4ws vIQv'A/jl/xwv. The 
 king intended by these words is probably Hanun, the son of Nahash, 
 of whom we hear something in 2 Sam. x. If Hanun became recon- 
 ciled to David after the events there related, the marriage of Solomon 
 with his daughter might have been one item in their treaty of friend- 
 ship. But the authority of the addition in the LXX. is not very great. 
 
 Abijam his son] Called in 2 Chron. xii. 16, and elsewhere, Abijah. 
 
 Ch. XV. 1 — 8. Abijam, king of Judah. (2 Chron. xiii. i — 2.) 
 
 1. reigned Abijam over yiidah] Better, with R.V. began Abijam 
 
 to reign. This is the sense of the verb here, though in the next verse 
 
vv. 2—5.] I. KINGS, XV. 163 
 
 Nebat reigned Abijam over Judah. Three years reigned 2 
 he in Jerusalem. And his mother's name was Maachah, 
 the daughter of Abishalom. And he walked in all the sins 3 
 of his father, which he had done before him : and his heart 
 was not perfect with the Lord his God, as the heart of 
 David his father. Nevertheless for David's sake did the 4 
 Lord his God give him a lamp in Jerusalem, to set up his 
 son after him, and to establish Jerusalem: because Davids 
 did that which tt'as right in the eyes of the Lord, and turned 
 not aside from any thing that he commanded him all the 
 days of his life, save only in the matter of Urijah the Hittite. 
 
 it must be simply 'reigned.' The A.V. renders it 'began to reign' in 
 verse 25 of this chapter, and elsewhere. 
 
 Abijatn'l The LXX. adds 'son of Rehoboam.' The name is ^(^z/'o/^ 
 in 1 Chron., and, comparing with other names of like formation, that 
 appears the more correct. 
 
 2. Three years reigned he'] If he began his reign in the eighteenth 
 year of Jeroboam, and was succeeded by Asa (verse 9) in the twentieth 
 year of the same king, the three years cannot have been complete. But 
 this must frequently be noted in the chronological records of the two 
 kingdoms, and imports an element of uncertainty into them. 
 
 Maachah, the daughter of Abishaloni\ In 1 Chron. xiii. 2 Abijah's 
 mother is called ' Michaiah the daughter of Uriel of Gibeah.' But in 
 2 Chron. xi. 20 it is said that Rehoboam married 'Maachah the daugh- 
 ter of Absalom, which bare him Abijah.' Abishalot/i is only another 
 form of Absalom and the person here meant may be the well-known 
 son of David. 'Daughter' is sometimes used for 'grand-daughter. 
 Absalom had one daughter, called Tamar (2 Sam. xiv. 27) who may 
 have married Uriel, and have had a daughter Maachah. The liT'S'^b 
 (Michaiah) of 2 Chron. xiii. 2 must then be an error of the scribe for 
 nsyo (Maachah), which is the name found in all other places. 
 
 3. And he -walked in all the sins of his father'] The LXX. omits 
 'all.' For an account of the sins of Rehoboam see above xiv. 22 — 24. 
 
 as the heart of David his father] The LXX. omits 'David.' The 
 word 'perfect' as here applied to David, does not mean that he did not 
 offend, but that he aimed at keeping the law of God, and was deeply 
 penitent for his sin when he fell into it. It was this prompt repent- 
 ance, and return to what was right, which made David to differ from 
 most of the kings who came after him. 
 
 4. a lamp] Cf. above on xi. 36. The LXX. gives KardXeifxixa 
 here = a remnant, thus expressing the sense of the original, instead of 
 translating. Similarly in xi. 36 the rendering is di<ns — a. position. 
 
 5. save only in the tnatter of Urijah the Hittite] See 2 Sam. xi. 4, 
 15. This clause is omitted in the LXX. Time would soften down 
 the offence which David committed in numbering the people, so that 
 the compiler of the narrative before us can pass it by in giving expres- 
 
 II — 3 
 
i64 I. KINGS, XV. [vv. 6—10. 
 
 6 And there was war between Rehoboam and Jeroboam all 
 
 7 the days of his life. Now the rest of the acts of Abijam, 
 and all that he did, are they not written in the book of the 
 chronicles of the kings of Judah? And there was war 
 
 8 between Abijam and Jeroboam. And Abijam slept with 
 his fathers; and they buried him in the city of David: and 
 Asa his son reigned in his stead. 
 
 9 And in the twentieth year of Jeroboam king of Israel 
 ,0 reigned Asa over Judah. And forty and one years reigned 
 
 he in Jerusalem. And his mother's name was Maachah, 
 
 sion to the high estimate which was sure to be entertained of the great 
 king David. 
 
 6. A7id [R.V. Now] there was war between Rehoboam and yeroboam 
 &c.] The whole of this verse is omitted by the LXX. and it seems 
 altogether out of place in a notice of the reign of Abijam, and has been 
 already inserted [xiv. 30] in the history of Rehoboam, while the 
 parallel statement in reference to Abijam comes in the next verse. 
 
 7. Now [R.V. And] the rest of the acts of Abija7ri\ Consisting no 
 doubt principally of the great victory over Jeroboam near mount Zema- 
 raim {2 Chron. xiii. 17) which inflicted so much disaster and loss upon 
 the northern kingdom, that Jeroboam did not recover strength again 
 during Abijam's reign. The source from which the Chronicler drew 
 his additional information about Abijam is called ' the commentary of 
 the prophet Iddo.' (2 Chron. xiii. 22.) 
 
 war betiveen Abijam and Jeroboam\ Josephus {Ant. VIII. 11. 2) 
 says Jeroboam despised Abijam because of his youth. 
 
 8. And Abijaj?i slept with his father s^ To this the LXX. adds 'in 
 the twenty-fourth year of Jeroboam. ' This statement does not quite 
 agree with the chronology given in verses i and 2 of this chapter, and 
 repeated in 2 Chron. xiii. i — 2. If Abijam came to the throne in the 
 i8th year of Jeroboam and reigned 3 years, his death would fall in the 
 twenty-first year of Jeroboam, or if the three years of his reign were 
 incomplete at the beginning and end it might occur, as is said imme- 
 diately in verse 9, in the 20th year of Jeroboam. 
 
 9 — 15. Asa king of Judah. His reforms, (2 Chron. xiv. i — 5; 
 XV. 16 — 19.) 
 
 9. In the twentieth yearl The LXX. in accordance vnih. the addi- 
 tion in the previous verse says the ' twenty-fourth.' 
 
 reigned Asa] R.V. began Asa to reign. See on ver. i of this chapter. 
 
 10. And his mother's name was Maachah, the daughter of Abisha- 
 /om] The most probable explanation of this clause, which is the same 
 as in verse 2 above, is that the word ' mother ' is here used for ' grand- 
 mother,' and that Asa's own mother sank into small importance in 
 comparison with her mother-in-law. Clearly Maachah was a leader of 
 the idol worship in the land, which made it necessary for Asa to deprive 
 
vv. II— 14-] I. KINGS, XV. i6s 
 
 the daughter of Abishalom. And Asa did that which was " 
 right in the eyes of the Lord, as did David his father. And " 
 he took away the sodomites out of the land, and removed 
 all the idols that his fathers had made. And also Maachah 13 
 his mother, even her he removed from being queen, because 
 she had made an idol in a grove; and Asa destroyed her 
 idol, and burnt it by the brook Kidron. But the high places 14 
 
 her of her influence. On the power wielded in the East by a queen- 
 mother, see ii. 19 note. The LXX. {Vat.) gives 'Ana' as the name of 
 Asa's mother, and not 'Maachah,' but this is not supported by any 
 other evidence. 
 
 12. and he took (R. V. put) away\ The same word is so rendered 
 in 2 Chron. xv. 8, of these very reforms. Literally it means 'caused 
 to pass by. ' 
 
 idols that his fathers had made"] Not only those in Judah and 
 Benjamin, but also those that were set up in the hill country of Ephraim, 
 in the cities which Abijam had taken from Jeroboam. 
 
 13. And also Maachah} Here, as above, the LXX. has Ana. 
 
 his mother, even her he removed] The R. V. omits 'even her'. The 
 Hebrew has this construction, but it is Hebrew, not English, though 
 like several other Hebrew idioms, it has become accepted, through the 
 influence of the A. V. 
 
 from being queen'] i.e. From the influential position of queen mother. 
 The title is not the usual word for 'queen' but one which implies 
 special authority and influence. 
 
 she had tnade an idol in a grove] R. V. 'had made an abominable 
 image for an Asherah.' The word which the A.V. renders 'idol' is 
 one of the numerous terms which the Hebrew language applied to the 
 objects of idolatrous worship. It is cognate with words which signify 
 'horror,' 'trembling,' 'fearfulness,' and indicates an erection which was 
 likely to excite such feelings. On 'Asherah,' which is used sometimes 
 for the goddess, sometimes for the idol set up to represent her, see 
 above on xiv. 15. 
 
 ajtd Asa destroyed her idol] R. V. cut down her Image. The verb 
 indicates the manner of the destruction, and shews that the image was 
 such that it could be cut down as you would cut down a tree. Hence 
 most likely it was of wood, for in the next clause we find that it was burnt. 
 
 by the brook Kidron] This was rather a valley or torrent bed, which 
 became a stream in the time of rain. It was close to Jerusalem, 
 lying between the city and the mount of Olives. The name is con- 
 nected with several events which mark it as a spot of evil fame. 
 Beside the burning there of these idols, it was at this place that 
 Athaliah was put to death (2 Kings xi. 16), and hither in after times 
 many impure objects of worship and abominations were brought to be 
 destroyed (2 Kings xxiii. 4, 6, 12; 2 Chron. xxix. 16, xxx. 14). 
 
 14. But the high places tvere not removed] R. V. taken away. 
 The change is made that this passage may be rendered in the same 
 
i66 I. KINGS, XV. [vv. 15—17. 
 
 were not removed: nevertheless Asa's heart was perfect with 
 
 15 the Lord all his days. And he brought in the things which 
 his father had dedicated, and the things which himself had 
 dedicated, vito the house of the Lord, silver, and gold, and 
 vessels. 
 
 16 And there was war between Asa and Baasha king of 
 
 17 Israel all their days. And Baasha king of Israel went up 
 
 way as 2 Chron. xv. 17, with which it is identical. In Judah (we are 
 told 2 Chron. xiv. 5) Asa did take away the high places, but in Israel 
 (3 Chron. xv. 17) they were not taken away. The mention of this 
 as something which Asa might have been expected to effect shews that 
 the conquests of his father and himself had given them much control 
 (or influence) over the affairs of the northern kingdom. As the high 
 places had been long tolerated, and the worship offered there had been 
 accepted we can see how much more difficult it would be to put down 
 this form of worship than any of the others. Hence, in spite of the 
 continuance of the high places, Asa's heart is said to have been 'perfect 
 with the Lord.' The worship on the high places was long kept up. 
 They are mentioned again i Kings xxii. 44; 3 Kings xii. 3, xiv. 4, 
 XV. 4, 35. 
 
 15. And he brought in the things which [R. V. that] his father 
 had dedicated, and the things which [R. V. that] himself had dedicated] 
 These apparently trivial changes of the R. V. are made so that this 
 passage may be in accord with the identical passage in 2 Chron. 
 XV. 18. 
 
 Here a commencement was made to supply the place of all those 
 treasures which Shishak had carried off in the reign of Rehoboam. 
 The silver and gold and vessels were no doubt the booty which had 
 been taken from some conquered enemies. That it was customary thus 
 to dedicate the booty or tribute of conquered and subject peoples we 
 see from 2 Sam. viii. 11, where David dedicates silver and gold taken 
 from all the nations he had subdued. And it was not a custom con- 
 fined to the Hebrews, for we are told (Ezra i. 7) that Nebuchadnezzar 
 put into 'the house of his gods' those vessels of the house of the Lord 
 which he had brought away from Jerusalem. 
 
 iftto the lioiise of the Lord] These words the R. V. places after 
 •brought,' for the same reason which dictated the other slight changes 
 in the verse. 
 
 16 — 24. Asa's war with Baasha. His death. 
 (2 Chron. xvi. i — 6, 11 — 14.) 
 
 16. between Asa and Baasha] Baasha obtained the throne of 
 Israel in the third year of Asa's reign (i Kings xv. 33) and reigned 
 twenty-four years. So Asa was king all through Baasha's reign. Hence 
 'all their days ' implies the whole of Baasha's reign. 
 
 17. went up against Judah and built Rainah] This act of Baasha's 
 shews us that Israel must by this time have recovered some of the 
 
vv. i8, 19.] I. KINGS, XV. 167 
 
 against Judah, and built Ramah, that he might not suffer 
 any to go out or come in to Asa king of Judah. Then Asa 18 
 took all the silver and the gold that were left in the treasures 
 of the house of the Lord, and the treasures of the king's 
 house, and dehvered them into the hand of his servants: 
 and king Asa sent them to Ben-hadad, the son of Tabrimon, 
 the son of Hezion, king of Syria, that dwelt at Damascus, 
 saying, There is a league between me and thee, and between 19 
 my father and thy father : behold, I have sent unto thee a 
 present of silver and gold; come and break thy league with 
 
 power and territory which had been taken from them in Jeroboam's 
 reign (2 Chron. xiii. 19). Ramah, though lying in the hill country of 
 Ephraim, was among the places allotted to the tribe of Benjamin 
 (Josh, xviii. 25), so that it must have been very near to Jerusalem, and 
 to make a fortress of it, as Baasha was now doing, was like making 
 a blockade of Jerusalem, a condition which is described in the words 
 which immediately follow. 
 
 18. Ben-hadad, the son of Tabrimon [R. V. Tabrimmon] the son of 
 Hezion, king of Sj/ria] This is the earliest of the three kings of this 
 name mentioned in the Old Testament. 'Hezion' is probably the 
 same person as the 'Rezon,' king of Damascus mentioned in i Kings ' 
 xi. 23, and Ben-hadad I. was apparently his grandson. We cannot 
 always determine whether the names of these kings are merely sig- 
 nificant titles, or true names. 'Hadad' was a Syrian god, perhaps the 
 sun-god, and Ben-hadad, ' son of Hadad ' may mean one devoted to 
 Hadad's worship. So 'Tab-rimmon' signifies 'good is Rimmon'; 
 Rimmon being another Syrian divinity (see 2 Kings v. 18). This is 
 much more likely to be a personal name than Ben-hadad. The war 
 which Ben-hadad now began against Israel appears to have been con- 
 tinued in the days of Ahab. See below xx. i. In the LXX. this 
 king is called vlbs''ASep. 
 
 19. There is a league] There is, as the italics of A. V. shew, no 
 verb expressed in the original. The LXX. supplies the imperative 
 diddov = ma.ke. This the R. V. represents on the margin by 'Let there 
 be.' But the concluding words of the clause seem to point to the indi- 
 cative as the more suitable insertion. What Asa desires to claim is a 
 sort of hereditary alliance, which he would best do by treating the 
 friendship as existing and of long standing. As there was no war 
 between Asa and Ben-hadad, the one might very naturally write to the 
 other in brotherly language, according to the custom of monarchs. 
 
 co/ne [R. V. go] and dreak thy league with Baasha\ The R. V. 
 more strictly represents the Hebrew by omitting the italic 'and,' and 
 brings the verse into agreement with 2 Chron. xvi. 3 where the same 
 words stand in the original. As Israel lay nearer to Damascus than 
 did Judah, any places won from the northern kingdom would be 
 easily included in the Syrian kingdom. Hence beside the costly 
 
i68 I. KINGS, XV. [vv. 20—22. 
 
 20 Baasha king of Israel, that he may depart from me. So 
 Ben-hadad hearkened unto king Asa, and sent the captains 
 of the hosts which he had against the cities of Israel, and 
 smote Ijon, and Dan, and Abel-beth-maachah, and all Cin- 
 
 2x neroth, with all the land of NaphtaU. And it came to pass, 
 when Baasha heard thereof, that he left off building of 
 
 22 Ramah, and dwelt in Tirzah. Then king Asa made a pro- 
 clamation throughout all Judah; none was exempted: and 
 
 presents, Benhadad might see other gain in forming an alliance with 
 Asa against Israel. 
 
 that he may depart from me] As he would naturally do to repel an 
 invasion on the northern frontier. 
 
 20. So [R.V. And] Ben-hadad hearkened] The conjunction is the 
 simple copulative, and is so rendered in the parallel place in Chron- 
 icles. 
 
 the captains of the hosts which he had] This is an attempt to repre- 
 sent the Hebrew construction. But it is not nearly so idiomatic as the 
 translation in Chronicles which the R.V. has followed, that the same 
 Hebrew might have in both places the same English rendering: the 
 captains of Ms armies. 
 
 and smote Ijon] This town lay in the north of Palestine and be- 
 ' longed to the tribe of Naphtali. It was attacked and plundered again 
 in later days by Tiglath-pileser (2 Kings xv. 29). 
 
 and Dan] This was the town formerly called Laish, which had 
 been seized in the days of the Judges by some Danites from the south 
 (Joshua xix. 47 ; Judges xviii. 29). It lay on the extreme north of the 
 country, so that 'from Dan to Beersheba' became an expression to 
 describe the whole country from north to south. 
 
 and Abel-beth-maachah] This city, like the rest, lay quite in the 
 north, and was early a place of some importance. It is called 'a 
 city and a mother in Israel' (2 Sam. xx. 19). In the parallel passage 
 in Chronicles the name is given as 'Abel-maim,' i.e. 'Abel on the 
 waters.' 
 
 all Cinneroth] R.V. Chlnneroth. From the way in which it is here 
 mentioned this appears to have been a district and not a town. It was 
 probably named from the lake of Gennesareth, or sea of Tiberias, which 
 was in that neighbourhood, and was anciently called 'the sea of Chin- 
 nereth' (Numb. xxiv. 11; Josh. xiii. 27). 
 
 Naphtali] This tribe lay directly in the way of Syrian and Assy- 
 rian invaders. 
 
 21. he left off building of Ramah] Thus releasing Jerusalem from 
 its blockade, as Asa desired. In Chronicles it is said * he let his work 
 cease.' 
 
 Tirzah] A royal residence before this time. See on xiv. 1 7. 
 
 22. Asa made a proclamation throughout [R.V. unto] all yudah] 
 Literally 'caused all Judah to hear.' The people, rather than the 
 land, are spoken of, as is shewTi by the next words 'none was ex- 
 
V. 23.] I. KINGS, XV. 169 
 
 they took away the stones of Ramah, and the timber thereof, 
 vfhexewith Baasha had builded; and king Asa built with 
 them Geba of Benjamin, and Mizpah. The rest of all the 23 
 acts of Asa, and all his might, and all that he did, and the 
 cities which he built, are they not written in the book of the 
 
 empted.' The whole labouring population was gathered on the king's 
 requisition that the work might be completed while the pressure of the 
 Syrians on the north was being sharply felt. 
 
 and they took [R.V. carried] away the stones of Ramah'\ As in 
 many previous instances R.V. takes the rendering from Chronicles, but 
 only that the two may be made alike where the original is the same. 
 The king of Israel had intended to make a great fortress out of Ramah. 
 Hence there was prepared an immense quantity of stone and wood for 
 his fortifications. This is what is meant by 'building' in this whole 
 passage. Ramah was to have been ' fortified ', and the materials suf- 
 ficed to fortify Geba and Mizpah for Judah. 
 
 built with them] R.V. built therewith. As in Chronicles. 
 
 Geba of Benjai7iin\ Geba (signifying 'a hill') was on the extreme 
 north of the kingdom of Judah, which is described (2 Kings xxiii. 8) 
 as extending 'from Geba to Beersheba.' It is mentioned among the 
 Benjamite towns (Josh. xxi. 17), and was one of those allotted to the 
 priests. 
 
 Mizpah'] The word signifies 'a pillar' and is the name given to 
 several places in the Holy Land. The town spoken of in this verse is 
 the ' IMizpah of Benjamin,' within a mile or two of Gibeah. The 
 LXX. translates both Geba and Mizpah, giving ira.v ^ovvov Bepia/ui> 
 Kal TTju aKOiridv. 
 
 23. The rest of all the acts of Asa] There is a conjunction at the 
 opening of the verse in the original. Hence R.V. Now the rest &c. 
 
 The reign of Asa is dealt with more fully in the book of Chronicles. 
 Beside what is told in Kings, we learn there that he built fenced cities 
 in Judah, because the land had rest and no war. His army is de- 
 scribed as consisting of 300,000 men of Judah and 280,000 of Ben- 
 jamin. He defeated Zerah the Ethiopian, who came against him in 
 battle, and with the help of God drove him back as far as Gerar. A 
 prophecy of Azariah the son of Oded encouraged the king to put 
 down idolatry with a strong hand, and he bound his people by a 
 solemn oath to cleave unto the Lord, and those who would not do 
 so he put to death. Asa, we are told, was rebuked by Hanani the 
 prophet after the withdrawal of Baasha, because he had relied on the 
 help of the king of Syria, and he was told that from henceforth he 
 should have wars. In anger Asa imprisoned the unwelcome prophet, 
 and oppressed some of his people at the same time. The long reign 
 of this king was manifestly an active time, both in the religious and 
 political life of Judah. 
 
 the cities which he built] No doubt these are 'the fenced cities' 
 spoken of in 2 Chron. xiv. 6, as built during the days of peace. 
 
I70 I. KINGS, XV. [vv. 24—27. 
 
 chronicles of the kings of Judah? Nevertheless in the time 
 
 24 of his old age he was diseased in his feet. And Asa slept 
 with his fathers, and was buried with his fathers in the city 
 of David his father: and Jehoshaphat his son reigned in his 
 stead. 
 
 25 And Nadab the son of Jeroboam began to reign over 
 Israel in the second year of Asa king of Judah, and reigned 
 
 26 over Israel two years. And he did evil in the sight of the 
 Lord, and walked in the way of his father, and in his sin 
 
 87 wherewith he made Israel to sin. And Baasha the son of 
 Ahijah, of the house of Issachar, conspired against him; 
 
 Nevertheless^ R. V. But. The A. V. would make it seem as 
 though the successes described in the early part of the verse ought to 
 have been enough to prevent the disease here mentioned. 
 
 diseased in kis feet] In 2 Chron. xvi. 12 it is added 'until his disease 
 was exceeding great', and then as another token of his weakened trust 
 in God the chronicler continues 'yet in his disease he sought not to the 
 Lord, but to the physicians.' 
 
 24. and was buried with his fathers] There is much more detail 
 concerning the burial in 2 Chron. xvi. 14, 'They buried him in his 
 own sepulchres, which he had made for himself in the city of David, 
 and laid him in the bed which was filled with sweet odours and divers 
 kinds of spices prepared by the apothecaries' art, and they made a very 
 great burning for him.' At the funerals of the great it was the custom 
 to burn beds and clothes, spices and other things (see Jer. xxiv. 5). In 
 T. B. Abodah Zarah 11 a it is said: 'when Rabban Gamaliel the elder 
 died, Onkelos the proselyte burned in his honour the worth of 70 minse 
 of Tyrian money.' 
 
 25—30. Nadab king of Israel. Baasha slays him, and all 
 THAT BELONG TO Jeroboam. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 25. reigned over Israel two years] These must have been but por- 
 tions of two years. Nadab's reign began in the second year of Asa, and 
 below (verse 31) we find that his successor began to reign in the third 
 year of Asa. 
 
 26. he did evil] R.V. (as always for this definite expression) lie 
 did that which was evil. Nadab followed the same worship of the 
 calves which his father had introduced. This was a most insidious 
 fashion of idolatry, for it did not disown Jehovah, only acted against 
 His law in making a representation for purposes of worship. 
 
 27. of the house of Issacha?-] Jeroboam's family was of the tribe of 
 Ephraim (xi. 26), and it may have been some tribal jealousy which led 
 a man of Issachar to exterminate the whole family of Jeroboam, and to 
 found a new dynasty. From the message of the prophet Jehu to Baasha 
 (xvi. I — 2) it would appear as if Baasha's attempt had been sanctioned 
 
vv. 28—31.] I. KINGS, XV. 171 
 
 and Baasha smote him at Gibbethon, which belongeth to the 
 Philistines; for Nadab and all Israel laid siege to Gibbethon. 
 Even in the third year of Asa king of Judah did Baasha 28 
 slay him, and reigned in his stead. And it came to pass, 25 
 when he reigned, that he smote all the house of Jeroboam; 
 he left not to Jeroboam any that breathed, until he had 
 destroyed him, according unto the saying of the Lord, 
 which he spake by his servant Ahijah the Shilonite: because 30 
 of the sins of Jeroboam which he sinned, and which he 
 made Israel sin, by his provocation wherew////i he provoked 
 the Lord God of Israel to anger. Now the rest of the acts 31 
 of Nadab, and all that he did, are they not written in the 
 book of the chronicles of the kings of Israel? 
 
 by some divine message. But none the more did Baasha improve upon 
 the conduct of the two kings of the previous house. 
 
 at Gibbethon, which belongeth [R.V. belonged] to the Fhilistines] 
 Scrivener's edition of i6n reads belongeth. This was a town allotted 
 originally to the tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 44), and was given as a Levitical 
 city to the Kohathites (Josh. xxi. 23), but it had been by this time taken 
 by the Philistines, and Nadab was endeavouring to drive them out. 
 The verb belongeth is only indicated by the preposition which is prefixed 
 to the word Fhilistines, and we need not understand more by it than 
 occupation such as conquerors take. 
 
 all Israel laid siege] R.V. were laying siege. The work was 
 still in progress, and was not completed even in Baasha's reign. Cf. 
 xvi. 15. 
 
 29. when he reigned, that he smote'] R.V. that as soon as he was 
 king he smote. Being an usurper he would desire to make his power 
 secure by removing at once everyone who might become a rival. This 
 is expressed in the original, and the R. V. seems to bring it out fully. 
 Thus God used the policy of Baasha to fulfil the prophecy against 
 Jeroboam. 
 
 by his servant] The Hebrew says by the hand of his servant, and 
 as this mode of expression is not uncommon in the Old Testament, 
 the R.V. has given the full form. For the threat against Jeroboam 
 and the reason, see xiv. 9 — 11. 
 
 30. because of [R.V. for] the sins] In xiv. 16, words very like 
 this clause are found, but the preposition there is a strong compound 
 word, and 'because of was there left as the translation. Here the 
 original gives another and lighter preposition. Hence the seemingly 
 unnecessary change, by which however the English reader is made to 
 notice a difference of the Hebrew. 
 
 by [R.V. because of] his provocation] Cf. Deut. xxxii. 19; 2 
 Kings xxiii. 26. 
 
172 I. KINGS, XV. XVI. [vv. 32—34; 1—3. 
 
 32 And there was war between Asa and Baasha king of 
 
 33 Israel all their days. In the third year of Asa king of Judah 
 began Baasha the son of Ahijah to reign over all Israel in 
 
 34 Tirzah, twenty and four years. And he did evil in the sight 
 of the Lord, and walked in the way of Jeroboam and in 
 
 16 his sin wherewith he made Israel to sin. Then the word of 
 the Lord came to Jehu the son of Hanani against Baasha, 
 
 2 saying, Forasmuch as I exalted thee out of the dust, and 
 made thee prince over my people Israel; and thou hast 
 walked in the way of Jeroboam, and hast made my people 
 
 3 Israel to sin, to provoke me to anger with their sins; behold, 
 
 XV. 32— XVI. 7. Baasha king of Israel. God's messages to 
 HIM BY THE PROPHET Jehu. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 32. And there was war] The LXX. (Fat) omits this verse entirely. 
 
 33. in Tirzah, twenty and four years] To complete the sense the 
 R.V. inserts in italics after 'Tirzah' the words ' and reigned.' 
 
 Tirzah seems to have become by this time a more common royal 
 residence than Shechem. Perhaps its extreme beauty attracted the 
 kings and their families. Cf. Sol. Song vi. 4, 'Thou art beautiful as 
 Tirzah'. 
 
 34. evil] R.V. that which was evil. See above on verse 26, xvi. 
 I. 
 
 XVI. 1. Then [R. V. and] the word of the Lord came] The con- 
 junction is the simple copula, and this verse is in close connexion with 
 the closing sentence of the previous chapter. 
 
 Jehu the son of Hanani] This prophet, named in this chapter and 
 in 2 Chron xix. 2, xx. 34, was the son of that prophet Hanani who 
 rebuked Asa (2 Chron. xvi 7 — 10) for his alliance with the Syrians 
 against Baasha. Jehu seems to have lived in Jerusalem, though his 
 prophetical ministry was mainly directed to the kingdom of Israel. He 
 rebuked Jehoshaphat king of Judah for his alliance with Ahab, and 
 must have outlived Jehoshaphat, as a history of that king's reign is said 
 (2 Chron. xx. 34) to be contained in this prophet's writings. Jehu must 
 therefore have begun his labours as a prophet at an early age. 
 
 2. I exalted thee out of the dust] This may signify that Baasha was 
 of humble origin ; but to be chosen of God and called to the position of 
 a ruler of Israel was great exaltation out of any station. 
 
 prince over my people] Though Israel has offended, they are still God's 
 people. They have rejected His law, but He does not reject them. From 
 the house of Baasha there was expected to come some amendment of 
 the evil ways of Jeroboam. 
 
 to provoke me to anger with their sins] For the last three words the 
 LXX. gives iv to1% /jLaralois avrCbv, 'with their vanities;' a common 
 form of expression in similar phrases. See below, verse 13. 
 
vv. 4— 8.] I. KINGS, XVI. 173 
 
 I will take away the posterity of Baasha, and the posterity 
 of his house; and will make thy house like the house of 
 Jeroboam the son of Nebat. Him that dieth of Baasha in 4 
 the city shall the dogs eat; and him that dieth of his in the 
 fields shall the fowls of the air eat. Now the rest of the s 
 acts of Baasha, and what he did, and his might, are they not 
 written in the book of the chronicles of the kings of Israel? 
 So Baasha slept with his fathers, and was buried in Tirzah: 6 
 and Elah his son reigned in his stead. And also by the 7 
 hand of the prophet Jehu the son of Hanani came the word 
 of the Lord against Baasha, and against his house, even for 
 all the evil that he did in the sight of the Lord, in provok- 
 ing him to anger with the work of his hands, in being like 
 the house of Jeroboam; and because he killed him. 
 
 In the twenty and sixth year of Asa king of Judah began s 
 
 3. / will take away the posterity of Baasha, and the posterity of his 
 house'] R.V. I will utterly sweep away Baasha and Ms house. Here 
 we have precisely the same expression as in the closing words of xiv. 10, 
 where the A.V. rendered 'take away the remnant.' See note there. 
 
 6. .Si? [R.V. And] Baasha slept with his fathers] He had reigned not 
 quite twenty-four full years. Cf. xv. 33 with xvi. 8. Tirzah was now 
 sufficiently distinguished to be made a burial place by the kings of 
 Israel. 
 
 7. Atid also [R.V. moreover] by the hand of the prophet Jehti] 
 'Moreover' connects the two prophetic messages more directly than the 
 'also' of A.V. The LXX. omits the words 'the prophet.' 
 
 even for (R.V. tooth because of] all the evil] There are two reasons 
 given for the divine message sent to Baasha. They are both prefaced 
 by the same preposition in the on^nsX^ because, and it makes the verse 
 clearer if the same word be used in both clauses in the translation. 
 
 and because he killed [R.V. smote] hi?ii,] The R.V. gives on the 
 margin 'it' for 'him.' The reference must be to Jeroboam and his 
 house. God had raised up Baasha, and sent him against Jeroboam, 
 but it is clear from this verse that the manner in which punishment had 
 been inflicted by Baasha was not such as God approved of. We may 
 compare with this the language of Isaiah (xlvii. 6) where God by the 
 mouth of His prophet declares His wrath against His people, and how 
 He delivered them into the hand of the king of Babylon, but at the same 
 time shews His anger with the conqueror for the way in which he had 
 exercised cruelty; "Thou didst shew them no mercy." 
 
 The R.V. has rendered the verb 'smote' because it is so rendered in 
 XV. 27, 29, about the destruction of Jeroboam and of his house. 
 
 8 — 14. Elah KING OF Israel. (Not in Chronicles. ) 
 
 8. In the twenty and sixth year of Asa king of Judah began] 
 
174 I- KINGS, XVI. [vv. 9—13. 
 
 Elah the son of Baasha to reign over Israel in Tirzah, two 
 
 9 years. And his servant Zimri, captain of half his chariots, 
 
 conspired against him, as he was in Tirzah, drinking himself 
 
 drunk i7i the house of Arza steward of his house in Tirzah. 
 
 10 And Zimri went in and smote him, and killed him, in the 
 twenty and seventh year of Asa king of Judah, and reigned 
 
 11 in his stead. And it came to pass, when he began to reign, 
 as soon as he sat on the throne, that he slew all the house 
 of Baasha : he left him not one that pisseth against a wall, 
 
 12 neither ofMi?, kinsfolks, nor of his friends. Thus did Zimri 
 destroy all the house of Baasha, according to the word of 
 the Lord, which he spake against Baasha by Jehu the pro- 
 
 13 phet, for all the sins of Baasha, and the sins of Elah his son, 
 by which they sinned, and by which they made Israel to sin, 
 in provoking the Lord God of Israel to anger with their 
 
 These words, like most other chronological dates, are omitted by the 
 LXX. 
 
 in Tirzah, two years\ Here as in xv. 33 the R.V. inserts in italics 
 after 'Tirzah' the words and reigned, which makes the sense clearer. 
 
 9. A7id his servant Zimri'] The LXX. omits 'his servant. ' The 
 expression is used of any officer who served under the king, and has no 
 mean signification. Here 'the servant' was a chief commander of the 
 royal troops. 
 
 as [now R.V.] he was in Tirzah] The strongest stop in the Hebrew 
 occurs immediately before these words. It is therefore well to make 
 them, in the English also, to begin a new clause. 
 
 Arza steward of his house] R.V. (see also A.V. margin) : Arza 
 which was over the household. Cf. for a similar officer over the 
 household of Joseph, Gen. xliii. 16, 19. It would almost seem that 
 this 7?iajor do/no was mixed up in the plot for the murder of his master. 
 The opportunity of the absence of the troops at Gibbethon would seem 
 very favourable for carrying out such a scheme. 
 
 10. in the twenty and sez'enth year of Asa king of Jtidah] Omitted 
 as usual by the LXX. Here again if we refer to verse 8, it is plain that 
 Elah's two years cannot have been full years. 
 
 11. that he slew] R.V. smote. The verb is the same that is con- 
 stantly so rendered in all these descriptions. Zimri made a complete 
 end, he left not a single man child. 
 
 he left. ..house of Baasha] All this passage is left out by the LXX. 
 
 13. by zuhich they sinned, and by which they made] R.V. which 
 they sinned and wherewith they made, as in other places. The 
 LXX. has nothing to represent 'by which they sinned.' 
 
 vanities] This word is often employed in the Old Testament of 
 false gods, and the worship paid to them. The idea is that such a deity 
 is nothing, and such prayers can have no result. 
 
w. 14—19.] I. KINGS, XVI. 175 
 
 vanities. Now the rest of the acts of Elah, and all that he h 
 did, are they not written in the book of the chronicles of the 
 kings of Israel? 
 
 In the twenty and seventh year of Asa king of Judah 15 
 did Zimri reign seven days in Tirzah. And the people Ttv/-^ 
 encamped against Gibbethon, which belonged to the Philis- 
 tines. And the people that were encamped heard say, 16 
 Zimri hath conspired, and hath also slain the king : where- 
 fore all Israel made Omri, the captain of the host, king over 
 Israel that day in the camp. And Omri went up from Gib- 17 
 bethon, and all Israel with him, and they besieged Tirzah. 
 And it came to pass, when Zimri saw that the city was taken, 18 
 that he went into the palace of the king's house, and burnt 
 the king's house over him with fire, and died, for his sins 19 
 which he sinned in doing evil in the sight of the Lord, in 
 
 15 — 20. Zimri king of Israel. Omri proclaimed king by the 
 ARMY. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 15. In the twenty and seventh year of Asa king of ytidah\ The 
 chronological note is omitted by the LXX. 
 
 And [R.V. Now] the people were encamped against Gibbethon'] The 
 LXX. explains 'the people' by t/ TrayoeM/SoX?? = the camp. It was, 
 of course, only the army and camp-followers who were away in the 
 land of the Philistines. Apparently the attempt to wrest Gibbethon 
 from the Philistines had continued from the time of Nadab. But the 
 vicissitudes of the northern kingdom had been many, and such as to 
 hinder the prosecution of any campaign. 
 
 16. heard say] The distance was not great between Tirzah and 
 Gibbethon, and it was to the army that such news would quickly be 
 brought. 
 
 hath also slain] R.V. smitten. The change is made for consistency. 
 
 ■wherefore all Israel] The voice of the army being regarded as the 
 voice of the nation. So 'all Israel' is used in the next verse. 
 
 Omri, the captaiti of the host] Omri was manifestly in chief command 
 at Gibbethon, and though Zimri was also a military officer, yet he had 
 not, it would seem, the popularity of Omri. 
 
 17. and they besieged Tirzah] Which must therefore have been a 
 fortified town, and not a mere pleasance of the kings of Israel. 
 
 18. the palace [R.V. castle] of the king's house] The word is most 
 frequently rendered 'palace' in A.V. ; but here and in 2 Kings xv. 25, 
 the sense required is some strong and well barricaded part of the royal 
 residence, where any one might retire and the enemy be unable to reach 
 him. The root of the noun is probably a verb implying 'height.' _^ 
 
 19. m doing evil] See on xv. 34. There must have been in Zimri s 
 conduct some very prominent acts to indicate adhesion to the worship 
 of the calves ; otherwise in a reign of seven days he would hardly have 
 been coupled with Jeroboam as leading the people into sin. Perhaps 
 
176 I. KINGS, XVI. [vv. 20—24. 
 
 walking in the way of Jeroboam, and in his sin which he 
 
 20 did, to make Israel sin. Now the rest of the acts of Zimri, 
 and his treason that he wrought, are they not written in the 
 book of the chronicles of the kings of Israel? 
 
