BL1010 .S3 v,28 oECreu DuuKS oi v^iuiia: lne texts 01 Confucianism, THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST [28] HENRY FROWDE Oxford University Press Warehouse Amen Corner, E.C. THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST TRANSLATED BY VARIOUS ORIENTAL SCHOLARS AND EDITED BY ^ F. MAX MULLER VOL. XXVIII AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1885 [All rights reserved] THE SACRED BOOKS OF CHINA THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM. TRANSLATED BY JAMES LEGGE PART IV THE LI ATf, XI— XLVI AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1885 [ All rights reserved ] CONTENTS. BOOK PAGE XI. Yu 3Ao or the Jade-bead Pendants of the Royal Cap. Section I i „ » 9 „ HI 17 XII. Ming Thang Wei or the Places in the Hall of Distinction 29 XIII. Sang Fu Hsiao Ki or Record of Smaller Matters in the Dress of Mourning. Section I 4° » II 48 XIV. TA Kw an or the Great Treatise .... 60 XV. Shao t or Smaller Rules of Demeanour ... 68 XVI. Hsio Ki or Record on the Subject of Education . 82 XVII. Yo Ki or Record of Music. Section I 92 „ " IQ5 „ "I "4 XVIII. 3A Ki or Miscellaneous Records. Section I. Parti 132 „ II i39 Section II. Part I 150 „ II . . 161 XIX. Sang Ta Ki or the Greater Record of Mourning Rites. Section I 173 „ II l85 XX. A"! Fa or the Law of Sacrifices 261 XXI. Ki t or the Meaning of Sacrifices. Section I 210 „ II 220 XXII. Ki Thung or a Summary Account of Sacrifices . 236 XXIII. iiflNG KiEH OR THE DIFFERENT TEACHING OF THE Different /Tings 255 XXIV. Ai Rung Wan or Questions of Duke Ai . . . 261 XXV. ATung-n! Yen Kij or A'ung-ni at Home at Ease . 270 Vill CONTENTS. BOOK PACE XXVI. Khung-jze Hsien Kis or Confucius at Home at Leisure 278 XXVII. Fang K\ or Record of the Dykes .... 284 XXVIII. £ung Yung or the State of Equilibrium and Harmony. Section I 300 „ H 312 XXIX. Piao Ki or the Record on Example . . . 330 XXX. 3ze t or the Black Robes 352 XXXI. Pan Sang or Rules on Hurrying to Mourning Rites 365 XXXII. Wan Sang or Questions about Mourning Rites . 375 XXXIII. Fu Wan or Subjects for Questioning about the Mourning Dress 380 XXXIV. ATien Kwan or Treatise on Subsidiary Points in Mourning Usages 385 XXXV. San Nien Wan or Questions about the Mourning for Three Years 391 XXXVI. Shan i or the Long Dress in One Piece . . 395 XXXVII. Thau Hu or the Game of Pitch-pot . . .397 XXXVIII. ZuHsing (Hang) or the Conduct of the Scholar 402 XXXIX. TA Hsio or the Great Learning . . .411 XL. Kwan t or the Meaning of the Ceremony of Capping 425 XLI. H\VAN t OR THE MEANING OF THE MARRIAGE CEREMONY 428 XLII. Hsiang Yin Kit 1 or the Meaning of the Drinking Festivity in the Districts .... 435 XLIII. She 1 or the Meaning of the Ceremony of Archery 446 XLIV. Yen t or the Meaning of the Banquet . . . 454 XLV. Phing 1 or the Meaning of the Interchange of Missions between Different Courts . . 458 XLVI. Sang Fu Sze Kih or the Four Principles under- lying the Dress of Mourning . . . . 465 Index to Parts I, II, III, IV (Vols. Ill, XVI, XXVII, XXVIII). Index of Subjects . . . . . . . . .471 Index of Proper Names . 485 Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books of the East 493 THE LI K\. A COLLECTION OF TREATISES ON THE RULES OF PROPRIETY OR CEREMONIAL USAGES. BOOK XL YU 3AO OR THE JADE-BEAD PENDANTS OF THE ROYAL CAP1. Section I. i. The son of Heaven, when sacrificing2, wore (the cap) with the twelve long pendants of beads of jade hanging down from its top before and behind, and the robe embroidered with dragons. 2. When saluting the appearance of the sun 3 outside the eastern gate4, he wore the dark-coloured square-cut robes ; and (also) when listening to the notification of the first day of the month 5 outside the southern gate. 1 See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 27, 28. 2 Probably, to Heaven ; A"ang thought it was to the former kings. Many try to unite both views. 3 At the vernal equinox. Callery has ' Quand de bon matin il sacrifie au soleil.' Probably there was a sacrifice on the occasion ; but the text does not say so. The character ^ (khi&o) means ' to appear at audience.' 4 Probably, of the city ; many say, of the Hall of Distinction. 5 This announcement was to the spirits of his royal ancestors in the first place. Compare Analects III, 16. [28] B THE LI £1. BK. xi. 3. If the month were intercalary, he caused the left leaf of the door to be shut, and stood in the middle of that (which remained open) 1. 4. He wore the skin cap at the daily audience in the court, after which he proceeded to take the morning meal in it. At midday he partook of what was left in the morning. He had music at his meals. Every day a sheep and a pig were killed and cooked ; and on the first day 'of the month an ox in addition. There were five bever- ages : — water, which was the principal ; rice-water, spirits, must, and millet-water. 5. When he had done eating, he remained at ease in the dark-coloured square-cut robes -. His actions were written down by the recorder of the Left, and his utterances by the recorder of the Right. The blind musician in attendance judged whether the music were too high or too low 3. 6. If the year were not good and fruitful, the son of Heaven wore white and plain robes, rode in the plain and unadorned carriage, and had no music at his meals. 1 This is not easy to understand, nor easy to make intelligible. An intercalary month was an irregular arrangement of the year. It and the previous month formed one double month. The shutting half the door showed that one half of the time was passed. There remained the other leaf to be given — in the temple or in the palace — to the king for all the ceremonies or acts of government ap- propriate in such a position for the whole intercalary month. Something like this is sketched out as the meaning by the A7/ien- lung editors. 2 These were so named from the form in which they were made, the cloth being cut straight and square. 3 And judged, it is said, of the character of the measures of govern- ment ; but this is being 'over-exquisite' to account for the custom. SECT. I. YU 3A0. 3 7. The princes of states, in sacrificing, wore their dark-coloured square-cut robes. At court-audiences (of the king), they wore the cap of the next inferior degree of rank to their own \ They wore the skin- cap, when listening to the notification of the first day of the month in the Grand temples ; and their court robes when holding their daily audience in the inner court-yard. 8. (Their ministers and officers) entered (the palace) as soon as they could distinguish the dawn- ing light 2, and the ruler came out daily (to the first court, inside the Khu gate), and received them. (After this audience), he retired, and went to the great chamber, there to listen to their proposals about the measures of government. He employed men to see whether the Great officers (were all withdrawn) 3 ; and when they had left, he repaired to the smaller chamber, and put off his (court) robes. 9. He resumed his court robes, when he was about to eat. There was a single animal, with three (other) dishes of meat, the lungs forming the sacrificial offering. In the evening he wore the long robe in one piece, and offered some of the flesh of the animal. On the first day of the moon, 1 So it seems to be said ; but why it was done so, does not clearly appear. 2 Several pieces in the Shih allude to this early attendance at court. See Book II, ii, 8 ; iii, 8, et al. 3 They sat or waited, not inside the chamber, but outside. Some Great officer might wish to bring a matter before the ruler which he had not ventured to mention in public. The ruler, there- fore, would give him a private audience ; and did not feel himself free from business till all had withdrawn. B 2 4 THE Ll K\. bk. XL a sheep and a pig were killed, and there were five (other) dishes of meat, and four of grain. On 3ze and Mao days1 there were only the glutinous rice and vegetable soup. His wife used the same kitchen as the ruler 2. 10. Without some cause for it, a ruler did not kill an ox, nor a Great officer a sheep, nor a lower officer a pig or a dog. A superior man had his shambles and kitchen at a distance (from the) house ; he did not tread wherever there was such a thing as blood or (tainted) air 3. ii. When the eighth month came without rain, the ruler did not have full meals nor music. If the year were not abundant, he wore linen, and stuck in his girdle the tablet of an officer 4. Duties were not levied at the barrier-gates and dams ; the prohibitions of the hills and meres were en- forced, but no contributions were required (from hunters and fishermen). No earthworks were undertaken, and Great officers did not make (any new) carriages for themselves. 12. The officer of divination by the tortoise-shell fixed the shell (to be used) ; the recorder applied the ink ; and the ruler determined the figures (produced by the fire)5. 1 See vol. xxvii, p. 180. 2 That is, the wife was supplied with what was left from the ruler's mea's. 3 Lu Tien says, ' He would not tread on ants.' The AV/ien-lung editors characterise this as ' a womanish remark.' 4 A ruler's tablet was of ivory ; an officer's only of bamboo, tipt with ivory. 5 See the Khi Li, Book XXII, 25. The .Oien-lung editors say that the methods of this divination are lost. SECT. I. YU 3ao. 5 13. (The cross-board in front of) the ruler was covered with lambskin, edged with tiger's fur ; for his sacred carriage and court-carriage a Great officer had a covering of deer skin, edged with leopard's fur ; as also had an ordinary officer for his sacred carriage *. 14. The regular place for a gentleman was ex- actly opposite the door, (facing the light). He slept with his head to the east. When there came violent wind, or rapid thunder, or a great rain, he changed (countenance). It was the rule for him then, even in the night, to get up, dress himself, put on his cap, and take his seat. 15. He washed his hands five times a day. He used millet-water in washing his head, and maize- water in washing his face. For his hair (when wet) he used a comb of white-grained wood, and an ivory comb for it when dry. (After his toilet), there were brought to him the (usual) cup and some delicacy ; and the musicians came up 2 and sang. In bathing he used two towels ; a fine one for the upper part (of his body), and a coarser for the lower part. When he got out of the tub, he stepped on a straw mat ; and having next washed his feet with hot water, he stepped on the rush one. Then in his (bathing) robe of cloth, he dried his body (again), and put on his shoes ; and a drink was then brought into him. 16. When he had arranged to go to the ruler's, 1 'The sacred carriage' was one used for going in to some temple service that required previous fasting. The paragraph is strangely constructed. It is supposed that the ruler's carriage at the beginning of it was also a sacred one. 2 Came up on the raised hall, that is. 6 THE Li kL bk. xi. he passed the night in vigil and fasting, occupying an apartment outside his usual one. After he had washed his head and bathed, his secretary brought him the ivory tablet, on which were written his thoughts (which he should communicate to the ruler), and how he should respond to orders (that he might receive). When he was dressed he practised deportment and listened to the sounds of the gems (at his girdle pendant). When he went forth, he bowed to all in his own private court elegantly, and proceeded to mount his carriage (to go to the ruler's) in brilliant style. 17. The son of Heaven carried in his girdle the thing tablet, showing how exact and correct he should be in his relations with all under heaven. The feudal lords had the shu, rounded at the top and straight at the bottom, showing how they should give place to the son of Heaven. The tablet of the Great officers was rounded both at the top and the bottom ; showing how they should be prepared to give place in .all positions 1. 18. When (a minister) is sitting in attendance on his ruler, the rule was that he should occupy a mat somewhat behind him on one side. If he did not occupy such a mat, he had to draw the one assigned to him back and keep aloof from the ruler's kindred who were near him 2. One did not take his place on his mat from the 1 It is not clear what the tablets of this paragraph were, and whether they were carried in the hand or inserted in the girdle. The character j^ (Bin) seems to imply the latter. 2 The .Oien-lung editors say that after these two sentences ; the subject of the rest of the paragraph is a student before his teacher. SECT. I. yu 3ao. 7 front, to avoid seeming to step over it. When seated and unoccupied he did not take up the whole of the mat by at least a cubit. If he were to read any writings or to eat, he sat forward to the edge. The dishes were put down a cubit from the mat l. 19. If food were given (to a visitor), and the ruler proceeded to treat him as a guest, he would order him to present the offering, and the visitor would do so. If he took the precedence in eating, he would take a little of all the viands, drink a mouthful, and wait (for the ruler to eat) 2. If there were one in attendance to taste the viands, he would wait till the ruler ate, and then eat himself. After this eating, he would drink (a mouthful), and wait (again). 20. If the ruler ordered him to partake of the delicacies, he took of that which was nearest to him. If he were told to take of all, he took of whatever he liked. In all cases, in tasting of what was some way off, they began with what was near. (The visitor) did not dare to add the liquid to his rice till the ruler ^had touched the corners of his mouth with his hands and put them down 3. When the ruler had done eating, he also took of the rice in this fashion, repeating the process three times. When the ruler had the things removed, he took his rice and sauces, and went out and gave them to his attendants. 21. Whenever pressed (by his host) to eat, one should not eat largely ; when eating at another's, 1 And also any tablets or other things to be referred to. 2 Tasting the things before the ruler to see that they were good and safe. 3 That is, touched those parts with his fingers to see that no grains were sticking to them. 8 the ii kL BK. XI. one should not eat to satiety. It was only of the water and sauces that some was not put down as an offering ; — they were accounted too trivial for such a purpose. 22. If the ruler gave a cup (of drink) to an officer, he crossed over from his mat, bowed twice, laid his head to the ground, and received it. Resuming his place, he poured a portion of it as an offering, drank it off, and waited. When the ruler had finished his cup, he then returned his empty. The rule for a superior man in drinking (with the ruler) was this : — When he received the first cup, he wore a grave look ; when he received the second, he looked pleased and respectful. With this the cere- mony stopped. At the third cup, he looked self- possessed and prepared to withdraw. Having with- drawn, he knelt down and took his shoes, retired out of the ruler's (sight) and put them on. Kneeling on his left knee, he put on the right shoe ; kneeling on the right knee, he put on the left one 1. 23. (At festive entertainments), of all the vases that with the dark-coloured liquor (of water) was considered the most honourable2; and only the ruler sat with his face towards it. For the uncultivated people in the country districts, the vases all con- 1 The subject in the two parts of this paragraph does not appear to be the same. The officer in the former was merely an attendant we may suppose ; in the latter, one of a superior rank. The cup in the one case was of special favour ; in the second the cups were such as were drunk with the ruler at certain times, but were always confined to three. 2 ' Mindful,' says Kang, 'of the ways of antiquity.' See Book VII, i, 10, 11, et al. on the honour paid to water at sacrifices and feasts, and the reasons for it. sect. ii. YU 3A0. 9 tained prepared liquors 1. Great officers had die vase on one side of diem upon a tray without feet ; other officers had it in a similar position on a tray with feet2. Section II. i. At the ceremony of capping, the first cap put on was one of black linen. The use of this extended from the feudal lords downwards. It might, after having been thus employed, be put away or disused 3. 2. The dark-coloured cap, with red strings and tassels descending to the breast, was used at the capping of the son of Heaven. The cap of black linen, with strings and tassels of various colours, was used at the capping of a feudal prince. A dark- coloured cap with scarlet strings and tassels was worn by a feudal lord, when fasting. A dark-coloured cap with gray strings and tassels was worn by officers when similarly engaged. 3. A cap of white silk with the border or roll of a dark colour was worn (? at his capping) by a son or grandson (when in a certain stage of mourning) 4. A similar cap with a plain white edging, was worn after the sacrifice at the end of the year's mourning. (The same cap) with strings hanging down five inches, 1 The gratification of their taste was the principal thing at festive entertainments of the common people. 2 On the two trays mentioned here,— the yii (composed of yj^, and ~)fi on the right of it) and the kin (^), — see Book VIII, i, 12. 3 Such a cap had been used anciently; and it was used in the ceremony, though subsequently disused, out of respect to the ancient custom. 4 When his grandfather was dead, and his father (still alive) was in deep mourning for him. IO THE Li kI. BK. XI. served to mark the idle and listless officer1. A dark- coloured cap with the roll round it of white silk was worn by one excluded from the ranks of his com- peers 2. 4. The cap worn in private, with the roll or border attached to it, was used by all from the son of Heaven downwards. When business called them, the strings were tied and their ends allowed to hang down. 5. At fifty, one did not accompany a funeral with his sackcloth hanging loose. When his parents were dead, (a son) did not have his hair dressed in tufts (any more). With the large white (cap) they did not use strings hanging down. The purple strings with the dark-coloured cap began with duke Hwan of Lu3. 6. In the morning they wore the dark-coloured square-cut dress; in the evening, the long dress in one piece. That dress at the waist was thrice the width of the sleeve; and at the bottom twice as wide as at the waist. It was gathered in at each side (of the body). The sleeve could be turned back to the elbow. 7. The outer or under garment joined on to the sleeve and covered a cubit of it 4. The collar was 2 inches wide ; the cuff, a cubit and 2 inches long ; the border, 1^ inch broad. To wear silk under or inside linen was contrary to rule. 8. An (ordinary) officer did not wear anything woven of silk that had been first dyed 5. One who had left the service of his ruler wore no two articles of different colours. 1 By way of punishment or disgrace. 2 Also in punishment. See Book III, iv, 2-5. 3 b.c. 711-694. 4 If we could see one dressed as in those early days, we should understand this better than we do. 5 Because of its expensiveness. SECT. II. YU 3AO. II If the upper garment were of one of the correct colours, the lower garment was of the (correspond- ing) intermediate one l. 9. One did not enter the ruler's gate without the proper colours in his dress ; nor in a single robe of grass-cloth, fine or coarse ; nor with his fur robe either displayed outside, or entirely covered. 10. A garment wadded with new floss was called /£ien; with old, phao. One unlined was called filing; one lined, but not wadded, tieh. 11. The use of thin white silk in court-robes began with K\ Khang-jze. Confucius said, ' For the audience they use the (regular) court-robes, which are put on after the announcement of the first day of the month (in the temple).' He (also) said, ' When good order does not prevail in the states and clans, (the officers) should not use the full dress (as prescribed) 2.' 12. Only a ruler wore the chequered fur robe3 in addressing (his troops or the multitudes), and at the autumnal hunts 4. (For him) to wear the Great fur robe was contrary to ancient practice. 1 3. When a ruler wore the robe of white fox-fur, he wore one of embroidered silk over it to display it5. 1 The five ' correct ' colours were azure ( p| ; of varying shade), scarlet (7J; ; carnation, the colour of the flesh), white, black, and yellow. The 'intermediate' were green ($jc), red (%£), jade- green (|IL), purple (^), and bay-yellow (jgj j|f). 2 See the concluding article in the ' Narratives of the School.' The words of Confucius are understood to intimate a condemna- tion of K\ Khang-jze. 3 Made of black lamb's fur and white fox-fur. 4 Or, according to many, in giving charges about agriculture. 5 Of one colour, worn by the king, at a border sacrifice. 12 THE LI Kl. BK. XI, When (the guards on) the right of the ruler wore tigers' fur, those on the left wore wolves' fur. An (ordinary) officer did not wear the fur of the white fox. 14. (Great and other) officers wore the fur of the blue fox, with sleeves of leopard's fur, and over it a jacket of dark-coloured silk to display it ; with fawn's fur they used cuffs of the black wild dog1, with a jacket of bluish yellow silk, to display it ; with lamb's fur, ornaments of leopard's fur, and a jacket of black silk to display it ; with fox-fur, a jacket of yellow silk to display it. A jacket of embroidered silk with fox-fur was worn by the feudal lords. 15. With dog's fur or sheep's fur2, they did not wear any jacket of silk over it. Where there was no ornamentation, they did not use the jacket. The wearing the jacket was to show its beauty. When condoling, they kept the jacket covered, and did now show all its ornamental character ; in the presence of the ruler, they showed all this. The covering of the dress was to hide its beauty. Hence, personators of the deceased covered their jackets of silk. Officers holding a piece of jade or a tortoise-shell (to present it) covered it; but if they had no (such official) business in hand, they displayed the silken garment, and did not presume to cover it. 16. For his memorandum-tablet, the son of Heaven used a piece of sonorous jade; the prince of a state, a piece of ivory; a Great officer, a piece of bamboo, ornamented with fishbone3; ordinary 1 Or foreign dog. An animal like the tapir or rhinoceros is called by the same name, but cannot be meant here. 2 ' The dress,' says iTang, ' worn by the common people.' 3 The bone seems to be specified; ^fp|, read pan. What bone and of what fish, I do not know. SECT. II. YU 3A0. I J officers might use bamboo, adorned with ivory at the bottom. 17. When appearing before the son of Heaven, and at trials of archery, there was no such thing as being without this tablet. It was contrary to rule to enter the Grand temple without it. During the five months' mourning, it was not laid aside. When en- gaged in the performance of some business, and wear- ing the cincture, one laid it aside. When he had put it in his girdle, the bearer of it was required to wash his hands ; but afterwards, though he had something to do in the court, he did not wash them (again). When one had occasion to point to or draw any- thing before the ruler, he used the tablet. When he went before him and received a charge, he wrote it down on it. For all these purposes the tablet was used, and therefore it was ornamental. 18. The tablet was 2 cubits and 6 inches long. Its width at the middle was 3 inches ; and it tapered away to 2\ inches (at the ends). 19. (A ruler) wore a plain white girdle of silk, with ornamented ends ; a Great officer, a similar girdle, with the ends hanging down ; an ordinary officer, one of dyed silk, with the edges tucked in, and the ends hanging down ; a scholar waiting to be employed, one of embroidered silk ; and young lads, one of white silk1. 1 From this paragraph to the end of the part, the text is in great confusion; with characters missing here and there, and sentences thrown together without natural connexion. Khaxv Hao has endeavoured to readjust them ; but I have preferred to follow the order of the imperial and other editions. The /i^ien-lung editors advise the reader to do so, and make the best he can of them by means of /tang Hsiian's notes. Kfnn Hao's order is — ■ A. A 14 THE LI KI. BK. xi. 20. For all these the buttons and loops were made of silk cords. 21. The knee-covers of a ruler were of vermilion colour ; those of a Great officer, white ; and of another officer, purple : — all of leather ; and might be rounded, slanting, and straight. Those of the son of Heaven were straight (and pointed at all the corners); of the prince of a state, square both at bottom and top ; of a Great officer, square at the bottom, with the corners at the top rounded off; and of another officer, straight both at bottom and top. 22. The width of these covers was 2 cubits at bottom, and 1 at top. Their length was 3 cubits. On each side of (what was called) the neck were 5 inches, reaching to the shoulders or corners. From the shoulders to the leathern band were 2 inches1. 23. The great girdle of a Great officer was 4 paragraphs — 25, 19, 20, 27, 23, 21, 22, 24, 26, 28, 29. By this arrangement something like a train of thought can be made out. 1 The knee-covers of the prince of a state are represented thus — ; and of a Great officer, The middle suspender joined on to the top strap at the neck ; the two others at the shoulders. On the central portions of the cover were represented certain of the emblems of distinction, according to the rank of the wearer : — dragons on the king's ; flames on a prince's ; and mountains on a Great officer's. But I do not think the makers of these figures had distinct ideas of the articles which they intended to represent. They certainly fail in giving the student such ideas. The colours, &c, moreover, appear to have varied with the occasions on which they were worn. SECT. II. yu 3ao. i 5 inches (wide)1. In variegated girdles, the colours for a ruler were vermilion and green ; for a Great officer, cerulean and yellow; for an (ordinary) officer, a black border of 2 inches, and this, when carried round the body a second time, appeared to be 4 inches. On all girdles which were tucked in there was no needlework. 24. (An officer) who had received his first com- mission wore a cover of reddish-purple, with a black supporter for his girdle-pendant. One who had received the second commission wore a scarlet cover, (also) with a black supporter for the pendant ; and one who had received the third commission, a scarlet cover, with an onion-green supporter for the pendant2. 25. The son of Heaven wore a girdle of plain white silk, with vermilion lining, and ornamented ends. 26. The queen wore a robe with white pheasants embroidered on it ; (a prince's) wife, one with green pheasants3. 27. (The cords that formed the loops and buttons) were 3 inches long, equal to the breadth of the girdle. The rule for the length of the sash (descend- ing from the girdle) was, that, for an officer, it should 1 This, according to the -AT/zien-lung editors, was the girdle or sash of ' correct dress,' and white. The variegated girdles, they say, were worn in private and when at leisure. 2 The character for a knee-cover here ($^, f u) is different from that in paragraph 2 1 (gjj, pi) ; but the JSTAien-lung editors say their significance is exactly the same. How the knee-covers and the supporter or balance-yard (|l||, hang) of the girdle pendant are spoken of together, I do not know. 3 The pheasants here referred to are described as I have done in the i?-Ya. The ' wife ' is supposed also to include the ladies called the king's ' three helpmates '>in Book I, ii, Part ii, 1. 1 6 THE LI A'i. BK. XI. be 3 cubits; for one discharging a special service, 2\. 3ze-yu said, ' Divide all below the girdle into three parts, and the sash will be equal to two of them. The sash, the knee-covers, and the ties are all of equal length1.' 28. (The wife of a count or baron) who had re- ceived a degree of honour from the ruler2 wore a pheasant cut out in silk on her robe ; (the wife of the Great officer of a count or baron), who had received two degrees, wore a robe of fresh yellow ; (the wife of a Great officer), who had received one degree, a robe of white ; and the wife of an ordinary officer, a robe of black. 29. Only the ladies of honour3 received their de- gree of appointment, when they presented their cocoons. The others all wore the dresses proper to them as the wives of their husbands. 1 Khzrx Hao says, ' Man's length is 8 cubits ; below the waist 41 (:= 45 inches). A third of this is 15 inches. 2 x 15 = 30 or 3 cubits, the length of the sash, and of the covers in par. 22.' The cubit must have been shorter than the name now indicates. I do not know what the ' ties ' were. 2 .ffang Hsiian took the ruler here to be feminine, and to mean 'the queen;' and, notwithstanding the protest of the .Oien-lung editors, I think he was right. This paragraph and the next speak of the queen and ladies who were brought around her by their work in silk. Why may we not suppose that in her department she could confer distinction on the deserving as the king did in his ? This passage seems to show that she did so. 3 These ladies — 'hereditary wives' — occur also in Bk. I,ii, Partii, 1. It is commonly said that there were twenty-seven members of the royal harem, who had each that title ; but there is much vagueness and uncertainty about all such statements. ' The others ' must refer to the ladies, wives of the feudal lords and Great officers, whose rank gave them the privilege to co-operate with the queen in her direction of the nourishing of the silkworms and preparation of silk. SECT. III. YU 3A0. 17 Section III. 1. All (officers) in attendance on the ruler let the sash hang down till their feet seemed to tread on the lower edge (of their skirt) \ Their chins pro- jected like the eaves of a house, and their hands were clasped before them low down. Their eyes were directed downwards, and their ears were higher than the eyes. They saw (the ruler) from his girdle up to his collar. They listened to him with their ears turned to the left 2. 2. When the ruler called (an officer) to his pre- sence, he might send three tokens. If two of them came to him, he ran (to answer the message) ; if (only) one, he yet walked quickly. If in his office, he did not wait for his shoes ; if he were outside elsewhere, he did not wait for his carriage. 3. When an officer received a visit from a Great officer, he did not venture to bow (when he went) to meet him 3 ; but he did so when escorting him on his departure. When he went to visit one of higher rank than himself, he first bowed (at the gate) and then went into his presence. If the other bowed to him in replying, he hurried on one side to avoid (the honour). 4. When an officer was speaking before the ruler, if he had occasion to speak of a Great officer who was dead, he called him by his posthumous epithet, or by the designation of his maturity ; if of an officer 1 See vol. xxvii, page 100, note 1. 2 They were on the right of the ruler, and turned their ears to the left to hear him. 3 That the more honourable visitor might not have the trouble of responding with a bow. [28] C 1 8 THE LI kL BK. XI. (who was similarly dead), he called him by his name. When speaking with a Great officer, he mentioned officers by their name, and (other) Great officers by their designation. 5. In speaking at a Great officer's, he avoided using the name of the (former) ruler, but not that of any of his own dead. At all sacrifices and in the ancestral temple, there was no avoiding of / names. In school there was no avoiding of any character in the text. 6. Anciently, men of rank did not fail to wear their girdle-pendants with their precious stones, those on the right giving the notes -ATih and .ATio, and those on the left Kung and Yti1. When (the king or ruler) was walking quickly (to the court of audience), he did so to the music of the 3ha-i Kh\ ; when walking more quickly (back to the reception-hall), they played the Sze hsia2. When turning round, he made a complete circle ; when turning in another direction, he did so at a right angle. When advancing, he inclined forward a little ; he held himself up straight ; and in all these movements, the pieces of jade emitted their tinklings. So also the man of rank, when in his carriage, heard the harmonious sounds of its bells ; and, when walking, those of his pendant jade-stones; and in this way evil and depraved thoughts found no entrance into his mind. 7. When the ruler was present, (his son and heir) 1 ^Tih and K'\o were the fourth and third notes of the musical scale, corresponding to our D and B; Kung and Yii, the first and fifth, corresponding to G and E. See the Chinese Classics, vol. hi, p. 84, note. 2 3hai Kh\ is taken as another name for the Khu 3hze, Chinese Classics, vol. iii, pp. 317-318. SECT. III. yu 3Ao. 19 did not wear the pendant of jade-stones. He tied it up on the left of his girdle, and left free the pendant (of useful things) on the right. When seated at ease, he wore the (jade) pendant ; but in court, he tied it up 1. In fasting and vigil they wore it, but the strings were turned round, and fastened at the girdle. They wore then the purple knee-covers 1. 8. All wore the jade-stone pendant at the girdle, excepting during the mourning rites. (At the end of the middle string) in it was the tooth-like piece, colliding with the others. A man of rank was never without this pendant, excepting for some sufficient reason ; he regarded the pieces of jade as emblematic of the virtues (which he should cultivate). 9. The son of Heaven had his pendant composed of beads of white jade, hung on dark-coloured strings; a duke or marquis, his of jade-beads of hill- azure, on vermilion strings ; a Great officer, his of beads of aqua-marine, on black strings ; an heir-son, his of beads of Yii jade, on variegated strings ; an ordinary officer, his of beads of jade-like quartz, on orange-coloured strings. Confucius wore at his pendant balls of ivory2, five inches (round), on gray strings. 10. According to the regulations for (the dress of) a lad3, his upper garment was of black linen, 1 There were three pendants from the girdle : — the jade-stone in the middle, called the pendant of virtue;' and two others of useful things on the left and right, of which we shall read by and by. The subject of the first two sentences is said, correctly as I think, to be the heir-son of a ruler ; while the last two have a more general application. 2 Or ' an ivory ring.' 3 One who had not yet been capped. C 2 20 THE Li A'l. bk. XI. with an embroidered edging. His sash was embroi- dered, and (also) the strings for the button-loops (of his girdle). With such a string he bound up his hair. The embroidered border and strings were all red. 1 1 . When the ends of fastening strings reached to the girdle, if they had any toilsome business to do, they put them aside. If they were running, they thrust them in the breast1. 12. A lad did not wear furs, nor silk, nor the ornamental points on his shoes. He did not wear the three months' mourning. He did not wear the hempen band, when receiving any orders. When he had nothing to do (in mourning rites), he stood on the north of the principal mourner, with his face to the south. When going to see a teacher, he followed in the suite of others, and entered his apartment. 1 3. When one was sitting at a meal with another older than himself, or of a different (and higher) rank, he was the last to put down the offering2, but the first to taste the food. When the guest put down the offering, the host apologised, saying that the food was not worthy of such a tribute. When the guest was enjoying the viands, the host apologised for their being scanty and poor. When the host himself put down the pickle (for the guest), the guest himself re- moved it. When the members of a household ate together, not being host and guests, one of them re- moved the dishes ; and the same was done when a company had eaten together. At all festival meals, the women (of the house) did not remove the dishes. 1 This paragraph seems to be out of place. Aang thought should follow the first sentence of paragraph 2 7 in the last part, 2 By way of thanksgiving to the father of Cookery. SECT. III. YU 3A0. 2T 14. When eating dates, peaches, or plums, they did not cast the stones away (on the ground)1. They put down the first slice of a melon as an offering, ate the other slices, and threw away the part by which they held it. When others were eating fruits with a man of rank, they ate them after him ; cooked viands they ate before him2. At meetings of re- joicing, if there were not some gift from the ruler, they did not congratulate one another ; at meetings of sorrow3, .... 15. If one had any toilsome business to do, he took them in his hand. If he were running, he thrust them in his breast4* 16. When Confucius was eating with (the head of) the K\ family, he made no attempt to decline any- thing, but finished his meal with the rice and liquid added to it, without eating any of the flesh 5. 1 7. When the ruler sent (to an officer) the gift of a carriage and horses, he used them in going to give thanks for them. When the gift was of clothes, he wore them on the same occasion. (In the case of similar gifts to a commissioner from the king), until his (own) ruler had given him orders to use them, he did not dare at once to do so6. When the rulers 1 Compare vol. xxvii, page 81, paragraph 62. 2 Fruits were the productions of nature, and there could be no poison in them. Cooked food might have been tampered with, and those in attendance on a superior man first tasted it as a pre- caution for his safety. 3 The conclusion is evidently lost. 4 A mistaken and meaningless repetition of part of paragraph 1 1. 5 To express, it is supposed, his dissatisfaction with some want of courtesy in his host. 6 This sentence is perplexing, and there are different views in interpreting it. I have followed .Afang Hsuan. 2 2 THE LI A'l. BK. XI. gift reached him, he bowed his head to the ground with his two hands also, laying one of them over the other. A gift of liquor and flesh did not require the second expression of thanks (by the visit). 1 8. Whenever a gift was conferred on a man of rank, nothing was given to a small man on the same day. 19. In all cases of presenting offerings to a ruler, a Great officer sent his steward with them, and an ordinary officer went with them himself. In both cases they did obeisance twice, with their heads to the ground as they sent the things away ; and again the steward and the officer did the same at the ruler's1. If the offerings were of prepared food for the ruler, there were the accompaniments of ginger and other pungent vegetables, of a peach-wood and a sedge-broom 2. A Great officer dispensed with the broom, and the officer with the pungent vegetables. (The bearers) went in with all the articles to the cook. The Great officer did not go in person to make obeisance, lest the ruler should come to respond to him. 20. When a Great officer went (next day) to do obeisance for the ruler's gift, he retired after per- forming the ceremony. An officer, (doing the same), waited to receive the ruler's acknowledgment (of his visit), and then retired, bowing again as he did so ; but (the ruler) did not respond to his obeisance. When a Great officer gave anything in person to an ordinary officer, the latter bowed on receiving This translation seems to make too much out of the text ; but it is after Khung Ying-ta, KhZm Hao, and others. 2 Such presents might decompose or become offensive, and therefore these accompaniments were sent with them. SECT. III. YU 3A0. 2 3 it ; and also went to his house to repeat the obei- sance. He did not, however, wear the clothes (which might have been the gift), in going to make that obeisance. (In interchanges between) equals, if (the recipient) were in the house (when the gift arrived), he went and made his obeisance in the house (of the donor). 21. When any one presented an offering to his superior in rank, he did not dare to say directly that it was for him1. An ordinary officer did not presume to receive the congratulations of a Great officer ; but a Great officer of the lowest grade did so from one of the highest. When one was exchanging courtesies with another, if his father were alive, he would appeal to his authority ; if the other gave him a gift, he would say, in making obeisance for it, that he did so for his father. 22. If the ceremony were not very great, the (beauty of the) dress was not concealed. In accord- ance with this, when the great robe of fur was worn, it was without the appendage of one of thin silk to display it, and when (the king) rode in the grand carriage, he did not bend forward to the cross-bar (to show his reverence for any one beyond the ser- vice he was engaged on) 2. 1 He would say, for instance, that it was for some member of his household. 2 There are only fifteen characters in this paragraph, nor is there any intricacy in its structure, but few passages in the collection perplex a translator more. If we leave out the negatives in the former sentence, the meaning becomes clear. The grand carriage and grand fur-robe were used at the greatest of all ceremonies, the solstitial sacrifice to Heaven, which itself so occupied the mind A A 24 THE LI A'l. BK. XI 23. When a father's summons came to him, a son reverently obeyed it without any delay. Whatever work he had in hand, he laid aside. He ejected the meat that was in his mouth, and ran, not con- tenting himself with a measured, though rapid pace. When his parents were old and he had gone away, he did not go to a second place, nor delay his return beyond the time agreed on ; when they were ailing, his looks and manner appeared troubled : — these were less-important observances of a filial son. 24. When his father died, he could not (bear to) read his books ; — the touch of his hand seemed still to be on them. When his mother died, he could not (bear to) drink from the cups and bowls that she had used ; — the breath of her mouth seemed still to be on them. 25. When a ruler, (visiting another ruler), was about to enter the gate, the attendant dusted the low post (at the middle of the threshold). The Great officers stood midway between the side-posts and this short post (behind their respective rulers). An officer, acting as an attendant, brushed the side-posts. (A Great officer) on a mission from another court, did not enter at the middle of (either half of) the gate, nor tread on the threshold. If he were come on public business, he entered on the west of the short post ; if on his own business, on the east of it. 26. A ruler and a representative of the dead brought their feet together step by step when they walked ; a Great officer stepped along, one foot after the other ; an ordinary officer kept the length of his of the sovereign that he was supposed to think of nothing else. The paragraph might have had a more appropriate place in the seventh Book or the ninth. sect. in. yu Sao. 25 foot between his steps. In walking slowly, they all observed these rules. In walking rapidly, while they wished to push on (and did so), they were not allowed to alter the motion either of hands or feet. In turning their feet inwards or outwards, they did not lift them up, and the edge of the lower garment dragged along, like the water of a stream. In walk- ing on the mats it was the same. When walking erect, (the body was yet bent, and) the chin projected like the eaves of a house, and their advance was straight as an arrow. When walking rapidly, the body had the appearance of rising constantly with an elevation of the feet. When carrying a tortoise-shell or (a symbol of) jade, they raised their toes and trailed their heels, present- ing an appearance of carefulness. 27. In walking (on the road), the carriage of the body was straight and smart ; in the ancestral temple, it was reverent and grave ; in the court, it was exact and easy. 28. The carriage of a man of rank was easy, but somewhat slow ; — grave and reserved, when he saw any one whom he wished to honour. He did not move his feet lightly, nor his hands irreverently. His eyes looked straightforward, and his mouth was kept quiet and composed. No sound from him broke the stillness, and his head was carried upright. His breath came without panting or stoppage, and his standing gave (the beholder) an impression of virtue. His looks were grave, and he sat like a per- sonator of the dead l. When at leisure and at ease, and in conversation, he looked mild and bland. 1 See vol. xxvii, page 62, paragraph 6, and note 2. 26 THE LI k\. BK. XI. 29. At all sacrifices, the bearing and appearance (of the worshippers) made it appear as if they saw those to whom they were sacrificing. 30. When engaged with the mourning rites, they had a wearied look, and an aspect of sorrow and unrest. Their eyes looked startled and dim, and their speech was drawling and low. 31. The carriage of a martialist was bold and daring ; his speech had a tone of decision and com- mand ; his face was stern and determined ; and his eyes were clear and bright. 32. He stood with an appearance of lowliness, but with no indication of subserviency. His head rose straight up from the centre of the neck. He stood (firm) as a mountain, and his movements were well timed. His body was well filled with the volume of his breath, which came forth powerfully like that of nature. His complexion showed (the beauty and strength of) a piece of jade1. 33. When they spoke of themselves, the style of the son of Heaven was, T, the One man;' a chief of regions described himself as 'The strong minister 1 On the translation of this, and many of the paragraphs immediately preceding, Callery says: — 'The Chinese text contains dissyllabic expressions very difficult to translate, because they are a sort of onomatopoeias, which have nothing in common with the nature of the things to which they are applied. We could do nothing better with them than adopt the sense given by the commentators.' But these binomial combinations, which are often repetitions of the same character, are only onomatopoietic in the sense in which all words, sensuously descriptive at first, are applied by the mind to express its own concepts ; metaphorical rather than onomato- poietic. They are very common in the Shih, or Book of Poetry, and in all passionate, descriptive composition. So it is in other languages as well as Chinese. SECT. III. YU qAO. 27 of the son of Heaven;' the relation of a feudal lord expressed itself by 'So and So, the guardian of such and such a territory.' If the fief were on the borders, he used the style — ' So and So, the minister in such and such a screen.' Among his equals and those be- low him, he called himself 'The man of little virtue.' The ruler of a small state called himself 'The orphan.' The officer who answered for him (at a higher court) also styled him so1. 34. A Great officer of the highest grade (at his own court), called himself 'Your inferior minister;' (at another court), his attendant who answered for him, described him as 'The ancient of our poor ruler.' A Great officer of the lowest grade (at his own court), called himself by his name ; (at another court), his attendant described him as ' Our unworthy Great officer.' The son and heir of a feudal prince (at his own court), called himself by his name ; (at another court), his attendant described him as ' The rightful son of our unworthy ruler.' 35. A ruler's son (by an inferior lady) called him- self ' Your minister, the shoot from the stock.' An (ordinary) officer styled himself ' Your minister, the fleet courier;' to a Great officer, he described him- self as ' The outside commoner.' When a Great officer went on a mission about private affairs, a man of his private establishment went with him as his spokesman, and called him by his name. 36. When an officer belonging to the ruler's establishment acted (at another court for a Great officer), he spoke of him as ' Our unworthy Great officer,' or ' The ancient of our unworthy ruler.' 1 So, most commentators ; but this last sentence is not clear. 28 THE ii KI. BK. XI. When a Great officer went on any mission, it was the rule that he should have such an officer from the ruler's establishment with him, to answer for him. PLAN OF THE HALL OF DISTINCTION. BOOK XII. MING THANG WEI OR THE PLACES IN THE HALL OF DISTINCTION1. i. Formerly, when the duke of Aau gave audience to the feudal princes in their several places in the Hall of Distinction, the son of Heaven stood with his back to the axe-embroidered screen2, and his face towards the south3. 2. The three dukes4 were in front of the steps, in the middle, with their faces to the north, inclining to the east as the most honourable position5. The places of the marquises were at the east of the 1 See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 28-30. On the oppo- site page there is the plan of the Hall, as given in Morrison's Dictionary, vol. i, part i, page 512. Compare it with the less complicated figure in vol. xxvii, page 252. 2 See vol. xxvii, page 1 1 1 , paragraph 1 1 . 3 Many chronological and other perplexing questions arise in connexion with the great audience described in this and the para- graphs that immediately follow. The time should be referred, I think, to the inauguration of Lo as the eastern capital of A'au, probably in b. c. 1109, at the close of the duke of Aau's regency for the young king Kh&ng ; see the Shu, V, xiii. That ' the son of Heaven ' must be understood of king Khkng himself, and not of the duke of A"au, is a point, it seems to me, that no Chinese com- mentator should ever have called in question. 4 The three Kung, I suppose, mentioned in vol. hi, page 227, paragraph 3. The duke of Aau was himself one of them ; but per- haps, during his regency, another had been appointed in his place. 5 The text here simply = ' the east the upper.' The nearer one was to the king, the more honourable was his position. 30 THE LI id. BK. XII. eastern steps, with their faces to the west, inclining to the north as the most honourable position. The lords of the earldoms were at the west of the west- ern steps, with their faces to the east, inclining also and for the same reason to the north. The counts were on the east of the gate, with their faces to the north, inclining to the east as the more honourable position. The barons were on the west of the gate, with their faces to the north, inclining also and for the same reason to the east. 3. The chiefs of the nine I1 were outside the eastern door, with their faces to the west, inclining to the north as the position of honour ; those of the eicrht Man were outside the door on the south, with their faces to the north, inclining for the same reason to the east; those of the six Zungwere outside the door on the west, with their faces to the east, inclining for the same reason to the south ; and those of the five Tl were outside the door on the north, with their faces to the south, inclining for the same reason to the east. 4. The chiefs of the nine 3hai were outside the Ying gate, with their faces to the north, inclining to the east as the position of honour for them ; those of the four Sai (also) came, who had only once in their time to announce their arrival (at the court). These were the places of the lords in the Hall of Distinction (when they appeared before) the duke of A'au 2. 1 1 was the general name for the wild tribes of the east; Man, for those of the south ; Zung, for those of the west; and Ti, for those of the north. 2 It is so difficult to explain what is meant by ' the nine 3hai,' and again by 'the four Sai,' that I am inclined to doubt, with Wang Yen (3l $0 ant^ otners> the genuineness of this paragraph. BK. XII. MING THANG WEI. 3 1 5. The Hall of Distinction was so called, because in it the rank of the princes was clearly shown as high or low1. 6. Formerly, when A"au of Yin was throwing the whole kingdom into confusion, he made dried slices of (the flesh of) the marquis of Kwei 2, and used them in feasting the princes.' On this account the duke of Kau assisted king Wu in attacking AHii. When king Wu died, king K/ia.ng being young and weak, the duke took the seat of the son of Heaven3, and governed the kingdom. During six years he gave audience to all the princes in the Hall of Distinction ; instituted ceremonies, made his instru- ments of music, gave out his (standard) weights and measures4, and there was a grand submission throughout the kingdom. 7. In the seventh year, he resigned the govern- ment to king AV^ang; and he, in consideration of the duke's services to the kingdom, invested him with (the territory about) AV^u-fu5, seven hundred li square, and sending forth a thousand chariots of 1 See the introduction, vol. xxvii, page 28. 2 ' The marquis of Kwei ' appears in Sze-ma Alien's history of Yin (near the end), as the marquis of K/iiu (^L ^), and is made into pickle. The reference, no doubt, is to some act of atrocious and wanton cruelty on the part of Aau. 3 This can only mean that the duke, as regent, administered the government, though the compiler of the Book wanted to exalt his personality beyond the bounds of truth. 4 The text is — measures of length and of capacity. B A7m-fu is still a district city in the department of Yen-/£au, Shan-tung. It was the capital of Lu ; and is called by foreigners ' the city of Confucius/ It contains the great temple of the sage, and is the residence of his representative-descendant, with thousands of other Khungs. 32 THE Li KL BK. XII. war 1. He (also) gave charge that (the princes of) Lu, from generation to generation, should sacrifice to the duke of Kau with the ceremonies and music proper at a sacrifice by the son of Heaven. 8. Thus it was that the rulers of Lu, in the first month of spring, rode in a grand carriage, display- ing the banner, suspended from its bow-like arm, with the twelve streamers, and having the sun and moon emblazoned on it, to sacrifice to God in the suburb of their metropolis, associating Hau K\ as his assessor in the service ; — according to the cere- monies used by the son of Heaven2. 9. In the last month of summer, the sixth month, they used the ceremonies of the great sacrifice in sacrificing to the duke of K&u in the great ancestral temple, employing for the victim to him a white bull. The cups were those with the figure of a victim bull, of an elephant, and of hills and clouds ; that for the fragrant spirits was the one with gilt eyes on it. For libations they used the cup of jade with the handle made of a long rank-symbol. The dishes with the offerings were on stands of wood, adorned with jade and carved. The cups for the personator were of jade carved in the same way. There were also the plain cups and those of horn, adorned with round pieces of jade ; and for the meat-stands, they used those with four feet and the cross-binders. 10. (The singers) went up to the hall (or stage), 1 This is one of the gross exaggerations in the Book. The mar- quisate of Lu was only a hundred li square on its first constitution. 2 Of this and many of the statements in the paragraphs that follow, see the fourth of the ' Praise Odes of Lu,' in the Shih, Metrical version, pp. 379-383. BK. XII. MING THANG WEI. 33 and sang the Khing Miao ; (in the court) below, (the pantomimes) performed the Hsiang dance1, to the accompaniment of the wind instruments. With their red shields and jade-adorned axes, and in their caps with pendants, they danced to the music of the Ta Wu2; in their skin caps, and large white skirts gathered at the waist, and jacket of silk, they danced the Ta Hsia3. There (were also) the Mei, or music of the wild tribes of the East; and the Zan, or music of those of the South. The introduction of these two in the grand temple was to signalise the distinction of Lii all over the kingdom. ii. The ruler, in his dragon-figured robe and cap with pendants, stood at the eastern steps ; and his wife, in her head-dress and embroidered robe, stood in her room. The ruler, with shoulder bared, met the victim at the gate ; his wife brought in the stands for the dishes. The ministers and Great officers assisted the ruler ; their wives 4 assisted his wife. Each one discharged the duty proper to him or her. Any officer who neglected his duty was severely punished ; and throughout the kingdom there was a great acknowledgment of, and sub- mission to, (the worth of the duke of Aau). 12. (In Lit) they offered (also) the sacrifices of summer, autumn, and winter (in the ancestral temple) ; with those at the altars of the land and grain in spring, and that at the autumnal hunt, going on to the great sacrifice of thanksgiving at 1 See vol. xxvii, page 361, paragraph 21. 2 Attributed to king Wu. 3 Said to be of the Hsia dynasty. 4 'The commissioned wives;' including, according to A7;an Hao, the ruler's ' ladies of honour,' as well as the wives of his ministers and Great officers. [28] D 34 THE LI k1. BK. XII. the end of the year : — all (after the pattern of) the sacrifices of the son of Heaven. 13. The grand temple (of Lu) corresponded to the Hall of Distinction of the son of Heaven, the Khu gate of the (marquis's palace) to the Kao (or outer) gate of the king's, and the K'\\\ gate to the Ying \ They shook the bell with the wooden clapper in the court as was done in the royal court, in announcing governmental orders. 14. The capitals of the pillars with hills carved on them, and the pond-weed carving on the small pillars above the beams ; the second storey and the great beams projecting under the eaves ; the polished pillars and the windows opposite to one another ; the earthen stand on which the cups, after being used, were placed ; the high stand on which the jade tokens were displayed aloft; and the slightly carved screen: — all these were ornaments of the temple of the son of Heaven 2. 15. (The princes of Lu) had, as carriages, that of (Shun), the lord of Yii, furnished with bells ; that of the sovereign of Hsia, with its carved front ; the Great carriage (of wood), or that of Yin ; and the carriage (adorned with jade), or that of Aau. 16. They had, as flags or banners, that of (Shun), the lord of Yti ; the yak's tail of the sovereign of Hsia ; the great white flag of Yin ; and the cor- responding red one of Aau. 1 The five gates of the royal palace, beginning with the outer- most, were the K&o (Jj|), the Khu (J|[)r the A'ih (^|)> the Ying (jffl), and the Lu ($§) ; the palaces of the princes wanted the Kao and Ying gates. The grand temples appear to have been constructed on a similar plan, to the east of the palace. 2 And in the temple of Lu, also, it is implied. BK. xil. MING THANG WEI. 35 1 7. They had the white horses of the sovereign of Hsia, with their black manes ; the white horses of Yin, with their black heads ; and the bay horses of A"au, with red manes. The sovereigns of Hsia preferred black victims ; those of Yin, white ; and those of Aau, victims which were red and strong. 1 8. Of jugs for liquor, they had the earthenware jug of the lord of Yti ; the jug of Hsia, with clouds and hills figured on it ; the ko of Yin, with no base, which rested directly on the ground ; and the jugs of A'au, with a victim-bull or an elephant on them. 19. For bowls or cups they had the Hn1 of Hsia; the k\& of Yin2 ; and the /£io of A'au3. 20. For libations they had the jug of Hsia, with a cock on it ; the /£ia of Yin; and that of Aau, with gilt eyes on it. For ladles they had that of Hsia, with the handle ending in a dragon's head ; that of Yin, slightly carved all over ; and that of Aau, with the handle like plaited rushes. 21. They had the earthen drum, with clods for the drumstick and the reed pipe, — producing the music of l-/'/£i4; the pillow-like bundles of chaff, 1 Made of jade, or adorned with it. 2 With plants of grain figured on it. 3 Also made of, or adorned with, jade. A 4 Y-kh\ is said by Aang to be ' the dynastic title of an ancient son of Heaven.' Many identify him with Shan Nang, who generally follows Fu-hsi in the chronology, and who cannot be placed later than the thirty-first century b. c, if we can speak at all of so distant dates. Evidently the compiler is putting down the names of the most ancient instruments which he had heard of. There is in the A7/ien-lung edition of our collection, chapter 81, page 5, a representation of the drum and its handle ; with a collection of the views about them, contradictory and fantastical, • D 2 vV THE LI K I. BK. XII. which were struck1; the sounding stone of jade; the instruments rubbed or struck, (to regulate the com- mencement and close of the music)2; the great lute and great cithern ; the medium lute and little cithern3 : — the musical instruments of the four dynasties. 22. The temple of the duke of Lii was main- tained from generation to generation like that of (king) Wan (in the capital of A'au), and the temple of duke Wu in the same way like that of (king) Wu 4. 23. They had the hsiang (school) of the lord of Yti, in connexion with which were kept the stores of (sacrificial) rice5; the hsii school of the sovereign of Hsia. ; the school of Yin, in which the blind were so that it is not worth while to reproduce them here. There is a figure also of the reed pipe, which can only have been something a little superior to the early ' oaten pipe ' of the west. 1 This also is represented in the Khien-Xung edition ; but how any- thing like music could be brought from the pillows I do not know. The two characters, supposed to give the name, are found, perhaps, in the Shu, II, iv, 9, used with verbal force of playing on the lute. 2 The Kvl and Yu; see vol. xxvii, pages 219 and 273. 3 The invention of the lute and cithern is ascribed to Fu-hsi. They are represented thus — * The duke of Lu here is the first duke, Po-Min (b. c. TI15- 1063). Duke Wu was the ninth duke (b.c. 826-817). 6 As a lesson, it is said, of filial duty. BK. XII. MING THANG WEI. 37 honoured1; and the college of ATau, with its semi- circle of water. 24. They had the tripods of K/mng9- and Kwan2 ; the great jade hemisphere; and the tortoise-shell of Fang-fu3: — all articles (properly) belonging to the son of Heaven. They (also) had the lance of Ylieh3; and the great bow, — military weapons of the son of Heaven. 25. They had the drum of Hsia supported on four legs ; that of Yin supported on a single pillar ; the drums of A"au, pendent from a stand ; the peal of bells of Sui4; the differently toned khmg (sonorous stones) of Shu5; and the organ of Nii- kwa 6, with its tongues. 26. They had the music-stand of Hsia, with its face-board and posts, on which dragons were carved; that of Yin, with the high-toothed face-board ; and that of Aau, with its round ornaments of jade, and feathers (hung from the corners). 1 The father of Music, it is said, was here sacrificed to, or had offerings presented to him. All this is very uncertain. Blind men were used as musicians. 2 These are names of states mentioned in the Shu, with which we find king Wan at war. 3 Fang-fu must also be the name of an ancient state ; but where it was I do not know. Yiieh was a great state, south of Wu, on the seaboard. 4 See the Shu, II, i, 21, and note. 5 Shu was also called Wu-kau (M. ^pj). 6 Nu-kwa is placed between Fu-hsi and Shan Nang. Various fabulous marvels are related of him or her (for many hold the name to be that of a female) in the account of the five Tis, prefixed to Sze-ma A7/ien's histories. The organ is re- presented thus — 38 THE Li A'L bk. xii. 27. They had the two tui of the lord of Yii (for holding the grain at sacrifices) ; the four lien of Hsia; the six hu of Yin ; and the eight kwei of Aau1. 28. They had for stands (on which to set forth the flesh of the victims), the khwan of Shun; the iiieh of Hsia; the k\x of Yin; and the room-like stand of Aau. For the tall supports of the dishes, they used those of Hsia. of unadorned wood ; those of Yin, adorned with jade; and those of Kfm, with feathers carved on them. 29. They had the plain leather knee-covers of Shun; those of Hsia, with hills represented on them ; those of Yin, with flames ; and those of Aau, with dragons. 30. They used for their sacrificial offerings (to the father of Cookery), like the lord of Yti, (portions of) the head; like the sovereigns of Hsia, (portions of) the heart ; as they did under Yin, (portions of) the liver ; and as they did under Aau, (portions of) the lungs2. 3 1 . They used the bright water preferred by H sia ; the unfermented liquor preferred by Yin ; and the completed liquor preferred by Aau3. 1 Figures of all these are given. The number of the vessels in the different dynasties is thought to have oeen regulated by the number of the kinds of grain ; but most of this is conjecture. 2 Aang Hsiian, in explanation of these practices, has only three characters, which I confess I do not fully comprehend. Khung Ying-ta says nothing about them, nor the A7/ien-lung editors. Fang Alien writes, on the relation between the five elements and the five colours, and the symbolical colours adopted by the different dynasties, and of the different members of the victims; very mystically and darkly, and failing to elucidate the passage. 3 There have been various references to these points already, and there will be more hereafter. bk. XII. MING THANG WEI. 3< 32. They used (the names) of the 50 officers of the lord of Yti ; of the 100 of the sovereigns of Hsia; of the 200 of Yin ; and of the 300 of Aau1. 33. (At their funerals) they used the feathery ornaments of the lord of Yti ; the wrappings of white silk (about the flag-staffs) of the sovereigns of Hsia ; (the flags) with their toothed edges of Yin ; and the round pieces of jade and plumes of Aau2. 34. Lu (thus) used the robes, vessels and officers of all the four dynasties, and so it observed the royal ceremonies. It long transmitted them everywhere. Its rulers and ministers never killed one another. Its rites, music, punishments, laws, governmental proceedings, manners and customs never changed. Throughout the kingdom it was considered the state which exhibited the right ways; and therefore dependence was placed on it in the matters of ceremonies and music3. 1 Compare the Shu, V, xx, 3. Various attempts are made to reconcile the statements there and those of this paragraph ; ' all,' says Khkn Hao, ' mere conjectures.' 2 Compare paragraph 22, page 139, vol. xxvii. 3 Much of what is said here is glaringly false ; and justifies what is said of the Book in the introduction, page 29. BOOK XIII. SANG FO HSlAO Al OR RECORD OF SMALLER MATTERS IN THE DRESS OF MOURNING1. Section I. i. When wearing the unhemmed sackcloth (for a father), (the son) tied up his hair with a hempen (band), and also when wearing it for a mother. When he exchanged this band for the cincture (in the case of mourning for his mother) 2, this was made of linen cloth. (A wife) 3, when wearing the (one year's mourn- ing) of sackcloth with the edges even, had the girdle (of the same), and the inferior hair-pin (of hazel-wood), and wore these to the end of the mourning. 2. (Ordinarily) men wore the cap, and women the hair-pin ; (in mourning) men wore the cincture, and women the same after the female fashion. 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 30. This was done after the slighter dressing of the corpse. The cincture (wan, ^) is mentioned in the first paragraph of the Than Kung (vol. xxvii, page 120). The hempen band being re- moved, one of linen cloth, about the breadth of which there are different accounts, was put round the hair on the crown, taken forward to the forehead, there crossed, taken back again, and knotted at the back of the hair. The text does not mention ' the wife ' here ; but a com- parison of different passages shows that this sentence is only applicable to her. SECT. I. SANG FU" HSIaO kL 4 1 The idea was (simply) to maintain in this way a distinction between them *. 3. The dark-coloured staff was of bamboo ; that pared and fashioned (at the end) was of eleococca wood 2. 4. When the grandfather was dead, and after- wards (the grandson) had to go into mourning for his grandmother, he, being the representative of the family (through the death of his father), did so for three years. 5. The eldest son, (at the mourning rites) for his father or mother, (before bowing -to a visitor who had come to condole with him), first laid his fore- head to the ground (as an expression of his sorrow). When a Great officer came to condole (with an ordinary officer), though it might be (only) in a case of the three months' mourning, (the latter first) laid his forehead to the ground 3. A wife, at the rites for her husband or eldest son, bowed her head to the ground before she saluted 1 Anciently, it is said, there was no distinction between these two cinctures, but in the name. There probably came to be some difference between them ; but what it was I cannot discover. 2 This is found also in the 1 Li, XXXII, 5; but the inter- pretation there is as difficult as here. The translation of the first character ( J|\ ghu) by ' dark-coloured ' is from Khung Ying-ta. The paring away the end of the dryandria branch was to make it square. The round bamboo was carried in mourning for a father, and was supposed to symbolise heaven; the other was carried in mourning for a mother, and its square end symbolised earth. What heaven and earth were to nature that the father and mother were to a child. I can make nothing more or better of the passage. 3 We do not see how this instance coheres with the former one ; nor why the two are brought together. 42 THE LI A'l. BK. XIII. a visitor ; but in mourning for others, she did not do so l. 6. The man employed to preside (at the mourn- ing rites) was required to be of the same surname (as the deceased parent) ; the wife so employed, of a different surname 2. 7. The son who was his father's successor (as now head of the family) did not wear mourning for his mother who had been divorced. 8. In counting kindred (and the mourning to be worn of them), the three closest degrees become expanded into five, and those five again into nine. The mourning diminished as the degrees ascended or descended, and the collateral branches also were correspondingly less mourned for ; and the mourn- ing for kindred thus came to an end 3. 9. At the great royal sacrifice to all ancestors, the first place was given to him from whom the founder of the line sprang, and that founder had the place of assessor to him. There came thus to be established four ancestral shrines 4. In the 1 The ' others,' according to A"ang, must be understood of her own parents. She was now identified with a family of another sur- name ; and her husband's relatives were more to her than her own. The son and his wife who should have presided are supposed to be dead. The wife elected for the office would be the wife of some other member of the family, herself therefore of a different surname. The three closest degrees are ' father, son, and son's son.' Add the grandfather and grandson (counting from the son), and we have five ; great-grandfather and great-grandson (here omitted), and we have seven. Then great-great-grandfather and great-great- grandson, make nine ; and the circle of kindred, for whom mourn- ing should be worn, is complete. See Appendix, Book II, vol. xxvii. 4 This statement about the four shrines has given occasion to much writing. SECT. I. SANG FU HSIAO k1. 43 case of a son by another than the queen coming to be king, the same course was observed 10. When a son other than (the eldest) became the ancestor (of a branch of the same line), his successor was its Honoured Head, and he who followed him (in the line) was its smaller Honoured Head. After five generations there was a change again of the Honoured Head ; but all in continu- ation of the High Ancestor. ii. Hence the removal of the ancestor took place high up (in the line), and the change of the Honoured Head low down (in it). Because they honoured the ancestor, they reverenced the Hon- oured Head; their reverencing the Honoured Head was the way in which they expressed the honour which they paid to the ancestor and his immediate successor \ 12. That any other son but the eldest did not sacrifice to his grandfather showed that (only he was in the direct line from) the Honoured Head (of their branch of the family). So, no son but he wore the (three years') unhemmed sackcloth for his eldest son, because the eldest son of no other continued (the direct line) of the grandfather and father 2. 13. None of the other sons sacrificed to a son 1 The subject imperfectly described in these two paragraphs, — the manner in which a family, ever lengthening its line and multiplying its numbers, was divided into collateral branches, will come before the reader again in the next Book. 2 It is difficult to catch exactly the thought in the writer of these, and several of the adjacent, sentences. .Even the native critics, down to the A7/ien-lung editors, seem to experience the difficulty. 44 the li k\. BK. XIII. (of his own) who had died prematurely, or one who had left no. posterity. (The tablet of) such an one was placed along with that of his grandfather, and shared in the offerings made to him. 14. Nor could any of them sacrifice to their father ; showing that (the eldest son was the repre- sentative of) the Honoured Head. 15. (In the distinctions of the mourning) for the kindred who are the nearest, the honoured ones to whom honour is paid, the elders who are venerated for their age, and as the different tributes to males and females ; there are seen the greatest manifest- ations of the course which is right for men. 16. Where mourning would be worn from one's relation with another for parties simply on the ground of that affinity, when that other was dead, the mourning ceased. Where it would have been worn for them on the ground of consanguinity, even though that other were dead, it was still worn 1. When a concubine had followed a ruler's wife to the harem, and the wife came to be divorced, the concubine, (following her out of the harem), did not wear mourning" for her son.2. 1 7. According to the rules, no one but the king offered the united sacrifice to all ancestors 3. 1 Khung Ying-ta specifies six cases coming under the former of these cases, and four under the second. It is not necessary to set them forth. The .Oien-lung editors say that the para- graph has reference only to the practice of the officer; for a Great officer did not wear mourning either for his wife or mother's kin. 2 This concubine would be either of the near relatives of the wife, who had gone with her on her marriage. This paragraph is out of place. It should have formed part, probably, of paragraph 9. SECT. I. SANG FU HSIAO kL 45 1 8. The heir-son (of the king or a feudal lord) did not diminish the mourning for the parents of his wife. For his wife he wore the mourning which the eldest and rightful son of a Great officer did for his 1. 19. When the father was an officer, and the son came to be king or a feudal prince, the father was sacrificed to with the rites of a king or a lord ; but the personator wore the dress of an officer. When the father had been the son of Heaven, or a feudal lord, -and the son was (only) an officer, the father was sacrificed to with the rites of an officer, but his personator wore only the dress of an officer 2. 20. If a wife were divorced while wearing the mourning (for her father or mother-in-law), she put it off. If the thing took place while she was wear- ing the mourning for her own parents, and before she had completed the first year's mourning, she continued to wear it for the three years ; but if that term had been completed, she did not resume the mourning. If she were called back before the completion of the year, she wore it to the end of that term ; but if that term had been completed before she was called back, she went on wearing it to the regular term of mourning for parents. 21. The mourning which lasted for two complete years was (held to be) for three years ; and that 1 The sackcloth for one year, without carrying the staff. 2 Both the cases in this paragraph can hardly be taken as any- thing more than hypothetical. On the concluding statement, the .Oien-lung editors ask how the robes of a king could be exhibited in the ancestral temple of an officer. 46 THE LI Kl. BK. XIII. which lasted for one complete year for two years l. The mourning for nine months and that for seven- months 2 was held to be for three seasons ; that for five months for two ; and that for three months for one. Hence the sacrifice at the end of the com- pleted year was according to the prescribed rule ; but the putting off the mourning (or a part of it) then was the course (prompted by natural feeling). The sacrifice was not on account of the putting off of the mourning 3. 22. When the interment (for some reason) did not take place till after the three years, it was the rule that the two sacrifices (proper at the end of the first and second years) should then be offered. Between them, but not all at the same time, the mourning was put off4. 23. If a relative who had himself to wear only the nine months' mourning for the deceased took the direction of the mourning rites in the case of any who must continue their mourning for three years, it was the rule that he should offer for them the two annual terminal sacrifices. If one who was merely a friend took that direction, he only offered 1 See the introduction on Book XXXV, vol. xxvii, page 49. 2 We have not met before with this mourning term of seven months. It occurs in the I Li, Book XXIV, 6, as to be worn for those who had died in the second degree of prematurity between the ac;e of twelve and fifteen inclusive. 3 ' This remark is made by the compiler,' say the .A^ien-lung editors, ' to guard against the sudden abandonment of their grief by the mourners, as if they had done with the deceased when the mourning was concluded.' 4 After the first, it is said, men put off the mourning headband, and women that of the girdle. After the second they both put off their sackcloth. SECT. I. SANG FU HSIAO kL 47 the sacrifice of Repose, and that at the placing of the tablet in the shrine *. 24. When the concubine of an officer had a son, he wore the three months' mourning for her. If she had no son, he did not do so 2. 25. When one had been born (in another state), and had had no intercourse with his grand-uncles and aunts, uncles and cousins, and his father, on hearing of the death of any of them, proceeded to wear mourning, he did not do so. 26. If one did not (through being abroad) hear of the death of his ruler's father or mother, wife or eldest son, till the ruler had put off his mourning, he did not proceed to wear any. 27. If it were a case, however, where the mourning was reduced to that of three months, he wore it3. 28. (Small) servants in attendance on the ruler, (who had followed him abroad), when he assumed mourning (on his return, for relatives who had died when he was away), also put it on. Other and (higher officers in his train) also did so ; but if the proper term for the mourning in the case were past, they did not do so. (Those who had remained at home), though the ruler could not know of their doing so, had worn the (regular) mourning. 1 Because of the youth of the son, or of some other reason existing in the case. The director would himself be a cousin. 2 But Great officers wore the three months' mourning for the relatives who had accompanied their wives to the harem, though they might have had no son. No such relatives accompanied the wife of an officer. 3 This, it is supposed, should follow paragraph 25. There are doubts as to the interpretation of it. 48 THE lA kI. BK. XIII. Section II. 1. (The presiding mourner), after the sacrifice of Repose, did not carry his staff in proceeding to his apartment ; after the placing of the tablet of the deceased (in the shrine of the grandfather), he did not carry it in going up to the hall *. 2. The (son of another lady of the harem), who had been adopted as the child of the (childless) wife of the ruler, when that wife died, did not go into mourning for her kindred 2. 3. The sash was shorter (than the headband), by one-fifth of the length (of the latter). The staff was of the same length as the sash 3. 4. For the ruler's eldest son .a concubine wore 1 See vol. xxvii, p. 170. I have met with ' the Pacifying sacrifice,' instead of ' the sacrifice of Repose,' which I prefer for Jp^ in this application. The character is explained by -&, the symbol of ' being at rest.' The mourners had done all they could for the body of the deceased. It had been laid in the grave ; and this sacrifice of Repose was equivalent to our wish for a departed friend, 'Requiescat in pace.' It was offered in the principal apart- ment of the house. It remained only to place with an appropriate service the tablet of the deceased in its proper shrine in the an- cestral temple next day. The staff was discarded by the mourner, it is said, to show that his grief was beginning to be assuaged. He and the others would pass from the principal apartment to others more private; and on leaving the temple, would have to mount the steps to the hall. 2 The A'^icn-lung editors argue, and, I think, correctly, that this paragraph should say the opposite of what it does. They think it has been mutilated. 3 The purely native staff in China is very long. At temples in the interior of the country I have often been asked to buy choice specimens as long as a shepherd's crook, or an alpenstock. SECT. II. SANG FU HSIAO k\. 49 mourning for the same time as his wife, (the son's mother). 5. In putting off the mourning attire, they com- menced with what was considered most important. In changing it, they commenced with what was considered least important. 6. When there was not the (regular) occasion for it, they did not open the door of the temple 1. All wailed in the (mourning) shed (at other times). 7. In calling the dead back, and writing the in- scription (to be exhibited over the coffin), the language was the same for all, from the son of Heaven to the ordinary officer. A man was called by his name. For a wife they wrote her surname, and her place among her sisters. If they did not know her surname, they wrote the branch-name of her family. 8. The girdle of dolychos cloth assumed with the unhemmed sackcloth (at the end of the wailing), and the hempen girdle worn when one (first) put on the hemmed sackcloth (of one year's mourning), were of the same size. The girdle of dolychos cloth assumed (as a change) in the hemmed sack- cloth mourning, and that of hempen cloth at the (beginning of the) nine months' mourning, were of the same size. When the occasion for assuming the girdle of the lighter mourning occurred, a man wore both it and the other together 2. 1 This is not the ancestral temple ; but the apartment where the body was kept in the coffin, entered regularly for wailing in the morning and evening. 2 So far as I can understand this paragraph, it describes the practice of a man (not of a woman), when, while he was wearing [28] E ;q THE LI kI. bk. XIII. 9. Aii early interment was followed by an early sacrifice of repose. But they did not end their wailing till the three months were completed. 10. When the mourning rites for both parents occurred at the same time, the sacrifices of repose and of the enshrining of the tablet, for the (mother) who was buried first, did not take place till after the burial of the father. The sackcloth worn at her interment was the unhemmed and jagged1. n. A Great officer reduced the (period of) mourning for a son by a concubine 2 ; but his grand- son, (the son of that son), did not reduce his mourning for his father. 12. A Great officer did not preside at the mourn- ing rites for an (ordinary) officer. 13. For the parents of his nurse3 a man did not wear mourning. 14. When the husband had become the successor and representative of some other man (than his own father), his wife wore the nine months' mourn- ing for his parents-in-law 4. 15. When the tablet of an (ordinary) officer was placed in the shrine of (his grandfather who had been) a Great officer, the victim due to him (as an officer) was changed (for that due to a Great officer). 16. A son who had not lived with his step-father (did not wear mourning for him). (They) must deep mourning, a fresh death in his circle required him to add to it something of a lighter mourning. 1 Compare vol. xxvii, page 315, paragraph 6. 2 To nine months. * A concubine of his father's. ' Her husband's own parents. But the paragraph is a difficult one ; nor have the commentators elucidated it clearly. SECT. II. SANG Ft HSIAO k\. 5 I have lived together and both be without sons to preside at their mourning rites ; and (the step- father moreover) must have shared his resources with the son, and enabled him to sacrifice to his grandfather and father, (in order to his wearing mourning for him) ; — under these conditions they were said to live together. If they had sons to preside at the mourning rites for them, they lived apart. 1 7. When people wailed for a friend, they did so outside the door (of the principal apartment), on the left of it, with their faces towards the south l. 18. When one was buried in a grave already occupied, there was no divination about the site (in the second case). 19. The tablet of an (ordinary) officer or of a Great officer could not be placed in the shrine of a grandfather who had been the lord of a state ; it was placed in that of a brother of the grandfather who had been an (ordinary) officer or a Great officer. The tablet of his wife was placed by the tablet of that brother's wife, and that of his concu- bine by the tablet of that brother's concubine. If there had been no such concubine, it was placed by the tablet of that brother's grandfather ; for in all such places respect was had to the rules concerning the relative positions assigned to the tablets of father and son 2. The tablet of a feudal lord could not be placed in the shrine of the son of Heaven (from whom he was born or descended) ; but that of the son of Heaven, of a feudal lord, or 1 See vol. xxvii, page 134, paragraph 10. '■3, V< E 2 2 See vol. xxvii, page 223, paragraph 4, and note. 52 THE Lf kI. BK. XIII. of a Great officer, could be placed in the shrine of an (ordinary) officer (from whom he was descended)1. 20. For his mother's mother, who had been the wife proper of her father, if his mother were dead, a son did not wear mourning 2. 21. The son who was the lineal Head of his new branch of the surname, even though his mother were alive, (his father being dead), completed the full period of mourning for his wife 3. 22. A concubine's son who had been reared by another, might act as son to that other ; and she might be any concubine of his father or of his grandfather 4. 23. The mourning went on to the than ceremony for a parent, a wife, and the eldest son 5. 24. To a nursing mother, or any concubine who was a mother, sacrifice was not maintained for a second generation. 25. When a grown-up youth had been capped, (and died), though his death could not be considered premature ; and a (young) wife, after having worn 1 A descendant in a low position could not presume on the dignity of his ancestors ; but those who had become distinguished glorified their meaner ancestors. 2 It is difficult to say exactly what is the significance of the S* -^T in the text here. 3 Meaning, say some, performed the than sacrifice at the end of twenty-seven months for her. I cannot think this is the meaning. Even for such a wife there could not be the ' three years' mourning.' According to Wang Yuan (y^£ $$£)> the mourning for one year terminated with a than sacrifice in the fifteenth month. This must be what is here intended. 4 This is the best I can do for this paragraph, over which there is much conflict of opinion. 6 Here is the same difficulty as in paragraph 21. SECT. II. SANG FU HSIAO kL 53 the hair-pin, (died), though neither could her death be said to be premature ; yet, (if they died child- less), those who would have presided at their rites, if they had died prematurely, wore the mourning for them which they would then have done \ 26. If an interment were delayed (by circum- stances) for a long time, he who was presiding over the mourning rites was the only one who did not put off his mourning. The others having worn the hempen (band) for the number of months (proper in their relation to the deceased), put off their mourn- ing, and made an end of it 2. 27. The hair-pin of the arrow-bamboo was worn by (an unmarried daughter for her father) to the end of the three years' mourning 3. 28. That in which those who wore the sackcloth with even edges for three months, and those who wore (it) for all the nine months' mourning agreed, was the shoes made of strings (of hemp). 29. When the time was come for the sacrifice at the end of the first year's mourning, they consulted the divining stalks about the day for it, and the individual who was to act as personator of the deceased. They looked that everything was clean, and that all wore the proper girdle, carried their staffs, and had on the shoes of hempen-string. When the officers charged with this announced that all was ready, (the son) laid aside his staff, and assisted at the divinations for the day and for the 1 Another difficult paragraph, about the interpretation of which there seem to be as many minds as there are commentators. 2 Yet they would keep it by them till the interment took place, and then put it on again for the occasion. 3 Should form part of the first paragraph of Section i. 54 THE LI A'l. BK. XIII. personator. The officers having announced that these were over, he resumed his staff, bowed to the guests (who had arrived in the meantime), and escorted them away. At the sacrifice for the end of the second year, (the son) wore his auspicious (court) robes, and divined about the personator. 30. The son of a concubine, living in the same house with his father, did not observe the sacrifice at the end of the mourning for his mother. Nor did such a son carry his staff in proceeding to his place for wailing. As the father did not preside at the mourning rites for the son of a concubine, that son's son might carry his staff in going to his place for wail- ing. Even while the father was present, the son of a concubine, in mourning for his wife, might carry his staff in going to that place. 