 21 Then were the people of Israel divided into two parts: 
 half of the people followed Tibni the son of Ginath, to make 
 
 22 him king; and half followed Omri. But the people that 
 followed Omri prevailed against the people that followed 
 Tibni the son of Ginath : so Tibni died, and Omri reigned. 
 
 23 In the thirty and first year of Asa king of Judah began Omri 
 to reign over Israel, twelve years : six years reigned he in 
 
 84 Tirzah. And he bought the hill Samaria of Shemer for 
 
 he endeavoured to win popularity in this way, so as to have on his side 
 the bulk of the nation before the action of the army in the iield became 
 known. 
 
 did make Israel sin] R.V. to sin. There can be no reason for varying 
 a phrase so stereotyped as this. 
 
 21 — ^28. Two PARTIES IN Israel. Omri's followers prevail. 
 Reign of Omri, and the building of Samaria. (Not in 
 Chronicles.) 
 
 21. divided into two parts] Probably it was the civil population, 
 which at first followed Zimri, and after his death, Tibni, while the 
 military strength declared for their commander-in-chief Omri. 
 
 half of the people followed Tibni the son of Ginath] Of Tibni we 
 have no information but what is to be gathered from this passage. 
 Comparing the date of Omri's accession in verse 23, viz. the 31st year 
 of Asa, with that of Zimri's death in the 27th year of the same king (see 
 verse 15) we find that the struggle between the two parties was con- 
 tinued for four years. 
 
 22. so Tibni died] Here the LXX. says 'and Thamni died and 
 his brother Joram at that time, and Ambri reigned after Thamni.' 
 This is one of those additions which can hardly have arisen except from 
 the existence of a different Hebrew text. 
 
 23. over Israel, twelve years] The R.V. inserts in italics ^ and 
 reigned' after 'Israel' to make the sense clear. See on xv. 33. 
 
 six years reigned he] The four years of the struggle for the throne 
 are not counted either to Tibni or to Omri. For the commencement of 
 Ahab's reign is put (see verse 29) in the 38th year of Asa. 
 
 24. the hill Samaria] This is the first historic mention of the place 
 which subsequently became famous as the chief city in Israel, and gave 
 name to a people and a district. Where the word occurs in i Kings xiii. 
 32, it is a later writer who is using, before its proper date, a name which 
 to him and his readers was perfectly familiar. (See note there.) Sa- 
 maria is the Greek form of the name, but the derivation from '.Shemer,' 
 
vv. 25— 29.] I. KINGS, XVI. 177 
 
 two talents of silver, and built on the hill, and called the 
 name of the city which he built, after the name of Shemer, 
 owner of the hill, Samaria. But Omri wrought evil in the 25 
 eyes of the Lord, and did worse than all that zuere befoie 
 him. For he walked in all the way of Jeroboam the son of 26 
 Nebat, and in his sin wherewith he made Israel to sin, to 
 provoke the Lord God of Israel to anger with their vanities. 
 Now the rest of the acts of Omri which he did, and his 27 
 might that he shewed, are they not written in the book of 
 the chronicles of the kings of Israel? So Omri slept with 23 
 his fathers, and was buried in Samaria: and Ahab his son 
 reigned in his stead. 
 
 And in the thirty and eighth year of Asa king of Judah 29 
 began Ahab the son of Omri to reign over Israel : and Ahab 
 the son of Omri reigned over Israel in Samaria twenty and 
 
 the former owner, becomes apparent if the word be written in its 
 Hebrew form 'Shomeron.' 
 
 The LXX. inserts 'the owner of the hill' after the first mention of 
 Shemer in this verse, as well as after the second; also it reads 'and he 
 called the name of the mountain inhere he built ' instead of the exact 
 rendering of the Hebrew as in A.V. 
 
 25. But Omri wrought evil in the eyes of the Lord] R.V. and 
 Omri did that whicli was evU in the sight of the Lord. Thus 
 translating as in other passages. 
 
 and did worse than'] R. V. and dealt wickedly above. Cf. 2 Kings 
 xxi. II. 
 
 26. m his sin [R.V. sins]. In the Hebrew text there is a various 
 reading, the margin [Keri) having the singular, the text [Kethib) the 
 plural, which the R.V. always translates where it can be done. 
 
 28. At the close of this verse the LXX. inserts words almost 
 identical with chap. xxii. 41 — 50, about the accession and the acts of 
 Jehoshaphat. The only variation worth noting is that it is said that 
 Jehoshaphat began to reign in the eleventh year of Omri, whereas in 
 xxii. 41, the date of his accession is given as the fourth year of Ahab. 
 And this latter date the LXX. gives in xxii., where, with this change, 
 the passage is inserted once more. 
 
 29 — 33. Ahab king of Israel. His excess of wickedness. 
 (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 29. And in the thirty and eighth year of Asa] Here the LXX. gives 
 'in the second year of Jehoshaphat.' This is in harmony with the 
 inserted passage just noticed, but of course disagrees with the date in 
 xxii. 41 both in the LXX. itself and in the Hebrew text. 
 
 atid Ahab the son of Omri reigned over Israel] These words are 
 omitted by the LXX, : as are the words 'the son of Omri* in the next 
 verse. 
 
178 I. KINGS, XVI. [vv. 30— 33- 
 
 30 two years. And Ahab the son of Omri did evil in the sight 
 
 31 of the Lord above all that tvere before him. And it came 
 to pass, as if it had been a light thing for him to walk in the 
 sins of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, that he took to wife 
 Jezebel the daughter of Ethbaal king of the Zidonians, and 
 
 32 went and served Baal, and worshipped him. And he reared 
 up an altar for Baal in the house of Baal, which he had buii. 
 
 33 in Samaria. And Ahab made a grove; and Ahab did more 
 
 31. as if it had been a light thing] i.e. He was unwarned by all the 
 visitations which had befallen the kings before him for their worship of 
 the calves. He went further than this and introduced the worship of ' 
 false god into the land. 
 
 he took to wife Jezebel the daughter of Ethbaal king of the Zidonians > 
 It was perhaps the taste for building, which manifested itself both ir> 
 Omri and in Ahab, that brought them into closer alliance with Zidon ; 
 but no doubt an intercourse had been kept up ever since the days oi 
 Solomon between the two nations. But this marriage of Ahab was 
 most fatal both to Israel and Judah. The family of Jezebel were, 
 devoted to the worship of Baal and Astarte. Josephus (cont. Apion. i. 
 18) mentions Eithobalus (i.e. Ethbaal) as 'the priest of Astarte' as well 
 as king, and Pygmalion and Dido as being contemporaries of Jezebel. 
 There was therefore great vigour in the race, and when Jezebel became 
 queen of Israel she ruled her husband and the nation, and established 
 the worship to which her family was so devoted. After the death of 
 her husband, as queen-mother, she maintained her influence in the 
 court of her son, and through her daughter Athaliah, who was married 
 to the son of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, she wrought much evil in the 
 southern kingdom and all but exterminated the royal race. The doings 
 of Jezebel form a great part of the history till her death, which is related 
 in 2 Kings ix. The various scenes in which she appears and the 
 evil influence which she exercised will be best noticed as the histoiy 
 goes on. 
 
 weyit and served Baal] This was very different from the sin of 
 Solomon who out of indulgence to his foreign wives permitted temples 
 for their gods to be set up in his land, but himself took no share in the 
 idolatrous worship. Jezebel had a greater and worse influence over 
 Ahab. ^ 
 
 32. in the house of Baal] The LXX. renders by iv o'lKq) tuv TrpocroxOi- 
 fffiaTwv aiiTov = in the house of his abominations. This is after the fashio 
 of the Jews who preferred to use the word 'hosheth' = shame, rather 
 than the name 'Baal' when the latter could be avoided. Cf. the names 
 'Ishbosheth' and 'Mephibosheth' which are instead of 'Eshbaal' and 
 'Meribbaal.' 
 
 33. And Ahab made a grove] R.V. the Asherah. That is, the 
 image which was to represent the female divinity, of which Baal was 
 the male. 
 
34; i] I. KINGS, XVI. XVII. 179 
 
 to provoke the Lord God of Israel to anger than all the 
 kings of Israel that were before him. 
 
 In his days did Hiel the Bethelite build Jericho: he laid 34 
 the foundation thereof in Abiram his firstborn, and set up 
 the gates thereof in his youngest so7i Segub, according to the 
 wrd of the Lord, which he spake by Joshua the son of Nun. 
 
 to provoke the Lord God of Israel to anger] Here the LXX. adds 
 'and that his soul should be destroyed.' 
 
 34. The rebuilding of Jericho. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 ^^ 34. Hiel the Bethelite'] We may perhaps trace the influence here of 
 -Vil surroundings. Hiel had been living at one of the seats of Jero- 
 pam's calf- worship, and the neglect of one command had led to 
 j;norance or disregard of another. 
 
 did... build Jericho] As the kings, Omri and Ahab, were great 
 builders, so their wealthier subjects were led to imitate their grand 
 works. For the command that Jericho should not be rebuilt, see Josh, 
 vi. 26. The importance of the place lay no doubt in its neighbourhood 
 .0 the passage of the Jordan, and at a time when commerce was much 
 fostered this advantage was likely to outweigh, with such men, the pro- 
 hibition which had been given so many generations before, and would 
 be now reckoned as obsolete. 
 
 in Abiram] R.V. witli the loss of Abiram. The R.V. explains the 
 literal rendering of A. V. The preposition is used to express the cost or 
 price of anything, and so here the penalty which Hiel p.iid for his trans- 
 gression. The same change is also made in the second clause of the 
 verse. The meaning is that between the beginning and the end of the 
 undertaking all Hiel's children were cut off. 
 
 by yoshua] The Hebrew has 'by the hand of Joshua,' as in so many 
 other places where a message is in question. 
 
 Chap. XVII. 1 — 7. Elijah the Tishbite. His prophecy of a 
 DROUGHT AND ITS FULFILMENT. (Not in Chronicles. ) 
 
 1. And Elijah the Tishbite] Elijah comes suddenly upon the scene 
 and throughout the history his appearances are rare, sudden and brief. 
 His history is most probably drawn from some independent narrative 
 of the work of the prophets, and introduced here abruptly as soon as it 
 begins to touch upon the reign of Ahab. The schools of the prophets 
 !'eem to have had their origin in Samuel's day, and were founded in 
 various parts of the land, and in connexion with them Elijah appears in 
 Israel. He is called the Tishbite because he was born at Thisbe in the 
 tribe of Naphtali, a place known afterwards as the birthplace of Tobit 
 (Tobit i. 2). Josephus {Ant. VIII. 13, 2) says he was iK 7r6\ews 9ecr- 
 ^wT/s TT7S FaXaaSiTtSos x'^/'"', as if his birthplace had been in Gilead. 
 For the connected history of Elijah, the student would do well to consult 
 Mr (now Sir Geo.) Grove's Article, Elijah, in Smith's Diet, of the Bible. 
 
iSo I. KINGS, XVII. [vv. 2, 3. 
 
 17 And Elijah the Tishbite, who was of the inhabitants of 
 Gilead, said unto Ahab, As the Lord God of Israel liveth, 
 before whom I stand, there shall not be dew nor rain these 
 
 2 years, but according to my word. And the word of the 
 
 3 Lord came unto him, saying, Get thee hence, and turn thee 
 eastward, and hide thyself by the brook Cherith, that is 
 
 who was of the itihabitants [R.V. sojoiirners] of Gilead] The Hebrew 
 noun is found frequently in the phrase 'a stranger and sojourner,' cf. 
 Gen. xxiii. 4; Lev. xxv. 35, 47 ; and does not imply that the person 
 spoken of was a native of the place mentioned thus. Hence there is no 
 difficulty in understanding that Elijah, a native of the tribe of Naphtali, 
 was a dweller for a time in Gilead. Such a man was likely to retire 
 from the world and dwell alone among the mountain fastnesses. The 
 Fathers (Epiphanius, Dorotheus, Isidore) represent Elijah as of a priestly 
 family, but there is no warrant for the statement. 
 
 As the Lord God of Israel livetli] Elijah prefaces his message with his 
 authority. He does not come in his own name, nor will the drought be 
 of his bringing. He is but sent as the bearer of Jehovah's word, the 
 word of Him whom Israel had forsaken, but who alone was worthy to 
 be called the Living God, 
 
 but according to my word\ i.e. As God shall proclaim through me; cf. 
 xviii. 41, 44. Josephus, having in mind the disappearance of Elijah 
 after this message and his reappearance to Ahab before the coming of 
 the rain, makes the prophet say that there should be no rain ' except on 
 his appearance' d fxrj (pavivros avroO. He also states that this drought 
 is mentioned by Menander in his history of Ethbaal, the king of the 
 Tyrians. It endured, he says, for a whole year, but after that time, on 
 the king's earnest prayer, there came down abundant thunder showers. 
 In Luke iv. 25 and James v. 17, the duration of the drought in Israel is 
 said to have been three years and six months. By such long-continued 
 want of rain there the neighbouring countries must also have been 
 affected. 
 
 The LXX. rendering et fi^ Sta (rrd/xaTos \6yov fwv, is a literal trans- 
 lation of the Hebrew. 
 
 2. came unto him] The LXX. explains that it was 'unto Elijah,' 
 which could hardly be doubted from what follows. 
 
 3. and hide thyself] The prophet's life would be in danger from 
 the anger of the king and Jezebel, who would consider Elijah not 
 merely the announcer but the cause of the drought. 
 
 by the brook Cherith, that is before Jo7-dan\ The rendering gives a 
 fair representation of what was commanded, but the word rendered 
 
 'brook' is /HJ nahal, which is really a torrent-bed, a deep ravine down 
 which in rainy times a strong stream flowed, but which at others was 
 nearly if not entirely dry. Such would m_ake a good hiding-place. The 
 situation of Cherith has not been identified. Josephus gives no form of 
 the name, only saying that Elijah stayed irapa x^'Mappy Tij'£='by a 
 certain torrent-bed.' Nor does the description 'that is before Jordan' 
 
vv. 4— 7-] I. KINGS, XVII. i8i 
 
 before Jordan. And it shall be, that thou shalt drink of the 4 
 brook; and I have commanded the ravens to feed thee there. 
 So he went and did according unto the word of the Lord: s 
 for he went and dwelt by the brook Cherith, that is before 
 Jordan. And the ravens brought him bread and flesh in 6 
 the morning, and bread and flesh in the evening; and he 
 drank of the brook. And it came to pass after a while, that 7 
 the brook dried up, because there had been no rain in the 
 land. 
 
 help us. It probably implies that the stream from the ravine emptied 
 itself into the Jordan, and hence the valley looked towards the river. 
 But whether on the west side or the east we cannot tell. If the inter- 
 view with Ahab was in Samaria, and Elijah travelled thence toward the 
 east (Josephus says in contradiction of the text 'towards the south') it 
 appears most likely that he crossed the Jordan, and found his retreat in 
 the wilder parts of Gilead, which would be more distant from Ahab 
 and less frequented than any of the ravines in the hill country of 
 Ephraim on the east of Jordan, and with which the prophet would most 
 likely be familiar. 
 
 4. thou shalt drink of the brook'] The drought had not yet dried it 
 up, but soon it would do so. 
 
 I have conunanded the 7-ave7ts to feed thee there] Just as in xiii. 28 the 
 appetite of the lion which had slain the false prophet was supernaturally 
 cliecked, so that he tare neither the corpse nor the ass, so here the 
 greedy birds were to bring into the valley enough food to suffice for the 
 prophet's wants as well as for their own. Their nests would be in the 
 caves among which Elijah would find his best hiding-place. Many 
 attempts have been made to explain away this verse by putting different 
 vowel points to the word D''2"iy to interpret it as (i) merchants. This 
 some Jews favoured as the raven was an unclean bird. But it is answer 
 sufficient to this, that Elijah was not told to eat the ravens. (2) Arabians, 
 interpreting it of travelling caravans from whom the prophet obtained 
 what he needed to live on. But caravans keep as far away as they can 
 from v/ild torrent-beds. 
 
 5. he tuent and dwelt] The first of these verbs, and, of course, the 
 conjunction, is omitted by the LXX. 
 
 6. And the ravens brottght, &c.] According to the LXX., the ravens 
 brought him 'bread in the morning, and flesh in the evening.' Jerome 
 in his life of Paul the hermit (§ 10) relates that a raven thus supplied 
 the hermit's wants, "suspiciunt alitem corvum in ramo arboris consedisse, 
 qui inde leniter subvolabat, et integrum, panem ante ora mirantium 
 deposuit.' Those who have watched the habits of large birds like the 
 raven can bear witness to the large supply which they bring home under 
 ordinary circumstances, and for Elijah's sustenance their natural energy 
 was quickened. 
 
 7. because there had been [R.V. was] no rain] Not only had there 
 been none, but the drought was continuing. 
 
i82 I. KINGS, XVII. [vv. 8^12. 
 
 1, 9 And the word of the Lord came unto him, saying, Arise, 
 get thee to Zarephath, which belongeth to Zidon, and dwell 
 there : behold, I have commanded a widow woman there to 
 
 lo sustain thee. So he arose and went to Zarephath. And 
 when he came to the gate of the city, behold, the widow 
 woman 7vas there gathering ol sticks: and he called to her, 
 and said. Fetch me, I pray thee, a little water in a vessel, 
 
 'I that I may drink. And as she was going to fetch //, he 
 called to her, and said. Bring me, I pray thee, a morsel of 
 
 12 bread in thine hand. And she said. As the Lord thy God 
 liveth, I have not a cake, but a handful of meal in a barrel, 
 and a little oil in a cruse: and behold, I am gathering two 
 sticks, that I may go in and dress it for me and my son. 
 
 8 — 16. Elijah sent to Zarephath and sustained by a widow 
 WOMAN. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 9. get thee to Zarephath] This was the city which was known in 
 later times (Luke iv. 26) as Sarepta, Josephus says it lay between 
 Sidon and Tyre. There the enemy of Baal-worship would hardly be 
 expected to have sought refuge. 
 
 and dwell there] These words are omitted in the LXX. 
 
 I have cofrijnanded a widoiu woman] A source of sustenance hardly 
 less precarious than the supply of the ravens. As in the former case, so 
 here, the command implies that God has prompted her to fulfil His 
 purpose. Elijah has been called, from this event, the first Apostle to 
 the Gentiles. 
 
 10. gathering of sticks] R.V. modernizes the language by omitting 
 the preposition. The abject poverty of the widow is seen from her 
 coming forth to pick up any chance bits of wood which might have 
 fallen from the trees outside the city walls, 
 
 11. And as she was going to fetch it] She is prepared to obey the 
 request of the stranger. By her language in the next verse 'As the 
 Lord thy God liveth' she accepts Elijah as a worshipper of fehovah. 
 The near neiglibourhood of Phoenicia makes it easy to understand that 
 the worship of Jehovah would be known to the inhabitants, and the 
 woman would recognize an Israelite in Elijah both by speech and dress. 
 
 12. meal in a [R.V. the] barrel ..oil in a [R.V. \,'h.e]crzise] The 
 definite article is expressed in the original, and represented by the LXX. 
 The barrel and the cruse were the special domestic articles in every 
 house, and would be spoken of definitely. 
 
 two sticks] i.e. some small quantity. Thus we often say 'a couple' 
 when we do not mean ' two ' only. 
 
 tny son] The LXX. renders by the plural 'sons,' perhaps because it 
 is said, in verse 15, that 'she and he and her house did eat many days.' 
 Josephus gives the singular 'my son' as the Hebrew. 
 
I. KINGS, XVII. 183 
 
 that we may eat it, and die. And Elijah said unto her, 13 
 Fearnot; go and do as thou hast said: but make me there- 
 of a Httle cake first, and bring // unto me, and after make 
 for thee and for thy son. For thus saith the Lord God of 14 
 Israel, The barrel of meal shall not waste, neither shall the 
 cruse of oil fail, until the day fAaf the Lord sendeth rain 
 upon the earth. And she went and did according to the 15 
 saymg of Elijah: and she, and he, and her house, did eat 
 many days. And the barrel of meal wasted not, neither did i5 
 the cruse of oil fail, according to the word of the Lord, 
 which he spake by Elijah. 
 
 And it came to pass after these things, //laf the son of 17 
 the woman, the mistress of the house, fell sick; and his 
 sickness was so sore, that there was no breath left in him. 
 
 eai it, and die] The drought had already brought so poor a person 
 to the point of starvation. 
 
 13. do as thou hast said'] i.e. Set about preparing bread from the 
 meal which remains, but instead of taking first for yourselves, bring 
 what is first ready to me. 
 
 a7id bring it [R.V. adds forth] unto fne] It appears from what 
 follows that Elijah dwelt afterwards in the house of the widow, but at 
 first he waited outside till she made ready the food, which it must have 
 needed much faith to give forth for the supply of the stranger. For 
 'after' R.V. reads 'afterward' to bring the language into accord with 
 modern usage. 
 
 14. God of Israel] Omitted by the LXX., as are also, in the next 
 verse, the words 'according to the saying of Elijah.' 
 
 15. her house] She had enough for all their own needs and some- 
 thing over, which she could give to poorer relations. The whole history 
 of the woman shews that she knew much of the religion of the God of 
 Israel, though we are not told how she had been brought to the know- 
 ledge. 
 
 many days] There is no word for ' many ' as the italics shew. The 
 Hebrews used ' days ' for a long time. Thus the same word is rendered 
 in Gen. xl. 4 'a season;' in Numb. ix. 22 'a yenr,' i.e. the complete 
 round of days. The margin of A.V. has 'a full year' in the present 
 verse. 
 
 17 — 24. Death and restoration of the widow's son. (Not in 
 Chronicles.) 
 
 17. his sickness was so sore, that there 7c/as no breath left in him] 
 Josephus interprets this expression as if the youth were only seemingly 
 dead ; rrfv \pvxvv a<peivaL koX ob^ai veKpbv. Yet both the mother and the 
 prophet speak in the narrative of the 'slaying' of the son. The soul 
 was departed, and it is the breathing into man of the breath of life, 
 
i84 I. KINGS, XVII. [vv. 18—22. 
 
 18 And she said unto Elijah, What have I to do with thee, O 
 thou man of God? art thou come unto me to call my sin to 
 
 19 remembrance, and to slay my son? And he said unto her, 
 Give me thy son. And he took him out of her bosom, and 
 carried him up into a loft, where he abode, and laid him 
 
 20 upon his own bed. And he cried unto the Lord, and said, 
 O Lord my God, hast thou also brought evil upon the 
 
 21 widow with whom I sojourn, by slaying her son? And he 
 stretched himself upon the child three times, and cried unto 
 the Lord, and said, O Lord my God, I pray thee, let this 
 
 22 child's soul come into him again. And the Lord heard the 
 
 which makes him 'a living soul.' All the language of Scripture 
 speaks in the same tone. 'When the breath of man goeth forth, he 
 shall turn again to his earth.' 
 
 18. IF/iai have I to do with thee?] Used by persons who wish him 
 whom they address to depart from them. (Cf. 2 Sam. xvi. 10 ; Luke v. 8). 
 
 O thou mail of God?] She recognizes the sacred character of Elijah, 
 and feels that she is in presence of one who has closer communion with 
 the Divine power than she. 'Man of God' becomes afterwards the 
 distinguished appellation of Elijah and Elisha. 
 
 art thou come ttnto me to call [R.V. bring'] m.y sin to reinembrance?] 
 The change of R.V. brings out a little more the woman's thought. The 
 man of God has been sojourning with her, and hence God's attention, 
 in her idea, has been more directed to her than it would otherwise have 
 been. Her sin in this way has been brought to His remembrance, and 
 so He has taken the life of her son as a punishment. 
 
 19. And he took him out of he 7- bosom] Her arms were clasped about 
 the dead boy. We need not understand the expression as of a child 
 who was still young enough to be carried in the arms, though the 
 prophet was able to carry him into his own chamber. 
 
 itito a loft] R.V. tlie chamber. The word is so rendered in verse 23, 
 and the two should be made to agree. 
 
 20. O Lord my God, hast thoti also brought e7>il upon the ividorv] The 
 LXX. omits 'my God.' In ' also ' the prophet refers to the other evil which 
 was brought on Israel and Phoenicia too by the drought. The widow 
 had shewn such faith and obedience that we may regard the prophet's 
 question as of the nature of a petition 'Let not this evil fall upon her.' 
 
 21. A7id he stretched himself] As though he would give of his own 
 vitality to restore the life of the boy. The LXX. reads eVe^wTjcre ry 
 7rai5ap/(fj — ' he breathed upon the child.' This is an exposition of the 
 later words which speak of the child's soul returning to him. 
 
 22. A)id the Lord heard [R.V. hearkened unto] the voice of Elijah] 
 This is the more usual rendering of the verb followed by a preposition 
 as here. Instead of this verse the LXX. {Vat) has 'and it was so, 
 and the child cried out.' The following words also, in verse 23 'and 
 Elijah took the child,' are omitted in that version. 
 
vv. 23, 24; 1—3.] I. KINGS, XVII. XVIII. 185 
 
 voice of Elijah; and the soul of the child came into him 
 again, and he revived. And Elijah took the child, and 23 
 brought him down out of the chamber into the house, and 
 delivered him unto his mother: and Elijah said, See, thy 
 son liveth. And the vi^oman said to Elijah, Now by this I 24 
 know that thou art a man of God, and thai the word of the 
 Lord in thy mouth is truth. 
 
 And it came to pass after many days, that the word of the 18 
 Lord came to Elijah in the third year, saying. Go, shew 
 thyself unto Ahab; and I will send rain upon the earth. 
 And Elijah went to shew himself unto Ahab. And there 2 
 was a sore famine in Samaria. And Ahab called Obadiah, 3 
 
 24. No7v by this] R.V. omits the last two words. The italics of 
 A.V. shew that there is nothing in the Hebrew for 'by,' and the 
 word rendered 'this' is only a particle to strengthen the adverb 'now.' 
 The same two words are rendered in A.V. by 'now' simply in Ruth ii. 
 7 and should be so translated here. In 2 Kings v. 22 they are translated 
 'even now.' 
 
 I kiicnv that thoii art a man of God] She had so addressed him above 
 in verse 18, but w?iat she desires now to express is her firm assurance. 
 The mercy of her son's restoration spake more surely of God's mes- 
 senger than did the stroke of his death. Jewish tradition represents 
 this boy as the servant who afterwards accompanied EHjah, and finally 
 became the prophet Jonah. (See Jerome, Preface to Jonah.) 
 
 the word of the Lord in thy viouth is truth] This is more than to 
 say that the word which the prophet speaks is truth ; or than that the 
 word of the Lord is in his mouth. It expresses a conviction that the 
 Lord Jehovah in whose name Elijah speaks is the true God. Whatever 
 stage her religious belief had before reached, she now advances beyond 
 it, and acknowledges Jehovah as truth itself. 
 
 Chap. XVIII. 1 — 6. Ahab and Obadiah search the land for 
 GRASS. Elijah goes to meet Ahab. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 1. in the third year] According to the tradition preserved in the 
 New Testament (Luke iv. 25; James v. 17) these three years cannot be 
 reckoned from the beginning of the drought : for that is said to have 
 lasted for three years and six months. The Jewish tradition reckons this 
 third year to be the third year after the restoration of the widow's son. 
 
 shew thyself unto Ahab ; and I will send raiti] Hence the LXX. on 
 xvii. I explains that the rain would not come el iirj (pavivros aiirov. See 
 note there. 
 
 2. And there was a sore famine] R.V. with more strict adherence 
 to the original, And the famine was sore. 
 
 3. Obadiah] The Hebrew word Obadjahu, signifies 'servant of 
 Jehovah,' and is a frequent name in the Old Testament, the most con- 
 
i86 I. KINGS, XVIII. [vv. 4—6. 
 
 which 7vas the governor of his house. (Now Obadiah fear- 
 
 4 ed the Lord greatly: for it was so, when Jezebel cut off the 
 prophets of the Lord, that Obadiah took an hundred pro- 
 phets, and hid them by fifty in a cave, and fed them 7vith 
 
 5 bread and water.) And Ahab said unto Obadiah, Go into 
 the land, unto all fountains of water, and unto all brooks: 
 peradventure we may find grass to save the horses and 
 
 6 mules alive, that we leese not all the beasts. So they di- 
 vided the land between them to pass throughout it: Ahab 
 went one way by himself, and Obadiah went another way by 
 himself. 
 
 spicuous person so called being the prophet who was contemporary 
 with Jeremiah. See Obad. i. 
 
 which was the governor of his hoiise\ R.V. more literally, which was 
 over the household. See above xvi. 9. 
 
 4. yezebel cut off the prophets of the Lord] Not content with having 
 Baal- worship established and fostered by her husband, the queen deter- 
 mined to destroy all the worshippers of Jehovah, and probably she in- 
 cluded in her extermination the priests who ministered at Dan and 
 Bethel, for they did not disown Jehovah, though they brake His law by 
 setting up an image to represent him. But no doubt the larger number 
 whom Jezebel cut off were 'the sons of the prophets, ' those who belonged 
 to the schools of the prophets, which we learn from 2 Kings ii. were 
 both numerous and largely frequented. It was a hundred of these men 
 whom Obadiah saved in the time of persecution. The story of Jezebel's 
 butchery is not given us, but it is alluded to here and in xix. 10. 14. 
 
 5. Go into [R.V. through] the land] The change gives a clearer 
 idea of what is meant, and the preposition is the same which in verse 
 6 is rendered 'throughout.' In the next clause, as both nouns are 
 definite in the original, the R.V. has 'the fountains' and 'the brooks.' 
 In their neighbourhood grass would remain longest. 
 
 grass to save] R.V. 'grass and save,' which is literal and equally 
 good English with A.V. 
 
 that we leese not all the beasts] They might have to kill some, but the 
 discovery of grass might save a part. The LXX. gives Kal ovk i^oKodpev- 
 d-qaovTai dirb twv (rKrjvuv. ' Leese ' is the old English form of ' lose.' 
 Cf. Shakspeare, Sonn. v. 14, ' Flowers distilled leese but their show.' 
 
 6. Ahab went one way by himself] We can see the grievous neces- 
 sity the land was in when the king himself goes forth on such a quest. 
 No one save. the two chief persons in the realm could be trusted to 
 make this all-important search. The LXX. does not specify that Ahab 
 went alone, but makes further mention of Obadiah's solitary journey, 
 by saying 'And Obadiah was in the way alone, and Elijah by himself 
 came to meet him.' There is a reason for Obadiah's being alone when 
 such a meeting was to take place; why Ahab should go alone is not 
 so clear. 
 
7—12.] I. KINGS, XVllI. 187 
 
 And as Obadiah was in the way, behold Elijah met him: y 
 and he knew him, and fell on his face, and said, Art thou 
 that my lord Elijah? And he answered him, I atn: go, tell 8 
 thy lord, Behold, Elijah is here. And he said, What have I 9 
 sinned, that thou wouldest deliver thy servant into the hand 
 of Ahab, to slay me? As the Lord thy God liveth, there is 10 
 no nation or kingdom, whither my lord hath not sent to 
 seek thee : and when they said. He is not there; he took an 
 oath of the kingdom and nation, that they found thee not. 
 And now thou sayest. Go, tell thy lord. Behold, Elijah is n 
 here. And it shall come to pass, as soon as I am gone from w 
 
 7 — 16. Meeting of Obadiah and Elijah. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 7. and he knew him] The prophet's garb would probably make 
 him easy to be recognized, and he must have been seen more than once 
 in Samaria, and by Ahab's household. The LXX. renders Kal iairevffe 
 = and he hastened. 
 
 fett on his face] For to Obadiah Elijah would seem to be God's 
 special representative, and the champion of the cause of the true religion. 
 Josephus, wrongly, represents Elijah as bowing down to Obadiah. The 
 expressions 'lord' and 'servant' or rather 'slave' used by Obadiah are 
 indexes of his fear of Elijah. 
 
 Art thoti that niy lord Elijah?] R.V. better, 'Is it thou, my lord 
 Elijah?' The word which A.V. translates is merely an addition to 
 render the pronoun emphatic. See note on xvii. 27, where the emphatic 
 particle is the same as in this verse. 
 
 8. / am] R.V. It is I. To correspond with the change in the 
 preceding verse. 
 
 tell thy lord] It would be news of great interest to the king of 
 Israel, as is clearly shewn by the efforts which he had already made to 
 find Elijah. 
 
 9. What [R.V. wlierein] have I sinned] Obadiah's fear is very 
 natural. He is asked to carry a message to Ahab, which another dis- 
 appearance of Elijah may make to seem untrue. He thinks in his alarm 
 that the prophet does not know how great a friend he has been to the 
 cause of Jehovah's servants, and so asks why his life should be put in 
 jeopardy who had done so much to save the lives of the prophets. 
 
 10. the7-e is no nation or kingdom] Of course Obadiah's words only 
 apply to those countries immediately around Israel and into which 
 Elijah could be supposed to have fled for refuge. But he employs the' 
 language of Oriental hyperbole, so frequently found in the Old Testa- 
 ment. Cf. Gen. vii. 19; Deut. ii. 25. 
 
 he took an oath] The search had been made after a very thorough 
 and formal manner, and solemn attestation made of its fruitlessness. 
 The LXX. says 'he burnt up that kingdom and the countries thereof 
 because he did not find thee.' 
 
 12. And it shall come to J>ass] Clearly Obadiah regards Elijah's 
 
l88 I. KINGS, XVIII. [vv. 13—18. 
 
 thee, that the spirit of the Lord shall carry thee whither I 
 know not; and so when I come and tell Ahab, and he can- 
 not find thee, he shall slay me: but / thy servant fear the 
 
 13 Lord from my youth. Was it not told my lord what I did 
 when Jezebel slew the prophets of the Lord, how I hid an 
 hundred men of the Lord's prophets by fifty in a cave, and 
 
 14 fed them with bread and water? And now thou sayest, Go, 
 tell thy lord, Behold, Elijah is here: and he shall slay me. 
 
 15 And Elijah said, As the Lord of hosts liveth, before whom 
 
 16 I stand, I will surely shew myself unto him to day. So 
 Obadiah went to meet Ahab, and told him : and Ahab went 
 to meet Elijah. 
 
 17 And it came to pass, when Ahab saw Elijah, that Ahab 
 is said unto him. Art thou he that troubleth Israel? And he 
 
 answered, I have not troubled Israel; but thou, and thy 
 
 concealment as only possible, amid such a thorough inquiry, by reason 
 of divine aid. This may be exercised again, and he be taken away and 
 concealed, before Ahab can be brought to him. 
 
 the spirit of the Lord shall carry thee] So Acts viii. 39, of the super- 
 natural removal of Philip. Cf. likewise 2 Kings ii. 16. 
 
 /ear the Lord from 7?iy youth] The true worshippers of Jehovah had 
 not all perished out of Israel through Jeroboam's sin. Not only in 
 special bodies, as the sons of the prophets, but also in positions of 
 secular employment, we find some who still hold to the pure religion of 
 Jehovah, and teach their children the same. The Hebrew, literally is 
 'but thy servant feareth the Lord from my youth,' which accounts for 
 the italic ' /' of A.V. 
 
 13. Was it not told my lord] Obadiah's thought seems to be that 
 Elijah could believe nothing but evil of one who was in the household 
 of Ahab. So by a question he tries to place himself in his true light, 
 and to excuse himself at the same time, from being sent on so perilous 
 an errand. The conduct of Obadiah in saving the prophets can hardly 
 have been known to Ahab or his wife. But it would be likely to come 
 to the knowledge of Elijah, as he would be a companion and friend 
 of those who were rescued from Jezebel's fury. 
 
 15. I will surely shew 7ny self unto hifn to day] With this assurance 
 Obadiah is satisfied, and goes to find Ahab. 
 
 16. A7td Ahab wejit] The LXX. has 'And Ahab ran forth and 
 went to meet Elijah.' 
 
 17 — 40. Meeting of Ahab and Elijah. Baal proved to be no 
 GOD. Slaughter of Baal's prophets. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 17. Art thou he that troubleth Israel?] R. V. Is it thou, thou troubler 
 of Israel? For Ahab would ascribe the drought and consequent famine 
 directly to Elijah, after the language of xvii. i. 
 
vv. 19-21.] I. KINGS, XVIII. 189 
 
 father's house, in that ye have forsaken the commandments 
 of the Lord, and thou hast followed Baalim. Now there- 19 
 fore send, and gather to me all Israel unto mount Carmel, 
 and the prophets of Baal four hundred and fifty, and the 
 prophets of the groves four hundred, which eat at Jezebel's 
 table. So Ahab sent unto all the children of Israel, and 20 
 gathered the prophets together unto mount Carmel. And 21 
 Elijah came unto all the people, and said, How long halt ye 
 
 13. ye have forsaken the commandments of the Lord^ This was done 
 before the Baal-worship was introduced, by Jeroboam and by each king 
 after him, and Omri, Ahab's father, was no better than the rest. Tlie 
 LXX. omits 'the commandments of.' 
 
 and thoii hast followed Baalim'] R.V. the Baahm. This was Ahab's 
 additional sin; so that it is said of him (xxi. 25) 'There was none 
 like unto Ahab, which did sell himself to work wickedness.' The 
 l)lural Baalim is used because there were many forms or aspects of 
 Baal, so that he was worshipped under several names, at different 
 places, as Baal-berith, Baal-zebub, Baal-peor, &c. Ahab in compliance 
 with the will of Jezebel had admitted them all into Israel. 
 