31. When a feudal prince went to condole on the death of a minister of another state \ (being himself there on a visit), the ruler of that state received him and acted as the presiding mourner. The rule was that he should wear the skin cap and the starched sackcloth. Though the deceased on account of whom he paid his condolences had been interred, the presiding mourner wore the mourning cincture. If he had not yet assumed the full mourning dress, the visitor also did not wear that starched sackcloth. 32. One who was ministering to another who was ill did not do so in the mourning clothes (which he might be wearing) ; and (if the patient died), he might go on to preside at the mourning rites for him. But if another relative, who had not ministered That is, if the visit were made before the removal of the coffin. SECT. II. SANG FU HSIAO Kl. 55 to the deceased in his illness, came in to preside at the rites for him, he did not change the mourning which he might be wearing. In ministering to one more honourable than himself, the rule required a person to change the mourning he might be wear- ing, but not if the other were of lower position \ 33. If there had been no concubine of her hus- band's grandmother by whose tablet that of a deceased concubine might be placed, it might be placed by that of the grandmother, the victim offered on the occasion being changed. 34. In the mourning rites for a wife, at the sacrifices of repose and on the ending of the wailing, her husband or son presided ; when her tablet was put in its place, her father-in-law presided. 35. An (ordinary) officer did not take the place of presiding (at the mourning rites) for a Great officer. It was only when he was the direct de- scendant of the Honoured Head of their branch of the surname that he could do so. 36. If a cousin arrived from another state (to take part in the rites), before the presiding mourner had put off his mourning, the latter received him in the part of host, but without the mourning cincture2. 37. The course pursued in displaying the articles,- (vessels to the eye of fancy, to be put into the grave)3, was this : — If they were (too) many as dis- 1 If the other, it is said, in the former case were elder, an uncle or elder cousin ; in the latter, a younger cousin. 2 If the ruler came to condole after the interment, the presiding mourner would resume. his cincture to receive him, out of respect to his rank; but this was not required on the late arrival of a relative. 3 These articles were the contributions of friends and those 56 THE LI KI. bk. xin. played, a portion of them might be put into the grave ; if they were comparatively few as displayed, they might all be put into it. 38. Parties hurrying to the mourning rites for a brother or cousin (whose burial had taken place) first went to the grave and afterwards to the house, selecting places at which to perform their wailing". If the deceased had (only) been an acquaintance, they (first) wailed in the apartment (where the coffin had been), and afterwards went to the grave. 39. A father (at the mourning rites) for any of his other sons did not pass the night in the shed outside (the middle door, as for his eldest son by his wife). 40. The brothers and cousins of a feudal prince wore the unhemmed sackcloth (in mourning for him)1. 41. In the five months' mourning for one who had died in the lowest stage of immaturity, the sash was of bleached hemp from which the roots were not cut away. These were turned back and tucked in. 42. When the tablet of a wife was to be placed by that of her husband's grandmother, if there were three (who could be so denominated), it was placed by that of her who was the mother of her husband's father 2. 43. In the case of a wife dying while her husband prepared by the family. They were displayed inside the gate of the temple on the east of it when the body was being moved, and in front of the grave, on the east of the path leading to it. 1 Even though they might not be in the same state with him. 2 We must suppose that the grandfather had had three wives ; not at the same time, but married one after another's death. Some suppose the three to be a mistake for two. ' The mother of her husband's father ' is simply ' the nearest ' in the text. SECT. II. SANG FU HSIAO kI. 57 was a Great officer, and his ceasing, after her death, to be of that rank ; if his tablet were placed (on his death) by that of his wife, the victim on the occasion was not changed (from that due to an ordinary officer). But if her husband (who had been an officer) became a Great officer after her death, then the victim at the placing of his tablet by hers was that due to a Great officer l. 44. A son who was or would be his father's suc- cessor did not wear mourning for his divorced mother. He did not wear such mourning, because one engaged in mourning rites could not offer sacrifice2. 45. When a wife did not preside at the mourning rites and yet carried the staff, it was when her mother-in-law was alive, and she did so for her hus- band. A mother carried the eleococca staff with its end cut square for the oldest son. A daughter, who was still in her apartment unmarried, carried a staff for her father or mother. If the relative super- intending the rites did not carry the staff, then this one child did so3. 1 We must suppose that the appointment of the husband, whether as officer or Great officer, had been so recent that there had been no time for any tablets of an elder generation to get into his ancestral temple. His wife's had been the first to be placed in it. 2 That is, he might have to preside at the sacrifices in the ancestral temple of his own family, and would be incapacitated for doing so, if he were mourning for her. The reader should bear in mind that there were seven justifiable causes for the divorce of a wife, without her being guilty of infidelity, or any criminal act. 3 It is supposed there was no brother in the family to preside at the rites, and a relative of the same surname was called in to do so. But it was not in rule for him to carry the staff, and this daughter therefore did so, as if she had been a son. 58 THE Li kL BK. XIII. 46. In the mourning for three months and five months, at the sacrifice of repose and the ending of the wailing, they wore the mourning cincture. After the interment, if they did not immediately go to perform the sacrifice of repose, they all, even the presiding mourner, wore their caps ; but when they came to the sacrifice of repose, they all assumed the cincture. When they had put off the mourning for a relative, on the arrival of his interment, they resumed it; and when they came to the sacrifice of repose and the ending of the wailing, they put on the cincture. If they did not immediately perform the sacrifice, they put it off. When they had been burying at a distance, and were returning to wail, they put on their caps. On arriving at the suburbs, they put on the cincture, and came back to wail. 47. If the ruler came to condole with mourners, though it might not be the time for wearing the cincture, even the president of the rites assumed it, and did not allow the ends of his hempen girdle to hantr loose. Even in the case of a visit from the ruler of another state, they assumed the cincture. The relatives all did so. 48. When they put off the mourning for one who had died prematurely, the rule was that at the (accompanying) sacrifice, the dress should be dark- coloured. When they put off the mourning for one fully grown, they wore their court robes, with the cap of white, plain, silk. 49. A son, who had hurried to the mourning rites of his father (from a distance), bound up his hair in the raised hall, bared his chest, descended to SECT. II. SANG FU HSIAO KI. 59 the court, and there performed his leaping. (The leaping over, he reascended), covered his chest, and put on his sash in an apartment on the east. If the rites were for his mother, he did not bind up his hair. He bared his chest, however, in the hall, descended to the court, and went through his leaping. (Reascending then), he covered his chest, and put on the cincture in the apartment on the east. In the girdle (or the cincture), he proceeded to the appointed place, and completed the leaping. He then went out from the door (of the coffin-room), and went to (the mourning shed). The wailing com- mencing at death had by this time ceased. In three days he wailed five times, and thrice bared his chest for the leaping. 50. When an eldest son and his wife could not take the place hereafter of his parents, then, (in the event of her death), her mother-in-law wore for her (only) the five months' mourning1. 1 The scope of this paragraph is plain enough ; but the con- struing of it is difficult. I have translated after .AVzan Hao's text, which contains a character more than that of the ^7nen-lung edition. The son and his wife could not become the repre- sentatives of the family. Various reasons are suggested by the commentators for the fact. The text supposes the death of the wife to take place before that of her mother-in-law. BOOK XIV. TA AT WAN OR THE GREAT TREATISE1. i. According to the rules, only the king offered the united sacrifice to all ancestors. The chief place was then given to him from whom the founder of the line sprang, and that founder had the place of assessor to him2. The sacrifices of the princes of states reached to their highest ancestor. Great officers and other officers, who had performed great services, when these were examined (and approved) by the ruler, were able to carry their sacrifices up to their high ancestor. 2. The field of Mii-yeh was the great achieve- ment of king Wu. When he withdrew after the victory, he reared a burning pile to God ; prayed at the altar of the earth ; and set forth his offerings in the house of Mu3. He then led all the princes of the kingdom, bearing his offerings in their various stands, and hurrying about, and carried the title of king back to Thai who was Than-fu, Al-li, and king Wan who was A7zang ; — he would not approach his honourable ancestors with their former humbler titles. 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 30, 31. 1 See the last Book, I, paragraphs 9, 17, et al. I suppose that all which is here described was done by king Wu after his victory at Mu, under the advice of his brother, known to us as the duke of /sTau; see the Ifung Yung, paragraphs 54, 55. ' The house of Mu' would be a building converted for the occasion into a temple. BK. XIV. TA ^WAN. 6 1 3. Thus he regulated the services to be rendered to his father and grandfather before him ; — giving honour to the most honourable. He regulated the places to be given to his sons and grandsons below him; — showing his affection to his kindred. He regulated (also) the observances for the collateral branches of his cousins ; — associating all their mem- bers in the feasting. He defined their places according to their order of descent ; and his every distinction was in harmony with what was proper and right. In this way the procedure of human duty was made complete. 4. When a sage sovereign stood with his face to the south, and all the affairs of the kingdom came before him, there were five things which for the time claimed his first care, and the people were not reckoned among them. The first was the regulating what was due to his kindred (as above) ; the second, the reward of merit ; the third, the promotion of worth ; the fourth, the employment of ability; and the fifth, the maintenance of a loving vigilance. When these five things were all fully realised, the people had all their necessities satisfied, all that they wanted supplied. If one of them were defective, the people could not complete their lives in comfort. It was necessary for a sage on the throne of government to begin with the (above) procedure of human duty. 5. The appointment of the measures of weight, length, and capacity ; the fixing the elegancies (of ceremony) ; the changing the commencement of the year and month ; alterations in the colour of dress ; differences of flags and their blazonry ; changes in vessels and weapons, and distinctions in dress :— - 62 THE LI Kl. BK. XIV. these were things, changes in which could be en- joined on the people. But no changes could be enjoined upon them in what concerned affection for kin, the honour paid to the honourable, the respect due to the aged, and the different positions and functions of male and female. 6. Members of the same surname were united to- gether in the various ramifications of their kinship, under the Heads of their different branches1. Those of a different surname2 had their mutual relations regulated principally by the names assigned to them. Those names being clearly set forth, the different positions of males and females were de- termined. When the husband belonged to the class of fathers [or uncles]3, the wife was placed in that of mothers [or aunts]; when he belonged to the class of sons [or cousins], the wife was placed in that of (junior) wives4. Since the wife of a younger brother was (thus) styled (junior) wife, could the wife of his elder brother be at the same time styled mother [or aunt] ? The name or appellation is of the greatest 1 That is, the males all called by the surname of the family. 2 That is, the females, married into the family from other families of different surnames, and receiving different names or appellations from the places of their husbands in the family roll. 3 ' Fathers ' and ' mothers ' here are really uncles and aunts, the ;A£ for the former being equivalent to ^ ^ ^C' an(* the -fij: for the latter to fg ^ -^T. The uncles were of the same category as the father in respect to age, and the aunts in the same category as the mother. 4 Fu, the character here for wife, does not in itself contain the idea of this inferiority in point of age. That idea was in the mind of the writer, arising from the subject of which he was treating. BK. XIV. TA isTWAN. 6$ importance in the regulation of the family ; — was not anxious care required in the declaration of it ? 7. For parties four generations removed (from the same common ancestor) the mourning was reduced to that worn for three months, and this was the limit of wearing the hempen cloth. If the generations were five, the shoulders were bared and the cincture assumed ; and in this way the mourning within the circle of the same was gradually reduced. After the sixth generation the bond of kinship was held to be at an end. 8. As the branch-surnames which arose separated the members of them from their relatives of a former time, and the kinship disappeared as time went on, (so far as wearing mourning was concerned), could marriage be contracted between parties (so wide apart) ' ? But there was that original surname tying all the members together without distinction, and the maintenance of the connexion by means of the com- mon feast2; — while there were these conditions, there could be no intermarriage, even after a hundred generations. Such was the rule of A'au3. 9. The considerations which regulated the mourn- ing worn were six: — first, the nearness of the kinship4; 1 Khan Hao says that under the Yin dynasty intermarriages were allowed after the fifth generation in a family of the same surname. The same statement is referred to by Khung Ying-ta, from whom A7?an, probably, took it ; but the AV/ien-lung editors discard it, as being ' without proof.' 2 ' The feast ' given to all the kindred after the seasonal sacrifices in the ancestral temple. 3 A7/an Hao refers to this prohibition of intermarriages by A"au as the grand distinction of the dynasty, marking clearly ' for the first time the distinction between man and beast.' 4 As between parents and children. 64 THE LI Kl. BK. XIV. second, the honour due to the honourable1 ; third, the names (as expressing the position in the relative circle)2; fourth, the cases of women still unmarried in the paternal home, and of those who had married and left it 3 ; fifth, age 4 ; and sixth, affinity, and ex- ternal relationship 6. 10. Of the considerations of affinity and external relationship there were six cases : — those arising from inter-relationship 6 ; those in which there was no inter-relationship7; those where mourning should be worn, and yet was not ; those where it should not be worn, and yet was ; those where it should be deep, and yet was light ; and those where it should be light, and yet was deep. ii. Where the starting-point was affection, it began from the father. Going up from him by degrees it reached to the (high) ancestor, and was said to diminish. Where the starting-point was the consideration of what is right, it began with the ancestor. Coming down by natural degrees from him, it reached to the father, and was said to increase. In the diminution and the increase, the considerations of affection and right acted thus. 12. It was the way for the ruler to assemble and feast all the members of his kindred. None of 1 As to the ruler, Great officers, and ministers. 2 See paragraph 6. 3 Spinsters and married aunts, cousins, sisters, &c. * Relatives dying as minors, and after maturity. 5 See next paragraph. 6 Mother's kin ; husband's kin ; wife's kin. 7 As when a minister wore mourning for his ruler's kindred ; a concubine for the kindred of the wife, &c. The reader must task himself to imagine cases in which the other four conditions would apply. BK. XIV. TA ZWAN. 65 them could, because of their mutual kinship, claim a nearer kinship with him than what was expressed by the places (assigned to them). 13. Any son but the eldest, (though all sons of the wife proper), did not sacrifice to his grandfather, — to show there was the Honoured Head (who should do so). Nor could he wear mourning for his eldest son for three years, because he was not the continuator of his grandfather \ 14. When any other son but the eldest became an ancestor of a line, he who succeeded him became the Honoured Head (of the branch) ; and his suc- cessor again became the smaller Head 1. 15. There was the (great) Honoured Head whose tablet was not removed for a hundred generations. There were the (smaller) Honoured Heads whose tablets were removed after five generations. He whose tablet was not removed for a hundred gener- ations was the successor and representative of the other than the eldest son (who became an ancestor of a line) ; and he was so honoured (by the members of his line) because he continued the (High) ancestor from whom (both) he and they sprang ; this was why his tablet was not removed for a hundred generations. He who honoured the continuator of the High ancestor was he whose tablet was re- moved after five generations. They honoured the Ancestor, and therefore they reverenced the Head. The reverence showed the significance of that honour. 16. There might be cases in which there was a smaller Honoured Head, and no Greater Head (of 1 See the last Book, I, paragraphs 10-12. [28] F 66 THE LI A'f. BK. XIV. a branch family) ; cases in which there was a Greater Honoured Head, and no smaller Head ; and cases in which there was an Honoured Head, with none to honour him. All these might exist in the instance of the son of the ruler of a state \ The course to be adopted for the headship of such a son was this ; that the ruler, himself the proper representative of former rulers, should for all his half-brothers who were officers and Great officers appoint a full brother, also an officer or a Great officer, to be the Honoured Head. Such was the regular course. 17. When the kinship was no longer counted, there was no further wearing of mourning. The kinship was the bond of connexion (expressed in the degree of mourning). 18. Where the starting-point was in affection, it began with the father, and ascended by steps to the ancestor. Where it was in a consideration of what was right, it began with the ancestor, and descended in natural order to the deceased father. Thus the course of humanity (in this matter of mourning) was all comprehended in the love for kindred. 19. From the affection for parents came the honouring of ancestors ; from the honouring of the 1 Suppose a ruler had no brother by his father's wife, and appointed one of his brothers by another lady of the harem, to take the headship of all the others, this would represent the first case. If he appointed a full brother to the position, but could not appoint a half-brother to the inferior position, this would represent the second ; and if the younger brothers of the ruling house were reduced to one man, he would represent the third case, having merely the name and nothing more. Such is the explanation of the text, so far as I can apprehend it. BK. XIV. TA A'WAN. 67 ancestor came the respect and attention shown to the Heads (of the family branches). By that respect and attention to those Heads all the members of the kindred were kept together. Through their being kept together came the dignity of the an- cestral temple. From that dignity arose the im- portance attached to the altars of the land and grain. From that importance there ensued the love of all the (people with their) hundred surnames. From that love came the right administration of punishments and penalties. Through that adminis- tration the people had the feeling of repose. Through that restfulness all resources for expenditure became sufficient. Through the sufficiency of these, what all desired was realised. The realisation led to all courteous usages and good customs ; and from these, in fine, came all happiness and enjoyment : — afford- ing an illustration of what is said in the ode : — ' Glory and honour follow Wan's great name, And ne'er will men be weary of his fame V 1 See vol. iii, page 314, the last two lines of ode 1 ; Metrical Version, page 351. F 2 BOOK XV. SHAO t OR SMALLER RULES OF DEMEANOUR1. i. I have heard (the following things): — When one wished to see for the first time another of character and position, his language was, ' I, so and so, earnestly wish my name to be reported to the officer of communication2.' He could not go up the steps directly to the host. If the visitor were of equal rank with the host, he said, 'I, so and so, earnestly wish to see him/ If he were an infrequent visitor, he asked his name to be reported. If he were a frequent visitor, he added, 'this morning or evening.' If he were blind3, he asked his name to be reported. 2. If it were on an occasion of mourning, the visitor said he had come as a servant and helper ; if he were a youth, that he had come to perform what- ever might be required of him. If the visit were at the mourning rites for a ruler or high minister, the language was, 'I am come to be employed by the chief minister of the household4.' » — — ■ 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 31, 32. 2 The visitor did not dare to send even a message directly to the master of the establishment where he was calling. 3 That is, an officer of music, high or low. 4 The name of the minister here is generally translated by ' Minister of Instruction.' But that can hardly be its meaning here ; and there were officers so called also in the establishments of Great officers; see vol. xxvii, page 154, paragraph 20. BK. XV. SHAO f. 69 3. When a ruler was about to go out of his own state1, if a minister were presenting to him money or pieces of jade, or any other article, the language was, 'I present this to the officer for the expenses of his horses.' To an equal in a similar case it was said, 'This is presented for the use of your followers.' 4. When a minister contributed a shroud to his ruler, he said, ' I send this laid-aside garment to the valuers2.' An equal, sending such a gift to another equal, simply said, 'a shroud.' Relatives, such as brothers, did not go in with the shrouds which they presented. 5. When a minister was contributing articles or their value to his ruler who had mourning rites on hand for the previous ruler, he said, T present these products of my fields to the officers3.' 6. A carriage and horses presented for a funeral, entered the gate of the ancestral temple. Contri- butions of money and horses with the accompanying presents of silk, the white flag (of a mourning carriage) and war chariots, did not enter the gate of the temple4. 7. WThen the bearer of the contribution had 1 About to proceed to the royal court. 2 In the AHu Li, Book I, 35, we find that among the function- aries attached to the ' Treasury of Jade,' there were eight men thus denominated ' valuers.' There were officers, probably, per- forming a similar duty in the department to which the charge of the offering in this paragraph would be consigned. 3 The things presented here are called 'articles (coarse), shells' ( gg S), the meaning being, I think, what I have given. The things were not the produce of the donor's land; but that land being held by him from the ruler, he so expressed himself. 4 It is difficult for us to appreciate the reasons given for the distinction made between these contributions. y0 THE LI k\. bk. xv. delivered his message, he knelt down and left the things on the ground. Jhe officer of communication took them up. The presiding mourner did not him- self receive them. 8. When the receiver stood, the giver stood ; neither knelt. Parties of a straightforward charac- ter might, perhaps, do so. 9. When (the guest was) first entering, and it was proper to give the precedence to him, the officer of communication said (to the host), 'Give precedence.' When they proceeded to their mats, he said to them, 'Yes ; be seated.' When the leaves of the door were opened, only one man could take off his shoes inside the door. If there were already an honourable and elderly visitor, parties coming later could not do so. 10. When asking about the various dishes (of a feast), they said, ' Have you enjoyed such and such a dish?' When asking one another about their (various) courses1 and accomplishments2, they said, 'Have you practised such and such a course ? Are you skilful at such and such an accomplishment ?' 1 1. (A man sought to) give no occasion for doubt about himself, nor to pass his judgment on the articles of others. He did not desire the (posses- sions of) great families, nor speak injuriously of the things which they valued. 12. Sweeping in general was called sao. Sweep- 1 There was the threefold course of aim, diligence, and filial duty, in filialness, friendship, and obedience. 2 The accomplishments were six : — ceremonies, music, archery, charioteering, writing, mathematics. BK. XV. SHAO t 71 ing up in front of a mat was called phan. In sweeping a mat they did not use a common broom1. The sweeper held the dust-pan with its tongue towards himself. 13. There was no divining (twice about the same thing) with a double mind. In asking about what had been referred to the tortoise-shell or the stalks, two things were to be considered, whether the thing asked about were right, and what was the diviner's own mind. On the matter of right he might be questioned, but not on what was in his own mind. 14. When others more honourable and older than one's self took precedence of him, he did not pre- sume to ask their age. When they came to feast with him, he did not send to them any (formal) message. When he met them on the road, if they saw him, he wTent up to them, but did not ask to know where they were going. At funeral rites for them, he waited to observe the movements (of the presiding mourner), and did not offer his special con- dolences. When seated by them, he did not, unless ordered to do so, produce his lutes. He did not draw lines on the ground ; that would have been an improper use of his hand. He did not use a fan. If they were asleep, and he had any message to communicate to them, he knelt in doing so. 15. At the game of archery, the inferior carried his four arrows in his hand. At that of throwing darts, he carried the four together in his breast. If he conquered, he washed the cup and gave it to the other, asking him to drink. If he were defeated, the elder went through the same process with him. They 1 It might be dirty, having been used to sweep the ground. 72 THE LI Kl. BK. XV. did not use the (large) horn ; they did not remove the (figure of a) horse (for marking the numbers) l. 1 6. When holding the reins of the ruler's horses, the driver knelt. He wore his sword on his right side with his back to the best strap (for the ruler). When handing this to him, he faced him and then drew the strap towards the cross-bar. He used the second or inferior strap to help himself in mounting-. He then took the reins in hand, and began to move on. 1 7. One asked permission to appear at court, but not to withdraw. One was said to withdraw from court ; to return home from a feast or a ramble ; to close the toils of a campaign. 18. When sitting by a person of rank, if he began to yawn and stretch himself, to turn round his tablet, to play with the head of his sword, to move his shoes about, or to ask about the time of day, one might ask leave to retire. 19. For one who (wished to) serve his ruler, (the rule was) first to measure (his abilities and duties), and then enter (on the responsibilities) ; he did not enter on these, and then measure those. There was the same rule for all who begged or borrowed from others, or sought to engage in their service. In this way superiors had no ground for offence, and inferiors avoided all risk of guilt. 20. They did not spy into privacies nor form inti- macies on matters aside from their proper business. They did not speak of old affairs, nor wear an appearance of being in sport. 1 See in Book XXXVII. BK. XV. SHAO f. 1% /J 21. One in the position of a minister and inferior might remonstrate (with his ruler), but not speak ill of him ; might withdraw (from the state), but not (remain and) hate (its Head); might praise him, but not flatter ; might remonstrate, but not give himself haughty airs (when his advice was followed). (If the ruler were) idle and indifferent, he might arouse and assist him ; if (the government) were going to wreck, he might sweep it away, and institute a new one. Such a minister would be pronounced as doing service for the altars (of the state). 22. Do not commence or abandon anything hastily. Do not take liberties with or weary spiritual Beings. Do not try to defend or cover over what was wrong in the past, or to fathom what has not yet arrived. A scholar should constantly pursue what is virtuous, and amuse himself with the accomplishments. A workman should follow the rules (of his art), and amuse himself with the discussion (of their application). One should not think about the clothes and elegant articles (of others), nor try to make good in himself what is doubtful in words (which he has heard) 1. 23. The style prized in conversation required that it should be grave and distinct. The demean- our prized in the court required that it should be 1 These cautions are expressed enigmatically in the text. The expurgated edition gives only the third and fourth, which P. Callery translates thus : — ' L'homme de lettres s'applique a la vertu par- dessus tout, et ne s'adonne que d'une facon secondaire a la culture des arts libe'raux, semblable en cela a. l'ouvrier qui suit d'abord les process fondamentaux de son art, et ne discute qu'apres les changements a. introduire dans leur application.' 74 the l! kL BK. XV. well regulated and urbane; that at sacrifices was to be grave, with an appearance of anxiety. The horses of the chariot were to be well-paced and matched. The beauty of their bells was that they intimated dignity and harmony K 24. To a question about the age of a ruler's son, if he were grown up, it was said, ' He is able to attend to the business of the altars.' If he were still young, it was said, ' He is able to drive,' or 'He is not yet able to drive.' To the same question about a Great officer's son, if he were grown up, it wras said, 'He is able to take his part in music;' if still young, it was said, ' He is able to take lessons from the music-master,' or 'He is not yet able to do so.' To the same question about the son of an ordinary officer, if he were grown up, it was said, ' He is able to guide the plough;' if he were still young, it was said, ' He is able to carry firewood,' or ' He is not yet able to do so V 25. When carrying a symbol of jade, a tortoise- shell, or the divining stalks, one did not walk hastily. Nor did he do so in the raised hall, or on a city wall. In a war chariot he did not bow forward to the cross-bar. A man in his mail did not try to bow 3. 26. A wife, on festive occasions, even though it were on receiving a gift from the ruler, (only) made 1 This paragraph is in the expurgated edition, in the com- mentary to which, however, the whole is understood with reference to the heir-son of the kingdom or a state ; and P. Callery translates accordingly : — ' (L'he'ritier pre"somptif du trone) doit avoir,' &c. 2 Compare vol. xxvii, page 115, paragraph 4. 5 Compare vol. xxvii, page 72, paragraph 30; page 96, para- graph 39 ; et al. bk. xv. SHAO I. 75 a curtsy \ When seated as a personatrix (of the deceased grandmother of her husband), she did not bow with her head to her hands, but made the curtsy2. When presiding at the mourning rites, she did not bow with her head to her hands lowered to the ground. 27. (After the sacrifice of repose), her head-band was of dolychos cloth, and her girdle of hempen. 28. When taking meat from a stand or putting meat on it, they did not kneel. 29. An empty vessel was carried (with the same care) as a full one, and an empty apartment entered (with the same reverence) as if there were people in it. 30. At all sacrifices, whether in the apartment or in the hall, they did not have their feet bare. At a feast they might. 31. Till they had offered a portion in the temple, they did not eat of a new crop. 32. In the case of a charioteer and the gentleman whom he was driving, when the latter mounted or descended, the other handed him the strap. When the driver first mounted, he bowed towards the cross-bar. When the gentleman descended to walk, (he also descended), but (immediately) returned to the carriage and stood. 33. The riders in an attendant carriage (to court or temple), bowed forward to the bar, but not if it were to battle or hunt. Of such attendant carriages, the ruler of a state had seven ; a Great officer of 1 In Chinese fashion, an inclination of the head towards the hands. 2 Some interpret this as saying that she did not even make the curtsy. 76 THE LI A'l. BK. xv. the highest grade, five ; and one of the lowest grade, three \ 34. People did not speak of the age of the horses or of the carriages of those who pos sessed such attendant carriages ; nor did they put a value on the dress, or sword, or horses of a gentle- man whom they saw before them. 35. In giving (to an inferior) or offering to a superior, four pots of spirits, a bundle of dried meat, and a dog, (the messenger) put down the liquor, and carried (only) the dried meat in his hand, when discharging his commission, but he also said that he was the bearer of four pots of spirits, a bundle of dried meat, and a dog. In presenting a tripod of flesh, he carried (one piece) in his hand. In presenting birds, if there were more than a couple, he carried a couple in his hand, leaving the others outside. 36. The dog was held by a rope. A watch dog or a hunting dog was given to the officer who was the medium of communication ; and on receiving it, he asked its name. An ox was held by the tether, and a horse by the bridle. They were both kept on the right of him who led them ; but a prisoner or captive, who was being presented, was kept on the left. 37. In presenting a carriage, the strap was taken off and carried in the hand of the messenger. In presenting a coat of mail, if there were other things to be carried before it, the messenger bore them. If there were no such things, he took off its covering, and bore the helmet in his hands. In the case of a 1 Compare vol. xxvii, page 125, paragraph 4. BK. XV. SHAO t. J J vessel, he carried its cover. In the case of a bow, with his left hand he stript off the case, and took hold of the middle of the back. In the case of a sword, he opened the cover of its case, and placed it underneath. Then he put into the case a silken cloth, on which he placed the sword. 38. Official tablets ; writings ; stalks of dried flesh ; parcels wrapped in reeds ; bows ; cushions ; mats ; pillows ; stools ; spikes ; staffs ; lutes, large and small ; sharp-edged lances in sheaths ; divining stalks ; and flutes : — these all were borne with the left hand upwards. Of sharp-pointed weapons, the point was kept behind, and the ring presented; of sharp-edged weapons, the handle was presented. In the caseof all sharp-pointed and sharp-edged weapons, the point was turned away in handing them to others. 39. When leaving the city, in mounting a war- chariot, the weapon was carried with the point in front ; when returning and entering it again, the end. The left was the place for the general and officers of an army ; the right, for the soldiers. 40. For visitors and guests the principal thing was a courteous humility ; at sacrifices, reverence ; at mourning rites, sorrow ; at meetings and re- unions, an active interest. In the operations of war, the dangers had to be thought of. One con- cealed his own feelings in order to judge the better of those of others. 41. When feasting with a man of superior rank and character, the guest first tasted the dishes and then stopt. He should not bolt the food, nor swill down the liquor. He should take small and frequent mouthfuls. While chewing quickly, he did not make faces with his mouth. When he 78 THE LI A'l. BK. XV. proceeded to remove the dishes, and the host declined that service from him, he stopt 1. 42. The cup with which the guest was pledged was placed on the left; those which had been drunk (by the others) on the right. Those of the guest's attendant, of the host himself, and of the host's assistant; — these all were placed on the ricdit 2. 43. In putting down a boiled fish to be eaten, the tail was laid in front. In winter it was placed with the fat belly on the right ; in summer with the back. The slices offered in sacrifice (to the father of the fish-diet were thus more easily cut 3). 44. All condiments were taken up with the right (hand), and were therefore placed on the left. 45. He who received the presents offered (to the ruler) was on his left ; he who transmitted his words, on the right. 46. A cup was poured out for the driver of a personator of the dead as for the driver of the ruler. In the carriage, and holding the reins in his left hand, he received the cup with his right ; offered a little in sacrifice at the end of the axle and cross- 1 Compare vol. xxvii, pages 80, 81, paragraphs 54, 57, et al. The writer passes in this paragraph from the indicative to the imperative mood. 2 The guest sat facing the south, so that the east and west were on his left and right respectively. The cups were set where they could be taken up and put down most conveniently. 3 The fish, as a sacrificial offering and on great occasions, was placed lengthways on the stand. As placed in this paragraph, it was more convenient for the guest. It may be correct that the belly is the best part of a fish in winter, and the back in summer. Let gastronomers and those who are fond of pisciculture decide and explain the point. BK. XV. shao i. 79 bar on the right and left (to the father of charioteer- ing), and then drank off the cup. 47. Of all viands which were placed on the stands, the offering was put down inside the stand. A gentleman did not eat the entrails of grain-fed animals x. A boy 2 ran, but did not walk quickly with measured steps. When he took up his cup, he knelt in offering (some of the contents) in sacrifice, and then stood up and drank (the rest). Before rinsing a cup, they washed their hands. In separating the lungs of oxen and sheep, they did not cut out the central portion of them 3 ; when viands were served up with sauce, they did not add condiments to it. In selecting an onion or scallion for a gentle- man, they cut off both the root and top. When the head was presented among the viands, the snout was put forward, to be used as the offering. 48. He who set forth the jugs considered the left of the cup-bearer to be the place for the topmost one. The jugs and jars were placed with their spouts towards the arranger. The drinkers at the ceremonies of washing the head and cupping, in presence of the stand with the divided victims on it, did not kneel. Before the common cup had gone round, they did not taste the viands. 1 Dogs (bred to be eaten) and pigs. The reason for not eating their entrails can hardly be stated. 2 A waiting-boy. 3 That it might easily be taken in hand and put down as an offering of thanksgiving. 8o THE LI A'l. BK. XV. 49. The flesh of oxen, sheep, and fish was cut small, and made into mince. That of elks and deer was pickled ; that of the wild pig was hashed : — these were all sliced, but not cut small. The flesh of the muntjac was alone pickled, and that of fowls and hares, being sliced and cut small. Onions and shalots were sliced, and added to the brine to soften the meat. 50. When the pieces of the divided body were on the stand, in taking one of them to offer and in return- ing it1, they did not kneel. So it was when they made an offering of roast meat. If the offerer, however, were a personator of the dead, he knelt. 51. When a man had his robes on his person, and did not know their names (or the meaning of their names), he was ignorant indeed. 52. If one came late and yet arrived before the torches were lighted, it was announced to him that the guests were all there, and who they were. The same things were intimated to a blind musician by the one who bid him. At a drinking entertainment, when the host carried a light, or bore a torch before them, the guests rise and decline the honour done to them. On this he gave the torch to a torch- bearer, who did not move from his place, nor say a word, nor sing 2. 53. When one was carrying in water or liquor and food to a superior or elder, the rule was not to 1 The lungs. 2 In the 3o A'Wan we have many accounts of these entertain- ments. The singing was almost always of a few lines from one of the pieces of the Shih King, expressing a sentiment appropriate to the occasion. The custom was like our after-dinner speeches and toasts. bk. xv. SHAO I. 8 1 breathe on it ; and if a question was asked, to turn the mouth on one side. 54. When one conducted sacrifice for another, (and was sending to others the flesh of the victim), the message was, ' Herewith (the flesh of) blessing.' When sending of the flesh of his own sacrifice to a superior man,' the party simply announced what it was. If it were flesh of the sacrifice on placing the tablet of the deceased in the temple, or at the close of the first year's mourning, the fact was announced. The principal mourner spread out the portions, and gave them to his messenger on the south of the eastern steps, bowing twice, and laying his head to the ground as he sent him away; when he returned and reported the execution of his com- mission, the mourner again bowed twice and laid his head to the ground. If the sacrifice were a great one, consisting of the three victims, then the portion sent was the left quarter of the ox, divided into nine pieces from the shoulder. If the sacrifice were the smaller, the portion sent was the left quarter, divided into seven pieces. If there were but a single pig, the portion was the left quarter, divided into five portions. 55. When the revenues of a state were at a low ebb, the carriages were not carved and painted ; the buff-coats were not adorned with ribbons and cords ; and the dishes were not carved ; the su- perior man did not wear shoes of silk ; and horses were not regularly supplied with grain. [28] BOOK XVI. HSIO K\ OR RECORD ON THE SUBJECT OF EDUCATION1. 1. When a ruler is concerned that his measures should be in accordance with law, and seeks for the (assistance of the) good and upright, this is suf- ficient to secure him a considerable reputation, but not to move the multitudes. When he cultivates the society of the worthy, and tries to embody the views of those who are remote (from the court), this is sufficient to move the multi- tudes, but not to transform the people. Jf he wish to transform the people and to perfect their manners and customs, must he not start from the lessons of the school ? 2. The jade uncut will not form a vessel for use; and if men do not learn, they do not know the way (in which they should go). On this account the ancient kings, when establishing states and govern- ing the people, made instruction and schools a primary object; — as it is said in the Charge to Yiieh, ' The thoughts from first to last should be fixed on learning V 3. However fine the viands be, if one do not eat, he does not know their taste ; however perfect the course may be, if one do not learn it, he does not know its goodness. Therefore when he learns, one 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 32. 2 Vol. iii. page 117. BK. XVI. HSIO kL 83 knows his own deficiencies ; when he teaches, he knows the difficulties of learning. After he knows his deficiencies, one is able to turn round and examine himself; after he knows the difficulties, he is able to stimulate himself to effort. Hence it is said, 'Teaching and learning help each other;' as it is said in the Charge to Yiieh, 'Teaching is the half of learning V 4. According to the system of ancient teaching, for the families of (a hamlet) 2 there was the village school; for a neighbourhood2 there was the hsiang; for the larger districts there was the hsti; and in the capitals there was the college. 5. Every year some entered the college, and every second year there was a comparative examina- tion. In the first year it was seen whether they could read the texts intelligently, and what was the meaning of each ; in the third year, whether they were reverently attentive to their work, and what companionship was most pleasant to them ; in the fifth year, how they extended their studies and sought the company of their teachers ; in the seventh year, how they could discuss the subjects of their studies and select their friends. They were now said to have made some small attainments. In the ninth year, when they knew the different classes of subjects and had gained a general intelligence, were firmly established and would not fall back, they 1 Vol. iii, page 117. 2 The hamlet was supposed to contain twenty-five families ; the neighbourhood 500 ; and the district 2,500. For the four insti- tutions, P. Callery adopts the names of school, college, academy, and university. It would be tedious to give the various explanations of the names Hsiang and Hsu. G 2 84 THE LI k1. bk. xvr. were said to have made grand attainments. After this the training was sufficient to transform the people, and to change (anything bad in) manners and customs. Those who lived near at hand sub- mitted with delight, and those who were far off thought (of the teaching) with longing desire. Such was the method of the Great learning ; as is said in the Record, ' The little ant continually exercises the art (of amassing)1.' 6. At the commencement of the teaching in the Great college, (the masters) in their skin caps pre- sented the offerings of vegetables (to the ancient sages), to show their pupils the principle of rever- ence for them ; and made them sing (at the same time) the (first) three pieces of the Minor Odes of the Kingdom, as their first lesson in the duties of officers2. When they entered the college, the drum was beaten and the satchels were produced, that they might begin their work reverently. The cane and the thorns 3 were there to secure in them a proper awe. It was not till the time for the summer sacrifice 4 was divined for, that the testing examination was held ; — to give composure to their minds. They were continually under inspection, but not spoken to, — to keep their minds undisturbed. They listened, but they did not ask questions ; and 1 See the note of Callery in loc. The quotation is from some old Record ; it is not known what. 2 The three pieces were the Lii Ming, the 3ze Mau, and the Hwang-hwang A'e hwa, the first three pieces in the first decade of the Shih, Part II; showing the harmony and earnestness of officers. 3 Callery calls these ' la latte et la baguette.' 4 Khung Ying-ta thought this was the quinquennial sacrifice. See the K Men-lung editors on the point. BK. XVI. HSIO Kl. 85 they could not transgress the order of study (im- posed on them). These seven things were the chief regulations in the teaching. As it is expressed in the Record, 'In all learning, for him who would be an officer the first thing is (the knowledge of) business ; for scholars the first thing is the directing of the mind.' 7. In the system of teaching at the Great college, every season had its appropriate subject; and when the pupils withdrew and gave up their lessons (for the day), they were required to continue their study at home. 8. If a student do not learn (at college) to play in tune, he cannot quietly enjoy his lutes ; if he do not learn extensively the figures of poetry, he cannot quietly enjoy the odes ; if he do not learn the varieties of dress, he cannot quietly take part in the different ceremonies; if he do not acquire the various accom- plishments, he cannot take delight in learning. 9. Therefore a student of talents and virtue pursues his studies, withdrawn in college from all besides, and devoted to their cultivation, or occu- pied with them when retired from it, and enjoying himself. Having attained to this, he rests quietly in his studies and seeks the company of his teachers; he finds pleasure in his friends, and has all con- fidence in their course. Although he should be separated from his teachers and helpers, he will not act contrary to the course ; — as it is said in the Charge to Yiieh, ' Maintain a reverent humility, and strive to be constantly earnest. In such a case the cultivation will surely come V 1 Vol. iii, p. 117. But the quotation is a little different from the text of the Shii. 86 the hi k\. BK. XVI. 10. According to the system of teaching now-a- days, (the masters) hum over the tablets which they see before them, multiplying their questions. They speak of the learners' making rapid advances, and pay no regard to their reposing (in what they have acquired). In what they lay on their learners they are not sincere, nor do they put forth all their ability in teaching them. What they inculcate is contrary to what is right, and the learners are dis- appointed in what they seek for. In such a case, the latter are distressed by their studies and hate their masters ; they are embittered by the diffi- culties, and do not find any advantage from their (labour). They may seem to finish their work, but they quickly give up its lessons. That no results are seen from their instructions : — is it not owing to these defects ? ii. The rules aimed at in the Great college were the prevention of evil before it was manifested; the timeliness of instruction just when it was re- quired ; the suitability of the lessons in adaptation to circumstances ; and the good influence of example to parties observing one another. It was from these four things that the teaching was so effectual and flourishing. 12. Prohibition of evil after it has been mani- fested meets with opposition, and is not successful. Instruction given after the time for it is past is done with toil, and carried out with difficulty. The com- munication of lessons in an undiscriminating manner and without suitability produces injury and disorder, and fails in its object. Learning alone and without friends makes one feel solitary and uncultivated, with but little information. Friendships of festivity bk. xvi. hsio ki. 8y lead to opposition to one's master. Friendships with the dissolute lead to the neglect of one's learning. These six things all tend to make teaching vain. 13. When a superior man knows the causes which make instruction successful, and those which make it of no effect, he can become a teacher of others. Thus in his teaching, he leads and does not drag ; he strengthens and does not discourage ; he opens the way but does not conduct to the end (without the learner's own efforts). Leading and not dragging produces harmony. Strengthening and not discouraging makes attainment easy. Opening the way and not conducting to the end makes (the learner) thoughtful. He who produces such har- mony, easy attainment, and thoughtfulness may be pronounced a. skilful teacher. 14. Among learners there are four defects with which the teacher must make himself acquainted. Some err in the multitude of their studies ; some, in their fewness ; some, in the feeling of ease (with which they proceed) ; and some, in the readiness with which they stop. These four defects arise from the difference of their minds. When a teacher knows the character of his mind, he can save the learner from the defect to which he is liable. Teach- ing should be directed to develope that in which the pupil excels, and correct the defects to which he is prone. 15. The good singer makes men (able) to continue his notes, and (so) the good teacher makes them able to carry out his ideas. His words are brief, but far-reaching ; unpretentious, but deep ; with few illustrations, but instructive. In this way he may be said to perpetuate his ideas. 88 THE LI Kt BK. XVI. 16. When a man of talents and virtue knows the difficulty (on the one hand) and the facility (on the other) in the attainment of learning, and knows (also) the good and the bad qualities (of his pupils), he can vary his methods of teaching. When he can vary his methods of teaching, he can be a master indeed. When he can be a teacher indeed, he can be the Head (of an official department). When he can be such a Head, he can be the Ruler (of a state). Hence it is from the teacher indeed that one learns to be a ruler, and the choice of a teacher demands the greatest care ; as it is said in the Record, ' The three kings and the four dynasties were what they were by their teachers V 17. In pursuing the course of learning, the diffi- culty is in securing the proper reverence for the master. When that is done, the course (which he inculcates) is regarded with honour. When that is done, the people know how to respect learning. Thus it is that there are two among his subjects whom the ruler does not treat as subjects. When one is personating (his ancestor), he does not treat him as such, nor does he treat his master as such. According to the rules of the Great college, the master, though communicating anything to the son of Heaven, did not stand with his face to the north. This was the way in which honour was done to him. 1 ' The three kings ' are of course the Great Yii, founder of the Hsia dynasty; Thang the Successful, founder of the Shang; and Wan and Wti, considered as one, founders of A'au. The four dynasties is an unusual expression, though we shall meet with it again, as we have met with it already. They are said to be those of Yii (the dynasty of Shun), Hsia, Shang, and Aau. But how then have we only ' the three kings?' I should rather take them to be Hsia\ Shang (considered as two, Shang and Yin), and A'au. BK. XVI. HSIO zt; 89 18. The skilful learner, while the master seems indifferent, yet makes double the attainments of another, and in the sequel ascribes the merit (to the master). The unskilful learner, while the master is diligent with him, yet makes (only) half the attain- ments (of the former), and in the sequel is dissatis- fied with the master. The skilful questioner is like a workman addressing himself to deal with a hard tree. First he attacks the easy parts, and then the knotty. After a long time, the pupil and master talk together, and the subject is explained. The unskilful questioner takes the opposite course. The master who skilfully waits to be questioned, may be compared to a bell when it is struck. Struck with a small hammer, it gives a small sound. Struck with a great one, it gives a great sound. But let it be struck leisurely and properly, and it gives out all the sound of which it is capable1. He who is not skilful in replying to questions is the opposite of this. This all describes the method of making progress in learning. 19. He who gives (only) the learning supplied by 1 P. Callery makes this sentence refer to the master, and not to the bell, and translates it : — ' (Mais quelle que soit la nature des questions qu'on lui adresse, le maitre) attend que l'eleve ait fait a loisir toutes ses demandes, pour y faire ensuite une rdponse complete.' He appends a note on the difficulty of the passage, saying in conclusion that the translation which he has adopted was suggested by a citation of the passage in the Pei-wan Yun-fu (ilfl "^t E4M Jfct)' wnere tnere is a different reading of (^), ' instruction,' for (f|P-)> 'sound.' I have not been able to find the citation in the great Thesaurus, to which he refers. Yen Yiian does not mention any different reading in his examination of the text ( j|L yjtf $|£ H|, chapter 917); and I do not see any reason for altering the translation which I first made. 90 THE Ll kL bk. xvi. his memory in conversations is not fit to be a master. Is it not necessary that he should hear the questions (of his pupils) ? Yes, but if they are not able to put questions, he should put subjects before them. If he do so, and then they do not show any knowledge of the subjects, he may let them alone. 20. The son of a good founder is sure to learn how to make a fur-robe. The son of a good maker of bows is sure to learn how to make a sieve. Those who first yoke a (young) horse place it behind, with the carriage going on in front of it. The superior man who examines these cases can by them instruct himself in (the method of) learning \ 21. The ancients in prosecuting their learning compared different things and traced the analogies between them. The drum has no special relation to any of the musical notes ; but without it they cannot be harmonised. Water has no particular relation to any of the five colours ; but without it they cannot be displayed2. Learning has no par- ticular relation to any of the five senses ; but without it they cannot be regulated. A teacher has no V ' The AV/ien-lung editors say that this paragraph is intended to show that the course of learning must proceed gradually. So far is clear; but the illustrations employed and their application to the subject in hand are not readily understood. In his fifth Book (towards the end), Lieh-jze gives the first two illustrations as from an old poem, but rather differently from the text : — ' The son of a good maker of bows must first learn to make a sieve ; and the son of a good potter must first learn to make a fur-robe.' In this form they would more suitably have their place in paragraph 18. 2 That is, in painting. The Chinese only paint in water colours. ' Water itself,' says Khung Ying-ta, ' has no colour, but the paint requires to be laid on with water, in order to its display.' I cannot follow the text so easily in what it says on the other illustrations. EK. XVI. HSIO A'i. 9i special relation to the five degrees of mourning ; but without his help they cannot be worn as they ought to be. 22. A wise man has said, 'The Great virtue need not be confined to one office ; Great power of method need not be restricted to the production of one article ; Great truth need not be limited to the confirmation of oaths ; Great seasonableness accomplishes all things, and each in its proper time.' By examining these four cases, we are taught to direct our aims to what is fundamental. When the three sovereigns sacrificed to the waters, they did so first to the rivers and then to the seas ; first to the source and then to its result, This was what is called ' Paying attention to the root.' BOOK XVII. YO Kl OR RECORD OF MUSIC1. Section- I. i. All the modulations of the voice arise from the mind, and the various affections of the mind are pro- duced by things (external to it). The affections thus produced are manifested in the sounds that are uttered. Changes are produced by the way in which those sounds respond to one another ; and those changes constitute what we call the modulations of the voice. The combination of those modulated sounds, so as to give pleasure, and the (direction in harmony with them of the) shields and axes2, and of the plumes and ox-tails2, constitutes what we call music. 2. Music is (thus) the production of the modula- tions of the voice, and its source is in the affections of the mind as it is influenced by (external) things. 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 32-34. 2 There was a pantomimic exhibition of scenes of war, in which the performers brandished shields and axes ; and another of scenes of peace, in which they waved plumes and ox-tails. What I have rendered by 'the modulations of the voice' is in the text the one Chinese character yin (^=f), for which Callery gives 'air musical,' and which A'ang Hsiian explains as meaning ' the five full notes of the scale.' See the long note of Callery prefixed to this record, concluding : — ' La musique Chinoise, telle que l'ont entendue les anciens, avait tous les caracteres d'une representation theatrale ayant pour but de parler tout a. la fois aux yeux, aux oreilles, a l'esprit, et au cceur.' SECT. I. yo A'i. 93 When the mind is moved to sorrow, the sound is sharp and fading away; when it is moved to pleasure, the sound is slow and gentle ; when it is moved to joy, the sound is exclamatory and soon disappears ; when it is moved to anger, the sound is coarse and fierce ; when it is moved to reverence, the sound is straightforward, with an indication of humility ; when it is moved to love, the sound is harmonious and soft. These six peculiarities of sound are not natural ] ; they indicate the impressions produced by (external) things. On this account the ancient kings were watchful in regard to the things by which the mind was affected. 3. And so (they instituted) ceremonies to direct men's aims aright ; music to give harmony to their voices ; laws to unify their conduct; and punishments to guard against their tendencies to evil. The end to which ceremonies, music, punishments, and laws conduct is one ; they are the instruments by which the minds of the people are assimilated, and good order in government is made to appear. 4. All modulations of the voice spring from the minds of men. When the feelings are moved within, they are manifested in the sounds of the voice ; and when those sounds are combined so as to form com- positions, we have what are called airs. Hence, the airs of an age of good order indicate composure and enjoyment. The airs of an age of disorder indicate dissatisfaction and anger, and its government is per- 1 Or, 'are not the nature;' that is, the voice does not naturally, when the mind is not moved, from without itself, give such peculiar expressions of feeling. What belongs to man by his nature is simply the faculty of articulate speech, slumbering until he is awakened by his sensations and perceptions. 94 THE Li kL BK. xvii. versely bad. The airs of a state going to ruin are expressive of sorrow and (troubled) thought. There is an interaction between the words and airs (of the people) and the character of their government. 5. (The note) kung represents the ruler; shang, the ministers; £io, the people; ^ih, affairs; and yu, things. If there be no disorder or irregularity in these five notes, there will be no want of harmony in the state. If kung be irregular, (the air) is wild and broken ; the ruler of the state is haughty. If shang be irregular, (the air) is jerky; the offices of the state are decayed. If /^io be irregular, (the air) expresses anxiety ; the people are dissatisfied. If /£ih be irregular, (the air) expresses sorrow; affairs are strained. If yii be irregular, (the air) is ex- pressive of impending ruin ; the resources (of the state) are exhausted. If the five notes are all irre- gular, and injuriously interfere with one another, they indicate a state of insolent disorder ; and the state where this is the case will at no distant day meet with extinction and ruin1. 6. The airs of A'ang2 and Wei were those of an age of disorder, showing that those states were near such an abandoned condition. The airs near the river Pu, at the mulberry forest, were those of a state going to ruin3. The government (of Wei) was in a state of dissipation, and the people were unset- tled, calumniating their superiors, and pursuing their private aims beyond the possibility of restraint. 1 On those notes, see Chinese Classics, vol. hi, page 48. 2 See Confucian Analects, XV, 10, 6. 3 This place was in the state of Wei. See the ridiculous incident which gave rise to this account of the airs in Sze-ma AVnen's mono- graph on music, pages 13, 14. SECT. I. YO kI. 95 7. All modulations of sound take their rise from the mind of man ; and music is the intercommunica- tion of them in their relations and differences. Hence, even beasts know sound, but not its modulations ; and the masses of the common people know the modulations, but they do not know music. It is only the superior man who can (really) know music. 8. On this account we must discriminate sounds in order to know the airs; the airs in order to know the music ; and the music in order to know (the character of) the government. Having attained to this, we are fully provided with the methods of good order. Hence with him who does not know the sounds we cannot speak about the airs, and with him who does not know the airs we cannot speak about the music. The knowledge of music leads to the subtle springs that underlie the rules of ceremony. He who has apprehended both ceremonies and music may be pronounced to be a possessor of virtue. Virtue means realisation (in one's self)1. 9. Hence the greatest achievements of music were not in the perfection of the airs ; the (efficacy) of the ceremonies in the sacrificial offerings was not in the exquisiteness of the flavours. In the lutes for the A7;ing Miao the strings were of red (boiled) silk, and the holes were wide apart ; one lute began, and 1 Virtue (f|a) and getting or realising (^=|) have the same name or pronunciation (teh) in Chinese. This concluding sentence, as Callery points out, is only a sort of pun on that common name. And yet ' virtue ' is the ' realisation ' in one's self ' of what is good.' The next paragraph expands the writer's thought. The greatest achievement of music in its ancient perfection was the softening and refining of the character, and that of the services of the temple was the making men reverent, filial, and brotherly. g6 the Li kI. BK. XVII. (only) three others joined it ; there was much melody not brought out. In the ceremonies of the great sacrifices, the dark-coloured liquor took precedence, and on the stands were uncooked fish, while the grand soup had no condiments : there was much flavour left undeveloped. 10. Thus we see that the ancient kings, in their institution of ceremonies and music, did not seek how fully they could satisfy the desires of the appe- tite and of the ears and eyes ; but they intended to teach the people to regulate their likings and dislikings, and to bring them back to the normal course of humanity. ii. It belongs to the nature of man, as from Heaven, to be still at his birth. His activity shows itself as he is acted on by external things, and developes the desires incident to his nature. Things come to him more and more, and his knowledge is increased. Then arise the manifestations of liking and disliking. When these are not regulated by anything within, and growing knowledge leads more astray without, he cannot come back to himself, and his Heavenly principle is extinguished. 12. Now there is no end of the things by which man is affected ; and when his likings and dislikings are not subject to regulation (from within), he is changed into the nature of things as they come before him ; that is, he stifles the voice of Heavenly prin- ciple within, and gives the utmost indulgence to the desires by which men may be possessed. On this we have the rebellious and deceitful heart, with licentious and violent disorder. The strong press upon the weak ; the many are cruel to the few ; the knowing impose upon the dull ; the bold make it bitter for sect. i. yo k1. 97 the timid ; the diseased are not nursed ; the old and young, orphans and solitaries are neglected : — such is the great disorder that ensues. 13. Therefore the ancient kings, when they insti- tuted their ceremonies and music, regulated them by consideration of the requirements of humanity. By the sackcloth worn for parents, the wailings, and the weepings, they defined the terms of the mourning rites' By the bells, drums, shields, and axes, they introduced harmony into their seasons of rest and enjoyment. By marriage, capping, and the assump- tion of the hair-pin, they maintained the separation that should exist between male and female. By the archery gatherings in the districts, and the feastings at the meetings of princes, they provided for the correct maintenance of friendly intercourse. 14. Ceremonies afforded the defined expression for the (affections of the) people's minds ; music secured the harmonious utterance of their voices ; the laws of government were designed to promote the performance (of the ceremonies and music) ; and punishments, to guard against the violation of them. When ceremonies, music, laws, and punish- ments had everywhere full course, without irregu- larity or collision, the method of kingly rule was complete1. 1 With this paragraph ends the first portion of the treatise on music, called Yo Pan (iM 7b), or 'Fundamental Principles in Music/ The A7nen-lung editors divide it into four chapters : — the first setting forth that music takes its character as good or bad from the mind of man, as affected by what is external to it ; the second, that the character of the external things affecting the mind is determined by government as good or bad ; the third, that the ceremonies and music of the ancient kings were designed to [23] H 98 THE LI Kl. BK. XVIT. 15. Similarity and union are the aim of music; difference and distinction, that of ceremony. From union comes mutual affection ; from difference, mutual respect. Where music prevails, we find a weak coalescence ; where ceremony prevails, a tendency to separation. It is the business of the two to blend people's feelings and give elegance to their outward manifestations. 16. Through the perception of right produced by ceremony, came the degrees of the noble and the mean ; through the union of culture arising from music, harmony between high and low. By the ex- hibition of what was to be liked and what was to be disliked, a distinction was made between the worthy and unworthy. When violence was prevented by punishments, and the worthy were raised to rank, the operation of government was made impartial. Then came benevolence in the love (of the people), and righteousness in the correction (of their errors) ; and in this way good government held its course. 1 7. Music comes from within, and ceremonies from without. Music, coming from within, produces the stillness (of the mind) ; ceremonies, coming from without, produce the elegancies (of manner). The highest style of music is sure to be distinguished by its ease ; the highest style of elegance, by its un- demonstrativeness. 18. Let music attain its full results, and there would be no dissatisfactions (in the mind) ; let cere- mony do so, and there would be no quarrels. When regulate the minds of men in their likings and dislikings ; and the fourth, that that regulation was in harmony with the will of Heaven, as indicated in the nature of man. SECT. I. yo ki. 99 bowings and courtesies marked the government of the kingdom, there would be what might be described as music and ceremony indeed. Violent oppression of the people would not arise ; the princes would appear submissively at court as guests ; there would be no occasion for the weapons of war, and no em- ployment of the five punishments1 ; the common people would have no distresses, and the son of Heaven no need to be angry : — such a state of things would be an universal music. When the son of Heaven could secure affection between father and son, could illustrate the orderly relation between old and young, and make mutual respect prevail all within the four seas, then indeed would ceremony (be seen) as power. 19. In music of the grandest style there is the same harmony that prevails between heaven and earth ; in ceremonies of the grandest form there is the same graduation that exists between heaven and earth. Through the harmony, things do not fail (to fulfil their ends) ; through the graduation we have the sacrifices to heaven and those to earth. In the visible sphere there are ceremonies and music ; in the invisible, the spiritual agencies. These things being so, in all within the four seas, there must be mutual respect and love. 20. The occasions and forms of ceremonies are different, but it is the same feeling of respect (which they express). The styles of musical pieces are dif- ferent, but it is the same feeling of love (which they 1 The ' five punishments ' were branding on the forehead, cutting off the nose, other various dismemberments, castration, and death ; see Mayers' 'Chinese Readers' Manual,' page 313. But the one word ' punishment ' would sufficiently express the writer's meaning. H 2 IOO THE LI ArI. BK. XVII. promote). The essential nature of ceremonies and music being the same, the intelligent kings, one after another, continued them as they found them. The occasions and forms were according to the times when they were made ; the names agreed with the merit which they commemorated. 2i. Hence the bell, the drum, the flute, and the sounding-stone ; the plume, the fife, the shield, and the axe are the instruments of music ; the curvings and stretchings (of the body), the bending down and lifting up (of the head) ; and the evolutions and numbers (of the performers), with the slowness or rapidity (of their movements), are its elegant ac- companiments. The dishes, round and square, the stands, the standing dishes, the prescribed rules and their elegant variations, are the instruments of cere- monies ; the ascending and descending, the positions high and low, the wheelings about, and the changing of robes, are their elegant accompaniments. 22. Therefore they who knew the essential nature of ceremonies and music could frame them ; and they who had learned their elegant accompaniments could hand them down. The framers may be pro- nounced sage ; the transmitters, intelligent. Intelli- gence and sagehood are other names for transmitting and inventing. 23. Music is (an echo of) the harmony between heaven and earth ; ceremonies reflect the orderly distinctions (in the operations of) heaven and earth. From that harmony all things receive their being ; to those orderly distinctions they owe the differences between them. Music has its origin from heaven ; ceremonies take their form from the appearances of earth. If the imitation of those appearances were SECT. I. YO A'i. IOI carried to excess, confusion (of ceremonies) would appear ; if the framing of music were carried to excess, it would be too vehement. Let there be an intelligent understanding of the nature and inter- action of (heaven and earth), and there will be the ability to practise well both ceremonies and music. 24. The blending together without any mutual injuriousness (of the sentiments and the airs on the different instruments) forms the essence of music ; and the exhilaration of joy and the glow of affection are its business. Exactitude and correctness, without any inflection or deviation, form the substance of ceremonies, while gravity, respectfulness, and a humble consideration are the rules for their dis- charge. 25. As to the employment of instruments of metal and stone in connexion with these ceremonies and this music, the manifestation of them by the voice and its modulations, the use of them in the ancestral temple, and at the altars to the spirits of the land and grain, and in sacrificing to (the spirits of) the hills and streams, and to the general spiritual agencies (in nature) ; — these are (external demonstrations), natural even to the people1. 26. When the (ancient) kings had accomplished their undertakings, they made their music (to com- memorate them) ; when they had established their 1 The eleven paragraphs ending with this form the second chapter of the Book, called by Liu Hsiang Yo Lun (^ |^g), while the third chapter, extending to the end of the section, is called Yo Li (#& J^), as if the two were an expansion of the statement in the seventh paragraph, that music is ' the intercommunication of the modulated sounds and the mind in their relations and dif- ferences.' I02 THE LI Kl. BK. XVII. o-overnment, they framed their ceremonies. The excellence of their music was according to the great- ness of their undertakings ; and the completeness of their ceremonies was according to the comprehen- siveness of their government. The dances with shields and axes did not belong to the most excellent music1, nor did the sacrifices with cooked flesh mark the highest ceremonies1. 27. The times of the five Tis were different, and therefore they did not each adopt the music of his predecessor. The three kings belonged to different ages, and so they did not each follow the ceremonies of his predecessor. Music carried to an extreme degree leads to sorrow, and coarseness in cere- monies indicates something one-sided. To make the grandest music, which should bring with it no element of sorrow, and frame the completest cere- monies which yet should show no one-sidedness, could be the work only of the great sage. 28. There are heaven above and earth below, and between them are distributed all the (various) beings with their different (natures and qualities) : — in ac- cordance with this proceeded the framing of cere- monies. (The influences of) heaven and earth flow forth and never cease ; and by their united action (the phenomena of) production and change ensue : — in accordance with this music arose. The processes of growth in spring, and of maturing in summer (suggest the idea of) benevolence ; those of in-gather- ing in autumn and of storing in winter, suggest 1 As being, I suppose, commemorative of the achievements of war, and not the victories of peace ; and as marking a progress of society, and a departure from the primitive era of innocent simpli- city and reverence. SECT. I. VO A'L 103 righteousness. Benevolence is akin to music, and righteousness to ceremonies. 29. Harmony is the thing principally sought in music : — it therein follows heaven, and manifests the spirit-like expansive influence characteristic of it Normal distinction is the thing aimed at in cere- monies : — they therein follow earth, and exhibit the spirit-like retractive influence characteristic of it. Hence the sages made music in response to heaven, and framed ceremonies in correspondence with earth. In the wisdom and completeness of their ceremonies and music we see the directing power of heaven and earth1. 30. (The relation) between ruler and minister was determined from a consideration of heaven (conceived of as) honourable, and earth (conceived of as) mean. The positions of noble and mean were fixed with a reference to the heights and depths displayed by the surface (of the earth). The regularity with which movement and repose follow each other (in the course of nature) led to the consideration of affairs as small 1 On the first of these two paragraphs, P. Callery says : — 'The cele- brated Encyclopaedist, Ma Twan-lin (Book 181), says that this passage is one of the most marvellous that ever were written, and he draws from it the proof that the work could not have been written later than the Han, "because reckoning from that dynasty, there did not appear any author capable of conceiving ideas so profound, and expressing them in language so elevated." ' P. Callery adds, ' As regards the origin of the Li Ki, the reasoning of the Encyclo- paedist appears to me passably (passablement) false ; as to the intrinsic worth of the passage, I leave it to the reader to form his judgment from the translation, which I have endeavoured to render as faithful as possible/ In the passage of Ma Twan-lin, however, that author is simply quoting the words of K\x Hsi (Ta Arwan, Book 37), and expresses no opinion of his own. 104 THE L^ K^. BK. XVII. and great. The different quarters (of the heavens) are grouped together, and the things (of the earth) are distinguished by their separate characteristics; and this gave rise to (the conception of) natures and their attributes and functions. In heaven there are formed its visible signs, and earth produces its (end- less variety of) things ; and thus it was that cere- monies were framed after the distinctions between heaven and earth. 31. The breath (or influence) of earth ascends on hieh, and that of heaven descends below. These in their repressive and expansive powers come into mutual contact, and heaven and earth act on each other. (The susceptibilities of nature) are roused by the thunder, excited by the wind and rain, moved by the four seasons, and warmed by the sun and moon ; and all the processes of change and growth vigorously proceed. Thus it was that music was framed to indicate the harmonious action of heaven and earth. 32. If these processes took place out of season, there would be no (vigorous) life ; and if no dis- tinction were observed between males and females, disorder would arise and grow : — such is the nature of the (different qualities of) heaven and earth. 33. When we think of ceremonies and music, how they reach to the height of heaven and embrace the earth ; how there are in them the phenomena of retrogression and expansion, and a communication with the spirit-like (operations of nature), we must pronounce their height the highest, their reach the farthest, their depth the most profound, and their breadth the greatest. 34. Music appeared in the Grand Beginning (of all things), and ceremonies had their place on the com- SECT. II. YO Kl. IO5 pletion of them. Their manifestation, being cease- less, gives (the idea of) heaven ; and again, being motionless, gives (the idea of) earth. Through the movement and repose (of their interaction) come all things between heaven and earth. Hence the sages simply spoke of ceremonies and music. Section II. 1. Anciently, Shun made the lute with five strings, and used it in sinsfinQf the Nan Fangf. Khwei was the first who composed (the pieces of) music to be employed by the feudal lords as an expression of (the royal) approbation of them1. 2. Thus the employment of music by the son of Heaven was intended to reward the most virtuous among the feudal lords. When their virtue was very great, and their instructions were honoured, and all the cereals ripened in their season, then they were rewarded by (being permitted) the use of the music. Hence, those of them whose toils in the government of the people were conspicuous, had their rows of pantomimes extended far ; and those of them who had been indifferent to the government of the people 1 Nan Fang, ' the South wind,' was the name of a poetical piece made by Shun, and celebrating the beneficent influence of rulers and parents as being like that of the south wind. Four lines of it are found in the Narratives of the School (Article 35) : — ' The south wind's genial balm Gives to my people's sorrows ease; Its breath amidst the season's calm, Brings to their wealth a large increase.' The invention of the Mm or lute, here ascribed to Shun, is also attributed to the more ancient Tis, Shan Nang and Fu-hsi. Per- haps Shun was the first to make it with five strings. Khwei was his minister of music ; see vol. iii, pages 44, 45. I06 THE Li A'l. bk. xvir. had those rows made short. On seeing their panto- mimes, one knew what was (the degree of) their virtue, (just as) on hearing their posthumous designa- tions, we know what had been (the character of) their conduct. 3. The Ta Kang expressed the brilliance (of its author's virtue); the Hsien A'ih, the completeness (of its author's) ; the Shao showed how (its author) continued (the virtue of his predecessor); the Hsia, the greatness (of its author's virtue) ; the music of Yin and Aau embraced every admirable quality1. 4. In the interaction of heaven and earth, if cold and heat do not come at the proper seasons, illnesses arise (among the people) ; if wind and rain do not come in their due proportions, famine ensues. The instructions (of their superiors) are the people's cold and heat ; if they are not what the time requires, an injury is done to society. The affairs (of their supe- riors) are the people's wind and rain ; if they are not properly regulated, they have no success. In accord- ance with this, the object of the ancient kings in their practice of music was to bring their government into harmony with those laws (of heaven and earth). If it was good, then the conduct (of the people) was like the virtue (of their superiors). 5. (The feast on) grain-fed animals, with the ad- junct of drinking, was not intended to produce evil, and yet cases of litigation are more numerous in consequence of it : — it is the excessive drinking which produces the evil. Therefore the former kings framed 1 Ta jfiTang was the name of Yao's music ; Hsien A'ih, that of Hwang Ti's; Shao, that of Shuns; and Hsia, that of Yii's. Pages would be required to condense what is said about the pieces and their names. SECT. II. YO K\. IO7 the rules to regulate the drinking. Where there is (but) one presentation of the cup (at one time), guest and host may bow to each other a hundred times, and drink together all the day without getting drunk. This was the way in which those kings provided against evil consequences. Such feasts served for the enjoyment of the parties at them. The music was intended to illustrate virtue ; the ceremonies to restrain excess. 6. Hence the former kings, on occasions of great sorrow, had their rules according to which they ex- pressed their grief; and on occasions of great happi- ness, they had their rules by which they expressed their pleasure. The manifestations, whether of grief or joy, were all bounded by the limits of these rules1. 7. In music the sages found pleasure, and (saw that) it could be used to make the hearts of the people good. Because of the deep influence which it exerts on a man, and the change which it produces in manners and customs, the ancient kings appointed it as one of the subjects of instruction. 8. Now, in the nature of men there are both the energy of their physical powers and the intelligence of the mind; but for their (affections of) grief, pleasure, joy, and anger there are no invariable rules. They are moved according to the external objects which excite them, and then there ensues the mani- festation of the various faculties of the mind. 9. Hence, when a (ruler's) aims are small, notes 1 With this paragraph ends the fourth division of the Book, called Yo Shih (ig| }}\\l), meaning ' The grant of Music,' or the principles on which the ancient kings permitted their music to be used by the feudal princes, to signify their approval of what was good, and stimulate all to virtue. L^ 108 THE LI Kl. BK. XVII. that quickly die away characterise the music, and the people's thoughts are sad ; when he is generous, harmonious, and of a placid and easy temper, the notes are varied and elegant, with frequent changes, and the people are satisfied and pleased ; when he is coarse, violent, and excitable, the notes, vehement at first and distinct in the end, are full and bold throughout the piece, and the people are resolute and daring; when he is pure and straightforward, strong and correct, the notes are grave and expressive of sincerity, and the people are self-controlled and respectful ; when he is magnanimous, placid, and kind, the notes are natural, full, and harmonious, and the people are affectionate and loving; when he is careless, disorderly, perverse, and dissipated, the notes are tedious and ill-regulated, and the people proceed to excesses and disorder. 10. Therefore the ancient kings (in framing their music), laid its foundations in the feelings and nature of men ; they examined (the notes) by the measures (for the length and quality of each) ; and adapted it to express the meaning of the ceremonies (in which it was to be used). They (thus) brought it into harmony with the energy that produces life, and to give expression to the performance of the five regular constituents of moral worth. They made it indicate that energy in its Yang or phase of vigour, without any dissipation of its power, and also in its Yin or phase of remission, without the vanishing of its power. The strong phase showed no excess like that of anger, and the weak no shrinking like that of pusillanimity. These four characteristics blended harmoniously in the minds of men, and were similarly manifested in their conduct. Each occupied quietly SECT. II. YO Kl. IO9 in its proper place, and one did not interfere in- juriously with another. 1 1. After this they established schools for (teach- ing their music), and different grades (for the learners). They marked most fully the divisions of the pieces, and condensed into small compass the parts and variations giving beauty and elegance, in order to regulate and increase the inward virtue (of the learners). They gave laws for the great and small notes according to their names, and harmonised the order of the beginning and the end, to represent the doing of things. Thus they made the underlying principles of the relations between the near and distant relatives, the noble and mean, the old and young, males and females, all to appear manifestly in the music. Hence it is said that ' in music we must endeavour to see its depths.' 12. When the soil is worn out, the grass and trees on it do not grow well. When water is often troubled, the fish and tortoises in it do not become large. When the energy (of nature) is decayed, its pro- duction of things does not proceed freely. In an age of disorder, ceremonies are forgotten and neglected, and music becomes licentious. 13. In such a case the notes are melancholy but without gravity, or joyous without repose. There is remissness (in ceremonies), and the violation of them is easy. One falls into such a state of dissoluteness that he forgets the virtue properly belonging to his nature. In great matters he is capable of treachery and villainy ; in small matters he becomes greedy and covetous. There is a diminution in him of the enduring, genial forces of nature, and an extinction of the virtue of satisfaction and harmony. On this HO THE Ll Kl. BK. XVII. account the superior man despises such (a style of music and ceremonies)1. 14. Whenever notes that are evil and depraved affect men, a corresponding evil spirit responds to them (from within) ; and when this evil spirit accom- plishes its manifestations, licentious music is the result. Whenever notes that are correct affect men, a corresponding correct spirit responds to them (from within) ; and when this correct spirit accom- plishes its manifestations, harmonious music is the result. The initiating cause and the result correspond to each other. The round and the deflected, the crooked and the straight, have each its own category ; and such is the character of all things, that they affect one another severally according to their class. 15. Hence the superior man returns to the (good) affections (proper to his nature) in order to bring his will into harmony with them, and compares the dif- ferent qualities (of actions) in order to perfect his conduct. Notes that are evil and depraved, and sights leading to disorder, and licentiousness, are not allowed to affect his ears or eyes. Licentious music and cor- rupted ceremonies are not admitted into the mind to affect its powers. The spirit of idleness, indifference, depravity, and perversity finds no exhibition in his person. And thus he makes his ears, eyes, nose, and mouth, the apprehensions of his mind, and the move- ments of all the parts of his body, all follow the course that is correct, and do that which is right. 1 This and the six previous paragraphs form the fifth division of the Book, and are called Yo Yen (^ =|"), 'Words about Music.' The A^ien-lung editors, however, propose changing the Yen (=f) into Hsing (j&), so that the meaning would be 1 Manifestations of Music.' SECT. II. YO Kl. I II 1 6. After this there ensues the manifestation (of the inward thoughts) by the modulations of note and tone, the elegant accompaniments of the lutes, small and large, the movements with the shield and battle- axe, the ornaments of the plumes and ox-tails, and the concluding with the pipes and flutes1. All this has the effect of exhibiting the brilliance of complete virtue, stirring up the harmonious action of the four (seasonal) energies ; and displaying the true natures and qualities of all things. i 7. Hence in the fine and distinct notes we have an image of heaven ; in the ample and grand, an image of earth ; in their beginning and ending, an image of the four seasons ; in the wheelings and revolutions (of the pantomimes), an image of the wind and rain. (The five notes, like) the five colours, form a complete and elegant whole, without any con- fusion. (The eight instruments of different materials, like) the eight winds, follow the musical accords, without any irregular deviation. The lengths of all the different notes have their definite measurements, without any uncertainty. The small and the great complete one another. The end leads on to the be- ginning, and the beginning to the end. The key notes and those harmonising with them, the sharp and the bass, succeed one another in their regular order. 1 Thus:-- MSMSM 1 I I 2 THE LI Kl. BK. XVII. 1 8. Therefore, when the music has full course, the different relations are clearly denned by it ; the per- ceptions of the ears and eyes become sharp and distinct ; the action of the blood and physical energies is harmonious and calm; (bad) influences are removed, and manners changed ; and all under heaven there is entire repose. 19. Hence we have the saying, 'Where there is music there is joy.' Superior men rejoice in attaining to the course (which they wish to pursue) ; and smaller men in obtaining the things which they desire. When the objects of desire are regulated by a consider- ation of the course to be pursued, there is joy without any disorder. When those objects lead to the forget- f ulness of that course, there is delusion, and no joy. 20. It is for this purpose that the superior man returns to the (good) affections (proper to his nature), in order to bring his will into harmony with them, and makes extensive use of music in order to perfect his instructions. When the music has free course, the people direct themselves to the quarter (to which they should proceed), and we can see (the power of) his virtue. 21. Virtue is the strong stem of (man's) nature, and music is the blossoming of virtue. Metal, stone, silk, and bamboo are (the materials of which) the instru- ments of music (are made). Poetry gives expression to the thoughts ; singing prolongs the notes (of the voice) ; pantomimic movements put the body into action (in harmony with the sentiments). These three things originate in the mind, and the instru- ments of the music accompany them. 22. In this way the affections (from which comes the music) are deeply seated, and the elegant display SECT. II. YO Kl. 113 of them is brilliant. All the energies (of the nature) are abundantly employed, and their transforming power is mysterious and spirit-like. A harmonious conformity (to virtue) is realised within, and the blossoming display of it is conspicuous without, for in music, more than other things, there should be nothing that is pretentious or hypocritical. 2 3. Music springs from the movement of the mind ; the notes are the manifestation of the music ; the elegant colours and various parts are the ornaments of the notes. The superior man puts its fundamental cause in movement, makes its manifesting notes into music, and regulates its ornaments. 24. Thus they first strike the drum to warn (the performers) to be in readiness, and (the pantomimes) take three steps to show the nature of the dance. This is done a second time and they begin to move forward ; and when they have completed their evolu- tions, they return and dress their ranks. However rapid their movements may be, there is nothing violent in them ; however mysterious they may be, they are not beyond the power of being understood. One, studying them alone, finds pleasure in the object of them, and does not tire in his endeavours to under- stand them. When he has fully understood them, he does not keep what he desires to himself. Thus the affections (of joy) are displayed; the (ideal) of righteousness is established; and when the music is ended, the (due) honour has been paid to virtue. Superior men by it nourish their love of what is good ; small men in it hear the (correction of) their errors. Hence it is said, that ' for the courses to be pursued by men the influence of music is great.' 25. In music we have the outcome and bestowal [28] 1 I 14 THE LI k\. bk. XVII. (of what its framers felt) ; in ceremonies a return (for what their performers had received). Music expresses the delight in what produces it,' and ceremonies lead the mind back to (the favours) which originate them. Music displays the virtue (of the framer); ceremonies are a return of the feelings (which led to them), as carrying the mind back to what originated them. 26. What is called 'a Grand carriage' is one which is (the gift) of the son of Heaven ; the flag with dragons, and a nine-scolloped border, was the banner (conferred by) the son of Heaven; that with the azure and black edging exhibited the precious tor- toises, and was (also the gift of) the son of Heaven; and when these were followed by herds of oxen and sheep, they were the gifts bestowed on the feudal lords \ Section III. 1. In music we have the expression of feelings which do not admit of any change ; in ceremonies that of principles which do not admit of any altera- tion. Music embraces what all equally share ; cere- mony distinguishes the things in which men differ. Hence the theory of music and ceremonies embraces the whole nature of man. 2. To go to the very root (of our feelings) and know the changes (which they undergo) is the pro- vince of music ; to display sincerity and put away all that is hypocritical is the grand law of ceremonies. Ceremonies and music resemble the nature of Heaven and Earth, penetrate to the virtues of the spiritual Intelligences, bring down the spirits from above, and 1 With this ends the sixth chapter of the Book, called Yo Hsiang (^ |&), meaning the natural symbols of music. SECT. III. YO kI. II5 raise up those whose seat is below. They give a sort of substantial embodiment of what is most subtle as well as material, and regulate the duties between father and son, ruler and subject. 3. Therefore, wrhen the Great man uses and ex- hibits his ceremonies and music, Heaven and Earth will in response to him display their brilliant influences. They will act in happy union, and the energies (of nature), now expanding, now contracting, will proceed harmoniously. The genial airs from above and the responsive action below will overspread and nourish all things. Then plants and trees will grow luxuri- antly ; curling sprouts and buds will expand ; the feathered and winged tribes will be active ; horns and antlers will grow ; insects will come to the light and revive ; birds will breed and brood ; the hairy tribes will mate and bring forth ; the mammalia will have no abortions, and no eggs will be broken or addled, — and all will have to be ascribed to the power of music1. 4. When we speak of music we do not mean the notes emitted by the Hwang A'ung, Ta Lti, (and the other musical pipes), the stringed instruments and the singing, or the (brandishing of the) shields and axes. These are but the small accessories of the music; and hence lads act as the pantomimes. (In 1 There is extravagance in this description. The Great man is the sage upon the throne. The imagination of the eloquent writer runs riot as he dwells on the article of his creed, that ' Heaven, Earth, and Man ' are the ' Three Powers (— ■ ~A),' intended by their harmonious co-operation to make a happy and flourishing world. That would indeed be wonderful music which should bring about such a result. Compare the words of the Hebrew prophet in Hosea ii. 21, 22. Callery's translation of the concluding clause is : — ' Tout cela n'est autre chose que 1'harmonie de la musique rejaillissant (sous tous les etres de la nature).' I 2 Il6 THE LI A'l. BK. XVII. the same way), the spreading of the mats, the dispos- ing of the vases, and the arranging of the stands and dishes, with the movements in ascending and descend- ing, are but the small accessories of ceremonies ; and hence there are the (smaller) officers who direct them. The music-masters decide on the tunes and the pieces of poetry; and hence they have their places with their stringed instruments, and their faces directed to the north. The prayer-officers of the ancestral temple decide on the various ceremonies in it, and hence they keep behind the representatives of the deceased. Those who direct the mourning rites after the manner of the Shang dynasty \ have their places (for the same reason) behind the presiding mourner. 5. It is for this reason that the practice of virtue is held to be of superior worth, and the practice of any art of inferior ; that complete virtue takes the first place, and the doing of anything, (however in- genious, only) the second. Therefore the ancient kings had their distinctions of superior and inferior, of first and last ; and so they could frame their music and ceremonies for the whole kingdom2. 6. The marquis Wan of Wei3 asked 3ze'hsia> saying, ' When in my square-cut dark robes and cap I listen to the ancient music, I am only afraid that I shall go to sleep. When I listen to the music of 1 Which was distinguished for the plain simplicity of its ob- servances. 2 With this ends the seventh chapter, called Yo Kh'mg (i§| 'Jjtf), ' The attributes of Music.' 3 The marquis Wan ruled in Wei from b.c. 425 to 387. He is said to have received the classical books from 3ze-hsia, when that disciple of Confucius must have been a hundred years old, and was blind, in b.c. 407. SECT. Ill, YO KL 117 A'ang and Wei, I do not feel tired ; let me ask why I should feel so differently under the old and the new music' 7. 3ze_nsi^ replied, ' In the old music, (the per- formers) advance and retire all together ; the music is harmonious, correct, and in large volume ; the stringed instruments (above) and those made from gourd shells with the organs and their metal tongues (below), are all kept waiting for the striking of the drum. The music first strikes up at the sound of the drum ; and when it ends, it is at the sound of the cymbals. The close of each part of the performance is regulated by the Hsiang1, and the rapidity of the motions by the Ya1. In (all) this the superior man speaks of, and follows, the way of antiquity. The character is cultivated ; the family is regulated ; and peace and order are secured throughout the kingdom. This is the manner of the ancient music. 8. ' But now, in the new music, (the performers) advance and retire without any regular order ; the music is corrupt to excess ; there is no end to its vileness. Among the players there are dwarfs like monkeys, while boys and girls are mixed together, and there is no distinction between father and son. Such music can never be talked about, and cannot be said to be after the manner of antiquity. This is the fashion of the new music. 9. ' What you ask about is music ; and what you like is sound. Now music and sound are akin, but they are not the same.' 1 These are names of musical instruments, of which figures are given in the plates to the .Oien-lung edition ; but there is much uncertainty about them. Il8 THE Lt Kl bk. xvn. 10. The marquis asked him to explain, and 3ze- hsia replied, 'In antiquity, Heaven and Earth acted according to their several natures, and the four sea- sons were what they ought to be. The people were virtuous, and all the cereals produced abundantly. There were no fevers or other diseases, and no ap- paritions or other prodigies. This was what we call "the period of great order." After this arose the sa^es and set forth the duties between father and son, and between ruler and subject, for the guid- ance of society. When these guiding rules were thus correctly adjusted, all under heaven, there was a great tranquillity; after which they framed with exactness the six accords (upper and lower), and gave harmony to the five notes (of the scale), and the singing to the lutes of the odes and praise-songs ; constituting what we call " the virtuous airs." Such virtuous airs constituted what we call " Music," as is declared in the Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 7, 4), " Silently grew the fame of his virtue, His virtue was highly intelligent; Highly intelligent, and of rare discrimination ; Able to lead, able to rule, — To rule over this great country, Rendering a cordial submission, effecting a cordial union. When (the sway) came to king Wan, His virtue left nothing to be dissatisfied with. He received the blessing of God, And it was extended to his descendants." 11. 'May I not say that what you love are the vile airs ? ' The marquis said, ' Let me ask where the vile airs come from?' 3ze-hsia replied, 'The SECT. III. yo kL 119 airs of A'ang go to a wild excess, and debauch the mind ; those of Sung tell of slothful indulgence and women, and drown the mind ; those of Wei are vehement and rapid, and perplex the mind ; and those of KM are violent and depraved, and make the mind arrogant. The airs of those four states all stimulate libidinous desire, and are injurious to virtue ; — they should therefore not be used at sacrifices. 12. 'It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, i [Partii], ode 5), " In solemn unison (the instruments) give forth their notes ; Our ancestors will hearken to them." That solemn unison denotes the grave reverence and harmony of their notes : — with reverence, blended with harmony, what is there that cannot be done ? 13. 'A ruler has only to be careful of what he likes and dislikes. What the ruler likes, his ministers will practise ; and what superiors do, their inferiors follow. This is the sentiment in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 10, 6), " To lead the people is very easy." 14. 'Seeing this, and after (the repose of the people was secured), the sages made hand-drums and drums, the stopper and the starter, the earthen whistle and the bamboo flute, — the six instruments which produced the soundsof their virtuous airs. After these came the bell, the sounding-stone, the organ with thirty-six pipes, and the large lute, to be played in harmony with them ; the shields, axes, ox-tails, and plumes, brandished by the pantomimes in time and 120 THE U kL BK. XVII. tune. These they employed at the sacrifices in the temple of the former kings, at festivals in offering and receiving the pledge cup; in arranging the services of officers (in the temple) according to the rank due to each, as noble or mean, and in showing to future ages how they observed the order due to rank and to age. 15. 'The bells give out a clanging sound as a signal. The signal is recognised by all, and that recognition produces a martial enthusiasm. When the ruler hears the sound of the bell, he thinks of his officers of war. ' The sounding-stones give out a tinkling sound, as a summons to the exercise of discrimination. That discrimination may lead to the encountering of death. When the ruler hears the sounding-stone, he thinks of his officers who die in defence of his frontiers. ' The stringed instruments give out a melancholy sound, which produces the thought of purity and fidelity, and awakens the determination of the mind. When the ruler hears the sound of the lute and cithern, he thinks of his officers who are bent on righteousness. ' The instruments of bamboo give out a sound like that of overflowing waters, which suggests the idea of an assembly, the object of which is to collect the multitudes together. When the ruler hears the sound of his organs, pipes, and flutes, he thinks of his officers who gather the people together. ' The drums and tambours give out their loud volume of sound, which excites the idea of move- ment, and tends to the advancing of the host. When the ruler hears the sounds of his drums and tarn- SECT. III. YO Kl. 121 bours, he thinks of his leaders and commanders. When a superior man thus hears his musical instru- ments, he does not hear only the sounds which they emit. There are associated ideas which accompany these1.' 1 6. Pin-mau A'ia 2 was sittting with Confucius. Confucius talked with him about music, and said, 'At (the performance of) the Wu, how is it that the preliminary warning (of the drum) continues so long ? ' The answer was, ' To show (the king's) anxiety that all his multitudes should be of one mind with him.' ' How is it that (when the performance has com- menced) the singers drawl their notes so long, and the pantomimes move about till they perspire ? ' The answer was, ' To show his apprehension that some (princes) might not come up in time for the engagement' 'How is it that the violent movement of the arms and stamping fiercely with the feet begin so soon ? ' The answer was, ' To show that the time for the engagement had arrived.' ' How is it that, (in the performance of the Wu,) the pantomimes kneel on the ground with the right 1 With this fifteenth paragraph ends the eighth chapter of the Book called simply ' Marquis Wan of Wei's Chapter ' (|^g ^ 'fH j!^) ' anc* t^ie -^ien"mng editors say nothing more about it. 2 Pin-mau A^ia must have been a scholar of Confucius' time, a master of music ; but, so far as I have read, nothing is known about him beyond what appears here. The A7zang Hung at the end of the paragraph was a historiographer of Aau, with whom Confucius is said to have studied music. The Wu was the dance and music which king Wu is said to have made after his conquest of Shang or Yin. 122 THE Li Kl. bk. XVII. knee, while the left is kept up ? ' The answer was, ' There should be no kneeling in the Wu.' ' How is it that the words of the singers go on to speak eagerly of Shang ? ' The answer was, 'There should be no such sounds in the Wu.' ' But if there should be no such sound in the Wu, where does it come from ? ' The answer was, ' The officers (of the music) failed to hand it down cor- rectly. If they did not do so, the aim of king Wu would have been reckless and wrong.' The Master said, ' Yes, what I heard from AVzang Hung was to the same effect as what you now say.' 1 7. Pin-mau ATia rose up, left his mat, and addressed Confucius, saying, ' On the long-continued warning (of the drum) in the Wu, I have heard your instructions ; but let me ask how it is that after that first delay there is another, and that a long one ? ' The Master said, ' Sit down, and I will tell you. Music is a representation of accomplished facts. The pantomimes stand with their shields, each erect and firm as a hill, representing the attitude of king Wu. The violent movements of the arms and fierce stamping represent the enthusiasm of Thai-kung. The kneeling of all at the conclusion of the perform- ance represents the government (of peace, instituted) by (the dukes of) A'au and Shao. 18. 'Moreover, the pantomimes in the first move- ment proceed towards the north (to imitate the march- ing of king Wu against Shang) ; in the second, they show the extinction of Shang ; in the third, they show the return march to the south ; in the fourth, they show the laying out of the Southern states ; in the fifth, they show how (the dukes of) A'au and Shao were severally put in charge of the states on the SECT. III. YO in. 12 ? J left and right ; in the sixth, they again unite at the point of starting to offer their homage to the son of Heaven. Two men, one on each side of the per- formers, excite them with bells, and four times they stop and strike and thrust, showing the great awe with which (king Wu) inspired the Middle states. Their advancing with these men on each side shows his eagerness to complete his helpful undertaking. The performers standing long together show how he waited for the arrival of the princes. 19. 'And have you alone not heard the accounts of Mii-yeh ? King Wu, after the victory over Yin, proceeded to (the capital of) Shang ; and before he descended from his chariot he invested the descen- dants of Hwang Ti with Ai ; those of the Ti Yao with A'u ; and those of the Ti Shun with A^an. When he had descended from it, he invested the descendant of the sovereign of Hsia with IC\ ; appointed the descendants of Yin to Sung ; raised a mound over the grave of the king's son, Pi-kan ; released the count of A7/i from his imprisonment, and employed him to restore to their places the officers who were acquainted with the ceremonial usages of Shang. The common people were relieved from (the pressure) of the (bad) government which they had endured, and the emoluments of the multi- tude of (smaller) officers were doubled. ' (The king then) crossed the Ho, and proceeded to the west. His horses were set free on the south of mount Hwa, not to be yoked again. His oxen were dispersed in the wild of the Peach forest, not to be put to the carriages again. His chariots and coats of mail were smeared with blood, and des- patched to his arsenals, not to be used again. The A A 124 THE LI A'l. BK. XVII. shields and spears were turned upside down and con- veyed away, wrapped in tiger skins, which were styled " the appointed cases." The leaders and commanders were then constituted feudal lords ; and it was known throughout the kingdom that king Wu would have recourse to weapons of war no more \ 20. ' The army having been disbanded (the king commanded) a practice of archery at the colleges in the suburbs. At the college on the left (or east) they shot to the music of the Li-shau2; at that on the right (or west) they shot to the music of the 3au-yu; and (from this time) the archery which consisted in going through (so many) buffcoats ceased. They wore (only) their civil robes and caps, with their ivory tokens of rank stuck in their girdles; and the officers of the guard put off their swords. (The king) offered sacrifice in the Hall of Distinc- tion, and the people learned to be filial. He gave audiences at court, and the feudal lords knew how they ought to demean themselves. He ploughed in the field set apart for that purpose, and the lords learned what should be the object of reverence to them (in their states). These five things constituted great lessons for the whole kingdom.' 21. In feasting the three (classes of the) old and the five (classes of the) experienced in the Great college, he himself (the son of Heaven) had his 1 See the account of all these proceedings after the victory of Mu in the Shu, V, iii, 9, though it is difficult to reconcile the two accounts in some of their details. 2 See the A"au Li, Book 22, 32. The ode Li-shau was used at the archery celebrations of the feudal lords, and is now lost. The 3au-yu is the last ode in the second Book of the Shih, Part I. It was used at contests where the king presided. SECT. III. YO Kl. 125 breast bared and cut up the animals. He (also) presented to them the condiments and the cups. He wore the royal cap, and stood with a shield before him. In this way he taught the lords their brotherly duties. 22. 'In this manner the ways of A'au penetrated everywhere, and the interaction of ceremonies and music was established ; — is it not right that in the performance of the Wu there should be that gradual and long-continuing action 1 ?' 23. A superior man says : 'Ceremonies and music should not for a moment be neglected by any one. When one has mastered completely (the principles of) music, and regulates'his heart and mind accord- ingly, the natural, correct, gentle, and honest heart is easily developed, and with this development of the heart comes joy. This joy goes on to a feeling of repose. This repose is long-continued. The man in this constant repose becomes (a sort of) Heaven. Heaven-like, (his action) is spirit-like. Heaven-like, he is believed without the use of words. Spirit-like, he is regarded with awe, without any display of rage. So it is, when one by his mastering of music regu- lates his mind and heart. 24. 'When one has mastered completely (the prin- ciple of) ceremonies so as to regulate his person ac- cordingly, he becomes grave and reverential. Grave and reverential, he comes to be regarded with awe. If the heart be for a moment without the feeling of harmony and joy, meanness and deceitfulness enter 1 The preceding seven paragraphs form the ninth chapter, which, like the former, simply bears the name of one of the parties in it, and is called ' The chapter of Pin-mau ATia.' 126 THE lA ATI. BK. XVII. it. If the outward demeanour be for a moment without gravity and respectfulness, indifference and rudeness show themselves. 25. 'Therefore the sphere in which music acts is the interior of man, and that of ceremonies is his ex- terior. The result of music is a perfect harmony, and that of ceremonies a perfect observance (of pro- priety). When one's inner man is (thus) harmonious, and his outer man thus docile, the people behold his countenance and do not strive with him ; they look to his demeanour, and no feeling of indifference or rudeness arises in them. Thus it is that when virtue shines and acts within (a superior), the people are sure to accept (his rule), and hearken to him ; and when the principles (of propriety) are displayed in his conduct, the people are sure (in the same way) to accept and obey him. Hence it is said, " Carry out perfectly ceremonies and music, and give them their outward manifestation and application, and under heaven nothing difficult to manage will appear." 26. Music springs from the inward movements (of the soul) ; ceremonies appear in the outward move- ments (of the body). Hence it is the rule to make ceremonies as few and brief as possible, and to give to music its fullest development. This rule for cere- monies leads to the forward exhibition of them, and therein their beauty resides ; that for music leads to the introspective consideration of it, and therein its beauty resides. If ceremonies demanding this con- densation were not performed with this forward exhibition of them, they would almost disappear altogether ; if music, demanding this full develop- ment, were not accompanied with this introspection, it would produce a dissipation of the mind. Thus it SECT. III. YO Kl. 127 is that to every ceremony there is its proper response, and for music there is its introspection. When cere- monies are responded to, there arises pleasure ; and when music is accompanied with the right intro- spection, there arises the (feeling of) repose. The responses of ceremony and the introspection of music spring from one and the same idea, and have one and the same object. 27. Now music produces pleasure; — what the nature of man cannot be without. That pleasure must arise from the modulation of the sounds, and have its embodiment in the movements (of the body) ; — such is the rule of humanity. These modulations and movements are the changes required by the nature, and they are found complete in music. Thus men will not be without the ministration of pleasure, and pleasure will not be without its embodiment, but if that embodiment be not suitably conducted, it is impossible that disorder should not arise. The ancient kings, feeling that they would feel ashamed (in the event of such disorder arising), appointed the tunes and words of the Ya and the Sung to guide (in the music), so that its notes should give sufficient pleasure, without any intermixture of what was bad, while the words should afford sufficient material for consideration without causing weariness ; and the bends and straight courses, the swell and diminu- tion, the sharp angles, and soft melody throughout all its parts, should be sufficient to stir up in the minds of the hearers what was good in them, without inducing any looseness of thought or depraved air to be suggested. Such was the plan of the ancient kings when they framed their music. 28. Therefore in the ancestral temple, rulers and 128 THE Li A'f. BK. XVII. ministers, high and low, listen together to the music, and all is harmony and reverence ; at the district and village meetings of the heads of clans, old and young listen together to it, and all is harmony and deference. Within the gate of the family, fathers and sons, brothers and cousins, listen together to it, and all is harmony and affection. Thus in music there is a careful discrimination (of the voices) to blend them in unison so as to bring out their harmony ; there is a union of the (various) instruments to give orna- mental effect to its different parts ; and these parts are combined and performed so as to complete its elegance. In this way fathers and sons, rulers and subjects are united in harmony, and the people of the myriad states are associated in love. Such was the method of the ancient kings when they framed their music. 29. In listening to the singing of the Ya and the Sung, the aims and thoughts receive an expansion. From the manner in which the shields and axes are held and brandished, and from the movements of the body in the practice with them, now turned up, now bent down, now retiring, now stretching forward, the carriage of the person receives gravity. From the way in which (the pantomimes) move to their several places, and adapt themselves to the several parts (of the performance), the arrangement of their ranks is made correct, and their order in advancing and re- tiring is secured. In this way music becomes the lesson of Heaven and Earth, the regulator of true harmony, and what the nature of man cannot dis- pense with. 30. It was by music that the ancient kings gave elegant expression to their joy ; by their armies and SECT. III. YO kL I29 axes that they gave the same to their anger. Hence their joy and anger always received their appropriate response. When they were joyful, all under heaven were joyful with them ; when they were angry, the oppressive and disorderly feared them. In the ways of the ancient kings, ceremonies and music may be said to have attained perfection1. 31. (Once), when 3ze-kung had an interview with the music-master Yi, he asked him, saying, ' I have heard that in the music and words belonging to it there is that which is specially appropriate to every man; what songs are specially appropriate to me?' The other replied, ' I am but a poor musician, and am not worthy to be asked what songs are appro- priate for particular individuals ; — allow me to repeat to you what I have heard, and you can select for yourself (what is appropriate to you). The generous and calm, the mild and correct, should sing the Sung ; the magnanimous and calm, and those of wide penetration and sincere, the Ta Ya (Major Odes of the Kingdom) ; the courteous and self-restraining, the lovers of the rules of propriety, the Hsiao Ya (Minor Odes of the Kingdom) ; the correct, upright, and calm, the discriminating and humble, the Fang (Airs of the States) ; the determinedly upright, but yet gentle and loving, the Shang ; and the mild and honest, but yet capable of decision, the AV/i. The object of this singing is for one to make himself right, and then to display his virtue. When he has thus put 1 From paragraph 23 to this forms the tenth chapter of the Book, which has the name of Yo Hwa (|jj!| ^), 'The Transforming Operation of Music,' supplementing and summarising all the previous chapters. [28] K I3O THE ii Ki. BK. XVII. himself in a condition to act, Heaven and Earth respond to him, the four seasons revolve in harmony with him, the stars and constellations observe their proper laws, and all things are nourished and thrive. 32. 'What are called the Shang1 were the airs and words transmitted from the five Tis ; and having been remembered by the people of Shang, we call them the Shang. What are called the Kh\ were trans- mitted from the three dynasties ; and having been remembered by the people of Khi, we call them the Khi. He who is versed in the airs of the Shang will generally be found to manifest decision in the conduct of affairs. He who is versed in the airs of the KM, when he is attracted by the prospect of profit, will yet give place to others. To manifest decision in the conduct of affairs is bravery ; to give place to others in the prospect of gain is righteous- ness. Who, without singing these songs, can assure himself that he will always preserve such bravery and righteousness ? 33. 'In singing, the high notes rise as if they were borne aloft ; the low descend as if they were falling to the ground ; the turns resemble a thing broken off; and the finale resembles (the breaking) of a willow tree ; emphatical notes seem made by the 1 All the other pieces of song mentioned in the preceding para- graph are well known, as the divisions under which the odes of the Shih King are arranged. What are called the Shang and Khi are lost, but some account of them is given in this paragraph. When it is said that the people of Shang remembered the airs and poetry of the five Tis, we must understand by Shang the duchy of Sung, which was ruled by the representation of the line of the Shang kings. Why the state of Kh\ should have remembered the airs and songs of ' the three dynasties ' more than any other state, I cannot tell. SECT. III. YO Kl. 131 square ; quavers are like the hook (of a spear) ; and those prolonged on the same key are like pearls strung together. Hence, singing means the prolonged expression of the words ; there is the utterance of the words, and when the simple utterance is not sufficient, the prolonged expression of them. When that pro- longed expression is not sufficient, there come the sigh and exclamation. When these are insufficient, unconsciously there come the motions of the hands and the stamping of the feet1.' (Such was the answer to) 3ze~kung's question about music2. 1 On this passage, P. Callery says : — ' Quoique, a la rigueur, on puisse comparer des airs a des objets, ou a des accidents materiels, comme nous disons de tel motif musical qu'il est "Large," "Sec," " Dur," etc., il faut avouer que les comparaisons adopte'es par l'artiste Chinois sont, en ge'ne'ral, fort mauvaises, c'est une ampli- fication gatee de ce qu'il a dit plus haut.' 2 This and the two preceding paragraphs form the eleventh chapter of the Book, the last of those of which the text has been preserved. It is called, ' Questions of 3ze-fcung about Music.' K 2 BOOK XVIII. 3A K\ OR MISCELLANEOUS RECORDS1. Section I. Part I. i. When a feudal lord was on the march and died in his lodging2, they called back his soul in the same way as in his state. If he died on the road, (one) got up on the nave of the left wheel of the chariot in which he had been riding, and called it, waving the pennon of his flag. (For the carriage with the bier) there was a pall, and attached to it a fringe made of black cloth, like a lower garment, serving as a curtain (to the tem- porary coffin), and the whole was made into a sort of house by a covering of white brocade. With this they travelled (back to his state), and on arriving at the gate of the temple, without removing the (curtain) wall, they entered and went straight to the place where the coffining was to take place. The pall was removed at the outside of the door. 2. When a Great officer or an ordinary officer died on the road, (one) got up on the left end of the nave of his carriage, and called back his soul, waving his pennon. If he died in his lodging, they called the soul back in the same manner as if he had died in his house. 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 34. The public lodging assigned to him in the state where he was. SECT. I. PT. I. 3A Kl. I33 In the case of a Great officer they made a pall of cloth, and so proceeded homewards. On arriving at the house, they removed the pall, took the (tem- porary) coffin on a handbarrow, entered the gate, and proceeding to the eastern steps, there halted and removed the barrow, after which they took the body up the steps, right to the place where it was to be coffined. 3. The pall-house made over the body of an ordi- nary officer was made of the phragmites rush; and the fringe for a curtain below of the typha. 4. In every announcement of a death to the ruler it was said, ' Your lordship's minister, so and so, has died.' When the announcement was from a parent, a wife, or an eldest son, it was said, ' Your lordship's minister, my , has died.' In an announcement of the death of a ruler to the ruler of another state, it was said, ' My unworthy ruler has ceased to receive his emoluments. I venture to announce it to your officers V If the announcement were about the death of his wife, it was said, ' The inferior partner of my poor ruler has ceased to receive her emoluments.' On the death of a ruler's eldest son, the announce- ment ran, ' The heir-son of my unworthy ruler, so and so, has died.' 5. When an announcement of the death of a Great officer was sent to another of the same grade, in the same state, it was said, ' So and so has ceased to receive his emoluments.' The same terms were employed when the announcement was to an ordi- nary officer. When it was sent to the ruler of an- other state, it ran, ' Your lordship's outside minister, 1 Not daring to communicate the evil tidings directly to the ruler. 134 THE L^ K^- BK. XVIII. my poor Great officer, so and so, has died.' If it were to one of equal degree (in the other state), it was said, ' Sir, your outside servant, our poor Great officer, has ceased to receive his emoluments, and I am sent here to inform you.' If it were to an ordinary officer, the announcement was made in the same terms. 6. In the announcement of the death of an ordinary officer to the same parties, it was made in the same style, only that ' So and so has died,' was employed in all the cases. 7. A Great officer had his place in the lodgings about the palace, till the end of the mourning rites (for a ruler), while another officer returned to his home on the completion of a year. An ordinary officer had his place in the same lodgings. A Great officer occupied the mourning shed ; another officer, the unplastered apartment1. 8. In the mourning for a cousin, either paternal or maternal, who had not attained to the rank of a Great officer, a Great officer wore the mourning appropriate 1 Two places of lodging about the palace are mentioned here : — the mourning shed, and the unplastered apartment. Both these appear to have been in the courtyard, outside the palace itself; the former, a hut, formed by trees and branches of trees, placed against the wall on the east, with the most slender provision for accommodation and comfort ; the latter, an apartment in some other place, made of unburnt bricks, and unplastered, more commodious, but nearly as destitute of comfort. In the former, the chief mourners ' afflicted themselves/ while those whose mourning was not so intense occupied the other. The ordinary officer, who returned home at the end of a year, is supposed to have had his charge in some town at a distance from court, where his presence could no longer be dispensed with ; and the other, who occupies the unplastered apartment to the end of the rites, to have been employed at the court. sect. i. tt. r. 3a ki. 135 for an ordinary officer ; and an ordinary officer, in mourning similarly for a cousin on either side who had been a Great officer, wore the same mourning. 9. The son of a Great officer by his wife proper wore the mourning appropriate for a Great officer. 10. The son of a Great officer by any other member of his harem, who was himself a Great officer, wore for his father or mother the mourning of a Great officer ; but his place was only the same as that of a son by the proper wife who was not a Great officer. 11. When the son of an ordinary officer had be- come a Great officer, his parents could not preside at his mourning rites. They made his son do so ; and if he had no son, they appointed some one to perform that part, and be the representative of the deceased. 12. When they were divining by the tortoise-shell about the grave and the day of interment of a Great officer, the officer superintending (the operation) wore an upper robe of sackcloth, with (strips of) coarser cloth (across the chest), and a girdle of the same and the usual mourning shoes. His cap was of black material, without any fringe. The diviner wore a skin cap. 13. If the stalks were employed, then the mani- pulator wore a cap of plain silk, and the long robe. The reader of the result wore his court robes. 14. At the mourning rites for a Great officer (pre- paratory to the interment), the horses were brought out. The man who brought them wailed, stamped, and went out. After this (the son) folded up the offerings, and read the list (of the gifts that had been sent). 136 THE LI kI. bk. xviii. 15. At the mourning rites for a Great officer, one from the department of the chief superintendent of the ancestral temple assisted (the presiding mourner), and one from that of the assistant superintendent put . the question to the tortoise-shell, which was then manipulated in the proper form by the diviner, 16. In calling back (the soul of) a feudal lord, they used the robe which had first been conferred on him, with the cap and corresponding robes, varying according to the order of his nobility. 17. (In calling back the soul of) a friend's wife, they used the black upper robe with a purple border, or that with pheasants embroidered on it in various colours ; both of them lined with white crape. 18. (In calling back that of) the wife of a high noble, they used the upper robe of light green, worn on her first appointment to that position, and lined with white crape ; (in calling back that of the wife of) a Great officer of the lowest grade, the upper robe of plain white. (The souls of other wives were called back) by parties with the same robe as in the case of an ordinary officer. 19. In the calling back, they stood (with their faces to the north), inclining to the west l. 20. (To the pall over the coffin of a Great officer) there was not attached the (curtain of) yellow silk with pheasants on it, descending below the (bamboo) catch for water. 21. (The tablet of a grandson who had been) a Great officer was placed (in the shrine of his grand- father who had (only) been an officer ; but not if he 1 Paragraph 18 in the ordinary editions is before 16. The tablets must have been confused, and were, perhaps, defective. SECT. I. PT. I. 3A kL 137 had only been an officer, and the grandfather a Great officer. In that case, the tablet was placed in the shrine of a brother of the grandfather (who had only been an officer). If there were no such brother, (it was placed in the shrine of their high ancestor), according to the regular order of relationship. Even if his grand-parents were alive, it was so. 22. The (tablet of a) wife was placed after that of the wife (of the principal of the shrine), in which her husband's tablet was placed. If there had been no such wife, it was placed in the shrine of the wife of the higfh ancestor, according to the regular order of relationship. The (tablet of a) concubine was placed in the shrine of her husband's grandmother (concubine). If there had been no such concubine, then (it was placed in that of the concubine of the high ancestor) according to the regular order of relationship. 23. (The tablet of) an unmarried son was placed in the shrine of his grandfather, and was used at sacrifices. That of an unmarried daughter was placed in the shrine of her grandmother, but was not used at sacrifices. The (tablet of) the son of a ruler was placed in the shrine of (one of) the sons (of his grand- father), that grandfather having also been a ruler. 24. When a ruler died, his eldest son was simply styled son (for that year), but he was treated (by other rulers) as the ruler. 25. If one, after wearing for a year the mourning and cap proper to the three years for a parent, met with the death of a relative for whom he had to wear the mourning of nine months, he changed it for the hempen -cloth proper to the nine months ; but he did not change the staff and shoes. I ^8 THE l! A'i. O BK. XVIII. 26. In mourning for a parent, (after a year) the sackcloth of the nine months' mourning is preferred ; but if there occurred the placing in its shrine of the tablet of a brother who had died prematurely, the cap and other mourning worn during that first year was worn in doing so. The youth who had died prematurely was called ' The Bright Lad,' and (the mourner said), ' My so and so,' without naming him. This was treating- him with reference to his being in the spirit-state. 27. In the case of brothers living in different houses, when one first heard of the death of another, he might reply to the messenger simply with a wail. His first step then was to put on the sackcloth, and the girdle with dishevelled edges. If, before he had put on the sackcloth, he hurried off to the mourning rites, and the presiding mourner had not yet adjusted his head-band and girdle, in the case of the deceased being one for whom he had to mourn for five months, he completed that term along with the presiding mourner. If nine months were due to the deceased, he included the time that had elapsed since he assumed the sackcloth and girdle. 28. The master, presiding at the mourning rites for a concubine, himself conducted the placing of her tablet (in its proper shrine). At the sacrifices at the end of the first and second years, he employed her son to preside at them. The sacrifice at her offering did not take place in the principal apartment. 29. A ruler did not stroke the corpse of a servant or a concubine. 30. Even after the wife of a ruler was dead, the concubines (of the harem) wore mourning for her SECT. I. PT. II. 3A A'?. *39 relatives. If one of them took her place (and acted as mistress of the establishment), she did not wear mourning- for the relatives1. Part II. t. If one heard of the mourning rites for a cousin for whom he had to wear mourning for nine months or more, when he looked in the direction of the place where those rites were going on, he wailed. If he were going to accompany the funeral to the grave, but did not get to the house in time, though he met the presiding mourner returning, he himself went on to the grave. The president at the mourning rites for a cousin, though the relationship might not have been near, also presented the sacrifice of Repose. 2. On all occasions of mourning, if, before the mourning robes had all been completed, any one arrived to offer condolences, (the president) took the proper place, wailed, bowed to the visitor, and leaped. 3. At the wailing for a Great officer, another of the same rank, wore the conical cap, with a sack- cloth band round it. He wore the same also when engaged with the coffining. If he had on the cap of dolichos-cloth in mourn- ing for his own wife or son, and were called away to the lighter mourning for a distant relative, he put on the conical cap and band. 4. (In wailing for) an eldest son, he carried a staff, but not for that son's son ; he went without it 1 This lady took the deceased wife's place, and performed many of the duties ; but she had not the position of wife. Anciently, a feudal ruler could only, in all his life, have one wife, one lady, that is, to be called by that name. 140 THE Li kL BK. XVIII. to the place of wailing. (An eldest son), going to wail for his wife, if his parents were alive, did not carry a staff, nor bow so as to lay his forehead on the ground. If (only) his mother were alive, he did not lay his forehead to the ground. Where such a prostration should have taken place, as in the case of one who brought a gift with his condolence, an ordinary bow was made. 5. (An officer) who had left a feudal prince and gone into the service of a Great officer did not on the lord's death return and wear mourning for him ; nor did one who had left a Great officer to serve a prince, return to mourn on the death of the former. 6. The strings of the mourning cap served to distinguish it from one used on a festive occasion. The silk cap worn after a year's mourning, and belonging to that for three years, had such strings, and the seam of it was on the right. That worn in the mourning of five months, and a still shorter time, was seamed on the left. The cap of the shortest mourning had a tassel of reddish silk. The ends of the girdle in the mourning of nine months and upward hung loose. 7. Court robes were made with fifteen skeins (1200 threads) in the warp. Half that number made the coarse cloth for the shortest mourning, which then was glazed by being steeped with ashes. 8. In sending presents to one another for the use of the dead, the princes of the states sent their carriages of the second class with caps and robes. They did not send their carriages of the first class, nor the robes which they had themselves received (from the king). 9. The number of (small) carriages sent (to the SECT. I. PT. II. 3A Ki- M1 grave) was according to that of the parcels of flesh to be conveyed. Each one had a pall of coarse cloth. All round were ornamental figures. These parcels were placed at the four corners of the coffin. 10. (Sometimes) rice was sent, but Yu-jze said that such an offering was contrary to rule. The food put down (by the dead) in mourning was only dried meat and pickled. 11. At the sacrifices (after the sacrifice of Repose), the mourner styled himself ' The filial son,' or ' The filial grandson ;' at the previous rites, 'The grieving son,' or ' The grieving grandson.' 12. In the square upper garment of the mourner and the sackcloth over it, and in the carriage in which he rode to the grave, there was no difference of degree. 13. The white cap of high (antiquity) and the cap of black cloth were both without any ornamental frinee. The azure-coloured and that of white silk with turned-up rim had such a fringe. 14. A Great officer wore the cap with the square top when assisting at a sacrifice of his ruler ; but that of skin when sacrificing at his own shrines. An ordinary officer used the latter in his ruler's temple, and the cap (of dark cloth) in his own. As an officer wore the skin cap, when going in person to meet his bride, he might also use it at his own shrines. 1 5. The mortar for the fragrant herbs, in making sacrificial spirits, was made of cypress wood, and the pestle of dryandria. The ladle (for lifting out the flesh) was of mulberry wrood, three, some say five, cubits long. The scoop used in addition was of mulberry, three cubits long, with its handle and end carved. 16. The girdle over the shroud used for a prince 142 the Li in. BK. XVIII. or a Great officer was of five colours ; that used for another officer, only of two. 17. The must (put into the grave) was made from the malt of rice. There were the jars (for it and other liquids), the baskets (for the millet), and the boxes (in which these were placed). These were placed outside the covering of the coffin ; and then the tray for the mats was put in. 18. The spirit-tablet (which had been set up over the coffin) was buried after the sacrifice of Repose. 19. (The mourning rites for) all wives were ac- cording to the rank of their husbands. 20. (Visitors who had arrived) during the slighter dressing of the corpse, the more complete dressing, or the opening (the enclosure where the coffin was), were all saluted and bowed to (after these operations were finished). 21. At the wailing morning and evening, (the cof- fin) was not screened from view. When the bier had been removed, the curtain was no more suspended. 22. When the ruler came to condole, after the carriage with its coffin (had reached the gate of the temple), the presiding mourner bowed towards him with his face towards the east, and moving to the right of the gate, leaped there, with his face towards the north. Goinof outside, he waited till the ruler took his departure and bade him go back, after which he put down (by the bier the gifts which the ruler had brought). 23. When 3ze'kao was fully dressed after his death, first, there were the upper and lower gar- ments both wadded with floss silk, and over them a suit of black with a purple border below; next, there was a suit of white made square and straight, (the SECT. I. PT. II. 3A k\. 143 suit belonging to) the skin cap ; next, that belonging to the skin cap like the colour of a sparrow's head ; and next, (that belonging to) the dark-coloured cap, with the square top. 3ang_Sze saiCl 'In sucn a dress- ing there should be nothing of woman's dress.' 24. When an officer died on some commission, upon which he had gone for his ruler, if the death took place in a public hotel, they called his soul back ; if in a private hotel, they did not do so. By a public hotel was meant a ruler's palace, or some other building erected by him, and by a private hotel, the house of a noble, a Great officer, or an officer below that rank1. 25. (On the death of) a ruler, there is the leaping for him for seven days in succession; and on that of a Great officer, it lasts for five days. The women take their share in this expression of grief at intervals, between the presiding mourner and his visitors. On the death of an ordinary officer, it lasts for three days ; the women taking their part in the same way. 26. In dressing the corpse of a ruler, there is first put on it the upper robe with the dragon ; next, a dark-coloured square-cut suit ; next, his court-robes ; next, the white lower garment with gathers ; next, a purple-coloured lower garment ; next, a sparrow-head 1 It is generally supposed that the 3ze-kao here was the disciple of Confucius, so styled, and also known as Kao iSTMi ; but the dressing here is that of the corpse of a Great officer, and there is no evidence that the disciple ever attained to that rank ; and I am inclined to doubt, with K\a.ng ^ao-hsi and others, whether the party in the text may not have been another 3ze-kao. The caps of the last three suits are understood to be used for the suits them- selves, with which they were generally worn. 3ang-^ze's condemna- tion of the dressing was grounded on the purple border of one of the articles in the first suit. See Analects X, 4. T44 TIIE L^ K did it give you pleasure ?' The answer was, ' The people of the whole state appeared to be mad ; I do not know in what I could find pleasure.' The Master said, ' For their hundred days' labour in the field, (the husbandmen) receive this one day's enjoyment (from the state) ; — this is what you do not understand. (Even) Wan and Wu could not keep a bow (in good condition), if it were always drawn and never relaxed ; nor did they leave it always relaxed and never drawn. To keep it now strung and now unstrung was the way of Wan and Wu.' 24. Mang Hsien-^ze said, 'If in the first month at the (winter) solstice it be allowable to offer the (border) sacrifice to God, in the seventh month, at the summer solstice, we may offer the sacrifice in the temple of the ancestor (of our ruling House).' Accordingly Hsien-^ze offered that sacrifice to all the progenitors (of the line of Lu) in the seventh month1. 25. The practice of not obtaining from the son of Heaven the confirmation of her dignity for the wife (of the ruler of Lu) began with duke /v^ao 2. 1 Hsien-^ze was the honorary title of A'ung-sun Mieh, a good officer of Lu, under dukes Wan, Hsiian, A7/ang, and Hsiang. He must understand him as speaking of the sacrifices of the state, and not of his own. 2 See Confucian Analects VII, 30. Duke A"ao married a lady of Wu, of the same surname with himself, and therefore had not announced the marriage to the king. 1 68 THE LI A'l. BK. XVIII. 26. The mourning of a ruler and his wife were regulated by the same rules for the ladies of his family married in other states and for those married in his own1. 27. When the stables of Confucius were burned, and the friends of his district came (to offer their condolences) on account of the fire, he bowed once to the ordinary officers, and twice to the Greater officers ; — according to the rule on occasions of mutual condolence. 28. Confucius said, ' Kwan A"ung selected two men from among (certain) thieves with whom he was dealing, and appointed them to offices in the state, saying, " They were led astray by bad men with whom they had associated, but they are proper men themselves." When he died, duke Hwan made these two wear mourning for him. The practice of old servants of a Great officer wearing mourning for him, thus arose from Kwan Kxmg. But these two men only mourned for him by the duke's orders.' 29. When an officer, in a mistake, used a name to his ruler which should be avoided, he rose to his feet. If he were speaking to any one who had the name that should be avoided with the ruler, he called him by the name given to him on his maturity. 30. (A Great officer) took no part in any seditious movements within his state, and did not try to avoid calamities coming from without. 31. The treatise on the duties of the Chief Inter- nuncius says, ' The length of the long symbol of rank was for a duke, nine inches ; for a marquis or 1 There are differences of opinion as to the meaning of this paragraph, between which it is not easy to decide. It would be tedious to go into an exhibition and discussion of them. SECT. II. PT. II. 3a ^i. 169 earl, seven ; for a count or baron, five. The width in each case was three inches ; and the thickness, half an inch. They tapered to the point for one inch and a half. They were all of jade. The mats for them were made with three different colours, (two rows of each,) six in all.' 32. Duke Ai asked 3ze-kao, 'When did members of your family first begin to be in office ?' The answer was, 'My ancestor held a small office under duke Wan1.' 33. When a temple was completed, they pro- ceeded to consecrate it with the following cere- mony : — The officer of prayer, the cook, and the butcher, all wore the cap of leather of the colour of a sparrow's head, and the dark-coloured dress with the purple border. The butcher rubbed the sheep clean, the officer of prayer blessed it, and the cook with his face to the north took it to the pillar and placed it on the south-east of it. Then the butcher took it in his arms, went up on the roof at the middle point between the east and west, and with his face to the south stabbed it, so that the blood ran down in front; and then he descended. At the gate of the temple, and of each of the two side apartments, they used a fowl, one at the gate of each (going up as before and stabbing them). The hair and feathers about the ears were first pulled out under the roof (before the victims were killed). When the fowls were cut at the gates of the temple, and the apartments on each side of it, officers stood, opposite to each gate on the north. When the thing was over, the officer of prayer announced that it 1 This paragraph is supposed to be defective. Duke Wan was marquis of Lu from b.c. 626 to 609. I70 THE Li kL BK. XVIII. was so, and they all retired, after which he an- nounced it to the ruler, saying, ' The blood-conse- cration has been performed.' This announcement was made at the door of the back apartment of the temple, inside which the ruler stood in his court- robes, looking towards the south. This concluded the ceremony, and all withdrew1. When the great apartment (of the palace) was completed, it was inaugurated (by a feast), but there was no shedding of blood. The consecration by blood of the temple building was the method taken to show how intercourse with the spirits was sought. All the more distinguished vessels of the ancestral temple were consecrated, when completed, by the blood of a young boar. 34. When a feudal lord sent his wife away, she proceeded on her journey to her own state, and was received there with the observances due to a lord's wife. The messenger, accompanying her, then dis- charged his commission, saying, 'My poor ruler, from his want of ability, was not able to follow her, and take part in the services at your altars and in your ancestral temple. He has, therefore, sent me, so and so, and I venture to inform your officer ap- pointed for the purpose of what he has done.' The officer presiding (on the occasion) replied, ' My poor ruler in his former communication did not lay (her defects) before you, and he does not presume to do anything but respectfully receive your lord's mes- sage.' The officers in attendance on the commis- 1 This ceremony is also described in the ' Rites of the greater Tai,' Book X, with some difference in the details. It is difficult, even from the two accounts, to bring the ceremony fully before the mind's eye. SECT. II. PT. II. 3.4 A'l. 171 sioner then set forth the various articles sent with the lady on her marriage, and those on the other side received them. 35. When the wife went away from her husband, she sent a messenger and took leave of him, say- ing, ' So and so, through her want of ability, is not able to keep on supplying the vessels of grain for your sacrifices, and has sent me, so and so, to pre- sume to announce this to your attendants.' The principal party (on the other side) replied, ' My son, in his inferiority, does not presume to avoid your punishing him, and dares not but respectfully receive your orders.' The messenger then retired, the principal party bowing to him, and escorting him. If the father-in-law were alive, then he named him- self; if he were dead, an elder brother of the hus- band acted for him, and the message was given as from him ; if there were no elder brother, then it ran as from the husband himself. The message, as given above, was, ' The son of me, so and so, in his inferiority.' (At the other end of the transaction), if the lady were an aunt, an elder sister, or a younger, she was mentioned as such. 36. Confucius said, ' When I was at a meal at Shao-shih's, I ate to the full. He entertained me courteously, according to the rules. When I was about to offer some in sacrifice, he got up and wished to stop me, saying, "My poor food is not worth being offered in sacrifice." When I was about to take the concluding portions, he got up and wished to stop me, saying, " I would not injure you with my poor provisions1.'" 1 See pages 20, 21, paragraph 13. 172 THE LI Kl. BK. XVIII. 37. A bundle of silk (in a marriage treaty) con- tained five double rolls, each double roll being forty cubits in length. 38. At the (first) interview of a wife with her father and mother-in-law, (her husband's) unmarried aunts and sisters all stood below the reception hall, with their faces towards the west, the north being the place of honour. After this interview, she visited all the married uncles of her husband, each in his own apartment. Although not engaged to be married, the rule was for a young lady to wear the hair-pin ; — she was thus treated with the honours of maturity. The (principal) wife managed the ceremony. When she was unoccupied and at ease, she wore her hair with- out the pin, on each side of her head. 39. The apron (of the full robes) was three cubits long, two cubits wide at bottom, and one at the top. The border at the top extended five inches ; and that at the sides was of leather the colour of a sparrow's head, six inches wide, terminating five inches from the bottom. The borders at top and bottom were of white silk, embroidered with the five colours. BOOK XIX. SANG TA K\ OR THE GREATER RECORD OF MOURNING RITES1, Section I. i. When the illness was extreme, all about the establishment was swept clean, inside and out. In the case of a ruler or Great officer, the stands, with the martial instruments suspended from them, were removed ; in that of an officer, his lute and cithern. The sufferer lay with his head to the east, under the window on the north. His couch was removed (and he was laid on the ground). The clothes ordinarily worn at home were removed, and new clothes sub- stituted for them. (In moving the body) one person took hold of each limb. Males and females changed their dress2. Some fine floss was put (on the mouth and nostrils), to make sure that the breath was gone. A man was not permitted to die in the hands of the women, or a woman in the hands of the men. 2. A ruler and his wife both died in the Great chamber, a Great officer and his acknowledged wife in the Proper chamber3; the not yet acknowledged 1 See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 34, 35. 2 The clothes of the dying master and friend were changed ; it was right that all about them should also change their dress. The court or best robes were put on, moreover, that inquiring visitors might be properly received. 3 This proper, or ' legitimate ' chamber corresponded in the mansion of a Great officer to the Grand chamber in the palace. I 74 THE LI Kl. BK. XIX wife of a high minister, in an inferior chamber, but the corpse was then removed to the higher chamber. The wives of officers died in their chambers. 3. At (the ceremony of) calling back the soul, if (the deceased were a lord on whose territory) there were forests and copses, the forester arranged the steps (by which to go up on the roof); and if there were no forests, one of the salvage men (employed about the court in menial offices) did so. An officer of low rank performed the ceremony. All who did so em- ployed some of the court robes (of the deceased) : — for a ruler, the robe with the descending dragon; for the wife, that with the descending pheasant; for a Great officer, the dark robe and red skirt; for his recognised wife, the robe of fresh yellow; for an officer, that worn with the cap of deep purple leather ; and for his wife, the dark dress with the red border. In all cases they ascended from the east wing to the middle of the roof, where the footing was perilous. Facing the north, they gave three loud calls for the deceased, after which they rolled up the garment they had em- ployed, and cast it down in front, where the curator of the robes received it, and then they themselves descended by the wing on the north-west. If the deceased were a visitor, and in a public lodging, his soul was called back ; if the lodging were private, it was not called back. If he were in the open country, one got up on the left end of the nave of the carriage in which he had been riding, and called it back. Connected with the Grand chamber were two smaller apartments. It is mentioned in the 3o A'wan, under b.c. 627, that duke Hsi of Lu died ' in the small apartment;' which has always been under- stood as discreditable to him. SECT. I. SANG TA KL 175 4. The garment which had been used in calling the soul back was not employed to cover the corpse, nor in dressing it. In calling back the soul of a wife, the upper robe with the purple border in which she had been married was not employed. In all cases of calling back the soul, a man was called by his name, and a woman by her designation. Nothing but the wailing preceded the calling the soul back. After that calling they did what was requisite on an occa- sion of death. 5. Immediately after death, the principal mourners sobbed1; brothers and cousins (of the deceased) wailed; his female relatives wailed and leaped. 6. When the dead body (of a ruler) had been placed properly (beneath the window with the head to the south), his son sat (or knelt) on the east ; his ministers, Great officers, uncles, cousins, their sons and grandsons, stood (also) on the east; the multitude of ordinary officers, who had the charge of the different departments, wailed below the hall, facing the north. His wife knelt on the west; the wives, aunts, sisters, their daughters and grand-daughters, whose husbands were of the same surname as he, stood (behind her) on the west; and the wives, his relatives of the same surname, whose position had been con- firmed in their relation to their husbands, at the head of all the others married similarly to husbands of other surnames, wailed above in the hall, facing the north. 7. At the mourning rites (immediately after death) of a Great officer, the (son), presiding, knelt on the east, and the wife, presiding, on the west. The 1 They were too much affected, it is said, to give loud expression to their grief. 176 THE Li k1. bk. xix. husbands and wives (among the relations) whose positions had been officially confirmed, sat (or knelt); others who had not that confirmation, stood. At the rites for a deceased officer, the son pre- siding, uncles, brothers, and cousins, with their sons and grandsons, all sat (or knelt) on the east; the wife presiding, aunts, sisters, and cousins, with their female children and grandchildren, all sat (or knelt) on the west. Whenever they wailed by the corpse in the apart- ment, the presiding mourner did so, holding up the shroud with his two hands at the same time. 8. At the mourning rites of a ruler, before the slighter dressing was completed, the principal mourner came out to receive the visit of a refugee ruler, or a visitor from another state. At those for a Great officer, at the same period, he came out to receive a message from his ruler. At those for an ordinary officer, also at the same period, he came out to receive a Great officer, if he were not engaged in the dressing. 9. Whenever the presiding mourner went forth (to meet visitors), he had his feet bare, his skirt tucked under his o-irdle, and his hands across his chest over his heart. Having gone down by the steps on the west, if a ruler, he bowed to a refugee ruler, or a minister commissioned from another state, each in his proper place. When a message from his ruler came to a Great officer, he came to the outside of the door of the apartment (where the dead was), to receive the messenger who had ascended to the hall and communicated his instructions. (They then went down together), and the mourner bowed to the messenger below. SECT. I. SANG TA Kt 177 When a Great officer came himself to condole with an ordinary officer, the latter wailed along with him, but did not meet him outside the gate. 10. The wife of a ruler went out (of her apartment) on a visit from the wife of a refugee ruler. The confirmed wife (of a Great officer) went out (in the same way) on the arrival of a message from the ruler's wife. The wife of an officer, if not engaged in the dress- ing, (also) went out to receive the confirmed wife (of a Great officer). 1 1. At the slighter dressing, the presiding mourner took his place inside the door (on the east of it), and the presiding wife had her face to the east. When the dressing was ended, both of them made as if they leant on the body, and leaped. The mourner unbared his breast, took off the tufts of juvenility, and bound up his hair with sackcloth. The wife knotted up her hair, and put on her sackcloth girdle in her room. 12. When the curtain (which screened the body) was removed, the men and women carried it and put it down in the hall, (the eldest son) going down the steps and bowing (to the visitors). 13. The (young) ruler (who was mourning) bowed to refugee lords, and to ministers, commissioners from other states. Great officers and other officers bowed to ministers and Great officers in their respective places. In the case of (the three grades of) officers, they received three side-bows1, one for each grade. The ruler's wife also bowed to the wife of a refugee 1 The side-bows were somehow made, without the ruler's turning directly towards the officers. [28] N 1^8 THE Li Kl. BK. XIX. lord, above in the hall. With regard to the wives of Great officers and of other officers, she bowed speci- ally to each whose position had received the official appointment ; to the others she gave a general bow; — all above in the hall. 14. When the mourner had gone to his own place (after bowing to his visitors), he closed the robe which was drawn on one side, covering his breast, put on his girdle and head-band, and leapt. When the mourn- ing was for his mother, he went to his place, and tied up his hair, after which he put down the offerings by the body. The visitors who had come to condole, covered their fur robes, put the roll at the back of their caps, assumed their girdles and head-bands, and leapt in correspondence with the mourner. 1 5. At the funeral rites for a ruler, the chief forester supplied wood and horns ; the chief of the salvage- men supplied the vases for water ; the chief of the slaughtering department supplied boilers ; and (an officer from the department of) the minister of War (saw to the) hanging of these. Thus they secured the succession of wailers. Some of those in the department took their part in the wailing. If they did not hang up the vases, and the Great officers were sufficient to take the wailing in turns, then they did not use those others \ In the hall of the ruler there were two lights above and two below ; for that of a Great officer, one above 1 The object of the arrangements in this obscure paragraph was evidently to maintain the wailing uninterrupted, and to provide, by means of the clepsydra, a regular marking of the time for that purpose. See, in the Zau Kwan XXX, 51-52, the duties of the officer of the department of the minister of War who had charge of the vase. SECT. I. SANG TA k1. I 79 and two below ; for that of an ordinary officer, one above and one below1. 16. When the guests went out, the curtain was removed 2. 1 7. When they were wailing the corpse above in the hall, the principal mourner was at the east ; visitors coming from without, took their place at the west, and the women stood facing the south. 18. The wife (presiding), in receiving guests and escorting them, did not go down from the hall with them. If she did go down (as with the wife of the ruler), she bowed to her, but did not wail. If the son (presiding), had occasion to go outside the door of the apartment, and saw the guest (whom he so went to meet), he did not wail. When there was no female to preside, a son did so, and bowed to the female visitors inside the door of the apartment. If there were no son to preside, a daughter did so, and bowed to the male visitors at the foot of the steps on the east. If the son were a child, then he was carried in his sackcloth in the arms, and his bearer bowed for him. If the successor of the deceased were not present, and was a man of rank, an apology was made to the guests ; if he were not a man of rank, some other one bowed to them for him. If he were anywhere in the state, they waited for him ; if he had gone beyond it, the encoffining and burial might go on. The funeral rites might proceed without the presence of the successor of the deceased, but not without one to preside over them. 1 This must have been towards morning. During the night torches were kept burning. 2 This should be at the end of paragraph 14. N 2 I SO THE Li k1. . BK. XIX. 19. At the mourning rites for a ruler, on the third day his sons and his wife assumed the staff. On the fifth day, when the corpse was put into the coffin, his daughters who had become the wives of Great officers were allowed to use it. His (eldest) son and Great officers used it outside the door of the apart- ment (where the coffin was) ; inside the door they carried it in their hands (but did not use it). The wife and his daughters, the wives of Great officers, used the staff in their rooms ; when they went to their places (in the apartment where the coffin was), people were employed to hold it for them. When a message came from the king, (the son presiding) put away his staff ; when one came from the ruler of another state, he only held it in his hand. When attending to any consultation of the tortoise-shell about the corpse, he put away his staff. A Great officer, in the place of the ruler, carried his staff in his hand ; at another Great officer's, he used it. 20. At the mourning rites for a Great officer, on the morning of the third day, when the body was put into the coffin, his son presiding, his wife presiding, and the steward of the House, all assumed the staff. On a message from the ruler, the (new) Great officer put away his staff; on a message from another Great officer, he carried it in his hand. His wife, on a message from the wife of the ruler, put her staff away ; on a message from the confirmed wife (of another Great officer), she gave it to some one to hold for her. 21. At the mourning rites for an officer, the body on the second day was put into the coffin. On the morning of the third day, the presiding mourner SECT. I. SANG TA ATI. I 8 1 assumed the staff, and his wife also. The same observances as in the rites for a Great officer were observed on messages arriving from the ruler or his wife, or from a Great officer and his confirmed wife. 22. All the sons assumed the staff, but only the eldest son used it when they were going to their places (in the apartment where the coffin was). Great officers and other officers, when wailing by the coffin, used the staff; when wailing by the bier, they carried it in their hands. When the staff (used in mourning) was thrown away, it was broken and thrown away in secret. 23. As soon as death took place, the corpse was transferred to the couch \ and covered with a large sheet. The clothes in which the deceased had died were removed. A servant plugged the mouth open with the spoon of horn ; and to keep the feet from contracting, an easy stool was employed 2. These observances were the same for a ruler, a Great officer, and an ordinary officer 3. 24. The servant in charge of the apartments drew the water, and without removing the well-rope from the bucket gathered it up, and carried the whole up to the top of the steps. There, without going on the hall, he gave it to the attendants in waiting on the body. These then went in to wash the corpse, four 1 When death seemed to be imminent, the body was removed from the couch and laid on the ground ; — if, perhaps, contact with ' mother ' earth might revive it. When death had taken place, it was replaced on the couch. 2 I do not quite understand how this stool was applied so as to accomplish its purpose. 3 This paragraph is the 24th in the .Oien-lung edition. See below, paragraph 26. 1 82 THE LI k\. bk. xix. lower servants holding up the sheet, and two per- forming the washing ; having put the water in basins, to which they took it with ladles. In washing they used napkins of fine linen, and in drying the body the ordinary bathing clothes. Another servant then pared the nails of the feet, after which they threw away the rest of the water into the pit. At the funeral rites for a mother (or other female), the female attendants in waiting in the inner room held up the sheet and washed the body. 25. The servant in charge of the apartments, having drawn water and given it to the attendants in waiting on the body, these prepared the wash for the head, above in the hall : — for a ruler, made from maize-water ; for a Great officer, from that of the glutinous millet ; and for an ordinary officer, that from maize-water. After this, some of the forester's department made a sort of furnace at the foot of the wall on the west ; and the potter brought out a large boiler, in which the servant in charge of the apart- ments should boil the water. The servants of the forester's department brought the fuel which he had removed from the crypt in the north-west of the apartment, now converted into a shrine, to use for that purpose. When the water was heated, he gave it to the attendants, who proceeded to wash the head, and poured the water into an earthenware basin, using the napkin as on ordinary occasions to dry the head. Another servant then clipped the nails of the fingers, and wiped the beard. The water was then thrown into the pit. 26. For a ruler they put down a large vessel, full of ice ; for a Great officer, a middle-sized one, full of ice ; and for an ordinary officer, only one of earthen- SECT. I. SANG TA kL 1 83 ware, without any ice in it. Over these they placed the couch with a single sheet and pillow on it ; another couch on which the jade should be put into the mouth ; and another still, where the fuller dressing should be done. Then the corpse was removed to a couch in the hall, on which was a pillow and mat. The same forms were observed for a ruler, a Great officer, and an ordinary officer l. 27. At the mourning rites for a ruler, his (eldest) son, Great officers, his other sons, and all the (other) officers (employed about the court), ate nothing for three days, but confined themselves to gruel. (Afterwards) for their consumption they received in the morning a handful of rice, and another in the evening ; which they ate without any observance of stated times. Officers (at a distance) were restricted to coarse rice and water for their drink, without regard to any stated times. The wife (of the new ruler), the confirmed wives (of the Great officers), and all the members of their harems, had coarse rice and drank water, having no regard in their eating to stated times. 28. At the mourning rites for a Great officer, the presiding mourner, the steward, and grandsons, all were confined to gruel. All the inferior officers were restricted to coarse rice, and water to drink. Wives and concubines took coarse rice, and water to drink. At the rites for an ordinary officer the same rules were observed. 29. After the burial, the presiding mourner had (only) coarse rice and water to drink ; — he did not 1 This paragraph is the 23rd in the .Oien-lung edition, con- fessedly out of place. 184 THE Li k1. BK. XIX. eat vegetables or fruits. His wife observed the same rule. So it was in the case of rulers, Great officers, and other officers. After the change of mourning, towards the end of the year, they ate vegetables and fruit ; and after the subsequent sacrifice, they ate flesh. 30. They took their gruel in bowls, and did not wash their hands (before doing so). When they took their rice from the basket, they washed their hands. They ate their vegetables along with pickles and sauces. When they first ate flesh, it was dry flesh ; when they first drank liquor, it was that newly made. 31. During the mourning of a year, on three occasions they abstained from eating. When eating coarse rice, with water to drink, they did not eat vegetables or fruits. After the burial, at the end of three months, they ate flesh and drank liquor. When the year's mourning was ended, they did not eat flesh nor drink liquor. When the father was alive, in the mourning of nine months, the rules were the same as in that for a year, on account of the mother or of the wife. Though they ate flesh and drank liquor, they could not take the enjoyment of these things in company with others1. 32. During the mourning for five months, and that for three months, it was allowable to abstain from eating once or twice. Between the coffining and burial2, when eating flesh and drinking liquor, 1 The statements in this paragraph, and those in the next, might certainly be stated more distinctly. 2 Such is the meaning of the text here, as fully defined by a Fang SECT. II. SANG TA Kl. I 85 they did not take the enjoyment of these things in company with others. While mourning for an aunt, the confirmed wife of an uncle, one's old ruler, or the head of a clan, they ate flesh and drank liquor. If a mourner could not eat the gruel, he might eat soup of vegetables. If he were ill, he might eat flesh and drink liquor. At fifty, one did not go through all the observances of mourning. At seventy, he simply wore the sackcloth on his person. 33. After the burial, if his ruler feasted a mourner, he partook of the viands ; if a Great officer or a friend of his father did so, he partook in the same way. He did not even decline the grain and flesh that might be set before him, but wine and new wine he declined. Section II. 1. The slighter dressing was performed inside the door (of the apartment where the body was) ; the fuller dressing (at the top of) the steps (leading up to the reception hall) on the east. The body of a ruler was laid on a mat of fine bamboo ; of a Great officer, on one of typha grass ; and of an ordinary officer, on one of phragmites grass. 2. At the slighter dressing one band of cloth was laid straight, and there were three bands laid cross-wise. The sheet for a ruler's body was em- broidered ; for a Great officer's, white ; for an ordinary officer's, black : — each had one sheet. There were nineteen suits of clothes 1 ; those for 1 So in all our dictionaries ; as in Medhurst, Zfe — ■ ^p|, ' a suit of clothes.' But why nineteen suits ? J£a.ng and Ying-ta say, ' To make up ten, the concluding number of heaven ; and nine, that of 1 86 THE Li k1. BK. XIX. the ruler, displayed in the corridor on the east ; and those for a Great officer, or a common officer, inside the apartments : — all with their collars towards the west, those in the north being the best. The sash and sheet were not reckoned among them. 3. At the fuller dressing there were three bands of cloth laid straight, and five laid cross-wise. There were (also) strings of cloth, and two sheets : — equally for a ruler, a Great officer, and a common officer. The clothes for a ruler consisted of one hundred suits, displayed in the courtyard, having their collars towards the north, those on the west being the best ; those of a Great officer were fifty suits, displayed in the corridor on the east, having the collars towards the west, those on the south being the best ; those of a common officer were thirty suits, displayed also in the corridor on the east, with their collars towards the west, the best on the south. The bands and strings were of the same quality as the court robes. One strip of the band-cloth was divided into three, but at the ends was not further divided. The sheets were made of five pieces, without strings or buttons. 4. Among the clothes at the slighter dressing, the sacrificial robes were not placed below the others. For the ruler no clothes were used that were presented. For a Great officer and a common officer, the sacrificial (and other) robes belonging to the principal mourner were all used, and then they used those contributed by their relatives ; but these were not displayed along with the others. earth.' But how shall we account for the hundred, fifty, and thirty suits at the greater dressing, in next paragraph ? These suits were set forth, I suppose, for display ; they could hardly be for use. SECT. II. SANG TA kL 1 87 At the slighter dressing, for a ruler, a Great officer, and a common officer, they used wadded upper robes and sheets. At the greater dressing, the number of sacrificial (and other) robes put on a ruler, a Great officer, or another officer, was not definitely fixed ; but the upper robes and sheets for a ruler had only a thin lining, (instead of being wadded) ; for a Great officer and a common officer, they were as at the slighter dressing. 5. The long robe (worn in private) had a shorter one placed over it ; — it was not displayed alone. It was the rule that with the upper garment the lower one should also be shown. So only could they be called a suit. 6. All who set forth the clothes took them from the chests in which they had been deposited ; and those who received the clothes brought (as con- tributions) placed them in (similar) chests. In going up to the hall and descending from it, they did so by the steps on the west. They displayed the clothes without rumpling them. They did not admit any that were not correct ; nor any of fine or coarse dolychos fibre, or of coarse flax. 7. All engaged in dressing the corpse had their arms bared ; those who moved it into the coffin, had their breasts covered. At the funeral rites for a ruler, the Great officer of prayer performed the dressing, assisted by all the members of his depart- ment ; at those for a Great officer, the same officer stood by, and saw all the others dress the body ; at those of a common officer, the members of that department stood by, while other officers (his friends) performed the dressing. 1 88 THE Li A'i. BK. XIX. 8. At both the dressings the sacrificial robes were not placed below the others. They were all placed with the lappel to lie on the left side. The bands were tied firmly, and not in a bow-knot. 9. The rule was that the dressers should wail, when they had completed their work. But in the case of an officer, as the dressing was performed by those who had served in office along with him, they, after the work was done, omitted a meal. In all cases the dressers were six. 10. The body cases (used before the dressing) were made : — for a ruler, the upper one embroidered, and the lower one striped black and white, with seven strings on the open side ; for a Great officer, the upper one dark blue, and the lower one striped black and white, with five tie-strings on the side ; for a common officer, the upper one black, and the lower one red, with three tie-strings at the side. The upper case came down to the end of the hands, and the lower case was three feet long. At the smaller dressing and afterwards, they used coverlets laid on the body (instead of these cases), their size being the same as that of the cases. 