 19. all Israel] i.e. A representative body of the whole people. 
 
 unto tnount Carmel] There seems to have been in Elisha's time a 
 residence on Mt. Carmel, where he dwelt. For the Shunammite goes 
 thither to find him. Perhaps Elijah chose the place because there was 
 an altar there, which had been used for the worship of Jehovah, but 
 was now thrown down. The mountain was also easy of access, and the 
 sea, from whence the signs of the coming rain would be seen, was 
 visible from it. 
 
 and the prophets of Baal] These, as the narrative shews, were the 
 priests who presided over the Baal worship, and with their office was 
 mixed up, as we see from chap, xxii., the profession of divination and 
 soothsaying. Hence they are called prophets. The LXX. following 
 the Jewish abhorrence for the name Baal, translate by t^s a.lcx^vri%, —of 
 ilie shame, as if ' Bosheth' and not ' Baal' had been read by them. 
 
 the prophets of the groves] R.V. of the AsheraJi. See note on xiv. 
 15. Jezebel had introduced the female as well as the male divinity, so 
 that nothing might be wanting to the complete observance of the 
 worship to which she had been trained at home. The staff of priests, 
 850 for the two divinities, shews what an outlay was made for the per- 
 fection of the idolatrous rites. 
 
 which eat at JezebePs table] That the queen should shew them 
 special favour, and feed them at her own board, was one of the surest 
 ways of making the Baal-priests and their service popular. She no 
 doubt also supplied funds for the support of those priests who were 
 not in the royal city. 
 
 21. And Elijah came] R.V. adds near. The word is the same 
 v hich is twice so rendered in verse 30. It indicates an approach lor 
 the purpose of conference and support. 
 
I90 I. KINGS, XVIII. [vv. 22—24. 
 
 between two opinions? if the Lord be God, follow him: but 
 if Baal, then follow him. And the people answered him not 
 
 22 a word. Then said Elijah unto the people, I, even I only, 
 remain a prophet of the Lord; but Baal's prophets are four 
 
 23 hundred and fifty men. Let them therefore give us two 
 bullocks; and let them choose one bullock for themselves, 
 and cut it in pieces, and lay // on wood, and put no fire 
 ufider: and I will dress the other bullock, and lay // on 
 
 24 wood, and put no fire under: and call ye on the name of 
 
 How long halt ye between tzvo opinions] The verb is an expressive 
 word, and is used below for the irregular, stumbling sort of dance about 
 the altar of Baal (verse 26). It indicates a lame uncertain gait. Hence 
 it suits very well the conduct of Israel, now drawn toward Jehovah, 
 but not earnest there, and then attracted to Baal, but not altogether 
 satisfied with that worship. The LXX. renders ?u>s irbre v^eis x^^o.veiTe 
 ^7r' dfKpoTipais rals lyvijais ; How long go ye lame on both knees? But 
 there is no ground for the last word of that translation, and it loses the 
 sense. It was a lame going, now in one direction, now in another, that 
 Elijah was reproaching. 
 
 22. /, even I only, remain] R.V. am left. As in xix. 10 for the 
 same word. Elijah means that he is the only one who now stands for- 
 ward in Jehovah's name. No doubt there were others of those saved 
 by Obadiah and in other ways, but in such dangerous days they kept 
 out of sight. The scene on Carmel is full of sublimity. Elijah alone 
 against the host of Baal-priests, and with the calm dignity befitting so 
 solemn a time, in the midst of them all, proceeding to repair the broken 
 altar of the Lord. 
 
 The LXX. adds at the close of this verse 'and the prophets of the 
 grove four hundred. ' 
 
 23. Let them thei-efore give tcs] i.e. Let there be given unto us. Let 
 there be provided, for the trial which I am about to propose. 
 
 and let them choose otie] Elijah yields place to them because of their 
 greater number. So verse 25 ' for ye are many.' 
 
 cut it in pieces] This was a part of the duty of the offerer of a burnt- 
 offering. See Lev. i. 6 ; ' he shall flay the burnt offering and cut it into 
 his pieces.' 
 
 and I will dress the other bullock] The Hebrew uses for 'dress' the 
 verb nEJ*y = /(? make, which, in connexions like this, = 'to make ready' a 
 victim for sacrifice. The same word is used Ps. Ixvi. 15 'I will offer 
 bullocks with goats,' also Exod. xxix. 36, 38, 39, 41. The LXX. 
 translates by koX iyti iroLrjaw rbv ^odv tIv aXKov, a sentence from which 
 we may see in what way Trotei;' came to be used of sacrifice. But by 
 itself TTOieli' can no more mean ' to sacrifice ' than could the English 
 verb ' make.' The object, the victim, must always be expressed. The 
 same word is employed again in verses 25, 26. 
 
 and lay it on wood] The LXX. omits these words. 
 
 no fire under] Deceit was largely practised in the heathen temples 
 
vv. 25—27.] I. KINGS, XVIII. 191 
 
 your gods, and I will call on the name of the Lord : and 
 the God that answereth by fire, let him be God. And all 
 the people answered and said, It is well spoken. And 25 
 Ehjah said unto the prophets of Baal, Choose you one 
 bullock for yourselves, and dress // first; for ye are many; 
 and call on the name of your gods, but put no fire u7idcr. 
 And they took the bullock which was given them, and they 26 
 dressed it, and called on the name of Baal from morning 
 even until noon, saying, O Baal, hear us. But there was no 
 voice, nor any that answered. And they leaped upon the 
 altar which was made. And it came to pass at noon, that 27 
 Elijah mocked them, and said, Cry aloud: for he is a god; 
 
 and sacrifices represented as miraculously consumed, for the accomplish- 
 ment of which preparation was made in the ground beneath the altar. 
 
 24. call ye on the tiame of your gods] R.V. god. And so in verse 25, 
 Baal was meant, and though the plural 'Elohim' came to be specially 
 used of Jehovah, as embracing all that other nations conceived as 
 attributes of all their gods, yet the plural is also applied to single heathen 
 divinities. Thus i Sam. v. 7, 'Dagon our god'; 2 Kings i. 2, 'Baal- 
 zebub, the god of Ekron.' 
 
 Elijah by saying ' call ye ' identifies the people, to whom he is speaking, 
 
 with the Baal-prophets to whom he uses the same words in the next verse. 
 
 on the na»te of the Lord] The LXX. adds 'my God.' 
 
 that anstuereth by fire] As Baal was specially the Sun-god, the trial 
 
 by sending down fire was one to which the prophets of Baal could 
 
 make no objection. 
 
 25. the prophets of Baal] Here, as above in verse 19, the LXX., 
 instead of 'Baal' has t^s alux^vt]^. See note there. The pomp and 
 splendour of the priests of Baal glittering no doubt with gorgeous 
 vestments (cf 2 Kings x. 22) would shew the more because of the 
 rough shaggy garb of the Tishbite, whose congenial abode was the 
 mountain tops or the fastnesses of Gilead. 
 
 26. zvhich was given them] These words are omitted in the LXX., 
 which represents 'hear us' in the latter part of the verse twice over. 
 
 and they leaped upon [R.V. about] the altar] One part of the heathen 
 worship consisted in a dance around the altar, during which the devo- 
 tees wrought themselves up to a pitch of frenzy, and then their action 
 took the form of wild leaping. Such was probably the kind of worship 
 of the Salii whom Numa instituted at Rome, and hence their name = 
 Jumpers. The dances of the Aborigines of Australia were very much 
 of this fashion. 
 
 27. Elijah mocked them] i.e. To make their folly more apparent to 
 the people, he urged them on to greater exertions. 
 
 for he is a god] As you deem him. Elijah attributed no power to 
 Baal. He merely addresses the priests from their own level, and to 
 make the object of their worship more contemptible attributes to him 
 
192 I. KINGS, XVIII. [vv. 28, 29. 
 
 either he is talking, or he is pursuing, or he is in a journey, 
 
 28 or peradventure he sleepeth, and must be awaked. And 
 they cried loud, and cut themselves after their manner with 
 knives and lancets, till the blood gushed out upon them. 
 
 29 And it came to pass, when midday was past, and they pro- 
 phesied until the time of the offering of the evening sacrifice, 
 
 certain acts and necessities which proclaim him no more powerful than 
 his worshippers. 
 
 either he is talking\ R.V. musing. The word and its cognates are 
 more frequently used of meditation than of speech, and to picture Baal 
 as so preoccupied by thought as not to hear the loud cries of these 
 frantic prophets suits, better than the rendering of A.V., with the 
 mockery which Elijah designed. 
 
 or he is pursici7ig\ R.V. gone aside. The word appears to be used 
 here to express the idea that Baal had withdrawn himself for rest or 
 some other physical necessity. Gesenius renders 'recessit in conclavia 
 interiora.' 
 
 28. And they cried aloud'\ Not recognizing the mockery of Elijah, 
 but admitting that Baal might be overtaken by the necessities or 
 occupations implied in the prophet's words. 
 
 after their manner^ For devotees to wound and mutilate themselves 
 in the worship of their divinities was common in other cults beside that 
 of Baal and Asherah. 
 
 with knives and lancets] R.V. lances. The former of these nouns is 
 commonly rendered 'sword,' though it is also used of other instruments 
 for cutting, as of a razor (Ezek. v. i), and an axe (Ezek. xxvi. q). The 
 second is constantly employed for 'spear' in connexion with 'shield' of 
 a fully-armed soldier. The Baal-dance was most likely performed by 
 the chief devotees with weapons in their hands, and with these it was 
 that in their frenzy they wounded themselves. 
 
 29. And it came to pass [R.V. it was so], when midday was past, 
 and [R.V. that] they prophesied] The word used for the wild raving of 
 these heathen priests is the same which is employed for the most solemn 
 utterances of the prophets of Jehovah (cf. Ezek. xxxvii. 10). The 
 thought which connects the two uses seems to be of a person acting 
 under some influence which he cannot control. In both cases the 
 external manifestation was in a degree alike, for Jehovah's prophets 
 were moved at times by great outward excitement. In these Baal- 
 prophets it appears to have been of the nature of raving. On the bodily 
 agitations of the prophets Maimonides {de Fundatn. Legis vii. 3) writes 
 ' The limbs of all the prophets, during the time of their prophetic 
 inspiration, are agitated, their strength of body fails, their thoughts are 
 snatched aside, and their intellect is left free to understand what is 
 shewn to them.' Then he quotes the instances of Abraham (Gen. xv. 12) 
 and of Daniel (Dan. x. 8). 
 
 the offering of the evening sacrifice] R.V. oblation. The Hebrew 
 word nnJD here used signifies that offering of fine flour mixed with oil, 
 salt and frankincense, which was the accompaniment at times of sacri- 
 
vv. 30— 33-] I- KINGS, XVIII. 
 
 193 
 
 that there was neither voice, nor any to answer, nor any 
 that regarded. And Ehjah said unto all the people. Come 30 
 near unto me. And all the people came near unto him. 
 And he repaired the altar of the Lord that was broken 
 down. And Elijah took twelve stones, according to the 31 
 number of the tribes of the sons of Jacob, unto whom the 
 word of the Lord came, saying, Israel shall be thy name: 
 and ^vith the stones he built an altar in the name of the 32 
 Lord : and he made a trench about the altar, as great as 
 would contain two measures of seed. And he put the wood 33 
 
 fices, but which at times was offered alone. It is generally rendered in 
 A.V. 'meat offering,' and R.V. has changed this to 'meal offering' that 
 the nature of the oblation might be more nearly described in tlic transla- 
 tion. 'Sacrifice' here is misleading, for the offering was without blood. 
 
 that [R.V. but] there was neither voice regarded'\ The change in 
 
 R.V. follows on the alterations made in the first half of the verse. Tlie 
 sense then is given more clearly. What is meant to be expressed is, 
 that though they went on the whole day through, yet there was no 
 result of their cries and lacerations. 
 
 The LXX. omits this clause, and gives instead 'And Elijah the 
 Tishbite spake to the prophets of the abominations, saying. Stand aside 
 now, and I will offer my burnt offering. And they stood aside and 
 went avcay. ' 
 
 30. A7td he rcf aired the altar of the Lord that was broken dorv>i\ 
 On the top of Carmel had been one of the high places where worship 
 was paid to Jehovah, after the manner of the worship in the wilderness, 
 till the place which God had chosen became known and the Temple 
 built there. The custom of worship at such spots was continued for a 
 long time after Solomon's date, and Elijah here treats the altar as 
 a specially sacred erection, to be restored in Jehovah's honour. 
 
 The LXX. omits this clause here, but introduces one very similar in 
 verse 32. 
 
 31. Elijah took twelve stones\ On a similar preparation for an 
 altar, compare the command of Joshua (Josh. iv. 5) where the stones 
 are also taken ' according to the number of the tribes of the children of 
 Israel. ' In this way the unity of worship of the same one God was 
 signified. Elijah's prayer also recalls the still earlier memories of 
 Abraham, Isaac and Israel. 
 
 of the sons of Jacob] The LXX. reads rov 'lo-par'X, thus making the 
 expression more nearly to accord with the passage of Joshua just quoted. 
 Also instead of 'he built an altar' the LXX. has 'he built the stones,' in 
 the next verse. 
 
 32. a irenchi The LXX. has 6d\aaaav = a sea, which is interest- 
 ing in connexion with the name given to the great cistern which 
 Solomon caused to be made for the temple-services. Cf. vii. 23 above. 
 
 as great as would contain two measures of seed] The LXX. 
 omits these words, which are not quite easy of explanation. The 
 
 I. KINGS 13 
 
194 I. KINGS, XVIII. [vv. 34— 37. 
 
 in order, and cut the bullock in pieces, and laid hi?n on the 
 wood, and said, Fill four barrels zvith water, and pour // on 
 
 34 the burnt sacrifice, and on the wood. And he said. Do it 
 the second time. And they did // the second time. And he 
 said, Do // the third time. And they did // the third time. 
 
 35 And the water ran round about the altar; and he filled the 
 
 36 trench also with water. And it came to pass at the ttjneofihQ 
 offering of the evening sacrifice, that Elijah the prophet came 
 near, and said. Lord God of Abraham, Isaac, and of Israel, 
 let it be known this day that thou art God in Israel, and 
 that I am thy servant, and that I have done all these things 
 
 37 at thy word. Hear me, O Lord, hear me, that this people 
 may know that thou art the Lord God, and that thou hast 
 
 measure mentioned is a sccrh, which is the third part of an ephah. But 
 whether the dimension applies to each side of the altar, so that on each 
 of the four sides there would be a ditch of this capacity, or whether 
 this was the capacity of the whole surrounding trench is not evident. 
 It was clearly intended to catch the water that was poured over the 
 sacrifice. 
 
 33. mzd laid him [R.V. it] on the rvood, aiid [R.V. and he] said^ 
 The former of these changes is in accordance with modern usage. 
 
 on the burnt sacrijice'] R.V. burnt- offering. Which latter is the 
 constant rendering of the Hebrew word. At the close of the verse the 
 LXX. adds 'And they did so.' 
 
 35. he filled the trench also] The twelve barrels had not filled the 
 trench, and so more water was added to make it quite full. 
 
 36. And it came to pass ^vcnrng sacrifice] R.V. oblation. This 
 
 change follows on what was done in verse 29. The LXX. omits this 
 clause entirely. Elijah waited till the usual hour for the evening offer- 
 ing, that in this way his action might be in more accord with the order 
 of worship which had been appointed in the Law, and so the people be 
 put in mind of Jehovah's worship which they had cast aside. 
 
 Elijah the prophet came near] He was no priest, but at such time 
 the protesting prophet assumed all the functions of the priestly office. 
 And the people would be in no way surprised, for the patriarchal rule, 
 which allowed others than the tribe of Levi to come near to the altar, 
 had not become obsolete, as we can see from the action of Solomon. 
 The LXX. gives, instead of these words, 'And Elijah cried unto 
 heaven.' 
 
 Lord God ofi Abraham, Isaac [R.V. of Isaac], and of Israel] After 
 these opening words of the invocation the LXX. adds 'Hear me, O 
 Lord, hear me this day by fire,' and continues 'and let all this people 
 know, &c.' 
 
 at thy word] The LXX. explains by 5id (r^ = 'for thy sake.' 
 
 37. that thou art the Lord God] R.V. that thou Lord art God. 
 This is what Elijah desired, that it should be shewn that to apply the 
 
vv. 38—41.] I. KINGS, XVIII. 
 
 195 
 
 turned their heart back again. Then ihe fire of the Lord 38 
 fell, and consumed the burnt sacrifice, and the wood, and 
 the stones, and the dust, and licked up the water that teas in 
 the trench. And when all the people saw it, they fell on 39 
 their faces : and they said, The Lord, he is the God ; the 
 Lord, he is the God. And Elijah said unto them. Take the 40 
 prophets of Baal; let not one of them escape. And they 
 took them: and Elijah brought them down to the brook 
 Kishon, and slew them there. 
 And Elijah said unto Ahab, Get thee up, eat and drink; 41 
 
 name 'Elohim' to Baal, and idols like him, was a folly and a dehision. 
 The heathen, and those who went after them, used this name for the 
 objects of their worship, and Elijah in his mockery had employed their 
 phrase (verse 27) and said of Baal 'He is Elohim.' In the present 
 verse, as in verse 39 below, the noun has the article before it, which is 
 shewn by the rendering of the A.V. in verse 39 ' he is ihe God.' But 
 such an insertion is needless. If we assert that Jehovah is God, it 
 is implied that there is none else. The R.V. therefore omits the 
 article twice over in verse 39, reading he is God. 
 
 38. Then the fire 0/ the Lord fell] In the LXX. we have 'and there 
 fell fire from the Lord out of heaven.' 
 
 Imrnt sacrifice'] R.V. burnt-offering as in verse 33. To mark the 
 might of Him who sent the fire, it not only consumes the victims and 
 licks up the water, but devoured wood, stones and dust alike. 
 
 39. And when all the people saiu it, they fell] The LXX. simply says 
 'And all the people fell.' Josephus describes the reaction thus, 'They 
 fell upon the ground and worshipped the one God, calling Him most 
 mighty and true, while the others were but names devised by wrong and 
 senseless opinion.' 
 
 40. Tcike the prophets of Baal] Elijah avails himself of the newly- 
 kindled enthusiasm to put an end, as far as he may, to the false worship. 
 Josephus explains ' they seized and slew the prophets, Elijah exhorting 
 them so to do.' Although the text may be taken to signify that Elijah 
 put the priests to death with his own hand, we can hardly suppose this 
 to have been so. He is only said to do himself what he caused others 
 to do. 
 
 the brook Kishon] This is at the foot of Mount Carmel on the side 
 towards the sea. It was the spot where Sisera was overthrown by 
 Barak (Judges iv. 7) and the stream then was pictured as sweeping 
 away the dead bodies of those who had been slain by the Israelite 
 forces (Judges v. i\). 
 
 41 — 46. The prophecy of rain. Elijah awaits its approach 
 ON Mount Carmel and then goes to Jezreel. (Not in 
 Chronicles.) 
 
 41. Elijah said unto Ahah] The king had been present through 
 all the events of the day, but had been powerless to stay the slaughter 
 
 13—2 
 
196 I. KINGS, XVIIl. [vv. 42— 44. 
 
 42 for there is a sound of abundance of rain. So Ahab went 
 up to eat and to drink. And Elijah went up to the top of 
 Carmel; and he cast himself down upon the earth, and put 
 
 43 his face between his knees, and said to his servant, Go up 
 now, look toward the sea. And he went up, and looked, 
 and said, There is nothing. And he said, Go again seven 
 
 44 times. And it came to pass at the seventh time^ that he 
 said, Behold, there ariseth a little cloud out of the sea, like 
 
 of the false prophets. Ahab was overpowered by what he had seen, 
 and Jezebel was not at hand to prompt him to oppose either the prophet 
 or the people. 
 
 Get thee up, eat and drink\ There was probably preparation made 
 for the king's refreshment on the top of Carmel, where the offerings 
 had been made, and the words of the prophet apply to Ahab's return 
 from the Kishon, which was at a lower level. The expression 'eat 
 and drink' has been taken by some to be spoken in mockery or littered 
 as if to one who was callous even after such a scene of butchery. It 
 would rather seem as if Elijah had not yet despaired of Ahab, and was 
 giving the king, who must have been paralysed by the scene, the best 
 advice for his present need, after the long and tragic day. The words 
 may also imply that now there was no longer any fear of want, for the 
 rain was coming at once. Thus they would form a fit introduction for 
 the announcement which follows. 
 
 /(?;- there is a [R.V. the] sotmd of abundance of rain'\ The expression 
 is definite in the original. The LXX. has a very poetical paraphrase 
 oTi. (puvr] tQv TrodCov rov verov, 'for there is the sound of the feet of 
 the rain.' 
 
 42. Elijah went itp to the top of Carmel^ To a different point from 
 that to which Ahab had gone. This is clear from verse 44, where 
 the prophet despatches his servant with a message to the king. 
 
 and he cast [R.V. bowed] himself] The prophet's attitude was that 
 of prayer. Cf. Jas. v. 18. The humble position is further indicated by 
 the clause which follows, 'he put his face between his knees.' 
 
 43. look towaj-d the sed\ Because from that quarter would come the 
 indication of the approaching storm. The LXX. omits 'he went up' 
 in the next clause, and adds at the close of the verse 'and the servant 
 went again seven times.' 
 
 seven times] Meaning an indefinite number, 'Seven' is thus used 
 Ps. xii. 6, cxix. 164; Prov. xxiv. 16. 
 
 44. there ariseth a little cloud out of the sea, like a man^s hand] 
 R.V. a cloud out of tlie sea as small as a man's hand. This is 
 more in accordance with the Hebrew construction. The statement 
 was not meant to describe the shape of the cloud, but the size of it. 
 The servant returns as soon as there appears the smallest token of a 
 rain-cloud. The Hebrew word here employed, f]3, is sometimes used 
 for the 'sole of the foot' (see Josh. i. 3). Josephus therefore gives here 
 0X1 -Kkiov ixvovs avdpiiiwivov 'not bigger than the sole of a man's foot.' 
 
vv. 45, 46; 1,2.] I. KINGS, XVIII. XIX. 197 
 
 a man's hand. And he said, Go up, say unto Ahab, Pre- 
 pare thy chariot, and get thee down, that the rain stop thee 
 not. And it came to pass in the mean while, that the 45 
 heaven was black with clouds and wind, and there was a 
 great rain. And Ahab rode, and went to Jezreel. And the 46 
 hand of the Lord was on Elijah; and he girded up his 
 loins, and ran before Ahab to the entrance of Jezreel. 
 
 And Ahab told Jezebel all that Elijah had done, and 19 
 withal how he had slain all the prophets with the sword. 
 Then Jezebel sent a messenger unto Elijah, saying, So let 2 
 
 Prepare [R.V. make ready thy chariot] The change is intro- 
 duced from 2 Kings ix. 21, where the word for 'chariot,' which is 
 here understood, stands in the text. 
 
 45. ill the mean while'] [R.V. in a little while] The literal sense 
 is 'until so and until so.' The expression is probably borrowed from a 
 waving of the hand backward and forward, and means ' before you could 
 do that.' Hence 'in a little while' seems to be the better rendering. 
 
 And Ahab 7-ode] The LXX. says 'Ahab wept.' Ahab made his 
 way to his palace (sea xxi. 2) at Jezreel, that he might report to Jezebel 
 what had happened. Jezreel stood in the plain of Jezreel, in the tribe 
 of Issachar, and became one of the most famous of the royal residences 
 of the kings of Israel. 
 
 46. t/ie hand of the Lord was on Elijah'] A divine impulse which 
 directed and supported him in what he was to do. If there was still 
 hope of a change in Ahab, neither God nor His prophet would be 
 wanting to help him in the struggle after better courses. The running 
 was a sign of Bedouin endurance, the halting outside the city, at the 
 entrance of Jezreel, was a piece of Bedouin wariness. 
 
 Chap. XIX. i — 8. Elijah's flight to Horeb. (Not in 
 Chronicles.) 
 
 1. And Ahab told Jezebel] The LXX. adds 'his wife.' 
 
 and ivithal hoiv] The construction in the original is here irregular. 
 The words rendered 'withal' are omitted in nearly all the Versions. 
 The expression translated 'withal how' is exactly the same as that which 
 is rendered 'all that' in the previous clause, and does not suit the verb 
 which follows. But it is not easy to explain the repetition with two 
 different verbs, and no doubt the English translation gives the sense 
 which was intended. He told his wife in general 'all that' Elijah had 
 done and specially 'all, how' he had slain, <S:c. 
 
 2. Jezebel sent a messenger] The queen could not restrain herself 
 in her rage. She cannot make arrangements for seizing Elijah at once, 
 but lets him know that she is resolved to do so. The LXX. has no 
 word for 'a messenger,' but enlarges the sentence by the words 'If 
 thou art Elijah, and I Jezebel, so let God &c.' The message intimates 
 that if he can be found he will be put to death on the morrow. 
 
198 I. KINGS, XIX. [vv. 3, 4. 
 
 the gods do to me, and more also, if I make not thy life as 
 
 3 the life of one of them by to morrow about this time. And 
 when he saw that, he arose, and went for his life, and came 
 to Beer-sheba, which belongeth to Judah, and left his servant 
 
 4 there. But he himself went a day's journey into the wilder- 
 ness, and came and sat down under a juniper tree : and he 
 requested for himself that he might die; and said, // is 
 
 3. A7td when he saw that] The LXX. reading N"1'1 instead of the 
 text K")*1 renders by koI i^oprjd-ri, 'and he was afraid.' And this 
 makes a good sense. But it is not necessary. Elijah saw (mentally) from 
 the message which came to him, that he must be gone, if he would save 
 his life. Moreover after the verb 'to fear' there usually follows a men- 
 tion of the person who is feared. 
 
 and ivent for his life^ i.e. To make sure of saving his life. It was 
 no part of his duty to expose himself to unnecessary peril. The same 
 phrase is found in 2 Kings vii. 7 and nearly the same in Gen. xix. 1 7. 
 The Vulgate rendering 'quocunque eum ferebat voluntas' 'wherever he 
 felt inclined' is certainly not what is meant. 
 
 and came to Beer-sheba, which belongeth to yudah'\ Beer-sheba was 
 in the tribe of Simeon (see Josh. xix. 2), though in Josh. xv. ?8 it is 
 included among the uttermost cities of Judah. Here 'which belongeth 
 to Judah' signifies 'which is part of the kingdom of Judah.' Elijah 
 had thus escaped from Ahab's dominions. The use of such a phrase 
 shews that the writer of this narrative was an Israelite. 
 
 and left his servant there\ The servant (according to Jewish tradi- 
 tion, the son of the widow of Zarephath) must have attended on him 
 from Carmel to Jezreel, and from thence to the south of Judah. The 
 prophet now desires solitude, and so dismisses him. In the need of 
 spiritual communion with God no companion is desired. Even Jesus 
 himself said to His disciples 'Sit ye here, while I go and pray yonder' 
 (Matt. xxvi. 36). 
 
 4. a day' s journey into the wilderTiess^ The wilderness here spoken 
 of is the desert of Paran, through which the Israelites had of old wan- 
 dered from Egypt toward the promised land. 
 
 n:ider a jumper tree] The LXX. merely represents the Hebrew 
 name DH") by a transliteration vTroKaru Fad/i^v. The plant is one of 
 the broom kind. It was stout enough to be used for fuel (Ps. cxx. 4), 
 and in time of famine its roots could be eaten (Job xxx. 3, 4). The 
 last quoted passage marks it as a tree growing in the wilderness. The 
 Hebrew says literally 'one juniper tree,' and thus depicts fur us the 
 desolate country just on the borders of the wilderness. 
 
 that he might die] The prophet had probably had some hope that 
 Ahab would disown the idolatrous worsliip after the scene on Carmel 
 and the destruction of the priests. Now he sees that the influence of 
 Jezebel is as strong as ever, and the result is deep despondency and a 
 longing to be removed from the struggle. 
 
vv. 5—8.] I. KINGS, XIX. 
 
 199 
 
 enough; now, O Lord, take away my life; for I ain not 
 better than my fathers. And as he lay and slept under a 5 
 juniper tree, behold then, an angel touched him, and said 
 unto him, Arise and eat. And he looked, and behold, there o 
 was a cake baken on the coals, and a cruse of water at his 
 head. And he did eat and drink, and laid him down again. 
 And the angel of the Lord came again the second time, 7 
 and touched him, and said. Arise and eat; because the 
 journey is too great for thee. And he arose, and did eat 8 
 and drink, and went in the strength of that meat forty days 
 and forty nights unto Horeb the mount of God. 
 
 / am not better than my fathers'] Elijah had probably reached a ripe 
 age, and thinking his labours all fruitless, prays for removal. While 
 there was work to be done, and as he thought, hojje of success, he was 
 a willing servant. It is only in the dark moment of seeming failure that 
 his natural feeling of having wrought no reform, such as he longed for, 
 wrings from him the cry in the text. We must not deem Elijah to 
 blame for this feeling. The way in which God sent him comfort and 
 sustenance shews us that the prophet's conduct was not such as to merit 
 rebuke. See a noble sermon on ' Elijah' by the late F. W. Robertson. 
 Sermon VI. Second Series. 
 
 5. And as he lay and slept] Better, with R.V., 'And he lay down 
 and slept. ' The verb is the same as that which is so rendered at the 
 close of the next verse. The description is of what Elijah did, not 
 only of something which happened ' as he lay.' 
 
 behold then] R.V. and behold. A change made necessary by the 
 previous alteration. 
 
 an angel touched him] The LXX. omits 'an angel,' and so does the 
 narrative of Josephus, which merely has Sieyupavros 5' avrov nvos. 
 
 6. atid behold, there was] The R.V., following the Hebrew order, 
 puts 'at his head' immediately after these words. 
 
 7. because the journey is too great for thee] No mention has yet been 
 made of the distance or place to which Elijah meant to go. It seems 
 therefore more natural to conclude that the flight into the wilderness 
 had been undertaken by the prophet merely because he thought that he 
 would there be less likely to be found. And he appears to have made 
 no preparation for a journey, but to have started without any store of 
 food. In consequence of direction or prompting given during his rest 
 he went forward to Horeb. No place was so suitable for a divine 
 communication as that which was hallowed by God's appearance unto 
 Moses. The Vulgate rendering seems to imply what has been here 
 said, that the direction for the future journey was a divine communi- 
 cation 'grandis enim tibi restat via.' 
 
 8. in the strength of that meat] As Moses had been forty days on 
 Sinai and had taken no food with him, so now Elijah, who was to be 
 in many ways a counterpart of Moses, is divinely sustained by the food 
 which had been supplied to him while he rested. The fasting of Jesus 
 
200 I. KINGS, XIX. [vv. 9. 10. 
 
 9 And he came thither unto a cave, and lodged there; and 
 behold, the word of the Lord came to him, and he said unto 
 
 10 him, What doest thou here, EHjah? And he said, I have 
 been very jealous for the Lord God of hosts : for the 
 children of Israel have forsaken thy covenant, thrown 
 
 at the time of His temptation lights up these Old Testament histories, 
 which were meant to preach to former ages the lesson which the Lord 
 emphasises, 'Man shall not live by bread alone.' 
 
 forty days and forty tu'g/its] A great deal has been written to shew 
 that the journey from the edge of the wilderness of Paran to Mount 
 Horeb could not have occupied forty days, even of very slow walking. 
 But there is nothing in the verse to make it necessary to suppose that 
 the writer intended such a sense. Elijah was wandering in despondency 
 and seeking to hide himself. The time spent was not what was required 
 for the journey only, but far more in meditation and prayer, and seeking 
 from God a reason why all the toiling and testimony, which the prophet 
 had bestowed, had proved so unproductive. The spiritual conflict of 
 Elijah prefigures the spiritual conflict of Jesus. 
 
 unto Ho7-eb the moiint of God^ So called because, above all other 
 places, it was distinguished through God's manifestations of His power 
 and glory. The LXX. ( V'at.) does not represent 'of God.' 
 
 9 — 18. God's revelation and direction to Elijah. (Not in 
 
 Chronicler. ) 
 ' 9. titito a cave] The Hebrew has the article, and this is represented 
 in the LXX. by t6 airriXaiov ' the cave.' It is very likely that by Elijah's 
 time tradition had fixed on a definite place as that 'cleft of the rock' in 
 which Moses stood (Exod. xxxiii. 22) when Jehovah passed by. If 
 this were so the place would be deemed very sacred, and would be 
 most appropriate to that divine explanation now to be given to Elijah. 
 For to him was to be presented another Theophany. Some have sug- 
 gested, as an explanation of the definite description, that the cave had 
 already become a resort of pilgrims to Horeb, but for this there appears 
 no evidence. 
 
 What doest thou here?] An opportunity is given to Elijah to open 
 his whole heart. The question here must have a different force from 
 that which it bears after the manifestation of God's presence in verse 1 3. 
 Here it must signify ' Why art thou thus cast down?' ' Has thy know- 
 ledge of Jehovah gone no farther than to see Him only in works of 
 vengeance?' 
 
 10. / have been very jealous'] There is no boastfulness in these 
 words. Elijah only opens his grief, and sets forth that he has done 
 his utmost, but that, in spite of all, both king and people are still un- 
 repentant, 
 
 have forsaken thy covenant] For 'thy covenant' the LXX. reads, in 
 this verse but not in 14, 'Thee.' The portion of the covenant here 
 referred to is Exod. xx. 3, 'Thou shalt have none other gods but Me,' 
 So forsaking the covenant is the same as forsaking God, 
 
II, 12.] I. KINGS, XIX. 
 
 down thine altars, and slain thy prophets with the 
 sword; and I, eveti I only, am left; and they seek my 
 life, to take it away. And he said, Go forth, and stand i 
 upon the mount before the Lord. And behold, the Lord 
 passed by, and a great and strong wind rent the mountains, 
 and brake in pieces the rocks before the Lord; but the 
 Lord was not in the wind : and after the wind an earth- 
 quake; but the Lord was not in the earthquake: and after . 
 the earthquake a fire; biit the Lord was not in the fire: and 
 
 th?-o"d}n down thine altars\ Elijah's language here implies that ac- 
 ceptable sacrifices had been offered to God in more places than one. 
 In xviii. 30 the altar of Carmel is called ' the altar of the Lord that 
 was broken down.' And there were probably many similar ones. 
 
 slain thy prophets] The people appear to have assented to such 
 acts of Jezebel and her agents as are mentioned in xviii. 4. Elijah 
 also immediately includes them with Jezebel as seeking his life to take 
 it away. 
 
 / only, am left] Elijah speaks according to his own knowledge. No 
 one had stood with him on Carmel. His words on that occasion (xviii. 
 32) are the same as here. 
 
 Elijah's reply seems to indicate that he saw nothing more which 
 could be done, and for this reason had sought solitude and refuge in 
 flight. 
 
 11. Go forth] The LXX. here adds aOpiov, to-morroiv, and the 
 narrative in Josephus {Ant. Vlli. 13. 7) represents the prophet's going 
 forth as taking place on the day following the divine questioning. But 
 these variations from the text may be, and probably are, due to a desire 
 to assimilate the narrative to Exod. xxxiv. 2, where Mo.ses is told to 'be 
 ready in the morning.' 
 
 stand upon the mount before the Lord] Elijah does not go forth (see 
 verse 13) until he recognises the presence of the Lord in the still small 
 voice. The violence of the wind and the earthquake and the devouring 
 rage of the fire, he was made to feel, were not the proper manifestations 
 of Jehovah, were not those tokens by which He would be known to His 
 people, and consequently he abode still in the cave while they were 
 raging. The Lord had not ) et appeared. 
 
 And behold, the Lord passed by] The participial form of the verb "IDV 
 (literally is passing by) seems to require a modification of the translation. 
 What appears to be meant is 'the Lord is about to pass by and you shall 
 be able at that time to recognise something of His true character, and 
 to gain the instruction which you need from this revelation.' The LXX. 
 gives this sense, iSov napeKeixyeraL Kvpws, ' Behold the Lord will pass by.' 
 In that case these words belong to the preceding clause, and must be 
 connected with the command to go forth, which the prophet obeyed 
 when he found in which manifestation it pleased the Lord to be present. 
 Thus the narrative of what occurred will commence at 'And a great and 
 strong wind, &c,* 
 
I. KINGS, XIX. [vv. 13—15. 
 
 13 after the fire a still small voice. And it was so, when Elijah 
 heard //, that he wrapped his face in his mantle, and went 
 out, and stood in the entering in of the cave. And behold, 
 there came a voice unto him, and said, What doest thou 
 
 14 here, Elijah? And he said, I have been very jealous for 
 the Lord God of hosts : because the children of Israel have 
 forsaken thy covenant, thrown down thine altars, and 
 slain thy prophets with the sword; and I, even I only, 
 
 15 am left; and they seek my life to take it away. And 
 the Lord said unto him, Go, return on thy way to the 
 wilderness of Damascus: and when thou comest, anoint 
 
 12. a still small voice] Literally, as in the margin of R.V. 'a sound 
 of gentle stillness.' There is nothing to indicate to us whether the 
 sound was articulate or not, nor is it said that the Lord was now 
 present, but the action of the prophet shews that he knew the time was 
 come for him to present himself before Jehovah. The Alex. LXX. 
 adds 'and the Lord was there,' but the narrative is much more im- 
 pressive without those words.' For a similar recognition of God's 
 presence cf. Job iv. 16 'there was silence and I heard a voice.' 
 
 13. wrapped his face in his mantle\ The revelation was not one for 
 the eye, but for the spirit, of the prophet. Like Moses 'he was afraid 
 to look upon God' (Exod. iii. 6). 
 
 in the entering in of the cave] The command given before had been 
 'Go forth and stand upon the mount,' but this only applies to such an 
 advance as would bring him out of the cave and into the open air, not 
 to any climbing to the mountain top. 
 
 PVhat dot-st thou here?] This repeated question seeks to know whether 
 the prophet has understood the manifestations that have been made to 
 him, and whether he is able to apply them to his own circumstances. 
 The answer coming in the same words as before seems to declare that 
 Elijah is still ignorant of what is meant. God therefore gives him 
 direct charges which shall make it clear that, though his own success 
 has not been such as he expected, yet God's work is still going for- 
 ward and that new agents are already prepared, in Jehovah's design, 
 for advancing it as He sees best. 
 
 15. Go, return on thy way to the wilderness of Damascus] It seems 
 from what follows that the margin of the R. V. gives the truer sense, 
 viz. 'by the wilderness to Damascus.' Elijah was to go back through 
 the wilderness, the way by which he had come to Horeb, and we see 
 that he came first to Abel-meholah, which was on the west of the 
 Jordan, not far from Bethshean (see note above on iv. 12). Thus he 
 was sent by God's encouragement, and with His protection, through 
 the land of Israel from which he had fled. 
 
 anoint Hazael to be king over Syria] So far as the Scripture record 
 goes we have no notice that Elijah performed this command in its literal 
 sense, Hazael being subsequently informed by Elisha (2 Kings viii. 13) 
 
V. i6.] I. KINGS, XIX. 203 
 
 Hazael to be king over Syria : and Jehu the son of Nimshi 16 
 shalt thou anoint to be king over Israel : and EUsha the son 
 
 that the Lord had made known that he should become king over Israel, 
 though even then he was not anointed. We must interpret the meaning 
 of the command in accordance with the prophet's action, judging that 
 he understood what was intended by the words. The word 'anoint' is 
 used concerning Jehu and Elisha as well as Hazael ; and we know that 
 Elijah did not anoint Elisha, though he could easily have done so, but 
 only made known, by the act of casting his prophetic mantle upon 
 him, that he was called to that office. In the same way then we 
 may understand the rest of the divine order. Elijah was to receive 
 assurance for himself, and to make known that assurance to others, as 
 he found occasion, that God was still ruling Israel both from without 
 and from within, and would call to the throne of Syria one who should 
 execute His judgements upon His rebellious people, and to the throne of 
 Israel one who sliould destroy Baal and his worship out of the land. 
 We shall not err, it seems, if we suppose that the knowledge, which 
 Elisha had (2 Kings viii. 13) when he says 'The Lord hath shewed 
 me that thou shalt be king over Syria, ' was derived from Elijah's 
 communication, as also the instruction which led him, at a future 
 day {2 Kings ix. i, 2), to send one of the sons of the prophets to 
 Ramoth-Gilcad to anoint Jehu. Hence 'anoint' in the text becomes 
 equivalent to 'point them out as the anointed ones.' 
 
 On Hazael's wars at a subsequent time with Israel and Judah, see 
 1 Kings viii. 28, 29. He subsequently invaded the territory of Israel 
 and especially overran the district East of Jordan (2 Kings x. 32, 33), 
 and held Israel in subjection 'all the days of Jehoahaz' (2 Kings xiii. 3, 
 22). Through him, we are told, 'the Lord began to cut Israel short' 
 (2 Kings X. 32), and there are many indications that this king was for 
 Israel, the rod of God's anger, a divinely appointed minister of His 
 judgements. 
 
 For 'anoint' the R. V. reads thou shalt anoint, a change required 
 by the Hebrew which is not an imperative. 
 
 16. And Jehu the son of Nimshi] We learn from the account 
 of Jehu's anointing (2 Kings ix. 2) that Nimshi was Jehu's grandfather. 
 He was 'Jehu the sonof Jehoshaphat the son of Nimshi.' He was one 
 of Ahab's captains, and heard the sentence which Elijah pronounced 
 against Ahab for the murder of Naboth (2 Kings ix. 25, 26). When 
 Jehoram had succeeded Ahab, Jehu was anointed and conspired against 
 him, and slew not only Jehoram but also caused to be slain seventy 
 sons of Ahab, and the brethren of Ahaziah king of Judah, and all the 
 worshippers of Baal. For the history of these doings see 2 Kings x. It 
 is clear that Jehu looked upon himself as God's ordained instrument, 
 and considered his actions as 'zeal for the Lord.' We may therefore 
 conclude that there had been made known to him something of the 
 message which the Lord here gives to Elijah, and that inspired by it, 
 he rose against the house of Ahab. For details of Jehu's history, see 
 notes on 2 Kings ix, x. 
 
204 I. KINGS, XIX. [vv. 17, 1 8. 
 
 of Shaphat of Abel-meholah shalt thou anoint to be prophet 
 
 17 in thy room. And it shall come to pass, that him that 
 escapeth the sword of Hazael shall Jehu slay: and him that 
 
 18 escapeth from the sword of Jehu shall Elisha slay. Yet I 
 have left vie seven thousand in Israel, all the knees 
 
 of Abel-meholah'] See above on iv. 12. These words are omitted by 
 the LXX. For the history of Elisha see 1 Kings chapp. ii — xiii. At 
 the time of his call Elisha was probably a young man. His father and 
 mother were still alive, and he was living with them. 
 
 prophet in thy room] These words would teach Elijah that he was 
 not to expect the accomplishment of all God's purpose during his 
 own lifetime, but only to prepare a representative to be ready when 
 it was God's will to call him away. Till Elijah is about to be taken up 
 into heaven (2 Kings ii.) we read no more of Elisha than is told us in 
 this chapter. He ministered unto Elijah and was ready to attend him 
 on his last journey, and in those days of his ministration he doubtless 
 received all the teaching which God had given to his master, and was 
 made to see how the hand of God was ever working amidst His people. 
 
 17. shall Elisha slay'\ Here we come upon evidence that the 
 language of these verses (15 — 18) is not to be pressed into a literal 
 interpretation. In the second book of Kings the compiler gives us all 
 that he thought needful of the life of Elisha, and there is nothing in it 
 which accords with a literal acceptance of this verse. We read of none 
 that were slain by the hand of Elijah's successor. But his voice and his 
 labours for the overthrow of false worship, and for making known, both 
 to Israel and to the nations round about, that there was ' no God in all 
 the earth but in Israel' (2 Kings vi. 15) were constant, and by this 
 'sword of his mouth' he overthrew the foes of Jehovah. In this 
 sense he fulfilled the declaration in the text, his work coming in and 
 being effectual in places and ways where Hazael and Jehu wrought no 
 deliverance. 
 
 18. Yet I have left me] R. V. (and margin of A. V.) Yet wiU I 
 leave me. And this is not only required by the Hebrew words, but for 
 a true conception of the sense of the passage. Elijah had been witness 
 of God's might and power to execute judgement, in the wind, the earth- 
 quake, and the fire, and subsequently of the true presence of God in the 
 still small voice which spake of mercy. He is now sent to make known 
 who the ordained ministers of vengeance shall be, Hazael and Jehu being 
 the embodiment of what was portrayed in the elemental fury which had 
 passed before him. But after all came the voice which bare witness of 
 Jehovah's presence, and this Elijah is now told shall be made known 
 hereafter in the multitude of those who, after all tjrials, shall still remain 
 faithful. The LXX. renders 'and thou shalt leave in Israel, &c.' 
 
 seven thousand in Israel] Used for an indefinite number. On this 
 use of 'seven' of. above xviii. 43. Also Prov. xxiv. 16; Matth. 
 xviii. 21, 22. The total was small compared with the whole people of 
 Israel, but they were God's 'holy remnant,' the seed of a purified 
 congregation of the future. 
 
vv. 19, 20.] I. KINGS, XIX. 205 
 
 which have not bowed unto Baal, and every mouth 
 which hath not kissed him. 
 
 So he departed thence, and found Elisha the son of 19 
 Shaphat, who 7iias plowing with twelve yoke of oxen before 
 him, and he with the twelfth: and Elijah passed by him, 
 and cast his mantle upon him. And he left the oxen, and 20 
 ran after Elijah, and said, Let me, I pray thee, kiss my 
 father and my mother, and then I will follow thee. And he 
 said unto him. Go back again : for what have I done to thee? 
 
 /lafk not kissed him\ That such M'as the nature of some part of 
 the worship offered to false gods we can see from Hos. xiii. 2, 'Let 
 the men that sacrifice kiss the calves.' Probably the Latin adoi-o is 
 etymologically connected with this. For kissing as an act of religious 
 homage, see also Ps. ii. 12. 
 
 19 — 21. The call of Elisha. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 19. So he departed thence\ Josephus says, what the visit to Abel- 
 meholah shews, that Elijah returned into the land of the Hebrews. He 
 was instructed, comforted, and assured of safety. God, who had as- 
 signed him work to do, and given him hope therein, would not allow 
 him to fall into the hands of his enemies. 
 
 plowing with tivclve yoke of oxen before hint] He had servants with 
 him to manage all the yokes but one, and to these people it was that 
 he afterwards made a farewell feast. It is clear from the description 
 that Elisha was the son of a wealthy father, and that the leaving all 
 to follow Elijah was a trial to test the character of the future prophet. 
 
 Elijah passed by hi/n^ The Hebrew requires the rendering of the 
 R.V. passed over unto him. Elijah left the road and crossed into the 
 field where Elisha and his companions were plowing. 
 
 and cast his mantle upon hii)i\ The prophetic mantle was probably 
 of a special character. In Zech. xiii. 4 we are told that the prophets 
 'shall not wear a rough garment (R.V. a hairy mantle) to deceive,' 
 and the whole description of Elijah (2 Kings i. 8) and the New Testa- 
 ment explanation thereof in the description of John the Baptist, bears 
 out the idea that he wore such a mantle. ~-It was this mantle which 
 Elisha took up after the departure of Elijah into heaven, and the 
 possession thereof, and the employment of it to divide the waters of 
 the Jordan, caused the sons of the prophets to exclaim 'The spirit of 
 Elijah doth rest on Elisha' (2 Kings ii. 15). To cast such a robe upon 
 the shoulders of Elisha was to claim him, by a symbolical act, as one of 
 the members of the prophetic band. This Elisha felt and acted on. 
 
 20. kiss tny father and my mother^ He was sensible that the separa- 
 tion was to be permanent, and that a higher call than that of earthly 
 parentage was laid upon him. This is the ground for his petition. 
 Thus will he make known to his parents the reason of his departure. 
 
 Go back again: for what have I done to thee?] Elijah grants his 
 
2o6 I. KINGS, XIX. [v. 21. 
 
 SI And he returned back from him, and took a yoke of oxen, 
 and slew them, and boiled their flesh with the instruments 
 of the oxen, and gave unto the people, and they did eat. 
 Then he arose, and went after Elijah, and ministered unto 
 him. 
 
 request, but accompanies the permission with words which must remind 
 Ehsha that he cannot now stay amid his home duties, ' Go back 
 again,' he says, 'but let it be only for the filial leave-taking, for what 
 have I done to thee? Have I not chosen thee to be my companion and 
 helper ? Is not God's voice calling thee, through me, to do Him 
 service?' 
 
 21. And he returned back from [R. V. from following] ///;«] Elisha 
 clearly understood the permission which was given to him. He is 
 allowed a short space for leave-taking, but the call is imperative, and 
 he is to follow with all speed. Elijah goes his way, but leaves Elisha 
 in no doubt whither he is going, and where he may be found. 
 
 and took a [R.V. the] yoke of oxen] The language in the original 
 is definite, and no doubt refers to the particular pair of oxen which 
 Elisha had himself been using. 
 
 and dotted their flesh] Thus he made a farewell feast to those with 
 whom he had been working. Having a true conception of the great 
 duty to which he was called, he would have them rejoice, and not 
 sorrow, at his departure. 
 
 and gave unto the people] i.e. The plowmen, and other helpers in 
 the work which they had been doing. There is nothing to guide us 
 in deciding whether the feast was made at the place where the call 
 was received, or whether it was a meal given in the home to which 
 Elisha went to bid adieu to his parents. It seems however more natural 
 to understand it of the latter. At such a parting meal the parents of him 
 who was going away were hardly likely to be absent. 
 
 Because the word rendered 'slew' in this verse, is very frequently 
 translated 'sacrificed' some have thought that the ceremony here 
 described was a religious one. But there is no mention of an altar, 
 which would have been necessary, nor of the devotion of any part of 
 the slain beasts as an offering. The guests were invited to a family 
 feast, after the patriarchal fashion, and joined in the festivities attendant 
 on such an occasion. The parents of Elisha were perhaps likeminded 
 with himself and felt the grandeur of the office to which he was called. 
 In that case the feeling of joyous thankfulness would be the most 
 prevalent. 
 
 weftt after Elijah, and ministered nnto him] Josephus adds to the 
 narrative, that 'Elisha immediately began to prophesy.' In the Scrip- 
 ture story he is not mentioned again till the departure of Elijah into 
 heaven is close at hand (2 Kings ii. i). But we cannot doubt that he 
 was the companion of Elijah from that day forward, and we are shewn 
 something of the nature of the attendance and ministration here alluded 
 to in 2 Kings iii. 11, where we read of Elisha as he 'which poured 
 water on the hands of Elijah.' The members of the prophetic school 
 
vv. 1—4.] I. KINGS, XX. 207 
 
 And Ben-hadad the king of Syria gathered all his host 20 
 together: and there were thirty and two kings with him, and 
 horses, and chariots : and he went up and besieged Samaria, 
 and warred against it. And he sent messengers to Ahab 2 
 king of Israel into the city, and said unto him, Thus saith 
 Ben-hadad, Thy silver and thy gold is mine ; thy wives also 3 
 and thy children, eirni the goodliest, are mine. And the 4 
 
 seem to have lived after the fashion of ' Brethren of the common life,' 
 and the less prominent members did service of every kind for those who 
 were at the head. 
 
 Ch. XX. 1 — 12. Ben-hadad king of Syria besieges Samaria. 
 His messages to Ahab. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 1. In the LXX. Chapters xx. and xxi. are transposed, apparently 
 with a view of bringing the history in which Elijah plays a part into 
 closer connexion. Josephus also adopts the same order of events in his 
 history. See Ant. viii. 13. 8 and viii. 14. i. 
 
 Ben-hadad the king of Syria] See above on xv. 18. The LXX. 
 always translates the first syllable of this name, writing vios "Adep. 
 There is nothing to help us to conclude with certainty whether the 
 Ben-hadad of this verse was the same who made a treaty with Asa king 
 of Judah against Baasha king of Israel. Between the death of Baasha 
 and the beginning of Ahab's reign was only about 14 years, so that it 
 is not impossible that he may be the same Ben-hadad mentioned before, 
 but perhaps the probability is in favour of his being a son or grandson 
 with the same name. 
 
 gathered all his host together'] The LXX. adds here 'and went up and 
 besieged Samaria,' and repeats nearly the same words in the next verse. 
 
 thirty and two kings with him] These would be princes from the 
 different provinces of Aram (Syria) over whom Ben-hadad at Damascus 
 would be lord superior. They would probably include princes from 
 among the Hitlites and Hamathites, who dwelt near at hand and who 
 would be in alliance or perhaps tributaries. 
 
 and horses] The LXX. gives Tras I'ttttos 'all his cavalry.' 
 
 besieged Samaria] Josephus says that Ahab did not feel equal to 
 meeting his powerful adversaiy in the field and so shut up himself, and 
 all that he could collect, in the strongest fortresses in the land, himself 
 continuing in Samaria as the best defended. 
 
 and warred (R. V. fought) against it] The change of rendering is 
 made because the verb is nearly always translated 'fight' elsewhere. 
 It is so rendered in verses 23 and 25 of this chapter. 
 
 2. he sent messengers] Sending first, no doubt, as Josephus explains, 
 a herald to ask that his ambassadors might be received to explain his 
 demands. 
 
 3. even the goodliest] These words are omitted in the LXX. The 
 claim laid to the wives and children would in Oriental eyes amount to a 
 deposition of the monarch, or a deprivation of his royal power. It was 
 
2o8 I. KINGS, XX. [vv. 5—7. 
 
 king of Israel answered and said, My lord, U king, accord- 
 
 5 ing to thy saying, I am thine, and all that I have. And the 
 messengers came again, and said, Thus speaketh Ben-hadad, 
 saying, Although I have sent unto thee, saying, Thou shalt 
 deliver me thy silver, and thy gold, and thy wives, and thy 
 
 6 children ; yet I will send my servants unto thee to-morrow 
 about this time, and they shall search thine house, and the 
 houses of thy servants; and it shall be, that whatsoever is 
 pleasant in thine eyes, they shall put // in their hand, and 
 
 7 take // away. Then the king of Israel called all the elders 
 of the land, and said, Mark, I pray you, and see how this 
 man seeketh mischief: for he sent unto me for my wives, 
 and for my children, and for my silver, and for my gold; 
 
 one of the first acts of a conqueror to seize the wives of the vanquished 
 opponent. Ahab's fear of going forth would encourage Ben-hadad to 
 treat him thus, just as his submissive answer at first only led to larger 
 demands on the part of the besieger. 
 
 4. according to thy saying\ The R. V. inserts It is before these 
 words and thus brings out the division of the verse as marked in the 
 Hebrew. The order of words in the original is 'It is according to thy 
 saying, my lord, O king.' 
 
 5. Although I have sent unto thee] The R. V. translates I sent in- 
 deed tiuto thee, and begins the 6th verse with But instead q^ yet. This 
 brings out the arrogancy of Ben-hadad more fully. It is as though he 
 said 'You submitted to my first demand, but in spite of that I am not 
 satisfied.' Now not only Ahab's houses and treasures are threatened 
 but those of all his subjects. Hence the summoning of a council to 
 discuss the position. 
 
 6. to-morrow about this time'] The imperious victor (as he thought 
 himself) would suffer no delay. His orders were to be carried out 
 at once. 
 
 7. called all the elders of the land] It was more than a gathering 
 of the chief men of the city. Probably at such a crisis many of the 
 principal persons who dwelt at other times away from the fortified cities 
 would have gathered in Samaria for safety. It was with all these that 
 Ahab conferred. Josephus represents the king as gathering to irXrjdos, 
 'the bulk of the people.' This can hardly have been thought necessary, 
 nor is it at all after the manner of Eastern monarchs. The treasures 
 which were now threatened would be the possessions of the principal 
 men, and to them the king would appeal for advice. It is however 
 mentioned in verse 8 that all the people agreed to the decision that 
 Ben-hadad's demand should be rejected. Ahab's sentence is left uncon- 
 cluded, but the conclusion suggests itself without being spoken. It 
 would have run somewhat thus, "But now he threatens to seize your 
 treasures as well as mine, tell me what answer I shall send to him." 
 
vv. 8~i2.] I. KINGS, XX. 209 
 
 and I denied him not. And all the elders and all the 8 
 people said unto him, Hearken not unto him, nor consent. 
 Wherefore he said unto the messengers of Ben-hadad, Tell 9 
 my lord the king. All that thou didst send for to thy servant 
 at the first I will do: but this thing 1 may not do. And the 
 messengers departed, and brought him word again. And 10 
 Ben-hadad sent unto him, and said, The gods do so unto 
 me, and more also, if the dust of Samaria shall suffice for 
 handfuls for all the people that follow me. And the king n 
 of Israel answered and said. Tell htm, Let not him that 
 girdeth on his harness boast himself as he that putteth it 
 off. And it came to pass, when Ben-hadad heard this la 
 message, as he was drinking, he and the kings in the pavi- 
 
 8. Hearken not unto him, nor consent] The R. V. omits the need- 
 less itahcs and reads neither instead of nor. The shorter the form of 
 such a decision the better and more natural. 
 
 9. Te/t ?)iy lord the king] Tlie LXX. says 'your lord'. The Hebrew 
 accords better with the generally submissive conduct of Ahab through- 
 out the whole narrative. The picture of the power of the Israelitish 
 king is not very magnificent. Even in this final answer he speaks of 
 himself as Ben-hadad's 'servant'. 
 
 10. if the dust of Samaria shall suffice for handfuls for all the people 
 that follozv me] i.e. I will bring such a host that if each man were but 
 to take with him a handful of earth, Samaria would be all carried away. 
 The boastful tone is quite of a piece with all Ben-hadad's previous 
 conduct. . . 
 
 The LXX. has read D^UK' instead of 0''?^^' and so instead of 
 'handfuls' it gives raZs dXtiTre^t = ' for the foxes (or jackals).' Josephus 
 explains Ben-hadad's threat to have meant, that the Syrian army.bringing 
 each man his handful of earth, would make a mound against Samaria 
 higher than the present walls. Thus contemptuously hinting at the 
 ease with which he could overthrow the Israelitish fortifications. The 
 original text is incapable of such a sense. 
 
 n. Tell him, &c.] For this the LXX. gives "Let it suffice: let 
 not the crooked boast himself as the straight." The latter portion is 
 an attempt (but not very successful) to supply the place of one proverbial 
 saying by another. We convey somewhat of a like sense by ' Praise not 
 the day till the evening.' 
 
 For the somewhat antiquated 'harness' the R.V. substitutes armour. 
 
 12. as he was drinking] Ben-hadad was clearly full of confidence, 
 and was giving a banquet to the allied princes in anticipation of the 
 victory. 
 
 he and the kings] i.e. The thirty and two, mentioned in ver. i. 
 
 in the pavilions] The word is the same which is used for the 
 temporary booths erected of branches of trees at the feast of Taber- 
 nacles. Doubtless the tents of Ben-hadad and his princes were of 
 
 I. KINGS 14 
 
2IO I. KINGS, XX. [vv. 13, 14. 
 
 lions, that he said unto his servants, Set yourselves in array. 
 
 And they set i/iet/iidlves in array against the city. 
 13 And behold, there came a prophet unto Ahab king of 
 
 Israel, saying. Thus saith the Lord, Hast thou seen all this 
 
 great multitude? behold, I will deliver it into thine hand 
 t4 t/iis day; and thou shalt know that I a7n the Lord. And 
 
 Ahab said, By whom? And he said, Thus saith the Lord, 
 
 £vcn by the young men of the princes of the provinces. 
 
 Then he said, Who shall order the battle? And he an- 
 
 the like kind, for the erection of which material was not difficult to 
 find. 
 
 Set yourselves in array] As there is only the verb expressed here, 
 it is possible to substitute as is done in the margin 'the engines' instead 
 of the text. The word is used elsewhere with a noun 'battering-rams' 
 after it (Ezek. iv. 2), but there is nothing in this passage to shew us 
 whether the persons or the engines are referred to. Such elliptical 
 phrases are common among words of command. 
 
 Ihe LXX. has rendered 'Build a stockade, and they set a stockade 
 against the city.' 
 
 13—21. God by a prophet promises the victory to Ahab. The 
 Syrians are defeated. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 13. ihej-e came a prophef] The Hebrew verb is not the common 
 word for 'to come.' The R.V. has therefore translated it here, and 
 in verses 12 and 28, by came near, as it is very frequently translated 
 elsewhere in the A.V. 
 
 This prophet must have been one of those who were saved at the 
 time of Jezebel's attempt to destroy them all. Obadiah had saved a 
 hundred, and no doubt others also escaped. When Elijah complained 
 *I, even I only, am left,' the reason was that, through the persecution, 
 a stop had been put to all prophetic activity. In the present strait we 
 need not doubt that any messenger of good tidings would be welcome. 
 So that there is nothing strange about the prophet's visit. The national 
 thoughts were occupied on other things than the slaughter of Jehovah's 
 prophets. 
 
 14. the young men of the princes of the provinces] The LXX. gives 
 viol tQv riyeixovwv, 'sons of the leaders', and Josephus nearly the same. 
 'The princes of the provinces' were probably chieftains who had come 
 from various parts of the kingdom of Israel. The 'young men' would 
 be their attendants or squires. Evidently they are selected as persons 
 who had no great experience though they might have the courage to go, 
 few in number, against a much superior force. 
 
 Who shall order the battle\ The verb, as is seen from the margin of 
 A.V., means 'to bind' or 'tie'. The R.V. taking this to apply to the 
 bringing of the armies together has rendered begin. Instead of remain- 
 ing within the walls, God encourages Ahab to be the first to strike ,1 
 
vv. IS— 18.] I. KINGS, XX. 211 
 
 swered, Thou. Then he numbered the young men of the is 
 princes of the provinces, and they were two hundred and 
 thirty two : and after them he numbered all the people, eiien 
 all the children of Israel, bd?ig seven thousand. And they t6 
 went out at noon. But Ben-hadad was drinking himself 
 drunk in the paviHons, he and the kings, the thirty and two 
 kings that helped him. And the young men of the princes 17 
 of the provinces went out first; and Ben-hadad sent out, and 
 they told him, saying. There are men come out of Samaria. 
 And he said. Whether they be come out for peace, take 18 
 them alive; or whether they be come out for war, take them 
 
 blow. Humanly speaking, even, such a step was likely to meet with 
 some success. Josephus says Ahab was to lead because of the in- 
 experience of the young men. 
 
 15. Thcti he numbered [R.V. mustered] the young men] The verb 
 occurs several times in this chapter, and is always rendered 'numbered' 
 (see w. 26, 27 and the two instances in this verse), as indeed it is in 
 nearly all cases in A.V. But looking at verse 27, in comparison with 
 this verse, 'to number' can hardly be correct, for then the operation 
 would have been performed twice over, manifestly a needless pro- 
 ceeding. The verb literally signifies 'to visit', hence 'to hold a visita- 
 tion, or gathering,' and so 'to muster' appears to represent the sense 
 here very well. See also the note on verse 25 below. 
 
 even all the children of Israel] The LXX. omits these words. The 
 smallness of the number mentioned (7000) is very remarkable. Josephus 
 only speaks of them as the rest of the army. There were no doubt 
 many more men of war in Israel, but if the number in the text be correct, 
 it must be that Ahab had not been able to bring many soldiers together 
 in the city by reason of the suddenness of the attack, or because so 
 many other persons from the country had crowded into the safest places, 
 and thus there was no room for more. 
 
 16. they went out at noon] They had probably learnt that the royal 
 banquet was in progress, and the moment would appear a favourable 
 one. When the leaders were giving themselves up to self-indulgence 
 the army would not be well-prepared for action. The words which 
 follow shew that the revelry in the camp of the Syrians had been 
 carried to a perilous length. 
 
 17. and Ben-hadad sent out] Even in his drunken revelry he is 
 made aware that something unexpected is taking place, and he sends to 
 know exactly what it is. The LXX. says 'they send and announce to 
 the king of Syria', but this is hardly what would take place. When 
 the messengers come back they tell the king that the besieged have 
 taken a new course: 'There are men come out of (R.V. from) Samaria;' 
 'They are not going to wait for our attack, but either come to attack 
 us, or to make proposals for peace '. 
 
 18. take them alive] Whatever their mission might be Ben-hadad 
 
 14 — 2 
 
212 I. KINGS, XX. [vv. 19-22. 
 
 19 alive. So these young men of the princes of the provinces 
 came out of the city, and the army which followed them. 
 
 20 And they slew every one his man : and the Syrians tied; and 
 Israel pursued them : and Ben-hadad the king of Syria 
 
 21 escaped on a horse with the horsemen. And the king of 
 Israel went out, and smote the horses and chariots, and 
 slew the Syrians with a great slaughter. 
 
 2J And the prophet came to the king of Israel, and said 
 unto him, Go, strengthen thyself, and mark, and see what 
 thou docst : for at the return of the year the king of Syria 
 
 had no doubt that his followers could surround them and capture them 
 without fighting. They could have no difficulty in overpowering so 
 insignificant a force. Why he wished for the capture rather than the 
 slaughter of the Israelites is not so evident. It might be only with a 
 view of making it clear that there was no need to cut off any troops sent 
 against them ; by mere force of numbers they could overpower them 
 and make them prisoners. 
 
 19. So these young men, &c.] The R.V. keeps the order of the 
 original and renders So these went out of the city, the young men, &c. 
 The LXX. has made this clause part of Ben-hadad's order: 'And let not 
 the young men &c. go forth'. 
 
 and the army which followed them"] That is, the 7000 mentioned 
 above in verse 15. Apparently the battle was to be commenced by 
 the young men, and the other troops were to come on and increase 
 the alarm caused by the unexpected attack. 
 
 20. on a horse 7vith the horsemen^ The distinction usually drawn 
 between the two Hebrew nouns in this expression is that the first word 
 describes a chariot horse, the second a horse for riding. If this be so 
 (and there seems good ground for the distinction) the king of Syria fled 
 away in such haste that he did not get a proper riding-horse for himself, 
 but took a carriage-horse and on that made his escape among the 
 mounted troops. 
 
 21. And the king of Israel ivent out] Ahab's part appears to have 
 been a small one. He seems to have given directions to the young 
 men, and to those that followed them, but himself to have tarried in 
 Samaria, until the rout was seen to have begun. 
 
 22—34. The Syrians prepare another army, and are again 
 
 DEFEATED. AHAB MAKES A COVENANT WITH BeN-HADAD. 
 
 (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 22. the prophet came to the king\ R.V. came near as in vv. 13 and 
 28. See on 13. 
 
 mark, and see\ i.e. Take every possible precaution. Look out for 
 what is best to be done. 
 
 at the return of the yeat^ i.e. When the fitting season for taking the 
 field has again come round. Cf 2 Sam. xi. i, 'after the year was 
 expired, at the time when kings go forth to battle'. 
 
W. 23—27.] 1. KINGS, XX. 213 
 
 will come up against thee. And the servants of the king of 23 
 Syria said unto him, Their gods are gods of the hills; there- 
 fore they were stronger than we; but let us fight against 
 them in the plain, and surely we shall be stronger than they. 
 And do this thing, Take the kings away, every man out of 24 
 his place, and put captains in their rooms: and number thee 25 
 an army, like the army that thou hast lost, horse for horse, 
 and chariot for chariot: and we will fight against them in the 
 plain, and surely we shall be stronger than they. And he 
 hearkened unto their voice, and did so. And it came to 26 
 pass at the return of the year, that Ben-hadad numbered the 
 Syrians, and went up to Aphek, to fight against Israel. 
 And the children of Israel were numbered, and were all 27 
 
 23. their gods axe gods'] R.V. tlieir god is a god. The LXX. also 
 renders by the singular. The Syrians would speak of the God of Israel 
 as a national divinity, just as they would of their own god. The former 
 battle had been fought in the hill country round about Samaria, and this 
 may have given encouragement to the idea that in a level plain, like that 
 in which their own Damascus lay, the Syrian forces would meet with 
 more success. It was not unnatural, in the heathen ideas about the 
 gods, that they should consider each dixinity specially able, and suited, 
 to protect the land over which he was supposed to have the charge. 
 
 24. Ta/cc the kings away] That is, the thirty and two, whose at- 
 tendance on the court, and the wassail consequent on their presence, 
 had done much harm to the expedition. We need not suppose lliat 
 these kings were to be deprived of their power and deposed, though 
 the text would bear that interpretation, but only that ihey were no 
 longer to take part in the war. Their places were to be supplied by 
 those who had made war their trade, and who would give their atten- 
 tion to the battle and not to revelry. 
 
 25. attd number thee an ar»i}'] Here we have a different verb from 
 that in 15 and in 26, 27. Here the operation is one of numbering, 
 making the force tally exactly in each arm with that which had been 
 gathered in the previous year. The rendering of this verb by 'number' 
 is an additional reason for charging 'number' to muster in the other 
 places. 
 
 26. monbered] R.V. mustered, and so in the next verse. See 
 above on verse 15. 
 
 tip to Aphek] There were several places of this name. One was at 
 the foot of Lebanon, in the tribe of Asher (see Josh. xiii. 4, xix. 30). 
 Another was in the hill country on the east of the sea of Galilee. But 
 as Ben-hadad's policy was to fight in the plain, the Aphek here intended 
 must be the city of that name which lay in the plain of Jezreel. On 
 the fitness of this place for a large encampment cf. i Sam. xxix. i. 
 
 27. were all present] The R. V. has adopted the marginal rendering 
 of A.V. were victualled. This is the rendering of the Vulg. cibaria 
 
214 I. KINGS, XX. [vv. 28—30. 
 
 present, and went against them : and the children of Israel 
 pitched before them like two little flocks of kids; but the 
 
 28 Syrians lilled the country. And there came a man of God, 
 and sjjake unto the king of Israel, and said, Thus saith the 
 Lord, Because the Syrians have said, The Lord is God of 
 the hilJs, but he is not God of the valleys, therefore will I 
 deliver all this great multitude into thine hand, and ye shall 
 
 29 know that I am the Lord. And they pitched one over 
 against the other seven days. And so it was, that in the 
 seventh day the battle was joined: and the children of Israel 
 slew ^the Syrians an hundred thousand footmen in one day. 
 
 30 But the rest fled to Aphek, into the city; and there a wall 
 
 cxceperunt. The passive form of the verb occurs only here, but the 
 active 'to supply with victuals' is found. Gen. xlv. ri, 1. 21 and in 
 several other places. 
 
 and the children of Israel pitched [R. V. encamped] before thci>i] The 
 R. V. is a very frequent translation of this word, and seems best when 
 there is no object after the verb. When 'their tents' or some such 
 expression is supplied, then 'pitch' is the more appropriate. The 
 R. V. makes the same change in verse 29. 
 
 two Utile flocks] The rendering 'little flocks' is from the Vulg. 'duo 
 parvi greges'. The LXX. has 5vo irol/jLvia. The Hebrew word does 
 not occur elsewhere. 
 
 The Israelite army had adopted a division into two parts, perhaps from 
 the arrangement which had been so successful in the previous attack. 
 
 28. And there came a ??tan of God] R. V. And a man of God came 
 near. See on verse 1 3 above. 
 
 This was probably a different person from the prophet of verses 13 
 and 22. 
 
 a7td said] This is the same word in the original with that rendered 
 *and spake' just a few words before. It seems probable, as the verse 
 makes equally good sense without it, that its repetition is due to an 
 error of the scribe. Some versions do not represent it. 
 
 the Lord is God] R. V. a god, tvvice in this verse, thus bringing it 
 into accord with the alteration in 23. 
 
 29. smen days] Perhaps there was some religious idea on the part 
 of the Israelites connected with this time of waiting before they began 
 the battle. After the promise of the man of God, the conflict would 
 have a religious sanction and be entered on with confidence. 
 
 an hundred thojisand footmeii] The number is very large, but Josephus 
 gives the same. If it be correct, the slaughter can hardly have been 
 effected in any other way but by a panic in which these troops cut and 
 trampled down one another. 
 
 30. and there a [R. V. and the] 7vall fell upon twenty and sroen 
 thousand of the [R.V. omits of the] men] The noun is definite in the 
 original, and must refer to the city wall of Aphek. The narrative gives 
 
vv. 31—33.] I. KINGS, XX. 215 
 
 fell upon twenty and seven thousand of the men that were 
 left. And Ben-hadad fled, and came into the city, into an 
 inner chamber. And his servants said unto him, Behold 3t 
 now, we have heard that the kings of the house of Israel are 
 merciful kings: let us, I pray thee, put sackcloth on our 
 loins, and ropes upon our heads, and go out to the king of 
 Israel: peradventure he will save thy life. So they girded 32 
 sackcloth on their loins, and put ropes on their heads, and 
 came to the king of Israel, and said, Thy servant Ben-hadad 
 saith, I pray thee, let me live. And he said, Is he yet alive? 
 he is my brother. Now the men did diligently observe 33 
 
 no clue to the cause of the disaster. But the divuie promise of victory 
 seems to warrant us in concluding that it was by divine interposition, 
 through an eartliquake it may be, that a destruction so tremendous was 
 wrought among the enemy. The small number of Israel could not 
 have availed even for the slaughter of those who fell in the battle. 
 
 And Ben-hadad flcd\ He was probal)ly on or near the walls when 
 the great disaster occurred, and in terror gat him to the more central 
 parts of the city. 
 
 into an inner chamber] Literally, 'a chamber within a chamber'. 
 The I.XX. has et'j rbv oIkov toO koitwvos els to Ta/uLKiov, 'into the bed- 
 chamber, even into the innermost room'. Josephus says 'an under- 
 ground room'. What is meant is no doubt some room as far removed 
 from the entrance as possible, so that he might be hidden for a good 
 while at all events, and perhaps remain altogether undiscovered. 
 
 31. let us, /[R.V. we] pj-aj' thee] The change is made because the 
 sentence is in other parts in the plural. The Hebrew XJ is a mere 
 particle employed to give emphasis to forms of entreaty, and has 
 nothing that indicates whether one or more persons are speakers. 
 
 sackcloth on our loins] The garment of humiliation and mourning. 
 Cp. Gen. xxxvii. 34; 1 Sam. iii. 31; 1 Kings vi. 30; Is. xxxvii. i, 1. 
 
 ropes upon our heads] Probably meaning with ropes around the 
 neck. No token of submission could be more expressive than this to 
 indicate that Ahab might hang them if he pleased. 
 
 peradventure he will save thy life] A touch of Oriental character, 
 which is destroyed by the LXX., which has 'our lives'. The Eastern 
 courtier, even at such a time, would speak of his master's life and not 
 his own. If the former were spared, the latter would be spared also, 
 as a matter of course. 
 
 32. Is he yet alive? he is my brother] Ahab could not know whether 
 Ben-hadad had perished under the falling wall, but as soon as he hears 
 that he is safe, his sympathy is stirred for one of his own rank, and he 
 uses the kingly form of address in speaking of him 'my brother'. Cf. 
 above on ix. 13. 
 
 33. the men did diligently observe whether any thing would come 
 from him, and did hastily catch it] R. V. the men observed diligently 
 
2i6 1. KINGS, XX. [v. 34. 
 
 whether any thing would come from him, and did hastily 
 catch it: and they said, Thy brother Ben-hadad. Then 
 he said, Go ye, bring him. Then Ben-hadad came forth to 
 34 him; and he caused him to come up into the chariot. And 
 Ben-hadad said unto him. The cities, which my father took 
 from thy father, I will restore; and thou shalt make streets 
 for thee in Damascus, as my father made in Samaria. 1 hen 
 said Ahab, I will send thee away with this covenant. So he 
 made a covenant with him, and sent him away. 
 
 and hasted to catch whether it were his mind. There are several 
 difficuUics in this verse. The italics of A. V. being omitted, we have 
 an expression meaning 'whetlier from him'. This the R. V. takes as 
 Svhelher it were his mind", his true intention, to regard Ben-hadad in 
 this friendly way. The first verb is used several times of divination by 
 augury (cf. 2 Kings xvii. 17, xxi. 6). Hence the sense of 'diligent 
 observation' (see Gen. xliv. 5, marg. A.V.). Some have taken the 
 word as implying a favourable omen, and so rendered 'they took it 
 as a good sign'. But this further meaning is no necessary part of the 
 sense. The other verb rendered 'to catch' is only found here, and has 
 nothing in Hebrew, or even in the cognate languages, to explain it. 
 The traditional Jewish explanation is 'they hasted to get him to say 
 clearly'. The LXX. and the Vulg. give the sense of 'to catch'; the 
 former translating by aviXi^avTo, the latter by 'rapuerunt'. Josephus 
 represents the messengers as taking a pledge (opKovs XajSwres) from 
 Ahab that there should be no harm done to their master. The R. V. 
 seems to have improved a little upon the A. V., and the following words 
 'Thy brother Ben-hadad' shew on what point the Syrians were anxious 
 for confirmation. 
 
 into the chariot'] The war chariot in which Ahab had come forth to 
 the battle. For the whole proceeding appears to have taken place im- 
 mediately after the Syrian overthrow. 
 