1 1 . When the great dressing of a ruler's body was about to commence, his son, with the sackcloth band about his cap, went to his place at the (south) end of the (eastern) corridor, while the ministers and Great officers took theirs at the corner of the hall, with the pillar on their west, their faces to the north, and their row ascending to the east. The uncles, brothers, and cousins were below the hall, with their faces to the north. The (son's) wife, and other wives whose position had been confirmed were on the west of the body, with their faces to SECT. II. SANG TA kL l8o. the east. The female relations from other states were in their apartments with their faces to the south. Inferior officers spread the mats. The Shang officers of prayer spread the strings, the coverlet, and clothes. The officers had their hands over the vessels. They then lifted the corpse and removed it to the place for the dressing. When the dress- ing was finished, the superintendent announced the fact. The son then (seemed to) lean on it, and leaped while his wife did the same, with her face to the east. 12. At the mourning rites of a Great officer, when they were about to proceed to the great dressing, and the tie-strings, coverlets, and clothes had all been spread out, the ruler arrived, and was met by (the son), the principal mourner. The son entered before him, (and stood) at the right of the gate, out- side which the exorcist stopped. The ruler having put down the vegetables (as an offering to the spirit of the gate), and the blesser preceding him, entered and went up to the hall. He then repaired to his place at the end of the corridor, while the ministers and Great officers took theirs at the corner of the hall on the west of the pillar, looking to the north, their row ascending to the east. The presiding mourner was outside the apartment (where the corpse was), facing the south. His wife presiding was on the west of the body, facing the east. When they had moved the corpse, and finished the dressing, the steward re- ported that they had done so, and the presiding mourner went down below the hall, with his face to the north. There the ruler laid on him the soothing hand, and he bowed with his forehead to the ground. The ruler signified to him to go up, and lean on the 190 THE Li KI. BK. XIX. body, and also requested his wife, presiding, to lean on it. 13. At the mourning rites for a common officer, when they were about to proceed to the great dress- ing, the ruler was not present. In other respects the observances were the same as in the case of a Great officer. 14. They also leaped at the spreading out of the ties and strings ; of the sheet ; of the clothes ; at the moving of the corpse ; at the putting on of the clothes ; of the coverlet ; and of the adjusting of the ties and bands. 1 5. The ruler laid his hand on the body of a Great officer, and on that of the most honourable ladies of his own harem. A Great officer laid his hand on the body of the steward of his house, and on that of his niece and the sister of his wife, who had accompanied her to the harem. The ruler and a Great officer leant closely with their breasts over the bodies of their parents, wives, and eldest sons, but not over those of their other sons. A common officer, however, did so also to all his other sons. If a son by a concubine had a son, the parents did not perform this ceremony over him. When it was performed, the parents did it first, and then the wife and son. A ruler laid his hand on the body of a minister ; parents, while bending over that of a son, also took hold of his hand. A son bent over his parents, bringing his breast near to theirs. A wife seemed as if she would place her two arms beneath the bodies of her parents-in-law ; while they (simply) SECT. II. SANG TA Kt. IQI laid their hands on her. A wife made as if she would cling to her husband's body ; while the hus- band held her hand as he did that of a brother or cousin. When others brought the breast near the body of a corpse, they avoided the point at which the ruler had touched it. After every such mark of sorrow, the mourner rose up and leaped. 16. At the mourning rites for a parent, (the son) occupied the slanting shed, unplastered ; slept on straw, with a clod of earth for his pillow. He spoke of nothing but what related to the rites. A ruler enclosed this hut; but Great and common officers left it exposed. After the burial, the inclined posts were set up on lintels, and the hut was plastered, but not on the outside which could be seen. Rulers, Great and common officers, all had it enclosed. All the other sons, but the eldest by the proper wife, even before the burial had huts made for them- selves in out-of-the-way places. 17. After the burial, the son would stand with others. If a ruler, he would speak of the king's affairs, but not of those of his own state. If a Great officer, or a common officer, he would speak of the ruler's affairs, but not of those of his own clan or family. 18. When the ruler was buried, the royal ordi- nances came into the state. After the wailing was finished, the new ruler engaged in the king's affairs. When a Great officer or a common officer was buried, the ordinances of the state came to his family. After the wailing was finished, while continuing the sackcloth band round his cap, and the girdle, he might don his armour and go into the field. 192 THE ii AT. BK. XIX. 19. After the mourning was changed at the end of a year, (the sons) occupied the unplastered apartment, and did not occupy one along with others. Then the ruler consulted about the government of the state ; and Great officers and common officers about the affairs of their clan and families. After the sacrifice at the end of two years, the ground of the apartment was made of a dark green, and the walls were whitened. After this, they no longer wailed outside ; and after the sacrifice at the end of twenty- seven months, they did not do so inside ; for, after it, music began to be heard. 20. After that sacrifice, at the end of twenty-seven months, (the son) attended to all his duties ; and after the felicitous sacrifice (of re-arranging the tablets in his ancestral temple), he returned to his (usual) chamber. At the one year's mourning, he occupied the hut ; and when it was completed, the occasions on which he did not seek the nuptial chamber were : — when his father was alive, and he had been wearing the hemmed sackcloth of a year for his mother or his wife, and when he had been wearing the cloth mourning of nine months ; on these occasions, for three months he did not seek the intercourse of the inner chamber. A wife did not occupy the hut, nor sleep on the straw. At the mourning for her father or mother, when she had changed the mourning at the end of a year, she returned to her husband ; when the mourn- ing was that of nine months, she returned after the burial. 21. At the mourning rites for a duke (of the royal domain), his Great officers continued till the SECT. II. SANG TA k\. 193 change of mourning at the end of a year, and then returned to their own residences. A common officer returned at the conclusion of the wailing. 22. At the mourning rites for their parents, (the other sons who were) Great officers or common officers, returned to their own residences after the change of the mourning at the end of the year ; but on the first day of the month and at full moon, and on the return of the death-day, they came back and wailed in the house of him who was now the Head of their family. At the mourning for uncles and cousins, they returned to their own residences at the conclusion of the wailing. 23. A father did not take up his quarters (during the mourning) at a son's, nor an elder brother at a younger's. 24. At the mourning rites for a Great officer or his acknowledged wife, a ruler (went to see) the greater dressing ; but if he wished to show special favour, he attended the slighter dressing. The ruler, in the case of an acknowledged wife, married to a Great officer of a different surname from his own, arrived after the lid was put on the coffin. He went to an officer's, when the body was put into the coffin ; but if he wanted to show special favour, he attended at the greater dressing. The ruler's wife, at the mourning for a (Great officer's) acknowledged wife, attended at the greater dressing ; but if she wished to show special favour, at the slighter. In the case of his other wives, if she wished to show special favour, she attended at the greater dressing. In the case of a Great officer's [28] O 194 THE L^ K^- BK- XIX- acknowledged wife, who was of a different surname from her own, she appeared after the coffining had taken place. 25. When the ruler went to a Great officer's or a common officer's, after the coffining had taken place, he sent word beforehand of his coming. The chief mourner provided all the offerings to be set down for the dead in the fullest measure, and waited out- side the gate, till he saw the heads of the horses. He then led the way in by the right side of the gate. The exorcist stopped outside, and the blesser took his place, and preceded the ruler, who put down the offer- ings of vegetables (for the spirit of the gate) inside it. The blesser then preceded him up the eastern steps, and took his place with his back to the wall, facing the south. The ruler took his place at (the top of) the steps ; two men with spears standing before him, and two behind. The officer of recep- tion then advanced. The chief mourner bowed, laying his forehead to the ground. The ruler then said what he had to say ; looked towards the blesser and leaped. The chief mourner then (also) leaped. 26. If the visit were paid to a Great officer, the offerings might at this point be put down by the coffin. If it were to a common officer, he went out to wait outside the gate. Being requested to return and put down the offerings, he did so. When this was done, he preceded the ruler, and waited for him outside the gate. When the ruler retired, the chief mourner escorted him outside the gate, and bowed to him, with his forehead to the ground. 27. When a Great officer was ill, the ruler thrice inquired for him ; and when his body was coffined, visited (his son) thrice. When a common officer sect. II. SANG TA KI. 195 was ill, he inquired for him once ; and when his body was coffined, visited (his son) once. When the ruler came to condole (after the coffin- ing), the (son) put on again the clothes he had worn at the coffining. 28. When the ruler's wife went to condole at a Great officer's or a common officer's, the chief mourner went out to meet her outside the gate, and, when he saw her horses' heads, went in before her by the right side of the gate. She then entered, went up to the hall, and took her place. The wife presiding went down by the steps on the west, and bowed with her head to the ground below (the hall). The ruler's wife looked towards her eldest son (who had accompanied her), and leaped. The offerings were put down according to the rules for them on the visit of the ruler. When she retired, the wife presiding went with her to the in- side of the door of the apartment, and bowed to her with her head to the ground. The chief mourner escorted her to the outside of the great gate, but did not bow. 29. When a Great officer came to the mourning rites of one of his officers to whom he stood in the relation of ruler, the officer did not meet him out- side the gate. He entered and took his place below the hall. The chief mourner (stood on the south of his place), with his face to the north, though the general rule for chief mourners was to face the south. The wife took her place in the room. If, at this juncture, there came a message from the ruler of the state, or one from a confirmed (Great) officer or his confirmed wife, or visitors from the neighbouring states, the Great officer-ruler, having o 2 196 THE Li k\. BK. XIX. the chief mourner behind him, performed the bow of ceremony to each visitor. 30. When a ruler, on a visit of condolence, saw the bier for the corpse, he leaped. If a ruler had not given notice beforehand of his coming to a Great officer or a common officer, and he had not prepared the various offerings to be put down by the coffin on the occasion, when the ruler withdrew, the rule was that they should then be put down. 31. The largest (or outermost) coffin of the ruler of a state was eight inches thick ; the next, six inches ; and the innermost, four inches. The larger coffin of a Great officer of the highest grade was eight inches thick ; and the inner, six inches ; for one of the lowest grade, the dimensions were six inches and four. The coffin of a common officer was six inches thick. 32. The (inner) coffin of a ruler was lined with red (silk), fixed in its place with nails of various metals ; that of a Great officer with (silk of a) dark blue, fixed with nails of ox-bone ; that of a common officer was lined, but had no nails. 33. The lid of a ruler's coffin was varnished, with three double wedges (at the edges) over which were three bands ; that of a Great officer's was (also) var- nished, with two double wedges and two bands ; that of a common officer was not varnished, but it had two double wedges and two bands. 34. The (accumulated) hair and nails of a ruler and Great officer were placed (in bags) at the four corners of the coffin ; those of an officer were buried (without being put in the coffin). 35. The coffin of a ruler was placed upon a bier, SECT. II. SANG TA Kl. igj which was surrounded with high stakes, inclined over it till, when all was finished and plastered, there was the appearance of a house. That of a Great officer, having been covered with a pall, was placed in the western corridor and staked, but the plastering did not reach all over the coffin. That of a common officer was placed so that the double wedges could be seen ; above that it was plastered. All were screened. 2,6. Of scorched grain there were put by the coffin of a ruler eight baskets, containing four different kinds; by that of a Great officer, six baskets, con- taining three kinds ; by that of a common officer, four baskets, containing two kinds. Besides these, there were (dried) fish and flesh. 3 j. Ornamenting the coffin (on its way to the grave), there were for a ruler : — the curtains with dragons (figured on them), and over them three gutter-spouts ; the fluttering ornaments (with phea- sants figured on them and the ends of the curtains) ; above (on the sloping roof of the catafalque) were figures of axe-heads, of the symbol of discrimination, thrice repeated, and of flames, thrice repeated. These occupied the pall-like roof of white silk, as embroi- dery, and above it was the false covering attached to it by six purple ties, and rising up with ornaments in five colours and five rows of shells. There were (at the corners) two streamers of feathers, suspended from a frame with the axes on it ; two from another, bearing the symbol of discrimination ; two from another, variously figured ; all the frames on staffs, showing jade-symbols at the top. Fishes were made as if leaping at the ends of the gutters. The whole of the catafalque was kept together by six supports rising from the coffin, and wound round with purple igS THE LI Kl. BK. XIX. silk, and six sustaining ropes, also purple, (drawn through the curtains). For the catafalque of a Great officer there were painted curtains, with two gutter-spouts (above them) ; there were not the fluttering ornaments ; above (on the sloping roof) there were flames painted, thrice repeated ; and three symbols of discrimination. These formed the pall-like roof, and there were two purple ties, and two of deep blue. At the very top there were ornaments in three colours, and three rows of shells. There were two feather-streamers from a frame with axes, and two from a painted frame ; all the frames on staffs with plumage at the tops. Figures of fishes were made at the ends of the gutters. The front supports of a Great officer's catafalque were purple, and those behind deep blue. So also were the sustaining ropes. For the catafalque of a common officer, the cur- tains were of (plain) linen, and there was the sloping roof. There was (but) one gutter-spout. There were the fluttering pheasants on the bands. The purple ties were two, and the black also two. At the very top the ornaments were of three colours, and there was only one row of shells. The streamers of feathers from a painted frame were two, the staffs of which had plumage at their tops. The front sup- ports of the catafalque were purple, and those behind black. The sustaining ropes were purple. 38. In burying the coffin of a ruler, they used a bier, four ropes, and two pillars. Those guiding the course of the coffin carried the shade with pendent feathers. In burying a Great officer, they used two ropes and two pillars. Those who guided the coffin used a reed of white grass. SECT. II. SANG TA Kl. 199 In burying a common officer, they used a carriage of the state. They employed two ropes and no post. As soon as they left the residence, those who directed the coffin used the shade of merit. 39. In letting down the coffin into the grave, they removed the ropes from the posts, and pulled at them with their backs to the posts. For a ruler's coffin, they also used levers, and for a Great officer's or a common officer's, ropes attached to the sides of the coffin. Orders were given that they should not cry out in letting down that of the ruler. They let it down as guided by the sound of a drum. In let- ting down a Great officer's, they were commanded not to wail. In letting down a common officer's, those who began to wail stopped one another. 40. The outer shell of the coffin of a ruler was of pine ; of a Great officer, of cypress ; of another officer, of various kinds of wood. 41. The surface between the coffin and shell of a ruler was sufficient to contain a music stopper ; in the case of the coffin and shell of a Great officer, a vase for water; in that of the coffin and shell of a common officer, a jar of liquor. 42. In the rites of a ruler, the shell was lined, and there were baskets of y ti ; in those of a Great officer, the shell was not lined ; in those of a common officer, there were no baskets of yu1. 1 We cannot tell what these baskets were. K'a.ng says he did not know, and the A7jien-lung editors think they may have con- tained the grain mentioned in paragraph 36. Otherwise, the paragraph is obscure. On the next page there is given a figure of the catafalque over the coffin as borne to the grave, copied from the second volume of 200 THE Li Hi. BK. XIX. P. Zottoli's work. A larger one, more fully illustrating the details of the text, forms the last plate in the .Oien-lung edition of the Classic ; but it is so rough and complicated that the friend who has assisted me with most of the figures that I have ventured to intro- duce shrank from attempting to reproduce it on a smaller scale. BOOK XX. K\ FA OR THE LAW OF SACRIFICES1. i. According to the law of sacrifices, (Shun), the sovereign of the line of Yii, at the great associate sacrifice, gave the place of honour to Hwang Ti, and at the border sacrifice made Kh\x the correlate of Heaven ; he sacrificed (also) to A"wan-hsli as his ancestor (on the throne), and to Yao as his honoured predecessor. 1 See the introduction, vol. xxvii, pp. 35, 36. It is there said that in the idea of sacrifices {k\\ which is here given, there is no indication of deprecation by means of them, and much less of atonement, but that they were merely expressions of gratitude. The character k\ (^v) is one of those formed by combination of the ideas in its several parts. The Shwo-wan, the earliest Chinese dictionary, says that it is made up of two ideagrams : JTj, the symbol for spiritual beings ; and another, composed of P&j and ^_, representing a right hand and a piece of flesh. Offerings of flesh must have been common when the character was formed, which then itself entered, as the phonetic element, into the formation of between twenty and thirty other characters. The explanations of it given by Morrison (Diet., part i), taken mostly from the Khang-hsi dictionary, are : — ' To carry human affairs before the gods [i. e. spirits]. That which is the medium between, or brings together men and gods [spirits]. To offer flesh in the rites of worship ; to sacrifice with worship.' There is nothing, however, in the Khang-hsi corresponding to this last sentence ; and I suppose that Morrison gave it from the analysis of the character in the Shwo-wan. The general idea symbolised by it is — an offering whereby communication and communion with spiritual beings is effected. 202 THE Li K\. bk. XX. The sovereigns of Hsia, at the corresponding sacrifice, gave the place of honour also to Hwang Ti, and made Khwan the correlate at the border sacrifice ; they sacrificed to ATwan-hsii as their ancestor, and to Yti as their honoured predecessor. Under Yin, they gave the place of honour to K/m, and made Ming the correlate at the border sacrifice; they sacrificed to Hsieh as their ancestor, and to Thang as their honoured predecessor. Under Aau they gave the place of honour to K/iu, and made K\ the correlate at the border sacrifice ; they sacrificed to king Wan as their ancestor, and to king Wu as their honoured predecessor x. 2. With a blazing pile of wood on the Grand altar they sacrificed to Heaven 2 ; by burying (the victim) 1 This and other portions of the Book are taken mainly from the seventh article in the second section of the ' Narratives of the States,' part i. The statements have much perplexed the commen- tators, and are held to be of doubtful authority. Some of them, indeed, are said by Khan. Hao to be inexplicable. Khwan, ' the correlate in the sacrifices of Hsia, was the father of Yu,' of whom we receive a bad impression from the references to him in the Shu King ; and Ming, who occupied the same position in those of Yin, was the fifth in descent from Hsieh, the ancestor of that dynasty, a minister of Works, who died somehow in his labours on a flood. P. Zottoli thinks that of the four sacrifices here mentioned, the first (jfrjj) was l0 tne Supreme Deity (Supremo Numini), and the second, to the Highest Heaven (Summo Coelo). My own view is different, and agrees with that of the A7nen-lung editors. They discuss the different questions that have been agitated on the subject, and their conclusions may be taken as the orthodoxy of Chinese scholars on the subject ; into the exhibition of which it is not necessary to go at greater length. 2 On the blazing pile were placed the victim and pieces of jade ; in the square mound were buried the victim and pieces of silk. For BK. XX. A'l FA. 203 in the Grand mound, they sacrificed to the Earth. (In both cases) they used a red victim 1. 3. By burying a sheep and a pig at the (altar of) Great brightness, they sacrificed to the seasons. (With similar) victims they sacrificed to (the spirits of) cold and heat, at the pit and the altar, using prayers of deprecation and petition 2 ; to the sun, at the (altar called the) royal palace ; to the moon, at the (pit called the) light of the night ; to the stars at the honoured place of gloom ; to (the spirits of) flood and drought at the honoured altar of rain ; to the (spirits of the) four quarters at the place of the four pits and altars ; mountains, forests, streams, valleys, hills, and mounds, which are able to produce clouds, and occasion winds and rain, were all regarded as (dominated by) spirits. He by whom all under the sky was held sacrificed to all spirits. The princes of states sacrificed to those which were in their own territories ; to those which were not in their territories, they did not sacrifice. 4. Generally speaking, all born between heaven and earth are said to have their allotted times ; the death of all creatures is spoken of as their dissolu- tion ; but man when dead is said to be in the ghostly |fe ^j*, which follow, Zottoli gives solenni angulari, and I have met with 'the great pit' as a translation of them. Of course a ' pit ' was formed in the mound to receive the offerings ; but in the Khang- hsi dictionary jjfy is specially defined with reference to this passage as ' a mound of earth as a place of sacrifice ;' though we do not find this account of the character in Morrison, Medhurst, or Williams. 1 This was specially the colour of the victims under the A'au dynasty. 2 Such is the meaning given by Ying-ta and others to ^ j]j\ which they think should be nj|| jSG 204 THE LI Kt. bk. xx. state. There was no change in regard to these points in the five 1 dynasties. What the seven 2 dynasties made changes in, were the assessors at the Great associate and the border sacrifices, and the parties sacrificed to in the ancestral temple ; — they made no other changes. 5. The sovereigns, coming to the possession of the kingdom, divided the land and established the feudal principalities ; they assigned (great) cities (to their nobles), and smaller towns (to their chiefs); they made ancestral temples, and the arrangements for altering the order of the spirit-tablets ; they raised altars, and they cleared the ground around them for the performance of their sacrifices. In all these arrangements they made provision for the sacrifices according to the nearer or more remote kinship, and for the assignment of lands of greater or less amount. Thus the kino- made for himself seven ancestral temples, with a raised altar and the surrounding area for each. The temples were— his fathers; his grandfather's ; his great-grandfather's ; his great- great-grandfather's ; and the temple of his (high) ancestor. At all of these a sacrifice was offered every month. The temples of the more remote ancestors formed the receptacles for the tablets as they were displaced ; they were two, and at these only the seasonal sacrifices were offered. For the removed tablet of one more remote, an altar was 1 Those of Yao, Shun, Hsia, Shang or Yin, and Aau. 2 What these ' seven ' dynasties were is doubtful. Add to the preceding five, the names of Awan-hsii and Khu, and we get the number, all descended from Hwang Ti. The writer must have regarded him as the founder of the Chinese kingdom. BK. XX. Kl FA. 205 raised and its corresponding area ; and on occa- sions of prayer at this altar and area, a sacrifice was offered, but if there were no prayer, there was no sacrifice. In the case of one still more remote, (there was no sacrifice) ; — he was left in his ghostly state. A feudal prince made for himself five ancestral temples, with an altar and a cleared area about it for each. The temples were — his father's ; his grand- father's ; and his great-grandfather's ; in all of which a sacrifice was offered every month. In the temples of the great-great-grandfather, and that of the (high) ancestor only, the seasonal sacrifices were offered. For one beyond the high ancestor a special altar was raised, and for one still more remote, an area was prepared. If there were prayer at these, a sacrifice was offered ; but if there were no prayer, there was no sacrifice. In the case of one still more remote, (there was no service) ; — he was left in his ghostly state. A Great officer made for himself three ancestral temples and two altars. The temples were — his father's ; his grandfather's ; and his great-grand- father's. In this only the seasonal sacrifices were offered. To the great-great-grandfather and the (high) ancestor there were no temples. If there were occasion for prayer to them, altars were raised, and sacrifices offered on them. An ancestor still more remote was left in his ghostly state. An officer of the highest grade had two ancestral temples and one altar ; — the temples of his father and grandfather, at which only the seasonal sacrifices were presented. There was no temple for his great- grandfather. If there were occasion to pray to him, an altar was raised, and a sacrifice offered to him. 206 THE LI A'L BK. XX. Ancestors more remote were left in their ghostly state. An officer in charge merely of one department had one ancestral temple ; that, namely, of his father. There was no temple for his grandfather, but he was sacrificed to (in the father's temple.) Ancestors beyond the grandfather were left in their ghostly state. The mass of ordinary officers and the common people had no ancestral temple. Their dead were left in their ghostly state, (to have offerings presented to them in the back apartment, as occasion required). 6. The king, for all the people, erected an altar to (the spirit of) the ground, called the Grand altar, and one for himself, called the Royal altar. A feudal prince, for all his people, erected one called the altar of the state, and one for himself called the altar of the prince. Great officers and all below them in association erected such an altar, called the Appointed altar. 7. The king, for all the people, appointed (seven altars for) the seven sacrifices : — one to the super- intendent of the lot ; one in the central court, for the admission of light and the rain from the roofs ; one at the gates of the city wall ; one in the roads leading from the city ; one for the discontented ghosts of kings who had died without posterity ; one for the guardian of the door ; and one for the guardian of the furnace. He also had seven corresponding altars for himself. A feudal prince, for his state, appointed (five altars for) the five sacrifices: — one for the superintendent of the lot ; one in the central court, for the admission of light and rain ; one at the gates of the city wall ; bk. xx. k! fa. 207 one in the roads leading from the city ; one for the discontented ghosts of princes who had died without posterity. He also had five corresponding altars for himself. A Great officer appointed (three altars for) the three sacrifices : — one for the discontented ghosts of his predecessors who had died without posterity ; one at the gates of his city ; and one on the roads leading from it. An officer of the first grade appointed (two altars for) the two sacrifices : — one at the gates, and one on the roads (outside the gates). Other officers and the common people had one (altar and one) sacrifice. Some raised one altar for the guardian of the door ; and others, one for the guardian of the furnace. 8. The king, carrying down (his favour), sacri- ficed to five classes of those who had died pre- maturely : — namely, to the rightful eldest sons (of former kings) ; to rightful grandsons ; to rightful great-grandsons ; to rightful great-great-grandsons ; and to the rightful sons of these last. A feudal prince, carrying down (his favour), sacri- ficed to three classes ; a Great officer similarly to two ; another officer of the first grade and the common people sacrificed only to the son who had died prematurely1. 9. According to the institutes of the sage kings about sacrifices, sacrifice should be offered to him who had given (good) laws to the people ; to him 1 From paragraph 1 down to this is absent from the expurgated edition of Fan 3ze-tang, which P. Callery translated, so that the book contains in it only the one long paragraph that follows. 2o8 THE LI k\. bk. xx. who had laboured to the death in the discharge of his duties ; to him who had strengthened the state by his laborious toil ; to him who had boldly and successfully met great calamities ; and to him who had warded off great evils. Such were the following : — Nang, the son of the lord of Li-shan \ who possessed the kingdom, and showed how to cultivate all the cereals; and KJA (the progenitor) of Aau, who continued his work after the decay of Hsia, and was sacrificed to under the name of K\ 2 ; Hau-thu, a son of the line of Kung-kung 3, that swayed the nine provinces, who was able to reduce them all to order, and was sacri- ficed to as the spirit of the ground ; the Ti Kk\x, who could define all the zodiacal stars, and exhibit their times to the people ; Yao, who rewarded (the worthy), made the penal laws impartial, and the end of whose course was distinguished by his righteous- ness ; Shun, who, toiling amid all his affairs, died in the country (far from his capital) ; Yu, (the son of) Khwan, who was kept a prisoner till death for trying to dam up the waters of the flood, while Yu com- pleted the work, and atoned for his father's failure ; Hwang Ti, who gave everything its right name, thereby showing the people how to avail themselves of its qualities ; ATwan-hsii, who completed this work 1 Li-shan is generally mentioned as Lieh-shan, and sometimes Lien-shan. Where the country so-called was, we do not know. Nang, or Shan Nang, is generally accepted as the first of the line, about b.c. 3072. 2 This account of K\ is given confusedly. 3 It is difficult to find a place in chronology for this Kung-kung. An article in the 3o A'wan (under duke A"ao's seventeenth year, paragraph 3) places him between Fu-hsi and Shan Nang. BK. XX. Kl FA. 209 of Hwang Ti ; Hsieh, who was minister of Instruc- tion, and perfected the (condition and manners of the) people ; Ming, who, through his attention to the duties of his office, died in the waters ; Thang, who ruled the people with a benignant sway and cut off their oppressor ; and king Wan, who by his peaceful rule, and king Wu, who by his martial achievements, delivered the people from their afflic- tions. All these rendered distinguished services to the people. As to the sun and moon, the stars and constella- tions, the people look up to them, while mountains, forests, streams, valleys, hills, and mountains supply them with the materials for use which they require. Only men and things of this character were admitted into the sacrificial canon. 08] BOOK XXI, K\ 1 OR THE MEANING OF SACRIFICES1. Section I. i. Sacrifices should not be frequently repeated. Such frequency is indicative of importunateness ; and importunateness is inconsistent with reverence. Nor should they be at distant intervals. Such in- frequency is indicative of indifference ; and indiffer- ence leads to forgetting them altogether. Therefore the superior man, in harmony with the course of Heaven, offers the sacrifices of spring2 and autumn. When he treads on the dew which has descended as hoar-frost he cannot help a feeling of sadness, which arises in his mind, and cannot be ascribed to the cold. In spring, when he treads on the ground, wet with the rains and dews that have fallen heavily, he cannot avoid being moved by a feeling as if he were seeing his departed friends. We meet the approach of our friends with music, and escort them away with sadness, and hence at the sacrifice in spring we use music, but not at the sacrifice in autumn. 2. The severest vigil and purification is main- tained and carried on inwardly ; while a looser vigil 1 See the introduction, vol. xxvii, pages 36, 37. 2 The spring sacrifice is here called ti (ifirj))> probably by mis- take for yo (jp|g)) the proper name for it. SECT. I. Kl 1. 211 is maintained externally. During the days of such vigil, the mourner thinks of his departed, how and where they sat, how they smiled and spoke, what were their aims and views, what they delighted in, and what things they desired and enjoyed. On the third day of such exercise he will see those for whom it is employed. 3. On the day of sacrifice, when he enters the apartment (of the temple), he will seem to see (the deceased) in the place (where his spirit-tablet is). After he has moved about (and performed his operations), and is leaving at the door, he will seem to be arrested by hearing the sound of his move- ments, and will sigh as he seems to hear the sound of his sighing. 4. Thus the filial piety taught by the ancient kings required that the eyes of the son should not forget the looks (of his parents), nor his ears their voices ; and that he should retain the memory of their aims, likings, and wishes. As he gave full play to his love, they seemed to live again ; and to his reverence, they seemed to stand out before him. So seeming to live and stand out, so unforgotten by him, how could his sacrifices be without the accompaniment of reverence ? 5. The superior man, while (his parents) are alive, reverently nourishes them ; and, when they are dead, he reverently sacrifices to them ; — his (chief) thought is how to the end of life not to disgrace them. The saying that the superior man mourns all his life for his parents has reference to the recurrence of the day of their death. That he does not do his ordinary work on that day does not mean that it would be unpropitious to do so ; it p 2 212 THE Lf Ki. BK. XXI. means that on that day his thoughts are occupied with them, and he does not dare to occupy him- self as on other days with his private and personal affairs. 6. It is only the sage1 who can sacrifice to God, and (only) the filial son who can sacrifice to his parents. Sacrificing means directing one's self to. The son directs his thoughts (to his parents), and then he can offer his sacrifice (so that they shall enjoy it). Hence the filial son approaches the personator of the departed without having occasion to blush ; the ruler leads the victim forward, while his wife puts down the bowls ; the ruler presents the offerings to the personator, while his wife sets forth the various dishes ; his ministers and Great officers assist the ruler, while their acknowledged wives assist his wife. How well sustained was their reverence ! How complete was the expression of their loyal devotion ! How earnest was their wish that the departed should enjoy the service ! 7. King Wan, in sacrificing, served the dead as if he were serving the living. He thought of them dead as if he did not wish to live (any longer him- self) 2. On the recurrence of their death-day, he was sad ; in calling his father by the name else- where forbidden, he looked as if he saw him. So sincere was he in sacrificing that he looked as if he saw the things which his father loved, and the 1 According to rule, and in fact, only the sovereign sacrifices to God. He may be ' a sage,' but more frequently is not. But the ritual of China should impress on him, as on no other person, the truth in the words ' noblesse oblige.' 2 Khan Hao says here: — 'As if he wished to die himself and follow them.' SECT. I. Jrf i. 213 pleased expression of his face : — such was king Wan ! The lines of the ode (II, v, ode 2), ' When early dawn unseals my eyes, Before my mind my parents rise/ might be applied to king Wan. On the day after the sacrifice, when the day broke, he did not sleep, but hastened to repeat it ; and after it was finished, he still thought of his parents. On the day of sacrifice his joy and sorrow were blended together. He could not but rejoice in the opportunity of offer- ing the sacrifice ; and when it was over, he could not but be sad. 8. At the autumnal sacrifice, when Aung-nf ad- vanced, bearing the offerings, his general appear- ance was indicative of simple sincerity, but his steps were short and oft repeated. When the sacrifice was over, 3ze-kung questioned him, saying, ' Your account of sacrificing was that it should be marked by the dignity and intense absorption of all engaged in it ; and now how is it that in your sacrificing there has been no such dignity and absorption?' The Master said, ' That dignity of demeanour should belong to those who are only distantly con- nected (with him who is sacrificed to), and that absorbed demeanour to one whose thoughts are turned in on himself (lest he should make any mis- take). But how should such demeanour consist with communion with the spirits (sacrificed to) ? How should such dignity and absorption be seen in my sacrifice ? (At the sacrifices of the king and rulers) there is the return of the personator to his apart- ment, and the offering of food to him there ; there are the performances of the music, and the setting forth of the stands with the victims on them ; there 214 THE L^ K^ BK" XXI' are the ordering of the various ceremonies and the music ; and there is the complete array of the officers for all the services. When they are engaged in the maintenance of that dignity and absorption in their duties, how can they be lost in their aban- donment to intercourse with the spiritual presences ? Should words be understood only in one way? Each saying has its own appropriate application.' 9, When a filial son is about to sacrifice, he is anxious that all preparations should be made before- hand ; and when the time arrives, that everything necessary should be found complete ; and then, with a mind free from all pre-occupation, he should address himself to the performance of his sacrifice. The temple and its apartments having been re- paired, the walls and roofs having been put in order, and all the assisting officers having been provided, husband and wife, after vigil and footing, bathe their heads and persons, and array themselves in full dress. In coming in with the things which they carry, how grave and still are they ! how ab- sorbed in what they do ! as if they were not able to sustain their weight, as if they would let them fall : — Is not theirs the highest filial reverence ? He sets forth the stands with the victims on them ; arranges all the ceremonies and music ; provides the officers for the various ministries. These aid in sustaining and bringing in the things, and thus he declares his mind and wish, and in his lost abstraction of mind seeks to have communion with the dead in their spiritual state, if peradventure they will enjoy his offerings, if peradventure they will do so. Such is the aim of the filial son (in his sacrifices) ! 10. The filial son, in sacrificing, seems never able SECT. I. *M. 215 to exhaust his earnest purpose, his sincerity, and reverence. He observes every rule, without trans- gression or short-coming. His reverence appears in his movements of advancing and retiring, as if he were hearing the orders (of his parents), or as if they were perhaps directing him. 11. What the sacrifice of a filial son should be can be known. While he is standing (waiting for the service to commence), he should be reverent, with his body somewhat bent ; while he is engaged in carrying forward the service, he should be reverent, with an expression of pleasure ; when he is presenting the offerings, he should be reverent, with an expression of desire. He should then retire and stand, as if he were about to receive orders ; when he has removed the offerings and (finally) retires, the expression of reverent gravity should continue to be worn on his face. Such is the sacrifice of a filial son. To stand without any inclination of the body would show insensibility ; to carry the service for- ward without an expression of pleasure would show indifference ; to present the offerings without an expression of desire (that they may be enjoyed) would show a want of love ; to retire and stand without seeming to expect to receive orders would show pride; to retire and stand, after the removal of the offerings, without an expression of reverent gravity would show a forgetfulness of the parent to whom he owes his being. A sacrifice so conducted would be wanting in its proper characteristics. 12. A filial son, cherishing a deep love (for his parents), is sure to have a bland air ; having a bland air, he will have a look of pleasure ; having a look 2l6 THE Li kI. BK. XXI. of pleasure, his demeanour will be mild and com- pliant. A filial son will move as if he were carrying a jade symbol, or bearing a full vessel. Still and grave, absorbed in what he is doing, he will seem as if he were unable to sustain the burden, and in danger of letting it fall. A severe gravity and austere manner are not proper to the service of parents ; — such is the manner of a full-grown man. 13. There were five things by means of which the ancient kings secured the good government of the whole kingdom : — the honour which they paid to the virtuous ; to the noble ; and to the old ; the reverence which they showed to the aged ; and their kindness to the young. It was by these five things that they maintained the stability of the kingdom. Why did they give honour to the virtuous ? Because of their approximation to the course of duty *. They did so to the noble because of their approximation to the position of the ruler ; and to the old because of their approximation to that of parents. They showed reverence to the aged, be- cause of their approximation to the position of elder brothers ; and kindness to the young, because of their approximation to the position of sons. 1 P. Callery translates this by — 'Parce qu'ils sont proche de la \6r\l6,' saying in a note: — 'According to the Chinese philo- sophers, they understand by teh (|j|i) that which man has obtained by his own efforts or the virtue he has acquired, and by tao QH") that which all men should be striving to reach, what is suitable, what is in order, or virtue in the abstract. Now, as I think, there is nothing but truth which satisfies these conditions, for, according to the Christian philosophy, God Himself is the truth,' &c. Zottoli's translation is, ' Quia hi appropinquant ad per- fectionem.' SECT. I. k! I 217 14. Therefore he who is perfectly filial approxi- mates to be king, and he who is perfectly fraternal approximates to being presiding chieftain. He who is perfectly filial approximates to being king, for even the son of Heaven had the father (whom he must revere) ; and he who is perfectly fraternal approximates to being presiding chieftain, for even a feudal lord had his elder brothers (or cousins), (whom he must obey). The observance of the lessons of the ancient kings, without admitting any change in them, was the way by which they united and kept together the kingdom with its states and families K 15. The Master said, 'The laying the foundation of (all) love in the love of parents teaches people concord. The laying the foundation of (all) rever- ence in the reverence of elders teaches the people obedience. When taught loving harmony, the people set the (proper) value on their parents; when taught to reverence their superiors, the people set the (proper) value in obeying the orders given to them. Filial piety in the service of parents, and obedience in the discharge of orders can be displayed throughout the kingdom, and they will everywhere take effect. 16. At (the time of) the border sacrifice (to Heaven), those who are engaged in funeral rites do not dare to wail, and those who are wearing mourn- ing do not dare to enter the gate of the capital ; — this is the highest expression of reverence. 17. On the day of sacrifice, the ruler led the victim forward, along with and assisted by his son on 1 The sequence in the writer's mind in this paragraph almost eludes my discovery ; it does so still more in the translation of it by Callery and Zottoli. 2l8 THE L? A'L BK. XXI. the opposite side; while the Great officers followed in order. When they had entered the gate of the temple, they fastened the victim to the stone pillar. The ministers and Great officers then bared their arms, and proceeded to inspect the hair, paying par- ticular attention to that of the ears. They then with the knife with the bells attached to it, cut it open, took out the fat about the inwards, and withdrew (for a time1). Afterwards they offered some of the flesh boiled, and some raw, then (finally) withdrawing. There was the highest reverence about everything. 1 8. The sacrifice in the suburb of the capital was the great expression of gratitude to Heaven, and it was specially addressed to the sun, with which the moon was associated2. The sovereigns of Hsia presented it in the dark. Under the Yin dynasty they did so 1 They withdrew for a time, ' to offer the hair and blood.' 2 This sentence is translated byZottoli: — 'Coeli sacrificio summe rependitur coelum sed potissimum intenditur sol, consociatus cum luna.' Callery says :— ' Le sacrifice qu'on offre dans la campagne est un acte de grande reconnaissance envers le ciel, et principale- ment envers le soleil, auquel on associe la lune.' Here, again, nature-worship seems to crop up. KJrkn Hao says on the passage : — ' Heaven is the great source of tao (the course of nature and duty), and of all the visible bodies which it hangs out, there are none greater than the sun and moon. There- fore, while the object of the suburban sacrifice was a grateful acknowledgment of Heaven, the sun was chosen as the resting- place for its spirit (or spirits). The idea in the institution of the rite was deep and far-reaching.' It must be borne in mind that the rites described in the text are those of former dynasties, especially of that of iTau. I cannot bring to mind any passages in which there is mention made of any sacrifice to the sun or sun- spirit in connexion with the great sacrifice to Heaven, or Shang T i, at the service on the day of the winter solstice in the southern suburb. SECT. I. Ki 1. 219 at noon. Under the A'au they sacrificed all the day, especially at daybreak, and towards evening. 19. They sacrificed to the sun on the altar, and to the moon in the hollow; — to mark the distinction be- tween (the) gloom (of the one) and (the) brightness (of the other), and to show the difference between the high and the low. They sacrificed to the sun in the east, and to the moon in the west; — to mark the dis- tinction between (the) forthcoming (of the former) and (the) withdrawing (of the latter), and to show the correctness of their (relative) position. The sun comes forth from the east, and the moon appears in the west ; the darkness and the light are now long, now short; when the one ends, the other begins, in regular succession : — thus producing the harmony of all under the sky1. 20. The rites to be observed by all under heaven were intended to promote the return (of the mind) to the beginning ( = Creator of all); to promote (the honouring of) spiritual Beings ; to promote the har- monious use (of all resources and appliances) of government ; to promote righteousness ; and to promote humility. They promote the return to the beginning, securing the due consideration of their originator. They promote (the honouring) of spiritual Beings, securing the giving honour to superiors. They promote the (proper) use of all resources, thereby establishing the regulations (for the well-being of) the people. They promote 1 The sacrifices in this paragraph are those at the equinoxes ; that to the sun at the vernal in the eastern suburb, and that to the moon at the autumnal in the western suburb. They are still main- tained. See the ritual of the present dynasty (^ y'pj ^ /][&), Book VIII, where the former is called tjiJJ £J , and the latter Af ^f . 220 THE LI Kt. BK. XXI. righteousness, and thus there are no oppositions and conflictings between high and low. They promote humility, in order to prevent occasions of strife. Let these five things be united through the rites for the regulation of all under heaven, and though there may be some extravagant and perverse who are not kept in order, they will be few. Section II. i. 3ai Wo said, ' I have heard the names Kwei and Shan, but I do not know what they mean1.' The Master said, 'The (intelligent) spirit2 is of the shan nature, and shows that in fullest measure ; the animal soul is of the kwei nature, and shows that in fullest measure. It is the union of kwei and shan that forms the highest exhibition of doctrine. ' All the living must die, and dying, return to the ground; this is what is called kwei. The bones and flesh moulder below, and, hidden away, become the earth of the fields. But the spirit issues forth, and is displayed on high in a condition of glorious brightness. The vapours and odours which produce a feeling of sadness, (and arise from the decay of their substance), are the subtle essences of all things, and (also) a manifestation of the shan nature. 1 I am unable to give a translation of the characters kwei \y^) and shan, so as to make the meaning readily intelligible to the English reader. Callery gives for them 'L'ame et l'esprit.' Zottoli, 'Manes Spiritusque.' Evidently the question is about the application of them to the dead and gone, and the component elements of the human constitution. 2 The character in the text here is kh\ (|jj), 'the breath.' Zottoli translates it by 'rationalis vis,' and Callery by 'la respi- ration de l'homme.' SECT. II. A:! I. 221 ' On the ground of these subtle essences of things, with an extreme decision and inventiveness, (the sages) framed distinctly (the names of) kwei and shan, to constitute a pattern for the black-haired race1; and all the multitudes were filled with awe, and the myriads of the people constrained to submission.' 2. ' The sages did not consider these (names) to be sufficient, and therefore they built temples with their (different) apartments, and framed their rules for an- cestors who were always to be honoured, and those whose tablets should be removed; — thus making a distinction for nearer and more distant kinship, and for ancestors the remote and the recent, and teaching the people to go back to their oldest fathers, and re- trace their beginnings, not forgetting those to whom they owed their being. In consequence of this the multitude submitted to their lessons, and listened to them with a quicker readiness. 3. ' These two elements (of the human constitu- tion) having been established (with the two names), two ceremonies were framed in accordance with them. They appointed the service of the morning, when the fat of the inwards was burned so as to bring out its fragrance, and this was mixed with the blaze of dried southern-wood. This served as a tribute to the (intelligent) spirit, and taught all to go back to their originating ancestors. They (also) presented millet and rice, and offered the delicacies of the liver, lungs, head, and heart, along with two bowls (of 1 It is observed by many of the commentators that the characters here employed for ' black-haired race ' were unused in the time of Confucius, and became current under the K/iin dynasty. 22 2 THE Li Kl. BK. XXI. liquor) and odoriferous spirits. This served as a tribute to the animal soul, and taught the people to love one another, and high and low to cultivate good feeling between them; — such was the effect of those ceremonies. 4. ' The superior man, going back to his ancient fathers, and returning to the authors of his being, does not foreet those to whom he owes his life, and therefore he calls forth all his reverence, gives free vent to his feelings, and exhausts his strength in dis- charging the above service; — as a tribute of gratitude to his parents he dares not but do his utmost1.' 5. Thus it was that anciently the son of Heaven had his field of a thousand acres, in which he himself held the plough, wearing the square-topped cap with red ties. The feudal princes also had their field of a hundred acres, in which they did the same, wearing the same cap with green ties. They did this in the service of Heaven, Earth, the Spirits of the land and grain, and their ancient fathers, to supply the new wine, cream, and vessels of grain. In this way did they procure these things; — it was a great expression of their reverence. 6. Anciently, the son of Heaven and the feudal lords had their officers who attended to their animals ; and at the proper seasons, after vigil and fasting, they washed their heads, bathed, and visited them in person2, taking from them for victims those which 1 The above conversation with 3&i Wo is found in the ' Narra- A tives of the School,' Article 1 7, headed ' Duke Ai's Questions about Government;' and the reply of Confucius ends here. I hesitate, therefore, to continue the points of quotation in what follows. 2 The first day, probably, of the last month of spring. If it were not bright, perhaps another was chosen. SECT. II. £1 f. 223 were spotless and perfect; — it was a great expression of their reverence. The ruler ordered the oxen to be brought before him, and inspected them ; he chose them by their hair, divined whether it would be fortunate to use them, and if the response were favourable, he had them cared for. In his skin cap, and the white skirt gathered up at the waist, on the first day and at the middle of the month, he inspected them. Thus did he do his utmost; — it was the height of filial piety. 7. Anciently, the son of Heaven and the feudal lords had their own mulberry trees and silkworms' house; the latter built near a river, ten cubits in height, the surrounding walls being topped with thorns, and the gates closed on the outside. In the early morning of a very bright day, the ruler, in his skin cap and the white skirt, divined for the most auspicious of the honourable ladies in the three palaces of his wife1, who were then employed to take the silkworms into the house. They washed the seeds in the stream, gathered the leaves from the mulberry trees, and dried them in the wind to feed the worms. When the (silkworm) year was ended, the honour- able ladies had finished their work with the insects, and carried the cocoons to show them to the ruler. They then presented them to his wife, who said, ' Will not these supply the materials for the ruler's robes?' She forthwith received them, wearing her head-dress and the robe with pheasants on it, and afterwards caused a sheep and a pig to be killed and 1 The queen had six palaces ; the wife of a prince, three. The writer confines his account here to the latter. 2 24 THE Li KI. BK. XXI. cooked to treat (the ladies). This probably was the ancient custom at the presentation of the cocoons. Afterwards, on a good day, the wife rinsed some of them thrice in a vessel, beginning to unwind them, and then distributed them to the auspicious and honourable ladies of her three palaces to (complete) the unwinding. They then dyed the thread red and green, azure and yellow, to make the variously- coloured figures on robes. When the robes were finished, the ruler wore them in sacrificing to the former kings and dukes ; — all displayed the greatest reverence. 8. The superior man says, ' Ceremonies and music should not for a moment be neglected by any one. When one has mastered (the principles of) music, and regulates his heart and mind accordingly, the natural, correct, gentle, and honest heart is easily developed, and with this development of the heart comes joy. This joy goes on to a feeling of repose. This repose is long continued. The man in this constant repose becomes (a sort of) heaven. Heaven-like, his action is spirit-like. Heaven-like, he is believed, though he do not speak. Spirit-like, he is regarded with awe, though he display no rage. So it is when one by his mastering of music regulates his mind and heart. ' When one has mastered (the principle of) cere- monies, and regulates his person accordingly, he be- comes grave and reverential. Grave and reverential, he is regarded with awe. If the heart be for a moment without the feeling of harmony and joy, meanness and deceitfulness enter it. If the out- ward demeanour be for a moment without gravity and reverentialness, indifference and rudeness show themselves. sect. ii. k! i. 225 ' Therefore the sphere in which music acts is the interior of man, and that of ceremonies is his exterior. The result of music is a perfect harmony, and that of ceremonies is a perfect observance (of propriety). When one's inner man is thus harmonious, and his outer man thus docile, the people behold his coun- tenance and do not strive with him; they look to his demeanour, and no feeling of indifference or rudeness arises in them. Thus it is that when virtue shines and moves within (a superior), the people are sure to accept (his rule) and hearken to him; and when the principles (of propriety) are displayed in his conduct, the people are all sure to accept (his rule) and obey him. Therefore it is said, ' Let ceremonies and music have their course till all under heaven is filled with them ; then give them their manifestation and application, and nothing difficult to manage will appear.' Music affects the inward movements (of the soul) ; ceremonies appear in the outward movements (of the body). Hence it is the rule to make cere- monies as few and brief as possible, and to give to music its fullest development. This leads to the forward exhibition of ceremonies, and therein their beauty resides; and to the introspective consideration of music, and therein its beauty resides. If cere- monies, demanding this condensation, did not receive this forward exhibition of them, they would almost disappear altogether; if music, demanding this full development, were not accompanied with the intro- spection, it would produce a dissipation of the mind. Thus it is that to every ceremony there is its proper response, and for music there is this introspection. When ceremonies are responded to, there arises [28] Q 2 26 THE Li k\. BK. XXI. pleasure, and when music is accompanied with the right introspection, there arises repose. The response of ceremony and the introspection of music spring from one and the same idea, and have one and the same object. 9. 3ang-$ze said, ' There are three degrees of filial piety. The highest is the honouring of our parents; the second is the not disgracing them ; and the lowest is the being able to support them.' 10. (His disciple), Kung-ming I, said, ' Can you, master, be considered (an example of a) filial son ? ' 3ang-$ze replied, ' What words are these ? What words are these? What the superior man calls filial piety requires the anticipation of our parents' wishes, the carrying out of their aims and their instruction in the path (of duty). I am simply one who supports his parents ; — how can I be considered filial?' 1 1. 3ang-jze said, ' The body is that which has been transmitted to us by our parents ; dare any one allow himself to be irreverent in the employment of their legacy? If a man in his own house and privacy be not grave, he is not filial; if in serving his ruler, he be not loyal, he is not filial ; if in discharging the duties of office, he be not reverent, he is not filial ; if with friends he be not sincere, he is not filial; if on the field of battle he be not brave, he is not filial. If he fail in these five things, the evil (of the disgrace) will reach his parents ; — dare he but reverently attend to them?' To prepare the fragrant flesh and grain which he has cooked, tasting and then presenting them before his parents, is not filial piety; it is only nourishing them. He whom the superior man pronounces filial is he whom (all) the people of (his) state praise, SECT. II. k1 f. 227 saying with admiration, ' Happy are the parents who have such a son as this!' — -that indeed is what can be called being filial. The fundamental lesson for all is filial piety. The practice of it is seen in the support (of parents). One may be able to support them ; the difficulty is in doing so with the proper reverence. One may attain to that reverence ; — the difficulty is to do so without self-constraint. That freedom from constraint may be realised ; — the diffi- culty is to maintain it to the end. When his parents are dead, and the son carefully watches over his actions, so that a bad name, (involving) his parents, shall not be handed down, he may be said to be able to maintain his piety to the end. True love is the love of this ; true propriety is the doing of this; true righteousness is the Tightness of this ; true sincerity is being sincere in this; true strength is being strong in this. Joy springs from conformity to this ; punish- ments spring from the violation of this. 12. 3^ng-jze said, ' Set up filial piety, and it will fill the space from earth to heaven ; spread it out, and it will extend over all the ground to the four seas; hand it down to future ages, and from morning to evening it will be observed; push it on to the eastern sea, the western sea, the southern sea, and the northern sea, and it will be (everywhere) the law for men, and their obedience to it will be uniform. There will be a fulfilment of the words of the ode (III, i, ode 10, 6), " From west to east, from south to north, There was no unsubmissive thought." 13. 3^ngize said, 'Trees are felled and animals killed, (only) at the proper seasons. The Master said1, 1 The master here is Confucius. The record of his saying is found only here. Q 2 2 28 THE Li KL BK. XXI. " To fell a single tree, or kill a single animal, not at the proper season, is contrary to filial piety." There are three degrees of filial piety : — the least, seen in the employment of one's strength (in the service of parents) ; the second, seen in the en- durance of toil (for them) ; and the greatest, seen in its never failing. Thinking of the gentleness and love (of parents) and forgetting our toils (for them) may be called the employment of strength. Honour- ing benevolences and resting with the feeling of repose in righteousness may be called the endurance of toil ; the wide dispensation of benefits and the providing of all things (necessary for the people) may be called the piety that does not fail. When his parents love him, to rejoice, and not allow himself to forget them ; when they hate him, to fear and yet feel no resentment ; when they have faults, to remonstrate with them, and yet not with- stand them ; when they are dead, to ask (the help only of) the good to obtain the grain with which to sacrifice to them : — this is what is called the com- pletion (by a son) of his proper services. 14. The disciple Yo-^ang K/mn1 injured his foot in descending from his hall, and for some months was not able to go out. Even after this he still wore a look of sorrow, and (one of the) disciples of the school said to him, ' Your foot, master, is better ; and though for some months you could not go out, why should you still wear a look of sorrow ? ' Yo- £ang AVzun replied, ( It is a good question which 1 Yo-X'ang jOun evidently was a disciple of 3ang-jze. Men- cius had a disciple of the same surname, Yo-^ang Kho (I, ii, 16). Another is mentioned by him (V, ii, 3). Lieh-jze mentions a fourth. The Yo-£angs are said to have sprung from the ducal stock of Sung. SECT. II. A'i i. 229 you ask ! It is a good question which you ask ! I heard from 3ang-jze what he had heard the Master say, that of all that Heaven produces and Earth nourishes, there is none so great as man. His parents give birth to his person all complete, and to return it to them all complete may be called filial duty. When no member has been mutilated and no disgrace done to any part of the person, it may be called complete ; and hence a superior man does not dare to take the slightest step in forgetfulness of his filial duty. But now I forgot the way of that, and therefore I wear the look of sorrow. (A son) should not forget his parents in a single lifting up of his feet, nor in the utterance of a single word. He should not forget his parents in a single lifting up of his feet, and therefore he will walk in the highway and not take a by-path, he will use a boat and not attempt to wade through a stream ; — not daring, with the body- left him by his parents, to go in the way of peril He should not forget his parents in the utterance of a single word, and therefore an evil word will not issue from his mouth, and an angry word will not come back to his person. Not to disgrace his per- son and not to cause shame to his parents may be called filial duty.' 15. Anciently, the sovereigns of the line of Yii honoured virtue, and highly esteemed age ; the sovereigns of Hsia honoured rank, and highly esteemed age ; under Yin they honoured riches, and highly esteemed age ; under A"au, they honoured kinship, and highly esteemed age. Yti, Hsia, Yin, and A"au produced the greatest kings that have ap- peared under Heaven, and there was not one of them who neglected age. For long has honour been paid 230 THE LI Kl. BK. XXI. to years under the sky; to pay it is next to the service of parents. 1 6. Therefore, at court among parties of the same rank, the highest place was given to the oldest. Men of seventy years carried their staffs at the court. When the ruler questioned one of them, he made him sit on a mat. One of eighty years did not wait out the audience, and when the ruler would question him he went to his house. Thus the submission of a younger brother (and juniors generally) was recog- nised at the court. 1 7. A junior walking with one older (than himself), if they were walking shoulder to shoulder, yet it was not on the same line. If he did not keep trans- versely (a little behind), he followed the other1. When they saw an old man, people in carriages or walking got out of his way. Men, where the white were mingling with their black hairs, did not carry burdens on the roads. Thus the submission of juniors was recognised on the public ways. Residents in the country took their places according to their age, and the old and poor were not neglected, nor did the strong come into collision with the weak, or members of a numerous clan do violence to those of a smaller. Thus the submission of juniors was recognised in the country districts and hamlets2. 18. According to the ancient rule, men of fifty years were not required to serve in hunting expedi- tions 3 ; and in the distribution of the game, a larger 1 If the elder were a brother or cousin, the junior kept a little behind, and apart. If he were an uncle, the other followed in a line. 2 Five Kiu, translated 'districts,' made a 'hsiang/ here translated ' the country districts.' 3 Literally, ' men of the tien ' (jy)). The tien was a tract of SECT. II. k! f. 231 share was given to the more aged. Thus the sub- mission of juniors was recognised in the arrange- ments for the hunts. In the tens and fives of the army and its detachments, where the rank was the same, places were given according to age. Thus the submission of juniors was recognised in the army. 19. The display of filial and fraternal duty in the court ; the practice of them on the road ; their reaching to the districts and hamlets ; their extension to the huntings ; and the cultivation of them in the army, (have thus been described). All would have died for them under the constraint of righteousness, and not dared to violate them. 20. The sacrifice in the Hall of Distinction served to inculcate filial duty on the feudal lords ; the feast- ing of the three classes of the old and five classes of the experienced in the Great college served to inculcate brotherly submission on those princes ; the sacrifices to the worthies of former times in the western school served to inculcate virtue on them ; the (king's) ploughing in the field set apart for him, served to teach them the duty of nourishing (the people) ; their appearances at court in spring and autumn served to inculcate on them their duty as subjects or ministers. Those five institutions were the great lessons for the kingdom. 21. When feasting the three classes of the old and five classes of the experienced, the son of Heaven bared his arm, cut up the bodies of the victims, and handed round the condiments ; he also presented considerable size ; contributing to the army a chariot, three mailed men, and seventy-two foot-men. There was a levy on it also of men to serve in the hunting expeditions. 1/ 232 THE Li Kt. BK. XXI. the cup with which they rinsed their mouths, wearing the square-topped cap, and carrying a shield. It was thus he inculcated brotherly submission on the princes. It was thus that in the country and villages regard was paid to age, that the old and poor were not neglected, and that the members of a numerous clan did not oppress those of a smaller ; — these things came from the Great college. The son of Heaven appointed the four schools; and when his eldest son entered one of them, he took his place according to his age. 22. When the son of Heaven was on a tour of inspection, the princes (of each quarter) met him on their borders. The son of Heaven first visited those who were a hundred years old. If there were those of eighty or ninety, on the way to the east, he, though going to the west, did not dare to pass by (with- out seeing them) ; and so, if their route was to the west, and his to the west. If he wished to speak of matters of government, he, though ruler, might go to them. 23. Those who had received the first degree of office took places according to age (at meetings) in the country and villages ; those who had received the second, took places in the same way (at meetings) of all the members of their relatives. Those who had received the third degree did not pay the same regard to age. But at meetings of all the members of a clan no one dared to take precedence of one who was seventy years old. Those who were seventy, did not go to court un- less for some great cause. When they did so for such a cause, the ruler would bow and give place to them, afterwards going on to the parties possessed of rank. SECT. II. k! t. 233 24. Whatever good was possessed by the son of Heaven, he humbly ascribed the merit of it to Heaven ; whatever good was possessed by a feudal lord, he ascribed it to the son of Heaven ; whatever good was possessed by a minister or Great officer, he attributed it to the prince of his state ; whatever good was possessed by an officer or a common man, he assigned the ground of it to his parents, and the preservation of it to his elders. Emolument, rank, felicitations, and rewards were (all) transacted in the ancestral temple ; and it was thus that they showed (the spirit of) submissive deference. 25. Anciently, the sages, having determined the phenomena of heaven and earth in their states of rest and activity, made them the basis of the Yi (and divining by it). The diviner held the tortoise-shell in his arms, with his face towards the south, while the son of Heaven, in his dragon-robe and square- topped cap, stood with his face to the north. The latter, however intelligent might be his mind, felt it necessary to set forth and obtain a decision on what his object was ; — showing that he did not dare to take his own way, and giving honour to Heaven (as the supreme Decider) \ What was good in him (or in his views) he ascribed to others ; what was wrong, to himself; thus teaching not to boast, and giving honour to men of talents and virtue. 26. When a filial son was about to sacrifice, the 1 Who does not see that, from the writer's point of view, divina- tion was originally had recourse to in the search for an ' infallible ' director in matters to be done ? The Decider was held to be ' Heaven ; ' the error was in thinking that the will of Heaven could be known through any manipulation of the tortoise-shell, or the stalks. 234 THE L^ K^- ■ BK- XXI- rule was that he should have his mind well adjusted and grave, to fit him for giving to all matters their full consideration, for providing the robes and other things, for repairing the temple and its fanes, and for regulating everything. When the day of sacri- fice arrived, the rule was that his countenance should be mild, and his movements show an anxious dread, as if he feared his love were not sufficient. When he put down his offerings, it was required that his demeanour should be mild, and his body bent, as if (his parents) would speak (to him) and had not yet done so ; when the officers assisting had all gone out1, he stood lowly and still, though correct and straight, as if he were about to lose the sight (of his parents). After the sacrifice, he looked pleased and expect- ant, as if they would again enter2. In this way his ingenuousness and goodness were never absent from his person ; his ears and eyes were never withdrawn from what was in his heart ; the exercises of his thoughts never left his parents. What was bound up in his heart was manifested in his countenance ; and he was continually examining himself; — such was the mind of the filial son. 1 The text here is difficult. I have followed A'ang, as has Zottoli ; — the interpretation of £p« 5J!|* as ' assisting officers,' can otherwise be defended. Callery gives for the clause : — ' Toutes les pense*es e"trangeres (au sacrifice) il les chasse au dehors,' which it would be difficult to justify. 2 Here again translation is difficult. Zottoli gives : — ' Cumque sacrificium transiverit, intendet animo, prosequetur ore, quasi mox iterum ingressuri essent.' Callery: — 'Apres le sacrifice il s'en va lentement, comrae (s'il suivait quelqu'un pas a pas, et avait envie) de rentrer (avec lui dans le temple).' SECT. II. k\ i. 235 27. The sites for the altars to the spirits of the land and grain were on the right ; that for the ancestral temple on the left1. 1 That is, with reference to the palace. As you looked out from it to the south, the altars were on the right hand and the temple on the left. BOOK XXII. K\ THUNG OR A SUMMARY ACCOUNT OF SACRIFICES1. i. Of all the methods for the good ordering of men, there is none more urgent than the use of cere- monies. Ceremonies are of five kinds2, and there is none of them more important than sacrifices. Sacrifice is not a thing coming to a man from without ; it issues from within him, and has its birth in his heart. When the heart is deeply moved, expression is given to it by ceremonies ; and hence, only men of ability and virtue can give complete exhibition to the idea of sacrifice. 2. The sacrifices of such men have their own blessing ; — not indeed what the world calls blessing3. Blessing here means perfection ; — it is the name given to the complete and natural discharge of all duties. When nothing is left incomplete or im- properly discharged ; — this is what we call perfection, implying the doing everything that should be done in one's internal self, and externally the performance of everything according to the proper method. There is a fundamental agreement between a loyal subject in his service of his ruler and a filial son in 1 See the introduction, vol. xxvii, pp. 37, 38. 2 The five kinds of ceremonies are the Auspicious (^ including all acts of religious worship) ; the Mourning (\X\) ', those of Hospi- tality (^||) ; the Military (j|t) ; and the Festive Q|Q. 3 Success, longevity, the protection of spiritual Beings. BK. XXII, k! thung. 237 his service of his parents. In the supernal sphere there is a compliance with (what is due to) the repose and expansion of the energies of nature * ; in the external sphere, a compliance with (what is due) to rulers and elders ; in the internal sphere, the filial service of parents ; — all this constitutes what is called perfection. It is only the able and virtuous man who can attain to this perfection ; and can sacrifice when he has attained to it. Hence in the sacrifices of such a man he brings into exercise all sincerity and good faith, with all right-heartedness and reverence ; he offers the (proper) things ; accompanies them with the (proper) rites ; employs the soothing of music ; does everything suitably to the season. Thus intelligently does he offer his sacrifices, without seeking for anything to be gained by them : — such is the heart and mind of a filial son. 3. It is by sacrifice that the nourishment of parents is followed up and filial duty to them perpetuated. The filial heart is a storehouse (of all filial duties). Compliance with everything that can mark his course, and be no violation of the relation (between parent and child) : — the keeping of this is why we call it a storehouse. Therefore in three ways is a filial son's service of his parents shown : — while they are alive, by nourishing them ; when they are dead, by 1 Callery gives for these : — ' Conformity avec les Esprits et les Dieux.' Zottoli : — ' Ordo erga Genios Spiritusque.' Med- hurst : — ' Being obedient to the Kwei Shins.' If they had observed the ' three spheres ' of the writer, I think they would have translated differently. I believe the idea is — ' Compliance with the will of Heaven or God, as seen in the course of Nature and Providence.' 238 THE L? Kt. BK. XXII. all the rites of mourning ; and when the mourning is over by sacrificing to them. In his nourishing them we see his natural obedience ; in his funeral rites we see his sorrow ; in his sacrifices we see his reverence and observance of the (proper) seasons. In these three ways we see the practice of a filial son. 4. When a son had done everything (for his sacrifices) that he could do himself, he proceeded to seek assistance from abroad ; and this came through the rites of marriage. Hence the language of a ruler, when about to marry a wife, was : — ' I beg you, O ruler, to give me your elegant daughter, to share this small state with my poor self, to do service in the ancestral temple, and at the altars to (the spirits of) the land and grain.' This underlay his seeking for that assistance (from abroad). In sacrificing, husband and wife had their several duties which they personally attended to ; and on this account there was the array of officials belong- ing to the exterior and interior departments (of the palace). When these officers were complete, all things necessary (for the service) were made ready : — small things, such as the sourcrout of water plants and pickles from the produce of dry grounds ; and fine things, such as the stands for the bodies of the three victims, and the supplies for the eight dishes. Strange insects and the fruits of plants and trees, produced under the best influences of light and shade, were all made ready. Whatever heaven produces, whatever earth developes in its growth ; — all were then exhibited in the greatest abundance. Every- thing was there from without, and internally there was the utmost effort of the will : — such was the spirit in sacrificing. BK. xxn. 2H THUNG. 239 5. For this reason, also, the son of Heaven him- self guided the plough in the southern suburb, to provide the grain for the sacrificial vessels ; and the queen looked after her silkworms in the northern suburb, to provide the cap and robes of silk. The princes of the states guided the plough in their east- ern suburb, also to provide the grain for the sacrificial vessels, and their wives looked after their silkworms in the northern suburb, to provide the cap and robes of silk. This was not because the son of Heaven and the princes had not men to plough for them, or because the queen and the princes' wives had not women to tend the silkworms for them ; it was to give the exhibition of their personal sincerity. Such sincerity was what is called doing their utmost ; and such doing of their utmost was what is called reve- rence. When they had reverently done their ut- most, they could serve the spiritual Intelligences — such was the way of sacrificing. 6. When the time came for offering a sacrifice, the man wisely gave himself to the work of purification. That purification meant the production of uniformity (in all the thoughts) ; — it was the giving uniformity to all that was not uniform, till a uniform direction of the thoughts was realised. Hence a superior man, un- less for a great occasion, and unless he were animated by a great reverence, did not attempt this purifica- tion. While it was not attained, he did not take precautions against the influence of (outward) things, nor did he cease from all (internal) desires. But when he was about to attempt it, he guarded against all things of an evil nature, and suppressed all his desires. His ears did not listen to music ; — as it is said in the Record, ' People occupied with purification 24O THE LI A't. BK. XXII. have no music,' meaning that they did not venture to allow its dissipation of their minds. He allowed no vain thoughts in his heart, but kept them in a strict adherence to what was right. He allowed no reck- less movement of his hands or feet, but kept them firmly in the way of propriety. Thus the superior man, in his purification, devotes himself to carrying to its utmost extent his refined and intelligent virtue. Therefore there was the looser ordering of the mind for seven days, to bring it to a state of fixed determination ; and the complete ordering of it for three days, to effect the uniformity of all the thoughts. That determination is what is called purification; the final attainment is when the highest degree of refined intelligence is reached. After this it was possible to enter into communion with the spiritual Intelligences. 7. Moreover, on the eleventh day, before that appointed for the sacrifice, the governor of the palace gave warning notice to the wife of the ruler, and she also conducted that looser ordering of her thoughts for seven days, and that more complete ordering of them for three. The ruler accomplished his puri- fication in the outer apartment, and the wife her purification in the inner. After this they met in the grand temple. The ruler, in the dark-coloured square-topped cap, stood at the top of the steps on the east ; his wife in her head-dress and pheasant-embroidered robe stood in the eastern chamber. The ruler from his mace- handled libation-cup poured out the fragrant spirit before the personator of the dead ; and the great minister in charge of the temple with his halfmace- BK. XXII. A'l THUNG. 241 handled cup poured the second libation (for the wife). When the victim was introduced, the ruler held it by the rope ; the ministers and Great officers followed ; other officers carried the dried grass (to lay on the ground when it should be killed) ; the wives of the ruler's surname followed the wife with the basins ; she presented the purified liquid ; the ruler held in his hand the knife with bells ; he prepared the lungs (to be offered to the personator) ; and his wife put them on the dishes and presented them. All this shows what is meant in saying that husband and wife had their parts which they personally performed. 8. When they went in for the dance, the ruler, holding his shield and axe, went to the place for the performance. He took his station at the head of those on the east, and in his square-topped cap, carrying his shield, he led on all his officers, to give pleasure to the august personator of the dead. Hence the son of Heaven in his sacrifices (gave expression to) the joy of all in the kingdom. (In the same way) the feudal princes at their sacrifices (gave expression to) the joy of all within their territories. In their square-topped caps, and carrying their shields, they led on all their officers, to give joy to the august personators : — with the idea of showing the joy of all within their territories. 9. At a sacrifice there were three things specially important. Of the offerings there was none more important than the libation ; of the music there was none more important than the singing in the hall above ; of the pantomimic evolutions there was none more important than that representing (king) Wu's (army) on the night (before his battle). Such was [28] R 242 THE Li Kl. BK. XXII. the practice of the Kau dynasty. All the three things were designed to increase the aim of the superior man by the use of these external representations. Hence their movements in advancing and retreating were regulated by (the degree of) that aim. If it were less intense, they were lighter ; if it were more intense, they were more vehement. If the aim were less intense, and they sought to make the outward representation more vehement, even a sage could not have accomplished this. Therefore the superior man, in sacrificing, exerted himself to the utmost in order to give clear ex- pression to these more important things. He con- ducted everything according to the rules of ceremony, thereby giving prominent exhibition to them, and displaying them to the august personator : — such was the method of the sages. 10. At sacrifices there are the provisions that are left. The dealing with these is the least im- portant thing in sacrifices, but it is necessary to take knowledge of it. Hence there is the saying of antiquity, ' The end must be attended to even as the beginning : ' — there is an illustration of it in these leavings. Hence it was the remark of a superior man of antiquity, that ' The personator also eats what the spirits have left ; — it is a device of kindness, in which may be seen (the method of) government.' Hence, when the personator rose, the ruler and his three ministers partook of what he had left. When the ruler had risen, the six Great officers par- took ; — the officers partook of what the ruler had left. When the Great officers rose, the eight officers partook : — the lower in rank ate what the higher had BK. XXII. Kl THUNG. 243 left. When these officers rose, each one took what was before him and went out, and placed it (in the court) below the hall, when all the inferior attendants entered and removed it : — the inferior class ate what the superior had left. 11. Every change in the disposal of these relics was marked by an increase in the number (of those who partook of them) ; and thus there was marked the distinction between the degrees of the noble and the mean, and a representation given of the dis- pensation of benefits (by the sovereign). Hence by means of the four vessels of millet there is shown the cultivation of this in the ancestral temple, which becomes thereby a representation of all comprised within the confines (of the state). What is done at sacrifices afforded the greatest example of the dispensation of favours1. Hence when the superior possessed the greatest blessing, acts of favour were sure to descend from him to those below him, the only difference being that he enjoyed the blessing first, and those below him after- wards ; — there was no such thing as the superior's accumulating a great amount for himself, while the people below him might be suffering from cold and want. Therefore when the superior enjoyed his great blessing, even private individuals waited till the stream should flow down, knowing that his favours would surely come to them. This was shown by what was done with the relics at sacrifices, and hence came the saying that ' By the dealing with these was seen (the method of) government.' 1 It is difficult to detect the mind of the writer here, and make out the train of his reasoning. Zottoli: — ' Sacrificium, bene- ficiorum maximum est.' Callery : — ' Dans les sacrifices, les bien- R 1 244 THE L^ K*- BK. XXII. 12. Sacrifice is the greatest of all things. Its apparatus of things employed in it is complete, but that completeness springs from all being in accord- ance with the requirements (of nature and reason) : — is it not this which enables us to find in it the basis of all the lessons of the sages ? Therefore those lessons, in the external sphere, inculcated the honour- ing of the ruler and of elders, and, in the internal sphere, filial piety towards parents. Hence, when there was an intelligent ruler above, all his ministers submitted to and followed him. When he reverently sacrificed in his ancestral temple, and at the altars to the (spirits of the) land and grain, his sons and grandsons were filially obedient. He did all his duty in his own walk, and was correct in his righteous- ness ; and thence grew up the lessons (of all duty). Therefore a superior man, in the service of his ruler, should find (guidance for) all his personal con- duct. What does not satisfy him in (the behaviour of) his superiors, he will not show in his employment of those below himself; and what he dislikes in the behaviour of those below him, he will not show in the service of his superiors. To disapprove of any- thing in another, and do the same himself, is contrary to the rule of instruction. Therefore the superior in the inculcation of his lessons, ought to proceed from the foundation (of all duty). This will show him pursuing the greatest method of what is natural and right in the highest degree ; and is not this what is seen in sacrifice ? Hence we have the saying that faits sont la plus grande chose.' Wylie : — ' Sacrifice is the greatest of the virtuous influences.' But is not the writer simply referring to what he has said about the admission of all classes to participate in the relics of a sacrifice? BK. XXII. k! thung. 