 34. This verse is very singular from the omission of the names of 
 both the speakers. It is clear enough from the sense, to whom each 
 clause must be assigned, but the omissions are so unusual that one can 
 hardly help suspecting some error in the text. The LXX. joins the 
 two clauses as though they were spoken by the same person. 
 
 make streets for thee in Damasais] This must signify that a portion 
 of Damascus should be set apart as belonging to Israel, and that 
 dwellings might be erected there for the use of such Israelites as should 
 have need to go thither. That such a privileged quarter in a foreign 
 city might be of great use for purposes of commerce we can readily 
 imagine, and more so in those days and lands of caravans than in the 
 western world. Probably ' Lombard Street ' in London was originally 
 a privileged part of the city, where the wealthy Lombard merchants 
 established themselves. 
 
 Then, said Ahab, / will send thee away\ R. V., And I, said Ahab, 
 Will let thee go. The verb is rendered 'to let go' in the application 
 
vv. 35—37-] 1. KINGS, XX. 217 
 
 And a certain man of the sons of the prophets said unto 35 
 his neighbour in the word of the Lord, Smite me, I pray 
 thee. And the man refused to smite him. Then said he 36 
 unto him, Because thou hast not obeyed the voice of the 
 Lord, behold, as soon as thou art departed from me, a lion 
 shall slay thee. And as soon as he was departed from him, 
 a lion found him, and slew him. Then he found another 37 
 
 made by the son of the prophets in verse 42. It is better therefore to 
 translate it in the same way here, and in the following clause of this 
 verse 'and let Mm go'. 
 
 -with this covenant^ The agreement, namely, for the restoration of 
 the taken cities, and for the privilege of occupying part of Damascus 
 with houses for Israelites. The language sets before us the easy 
 way in which Ahab allowed the advantages of the victory to slip from 
 his grasp. It seems too that Ben-hadad did not fulfil all his part of the 
 covenant (see xxii. 3), and this may have been in consequence of the 
 behaviour of Ahab, which would make the compact appear of little 
 moment. 
 
 35—43. A PROPHETIC MESSAGE REBUKING AhAB BECAUSE HE HAD 
 
 LET Ben-hadai) go. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 35. a certain man of the sons of the prophets'] It is clear from what 
 follows in the history (2 Kings ii.) about the taking of Elijah into 
 heaven, that in spite of Jezebel's persecution, the prophets and their 
 schools were not put down, but still flourished in various places. 
 Josephus represents this 'son of the prophets' as Micaiah, spoken of 
 in xxii. 8, and says that it was in consequence of this message about 
 Ben-hadad's deliverance that Ahab put him in prison. {Ant. Vlll. 14. 5.) 
 
 said Jinto his neighlwtir in [R.V. fellow by] the ivord of the Lord] 
 The man to whom he made the request was probably one who like 
 himself dwelt in one of the prophetic societies, and he ought therefore 
 to have understood that there was some purpose in his companion's 
 request. Hence his sin in refusing to comply with it. ' Fellow ' gives 
 the idea of men of the same guild better than 'neighbour'. The ex- 
 pression 'by the word of the Lord' is found in a similar passage (i Kings 
 xiii. 17), and is the more usual form. 
 
 Smite me] He wished to personate a man who had been engaged in 
 the battle and had suffered something from the enemy. 
 
 the man refused] Such a refusal was utterly at variance with the 
 character of a prophet, who was to be prepared to obey at all costs a 
 message which came as the word of the Lord. His companion puts 
 the case very strongly in the next verse when he calls his own request 
 'the voice of the Lord'. 
 
 36. a lion] On the frequency of wild beasts in the Holy Land at 
 this time, see above on xiii. 24. The incident here recorded is not 
 without its importance as a comment on disobedience to God's com- 
 mand, for which a punishment was just to be pronounced against Ahab. 
 
2i8 1. KINGS, XX. [vv. 38— 40. 
 
 man, and said, Smite me, I pray thee. And the man smote 
 
 38 him, so that in smiting he wounded /«>;/. So the prophet 
 departed, and waited for the king by the way, and disguised 
 
 39 himself with ashes upon his face. And as the king passed 
 by, he cried unto the king : and he said. Thy servant went 
 out into the midst of the battle ; and behold, a man turned 
 aside, and brought a man unto me, and said, Keep this 
 man : if by any means he be missing, then shall thy life be 
 
 40 for his life, or else thou shalt pay a talent of silver. And as 
 thy servant was busy here and there, he was gone. And 
 the king of Israel said unto him, So shall thy judgement be ; 
 
 37. so that in SDiiting he wotinded him] The R. V. has adopted 
 the Hteral rendering which stands on the margin of A. V. smiting and 
 wounding him. Josephus specifies the nature of the wound dpaiiaavTos 
 avTov rb Kpdvtov ' breaking his head '. This of course is to be inferred 
 from what follows. 
 
 38. waited for the king by the ivay\ He wished to intercept Ahab 
 just as he was coming from his interview with Ben-hadad. A parallel this 
 to the lion meeting the disobedient prophet as soon as he had departed 
 from his fellow. 
 
 and disguised himself'\ With this action may be compared the as- 
 sumed mourning garb of the widow of Tekoah (2 Sam. xiv. 2). 
 
 ■with ashes upon his face] R. V. with Ms headband over Ms eyes. 
 The A. V. is the rendering of the Vulg. and Syriac, and is the result of 
 taking 1SK in the text as the same "IDX which means 'dust', 'ashes'. 
 The LXX. has the true sense in TeXa/twi'= a bandage, while the Chaldee 
 translates it as 'a veil'. When the proper meaning is given to the 
 first word, the common rendering 'eyes' for the second can be 
 brought in. 
 
 39. cried unto the king\ The appeal for the king's intervention is 
 made with a view of gettmg free from the punishment which had been 
 threatened to him. 
 
 a man turned aside] Evidently meant to indicate one of authority 
 who had a right to command the services which he desires and to impose 
 a penalty if they be not fulfilled. In the interpretation he represents 
 Jehovah. 
 
 de missing] i.e. When I come to ask for the prisoner whom I trusted 
 to your hands. 
 
 a talent of silver] The fine was large to mark the importance of the 
 trust. 
 
 40. he was gone] The sentence would of course continue thus: 'Let 
 me however find grace and let not thy servant suffer for this neglect '. 
 
 So shall thy jicdgement he] i.e. As he laid down who entrusted his 
 prisoner to thy care. The LXX. rendering here is utterly without sense, 
 and it is impossible to conceive whence it was derived, Ibov koX to. 
 SveSpa Trap' efiol i(p6vevffas. 
 
vv. 41— 43; i] I. KINGS, XX. XXI. 219 
 
 thyself hast decided //. And he liasted, and took the ashes 41 
 away from his face ; and the king of Israel discerned him 
 that he was of the prophets. And he said unto him, Thus 42 
 saith the Lord, Because thou hast let go out of thy hand a 
 man whom I appointed to utter destruction, therefore thy 
 life shall go for his life, and thy people for his people. And 43 
 the king of Israel went to his house heavy and displeased, 
 and came to Samaria. 
 
 And it came to pass after these things, that Naboth the 21 
 Jezreelite had a vineyard, which was in Jezreel, hard by 
 
 41. the ashes mvay from his face\ Here R. V. (as in 38) tlie head 
 band from his eyes. 
 
 that he was of the prophets\ It is clear that the prophets were dis- 
 tinguished by dress, or in some evident manner, so that they were easy 
 of recognition. Perhaps the hairy prophetic mantle was the usual garb, 
 and that on the present occasion the prophet had some wrapping thrown 
 over that, which he laid aside along with the head band, and then the 
 king recognised his character. 
 
 out of thy hand'\ The LXX. represents the pronoun, which is 
 omitted in the Hebrew text, perhaps only by a slip of the scribe. 
 
 42. a 7>iatt\ R. V. the man. For the whole multitude, and of 
 course the king above all, had been delivered into Ahab's hand (see 
 verse 28), and the victory was to be an evidence that Jehovah had fought 
 for Israel. 
 
 appointed to utter destruction'] R. V. devoted to destruction. This 
 was the purpose for which Ben-hadad had been brought into Ahab's 
 hand. The literal rendering is 'the man of my banning', whom I have 
 laid under a ban. It is used Is. xxxiv. 5 'the people of my curse'. 
 
 43. heavy attd displeased] Said again of Ahab in the next chapter 
 (verse 4) when he could not prevail upon Naboth to part with his vine- 
 yard. The first of these words is used in xxi. 5 to signify sadness of 
 spirit, the second indicates anger arising from disappointment. It 
 describes the sort of rage which Asa exhibited (2 Chron. xvi. 10) vi^hen 
 he put Hanani in prison for telling him that he had done wrong in 
 relying on the help of the Syrians instead of trusting in the Lord. 
 
 Ch. xxi. 1 — 16. Naboth the Jezreelite is stoned to death 
 AND Ahab takes possession of his vineyard. (Not in Chronicles.) 
 
 1. This chapter is placed by the LXX. before the preceding, and 
 numbered xx. Josephus also adopts that order of the events. In 
 consequence, the LXX. omits the words 'after these things' in verse i. 
 
 The LXX. [Alex.) calls Naboth 'an Israelite'. This of course he 
 
 was. But Jezreel ?Xy"lT* may easily, especially in MS., be mistaken for 
 Israel 7X"li^\ Both versions of the LXX. make the vineyard to be not 
 near the palace, but near the tlireshingfloor of Ahab. 
 
220 I. KINGS, XXI. [vv. 2—5. 
 
 2 the palace of Ahab king of Samaria. And Ahab spake 
 unto Naboth, saying, Give me thy vineyard, that I may 
 have it for a garden of herbs, because it is near unto my 
 house : and I wil'. give thee for it a better vineyard than 
 it ; or, if it seem good to thee, 1 will give thee the worth of 
 
 3 it ifi money. And Naboth said to Ahab, The Lord forbid 
 it me, that I should give the inheritance of my fathers unto 
 
 4 thee. And Ahab came into his house heavy and displeased 
 because of the word which Naboth the Jezreelite had spoken 
 to him : for he had said, I will not give thee the inheritance 
 of my fathers. And he laid him down upon his bed, and 
 
 5 turned away his face, and would eat no bread. But Jezebel 
 his wife came to him, and said unto him. Why is thy spirit 
 
 2. thai I may have it for a garden oj hcrhs\ These events must 
 have taken place during a time of peace, when Ahab had leisure to 
 think about the convenient arrangement of his grounds. And it is most 
 probable they occurred after Ben-hadad's utter defeat, otherwise the 
 victory then granted to Ahab would have been like a condonation of 
 his sin, and not in harmony with the doom pronounced in this chapter 
 (ver. 19) by Elijah. The desire to have the ground 'for a garden of 
 herbs' is twice repeated in this verse by the LXX. 
 
 3. The Lord Jorhid it 7)ic\ This verse is very interesting, because 
 (i) it makes clear that Naboth was a worshipper of Jehovah and, 
 in spite of the persecution of the prophets, did not shrink from making 
 it known to the king by his language. Here was an example of one 
 who had not bowed the knee nor given a kiss to Baal. And (2) the 
 reason which he alleges for clinging to his inheritance shews that the 
 teaching of the law of Moses (Numb, xxxvi. 7, 8; Lev. xxv. 27, 28) 
 concerning the sacredness of a paternal inheritance had taken firm hold 
 of the minds of the people, so that Ahab did not think of venturing 
 on harsh measures against one who put forward this religious plea as a 
 bar to the royal desire. 
 
 4. And Ahab came into his house\ The last four words are omitted 
 
 by the LXX., as also the clause 'because of the word the inheritance 
 
 of my fathers.' It is clear from the continuation of the story that it was 
 to Samaria that Ahab came back after his interview with Naboth. 
 
 heavy and displeased^ See above, on xx. 43. 
 
 And he laid him doivn, &c.] This detail shews, like so much else in 
 Ahab's history, what a feeble character he was, and how thoroughly he 
 would be dominated by the more powerful mind of Jezebel. While 
 absent from her, some signs of improvement might appear, even such as 
 might seem to Elijah to promise hopes of a change ; but when she 
 appears they are all gone. And the moodiness here described is rather 
 that of a wayward child, than of a man of mature years and high 
 position. 
 
vv. 6 -8.] 1. KINGS, XXI. 
 
 so sad, that thou eatest no bread ? And he said unto her, 6 
 Because I spake unto Naboth the Jezreehte, and said unto 
 him, Give me thy vineyard for money ; or else, if it please 
 thee, I will give thee another vineyard for it : and he 
 answered, I will not give thee my vineyard. And Jezebel 7 
 his wife said unto him, Dost thou now govern the kingdom 
 of Israel .'' arise, a7id eat bread, and let thine heart be merry : 
 I will give thee the vineyard of Naboth the Jezreelite. So 8 
 she wrote letters in Ahab's name, and sealed tJicm with his 
 seal, and sent the letters unto the elders and to the nobles 
 
 6. / will not give thee viy vineyard\ For the last two words the 
 LXX. has 'the inheritance of my fathers.' Of course it is to be under- 
 stood that Ahab would lay before Jezel)el the motive, from which 
 Naboth had refused his king's request. But the narrative is much more 
 in character with the rest of Ahab's behaviour, if he at first mal<es 
 mention only of tlie blank refusal. The ground for holding firm to his 
 inheritance would most likely have found an echo in many an Israelite's 
 heart. We see tliat Jezebel gives no hint to any one of the true cause 
 for wishing to put Naboth out of the way. Had she done so, she must 
 have mentioned the reason for his scruple, and the elders of Jezreel 
 though they had forgotten the laws of Jeliovah, would, for all that, not 
 have cared to give publicity to Naboth's answer. 
 
 7. Dost thou noTU govern tlie kingdom of Israel ?'\ There is not 
 expressed here any sign of a question in the original, but there can be 
 no doubt that this is the force of the words. The Hebrew order is 
 'Thou now governest, &c.' the pronoun being emphatically expressed. 
 So that the sense is ' Thou art king, art thou not ? why then let such a 
 matter trouble thee or stand in the way of thy will. ' The proposal of 
 some to take the words as imperative, 'Thou, do thou use thy 
 sovereignty, &c.' is opposed to what follows. For Jezebel does not urge 
 Ahab to act the despot's part, but plays it for him. 
 
 I ivill give thee, &c.] The 'I' in this clause is emphatically expressed, 
 just as 'thou' in the preceding one. 
 
 8. she %vrote letters in Ahab's name^ She was the real ruler, he only 
 king in name. The letters would be prepared for her by the royal 
 secretaries. Jezebel's part was to take the signet ring of her husband, 
 and therewith affix the royal seal that the document might go forth 
 with authority. Apparently Ahab asked no question about the means 
 which his wife meant to employ. 
 
 the elders and to the nobles^ The law ordered (Deut. xvi. 18) that 
 there should be judges appointed in every city, and we cannot doubt the 
 existence of such a tribunal in a place so important as Jezreel, where 
 the elders and nobles would form the bench of magistrates. The sequel 
 shews that for such an offence as that charged against Naboth they liad 
 the power of life and death. But the whole proceeding is very Oriental. 
 The royal letter dictates the sentence, and how it is to be obtained, and 
 
222 I. KINGS, XXI. [vv. 9, lo. 
 
 9 that were in his city, dwelling with Naboth. And she wrote 
 in the letters, saying, Proclaim a fast, and set Naboth on 
 
 10 high among the pfople: and set two men, sons of BeUal, 
 before him, to bear witness against him, saying. Thou didst 
 blaspheme God and the king. And then carry him out, and 
 
 the persons to whom it is addressed make no scruple about obeying, 
 although the last words of this verse increase the enormity of their pro- 
 ceeding by telling that they 'were in his city, dwelling with Naboth', 
 and so it would seem well acquainted with his character. 
 The words 'in his city' are omitted in the LXX. 
 
 9. Proclaim a fast] Let a day of humiliation be appointed, for 
 it must be represented that a great wrong has been committed both 
 against God and the king. Cf. r Sam. vii. 6 where the people gathered 
 at Mizpeh fasted, saying, 'We have sinned against the Lord'. The 
 command of God Qoel ii. 12) by His prophet is, 'Turn ye to me with 
 all your heart, and with fasting and with weeping'. Hence the action 
 is to express the popular sorrow for some wrong done, by which the 
 whole city is contaminated. 
 
 ami st't Naboth on high among the people] Lit. 'at the head of 
 the people'. The LXX. has ev apxv rod \aov. He was to be put in 
 a prominent place, as one who had hitherto held an honourable position. 
 Josephus speaks of him as 7^1/0115 eTn.(f)avovs 'of a family of note'. By 
 thus, at the beginning of the process, treating Naboth with honour they 
 would seem to make it plain that, but for the evidence against him, they 
 would have been glad to think him innocent. 
 
 10. sons of Belial] In Deut. xiii. 13, the R.V. has translated this 
 expression 'base fellows', putting in the margin 'sons of worthlessness '. 
 This is the sense everywhere in the O.T. and should have been in the 
 text. In N.T. times 'Belial' was personified (see 2 Cor. vi. 15), but 
 there is no trace of this idea in the earlier Scriptures. The LXX. has 
 vld Tra.pavojj.wv. The men were good-for-noughts, who would swear to 
 anything for which they were paid. Josephus makes them three in 
 number. 
 
 Thou didst blaspheme [R. V. curse] God and the king] The verb in 
 the original "j"l2 is very frequently used of blessing, but it had the oppo- 
 site sense also. The root idea appears to be 'to say adieu to'. This 
 might be and most frequently was with a parting benediction ; but it 
 also might be a renunciation, a declaration of hostility. Hence the 
 R.V. has put ' renounce ' in the margin, to indicate how the sense of 
 'curse' is obtained. The verb is used in the bad sense also in Job i. 5; 
 ii. 9. It is remarkable that an accusation of this nature should have 
 been set afoot by Jezebel. We need not however assume that she had 
 any care about the cursing of God ; only that she found this the first 
 convenient mode of getting rid of Naboth. But amongst the people, 
 who were to suppose Naboth justly executed, there must have still been 
 left some regard for the divine name and the divine law. The death 
 by stoning was appointed by the Mosaic code (Lev. xxiv. 16), and 
 
vv. II— IS.] I. KINGS, XXI. 223 
 
 stone him, that he may die. And the men of his city, even n 
 the elders and the nobles who were the inhabitants in his 
 city, did as Jezebel had sent unto them, and as it was written 
 in the letters which she had sent unto them. They pro- 12 
 claimed a fast, and set Naboth on high among the people. 
 And there came in two men, children of Belial, who sat 13 
 before him : and the men of Belial witnessed against him, 
 eiieri against Naboth, in the presence of the people, saying, 
 Naboth did blaspheme God and the king. Then they 
 carried him forth out of the city, and stoned him with 
 stones, that he died. Then they sent to Jezebel, saying, 14 
 Naboth is stoned, and is dead. And it came to pass, when 15 
 Jezebel heard that Naboth was stoned, and was dead, that 
 J ezebel said to Ahab, Arise, take possession of the vineyard 
 
 so was the necessity for two witnesses at least (Deut. xvii. 6; xix. 15) 
 before the accused could be put to death. 
 
 that he may die\ Tlie R. V. omits 'may'. 
 
 11. who were the inhabitants'] R.V. who dwelt. The word is the 
 same as in verse 8. 
 
 13. And there came in two ?)ien, children of Belial] R.V. And the 
 two men, sons of Belial, came in. Tlie Hebrew noun is definite and 
 the sense requires that it should be indicated. 
 
 ivitnessed] R.V. bare witness. As in verse 10. 
 
 even against Naboth, in the presence of the people] These words are 
 omitted by the LXX. As mucli publicity as possible was given to the 
 accusation, that thus it might have the colour of being legally carried out. 
 
 did blaspheme] R.V. did curse. The word is the same as in verse 
 10. But a different word is used for 'blaspheme' in Lev. xxiv. 16. 
 
 they carried him forth out of the city] This explains what is meant 
 by 'carry him out' in verse 10. The place of execution was to be out- 
 side the walls, according to the legal ordinance (Lev. xxiv. 14), 'Bring 
 forth him that hath cursed without the camp... and let all the congrega- 
 tion stone him '. From this we see that this enactment was before the 
 Exile. 
 
 that he died] Not only was Naboth put to death, but, according to 
 another passage (3 Kings ix. 26), his sons were included in the de- 
 struction. 
 
 15. that Naboth was stoned, and was dead] These words are omitted 
 by the LXX. The repetition is alien to Greek style, but exactly after 
 the fashion of Hebrew. 
 
 take possession of the vineyard] Some have thought that the king 
 could do this, because it is supposed that the property of one so executed 
 would become confiscated. Others have suggested that there was some 
 relationship between Ahab and the family of Naboth. It seems un- 
 necessary to seek for reasons in such a case. Where so much had been 
 
224 1. KINGS, XXI. [vv. 16—19. 
 
 of Naboth the Jezreelite, which he refused to give thee for 
 
 16 money : for Naboth is not aUve, but dead. And it came to 
 pass, when Ahab l.eard that Naboth was dead, that Ahab 
 rose up to go down to the vineyard of Naboth the JezreeUte, 
 to take possession of it. 
 
 17 And the word of the Lord came to EHjah the Tishbite, 
 
 18 saying, Arise, go down to meet Ahab king of Israel, which 
 is in Samaria : behold, he is in the vineyard of Naboth, 
 
 19 whither he is gone down to possess it. And thou shalt 
 speak unto him, saying. Thus saith the Lord, Hast thou 
 killed, and also taken possession? And thou shalt speak 
 
 done unlawfully, and a life, or perhaps several, taken by false accusation, 
 it would be a small matter to seize on the ground without any plea of 
 law or kinship. 
 
 16. when Ahab heard that Naboth was dead] Here the LXX. adds 
 'he rent his garments and covered himself with sackcloth'. This 
 clause must be entirely out of place. Josephus gives us a detail far more 
 in harmony with Ahab's character. He says (Ant. Vlii. 13, 8) 'And 
 Ahab was pleased with what had been done, and sprang up from his 
 bed, and went to see Nal)oth's vineyard'. There was certainly no time 
 lost by him. His entry on the possession seems to have been made the 
 very next day after Naboth's death. We learn afterwards (2 Kings 
 ix. 26) that Jehu and Bidkar rode with Ahab at the time, and so 
 appalling was the curse which Elijah pronounced on the wretched king 
 that it was imprinted on Jehu's memory and he could quote it many 
 years afterwards, apparently in its very words. 
 
 17—29. Elijah meets Ahab and tells him God's sentence. 
 Ahab repents and the punishment is deferred. (Not in 
 Chronicles.) 
 
 18. which is [R.V. dwelleth] in Samaria] This change is necessary 
 for consistency in the narrative. There is no verb in the original, as will 
 be seen from the italics of A. V. The verbs describing the action first 
 of Ahab and then of Elijah, shew that both had gone down, the one from 
 Samaria, and the other, perhaps, from Carmel, to the city of Jezreel, 
 which lay on lower ground than either. 
 
 to possess it] R.V. to take possession of it. Thus it is shewn that 
 the expression is the same as in verses 15, 16 and 19. 
 
 19. I/ast thou killed, and also taken possession?] The guilt of all that 
 had been done is at once laid at Ahab's door. He had neither known 
 nor cared to know (as it seems) what Jezebel's plans were and only 
 thought of the end which they accomplished. He was willing by 
 taking possession to reap the advantage, as he thought it ; God lays on 
 him the first penalty. 
 
 and than shalt speak unto him, saying] The LXX. omits these words. 
 See above on verse 15. 
 
vv. 20, 21.] I. KINGS, XXI, 225 
 
 unto him, saying. Thus saith the Lord, In the place where 
 dogs licked the blood of Naboth shall dogs lick thy blood, 
 even thine. And Ahab said to Elijah, Hast thou found me, 20 
 O mine enemy? And he answered, I have found thee: be- 
 cause thou hast sold thyself to work evil in the sight of the 
 Lord, behold, I will bring evil upon thee, and will take 21 
 away thy posterity, and will cut off from Ahab hint that 
 pisseth against the wall, and him that is shut up and left in 
 
 In the place where dogs licked the blood of Naboth^ From the history 
 of Ahab's death, in xxii. 38, it appears that his blood was thus licked 
 by the dogs, not at Jezreel, but near Samaria. The best explanation of 
 this is that the word 'place' does not here mean 'precise locality*. 
 Naboth's blood was shed outside the gate of Jezreel, and the pool of 
 Samaria, from the description in the next chapter, and from what we 
 know of the conduits and reservoirs of Eastern cities, was apparently 
 outside the gate of that city. Thus there was a similarity between the 
 two cases. We must also bear in mind that the sentence on Ahab was 
 modified and its exact fulfilment deferred. When Jehoram was killed 
 (2 Kings ix. 25) a much more definite phrase is used for the place where 
 his body was cast out. There it is, 'in the portion of the field of Naboth 
 the Jezreelite'. 
 
 Instead of 'dogs' simply, the LXX. {Vat.) has 'the swine and the 
 dogs' and {Alex.) 'the dogs and the swine'. It is not easy to decide 
 how the swine came to be mentioned in the Greek Versions, but as 
 neither text makes any mention of them in the second part of this clause, 
 the words must be taken as the insertion of some one who desired to give 
 a touch of greater horror to the picture. 
 
 The Vat. LXX. adds to the close of this verse 'and the harlots shall 
 wash in thy blood', and in xxii. 38 both Alex, and Vat. have the state- 
 ment that this was done. Moreover the true rendering in that place, of 
 the words which in A.V. read, 'and they washed his armour', is 'Now 
 the harlots washed themselves there'. See notes on xxii. 38. 
 
 20. Hast thou found me, O mine enemy] Ahab had not thought of 
 a penalty to overtake him, but the sight of Elijah makes him feel not 
 penitent, but indignant that the avenger of wrong is so soon at hand. 
 Therefore he calls Elijah his enemy. 
 
 because thou hast sold thyself] Here the LXX. adds iLa.Tr\v='\v\. vain. 
 This appears to be an attempt at interpretation, indicating that Ahab 
 had thought to take the price for his bargain, and to escape all conse- 
 quences, and that in this he was to be disappointed. The complete 
 surrender of the king into the hands of others is well expressed by ' thou 
 hast sold thyself. 
 
 to work evil] R. V. to do that which Is evil. As in all other places 
 where this expression occurs. 
 
 in the sight of the Lord] Here the LXX. adds ' to provoke him to anger*. 
 
 21. and will take away thy posterity] R. V. and will utterly sweep 
 thee away. See above on xiv. i o, where this verse occurs in substance. 
 
 and left in Israel] R.V. and him that is left at large. The ex- 
 
 I. KINGS 15 
 
226 I. KINGS, XXI. [vv. 22— 26. 
 
 82 Israel, and will make thine house like the house of Jeroboam 
 the son of Nebat, and like the house of Baasha the son of 
 Ahijah, for the provocation wherewith thou hast provoked 
 
 23 me to anger, and made Israel to sin. And of Jezebel also 
 spake the Lord, saying, The dogs shall eat Jezebel by the 
 
 24 wall of Jezreel. Him that dieth of Ahab in the city the 
 dogs shall eat; and him that dieth in the field shall the 
 
 25 fowls of the air eat. (But there was none like unto Ahab, 
 which did sell himself to work wickedness in the sight of the 
 
 26 Lord, whom Jezebel his wife stirred up. And he did very 
 abominably in following idols, according to all t/iitigs as did 
 
 pression is a proverbial one, meant to indicate all men of every kind. 
 Perhaps its origin is in the idea of 'bondmen and free' or it may have 
 been 'the young, who were not their own masters, and the old who 
 were at liberty to choose their own way.' The expression recalls Deut. 
 xxxii. 36. 
 
 22. and made [R. V. hast made] Israel to shi\ Cf. xvi. 1. 
 
 23. the dogs shall eat Jezebel'\ For the fulfilment, see 2 Kings ix. 
 
 35—37- 
 
 by the 7vall [R.V. rampart] of Jezreel^ The Hebrew word which 
 stands here in the text is found again 2 Sam. xx. 15, where it is trans- 
 lated 'trench', with a margin in A.V. 'outmost wall'. The R.V. gives 
 there also 'rampart'. In 2 Kings ix. 10, 36, 37, the body is said to have 
 been devoured 'in the portion of Jezreel', and as the words 'by the 
 rampart' 7T\1, want only an additional letter to turn them into 'in the 
 
 portion' p?n3, it has been suggested that the latter ought to be the 
 reading here. But there is no need for any change. Both expressions 
 mean the same thing. The 'portion' is the land close to the walls 
 outside. Jezebel must have looked forth from a window of some build- 
 ing that formed part of the city wall. Thus she would be able to shew 
 herself to Jehu as soon as he drew near. 
 
 24. Him that dieth Si.z.\ See above, xiv. 11. 
 
 25. to work wickedness^ R.V. to do that which was evil. See 
 above, verse 20. 
 
 Ahab exceeded the wickedness of all the other kings in that he intro- 
 duced Baal-worship, and allowed his wife to proceed to all lengths in 
 her attempts to destroy any recognition of Jehovah, even such as re- 
 mained in the corrupted worship of the northern kingdom. 
 
 26. he did very abominablyl Ahab himself cast aside the worship 
 which his predecessors had inaugurated and followed, and followed 
 Jezebel in her idolatiy. 
 
 according to all things as did the ^morites] Better, with R. V., accord- 
 ing to all that the Amorites did. The Amorites are mentioned pro- 
 bably because, being widely spread, the name had become representative 
 of all the nations cast out beiore the children of Israel. They were the 
 
vv. 27— 29; I.] I. KINGS, XXI. XXII. 227 
 
 the Amorites, whom the Lord cast out before the children 
 of Israel). And it came to pass, when Ahab heard those 27 
 words, that he rent his clothes, and put sackcloth upon his 
 flesh, and fasted, and lay in sackcloth, and went softly. 
 And the word of the Lord came to Elijah the Tishbite, 2s 
 saying, Seest thou how Ahab humbleth himself before me ? 29 
 because he humbleth himself before me, I will not bring 
 the evil in his days : but in his son's days will I bring the 
 evil upon his house. 
 
 And they continued three years without war between 22 
 
 dwellers on the hills, like the Hittite and the Jebusite. It may there- 
 fore be that the Amorite worship and customs had lingered in the hill 
 country of Samaria, and been revived during the idolatrous reign of 
 Ahab. 
 
 whom the Lord cast out] The R. V. has usually changed 'cast' into 
 'drave' in these passages. See xiv. 24. There seems no reason why it 
 should not be done here. 
 
 27. The LXX. gives for this verse 'And when Ahab was pricketl 
 (in his heart) on account of this word (coming) from the presence of the 
 Lord, he went and wept, and rent his robe, and girded sackcloth upon 
 his body, and fasted. And he put on sackcloth in the day on which he 
 slew Naboth the Jezreelite, and went [softly]'. There is nothing to re- 
 present the last word, which is in brackets, and thus the sentence is in- 
 complete. Josephus explains that the king went barefoot. On the 
 mention of the day of Naboth's murder, see above on verse 16. 
 
 29. because he humbleth himself before me] These words are left out 
 by the LXX., as are also 'upon his house' at the close of the verse. 
 
 I ivill not bring the evil in his days] That is, the whole penalty shall 
 not be inflicted on him. A portion of it was, as we are told in xxii. 
 37 — 38. The Jews explain the word NCJ'J which is rendered 'forgiving' 
 iniquity (Exod. xxxiv. 7; Num. xiv. 18 ; &c.) by reference to its original 
 meaning which is 'to lift up'. God, say they, raises the load, so that it 
 does not press all at once, or men would perish under it, but the lifted 
 burden is divided into parts, and men feel it in consequence for a long 
 time to come. In every punishment of Israel, there is mixed up an 
 ounce of the golden calf. 
 
 but in his son^s days] Fulfilled in the death of Jehoram, Ahab's son. 
 2 Kings ix. 25. 
 
 Ch. XXII. 1—12. Ahab resolves to recover Ramoth-gilead. 
 Jehoshaphat joins him. Ahab's prophets promise him 
 victory. (2 Chron. xviii. i — 11.) 
 
 1. they continued three years without war] This probably means 
 after the defeat of Benhadad described in chapter xx. It must have 
 been during this interval of peace that Naboth was put to death. 
 
 15—2 
 
228 I. KINGS, XXII. [vv. 2—5. 
 
 2 Syria and Israel. And it came to pass on the third year, 
 that Jehoshaphat the king of Judah came down to the king 
 
 3 of Israel. And the king of Israel said unto his servants, 
 Know ye that Ramoth in Gilead is ours, and we be still, 
 
 4 and take it not out of the hand of the king of Syria ? And 
 he said unto Jehoshaphat, Wilt thou go with me to battle 
 io Ramoth-gilead ? And Jehoshaphat said to the king of 
 Israel, I am as thou art, my people as thy people, my horses 
 
 s as thy horses. And Jehoshaphat said unto the king of 
 Israel, Inquire, I pray thee, at the word of the Lord to day. 
 
 2. Jehoshaphat... came down to the king of Israel^ The writer speaks 
 as though Jerusalem was still regarded as the capital-city of the whole 
 nation. To leave it and go elsewhere was 'to go down.' 
 
 The Chronicler and Josephus connect this visit with the mention of 
 Jehoshaphat's ' affinity with ' Ahab. Jehoram, Jehoshaphat's son had 
 married Ahab's daughter, Athaliah. And after this event the king of 
 Judah paid his visit to Samaria. The reception is described in 
 Chronicles as a scene of great profusion, and Josephus speaks of 
 troops {(TTpaTbs) which accompanied Jehoshaphat. Probably the sub- 
 ject of the war against Syria had been discussed before the meeting of 
 the two kings. The Chronicler says 'Ahab persuaded Jehoshaphat to 
 go up with him to Ramoth-gilead.' 
 
 3. Know ye that Ramoth hi Gilead is ours'\ The statement of 
 Josephus {Ant. viii. 15, 3) is very probable, viz. that the father of 
 Ben-hadad had taken Ramoth-gilead, with other cities, from Omri. 
 Ben-hadad had stipulated, when he feared for his life (xx. 34), to restore 
 these conquests, but apparently had not carried out this part of his 
 covenant. He had found Ahab easy to deal with, and once safe 
 back in Damascus, he thought former promises not very binding. 
 
 On Ramoth-gilead, see above, iv. 13. 
 
 4. / am as thou art] The marriage between the royal children 
 would no doubt make Jehoshaphat more ready to comply with Ahab's 
 request. But it was not without danger to Judah also, that the Syrian 
 king should hold a strong position in the land of Gilead. 
 
 my horses as thy horses\ From this expression it appears that cavalry 
 had now been largely introduced into both kingdoms. 
 
 5. Inquire, I pray thee, at the word of the Lord] The persuasion 
 has gained from him a promise, but Jehoshaphat would still find out 
 \\ hether the proposed expedition has the sanction of Jehovah. It is 
 clear from his request that he expected to find a true prophet of Jehovah 
 at hand in Israel. The national apostasy cannot therefore have been 
 complete, even in the dark days of Ahab. 
 
 to day'] The Hebrew word is the same which is found in Gen. xxv. 31, 
 33, where on the margin of R.V. the alternative rendering, 'first of all,' 
 is given. This sense is very appropriate both there and here, and will 
 often explain what 'to day' in O. Test, diction signifies. Cf. above, i. 51. 
 
vv. 6—8.] I. KINGS, XXII. 229 
 
 Then the king of Israel gathered the prophets together, about 6 
 four hundred men, and said unto them. Shall I go against 
 Ramoth-gilead to battle, or shall I forbear ? And they said, 
 Go up ; for the Lord shall deliver it into the hand of the 
 king. And Jehoshaphat said, Is there not here a prophet of ^ 
 the Lord besides, that we might inquire of him ? And the 8 
 king of Israel said unto Jehoshaphat, There is yet one man, 
 Micaiah the son of Imlah, by whom we may inquire of tlic 
 Lord: but I hate him; for he doth not prophesy good 
 
 6. gathered the prophets together, about four hundred^ These cannot 
 have been the prophets of Baal, for their ringleader, Zedekiah, in verse 
 II, begins his speech, 'Thus saith Jehovah,' and in verse 24 speaks of 
 'the spirit of Jehovah' as being with him. But they were not true 
 adherents of the Lord, otherwise Jehoshaphat would certainly have 
 been content with their words. He went on with the project of the ex- 
 pedition even after Micaiah's prophetic warning; he never would have 
 sought for more satisfaction, had he heard four hundred true prophets 
 of Jehovah say, 'the Lord shall deliver it into the hand of the king.' 
 These men were therefore the prophets who served in the worship of 
 the calves. They would use Jehovah's name, just as constantly as 
 the men who had not forsaken His commandment, and throughout the 
 whole of Israel this number of them could no doubt be readily gathered, 
 and these, though not his Baal-priests, Ahab would bring before 
 Jehoshaphat. 
 
 Go up] The land of Gilead was all mountainous. 
 
 the Lord shall deliver it] It is remarkable that in this first form of 
 answer, the word for "Lord" is Adonai, not the word which we 
 represent by yehovah, and which is generally rendered Lord. In the 
 repetition, in verse 12, Jehovah is used, and of course in Micaiah's 
 speech. This word ' Adonai ' is what the Jews use now instead of pro- 
 nouncing the sacred name, but their reason could not have weighed 
 with Ahab's priests in Israel. In the parallel place in Chronicles 
 • God ', Elohitn, is used in the first answer, and ' Jehovah ' in the others. 
 
 7. Is there not here a prophet of the Lord besides'] The R.V. 
 transposes besides, putting it after here. This brings out more clearly 
 the reason for Jehoshaphat's inquiry. Besides what he has heard, he 
 would gladly be told what to do by a true prophet of Jehovah. These 
 men and their answer did not quite satisfy him. Josephus says 
 Jehoshaphat understood from their language that they were false 
 prophets. 
 
 8. There is yet one man] In the R.V. immediately after these 
 words are placed ' by whom we may inquire of the Lord. ' This order 
 of words, which corresponds more nearly with the Hebrew arrangement, 
 shews that Ahab understood what his guest required, and why he was 
 not satisfied with the prophets that had already come before him. 
 Even Ahab recognized the difference between Micaiah and the rest. 
 
230 I. KINGS, XXII. [vv. 9— II. 
 
 concerning me, but evil. And Jehoshaphat said, Let not 
 9 the king say so. Then the king of Israel called an officer, 
 
 10 and said, Hasten hither Micaiah the son of Imlah. And 
 the king of Israel and Jehoshaphat the king of Judah sat 
 each on his throne, having put on their robes, in a void 
 place in the entrance of the gate of Samaria ; and all the 
 
 11 prophets prophesied before them. And Zedekiah the son 
 of Chenaanah made him horns of iron : and he said, Thus 
 saith the Lord, With these shalt thou push the Syrians, 
 
 Let not the king say sd\ i.e. That he hates Micaiah. 
 
 9. Hasten hither] R.V. Fetch quickly. This is the rendering 
 in Chronicles, and enables us to dispense with italics. 
 
 10. And [R.V. Now] the king of Jsrael\ The change is justified, as 
 the sentence is not a mere addition to what has gone before but a new 
 feature in the history. 
 
 having put on their robes'] R.V. arrayed in their robes. The 
 original language indicates a degree of display suited to the meeting of 
 two kings. Moreover the A. V., in connexion with the words immedi- 
 ately following, is open to a misunderstanding. What is described is 
 not what the kings did, but in what state they sat. The LXX. has 
 'ivoirXoL. Josephus also gives the idea of an armed gathering. He 
 says ' The two kings having gone out of the city, and having sat down 
 each on his throne, distributed to their own soldiers pay for the 
 campaign {rh cTpariwriKdv).' 
 
 in a void [R.V. an open] place'\ The word in the Hebrew is most 
 frequently rendered 'a threshing-floor.' This was a large open space 
 in which the oxen could be driven round, to tread out the corn. Such 
 a space is here indicated, where chairs of state could be erected for the 
 two kings, and where the prophets could come about them. 
 
 in [R.V. at] the ent7'ance of the gate of Samaria] There appears 
 usually to have been some place set apart near the gate of a city, mostly 
 outside, where important business proceedings, trials, and such matters 
 could be conducted in public and where kings and magistrates could 
 sit and listen to appeals for help or justice. Cf. Gen. xxiii. lo, i8; 
 Josh. ii. 7, ix. 29; 2 Kings xxiii. 8, &c. 
 
 11. Zedekiah] In verse 24 we see that Zedekiah was the leader of 
 Ahab's prophets. His action here is one of those symbolical pro- 
 ceedings not uncommon with the prophets. Thus Ahijah significantly 
 rent his garment into twelve pieces (xi. 30) and gave Jeroboam ten. 
 Zedekiah's language, addressed to Ahab, is probably an allusion to the 
 blessing of Ephraim in Deut. xxxiii. 17. By this time Ephraim had 
 become the representative tribe of the Northern Kingdom, and of him 
 Moses had said 'his horns are like the horns of unicorns: with them 
 he shall push the people together to the ends of the earth. ' By such 
 language not only Ahab, but Jehoshaphat might be encouraged to trust 
 more to the prophecies of success. 
 
vv. 12—15.] I. KINGS, XXII. 231 
 
 until thou have consumed them. And all the prophets " 
 prophesied so, saying, Go up to Ramoth-gilead, and prosper: 
 for the Lord shall deliver it into the king's hand. 
 
 And the messenger that was gone to call Micaiah spake 13 
 unto him, saying. Behold now, the words of the prophets 
 declare good unto the king 7vith one mouth : let thy word, I 
 pray thee, be like the word of one of them, and speak that 
 which is good. And Micaiah said. As the Lord liveth, 14 
 what the Lord saith unto me, that will I speak. So he 'S 
 came to the king. And the king said unto him, Micaiah, 
 shall we go against Ramoth-gilead to battle, or shall we for- 
 bear? And he answered him, Go, and prosper: for the 
 
 until thou have consumed the7ji\ R.V. until they be consumed. 
 There is nothing in the original to warrant 'thou.' 
 
 12. into the king's hand] R.V. into the hand of the king. A 
 change made to shew that the words are just the same as in verse 6. 
 The LXX. adds here 'even the king of Syria.' 
 
 13 — 28. Micaiah's prophecy. Ahab, in displeasure, sends 
 HIM TO PRISON. (2 Chron. xviii. 12 — 27.) 
 
 13. And the messenger that was gone \KN . went] to catl 3I/caiah] The 
 tradition, which Josephus preserves, that the 'son of the prophets' 
 mentioned in xx. 35, was Micaiah, and that Ahab put him in prison for 
 his actions at that time (see notes on xx. 35, 43) has been derived from 
 the circumstance that Micaiah on this occasion was sent to prison, and 
 the king uses the words (verse 26) 'Take Micaiah and carry him //ack,' 
 &c. But there is nothing in tliis account of the message to him which 
 proves that he was in prison when Ahab sent to call him ; and ' Put this 
 fellow in prison' (verse 27) is no evidence that he had been there 
 before, but rather the reverse. 
 
 speah that which is good] R.V. speak thou good. This is the A.V. 
 in 2 Chronicles. 
 
 14. what the Lord saith] In 2 Chron. xviii. 13 it is 'what my God 
 saith.' 
 
 15. So he came to the king. And the king said] R.V. And when 
 he was come to the king, the king said. Conforming to 2 Chron. 
 where the Hebrew is precisely the same. The change also represents 
 the events in rather more close sequence, as no doubt they happened. 
 
 Micaiah, shall we go against [R.V. to] Raitioth-gilead] Another 
 slight variation to make Kings and Chronicles accord, as closely as they 
 do in the original. 
 
 Go, [R.V. Go up] and prosper] The words are the same as were used 
 by the other prophets in verse 6. Ahab had however asked his question 
 this time in the plural number, 'Shall %ve go?' and in 2 Chron. 
 Micaiah's answer is given in accordance therewith 'Go ye up,' &c. 
 
 It is quite clear from the tone of Aliab's language in the next verse, 
 
232 I. KINGS, XXII. [vv. 16—19. 
 
 16 Lord shall deliver it into the hand of the king. And the 
 king said unto him, How many times shall I adjure thee 
 that thou tell me nothing but that zvhich is true in the name 
 
 17 of the Lord ? And he said, I saw all Israel scattered upon 
 the hills, as sheep that have not a shepherd : and the Lord 
 said. These have no master : let them return every man to 
 
 18 his house in peace. And the king of Israel said unto 
 Jehoshaphat, Did I not tell thee that he would prophesy 
 
 19 no good concerning me, but evil? And he said, Hear thou 
 
 that, though Micaiah, in words, repeated what had been said by Ahab's 
 own prophets, yet by tone and gesture he made it evident that his 
 speech was not in earnest. 
 
 16. How viany times shall I adjure thee\ It would seem from this 
 that Ahab on former occasions had consulted Micaiah, and been dis- 
 satisfied with his answers. 
 
 that thou tell t>ie nothing but that which is t>-ue^ R.V. that thou 
 speak unto me nothing but the truth. This is very nearly the form 
 in 2 Chron. in A.V. The Hebrew is exactly the same. And both are 
 in R.V. made to agree. 
 
 17. And he said] Here the LXX. adds ovx ovtus, 'Not so,' and 
 there is a similar insertion at the beginning of verse 19, where see note. 
 
 / saw all Israel\ Here Micaiah in true prophetic tone relates a 
 vision which foretells the utter ruin of the coming expedition. 
 
 scattered upon the hills'] R.V. mountains. This is A.V. in 1 Chroni- 
 cles, and the change gives a sense of greatei; dispersion. But in any 
 case the two places should be alike. ^ 
 
 as sheep that have not a [R.V. no] shepherd] Again the rendering in 
 » Chronicles is adopted. The language of Micaiah spake in no doubtful 
 tone of the coming death of Ahab. For the simile cf. Numb, xxvii. 17, 
 a passage which may have been in Micaiah's thoughts. 
 
 let them return] The prophet pictures the great disaster as falling 
 specially upon Ahab. When he was slain, there would be no attempt 
 to prevent the escape of his army. 
 
 18. that he would prophesy no good] R.V. (as in Chronicles) that 
 he would not prophesy good. Of course Ahab was desirous of repre- 
 senting to Jehoshaphat that it was out of ill will that Micaiah spake 
 always evil ; and he appears to have weakened the effect of the prophet's 
 words in some way, or else, after such a solemn portending of disaster, 
 Jehoshaphat would hardly hav; joined the expedition. It was perhaps 
 with the consciousness of the effect which was being produced on the 
 mind of the king of Judah, that Micaiah proceeds to unfold a further 
 vision shewing how God was allowing Ahab to be led astray to his 
 destruction. 
 
 19. And he said] After these words the LXX. adds ovx ovtus ovk 
 iydo, 'Not so, I do not.' Here we can discern how the insertion was 
 
 made. The next word in the Hebrew text is p?= Therefore. This 
 
vv. 20—23.] I- KINGS, XXII. 233 
 
 therefore the word of the Lord : I saw the Lord sitting on 
 his throne, and all the host of heaven standing by him on 
 his right hand and on his left. And the Lord said, Who »> 
 shall persuade Ahab, that he may go up and fall at Ramoth- 
 gilead? And one said on this manner, and another said on 
 that manner. And there came forth a spirit, and stood 2« 
 before the Lord, and said, I will persuade him. And the 22 
 Lord said unto him. Wherewith? And he said, I will go 
 forth, and I will be a lying spirit in the mouth of all his 
 prophets. And he said. Thou shalt persuade him, and pre- 
 vail also : go forth, and do so. Now therefore behold, the 23 
 Lord hath put a lying spirit in the mouth of all these thy 
 
 the translators have taken for p N? = not so, and have put in the ovk iyo) 
 to round off the sense. Apparently they must have seen or thought 
 they saw the same reading in verse 1 7 above, for there they have made 
 a similar insertion. 
 
 Hear thoti therefore] R.V. Therefore liear thou. Conforming to 
 the order of the Hebrew, and the order in 2 Chronicles. 
 
 / saw the Lord] A vision in which Micaiah had been shewn the 
 heavenly council-chamber. Jehovah was sitting as ruler of the universe, 
 and all ministers waiting around to speed at His bidding. These are the 
 ministering spirits of Hebrews i. 14. But they also discharge other 
 ministry, as when the angel of the Lord destroyed David's people 
 (2 Sam. xxiv. 16) or the army of Sennacherib (2 Kings xix. 35). 
 
 20. IV/io shall persuade [R.V. entice] Ahab] The same change also 
 is made in the two following verses. 'Entice' is the rendering in 
 2 Chronicles, and it represents much better the sense of the verb in the 
 original, which implies flattery and deception ; and this it was which 
 was to lead Ahab to his ruin. 
 
 21. And there came forth a spirit] The Hebrew has ^the spirit' as 
 is noted on the margin of the R.V. It seems therefore to imply some 
 definite power which imparted to prophets their gifts; the prophetic 
 spirit. That God allowed this power to delude Ahab was because of 
 the king's persistence in evil. God therefore gives him over to it, and 
 causes the prophets whom he has chosen for himself, to the rejection of 
 Micaiah and such as he, to be the instruments of his destruction. Thus 
 when Isaiah is sent to rebellious Israel (Is. vi. 10) his mission is 
 described as of this nature. God says to him ' Make the heart of this 
 people fat and make their ears heavy, and shut their eyes, lest they see 
 with their eyes, and hear with their ears, and understand with their 
 hearts.' In this wise and with like effect comes the spirit from God 
 into the mouths of Ahab's four hundred. 
 
 22. and I will be] The R.V. omits 'I' here, and later on inserts 
 •shalt' before 'prevail,' to accord with 2 Chronicles, the English being 
 thus as exactly alike in the two passages as the Hebrew is. 
 
 23. The Lord hath put a lying spirit] These words bear out what 
 
234 I. KINGS, XXII. [vv. 24—26. 
 
 prophets, and the Lord hath spoken evil concerning thee. 
 
 84 But Zedekiah the son of Chenaanah went near, and smote 
 
 Micaiah on the cheek, and said, Which way went the spirit 
 
 25 of the Lord from me to speak unto thee ? And Micaiah 
 said. Behold, thou shalt see in that day, when thou shalt go 
 
 26 into an inner chamber to hide thyself. And the king of 
 
 has been said on verse 2t. It was a messenger from Jehovah which led 
 these prophets astray. We are not to conclude from this that it was an 
 evil spirit, or Satan, as some have suggested. Such spirits are not 
 God's agents. The spirit which here wrought the evil did but foster 
 the false notions which a long course of previous warnings had had no 
 effect in driving away. Now therefore Ahab is given up to them. God 
 sends him ' a strong delusion, that he should believe a lie ' (2 Thess. ii. 11). 
 Cf Ps. Ixxviii. 49. 'He sent messengers of evil («<?/, evil angels) among 
 them'. 
 
 24. But Zedekiah... went [R. V. came] near\ The verb is the same 
 as in XX. 13. See note there. 
 
 Josephus has a great expansion of the narrative at this point, which 
 leads up to the blow given to Micaiah. He says 'the king began to 
 ponder on what had been said, but Zedekiah, one of the false prophets, 
 came near and advised him to pay no regard to Micaiah, for he 
 spake no truth. And he brought forward, as a proof of this, what 
 Elijah, who knew the future far better than this man, had prophesied. 
 He prophesied in the city of Jezreel and said that dogs should lick the 
 king's blood in the field of Naboth, as they had licked that of Naboth 
 who through him had been stoned by the people. It is clear then that 
 this man lies, in contradicting the better prophet and declaring that the 
 king shall die within three days. But ye shall know if he is true and 
 has the power of the divine spirit. For let him, after I have struck 
 him, blast my hand at once, as Jadon (see above on xiii. i) withered the 
 right hand of king Jeroboam, when he desired to arrest him. For, said 
 he, you have heard what happened then. Whereupon he struck 
 Micaiah, and when no hann befel him, Ahab took heart and was 
 encouraged to lead his army against the Syrian.' 
 
 Which way went the spirit of the Lord\ The whole account intimates 
 that Zedekiah conceived himself prompted by the divine spirit and 
 thought that he was telling the truth to Ahab. He was moved by 
 the spirit of prophecy but knew not that God had willed it to be to him 
 a spirit of lies. 
 
 The LXX. has rendered 'what spirit of the Lord was it that has 
 spoken in thee? ' 
 
 25. Behold, thou shalt see in [R.V. on] that day] The small change 
 harmonizes this passage with 2 Chron. What Micaiah was to see and 
 be convinced of was, that the spirit of God had passed away from him 
 and gone to Micaiah. The events would bring proof with them. 
 
 into an intter chartiber] See note on xx. 30 above. 
 
 to hide thyself^ When the news of the defeat came Samaria would 
 
w. 27, 28.] I. KINGS, XXII. 235 
 
 Israel said, Take Micaiah, and carry him back unto Araon 
 the governor of the city, and to Joash the king's son ; and 27 
 say, Thus saith the king, Put this fellow in the prison, and 
 feed him with bread of affliction and with water of affliction, 
 until I come in peace. And Micaiah said, If thou return 28 
 at all in peace, the Lord hath not spoken by me. And he 
 said, Hearken, O people, every one of you. 
 
 be terrified, and such as expected the invader to come on, after his 
 victory, would seek the securest places of concealment. The story tells 
 us nothing of the events which followed Ahab's death, but a man whose 
 words, boastful now, were so belied in a few days would certainly 
 desire to avoid being seen as much as might be. 
 
 26. carry him back unto Amon] As Ahab knew so well how to 
 find Micaiah when he was wanted, it may be that he was already under 
 the charge of Amon, in a sort of libera custodia. But the command in 
 the next verse to put him into prison seems conclusive that he had not 
 been a prisoner before. 
 
 yoash the kitt^s son] We have nothing to guide us in deciding how 
 this man was related to Ahab, or whether he was so at all. His occu- 
 pation, in conjunction with Amon the governor of the city, as super- 
 intendent of the prison-house renders it improbable that he was very 
 closely connected with the reigning family. On the other hand we can 
 hardly think that Joash would have this title if he were of one of the 
 families which had preceded Omri on the throne of Israel. Each new 
 dynasty would probably clear out of the way any who might be likely to 
 lay claim to the throne. 
 
 27. bread of affliction] Prison fare. The expression is found in 
 Isaiah xxx. 20, of the suffering of Israel in captivity. Hence it indicates 
 the food which would be procurable in a time of siege, or by prisoners 
 in captivity. 
 
 28. Hearken, people, every one of you] R.V. Hear, ye peoples, 
 all of you. This sentence is omitted by the LXX. as are also the 
 words 'And he said' which precede. In consequence it has been 
 thought that they are no part of the original text, but a marginal note of 
 a later time, which some one put down to shew that the Micaiah here 
 spoken of was the same with Micah the author of the prophecy. For 
 that prophecy (Micah i. 1) opens with this same sentence, and beside 
 this, in 2 Chronicles xviii. 14 the name Micah occurs in the text for 
 Micaiah. No one however thinks that Micah the prophet lived in Ahab's 
 days. The R.V. however very properly translates in both places by 
 the same English. For it may be that Micah at his opening took up 
 the burden with which the Scripture record of Micaiah closes. 
 
 The plural rendered 'peoples' is very frequent in the O. Test., and 
 the R. V. has introduced this rendering commonly. It signifies some- 
 times the various nations of the world at large, but often, as here, the 
 tribes of Israel. Cf. Gen. xlix. 10; Deut. xxxii. 8, &c. 
 
236 I. KINGS, XXII. [vv. 29—32. 
 
 ap So the king of Israel and Jehoshaphat the king of Judah 
 
 30 went up to Ramoth-gilead. And the king of Israel said 
 unto Jehoshaphat, I will disguise myself, and enter into the 
 battle ; but put thou on thy robes. And the king of Israel 
 
 31 disguised himself, and went into the battle. But the king 
 of Syria commanded his thirty and two captains that had 
 rule over his chariots, saying, Fight neither with small nor 
 
 32 great, save only with the king of Israel. And it came to 
 pass, when the captains of the chariots saw Jehoshaphat, 
 
 29 — 40. Battle of Ramoth-gilead. Defeat and death of 
 Ahab. {2 Chron. xviii. 28 — 34.) 
 
 30. / will disguise myself, and enter [R.V. go] info the battlel An- 
 other tense of the same verb is translated 'went' in this verse, and 'go' 
 is the rendering in 2 Chron. xviii. 29. 
 
 There must have been some mark by which the king of Judah could be 
 distinguished from the king of Israel; something answering to modern 
 blazonry or a coat of arms, or else the action of Ahab would have 
 been one designed to put his brother-king into the greatest possible 
 peril. This we can hardly think he would have wished to do, nor 
 would Jehoshaphat alone have gone to the post of greatest danger. Ahab 
 seems to have been alarmed lest after all there should be some truth in 
 Micaiah's words. He will therefore clothe himself like an ordinary 
 soldier and let the king of Judah alone appear in kingly robes, for 
 against him the attack would not be particularly directed. 
 
 put thou on thy robes'] The LXX. has 'my' [tov Ifj-aTiaixov ij-oxi). But 
 this would have been to expose Jehoshaphat to all the peril which he 
 himself desired to avoid. Josephus says, Ahab meant to falsify (Kara- 
 ao(pL^ecr6ai) the predictions of Micaiah. 
 
 31. But [R.V. Now] the king 0/ Syria commanded [R.V. bad com- 
 manded] his thirty and two captains] The changes are as usual to 
 conform to 2 Chronicles. These thirty-two captains were most likely 
 those who had been chosen to supply the places of the thirty-two kings 
 that were removed in the campaign of three years before (xx. 24). 
 
 that had rule over his chariots'] R. V. of his chariots. For one word 
 is rendered twice over, first 'captains' and then 'that had rule.' The 
 command was given to these officers because they were in the front of 
 the battle, the cavalry taking lead of the infantry. 
 
 Fight neither with small nor great] The meaning of the order is, 
 that they should let no engagement with other persons prevent them, 
 any more than they could help, from singling out Ahab and attacking 
 him. It was the single combat of chiefs, but there were 32, any one of 
 whom might attack him. Josephus however says 'though the battle lasted 
 from day dawn till evening, they slew no one, according to the king's 
 command, seeking only to destroy Ahab, and not being able to find him.' 
 
 32. when the captains of the chariots saw Jehoshaphat] They would 
 recognise from a distance that this was a royal personage, and would 
 naturally suppose that it could be none other than Ahab. On approach- 
 
w. 33, 34] I. KINGS, XXII. 237 
 
 that they said, Surely it is the king of Israel. And they 
 turned aside to fight against him : and Jehoshaphat cried 
 out. And it came to pass, when the captains of the chariots 33 
 perceived that it was not the king of Israel, that they turned 
 back from pursuing him. And a certain man drew a bow 34 
 at a venture, and smote the king of Israel between the 
 joints of the harness : wherefore he said unto the driver of 
 
 ing nearer they would probably discern that he was not wearing the 
 armour and insignia of Israel. The LXX. represents them as saying 
 'This seems to be the king of Israel, ' as if they were guided by the robes 
 and kingly array. 
 
 And they turned aside to fight against hini] The LXX. has * and they 
 compassed him about &c.' 
 
 and yehoshaphat cried out] Perhaps to his own men to rally round 
 him for defence. It can hardly have been a cry to his assailants to let 
 them know he was not the man they sought. For he could not be ac- 
 quainted with the orders they had received. We see from the expansion 
 in 2 Chron. xviii. 31 'But Jehoshaphat cried out and the Lord helped 
 him; and God moved them to depart from him' that it was understood 
 at that time that the cry was to Jehovah to save him from the danger. 
 The Vulg. has ' clamavit ad Dominum. ' 
 
 33. when the captains... perceived that it was not the king of Israeli 
 From this it is plain that the pursuers gathered, by the cry, knowledge 
 that it was Jehoshaphat. A cry of supplication would have been no 
 guide to them, but a shout of 'Judah to the rescue,' or some similar 
 word, might make them aware that the king they were approaching was 
 the king of Judah. 
 
 34. And a certain man"] Josephus has given him a name. 'A certain 
 youth of the royal family of Adad [i.e. Ben-hadad] whose name was Aman.' 
 'Fate, the inevitable,' he says, 'found Ahab out even without his robes.' 
 
 drew a bow [R.V. his bow] at aventure\ The noun is definite in form 
 in the Hebrew, so that the change is necessary. The word rendered 
 'at a venture' is translated in other places, and on the margin of A.V. 
 and R.V. 'in his simplicity.' It is also rendered 'in his integrity' 
 (Prov. xix. i) and 'in his uprightness' (Prov. xxviii. 6). The idea 
 appears to be that the man taking aim at some one, was quite unaware 
 at whom he was shooting. He levelled at some enemy and hit him, not 
 knowing how he had contributed to the victory. 'At a venture' must 
 therefore not be taken to mean 'a shot at random.' The LXX. ei3- 
 arbx'^^ 'with good aim' is a conjecture. 
 
 between the joints of the harness^ The margins of R.V. 'between the 
 lower armour and the breastplate' and of A.V. 'between the joints and 
 the breastplate' help us to understand what is meant. The former 
 word, rendered 'joints,' indicates that part where the breastplate termi- 
 nated and where the lower armour commenced. A part of the body 
 would there necessarily be less securely protected. 
 
 wherefore he said tinlo thedriver of his chariot] He would not wish to spread 
 alarm among his soldiers, and so made his retreat without observation. 
 
238 I. KINGS, XXII. [vv. 35—38. 
 
 his chariot, Turn thine hand, and carry me out of the host ; 
 
 35 for I am wounded. And the battle increased that day : 
 and the king was stayed up in his chariot against the 
 Syrians, and died at even : and the blood ran out of the 
 
 36 wound into the midst of the chariot. And there went a 
 proclamation throughout the host about the going down of 
 the sun, saying, Every man to his city, and every man to his 
 
 37 own country. So the king died, and was brought to Samaria; 
 
 38 and they buried the king in Samaria. And one washed the 
 
 / am wounded^ R.V. sore wounded. The literal rendering 'made 
 sick' which is given on the margin of A.V. implies more than an 
 ordinary wound. The translation 'sore wounded' is from 2 Chron. 
 XXXV. 23 (A.V.). Perhaps Ahab employed the word, which might have 
 a certain vagueness, that the charioteer should not spread an alarm. 
 For the driver knew of course who it was whom he was carrying. 
 
 35. the khig was stayed tip in his chariot\ Some attempt was doubt- 
 less made to stop the bleeding, and it was thought best that though not 
 in the fight, Ahab should not withdraw from the field. The LXX. says 
 'from morning till evening,' thus giving the impression that the king 
 was wounded at the very beginning of the fight. The Chronicler says 
 'he stayed himself up... ?/«^«7 the even.' This would be inferred from 
 our verse. There is nothing to warrant the expression of the LXX, 
 
 into the midst [R.V. 1)0110111] of the chariofl As will be seen from the 
 margin of A,V. the literal meaning is 'bosom.' The knowledge of how 
 to stop the bleeding of a wound was not great in those days, and Ahab's 
 wound must have been fatal whatever had been done. At this point 
 we are left by the Chronicler who closes his notice of these events with 
 the death of Ahab. Israel's history was no subject of concern for him, 
 except where it touched on that of Judah. 
 
 36. And there went a procla/nation'] R.V. a cry. The word is often 
 rendered 'cry' and applied both to sorrowful and joyous utterances. 
 Cf. Ps. xvii. r, xxx. 5. Nowhere else is it rendered 'proclamation.' 
 It indicates that word was passed round from troop to troop that some 
 disaster made retreat necessary. The LXX. paraphrases 'And the 
 herald of the host at the setting of the sun stood and said, ' &c. 
 
 every man to his owtt cotentry} The R.V. omits 'own', which has 
 nothing to represent it in the original. The LXX. adds to the cry, ' for 
 the king is dead.' But this is merely their version of the first words in 
 verse 37. For they continue, 'And they came to Samaria,' &c. 
 
 38. And one [R.V. tbey] washed the chariot in [R.V. by] the pool of 
 Samaria] The first change substitutes an English for a Hebrew idiom ; 
 the second renders more exactly the preposition of the original. It was 
 necessary in the East to provide large reservoirs outside each town that 
 the supplies of water in the rainy season might be kept for times of 
 drought. Many such pools are mentioned in Scripture, and some, for 
 example those at Bethlehem, remain to the present day. To the side of 
 such a tank the royal equipage was brought to be washed. Thus Ahab's 
 
vv. 39—41.] I. KINGS, XXII. 239 
 
 chariot in the pool of Samaria ; and the dogs Hcked up his 
 blood; and they washed his armour; according unto the 
 word of the Lord which he spake. Now the rest of the 39 
 acts of Ahab, and all that he did, and the ivory house which he 
 made, and all the cities that he built, are they not written in the 
 book of the chronicles of the kings of Israel ? So Ahab slept 43 
 with his fathers ; and Ahaziah his son reigned in his stead. 
 And Jehoshaphat the son of Asa began to reign over Judah 41 
 
 blood came to be licked up by the dogs in the same sort of spot, outside 
 the city walls, as that where Naboth's blood was licked up near Jezreel. 
 
 and the dogs licked, &c.] Here as above in xxi. 19 the LXX. adds 
 'the swine' to the dogs. 
 
 and they washed his armour] R.V. Now the harlots washed them- 
 selves there. This change, which is the rendering of the LXX., is no 
 doubt correct. The Hebrew word JTI3T occurs often in the O. Test, 
 and means nothing else but 'harlots,' while the verb in the sentence is 
 not one applied to washing articles that need cleaning but to bathing 
 the body. Cf. Exod. xxx. 19, 21, xl. 12, 31; Lev. xvi. 4, 24, 26, 28, 
 and in Nurub. xix. 19 another verb is used for 'wash his clothes' and 
 the present verb rendered 'bathe himself,' and in the verse before us 
 another verb is employed to describe the washing of the chariot. 
 
 The R.V. by placing this clause in a parenthesis seems to treat it as a 
 subsidiary feature in the description. This was the place to which they 
 usually came to bathe. Some have however suggested that the women 
 alluded to were those attached (as such persons were) to the temples of 
 Baal and Ashtoreth, and that thus a greater indignity still was offered 
 to this fosterer of idolatrous worship. This interpretation however reads 
 a good deal into the text which is not there. And surely it was indignity 
 enough for the royal blood to be washed into the waters of the harlots' 
 bath. It should be mentioned that Josephus, and, among the Fathers, 
 Theodoret, support the rendering of R.V. The A.V. is derived from 
 the Chaldee and the Syriac versions. 
 
 39. the ivory house that he made [R.V. built] The verb is the same 
 as in the next clause. The house was of course not of ivory, but 
 largely adorned with it. That such adornment prevailed in Oriental 
 lands, see Amos iii. 15. The family of Ahab were great builders. It was 
 the father of this king who in his short reign built Samaria, and Ahab 
 apparently built several cities, i.e. perhaps restored and beautified them. 
 Omri's building of Samaria, however, was the founding of a new capital. 
 
 40. Ahaziah his son] Ahaziah was the elder son of Ahab, and died 
 subsequently in consequence of a fall (2 Kings i. 17) and was succeeded 
 by his brother Jehoram (2 Kings iii. i). 
 
 41 — 50. Brief notice of the reign of Jehoshaphat, king 
 OF Judah. (2 Chron. xx. 31 — 37, xxi. i.) 
 
 41. Jehoshaphat the son of Asd\ For the events of the twenty-five 
 years of Jehoshaphat's reign the books of Kings give but a scanty 
 
240 I. KINGS, XXII. [w. 42, 43. 
 
 42 in the fourth year of Ahab king of Israel. Jehoshaphat was 
 thirty and five years old when he began to reign ; and he 
 reigned twenty and five years in Jerusalem. And his mother's 
 
 43 name was Azubah the daughter of Shilhi. And he walked 
 in all the ways of Asa his father ; he turned not aside from 
 it, doing that which was right in the eyes of the Lord: never- 
 theless the high places were not taken away ; for the people 
 
 record. His alliance with Jehoram, Ahab's son, against the king of 
 Moab, is mentioned (2 Kings ii. 7, seqq.) and that Jehoram, his son, was 
 made king during his father's lifetime (2 Kings viii. 16). But this is all. 
 Yet clearly Jehoshaphat was a king of much influence. The Chronicler 
 also tells much good concerning him. The Lord was with him 
 {2 Chron. xvii.) and he prospered. He sent out Levites with the 
 princes to teach the people in the cities of Judah. His enemies were 
 dismayed by his greatness, for he had famous commanders and mighty 
 armies. He made the improper alliance with Ahab (2 Chron. xviii.) 
 but after Ahab's death, he returned to Jerusalem and appointed and 
 instructed judges and priests and Levites (2 Chron. xix.) to act in the 
 fear of the Lord and with a perfect heart. He was attacked by Moab 
 (2 Chron. xx.) but seeking unto the Lord he gained a great victory, 
 which he celebrated in such way that the place of the celebration was 
 known afterwards as ' The valley of blessing.' 
 
 42. He reigned twenty and Jive j/ears] His son and successor, 
 Jehoram, was made king in conjunction with his father, before 
 Jehoshaphat 's death (2 Kings ix. 16). But this could only have been 
 done just at the close of Jehoshaphat's reign. For it was in the fourth 
 year of Ahab that Jehoshaphat began to reign. Ahab reigned 22 years 
 (i Kings xvi. 29). So that 18 years of Jehoshaphat's reign were over 
 when Ahab died. Ahaziah reigned two years (see verse 51 below) and 
 it was in the 5th year of Joram, the brother and successor of Ahaziah, 
 that Jehoshaphat joined his son with him in the kingdom. So that, 
 unless the years are not complete years, it must have been in the closing 
 years of his father's reign that Jehoram began his joint reign. 
 
 h's mother's na7ne'\ On the important position occupied by the queen- 
 mother in Oriental kingdoms, see on ii. 19. This accounts for the 
 constant mention of her name at each king's accession. 
 
 43. nevertheless [R. V. howbeit] the high places were not taken away] 
 for [om. for R.V.] the people offered [R.V. still sacrificed] and burnt 
 incense vet [om. yet R.V.] in the high places. The changes get rid of 
 the italic yj7r, and put j'//// instead oi yet in its proper place in the verse. 
 'To sacrifice' is the constant translation of the verb changed in R.V. 
 
 The statement here made is no contradiction, as might at first sight 
 appear, to 2 Chron. xvii. 6, ' he took away the high places and groves 
 [R.V. the Asherim] out of Judah.' The addition of 'the Asherim' in 
 the latter passage shews that the writer is speaking of the high places 
 which were devoted to the worship of Baal and Astoreth. This 
 worship had spread from Israel into Judah, and it was this which 
 
vv. 45— 48-] I- KINGS, XXII. 241 
 
 offered and burnt incense yet in the high places. And 4s 
 Jehoshaphat made peace with the king of Israel. Now the 
 rest of the acts of Jehoshaphat, and his might that he shewed, 
 and how he warred, are they not written in the book of the 
 chronicles of the kings of Judah? And the remnant of the 46 
 sodomites, which remained in the days of his father Asa, he 
 took out of the land. 2'here was then no king in Edom : a ^^ 
 deputy was king. Jehoshaphat made ships of Tharshish to 43 
 
 Jehoshaphat swept away, an act which Jehu the prophet specially 
 commends (2 Chron. xix. 3). But the high places which had been 
 from early times set apart for the worship of Jehovah, and which were 
 meant to be put down when the Temple was t)uilt, he had not power to 
 abolish. From long custom people clung to them, and having at first 
 been places of acceptable worship, there was great difficulty in proceed- 
 ing to extremities against those who still chose to worship there. 
 
 44. yehoshaphat made peace with the king of Israel] This is men- 
 tioned because up to his time the two kingdoms had been always 
 at war. 
 
 45. and how he wat'red] The words are not represented in the LXX. 
 On the wars of Jehoshaphat, see above on verse 41, and the chapters in 
 2 Chronicles there referred to. 
 
 in the book of the chronicles of the kings of fudah] The Chronicler 
 gives, as the authority for Jehoshaphat's history, the book of Jehu, the 
 son of Hanani, who is mentioned in the book of the kings of Israel. 
 
 46. And the remnant, &c.] This passage, down to the end of verse 49, 
 is omitted by the ( Vat.) LXX. 
 
 ziihich remained in the days of his father'] Asa had striven to put 
 them down. See xv. 12 above. 
 
 he took [R.V. put away] out of the land] 'To put away' is by far the 
 most frequent rendering of the verb. See concerning a similar pro- 
 ceeding 2 Kings xxiii. 24. 
 
 47. There was then [R.V. And there was] no king in Edom] There- 
 fore Jehoshaphat could go through Idumsea to the Red Sea and prepare 
 him a fleet in Ezion-geber. On Ezion-geber and its position in the 
 land of Edom, see above on ix. 26. 
 
 a deputy was kijig] What had become of the royal family of Edom, 
 which Hadad (see xi. I4 seqq.) appears to have established again, we 
 are nowhere told. Nor is there anything to guide us to a conclusion 
 by whom the deputy was appointed. It may be that Hadad had never 
 gained much power after his return from Egypt, and his successor had 
 not been able to maintain his position. In that case the king of Judah 
 might have claimed the rights which his predecessor had once held, and 
 have set up a governor in Edom. If this were so a passage for the servants 
 of the king of Judah through the land would be a matter of course. 
 
 48. ships of Tharshish] See above on x. 22. 
 
 Ophii-] See ix. 28. The Chronicler says the ships were to go to 
 Tarshish (2 Chron. xx. 38,1. 
 
 I. KINGS 16 
 
242 I. KINGS, XXII. [vv. 49— 53. 
 
 go to Opliir for gold : but they went not ; for the ships were 
 
 49 broken at Ezion-geber. Then said Ahaziah the son of Ahab 
 unto Jehoshaphat, Let my servants go with thy servants in the 
 
 50 ships. But Jehoshaphat would not. And Jehoshaphat slept 
 with his fathers, and was buried with his fathers in the city of 
 David his father : and Jehoram his son reigned in his stead. 
 
 51 Ahaziah the son of Ahab began to reign over Israel in 
 Samaria the seventeenth year of Jehoshapliat king of Judah, 
 
 52 and reigned two years over Israel. And he did evil in the 
 sight of the Lord, and walked in the way of his father, and 
 in the way of his mother, and in the way of Jeroboam the 
 
 53 son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin : for he served Baal, 
 and worshipped him, and provoked to anger the Lord God 
 of Israel, according unto all that his father had done. 
 
 the ships were broken"] According to the Chronicler (2 Chron. xx. 35 — 
 37) these ships were built in conjunction with Ahaziah, king of Israel. 
 And Eliezer the prophet rebuked Jehoshaphat for this alliance, and said, 
 'because thou hast joined thyself with Ahaziah, the Lord hath broken thy 
 works.' Thus the breaking of the ships, however it came to pass, by storm 
 or otherwise, was regarded as brought about by divine interposition. 
 
 49. Let f/ty servants go tvith thy servants] This appears to have been 
 an attempt to engage Jehoshaphat in a second expedition. If there were 
 two expeditions contemplated, one may have been to Ophir, and the 
 other to Tarshish. This would account for what is noticed in tht 
 previous verse, that the Chronicler mentions Tarshish as the destination, 
 while here Ophir is spoken of. 
 
 51 — 53. Ahaziah, king of Israel. His wicked reign. (Not 
 in Chronicles.) 
 
 51. the sroeiiteenih year] The R. V. inserts in before these words, 
 and as the preposition is in the original, there is no ground for excluding 
 it in the English. On the chronology see above on verse 42. 
 
 and reigned] R.V. and he reigned. The main division of the verse 
 in the Hebrew precedes these words, and the pronoun repeated makes 
 somewhat of a like division in the translation. 
 