245 ' The first and greatest teaching is to be found in sacrifice.' 13. In sacrifice there is a recognition of what belongs to ten relationships 1. There are seen in it the method of serving spiritual Beings ; the right- eousness between ruler and subject ; the relation between father and son ; the degrees of the noble and mean ; the distance gradually increasing be- tween relatives ; the bestowment of rank and reward ; the separate duties of husband and wife; impartiality in government affairs ; the order to be observed between old and young ; and the boundaries of high and low. These are what are called the (different duties in the) ten relationships. 14. The spreading of the mat and placing on it a stool to serve for two, was intended as a resting- place for the united spirits (of husband and wife)2. The instruction to the blesser in the apartment and the going out to the inside of the gate 3, was the method pursued in (seeking) communion with the spirits. 15. The ruler went to meet the victim, but not to meet the representative of the dead ; — to avoid mis- construction 4. While the representative was outside 1 Zottoli : — ■' Sacrificium habet decern sensus.' Callery : — ' Les sacrifices renferment dix ordres d'ide'es.' 2 The reason given for this practice is peculiar. * While alive,' says -Oan Hao, ' every individual has his or her own body, and hence in the relation of husband and wife, there are the separate duties to be discharged by each ; but when they are dead, there is no difference or separation between their spiritual essences 0%m |pj ^ffi \M), and one common stool for support is put down for them both.' Is there any truth that these Chinese speculators are groping after ? 3 See vol. xxvii, page 444, paragraph 18. 4 It was not for the ruler to go to meet one who was still a 246 THE LI KL BK. XXII. the gate of the temple, he was to be regarded only as a subject; inside the temple, he had the full character of a ruler. While the ruler was outside the gate of the temple, he was there the ruler; when he entered that gate (on the occasion of the sacrifice), he had the full character of a subject, or a son. Hence his not going forth (to meet the representative) made clear the right distinction be- tween the ruler and subject. 16. According to the rule in sacrifices, a grand- son acted as the representative of his grandfather. Though employed to act the part of representative, yet he was only the son of the sacrificer. When his father, with his face to the north, served him, he made clear how it is the way of a son to serve his father. Thus (sacrifice) illustrated the relation of father and son. 1 7. When the representative had drunk the fifth cup, the ruler washed the cup of jade, and presented it to the ministers. When he had drunk the seventh cup, that of green jasper was presented to the Great officers. When he had drunk the ninth cup, the plain one varnished was presented to the ordinary officers, and all who were taking part in the service. In all the classes the cup passed from one to another, according to age ; and thus were shown the deo-rees of rank as more honourable and lower. 18. At the sacrifice the parties taking part in it were arranged on the left and right, according to their order of descent from the common ancestor, and thus the distinction was maintained between the order of fathers and sons, the near and the subject, and had not yet entered on the function, which placed him in a position of superiority for the time and occasion. BK. XXII. k\ thung. 247 distant, the older and the younger, the more nearly related and the more distantly, and there was no confusion. Therefore at the services in the grand ancestral temple, all in the two lines of descent were present, and no one failed to receive his proper place in their common relationship. This was what was called (showing) the distance gradually increas- ing between relatives. 19. Anciently the intelligent rulers conferred rank on the virtuous, and emoluments on the meritorious; and the rule was that this should take place in the Grand temple, to show that they did not dare to do it on their own private motion. Therefore, on the day of sacrifice, after the first presenting (of the cup to the representative), the ruler descended and stood on the south of the steps on the east, with his face to the south, while those who were to receive their appointments stood facing the north. The recorder was on the right of the ruler, holding the tablets on which the appointments were written. He read these, and (each man) bowed twice, with his head to the ground, received the writing, returned (home), and presented it in his (own) ancestral temple : — such was the way in which rank and reward were given. 20. The ruler, in the dragon robe and square- topped cap, stood at the top of the steps on the east, while his wife in her head-dress and pheasant- embroidered robe, stood in the chamber on the east. When the wife presented and put down the dishes on stands, she held them by the foot ; (the officer) who held the vessels with new wine, presented them to her, holding them by the bottom ; when the repre- sentative of the dead was handing the cup to the wife, he held it by the handle, and she gave it to him by 248 THE Lt k\. BK. XXII. the foot ; when husband and wife were giving and receiving, the one did not touch the place where the other had held the article ; in passing the pledge cup, they changed the cups : — so was the distinction to be maintained between husband and wife shown. 21. In all arrangements with the stands, the chief attention was given to the bones. Some bones were considered nobler, and some meaner. Under the Yin they preferred the thigh bone ; and under the Kau, the shoulder bone. Generally, the bones in front were thought nobler than those behind. The stands served to illustrate the rule in sacrifices of showing favours. Hence the nobler guests received the nobler bones, and the lower, the less noble ; the nobler did not receive very much, and the lower were not left without any : — impartiality was thus shown. With impartiality of favours, government proceeded freely ; with the free pro- ceeding of government, undertakings were accom- plished ; with the accomplishment of undertakings, merit was established. It is necessary that the way in which merit is established should be known. The stands served to show the rule for the im- partial bestowment of favours. So did the skilful administrators of government proceed, and hence it is said that (sacrifices showed the principle of) impartiality in the business of government. 22. Whenever they came to the (general) circula- tion of the cup, those whose place was on the left stood in one row, and also those whose place was on the right. The members of each row had places accord- ing to their age ; and in the same way were arranged all the assistants at the service. This was what was called (exhibiting) the order of the old and young. BK. XXII. k! thung. 249 23. At sacrifices there were portions given to the skinners, cooks, assistants, feather-wavers, and door- keepers,— showing how favours should descend to the lowest. Only a virtuous ruler, however, could do this ; having intelligence sufficient to perceive (the wisdom of) it, and benevolence equal to the bestowment of it. Apportioning means bestowing ; they were able to bestow what was left on those below them. Skinners were the meanest of those who looked after the buff-coats ; cooks' assistants, the meanest of those who looked after the flesh ; feather-wavers, the meanest of those who had to do with the music ; door-keepers, those who looked after the doors ; for anciently they did not employ men who had suffered dismemberment to keep the doors. These four classes of keepers were the meanest of the servants ; and the representative of the dead was the most honoured of all. When the most honoured, at the close of the sacrifice, did not forget those who were the most mean, but took what was left and bestowed it on them, (it may be seen how) with an intelligent ruler above, there would not be any of the people within his territory who suffered from cold and want. This is what was meant by saying that sacrifices show the relation between high and low. 24. For the sacrifices (in the ancestral temple) there were the four seasons. That in spring was called yo * ; that in summer, ti ; that in autumn, £//ang ; and that in winter, /C'/zang. The yo and tt expressed the idea in the bright and expanding (course of nature) ; the kha.ng and kk^ng, that in 1 Meaning, it is said, ' meagre ; ' the things offered being few in the spring season ; but such explanations are far-fetched. 25O THE Li k\. BK. XXII. the sombre and contracting (course). The ti showed the former in its fullest development, and the /7/ancr showed the latter in the same. Hence it is said, ' There is nothing more important than the ti and £Aang.' Anciently, at the ti sacrifice, they conferred rank, and bestowed robes ; — acting according to the idea in the bright and expanding (course) ; and at the fc/iang they gave out fields and homesteads, and issued the rules of autumn- work ; — acting according to the idea in the sombre and contracting (course). Hence it is said in the Record, 'On the day of the /6/zang sacrifice they gave forth (the stores of) the ruler's house;' showing how rewards (were then given). When the plants were cut down, the punishment of branding might be inflicted. Before the rules of autumn-work were issued, the people did not dare to cut down the grass. 25. Hence it is said that 'the ideas in the ti and k/iang are great, and lie at the foundation of the government of a state ; and should by all means be known.' It is for the ruler to know clearly those ideas, and for the minister to be able to execute (what they require). The ruler who does not know the ideas is not complete, and the minister who cannot carry them into execution is not complete. Now the idea serves to direct and help the aim, and leads to the manifestation of all virtue. Hence he whose virtue is the completest, has the largest aims ; and he whose aims are the largest, has the clearest idea. He whose idea is the clearest, will be most reverent in his sacrifices. When the sacrifices (of a state) are reverent, none of the sons and grand- sons within its borders will dare to be irreverent. Then the superior man, when he has a sacrifice, will BK. XXII. k1 thung. 251 feel it necessary to preside at it in person. If there be a (sufficient) reason for it, he may commit the performance of it to another. But when com- mitting the performance to another, the ruler will not fail (to think) of its meaning, because he under- stands the ideas in it. He whose virtue is slio-ht, has but a small aim. He who is in doubts as to the idea in it, and will yet seek to be reverent in his sacrifice, will find it impossible to be so ; and how can he, who sacrifices without reverence, be the parent of his people ? 26. The tripods (at the sacrifices) had inscriptions on them. The maker of an inscription named him- self, and took occasion to praise and set forth the excellent qualities of his ancestors, and clearly exhibit them to future generations. Those ancestors must have had good qualities and also bad. But the idea of an inscription is to make mention of the good qualities and not of the bad : — such is the heart of a filial descendant ; and it is only the man of ability and virtue who can attain to it. The inscriber discourses about and panegyrises the virtues and goodness of his ancestors, their merits and zeal, their services and toils, the congratulations and rewards (given to them), their fame recognised by all under heaven ; and in the discussion of these things on his spiritual vessels, he makes himself famous ; and thus he sacrifices to his ancestors. In the celebration of his ancestors he exalts his filial piety. That he himself appears after them is natural. And in the clear showing (of all this) to future generations, he is giving instruction. 27. By the one panegyric of an inscription benefit accrues to the ancestors, to their descendant and to 252 THE Lt 221. BK. XXII. others after them. Hence when a superior man looks at an inscription, while he admires those whom it praises, he also admires him who made it. That maker had intelligence to see (the excellences of his ancestors), virtue to associate himself with them, and wisdom to take advantage (of his position) ; — he may be pronounced a man of ability and virtue. Such worth without boasting may be pronounced courteous respect. 28. Thus the inscription on the tripod of Khung Khwei of Wei was : — ' In the sixth month, on the day ting-hai, the duke went to the Grand Temple, and said, " My young uncle, your ancestor Awang Shu assisted duke AV^ang, who ordered him to follow him in his difficulties on the south of the Han, and afterwards to come to him in his palace (of imprison- ment) in the honoured capital of Aau ; and all these hurried journeyings he endured without wearying of them. From him came the helper of duke Hsien, who charged your (later) ancestor AV/ang Shuh to continue the service of his ancestor. Your deceased father Wan Shu cherished and stimulated in himself the old desires and aims, roused and led on the admirable officers, and showed his own great personal interest in the state of Wei. His labours for our ducal house never wearied early or late, so that the people all testified how good he was." The duke further said, " My young uncle, I give you (this tripod with) its inscription. Carry on and out the services of your father." Khwei bowed with his head to the ground, and said, " In response to the distinction (you have conferred upon me) I will take your great and important charge, and I will put it on the vases and tripods of my winter sacrifice." Such BK. XXII. KI THUNG. 253 was the inscription on the tripod of Khung Khwei of Wei1. In this way the superior men of antiquity pane- gyrised the excellent qualities of their ancestors, and clearly exhibited them to future generations, thereby having the opportunity to introduce their own per- sonality and magnify their states. If descendants who maintain their ancestral temples and the altars to the spirits of the land and grain, praised their ancestors for good qualities which they did not possess, that was falsehood ; if they did not take knowledge of the good qualities which they did possess, that showed their want of intelligence; if they knew them and did not transmit them (by their inscriptions), that showed a want of virtue : — these are three things of which a superior man should have been ashamed. 29. Anciently, Tan, duke of Aau, did most meritorious service for the kingdom. After his death the kings AV/ang and Khang, bearing in mind all his admirable work, and wishing to honour Lu, granted to its lords the right of offering the greatest sacrifices ; — those in the borders of their capital to Heaven and Earth, in the wider sphere of sacrifice ; and the great summer and autumnal sacrifices in the ancestral temple of the state. At those great summer and autumnal sacrifices, on the hall above, they sang the K/iing Miao, and in the courtyard below it they danced the Hsiang to the flute ; they 1 In the year that Confucius died, b.c. 479, this Khung Khwei was obliged to flee from Wei to Sung. The duke ATang, who is mentioned in connexion with his ancestor known as A'wang Shu, was marquis of Wei from b.c. 635 to 600. Duke Hsien ruled from b.c. 577 to 559. 254 TIIE li Kl- BK. XXII. carried red shields and axes adorned with jade in performing the Ta Wu dance ; and this was the music employed by the son of Heaven. (Those kings) in acknowledgment of the great merit of the duke of Aau, allowed (the use of those sacrifices and this music) to the (marquis of) Lu. His descendants have continued it, and down to the present day it is not abolished, thereby showing clearly the virtue of the lords of A'au and magnifying their state \ 1 This distinction, said to have been thus conferred on the princes of Lu, is contrary to the views of the ablest commentators on the subject. BOOK XXIII. A1NG A1EH OR THE DIFFERENT TEACHING OF THE DIFFERENT JHNGS \ i. Confucius said, 'When you enter any state you can know what subjects (its people) have been taught. If they show themselves men who are mild and gentle, sincere and good, they have been taught from the Book of Poetry. If they have a wide comprehension (of things), and know what is remote and old, they have been taught from the Book of History. If they be large-hearted and generous, bland and honest, they have been taught from the Book of Music. If they be pure and still, refined and subtile, they have been taught from the Yi. If they be courteous and modest, grave and respectful, they have been taught from the Book of Rites and Ceremonies. If they suitably adapt their language to the things of which they speak, they have been taught from the Kkun Khiii. 1 Hence the failing that may arise in connexion' with the study of the Poems is a stupid simplicity; that in connexion with the History is duplicity ; that in connexion with Music is extravagance ; that in connexion with the Yi is the violation (of reason)1; that in connexion with the practice of Rites and Ceremonies is fussiness ; and that in connexion with the Khww KJim is insubordination 2. 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, p. 38. 2 Callery translates the character in the text by 'l'he're'sie.' I have met with ' robbery ' for it. 256 THE Li kL BK. XXIII. 2. ' If they show themselves men who are mild and gentle, sincere and good, and yet free from that simple stupidity, their comprehension of the Book of Poetry is deep. If they have a wide comprehension (of things), and know what is remote and old, and yet are free from duplicity, their understanding of the Book of History is deep. If they are large- hearted and generous, bland and honest, and yet have no tendency to extravagance, their knowledge of Music is deep. If they are pure and still, refined and subtle, and yet do not violate (reason), they have made great attainments in the Yi. If they are courteous and modest, grave and reverent, and yet not fussy, their acquaintance with the Book of Rites and Ceremonies is deep. If they suitably adapt their language to the things of which they speak, and yet have no disposition to be insubordinate, their know- ledge of the K/mn Kk'xxx is deep.' 3. The son of Heaven forms a ternion with heaven and earth. Hence, in power of his good- ness he is their correlate, and his benefits extend at once to all things1. His brilliancy is equal to that of the sun and moon, and enlightens all within the four seas, not excepting anything, however minute and small. In the audiences at his court everything is done according to the orderly procedure of benevo- lence, wisdom, propriety, and righteousness. At his entertainments he listens to the singing of the Odes of the Kingdom and the Odes of the Temple and Altar. When he walks, there are the notes from his girdle pendant. When he rides in his chariot, there are the harmonious sounds of the bells attached to 1 Compare vol. xxvii, pp. 377, 378. BK. XXIII. A'ING A'lEH. 257 his horses. When he is in private at ease, there is the observance of the rules of propriety. When he advances or retires, he does so according to rule and measure. All the officers fulfil their duties rightly, and all affairs are carried on with order. It is as described in the Book of Poetry (I, xiv, 3), ' That virtuous man, the princely one, Has nothing wrong in his deportment ; He has nothing wrong in his deportment, And thus he rectifies the four quarters of the state.' 4. When (a ruler) issues his notices and gives forth his orders, and the people are pleased, we have what may be called the condition of harmony. When superiors and inferiors love one another, we have the condition of benevolence. When the people get what they desire without seeking for it, we have the condition of confidence. When all things in the operations of heaven and earth that might be injurious are taken out of the way, we have the condition of Tightness. Rightness and confidence, harmony and benevolence are the instruments of the presiding chieftain and the king. If any one wishes to govern the people, and does not employ these instruments, he will not be successful. 5. In the right government of a state, the Rules of Propriety serve the same purpose as the steel- yard in determining what is light and what is heavy; or as the carpenter's line in determining what is crooked and what is straight ; or as the circle and square in determining what is square and what is round. Hence, if the weights of the steel-yard be true, there can be no imposition in the matter of weight ; if the line be truly applied, there can be no [28] s 258 THE LJ kI. bk. xxiii. imposition in the evenness of a surface ; if the square and compass be truly employed, there can be no imposition in the shape of a figure. When a superior man (conducts the government of his state) with a discriminating attention to these rules, he cannot be imposed on by traitors and impostors. 6. Hence he who has an exalted idea of the rules, and guides his conduct by them, is called by us a mannerly gentleman, and he who has no such exalted idea and does not guide his conduct by the rules, is called by us one of the unmannerly people. These rules (set forth) the way of reverence and courtesy ; and therefore when the services in the ancestral temple are performed according to them, there is reverence ; when they are observed in the court, the noble and the mean have their proper positions ; when the family is regulated by them, there is affection between father and son, and har- mony among brothers ; and when they are honoured in the country districts and villages, there is the proper order between old and young. There is the verification of what was said by Confucius, ' For giving security to superiors and good government of the people, there is nothing more excellent than the Rules of Propriety1.' 7. The ceremonies at the court audiences of the different seasons were intended to illustrate the righteous relations between ruler and subject ; those of friendly messages and inquiries, to secure mutual honour and respect between the feudal princes ; those of mourning and sacrifice, to illustrate the kindly feelings of ministers and sons ; those of social 1 See vol. Hi, page 482 (The Hsiao King). BK. XXIII. A'ING K1EH. 259 meetings in the country districts, to show the order that should prevail between young and old ; and those of marriage, to exhibit the separation that should be maintained between males and females. Those ceremonies prevent the rise of disorder and confusion, and are like the embankments which prevent the overflow of water. He who thinks the old embankments useless and destroys them is sure to suffer from the desolation caused by overflowing water ; and he who should consider the old rules of propriety useless and abolish them would be sure to suffer from the calamities of disorder. 8. Thus if the ceremonies of marriage were dis- continued, the path of husband and wife would be embittered, and there would be many offences of licentiousness and depravity. If the drinking cere- monies at country feasts were discontinued, the order between old and young would be neglected, and quarrelsome litigations would be numerous. If the ceremonies of mourning and sacrifice were dis- continued, the kindly feeling of officers and sons would become small ; there would be numerous cases in which there was a revolt from the observances due to the dead, and an oblivion of (those due) to the living. If the ceremonies of friendly messages and court attendances were discontinued, the positions of ruler and subject would fall into disuse, the conduct of the feudal princes would be evil, and the ruin wrought by rebellion, encroachment, and oppression would ensue. 9. Therefore the instructive and transforming power of ceremonies is subtile ; they stop depravity before it has taken form, causing men daily to move towards what is good, and keep themselves farther s 2 260 THE LJ Kl. BK. xxiir. apart from guilt, without being themselves conscious of it. It was on this account that the ancient kings set so high a value upon them. This sentiment is found in the words of the Yi, ' The superior man is careful at the commencement ; a mistake, then, of a hair's breadth, will lead to an error of a thou- sand liV 1 But these words, common enough in later Chinese writings, are not found in the Yi King. Khung Ying-ta says they are from the ' Great Appendix.' It is more likely that he was in error, than that they existed there in his time. BOOK XXIV. AI KUNG WAN OR QUESTIONS OF DUKE AI1. I. Duke Ai2 asked Confucius, saying, 'What do you say about the great rites ? How is it that superior men, in speaking about them, ascribe so much honour to them?' Confucius said, ' I, K/nu, am a small man, and unequal to a knowledge of the rites.' ' By no means,' said the ruler. ' Tell me what you think, my Master.' Then Confucius re- plied, ' According to what I have heard, of all things by which the people live the rites are the greatest. Without them they would have no means of regulating the services paid to the spirits of heaven and earth ; without them they would have no means of dis- tinguishing the positions proper to father and son, to high and low, to old and young ; without them they would have no means of maintaining the separate character of the intimate relations between male and female, father and son, elder brother and younger, and conducting the intercourse between the contract- ing families in a marriage, and the frequency or infre- quency (of the reciprocities between friends). These 1 See the introduction, vol. xxvii, pp. 39, 40. 2 Ai (' The Courteous, Benevolent, and Short-lived ') was the posthumous title of the marquis 3iang Ojvf) of Lu (b.c. 494-468), in whose sixteenth year Confucius died. He seems to have often consulted the sage on important questions, but was too weak to follow his counsels. ^ 262 THE ii kL BK. XXIV. are the grounds on which superior men have honoured and reverenced (the rites) as they did. 2. • Thereafter, (having this view of the rites), they taught them to the people, on the ground of their ability (to practise them), not disregarding their general principles or the limitations (that circum- stances impose in particular cases). 3. ' When their object had been accomplished (so far), they proceeded to give rules for the engraving (of the ceremonial vessels), and the embroider- ing in various colours (of the robes), in order to secure the transmission (of the rites). 4. ' Having obtained the concurrence (of the people in these things), they proceeded to tell them the different periods of mourning ; to provide the full amount of tripods and stands ; to lay down the (offerings of) pork and dried meats ; to maintain in good order their ancestral temples ; and then at the different seasons of the year reverently to present their sacrifices ; and to arrange thereat, in order, the different branches and members of their kindred. Meanwhile (they themselves) were content to live economically, to have nothing fine about their dress ; to have their houses low and poor ; to eschew much carving about their carriages ; to use their vessels without carving or graving ; and to have the plainest diet, in order to share all their advantages in common with the people. In this manner did the superior men of antiquity practise the rites/ 5. The duke said, ' How is it that the superior men of the present day do not practise them (in this way).' Confucius said, ' The superior men of the present day are never satisfied in their fondness for wealth, and never wearied in the extravagance of BK. XXIV. ' AI RUNG WAN. 263 their conduct. They are wild, idle, arrogant, and insolent. They determinedly exhaust the (resources of the) people, put themselves in opposition to the multitude, and seek to overthrow those who are pursuing the right way. They seek to get whatever they desire, without reference to right or reason. The former using of the people was according to the ancient rules; the using of them now-a-days is ac- cording to later rules. The superior men of the present day do not practise the rites (as they ought to be practised).' A 6. Confucius was sitting beside duke Ai, when the latter said, ' I venture to ask, according to the nature of men, which is the greatest thing (to be attended to in dealing with them).' Confu- cius looked startled, changed countenance, and re- plied, ' That your lordship should put this question is a good thing for the people. How should your servant dare but express his opinion on it ?' Ac- cordingly he proceeded, and said, ' According to the nature of men, government is the greatest thing for them.' 7. The duke said, ' I venture to ask what is meant by the practice of government.' Confucius replied, ' Government is rectification. When the ruler is cor- rect himself, all the people will follow his government. What the ruler does is what the people follow. How should they follow what he does not do ?' 8. The duke said, ' I venture to ask how this practice of government is to be effected?' Confu- cius replied, ' Husband and wife have their separate functions ; between father and son there should be affection ; between ruler and minister there should be a strict adherence to their several parts. If 064 THE L* A'L BK. XXIV. these three relations be correctly discharged, all other things will follow.' 9. The duke said, ' Although I cannot, in my un- worthiness, count myself as having attained, I should like to hear how these three things which you have mentioned can be rightly secured. May I hear it from you?' Confucius replied, 'With the ancients in their practice of government the love of men was the great point; in their regulation of this love of men, the rules of ceremony was the great point ; in their regulation of those rules, re- verence was the great point. For of the extreme manifestation of reverence we find the greatest illustration in the great (rite of) marriage. Yes, in the great (rite of) marriage there is the extreme manifestation of respect ; and when one took place, the bridegroom in his square-topped cap went in person to meet the bride ; — thus showing his affec- tion for her. It was his doing this himself that was the demonstration of his affection. Thus it is that the superior man commences with respect as the basis of love. To neglect respect is to leave affec- tion unprovided for. Without loving there can be no (real) union ; and without respect the love will not be correct. Yes, love and respect lie at the foundation of government.' 10. The duke said, ' I wish that I could say I agree with you, but for the bridegroom in his square- topped cap to go in person to meet the bride, — is it not making too much (of the ceremony) ?' Con- fucius looked startled, changed countenance, and said, ' (Such a marriage) is the union of (the repre- sentatives of) two different surnames in friendship and love, in order to continue the posterity of the BK. XXIV. AI KUNG WAN. 265 former sages1, and to furnish those who shall pre- side at the sacrifices to heaven and earth, at those in the ancestral temple, and at those at the altars to the spirits of the land and grain ; — how can your lordship say that the ceremony is made too great ? ' 11. The duke said, ' I am stupid. But if I were not stupid, how should I have heard what you have just said ? I wish to question you, but cannot find the proper words (to do so) ; I beg you to go on a little further.' Confucius said, ' If there were not the united action of heaven and earth, the world of things would not grow. By means of the grand rite of marriage, the generations of men are con- tinued through myriads of ages. How can your lordship say that the ceremony in question is too great?' He immediately added, 'In their own peculiar sphere, (this marriage) serves for the regula- tion of the ceremonies of the ancestral temple, and is sufficient to supply the correlates to the spiritual Intelligences of heaven and earth ; in the (wider) sphere abroad, it serves for the regulation of the ceremonies of the court2, and is sufficient to establish the respect of those below him to him who is 1 iTang takes this in the singular, 'the former sage,' meaning the duke of Aau, so that Confucius should say that the ceremony in question was a continuation of that instituted by the duke of J£au. I cannot construe or interpret the text so. 2 The text here seems to be corrupt. Translating it as it stands — yj=? lit tI* ^ Jflla- we snould have to say, 'the regulation of straightforward speech.' K/ian Hao says that he does not understand the jjl ~=f, and mentions the conjecture of ' some one ' that they should be |H] ^j£ . I have followed this conjecture, which also is followed in Callery's expurgated edition. 266 THE LI kL BK. XXIV. above them all. If there be ground for shame on account of (a deficiency of) resources, this is sufficient to stimulate and secure them ; if there be ground for shame on account of the condition of the states, this is sufficient to revive and renew them. Ceremonies are the first thing to be attended to in the practice of government. Yes, (this) ceremony (of marriage) lies at the foundation of government !' 12. Confucius continued, 'Anciently, under the government of the intelligent kings of the three dynasties, it was required of a man to show respect to his wife and son. When the path (of right govern- ment) was pursued, the wife was the hostess of the (deceased) parents ; — could any husband dare not to show her respect ? And the son was the descendant of those parents ; — could any father dare not to show him respect ? The superior man's respect is universal. Wherein it appears the greatest is in his respect for himself. He is in his person a branch from his parents; — can any son but have this self- respect ? If he is not able to respect his own person, he is wounding his parents. If he wound his parents, he is wounding his own root ; and when the root is wounded, the branches will follow it in its dying. These three things are an image of what is true with the whole people (in the body politic). One's own person reaches to the persons of others ; one's own son to the sons of others ; one's own wife to the wives of others. If a ruler do these things, the spirit of his conduct will reach to all under the sky. If the course of the great king be thus, all the states and families will be docilely obedient.' 13. The duke said, ' I venture to ask what is meant by "respecting one's self." Confucius replied, BK. XXIV. AI KUNG WAN. 267 'When a man who is over others1 transgresses in his words, the people will fashion their speech accordingly ; when he transgresses in his actions, the people will make him their model. If in his words he do not go beyond what should be said, nor in his actions what should be a model, then the people, without being commanded, will reverence and honour him. When this obtains, he can be said to have respected his person. Having succeeded in respect- ing his person, he will (at the same time) be able to do all that can be done for his parents.' 14. The duke said, ' I venture to ask what is meant by doing all that can be done for one's parents?' Confucius replied, 'Aun-jze is the com- pletest name for a man ; when the people apply the name to him, they say (in effect) that he is the son of a Mn-$ze ; and thus he makes his parents (? father) to be a /§un-jze. This is what I intend by saying that he does all that can be done for his parents2.' Confucius forthwith added, ' In the practice of 1 The phrase in the text for 'a man who is high in rank' is ^Tun-jze (^ -^p, Keun-jze, in Southern mandarin, and as it is transliterated by Morrison and our older scholars), meaning ' ruler's son,' ' a princely man,' ' a superior man,' ' a wise man,' 'a sage.' In all these ways it has been translated by Chinese scholars, and I have heard it proposed to render it by ' a gentle- man.' Here all the commentators say it is to be understood of a man of rank and position (^ -^ J^ ^ ^), which is a not unfrequent application of it. 2 What I translate by ' doing all that can be done for his parents ' is in the text ' completing his parents.' Callery renders it : — ' Assurant (un nom honorable) a ses pere et mere.' Wylie : — ' Completing his duty to his parents.' It certainly is not easy to catch the mind of Confucius here and in the context. 268 THE ii Kl. BK. XXIV. government in antiquity, the love of men was the great point. If (a ruler) be not able to love men he cannot possess1 his own person ; unable to possess his own person, he cannot enjoy in quiet his land ; unable to enjoy in quiet his land, he cannot rejoice in Heaven ; unable to rejoice in Heaven, he cannot do all that can be done for his person.' 15. The duke said, ' I venture to ask what is meant by " doing all that could be done for one's per- son." Confucius replied, ' It is keeping from all transgression of what is due in all the sphere beyond one's self2.' 16. The duke said, ' I venture to ask what it is that the superior man values in the way of Heaven.' Confucius replied, ' He values its unceasingness. There is, for instance, the succession and sequence of the sun and moon from the east and west : — that is the way of Heaven. There is the long continu- ance of its progress without interruption : — that is the way of Heaven. There is its making (all) things complete without doing anything : — that is the way of Heaven. There is their brilliancy when they have been completed : — that is the way of Heaven.' 1 7. The duke said, ' I am very stupid, unintelli- gent also, and occupied with many things ; do you, Sir, help me that I may keep this lesson in my mind.' 18. Confucius looked grave, moved a little from his mat, and replied, ' A man of all-comprehensive 1 Ka.ng says that ' to possess ' is equivalent to ' to preserve ' (^El ^H /f5£ -ffl), adding ' men will injure him.' So all the other commentators. 2 Callery gives for this : — ' Ce n'est autre chose que de se maintenir dans le devoir.' Wylie : — ' It is not to transgress the natural order of things.' The reply of Confucius appears more fully in the ' Narratives of the School.' BK. XXIV. AI KUNG WAN. 269 virtue1 does not transgress what is due from him in all the sphere beyond himself, and it is the same with a filial son. Therefore a son of all-comprehensive virtue serves his parents as he serves Heaven, and serves Heaven as he serves his parents. Hence a filial son does all that can be done for his person2.' 19. The duke said, ' I have heard your (excellent) words ; — how is it that I shall hereafter not be able to keep from the guilt (of transgressing) ? ' Confucius answered, ' That your lordship gives expression to such words is a happiness to me.' 1 ' A man of all-comprehensive virtue ' is in the text simply ' the benevolent man (^~~. ^K.)-' But that name must be to be taken in the sense of Mencius, who says that ' Benevolence is man (|~! -Jj^ 3& A -ffl)' (vii, 11, 16); as Julien translates it, ' Humanitas homo est.' There <(~2, ' benevolence,' is a name denoting the complex of human virtues, with the implication that it is itself man's distinguishing characteristic. So ' humanity ' may be used in English to denote ' the peculiar nature of man as distinguished from other beings.' 2 Callery has a note on this paragraph : — ' Ces axiomes de Confucius ne sont pas d'une grande clarte ; on y entrevoit, cepend- ant, que le philosophe veut &ablir l'identite' entre le devoir chez l'homme et la veritd e'ternelle, ou la vertu dans le sens abstrait.' But perhaps the sayings of the Master seem to be wanting in ' clearness ' because it is difficult to catch his mind and spirit in them. Nor do I think that the latter part of what the French sinologue says is abundantly clear or appropriate. I have often said that Confucius and his school try to make a religion out of filial virtue. That appears here with a qualification ; for the text makes out ' the service of Heaven/ which would be religion, to be identical with the full discharge of all filial duty, equivalent, in the Chinese system, to all morality. BOOK XXV. ATJNG-Nf YEN K\j OR A-UNG-NI AT HOME AT EASE1. 1. A'ung-ni 'being at home at ease1,' with 3ze* £ang, 3ze-kung, and Yen Yu by him, their conversa- tion went on from general matters to the subject of ceremonies. 2. The Master said, ' Sit down2, you three, and I will discourse to you about ceremonies, so. that you may rightly employ them everywhere and in all circumstances.' 3. 3ze-kung crossed over (3ze->£ang's) mat3, and replied, ' Allow me to ask what you mean.' The Master said, ' Respect shown without observing the rules of propriety is called vulgarity ; courtesy with- out observing those rules is called forwardness ; and boldness without observing them is called violence.' The Master added, ' Forwardness takes away from gentleness and benevolence.' 4. The Master said, ' Sze, you err by excess, and Shang by defect' 3ze-Z'/zan might be regarded as a 1 See the introductory notice of this Book, vol. xxvii, page 40. The Yen (dffc) in Yen A'ii is said by A'ang to denote that the party had been to court, and was now at his ease in his own residence. 2 The three disciples must have risen from their mats on the introduction of a new topic, according to vol. xxvii, page 76, paragraph 21. 3 Substantially a violation of vol. xxvii, page 71, paragraph 26. BK. XXV. XUNG-Ni YEN K\j. 27I mother of the people. He could feed them, but he could not teach them1. 5. 3ze-kung (again) crossed the mat, and replied, ' Allow me to ask by what means it is possible to secure this due mean.' The Master said, ' By means \f of the ceremonial rules ; by the rules. Yes, it is those rules which define and determine the due mean.' 6. 3ze"kung having retired, Yen Yu advanced, and said, ' May I be allowed to ask whether the rules of ceremony do not serve to control what is bad, and to complete what is good ? ' The Master said, ' They do.' ' Very well, and how do they do it ? ' The Master said, ' The idea in the border sacrifices to Heaven and Earth is that they should give expres- sion to the loving feeling towards the spirits ; the ceremonies of the autumnal and summer services in the ancestral temple give expression to the loving feeling towards all in the circle of the kindred ; the ceremony of putting down food (by the deceased) serves to express the loving feeling towards those who are dead and for whom they are mourning ; the ceremonies of the archery fetes and the drinking at them express the loving feeling towards all in the district and neighbourhood ; the ceremonies of festal entertainments express the loving feeling towards visitors and guests.' 1 The A7/ien-lung editors say that in this paragraph, the part from ' 3ze--£Mn ' has been introduced by an error in mani- pulating the tablets. It is found, and more fully, also in the Narratives of the School, article 4 1 ( j£ |£| TOp). The previous sentence of it also appears to me to be out of place. Why should Confucius address himself to Sze ? — that was not the name of 3ze-kung. What is said to him is found in the Analects, VI, 15, and also more fully. 272 THE LI Kl. BK. XXV. 7. The Master said, ' An intelligent understand- ing of the idea in the border sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, and of the ceremonies of the autumnal and summer services, would make the government of a state as easy as to point to one's palm. Therefore let the ceremonial rules be observed : — in the ordin- ary life at home, and there will be the (right) distinc- tion between young and old ; inside the door of the female apartments, and there will be harmony among the three branches of kin ; at court, and there will be the right ordering of office and rank ; in the different hunting expeditions, and skill in war will be acquired ; in the army and its battalions, and military operations will be successful. 1 In this way, houses and their apartments will be made of the proper dimensions; measures and tripods will have their proper figure ; food will have the flavour proper to its season ; music will be according to the rules for it ; carriages will have their proper form; spirits will receive their proper offer- ings; the different periods of mourning will have their proper expression of sorrow ; discussions will be conducted by those who from their position should take part in them ; officers will have their proper business and functions ; the business of government will be properly distributed and applied. (The duty) laid on (each) person being discharged in the matter before him (according to these rules), all his movements, and every movement will be what they ought to be.' 8. The Master said, ' What is (the object of) the ceremonial rules ? It is just the ordering of affairs. The wise man who has affairs to attend to must have the right method of ordering them. (He who bk. xxv. ^ung-nJ yen ku. 273 should attempt) to regulate a state without those rules would be like a blind man with no one to lead him ; — groping about, how could he find his way ? Or he would be like one searching all night in a dark room without a light ; — how could he see any- thing ? 'If one have not the ceremonial rules, he would not (know how to) dispose of his hands and feet, or how to apply his ears and eyes ; and his advancing and retiring, his bowings and giving place would be without any definite rules. Hence, when the rules are thus neglected : — in the ordinary life at home, then the right distinction between old and young will be lost ; in the female apartments, then the harmony among the three branches of kin will be lost ; in the court, then the order of office and rank will be lost ; in the different hunting expeditions, then the prescribed methods of military tactics will be lost ; in the army and its battalions, then the arrange- ments that secure success in war will be lost. (Also), houses and apartments will want their proper dimen- sions ; measures and tripods will want their proper figure ; food will want its seasonal flavour ; music will want its proper parts ; Spirits will want their proper offerings ; the different periods of mourning will want their proper expression of sorrow ; discus- sions will not be conducted by the prober men for them ; officers will not have their proper business ; the affairs of government will fail to be properly distributed and applied ; and (in the duties) laid on (each) person to be discharged in the matters before him, all his movements, every movement, will fail to be what they ought to be. In this condition of things it will be impossible to put one's self at t1 [28] T 274 TIIE L^ *&• BK. XXV. head of the multitudes, and secure harmony among them.' 9. The Master said, ' Listen attentively, you three, while I discourse to you about the ceremonial rules. There are still nine things (to be described), and four of them belong- to the Grand festive entertain- ments. When you know these, though your lot may lie among the channeled fields, if you carry them into practice, you will become wise as sages. ' When one ruler is visiting another, they bow to each other, each courteously declining to take the pre- cedence, and then enter the gate. As soon as they have done so, the instruments of music, suspended from their frames, strike up. They then bow and give place to each other again, and ascend to the hall ; and when they have gone up, the music stops. In the court below, the dances Hsiang and Wu are performed to the music of the flute, and that of Hsia proceeds in due order with (the brandishing of feathers and) fifes. (After this), the stands with their offerings are set out, the various ceremonies and musical performances go on in regular order, and the array of officers provided discharge their functions. In this way the superior man perceives the loving regard (which directs the entertainment). They move forward in perfect circles ; they return and form again the squares. The bells of the equipages are tuned to the Kh£\-kh\ ; when the guest goes out they sing the Yung; when the things are being taken away, they sing the A7zan- yii ; and thus the superior man (sees that) there is not a single thing for which there is not its proper ceremonial usage. The striking up of the instru- ments of metal, when they enter the gate, serves to BK. XXV. A'UNG-NI YEN KU. 275 indicate their good feeling ; the singing of the AVzing Miao, when they have gone up to the hall, shows the virtue (they should cultivate); the per- formance of the Hsiang to the flute in the court below, reminds them of the events (of history). Thus the superior men of antiquity did not need to set forth their views to one another in words ; it was enough for them to show them in their music and ceremonies.' 10. The Master said, ' Ceremonial usages are (the prescriptions of) reason; music is the definite limitation (of harmony). The superior man makes no move- ment without (a ground of) reason, and does nothing without its definite limitation. He who is not versed in the odes will err in his employment of the usages, and he who is not versed in music will be but an indifferent employer of them. He whose virtue is slender will vainly perform the usages.' 11. The Master said, 'The determinate measures are according to the rules ; and the embellishments of them are also so ; but the carrying them into practice depends on the men.' 12. 3ze-kung crossed over the mat and replied, 'Allow me to ask whether even Khwei was ignorant (of the ceremonial usages)1?' 13. The Master said, 'Was he not one of the ancients ? Yes, he was one of them. To be versed in the ceremonial usages, and not versed in music, we call being poorly furnished. To be versed in the usages and not versed in music, we call being one- sided. Now Khwei was noted for his acquaintance with music, and not for his acquaintance with cere- 1 Khwei was Shun's Director of Music. See the Shu, II, i, 24. T 2 276 THE Li #?. BK. XXV. monies, and therefore his name has been transmitted with that account of him (which your question implies). But he was one of the men of antiquity.' 14. $ze-&3.ng asked about government. The Master said, ' Sze, did I not instruct you on that subject before ? The superior man who is well ac- quainted with ceremonial usages and music has only to take and apply them (in order to practise government).' 15. 3ze--£ang again put the question, and the Master said, ' Sze, do you think that the stools and mats must be set forth, the hall ascended and de- scended, the cups filled and offered, the pledge-cup presented and returned, before we can speak of ceremonial usages ? Do you think that there must be the movements of the performers in taking up their positions, the brandishing of the plumes and fifes, the sounding of the bells and drums before we can speak of music ? To speak and to carry into execution what you have spoken is ceremony ; to act and to give and receive pleasure from what you do is music. The ruler who vigorously pursues these two things may well stand with his face to the south, for thus will great peace and order be secured all under heaven ; the feudal lords will come to his court ; all things will obtain their proper develop- ment and character ; and no single officer will dare to shrink from the discharge of his functions. Where such ceremony prevails, all government is well ordered ; where it is neglected, all falls into disorder and con- fusion. A house made by a good (though unassisted) eye will yet have the corner of honour, and the steps on the east for the host to ascend by ; every mat have its upper and lower end ; every chariot have BK. XXV. tfUNG-NI YEN KV. 2 J J its right side and left ; walkers follow one another, and those who stand observe a certain order: — such were the right rules of antiquity. If an apartment were made without the corner of honour and the steps on the east, there would be confusion in the hall and apartment. If mats had not their upper and lower ends, there would be confusion among the occupants of them ; if carriages were made without their left side and right, there would be confusion in their seats ; if people did not follow one another in walking, there would be confusion on the roads ; if people observed no order in standing, there would be disorder in the places they occupy. Anciently the sage Tis and intelligent kings and the feudal lords, in making a distinction between noble and mean, old and young, remote and near, male and female, out- side and inside, did not presume to allow any to transgress the regular rule they had to observe, but all proceeded in the path which has been indi- cated. ' 1 6. When the three disciples had heard these words from the Master, they saw clearly as if a film had been removed from their eyes. BOOK XXVI. KHUNG-3ZE HSIEN KV> OR CONFUCIUS AT HOME AT LEISURE1. 1. Confucius being at home at leisure, with 3ze" hsia by his side, the latter said, 'With reference to the lines in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 8, i), " The happy and courteous sovereign Is the father and mother of the people ;" I beg to ask what the sovereign must be, who can be called " the parent of the people." Confucius said, ' Ah ! the parent of the people! He must have penetrated to the fundamental principles of cere- monies and music, till he has reached the five extreme points to which they conduct, and the three that have no positive existence, and be able to exhibit these all under heaven ; and when evil is impending in any part of the kingdom, he must have a foreknowledge of it: — such an one is he whom we denominate ' the parent of the people.' 2. 3ze~nsia- said, ' I have thus heard (your expla- nation) of the name "parent of the people;" allow me to ask what " the five extreme points " (that you mention) mean.' Confucius said, ' The furthest aim of the mind has also its furthest expression in the Book of Poetry. The furthest expression of the Book of Poetry has also its furthest embodiment in the ceremonial usages. The furthest embodiment 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 41. BK. xxvi. KHUNG-3ZE HSIEN K\j. 279 in the ceremonial usages has also its furthest indica- tion in music. The furthest indication of music has also its furthest indication in the voice of sorrow. Sorrow and joy produce, each the other ; and thus it is that when we look with the directest vision of the eyes at (these extreme points) we cannot see them, and when we have bent our ears with the utmost tension we cannot hear them. The mind and spirit must embrace all within heaven and earth : — these are what we denominate " the five extreme points." 3. 3ze_hsia said, ' I have heard your explanation of "the five extreme points;" allow me to ask what " the three points that have no positive ex- istence " mean.' Confucius said, ' The music that has no sound ; ceremonial usages that have no embodiment; the mourning that has no garb: — these are what we denominate " the three points that have no positive existence." 3ze_hsia said, ' I have heard what you have said on those three negations ; allow me to ask in which of the odes we find the nearest expression of them.' Confu- cius said, ' There is that (IV, ii, ode 1, 6), " Night and day he enlarged its foundations by his deep and silent virtue :" — there is music without sound. And that (I, iii, ode 1, 3), " My deportment has been dignified and good, Without anything wrong that can be pointed out:" — there is the ceremony that has no embodiment. And that (I, iii, ode 10, 4), " When among any of the people there was a death, I crawled on my knees to help them:" — there is the mourning that has no garb.' 280 THE ii k1. BK. XXVI. 4. 3ze-hsia said, 'Your words are great, admirable, and complete. Do they exhaust all that can be said on the subject? Is there nothing more?' Confucius said, ' How should it be so ? When a superior man practises these things, there still arise five other points.' 5. 3ze-hsia said, ' How is that?' Confucius said, ' When there is that music without sound, there is no movement of the spirit or will in opposition to it. When there is that ceremony without embodiment, all the demeanour is calm and gentle. When there is that mourning without garb, there is an inward reciprocity, and great pitifulness. ' When there is that music without sound, the spirit and will are mastered. When there is that ceremony without embodiment, all the demeanour is marked by courtesy. When there is that mourning without garb, it reaches to all in all quarters. 1 When there is that music without sound, the spirit and will are followed. When there is that ceremony without embodiment, high and low are har- monious and united. When there is that mourning without garb, it goes on to nourish all regions. ' When there is that music without sound, it is daily heard in all the four quarters of the kingdom. When there is that ceremony without embodiment, there is a daily progress and a monthly advance. When there is that mourning without garb, the virtue (of him who shows it) becomes pure and very bright. ' When there is that music without sound, all spirits and wills are roused by it. When there is that ceremony without embodiment, its influence extends to all within the four seas. When there is BK. XXVI. KHUNG-3ZE HSIEN A'U. 28 1 that mourning without garb, it extends to future generations.' 6. 3ze-hsia said, ' (It is said that) the virtue of the kings (who founded the) three dynasties was equal to that of heaven and earth ; allow me to ask of what nature that virtue was which could be said to put its possessors on an equality with heaven and earth.' Confucius said, ' They reverently displayed the Three Impartialities, while they comforted all beneath the sky under the toils which they imposed.' 3ze-hsia said, ' Allow me to ask what you call the " Three Impartialities." Confucius said, ' Heaven overspreads all without partiality ; Earth sustains and contains all without partiality ; the Sun and Moon shine on all without partiality. Reverently displaying these three characteristics and thereby comfortine all under heaven under the toils which they imposed, is what is called " the Three Impar- tialities." It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, iii, ode 4, 3), "God in His favour Thang's House would not leave, And then Thang rose that favour to receive. Thang's birth was not from Hsieh too far re- moved, His sagely reverence daily greater proved; For long to Heaven his brilliant influence rose, And while his acts the fear of God disclose, God Thang as model fit for the nine regions chose:" — such was the virtue of Thang. 7. ' To Heaven belong the four seasons, spring, autumn, winter, summer, with wind, rain, hoar-frost, and dew ; — (in the action) of all and each of these there is a lesson. 282 THE Lt k\. BK. XXVI. ' Earth contains the mysterious energy (of nature). That mysterious energy (produces) the wind and thunder-clap. By the wind and thunder-clap the (seeds of) forms are carried abroad, and the various things show the appearance of life : — in all and each of these things there is a lesson. 8. 'When the personal character is pure and bright, the spirit and mind are like those of a spiritual being. When what such an one desires is about to come, there are sure to be premonitions of it in advance, (as when) Heaven sends down the seasonable rains, and the hills produce the clouds. As it is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 5, 1), " How grand and high, with hugest bulk, arise Those southern hills whose summits touch the skies ! Down from them came a Spirit to the earth, And to the sires of Fu and Shan gave birth. In those two states our Aau a bulwark has, O'er which the southern foemen dare not pass, And all its states they screen, and through them spread Lessons of virtue, by themselves displayed : " — such was the virtue of (kings) Wan and Wu. 9. ' As to the kings (who founded) the three dynasties, it was necessary that they should be pre- ceded by the fame of their forefathers. As it is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 8, 6), "Very intelligent were the sons of Heaven, Their good fame was without end : " — such was the virtue of (the founders) of the three dynasties. BK. XXVI. RHUNG-3ZE HSIEN A'U. 283 ' (And again), " He displayed his civil virtues, And they permeated all parts of the kingdom :" — such was the virtue of king Thai.' 10. 3ze"nsia. rose up with a sudden joy, and, stand- ing with his back to the wall, said, ' Your disciple dares not but receive (your instructions) with rever- ence.' BOOK XXVII. FANG K\ OR RECORD OF THE DYKES1. i. According to what the Masters said, the ways laid down by the superior men may be compared to dykes, the object of which is to conserve that in which the people may be deficient ; and though they may be on a great scale, the people will yet pass over them. Therefore the superior men framed rules of ceremony for the conservation of virtue ; punishments to serve as a barrier against licentious- ness ; and declared the allotments (of Heaven), as a barrier against evil desires2. 2. The Master said, ' The small man, when poor, feels the pinch of his straitened circumstances ; and when rich, is liable to become proud. Under the pinch of that poverty he may proceed to steal ; and when proud, he may proceed to deeds of disorder. The rules of propriety recognise these feelings of men, and lay down definite regulations for them, to serve as dykes for the people. Hence the sages dealt with riches and honours, so that riches should 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 41, 42. 2 Any reader acquainted with Chinese will see that the character fang (jfefr) is used substantively and meaning 'a dyke,' and as a verb, ' to serve as a dyke.' But a dyke has two uses : — to conserve what is inside it, preventing its flowing away; and to ward off what is without, barring its entrance and encroachment. So the character is here used in both ways. The .Oien-lung editors insist on this twofold application of it, tersely and convincingly. BK. XXVII. FANG Kl. 28 not have power to make men proud ; that poverty should not induce that feeling of being pinched ; and that men in positions of honour should not be intract- able to those above them. In this way the causes of disorder would more and more disappear.' 3. The Master said, ' Under heaven the cases are few in which the poor yet find enjoyment1, the rich yet love the rules of propriety, and a family that is numerous (and strong) yet remains quiet and at peace. As it is said in the Book of Poetry (III, hi, ode 3, n), " The people desire disorder, And find enjoyment in bitter, poisonous ways." Hence it was made the rule that no state should have more than 1000 chariots, no chief city's wall more than 100 embrasures, no family, however rich, more than 100 chariots. These regulations were intended for the protection of the people, and yet some of the lords of states rebelled against them.' 4. The Master said, « It is by the rules of cere- mony that what is doubtful is displayed, and what is minute is distinguished, that they may serve as dykes for the people. Thus it is that there are the grades of the noble and the mean, the distinctions of dress, the different places at court ; and so the people (are taught to) give place to one another.' 5. The Master said, ' There are not two suns in the sky, nor two kings in a territory, nor two masters in a family, nor two superiors of equal honour ; and the people are shown how the distinc- tion between ruler and subject should be maintained. 1 Literally, ' the poor are fond of (enjoyment) ;' but the ' fond of is acknowledged to be an addition to the text. 286 THE LI A'l. BK. XXVII. The Khun K/im does not mention the funeral rites for the kings of K/m and Yiieh. According to the o fc> rules, the ruler of a state is not spoken of as " Heaven's," and a Great officer is not spoken of as " a ruler;" — lest the people should be led astray. It is said in the ode, " Look at (that bird) which in the night calls out for the morning1." Even this is still occasion for being dissatisfied with it.' 6. The Master said, ' A ruler does not ride in the same carriage with those of the same surname with himself ; and when riding with those of a different surname, he wears a different dress ; — to show the people that they should avoid what may give rise to suspicion. This was intended to guard the people (from incurring suspicion), and yet they found that there were those of the same surname who murdered their ruler2.' 7. The Master said, ' The superior man will decline a position of high honour, but not one that is mean ; and riches, but not poverty. In this way con- fusion and disorder will more and more disappear. Hence the superior man, rather than have his emolu- ments superior to his worth, will have his worth superior to his emoluments.' 8. The Master said, ' In the matter of a cup of liquor and a dish of meat, one may forego his claim and receive that which is less than his due ; 1 This is from one of the old pieces, which have been forgotten and lost. Is the bird alluded to the cock ? and where is the point of the reference ? 2 The .A7/ien-lung editors labour in vain to make this para- graph clear, and say that it is ' an error of errors ' to ascribe it to Confucius. BK. XXVII. FANG A'i. 287 and yet the people will try to obtain more than is due to their years. When one's mat has been spread for him in a high place, he may move and take his seat on a lower ; and yet the people will try to occupy the place due to rank. From the high place due to him at court one may in his humility move to a meaner place ; and yet the people shall be intrusive even in the presence of the ruler. As it is said in the Book of Poetry (II, vii, ode 9. 4), " When men in disputations fine To hear their consciences refuse, Then 'gainst each other they repine, And each maintains his special views. If one a place of rank obtain, And scorn humility to show, The others view him with disdain, And, wrangling, all to ruin go." 9. The Master said, ' The superior man exalts others and abases himself; he gives the first place to others and takes the last himself ; — and thus the people are taught to be humble and yielding. Thus when he is speaking of the ruler of another state, he calls him "The Ruler;" but when mentioning his own ruler, he calls him " Our ruler of little virtue." 10. The Master said, ' When advantages and re- wards are given to the dead first1, and to the living afterwards, the people will not act contrarily to the (character of) the dead. When (the ruler) places those who are exiles (from and for their state) first, and those who remain in it last, the people may be 1 The memory of the dead would be honoured, and titles given to them, while those they left behind would be supported. 2 88 THE LI A'f. BK. XXVII. trusted with (the most arduous duties). It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, iii, ode 3, 4), " In thinking of our deceased lord, She stimulated worthless me." When this dyke is set up for the people, will they still act contrarily to the dead and have to bewail their lot, with none to whom to appeal ?' 1 1 . The Master said, ' When the ruler of a state, with its clans, thinks much of the men and little of the emoluments (which he bestows on them), the people give place readily (to those men). When he thinks much of their ability, and little of the chariots (with which he rewards them), the people address themselves to elegant arts. Hence a superior man keeps his speech under control, while the small man is forward to speak.' 12. The Master said, 'If superiors consider and are guided by the words of the people, the people receive their gifts or commands as if they were from Heaven. If superiors pay no regard to the words of the people, the people put themselves in opposition to them. When inferiors do not receive the gifts of their superiors as if they were from Heaven, there ensues violent disorder. Hence, when the superior exhibits his confidence and courtesy in the government of the people, then the usages of the people in response to him are very great. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 10, 3), " Remember what in days of old they spake, With grass and fuel-gatherers counsel take." 13. The Master said, 'If (the ruler) ascribe what is good to others, and what is wrong to himself, the BK. xxvil. FANG k\. 289 people will not contend (among themselves). If he ascribe what is good to others, and what is wrong to himself, dissatisfactions will more and more dis- appear. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, v, ode 4, 2), " You had consulted the tortoise-shell ; you had consulted the stalks ; In their responses there was nothing unfavour- able." ' 14. The Master said, 'If (the ruler) ascribe what is good to others and what is wrong to himself, the people will yield to others (the credit of) what is good in them. -4t is said in the Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 10, 7), " He examined and divined, did the king, About settling in the capital of Hao. The tortoise-shell decided the site, And king Wu completed the city." 15. The Master said, ' If (ministers) ascribe what is good to their ruler and what is wrong to them- selves, the people will become loyal. It is said in the Book of History (V, xxi, 6), ' " When you have any good plans or counsels, enter and lay them before your ruler in the court; and thereafter, when you are acting abroad in accord- ance with them, say, ' This plan, or this view, is all due to the virtue of our ruler!' Oh! in this way how good and distinguished will you be ! " 16. The Master said, ' If (a ruler, being a son,) ascribe what is good to his father, and what is wrong to himself, the people will become filial. It is said in " The Great Declaration," " If I subdue Aau, it will not be my prowess, but the faultless virtue of [28] U 29O THE Li Kl. BK. XXVII. my deceased father Wan. If A'au subdues me, it will not be from any fault of my deceased father Wan, but because I, who am as a little child, am not good " ' (Shu, V, i, sect. 3, 6). 1 7. The Master said, ' A superior man will forget and not make much of the errors of his father, and will show his reverence for his excellence. It is said in the Lun YiA (I, xi), " He who for three years does not change from the way of his father, may be pronounced filial;" and in the Kao 3un§" (Shu, III, viii, 1) it is said, " For three years he kept without speaking ; when he did speak, they were delighted." 18. The Master said, 'To obey (his parents') commands without angry (complaint) ; to remon- strate with them gently without being weary ; and not to murmur against them, though they punish him, may be pronounced filial piety. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 3, 5), " Your filial son was unceasing in his service." 19. The Master said, ' To cultivate harmony with all the kindred of parents may be pronounced filial! It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, vii, ode 9, 3), " Brethren whose virtue stands the test, By bad example still unchanged, Their generous feelings manifest, Nor grow among themselves estranged. But if their virtue weakly fails The evil influence to withstand, Then selfishness o'er love prevails, And troubles rise on every hand."' 20. The Master said, ' (A son) may ride in the chariot of an intimate friend of his father, but he BK. XXVII. FANG #?. 291 should not wear his robes. By this (rule) the superior man widens (the sphere of) his filial duty.' 21. The Master said, 'Small men are all able to support their parents. If the superior man do not also reverence them, how is his supporting to be distinguished (from theirs)?' 22. The Master said, ' Father and son should not be in the same (official) position ; — to magnify the reverence (due to the father). It is said in the Book of History (Shu, III, v, sect. 1, 3), " If the sovereign do not show himself the sovereign, he disgraces his ancestors." ' 23. The Master said, ' Before his parents (a son) should not speak of himself as old ; he may speak of the duty due to parents, but not of the gentle kindness due from them ; inside the female apart- ments he may sport, but should not sigh. By these (rules) the superior man would protect the people (from evil), and still they are found slight in their acknowledgment of filial duty, and prompt in their appreciation of gentle kindness.' 24. The Master said, ' When they who are over the people show at their courts their respect for the old, the people become filial.' 25. The Master said, 'The (use of) the represen- tatives of the deceased at sacrifices, and of one who presides (at the services) in the ancestral temple, was intended to show the people that they had still those whom they should serve. The repairing of the ancestral temple and the reverential performance of the sacrifices were intended £0 teach the people to follow their dead with their filial duty. These things should guard the people (from evil), and still they are prone to forget their parents.' u 2 292 THE Li k\. BK. XXVII. 26. The Master said, 'When (it is wished to) show respect (to guests), the vessels of sacrifice are used1. Thus it is that the superior man will not in the poverty of his viands neglect the rules of cere- mony, nor in their abundance and excellence make those rules disappear. Hence, according to the rules of feasting, when the host gives in person anything to a guest, the guest offers a portion in sacrifice, but he does not do so with what the host does not himself give him. Therefore, when there is no ceremony in the gift, however admirable it may be, the superior man does not partake of it. It is said in the Yi, "The ox slain in sacrifice by the neighbour on the east is not equal to the spare spring sacrifice of the neighbour on the west, (whose sincerity) receives the blessing2." It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 3, 1), " You have made us drink to the full of your spirits, You have satiated us with your virtue." But though in this way the people are admonished, they will still keep striving after profit, and forget righteousness.' 27. The Master said, ' There are the seven days of fasting, and the three days of vigil and adjustment of the thoughts ; there is the appointment of the one man to act as the personator of the dead, in passing whom it is required to adopt a hurried pace : — all to teach reverence (for the departed).' 1 This would be in the entertainment, at the close of the sacri- fices, given to the relatives and others who had taken part in them. 2 This is the symbolism of the fifth line of the 63rd Hexagram {K\ 3i). See vol. xvi, pp. 206-208. BK. XXVII. FANG KL 293 The sweet liquor is in the apartment (where the personator is) ; the reddish in the hall; and the clear in the court below : — all to teach the people not to go to excess in being greedy1. The personator drinks three cups, and all the guests drink one : — teaching the people that there must be the distinction of high and low. The ruler takes the opportunity of the spirits and flesh of his sacrifice to assemble all the members of his kindred : — teaching the people to cultivate harmony. Thus it is that on the hall above they look at what is done in the apartment, and in the court below at what is done by those in the hall (for their pattern); as it is said in the Book of Poetry (II, vi, ode 5, 3), ' Every form is according to rule ; Every smile and word is as it should be.' 28. The Master said, ' The giving place to a visitor at every stage of his advancing (from the en- trance gate), according to the rules for visitors ; and the repetition of the ceremonies, according to the mourning. rites, in an ever-increasing distance from the apartment of the corpse ; the washing of the corpse over the pit in the centre of the open court ; the putting the rice into the mouth under the win- dow; the slighter dressing of the corpse inside the door of the apartment ; the greater dressing at the top of the steps on the east ; the coffining in the place for guests ; the sacrifice on taking the road (with the coffin) in the cqurtyard ; and the interment in the grave : — these were intended to teach the people how the element of distance enters into the 1 The best liquor was in the lowest place. 294 THE L* K^ BK- xxvii. usages. Under the Yin dynasty they condoled with the mourners at the grave ; they do so under iTau in the house : — showing the people that they should not neglect the custom.' The Master said, ' (These services in connexion with) death are the last duties which the people have to pay (to their departed). I follow A'au in them. They were intended to serve as guards to the people (to keep them from error). Among the princes, however, there still were those who did not attend the burials of other princes, and take part in them1.' 29. The Master said, ' The going up to the hall by the steps for the guests, and receiving the con- dolences sent to him in the guests' place, are designed to teach the filial to continue their filial duty even to the dead. ' Until the mourning rites are finished, a son is not styled " Ruler:" — showing the people that there ought to be no contention (between father and son). Hence in the Khun Khm of Lu, recording deaths in 3in, it is said, "(Li Kho) killed Hsi-/vii, the son of his ruler, and his ruler Kho2-.'" — a barrier was thus raised to prevent the people (from doing such deeds). And yet there were sons who still murdered their fathers.' 30. The Master said, ' Filial duty may be trans- ferred to the service of the ruler, and brotherly sub- 1 It is not easy to determine the meaning of the text in this sentence. Chinese writers differ about it among themselves. The whole paragraph, indeed, is confused ; and the second ' The Master said' should probably form a paragraph by itself. 2 This forms two entries in the A7mn Khm, under the ninth and tenth years of duke Hsi. The first notice is according to the rule about a son of a feudal prince being still only called ' Son ' till the mourning for his father was completed, and the second is contrary to it. The concluding remark is also away from the point. BK. XXVII. FANG K\. 295 mission to the service of elders : — showing the people that they ought not to be double-minded. Hence a superior man, while his ruler is alive, should not take counsel about taking office (in another state). It is only on the day of his consulting the tortoise-shell (about such a thing) that he will mention two rulers1.' 1 The mourning for a father lasts for three years, and that for a ruler the same time : — showing the people that they must not doubt (about the duty which they owe to their ruler). 'While his parents are alive, a son should not dare to consider his wealth as his own, nor to hold any of it as for his own private use : — showing the people how they should look on the relation between high and low. Hence the son of Heaven cannot be received with the ceremonies of a guest anywhere within the four seas, and no one can presume to be his host. Hence, also, when a ruler goes to a minis- ter's (mansion) he goes up to the hall by the (host's) steps on the east and proceeds to the place (of honour) in the hall : showing the people that they should not dare to consider their houses their own. ' While his parents are alive, the gifts presented to a son should not extend to a carriage and its team : — ■ showing the people that they should not dare to monopolise (any honours). ' All these usages were intended to keep the people from transgressing their proper bounds ; and yet there are those who forget their parents, and are double- minded to their ruler.' 31. The Master said, 'The ceremony takes place before the silks (offered in connexion with it) are 1 The translation here is according to a view appended by the .Oien-lung editors to the usual notes on the sentence. 296 THE Li K\. BK. XXVII. presented : — this is intended to teach the people to make the doing of their duties the first thing, and their salaries an after consideration. If money be sought first and the usages of propriety last, then the people will be set on gain : if the mere feeling be acted on, without any expressions (of courtesy and deference), there will be contentions among the people. Hence the superior man, when presents are brought to him, if he cannot see him who offers them, does not look at the presents. It is said in the Yi, "He reaps without having ploughed that he may reap; he gathers the produce of the third year's field without having cultivated them the first year ; — there will be evil1." In this way it is sought to guard the people, and yet there are of them who value their emoluments and set little store by their practice.' 32. The Master said, 'The superior man does not take all the profit that he might do, but leaves some for the people. It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, vi, ode 8, 3), " There shall be handfuls left on the ground, And ears here and there left untouched ; — For the benefit of the widow." 'Hence, when a superior man is in office (and enjoys its emoluments), he does not go in for farm- ing ; if he hunts, he does not (also) fish ; he eats the (fruits of the) season, and is not eager for delicacies ; if a Great officer, he does not sit on sheepskins ; if a lower officer, he does not sit on dogskins. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, iii, ode 10, 1), 1 See the symbolism of line 2, of the 25th Hexagram, vol. xvi, pp. no, in. The last character here is not in the Yi, and a different moral seems to be drawn from the whole. BK. XXVII. FANG Kt. 297 "When we gather the mustard-plant and earth- melons, We do not reject them because of their roots. While I do nothing contrary to my good name, I should live with you till our death." In this way it was intended to guard the people against loving wrong ; and still some forget righteous- ness and struggle for gain, even to their own ruin.' 33. The Master said, ' The ceremonial usages serve as dykes to the people against bad excesses (to which they are prone). They display the separa- tion which should be maintained (between the sexes), that there may be no occasion for suspicion, and the relations of the people be well defined. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, viii, ode vi, 3, 4), " How do we proceed in hewing an axe-handle ? Without another axe it cannot be done. How do we proceed in taking a wife ? Without a go-between it cannot be done. How do we proceed in planting hemp ? The acres must be dressed length-wise and cross- wise. How do we proceed in taking a wife ? Announcement must first be made to our parents." In this way it was intended to guard the people (against doing wrong), and still there are some (women) among them, who offer themselves (to the male).' 34. The Master said, 'A man in taking a wife does not take one of the same surname with him- self : — to show broadly the distinction (to be main- tained between man and wife). Hence, when a man is buying a concubine, if he do not know her surname, 298 THE Li k\. BK. xxvn. he consults the tortoise-shell about it. In this way it was intended to preserve the people (from going wrong in the matter) ; and yet the Khww KIi\\x of Lu still suppresses the surname of duke A'ao's wife, simply saying "Wu," and the record of her death is " Mang (the elder) $ze died1." ' 35. The Master said, 'According to the rules, male and female do not give the cup to one another, ex- cepting at sacrifice. This was intended to guard the people against (undue freedom of intercourse) ; and yet the marquis of Yang killed the marquis of Mu, and stole away his wife2. Therefore the presence of the wife at the grand entertainments was dis- allowed.' 36. The Master said, 'With the son of a widow one does not have interviews : — this would seem to be an obstacle to friendship, but a superior man will keep apart from intercourse in such a case, in order to avoid (suspicion). Hence, in the intercourse of friends, if the master of the house be not in, a visitor, unless there is some great cause, does not enter the door. This was intended to preserve the people (from all appearance of evil) ; and yet there are of them who pay more regard to beauty than to virtue.' 3 J. The Master said, ' The love of virtue should be like the love of beauty (from an inward constraint). Princes of states should not be like fishers for beauty 1 The latter entry is found in the Z/mn A7/iu, under the twelfth A. year of duke Ai. The lady's surname is not found in that A~ing at all; and Confucius himself probably suppressed it. Compare what is said in the Analects, VII, 30, where the sage, on the same subject, does not appear to more advantage than he does here. 2 Who these princes were, or what were the circumstances of the case, is not known. BK. XXVII. FANG k\. 299 (in the families) below them. Hence the superior man keeps aloof from beauty, in order to constitute a rule for the people. Thus male and female, in giving and receiving, do not allow their hands to touch ; in driving his wife in a carriage, a husband advances his left hand ; when a young aunt, a sister, or a daughter has been married, and returns (to her father's house), no male can sit on the same mat with her; a widow should not wail at night; when a wife is ill, in asking for her, the nature of her illness should not be mentioned : — in this way it was sought to keep the people (from irregular connexions) ; and yet there are those who become licentious, and intro- duce disorder and confusion among- their kindred.' 38. The Master said, 'According to the rules of marriage, the son-in-law should go in person to meet the bride. When he is introduced to her father and mother, they bring her forward, and give her to him1 : — being afraid things should go contrary to what is right. In this way a dyke is raised in the interest of the people ; and yet there are cases in which the wife will not go (to her husband's)2.' 1 ' Warning her, at the same time, to see that she reverenced her husband.' 2 We should rather say here — ' in which the bride will not go to the bridegroom's.' The commentators do not give instances in point from the records of Chinese history. Perhaps the Master merely meant to say that there were cases in which the bride did not go to her new home in the spirit of reverence and obedience enjoined upon her. BOOK XXVIII. ATJNG YUNG OR THE STATE OF EQUILIBRIUM AND HARMONY1. Section I. 1. What Heaven has conferred is called the Nature. An accordance with this nature is called the Path of Duty; the regulation of this path is called the System of Instruction. 2. The path should not be left for an instant ; if it could be left, it would not be the path. 3. On this account the superior man does not wait till he sees things to be cautious, nor till he hears things to be apprehensive. 4. There is nothing more visible than what is secret, and nothing more manifest than what is minute. Therefore the superior man is watchful over himself when he is alone. 5. When there are no stirrings of pleasure, anger, sorrow, or joy, we call it the State of Equi- librium. When those feelings have been stirred, and all in their due measure and degree, we call it the State of Harmony. This Equilibrium is the great root (from which grow all the human actings) in the world; and this Harmony is the universal path (in which they should all proceed). 6. Let the State of Equilibrium and Har- mony exist in perfection, and heaven and earth 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 42, 43. SECT. I. JKUNG YUNG. 3OI would have their (right) places, (and do their proper work), and all things would be nourished (and flourish)1. 7. Aung-ni2 said, 'The superior man (exhibits) the state of equilibrium and harmony3; the small 1 These six short paragraphs may be considered a summary of the Confucian doctrine, and a sort of text to the sermon which follows in the rest of the Treatise ; — the first chapter of it. The commencing term, Heaven, gives us, vaguely, the idea of a supreme, righteous, and benevolent Power ; while ' heaven and earth,' in paragraph 6, bring before us the material heaven and earth with inherent powers and capabilities, by the interaction of which all the phenomena of production, growth, and decay are produced. Midway between these is Man; and nothing is wanting to make a perfectly happy world but his moral perfection, evidenced by his perfect conformity to the right path, the path of duty. ' The superior man,' in paragraph 3, has evidently the moral signification of the name in its highest degree. He is the man ' who embodies the path (^9 ^ ^* >W The description of him in para- graph 4, that ' he is watchful over himself when alone/ is, literally, that ' he is watchful over his solitariness,- — his aloneness,' that ' soli- tariness ' being, I conceive, the ideal of his own nature to which every man in his best and highest moments is capable of attaining. 2 See the introductory notice of Book XXV. 3 Formerly I translated this by ' The superior man (embo- dies) the course of the mean.' Zottoli gives for it, ' Sapiens vir tenet medium;' Re'musat, 'Le sage tient invariablement le milieu,' and ' Sapiens medio constat.' The two characters A\ing yung (pfcf ljif)> however, are evidently brought on from the preceding chapter, yung (Jm) being used instead of the ho (^fj) in paragraphs 5 and 6. In the Khang-hsi dictionary, we find that yung is defined by ho, among other terms, with a reference to a remark of Aang Hsiian, preserved by Lu Teh-ming, that ' the Book is named the A'ung Yung, because it records the practice of the -A'iing Ho.' Kzng was obliged to express himself so, having defined the yung of the title by another yung (IB), meaning 'use' or 'practice.' But both kung and yung are adjectival terms used substantively. 302 THE LI Kl. BK. XXVIII. man presents the opposite of those states. The superior man exhibits them, because he is the superior man, and maintains himself in them ; the small man presents the opposite of them, because he is the small man, and exercises no apprehensive caution.' 8. The Master said, ' Perfect is the state of equi- librium and harmony ! Rare have they long been among the people who could attain to it ! ' 9. The Master said, ' I know how it is that the Path is not walked in. The knowing go beyond it, and the stupid do not come up to it. The worthy go beyond it, and the unworthy do not come up to it. There is nobody but eats and drinks ; but they are few who can distinguish the flavours (of what they eat and drink)1.' 10. The Master said, 'Ah ! how is the path un- trodden ! ' 11. The Master said, 'Was not Shun grandly wise ? Shun loved to question others, and to study their words though they might be shallow. He concealed what was bad (in them), and displayed what was good. He laid hold of their two extremes, determined the mean2 between them, and used it in (his government of) the people. It was this that made him Shun !' 12. The Master said, 'Men all say, "We are wise;" but being driven forward and taken in a net, a trap, or a pitfall, not one of them knows how to escape. Men all say, "We are wise;" but when they have chosen the state of equilibrium and harmony, they are not able to keep in it for a round month.' 1 Men eat and drink without knowing why or what. 2 Here Kung has the signification of ' the mean,' the just medium between two extremes. SECT. I. 20JNG YUNG. 303 13. The Master said, ' This was the character of Hui : — Having chosen the state of equilibrium and harmony, when he found any one thing that was good, he grasped it firmly, wore it on his breast, and did not let it o-o1.' 14. The Master said, 'The kingdom, its states, and clans may be perfectly ruled ; dignities and emoluments may be declined ; but the state of equi- librium and harmony cannot be attained to.' 15. 3ze-lu2 asked about fortitude. 16. The Master said, ' Do you mean the fortitude of the South, the fortitude of the North, or your fortitude ?' 17. To show forbearance and gentleness in teaching others ; and not to return conduct towards one's self which is contrary to the right path : — this is the forti- tude of the South, and the good man makes it his study. 18. To lie under arms, and to die without regret: — this is the bravery of the North, and the bold make it their study. 19. Therefore, the superior man cultivates a (friendly) harmony, and is not weak ; — how firm is he in his fortitude ! He stands erect in the middle, and does not incline to either side ; — how firm is he in his fortitude ! If right ways pre- vail in (the government of his state), he does not change from what he was in retirement ; — how firm is he in his fortitude ! If bad ways prevail, he will die sooner than change ; — how firm is he in his fortitude !' 20. The Master said, ' To search for what is 1 3ze-hui was Yen Yuan, Confucius' favourite disciple. 2 3ze-lu was /Tung Yu, another celebrated disciple, famous for his bravery. ' Your fortitude,' in paragraph 1 6, is probably the fortitude which you ought to cultivate, that described in para- graph 19. 3O4 THE ii Kl. BK. XXVIII. mysterious1, and practise marvellous (arts), in order to be mentioned with honour in future ages : — this is what I do not do. 21. The good man tries to proceed according to the (right) path, but when he has gone half-way, he abandons it ; — I am not able (so) to stop. 22. The superior man, acting in accord- ance with the state of equilibrium and harmony, may be all unknown and unregarded by the world, but he feels no regret : — it is only the sage who is able for this2. 23. ' The way of the superior man reaches far and wide, and yet is secret. 24. Common men and women, however ignorant, may intermeddle with the know- ledge of it ; but in its utmost reaches there is that which even the sage does not know. Common men and women, however much below the ordinary standard of character, can carry it into practice ; but in its utmost reaches, there is that which even the sage cannot attain to. 25. Great as heaven and earth are, men still find things in their action with which to be dissatisfied3. 26. ' Therefore, if the superior man were to speak (of this way) in its greatness, nothing in the world would be able to contain it ; and if he were to speak of it in its smallness, nothing in the world would be 1 This is translated from a reading of the text, as old as the second Han dynasty. 2 With this ends the second chapter of the Treatise, in which the words of Confucius are so often quoted; specially it would appear, to illustrate what is meant by ' the state of equilibrium and harmony.' Yet there is a great want of definiteness and practical guidance about the utterances. 3 Who does not grumble occasionally at the weather, and dis- turbances apparently of regular order in the seasons ? SECT. I, #UNG YUNG. 305 found able to divide it. 27. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 5), " Up to heaven flies the hawk ; Fishes spring in the deep," telling how (the way) is seen above and below. 28. The way of the superior man may be found in its simple elements among common men and women, but in its utmost reaches it is displayed in (the operations of) heaven and earth V 29. The Master said, ' The path is not far from man. When men try to pursue a path which is far from what their nature suggests, it should not be considered the Path. 30. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, xv, ode 5), "In hewing an axe-shaft, in hewing an axe-shaft, The pattern is not far off." We grasp one axe-handle to hew the other ; but if we look askance at it, we still consider it far off. 31. Therefore the superior man governs men ac- cording to their humanity ; and when they change (what is wrong), he stops. 32. Fidelity to one's self and the corresponding reciprocity are not far from the path. What you do not like when done to yourself, do not do to others. 33. In the way of the superior man there are four things, to not one of which have I, A7^iu2, as yet attained. — To 1 With this chapter commences, it is commonly and correctly held, the third part of the Treatise, intended to illustrate what is said in the second paragraph of it, that ' the path cannot be left for an instant.' The author proceeds to quote sayings of Confucius to make his meaning clear, but he does so ' in a miscellaneous way,' and so as to embrace some of the widest and most difficult exercises of Chinese thought. 2 The name first given to Confucius by his parents. [28] X 306 THE Ll Kt. BK. XXVIII. serve my father as I would require my son to serve me, I am not yet able ; to serve my ruler as I would require my minister to serve me, I am not yet able ; to serve my elder brother as I would require a younger brother to serve me, I am not yet able ; to set the example in behaving to a friend as I would require him to behave to me, I am not yet able. 34. In the practice of the ordinary virtues, and attention to his ordinary words, if (the practice) be in anything defective, (the superior man) dares not but exert himself; if (his words) be in any way excessive, he dares not allow himself in such license. His words have respect to his practice, and his practice has respect to his words. 35. Is not the superior man characterised by a perfect sincerity ? 36. ' The superior man does what is proper to the position in which he is ; he does not wish to go be- yond it. In a position of wealth and honour, he does what is proper to a position of wealth and honour. In a position of poverty and meanness, he does what is proper to a position of poverty and meanness. Situated among barbarous tribes, he does what is proper in such a situation. In a position of sorrow and difficulty, he does what is proper in such a position. The superior man can find himself in no position in which he is not himself. 37. In a high situation, he does not insult or oppress those who are below him ; in a low situation, he does not cling to or depend on those who are above him. 38. ' He rectifies himself, and seeks for nothing from others ; and thus none feel dissatisfied with him. Above, he does not murmur against Heaven ; below, he does not find fault with men. 39. Therefore the superior man lives quietly and calmly, waiting for the SECT. I. A'UNG YUNG. 307 appointments (of Heaven) ; while the mean man does what is full of risk, looking out for the turns of luck.' 40. The Master said, ' In archery we have something like (the way of) the superior man. When the archer misses the centre of the target, he turns round and seeks for the cause of his failure in himself. 41. ' The way of the superior man may be com- pared to what takes place in travelling, when to go far we must traverse the space that is near, and in ascending a height we must begin from the lower ground. 42. It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, i, ode 4, 7, 8), " Children and wife we love ; Union with them is sweet, As lute's soft strain, that soothes our pain. How joyous do we meet! But brothers more than they Can satisfy the heart. 'Tis their accord does peace afford, And lasting joy impart. For ordering of your homes, For joy with child and wife, Consider well the truth I tell ; — This is the charm of life ! " 43. The Master said, ' How complacent are parents (in such a state of things) ! ' 44. The Master said, ' How abundant and rich are the powers possessed and exercised by Spiritual Beings ! We look for them, but do not see them ; we listen for, but do not hear them ; they enter into all things, and nothing is without them1. 45. They 1 We hardly see the relevancy of pars. 44-47 as illustrating the X 2 ;o8 THE LI kL BK. XXVIII. cause all under Heaven to fast and purify themselves, and to array themselves in their richest dresses in order to attend at their sacrifices. Then, like over- flowing water, they seem to be over the heads, and on the left and right (of their worshippers). 46. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 7), " The Spirits come, but when and where, No one beforehand can declare. The more should we not Spirits slight, But ever feel as in their sight." 47. ' Such is the manifestness of what is minute. Such is the impossibility of repressing the outgoings of sincerity ! ' 48. The Master said, ' How greatly filial was Shun! His virtue was that of a sage; his dignity was that of the son of Heaven ; his riches were all within the four seas ; his ancestral temple enjoyed his offerings ; his descendants preserved (those to) himself. 49. Thus it was that with his great virtue he could not but obtain his position, his riches, his fame, and his long life. 50. Therefore Heaven, in statement that ' the path cannot be left.' They bear rather on the next statement of the first chapter, the manifestness of that which is most minute, and serve to introduce the subject of ' sincerity,' which is dwelt upon so much in the last part of the Treatise. But what are the Spirits or Spiritual Beings that are spoken of? In paragraphs 45, 46, they are evidently the spirits sacrificed to in the ancestral temple and spirits generally, according to our meaning of the term. The difficulty is with the name in paragraph 44, the Kwei Shan there. Re*musat renders the phrase simply by fles esprits,' and in his Latin version by ' spiritus genii que,' as also does Zottoli. Wylie gives for it ' the Spiritual Powers.' Of course A'au Hsi and all the Sung scholars take it, according to their philosophy, as meaning the phenomena of expansion and contraction, the dis- plays of the Power or Powers, working under Heaven, in nature. SECT. I. 2TUNG YUNG. 309 producing things, is sure to be bountiful to them according to their qualities. 51. Thus it nourishes the tree that stands flourishing, and that which is ready to fall it overthrows. 52. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 5, 1), ' What brilliant virtue does our king, Whom all admire and love, display ! People and officers all sing The praise of his impartial sway. Heaven to his sires the kingdom gave, And him with equal favour views, Heaven's strength and aid will ever save The throne whose grant it oft renews." Hence (we may say that) he who is greatly virtuous is sure to receive the appointment (of Heaven).' 53. The Master said, ' It is only king Wan of whom it can be said that he had no cause for grief ! His father was king Ki, and his son was king Wu. His father laid the foundations of his dignity, and his son transmitted it. 54. King Wu continued the line and enterprise of kings Thai, Ki, and Wan. Once for all he buckled on his armour, and got possession of all under heaven ; and all his life he did not lose the illustrious name of being that possessor. His dignity was that of the son of Heaven ; his riches were all within the four seas ; his ancestral temple enjoyed his offerings ; and his descendants preserved those to himself. 55. It was in his old age that king Wu received the appointment (to the throne), and the duke of A'au completed the virtuous achieve- ments of Wan and Wu. He carried back the title of king to Thai and Ki, sacrificing also to all the dukes before them with the ceremonies of the son A A 3IO THE LI Kl. bk. xxviii. of Heaven. And the practice was extended as a rule to all the feudal princes, the Great officers, all other officers, and the common people. If the father were a Great officer, and the son an inferior officer, the former was buried with the ceremonies due to a Great officer, and sacrificed to with those due by an inferior officer. If the father were an ordinary officer, and the son a Great officer, the burial was that of an ordinary officer, and the sacri- fices those of a Great officer. The one year's mourning extended up to Great officers ; the three years' mourning extended to the son of Heaven (himself). In the mourning for a father or mother no difference was made between the noble and the mean ; — it was one and the same for all' 56. The Master said, ' How far-extending was the filial piety of king Wu and the duke of A"au ! Now filial piety is the skilful carrying out of the wishes of our forefathers, and the skilful carrying on of their undertakings. In spring and autumn1 they repaired and beautified the temple-halls of their ancestors, set forth their ancestral vessels, displayed their dresses, and presented the offerings of the several seasons. 57. By means of the ceremonies of the ancestral temple, they maintained the order of their ancestors sacrificed to, here on the left, there on the right, according as they were father or son ; by arranging the parties present according to their rank, they distinguished between the more noble and the less ; by the arrangement of the various services, they made a distinction of the talents and virtue of 1 Two seasons, instead of the four, as in the title of the If/iun Km. SECT. I. JfUNG YUNG. 311 those discharging them ; in the ceremony of general pledging, the inferiors presented the cup to the superiors, and thus something was given to the lowest to do ; at the (concluding) feast, places were given according to the hair, and thus was made the distinction of years. 58. They occupied the places (of their forefathers) ; practised their ceremonies ; performed their music ; showed their respect for those whom they honoured ; and loved those whom they regarded with affection. Thus they served the dead as they served them when alive, and served the departed as they would have served them if they had been continued among them : — all this was the perfection of filial duty. 59. 'By the ceremonies of the border sacrifices (to Heaven and Earth) they served God, and by those of the ancestral temple they sacrificed to their fore- fathers l. 60. If one understood the ceremonies of the border sacrifices and the meaning of the sacrifices of the ancestral temple, it would be as easy for him to rule a state as to look into his palm2.' 1 The phraseology of this paragraph and the next is to be taken in accordance with the usage of terms in the chapters on Sacrifices. 2 With this ends, according to the old division of the Treatise, followed by the A^ien-lung editors, the first section of it ; and with it, we may say, ends also the special quotation by the author of the words of Confucius to illustrate what is said in the first chapter about the path being never to be left. The relevancy of much of what we read from paragraph 24 downwards to the purpose which it is said to serve, it is not easy for us to appreciate. All that the Master says from paragraph 48 seems rather to belong to a Treatise on Filial Piety than to one on the States of Equilibrium and Harmony. 312 THE LI kL BK. XXVIII. Section II. i. Duke Ai asked about government1. The Master said, ' The government of Wan and Wu is exhibited in (the Records), — the tablets of wood and bamboo. Let there be the men, and their govern- ment would (again) flourish ; but without the men, their government must cease. 2. With the (right) men the growth of government is rapid, (just as) in the earth the growth of vegetation is rapid. 3. Government is (like) an easily-growing rush 2. 4. Therefore the exercise of government depends on (getting) the proper men. 5. (Such) men are to be got by (the ruler's) own character. That character is to be cultivated by his pursuing the right course. That course is to be cultivated by benevolence. 6. Benevolence is (the chief element in) humanity 3, and the greatest exercise of it is in the love of rela- tives. Righteousness is (the accordance of actions with) what is right, and the greatest exercise of it is in the honour paid to the worthy. The decreasing 1 A considerable portion of this chapter, with variations and additions, is found in the Narratives of the School, forming the 17th article of that compilation. It may very well stand by itself; but the author of the A'ung Yung adopted it, and made it fit into his own way of thinking. 2 Literally, ' a typha or a phragmites.' Such is Ku Hsi's view of the text. The old commentators took a different view, which appears to me, and would appear to my readers, very absurd. 3 Literally, 'Benevolence is Man (^ ^ \ "tii); a remark_ able saying, found elsewhere in the Li K\, and also in Mencius. The value of it is somewhat marred by what follows about ' righteous- ness ' and ' propriety.' SECT. II. A'UNG YUNG. measures in the love of relatives, and the stej the honour paid to the worthy, are produced by principle of) propriety. 7. When those in inferior situations do not obtain (the confidence of) their superiors, the people cannot be governed success- fully1. 8. Therefore the wise ruler should not neglect the cultivation of his character. Desiring to cultivate his character, he should not neglect to serve his parents. Desiring to serve his parents, he should not neglect to know men. Desiring to know men, he should not neglect to know Heaven. 9. The universal path for all under heaven is five- fold, and the (virtues) by means of which it is trodden are three. There are ruler and minister; father and son ; husband and wife ; elder brother and younger; and the intercourse of friend and friend: — (the duties belonging to) these five (relation- ships) constitute the universal path for all. Wisdom, benevolence, and fortitude: — these three are the universal virtues of all. That whereby these are carried into exercise is one thing2. 10. Some are born with the knowledge of these (duties) ; some know them by study ; and some know them as the result of painful experience. But the knowledge being possessed, it comes to one and the same thing. 11. Some practise them with the ease of nature; some for the sake of their advantage ; and some by 1 This short sentence is evidently out of place. It is found again farther on in its proper place. It has slipped in here by mistake. There is a consent of opinion, ancient and modern, on this point. 2 ' One thing ; ' literally ' one/ which might be translated ' sin- gleness/ meaning, probably, the ' solitariness ' of chapter i, or the ' sincerity ' of which we read so often in the sequel. 314 THE L^ K^- BK. XXVIII. dint of strong effort. But when the work of them is done, it comes to one and the same thing V 12. The Master said, ' To be fond of learning is near to wisdom ; to practise with vigour is near to benevolence ; to know to be ashamed is near to fortitude. He who knows these three things, knows how to cultivate his own character. Knowing how to cultivate his own character, he knows how to govern other men. Knowing how to govern other men, he knows how to govern the kingdom with its states and families. 13. 'All who have the government of the kingdom with its states and families have nine standard rules to follow: — the cultivation of themselves; the honour- ing of the worthy ; affection towards their relatives ; respect towards their great ministers ; kind and sympathetic treatment of the whole body of officers dealing with the mass of the people as their children encouraging the resort of all classes of artisans indulgent treatment of men from a distance ; and the kindly cherishing of the princes of the states. 14. 'By (the rulers) cultivation of himself there is set up (the example of) the course (which all should pursue) ; by his honouring of the worthy, he will be preserved from errors of judgment ; by his showing affection towards his relatives, there will be no dis- satisfaction among his uncles and brethren ; by respecting the great ministers he will be kept from mistakes ; by kindly treatment of the whole body of officers, they will be led to make the most 1 After this, it follows in the 'Narratives:' — The duke said, ' Your words are admirable, are perfect ; but I am really stupid and unable to fulfil them.' SECT. II. £UNG YUNG. 315 grateful return for his courtesies ; by dealing with the mass of the people as his children, they will be drawn to exhort one another (to what is good) ; by encouraging the resort of artisans, his wealth for ex- penditure will be rendered sufficient ; by indulgent treatment of men from a distance, they will come to him from all quarters ; by his kindly cherishing of the princes of the states, all under heaven will revere him. 15. ' The adjustment of all his thoughts, purifica- tion, arraying himself in his richest dresses, and the avoiding of every movement contrary to the rules of propriety ; — this is the way in which (the ruler) must cultivate his own character. Discarding slanderers, keeping himself from (the seductions of) beauty, making light of riches and honouring virtue : — this is the way by which he will encourage the worthy. Giving his relatives places of honour, and large emolument, and entering into sympathy with them in their likes and dislikes : — this is the way by which he can stimulate affection towards relatives. Giving them numerous officers to discharge their functions and execute their orders : — this is the way by which he will stimulate his Great ministers. According to them a generous confidence, and making their emoluments large : — this is the way by which he will stimulate (the body of) his officers. Employing them (only) at the regular times and making the imposts light : — this is the way by which he will stimulate the people. Daily examinations and monthly trials, and rations and allowances in proportion to the work done : — this is the way in which he will stimulate the artisans. Escorting them on their departure, and meeting them on their coming, commending the good among them and showing pity to the incom- 3 16 THE LI K\. BK. XXVIII. petent: — this is the way in which he will manifest his induleent treatment of men from a distance. Con- tinuiner families whose line of succession has been broken, reviving states that have ceased to exist, reducing confusion to order, supporting where there is peril ; having fixed times for receiving the princes themselves and their envoys ; sending them away after liberal treatment and with liberal gifts, and re- quiring from them small offerings on their coming : — this is the way in which he will cherish with kindness the princes of the states. 1 6. ' All who have the government of the king- dom with its states and families have these nine standard rules to attend to. That whereby they are carried into exercise is one thing. In all things success depends on previous preparation ; without such preparation there is failure. If what is to be spoken be determined beforehand, there will be no stumbling in the utterance. If the things to be done be determined beforehand, there will be no difficulty with them. If actions to be performed be deter- mined beforehand, there will be no difficulty with them. If actions to be performed be determined beforehand, there will be no sorrow or distress in connexion with them. If the courses to be pursued be determined beforehand, the pursuit of them will be inexhaustible 1. 1 7. ' When those in inferior situations do not 1 The ' one thing ' in this paragraph carries us back to the same phrase in paragraph 9. If we confine our attention to this para- graph alone, we shall say, with Xang and Ying-ta, ' the one thing ' is the ' preparation beforehand,' of which it goes on to speak ; and it seems to be better not to grope here for a more mysterious meaning. SECT. II. /TUNG YUNG. 3 I 7 obtain (the confidence of) their superiors, the people cannot be governed successfully. 1 8. ' There is a way to obtain (the confidence of) the superior ; — if one is not believed in by his friends, he will not obtain the confidence of his superior. There is a way to secure being believed in by his friends ; — if he be not in submissive accord with his parents, he will not be believed in by his friends. There is a way to secure submissive accord with parents ; — if one, on turning his thoughts in on himself, finds that he has not attained to the perfection of his nature \ he will not be in submissive accord with his parents. There is a way to secure the perfection of the nature ; — if a man have not a clear understanding o of what is good, he will not attain to that perfection. 19. ' Perfection of nature is characteristic of Heaven. To attain to that perfection belongs to man. He who possesses that perfection hits what is right without any effort, and apprehends without any exercise of thought ; — he is the sage 2 who 1 Literally, ' that he is not sincere,' which is Mr. Wylie's render- ing ; or, as I rendered it in 1861, ' finds a want of sincerity.' But in the frequent occurrence of gjjg in the ' Sequel of the Treatise,' 'sincerity' is felt to be an inadequate rendering of it. Zottoli renders _the clause by ' Si careat veritate, integritate,' and says in a note, ' jHj£ est naturalis entis perfectio, quae rei convenit juxta genuinum Creatoris protypon, quaeque a creatore infunditur ; pro- indeque est rei Veritas, seu rei juxta veritatem perfectio.' It seems to me that this ideal perfection, as belonging to all things, which God made ' good,' is expressed by ^£t. in the last clause ; and that the realisation of that perfection by man, as belonging to his own nature, is the work of |j^, and may be spoken of as actually and fully accomplished, or in the process of being accomplished. It is difficult with our antecedent knowledge and opinions to place ourselves exactly in the author's point of view. 2 8? y\'"~ R&nusat, Zottoli, and many give for this name 318 THE ii Kl. BK. XXVIII. naturally and easily embodies the right way. He who attains to perfection is he who chooses what is good, and firmly holds it fast. 20. 'He extensively studies what is good ; inquires accurately about it ; thinks carefully over it ; clearly discriminates it ; and vigorously practises it. While there is anything he has not studied, or in what he has studied there is anything he cannot (understand), he will not intermit his labour. While there is any- thing he has not asked about, or anything in what he has asked about that he does not know, he will not intermit his labour. While there is anything he has not thought over, or anything in what he has thought about that he does not know, he will not intermit his labour. While there is anything which he has not tried to discriminate, or anything in his discrimination that is not clear, he will not intermit his labour. While there is anything which he has not practised, or any want of vigour so far as he has practised, he will not intermit his labour. ' If another man succeed by one effort, he will use a hundred efforts ; if another succeed by ten, he will use a thousand. Let a man proceed in this way, and though stupid, he is sure to become intelligent ; though weak, he is sure to become strong.' 21. The understanding (of what is good), spring- ing from moral perfection, is to be ascribed to the nature ; moral perfection springing from the under- 'sanctus vir,' 'un saint,' 'the holy man.' I prefer, after all, to adhere to the rendering, ' le sage,' ' the sage.' The sage is the ideal man ; the saint is the man sanctified by the Spirit of God. Humanity pre- dominates in the former concept ; Divinity in the latter. The ideas of morality and goodness belong to both names. See Mencius, VII, ix, 25, for his graduation of the appellations of good men. SECT. II. .STUNG YUNG. 319 standing (of what is good) is to be ascribed to instruction. But given the perfection, and there shall be the understanding; given the understanding, and there shall be the perfection l. 22. It is only he of all under heaven who is entirely perfect that can give its full development to his nature. Able to give its full development to his own nature, he can also give the same to the nature of other men. Able to give its full development to the nature of other men, he can also give the same to the natures of animals and things 2. Able to give their full development to these, he can assist the transforming and nourishing operations of heaven and earth. Capable of assisting those transforming and nourishing operations, he can form a ternion with heaven and earth. 23. Next to the above is he who cultivates to the utmost the shoots (of goodness in his nature)3, till he becomes morally perfect. This perfection will then obtain embodiment ; embodied, it will be mani- fested ; manifested, it will become brilliant ; brilliant, 1 With this paragraph there commences the last chapter of the Treatise. 3ze-sze, it is said, takes up in it the commencing utter- ances in paragraph 19, and variously illustrates and prosecutes them. From the words ' nature and instruction ' it is evident how he had the commencing chapter of the Treatise in his mind. 2 The text is simply ' the nature of things ; ' but the word ' things (4$j)' comprehends all beings besides man. Zottoli's 'rerum natura' seems quite inadequate. R^musat's Latin version is the same; his French is ' la nature des choses.' Wylie says, ' the nature of other objects.' This chapter has profoundly affected all subsequent philosophical speculation in China. The ternion of ' Heaven, Earth, and Man' is commonly called San 3hai (~ 7y)> ' ^e Three Powers.' 9 The character in the text here is a difficult one : — kh\\ 320 THE Li A'L BK. XXVIII. it will go forth in action ; going forth in action, it will produce changes ; producing changes, it will effect transformations. It is only he of all under heaven who is entirely perfect that can transform. 24. It is characteristic of him who is entirely perfect that he can foreknow. When a state or family is about to nourish, there are sure to be lucky omens, and when it is about to perish, there are sure to be unlucky omens. They will be seen in the tortoise-shell and stalks l ; they will affect the movements of the four limbs. When calamity or happiness is about to come, the good is sure to be foreknown by him, and the evil also. Hence, he who is entirely perfect is like a Spirit 2. meaning ' crooked,' often used as the antithesis of ' straight ; ' but the title of the first Book in this collection shows that it need not be used only of what is bad. In that case, the phrase 3^£ |gj would mean — ' carries to the utmost what is bad.' Zottoli's render- ing of it by ' promovere declinatam naturam ' is inadmissible. Nor can we accept Re'musat's ' diriger efforts vers une seule vertu,' which Wylie follows, merely substituting ' object ' for ' vertu.' See the introduction on the title of the first Book. Very much to the point is an illustration by the scholar Pai Lu : — 'Put on stone on a bamboo shoot, or where it would show itself, and it will travel round the stone and come out crookedly at its side.' So it is with the good nature, whose free and full development is repressed. 1 These were the two principal methods of divination practised from very ancient times. The stalks were those of the Ptarmica Sibirica ; of which I possess a bundle brought from the tomb of Confucius in 1873. It is difficult to say anything about 'the four limbs,' which were to A'ang ' the four feet of the tortoise.' 2 ' The Spirit-man ' is, according to Mencius' graduation, an ad- vance on the Sage or Holy man, one whose action is mysterious and invisible, like the power of Heaven and Earth working in nature. Chinese predicates about him could not go farther. sect. II. iTUNG YUNG. 32 I 25. Perfection is seen in (its possessor's) self- completion ; and the path (which is its embodiment), in its self-direction. 26. Perfection is (seen in) the beginning and end of (all) creatures and things. Without this perfec- tion there would be no creature or thing. 27. Therefore the superior man considers per- fection as the noblest of all attainments. 28. He who is perfect does not only complete himself; his perfection enables him to complete all other beings also. The completion of himself shows the complete virtue of his nature ; the completion of other beings shows his wisdom. (The two) show his nature in good operation, and the way in which the union of the external and internal is effected. 29. Hence, whenever he exercises it, (the opera- tion) is right. 30. Thus it is that entire perfection is unresting ; unresting, it continues long; continuing long, it evidences itself; evidencing itself, it reaches far; reaching far, it becomes large and substantial ; large and substantial, it becomes high and brilliant. 31. By being large and substantial it contains (all) things. By being high and brilliant, it over- spreads (all) things. By reaching far and continuing long, it completes (all) things. By its being so large and substantial, it makes (its possessor) the co- equal of earth ; by its height and brilliancy, it makes him the co-equal of heaven ; by its reaching far and continuing long, it makes him infinite. 32. Such being his characteristics, without any manifestation he becomes displayed ; without any movement he effects changes ; without any exertion [28] Y 322 THE LI kL bk. xxvnr. he completes. The way of heaven and earth may be completely described in one sentence : — 33. They are without any second thought, and so their production of things is inexhaustible. 34. The characteristics of heaven and earth are to be large ; to be substantial ; to be high ; to be brilliant ; to be far-reaching ; to be long-continuing. 35. There now is this heaven ; it is only this bright shining spot, but when viewed in its inex- haustible extent, the sun, moon, stars, and constella- tions of the zodiac are suspended in it, and all things are overspread by it. There is this earth ; it is only a handful of soil, but when regarded in its breadth and thickness, it sustains mountains like the Hwa and the Yo, without feeling the weight, and contains the rivers and seas without their leaking away. There is this mountain ; it looks only the size of a stone, but when contemplated in all its altitude the grass and trees are produced on it, birds and beasts dwell on it, and the precious things which men treasure up are found in it. There is this water ; it appears only a ladleful, but, when we think of its unfathomable depths, the largest tortoises, iguanas, iguanadons, dragons, fishes, and turtles are produced in them, and articles of value and sources of wealth abound in them. 36. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, i, sect. 1, ode 2), ' The ordinances of Heaven, How profound are they and unceasing!' intimating that it is thus that Heaven is Heaven. (And again) : — ' Oh ! how illustrious Was the singleness of the virtue of king Wan ! ' SECT. II. iiTUNG YUNG. 323 intimating that it was thus that king Wan was the accomplished (king), by his singleness unceasing. 37. How great is the course of the sage ! Like an overflowing flood it sends forth and nourishes all things ! It rises up to the height of heaven. 38. How complete is its greatness ! It embraces the three hundred usages of ceremony, and the three thousand modes of demeanour. It waits for the right man, and then it is trodden. Hence it is said, ' If there be not perfect virtue, the perfect path cannot be exemplified.' 39. Therefore the superior man honours the vir- tuous nature, and pursues the path of inquiry and study (regarding it); seeking to carry it out in its breadth and greatness, so as to omit none of the exquisite and minute points (which it embraces); raising it to its greatest height and brilliancy, so as to be found in the way of equilibrium and harmony. He cherishes his old knowledge so as (continually) to be acquiring new, and thus manifests an honest, generous, earnestness in the esteem and practice of all propriety 40. Therefore, when occupying a high situation he is not proud, and in a low situation he is not in- subordinate. If the state is well-governed, his words are able to promote its prosperity ; and if it be ill- governed, his silence is sufficient to secure forbear- ance (for himself). 41. Is not this what is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 6, 4), ' Intelligent is he and wise, Protecting his own person ?' 42. The Master said, ' Let a man who is ignorant be fond of using his own judgment ; let one who is y 2 324 THE Li kI BK, XXVIII. in a low situation be fond of arrogating a directing power ; let one who is living in the present age go back to the ways of antiquity ; — on all who act thus calamity is sure to come.' 43. To no one but the son of Heaven does it belong to discuss the subject of ceremonial usages ; to fix the measures ; and to determine (the names of) the written characters. 44. Now, throughout the whole kingdom, car- riages have all wheels of the same breadth of rim ; all writing is with the same characters ; and for conduct there are the same rules. 45. One may occupy the throne, but if he have not the proper virtue, he should not presume to make ceremonies or music. One may have the virtue, but if he have not the throne, he in the same way should not presume to make ceremonies or music. 46. The Master said, ' I might speak of the cere- monies of Hsia, but Kh\ could not sufficiently attest (my words). I have learned the ceremonies of Yin, and they are preserved in Sung. I have learned the ceremonies of A'au, and they are now used. I follow A'au.' 47. If he who attains to the sovereignty of all the kingdom attach the due importance to (those) three points 1, there are likely to be few errors (among the people). 48. However excellent may have been (the regu- lations of) those of former times, they cannot be attested. Not being attested, they cannot command credence. Not commanding credence, the people 1 What are those three points? The old interpretations said, — * The ceremonies of the three kings ;' A'u Hsi thought they were the three things in paragraph 43 ; — which is more likely. SECT. II. ATUNG YUNG. 325 would not follow them. However excellent mi^ht be those of one in an inferior station, they would not be honoured. Not honoured, they would not command credence. Not commanding credence, the people would not follow them. 49. Therefore the course of the superior man is rooted in his own character and conduct, and attested by the multitudes of the people. He examines (his institutions) by comparison with those of the founders of the three dynasties, and finds them with- out mistake. He sets them up before heaven and earth, and there is nothing in them contrary to (their mode of operation). He presents himself with them before Spiritual Beings, and no doubts about them arise. He is prepared to wait for the rise of a sage a hundred ages hence, and has no mis- givings. That he can present himself with them before Spiritual Beings, without any doubts about them arising, shows that he knows Heaven ; that he is prepared to wait for the rise of a sage a hundred ages hence, without any misgivings, shows that he knows men. 50. Therefore the movements of the superior man mark out for ages the path for all under heaven ; his actions are the law for ages for all under heaven; and his words are for ages the pattern for all under heaven. Those who are far from him look longingly for him, and those who are near are never weary of him. 51. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, i, sect. 2, ode 3), ' There in their own states are they loved, Nor tired of are they here ; Their fame through lapse of time shall grow, Both day and night, more clear.' A A ^>26 THE LI Kl. BK. xxvin. Never has a superior man obtained an early renown throughout the kingdom who did not cor- respond to this description. 52. Aung-ni handed down (the views of) Yao and Shun as if they had been his ancestors, and elegantly displayed (the ways) of Wan and Wu, taking them as his model. Above, he adopted as his law the seasons of heaven ; and below, he conformed to the water and land. 53. He may be compared to heaven and earth in their supporting and containing, their overshadowing and curtaining all things. He may be compared to the four seasons in their alternating progress, and to the sun and moon in their successive shining. All things are nourished together without their injur- ing one another; the courses (of the seasons and of the sun and moon) proceed without any collision among them. The smaller energies are like river-currents ; the greater energies are seen in mighty transforma- tions. It is this which makes heaven and earth so great. 54. It is only he possessed of all sagely qualities that can exist under heaven, who shows himself quick in apprehension, clear in discernment, of far- reaching intelligence and all-embracing knowledge, fitted to exercise rule ; magnanimous, generous, benign, and mild, fitted to exercise forbearance ; impul- sive, energetic, firm, and enduring, fitted to maintain a strong hold ; self-adjusted, grave, never swerving from the mean, and correct, fitted to command re- spect ; accomplished, distinctive, concentrative, and searching, fitted to exercise discrimination. 55. All-embracing is he and vast, deep and active as a fountain, sending forth in their due seasons these (qualities). SECT. II. JTUNG YUNG. 32/ 56. All-embracing is he and vast, like heaven. Deep and active as a fountain, he is like an abyss. He shows himself, and the people all revere him ; he speaks, and the people all believe him ; he acts, and the people all are pleased with him. In this way his fame overspreads the Middle kingdom, and extends to all barbarous tribes. Wherever ships and carriages reach ; wherever the strength of man penetrates ; wherever the heavens overshadow and the earth sustains ; wherever the sun and moon shine ; wherever frosts and dews fall ; all who have blood and breath unfeignedly honour and love him. Hence it is said, 'He is the equal of Heaven1.' 57. It is only he among all under heaven who is entirely perfect that can adjust and blend together the great standard duties of all under heaven, establish the great fundamental principles of all, and know the transforming and nourishing operations of heaven and earth. 58. How shall this individual have any one beyond himself on whom he depends ? Call him man in his ideal, how earnest is he ! Call him an abyss, how deep is he ! Call him Heaven, how vast is he ! 59. Who can know him but he who is indeed quick in apprehension and clear in discernment, of sagely wisdom, and all-embracing knowledge, possessing heavenly virtue ? 60. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, v, ode 3, 1), 1 It was the old opinion that in this part of the Treatise we have his grandson's eloquent eulogium of Confucius, and I agree with that opinion. Yet I have not ventured to translate the different parts of it in the past tense. Let it be read as the description of the ideal sage who found his realisation in the Master. ^28 THE Ll kL BK. XXVIII. ' Over her embroidered robe she wears a (plain) garment;' expressing how the wearer disliked the display of the beauty (of the robe). Just so, it is the way of the superior man to prefer the concealment (of his virtue), while it daily becomes more illustrious, and it is the way of the small man to seek notoriety, while he daily goes more and more to ruin. 6 1. It is characteristic of the superior man, appearing insipid, yet not to produce satiety ; pre- ferring a simple negligence, yet to have his accom- plishments recognised ; seeming mild and simple, yet to be discriminating. He knows how what is dis- tant lies in what is near. He knows where the wind proceeds from. He knows how what is minute becomes manifested1. He, we may be assured, will enter (the innermost recesses of) virtue. 62. It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, iv, ode 8, 11), ' Though they dive to the bottom, and lie there, They are very clearly seen.' Therefore the superior man internally examines his heart, that there may be nothing wrong there, and no occasion for dissatisfaction with himself. 63. That wherein the superior man cannot be equalled is simply this, — his (work) which other men do not see. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 7), 'When in your chamber, 'neath its light, Maintain your conscience pure and bright.' 1 That is how the ruler's character acts on the people as the wind on grass and plants. SECT. II. A'UNG YUNG. 329 64. Therefore the superior man, even when he is not acting-, has the feeling of reverence ; and when he does not speak, he has the feeling of truthfulness. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, iii, ode 2), ; These offerings we set forth without a word, Without contention, and with one accord, To beg the presence of the honoured lord.' 65. Therefore the superior man does not use re- wards, and the people are stimulated (to virtue) ; he does not show anger, and the people are awed more than by hatchets and battle-axes. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, i, sect, i, ode 4), ' What is most distinguished is the being virtuous; It will secure the imitation of all the princes.' 66. Therefore the superior man being sincerely reverential, the whole kingdom is made tranquil. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 7, 7), ' I am pleased with your intelligent virtue, Not loudly proclaimed, nor pourtrayed.' 67. The Master said, 'Among the appliances to transform the people, sounds and appearances (may seem to) have a trivial effect. But it is said in another ode (III, iii, ode 6, 6), " Virtue is light as a hair." 68. ' But a hair will still admit of comparison (as to its size). In what is said in another ode (III, i, ode 1, 7), " The doings of high Heaven Have neither sound nor odour," we have the highest description (of transforming virtue).' BOOK XXIX. PIAO K\ OR THE RECORD ON EXAMPLE1. 1. These were the words of the Master : — ( Let us return V The superior man, in obscurity, yet makes himself manifest ; without giving himself any airs, his gravity is acknowledged ; without the exercise of severity, he inspires awe ; without using words, he is believed. 2. The Master said, ' The superior man takes no erroneous step before men, nor errs in the expres- sion of his countenance, nor in the language of his speech. Therefore his demeanour induces awe, his countenance induces fear, and his words produce confidence. It is said in The Punishments of Fu (The Shu, V, xxvii, n): "They were all reverence and caution. They had no occasion to make choice of words in reference to their conduct." 3. The Master said, ' The dress and the one worn over it do not take the place, the one of the other, it being intimated to the people thereby that they should not trouble or interfere with one another.' 4. The Master said, ' When a sacrifice has come to the point of greatest reverence, it should not be immediately followed by music. When the dis- 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 44, 45. 2 Compare Analects, V, 22. When Confucius thus spoke, he was accepting his failure in the different states, and saying in effect that his principles and example would ultimately win their way, without his being immediately successful. BK. XXIX. PIAO Kt %1,I CO cussion of affairs at court has reached its utmost nicety, it should not be immediately followed by an idle indifference.' 5. The Master said, ' The superior man is careful (in small things), and thereby escapes calamity. His generous largeness cannot be kept in obscurity. His courtesy keeps shame at a distance.' 6. The Master said, ' The superior man, by his gravity and reverence, becomes every day stronger (for good) ; while indifference and want of restraint lead to a daily deterioration. The superior man does not allow any irregularity in his person, even for a single day ; — how should he be like (a small man) who will not end his days (in honour) ?' 7. The Master said, 'Vigil and fasting are required (as a preparation) for serving the spirits (in sacri- fice) ; the day and month in which to appear before the ruler are chosen beforehand : — these observances were appointed lest the people should look on these things without reverence.' 8. The Master said, ' (The small man) is familiar and insolent. He may bring death on himself (by being so), and yet he stands in no fear1.' 9. The Master said, ' Without the interchange of the formal messages, there can be no reception of one party by another ; without the presenting of the ceremonial (gifts), there can be no interview (with a superior) : — these rules were made that the people might not take troublesome liberties with one another! It is said in the Yi, "When he shows (the sincerity that marks) the first recourse to divination, I instruct him. If he apply a second and third time, 1 The text of this short paragraph is supposed to be defective. 332 THE l{ tff. BK. XXIX. that is troublesome, and I do not instruct the troublesome1." 10. These were the words of the Master : — ' (Humanity, of which the characteristic is) Benevo- lence, is the Pattern for all under Heaven; Righteous- ness is the Law for all under Heaven ; and the Reciprocations (of ceremony) are for the Profit of all under Heaven.' 1 1. The Master said, ' When kindness is returned for kindness, the people are stimulated (to be kind). When injury is returned for injury, the people are warned (to refrain from wrong-doing). It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 26) : — " Answers to every word will leap, Good deeds their recompense shall reap." ' It is said in the Thai ATia (Shu, IV, v, sect. 2, 2), " Without the sovereign, the people cannot enjoy repose with one another ; without the people, the sovereign would have none to rule over in the four quarters (of the kingdom).'" 12. The Master said, 'They who return kindness for injury are such as have a regard for their own persons. They who return injury for kindness are men to be punished and put to death V 13. The Master said, 'Under heaven there is only a man (here and there) who loves what is proper to humanity without some personal object in the 1 See the explanation of the 4th Hexagram, Mang, vol. xvi, pp. 64, 65, — with this paragraph ends the first section of the Treatise. It seems to be extended to exhibit the necessity of reverence in the superior man, who is to be an example to others. 2 Comparing this utterance with the decision of Confucius in the Analects, XIV, 36, KJrkxv Hao thinks it doubtful that we have here the sentiment or words of the sage. BK. XXIX. piao kI 333 matter, or who hates what is contrary to humanity without being apprehensive (of some evil). There- fore the superior man reasons about the path to be trodden from the standpoint of himself, and lays down his laws from the (capabilities of the) people.' 14. The Master said, '(The virtues of) humanity appear in three ways. (In some cases) the work of humanity is done, but under the influence of dif- ferent feelings. In these, the (true character of the) humanity cannot be known ; but where there is some abnormal manifestation of it, in those the true character can be known1. Those to whom it really belongs practise it easily and naturally; the wise practise it for the sake of the advantage which it brings ; and those who fear the guilt of transgression practise it by constraint. 15. Humanity is the right hand; pursuing the right path is the left2. Humanity comprehends the (whole) man ; the path pursued is the exhibition of righteousness. Those whose humanity is large, while their exhibition of righteousness is slight, are loved and not honoured. Those whose righteousness is large and their humanity slight are honoured and not loved. 16. There is the perfect path, the righteous path, and the calculated path. The perfect path conducts to sovereignty; the righteous path, to chieftaincy; and the calculated path, to freedom from error and failure3. 1 In illustration of this point there is always adduced the case of the duke of A'au, who erred, under the influence of his brotherly love, in the promotion of his brothers that afterwards joined in rebellion. 2 The right hand is used most readily and with greatest effect. 3 With this paragraph ends the second section of the Treatise. It HA. THE Lt k\. BK. XXIX. OJ 4 1 7. These were the words of the Master : — ' Of humanity there are various degrees ; righteousness is now long, now short, now great, now small. Where there is a deep and compassionate sympathy in the heart, we have humanity evidenced in the love of others ; where there is the following of (old) exam- ples, and vigorous endeavour, we have the employ- ment of humanity for the occasion. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 10, 6), " Where the Fang-water flows, Is the white millet grown. So his men Wu employed, And his merit was shown ! To his sons he would leave His wise plans and his throne And our Wu was a sovereign true." ' That was a humanity extending to many gener- ations. In the Lessons from the States it is said (I, iii, ode 10, 3), " Person slighted, life all blighted, What can the future prove ?" 4 That was a humanity extending (only) to the end of the speaker's life.' 18. The Master said, 'Humanity is like a heavy vessel, and like a long road. He who tries to lift the vessel cannot sustain its weight ; he who travels the road cannot accomplish all its distance. There is nothing that has so many different degrees as (the course of) humanity ; and thus he who tries to nerve himself to it finds it a difficult task. Therefore when is occupied with the subject of humanity, or the whole nature of man, of which benevolence is the chief element and characteristic, as the most powerful form of example. bk. xxix. piAo kL 335 the superior man measures men with the scale of righteousness, he finds it difficult to discover the men (whom he seeks) ; when he looks at men and compares them with one another, he knows who among them are the more worthy.' 19. The Master said, ' It is only one man (here and there) under heaven, who with his heart of hearts naturally rests in humanity. It is said in the Ta Ya, or Major Odes of the Kingdom (III, iii, ode 6, 6), " Virtue is very light, — Light as a hair, yet few can bear The burden of its weight. 'Tis so ; but Aung Shan, as I think, Needs not from virtue's weight to shrink That other men defies. Aid from my love his strength rejects. (If the king's measures have defects, What's needed he supplies)." 'In the Hsiao Ya, or Minor Odes of the Kingdom, it is said (II, vii, ode 4, 5), "To the high hills I looked; The great way I pursued." The Master said, ' So did the poets love (the ex- hibition of) humanity. (They teach us how) one should pursue the path of it, not giving over in the way, forgetting his age, taking no thought that the years before him will not be sufficient (for his task), urging on his course with earnestness from day to day, and only giving up when he sinks in death.' 20. The Master said, ' Long has the attainment of a perfect humanity been difficult among men ! all men err in what they love ; — and hence it is easy to 336 THE LI A-l BK. xxix. apologise for the errors of those who are seeking this humanity1.' 21. The Master said, 'Courtesy is near to pro- priety ; economy is near to humanity ; good faith is near to the truth of things. When one with respect and humility practises these (virtues), though he may fall into errors, they will not be very great. Where there is courtesy, the errors are few ; where there is truth, there can be good faith ; where there is economy, the exercise of forbearance is easy : — will not failure be rare in the case of those who practise these things? It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 9), " Mildness and reverence base supply For virtue's structure, broad and high." 22. The Master said, ' Long has the attainment of perfect humanity been difficult among men ; it is only the superior man who is able to reach it. There- fore the superior man does not distress men by requiring from them that which (only) he himself can do, nor put them to shame because of what they cannot do. Hence the sage, in laying down rules for conduct, does not make himself the rule, but gives them his instructions so that they shall be able to stimulate themselves to endeavour, and have the feeling of shame if they do not put them in practice. (He enjoins) the rules of ceremony to regulate the conduct ; good faith to bind it on them ; right de- meanour to set it off; costume to distinguish it; and friendship to perfect it : — he desires in this way to produce a uniformity of the people. It is said in the Hsiao Ya (V, ode 5, 3), 1 This seems to be the meaning, about which there are various opinions. bk. xxix. piao kL 337 " Shall they unblushing break man's law ? Shall they not stand of Heaven in awe ? " 23. 'Therefore, when a superior man puts on the dress (of his rank), he sets it off by the demeanour of a superior man. That demeanour he sets off with the language of a superior man ; and that language he makes good by the virtues of a superior man. Hence the superior man is ashamed to wear the robes, and not have the demeanour; ashamed to have the demeanour, and not the style of speech ; ashamed to have the style of speech, and not the virtues ; ashamed to have the virtues, and not the conduct proper to them. Thus it is that when the superior man has on his sackcloth and other mourn- ing, his countenance wears an air of sorrow ; when he wears the square-cut dress and square-topped cap, his countenance wears an air of respect ; and when he wears his mail-coat and helmet, his countenance says that he is not to be meddled with. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, xiv, ode 2, 2), " Like pelicans, upon the dam Which stand, and there their pouches cram, Unwet the while their wings, Are those who their rich dress display, But no befitting service pay, Intent on meanest things1.'" 1 With this paragraph ends the 3rd section of the Book. ' It speaks,' say the ,Oien-lung editors, ' of the perfect humanity, showing that to rest naturally in this is very difficult, yet it is possible by self-government to advance from the practice of it, with a view to one's advantage, to that natural resting in it; and by means of instruction to advance from the practice of it by con- straint to the doing so for its advantages.' [28] z ;38 THE LI KL BK. XXIX. 24. These were the words of the Master : — ' What the superior man calls righteousness is, that noble and mean all have the services which they discharge throughout the kingdom. The son of Heaven him- self ploughs the ground for the rice with which to fill the vessels, and the black millet from which to distil the spirit to be mixed with fragrant herbs, for the services of God, and in the same way the feudal lords are diligent in discharging their services to the son of Heaven.' 25. The Master said, ' In serving (the ruler) his superior, (an officer) from his position has great opportunity to protect the people ; but when he does not allow himself to have any thought of acting as the ruler of them, this shows a high degree of humanity. Therefore, the superior man is courteous and economical, seeking to exercise his benevolence, and sincere and humble in order to practise his sense of propriety. He does not himself set a high value on his services ; he does not himself assert the honour due to his person. He is not ambitious of (high) position, and is very moderate in his desires. He gives place willingly to men of ability and virtue. He abases himself and gives honour to others. He is careful and in fear of doing what is not right. His desire in all this is to serve his ruler. If he succeed in doing so (and obtaining his ruler's approbation), he feels that he has done right ; if he do not so succeed, he still feels that he has done right : — prepared to accept the will of Heaven concerning himself. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 5, 6), " How the creepers close twine Round the branches and stems ! BK. XXIX. piao kL 339 Self-possession and ease Robed our prince as with gems. Happiness increased unsought, Nor by crooked ways was bought." Might not this have been said of Shun, Yii, king Wan, or the duke of .Aau, who had the great virtues (necessary) to govern the people, and yet were (only) careful to serve their rulers ? It is said again in the same Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 2, 3), " This our king Wan in all his way Did watchful reverence display, With clearest wisdom serving God, Who, pleased to see the course he trod, Him with great favour crowned. His virtue no deflection knew, But always to the right was true. The states beheld, and all approved. With loyal ardour stirred and moved, Wan as their head they owned." 26. The Master said, ' The practice of the ancient kings in conferring honorary posthumous names was to do honour to the fame (of the individuals) ; but they limited themselves to one excellence (in the character); — they would have been ashamed if the name had been beyond the actions (of the life). In accordance with this the superior man does not him- self magnify his doings, nor himself exalt his merit, seeking to be within the truth ; actions of an extra- ordinary character he does not aim at, but seeks to occupy himself only with what is substantial and good. He displays prominently the good qualities of others, and celebrates their merits, seeking to place himself below them in the scale of worth. There- z 2 34-0 THE Li k\. bk. xxix. fore, although the superior man abases himself, yet the people respect and honour him.' 27. The Master said, 'The meritorious services of Hau K\ were the greatest of all under Heaven ; could his hands and feet be described as those of an ordinary man ? But all which he desired was that his doings should be superior to his name, and therefore he said of himself that he was simply " a man useful to others 1." ' 28. These were the words of the Master: — ' Difficult is it to attain to what is called the perfect humanity of the superior man! It is said in the Book of Poetry 2, " The happy and courteous prince Is the father and mother of his people." Happy, he (yet) vigorously teaches them ; courteous, he makes them pleased and restful. With all their happiness, there is no wild extravagance ; with all their observance of ceremonial usages, there is the feeling of affection. Notwithstanding his awing gravity, they are restful ; notwithstanding his son- like gentleness, they are respectful. Thus he causes 1 With this ends the 4th section of the Book, ' On the service of his ruler by an inferior, showing the righteousness between them, and how that righteousness completes the humanity.' 2 The ode here quoted from can hardly be any other than III, ii, 7. The first character in the former of the two lines in that ode, however, is only the phonetic part of that in the text here, and the meaning of ' force or vigour ' which the writer employs seems incongruous with that belonging to it in the Shih, where it occurs several times, in combination with the character that follows it, used as a binomial adjective. I need not say more on the difficulty. The meaning of the paragraph as a whole is plain: — ' The superior man,' the competent ruler, must possess, blended together, the strength of the father and the gentleness of the mother. BK. XXIX. PIAO KL 341 them to honour him as their father, and love him as their mother. There must be all this before he is the father and mother of his people. Could any one who was not possessed of perfect virtue be able to accomplish this ? 29. ' Here now is the affection of a father for his sons ; — he loves the worthy among them, and places on a lower level those who do not show ability ; but that of a mother for them is such, that while she loves the worthy, she pities those who do not show ability: — the mother deals with them on the ground of affection and not of showing them honour ; the father, on the ground of showing them honour and not of affection. (So we may say of) water and the people, that it manifests affection to them, but does not give them honour; of fire, that it gives them honour, but does not manifest affection ; of the ground, that it manifests affection, but does not give honour ; of Heaven, that it gives them honour, but does not manifest affection ; of the nature conferred on them, that it manifests affection, but does not give them honour ; and of the manes of their departed, that they give honour, but do not manifest affection1.' 30. ' Under the Hsia dynasty it was the way to give honour to the nature conferred on men ; they served the manes of the departed, and respected Spiritual Beings, keeping them at a distance, while they brought the people near, and made them loyal ; they put first the (attraction) of emolument, and last the terrors of power ; first rewards, and then punish- ments ; showing their affection (for the people), but 1 The ruler-father of the previous paragraph is here contrasted with the ordinary parent; but the second half of the text is not easily translated, and is difficult to comprehend. 92J.2 THE Li Kl. bk. xxix. o not giving them honour. The bad effect on the people was, that they became stupid and ignorant, proud and clownish, and uncultivated, without any accomplishments. ' Under the Yin dynasty, they honoured Spiritual Beings, and led the people on to serve them ; they put first the service of their manes, and last the usages of ceremony ; first punishments, and then re- wards; giving honour (to the people), but not showing affection for them. The bad effect on the people was, that they became turbulent and were restless, striving to surpass one another without any sense of shame. ' Under the A'au dynasty, they honoured the cere- monial usages, and set a high value on bestowing (favours); they served the manes and respected Spiritual Beings, yet keeping them at a distance ; they brought the people near, and made them loyal ; in rewarding and punishing they used the various distinctions and arrangements of rank; showing affection (for the people), but not giving them honour. The bad effects on the people were, that they became fond of gain and crafty; were all for accomplishments, and shameless ; injured one another, and had their moral sense obscured.' 31. The Master said, ' It was the method of the Hsia dynasty not to trouble (the people) with many notices ; it did not require everything from the people, nor (indeed) look to them for great things ; and they did not weary of the affection (between them and their rulers). 'Under the Yin dynasty, they did not trouble (the people) with ceremonies, and yet they required everything from them. 1 Under the A^au dynasty, they were rigorous with BK. XXIX. piao k\. 343 the people, and not troublesome in the services to the spirits ; but they did all that could be done in the way of awards, conferring rank, punishments, and penalties.' 32. The Master said, ' Under the methods of (the dynasties of the line of) Yii * and Hsia, there were few dissatisfactions among the people. The methods of Yin and Aau were not equal to the correction of their errors.' 33. The Master said, ' The plain and simple ways of (the dynasties of the line of) Yii and Hsia, and the multiplied forms of Yin and Aau were both extreme. The forms of Yii and Hsia did not neutralise their simplicity, nor was there sufficient simplicity under Yin and A'au to neutralise their forms.' 34. These were the words of the Master : — ' Although in subsequent ages there arose (distin- guished sovereigns), yet none of them succeeded in equalling the Tt of (the line of) Yii. He ruled over all under heaven, but, while he lived, he had not a selfish thought, and when he died, he did not make his son great (with the inheritance). He treated the people as his sons, as if he had been their father and mother. He had a deep and compassionate sym- pathy for them (like their mother) ; he instructed them in loyalty and what was profitable (like their father). While he showed his affection for them, he also gave them honour ; in his natural restfulness, he was reverent ; in the terrors of his majesty, he yet was loving ; with all his riches, he was yet observant 1 ' The line of Yii ' was Shun, who succeeded to Yao. He did not found a dynasty; but he is often spoken of as if he had done so. 344 THE L^ K^- BK- XXIX* of the rules of propriety ; and his kindness was yet (rightly) distributed. The superior men who stood in connexion with him gave honour to benevolence, and stood in awe of righteousness ; were ashamed of lavish expenditure, and set little store by their accumulation of substance ; loyal, but not coming into collision with their sovereign ; righteous, and yet deferential to him ; accomplished, and yet rest- ful ; generous, and yet discriminating. It is said in Fu on Punishments, "He sought to awe the people by his virtue, and all were filled with dread ; he pro- ceeded to enlighten them by his virtue, and all were enlightened." Who but the Ti of (the line of) Yii could have been able to do this1?' (Shu,V, xxvii, 7.) 35. These were the words of the Master: — '(A minister) in the service of his ruler will first offer his words of counsel, and (when they are accepted), he will bow and voluntarily offer his person to make good his sincerity. Hence, whatever service a ruler requires from his minister, the minister will die in support of his words. In this way the salary which he receives is not obtained on false pretences, and the 1 With this paragraph it is understood that the 5th section of the Book ends, ' illustrating the perfect humanity of the superior man in the government of the people.' Every fresh section thus far, however, has commenced with a — ' These were the words of the Master,' and in no case ended with that phraseology. Paragraph 35 rightly begins with it. It is out of place, or rather misplaced, in this ; and belongs, I believe, to another place, as we shall see. We should read here, instead of it, ' The Master said.' With regard to the greater part of the section, its genuineness is liable to sus- picion, and is indeed denied by the majority of commentators, including the A7zien-lung editors. The sentiments are more Taoistic than Confucian. See the introductory notice of the Book. BK. XXIX. piao k\. 345 things for which he can be blamed will be more and more few.' 36. The Master said, ' In the service of a ruler, when great words are spoken to (and accepted by) him, great advantages (to the state) may be ex- pected from them ; and when words of small import- ance are presented to him, only small advantages are to be looked for. Therefore a superior man will not for words of small importance receive great emolument, nor for words of great importance small emolument. It is said in the Yl, " He does not enjoy his revenues in his own family, (but at court) ; there will be good fortune1.'" 37. The Master said, ' In the service of a ruler, (a minister) should not descend to subjects beneath him, nor set a high value on speeches, nor accept an introduction from improper individuals. It is said in the Hsiao Ya (II, vi, ode 3, 4), " Your duties quietly fulfil, And hold the upright in esteem, With friendship fast ; So shall the Spirits hear your cry, You virtuous make, and good supply In measure vast." ' 38. The Master said, ' In the service of a ruler, for (a minister) whose place is remote from (the court), to remonstrate is an act of sycophancy ; for one whose place is near the ruler, not to remonstrate is to hold his office idly for the sake of gain.' 39. The Master said, c Ministers near (the ruler) should (seek to) preserve the harmony (of his 1 See the Thwan, or first of the appendixes of the Yt, on Hexagram 26, vol. xvi, page 234. 346 THE Ll A'i. BK. XXIX. virtues). The chief minister should maintain correct- ness in all the departments. Great ministers should be concerned about all parts (of the kingdom).' 40. The Master said, ' In the service of a ruler there should be the wish to remonstrate, but no wish to set forth (his faults). It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, viii, ode 4, 4), " I cherish those men in my heart ; — Might not my words my love impart ? No ; — if the words were once but spoken, The charm of love might then be broken. The men shall dwell within my heart, Nor thence with lapse of time depart." 41. The Master said, ' In the service of a ruler, when it is difficult to advance and easy to retire, there is a proper order maintained in the occupancy of places (according to the character of their holders). If it were easy to advance and difficult to retire, there would be confusion. Hence a superior (visitor) advances (only) after he has been thrice bowed to, while he retires after one salutation on taking leave ; and thus confusion is prevented.' 42. The Master said, ' In the service of a ruler, if (an officer), after thrice leaving the court (on his advice being rejected), do not cross the borders (of the state), he is remaining for the sake of the profit and emolument. Although men say that he is not trying to force (his ruler), I will not believe them.' 43. The Master said, ' In the service of a ruler, (an officer) should be careful at the beginning, and respectful to the end.' 44. The Master said, ' In the service of a ruler, one may be in a high position or a low, rich or poor, to live or to die (according to the will of the ruler), BK. XXIX. piao kL 347 but he should not allow himself to be led to do any- thing contrary to order or right.' 45. The Master said, ' In the service of a ruler, if it be in the army, (an officer) should not (try to) avoid labour and danger ; if it be at court, he should not refuse a mean office. To occupy a post and not perform its business is contrary to order and right. Hence, when a ruler employs him on any duty, if it suit his own mind, he thinks carefully of what it requires, and does it ; if it do not suit his own mind, he thinks the more carefully of what it requires, and does it. When his work is done, he retires from office : — such is an officer who well discharges his duty. It is said in the Yi (vol. xvi, p. 96), "He does not serve either king or feudal lord, but in a lofty spirit prefers (to attend to) his own affairs." 46. The Master said, ' It is only the son of Heaven who receives his appointment from Heaven; officers receive their appointments from the ruler. There- fore if the ruler's orders be conformed (to the mind of Heaven), his orders to his ministers are also con- formed to it ; but if his orders be contrary (to that mind), his orders to them are also contrary to it. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, iv, ode 5, 2), " How strong the magpies, battling fierce, Each one to keep his mate ! How bold the quails together rush, Upon the same debate ! This woman, with no trait that's good, Is stained by vicious crime, Yet her I hail as marchioness ; — Alas! woe worth the time!"' 47. The Master said, ' The superior man does not consider that his words (alone) show fully what a 348 THE Li k\. BK. XXIX. man is. Hence when right ways prevail in the kingdom, the branches and leaves (from the stem) of right conduct appear ; but when there are not right ways in the kingdom, the branches and leaves of (mere) words appear. 'In accordance with this, when a superior man is by the side of one occupied with the mourning rites, and cannot contribute to assist him in his expendi- ture, he does not ask him what it is ; when he is by the side of one who is ill, and cannot supply him with food, he does not ask what he would like ; when he has a visitor for whom he cannot provide a lodging, he does not ask where he is staying. Hence the intercourse of a superior man may be compared to water, and that of a small man, to sweet wine. The superior man seems insipid, but he helps to perfection ; the small man seems sweet, but he leads to ruin. It is said in the Hsiao Ya (II, v, ode 4,3), 1 He trusts the rogues that lie and sneak, And make things worse ; Their duties shirked, their words so meek Prove but a curse." ' 48. The Master said \ ' The superior man does not confine himself to praising men with his words ; and so the people prove loyal to him. Thus, when he asks about men who are suffering from cold, he clothes them ; or men who are suffering from want, he feeds them ; and when he praises a man's good qualities, he (goes on to) confer rank on him. It 1 With this commences the 7th section of the Book, but it com- mences irregularly with ' the Master said,' instead of ' The words of the Master were;' see note above, on page 344. BK. XXIX. PIAO A'!. 349 is said in the Lessons from the States (I, xiv, ode i, 3), " I grieve ; would they but lodge with me ! " ' 49. The Master said, ' Dissatisfaction and calamity will come to him whose lip-kindness is not followed by the corresponding deeds. Therefore the superior man will rather incur the resentment arising from his refusal than the charge of promising (and then not fulfilling). It is said in the Lessons from the States (V, ode 4, 6), " I wildly go ; I'll never know Its smiles and chat ao-ain, To me you clearly swore the faith, Which now to break you're fain. Could I foresee so false you'd be ? And now regrets are vain.'" 50. The Master said, ' The superior man is not affectionate to others with his countenance (merely) as if, while cold in feeling, he could assume the appearance of affection. That belongs to the small man, and stamps him as no better than the thief who makes a hole in the wall.' 51. The Master said, ' What is required in feeling is sincerity ; in words, that they be susceptible of proof1.' 52. These were the words of the Master : — ' The ancient and intelligent kings of the three dynasties all served the Spiritual Intelligences of heaven and earth, but invariably used the tortoise-shell and divining stalks. They did not presume to employ their own private judgment in the service of God. 1 Here ends the 7th section, showing how the superior man strives to be sincere in his words and looks. ;50 THE LI Kl. bk. xxix. In this way they did not transgress in the matter of the day or month, for they did not act contrary to the result of the divination. The tortoise and the shell were not consulted in succession on the same point. 53. ' For the great (sacrificial) services there were (fixed) seasons and days ; for the smaller services these were not fixed. They fixed them by divi- nation (near the time). (In divining) about external affairs they used the odd days ; and for internal affairs, the even. They did not go against the (intimations of the) tortoise-shell and stalks.' 54. The Master said, 'With the victims perfect, the proper ceremonies and music, and the vessels of grain, (they sacrificed) ; and thus no injury was received from the Spiritual Powers, and the people had no occasion for dissatisfaction.' 55. The Master said, ' The sacrifices of Hau Ki were easily provided. His language was reverential; his desires were restricted ; and the blessings re- ceived extended down to his descendants. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 1, 8), "Hau Ki founded the sacrifice ; No one has failed in it, Down to the present day." ' 56. The Master said, ' The shell and stalks em- ployed by the great men1 must be held in awe and reverence. But the son of Heaven does not divine by the stalks. While the princes are keeping guard in their states, they divine by the stalks. When the son of Heaven is on the road (travelling), he (also) divines by the stalks. In any other state but their 1 The king and feudal lords. BK. XXIX. PIAO A'f. 35 own they do not divine by the stalks. They consult the tortoise-shell about the chambers and apart- ments of the houses (where they lodge). The son of Heaven does not so consult the tortoise-shell ; he stays always in the grand ancestral temples.' 57. The Master said, 'The men of rank, on occasions of special respect, use their sacrificial vessels. On this account they do not fail to observe the set seasons and days, and do not act contrary to the intimations of the shell and stalks ; thus seeking to serve with reverence the ruler and their superiors. In this way superiors are not trouble- some to the people, and the people do not take liberties with their superiors1.' 1 Paragraphs 52 to 57 from the last section of the Book. They are not so interesting as the previous sections, nor do they hang closely together. ' The section,' say the K/iien-lung editors, ' treats of the two methods of divination, and also of reverence. Reverence is the subject of the first section, and here again it occurs in the end of the Treatise. Reverence is the beginning and end of the learning of the superior man.' BOOK XXX. 3ZE 1 OR THE BLACK ROBES'. 1. These were the words of the Master2: — ' When the superior is easily served, his inferiors are easily known 3, and in this case punishments are not numerous (in the state).' 2. The Master said, 'When (the superior) loves the worthy as (the people of old loved him of) the black robes (Shih, I, vii, ode i), and hates the bad as Hsiang-po (hated them; — II, v, ode 6), then without the frequent conferring of rank the people are stimulated to be good, and without the use of punishments they are all obedient to his orders. It is said in the Ta Ya (III, i, ode i, 7), " From Wan your pattern you must draw, And all the states will own your law." 3. The Master said, ' If the people be taught by lessons of virtue, and uniformity sought to be given to them by the rules of ceremony, their minds will go on to be good. If they be taught by the laws, and uniformity be sought to be given to them by punishments, their minds will be thinking of how 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 45, 46. 2 Thus the Book begins as if it were another section of the pre- ceding Treatise. 3 They are 'easily known/ there being nothing in the ruler's method to make them deceitful. bk. xxx. 3ze i. 353 they can escape (the punishment ; — Analects, II, iii). Hence, when the ruler of the people loves them as his sons, they feel to him as a parent; when he binds them to himself by his good faith, they do not turn away from him ; when he presides over them with courtesy, their hearts are docile to him. It is said in the Punishments of Fu (Shu, V, xxvii, 3), "Among the people of Miao they did not use orders simply, but the restraints of punishment. They made the five punishments engines of oppression, calling them the laws." In this way their people became bad, and (their rulers) were cut off for ever (from the land).' 4. The Master said, ' Inferiors, in serving their superiors, do not follow what they command, but what they do. When a ruler loves anything, those below him are sure to do so much more. There- fore the superior should by all means be careful in what he likes and dislikes. This will make him an example to the people V 5. The Master said, ' When Yu had been on the throne three years, the humanity of the common people was in accordance with his ; — was it necessary that all (at court) should be perfectly virtuous ? It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, v, ode 7, 1), " Awe-inspiring are you, O (Grand-) Master Yin, And the people all look up to you." It is said in the Punishments of Fu (V, xxvii, 13), "I, the One man, will have felicity, and the millions of the people will look to you as their sure dependence." It is said in the Ta Ya (III, i, ode 9, 3), 1 This again looks very much as if this Treatise were a continu- ation of the last. [28] A a 154 THE L^ kI BK. XXX. " King Wu secured the people's faith, And gave to all the law." ' 6. The Master said, 'When superiors are fond of showing theirhumanity, inferiors strive to outstrip one another in their practice of it. Therefore those who preside over the people should cherish the clearest aims and give the most correct lessons, honouring the requirement of their humanity by loving the people as their sons ; then the people will use their utmost efforts with themselves to please their superiors. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 2), " Where from true virtue actions spring, All their obedient homage bring." 7. The Master said, ' The king's words are (at first) as threads of silk ; but when given forth, they become as cords. Or they are (at first) as cords ; but when given forth, they become as ropes. There- fore the great man does not take the lead in idle speaking. The superior does not speak words which may be spoken indeed but should not be embodied in deeds ; nor does he do actions which may be done in deed but should not be expressed in words. When this is the case, the words of the people can be carried into action without risk, and their actions can be spoken of without risk. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 8), " Keep on your acts a watchful eye, That you may scrutiny defy." 8. The Master said, ' The superior man leads men on (to good) by his words, and keeps them (from evil) by (the example of) his conduct. Hence, in speaking, he must reflect on what may be the end of his words, and examine whether there may not be BK. XXX. 3ZE !. 355 some error in his conduct ; and then the people will be attentive to their words, and circumspect in their conduct. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 5), " Be circumspect in all you say, And reverent bearing still display." It is said in the Ta Ya (III, i, ode 1, 4), " Deep were Wan's thoughts, unstained his ways ; His reverence lit its trembling rays."' 9. The Master said,' When the heads of the people use no (improper) variations in their dress, and their manners are always easy and unconstrained, and they seek thus to give uniformity to the people, the virtue of the people does become uniform. It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, viii, ode 1,1), " In the old capital they stood, With yellow fox-furs plain ; Their manners all correct and eood, Speech free from vulgar stain. Could we go back to Aau's old days, All would look up to them with praise." 10. The Master said, ' When (the ruler) above can be known by men looking at him, and (his ministers) below can have their doings related and remembered, then the ruler has no occasion to doubt his ministers, and the ministers are not led astray by their ruler. The Announcement of Yin says (Shu, IV, vi, 3), "There were I, Yin, and Thang ; both pos- sessed the same pure virtue." It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, xiv, ode 3, 3), " In soul so steadfast is that princely man, Whose course for fault or flaw we vainly scan." 1 1. The Master said, ' When the holders of states a a 2 356 THE hi Kt. BK. XXX. and clans give distinction to the righteous and make it painful for the bad, thus showing the people the excellence (they should cultivate), then the feelings of the people do not swerve (to what is evil). It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, vi, ode 3, 5), " Your duties quietly fulfil, And hold the upright in esteem, With earnest love." ' 12. The Master said, 'When the highest among men has doubts and perplexities, the common people go astray. WThen (the ministers) below him are difficult to be understood, the toil of the ruler is prolonged. Therefore when the ruler exhibits clearly what he loves, and thus shows the people the style of manners (they should aim at), and is watchful against what he dislikes, and thereby guards the people against the excesses (of which they are in danger), then they do not go astray. ' When the ministers are exemplary in their conduct, and do not set a value on (fine) speeches ; when they do not try to lead (the ruler) to what is unattainable, and do not trouble him with what cannot be (fully) known, then he is not toiled. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 10, 1), " Reversed is now the providence of God ; The lower people groan beneath their load." It is said in the Hsiao Ya (II, v, ode 4, 4), "They do not discharge their duties, But only cause distress to the king. " 1 3. The Master said, ' When (the measures of) government do not take effect, and the lessons of the ruler do not accomplish their object, (it is because) the giving of rank and emoluments is BK. XXX. 3ze f. 357 unfit to stimulate the people to good, and (the inflic- tion of) punishments and penalties is unfit to make them ashamed (of evil). Therefore (the ruler) above must not be careless in punishing, nor lightly confer rank. It is said in the Announcement to the Prince of Khang (Shu, V, ix, 8), "Deal reverently and un- derstandingly in your infliction of punishments;" and in the Punishments of Fu (Shu, V, xxvii, 12), "He spreads abroad his lessons to avert punish- ments. 