 52. did evil [R.V. did that which was evil] As often before. 
 
 the ivay of his mother] i.e. He tried to put down the worship of 
 Jehovah altogether, as Jezebel had done. 
 
 zvho [R.V. wherein he] made Israel to sin] On a similar change, cf. 
 above xvi. 30. 
 
 53. for [R.V. And] he served Baal] This is an additional count in 
 his wickedness, not an explanation of what is contained in the verse be- 
 fore. Hence the change. The LXX., instead of 'according to all that 
 his father had done,' gives ' according to all things which had been before 
 him.' As though there were no evil done by any previous king (and 
 all of them had been wicked) which Ahaziah did not imitate. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Aaron, rod of, 85 
 Abel-beth-maachah, 168 
 Abel-meholah, 39, 204 
 Abiathar, the priest, 4, 22, 23 
 Abijah, son of Jeroboam, 15S 
 
 king ol Judah, 159 
 
 — ; — called Abijara, 162 
 Ahishag, 2, 20, 21 
 Abishalom = Absalom, 163 
 Abner, 17, 25 
 Absalom, 3 
 
 Achish, king of Gath, 27 
 Acra, 103 
 Ationai, 229 
 Adonijah, 3 
 
 proclaimed king, 8 
 
 flight of, 14 
 
 ■; asks for Abishag, 20 
 
 Adoniram, 38, 51 
 Adoram, 140 
 
 Aiioro, significance of, 205 
 Ahab, king of Israel, 177 
 
 sold to work wickedness, 226 
 
 weakness of, 217, 220 
 
 curse upon, 224 
 
 penitence of, 227 
 
 prophets of, 229 
 
 death of, 239 
 
 Ahaziah, son of Ahab, 239, 242 
 Ahijah the Shilonite, 132 
 
 writings of, 134 
 
 — ~ enquired of by Jeroboam, 155 
 Ahimaaz, 41 
 
 aimuff (algum) txses, 108, 112 
 Amasa, 17 
 
 A men, meaning of, 10 
 Ammonites, god of the, 122 
 Amon, 235 
 Amorites, 226 
 Ana,y<)r Maachah, 165 
 Anathoth, 23 
 anoint, sense of, 202 
 anointing, significance of, 10 
 Aphek, 213 
 Aram, 120 
 
 Aram-beth-Rehob, 120 
 Aram-Maachah, 120 
 Arara-Naharaim, 120 
 Aram-2obah, 120 
 
 Argob, 40 
 
 ark of the covenant, 33 
 
 — transport of the, 82 
 
 — contents of the, 85, £8 
 Arubboth, 39 
 
 Arza, 174 
 
 Asa, king of Judah, 164 
 
 — wars of, 166 
 
 — acts of, 169 
 'Ascent,' Solomon's, no 
 Asherak, 165, 17S, 189 
 As/terim, 158, 161, 241 
 Ashtoreth, 121 
 Athaliah, 165 
 
 married to the son of Jehosha- 
 
 phat, 228 
 
 Athenaeus on riddles, no 
 Azariah, son of Zadok, 36 
 
 son of Oded, 169 
 
 Azzah = Gaza, 43 
 
 Baal, 121 
 
 Baalath, 104 
 Baalim, the, 189 
 Baalpeor, 122 
 
 Baana, son of Ahilud, 39, 41 
 Baasha, king of Israel, 167, 172 
 Babylonian invasion, 71 
 Bahurim, 19 
 
 Barzillai the Gileadite, 18 
 bases, the ten made by Hiram, 75 
 Bashan, 40 
 
 bath, Hebrew measure so called, 75 
 Bath-sheba, 5 
 Bealoth, 41 
 
 Bedouin characteristics, 197 
 Beer-sheba, 198 
 Belial, sotts o/, 223 
 Ben-Abinadab, 39 
 Benajah, David's captain, 4, 23, 24 
 Ben-Deker, 38 
 Ben-Geber, 40 
 
 Ben-hadad, son of Tabrimmon, 167 
 besieges Samaria 207 
 
 defeat of, 211 
 
 Ben-Hesed, 39 
 Ben-Hur, 38 
 
 Bernard, Dr, an interpretation by, 35 
 Bethel, 143, 145 
 
244 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Bethel, prophet of, 150 
 
 Beth-horon, towns so called, 104 
 
 )>eth-marcaboth, 105 
 
 Beth-shean, 39 
 
 Bethshemesh, 38 
 
 Bidkar, 224 
 
 blessing-, Solomon's dedication, 86 
 
 Boaz, pillar called, 73 
 
 Bomberg, Daniel, i 
 
 bond-men, 106 
 
 Bosheth written instead of Baal, 178 
 
 bowing m worship. 13 
 
 bronze shields made by Rehoboa.-n, 116 
 
 b^rosh, 49 
 
 brother, kings use the ivord, 51, 102, 215 
 
 Bui, month so called, 65 
 
 burial, rites of, much regarded, 152 
 
 biirni}igs at funerals, 170 
 
 Byblus, 53 
 
 Cabul, various explanations of the name, 
 
 102 
 Calcol, 45 
 Caleb, 104 
 
 calf-worship, prophets of the, 229 
 calves, golden, 142 
 caravans, 109 
 Carchemish, 119 
 Carmel, Mt, 196 
 caterpillar, what, 92 
 censers, 81 
 
 chamber, inner, 215, 234 
 cliainbers round the Temple, 56 
 'charge,^ meaning of, i6 
 chariot-cities, 105 
 chariots 0/ Solomon, iig 
 Chemosh, god of the Moabites, 122 
 Cherethites, the, 11, 162 
 Cherith, torrent-bed of, 180 
 cherubim, the, 62 
 
 wings of the, 84 
 
 Chimham, 18 
 Chinneroth, 168 
 Chronicles, omissions in, 28 
 
 additions in, 95, 96, 100 
 
 variations in, 43, 52, iil 
 
 chronology, note on, 53 
 
 city of David, Pharaoh's daughter 
 
 dwells in, 107 
 cloud of glory, 86 
 coast, meaning of, 2 
 ' Cohen,' meaning of, 37 
 commerce with Ophir, 109 
 compassion, to give, what, 94 
 consecration, Hebrew form for, 154 
 cor, a Hebrew measure, 42, 51 
 coral, the Rabbis think is algum, 113 
 court, the inner, 65 
 
 the great, 69 
 
 covenant, how made, 85 
 
 cracknels, what, 155 
 
 cubit, length of, 54 
 
 curse, sense of, how obtained, 222 
 
 Cyrus, God stirs up the heart of, 94 
 
 Damascus, 120, 130, 216 
 Dan, 143, 168 
 Darda, 45 
 Davar, 60 
 David, age of, i 
 
 his charge to Solomon, 15 
 
 city of, 19, 29, 33 
 
 death of, 20 
 
 his preparationsfor the Temple, 47 
 
 treasures of, 8i 
 
 musical instruments of, 97 
 
 his war on Edom, 125 
 
 day, unto this, 140 
 
 'days' used for 'a long time,' 183 
 dedication festival, when, 83 
 Deuteronomic law, 29, 105, 118 
 Deuteronomy, allusions to, 16, 89, 90, 91, 
 
 93, loo, lOI 
 Dios, quoted by Josephus, no 
 dogs in eastern lands, 158 
 doors of Oracle and Temple, 63 
 Dor, 39 
 
 dreams, God speaks by, 31, 33 
 drought, one of God's plagues, 91 
 
 east coiintry, children of the, 44 
 Edom, destruction of, 125 
 
 no king in, 241 
 
 Egypt, river of, 98 
 
 famed for wisdom, 44 
 
 Egyptian bondage, 94 
 
 Ela, 41 
 
 Elah, king of Israel, 173 
 Elath, 108 
 
 Eleazar, family of, 23 
 Fli, family of, ib. 
 Elijah the Tishbite, 179 
 — — his flight, 180 
 
 fed by ravens, 181 
 
 at Zarephath, 182 
 
 meets Ahab, 185 
 
 on Mt Carmel, 190 
 
 sacrifices, though not a priest, 194 
 
 prays on Carmel, 196 
 
 servant of, 198 
 
 God's revelation to, 200 
 
 in Naboth's vineyard, 224 
 
 Elisha, son of Shaphat, 204 
 
 call of, 205 
 
 ministers to Elijah, 206 
 
 Elohim, name interchanged with Jeho- 
 vah, 128 
 
 El-Tih, desert of, 127 
 En-rogel, 5 
 
 Ephraim, horns of, 230 
 Ephraimite, 130 
 Ephrathite, 130 
 Esrom = Rezon, 123 
 Ethan the Ezrahite, 44 
 Fthanin, month so called, 82 
 Ethbaal, king of Zidon, 178 
 Ezion-geber, 108 
 
 famine in Israel and in Phoenicia, 180 
 
INDEX. 
 
 245 
 
 father, application of the word, 70 
 
 Jatheri houses, princes of, 82 
 
 /easts, three great, of the Jewish year, 
 
 107 
 Fergusson, Mr, quoted, 54, 58 
 yif/= fetched, 70 
 Jlotes, 50 
 
 Jbrgivetiess, idea of, 227 
 yjvwzy of prophets, ig2 
 Jumace 0/ iron = Egyptia.n bondage, 94 
 
 Galilee of the nations, 102 
 gate, as a seat of judgement, 34 
 
 — kings sitting in the, 230 
 Oaza, 43 
 
 G'6irah = queen mother, 127 
 
 Geba of Benjamin, 169 
 
 Gebalites, 53 
 
 Gezer, places of that name, 103 
 
 Gibbethon, 171, 175 
 
 Gibeon, the great high place, 26, 30, 99 
 
 the tabernacle there, 30 
 
 last mention of sacrifice there, 31 
 
 Gibeonites, the, 109 
 Gihon, notice of, 9 
 Gilead, 40, 41 
 
 character of the land of, 180 
 
 God, malt of, name given to Elijah and 
 
 Elisha, 185 
 
 — "Word of, how received, 141 
 gold, how laid on, 64 
 
 — pure, explanation of, 62 
 
 ^ go out and come in,' meaning of, 31 
 ^n'a^= heavy, burdensome, 32 
 
 Hadad, the Syrian god, 167 
 
 the Edoniite, 125, 128, 241 
 
 flees to Egypt, 126 
 
 Hadadezer, 129 
 
 hair, ?iot to fall to the ground, 15 
 
 Hamath, 98 
 
 Hamath-Zobah, 104 
 
 hand of , by the, 95, 159 
 
 hand, to lift up the, 131 
 
 Hanun, the son of Nahash, 162 
 
 harlots, 34, 239 
 
 harness, 237 
 
 Hawoth-Jair, 40 
 
 Hazael, king of Sj'ria, 203 
 
 Hazar-Susim, 105 
 
 Hazor, 103 
 
 head-band, 218 
 
 heathens, cut themselves in their worship, 
 
 192 
 heaven of heavens, 89 
 Hebreiv construction noticed, 18, 100 
 Hemau, 44 
 
 hereditary succession not regarded, 5 
 Hezion, 129, 167 
 Hiel the Bethelite, 179 
 high places, 122, 154, 160, 240 
 Hinnom, valley of the son of, 122 
 Hiram, king of Tyre, 46 
 
 his adornment of Tyre, 50 
 
 Hiram, his league with Solomon, 51 
 
 a Tyrian worker in metals, 70 
 
 Solomon's gift to, 101 
 
 navy of, 112, 113 
 
 Hittites, kings of the, 119 
 Noly Place, the, 59 
 homage, oriental, 15 
 Horeb, 199, 200 
 
 horn of oil, 11 
 horns of the altar, 14 
 horses, multiplication of, 105 
 
 gathered by Solomon, 118 
 
 ^o?<jtf= possessions, 22 
 
 houses of high places, 144 
 hyperbole, oriental, 9, 187 
 
 Ibzan, the judge, 104 
 
 Iddo the seer, writings of, 134 
 
 idols, significant names of, 19s 
 
 Ijon, 168 
 
 images, meaning of, 161 
 
 z« = with the loss of, 179 
 
 intermarriage with the heathen, 120 
 
 Islam, 96 
 
 Israel and Judah, clearly distinct, 43, 136 
 
 Ithamar, family of, 23 
 
 ivory, used largely, 116, 239 
 
 lyar, month so called, 54 
 
 Jabin, king of Canaan, 103 
 Jachin, pillar called, 73 
 Jadon, 146 
 
 Jael, wife of Heber, 103 
 Jashar, book of, 95 
 Jebusite, city of the, 125 
 Jehoshaphat, son of Ahilud, 37 
 
 king of Judah, 228, 240 
 
 • at Ramoth-Gilead, 237 
 
 navy of, 241 
 
 Jehovah, the name used by heathens, 49, 
 
 112 
 Jehu, son of Hanani, 172 
 
 son of Nimshi, 203, 224 
 
 Jericho rebuilt, 179 
 
 Jeroboam, son of Nebat, birthplace of, 
 80, 130 
 
 king of Israel, 136 
 
 ordains a new feast, 144 
 
 hand of, withered, 146 
 
 Jerome, Prologus galeatus, i 
 Jerusalem, God's chosen place, 87 
 jfews, considered to be haters of man- 
 kind, 93 
 Jezebel, daughter of Ethbaal, 178 
 
 letters sent by, 221 
 
 Joab, notices of, 3, 12, 17, 22 
 
 - death of, 24, 25 
 
 - his war on Edom, 126 
 Joash, the king's son, 235 
 Jokmeam, 39 
 
 Joktan, dwelt in Arabia, 108 
 Jonathan, son of Abiathar, 12 
 Joppa, 50 
 Joseph, house of, 131 
 
246 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Josephus, interpretation of, 35, 82, 88, 
 149, 183 
 
 Temple furniture described 
 
 by, 86 
 
 quoted, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 102, 
 
 105, 109, 234 
 Josiah, king of Judah, 103, 122, 147 
 Judah, wilderness of, 26 
 
 kingdom of, 125 
 
 population of, 141 
 
 judges, in every city, 221 
 Juniper- tree, 198 
 
 Kadesh, 119 
 
 Kennicott, explanation by Dr, 107 
 
 A'eri, reading of the, 104, 145 
 
 Kethib, reading of, 145 
 
 Kidron, brook, 26, 165 
 
 Kimchi, alluded to, 62 
 
 Kings, books of, differing from Samuel, i 
 
 division of, ix, i 
 
 compiler of, very faithful, 106 
 
 dnte of, X 
 
 compiler of, x 
 
 sources of, xi 
 
 character of, xxiv 
 
 Kishon, the brook, 195 
 kissing, an act of worship, 205 
 
 lamentation, form of, 133 
 lamp, significance of, 133. 163 
 lavers, the te7i, made by Hiram, 75 
 Lebanon, house of the forest of, 66, 115 
 
 timber from, 48 
 
 beauty of, described, 105 
 
 Levites, duties of, 83, 97 
 
 Levitical functions, said to be of late 
 
 origin. 107 
 Leviticus, allusions to, 91, 93 
 levy, of Solomon, 38, 51, 102, 106 
 
 reasons for, 103 
 
 lions, often found, 153 
 'little child', meuiing of, 31 
 locusts, various kinds of, 91 
 
 Maachah, 163 
 
 Maccabaeus, Judas, 104 
 
 Mahanaim, 19 
 
 Makaz, 38 
 
 Malcham, 122 
 
 Maneh, value of the, 115 
 
 manna, pot of, 85 
 
 7iiaHtle, prophet's robe. 205 
 
 Maon, perhaps for Midian, 127 
 
 Marchesvan, month of, 65 
 
 Martyr, Peter, quoted, 21 
 
 Massoretic pointing, 150 
 
 ineat-offering, meaning of, 97 
 
 Mecca, Mohammedans turn towards, in 
 
 prayer, 93 
 Megiddo, 39, 103 
 Mephibosheth, son of Saul, 18 
 Micah the prophet, 235 
 
 Micaiah, son of Imlah, 231 
 
 vision of, 233 
 
 Midian, where, 126 
 Midianites, 127 
 jnigkty men of David, 4 
 7nikveh — 3. drove, 119 
 Milcom, i£2 
 
 Millo, 103, 131 
 
 Milton quoted, 121, 123 
 
 ' mingled people', 114 
 
 J\/iz/iah, 169 
 
 Mogul, wives of the, 121 
 
 Moloch, 122, 123 
 
 Moriah. Mt, 82 
 
 Mosaic law, Naboth's regard for, 220 
 
 tabernacle, cherubim in, 63 
 
 Moses, fasting forty days, 199 
 Aloslem, 96 
 
 Mount of Offettce, 123 
 
 7nouittain = h\\\ country, 38, 232 
 
 mule, royal, g 
 
 7iiultitudes, in the East, easily acoonuno- 
 
 dated, 97 
 inttsic, orie/ital, 12 
 
 Naamah, wife of Solomon, 160 
 
 IS'abal, 127 
 
 IS'aboth, the Jezreelite, 219 
 
 trial of, apparently legal, 222 
 
 • sons of, also slain, 223 
 
 when put to death, 227 
 
 Nadab, king of Israel, 159 
 
 slain by Baasha, 170 
 
 Nahal, meaning of. 180 
 Uiame of the Lord', 30, 109 
 7iaine, where God records His, E7 
 Nathan, the prophet, 4 
 
 supports Bath-sheba, 7 
 
 anoints Solomon, 9 
 
 writings of, 134 
 
 nations, the, to know God's glory, 96 
 
 Nob, 23 
 
 71071-1 sraelitepopulatio7i in Palestine, 106 
 
 Obadiah, 185, 186, 187 
 
 ' occurre7tt', 48 
 
 offices, paid for, 115 
 
 officers over the levy, 107 
 
 oil, beate7i, 51 
 
 Olives, Mt of, 123 
 
 Omri, king of Israel, 175 
 
 • builds Samaria, 176 
 
 conquered by Ben-hadad, 228 
 
 Ophir, 108, 242 
 
 opobalsamu77i, 112 
 
 oracle, the, 55, 60 
 
 oriental obeisance, 6 
 
 Origen, Canon of, i 
 
 quoted, 54 
 
 Palmyra, 104 
 Paran, wilderness of, 127 
 /'arash = hoTse and rider, 118 
 Paul the hermit, life of, iSx 
 
INDEX. 
 
 247 
 
 Pelethites, the, 11, 162 
 
 Penue!, 142 
 
 ^peoples' word introduced in R. V., 235 
 
 'perfect with the Lord' , meaning of, 121 
 
 Persian gulf, ports in the, iq8 
 
 Pharaoh, icing of Egypt, 29, 103, 107 
 
 Pharaoh's daughter, 29, 107 
 
 house of, 68 
 
 pillars, cast by Hiram, 70 
 pine, Josephus explains = almug, 113 
 place, not = precise locality, 225 
 porch of the Temple, 55 
 
 of pillars, 67 
 
 for the throne, 68 
 
 prayers, toward some sacred spot, 93 
 /r^^<'«^ = marriage-portion, 104 
 presents common in the East, 112 
 
 from tributary princes, 117 
 
 priest, meaning of the Hebrew for, 36 
 
 priests, the arlc carried by, 83 
 
 pniices 0/ the provi?ices, young men nf, 
 
 2IO 
 
 prophet, called mouth of Jehovah, 87 
 prophetic spirit in language, 58 
 prophets, how recognised, 219 
 
 slain by Jezebel, 186 
 
 Proverbs, alluded to, 13 
 
 of Solomon, 45 
 
 Psilmxiv. , reference of, 29 
 Pythagoras, 44 
 
 queen-mother, dignity of, 21, 127, 160 
 
 raiment, changes of, as presents, 118 
 rains, early and latter, 83 
 Ramah, 168 
 Ramoth-gilead, 40, 228 
 
 battle of. 236 
 
 ravens, attempts to explain away the 
 
 word, 181 
 Rehoboam, son of Solomon, 116 
 
 folly of, at his accession, 137 
 
 sinful time of, 160 
 
 Rei, 4 
 
 Rezon, son of Eliada, 128 
 
 Rhinocolura, 98 
 
 riddles, common among the ancients, no 
 
 were the Queen of Sheba's ques- 
 
 tions of a religious character, 
 
 no 
 right hand, to sit on the, 21 
 Rimmon, 167 
 river, /At»= Euphrates, 42 
 
 this side the, meaning of, 43 
 
 Robertson, F. W., Sermon of, igg 
 Robertson- Smith, Prof, an emendation 
 
 of, 95 
 Robins, Mr E. C, on the Temple, 55 
 ropes OH the head, 215 
 runners, body guard of, 3 
 
 Sabseans, 109 
 
 sacrijice, feasting at a, 5, 97 
 
 great, at the Dedication, 97 
 
 sacrifices not always offered by priests, 
 30, 194 
 
 not always at one place, 200 
 
 Samaria, early mention of, 154 
 
 building of, 176 
 
 Samson, riddle of, no 
 sandalwood, thought to be almug, 113 
 Sanskrit, words connected with, 117 
 Sarira, 131 
 
 ^rt;'rt« = adversary, 125 
 
 scorpion, probably figurative, 138 
 
 sea, the molten, 74, 193 
 
 seah, a Jewish measure, 194 
 
 seamanship of the Tyrians, loS 
 
 jcrt/= throne, 21 
 
 Seba, log 
 
 Selden, de Dis Syris, 123 
 
 Septuagint, renderings of, 22, 32, 33, 59, 
 61, 112, 114, ns, ng, 130, 
 139. ig8, 209, 239 
 
 additions of, 24, 28, 33, 38, 
 
 46, 8g, 96, 117, 118, 125, 
 145, 224, 225, 232 
 
 omissions of, 65, 87, 162, 193 
 
 servants, meaning of, 2, 106, no, 131 
 
 seven for an indefinite number, 196, 204 
 
 seven days waiting, 214 
 
 Shaalbim, 38 
 
 Shalavt, 96 
 
 Shamir, the, 57 
 
 Sheba, gold of, 108 
 
 queen of, 109 
 
 Shechem, Rehoboam at, 135 
 
 built up, 142 
 
 She/elah, n8 
 
 'shekel', the word, omitted, 115 
 
 Shemaiah, 141 
 
 Shenier, 176 
 
 shields of ^c\d, ti5 
 
 Shimei, notices of, 4, 18, ig, 26, 27 
 
 ships, timber for, supplied by Hiram, loS 
 
 Shisha, 37 
 
 Shishak, king of Egypt, 29, 134, 161 
 
 Shomeron, 177 
 
 Shunem, 2 
 
 shjit up and left, meaning of, 157, 223 
 
 side chambers in Temple, 57 
 
 tabernacle put in them, 83 
 
 in the house of the forest 
 
 of Lebanon, f.6 
 
 Sidonians, skilled workmen, 48 
 
 sign, meaning of, 148 
 
 'simples', 45 
 
 skill (verb), 49 
 
 Socoh, 39 
 
 Solomon, agre of, at his accession, 15. 31 
 
 marries Pharaoh's daughter, 28 
 
 house of, 29, 66 
 
 ■ judgement of, 33 
 
 songs of, 45 
 
 — his botanical wisdom, 45 
 
 his payment to Hiram, 50 
 
 dedication prayer of, 88 
 
 benediction of, 95 
 
248 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Solomon, his reign a time of peace, 96 
 
 prominence in the dedication 
 
 service, 98 
 
 ■ — God's appearance to, 30, g8 
 
 enormous revenue of, 114 
 
 God's anger against, 124 
 
 death of, 134 
 
 j<7« = grandson, 36 
 
 Son,e^ 0/ Solomon, 105. 121 
 
 so Mrt/ = provided that, 89 
 
 spices, Arabia famous for, no 
 
 spirit, the prophetic, 233 
 
 staves to bear the ark, 84 
 
 stoiies, twelve, for an altar, 193 
 
 stoning, death by, 222 
 
 place for, outside the city, 223 
 
 store-cities, 105 
 
 strangers, forced labour of, 51, 52 
 
 consideration for, among the 
 
 Jews, 92 
 streets made in foreign towns, 216 
 Succoth, 80 
 
 SHS = a draught horse, iiS 
 syniioiicttt aclion, 132 
 
 language, 124 
 
 Taanach, 39 
 tabernacles, feast of, 98 
 table, to eat at one's, 18 
 Tab-rimmon, 167 
 Tadmor, 104 
 
 Josephus' account of, 105 
 
 talent, value of, 114 
 
 Tamar, 104 
 
 Taphath, daughter of Solomon, 39 
 
 targets, 115 
 
 Targuin, interpretation in the, 52 
 
 Tarshish, ships of, 116, 242 
 
 =Tartessus in Spain, 117 
 
 taxation, excessive, undrr Solomon, 114 
 Temple, dimensions of, 54 
 
 porch of, 55 
 
 windows of, 55 
 
 roof of, 58 
 
 completion of, 79 
 
 dedication of, 82 
 
 in what year dedicated, 99 
 
 plundering of, 161 
 
 tent 0/ meeting, 11, 83 
 
 of the Lord, 25 
 
 tents = homes, 98 
 
 text, doubtful correctness of, 107 
 
 't/ien', not a particleof time, 33 
 
 throne, form of, 116 
 
 Tibni, son of Ginath, 176 
 
 Tiphsah, 43 
 
 Tirzah, 159, 168, 172, 175 
 
 to - for, 80 
 
 Tobit, birthplace of, 179 
 
 to-day, meaning of, 14, 228 
 
 Tophet, 122, 123 
 
 traders, various kinds of, 114 
 
 treasures, sense of, 81 
 
 trespass, referred to God, 90 
 
 tribes, tlie ten, revolt of, 139 
 
 Tyre, need of food supply in, 50 
 
 Tyrians, skilled seamen, 108 
 
 undersetters, meaning of, 76 
 unto this day, sense of, 106 
 Ufihaz, gold of, 116 
 Uriah the Hittite, 163 
 
 venture, at a, 237 
 Versions, xv 
 
 vital heat, communication of, 2 
 Vulgate, renderings of, 22, 28, 38, 42, 
 62, 115, 119 
 
 Wady el Arish, 98 
 
 weaning, a great event, 127 
 
 •wheels of the lavers, 76 
 
 wild beasts frequent in the Holy Land, 
 217 
 
 Wz/ci' of Solomon, 120 
 
 * word 0/ the Lord, tofiilfiV, first men- 
 tioned, 24 
 
 worshippers, looking toward a certain 
 place, 90 
 
 year, return of the, what, 212 
 Yemen, port of, 108 
 
 Zadok, the priest, 4 
 
 anoints Solomon, 9 
 
 attends to the tabernacle at 
 
 (jibeon, II 
 
 family of, 23 
 
 succeeds Abiathar, 26 
 
 J^aredathah, 80, 131 
 Zarephath, 182, iy8 
 Zarethan, 39, 80 
 Zartanah, 39 
 
 Zarthan, 80, 131 
 
 Zedekiah, leader of the priests of Ahab, 
 
 229, 230, 234 
 Zerah the Ethiopian, 169 
 Zeredah, 80, 131 
 Zidonians, the, 121 
 Zif, month of, 54 
 Zimri, 174 
 Zioti, Mt, 82 
 Zo'oah, kingdom of, 139 
 Zoheleth, stone of, 5 
 
 CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. AND SONS, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
 
 THE PITT PRESS SERIES. 
 
 *i,* Alany of the books in this list can be had in two volumes. Text 
 and iVoles separately. 
 
 I. GREEK. 
 
 Aristophanes. Aves— Plutus— Ranse. By W. C. Green, 
 
 M.A., late Assistant Master at Rugby School, y. 6d. each. 
 
 Aristotle. Outlines of the Philosophy of. By Edwin 
 
 Wallace, M.A., LL.D. Third Edition, Enlarged. 4^. 6d. 
 
 Euripides, Heracleidae. By E. A. Beck, M.A. 35. 6d. 
 
 Hercules Furens. By A. Gray, M.A., and J. T. 
 
 Hutchinson, M.A. New Edit. zs. 
 
 Hippoljrtus. By W. S. Hadley, M.A. 25-. 
 
 Iphigeneia in Aulis. ByC. E. S. Headlam, M.A. 2s. 6d. 
 
 Herodotus, Book V. By E. S. Shuckburgh, M.A. 3^. 
 — Book VI. By the same Editor. 4s. 
 
 Books VIII., IX. By the same Editor. 4s. each. 
 
 Book VIII. Oh. 1—90. Book IX. Ch. 1—89. By 
 
 the same Editor. 3^. 6d. each. 
 
 Homer. Odyssey, Books IX., X. By G. M. Edwards, M.A. 
 
 2.f. 61/. each. Book XXI. By the same Editor. 2s. 
 
 Iliad. Book VI. By the same Editor. 2s. 
 
 Book XXII. By the same Editor. 2s. 
 
 Book XXIII. By the same Editor. 2s. 
 
 Lucian. Somnium Charon Piscator et De Luctu. By W. E. 
 
 Heitland, M.A., Fellow of St John's College, Cambridge, ^s. 6d. 
 
 Menippus and Timon. By E. C. Mackie, M.A. 35-. 6d. 
 
 Platonis Apologia Socratis. By J. Adam, M.A. 3^. 6d. 
 
 Crito. By the same Editor. 2^-. 6d. 
 
 Euthjrphro. By the same Editor. 2s. 6d. 
 
 Plutarch. Lives of the G-racchi. By Rev. H. A. Holden, 
 
 M.A., LL.D. 6s. 
 
 Life of Nicias. By the same Editor, s^. 
 
 Life of Sulla. By the same Editor. 6j-. 
 
 Life of Timoleon. By the same Editor. 6^'. 
 
 Sophocles. Oedipus Tyrannus. School Edition. By R. C. 
 
 Jebb, Litt.D., LL.D. ^s. 6d. 
 
 Thucydides. Book VII. By H. A. Holden, M.A., LL.D. 5.^. 
 Xenophon. Agesilaus. By H. Hailstone, M.A. 2s. bd. 
 
 Anahasis. By A. Pretor, M.A. Two vols. ^s. 6d. 
 
 Books I. III. IV. and V. By the same. 2s. each. 
 
 Books n. VI. and VII. By the same. 2s. td. each. 
 
 Xenophon. Cyropaedeia. Books I. II. By Rev. H. A. Hol- 
 den, M.A., LL.D. 2 vols. 6s. 
 
 Books III. IV. and V. By the same Editor. 5.y. 
 Books VI. VII. VIII. By the same Editor. 5^. 
 
 LondoJi: Cambridge Warehouse, Ave Maria Lane, 
 
 40/12/91 
 
PUBLICATIONS OF 
 
 II. LATIN. 
 
 Beda's Ecclesiastical History, Books III., IV. By J. E. B. 
 
 Mayor, M.A., and J. R. Lumby, D.D. Revised Edition. 7.J. dd. 
 
 Books I. II. [/« the Press. 
 
 Caesar. De Bello Gallico, Comment. I. By A. G. Peskett, 
 
 M.A., Fellow of Magdalene College, Cambridge, is. 6d. Comment. II. 
 III. 2S. Comment. I. II. III. 3^. Comment. IV. and V. is.td. Comment. 
 VII. 2j. Comment. VI. and Comment. VIII. is. 6ii. each. 
 
 De Bello Civili, Comment. I. By the same Editor. 2>^. 
 
 Cicero. De Amicitia.— De Senectute. By J. S. Reid, Litt.D., 
 
 Fellow of Gonville and Caius College. 31^. 6d. each. 
 
 In Gaium Verrem Actio Prima. By H. Cowie, 
 
 M.A. i:r. ed. 
 
 In Q. Caecilium Divinatio et in C. Verrem Actio. 
 
 By W. E. Heitland, M. A., and H. Cowie, M.A. 3^-. 
 
 Philippica Secunda. By A. G. Peskett, M.A. 35-. 6d. 
 
 Oratio pro Archia Poeta. By J. S. Reid, Litt.D. 2s. 
 
 Pro L. Cornelio Balbo Oratio. By the same. is. 6d. 
 
 Oratio pro Tito Annio Milone. By John Smyth 
 
 PURTON, B.D. 2S. 6d. 
 
 Oratio pro L. Murena. By W. E. Heitland, M.A. 3^-. 
 
 Pro Cn. Plancio Oratio, by H. A. Holden,LL.D. ^s.6d. 
 
 Pro P. Cornelio Sulla. By J. S. Reid, Litt.D. 3^. 6ii. 
 
 Somnium Scipionis. By W. D. Pearman, M.A. 2s. 
 
 Horace. Epistles, Book I. By E. S. Shuckburgh, M.A., 
 
 late Fellow of Emmanuel College. 2s. 6d. 
 
 Livy. Book IV. By H. M. Stephenson, M.A. 2s. 6d. 
 
 BookV. By L. Whibley, M.A. 2s. 6d. 
 
 Book IX. By H. M. Stephenson, M.A. 2s. 6d. 
 
 Book XXI, By M. S. DiMSDALE, M.A. 2s. 6d. 
 
 Book XXII. By the same Editor. 2s. 6d. 
 
 Book XXVII. By Rev. H. M. Stephenson, M.A. 2s. 6d. 
 
 Lucan. Pharsaliae Liber Primus. By W. E. Heitland, 
 
 M.A., and C. E. Haskins, M.A. is. (sd. 
 
 Lucretius, Book V. By J. D. Duff, M.A. 2s. 
 
 Ovidii Nasonis Fastorum Liber VI. By A. Sidgwick, M.A., 
 
 Tutor of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, is. 6d. 
 
 Quintus Curtius. A Portion of the History (Alexander in India). 
 
 By W. E. Heitland, M.A., and T. E. Raven, B.A. With Two M.ips. 3^. 6d. 
 
 Vergili Maronis Aeneidos Libri I.— XII. By A. Sidgwick, 
 
 M.A. IS. 6d. each. 
 
 Bucolica. By the same Editor, is. 6d. 
 
 Georgicon Libri I. II. By the same Editor. 2s. 
 
 Libri III. IV. By the same Editor. 2s. 
 
 The Complete Works. By the same Editor. Two vols. 
 
 Vol. I. containing the Introduction and Text. 3s. 6d. Vol. II. The Notes. ^s.6d. 
 
 London: Cambridge Warehouse, Ave Alaria La?ie. 
 
THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 3 
 
 III. FRENCH. 
 
 Comeille. La Suite du Menteur, A Comedy in Five Acts. 
 
 By the late G. Masson, B.A. ■zs. 
 
 De Bonnechose. Lazare Hoche. By C. Colbeck, M.A. 
 
 Revised Edition. Four Maps. is. 
 
 D'Harleville. Le Vieux C^libataire. By G. Masson, B.A. 2^. 
 De Lamartine, Jeanne D'Arc. By Rev. A. C. Clapin, 
 
 M.A. New edition revised, by A. R. Ropes, M.A. \s. 6d. 
 
 De Vigny. La Canne de Jonc. By H. W. Eve, M.A. \s. 6(i. 
 Erckmann-Chatrian. La Guerre. By Rev. A. C. Clapin, 
 
 M.A. y. 
 
 La Baronne de Stael-Holstein. Le Directoire. (Considera- 
 tions sur la Revolution Frangaise. Troisieme et quatricme parties.) Revised 
 and enlarged. By G. Masson, B.A., and G. W. Prothero, M.A. is. 
 
 Dix Annies d'Exil. Livre II. Chapitres 1—8. 
 
 By the same Editors. New Edition, enlarged, is. 
 
 Lemercier. Fredegonde et Brunehaut. A Tragedy in Five 
 
 Acts. By GusTAVE Masson, B.A. is. 
 
 Moli^re. Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme, Comddie- Ballet en 
 
 Cinq Actes. (1670.) By Rev. A. C. Clapin, M.A. Revised Edition. is.6(i. 
 
 L'Ecole des Femmes. By G. Saintsbury, M.A. 2s. 6d. 
 
 Les Pr^cieuses Ridicules. By E. G. W. Braunholtz, 
 
 M. A., Ph.D. IS. iLbridged Edition, is. 
 
 Piron. La M^tromanie. A Comedy. By G. Masson, B.A. 2s. 
 Eacine. Les Plaideurs. By E. G. W. Braunholtz, M.A. 2s. 
 
 Abridged Edition. \s. 
 
 Sainte-Beuve. M. Daru (Causeries du Lundi, Vol. IX.). 
 
 By G. Masson, B.A. is. 
 
 Saintine. Picciola. By Rev. A. C. Clapin, M.A. 2s. 
 Scribe and Legouv^. Bataille de Dames. By Rev. H. A. 
 
 Bull, M.A. is. 
 
 Scribe. Le Verre d'Eau. By C. Colbeck, M.A. 2s. 
 S^daine. Le Philosophe sans le savoir. By Rev. H. A. 
 
 Bull, M.A. is. 
 
 Thierry. Lettres sur I'histoire de France (XIII.— XXIV.). 
 
 By G. Masson, B.A., and G. W. Prothero, M.A. is. 6d. 
 
 R^cits des Temps M^rovingiens I. — III. By Gustave 
 
 Masson, B.A. Univ. Gallic, and A. R. Ropes, M.A. With Map. 3.5. 
 
 Villemain. Lascaris ou Les Grecs du XVe Si^cle, Nouvelle 
 
 Historique. By G. Masson, B.A. is. 
 
 Voltaire. Histoire du Si^cle de Louis XIV. Chaps. I. — 
 
 XIII. By G. Masson, B.A., and G. W. Prothero, M.A. is. 6d. Part II. 
 Chaps. XIV.— XXIV. 2.?. 6d. Part III. Chaps. XXV. to end. is. 6d. 
 
 Xavier de Maistre. La Jeune Sib^rienne. Le L^preux de 
 
 la Citd D'Aoste. By G. Masson, B.A. is. 6d. 
 
 London: Cambridge Warehouse, Ave Maria Lane. 
 
PUBLICATIONS OF 
 
 IV. GERMAN. 
 
 Ballads on German History. By W. Wagner, Ph.D. 2j. 
 Benedix. Doctor Wespe. Lustspiel in fiinf Aufziigen. By 
 
 Kakl Hermann Bkeul, M.A., Ph.D. 3.J. 
 