14. The Master said, ' When the great ministers are not on terms of friendly intimacy (with the ruler), and the common people consequently are not restful, this is because the loyalty (of the ministers) and the respect (of the ruler) are not sufficient, and the riches and rank conferred (on the former) are excessive. (The consequence is, that) the great ministers do not discharge their functions of govern- ment, and the ministers closer (to the ruler) form parties against them. Therefore the great ministers should by all means be treated with respect ; they are examples to the people ; and ministers nearer (to the ruler) should by all means be careful ; — they direct the way of the people. Let not the ruler consult with inferior officers about greater, nor with those who are from a distance about those who are near to him, nor with those who are beyond the court about those who belong to it. If he act thus, the great ministers will not be dissatisfied ; the ministers closer to him will not be indignant ; and those who are more remote will not be kept in obscurity. The duke of Sheh in his dying charge said, "Do not by little counsels ruin great enter- prises ; do not for the sake of a favourite concubine 358 the l! Kl. bk. xxx. provoke queen A'wang ; do not for the sake of a favourite officer provoke your grave officers, — the Great officers or high ministers1.'" 15. The Master said, ' If the great man be not in affectionate sympathy with (his officers) whom he considers worthy, but give his confidence to others whom he despises, the people in consequence will not feel attached to him, and the lessons which he gives them will be troublesome (and ineffective). It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, ii, ode 8), " As if I were hidden they sought me at first, At court for a pattern to shine ; 'Tis with hatred intense they now bend their scowls, And my services curtly decline." It is said in the Aun-v£/*an (Shu, V, xxiv, 4), " While they have not seen a sage, (they are full of desire) as if they could not get a sight of him ; but after they have seen him, they are still unable to follow him." ' 16. The Master said, ' A small man is drowned in the water ; a superior man is drowned or ruined by his mouth ; the great man suffers his ruin from the people ; — all suffer from what they have played and taken liberties with. Water is near to men, and yet it drowns them. Its nature makes it easy to play with, but dangerous to approach ; — men are easily drowned in it. The mouth is loquacious and 1 This is an error. The dying counsels referred to were not given by any duke of Sheh (a dependency of K/iu), but by'Wan-fu, duke of 3ai, to king Mu of Kin. They are found with some slight alterations in the Apocryphal Books of Kin (jg& Jj|j f|f), Book VIII, article 1. Confucius would not have fallen into such a mistake. BK. XXX. 3ze f. 359 troublesome ; for words once uttered there is hardly a place of repentance ; — men are easily ruined by it. The people, restricted in their humanity, have vulgar and rude minds ; they should be respected, and should not be treated with contempt; — men are easily ruined by them. Therefore the superior man should by all means be careful in his dealings with them. It is said in the Thai TTia (Shu, III, v, sect. i, 5, 7), " Do not frustrate the charge to me, and bring on yourself your own overthrow. Be like the forester, who, when he has adjusted the string, goes to examine the end of the arrow, whether it be placed according to rule, and then lets go." It is said in the Charge to Ytieh (III, viii, sect. 2, 4), "It is the mouth which gives occasion to shame ; they are the coat of mail and helmet which give occasion to war. The upper robes and lower garments (for reward) should not be taken (lightly from) their chests; before spear and shield are used, one should examine himself." It is said in the Thai K\k (Shu, III, v, sect. 2, 3), " Calamities sent by Heaven may be avoided ; but from those brought on by one's self there is no escape." It is said in the Announcement of Yin (Shu, III, v, sect. 1, 3), "I have seen it myself in Hsia with its western capital, thatwhen its sovereigns went through a prosperous course to the end, their ministers also did the same." 1 7. The Master said, ' To the people the ruler is as their heart ; to the ruler the people are as his body. When the heart is composed, the body is at ease ; when the heart is reverent, the body is re- spectful ; when the heart loves anything, the body is sure to rest in it. (So), when the ruler loves anything, the people are sure to desire it. The 360 the l! k1. BK. XXX. body is the complement of the heart, and a wound in it makes the heart also suffer. So the ruler is preserved by the people, and perishes also through the people. It is said in an ode, "Once we had that former premier, His words were wise and pure ; The states and clans by him were at rest, The chief cities and towns by him were well regulated, All the people by him enjoyed their life. Who (now) holds the ordering of the kingdom ? Not himself attending to the government, The issue is toil and pain to the people1." It is said in the Alm-ya (Shu, V, xxv, 5), " In the heat and rain of summer days the inferior people may be described as murmuring and sighing. And so it may be said of them in the great cold of winter." 18. The Master said, ' In the service by an inferior of his superior, if his personal character be not correct, his words will not be believed ; and in this case their views will not be the same, and the conduct (of the superior) will not correspond (to the advice given to him) 2.' 19. The Master said, 'Words should be capable of proof by instances, and conduct should be conformed to rule ; when the case is so, a man's aim cannot be taken from him while he is alive, nor can his good name be taken away when he is dead. Therefore the superior man, having heard much, verifies it by 1 This is from an ode not in the Shih, and only preserved, so far, here. The three concluding lines, however, are also found in the Shih, II, iv, ode 7, 6. 2 The meaning of this latter part is matter of dispute. BK. XXX. 3ze I 361 inquiry, and firmly holds fast (what is proved) ; he remembers much, verifies it by inquiry, and makes it his own ; when he knows it exactly, he carries the substance of it into practice. It is said in the A"un- /£/*an (Shu, V, xxi, 5), " Going out and coming in, seek the judgment of the people about things, till you find a general agreement upon them." It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, xiv, ode 3, 1), " The virtuous man, the princely one, Is uniformly correct in his deportment." 20. The Master said, ' It is only the superior man who can love what is correct, while to the small man what is correct is as poison. Therefore the friends of the superior man have the definite aims which they pursue, and the definite courses which they hate. In consequence, those who are near at hand have no perplexities of thought about him, and those who are far off, no doubts. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, i, ode 1, 1), " For our prince a good mate." 21. The Master said, 'When a man on light grounds breaks off his friendship with the poor and mean, and only on great grounds with the rich and noble, his love of worth cannot be great, nor does his hatred of evil clearly appear. Though men may say that he is not influenced by (the love of) gain, I do not believe them. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 3, 4), " And all the friends assisting you Behave with reverent mien."' 22. The Master said, 'The superior man will not voluntarily remain to share in private acts of kind- ^ n 362 THE LI JET. BK. XXX. ness not offered on grounds of virtue. In the Book of Poetry it is said (II, i, ode 1, 1), " They love me, and my mind will teach How duty's highest aim to reach." 23. The Master said, 'If there be a carriage (before you), you are sure (by-and-by) to see the cross-board (in front) ; if there be a garment, you are sure (in the same way) to see (the traces of) its being worn ; if one speaks, you are sure to hear his voice ; if one does anything, you are sure to see the result. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, i, ode 2, 2), " I will wear them without being weary of them." 24. The Master said, ' When one says anything, and immediately proceeds to act it out, his words cannot embellish it ; and when one does anything, and immediately proceeds to describe it, the action cannot be embellished. Hence the superior man saying little, and acting to prove the sincerity of his words, the people cannot make the excellence of their deeds greater than it is, nor diminish the amount of their badness 1. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 5), " A flaw in mace of white jade may By patient toil be ground away ; But for a flaw we make in speech, What can be done ? 'Tis past our reach." 1 The excellence and the badness would seem, in the text, to belong to the conduct of the superior man ; but to predicate badness of him would be too daring. To justify the view which appears in my translation, the JC/zien-lung editors, in their expansion of the meaning, after ' the people,' interpolate ' who come under the trans- forming influence of his example.' BK. XXX. 3ZE f. 363 It is said in the Hsiao Ya (II, iii, ode 5, 8), " Well does our lord become his place, And high the deeds his reign have crowned." It is said to the Prince Shih (Shu, V, xvi, 11), "Aforetime, when God beheld the virtue of king Wan in the fields of A"au, he made the great decree light on his person." 25. The Master said, ' The people of the south have a saying that "A man without constancy cannot be a diviner either with the tortoise-shell or the stalks." This was probably a saying handed down from antiquity. If such a man cannot know the tortoise-shell and stalks, how much less can he know other men1? It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, v, ode 1, 3), " Our tortoise-shells are wearied out, And will not tell us anything about the plans." The Charge to Yiieh says (Shu, IV, viii, sect. 2,5,11), " Dignities should not be conferred on men of evil practices. (If they be), how can the people set themselves to correct their ways ? If this be sought merely by sacrifices, it will be disrespectful (to the spirits). When affairs come to be troublesome, there ensues disorder ; when the spirits are served so, difficulties ensue 2." ' It is said in the Yf, "When one does not conti- 1 I cannot make anything but this of this sentence, though Khung Ying-ta takes it differently. The whole paragraph is evidently very corrupt, and even the jOien-lung editors have put forth all their strength upon it in vain. 2 We have here a quotation from the Shu, IV, viii, sect. 2 ; but it is very different from the textus receptus. All the commen- tators and critics are at fault upon it; see vol. iii, pp. 115, 116. 364 THE LI Kl. BK. XXX. nuously maintain his virtue, some will impute it to him as a disgrace * ; — (in the position indicated in the Hexagram.) When one does maintain his virtue continuously (in the other position indicated), this will be fortunate in a wife, but in a husband evil." 1 See the symbolism of the 3rd and 5th lines of the Hang or 32nd Hexagram, vol. xvi, pp. 125-128. BOOK XXXI. PAN SANG OR RULES ON HURRYING TO MOURNING RITES1. i. According to the rules for hurrying to attend the mourning rites, when one first heard that the mourning rites for a relative were going on, he wailed as he answered the messenger2, and gave full vent to his sorrow. Having asked all the particulars, he wailed again, with a similar burst of grief, and immediately arranged to go (to the place). He went ioo li a day, not travelling in the night. 2. Only when the rites were those for a father or a mother did he travel while he could yet see the stars, and rested when he (again) saw them 3. If it was impossible for him to go (at once)4, he assumed the mourning dress, and then went (as soon as he could). When he had passed through the state (where he was), and reached its frontier, he stopped and wailed, giving full vent to his sorrow. He avoided wailing in the market-place and when near the court. He looked towards the frontier of his own state when he wailed. , 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 46, 47. 2 The mourner is absent from his state, and a messenger has been sent to tell him of the death. The relative, it is argued, may have been any one within the ' five degrees ' of consanguinity. 3 That is, from peep of dawn till the stars came out again after sunset. 4 Being restrained by the duties of the commission, with which he was charged by the ruler. 366 THE LI k\. BK. xxxi. 3. When he came to the house, he entered the gate at the left side of it, (passed through the court), and ascended to the hall by the steps on the west. He knelt on the east of the coffin, with his face to the west, and wailed, giving full vent to his grief. He (then) tied up his hair in a knot, bared his arms, and went down from the hall, proceeding to his place on the east, where he wailed towards the west. Having completed the leaping, he covered his arms and put on his sash of sackcloth in the corridor on the east ; and after tucking up the ends of his sash, he returned to his place. He bowed to the visitors, leaping with them, and escorted them (to the gate), returning (afterwards) to his place. When other visitors arrived, he bowed to them, leaped with them, and escorted them ; — all in the same way. 4. (After this), all the principal mourners1, with their cousins, went out at the gate, stopping there while they wailed. The gate was then closed, and the director told them to go to the mourning shed2. 5. At the next wailing, the day after, they tied up their hair, bared their arms, and went through the leaping. At the third wailing next day, they again tied up their hair, bared their arms, and went through the leaping. On these three days, the finishing the mourning dress, bowing to and escorting the visitors, took place as in the first case. 6. If he who has hurried to be present at the 1 This seems to mean ' all the sons of the departed.' Of course there was really but one ' chief or host-man,' as in par. 6. 2 This takes us by surprise. Did all go to the shed? Were there many sheds? BK. xxxi. PAN SANG. 367 rites were not the presiding mourner on the occa- sion1, then that presiding mourner, instead of him, bowed to the visitors and escorted them. 7. When one hurried to the rites, even where they were less than those for a mother or father, which required the wearing of sackcloth, with even edge or frayed, he entered the gate at the left side of it, and stood in the middle of the court-yard with his face to the north, wailing and giving full vent to his sorrow. He put on the cincture for the head and the sackcloth girdle in the corridor on the east, and repaired to his place, where he bared his arms. Then he wailed along with the presiding mourner, and went through the leaping. For the wailing on the second day and the third, they wore the cincture and bared the arms. If there were visitors, the presiding mourner bowed to them on their arrival, and escorted them. The husbands and wives (of the family) waited for him at the wailing-places for every morning and evening, without making any change. 8. When one hurries to the mourning rites for a mother, he wails with his face to the west, giving full vent to his sorrow. He then ties up his hair, bares his arms, descends from the hall, and goes to his station on the east, where, with his face to the west, he wails and goes through the leaping. After that, he covers his arms and puts on the cincture and sash in the corridor on the east. He bows to the visitors, and escorts them (to the gate) in the same way as if he had hurried to the rites for his x This seems to imply that, in the preceding paragraphs, he had been the principal mourner. 368 THE Li K$. bk. xxxi. father. At the wailing on the day after, he does not tie up his hair. 9. When a wife1 hurried to the mourning rites, she went up to the hall by the (side) steps on the east, and knelt on the east of the coffin with her face to the west. There she wailed, giving full vent to her grief. Having put on the lower cincture on the east2, she went to the station (for wailing), and there leaped alternately with the presiding mourner. 10. When one, hurrying to the mourning rites, did not arrive while the coffin with the body was still in the house, he first went to the grave ; and there kneeling with his face to the north, he wailed, giving full vent to his sorrow. The principal mourners have been waiting for him (at the grave), and have taken their stations, — the men on the left of it, and the wives on the right. Having gone through the leap- ing, and given full expression to his sorrow, he tied up his hair, and went to the station of the principal mourners on the east. In his headband of sack- cloth, and sash with the ends tucked up, he wailed and went through the leaping. He then bowed to the visitors, and returned to his station, going (again) through the leaping, after which the director an- nounced that the business was over3. 11. He then put on the cap, and returned to the 1 An aunt, sister, or daughter of the family, who was married, and hurried to the family home from her husband's. 2 I suppose this was in the corridor on the east. The rule was for the women to dress in an apartment ; but a distinction was made between those residing in the house, and those who returned to it for the occasion. 3 It is understood that this mourner was the eldest and rightful son of the deceased. BK. XXXI. PAN SANG. 369 house. There he entered at the left side of the door, and, with his face to the north, wailed and gave full vent to his sorrow. He then tied up his hair, bared his arms, and went through the leaping. Going to his station on the east, he bowed to the visitors, and went through the leaping. When the visitors went out, the presiding mourner bowed to them, and escorted them. When other visitors after- wards arrived, he bowed to them, went through the leaping, and escorted them in the same way. All the principal mourners and their cousins went out at the gate, wailed there and stopped, when the directors instructed them to go to the shed. At the wailing next day, he bound up his hair and went through the leaping. At the third wailing, he did the same. On the third day he completed his mourning dress (as was required). After the fifth wailing, the director announced that the business was over. 12. Wherein the usages at the rites for a mother differed from those at the rites for a father, was that there was but one tying up of the hair. After that the cincture was worn to the end of the business. In other respects the usages were the same as at the rites for a father. 13. At the rites for other relations, after those for the mother or father, the mourner who did not arrive while the coffin was in the house, first went to the grave, and there wailed with his face to the west, giving full vent to his sorrow. He then put on the cincture and hempen sash, and went to his station on the east, where he wailed with the presiding mourner, and went through the leaping. After this he covered his arms ; and if there were visitors, the presiding mourner bowed to them and escorted them away. [28] b b -*70 THE Li kL BK. XXXI. 3 If any other visitors afterwards came, he bowed to them, as in the former case, and the director an- nounced that the business was over. Immediately after he put on the cap, and returned to the house. Entering at the left side of the door, he wailed with his face to the north, giving full vent to his sorrow. He then put on the cincture, bared his arms, and went through the leaping. Going then to the station on the east, he bowed to the visitors, and went through the leaping again. When the visitors went out, the presiding mourner bowed to them and escorted them. At the wailing next day, he wore the cincture, bared his arms, and went through the leaping. At the third wailing he did the same. On the third day, he put on his mourning-garb ; and at the fifth wailing, the director announced that the business was over. 14. When one heard of the mourning rites, and it was impossible (in his circumstances) to hurry to be present at them, he wailed and gave full vent to his grief. He then asked the particulars, and (on hear- ing them) wailed again, and gave full vent to his grief. He then made a place (for his mourning) where he was, tied up his hair, bared his arms, and went through the leaping. Having covered his arms, and put on the higher cincture and his sash with the ends tucked up, he went (back) to his place. After bowing to (any visitors that arrived), he returned to the place, and went through the leaping. When the visitors went out, he, as the presiding mourner, bowed to them, and escorted them outside the gate, returning then to his station. If any other visitors came afterwards, he bowed to them and went through the leaping, then escorting them as before. bk. xxxi. PAN SANG. 371 At the wailing next day, he tied up his hair, bared his arms, and went through the leaping. At the third wailing he did the same. On the third day, he put on his mourning-garb, wailed, bowed to his visitors, and escorted them as before. 15. If one returned home after the mourning rites had been completed, he went to the grave, and there wailed and went through the leaping. On the east of it, he tied up his hair, bared his arms, put on the cincture for the head, bowed to the visitors, and went (again) through the leaping. Having escorted the visitors, he returned to his place, and again wailed, giving full vent to his grief. With this he put off his mourning. In the house he did not wail. The principal mourner, in his treatment of him, made no change in his dress ; and though he wailed with him (at the grave), he did not leap. 16. Wherein at other observances than those for the death of a mother or father, the usages (of such a mourner) differed from the above, were in the cincture for the head and the hempen sash. 17. In all cases where one made a place for his mourning (away from home), if it were not on occa- sion of the death of a parent, but for some relative of the classes not so nearly related, he went to the station, and wailed, giving full vent to his sorrow. Having put on the cincture for the head and the girdle on the east, he came back to the station, bared his arms, and went through the leaping. He then covered his arms, bowed to the visitors, went back to the station, wailed, and went through the leaping. (After this), he escorted the guests away, and came back to the station, when the director told him to go to the shed. When the fifth wailing b b 2 372 THE LI kL BK. XXXI. was ended, on the third day, the presiding mourner came forth and escorted the visitors away. All the principal mourners and their cousins went out at the gate, wailed, and stopped there. The director an- nounced to them that the business was ended. He put on his full mourning-garb, and bowed to the visitors \ 1 8. If the home were far distant from the place which an absent mourner has selected (for his wail- ing), they completed all their arrangements about dress before they went to it. 1 9. One hurrying to mourning rites, if they were for a parent, wailed when he looked towards the district (where they had lived) ; if they were for a relation for whom nine months' mourning was due, he wailed when he could see the gate of his house ; if for one to whom five months' mourning was due, he wailed when he got to the door ; if for one to whom but three months' mourning was due, he wailed when he took his station. 20. For one of his father's relations (for whom he did not need to go into mourning) a man wailed in the ancestral temple ; for one of his mother or wife's relatives, in the back chamber of the temple ; for his teacher, outside the gate of the temple ; for a friend, outside the door of the back-chamber ; for an acquaintance, in the open country, having pitched a tent for the occasion. Some say the wailing for a mother's relation was in the temple. 1 The .Oien-lung editors think that this last sentence is an erroneous addition to the paragraph. But with other parts of it there are great difficulties, insoluble difficulties, as some of the commentators allow, BK. xxxi. PAN SANG. 373 21. In all cases where a station was selected, away from the house of mourning, for paying funeral rites, no offerings were put down (for the departed). 22. For the son of Heaven they wailed nine days ; for a feudal prince, seven ; for a high minister and Great officer, five ; for another officer, three. 23. A Great officer, in wailing for the ruler of his state, did not presume to bow to the visitors. 24. Ministers in other states, when they selected a station (for their wailing), did not presume to bow to the visitors. 25. Officers, of the same surname with a feudal prince, (but who were serving in other states), also made a place at which to wail for him (on his death). 26. In all cases where one made a place (at a distance) at which to wail, he bared his arms (only) once. 27. In condoling with (the relations of) an ac- quaintance (after he has been buried), one first wailed in his house, and afterwards went to the grave, in both cases accompanying the wailing with the leaping. He alternated his leaping with that of the presiding mourner, keeping his face towards the north. 28. At all mourning rites (in a household), if the father were alive, he acted as presiding mourner ; if he were dead, and brothers lived together in the house, each presided at the mourning for one of his own family-circle. If two brothers were equally related to the deceased for whom rites were neces- sary, the eldest presided at those rites ; if they were not equally related, the one most nearly so presided. 374 THE Li jrf. BK. XXXI. 29. When one heard of the death of a brother or cousin at a distance, but the news did not arrive till the time which his own mourning for him would have taken had expired1, he (notwithstanding) put on the mourning cincture, bared his arms, and went through the leaping. He bowed to his visitors, however, with the left hand uppermost 2. 30. The only case in which a place was chosen in which to wail for one for whom mourning was not worn, was the death of a sister-in-law, the wife of an elder brother. For a female member of the family who had married, and for whom therefore mourning was not worn, the hempen sash was assumed. 31. When one had hurried to the mourning rites, and a Great officer came (to condole with him), he bared his arms, and bowed to him. When he had gone through the leaping, he covered his arms. In the case of a similar visit from an ordinary officer, he covered his arms, and then bowed to him. 1 The deceased would have been only in the degree of relation- ship, to which five months' mourning was assigned. 2 The left hand uppermost made the bow one more appropriate to a festive occasion. BOOK XXXII. WAN SANG OR QUESTIONS ABOUT MOURNING RITES1. i. Immediately after his father's death, (the son put off his cap, and) kept his hair, with the pin in it, in the bag (of silk) ; went barefoot, with the skirt of his dress tucked up under his girdle ; and wailed with his hands across his breast. In the bitterness of his grief, and the distress and pain of his thoughts, his kidneys were injured, his liver dried up, and his lungs scorched, while water or other liquid did not enter his mouth, and for three days fire was not kindled (to cook anything for him). On this account the neighbours prepared for him gruel and rice-water, which were his (only) meat and drink. The internal grief and sorrow produced a change in his outward appearance ; and with the severe pain in his heart, his mouth could not relish any savoury food, nor his body find ease in anything pleasant. 2. On the third day there was the (slighter) dressing (of the corpse). While the body was on the couch it was called the corpse ; when it was put into the coffin, it was called £iu. At the moving of the corpse, and lifting up of the coffin, (the son) wailed and leaped, times without number. Such was the bitterness of his heart, and the pain of his thoughts, so did his grief and sorrow fill his mind and 1 See the introductory notice, vol.xxvii, pp. 47, 48. 4 * 376 THE LI Kl. BK. XXXII. agitate his spirit, that he bared his arms and leaped, seeking by the movement of his limbs to obtain some comfort to his heart and relief to his spirit. The women could not bare their arms, and there- fore they (merely) pushed out the breast, and smote upon their hearts, moving" their feet with a sliding, hopping motion, and with a constant, heavy sound, like the crumbling away of a wall. The expression of grief, sorrow, and deep-seated pain was extreme ; hence it is said, ' With beating of the breast and movement of the feet, did they sorrowfully accom- pany the body ; so they escorted it away, and so did they come back to meet its essential part.' When (the mourners) went, accompanying the coffin (to the grave), they looked forward, with an expression of eagerness, as if they were following some one, and unable to get up to him. When returning to wail, they looked disconcerted, as if they were seeking some one whom they could not find. Hence, when escorting (the coffin), they appeared full of affectionate desire ; when returning, they appeared full of perplexity. They had sought the (deceased), and could not find him ; they entered the gate, and did not see him ; they went up to the hall, and still did not see him ; they entered his chamber, and still did not see him ; he was gone ; he was dead ; they should see him again nevermore. Therefore they wailed, wept, beat their breasts, and leaped, giving full vent to their sorrow, before they ceased. Their minds were disappointed, pained, fluttered, and indignant. They could do nothing more with their wills ; they could do nothing but continue sad. 3. In presenting the sacrifice (of repose) in the BK. XXXII. WAN SANG. 377 ancestral temple 1, (the son) offered it (to his parent) in his disembodied state, hoping that his shade would peradventure return (and enjoy it). When he came back to the house from completing the grave, he did not venture to occupy his chamber, but dwelt in the mourning shed, lamenting that his parent was now outside. He slept on the rushes, with a clod for his pillow, lamenting that his parent was in the ground. Therefore he wailed and wept, without regard to time ; he endured the toil and grief for three years. His heart of loving thoughts showed the mind of the filial son, and was the real expression of his human feelings. 4. Some one may ask, ' Why does the dressing not commence till three days after death ? ' and the answer is : — When his parent is dead, the filial son is sad and sorrowful, and his mind is full of trouble. He crawls about and bewails his loss, as if the dead might come back to life ; — how can he hurriedly take (the corpse) and proceed to dress it ? There- fore, when it is said that the dressing does not begin till after three days, the meaning is, that (the son) is waiting that time to see if (his father) will come to life. When after three days there is no such return, the father is not alive, and the heart of the filial son is still more downcast. (During this space, moreover), the means of the family can be calculated, and the clothes that are necessary can be provided and made accordingly ; the relations and connexions who live at a distance can also arrive. Therefore the sages decided in the case 1 ' Not the structure so called,' says Khung Ying-ta, ' but the apartment where the coffin had been ;' — now serving for the occasion as a temple. 378 THE Li £T. BK. XXXII. that three days should be allowed, and the rule was made accordingly. 5. Some one may ask, ' How is it that one with the cap on does not bare his arms, and show the naked body ? ' and the answer is : — The cap is the most honourable article of dress, and cannot be worn where the body is bared, and the flesh ex- posed. Therefore the cincture for the head is worn instead of the cap, (when the arms are bared). 6. And so, when a bald man does not wear the cincture, and a hunchback does not bare his arms, and a lame man does not leap, it is not that they do not feel sad, but they have an infirmity which prevents them from fully discharging the usages. Hence it is said that in the rites of mourning it is the sorrow that is the principal thing. When a daughter wails, weeps, and is sad, beats her breast, and wounds her heart; and when a son wails, weeps, is sad, and bows down till his forehead touches the ground, without regard to elegance of demeanour, this may be accepted as the highest expression of sorrow. 7. Some one may ask, 'What is the idea in the cincture ? ' and the reply is : — The cincture is what is worn while uncapped. The Rule says, ' Boys do not wear (even) the three months' mourn- ing; it is only when the family has devolved on one that he does so.' The cincture, we may sup- pose, was what was worn in the three months' mourning (by a boy). If he had come to be the representative of the family, he wore the cincture, and carried the staff. 8. Some one may ask, ' What is meant by (using) the staff?' and the answer is : — The staff of bamboo BK. xxxn. WAN SANG. 379 and that ofelaeococcus wood have the same mean- ing. Hence, for a father they used the black staff of bamboo ; and for a mother, the square-cut staff, an elaeococcus branch \ 9. Some one may say, ' What is meant by (using) the staff ? ' and the answer is : — 'When a filial son mourns for a parent, he wails and weeps without regard to the number of times ; his endurances are hard for three years ; his body becomes ill and his limbs emaciated ; and so he uses a staff to support his infirmity. 10. Thus, while his father is alive he does not dare to use a staff, because his honoured father is still living. Walking in the hall, he does not use the staff; — refraining from doing so in the place where his honoured father is. Nor does he walk hastily in the hall, — to show that he is not hurried. Such is the mind of the filial son, the real expres- sion of human feeling, the proper method of pro- priety and righteousness. It does not come down from heaven, it does not come forth from the earth ; it is simply the expression of the human feelings. 1 On Book XIII, i, 3 the .A^ien-lung editors say, that the staff of old men was carried with the root up, and the other end down ; but the opposite was the case with the mourner's staff. In break- ing off a branch from the elaeococcus, the part which has been torn from the stem is cut square and smooth with a knife. The round stem of the bamboo cane is said by Kh&xi Hao to symbolise heaven, and so is carried for a father ; and the square cut end of the dryandria branch, to symbolise earth, and so is used for a mother. But this fanciful explanation seems to be contrary to what is said in the conclusion of the next paragraph. BOOK XXXIII. FU WAN OR SUBJECTS FOR QUESTIONING ABOUT THE MOURNING DRESS1. i. The Directory for Mourning says, 'There are cases in which parties wear deep mourning, while those, in consequence of their connexion with whom they assume it, wear only light.' Such is the mourn- ing for her husband's mother by the wife of the son of a ruler (by a concubine)2. 2. ' There are cases in which parties wear light mourning, while those, in consequence of their con- nexion with whom they assume it, wear deep mourn- ing.' Such is the mourning of a husband for the father or mother of his wife 3. 3. ' There are cases in which parties wear mourn- ing, while those, in consequence of their connexion with whom they have a relation with the deceased, wear none.' Such is the case of the wife of a ruler's 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 48. 2 Such a son of a ruler could wear for his mother only the nine months' mourning, as she was but a concubine with an inferior position in the family ; but his wife wore mourning for her for a whole year. She was her husband's mother, and the general rule for mourning in such a relation was observed by the wife, without regard to the deceased being only a concubine, and whether the ruler were alive or dead. 3 The wife, of course, observed the three years' mourning for her father or mother ; the husband only the three months. BK. XXXIII. f{j wan. 381 son with the cousins of her husband on the female side x. 4. ' There are cases in which parties wear no mourning, while those, in consequence of their con- nexion with whom they have a relation with the deceased, do wear mourning.' Such is the case of a rulers son with regard to the father and mother of his wife. 5. The Directory of Mourning says, 'When his mother has been divorced, the son wears mourning for the relatives of the wife whom his father has taken in his mother's place.' When his mother has died 2 (without being divorced), a son wears mourn- ing for her relatives. Wearing mourning for his own mother's relatives, he does not do so for those of the step-mother, whom his father may have taken in her place. 6. After the sacrifice at the end of the first year, during the three years' rites, and after the interment has taken place, during those of one year (occurring at the same time), the mourner puts on the old sash of dolychos cloth, and the headband of the one year's mourning, wearing (at the same time) the sackcloth of the mourning for nine months. 7. The same thing is done (after the interment) during the nine months' mourning. 8. No change is made (after the interment) during the five months' mourning. 1 There is no satisfactory account of this case. 2 AVzan Hao supposed that this mother ' dying ' is the wife whom his father has taken in the place of the son's divorced mother. The is7nen-lung editors rightly point out his error ; but it shows how these notices are perplexing, not only to foreigners, but also to native scholars. 382 THE Li A'f. BK. XXXIII. 9. Where they wore the sash with the roots of hemp wrought into the cloth l, they changed it for the dolychos cloth of the three years' mourning 2. 10. After the sacrifice at the end of a year, if there occurred an occasion for using the hempen sash with the roots cut off, (the mourner) put on the proper band along with the higher cincture. When the cincture was no longer worn, he put off the band. When it was proper to use the band, the rule was to wear it ; and when the occasion for it was over, it was put off3. 11. In the mourning for five months they did not change the cap worn for the sacrifice at the end of a year. If there were occasion to wear the cincture, then they employed the band proper for the mourn- ing of three months or five months ; still keeping on the first dolychos sash. The linen of the three months' mourning did not make it necessary to change the dolychos cloth of the five months ; nor the linen of the five months to change the dolychos cloth of the nine months. Where the roots were woven with the cloth, they made a change. 12. On occasion of mourning for a minor, if he were of the highest grade or the middle, they changed the dolychos cloth of the three years' mourning, assuming it when they had completed the months of these intervening rites. This was done not because of the value set on the linen, but because no change was made at the conclusion of 1 This was done in the mourning for nine months and for one year ; not in that for five months and for three. 2 That is, after the sacrifice at the end of the first year. 3 This is supplementary, say the ^7/ien-lung editors, to para- graph 8. BK. XXXIII. FU WAN. 383 the wailing. They did not observe this rule on the death of a minor of the third or lowest grade. 13. The ruler of a state mourned for the son of Heaven for the three years. His wife observed the rule of a lady of her husband's house who had gone to her own married home in mourning for the ruler1. 14. The heir-son of a ruler did not wear mourn- ing for the son of Heaven2. 15. A ruler acted as presiding mourner at the mourning rites for his wife, his eldest son, and that son's wife. 16. The eldest son of a Great officer, by his proper wife, wore the mourning of an ordinary officer for the ruler, and for the ruler's wife and eldest son. 1 7. When the mother of a ruler had not been the wife (of the former ruler) 3, the body of the ministers did not wear mourning (on her death). Only the officers of the harem, the charioteer and the man-at- arms who sat on the left, followed the example of the ruler, wearing the same mourning as he did. 18. For a high minister or Great officer, (during the mourning rites for him), the ruler wore in his place the coarse glazed linen, and also when he went out (on business not connected with the rites). If it were on business connected with them, he wore also the skin-cap and the band round it. Great officers dressed in the same way for one another. At the mourning rites for their wives, they wore the same dress, when they were going to be present at 1 That is, for a year. 2 To avoid suspicion, say the commentators. I do not see it. 3 She must have been a concubine, or some inferior member of the harem. Various circumstances might have concurred to lead to her son's succession to the state. 1 84 THE hi Kl. BK. XXXIII. those rites ; if they went out (on other business), they did not wear it. 19. In all cases of going to see others, the visitor (being in mourning for his parents) did not put off his headband. Even when he was going to the ruler's court, he did not put it off; it was only at the ruler's gate that (in certain circumstances) he put off his sackcloth. The Directory of Mourning says, ' A superior man will not take away from others their mourning rites ; ' and so it was deemed wrong to put off this mourning. 20. The Directory of Mourning says, ' Crimes are many, but the punishments are only five. The occasions for mourning are many, but there are only five varieties of the mourning dress. The occasions must be arranged, according as they are classed in the upper grade or in the lower.' BOOK XXXIV. ArEN AWAN OR TREATISE ON SUBSIDIARY POINTS IN MOURNING USAGES \ 1. What is the reason that the headband worn with the frayed sackcloth, for a father, must be made of the fibres of the female plant ? Those fibres have an unpleasant appearance, and serve to show outwardly the internal distress. The appearance of (the mourners), wearing the sackcloth for a father with its jagged edges, corresponds to those fibres. That of one wearing the sackcloth for a mother with its even edges, corresponds to the fibres of the male plant. That of one wearing the mourning; of nine months looks as if (the ebullitions of sorrow) had ceased. For one wearing the mourn- ing of five months or of three, his (ordinary) appear- ance is suitable. These are the manifestations of sorrow in the bodily appearance 2. 2. The wailing of one wearing the sackcloth for his father seems to go forth in one unbroken strain ; 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 48, 49. 2 The 3s u ("§*.) *s commonly understood to be the female plant of hemp, and the hst (^) the male plant; though some writers reverse the application of the names. The fibres of both are dark coloured, those of the female plant being the darker. The cloth woven of them was also of a coarser texture. All admit that the subject here is the mourning band for the head ; the staffs borne in the two cases corresponded in colour to the band. [28] C C ?&6 THE LI kI. BK. xxxiv. d that of one wearing the sackcloth for a mother is now and then broken ; in the mourning of nine months, after the first burst there are three quavers in it, and then it seems to die away ; in the mourning of five and three months, an ordinary wailing is sufficient. These are the manifestations of sorrow in the modulations of the voice l. 3. When wearing the sackcloth for a father, one indicates that he hears what is said to him, but does not reply in words ; when wearing that for a mother, he replies, but does not speak of anything else. During the nine months' mourning, he may speak of other things, but not discuss them ; during that for five months or three months, he may discuss other things, but does not show pleasure in doing so. These are the manifestations of sorrow in speech. 4. When a mourner has assumed the sackcloth for a father, for three days he abstains from food ; for a mother, for two days. When he has commenced the nine months' mourning, he abstains from three meals; in that of five months or of three, for two. When an ordinary officer takes part in the dressing (of a friend's Corpse), he abstains from one meal. Hence at the mourning rites for a father or mother, when the coffining takes place, (the children) take gruel made of a handful of rice in the morning, and the same quantity in the evening. During all the rites for a mother, they eat coarse rice and drink only water, not touching vegetables or fruits. During the nine months' mourning (the mourners) do not eat pickles or sauces ; during that of five months or three, they do not drink prepared liquor, either new or old. 1 I have read something of the same kind as this account of the ' wailing ' in descriptions of the ' keening ' at an Irish wake. BK. XXXIV. 2HEN 5TWAN. 387 These are the manifestations of sorrow in drinking and eating. 5. In the mourning rites for a parent, when the sacrifice of repose has been presented, and the wailing is at an end, (the mourners) eat coarse rice and drink water, but do not take vegetables or fruits. At the end of a year, when the smaller felicitous sacrifice has been offered, they eat vegetables and fruits. After another year, when the greater sacrifice has been offered, they take pickles and sauces. In the month after, the final mourning sacrifice is offered, after which they drink the must and spirits. When they begin to drink these, they first use the must ; when they begin to eat flesh, they first take that which has been dried. 6. During the mourning rites for a parent, (the son) occupied the mourning shed, and slept on straw with a clod for his pillow, without taking off the headband or girdle. If they were for a mother (only, and the father were still alive), he occupied the unplastered chamber, (sleeping on) typha rushes with their tops cut off, but not woven together. During the mourn- ing for nine months, there was a mat to sleep on. In that for five months or for three, it was allowed to use a bedstead. These were the manifestations of sorrow given in the dwelling-places. 7. At the mourning rites for a parent, after the sacrifice of repose, and when the wailing was con- cluded, the (inclined) posts of the shed were set up on lintels, and the screen (of grass) was clipped, while typha rushes, with the tops cut off, but not woven together, (were laid down for a mat). At the end of a year, and when the smaller felicitous sacrifice had c c 2 388 THE Lt Kl. BK. XXXIV. been offered, (the son) occupied the unplastered chamber, and had a mat to sleep on. After another year, and when the greater felicitous sacrifice had been offered, he returned to his old sleeping apart- ment. Then, when the final mourning sacrifice was offered, he used a bedstead. 8. The mourning with jagged edges was made with 3 shang of hempen threads, each shang con- taining 8 1 threads ; that with even edge, with 4, 5, or 6 shang; that for the nine months' mourning with 7, 8, or 9 shang ; that for the five months, with 10, 11, or 12 shang; that for the three months, with 15 shang less the half1. When the thread was mani- pulated and boiled, no such operation was performed on the woven cloth, and it was called sze (or the material for the mourning of three months). These were the manifestations of sorrow shown in the fabrics of the different mournings. 9. The sackcloth with jagged edges (worn at first) was made with 3 shang, but after the sacrifice of repose when the wailing was over, this was exchanged for a different fabric made with 6 shang, while the material for the cap was made with 7 shang. The coarse sackcloth for a mother was made with 4 shang, exchanged for a material made with 7 shang, while the cap was made with one of 8 shang. When the hempen dress is put away (after the burial), grass-cloth is worn, the sash of it being made of triple twist. At the end of the year, and when the first felicitous sacrifice has been offered, (the son) puts on the cap of dyed silk proper to that 1 Kb Hsi says, 'Inexplicable!' bk. XXXIV. JHEN ffWAN. 389 sacrifice, and the red collar, still retaining the sash and headband. A son begins at the head, and a woman with the girdle, in putting off their mourning. What is the reason ? Because a man considers the head the most important to him, and a woman the waist. In laying aside the mourning, they began with the most important ; in changing it, with what was least. At the end of the second year, and when the greater felicitous sacrifice had been offered, the cap and dress of plain hempen cloth was assumed. After the concluding sacrifice of mourning, in the next month, the black cap and silk of black and white were put on, and all the appendages of the girdle were assumed. 10. Why is it that in changing the mourning they (first) changed what was the lightest ? During the wearing of the sackcloth with jagged edges for a father, if when, after the sacrifice of repose and the end of the wailing, there came occasion to wear the even-edged sackcloth for a mother, that, as lighter, was considered to be embraced in the other, and that which was most important was retained. After the sacrifice at the end of the year, when there occurred occasion for the mourning rites of nine months, both the sackcloth and grass-cloth bands were worn. During the wearing of the sackcloth for a mother, when, after the sacrifice of repose and the end of the wailing, there came occasion to wear the mourning for nine months, the sackcloth and grass- cloth bands were worn together. The grass-cloth band with the jagged-edged sack- cloth and the hempen band with the even-edged 190 THE Li kL bk. xxxiv sackcloth were of the same value. The grass-cloth with the even-edged sackcloth and the hempen band of the nine months' mourning were of the same value. The grass-cloth with the nine months' mourning and the hempen band with that of five months were of the same value. The grass-cloth with the five months' mourning and the hempen with that of three months were of the same value. So they wore them together. When they did so, that which was the lighter was changed first. BOOK XXXV. SAN NIEN WAN OR QUESTIONS ABOUT THE MOURNING FOR THREE YEARS \ i . What purposes do the mourning rites for three years serve ? The different rules for the mourning rites were established in harmony with (men's) feelings. By means of them the differences in the social relations are set forth, and the distinctions shown of kindred as nearer or more distant, and of ranks as more noble or less. They do not admit of being diminished or added to ; and are therefore called c The un- changing rules.' 2. The greater a wound is, the longer it remains ; and the more pain it gives, the more slowly is it healed. The mourning of three years, being appointed with its various forms in harmony with the feelings (produced by the occasion of it), was intended to mark the greatest degree of grief. The sackcloth with jagged edges, the dark colour of the sackcloth and the staff, the shed reared against the wall, the gruel, the sleeping on straw, and the clod of earth for a pillow : — these all were intended to set forth the extremity of the grief. 3. The mourning of the three years came really to an end with (the close of) the twenty-fifth month. The sorrow and pain were not yet ended, and the 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 49, 50. 392 THE li kL bk. xxxv. longing loving thoughts were not yet forgotten ; but in the termination of the mourning dress in this way, was it not shown that there should be an end to the duties rendered to the dead, and that the time was come for the resumption of their duties to the living ? 4. All living creatures between heaven and earth, being endowed with blood and breath, have a certain amount of knowledge. Possessing that amount of knowledge, there is not one of them but knows to love its species. Take the larger birds and beasts : — when one of them has lost its mate, after a month or a season, it is sure to return and go about their old haunts. It turns round and round, utters its cries, now moves, now stops, and looks quite em- barrassed and uncertain in its movements, before it can leave the place. Even the smaller birds, such as swallows and sparrows, chatter and cry for a little before they can leave the place. But among all creatures that have blood and breath, there is none which has intelligence equal to man ; and hence the feeling of man on the death of his kindred remains unexhausted even till death. 5. Will any one follow the example of those men who are under the influence of their depraved lusts? In that case, when a kinsman dies in the morning, he will forget him by the evening. But if we follow the course of such men, we shall find that they are not equal to the birds and beasts. How can they live with their kindred, and not fall into all dis- orders ? 6. Will he rather follow the example of the superior man who attends to all the methods by which the feeling of grief is set forth ? In that case, the bk. xxxv. SAN NIEN WAN. 393 twenty-five months, after which the mourning of three years comes to an end, will seem to pass as quickly as a carriage drawn by four horses is whirled past a crevice. And if we continue to indulge the feeling, it will prove to be inexhaustible. 7. Therefore the ancient kings determined the proper medium for mourning, and appointed its definite terms. As soon as it was sufficient for the elegant expression of the varied feeling, it was to be laid aside. 8. This being the case, how is it that (in certain cases the mourning lasts) only for a year ? The answer is, that in the case of the nearest kindred, there is a break in it at the end of a year. 9. How is that ? The answer is : — The inter- action of heaven and earth has run its round ; and the four seasons have gone through their changes. All things between heaven and earth begin their processes anew. The rules of mourning are intended to resemble this. 10. Then how is it that there are three years' mourning (for a parent) ? The answer is : — -From the wish to make it greater and more impressive, the time is doubled, and so embraces two round years. 11. What about the mourning for nine months' and the shorter periods? The answer is : — It is to prevent such mourning from reaching (the longer periods). 12. Therefore the three years should be consi- dered as the highest expression of grief in mourning; the three months and five months, as the lowest ; while the year and the nine months are between them. Heaven above gives an example ; earth beneath, a law ; and man between, a pattern. The o 94 THE LI Kl. BK. XXXV. harmony and unity that should characterise men living in their kinships are hereby completely shown. 13. Thus it is that in the mourning of three years the highest forms that vary and adorn the ways of men are displayed. Yes, this is what is called the richest exhibition (of human feelings). 14. In this the hundred kings (of all the dynasties) agree, and ancient and modern customs are one and the same. But whence it came is not known. 15. Confucius said, 'A son, three years after his birth, ceases to be carried in the arms of his parents. The mourning of three years is the universal rule of all under heaven.' BOOK XXXVI. SHAN 1 OR THE LONG DRESS IN ONE PIECE1. 1. Anciently the long dress had definite measure- ments, so as to satisfy the requirements of the compass and square, the line, the balance, and the steelyard. It was not made so short as to show any of the skin, nor so long as to touch the ground. The outside pieces of the skirt joined, and were hooked together at the side ; (the width of) the seam at the waist was half that at the bottom (of the skirt). 2. The sleeve was joined to the body of the dress at the arm-pit, so as to allow the freest movement of the elbow-joint; the length of the lower part admitted of the cuffs being turned back to the elbow. The sash was put on where there were no bones, so as not to interfere with the action of the thighs below or of the ribs above. 3. In the making (of the garment) twelve strips (of the cloth) were used, to correspond to the twelve months. The sleeve was made round, as if fashioned by a disk. The opening at the neck was square, as if made by means of that instrument so named. The cord-like (seam) at the back descended to the ankles, as if it had been a straight line. The edge at the bottom was like the steelyard of a balance, made perfectly even. 4. In this way through the rounded sleeves the arms could be lifted up in walking (for the pur- pose of salutation) in the most elegant form. The 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, p. 50. 396 THE Li k\. BK. xxxvi. cord-like seam of the back and the square-shaped collar about the neck in front, served to admonish (the wearer) how his government should be correct and his righteousness on the square. It is said in the Yi, ' The movement indicated by the second line in Khwan, divided, is "from the straight (line) to the square V The even edge at the bottom, like the steelyard and balance, admonished him to keep his will at rest, and his heart even and calm. 5. These five rules being observed in the making (of the dress), the sages wore it. In its squareness and roundness they saw its warning against selfishness ; in its line-like straightness they saw its admonition to be correct, and in its balance-like evenness they saw its lesson of impartiality. Therefore the ancient kings attached a high value to it ; it could be worn in the discharge of both their civil and military duties ; in it they could receive visitors and regulate the cohorts of their armies. It was complete, but not extravagant ; it ranked in the second class of good dresses2. 6. For ornament, while his parents and grand- parents were alive, (a son) wore the dress with its border embroidered. If (only) his parents were alive, the ornamental border was blue. In the case of an orphan son3, the border was white. The border round the mouth of the sleeves and all the edges of the dress was an inch and a half wide. 1 See the symbolism of the second line of the 2nd Hexagram, and especially the lesser symbolism in the 2nd Appendix, from which the quotation is made ; — vol. xvi, pages 60 and 268. 2 That is, next after the court and sacrificial robes. 3 Kang says that a son whose father was dead was called ' an orphan son ' up to thirty. BOOK XXXVII. thAu hO or THE GAME OF PITCH-POT1. i. According to the rules for Pitch-pot, the host carries the arrows in both his hands put together; the superintendent of the archery carries in the same way the stand2 on which the tallies were placed; and an attendant holds in his hand the pot. 2. The host entreats (one of the guests), saying, ' I have here these crooked3 arrows, and this pot with its wry3 mouth ; but we beg you to amuse yourself with them.' The guest says, ' I have partaken, Sir, of your excellent drink and admirable viands ; allow me to decline this further proposal for my pleasure.' The host rejoins, ' It is not worth the while for you to decline these poor arrows and pot; let me earnestly beg you to try them.' The guest re- peats his refusal, saying, ' I have partaken (of your entertainment), and you would still further have me enjoy myself; — I venture firmly to decline.' The host again addresses his request in the same words, and then the guest says, ' I have firmly declined what you request, but you will not allow me to refuse ; — I venture respectfully to obey you.' 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 50, 51. 2 This was a small stand or tray, with the figure of a stag (or some other animal, according to the rank of the party) carved in wood and put down on it, with a tube by its side in which the tallies were to be placed. 3 These are merely the customary terms of depreciation in which a Chinese speaks of his own things. 398 THE Li KI. BK. XXXVII. The guest then bows twice, and signifies that he will receive (the arrows). The host wheels round, saying, 'Let me get out of the way;' and then at the top of the steps on the east, he bows to the guest and gives him the arrows. The guest wheels round, and says, 'Let me get out of the way1.' 3. (The host) having bowed, and received the arrows (for himself), advances to the space between the two pillars. He then retires, and returns to his station, motioning also to the guest to go to his mat (for pitching from). 4. The superintendent of the archery comes for- ward, and measures the distance of the pot (from the mats), which should be a space of the length of two and a half arrows. He then returns to his station, sets forth the stand for the tallies, and with his face to the east, takes eight counters and stands up. He asks the guest to pitch, saying, 'When the arrow goes straight in, it is reckoned an entry. If you throw a second (without waiting for your opponent to pitch), it is not reckoned.' The victor gives the vanquished a cup to drink ; and when the cups of decision have been dispatched, the superintendent begs to set up what he calls ' a horse ' for the victor. If he set up one horse, then a second, and finally a third, he begs to con- gratulate the thrower on the number of his horses. He asks the host to pitch in the same way, and with the same words. 5. He orders the cithern-players to strike up 1 From this point to the end of the paragraph, it is very difficult to make out from the text the sequence of proceedings between the host and guest. ' The pitching/ say the ^7/ien-lung editors, ' has been agreed on.' BK. xxxvn. THAU HU. 399 'The Fox's Head,' with the same interval between (each repetition of the tune), and the director of the music answers, ' Yes.' 6. When the superintendent announces to them on the left and right that the arrows are all used up, he requests them to pitch again. When an arrow enters, he kneels, and puts down a counter. The partners of the guest are on the right, and those of the host on the left. 7. When they have done pitching, he takes up the counters, and says, ' They have done pitching, both on the left and right ; allow me to take the numbers.' He then takes the numbers two by two, and leaves the single counters. After this he takes the single counters, and gives the announcement, saying, ' Such and such a side has the better by so many doubles, or naming the number of the singles/ If they are equal, he says, 'Left and right are equal.' 8. He then orders the cups to be filled, saying, ' Let the cup go round,' and the cup-bearer (of the successful side) replies, ' Yes.' Those who have to drink all kneel, and raising their cups with both hands, say, 'We receive what you give us to drink/ The victors (also) kneel and say, 'We beg respect- fully to refresh you.' 9. When this cup has gone round, according to rule, (the superintendent) asks leave to exhibit the 'horses' (of the victorious side). Each 'horse' stands for so many counters. (He who has only) one 'horse' gives it to him who has two, to congratulate him (on his superiority). The usage in congratulating (the most successful) is to say,. ' Your three " horses " are all here ; allow me to congratulate you on their number.' The guests and host all express their 400 THE Li kL bk. xxxvii. assent. The customary cup goes round, and the superintendent asks leave to remove the ' horses.' 10. The number of the counters varies according to the place in which they kneel (when playing the game). (Each round is with 4 arrows.) (If the game be in) the chamber, there are 5 sets of these ; if in the hall, 7 ; if in the courtyard, 9. The counters are 1 cubit 2 inches long. The neck of the pot is 7 inches long ; its belly, 5 ; and its mouth is 2 J inches in diameter. It contains a peck and 5 pints. It is filled with small beans, to prevent the arrows from leaping out. It is distant from the mats of the players, the length of 2\ arrows. The arrows are made of mulberry wood, or from the zizyphus, without the bark being removed. 11. In Lu, the young people (taking part in the o-ame) were admonished in these words, ' Do not be rude; do not be haughty; do not stand awry; do not talk about irrelevant matters ; for those who stand awry, or speak about irrelevant matters, there is the regular (penal) cap.' A similar admonition in Hsieh was to this effect : — ' Do not be rude ; do not be haughty ; do not stand awry ; do not speak about irrelevant matters. Those who do any of these things must pay the penalty.' 12. The superintendent of the archery, the over- seer of the courtyard, and the capped officers who stood by, all belonged to the party of the guest. The musicians and the boys who acted as attendants, all belonged to the party of the host. 13. There follows after this what appears to be a repre- sentation of the progress of a game by means of small circles and squares. The circles indicating blows on a small drum BK. xxxvn. THAU HU. 401 called phi, and the squares, blows on the larger drum (ku) ; — according, we may suppose, to certain events in the game. The 'drum' marks are followed by what are called ' halves ' or semis. The representation is : — Semis. Drums. OODO OOOO □ □OD □ □ □ □ o □ o o o □ o Then follows the representation of a game in Lu : — Semis. Lu drums. OO O □ □ O O □ □ □ O O □ □ □ O □ □ O □ O O O O O □ O O There is then a remark that in the Hsieh drums the semi marks were used for the game of pitch-pot, and all the marks for the archery game ; and then we have : — Ser nis. Hsieh drums. Semis. Lu drums O O O O □ O O OOO □ O O □ □ O □ □ □ on O □ O O OOOO OOO O O □ □ OODO 0 0 O O O □ □ 0 0 □ □ □ [28] d d BOOK XXXVIII. ZU HSING OR THE CONDUCT OF THE SCHOLAR1. A i. Duke Ai of Lu asked Confucius, saying, ' Is not the dress, Master, which you wear that of the scholar2?' Confucius replied, 'When I was little, I lived in Lu, and wore the garment with large sleeves ; when I was grown up, I lived in Sung, and was then capped with the /£ang-fu cap3. I have heard that the studies of the scholar are extensive, but his dress is that of the state from which he sprang. I do not know any dress of the scholar.' 2. The duke said, 'Allow me to ask what is the conduct of the scholar.' Confucius replied, ' If I were to enumerate the points in it summarily, I could not touch upon them all ; if I were to go into details on each, it would take a long time. You would have changed all your attendants-in-waiting before I had concluded4.' The duke ordered a mat 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 51, 52. 2 Callery renders Zvl here by ' le Philosophe.' Evidently there was in Confucius' time a class of men, thus denominated, dis- tinguished by their learning and conduct. The name first occurs in the Kfai Li. It is now used for the literati of China, the followers of Confucius, in distinction from Taoists and Buddhists. 3 See vol. xxvii, page 438, paragraph 3. Confucius' ancestors belonged to the state of Sung, the representative of the ancient Yin. 4 It was the custom for a ruler to change his attendants-in- waiting, so as not to overtire any. bk. xxxviii. ZU HSING. 403 to be placed for him, and Confucius took his place by his side. 3. He then said, 'The scholar has a precious gem placed upon its mat, with which he is waiting to receive an invitation (from some ruler)1; early and late he studies with energy, waiting to be questioned. He carries in his bosom leal-heartedness and good faith, waiting to be raised (to office) ; he is vigorous in all his doings, waiting to be chosen (to employment): — so does he establish his character and prepare himself (for the future). 4. ' The scholar's garments and cap are all fitting and becoming ; he is careful in his undertakings and doings : in declining great compliments he might seem to be rude, and in regard to small compliments, hypocritical ; in great matters he has an air of dignity, and in small matters, of modesty ; he seems to have a difficulty in advancing, but retires with ease and readiness ; and he has a shrinking appearance, as if wanting in power: — such is he in his external appearance. 5. ' The scholar, wherever he resides, ordinarily or only for a time, is grave as if he were apprehensive of difficulties ; when seated or on foot, he is courteous and respectful ; in speaking, his object is, first of all, to be sincere ; in acting, he wishes to be exact and correct ; on the road, he does not strive about the most difficult or easiest places ; in winter and summer, he does not strive about the temperature, the light and shade ; he guards against death that he may be in waiting (for whatever he may be called to) ; he attends well to his person that he may be 1 Compare Analects IX, 12. The gem is the scholar's virtue,— his character and capacities. D d 2 404 THE Li K\. bk. xxxviii. ready for action: — such are his preparations and precautions for the future. 6. ' The scholar does not consider gold and jade to be precious treasures, but leal-heartedness and good faith ; he does not desire lands and territory, but considers the establishment of righteousness as his domain ; he does not desire a great accumulation of wealth, but looks on many accomplishments as his riches ; it is difficult to win him, but easy to pay him ; it is easy to pay him, but difficult to retain him. As he will not show himself when the time is not proper for him to do so, is it not difficult to win him ? As he will have no fellowship with what is not righteous, is it not difficult to retain him ? As he must first do the work, and then take the pay, is it not easy to pay him ? — such are the conditions of his close association with others. 7. ' Though there may be offered to the scholar valuable articles and wealth, and though it be tried to enervate him with delights and pleasures, he sees those advantages without doing anything contrary to his sense of righteousness; though a multitude may attempt to force him (from his standpoint), and his way be stopped by force of arms, he will look death in the face without changing the principles (which) he maintains ; (he would face) birds and beasts of prey with their talons and wings, without regard to their fierceness ; he would undertake to raise the heaviest tripod, without regard to his strength ; he has no occasion to regret what he has done in the past, nor to make preparations for what may come to him in the future ; he does not repeat any error of speech ; any rumours against him he does not pursue up to their source ; he does not allow his A. EK. xxxviii. ZV HSING. 405 dignity to be interrupted ; he does not dread to practise (beforehand) the counsels (which he gives): — such are the things in which he stands out and apart from other men. 8. ' With the scholar friendly relations may be cultivated, but no attempt must be made to constrain him ; near association with him can be sought, but cannot be forced on him ; he may be killed, but he cannot be disgraced ; in his dwelling he will not be extravagant ; in his eating and drinking he will not be luxurious ; he may be gently admonished of his errors and failings, but he should not have them enumerated to him to his face : — such is his boldness and determination. 9. ' The scholar considers leal-heartedness and good faith to be his coat-of-mail and helmet ; pro- priety and righteousness to be his shield and buckler ; he walks along, bearing aloft over his head benevolence ; he dwells, holding righteousness in his arms before him ; the government may be violently oppressive, but he does not change his course : — such is the way in which he maintains himself. 10. ' The scholar may have a house in (only) a mau of ground, — a (poor) dwelling each of whose (surrounding) walls is (only) ten paces long, with an outer door of thorns and bamboos, and openings in the wall, long and pointed ; within, the inner door stopped up by brushwood, and little round windows like the mouth of a jar 1 ; the inmates may have to 1 This is a picture of squalid poverty, in which it is not easy to understand all the details without a discussion of the force of the Chinese characters, on which it is impossible to enter here. With all the discussion which they have received from the critics, there are still difficulties in interpreting the paragraph. 406 THE LI EI. bk. xxxvm. exchange garments when they go out ; they may have to make one day's food serve for two days ; if the ruler respond to him, he does not dare to have any hesitation (in accepting office) ; if he do not respond, he does not have recourse to flattery : — such is he in the matter of taking office, (however small). ii. 'The scholar lives and has his associations with men of the present day, but the men of an- tiquity are the subjects of his study. Following their (principles and example) in the present age, he will become a pattern in future ages. If it should be that his own age does not understand and en- courage him, that those above him do not bring him, and those below him do not push him, forward, or even that calumniators and flatterers band together to put him in danger, his person may be placed in peril, but his aim cannot be taken from him. Though danger may threaten him in his undertakings and wherever he is, he will still pursue his aim, and never forget the afflictions of the people, (which he would relieve) : — such is the anxiety which he cherishes. 12. 'The scholar learns extensively, but never allows his researches to come to an end ; he does what he does with all his might, but is never weary; he may be living unnoticed, but does not give way to licentiousness ; he may be having free course in his acknowledged position, but is not hampered (by it) ; in his practice of ceremonial usages he shows the value which he sets on a natural ease ; in the excel- lence of his leal-heartedness and good faith, he acts under the law of a benignant playfulness ; he shows his fond regard for men of virtue and ability, and yet BK. xxxvin. ZU HSING. 407 is forbearing and kind to all ; he (is like a potter who) breaks his square (mould), and his tiles are found to fit together : — such is the largeness and generosity of his spirit. 13. 'The scholar recommends members of his own family (to public employment), without shrinking from doing so, because of their kinship, and pro- poses others beyond it, without regard to their being at enmity with him ; he estimates men's merits, and takes into consideration all their services, selecting those of virtue and ability, and putting them for- ward, without expecting any recompense from them ; the ruler thus gets what he wishes, and if benefit results to the state, the scholar does not seek riches or honours for himself: — such is he in promoting the employment of the worthy and bringing forward the able. 14. 'The scholar when he hears what is good, tells it to (his friends), and when he sees what is good, shows it to them ; in the view of rank and position, he gives the precedence to them over himself; if they encounter calamities and hardships, he is prepared to die with them ; if they are long (in getting advancement), he waits for them; if they are far off, he brings them together with himself : — such is he in the employment and promotion of his friends. 15. ' The scholar keeps his person free from stain, and continually bathes (and refreshes) his virtue ; he sets forth what he has to say (to his superior by way of admonition), but remains himself in the back-ground, trying thus quietly to correct him ; if his superior do not acknowledge (his advice), he more proudly and clearly makes his views known, but still does 408 THE Li kI. bk. XXXVIII. not press them urgently ; he does not go among those who are low to make himself out to be high, nor place himself among those who have little (wisdom) to make himself out to have much ; in a time of good government, he does not think little (of what he himself can do); in a time of disorder, he does not allow his course to be obstructed ; he does not (hastily) agree with those who think like himself, nor condemn those who think differently : — so does he stand out alone among others and take his own solitary course. 1 6. ' The scholar sometimes will not take the hiph office of being a minister of the son of Heaven, nor the lower office of serving the prince of a state ; he is watchful over himself in his retirement, and values a generous enlargement of mind, while at the same time he is bold and resolute in his intercourse with others ; he learns extensively that he may know whatever should be done ; he makes himself acquainted with elegant accomplishments, and thus smoothes and polishes all his corners and angles ; although the offer were made to share a state with him, it would be no more to him than the small weights of a balance ; he will not take a ministry, he will not take an office : — such are the rules and conduct he prescribes to himself. 1 7. ' The scholar has those with whom he agrees in aim, and pursues the same objects, with whom he cultivates the same course, and that by the same methods; when they stand on the same level with him, he rejoices in them ; if their standing be below his, he does not tire of them ; if for long he has not seen them, and hears rumours to their prejudice, he does not believe them ; his actions are rooted in BK. XXXVIII. zij HSING. 409 correctness, and his standing is in what is right1; if they proceed in the same direction with him, he goes forward with them, if not in the same direction, he withdraws from them : — so is he in his inter- course with his friends. 18. 'Gentleness and goodness are the roots of humanity ; respect and attention are the ground on which it stands ; generosity and large-mindedness are the manifestation of it ; humility and courtesy are the ability of it ; the rules of ceremony are the demonstration of it ; speech is the ornament of it ; singing and music are the harmony of it ; sharing and distribution are the giving of it. The scholar possesses all these qualities in union and has them, and still he will not venture to claim a perfect humanity on account of them : — such is the honour (he feels for its ideal), and the humility (with which) he declines it (for himself). 19. 'The scholar is not cast down, or cut from his root, by poverty and mean condition ; he is not elated or exhausted by riches and noble condition ; he feels no disgrace that rulers and kings (may try to inflict) ; he is above the bonds that elders and superiors (may try to impose) ; and superior officers cannot distress him. Hence he is styled a scholar. Those to whom the multitude now-a-days give that name have no title to it, and they constantly employ it to one another as a term of reproach.' When Confucius came (from his wanderings to Lu) to his own house, duke Ai gave him a (public) lodging-. When the duke heard these words, he became more sincere in his speech, and more 1 I suspect there is here some error in the text. 4-IO THE LI k1. BK. XXXVIII. righteous in his conduct. He said, ' To the end of my days I will not presume to make a jest of the name of scholar1.' 1 It is doubtful whether any of this paragraph should be ascribed to Confucius, even in the sense in which we receive the preceding paragraphs as from him. Evidently the latter half of it is a note by the compiler to show the effect which the long discourse had on duke Ai. BOOK XXXIX. TA HSIO OR THE GREAT LEARNING1. i. What the Great Learning teaches, is to illus- trate illustrious virtue ; to love the people 2 ; and to rest in the highest excellence. The point where to rest being known, the object of pursuit is then determined ; and, that being determined, a calm unperturbedness may be at- tained to. To that calmness there will succeed a tranquil repose. In that repose there will be careful deliberation, and that deliberation will be followed by the attainment (of the desired end). Thino-s have their root and their branches; affairs have their end and their beginning. To know what is first and what is last will lead near to what is taught (in the Great Learning). 2. The ancients who wished to illustrate illus- trious virtue throughout the kingdom, first ordered well their states. Wishing to order well their states, they first regulated their families. Wishing to regulate their families, they first cultivated their persons. Wishing to cultivate their persons, they 1 See the introductory notice, vol xxvii, pp. 53, 54. 2 The text of the Ta Hsio, since the labours of Ku Hsi upon it, reads here— 'to renovate/ instead of 'to love,' the people. Ku adopted the alteration from Po-shun, called also Ming-tao, one of his ' masters/ the two brothers ATAang; but there is really no authority for it. 412 THE L? El. BK. XXXIX. first rectified their hearts. Wishing to rectify their hearts, they first sought to be sincere in their thoughts. Wishing to be sincere in their thoughts, they first extended to the utmost their knowledge. 3. The extension of knowledge is by the investi- gation of things \ 4. Things being investigated, their knowledge became complete. Their knowledge being com- plete, their thoughts were sincere. Their thoughts being sincere, their hearts were then rectified. Their hearts being rectified, their persons were cultivated. Their persons being cultivated, their families were regulated. Their families being regu- lated, their states were rightly governed. Their states being rightly governed, the whole kingdom was made tranquil and happy. From the son of Heaven down to the multitudes of the people, all considered the cultivation of the person to be the root (of everything besides). It cannot be, when the root is neglected, that what should spring from it will be well ordered. It never has been the case that what was of great importance has been slightly cared for, and at the same time what was of slight importance has been greatly cared for 2. 3 There is great difficulty in determining the meaning of this short sentence. What A'ang and Khung Ying-ta say on it is unsatisfactory. Ku. introduces a long paragraph explaining it from his master J£//ang; — see Chinese Classics, vol. i, pp. 229, 239. 2 Here ends the first chapter of the Book according to the arrangement of Kh Hsi. He says that it is ' the words of Con- fucius, handed down by 3ang-^ze,' all the rest being the com- mentary of 3ang-$ze, recorded by his disciples. The sentiments in this chapter are not unworthy of Confucius ; but there is no bk. xxxix. TA HSIO. 413 This is called ' knowing the root/ this is called 'the perfection of knowledge.' 5. What is called 'making the thoughts sincere' is the allowing no self-deception ; — as when we hate a bad smell and love what is beautiful, naturally and without constraint. Therefore the superior man must be watchful over himself when he is alone. There is no evil to which the small man, dwelling retired, will not proceed ; but when he sees a superior man, he tries to disguise himself, conceal- ing his evil, and displaying what is good. The other beholds him as if he saw his heart and reins ; — of what use (is his disguise) ? This is an instance of the saying, * What truly is within will be mani- fested without.' Therefore the superior man must be watchful over himself when he is alone. 6. 3angize said, ' What ten eyes behold, what ten hands point to, is to be regarded with reverence1. (As) riches adorn a house, so virtue adorns the person. When the mind becomes enlarged, the body appears at ease. Therefore the superior man is sure to make his thoughts sincere. 7. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, v, ode 1, 1), ' How rich the clumps of green bamboo, Around each cove of Kh\ ! evidence that they really proceeded from him, nor of the other assertions of Ku. See what is said on the subject in the intro- ductory notice. 1 This saying is from 3ang-jze ; but standing as it does alone and apart, it gives no sanction to the view that the first chapter was handed down by him, or the rest of the Book compiled by his disciples. Rather, the contrary. ' The ten eyes and ten hands/ says Lo Arung-fan, ' indicate all the spirits who know men's inmost solitary thoughts.' 414 THE Li kL bk. xxxix. They lead my thoughts to our duke Wu ; — Of winning grace is he ! As knife and file make smooth the bone, As jade by chisel wrought and stone, Is stamp upon him set. Grave and of dignity serene ; With force of will as plainly seen ; Accomplished, elegant in mien ; Him we can ne'er forget.' (That expression), ' as knife and file make smooth the bone,' indicates the effect of learning. ' Like jade by chisel wrought and stone' indicates that of self-culture. 'Grave and of dignity serene' indicates the feeling of cautious reverence. ' With force of will as plainly seen' indicates an awe-inspiring deportment. (The lines), ' Accomplished, elegant in mien, Him can we ne'er forget,' indicate how when virtue is complete, and excellence extreme, the people cannot forget them. 8. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, i, ode 4), ' The former kings in mind still bear, What glory can with theirs compare?.' Superior men deem worthy whom they deemed worthy, and love whom they loved. The inferior people delight in what they delighted in, and are benefited by their beneficial arrangements. It is on this account that the former kings, after they have quitted the world, are not forgotten. 9. It is said in the Announcement to the Prince of Khang (Shu, V, ix, 3), ' He was able to make his virtue illustrious.' It is said in the Thai Km, ' He kept his eye BK. XXXIX. TA HSIO. 415 continually on the bright requirements of Heaven' (Shu, III, v, sect. 1, 2). It is said in the Canon of the Ti (Yao), ' He was able to make illustrious his lofty virtue' (Shu, I, 2). These (passages) all show how (those sovereigns) made themselves illustrious. 10. On the bathing-tub of Thang1, the following words were engraved, 'If you can one day renovate yourself, do so from day to day. Yea, daily renovate yourself/ In the Announcement to the Prince of Khang it is said, ' Stir up the new people ' (Shu, V, ix, 7). In the Book of Poetry it is said (III, i, 1, 1), ' The state of Kfku had long been known ; Heaven's will as new at last was shown.' Therefore the superior man in everything uses his utmost endeavours 2. 11. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, iii, 3), ' A thousand li extends the king's domain, And there the people to repose are fain.' And in another place (II, viii, 1), ' Twitters fast the oriole Where yonder bends the mound, The happy little creature Its resting-place has found.' The Master said, ' Yes, it rests ; it knows where 1 A fact not elsewhere noted. But such inscriptions are still common in China. 2 The repeated use of ' new/ ' renovated,' in this paragraph, is thought to justify the change of ' loving the people,' in paragraph 1, to ' renovating the people ; ' but the object of the renovating here is not the people. 41 6 THE LI Kl. BK. XXXIX. to rest. Can one be a man, and yet not equal (in this respect) to this bird ?' 12. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, i, i, 4), ' Deep were Wan's thoughts, sustained his ways; And reverent in each resting-place.' As a ruler, he rested in benevolence ; as a minister, he rested in respect ; as a son, he rested in filial piety ; as a father, he rested in kindness ; in intercourse with his subjects, he rested in good faith. 13. The Master said, ' In hearing litigations, I am like any other body.' What is necessary is to cause the people to have no litigations, so that those who are devoid of truth shall find it impossible to carry out their speeches, and a great awe be struck into the minds of the people. 1 4. This is called ' knowing the root V 15. What is meant by 'The cultivation of the person depends on the rectifying of the mind ' (may be thus illustrated) : — If a man be under the in- fluence of anger, his conduct will not be correct. The same will be the case, if he be under the influence of terror, or of fond regard, or of sorrow and distress. When the mind is not present, we look and do not see ; we hear and do not under- stand ; we eat and do not know the taste of what we eat. This is what is meant by saying that ' the cultivation of the person depends on the rectifying of the mind.' 1 6. What is meant by ' The regulation of the family depends on the cultivation of the person' 1 It is certainly difficult to see how paragraphs 13, 14 stand where they do. Lo Aung-fan omits them. BK. XXXIX. TA HSIO. 417 is this : — Men are partial where they feel affection and love ; partial where they despise and dislike ; partial where they stand in awe and with a feeling of respect ; partial where they feel sorrow and com- passion ; partial where they are arrogant and rude. Thus it is that there are few men in the world who love and at the same time know the bad qualities (of the object of their love), or who hate and yet know the good qualities (of the object of their hatred). Hence it is said, in the common adage, ' A man does not know the badness of his son ; he does not know the richness of his growing corn.' This is what is meant by saying, that ' if his person be not cultivated, a man cannot regulate his family.' 17. What is meant by 'In order to govern well his state, it is necessary first to regulate his family' is this : — It is not possible for one to teach others while he cannot teach his own family. Therefore the superior man (who governs a state), without going beyond his family, completes the lessons for his state. There is filial piety ; — it has its applica- tion in the service of the ruler. There is brotherly obedience ; — it has its application in the service of elders. There is kindly gentleness; — it has its ap- plication in the employment of the multitudes. It is said in the Announcement to the Prince of Khang (Shu, V, ix, 9), ' (Deal with the people), as if you were watching over an infant.' If (a mother) be really anxious about it, though she may not hit (exactly the wants of her infant), she will not be far from doing so. There never has been (a girl) who learned (first) to bring up an infant that she might afterwards be married. 18. From the loving (example) of one family, [28] E e 41 8 THE LI kL BK. XXXIX. a whole state may become loving, and from its courtesies, courteous, while from the ambition and perverseness of the One man, the whole state may be thrown into rebellious disorder; — such is the nature of the influence. This is in accordance with the saying, 'Affairs may be ruined by a single sentence ; a state may be settled by its One man.' 19. Yao and Shun presided over the kingdom with benevolence, and the people followed them. ATieh and Aau did so with violence, and the people followed them. When the orders of a ruler are contrary to what he himself loves to practise the people do not follow him. 20. Therefore the ruler must have in himself the (good) qualities, and then he may require them in others ; if they are not in himself, he cannot require them in others. Never has there been a man who, not having reference to his own character and wishes in dealing with others, was able effectually to instruct them. Thus we see how ' the government of the state depends on the regulation of the family.' 21. In the Book of Poetry it is said (I, i, 6, 3), 1 Graceful and young the peach-tree stands, Its foliage clustering green and full. This bride to her new home repairs ; Her household will attest her rule.' Let the household be rightly ordered, and then the people of the state may be taught. In another ode it is said (II, ii, 9, 3), ' In concord with their brothers may they dwell ! ' Let rulers dwell in concord with all their brethren, and then they may teach the people of their states. In a third ode it is said (I, xiv, 3, 3), bk. xxxix. TA HSIO. 419 ' His movements without fault or flaw beeet o Good order for his rule throughout the state.' When the ruler as a father, a son, an elder brother or a younger, is a model for imitation, then the people imitate him. These (passages) show how ' the government of a state depends on the regu- lation of the family.' 22. What is meant by 'The making the whole kingdom peaceful and happy depends on the govern- ment of its states ' is this : — When the superiors behave to their aged as the aged should be behaved to, the people become filial ; when they behave to their elders as elders should be behaved to, the people learn brotherly submission ; when they treat compassionately the young and helpless, the people do the same. Thus the superior man has a principle with which, as with a measuring square, to regulate his course. 23. What a man dislikes in his superiors, let him not display in his treatment of his inferiors; and what he dislikes in his inferiors, let him not display in his service of his superiors : what he dislikes in those who are before him, let him not therewith precede those who are behind him ; and what he dislikes in those who are behind him, let him not therewith follow those who are before him : what he dislikes to receive on the right, let him not bestow on the left ; and what he dislikes to receive on the left, let him not bestow on the right : — this is what is called ' The Principle with which, as with a measuring square, to regulate one's course.' 24. In the Book of Poetry it is said (II, ii, 7, 3), ' To be rejoiced in are these noble men, The parents of the people !' E e 2 420 THE hi A'l. BK. XXXIX. When (a ruler) loves what the people love, and hates what the people hate, then is he what is called ' The Parent of the People.' 25. In the Book of Poetry it is said (II, iv, 7, 1), ' That southern hill, sublime, uprears its craggy height ; Such thou, Grand-master Yin, before the nation's sight ! ' Rulers of states should not neglect to be careful. If they deviate (to a selfish regard only for them- selves), they will be counted a disgrace throughout the kingdom. 26. In the Book of Poetry it is said (III, i, 1,6), ' Ere Shang had lost the nation's heart, Its monarchs all with God had part In sacrifice. From them we see 'Tis hard to keep High Heaven's decree.' This shows that by gaining the people, the state is gained ; and by losing the people, the state is lost. Therefore the ruler should first be careful about his (own) virtue. Possessing virtue will give him the people. Possessing the people will give him the territory. Possessing the territory will give him its wealth. Possessing the wealth, he will have re- sources for expenditure. Virtue is the root ; wealth is the branches. If he make the root his secondary object, and the branches his primary object, he will only quarrel with the people, and teach them rapine. Hence the accu- mulation of wealth is the way to scatter the people, and the distribution of his wealth is the way to collect the people. Hence (also), when his words go forth contrary to right, they will come back to BK. XXXIX. TA HSIO. 42 1 him in the same way, and wealth got by improper ways will take its departure by the same. 27. It is said in the Announcement to the Prince of Khang (Shu, V, ix, 2, 3), 'The decree (of Heaven) is not necessarily perpetual.' That is, goodness obtains the decree, and the want of goodness loses it. 28. In a Book of Kim it is said1, 'The state of Kith, does not consider (such a toy) to be precious. Its good men are what it considers to be precious.' 29. Fan, the maternal uncle (of duke Wan of 3in), said, ' A fugitive (like you) should not account (that) to be precious. What he should consider precious is the affection due (even) to his (deceased) parent2.' 30. It is said in the Speech of (duke Mu of) AVzin (Shu, V, xxx, 6, 7), 'Let me have but one minister, plain and sincere, not possessed of other abilities, but with a simple, upright, and at the same time a generous, mind, regarding the talents of others as if they were his own ; and when he finds accom- plished and perspicacious men, loving them in his heart more than his mouth expresses, and really showing himself able to bear them (and employ them), — such a minister will be able to preserve my sons and grandsons, and other benefits (to the state) may well be expected from him. But if (it be his character), when he finds men of ability, to be 1 The narratives about Khu, Section II, Article 5, in the ' Nar- ratives of the States.' The exact characters of the text are not found in the article, but they might easily arise from what we do find. An officer of £in is asking Wang-sun Wei, an envoy from Khu, about a famous girdle of that state. The envoy calls it a toy, and gives this answer. 2 See vol. xxvii, page 165, paragraph 19. 422 THE L? Kl. BK. XXXIX. jealous of them and hate them ; and, when he finds accomplished and perspicacious men, to oppose them, and not allow their advancement, showing himself really not able to bear them, — such a man will not be able to protect my sons and grandsons, and black-haired people ; and may he not also be pronounced dangerous (to the state) ? ' 31. It is only the truly virtuous man that can send away such a man and banish him, driving him out among the barbarous tribes around, determined not to dwell with him in the Middle states. This is in accordance with the saying, ' It is only the truly virtuous man who can love others or can hate others.' 32. To see men of worth, and not be able to raise them to office ; to raise them to office, but not to do so quickly : — this is treating them with dis- respect. To see bad men, and not to be able to remove them ; to remove them, but not to do so to a distance : — this is weakness. 33. To love those whom men hate, and to hate those whom men love : — this is to outrage the natural feeling of men. Calamities are sure to come on him who does so. 34. Thus we see that the ruler has a great course to pursue. He must show entire self-devotion and sincerity to succeed, and by pride and extravagance he will fail. 35. There is a great course (also) for the produc- tion of wealth. Let the producers be many, and the consumers few. Let there be activity in the pro- duction, and economy in the expenditure. Then the wealth will always be sufficient. 36. The virtuous (ruler) uses his wealth so as to BK. xxxix. TA HSIO. 42? 3 make himself more distinguished. The vicious ruler will accumulate wealth, even though it cost him his life. 37. Never has there been a case of the superior loving benevolence, and his inferiors not loving righteousness. Never has there been a case where (his inferiors) loved righteousness, and the business (of the superior) has not reached a happy issue. Never has there been a case where the wealth accumulated in the treasuries and arsenals (of such a ruler and people) did not continue to be his. 38. Mang Hsien-jze * said, ' He who keeps his team of horses 2 does not look after fowls and pigs. The family which has its stores of ice 3 does not keep cattle or sheep. The house which possesses a hundred chariots 4 should not keep a grasping minister to gather up all the taxes for it. Than have such a minister, it would be better to have one who would rob it of its revenues.' This is in accordance with the saying, 'In a state gain should not be considered prosperity ; its prosperity lies in righteousness/ 39. When he who presides over a state or a family makes his revenues his chief business, he must be under the influence of some small man. He may consider him to be good ; but when such a person is employed in the administration of a state 1 The worthy minister of Lu, mentioned in vol. xxvii, p. 154, et al. His name was A'ung-sun Mieh. Hsien was his posthumous title. 2 An officer who has just attained to be a Great officer, and received from the ruler the carriage of distinction. 3 To be used in sacrificing; but, we may suppose, for other uses as well. 4 A dignitary, possessing an appanage. 424 THE L{ Kt. BK. XXXIX. or family, calamities and injuries will befal it to- gether; and though a good man (may take his place), he will not be able to remedy the evil. This illustrates (again) the saying, ' In a state gain should not be considered prosperity ; its prosperity should be sought in righteousness.' BOOK XL. KWAN t OR THE MEANING OF THE CEREMONY OF CAPPING1. I. Generally speaking, that which makes man man is the meaning of his ceremonial usages. The first indications of that meaning appear in the correct arrangement of the bodily carriage, the harmonious adjustment of the countenance, and in the natural ordering of the speech. When the bodily carriage is well arranged, the countenance harmoniously ad- justed, and speech naturally ordered, the meaning of the ceremonial usages becomes complete, and serves to render correct the relation between ruler and subject, to give expression to the affection between father and son, and to establish harmony between seniors and juniors. When the relation between ruler and subject is made correct, affection secured between father and son, and harmony shown between seniors and juniors, then the meaning of those usages is established. Hence after the capping has taken place, provision is made for every other article of dress. With the complete provision of the dress, the bodily carriage becomes (fully) correct, the harmonious expression of the countenance is made perfect, and the speech is all conformed to its purposes. Hence it is said that in capping we have the first indications of (the meaning of the) cere- monial usages. It was on this account that the sage 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 54, 55. 426 THE Li Kl. BK. XL. kings of antiquity made so much as they did of the capping. 2. Anciently, when about to proceed to the ceremony of capping, they divined for the day by the stalks, and also for the guests (who should be present). In this way did they manifest the value which they attached to capping. Attaching such a value to it, they made the ceremony very important. They made the ceremony so important, showing how they considered it to lie at the foundation of the state's (prosperity). 3. Hence (also) the capping took place at the top of the eastern steps, (appropriate to the use of the Master) ; — to show that the son would (in due time) take his place. (The father) handed him a (special) cup in the guests' place. Three caps were used in the ceremony, each successive one more honourable, and giving the more importance to his coming of age. When the capping was over, he received the name of his maturity. So was it shown that he was now a full-grown man1. 4. He presented himself before his mother, and his mother bowed to him ; he did the same before his brothers and cousins, and they bowed to him : — he was a man grown, and so they exchanged courtesies with him. In the dark-coloured cap, and the dark-coloured square-cut robes, he put down his gift of introduction before the ruler, and then proceeded with the proper gifts to present him- self to the high ministers and Great officers, and to the old gentlemen of the country : — appearing before them as a man grown. 1 Compare paragraph 2 on pages 437, 438, vol. xxvii. BK. XL. KWAN 1. 427 5. Treating him (now) as a grown-up man, they would require from him all the observances of a full-grown man. Doing so, they would require from him the performance of all the duties of a son, a younger brother, a subject, and a junior. But when these four duties or services were required from him, was it not right that the ceremony by which he was placed in such a position should be considered important ? 6. Thus when the discharge of filial and fraternal duties, of loyal service, and of deferential submission was established, he could indeed be regarded as a (full-grown) man. When he could be regarded as such, he could be employed to govern other men. It was on this account that the sage kings attached such an importance to the ceremony, and therefore it was said, that in capping we have the introduction to all the ceremonial usages, and that it is the most important of the festive services. Therefore the ancients considered the capping as so important. Considering it so important, they performed it in the ancestral temple. They did so, to do honour to so important a service. Feeling that it was to be honoured so, they did not dare to take the responsibility of its performance on them- selves. Not daring themselves to take the respon- sibility of it, they therefore humbled themselves, and gave honour in doing so to their forefathers. BOOK XLI. HWAN ! OR THE MEANING OF THE MARRIAGE CEREMONY1. I. The ceremony of marriage was intended to be a bond of love between two (families of different) surnames, with a view, in its retrospective character, to secure the services in the ancestral temple, and in its prospective character, to secure the continuance of the family line. Therefore the superior men, (the ancient rulers), set a great value upon it. Hence, in regard to the various (introductory) cere- monies,— the proposal with its accompanying gift 2 ; the inquiries about the (lady's) name ; the intimation of the approving divination 3; the receiving the special offerings 4 ; and the request to fix the day5: — these all were received by the principal party (on the lady's side), as he rested on his mat or leaning-stool in the ancestral temple. (When they arrived), he met the messenger, and greeted him outside the gate, giving place to him as he entered, after which they ascended to the hall. Thus were the instruc- 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 55. 2 This gift was always a goose ; into the reasons for which it is not necessary to enter. 3 The gentleman's family had divined on the proposal. 4 These were various. 6 The lady's family fixed this. The first proposal was made, and perhaps those which followed also, by that important functionary in Chinese life, 'the go-between,' or a friend acting in that capacity. BK. XLI. HWAN I. 429 tions received in the ancestral temple 1, and in this way was the ceremony respected, and watched over, while its importance was exhibited and care taken that all its details should be correct. 2. The father gave himself the special cup 2 to his son, and ordered him to go and meet the bride ; it being proper that the male should take the first step (in all the arrangements). The son, having received the order, proceeded to meet his bride. Her father, who had been resting on his mat and leaning-stool in the temple, met him outside the gate and received him with a bow, and then the son-in-law entered, carrying a wild goose. After the (customary) bows and yieldings of precedence, they went up to the hall, when the bridegroom bowed twice and put down the wild goose. Then and in this way he received the bride from her parents. After this they went down, and he went out and took the reins of the horses of her carriage, which he drove for three revolutions of the wheels, having handed the strap to assist her in mounting. He then went before, and waited outside his gate. When she arrived, he bowed to her as she entered. They ate together of the same animal, and joined in sipping from the cups made of the same melon 3 ; 1 Thus a religious sanction entered into the idea of marriage. 2 The same cup that is mentioned in the last chapter, paragraph 3 ; the son received it and gave no cup to the father in return. This was its speciality. In the capping ceremonies it was given ' in the guests' place ; ' in those of marriage, in the son's chamber. 3 Once when I was permitted to witness this part of a marriage ceremony, the bridegroom raised his half of the melon, with the spirit in it, to the bride's lips, and she raised her half to his. Each sipped a little of the spirit. 43° THE LI Kl. BK. XLI. thus showing that they now formed one body, were of equal rank, and pledged to mutual affection. 3. The respect, the caution, the importance, the attention to secure correctness in all the details, and then (the pledge of) mutual affection, — these were the great points in the ceremony, and served to establish the distinction to be observed between man and woman, and the righteousness to be maintained between husband and wife. From the distinction between man and woman came the righteousness between husband and wife. From that righteous- ness came the affection between father and son ; and from that affection, the rectitude between ruler and minister. Whence it is said, ' The ceremony of marriage is the root of the other ceremonial observances.' 4. Ceremonies (might be said to) commence with the capping; to have their root in marriage ; to be most important in the rites of mourning and sacrifice ; to confer the greatest honour in audiences at the royal court and in the interchange of visits at the feudal courts ; and to be most promotive of harmony in the country festivals and celebrations of archery. These were the greatest occasions of ceremony, and the principal points in them. 5. Rising early (the morning after marriage), the young wife washed her head and bathed her per- son, and waited to be presented (to her husband's parents), which was done by the directrix, as soon as it was bright day. She appeared before them, bearing a basket with dates, chestnuts, and slices of dried spiced meat. The directrix set before her a cup of sweet liquor, and she offered in sacrifice some of the dried meat and also of the liquor, thus BK. XLT. HWAN I. 431 performing the ceremony which declared her their son's wife 1, 6. The father and mother-in-law then entered their apartment, where she set before them a single dressed pig, — thus showing the obedient duty of (their son's) wife \ 7. Next day, the parents united in entertaining the young wife, and when the ceremonies of their severally pledging her in a single cup, and her pledging them in return, had been performed, they descended by the steps on the west, and she by those on the east, — thus showing that she would take the mother's place in the family1. 8. Thus the ceremony establishing the young wife in her position; (followed by) that showing her obedient service (of her husband's parents) ; and both succeeded by that showing how she now occupied the position of continuing the family line: — all served to impress her with a sense of the defer- ential duty proper to her. When she was thus deferential, she was obedient to her parents-in-law, and harmonious with all the occupants of the women's apartments; she was the fitting partner of her husband, and could carry on all the work in silk and linen, making cloth and silken fabrics, and maintaining a watchful care over the various stores and depositories (of the household). 9. In this way when the deferential obedience of the wife was complete, the internal harmony was 1 The details of the various usages briefly described in these paragraphs are to be found in the 4th Book of the 1 Li, the 2nd of those on the scholar's marriage ceremonies: paragraphs 1-10; 1 1-17 ; 18-20. There were differences in the ceremonies according to the rank of the parties ; but all agreed in their general character. 432 THE LI k1. BK. XLI. J secured ; and when the internal harmony was secured, the long continuance of the family could be calculated on. Therefore the ancient kings attached such importance (to the marriage ceremonies). 10. Therefore, anciently, for three months before the marriage of a young lady, if the temple of the high ancestor (of her surname) were still standing (and she had admission to it), she was taught in it, as the public hall (of the members of her surname); if it were no longer standing (for her), she was taught in the public hall of the Head of that branch of the surname to which she belonged ; — she was taught there the virtue, the speech, the carriage, and the work of a wife. When the teaching was accom- plished, she offered a sacrifice (to the ancestor), using fish for the victim, and soups made of duckweed and pondweed. So was she trained to the obedience of a wife1. ii. Anciently, the queen of the son of Heaven divided the harem into six palace-halls, (occupied) by the 3 ladies called fu-^an, the 9 pin, the 27 shih- fu, and the 81 yu-k/ii. These were instructed in the domestic and private rule which should prevail throughout the kingdom, and how the deferential obedience of the wife should be illustrated ; and thus internal harmony was everywhere secured, and families were regulated. (In the same way) the son of Heaven established six official departments, in 1 There is supposed to be an allusion to this custom in the Shih, I, ii, 4, beginning, ' She gathers fast the large duckweed, From valley stream that southward flows; And for the pondweed to the pools Left on the plains by floods she goes.' BK. XLI. hwan i. 433 which were distributed the 3 kung, the 9 k/nng, the 27 ta fu, and the 81 sze of the highest grade. These were instructed in all that concerned the public and external government of the kingdom, and how the lessons for the man should be illustrated ; and thus harmony was secured in all external affairs, and the states were properly governed. It is therefore said, ' From the son of Heaven there were learned the lessons for men ; and from the queen, the obedience proper to women.' The son of Heaven directed the course to be pursued by the masculine energies, and the queen regulated the virtues to be cultivated by the feminine receptivities. The son of Heaven guided in all that affected the external administration (of affairs) ; and the queen, in all that concerned the internal regulation (of the family). The teachings (of the one) and the obe- dience (inculcated by the other) perfected the manners and ways (of the people) ; abroad and at home harmony and natural order prevailed ; the states and the families were ruled according to their requirements : — this was what is called ' the condition of complete virtue.' 12. Therefore when the lessons for men are not cultivated, the masculine phenomena in nature do not proceed regularly ; — as seen in the heavens, we have the sun eclipsed. When the obedience proper to women is not cultivated, the feminine phenomena in nature do not proceed regularly; — as seen in the heavens, we have the moon eclipsed. Hence on an eclipse of the sun, the son of Heaven put on plain white robes, and proceeded to repair what was wrong in the duties of the six official departments, purifying everything that belonged to the masculine [28] F f 434 THE L$ kL bk. xli. sphere throughout the kingdom ; and on an eclipse of the moon, the queen dressed herself in plain white robes, and proceeded to repair what was wrong in the duties of the six palace-halls, purifying everything that belonged to the feminine sphere throughout the kingdom. The son of Heaven is to the queen what the sun is to the moon, or the masculine energy of nature to the feminine. They are necessary to each other, and by their interde- pendence they fulfil their functions. 13. The son of Heaven attends to the lessons for men ; — that is the function of the father. The queen attends to the obedience proper to women ; — that is the function of the mother. Therefore it is said, 1 The son of Heaven and the queen are (to the people) what father and mother are.' Hence for him who is the Heaven(-appointed) king they wear the sackcloth with the jagged edges, — as for a father; and for the queen they wear the sackcloth with the even edges, — as for a mother. BOOK XLII. HSIANG YIN ATl) t OR THE MEANING OF THE DRINKING FESTIVITY IN THE DISTRICTS1. i. The meaning of the drinking in the country districts may be thus described : — The president on the occasion bows to the (coming) guest as he receives him outside the college gate. They enter and thrice salute each other till they come to the steps. There each thrice yields the precedence to the other, and then they ascend. In this way they carry to the utmost their mutual demonstrations of honour and humility. (The host) washes his hands, rinses the cup, and raises it, — to give the highest idea of purity. They bow on the guest's arrival ; they bow as (the cup) is washed; they bow when the cup is received, and when it is presented (in return) ; they bow when the drinking it is over : — in this way carrying to the utmost their mutual respect. 2. Such giving of honour, such humility, such purity, and such respect belonged to the intercourse of superior men with others. When they gave honour and showed humility, no contentions arose. When they maintained purity and respect, no in- difference or rudeness arose. When there was no rudeness or contention, quarrels and disputations were kept at a distance. When men did not quarrel 1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 56. F f 2 436 THE LI JCI. BK. XLII. nor dispute, there came no evils of violence or disorder. It was thus that superior men escaped suffering calamity from other men ; and therefore the sages instituted the observances in this ceremony to secure such a result. 3. The chief of the district with the accomplished and virtuous men belonging to it had the vessel of liquor placed between the room (on the east), and the door (leading to the apartments on the west), host and guests sharing it between them. The vessel contained the dark-coloured liquor (of pure water) ; — showing the value they attached to its sim- plicity. The viands came forth from the room on the east ; — being supplied by the host. All washing took place (in the courtyard) opposite the eastern wing ; — showing how the host purified himself and made himself ready to serve the guests. 4. The (principal) guest and the host represented heaven and earth ; the attendants of the guest and host respectively represented the forces inherent in nature in their contracting and expanding operations; the three (heads of the) guests (in their threefold division) represented the three (great) luminaries ; the precedence thrice yielded (to the guest) repre- sented the three days when the moon is invisible till it begins to reappear ; the seating of the parties present (all round or) on the four sides represented the four seasons \ 1 P. Gallery says: — 'There were at this ceremony, 1. the chief and his assistant; 2. the principal guest who was supposed to represent all the other guests, and who also had his assistant ; 3. three guests who formed a second category ; 4. finally, the crowd of guests, a number not fixed, to whom no honour was paid directly, since they were held to receive all the honours rendered to BK. XLII. HSIANG YIN Kit f. 437 5. The snell and icy wind (that blows between) heaven and earth begins in the south-west and is strongest in the north-west. This is the wind that represents the most commanding severity of heaven and earth ; — the wind of their righteous justice. The warm and genial wind (that blows between) heaven and earth begins in the north-east and is strongest in the south-east. This is the wind that represents the abundant virtue of heaven and earth ; — the wind of their benevolence. The host, wishing to do honour to his guest, assigns him his seat on the north-west, and that of his attendant on the south-west, that he may there (most conveniently) assist him. The guest (represents) the treatment of others according to justice, and therefore his seat is the principal guest.' A7jan Hao quotes an opinion that the prin- cipal guest was made to represent heaven, to do him the greater honour ; and the host to represent the earth, because he was the entertainer and nourisher; and that their assistants represented the yin and yang, because they assisted their principals as these energies in nature assist heaven and earth. On ' the three Luminaries,' Callery says : — ' Ordinarily the name of " the three Luminaries " belongs to the sun, the moon, and the stars, but par. 16 below does not allow us to take it so here. The commentators say that we are to understand the three most brilliant constellations in the firmament, which they call Hsin, Fa, and ~Po-A/ia.n, corresponding, I believe, in part to Orion, Scorpio, and Argo or the Ship.' So also A7?an Hao's authority. Hsin is generally understood to be Scorpio (Antares, 35- Cupboards, iii, 464. 474 THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM. Dancing or pantomime, taught to boys at thirteen, and afterwards, iii, 477 (and note) ; 255 (and note), 345, 347; iv, 92 (and note), 121-31 (to the piece Ta- wu). Dancing habits of Yin, i, 239. See also i, 343, 375- Death, what takes place at, iii, 369, 444; iv, 220-1; names for, of different parties, iii, 108, 112, 117; of parents alive and dead, 118; of husband, wife's lament over, i, 441-2 ; of three worthies of Kh'm, i, 443-4. Decades, life divided into, and de- scribed, iii, 65-6. Demeanour, importance of, i, 413- 4 ; of different parties, iii, 112 ; iv, 25-7 ; of son, on father's death, iii, 129; at grave, 137; in serving parents, i, 480-1 ; in mourning, 487-8. Different, teaching of the different classical books, iv, 255-6 ; an- swers to questions about age and wealth, iii, 11 5-6. Dishes, arrangement of, at feast, iii, 79 ; various, of food, iii, 459- 64 ; 468-70. Divination, i, 50, 104, 128, 145-7 (and note), 153-4, i57"9, 161, 183, 189-90, 349, 350-2 (about dreams), 358-9 ; ii, 371-2 (and all ii. is, in form at least, a book of divination); iii, 78, 94, 119, 128, 181, 235,238, 385, 428,472 ; iv, 51, 71, 84, 135, 156, 180, 223, 289, 295, 298, 320, 331, 349-51- Division of kingdom into twelve provinces, i, 40, 60; into nine, i, 64-72, 101 (see also 310); iii, 111, 211-2, 413 ; iv, 208. Di- vision and apportioning of the income, iii, 221-2. Divorce, iii, 122 (and note, Did Confucius divorce his wife?), 4 57 (and note) ; iv, 42, 44, 45, 57 ; of a lady sent back before she had become the acknowledged wife, iv, 1 70- 1. Doctor's family should have prac- tised medicine for three genera- tions, iii, 114. Domains or tenures, the five, i, 75-6, 229. See also i, 163, 176-7, 183, 207, 244. Doubts, submitted to divination, i, 145-6. Dress, ordinary, of young men and their wives, iii, 449-50 ; of mourning, see Mourning rites. The black robes, iv, 352-64. The long dress, iv, 395-6. Dark- coloured robes, iii, 448 ; various particulars about, iv, 9-17. Drinks, iii, 446-7(and note), 460; iv,8. Drinking in the country districts, ceremony of, iii, 56; iv, 435-45. Dyeing, iii, 278. Dynasties, see Three, Four, Five, Seven. Ears, cutting off, a punishment, i, 168, 256; left, of captives, i, 339, 392. Ears of grain, left in field for the widow, i, 373. Eating, rules in, iii, 80-1, 89 ; iv, 20-1. Eclipse of the sun, and ceremonies at, i, 82 (and note) ; another, i, 355 ; at an interment, iii, 338-9. Economy, rules of, iv, 3, 4 ; iii, 227. Education and schools, iii, 231-5, 242, 255, 266, 308, 347-9, 359- 61 ; iv, 82-90; attention of king Wu to, i, 137. Education of young princes, iii, 345-50; iv, 82-90; ordinary of a boy, iii, 476-7 ; of a girl, 478. The Great Learning, iv, 411-24. Eight is the number of the months of spring, iii, 250, 258, 262. Eight objects of government, i, 141-2 ; iii, 230, 248; tribes of the Man, i, 150; iv, 30; kz sacrifices, iii, 431 ; materials of musical instruments, iv, 111; men walked beside the ruler's bier with clappers, iv, 165 ; bells at the bits of carriage team, i, 338, 426; baskets of grain placed by ruler's coffin, iv, 197 ; dishes at sacrifice, iv, 38. Eighty, old men of, iii, 66, 465-6 ; iv, 230, 232. Endogensand exogens,iii, 394(note). Equilibrium and harmony, state of, iv, 300-29 (see note 3, p. 301). Eulogies, rule for, iii, 3 3 3 -4 (and note) . Example, the, of the sovereign, i, 53-4, 60, 88-9 ; effects of, i, 201-4 ; of crown-prince, iii, INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 475 351-3 ; as taught by the cere- monial usages, iv, 330-64. Father and son, the relationship of, iii, 345; iv, 313. Father and mother, different posi- tion of with son, iv, 341. Fathers of husbandry, the, i, 371 (and note), 372; iii, 431; of war, i, 392 (and note) ; iii, 220; of cookery, iii, 79; iv, 38; of match-making, iii, 259; of the fish-diet, iv, 78. Filial Piety, Classic of, i, 465-88 ; its name, early existence, con- tents, and author, 449-51 ; its history to a. D. 745, i, 452-8; and since, 458-62 ; descriptions and instances of, i, 212, 393-4; iii, 67-9, 87-8, 172, 182, 343, 357-8, 360-1, 372, 379, 386, 446, 449, 455-7, 4^7, 477! iv, 24, 41, 211-7, 222, 226-9, 233-4, 236-8, 268-9, 289-91, 308-11; when parents are ill, iii, 343-4; under other peculiar circum- stances, iii, 335-7 ; when parents have faults, and deal hardly, iii, 456-7. An unfilial ruler was reduced in rank, iii, 217. Five jade-symbols of rank, i, 39 ; iv, 168-9; relationships of society, and duties of, i, 43, 129, 137; iii, 379-80; ceremonies, i, 55 (see Ceremonies) ; emblematic figures on robes, i, 56; pun- ishments, i, 48, 56, 255, 261, 481 ; iii, 235-6; iv, 99, 384; coloured earths, i, 67 ; correct colours, iii, 382 ; iv, 90 ; inter- mediate colours, iv, 1 1 (in note); flavours, iii, 382, 435 ; domains (see Domains) ; elements, i, 77, 1 40- 1 ; iii, 382; sons, songs of the, i, 78-80 ; orders of nobility, i, 136, and their territories, iii, 209; personal matters and their qualities, i, 141 ; dividers of time, i, 142; favourable and unfavourable verifications, i, 147 ; sources of happiness and extreme evils, i, 149; adminis- trative officers, iii, 109-10 ; sacrifices of the house, iii, 116, 225, 300, 329, 376, 385 ; Great officers in Great state, iii, 214; states, a union, iii, 212; tour of inspection in five years, i, 40 ; iii, 216; princes appeared at court once in five years, i, 40 ; iii, 216; five kinds of grain, iii, 221, 229, 270, 272, 276, 280, 293, 308 ; ancestral temples of princes, iii, 223, 397 ; iv, 205; five regions, the, iii, 229 ; turn- ings over of royal boat, iii, 263 ; five storehouses, iii, 265 ; con- ditions in sacrificial victims, iii, 288 ; weapons of war, iii, 294; descendants of the rulers in five temple shrines, iii, 355-8; five classes of the experienced, iii, 360; iv, 124, 231; beverages, iv, 2 ; washings of hands a day, iv, 5 ; Ti, the, iv, 30 ; Tis, the, iii, 468; iv, 102, 130; degrees in kinship, iv, 42 (and note) ; heads of clans changed in five generations, 43, 63, 65 ; five things claiming first attention of sovereign, 61 ; attendant carriages of Great officers of first grade, 75 ; fifth year of study, 83 ; five degrees of mourning, 90 ; five senses, 90 ; strings, lute with, 105 ; usages of king, conveying great les- sons, 124; days' leaping on death of Great officer, 143 ; months' mourning, 158; shells in stuffing Great officer's mouth, wailing for him ended in five months, sacrifice of Repose for him offered five times, prince buried five months after death, 164 ; things of shame to an officer, 166; double rolls of silk, a marriage offering, 172 ; cross-bands in greater dressing of dead, 186; dynasties, 204; five premature deaths for which king sacrificed, 207 ; things securing good government, 216; objects accomplished by sacri- fice, 219-20; extreme points, the, 278-9; fivefold or univer- sal path, 313 ; waitings and leapings of one who had hurried to mourning rites, 369-73; rules for long dress, 396. Fifty, men of, iii, 66, 162, 240-1, 464-6; iv, 230. 476 THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM. Four, classes of the people, i, 229 ; seas, the, 41, 46, 47, 76, 81, 117-8, 136; iii, 211, 245, 303, 413 ; iv, 91, 99, 227, 280, 295, 308-9 ; mountains, i, 229 (see 35, 39-4o); states, the, 214, 217 ; rivers, iii, 225 (and note) ; subjects of instruction in four seasons, iii, 232-3 (and note); cases of fatal criminality, 238 ; forlorn classes, 244 ; inspectors, 278, 308 ; things interrupting an audience, 328; aides, 350; agencies, 378 ; intelligent crea- tures, 383-4; limbs, 390; iv, 320; quarters, or cardinal points, 472 ; dishes of grain at royal meal, iv, 4 ; Sai, the, 30 ; dynasties, 36, 39, 88 ; rules for effectual teaching, 86; de- fects in learners, 87; aids to the fundamental in instruction, 91 ; characteristics of ancient music, 108 ; states with bad music, 119; baskets of grain put by officer's coffin, 197; schools, the, 232; lowest classes of menials, 249 ; things at grand festive entertainments, 274 ; seasons, the, 281, 326, 393; things Confucius had not at- tained to, 305-6. Forty, men at, iii, 66. Game of pitch-pot, iv, 397-401. Gifts sent on occasions of death and burial, and ceremonies of, iv, 144-8. God (Ti and Shang Ti), i, 39, 58, 85, 87, 89, 91, 95, 99, in, 114, 126, 130, 135, 139, 144, 153, 159, 161, 163, 166, 184-5, 196-8, 206-8, 214-5, 221-2, 245, 256, 259, 266, 307, 309-10, 319-20, 321, 34i, 343, 354, 378, 381-2, 389-92, 397, 399,408,410, 412, 420,422; ii, 150, 223, 255, 287, 341, 425 ; iii, 218, 220, 254, 273, 288, 293, 309, 344, 370, 385, 407, 410, 413-4, 430-1 ; iv, 60, 118, 167, 212, 281, 311, 338-9, 349, 363- God (ti and shang-ti, used, pro- bably, in the sense of demigod, or deified hero), i, 32, 34, 38, 41-5, 46-52, 54, 57-8, 60-2, 256, 258. So, in the phrase 'five Tis,' see Five; and, in iii, 250, 257, 262, 268, 272, 276, 280, 283, 287, 291, 296, 302, 306. Good, their, ascribed by men to their parents, by ministers to their rulers, by sovereigns to Heaven, iv, 233. Good, men are born, i, 89-90, 234, 410, 425. Government, appointed by Heaven for good of the people, i, 86-7, 90,115,309; fundamental con- nexion of, with Heaven, iii, 376; different conditions of, iii, 375-8 ; of Ka.11 dynasty, i, 219-25, 226- 3 1 ; Royal regulations for, iii, 209-48 ; Confucius on the prac- tice of, iv, 263-4, 312-7, 340-7. Governmental proceedings for each month, iii, 249-310. Grand course, early period of the, iii, 364-6. Grief, various outward manifesta- tions of in mourning, iv, 385-90. Habit becomes a second nature, i, 97. Hall of Distinction, the, iii, intro- duction, 28-30 ; i, 477 (and note) ; iv, 2 3 1 ; progress of king through its different apart- ments from month to month, iii, 251-2, 258, 263, 269, 273, 277, 281, 284, 287, 292, 297, 302, 307 ; audience held in it by duke of Kau, iv, 29-31 ; effect of sacrifice in it, iv, 231. Harems of king and princes, iii, 100, 109, 113; iv, 432-4. Harmony, benevolence, confidence, and Tightness, conditions of, iv, 257. Heaven (=the Supreme Being), i, 39, 45, 5°, 55-6, 58, 62, 77, 81, 83, 85, 86-7, 89, 90-1, 93, 96, 98-9, 101, 104, 108-9, IJ5, 118- 22,125-30,132, 134-5,139, 154, 156-61, 166-7, 169-70, 174, 176-8, 184-90, 192, 196-201, 205-8, 2IO, 212, 214-9, 236, 24T, 245, 248, 259-60, 262, 264, 266, 306-7, 3IO-2, 316-7, 32O, 325, 335, 342, 345, 347-8, 352, 354, 357-61, 364, 376, 378-81, 389, 394, 408-11, 414, 416-9, 425, 428-9, 434-5, 439, 441, 444, 479, INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 477 484; ii, 88, 155, 213-4, 218, 226, 229-30, 234-5, 239, 251, 254,263,276,285,322,351, 354, 372, 375-6, 383, 417; iii, 135, 159, 201, 220, 236, 244, 256, 279, 333, 367, 37i, 388-9, 4io, 427, 430; iv, 96, 201, 218, 224, 233, 268-9, 281, 286, 288, 300, 306, 309, 313, 317, 322, 325, 327, 329, 337-8, 341, 347, 359. To these should be added the very many instances of the oc- currence of the term in the highest name of the sovereign as 'the son of Heaven,' see iii, 107, note 1. Heaven and Earth (where the phrase has more than a material mean- ing), i, 125, 129, 135, 228; ii, 223-4, 226, 227, 235, 238-40, 242-3, 245, 250-1, 257, 353-4, 358, 362, 380-1, 395, 417, 424, 433; iii, II6, 222, 225, 285, 372, 377, 380, 382-3, 387, 396, 410, 439; iv, 100, 106, in, 1 14-5, 118, 128, 13 r, 202-3, 222, 257,281, 300,304-5, 311,321-2, 326-7, 349, 379. How they re- spond to music and ceremonies, iii, 115 (and note). Honoured ones of heaven, the, i, 39 (six) ; iii, 300 (and note). Honoured Head, and Smaller Head, in new clan families, iv, 43-4, 65-6. Honorary title or name, the, iii, 102, 112, 144, 180-1, 438; iv, 18, 106, 339. Humanity, as the totality of man's nature, iv, 332-6. Hunting,iii, 106,220-1,294-5; exces- sive, i, 79 ; king Wan, in, i, 203. Husband and wife, how the separa- tion between them, as of dif- ferent sex, continued to be maintained, iv, 470-1. Ice, preservation and use of, i, 445 ; iii, 261, 308 ; iv, 423 ; use of, in mourning rites, iii, 182. Inauguration, of the different sea- sons, iii, 253-4, 269, 284, 297-8; of palace, i, 349-50 ; of mansion, iii, 196. Inscriptions on tripods, iv, 251-3. Instruments of government, and in the relations of society, iv, 257- 60. Introduction, presents of, iii, 119. Inventions early, of the eight tri- grams, ii, 382 ; of written char- acters and bonds, 385 ; of use of fire in cooking and moulding, iii, 369 ; of nets, markets, of plough and husbandry, ii, 383; of canoes and oars, of the use of oxen and horses for draught, of gates and other means of de- fence, of the pestle and mortar, of the bow and arrow, 384 ; of house building, 385 ; iii, 369 ; of burial and coffins, ii, 385 ; of fermented or distilled liquors, see i, 172-3. Jade, why more valued than soap- stone, iv, 463-4. Judges, and administration of jus- tice, i, 43, 48-9, 83, 259-64; iii, 235-8. King, the, is appointed by Heaven for the good ruling of the peo- ple, i, 89-90, 126 ; the per- manence of, and his line depend on Heaven, i, 95, 1 26, 378-9, 380- 2, 389; should excel in virtue, 187; forms a ternion with Hea- ven and Earth, iii, 377 ; iv, 256 ; three prerogatives of, iv, 324; Sacrifices peculiar to, see Sacri- fices. His ploughing, and its object, iii, 254-5 (and note); iv, 239. How he dealt in re- gard to his criminal kindred, iii, 356, 359, and at audiences and feasts, 357. His care of schools, see Education. His domain, i, 75 ; iii, 209, 212-3; appanages in it not hereditary, iii, 214. He could never be said to go abroad, iii, 113 (and note). Knee-covers, see Aprons. Ka, sacrifice, the, see Sacrifices. Lament, see Death ; over miserable state of kingdom, i, 35i-3,354"5, 3 5 5-7, 3 57-8; over absence from parents, i, 441. Lessons, of the ancients, see An- cients ; of the four seasons, iv, 478 THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM. 281-2 ; of the will of Heaven, iii, 376 (and note). Li K\, the history of, iii, 1-9 ; title and value of, 9-14 ; enrolment as one of the Five King, 14; notices of different books in, 15-60. Life, decades of, see Decades. Longevity, of several virtuous kings, i, 201-3; sought in worship, i, 345) 348 j eyebrows of, i, 306, 326, 345. Looking, regulation and direction of, iii, 70-1, 77, 97, 118. Love and respect lie at foundation of government, iv, 26^. Man has a moral sense from God, i, 89, 90 ; is born good, 231, 425 ; is the heart and mind of Heaven and Earth, embodying the five elements, iii, 382 ; is benevo- lence, iv, 268-9 (and note) ; the most intelligent of all creatures, iv, 392 ; is in danger of becom- ing bad, i, 86, 234, 410-11. Man, the Superior, often meaning a man of rank, but generally of virtue and all admirable quali- ties, iii, 350 (see note 1); iv, 267. The name occurs more than 300 times, and is applied to men of all classes, from the scholar to the sage. Man, the great, ii, 417. Marriage, iii, 248, 367, 388, 438 ; iv, 97 ; details about, iii, 77-8, 374> 439-42; iv, 45, 238, 259, 261, 264-6, 299,428-34; pecu- liar case in, iii, 320-1; could only be formed through the parents and the services of a match-maker, iii, 78; iv, 297; between parties of different surnames, iii, 78 ; iv, 63 ; age at, iii, 65 (and note), 478 ; a second was discreditable on the part of the widow, i, 435 (and introductory note). Marriages, of Shun, i, 36 (but see iii, 132 and note); of Yii, 60; of kings K\ and Wan, 360. Meals, offerings at, see Offerings. Mean, the, Doctrine of, or State of Equilibrium and Harmony, see Equilibrium ; Golden Rule of, iyj 3°5> 4r9 > Confucius had not attained to it, iv, 305-6 ; stand- ard of, to be set up by king, i, 88. Melon, cutting, for different parties, iii, 82. Minister, the prime, i, 228 ; had under him the six grandees, iii, 109 (see i, 227-8) ; of Instruc- tion,!, 228; iii, 230-3 ; of War, i, 228; iii, 234-5; of Crime, i, 229; iii, 235-8; of Religion, i, 228 (i, 44, and iii, 109, and the minister of Offices, no); of Works, i, 229; iii, no, 228-30 (see note on i, 229). King had six Great ministers, i, 268-9, and the feudal lords, three, i, 233; iii, 213-4; their emolu- ments and rank, iii, 2 10- n. Missions, friendly, between states, iii, 57-8. Mourning, rites of, dress, times, and tables of, iii, 202-8 (appendix to Book II). Questions of 3ang-$ze about them and other rites, iii, 311-42. Smaller points in dress, iv, 40-59. Greater points, 173-200. Gifts for and miscellaneous points, 132-72. Hurrying to, from a distance, 365-74. Questions about, 375-9. Questions about dress in, 380-4. Subsidiary points in, 385-90. Questions about the three years of, 391-4. The four moral con- stituents underlying, iv, 465-72, Preparations for a death, iv, 173, 181 (and note). Calling the dead back, see Calling back. Covering the body, plugging the mouth open, keeping the feet straight, \vashing,abstinence of mourners, and replacing on the couch, and putting in coffin, iii, 14 1-2, 144-5; iv, 181-5, 193. Putting down offerings of food by the corpse or coffin, iii, 133, 148 (and note), 153,156- 7; iv, 194-6. The slighter and greater dressings (body-cases, clothes, ties, and operations with them), iv, 185-9, 375"7- The first spirit-tablet, iii, 168 (and note). Taking hold of the hand and bending over the corpse, iv, 1 90- 1. The hut, huts, and INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 479 unplastered apartment, iv, 134, 154, 163, 191-2. The wailing, leaping, and beating the breast, iii, 89, 93 (and note), 13 1-7, 150, 160; iv, 51, 58-9, 143, 188-90, 194-6, 370-9, 385-6, et saepe. Visits of condolence, iii, 123, ^s-6, 141 ; iv, 4i, 54, 58, 139, 144, et saepe. The use of the staff, iii, 134, 136, i6r, 313, 322, 334 ; iv, 48, 54, 57, 163, 180-1, 378-9, 467-8. The coffin and burial, see Burial. Sacrifices, in connexion with mourning, see Sacrifice. A bald man, a hunchback, and a lame man, and the rites, iv, 378. Real grief is better than many rites, iii, 141. Music, the, of Shun, i, 61 ; of Yao, Shun, and Yii,iv, 106 (and note); of Wu, 121-4 (see also 130); the ancient schools of, 109 ; rules and times for teaching and practising, iii, 232, 255,261, 266, 269-71, 274, 293, 348; iv, 274-5; instruments of, i, 305, 319, 32 3-4, 326, 367; iii, 83, 219, 273; iv, 35-7,97, I", 115, "9-21, I235 times for regulating, iii, 217, 273; were composed of eight materials, iv, 11 1-2. The Re- cord of music, iv, 95-131; with the account of it in, iii, 32-3. Object and effects of music, iii, 389-91; iv, 107, 224-5, 255-6; see also i, 61. The music that has no sound, iv, 279 ; see 276. Officers kept their instruments at hand, iii, 106. But music was not played during mourn- ing, i, 41; iii, 103; nor in bad years, iii, 106; nor at marriages, iii, 442 (and note) ; nor for three days after bride came to her husband's, 322 (and note) ; nor in escorting friends or in autumn, iv, 210. Occasions when the ruler gave up his music, iii, 159 ; iv, 164 ; see iii, 179-80. It was used at sacri- fices, iv, 213-4, 35°", Dut with discrimination, iv, 330 ; and not in preliminary purification, iv, 240. Confucius and Hsien-^ze, in resuming music after mourn- ing, iii, 1 30. See Notes, Officers, and Tubes. Name, the first, was given in child- hood, iii, 79, 144 ; by the father, three months after birth, iii, 473-5; that of maturity (the designation), at the capping at the age of twenty, iii, 65, 79, 144, 438 ; the name of ' uncle ' was not used till fifty, iii, 144. The honorary or posthumous name, see Honorary. The first naming of a ruler's heir-son, born after his father's death, iii, 3 1 1-3 ; after the burial, 313-4. Names which should not be given to a child, iii, 78 (and note), 474-5. On the avoiding of certain names, and the names used in certain circumstances, iii, 66, 79, 93, 101, 107-8, iio-i, 190; iv, 18, 27-8, 138, 161, 175; case of names, composed of two char- acters, iii, 93, 190; sacrificial names for victims, offerings, grandparents and parents, iii, 1 1 7-8. Dogs got names, iv, 76. Natural phenomena of the different months, iii, 251, 258, 259-60, 263-4, 269, 272, 275, 277-8, 283, 287, 289, 291-2, 295, 297, 302, 305-6, 308. Nine is the number of the months of autumn, iii, 283, 286, 291; and the indication of the strong or undivided lines in the dia- grams of volume ii. Nine pro- vinces, see Divisions ; classes of kin, i, 32 ; iv, 42 ; pastors, i, 229; virtues, i, 54, 221; divi- sions of the Great Plan, i, 139- 49; tribes of the t, i, 150; iv, 30 ; services of good govern- ment, and nine songs of them, i, 48, 61; plains, iii, 196, 199; individuals supported on best farms, 210; high ministers, 2 1 3, 269 ; symbols of distinction, 215; years' surplus of income, 222 ; ladies of honour, 259 ; gates of capital, 265-6; things that suspend a sacrifice, 330; boys taught to number the days at nine, 476 ; nine 3hai, iv, 30 ; the ninth year of study, 83; 48o THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM. nine-scolloped flag, 114; shells put in mouth of deceased king, 164 ; nineteen suits, in dressing corpse, 185; standard rules of government, 314-6 ; days' wail- ing for king's death, 373 ; months' mourning, fabric of, 388 ; nine pin of king's harem, iv, 432. Nose, cutting off the, punishment of, i, 40 (note), no. Notes of music, see Five. Numerical categories, see under two, three, and other numbers ' Numerous Officers,' the, i, 196-200; 'Numerous Regions,' i, 213-9. Odour, or fragrance, a charac- teristic of the Ka.u sacrifices, iii, 443; i, 366 (and note), 367, 399. The fragrance of good government, i, 232 ; and of vir- tue before God, and the rank odour of cruel punishments, i, 256. Offerings, sacrificial or thanksgiving, at meals, iii, 79 ; iv, 20; et al. Officers, the number of, gradually increased, i, 227; gradations, numbers, emoluments, and other arrangements of, iii, 209-14. One man, the, i, 100, 163, 394; iii, 107 (and note) ; iv, 418. Order, Great, period of, iv, 118. Otter, the, offers fish in sacrifice, iii, 221, 251 (and note). Palace, the royal, i, 236 (and note) ; ancestral temple was built be- fore the palace, in new settle- ment, 384; see also iii, 103-4. Parent, the, of all creatures, i, 125, 361; parent of the people, i, 125, 144; import of that name, iv, 278, 340-1, 420. Parents, service of, see Filial piety ; by sons and their wives, iii, 449-51,452-6; assisted by the younger brothers and sisters of the household, 451 ; of the widowed mother-in-law by the wife, 453, 457- Pastors, i, 39, 42, 221-2, 224-5; iii, 111. Judges, the pastors or shepherds of Heaven, i, 259. Paths, three, iv, 333. People, will of, Heaven's will, i, 128. Perfection, what it is, iv, 236-7; the royal perfection, i, 142-4. The perfect man, and the mani- festation of his perfection, iv, 317 (and note), 318-22. Personators of the dead in sacrifices, i, 300-1, 365, 367, 369, 375, 401, 403, 409 ; iii, 62, 69 (son cannot personate father), 87, 170, 183, 189-90, 329-30, 337-8, 341, 374, 405-6 (six at the Great sacrifice), 444, 446; iv, 12, 25-6, 45, 53-4, 75, 7§, 80, 88, 116, 152, 212, 240-2, 245-7. Ploughing, the, of king and princes, iv, 222. See King. Powers, the three, ii, 402, 424; iv, 319 (note 2). Prayer of king Hsiian, i, 419-23 ; of duke of Kau, 153-4. Precautions against excess in mourn- ing austerities, iii, 87-8; iv, 159. Premature deaths, iii, 125 (three classes of), 161, 185, 337-8; iv, 44, 52-3, 56, 58, 154, 162, 207, 383. Preparation, importance of, i, 116; iv, 316. Presents of introduction, see Intro- duction. Presenting various offerings, rules for, iii, 84-6; iv, 22-3, 144-7; presenting a daughter for a harem, language in, iii, 119. Provisions, left, iii, 82 ; at sacrifices, the, iv, 242-3. Queen, her six palaces and their inmates (the harem), and how she trained them, iv, 432-4; work with silkworms and in silk, iii, 265, 278 ; iv, 239. She sacri- fices to the first matchmaker, iii, 259. Her robe, iv, 15. Effect of her sudden death, iii, 328-30. Associated, when she died, in a sacrifice to her de- ceased husband, i, 326. Famous queens, i, 380-1, 383, 387-8,396- 7. The bad Sze of Pao, i, 356 (and note). Recorders or secretaries, i, 4-6 ; 178 (Grand, and Recorder of interior); iii, 91, 235-6, 238, 309, INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 481 3i3-i5> 373, 385, 439, 468, 474 ; iv, 2 (recorders of Left and Right), 4, 6, 135, 246-7. Remonstrances, with parents and rulers, on, iii, 114, 239, 456-7; iv, 73, 228, 290, 345-6 ; of the people should not be suppressed, i, 105. Respect for one's self, iv, 266-7. Reverence in ceremonies generally, see Ceremonies ; in marriage, iv, 264-5. Rise of new families or clans within the same surname, iv, 43-4, 63 ; rules for sacrifice in connexion with them, iii, 458. Sacrifices, the laws of, iv, 200-9 > the meaning of, iv, 210-35; a summary account of,iv, 236-54; were for the purposes of prayer, thanksgiving, and deprecation, iii, 448 ; were especially expres- sions of gratitude to God, and the reverent commemoration of ancestors and benefactors of men, iv, 201 (and note), 207-8 ; were preceded by vigil and purification, see Purification ; were performed with selected victims and other offerings, in the proper robes, at the proper altars, with the prescribed cere- monies and music, iii, 107, 112, 226,242-3,288; iv, 201-7,214-5, 222-4, 237> 245-6. Most an- ciently, water was the only liquid used at them, and after- wards had the most honoured place, iii, 370-1 ; iv, 8 (and note). They lie at the founda- tion of all teaching, iv, 245. Sacrifices of the king, wherein they exceeded and differed from those of others, iii, 116, 225-7 5 iv, 204-6. The border sacrifices, presented on the border or suburbs of the capital to God or Heaven and Earth (iv, 311), were peculiar to him. There was but a single victim (Book IX, and note 2, iii, 416) in them, and the offerings of grain, and the robes were the product of the king's ploughing and the queen's work in silk ; they [28] were ' the deepest expression of reverence ' and ' greatest act of thanksgiving,' iii, 273, 309, 398, 413, 426-31; iv, 1, 202-3. The sacrifice at the Great She altar, iii, 425; sa- crifices to the sun, moon, and other material objects, iii, 427 (and note) ; iv, 209. Sacrifices to ancestors, see Ancestral tem- ple ; to the spirits of the land and grain, to seas, hills, rivers, and streams, iii, 273, 303, 307, 309. Sacrifices of the house, with the parts of the victims made prominent in them, iii, 116,251,258, 262, 269,272,277, 281, 283, 287, 296-7, 302, 306; iv, 38. The Ka. sacrifice, iii, 364, 431-4; iv, 333, 167. Sa- crifices of Lu, iv, 31-4. That for driving away pestilence, iii, 423 (and note) ; to the kings of two preceding dynasties, iii, 422-3; on tours of inspection, i, 39-40; iii, 417, 426, — compare iii, 218. Sacrifices connected with the mourn- ing rites : — That of Repose, iii, 137, 170 (and note), 189-90, 316 ; iv, 46-7, 48 (and note), 50, 55, 58, i39, 142, 155-6, 159-60, 164, 387-9; at the end of the 1st year (hsiao hsiang) and of the 2nd (ta hsiang), iii, 129-30 (and note), 317-8; iv, 9, 52, 138, 150, 152-3, 184, 192, 387; and at the end of the mourning (than), iii, 129-30 (and note); iv, 192, 388. The same names are employed of services at the end of shorter periods of mourning, iv, 158, 160. Sacrifices, expense of, were a tenth of all expenditure, iii, 222. The robes at them were the most prized of all, iv, 186, 308 ; they and vessels were burnt or buried, when worn out, iii, 92. Scholar, the, and his character and course, iv, 402-10. Seven was the number of the months of summer, iii, 268, 272, 277. Seven directors, the (in astronomy), i, 39 ; days' fasting, case of, iii, 133 ; all in royal domain as- 1 i 482 THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM. sumed mourning seven days after king's death, iii, 194, and during them the market-place was shut,iii, 202 ; ruler of second class had seven symbols of dis- tinction, 215 ; king was coffined on seventh day, 222 ; seven lessons of morality, 230, 248; classes of grooms, 294 ; feelings of men, the, 379 ; brothers and sisters did not use the same mat or eat together at seven, 476 ; seven months' mourning held to be for three seasons, iv, 46 (and note) ; the seventh year of study, 8 3 ; seven regulations in teaching, 84-5 ; days' leaping for ruler's death, 143 ; his mouth stuffed with seven shells, wail- ing for him ended in seven months, and sacrifice of repose offered seven times, 164, 372 ; seven dynasties, 204 (and note) ; sacrifices and altars of king, 206; days of looser vigil, 240, 292 ; drinking the seventh cup, 246 ; seven shang in fabric of me- dium sackcloth, 388. Seventy, old men of, iii, 66, 88, 240- 2, 464-6 ; eldest son of, should not be without a wife, 316. Shih King, the, name and contents of, i, 275-79 ; before Confucius, and what, if any, were his labours on it, 280-4 ; from him to the ac- knowledgment of present text, 285-9 > now ^ was formed, 290-3 ; how it is so incom- plete, 293-4 ; interpretation and writers, 294-6 ; the Confucian preface, 296-8. Shoes, left outside the door, iii, 71. Rules about, iii, 71, 76-7, 103, 449-50, 453 ; iv, 17, 20, 53, 70, 72, 81, 135, 137, 145- Shu King, the, nature and history of, i, 1-11 ; credibility of, 12-19, principal eras in, and chrono- logy of China, with chart of the principal stars for epoch of B.C. 2300, 20-30. Six was the number for the months of winter, iii, 296, 302, 306, and the name for the divided lines of the diagrams of vol. ii. Six Honoured ones, i, 39 ; hosts of king and their leaders, i, 76-7, 81, 129, 229, 244; magazines of natural wealth, 48, 74 ; Grand ministers and their de- partments, 228-9 > extreme evils, 149 (and note) ; tenures, 226; grandees of Heaven's in- stitution, and six departments of the statutes, iii, 109; trea- suries and six stores of the king, no; ceremonial observances, 230, 248 ; things that break up an audience, 322-9 ; Great men, 366 ; upper musical accords, and six figures on robes, 382 ; personators, 406 ; arrows shot on birth of ruler's heir-son, 472; Zung tribes, iv, 30 ; years of the duke of Kau's regency, 3 1 ; bond of kinship ends with sixth generation, 63 ; six considera- tions regulating the mourning worn, 63-4 ; cases of affinity, 64 ; things that make teaching vain, 86-7 ; peculiarities of sound, in music, 93 ; six upper and six lower musical accords, 118; instruments introducing virtuous airs, 119; dressers of corpse, 188 ; baskets of grain by coffin of Great officer, and six supporting ropes of ruler's catafalque, 197-8; shang in fa- bric of certain sackcloth, 388. Sixty, men of, iii, 66,88,240-2,464-6. Slept, how gentlemen, and would rise for wind, thunder, and rain,iv,5. Spirit, spirits, spirit-like, and cognate words, denoted by shan (jpffl) and kwei shan (Jj^ jjj^), i, 39, 45, 47, 5* (k. s.), 51-2, 90 (and note), 93 (k. s.), 96, 99 (k. s.), 101, 109, 116, 123, 126, 135, 153 (k. s.), 163, 217, 228, 232, 318 (and note), 347-8, 365-8, 372, 387-8, 405 (and note), 415 (and note), 419-20, 422, 428, 485-6 (k. s.) ; ii, 226 (k. s.), 230, 259 (k. s.), 354 (k. s.), 354, 357 (and note), 365 (k. s.), 366, 370, 372-4, 377-8, 383, 39o, 392, 395, 417 (k- s.), 422, 427 ; iii, 64 (k. s.), 78 (k. s.), 108 (k. s.), 148, 167 (k. s.), 169, J73,2i7, 238, 250,257, 262, 268, INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 483 272, 276, 278, 280,283, 287, 291, 296, 302, 306, 367 (k. s.), 368 (k.s.), 37° (k.s.), 371,375 (k.s.), 377(k.s.),38i(k.s.),383(k.s.), 384 (k.s.), 385 (k.s.), 386 (k.s.), 388 (k.s.), 389 (k.s.), 391 (k.s.), 394 (k.s.), 395 (k.s.), 397 (k.s.), 398 (k.s.), 412, 423, 425, 430, 434, 436, 441 (k.s.), 444, 446; iy, 73,99 (k.s.), 101 (k.s.), 104 (k. s.), 113-4, 125, 138, 170, 203, 213-4, 2I9 (k.s.), 220 (k. s.),224, 235, 237 (k.s.), 239-40, 245, 261, 265, 271 (k.s.), 272 (k.s.), 273 (k. s.), 282, 307 (k. s.), 308, 320, 325 (k.s.), 331 (k.s.), 342-3, 345, 349-50 (k.s.), 363, 464. Staff, the, was always carried, even in house, after fifty, iii, 241,465; and stool were carried to an interview with an old man, iii, 67, and always given to one of seventy still in office, 66. Staffs of hazel, iii, 432 ; of bamboo, and a dryandria branch, iv, 41. Use in mourning, see Mourning rites. State, officers and rulers leaving their, rules for, iii, 104, 107. Strap, for mounting a carriage by, iii, 95 (and note), 96, 98. Sympathy and kindly feeling, rules of, iii, 106, 125, 256, 265, 275, 287-8. Tablet, the Spirit, iii, 108 (and note), 168 (and note), 17 1-2, 323, 336, 444 5 iv, 47, 51, 81, 136-7, 142, 163; in the event of war, iii, 324-5, 355 ; the memo- randum, iv, 12, 13. Ten evil ways of three bad fashions, i, 94 ; able ministers of king WQ, 128 ; good men who helped king Khang, 158, 160; a boy went out to school at ten, iii, 65, 477 ; and a girl no longer went out from the women's apartments, 478 ; a youth serves one older by ten years as an elder brother, 68 ; ten states formed a confederacy, 2125 a tenth of the expenditure went for sacrifices, and during the three years of mourning for the rites, 222 ; ten things held to be right or virtues, 380 ; relation- ships recognised in sacrifice, iv, 245-9; whatteneyesbehold,4i3. Terminus, the Grand, ii, 373. Ternion, the Great, iii, 377; iv, 256; see iv, 319 (and note). Testamentary Charge of king Khang, the, i, 234-42. Thirty, marriage at, iii, 65 (and note), 477. Three Miao and three Wei, i, 41, 45 ; silks, 40 ; localities for banishment, 43; religious cere- monies, 44 ; examinations, 45 ; departments of governmental action, 48, 222; virtues, 55, 144,260; characters of soil, 75; commencements of the year, 77 ; kings of Kan, 153 ; grades of ability, 221-2 ; Kungandthree Ku, 227-8; Kiao and three Sui, 269; extremes, ii, 351; first three gifts of king, iii, 67, 215; divination should not ex- ceed thrice, 94 ; absence from one's state for three generations or more, 102 ; three years' mourning for father, ruler, and teacher, 121; deaths not con- doled about, 131; wives of Shun, 132 (and note) ; small carriages sent to the grave, 161 ; dynas- ties, usages of, in burial, 170; families of Lu, 184 (and note) ; days' wailing for a burnt shrine, 190 ; different times in assuming mourning for king, 194 ; mar- ket shut for three days on a ruler's death, 202 ; huntings, 220 (note) ; customs for three days and three nights after a mar- riage, 322 ; king Wan visited his father thrice a day, 347 (note); three mats' distance between pupil and master, 347 ; classes of the old, 360, 385; iv, 124, 231; dynasties, 405; iv, 130, 349 ; dukes, iv, 29 ; over two years counted three, 45 ; third year's studies, 83 ; three kings, the, 88, 91, 102 ; impar- tialities, 281 ; things common to mourning rites for king and an officer, 149; shouts in calling dead back, 174; grades of officers, 177 ; mourners took I i 2 484 THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM. the staff on the third day, 180 ; they abstained from food for three days, 183, 375 ; three occasions for abstinence, 184; months' keeping* from nuptial chamber, 192; condoling visits of ruler, 194 ; shells put in mouth of officer, and sacrifice of Repose thrice offered for him, 164 ; three things about his learning that occasion sor- row to superior men, 166 ; spe- cial sacrifices of Great officer, 207 ; things specially important at a sacrifice, 241 ; great re- lationships and their functions, 263-4 j points having no positive existence, 278-9, and their five effects, 280-1 ; universal virtues, 313; things essential to cultiva- tion of character, 314 ; hundred ceremonies and three thousand modes of demeanour, 323 ; iii, 404 ; ways in which the virtues of humanity appear, 333 ; a visitor only advances after three salutations, and an officer leaves the state when his advice has been thrice rejected, 346 ; dressing the corpse commenced three days after death, 377 ; three quavers in wailing, 386; shang in fabric of coarsest sackcloth, 388 ; reason for the three years' mourning, 394 ; ' horses ' in game of pitch-pot, 399- Tranquillity Small, the period of, iii, 366-7. 1 Tribute, of Yii,' the, i, 63-76; arti- cles of tribute, iii, 420. Twelve pendants of royal cap, iv, 1 ; streamers of Lu banner, 32 ; shang in fabric of five months' mourning, 388 ; strips of cloth in the Long dress, 395 ; mouths, pitch-tubes, articles of diet, iii, 382. Twenty, the age for capping, iii, 79, et al., and for marriage of girls, 478. Two, living animals in introductory presents, i, 40 ; characters in a name, case of, iii, 93, 190; grounds for a certain wailing, 150 ; hair of two colours (turn- ing grey), men with, not to be taken captive, 178 ; two Great chiefs, 213 (and note); best trees, the, 394 ; concubines, case of, 457 ; victims, 459 ; towels in bathing, iv, 5 ; sub- jects not treated as subjects, 88 ; torches in ruler's hall, in mourning, 178 ; two prisoners liberated by Kwan Kung, 168 ; baskets of grain by coffin of officer, 197 ; elements in man's constitution, the, 221 ; sur- names united by marriage, 264, 428; elements in ceremony and music, 276 ; days' absti- nence on mother's death, 386. Union, the Grand, periodof,iii, 365-6. Unity, the Grand, iii, 386-8 (and note). Verifications, the various, i, 147-9 (and notes). Victims and offerings, of, i, 134, 183, 194, 306, 317, 323, 325, 332-4, 343, 387-9) 4OI> 419-20, 445 ; iii, 226-7, 338 (the satisfying offerings, dark and bright), 347- 8, 369-72, 398, 408, 411-2, 416- . , 9> 428, 435-7, 446; iv, 35,80. Visits between princes, iv, 274. The ceremony of friendly missions or visits, iv, 458-64. Wailing, see Mourning rites. Walking, rules in, iii, 68, 244; iv,25-6. Wedges, double, use of, iii, 158 ; iv, 196-7. Widow, a, should not wail at night, iv, 299 ; and one should not have interviews with her son, 298 ; iii, 78. Wife, the correct, will not marry again, i, 435 ; iii, 439. Wild tribes, the, and their charac- teristics, iii, 2-29-30 ; they had different languages, and inter- preters were used in communi- cating with them, ib. ; their places at an audience, iv, 30. Witch, exposing a, in the sun, iii, 20 1 . Yi King, history of, from twelfth century B. c. to the commence- ment of the Christian era, ii, 1-9 ; the subject matter of the Text, with the lineal figures INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. 485 and the explanation of them, Yin and Yang, the, i, 228 ; ii, 223, 9-26; the Appendixes, 26-55. 355, 357, 359, 388, 395, 421, Diagrams of the Trigramy and 423 ; iii, 286, 304, 338, 381, 383, Hexagrams, after the Intro- 387 ; iv, 104, 108, 115, 219, 233, duction. 238, 249-50, 403, 433, 436, 465. INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. A-hang, Part i, pages 95, 118, 311. Called Pao-hang, i, 118, 207. I.q. t Yin, q. v. Ai (duke), iii, 159, 187-9,191,197; iv, 166, 169, 261, 263, 312, 403, 409. An (surname), An-jze and An Phing- >hing, iii, 174-5, 4°2 ; iv, 165. Black-, the, water, i, 71, 73. Fa (name of king Wu, q. v.), i, 126, 132, 135. Fan, i, 355. (Relative of .Oung r), iii, 166, 199 ; iv, 421. Fang (constellation), i, 82. (Place), iii, 125. Fang-hsiin, i, 32. Fang- ktii, i, 34. Fang-fu, iv, 37. Fang (capital of king Wan), i, 133, 183, 246, 394-5. (River), i, 71, 74, 395> (Name of prince), i, 164-71. (Hexagram 55), ii, 183- 6, 258-9, 335-6, 438, 443. Fu (state), i, 423; iv, 282. (Hexa- gram 24), ii, 107-8,^ 233, 297-8, 435, 442. Fu-khai, iii, 178. Fu-^Aien, i, 73. Fu-kwan, i, 438. Fu-yen, i, 114. Han (river), i, 68-9, 73. (State), i, 426. (Hill), i, 386. (Milky way), i, 363,419. Hang (river), i, 65. (Mountains), i, 68,72-3. (Hex. 32), ii, 125-6, 238-9, 307, 436, 442. Hao, i, 395. Hau-/£i, i, 320, 341-2, 397-9,^420; iv, 32, 340, 350 (i.q. Ki and Kh\ q. v.) Hau Mu, iii, 152. Hau-thu, iii, 280; iv, 208. (A domain), 1,75,134,165,189, 244. Ho (astronomers), i, 32-4, 81. (The Ho, or Yellow river), i, 65, 67, 69, 7i, 73-4, 79, i°8, 117, 308, 318, 336, 435; ii, 81; iii, 135, 193, 245, 407; iv, 123. (The Ho map), ii, 14-17 ; iii, 374. (Another river), i, 70. (State), i, 239. Ho-li, i, 73. Hsi (astronomers), i, 32-4, 8r. Hsi- k\\\, i, 72. Hsi-khx, iv, 294. Hsi-sze, i, 346. Hsia (river), i, 381. (Dynasty), i, 23-4, 63, 84-5, 87, 89, 93, 96, 101, 128, 185-7, 197, 199, 214- 6, 227, 310, 412. Hsia Hau- shih, iii, 125, 138, 151, 191, 240, 242-3, 34iA, 438, 464 ; iv, 34-9, 123. Hsia ¥u-kh\, iii, 403. Hsiang, i, 356. (Dukes), iii, 154; 186. (The symbols of the Yi), ii, 12, 360, 381. Hsiao (duke), iii, 318. Hsiao Kh\\ (hex. 9), ii, 76-7, 221-2, 278-9, 433-4, 443> Hsiao Kwo (hex. 62), ii, 201-3, 264, 344-5, 384, 438, 443- Hsieh, i, 42-3, 303, 307, 309; iii, 372 ; iv, 202, 208. Hsien (dukes), iii, 126, 165 ; 182, iv, 252. (Hex. 31), ii, 123-4, 238, 305-6, 436, 442. Hsien Pan-fu, iii, 127-8. Hsien-jze, Hsien-jze So, iii, 150, 152-4, 201 ; iv, 423. Hsin (state), i, 381 (note). Hsin-fu, i, 346. Hsiung-r, i, 73- Hsii (hex. 5), ii, 67, 218, 273, 433, 443. Hsii ATau, i, 66. (Region), i, 269 ; iii, 193. Hsu Yu, iv, 160. Hsu Tien, iv, 450. Hsiian-ming, iii, 296, 302, 306. Hu (hill), i, 345- (Nobles), i, 212-3, 427. (State), i, 77. (Officer), iii, 143. Hu-khau, i, 64, 7a. Hu Tu, iii, 126-7. Hui, iv, 303 (i. q. Yen Yuan, q. v.) Hui-jze, iii, 143. Hung Yao, i, 208. 486 THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM. Hwa, i, 70, 73 (Thai Hwa), 133. Hwai, i, 66-8, 74, 268, 339-40, 345. Hwan (river), i, 71. (Dukes), iii, 186; iii, 323, 420; iv, 168; iv, 10. (Hex. 59), ii, 194-6, 261-2, 341, 384, 438, 442. (Minis- ter), iii, 149. Hwan-tau, i, 34, 41,54. The three Hwan, iii, 42 1. Hwang Ti, iii, 280; iv, 123, 201, 209. Hwang-fu, i, 355. Hwo, i, 211. I (rivers), i, 66, 74. (Another), 69, 74. (Tribes of the East), i, 150; (nine i), as in iv, 30. (Element- ary forms of the Yi), ii, 12. (Prince), i, 79. (An officer), iii, 178. (Hex. 27), ii, 114-5, 235, 301-2, 435, 443- i-ho, i, 266-7. I Kih, i, 207. I Liu, iv, 164. I-po, iii, 187. t Yin, i, 92, 95, 97-ioi, 207 (i. q. A-hang). Kan (place), i, 76. Kan Pan, i, 116,207. Kan (trigram 7), ii, 11, 32, 33, 425- 6, 428-30, 432. (Hex. 52), ii, 175-7,256,331-2,437,441. Khan (trig. 6), ii, 11, 32-3, 425-6, 428-9, 431. (Hex. 29), ii, 118- 9, 236-7, 303-4, 435, 443. Khang (state), i, 164. (King), i, 243, 250, 319; iv, 253. (King of Khu), iii, 186. Kao, Kao Yao, i, 43, 53-8, 61-2, 339. Kao 3ung, i, 118-9 ; ii, 205 ; iii, 179 5 iv, 390, 468 (i. q. Wu-ting, q. v.) Kao 3ze-kao, iii, 1 36. Khao (duke), iii, 193. Kau (hex. 44), ii 154-5, 250, 321-2, 437, 443- Kau-mang, iii, 250, 257, 262. Ko (marsh), i, 70, 74. (State), i, 88. (Hex. 49), ii, 167-8, 253-4, 328- 9, 437,443- Ku (state), i, 310. (Hex. 18), ii, 95;6,^ 228-9, 290-1, 434, 442. Ku-sau, i, 52. Kung (place), i, 391. Kung-hsi Khih, iii, 139. Kung-i Kung-yie, iii, 120. Kung ATiang,i, 434. Kung- k\en K\a, iii, 184. Kung-kung (minister), i, 34, 41, 43; iv, 208 (Kung-kung-shih). Kung- ming I, iii, 140 ; iv, 226. Kung-shu ; Mu, iii, 151 ; W3n- jze, iii, 145, 180; Zo, iii, 184; Zu-zan, iii, 185. Kung-yang K\a, iv, 156. Khung (surname). Khung-jze, Con- fucius, passim in iii, iv. Called also Khung Khiu, iii, 123, 139, 196, 198, 364 ; iv, 122, 261, 305. Called also ATung-ni and Ni-fu, q. v. Styled also Fu-jze, the Master, and still more often, simply 3ze, the Master. Khung Kwei, iv, 252. Kwai (hex. 43), ii, 151-3, 249, 320- 1, 385, 437, 444- Khwai Shang, iii, 187. Kwan (state), i, 154, 211. (Hordes), i, 389. (Hex. 20), ii, 99-100, 229-30,292-3,434,441. Kwan ATung, iii, 402; iv, 165, 168. Khwan (mountain), i, 83. (Yii's father), i, 35, 41, 139; iv, 208. (Trig. 8), ii, n, 32-3, 348-9, 377-81, 425-6, 428-30. (Hex. 2), ii, 59-61, 214-5, 268-9, 418- 2I, 433, 441- (Hex. 47), ii, 161- 3,252,325-6,437,442. Khwan- lun, i, 72. Khwei (minister), i, 44-5, 61 ; iv, 105, 275. (Hex. 38), ii, 139-40, 243, 3U, 385, 436, 442. Kwei (hill), i, 345. (Stream), i, 36. Kwei Mei (hex. 54), 180-2, 257- 8,334-5,438,444- Kwo (state), i, 208. Kwo-lin, i, 211. Kwo iTao-jze, iii, 175. Ka. (a festivity), iii, 364, 431-4 ; iv, 33-4, 167. ATan (marsh), i, 68. (Trig. 4), ii, 1 1, 32-3,425-31- (Hex. 51), ii, 172- 4, 255-6,330-1,437,441- £ang (river), i, 64. (City), i, 346. A'ang Lao, iii, 196. A'ang (state), iv, 117, 119. ATang ifiang, iii, 167, 176. £ang-jai, iii, 190. Khan, i, 69, 74, 189. Kban, or KMn (state), i, 270-1, 442- 3; iii, 186; iv, 421. (As sur- name), Khan: — Kan-hsi, iii, 185; Kh\-k\, iii, 186; Hu, i, 207; 3ze-^ii, iii, 181 ; 3ze-khang, iii, 182 ; A^wang-jze, iii, 150. Khang (king Wan), iv, 60. Khang Kung, iv, 122. AT£ang (king), i, 155, 250, 316, 319, 321, 326, 328, 342; iii, 344-5. INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. 487 (Duke), iii, 187 ; iv, 252. AAang- shu, iv, 252. (Tribes), i, 223. Kba.ng-ka.u, i, 246, 249. AMng- gze Kao, iii, 155. Aao (duke), iii, 318, 327; iv, 167. (State, as surname), Wan-gze, iii, 196, 199, 420 (i.q. .Kao Wu), Aau (state and dynasty), i, 124, and passim, in the Books of Aau (i, 124-272); also in the Shih King (i, 313-445); ii, 3 (^au Yi), 403; iii, 125-6, 131, 139, 144, 151, 168-9, 172, 240, 242-3, 341, 350, 372, 406, 428, 438, 443-4, 467; iv, 34-9, 63, 106, 122, 125, 202, 208, 219, 229, 242, 248, 252, 282, 294, 324, 342-3,355,363,415. In many of these instances, and others, the reference is to the duke of J£au, called Tan, q. v. (The tyrant of Shang or Yin), iii, 396 ; iv, 31, 63, 290, 448 (called also Aau-hsin, and Shan, q. v.) Aau Fang, iii, 191. Ai (king Ai Li), i, 134, 153, 203, 381, 390; iii, 343; iv, 60. A h 56-8, and Kbi, i, 42 ; i. q. Hau- k\,q.v. (I.q. 3ze-sze), iii, 122, 133. (Clan name), iii, 415; iv, 21 (Ai-shih) ; iii, 128, 197 (Ai-sun) ; Hwan-jze, iii, 323 ; Khang-jze, iii, 176, 184, 324; iv, 11 ; Aao-jze, iii, 174; Wu- gze, iii, 121, 132, 162. Ai-jze, iii, 192. Ai 3i (hex. 63), ii, 204- 6,265,345-6,438,443. Ai-shih, i, 72. Ai Kin, i, 64. (River), i, 65-6, 74. Kh\ (states), i, 136, 139; 11, 135, 242, 311 (A£i-$ze); i, 152 (note), 237; iii, 188, 323, 420; iv, 123. (Mountain), i, 64, 71- 2, 316, 342,383, 39i- {Kbl-km), 427; ii, 160, 324. (Rivers), 1, 74, 325,382,438. (King, son of Yu),i, 60, 72 (note). Kb\ Liang, iii, 188. (Poetical pieces), iv, 129-30. Aia, Aia Zan (hex. 37), ii, 136-8, 242,312-3,436,442. Aia»fu,i, 353. Aia-po, i, 356. Aiang (tribes), i, 131. (The Great river), i, 68 (Three K., nine K.), 69, 73 (Northern K., nine K.), 427; in, 245. (Another river), i, 73. (Surname), i, 383 (i. q. Thai K.) A'iang Yuan, i, 34i, 396- KfAang, i, 43. Aieh (rocks), i, 65, 72. (The tyrant), i, 84 (note), 86, 127, 197, 221, 310; iii, 396 ; iv, 418. (Hex. 40), ii, 144-5, 245, 3i6-7, 436, 442. (Hex. 60), ii, 197-8, 262, 342-3, 438, 442 (may be read 3ieh). Aien (river), i, 69, 74, 189. (Hex. 39), ii, 141-3, 244, 315, 436, 442. (Hex. 53), ii, 178-9, 257, 333, 437-8, 442. K/Aen (trig. 1), ii, 11, 32-3, 395, 425-6,428-30. (Hex. 1), ii, 57- 8, 213, 267, 348-9, 381, 408-17, 430, 441. (Hex. 15), ii, 89-90, 226, 286-7, 434, 442. (Moun- tain), i, 72. (River), i, 69. K/Aen Ao, iii, 194. K/Anng (state), i, 78-9. (Office), i, 252 (and Po-kbiung). Aih, Aih Tao-jze, iii, 179. K/Ah, Kbih Zan, i, 106. Khih-yn, i, 255. Aing (hills), i, 68-9, 71, 308, 313. (River), i, 71, 74, 402. ^(State), i, 31 1-2 (and Kmg-khn), 344; iii, 150, 186-7. ^ng ^au, h 68. K/Ang f, iii, 155. Khing Kan, i, 65. Kbo (a name), iv, 294. Kn (Yao's son), i, 34, 60. (River), iii, 135. Ku-yeh, i, 71. ATu-yii, i, 72. iJTu-lii, iii, 193, 195. Kn- yung, iii, 268, 272, 276. Khn (Ti), iv, 208. ATun (hex. 3), ii, 62-3, 215-6, 270, 433, 439 (note), 441. Kbnn-\v\i, i, 71. Khnn Kbm, iv, 255-6. Kbn\, i, 239. ATung (prince), i, 211 (i.q. Hu). ATung-ni, iii, 179, 184-5, 196, 351, 364; iv, 213, 270, 301, 326 (Confucius). Kung Hwan, i, 237. Aung Hsien, iii, 151. Aung Liang- jze, iii, 152. Aung Shan-fu, i, 425-6 ; iv, 335. Aung Sui, iii, 184. Aung Khang (king), i, 81. Aung-nan (hill), i, 71. Aung-tu, iii, 150. Aung 3ung (king), i, 201, 204. Aung Fil (hex. 61), ii, 199-200, 263, 343-4, 438, 443- Kbnng (minister), 1, 257. (City), 488 THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM. h 392-3. (Mountain), i, 41. .Oung-hwa, i, 38. Kbxmg-r (prince), iii, 126, 165-6. Kii (king), iii, 193. A'ii-^iao, i, 136. ATii Po-yii, iii, 145, 411. Kim (river), i, 74, 383. A'M-sau, i, 72. ATiin, A"un->£i>an, i, 231-3. Aun-wu, i, 310. A'iin Ya, i, 250-1. Kwan (T5), ATwan-hsii, iii, 296, 302, 306 ; iv, 201, 208. A^wang (dukes), i, 342; iii, 127, 165, 188, 198. A"wang-shu, iv, 252. Awang Alang, i, 433. (Mu- sician), iii, 179. Lai, i, 66. Lang, iii, 185. Lao, Lao Tan, iii, 325, 339-40, 342 (i. q. Lao-jze). Lei, Lei-hsia, i, 65. Lei-shau, i, 72. Li, see K\ Li. (State), i, 120. (Stream), i, 73, 189. (Hill), i, 52. (Minister), i, 257. (Con- fucius'son), iii, 131 (i.q. Po-yii). (Trig. 3), ii, 11, 32-3,425,428- 30, 432. (Hex. 10), ii, 78-80, 222-3, 280-1, 434, 443. (Hex. 30), ii, 120-2, 237, 304-5, 435, 443. Li-shan Shih, iv, 208. Li A"i, iii, 126. Li Shau, iv, 124. Liang (mountain), i, 64, 421. Liang Aau, i, 70. Ling (duke), iii, 323. Liu (duke), i, 134 (note). Liu Zo, iii, 1 5 1 . Liu Awang, iii, 1 8 3 . Liu Sha (moving sands), i, 73, 76. Lo (river), i, 69, 70, 73-4, 79, 183. (City), i, 165, 183, 188-9, 196, 199, 200, 218, 246. Lo Shih, iii, 433 (and note). Lu (state), i, 269, 336-46; iii, 126- 7, 129, 150-1, 153, 159, 165, 184-5, i87, J89, 191, 202, 327, 364, 372, 407; iv, 31-9, 144. (Tribes), i, 131, 223. Lu Thai, i, 136. Lii (state), i, 254-5. (Tribe), i, 149- 50. (Hex. 56), ii, 187-8, 259- 60, 337, 438, 443. Lung (minister), i, 44-5. Lung- man, i, 72-3. Man (southern tribes), i, 345 ; iii, in, 229 ; iv,' 30 (eight M.), 33. Man-fu, iii, 124. Mang (hills), i, 66, 70, 345. (Hex. 4), ii, 64-6, 217, 271-2, 433, 441. (Marsh), Mang-Ki, i, 69, 70. (Ford), Mang Alng, i, 73, 125, 136. (Surname), Mang: — Hsien- jze, iii, 129, 154; iv, 167, 423; £ing-jze, iii, 174; Hu and Phi, iii, 152. Mao (tribes), i, 131. (State), i, 235. Mei (region), i, 174-5. Mei-mau (name), iii, 143. Mi, i, 391. Miao, i, 51-2, 54, 61, 255-6, 258-60. See San Miao. Mien, i, 71. Min, i, 70, 73. Ming, iv, 202, 209 (i. q. Hsiian- ming, q. v.) Ming t (hex. 36), ii, 134-5,^241-2,311-2,436,442. Ming-thiao, i, 93. Mo (tribes), i, 345. Mu (king), i, 250. (Dukes), iii, 126, 150, 173, 201, 165-6. (State), iv, 298. Mu-po, iii, 167, 176. Nan (domain), i, 75, 165, 177-8, 183, 244. Nan-/££ao, i, 86. Nan- £iao, i, 33. Nan-kung (sur- name):— A'ing-shu, iii, 149; Kwo, i, 208; Mao, i, 237; Thao, iii, 129. Nei-fang, i, 73. Ni-fu, iii, 159 (Confucius). Niao-shu, i, 7 1 , and Niao-shu Thung- hsiieh, 74. Nii-kwa, iv, 37. Nii-fang, i, 73. Pai, iii, 122. Pan, iii, 184 (i. q. Kung-shu Zo). Pan-kang, i, 103-6, 108, in. Pan, iii, 154. Pan-mau Kia., iv, 121-2. Phang (tribes), i, 131. Phang-li, i, 67, 73- Pao (state), i, 356 (Pao Sze). Pao- hsi, ii, 382-3 (i. q. Fu-hsi). Pao- hang, see A-hang. Pei-vvei, i, 73. Pi (place), i, 267-8. (State), i, 235, 243, 245. (Hex. 8), ii. 73-5, 220-1, 277-8, 433, 441. (Hex. 22), ii, 103-4, 231, 294-5, 435, 442. Pi-kan, i, 136; iv, 123. Phi, iii, 178. (Hex. 12), ii, 83-5, 224, 282-3, 434> 443- Pin, i, 444. Phing (duke), iii, 179-80. INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. 489 Po (hill), i, 70, 73 (Po Khung). {Capital), i, 89, 93, 97, 117, 223 (three Po). (Hexagram 23), ii, 105-6, 232, 296, 435, 442. Po I, i, 44, 258. Po Khin, i, 268 ; iii, 342, 345, 350.^ Po Khmg, i, 252. Po Yi-khao, iii, 120. Po-yti, i, 43; iii, 131 (i. q. LT, q. v.) Pho, i, 131. Pu Kwo, iii, 127, San f-shang, i, 208. San Miao, i, 41, 45, 71 (see Miao). San Wei, i, 41, 71, 75- Shan (state), i, 423; iv, 282. (Name of 3ang-^ze), ii, 465 ; iii, 149 ; iv, 226. Shan-hsiang, iii, 132-3. Shan-sang, iii, 126. Shan Nang, iii, 279 (see note) ; ii, 383 (i. q. Yen Ti, q. v.) Shang (dynasty), i, 84, 87-8, 93, 98, 101, 118, 123, 125, 127-8, 131- 6, 3°3-i3, 412 ; iv, 116, 122- 3 ; see Yin. (Disciple), iii, 135; iv, 270 (i. q. 3ze-hsia). Shang-fu, i, 382. Shang Yung, i, 136. Shang Yang, iii, 185. (Odes), iv, 129-30. Shang (hex. 46), ii, 159-60, 251-2, 324-5, 437, 442. Shang-hsing, iii, 129. Shao (state), i, 181, 404, 427 ; iii, 340-1 ; iv, 122. ShaoHao(Ti), iii, 283, 287, 291. Shao-lien, iv, 153. Shao-shih, iv, 171. Shau, i, 126-30, 132, 135-6, 204, 222. Shih, i, 205-9, 235. Shih: — Tai-^ung and ATAi-jze, iii, 181. Shih Ho (hex. 21), ii, 101-2,230-1,293-4, 434, 442. Shu (name), i, 43; iii, 180. (ATing), iv, 255-6. Shu-sunWu-shu,iii, 146; iv, 156. Shu-^ung: — Phi and Yen, iii, 200. Shu-yu, iii, 199. Shun (Ti), i, 35, 37-8, 45, 118, 227; iii, 132, 396; iv, 105, 123, 208, 302, 308, 326 (called also Yu Yii-shih, see Yii). Sui (Zui, £6ui), i, 43, 239; iv, 37. (State), iii, 194. (Hex. 17), ii, 93-4, 228, 289-90, 384, 434, 442. Sun (trig. 5), ii, 11, 32-3, 425, 428-9,431. (Hex. 41), ii, 146-8, 246, 317-8, 437, 44i. (Hex. 57), ii, 189-91, 260, 338-9, 438, 442. Sung (state), i, 327; iii, 127, 149, 197, 368, 372 ; iv, 119, 123, 246, 402. (Praise-songs), i, 336-7 (note). (Hex. 6), ii, 69-70, 219, 274-5, 433, 443- Sze (disciple), iv, 270, 276, (i. q. 3ze-*ang, q. v.) (Hex. 7), ii, 22-5, 71-2., 220, 275-6, 433, 441. Sze-thu ifmg-gze, iii, 174-5. Ta-lii, i, 65, 73. Ta-lien, iv, 153. Ta-pei, i, 73. Ta-yeh, i, 66. Ta-yu (hex. 14), ii, 88, 225-6, 285-6, 434, 443. Ta £wang (hex. 34), ii, 129-30, 240, 309, 385, 436, 443. Ta Kbu (hex. 26), ii, 112-3, 234-5, 300, 435, 441. Ta Kwo (hex. 28), ii, 116-7, 234-5, 302-3, 385, 435, 443- Tha, i, 65. Tai, Tai-jung, and Thai (moun- tain), i, 39, 65-6, 345. Thai (king), i, 134 (note), 153, 203, 316, 342 (i. q. Than-fu, q. v.) State, i, 398. (Hex. 11), ii, 81-2, 223-4, 281-2, 434, 443- Thai Hao, iii, 250, 257, 262, (i. q. Fu-hsi, or Pao-hsi). Thai K\%, i, 95, 100, 206 ; iv, 3 3 2, 359, 414. Thai-hang, i, 72. Thai Wu, i, 207 (i. q. iiTung 3ung, q. v.) Thai Tien, i, 208. Thai Yo, i, 72. Thai Zan,i, 380-1, 387. Thai Sze, i, 388. Thai iTiang (or iTau Aiang), i, 383, 387. Thai yuan, i, 64. Thai Kung, iii, 131 ; iv, 122 (i. q. Shang-fu). Tan (state), i, 60. (Name), i, 152 (note), 153, 185, i94> 209, 224 (i. q. .Kau Kung). Tan-hwai, i, 64. Than Kung, iii, 17, 120. Than-fu, i, 383 ; iv, 60 (i.q. king Thai). Thang (state), i, 31, 35, 227 (king), i, 85 (title), 89, 92, 128, 162, 176, 197, 206, 215, 22r, 304-12 ; iii, 366, 396; iv, 202, 209, 281, 355. Thang, iii, 152, 187. Thao (state), i, 80 (and note). Thao- khm, i, 74. Thao-lin, i, 134. Thwan, the, ii, 31, 35, 213-66, 352, 387, 400, 405. 49Q THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM. Ti (northern tribes), iii, 177, 229; iv, 30 (six Ti). (Region), i, 312. Ti-^u, i, 73. Ti 1, iii, 151. Ting (constellation), i, 436. (Duke), iii, 195. (Hex. 50), ii, 169-71, 254-5, 329-3°j 437, 443- Tho, i, 68-9, 70, 73. Tu (place), i, 426. Tu ATnao, iii, 153. Tu Khwai, iii, 179. Thu-shan, i, 60. Tui (trig. 2), ii, 11, 32-3, 425-6, 428-32. (Hex. 58), ii, 192-3, 261, 340, 438, 442. (Armourer), i, 239. Tun (names), iii, 120, 188. Tun- 6/Au, i, 438. Thun (hex. 33), ii, 127-8, 240, 308, 436, 443. Thung (place), i, 97. (State), i, 235. Thung-pai, i, 73. Thung- yiian, i, 67. Thung Zan (hex. 13), ii, 86-7, 225, 284, 434, 443. 3ai Wo, iv, 220. 3hai (hill), i, 70. (State), i, 21 1-2. (Domain), i, 165 (compare i, 75, ch. 4, par. 3). 3ang Wan-^ung, iii, 403. 3hang-lang, i, 73. 3ang (surname), 3ang-jze, i, 465, 472, 476, 483; iii, 124, 126, 128, 132-5, 141-2, 147, 149, 151-2, 154, 164, 174, 187, 197, 311-92 (passim), 406, 467; iv, 143, 152, 156-7, 161 (see Shan). 3ang Tien, iii, 162. 3ang Shan, iii, 126 (and note), 128 ; iv, 161. 3ang Yuan, iii, 128. 3ze (river), i, 66. (In names or desig- nations), 3ze-hsia, iii, 135-6, 140, 142, 150, 155-6, 174, 341-2; iv, 116-8, 278-81 (i. q. Shang, q. v.) 3ze-£ang, iii, 132, 140, 142, 164, 179 ; iv, 270, 276 (i. q. Sze, q. v.) 3ze- kung, iii, 134, 136-7, 138-9, 196-7; iv, 129, 131, 153, 167, 213, 270-1,275 (i.q. 3hze,q.v.) 3ze-kao, iv, 142, 169. 3ze-lu, iii, 123, 127, 131, 139, 141, 182, 185, 190-1, 415; iv, 303, 144, (i. q. Yu, q. v.) 3ze-sze, iii, 122, 124, 133, 151-2, 173, 194 (i. q. Khung K\, q. v.) 3ze- shang, iii, 122. 3ze-liu, iii, 145, 200. 3ze-shih, iii, i45- 3ze- &6an, iv, 270. 3ze-hsien, iii, 166. 3ze-han, iii, 197-8. 3ze- yu, iii, 120, 141-4, 146, 165, 174, 176, 326, 337; iv, 16, 155 (i. q. Yen Yu, q.v.) 3ze-fu Hui-po, iii, 187. 3ze-fu Po-jze, iii, 120. 3ze-/£u Yen-hsT, i, 443. 3ze- shu ATing-shu, iii, 187. 3hze,iii, 134, 138; iv, 129, 167 (i.q. 3ze-kung). 3in (state), iii, 126, 165, 196-7, 199, 407; iv, 294. (Hex. 35), ii, 131-3, 241, 310, 436, 442. 3ing (hex. 48), ii, 164-6, 253, 327-8, .437, 442. 3u I, i, 120-1. 3u Ka, i, 119. 3u- lai, i, 346. %u-M, i, 204.^ 3u- yi, i, 207. 3G-shau, iii, 291 (should be Zu-shau). 3hui (hex. 45), ii, 156-8, 250-1, 323-4, 437, 442. 3un-£i, iii, 183. Wai-fang, i, 73. Wan (king), i, 126, 130, 134, 153, 165-6, 170, 174-5,192-5,203-4, 208-10, 212, 222-5, 235-6, 241, 244, 246, 250-1, 252, 266, 314-5, 317,328,342, 377-8, 380-1,387, 391-2, 394, 411-2; ", 241, 403, iii, 120, 343-5, 366; iv, 60, 118, 167, 209 (see Khang). (Duke), iv, 169. (Earl), iii, 152. (Mar- quises), i, 265; iv, 116, 118. (River), i, 66, 74. Wan-jze, iii, 143-4. Wan-po, iii, 176. Wan- ming, i, 46. Wang-wu, i, 72. Wang I, iii, 185. Weak-water, the, i, 73. Wei (states), i, 121-2, 437; iii, 120, 126, 134, 136-7, 181-3, 194, 252 ; iv, 94, 116, 119. (River), i,65,7i,74,38i,392. (Domain), i, 165, 177-8, 189, 244. Wei 3i (hex. 64), ii, 207-10, 265-6, 346-7, 439, 444- Wu (king), i, 1 54-5, 192-5,208,232-5, 236, 241, 244, 250-1, 252, 266, 318-9,328, 334-5, 342, 393, 395, 427; ii, 254; iii, 120, 344, 366, 396 ; iv, 31, 36, 60, 1 2 1-3, 167, 310 (see Fa). (Musical perform- ance), iv, 1 2 1-2. (Dukes), i, 374 (note) ; iv, 36. Wu-wang (hex. 28), ii, 109-11, 233-4, 299, INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. 491 435, 44i- Wu-ting (king), i, 112 (note), 207, 308; iv, 468 (i. q. ATau 3ung, q. v.) Wu Hsien, i, 207. Ya odes, iv, 84, 127-8, 129 (Ta Ya, Hsiao Ya). (Musical instru- ment), iv, 117. Yang (river), i, 73. Yang Kau, i, 67. Yang Khu-fxi, iii, 199. Yao, i, 31, 38, 118, 227; iii, 396; iv, 123, 201, 208, 326, 418. Yen (Ti), iii, 268, 272, 276 (i. q. Shan Nang, q. v.) (Region), i, 199, 214. (Name), iii, 120. Yen- sze, iii, 133. YenYu, iv, 270-1; (i. q. 3ze-yu, q. v.) Yen Yuan, iii, 137, 139, 185 (i.q. Hui,q.v.) Yen Liu, iii, 188. Yi (hill), i, 67. (Minister), i, 44, 47, 56-7. (A Recorder), i, 195; iii, 341 ; iv, 129. (Hex. 42), ii, 149-50, 247-8, 319, 437, 441- Yin (dynasty, later name of Shang), i, 104, 108, 120, 122-3, 157, 161, 162, 168, 170-1, 176-8, 183-7, 190, 194, 196-9, 201, 205, 208, 214, 217-8, 233, 236, 244, 246, 248-9, 308, 311, 411-2 (Yin Shang); iii, 125, 138-40, 145, 168-70, 172, 191, 240, 242-3, 341, 368, 405-6, 438, 443-4, 464, 467 ; iv, 31, 34-9, 106, 123, 202, 218, 229, 294, 324, 342-3. Yin Kh\, iii, 431. Yo (mountain), i, 64, 72 (Thai Yo). Yo-^ang %ze-khxm, iii, 128, 201. Yu (king), i, 296; iii, 372. (Dis- ciple), iii, 127,415 (i.q. 3ze-lu, q. v.) Yu-jze, iii, 130, 149,176; iv, 141, i. q. Yu Zo, iii, 165, 174, 188-9. Yu (the Great), i, 42, 46-52, 53-4, 57-8, 60, 64, 76, 79, 87, 140, 225,258,342, 369,395,426 ; iii, 366, 372,396,202,208,339,353; (included in Hsia Hau-shih, q. v.) Yu Ti, iv, 343, i. q. Shun, who is also called Yu Yii Shih, iii, 125, 191, 240, 242, 443, 467; iv, 34-6, 38-9, 201, 229. (Hill), i, 41, 66-7. (Officer), i, 356. (State), i, 385. (Hex. 16), ii, 91-2, 227, 287-8, 434, 442. Yii Ka.\i, i, 19. Yuan (state), i, 391. (Name), iii, 145. Yiian Zang, iii, 198. Yiieh, i, 11 2-8 (name of man, and title of Book). (State), iv, 37. Yun, i, 69. Yung (river), i, 65. (Tribes), i, 131. Yung Khx, i, 71. Yung-po, i, 69, 74- YunS K&, i», x93- Zan-jze, iii, 134. Zan YQ, iii, 150. Zau (district), iii, 124. Zu-shau, iii, 283, 287, 291, printed 3u. Zu PT, iii, 167. Zui, i, 235, 244, 385. Zung, i, 72, 266; iii, in, 177, 229; iv, 30 (six Zung). TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS. 493 CO ,3 rx n *n *-* n. n X c ^\ C u < D "D - - U«JJU k)o^ id a < X p. pj < < i: o eo H Z <; z o to z o D .'^S) 0 - — tJ«J-»J id k) ■«*> *\ q «10vf <^N3 2>oj \5 & K V K> tu. dTi <2^ jpr |0 P? M^ F *« 5 *>^ be be be c A A | cq 3 C 2 to 2 CO o3 ;3 ■s .s I o M 3 o cu s8 cj U o a, CO rt CO 35 -3 3 03 o3 -g § -g .1 .03 «G ,*h c3 X 03 ,3 ft '2 05 03 13 -2 2 t- 03 .— . CO co v 03 (- 494 TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS t) . • • • . r* c >> . ** +a ^3 +3 • • • • c — • 00 • N •*= . .e O • • • • • • • •*> . * # • B . ■g M~ • • E q . r r •-1.J-S • .9 D — M • s o • * • i 3« ^ • D Do : • o D-0 : 5 : .^ ^ : -< * ^-^. 1 ^ V ■> D o i :. 1 D-o •4 :s ^'^ ft. • s • ••> «— 2 ** ? tj 2^ • *> • ~^> • jj -^ • P. On •d init. • d u N ?vf . ? -3 8- \y . ^qs • ! ^ . ^o . ] Sanskrit. p- ■ 5- |c & • hr jy IT fe & • * • ■ W n < ■ • S3 • * ";S ; 05 , N 1 X W • • 3 < >< ' L) -Ss ••; * o> H **«a 3 *H z o *** to n • 3 | *►» . ••a ^3 : ^ ^ s — . tn • N • • • ai • • CO . a 3 • 3 +3 u3 • i-i tM • ,T3 "o I— 1 CM • CO M (- < 2 C (/ 2 C 3 .« 3 8 u a> . oo S3 - .1— « • CO • C3 3 * 1 S ' GO CO CO • — S CJ r-4 o • c3 ■s .£3 a, a? Is Jo '35 CO . c3 S ■ 'a. . CO cS '35 CO DO en t— * o a CO • . *! rH N a S3 s .« 2 2 ; 03 03 i- • ? 3 • .§ j n 3 co i s s c i 3 03 S3 s) 63 CJ o > a 3 «S Ok a CD '3 13 •t d • «■* s'g = 2 -3 > c3 »a 3 s « « . 3 M « a 5 r 03 a, !/2 CD H S ra cu & CZ2 c72 00 OS < r> ^ (M eo r* m to s CO ei o T-l CM CO ^ W O N L, »-H H C M ert x— -* 8 3 o m a o 1— I as go B tO W W f F fir * • • • • • • • • *• !S "8 ^ « BT'IP p r3 J3 CO fj ft "** ,Q C3 o c3 .t3 3 d u oj o3 CO o3 c3 o o > • i—t a OJ CO 5-1 o> ft to 3 ft CO w e CO OJ ft 'c 03 r— i xn 3 a* CO 03 co 3 3 <3 s5 OOftOHNM^WtOSOOO) 496 TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS. u in U g u 3d • ca : : : :„^ . • •••• ■• •■•• i *> 2 PLi ■ .-*2 • • .... qa .£ q • o — . -^ ; to ** • • * 5u ■ 1/) C re : 1? ^ WW |fi? |^ |T ^ to V> '• fc/ ,* *. i ^ ^ H m < X 0, < 2 O [A i - to u • ■•••*•*••»•••••••• • • ■ •*••••■••••••••« • •••••■•■■•••■•••a* • vS, • 3 2*S'S • • • S « re U rz^ r^ s 3 3 3 O xd 30 e3 «S •« « ;g S3 •£ *£ 5 <3 1) vS ;J £ » o «S 3 *,», ;u ;h ::; :0 in J W o > j t -*- c 0 • c • c r 3 3 C 3 C \ ' 3 S ? 1 3 3 ^ > b 1 B E •s ^ - in i— i aj 3 3 "» S S 3 1 } o 1 CO TjH If. o .2 os > b no s ^ "3 Ph 2 cs .2 cj '> be .2 B D > bC « C *> § £ c ft o S 2 • 2 r3 w ,— i CO »»3 1 &. ^ "« *^ 1 (M January 1886. 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