 Freytag. Der Staat Friedriclis des Grossen. By Wilhelm 
 
 Wagnek, Ph.D IS. 
 
 German Dactylic Poetry. By Wilhelm Wagner, Ph.D. 3^. 
 Goethe's Knabenjahre. (1749 — 1761.) By W. Wagner, Ph.D. 
 
 New edition revised and enlarged, by J. \V. Cartmell, M.A. is. 
 
 Hermann und Dorothea. By Wilhelm Wagner, 
 
 Ph.D. New edition revised, by J. W. Cartmell, M.A. 3^. (xi. 
 
 Gutzkow. Zopf und Schwert. Lustspiel in fiinf Aufziigen. 
 
 By H. J. Wolstknholme, B.A. (Lond.). 3^-. td. 
 
 Haulf. Das Bild des Kaisers. By Karl Hermann Breul, 
 
 M.A., Ph.D., University Lecturer in German. 3.S. 
 
 Das Wirthshaus im Spessart. By A. Schlottmann, 
 
 Ph.D. 3.S. (>d. 
 
 Die Karavane. By A. Schlottmann, Ph.D. ^s. 
 
 Immermann. Der Oberhof. A Tale of Westphalian Life, by 
 
 Wilhelm Wagner, Ph.D. -^s. 
 
 Kohlrausch. DasJahri8i3. By Wilhelm Wagner, Ph.D. 2J-. 
 Lessing and Gellert. Selected Fables. By Karl Her.mann 
 
 Bkeul, M.A., Ph.D. 3J. 
 
 Mendelssohn's Letters. Selections from. By J. Sime, M.A. 3^-. 
 Raumer. Der erste Kreuzzug (1095 — 1099). By Wilhelm 
 
 Wagner, Ph.D. -zs. 
 
 Riehl. Culturgeschichtliche Novellen. By H. J. Wolsten- 
 
 HOLME, B.A. (Lend.), -^s. 6d. 
 
 Schiller. Wilhelm Tell. By Karl Hermann Breul, M.A., 
 
 Ph.D. 2j. 6d. Abridged Edition, is. 6d. 
 
 Uhland. Ernst, Herzog von Schwaben. By H. J. Wolsten- 
 
 holme, B.A. 3^. 6d. 
 
 V. ENGLISH. 
 
 Ancient Philosophy from Thales to Cicero, A Sketch of. By 
 
 JosEFH B. Mayor, M.A. 3^^. 6d. 
 
 An Apologie for Poetrie by Sir Philip Sidney. By E. S. 
 
 Shuckhurgh, M.A. The Text is a revision of that of the first edition of 1595. 3J. 
 
 Bacons History of the Reign of King Henry VII. By 
 
 the Rev. Professor Lumby, D. D. 3.?. 
 
 Cowley's Essays. By the Rev. Professor Lumby, D.D. 4^. 
 Discourse of the Commonwealf of thys Realme of Englande. 
 
 First printed in 1581, and commonly attributed to W. S. Edited from the MSS. 
 by Elizabeth Lamond. [/« t/ie Press. 
 
 Milton's Comus and Arcades. By A. W. Verity, M.A., 
 
 sometime Scholar of Trinity College. 3.J. 
 
 Milton's Ode on the Morning of Christ's Nativity, L' Allegro, 
 
 11 Pensero.so and Lycidas. By the .same Editor. 2^. 6d. 
 
 Milton's Samson Agonistes. By the same Editor. 2s. 6d 
 Milton's Paradise Lost. Books XL XII. By the same Editor. 
 
 [/h the Press. 
 
 London: Cambridge Warehouse, Ave Maria Lane. 
 
THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 5 
 More's History of King Richard III. By J. Rawson Lumkv, 
 
 D.D. 3^. bd. 
 
 More's Utopia. By Rev. Prof. Lumby, D.D. y. 6d. 
 
 The Two Noble Kinsmen. By the Rev. Professor Skeat, 
 
 Litt.D. 3^.6^/. 
 
 VI. EDUCATIONAL SCIENCE. 
 
 Comenius, John Amos, Bishop of the Moravians. His Life 
 
 and Educational Works, by S. S. Laurie, A.M., F.R.S.E. 3J. 6d. 
 
 Education, Three Lectures on the Practice of. I. On Mark- 
 ing, by h.w. eve,m. a. II. On Stimulus, by A. SiuGwicK, M.A. III. On 
 the Teaching of Latin Verse Composition, by E. A. Abbott, D.D. is. 
 
 Stimulus. A Lecture dehvered for the Teachers' Training 
 
 Syndicate, May, 1882, by A. Sidgwick, M.A. is. 
 
 Locke on Education. By the Rev. R. H. Quick, M.A. y. 6d. 
 Milton's Tractate on Education. A facsimile reprint from 
 
 the Edition of 1673. By O. Browning, M.A. is. 
 
 Modern Languages, Lectures on the Teaching of. By C. 
 
 COLBECK, M.A. 2.r. 
 
 Teacher, General Aims of the, and Form Management. Two 
 
 Lectures delivered in the University of Cambridge in the Lent Term, 1883, by 
 F. W. Farrar, D.D., and R. B. Poole, B.D. li. M. 
 
 Teaching, Theory and Practice of. By tlie Rev. E. Thring, 
 
 M.A., late Head Master of Uppingham School. New Edition. 4^. 6d. 
 
 British India, a Short History of. By E. S. Carlos, M.A., 
 
 late Head Master of Exeter Grammar School, is. 
 
 Geography, Elementary Commercial. A Sketch of the Com- 
 modities and the Countries of the World. By H. R. Mill, D.Sc, F.R.S.E. i^-. 
 
 Geography, an Atlas of Commercial. (A Companion to the 
 
 above.) By J. G. Bartholomew, F.R.G.S. With an Introduction by Hugh 
 Robert Mill, D.Sc. 3^^. 
 
 VII. MATHEMATICS. 
 
 Arithmetic for Schools. By C. Smith, M.A., Master of 
 
 Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge. 3.S. 6d. 
 
 Elementary Algebra (with Answers to the Examples). By 
 
 W. W. Rouse Ball, M.A. 4^. 6d. 
 
 Euclid's Elements of Geometry. Books I. and II. By H. M. 
 
 Taylor, M.A. is. 6d. Books HI. and IV. By the same Editor, is. 6d. 
 
 Books I. — IV., in one Volume, y. 
 
 Solutions to the Exercises in Euclid, Books I — IV. By 
 
 W. W. Taylor, M.A. [/« //;<• Press. 
 
 Elements of Statics and Dynamics. By S. L. Loney, M.A. 
 
 7s. bd. 
 
 Part I. Elements of Statics. 4^-. (id. 
 Part II. Elements of Dynamics, is. 6d. 
 An Elementary Treatise on Plane Trigonometry for the 
 
 use of Schools. By K. W. Hobson, M.A., and C. M. Jessop, M.A. 
 
 [In the Press. 
 
 Other Volumes are in preparation. 
 London : Cambridge Warehouse, Ave Maria Lane. 
 
PUBLICATIONS OF 
 
 Wijt Camhritrse Mhlt for 
 ^ci)diDls; auD Colleges* 
 
 General Editor : J, J. S. PEROWNE, D.D., 
 Bishop of Worcester. 
 
 "// is difficult to commend too highly this excellent series. — Guardian. 
 
 " 77/1? modesty of the general title of this series has, we believe, led 
 many to mistinderstand its character and underrate its value. The books 
 are tueil suited for study in the upper forms of our best schools, but not 
 the less are they adapted to the wants of all Bible students who are not 
 specialists. We doubt, indeed, whether any of the numerous popular 
 commentaries recently issued in this country will be found more ser- 
 viceable for general use." — Academy. 
 
 Now Ready. Cloth, Extra Fcap. 2>vo. With Maps. 
 Book of Joshua. By Rev. G. F. Maclear, D.D. 2s. 6cl. 
 Book of Judges. By Rev. J. J. Lias, M.A. y. 6d. 
 First Book of Samuel. ByRev.Prof. Kirkpatrick,B.D. 3^.6^/. 
 Second Book of Samuel. By the same Editor, y. 6d. 
 First Book of Kings. By Rev. Prof. LUMBY, D.D. y. 6d. 
 Second Book of Kings. By Rev. Prof. Lumby, D.D. y. 6d. 
 Book of Job. By Rev. A. B. Davidson, D.D. 5^. 
 Book of Psalms. Book I. By Prof. Kirkpatrick, B.D. y. 6d. 
 Book of Ecclesiastes. By VeryRev. E. H. Plumptre, D.D. 5J. 
 Book of Jeremiah. By Rev. A. W. Streane, B.D. 4^. 6d. 
 Book of Hosea. By Rev. T. K. Cheyne, M.A., D.D. y. 
 Books of Obadiah & Jonah. By Archdeacon Perowne. 2s. 6d. 
 Book of Micah. By Rev. T. K. Cheyne, M.A., D.D. is. 6d. 
 Haggai, Zechariah & Malachi. By Arch. Perowne. y. 6d. 
 Book of Malachi. By Archdeacon Perowne. \s. 
 Gospel according to St Matthew. ByRev.A.CARR,M.A. 2s.6d. 
 Gospel according to St Mark. By Rev. G. F. Maclear, 
 
 D.D. 2s. 6d. 
 
 Gospel according to St Luke. By Arch. Farrar, D.D, 4^-. 6d. 
 Gospel according to St John. By Rev. A. Plummer, D.D. 4^. 6d. 
 Acts of the Apostles. By Rev. Prof. Lumby, D.D. 4J. 6d. 
 Epistle to the Romans. By Rev. H. C. G. Moule, M.A. y. 6d. 
 First Corinthians. By Rev. J. J. Lias, M.A. With Map. 2s. 
 Second Corinthians. By Rev. J. J. Lias, M.A. With Map. 2s. 
 
 London: Cambridge Warehouse, Ave Maria Lane. 
 
THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 7 
 
 Epistle to the Galatians. By Rev. E. H. Perowne, D.D. \s. dd. 
 Epistle to the Ephesians. ByRev. H.C.G.Moule, M.A. is.dd. 
 Epistle to the Philippians. By the same Editor, is. 6d. 
 Epistles to the Thessalonians. ByRev. G.G.Findlay,B.A. 2s. 
 Epistle to the Hebrews. By Arch. Farrar, D.D. 3^. 6d. 
 General Epistle of St James. By Very Rev. E. H. Plumptre, 
 
 D.D. i^, 6d. 
 
 Epistles of St Peter and St Jude. By Very Rev. E. H. 
 
 Plumptre, D.D. zs. td. 
 
 Epistles of St John. By Rev. A, Plummer, M.A., D.D. is. 6d. 
 Book of Revelation. By Rev. W. H. Simcox, M.A. y. 
 
 Preparing. 
 Book of Genesis. By the Bishop of Worcester. 
 Books of Exodus, Numbers and Deuteronomy. By Rev. 
 
 C. D. GiNSBURG, LL.D. 
 
 Books of Ezra and Nehemiah. By Rev. Prof. Ryle, M.A. 
 Book of Isaiah. By Prof. W. Robertson Smith, M.A. 
 Book of Ezekiel. By Rev, A. B. Davidson, D.D. 
 Epistles to the Colossians and Philemon. By Rev. H, C. G. 
 
 MouLE, M.A. 
 
 Epistles to Timothy & Titus. By Rev. A. E. Humphreys, M.A. 
 
 Cl)c Smaller Cambntrcre 3Sit)Ie for ^d)ool£?» 
 
 ^'■We can cordially recommend this series of text-books." — Church 
 Review. 
 
 " The notes elucidate every possible difficulty with scholarly brevity and 
 clearness, and a perfect knoivledge of the subject." — Saturday Review. 
 
 '■'■ Accu)-ate scholarship is obviously a characteristic of their productions, 
 and the work of simplification and condensation appears to have been 
 judiciously and skilfully performed." — Guardian. 
 
 Now 7eady. Price is. each Volume, with Map. 
 Book of Joshua. By J. S. Black, M.A. 
 First and Second Books of Samuel. By Rev. Prof. Kirk- 
 
 PATRICK, B.D. 
 
 First and Second Books of Kings. By Rev. Prof. Lumby, D.D. 
 Gospel according to St Matthew. By Rev. A. Carr, M.A. 
 Gospel according to St Mark. By Rev. G. F. Maclear, D.D. 
 Gospel according to St Luke. By Archdeacon Farrar, D.D, 
 Gospel according to St John. By Rev. A. Plummer, D.D. 
 Acts of the Apostles. By Rev. Prof. Lumby, D.D. 
 
 London: Cambridge Warehouse, Ave Maria La?te. 
 
8 PUBLICATIONS OF THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
 
 Wi)t Caml)nl3(nff (Smfe CesJtament for 
 J>d)ooIs! an)5 Collegrs;, 
 
 with a Revised Text, based on the most recent critical authorities, and 
 English Notes, prepared under the direction of the 
 
 General Editor, J. J. S. PEROWNE, D.D., 
 Bishop of Worcester. 
 
 Gospel according to St Matthew. By Rev. A. Carr, M.A. 
 
 with 4 Maps. i,s. 6d. 
 
 Gospel according to St Mark. By Rev. G. F. Maclear, D.D. 
 
 With 3 Maps. 4^. 6<«'. 
 
 Gospel according to St Luke. By Archdeacon Farrar. 
 
 With 4 Maps. 6s. 
 
 Gospel according to St John. By Rev. A. Plummer, D.D. 
 
 With 4 Maps. ts. 
 
 Acts of the Apostles. By Rev. Professor Lumby, D.D. 
 
 With 4 Maps. 6^-. 
 
 First Epistle to the Corinthians. By Rev. J. J. Lias, M.A. y. 
 Second Epistle to the Corinthians. By Rev. J. J. Lias, M.A. 
 
 [Iti the Press. 
 
 Epistle to the Hebrews. By Archdeacon Farrar, D. D. 3^. 6d. 
 Epistles of St John. By Rev. A. Plummer, M.A., D.D. 4$-. 
 
 HouDon: C. J. CLAY and SONS, 
 
 CAMBRIDGE WAREHOUSE, AVE MARIA LANE. 
 
 (Elaasoto: 263, ARGYLE STREET. 
 
 CambriDse: DEIGHTON, BELL AND CO. 
 
 itipjitt: F. A. BROCKHAUS. 
 
 i^ebJ gork: MACMILLAN AND CO. 
 
 Cambridge: printed bv c. j. clav, m.a. and sons, at the university fkkss. 
 
THE CAMBRIDGE BIBLE FOR 
 SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES. 
 
 General Editor, J. J. S. Perowne, 
 Bishop of Worcester. 
 
 (J^pmions; of tin f re^si* 
 
 ' ' // IS difficult to conimc7id too higlily this excellent series." — Guardian. 
 
 "The modesty of the general title of this series has, we believe, led 
 many to misunderstand its character and underrate its value. The books 
 are well suited for study in the upper forms of our best schools, but not 
 the less are they adapted to the wants of all Bible students who are not 
 specialists. We doubt, indeed, 'whether any of the numerous popular 
 commentaries recently issued in this country -will be found more service- 
 able for general use." — Academy. 
 
 " Otie of the most popular and useful literary enterprises of the 
 nineteenth ce?itu}y." — Baptist Magazine. 
 
 " Of gi-eat value. The whole series of comments for schools is highly 
 esteemed by students capable of forming a judgment. The books are 
 scholarly ivithout being pretentious : and information is so given as to be 
 easily understood." — Sword and Trowel. 
 
 " The notes possess a rare advantage of being scholarly, and at the same 
 time within the comprehension of the average reader. For the Sunday- 
 School Teacher lue do not knozu of a more valuaile work.'''' — Sunday- 
 School Chronicle. 
 
 The Book of Judges. J. J. Lias, M.A. " His introduction is clear 
 and concise, full of the intormation which young students require." — 
 Baptist Magazine. 
 
 II. Samuel. A. F. Kirkpatrick, M.A. "Small as this work is 
 in mere dimensions, it is every way the best on its subject and for its 
 purpose that we know of. The opening sections at once prove the 
 thorough competence of the writer for dealing with questions of criti- 
 cism in an earnest, faithful and devout spirit; and the appendices discuss 
 a few special difficulties with a full knowledge of the data, and a judicial 
 reserve, which contrast most favourably with the superficial dogmatism 
 which has too often made the exegesis of the Old Testament a field for 
 the play of unlimited paradox and the ostentation of personal infalli- 
 bility. The notes are always clear and suggestive ; never trifling or 
 irrelevant ; and they everywhere demonstrate the great difference in 
 value between the work of a commentator who is also a Hebraist, and 
 that of one who has to depend for his Hebrew upon secondhand 
 sources. " — Acadetuy. 
 
 I. Kings and Ephesians. "With great heartiness we commend 
 these most valuable little commentaries. We had rather purchase 
 these than nine out of ten of the big blown up expositions. Quality is 
 far better than quantity, and we have it here." — Sivord and Trowel. 
 
 II. Kings. "The Introduction is scholarly and wholly admirable, 
 the notes must be of incalculable value to students." — Glasgoiv Herald. 
 
 "It would be difficult to find a commentary better suited for general 
 use. " — A cade my. 
 20,000 
 12/12/91 
 
1 CAMBRIDGE BIBLE FOR SCHOOLS ^ COLLEGES. 
 
 The Book of Job. "Able and scholarly as the Introduction is, it is 
 far surpassed by the detailed exegesis of the book. In this Dr Davidson's 
 strength is at its greatest. His linguistic knowledge, his artistic habit, 
 his scientific insight, and his literary power have full scope when he 
 comes to exegesis " — The Spectator. 
 
 " In the course of a long introduction, Dr Davidson has presented 
 us with a very able and very interesting criticism of this wonderful 
 book. Its contents, the nature of its composition, its idea and purpose, 
 its integrity, and its age are all exhaustively treated of. ...We have not 
 space to examine fully the text and notes before us, but we can, and do 
 heartily, recommend the book, not only for the upper forms in schools, 
 but to Bible students and teachers generally. As we wrote of a previous 
 volume in the same series, this one leaves nothing to be desired. The 
 notes are full and suggestive, without being too long, and, in itself, the 
 introduction forms a valuable addition to modern Bible literature." — The 
 Educational Times. 
 
 "Already we have frequently called attention to this exceedingly 
 valuable work as its volumes have successively appeared. But we have 
 never done so with greater pleasure, very seldom with so great pleasure, 
 as we now refer to the last published volume, that on the Book of Job, 
 by Dr Davidson, of Edinburgh....We cordially commend the volume to 
 all our readers. The least instructed will understand and enjoy it ; 
 and mature scholars will learn from it." — Methodist Recorder. 
 
 Psalms. Book I. "His commentary upon the books of Samuel 
 was good, but this is incomparably better, shewing traces of much more 
 work and of greater independence of scholarship and judgment.... As a 
 whole it is admirable, and we are hardly going too far in saying that it 
 is one of the very ablest of all the volumes that have yet appeared in the 
 'Cambridge Bible for Schools'." — Record. 
 
 "Another volume of this excellent Bible, in which the student may 
 rely on meeting with the latest scholarship. The introduction is ad- 
 mirable. We know of nothing in so concise a form better adapted for 
 Sunday- School Teachers." — Sunday-School Chronicle. 
 
 "It is full of instmction and interest, bringing within easy reach of 
 the English reader the results of the latest scholarship bearing upon the 
 study of this ever new book of the Bible. The Introduction of eighty 
 pages is a repertory of information, not drily but interestingly given." — 
 Alethodist Recorder. 
 
 "For a masterly summary of all that is known and much that is 
 hazarded about the history and authorship of this book of religious 
 lyrics we can point to that with which Mr KiRKPATRiCK prefaces his new 
 volume. From a perusal of this summary the student will be unimpres- 
 sionable indeed if he rise not convinced of the vitality imparted to the 
 Psalter by a systematic study of its literary character and historical 
 allusions.... In conclusion, we may say that for a work which is handy, 
 and M'ithal complete, we know none better than this volume; and we 
 await with considerable interest the next instalment." — Education. 
 
 "It seems in every way a most valuable little book, containing a 
 mass of information, well-assorted, and well-digested, and will be useful 
 not only to students preparing for examinations, but to many who want 
 
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. 3 
 
 a handy volume of explanation to much that is difficult in the Psalter. 
 
 We owe a great debt of gratitude to Professor Kirkpatrick for his 
 
 scholarly and interesting volume." — Church Times. 
 
 "In this volume thoughtful exegesis founded on nice critical scholar- 
 ship and due regard for the opinions of various writers, combine, under 
 the influence of a devout spirit, to render this commentary a source of 
 much valuable assistance. The notes are 'though deep yet clear,' for 
 they seem to put in a concentrated form the very pith and marrow of all 
 the best that has been hitherto said on the subject, with striking freedom 
 from anything like pressure of personal views. Throughout the work care 
 and pains are as conspicuous as scholarship." — literary Churchman. 
 
 Jot) — Hosea. " It is difficult to commend too highly this excellent 
 series, the volumes of which are now becoming numerous. The two 
 books before us, small as they are in size, comprise almost everything 
 that the young student can reasonably expect to find in the way of helps 
 towards such general knowledge of their subjects as may be gained 
 without an attempt to grapple with the Hebrew ; and even the learned 
 scholar can hardly read without interest and benefit the very able intro- 
 ductory matter which both these commentators have prefixed to their 
 volumes. It is not too much to say that these works have brought 
 within the reach of the ordinary reader resources which were until 
 lately quite unknown for understanding some of the most difficult and 
 obscure portions of Old Testament literature." — Guardian. 
 
 Ecclesiastes; or, the Preaclier. — "Of the Notes, it is sufficient to 
 say that they are in every respect worthy of Dr Plumptre's high repu- 
 tation as a scholar and a critic, being at once learned, sensible, and 
 practical. ...Commentaries are seldom attractive reading. This little 
 volume is a notable exception." — The Scotsman. 
 
 Jeremiah, by A. W. Streane. "The arrangement of the book is 
 well treated on pp. xxx., 396, and the question of Baruch's relations 
 with its composition on pp. xxvii., xxxiv. , 317. The illustrations from 
 English literature, history, monuments, works on botany, topography, 
 etc., are good and plentiful, as indeed they are in other volumes of this 
 series." — Church Quartaly Review. 
 
 MalacM. "Archdeacon Perowne has already edited Jonah and 
 Zechariah for this series. Malachi presents comparatively few difficulties 
 and the Editor's treatment leaves nothing to be desired. His introduction 
 is clear and scholarly and his commentary sufficient. We may instance 
 the notes on ii. 15 and iv. 2 as examples of careful arrangement, 
 clear exposition and graceful expression." — Academy. 
 
 " The Gospel according to St Matthew, by the Rev. A. Carr. The 
 introduction is able, scholarly, and eminently practical, as it bears 
 on the authorship and contents of the Gospel, and the original form 
 in which it is supposed to have been written. It is well illustrated by 
 two excellent maps of the Holy Land and of the Sea of Galilee." — 
 English Churchman. 
 
 "St Mark, with Notes by the Rev. G. F. Maclear, D.D. Into 
 this small volume Dr Maclear, besides a clear and able Introduc- 
 tion to the Gospel, and the text of St Mark, has compressed many 
 
4 CAMBRIDGE BIBLE FOR SCHOOLS d>- COLLEGES. 
 
 hundreds of valuable and helpful notes. In short, he has given us 
 a capital manual of the kind required — containing all that is needed to 
 illustrate the text, i. e. all that can be drawn from the history, geography, 
 customs, and manners of the time. But as a handbook, giving in a 
 clear and succinct form the information which a lad requires in order 
 
 to stand an examination in the Gospel, it is admirable I can very 
 
 heartily commend it, not only to the senior boys and girls in our High 
 Schools, but also to Sunday-school teachers, who may get from it the 
 very kind of knowledge they often find it hardest to get. " — Expositor. 
 
 "With the help ol a book like this, an intelligent teacher may make 
 'Divinity' as interesting a lesson as any in the school course. The 
 notes are of a kind that will be, for the most part, intelligible to boys 
 of the lower forms of our public schools ; but they may be read with 
 greater profit by the fifth and sixth, in conjunction with the original 
 text." — The Academy. 
 
 "St Luke. Canon Farrar has supplied students of the Gospel 
 with an admirable manual in this volume. It has all that copious 
 variety of illustration, ingenuity of suggestion, and general soundness of 
 interpretation which readers are accustomed to expect from the learned 
 and eloquent editor. Anyone who has been accustomed to associate 
 the idea of 'dryness' with a cornmentaiy, should go to Canon Farrar's 
 St Luke for a more correct impression. He will find that a commen- 
 tary may be made interesting in the highest degree, and that without 
 
 losing anything of its solid value But, so to speak, it is too good for 
 
 some of the readers for whom it is intended." — The Spectator. 
 
 The Gospel according to St John. "The notes are extremely 
 scholarly and valuable, and in most cases exhaustive, bringing to the 
 elucidation of the text all that is best in commentaries, ancient and 
 modern." — The English Churchman and Clerical Journal. 
 
 "(i) The Acts of the Apostles. By J. Rawson Lumby, D.D. 
 (2) The Second Epistle of the Corinthians, edited by Professor LlAS. 
 The introduction is pitliy, and contains a mass of carefully-selected 
 information on the authorship of the Acts, its designs, and its sources. 
 
 The Second Epistle of the Corinthians is a manual beyond all praise, 
 
 for the excellence of its pithy and pointed annotations, its analysis of the 
 contents, and the fulness and value of its introduction." — Examiner. 
 
 "The Rev. H. C. G. Moule, M.A., has made a valuable addition 
 to The Cambridge Bible for Schools in his brief commentary on 
 the Epistle to the Romans. The 'Notes' are very good, and lean, 
 as the notes of a School Bible should, to the most commonly ac- 
 cepted and orthodox view of the inspired author's meaning ; while the 
 Introduction, and especially the Sketch of the Life of St Paul, is a model 
 of condensation. It is as lively and pleasant to read as if two or three 
 facts had not been crowded into well-nigh every sentence." — Expositor. 
 
 "The Epistle to the Eomans. It is seldom we have met with a 
 work so remarkable for the compression and condensation of all that 
 is valuable in the smallest possible space as in the volume before us. 
 Within its limited pages we have 'a sketch of the Life of St Paul,' 
 we have further a critical account of the date of the Epistle to the 
 Romans, of its language, and of its genuineness. The notes are 
 
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. 
 
 luinierous, full of matter, to the point, and leave no real difficulty 
 ( r obscurity unexplained." — Tlie Exa/niner. 
 
 "The First Epistle to the CorintMans. Edited by Professor Lias. 
 Every fresh instalment of this annotated edition of the Bible for Schools 
 confirms the favourable opinion we formed of its value from the exami- 
 nation of its first number. The origin and plan of the Epistle are 
 discussed with its character and gtrminerxtss.'"— The No7tconfortnist. 
 
 Galatians. "Dr Pekowne deals throughout in a very thorough 
 manner with every real difficulty in the text, and in this respect he has 
 faithfully followed the noble example set him in the exegetical master- 
 piece, his indebtedness to which he frankly acknowledges." — Modo-n 
 Church. 
 
 "The introductory matter is very full and informing, whilst the 
 Notes are admirable. They combine the scholarly and the practical in 
 an unusual degree. ...It is not the young students in 'schools and 
 colleges' alone who will find this Commentary helpful on every 
 page. ' ' — Record. 
 
 "This little work, like all of the series, is a scholarly production; 
 but we can also unreservedly recommend it from a doctrinal standpoint; 
 Dr E. H. Perowne is one who has grasped the distinctive teaching of 
 the Epistle, and expounds it with clearness and definiteness. In an 
 appendix, he ably maintains the correctness of the A. V. as against the 
 R. V. in the translation of II. i6, a point of no small importance." — 
 English Churchman. 
 
 The Epistle to the Ephesians. By Rev. H. C. G. Moule, M.A. 
 " It seems to us the model of a School and College Commentary — 
 comprehensive, but not cumbersome; scholarly, but not pedantic." — 
 Baptist Magazine. 
 
 The Epistle to the Philippians. " There are few series more valued 
 by theological students than ' The Cambridge Bible for Schools and 
 Colleges,' and there will be no number of it more esteemed than that 
 by Mr H. C. G. Moule on the Epistle to the Philippians." — Record. 
 
 Thessalonians. "It will stand the severest scrutiny, for no volume 
 in this admirable series exhibits more careful work, and Mr FiNDLAY is 
 a true expositor, who keeps in mind what he is expounding, and for 
 whom he is expounding it." — Expository Times. 
 
 "Mr FiNDLAY maintains the high level of the series to which he has 
 become contributor. Some parts of his introduction to the Epistles to 
 the Thessalonians could scarcely be bettered. The account of Thessa- 
 lonica, the description of the style and character of the Epistles, and the 
 analysis of them are excellent in style and scholarly care. The notes 
 are possibly too voluminous ; but there is so much matter in them, and 
 the matter is arranged and handled so ably, that we are ready to forgive 
 
 their fulness Mr Findlay's commentary is a valuable addition to 
 
 what has been written on the letters to the Thessalonian Church." — 
 Academy. 
 
 "Of all the volumes of this most excellent series, none is better 
 done, and few are so well done as this small volume From begin- 
 ning to end the volume is marked by accurate grammatical scholarship, 
 
6 CAMBRIDGE BIBLE FOR SCHOOLS 6- COLLEGES. 
 
 delicate appreciation of the apostle's meaning, thorough investigation 
 of all matters open to doubt, extensive reading, and deep sympathy 
 with the spiritual aim of these epistles. It is, on the whole, the best 
 commentary on the Thessalonians which has yet appeared, and its 
 small price puts it within reach of all. We heartily recommend it." — 
 Methodist Ixccoracr. 
 
 "Mr FiNDLAY has fulfilled in this volume a task which Dr IMoulton 
 was compelled to decline, though he has rendered valuable aid in its pre- 
 paration. The commentary is in its own way a model — clear, forceful, 
 scholarly — such as young students will welcome as a really useful guide, 
 and old ones will acknowledge as giving in brief space the substance of 
 all that they knew." — Baptist Magazine. 
 
 Hebrews. " Like his (Canon Farrar's) commentary on Luke it 
 possesses all the best characteristics of his writing. It is a work not 
 only of an accomplished scholar, but of a skilled teacher." — Baptist 
 Magazine. 
 
 The Epistles of St John. By the Rev. A. Plummer, M.A., D.D. 
 "This forms an admirable companion to the 'Commentary on the 
 Gospel according to St John,' which was reviewed in The Chiirchfuan 
 as soon as it appeared. Dr Plummer has some of the highest qualifica- 
 tions for such a task ; and these two volumes, their size being considered, 
 will bear comparison with the best Commentaries of the time." — The 
 Chtirchtnan. 
 
 Revelation. "This volume contains evidence of much careful 
 labour. It is a scholarly production, as might be expected from the pen 
 of the late Mr W. H. SiMCOX. ..The notes throw light upon many 
 passages of this difficult book, and are extremely suggestive. It is an 
 advantage that they sometimes set before the student various interpre- 
 tations without exactly guiding him to a choice." — Guardian. 
 
 "Mr SiMCOX has treated his very difficult subject with that con- 
 scious care, grasp, and lucidity which characterises everything he 
 wrote." — Modern Church. 
 
 W^i Smaller (JTambritrgc W\W for Schools. 
 
 ' ' IVc can only repeat what we have already said of this admirable 
 series, containing, as it does, the scholarship of the larger work. For 
 scholars in ottr elder classes, and for those preparing for Scripture exami- 
 nations, no better commentaries can be put into their /ia;;^^."— Sunday- 
 School Chronicle. 
 
 "Despite their small size, these volumes give the substance of the 
 admirable pieces of work on which they are founded. We can only hope 
 that in many schools the class-teaching will proceed on the lines these coin- 
 vietitators suggest." — Record. 
 
 " IVe should be glad to hear that this series has been introduced into 
 many of our Sunday-Schools, for which it is so admirably adapted." — 
 Christian Leader. 
 
 "All that is necessary to be known and learned by pupils in junior 
 and elementary schools is to be found in this series. Indeed, much more 
 is p}-ovided than should be requii-ed by the examiners. We do not knccu 
 what more could be done to provide sensible, interesting, and solid Scrip- 
 tural instruction for boys and girls. The Syndics of the Cambridge 
 
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. 
 
 University Press are rendering great services both to teachers and to 
 scholars by the publication of such a valuable scries of books, in which 
 slipshod work cotild not have a place." — Literary World. 
 
 '''' For the student of the sacred oracles who utilizes hours of travel or 
 mo?nents of waiting in the perusal of the Bible there is nothing so handy, 
 
 and, at the same time, so satisfying as these little books Nor let anyone 
 
 suppose that, because these are school-books, therefore they are beneath 
 the adult reader. They contain the vety ripest results of the best Biblical 
 scholarship, and that in the very simplest form." — Christian Leader. 
 
 " Altogether one of the most perfect examples of a Shilling New Tes- 
 tament commentary which even this age of cheapness is likely to produce.''^ 
 — Bookseller. 
 
 Samuel I. and II. "Professor Kiukpatrick's two tiny volumes on 
 the First and Second Books of Samuel are quite model school-books ; 
 the notes elucidate every possible difficulty with scholarly brevity and 
 clearness and a perfect knowledge of the subject." — Satuj-day Review. 
 
 "They consist of an introduction full of matter, clearly and succinctly 
 given, and of notes which appear to us to be admirable, at once full and 
 brie f. " — Ch urch Times. 
 
 Kings I. " We can cordially recommend this little book. The Intro- 
 duction discusses the question of authorship and date in a plain but 
 scholarly fashion, while the footnotes throughout are brief, pointed, and 
 helpful. " — Review of Reviews. 
 
 Matthew. "The notes are terse, clear, and helpful, and teachers and 
 students cannot fail to find the volume of great service." — Publishers'' 
 Circular. 
 
 Mark. Luke. " We have received the volumes of St Mark and St 
 
 Luke in this series The two volumes seem, on the whole, well adapted 
 
 for school use, are well and carefully printed, and have maps and good, 
 though necessarily brief, introductions. There is little doubt that this 
 series will be found as popular and useful as the well-known larger 
 series, of which they are abbreviated editions." — Guardian. 
 
 Luke. "We cannot too highly commend this handy little book to 
 all teachers." — IVesleyan Methodist Sunday-School Record. 
 
 John. " We have been especially interested in Mr Plummer's treat- 
 ment of the Gospel which has been entrusted to his charge. He is concise, 
 comprehensive, interesting, and simple. Young students of this inimit- 
 able book, as well as elder students, even ministers and teachers, may 
 use it with advantage as a very serviceable handbook." — Literary World. 
 
 John. "A model of condensation, losing nothingof its clearness and 
 force from its condensation into a small compass. Many who have long 
 since completed their college curriculum will find it an invaluable hand- 
 book." — Methodist Times. 
 
 Acts. "The notes are very brief, but exceedingly comprehensive, 
 comprising as much detail in the way of explanation as would be needed 
 by young students of the Scriptures preparing for examination. We 
 again give the opinion that this series furnishes as much real help as 
 ■would usually satisfy students for the Christian ministry, or even minis- 
 ters themselves." — Literary World. 
 
THE CAMBRIDGE GREEK TESTAMENT 
 
 FOR SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES 
 
 with a Revised Text, based on the most recent critical authorities, and 
 
 English Notes, prepared under the direction of the General Editor, 
 
 The Bishop of Worcester. 
 
 " Has achieved an excellence which puts it above criticism.''^ — Expositor. 
 
 St Matthew. "Copious illustrations, gathered from a great variety 
 of sources, make his notes a very valuable aid to the student. They 
 are indeed remarkal)ly interesting, while all explanations on meanings, 
 applications, and the like are distinguished by their lucidity and good 
 sense. " — Fall Mall Gazette. 
 
 St Mark. " Dr Maclear's introduction contains all that is known 
 of St Mark's life; an account of the circumstances in which the Gospel 
 was composed, with an estimate of the influence of St Peter's teaching 
 upon St Mark ; an excellent sketch of the special characteristics of this 
 Gospel ; an analysis, and a chapter on the text of the New Testament 
 generally. " — Saturday Review. 
 
 St Luke. "Of this second series we have a new volume by 
 
 Archdeacon Farrar on St Luke, completing the four Gospels It 
 
 gives us in clear and beautiful language the best results of modern 
 scholarship. We have a most attractive Intivduction. Then follows 
 a sort of composite Greek text, representing fairly and in very beautiful 
 type the consensus of modern textual critics. At the beginning of the 
 exposition of each chapter of the Gospel are a few short critical notes 
 giving the manuscript evidence for such various readings as seem to 
 deserve mention. The expository notes are short, but clear and helpful. 
 For young students and those who are not disposed to buy or to study 
 the much more costly work of Godet, this seems to us to be the best 
 book on the Greek Text of the Third Gospel." — Methodist Recorder. 
 
 St John. " We take this opportunity of recommending to ministers 
 on probation, the very excellent volume of the same series on this part 
 of the New Testament. We hope that most or all of our young ministers 
 will prefer to study the volume in the Cambridge Greek Testa meiit for 
 Schools.''' — Methodist KccordtT. 
 
 The Acts of the Apostles. "Professor Lumby has performed his 
 laborious task well, and supplied us with a commentary the fulness and 
 freshness of which Bible students will not be slow to appreciate. The 
 volume is enriched with the usual copious indexes and four coloured 
 maps." — Glasgow Herald. 
 
 I. Corinthians. "Mr Lias is no novice in New Testament exposi- 
 tion, and the present series of essays and notes is an able and helpful 
 addition to the existing books." — Guardian. 
 
 The Epistles of St John. " In the very useful and well annotated 
 series of the Cambridge Greek Testament the volume'lrCQie^ipistles 
 of St John must hold a high position ... The notes -%re'4h:i'ef, well 
 informed and intelligent." — Scotsman. y~^ 
 
 CAMBRIDGE: PRINTKD BY C. J CLAY, M.A. AND SONS, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
 
^^m 
 
 i 
 
 DATE DUE 
 
 m 
 
 -meSZ 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 irt**^ 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 [ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 GAYLORD #3523PI Printed in USA 1 
 
 1